Proceedings of the

Seventh Annual
Deans Graduate Student Research Conference
March 23 24, 2007
Ontario Institute for Studies in Education
University of Toronto

Mark Federman, Editor

 Table of Contents

Mark Federman Introduction: Diverse Perspectives, Diverse Contexts......................4

Bonnie Barnett A Tetradic Reading of American Idol .................................................7
Jesse Black-Allen Preparing Canadian teachers for inclusion in multilingual contexts:
How inclusive education textbooks address linguistic and cultural diversity ... 15
Bettina Boyle Learning Organization for All?........................................................... 25
Antony Chum Potentials and Perils of Community-University Research Alliances:
Envisioning a Direction for Inquiry in the Canadian Context ......................... 34
James Corcoran What do they know of English, those who only English know?
NNES teachers in ELT ..................................................................................... 42
Edwina Godden The Knowledge Systems of Youth Justice ...................................... 61
Clement A. Jumbe Informal Cross Border Traders and HIV Transmission in
Southern Africa................................................................................................. 75
Kathy Lee Native and Non-Native English Speaking Teacher Cooperation in English
Language Teaching at Chinese Institutes of Higher Education ........................ 80
Andrew Kear Drawing in the Margins: Doodling in Class as an Act of Reclamation
.......................................................................................................................... 88
Sunny Man Chu Lau Critical Literacy: Toward A Poststructural Integrative
Approach .......................................................................................................... 93
Joannie Leung Education and Markets in the United Kingdom.............................. 109
Peng Liu Review of the mediating role of individual teacher efficacy and collective
teacher efficacy in the relationship between school leadership and student
achievement .................................................................................................... 122
Yang Luo Visual-Orthographic Aspect of Chinese Character Acquisition for Young
Children.......................................................................................................... 146
Suzanne F. Miller Inverted Priorities in the Processes of Graduate Study: Program
and Grant Applications, Publication, and Course Work................................ 168
Christina Parker The effects of technology on literacy development: A Critique of
Mark Warschauers Laptops and Literacy ........................................................ 177
Vanessa L. Peters & Jim Hewitt Student Interaction and Note Readability in
Computer Mediated Conferencing ................................................................. 182
Shumona Ray "Where Are You From Miss?": Visible Minority Women's Teaching
Experiences in Canadian Schools.................................................................... 187

2
 Table of contents

Shumona Ray Women Educators: Connecting Experiential Dots of Teaching as

Visible Minorities in University, High school and Elementary School.......... 191
Kelly Robinson Living Well, Learning Well: Exploring the Relationships Between
Literacy, Health, and Wellness. ...................................................................... 200
Susan Lee Mapping a Transformative Curriculum: Diversity, Service-learning, and
Change Education within an Undergraduate Programme .............................. 205
So-Yan Seto Childrens Environmental Health in Public Health Nursing: From
Learning to Practice ........................................................................................ 227
So-Yan Seto Environmental Factors in Autism and Implications for Transformative
Education ........................................................................................................ 261
Diane Tepylo Proportional Reasoning: An Expert-Novice Study .......................... 278
Biljana Vasilevska Citizenship Learning and Possibilities for Democracy: A Textual
Analysis of the LINC Curriculum Guidelines................................................ 294
Fei Wang Successful Leadership Practices At Turnaround Schools......................... 309
Anne Wessels Enabling Democracy: Participatory Budget, Citizens Assembly and
Legislative Theatre at Applewood Heights Secondary School........................ 324

3
 Introduction: Diverse Perspectives, Diverse Contexts
Mark Federman
Conference Co-chair and Proceedings Editor
This year marks the seventh year of the Deans Graduate Student Research
Conference, and the first for which the presented research is published in official
proceedings. As the name of the annual conference Diverse Perspectives in Education
suggests, the two-day gathering is a celebration of the research that is conducted
throughout the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education by people who will
comprise tomorrows leaders in educational philosophy, theory, practice and praxis,
and these in their widest and most diverse possible senses. The conference heard about,
and engaged with a spectrum of inquiry that spanned from community building to the
movie, Crash; from the infant classroom and students doodling in the margins, to
those who are marginalized by language, ability, and the institutionalization of the
researcher herself.
Perhaps more important, the conference celebrates OISEs graduate students
for their significant and important contributions. Their contributions not only expand
knowledge in our field; they create the culture, ethos, and discourse that uniquely
comprises and defines the Institute, the place in which new ideas are born, allowed to
develop, and thrive. The collective contributions of all the students and researchers
were clearly evident among the conference presentations, panels and posters, some of
which are included in this volume. Over one hundred participants contributed their
best ideas and insights, their talents and expertise, and their considerable effort in
creating the event.
The perspectives shared at the conference were diverse indeed. Such variety of
thought presents an interesting and unique challenge for anyone who might undertake
to characterize the conference as a unified whole: what overarching theme (or themes)
emerge from amidst the many voices, topics, approaches and foci of research? As I
suggest elsewhere (Federman, 2005), education is, or at least should be, evolving to
become environmental, rather than disciplinary in nature. This means that looking at
specific content to discover the meaning in, for instance, a research conference such as
the one reflected in these proceedings, is an exercise more appropriate for an earlier,
soon-to-be-bygone era. This opinion is, admittedly, an extreme statement that tacitly
suggests a growing irrelevance or obsolescence in current practices surrounding
knowledge and knowledge authority among all levels of the academy. In making this
claim a claim that is elucidated in great detail in the aforementioned reference, and
that will be briefly summarized below I am echoing what I heard contextually among
the many presentations and papers that I attended throughout the conference. It
represents one possible emergent theme that can characterize a two-day exploration of
diverse perspectives in education.

4
Federman Diverse perspectives, diverse contexts

The End of the Hierarchy of Knowledge, and Knowledge Authority

From ancient times, knowledge and knowledge authority have emerged from
different cultures primarily according to the dominant ways in which people of that
culture engage and interact among themselves. Following the history of Western
civilization, knowledge authority in ancient Greece belonged to those who had
mastery of the various technologies of orality, since that culture was one founded in
primary orality. Word-of-mouth has no author, and therefore no authorial authority
or individual ownership of knowledge. Correspondingly, the ancient societys history
is a collaborative endeavour, based on knowledge and wisdom passed from generation
to generation using complex syntactic and semantic constructions, as recently
discovered by Twyla Gibson (2000).
The introduction of the phonetic alphabet by the Phoenicians initially used as
an accounting system for commerce heralded an era in which societal constructs
themselves became hierarchical. Structurally, the city-state of ancient Greece evolved
into the Roman Empire. Knowledge and knowledge authority likewise evolved
hierarchically, as those who had command of the Word be it the Word of the
emperor, or of God held the implicitly delegated proxy authority of the originator of
that Word, or words. Accelerating the ability to transmit those words in the fifteenth
century through the Gutenberg press created a new environment in which knowledge
and authority became fragmented and institutionalized. This heresy seeing as how
the printed bible enabled Martin Luthors Protestant Reformation set the stage for
modern hierarchies and bureaucracies in secular governments, business organizations,
the popular press, and what has become known as the university (and later, the public
education system that feeds it).
In a contemporary context, communication and the dominant way in which
members of a society engage with one another accelerates yet again with the
prevalence of instantaneous, multi-way electric communication. The effects of
ubiquitous connectivity and pervasive proximity among diverse peoples and ways of
knowing necessarily challenges disciplinary expertise and traditional authority. In our
contemporary environment, content arrives from diverse, often unexpected sources.
Making sense of a massively interconnected world requires an
openness to ideas that seem to be paradoxical or inconsistent with pre-
existing conceptions, the ability for nomadic thought, and a holistic
approach to knowledge. These cognitive approaches reflect the ability of
the researcher to adapt to the rigours of various disciplines, while being
open to having no preconceptions or prior framework with which to
prejudge information relevance. It also reflects the researchers ability to
think widely and diversely about a topic. Such diverse thinking includes
the ability to discard the thinking frames imposed by a specific
discipline, while being able to introduce and understand a wide range of
information from diverse disciplines, incorporating them as either new
answers or new questions. (Federman, 2005)

5
Federman Diverse perspectives, diverse contexts

Thus, the extreme emphasis on content and skill-building that seems to

characterize modern education must necessarily be superseded by the ability to read,
interpret, and comprehen multiple contexts: cultural, racial, ability,
(dis)enfranchisement, marginality, and those born in relationships of power. What one
might call context literacy suggests a further inquiry: what is the context, or location, in
which todays students find themselves? Increasingly, students experience the
traditional school setting as an artificial environment compared to the environments of
their day-to-day lived experiences. It is not cyber-space, but rather the classroom that
feels like a virtual reality an ever more inaccurate simulacrum of lived reality and
embodied experience.
The papers presented at this years Deans Graduate Student Research
Conference, a sampling of which are captured in this volume of proceedings, speak
from a diversity of contextual grounds, encompassing some of the various ways of
knowing and constructing knowledge. Many break from the mould of traditional
scholarship, although some keep those approaches alive, for they, too, contribute to
the complexity of contemporary context. However, it is vital that the reproduction of
traditional and historical knowledge norms of what is valued as knowledge, and who
has the authority to decide, is assiduously checked. In our contemporary and complex
world, the dominant content cannot be allowed to reinforce the dominant context.
Given the diverse perspectives demonstrated by the scholarship represented at the 2007
conference, it is not unreasonable to anticipate optimistically a future academy
constructed on a ground of diverse educational contexts.
References
Federman, M. (2005). Why Johnny and Janey can't read, and why Mr. and Ms. Smith can't
teach: The challenge of multiple media literacies in a tumultuous time. Paper
presented at the University of Toronto Senior Alumni Association Lecture
Series, Toronto, Canada, November 2005. Available at
http://individual.utoronto.ca/markfederman/WhyJohnnyandJaneyCantRead.
pdf
Gibson, T.G. (2000). Plato's code: Philosophical foundations of knowledge in education.
Unpublished doctoral thesis. University of Toronto.

6
 A Tetradic Reading of American Idol
Bonnie Barnett
Abstract
This paper is the methodology of my research Emotional Awareness: Using
Reality Television as a Form of Popular Education. The sample for this
research was several episodes as well as public responses to the third season of
the reality television program, American Idol. The instrument used to
ensure a consistent and valid analysis was the tetrad from Marshall
McLuhans Laws of Media: A New Science. This study does not seek to
explore what emotions people are experiencing, but rather how the form of
technology, the medium itself, influences ones personal experience. The
purpose of this research is to explore the public and emotional experiences
people are having within the American Idol phenomenon. By considering
how emotions are cultivated within education and society at large, I am
exploring how new media education can be more inclusive of the
personalized, emotional impetus of learning.
There is no right way to read the tetrad, as the parts are concurrent. However
there is a vocabulary to McLuhans Laws of Media. As an educator, McLuhan found it
most important that people become conscious of their personal engagement with
technology and asked the Laws of Media questions as follows, with it being the
artefact or concept in question:
What does it enhance or intensify?
What does it render obsolete or displace?
What does it retrieve that was previously obsolesced?
What does it produce or become when pressed to an extreme?
(McLuhan, 1988 p. 7)

7
Barnett A tetradic reading of American Idol

Tetradic reading of American Idol

Enhance Obsolesce

The Personal Musical Aptitude

Emotions Audition
Competition Etiquette
Global Village

Retrieve Reverse

Public Performance American Dream

Flogging Failure
Judeo-Christian World View Discomfort

What does it ENHANCE?

The Personal
Contestants publicly reveal more private, personally specific information about
themselves than previously seen on television programming. The program interviews
the contestants and edits those interviews in such a way as to encourage their speaking
openly and publicly about their personal experiences in the contest and their private
lives. By illuminating these personal aspects of the contestant, the viewer is offered a
behind-the-scenes glimpse into the contestants personal life that may create a
simulated sense of rapport. Through contestant profiles, Judges comments that gear
towards personalizing responses, nicknames for contestants and themed episodes with
contestants making their own connections, the show creates a sense of closeness with
the audience and reviewers.
Emotions
The personalizing quality mentioned essentially leads to the public display of
emotions. For, as well as creating a connection between the audience and the
contestants, another consequence of revealing personal information about the
contestants may be to create an emotional affinity with the audience as they relate and
perhaps aspire to be in the privileged place of the contestant or simply as a means of a
collective public emotional expression. There are public displays of emotions
throughout the show; by those who auditioned the final twelve contestants and even
the Judges. People are openly crying, screaming, and cheering throughout the season.
Some contestants cry after their performance, other performances induces tears in the
audience, with the elimination episodes stirring up sadness in the contestants, audience
and even the Judges. There are aspects of the show that specifically cater to this
emotional element. Such as the Focus Rooms that are set up for people to express

8
Barnett A tetradic reading of American Idol

their feelings about their audition experience as well as the Tribute Packs of a short
video composed as a recap of the losing contestants experience in the competition.
Competition
There is central element of competition on American Idol. While this is typical
of any contest, it is interesting to explore why it is so pronounced as part of the reality
television genre now. Each week there is a constant sense of excitement and anxiety
about who will be eliminated from the American Idol competition as an entire show is
dedicated to the voting results. This is similar to the competitive anxiety found in
many work places; where work environments often have the sense of being like a
game of musical chairs as there are not enough chairs and someone will be eliminated.
For, at any point there may be lay offs or cut backs.
Global Village
After its inception in the UK as Pop Idol in 2001, the Idol phenomenon caught
on in over twenty-eight countries by 2004. Arguably, the enormous global popularity
of the Idol phenomenon is worthy of an investigation of what may not only be an
American cultural impulse, but a global inclination; what McLuhan would regard as a
move towards our Global Village. Whereby, the mechanical technology of print is a
medium that accentuated the continuity of visual space, television and other electronic
mediums such as computers and global networks would now bring users towards a
more multi-centered path of acoustic space - as McLuhan notes, in an attempt to
retribalize our sensory experience to that of the non-literate person.
What does it make OBSOLETE?
Musical aptitude
Seemingly, musical aptitude is obsolesced from the American Idol program.
Despite the fact the show is a music competition, season three focused on elements
that have little-to-no correlation to a contestants musical talent, such as emphasizing
the contestants personal information and their public displays of emotions over
musical aptitude. With talent, the winner would ultimately aspire to continue on with
a successful singing career gained from the recording contract they won. Yet,
seemingly the producers of American Idol made more money from the revenue of the
third season of American Idols television program, American Idol merchandise, and the
American Idol (top 12 finalists) tour, than the proceeds of the Third Seasons one
winner.
Audition
American Idol obsolesces the traditional audition process of the music industry.
Typically an artist breaks into the music industry after many years of struggling with
voice lessons, auditions and countless demonstration reels. Unless someone is spotted
by a scout, born into a family of fame or begins in the entertainment industry as a
Mouseketeer, overnight success is a rarity and years of perseverance was the norm. On
one episode of American Idol, after contestant Jon Peter Lewis clumsily performed his

9
Barnett A tetradic reading of American Idol

song and forgot the lyrics, Simon Cowell was baffled at how Jon Peter Lewis was even
still in the competition, noting I am confusedin a real audition, he would have been
given two seconds but this audience gives him a standing ovation. Therefore the real
audition process is now obsolesced as the voting audience now determines who will
win the recording contract. The public support for Jon Peter Lewis is most likely
related to peoples tendency to vote with their heart and not their head (as is often the
case within any election).
Etiquette
Exploring how the social norm of etiquette is obsolesced on the program
American Idol (and in many other reality television programs) is significant as this loss
of protocol is often associated in many reality television programs as being
inappropriate and based solely on containing a shock value appeal of the shows.
Arguably, this lack of etiquette on American Idol and other reality television programs
is synonymous with the allure of popular culture as a safe space that allows people to
challenge and grow away from many limiting traditional conventions. Simon Cowells
ill manners can be perceived as rude and merely appealing to the shock value element
for higher ratings. However, this controversial shock value element of most reality
television programs is most interesting in reality televisions ability to challenge
traditional conventions, most notably by bringing forward issues that have been lost
or silenced within the politically correct structure of primetime television
programming. While this point of etiquette could have been illustrated as shock value
within the qualities that are Enhanced, it is mentioned here as Etiquette being
Obsolesced as it best exemplifies the traditional value that is being challenged in lieu of
the political correctness of manners.
What does it RETRIEVE that was previously obsolesce?
Public performance
American Idol has retrieved many real qualities, those of real people, real time,
and a live audience; features that attempt to simulate an authentic experience. For
instance, reality television programs are made up of ordinary people; people with the
same identity on and off the screen. Aside from the cheap labor of using ordinary,
non-professional actors, these real people on the show have nothing to lose; they have
no public celebrity reputation at stake. Popular celebrity actors will most often not
risk their multi-million dollar careers for the money shot appeal of these programs.
The live audience of American Idol is shown with the Judges seated offstage in front of
the audience members. The contestants also use the space of the audience to perform,
and even run through the aisle while singing. Arguably, the Live Audience retrieves the
experience of previous mediums such as radio and non-mediated community
experiences where people can engage and participate in the program. Be it a call in
radio program or a town hall meeting, the live audience integrates the show with the
audience and public more so than conventional television programs.

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Barnett A tetradic reading of American Idol

Flogging
Customarily, flogging has been an archaic form of public aggression that
humiliates someone into submission. While this may seem an extreme quality to
attribute to American Idol, a large segment of the show emphasizes the losers. There
are essentially, 69,999 losers of Season Three and only one winner. The appeal of the
American Idol losers will be mentioned further in the following Reversal section, yet is
mentioned briefly here as a potential factor of the audience appeal. While flogging has
been forbidden since the time of slavery in North America, perhaps there is a remnant
of this public humiliation today. It is difficult to know if the appeal of the Judges
comments resides in the shock value quality as mentioned in the previous Obsolesce
section that may be challenging traditional conventions of etiquette, or if the Judges
make such harsh comments in an attempt to be more honest and true to the insensitive
reality of the music industry. Either way, there is a public appeal of the degradation of
many contestants on American Idol.
Judeo-Christian world views
Many Judeo-Christian views are often referred to as the fundamental basis of
Western moral values and many of its foundations are seen throughout American Idol.
Whether as conscious figure or unintentional ground, these themes are worth
exploring. Such as the notion of monotheism, the belief that there is only one God, is
germane to the outcome of only one American Idol. The forms of worship, such as the
concepts of having a sacred space and sacred time to worship, are also enacted within
American Idol. Also the use of psalms in community prayer is similar to the
community experience of the contestants singing popular familiar songs that the
audience can relate to and appreciate on a nostalgic level. The notion of Idolatry also
has a significant appeal to the programs name, American Idol. Idolatry is often
ascribed to a person or thing that is the object of excessive or extreme adulation. As
well as and the presence of Three Judges on is similar to the Christian Trinity (of the
Father, Son and Holy Spirit). This presence of the Three American Idol Judges plays
into the constant sense of judgment and surveillance that predominates in Christian
faith.
What does it REVERSE to when pushed to an extreme?
American Dream
When extended beyond its limits, the personalizing qualities mentioned in the
Enhancement section reverse into propaganda attributes of the American Dream. The
Protestant work ethic is often described as the American Dream, whereby with hard
work and determinism anyone can achieve prosperity. American Idol perpetuates the
notion that you too, can be the next American Idol, that with the opportunity of the
program anyone can attain the one coveted Idol position of success and fame. For
example, when asked what his favourite movie is, contestant George Huff replied: My
favourite movie is The Wiz, when I first seen it as a kid it stuck to me like glueThe
movie The Wiz inspired me to try out for American Idol because I looked at my

11
Barnett A tetradic reading of American Idol

situation in comparison to Dorothys and Dorothy stepped out and didnt even know
there was a whole world. But here I am sitting here in front of all of you. Just pursue
your dreams no matter what. Host Ryan Seacrest: alright here we go; he is pursuing
his dreams against all odds that just happens to be the title track of the film he has
chosen. Give it up for George Huff!
Failure
The premise of American Idol is to create a pop star of the person who wins the
competition, yet one of the most notable features of Season Three was the popularity
of the failed contestants. Perhaps this is due to the short lived success of the Season
Two Idol winner Rueben Studdard when runner-up contestant Clay Aiken achieved
instant fame and was seen on the cover of the Rolling Stone Magazine - instead of
Rueben Studdard. Taking it even further, in Season Three, the most celebrated loser
William Hung, becoming a pop icon. Season Three afforded much attention to the
failed auditions; airing those whose auditions were so horrible they were mocked and
shown as a farce
Discomfort
Also known as Discomfort TV there are many different facets of distress
throughout reality television programs. The discomfort element is mentioned here as
being reversed, as throughout American Idol discomfort is welcomed and encouraged
as a constant undertone (ground) of the program. Discomfort is embedded throughout
American Idol - during the auditions, the competition, and Special episodes
highlighting the difficulties people experience both throughout the competition, and
their external personal life. Previously, prime time television shows did not illustrate
the uncomfortable side of human experiences, while reality television challenges this.
The main sentiment that encapsulates the many mixed experiences on the show is
discomfort. There is a discomfort for those participating in the audition (with the risk
of publicly expressing oneself), a discomfort throughout the competition (of public
scrutiny of whether one will win or lose), a discomfort with the Judges (with their
direct criticism) and mostly a discomfort with the viewers in watching (all the public
humiliation and adulation of the contestants). American Idol encompasses a multitude
of sensory experiences, not simply the one-dimensional enjoyment which is standard
primetime marketing appeal. Crimes and problems are not solved within a one hour
episode. Instead, viewers are often left frustrated (and at times thrilled) by the
unsuspected direction that a reality television show could take. It is this predominating
discomfort appeal of reality television shows that this research explores.
Discomfort TV
The American Idol special episode 03.68 Uncut, Untalented and Uncensored,
featured contestants who lost and the seasons worst auditions. On this special episode
Paula Fuga was brought back to perform a song with her ukulele that she wrote about
her American Idol audition experience. The words of Paulas song offer insight to the
experiences of the seasons 69,999 losers.

12
Barnett A tetradic reading of American Idol

Paulas Song
Heres a little song I wrote,
listen as I bring it in a minor note.
Ryan is the host that I love the most.
I am representing every reject from coast to coast.

American Idol, in Hawaii (repeated in Hawaiian)...for this opportunity

Thank you, Randy, for shutting me down,

thought you were my dog but you played me like a clown.
Paula, girl, you know that was wack.
You said that I was sweet, but you never had my back.
Simon, Simon, words Ill be rhyming.
You crack me up every single time, and in the back of my mind -
I think of all you said everyday you wake up on the wrong side of the bed.

American Idol in Hawaii

One of the best things thats ever really happened to me..

What is most striking about Paulas song is how she says she is representing every
reject from coast to coast and along with her disappointing experiences with the three
Judges she emphasizes that American Idol in Hawaii, was one of the best things that has
happened to her. This song she performed while wearing her signature, Big Girls
Rock tee shirt was a heartrending and endearing performance. The clear message was
that although she was disappointed, her American Idol experience was obviously a
good experience. For whatever reasons, she found great joy in having experienced the
loss of American Idol.
As educators it is important to consider what skills we are learning from our
pop culture experiences. This tetradic reading revealed the public, shared emotional
experiences of American Idol as a key appeal. Therefore, a central question from this
tetradic reading is whether reality television, also referred to as discomfort TV, is
similar in nature to Megan Bolers pedagogy of discomfort.
Possible future research questions from this reading could be:
Are people using this new genre of reality television programming as a means
of challenging socio-political conventions?
Could reality TV also be an attempt to humanize our relationship with
technology?
Can the learned experiences of reality television be acknowledged within
pedagogy of discomfort?

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Barnett A tetradic reading of American Idol

References
McLuhan, M. & Eric McLuhan, (1988) Laws of Media: The new science. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press.
Boler, M. (1999). Feeling power. Emotions and education. New York: Routledge

14
 Preparing Canadian teachers for inclusion in multilingual contexts:
How inclusive education textbooks address linguistic and cultural
diversity
Jesse Black-Allen
Abstract
Inclusive education, which advocates teaching students with disabilities in
regular classrooms, has been legally enshrined in all Canadian provinces and
territories. Because Canada is multicultural, some students with disabilities
are also learning English as a second language (ESL). Therefore, inclusive
educators must prepare not only for diversity in abilities, but also linguistic
diversity. This paper examines four inclusive education textbooks designed
for preservice teachers in Canada, and compares how the textbooks address
linguistic diversity. After performing a general inductive analysis for
emergent themes, a theory-driven analysis was performed to evaluate
whether the textbooks contained content on key considerations for teaching
ESL students in mainstream settings. Findings indicate, while ESL and
multicultural awareness are often mentioned, there are very few concrete
suggestions for how teachers can differentiate their instruction to include
ESL students who have special needs. Several recommendations are made for
preparing future teachers for inclusive practice in multilingual settings.
Inclusive education has been legally recognized in all Canadian provinces and
territories (Stanovich & Jordan, 2004). Within multicultural Canada, some students
with disabilities are also learning English and adapting to a new cultural environment.
Considering that 10% of students across Canada receive special education services
(Bohatyretz & Lipps, 1999), and considering that 20% of students across Canada speak
a language other than the dominant English or French at home (Cummins, 1997), we
can expect that there are many exceptional students who are also in the process of
learning English. Therefore, future inclusive educators must be prepared not only for
diversity in abilities, but also for linguistic and cultural diversity. This paper reports on
a study that examined three inclusive education textbooks designed for preservice
teachers in Canada and compared how the textbooks address linguistic and cultural
diversity. The textbooks included: Inclusion of Exceptional Learners in Canadian
Schools: A Practical Handbook for Teachers (Hutchinson, 2007); Teaching Students with
Special Needs in Inclusive Settings, Second Canadian Edition (Smith, Polloway, Patton,
Dowdy, Heath, McIntyre, & Fracis, 2006); and Including Exceptional Students: A
Practical Guide for Classroom Teachers, Canadian Edition (Friend, Bursuck, &
Hutchinson, 1998). As will be demonstrated below, all of these textbooks contained
some material designed to prepare future inclusive educators to work with culturally
and linguistically diverse (CLD) students, but none of them contained a thorough
discussion of adaptations for English language learners (ELLs) or a rigorous critique of
the systemic marginalization of CLD students in Canadian schools.

15
Black-Allen Preparing Canadian teachers for inclusion in multilingual contexts

Cultural diversity
Although each textbook had unique strengths in addressing cultural diversity,
there were also problematic themes that were common to all the texts. First, cultural
diversity tended to be treated as a side issue, with diversity awareness often being
mentioned in sidebars, outside the main body of the text. When diversity issues were
addressed, it was often in the form of an admonishment that the teacher must be aware
of differences, without actually providing any knowledge, examples, analysis, or
suggestions for changing practices that could substantiate such awareness. Second, the
textbooks all reinforced the pervasive and unexamined belief that greater cultural
diversity and greater ability diversity entail increased complexity, challenge, and stress
for teachers. Third, the textbooks all described ELLs and culturally diverse students as
at-risk, in a way that located the risk within their different language or culture, and
not as resulting from their oppression within a racist society. Finally, all of the
textbooks essentialized diverse cultures to some extent, sometimes describing broad
categorical differences between Western and non-Western cultures.
The strengths, in terms of cultural diversity, of the textbooks were more
idiosyncratic to each, but they should not be overlooked. These strengths are starting
points in an improved dialogue between anti-racist education and inclusive education.
In Hutchinson (2007) there is consistent attempt to infuse Aboriginal education
theory, practices, and resources into every chapter of the book, and to integrate it
within the main body of the text. Hutchinson also includes a good discussion of gifted
education and cultural diversity. Smith et al. (2006) dedicates more attention to
eliminating cultural bias in assessment. Smith et al. also highlight educators from
diverse cultures in their personal spotlights (297, 371). Friend et al. (1998) has a
strong and sustained discussion of integrating families into the school, and addresses
family language and culture in greater depth. Furthermore, Hutchinson (2007) and
Smith et al. (2006) both provide excellent guidelines for selecting anti-racist classroom
materials. Finally, all the textbooks succeeded to some extent at establishing the
struggle for inclusion of people with disabilities as an anti-oppression issue and
connecting to struggles against sexism, heterosexism, and racism.
Limitations with regards to cultural diversity
In all of the textbooks, cultural diversity was treated as ancillary, with the
exception of Hutchinson (2007), where Aboriginal education was integrated into the
main body of the text and incorporated into the central ideas of the text. In
Hutchinson, however, other cultural diversity issues are not as well integrated. Friend
et al. (1998) and Smith et al. (2006) tended to address cultural diversity in sidebars,
which consisted of one, two, or three sentences and were outside the main text. These
would usually admonish teachers to consider diversity, even though no specific
knowledge or practical information was included. For example, in Friend et al. (1998)
a sidebar admonishes teachers: you are responsible for fostering positive
communication with [ELLs]; however, there is no significant discussion of what
positive communication is and how it is achieved (382). Friend et al. (1998, p. 90)
also ask, in a sidebar: How might cultural awareness affect collaboration? When

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Black-Allen Preparing Canadian teachers for inclusion in multilingual contexts

people from very different cultures collaborate, what could you do to ensure the
collaboration is successful? This device might be useful in engaging the reader in
reflection, but it also shows that the authors have not themselves addressed the
question and integrated this into the main flow of ideas. Smith et al. (2006) also use a
sidebar to address the question: What similarities to students with disabilities share
with students from racial minorities? Are educational services being offered to both
groups of students in a similar fashion? Aside from problematically lumping together
social constructs, this question again reveals the authors failure include material and
critical analysis on the overlapping relationship between services for exceptional
students and services for CLD students.
Both Friend et al. (1998) and Hutchinson (2007) include a special chapter that
addresses cultural and linguistic diversity and various categories of at-risk students,
including students who are abused and students who use intoxicants, among other
categories. To some, dedicating a specific chapter largely to cultural and linguistic
diversity (CLD) would seem like an appropriate strategy for integrating these issues.
However, it can also be critiqued as a failure to integrate these ideas within the specific
topics and themes of the other chapters. Also, it would effectively allow course
directors to remove the content entirely, by not including it in course syllabi, with the
assumption (noted in Sapon-Shevin & Zollers, 2001) that CLD issues will be addressed
in other courses. Finally, collocating the discussion of cultural differences with a
discussion of at-risk categories (such as abuse, alcoholism, criminality, etc.) might
imply that these later social problems are characteristic of diverse students and their
families.
There was a pervasive theme in the textbooks that inclusion, combined greater
cultural and linguistic diversity, entails more complexity, challenge, and stress for
teachers. While we must acknowledge that teaching has always been a challenging
profession, and that Canadian teachers are often expected to facilitate inclusion
without adequate support (Naylor, 2004, 2005), this theme must be examined
critically. There is an example of this theme in Smith et al. (2006, p. 9) in a brief
section on Students at Risk of School Problems where categories of at-risk include:
Students who are abused or neglected; Students who abuse drugs and alcohol;
Students from minority cultures; Students living in poverty; Students who are in
trouble with the justice system; and Students who speak English as a second
language. The authors, lumping together social oppression with social problems, state,
These students may present unique problems for teachers who must meet their
educational needs in general education classrooms (p. 9). Here, the authors present
culture and linguistic variance as problems, and, also, as not entirely belonging within
the general education classroom. Hutchinson (2007, pp. 321-324) devotes the final
section of her final chapter to handling stress, and states pressures on Canadian
teachers have, if anything, increased. For one thing, there have been large increases in
the diversity of students in Canadian classrooms As we have seen, inclusion and
increasing diversity can involve many of the factors that contribute to teaching being
rewarding or being stressful (increased workload, discipline problems, lack of

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Black-Allen Preparing Canadian teachers for inclusion in multilingual contexts

administrative support) (pp. 321-322). Here, diversity is clearly seen as a source of

increased pressures that can sometimes be rewarding, but also cause stress. An
alternative to seeing diverse abilities and cultural diversity as inherently problematic,
challenging, or stressful can be found in the disability studies in education perspective
(see Broderick et al., 2005; Dudley-Marling, 2005; Titchkovsky, 2006), where the
normative designs of schools and pedagogy are problematized, instead of the individual
child, and where attempts are made to redesign pedagogy, developing a different kind
of work, drawing on different skills and knowledge (Broderick et al., 2005, p. 196).
Related to the above is the notion that diversity is something that needs to be
managed and controlled. This is evidenced in Smith et al.s (2006, p.302) discussion of
classroom management in the inclusive context: [S]mooth functioning of the general
education classroom often represents a challenge for teachers as classrooms become
more diverse. Fortunately, this statement does not characterize the authors overall
approach to classroom management. Their approach combines discussion of some
basic psychological principles of behavior with a useful discussion of social
considerations and designing physically accessible classrooms. In comparison,
Hutchinson (2007) does not construct diversity as requiring management and control.
Instead, she emphasizes valuing students and building a strong classroom community
as ways of managing the classroom.
All of the textbooks framed culturally diverse students and English language
learners in categories of at-risk students. This construct of at risk is critiqued
Swadener and Lubeck (1995), because it treats diversity as a deficit. Also, as I have
suggested, the discourse of risk suggests that the source of the risk factor is the
variation in language or difference in culture itself, rather the fact that the education
system and other social institutions are designed in a way that exclude and marginalize
people who do not fit the normative culture. As Cummins (2001) discusses, schools
and pedagogies are designed with assumptions that students are monolingual, mono-
cultural, heterosexual, and male. These students, like students with disabilities, are
disempowered in relation to the normative assumptions and design of schooling. The
discourse of risk in the textbooks is evidenced in statements such as: Poverty
compounded by cultural differences can deepen the risks of students failing school or
dropping out (Smith et al., 2006, p. 280, emphasis added); and sources of diversity
can place students at risk for school failure (Hutchinson, 2007, p. 3). Another example
from Smith et al. (2006) is, Still another group of students who require special
attention are those at risk of developing learning and behavioural problems. These
students include potential dropouts, those from minority cultures, those who speak
English as a second language, those from low-income homes, those who abuse drugs or
alcohol(Smith et al., 2006). Here, I am not objecting to the recognition that CLD
students often have higher dropout and school failure rates. However, we must
question the notion that students should be categorized as more likely to fail based on
their cultural or linguistic difference, constructing their difference as a deficit,
correlating the risk directly to diversity, and not questioning the social structures and
relations that marginalize them within schools.

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Black-Allen Preparing Canadian teachers for inclusion in multilingual contexts

A final concern with the textbooks treatment of culture is the essentializing of

Western versus non-Western cultures, and the construction of cultural
differences along the lines of these extremely broad categories. For example, Friend et
al. (1998, p. 183) reproduce a chart that distinguishes categories of people as Western,
Asian, and Polynesian/Native American, and posits their difference in traditional
values. Here, we are told that Western people work hard, then play, while Asian
people work hard, play less and Native American people do what is necessary, play
more (ibid). Smith et al. (2006, p. 393) reproduce a similar chart where the distinction
is between Western culture/Values and Family Culture/Values. We are told that,
in the West, people value wise use of time; quality of task may be secondary and
outside the West, Efficient use of time not as important; OK to be late (ibid). Also,
the West values Democratic family decision making while the non-West values
Matriarchal or patriarchal family structures (ibid). This attempt to make teachers
more sensitive to cultural differences only reproduces cultural stereotypes. At best, it
may alert the teacher that culture is one of the multiple factors to be considered in
understanding their students and their families. At worst, it will reproduce stereotypes
and hinder teachers in gaining a rich understanding of their students unique cultural
backgrounds, experiences, and values.
Finally, all of the textbooks discussed inclusive education as a question of civil
rights for people categorized as disabled, making frequent references to the Canadian
charter of right and freedoms, and linking this to the struggles of oppressed groups in
Canadian society. Here, the authors succeeded both in challenging the ideology of
deficit that tends to divide people into normal and not normal, and also
establishing that struggles against social oppression are interrelated and are shared
responsibility. However, in this discussion, there should have been more emphasis on
social movements and activism of oppressed groups, rather than legal developments at
the judicial and governmental level.
Cultural diversity strengths
In Hutchinson (2007) there is a sustained attempt to integrate Aboriginal
education into every area of coverage. The author goes beyond merely addressing
Aboriginal issues at the margins of the text, in sidebars, or at the beginning and end of
chapters. She integrates the work of Aboriginal education scholars into every area of
coverage. For example, her chapter on classroom management contains a discussion of
two Aboriginal education approaches, Talking Circles (Running Wolf & Rickard,
2003) and Virtue Awareness (Jacobs, 2003). These approaches are treated as central to
the text, and are put forward as teaching practices that can benefit all students. This
contrasts with the all too frequent phenomenon of treating anti-racist and Aboriginal
education approaches as peripheral and only for minority and aboriginal students.
Also, Hutchinson (2007) takes time to explain important differences between
multicultural education and anti-racist education, encouraging readers to move beyond
superficial recognition of diversity towards challenging the structures and social
relations that exclude students from oppressed groups (p. 159). She also distinguishes
multi-cultural issues and Aboriginal issues, by discussing the threat of extinction of

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Black-Allen Preparing Canadian teachers for inclusion in multilingual contexts

Aboriginal languages, forced assimilation, and Aboriginal peoples becoming foreign

within their own land (147). Although much work may remain to be done, in
Hutchinson (2007) we can see the beginnings of an approach to inclusive education
that is being shaped by anti-racist and Aboriginal education ideas, rather than simply
mentioning them and treating them as peripheral.
Smith et al. (2006) dedicate more attention to issue of eliminating cultural and
linguistic biases in assessment an important issue when we consider that African
American students are 135% more likely than white students to be identified as
Mentally Retarded (MR), that Native American students are 12% more likely to be
identified as emotionally disordered (ED), or that Latino students are 17% more likely
to be identified as learning disabled (LD) (Rhodes, Ochoa, & Ortiz, 2005). Inclusive
education textbooks should contain significant content on issues surrounding bias,
assessment, labeling, and inappropriate placements for CLD children. However,
although Smith et al. (2006) have a laudable concern with assessment, their treatment
of the issue should be improved in certain aspects. First, their discussion tends to
reinforce that medical/deficit model of disability, by suggesting that the categories of
disorder and the methods of assessing them can simply be improved to eliminate bias
and locate the real deficit. This frames the discussion in terms of putting the right
children into the right slots (Sapon-Shevin & Zollers, 2001), rather than considering
differentiated inclusive strategies for all students. Second, biased assessment is far from
being the only problem. Educators have also failed to design appropriate interventions
for CLD students who have been categorized as exceptional (Cummins, P.C.); and
concern with biased assessment has, in Canada, led to an equally problematic tendency
to ignore the learning difficulties of English language learners (Geva, 2006).
Friend et al. (1998) contains a strong overall discussion of communicating with
families and forging home-school connections. Issues of cultural and linguistic diversity
are discussed extensively here. There are numerous considerations for forming
relationships and fully integrating CLD parents interspersed throughout the text,
including: discussion of how schools can be alienating to CLD parents (90), the
importance of valuing family culture (94), cultural differences in the interpretation of
disability (134), differences in expectations about grades (365), and differences in
discipline and child-rearing (398).
Language learning and diversity
With regards to language learning and diversity, there is much more to say
about what all the textbooks have omitted, rather than what they have integrated.
Language teaching involves specific pedagogical knowledge, strategies, and skills that
must be integrated across the school curriculum (Coelho, 2005), in special education
(Winzer & Mazurek, 1998), and in inclusive education. Therefore, textbooks that
address inclusive education for children with exceptionalities, in multicultural
countries like Canada, must also specifically address language pedagogy. Clearly, the
cultural diversity considerations discussed above are central to language teaching;
however, this section will address how textbooks explicitly and specifically framed
discussions in relation to language learning. First, one very notable absence is the

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Black-Allen Preparing Canadian teachers for inclusion in multilingual contexts

French immersion context. Although Hutchinson (2007) does devote approximately

one page of her text to a discussion of French instruction, the overall absence of
discussion of French immersion across all three textbooks is surprising, considering its
relative importance in Canadian education. Second, American Sign language (ASL), the
language of deaf culture in North America, is addressed briefly in all of the textbooks,
though the textbooks often fail to take firm stances on the issues surrounding ASL
instruction and its relation to mainstream education. Third, while the importance of
valuing the L1 is universally acknowledged, none of the books discuss how to integrate
the L1 into the classroom, using it to facilitate L2 form and content learning. Fourth,
bilingual education programs where ELLs are educated outside of the regular
classroom for part of the day are sometimes incorrectly equated with segregated special
education contexts. Altogether, the pattern is characterized by recognition of the
importance of language diversity, but a failure to address it in a detailed integrated
way.
Inclusion in French immersion is an important issue because children with
exceptionalities are often streamed out of immersion, even though research has shown
they can benefit from it (Majhanovich, 1993). This streaming can create a form of
segregation where children who are categorized as disabled do not receive the same
social benefits of learning both of Canadas official languages. Hutchinson (2007) is the
only textbook in this study that addressed French instruction, and, even here, the
author dedicated only one page to the topic. She reproduces a bullet list where
adaptations for students with LD, giftedness, and disabilities are stated. This is a
starting point, but it requires further elaboration and detail for teachers to implement
it meaningfully in their French classrooms.
All of the textbooks addressed educational issues related to students who are
deaf, and briefly discussed ASL. Although the textbooks tended to recognize ASL as a
legitimate language and medium of content instruction, the textbooks did not take a
strong stance on whether or not mainstreaming was appropriate for students who are
deaf, nor did they discuss bilingual education programs for deaf students. Support for
ASL instruction and bilingual instruction for deaf students was tentative at best. Friend
et al. (1998, p. 123) state: Some people who are deaf believe that deafness is its own
culture. They discourage students from using oral language and encourage them to
communicate through sign language. Here, the authors seem to downplay the deaf
communitys broad support for ASL instruction, and suggest that the ASL instruction
necessarily comes at the expense of oral language. Smith et al. (2006, p. 202) state,
Students who have profound hearing losses must rely on alternative methods of
communication such as sign language and speech reading, giving no clear support to
either ASL instruction or attempts to teach deaf children oral language, but somewhat
degrading ASL to the level of an alternative method of communication. Hutchinson
(2007, p. 23) states, Many people who are deaf view themselves as belonging to a deaf
culture, and see themselves as different but not disabled. She recommends that
teachers seek resources about deaf culture and, Learn about American Sign Language
(ASL), the language of deaf culture (ibid.). Hutchinson (2007) provides a chart of

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Black-Allen Preparing Canadian teachers for inclusion in multilingual contexts

Educational Options for deaf or hard of hearing students (199), where she neutrally
and briefly outlines the options. ASL bilingual programs, which often necessarily
involve teaching deaf students in separated contexts, should not be confused with
segregating students who are disabled because the purpose of ASL is language teaching
not segregated remediation.
Although proponents of inclusive education advocate integration i.e.
desegregation for students who are categorized as disabled, this critique of
segregation should not necessarily extend to bilingual programs that seek to reinforce
L1 language or to provide sheltered L2 English instruction outside of the mainstream
classroom. Likewise, it should be recognized that ASL education for students who are
deaf must often occur outside the mainstream classrooms. In some cases, the textbooks
seemed to inappropriately extend arguments for inclusive education in a way that
militates against bilingual education. In this vein, Friend et al., (1998, p. 183) state,
These language related issues sometimes lead to a third problem, namely, a belief that
in order for students to learn when English is not their primary language, they must be
segregated from other students. Although the authors do not elaborate this argument,
they are suggesting that bilingual programs that provide form or content instruction
outside the mainstream classroom are equivalent to special education programs that
segregate students on the basis of ability. Similarly, Smith et al. (2006, p. 199) suggest
that mainstream education is the best arrangement for many students who are deaf,
implying that ASL instruction is equivalent to segregated special education: the
general education setting is appropriate for most students who are hard of hearing and
for many students who are deaf (emphasis added). Both of these statements, although
vague and hedged, are equating segregated special education with programs that seek to
educate ELLs or deaf students in non-mainstream environments. This is indicative of
the failure of inclusive education proponents, thus far, to disentangle these issues.
All the textbooks included some vague salutary comments about integrating
childrens first language into the classroom, but they did not offer strategies or
suggestions about how to do this. For example, Smith et al. (2006) recommends:
Remind yourself and your students to celebrate and value cultural and linguistic
differences among individuals in their school and community. There are, in fact,
numerous strategies for integrating childrens diverse first languages into mainstream
English classrooms, including: allowing same-L1 peers to work on projects in their
home language, encouraging students to take notes in their L1 and translate them into
English, encouraging students to produce multilingual assignments, facilitating
activities where children design multilingual classroom displays, and much more (see
Coelho, 2005 for further strategies).
In conclusion, it is clear that the authors are making a sincere attempt to
include a discussion of cultural and linguistic diversity within a broader discussion of
integrating children who categorized as disabled in regular classroom settings.
However, several problems arise with regards to cultural diversity, because the authors
are unable to mount a sustained critique of systemic oppression in education, and
instead fall back upon medical discourses and discourses of at risk, which tend to

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Black-Allen Preparing Canadian teachers for inclusion in multilingual contexts

locate the problem as being within individual children. The failure to integrate a
thorough discussion on language learning stems from an overall lack of research and
lack of investment in students who are disabled and who are also learning English as a
second language. Perhaps much energy has been consumed by the highly problematic
over-identification of CLD students for disabilities, thereby sapping energy from
efforts to understand the needs of students with diverse abilities who are learning a
new language and culture. Future editions of these textbooks should tackle systemic
oppression centrally. It should be assumed that linguistic diversity is the norm in
Canadian classrooms, and a comprehensive discussion of relevant language learning
ideas and strategies should be included in every chapter.
References
Bohatyretz, S., & Lipps, G. (1999). Diversity in the classroom: Characteristics of
students receiving special education. Education Quarterly Review, 6(2), 7-15.
Broderick, A., Mehta-Parekh, H., & Reid, D. K. (2005). Differentiating instruction for
disabled students in inclusive classrooms. Theory into Practice, 44(3), 194-202.
Cummins, J. (1984). Bilingualism and special education: Issues in assessment and pedagogy.
Clevedon, Eng: Multilingual Matters, and San Diego: College Hill Press.
Cummins, J. (1989). A theoretical framework for bilingual special education.
Exceptional Children, 56 (2), p111-119.
Cummins, J. (1997). Minority status and schooling in Canada. Anthropology and
Education Quarterly, 28(3), 411-430.
Cummins, J. (2001). Negotiating identities: Education for empowerment in a diverse
society. 2nd edition. Los Angeles: California Association for Bilingual Education.
Dudley-Marling, C. (2004). The social construction of learning disabilities. Journal of
learning disabilities, 37(6), 482-489.
Friend, M., Bursuck, W., & Hutchinson, N. (1998). Including exceptional students: A
practical guide for classroom teachers (Canadian ed.). Scarborough, Ontario:
Prentice-Hall.
Hutchinson, N. (2007). Inclusion of exceptional learners in Canadian schools: A practical
handbook for teachers (2nd ed.). Toronto, Canada: Pearson.
Jacobs, D. (2003). Shifting attention from discipline problems to virtue awareness in
American Indian and Alaska Native education. ERIC Digest (Eric Document
reproduction service No. ED 480732)
Majhanovich, S. (1993). The Mainstreamed Environment in Canada: Is There a Place
in French Immersion for Learning Disabled Students? Canadian Journal of
Special Education, 9(1), 67-72.
Naylor, C. (2004). How do teachers in Coquitlam and Nanaimo view special education
and ESL services? Vancouver: B.C. Teachers Federation.

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Black-Allen Preparing Canadian teachers for inclusion in multilingual contexts

Naylor, C. (2005). Inclusion in British Columbias public schools: Always a journey, never
a destination? Canada; British Columbia: British Columbia Teachers'
Federation.
Rhodes, R. L., Ochoa, S. H. & Ortiz, S.O. (2005). Assessing culturally and linguistically
diverse students: A practical guide. New York, NY: The Guildford Press.
Running Wolf, P., & Rickard, J. (2003). Talking circles: A Native American approach
to experiential learning. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development,
31, 39-43.
Sapon-Shevin, M., & Zollers, N. J. (1999). Multicultural and disability agendas in
teacher education: Preparing teachers for diversity. International Journal of
Leadership in Education, 2(3), 165-190.
Smith, T.E.C., Polloway, E.A., Patton, J.R., Dowdy, C.A., Heath, N., McIntyre, L. J.,
& Fracis, G. C. (2006). Teaching students with special needs in inclusive settings
(2nd Canadian ed.). Toronto, Canada: Pearson.
Stanovich, P. & Jordan, A. (2004). Inclusion as professional development.
Exceptionality Education Canada, 14(2 & 3), 169-188.
Titchkosky, T. (2007). I got trouble with my reading: An emerging literacy. In In S.
Gabel and S. Danforth (Eds.), International Reader in Disability Studies in
Education. New York: Peter Lang.
Winzer, M.A., & Mazurek, K. (1998). Special education in multicultural contexts. Upper
Saddle River, NJ: Merrill (Prentice Hall).

24
 Learning Organization for All?
Bettina Arnum Boyle
Abstract
This paper discusses whether the learning organization has the capacity to
embrace diversity in values and approaches to work and why such diversity
might benefit both the organization and the individual. It explores
motivational theories and the boundary between private and work life.
Explanations for why individuals hold particular assumptions and why they
may be disinterested in participating in learning initiatives that might
require more responsibility are found in the industrial age dichotomy of
thinkers and leaders on one side and doers, followers and workers on the
other side. The paper concludes that the learning organization not only has
the capacity to provide space for individuals who perceive themselves as "not
interested". In recognizing and building on individual strengths, it might
even provide a better and more rewarding work environment than a
traditional hierarchical organization.
Learning organizations? Wowthat sounds hard! What about the people who
are simply not interested? As an aspiring OD consultant who believes that generative
learning and the ability to change are cornerstones if not the core to individual,
organizational and societal success, such recurrent comments instil great wonder. How
can individuals not be interested in learning and making the best of an activity they
engage in eight hours a day? Sensitive to issues of diversity, I realize that it might not
be my role to attempt to convince anybody to think differently, not the least to think
like myself. But I struggle with the seeming clash between allowing for such a diversity
and of the required individual involvement in learning and change in a true learning
organization. Is there really room for individuals who are not interested1 in
participating if change and learning are constants (Senge, 1990) and the organization is
predicated on the willingness of individuals to learn throughout life (Watkins &
Marsick, 1993)?
Before deciding how to respond to these questions it is useful to come to a
greater understanding of divergent views on work and of the possibilities for
individuals in a learning organization. In this paper, I explore the boundary between
private and work life and look at possible explanations for why individuals hold
particular assumptions and seek certain approaches to work. The purpose is to discuss
the capacity of learning organizations to embrace what we may call cognitive diversity
in values and personality (adapted from Driver, 2003). An understanding of individual
interests and an awareness of the capacity for diversity in a learning organization will

1
There is a vast amount of literature on the topic of resistance to change. Throughout this paper, I will
be using the term not interested to describe just one area of this resistance. I understand not interested
individuals as those who define themselves as such. I will explore this further in the following section
Beyond Theory X and Theory Y.

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Boyle Learning organization for all?

help clarify the role of the leader or the OD consultant faced with people who are
simply not interested.
When discussing the learning organization I understand it to be an organization
that learns continuously and transforms itself (Watson & Marsick, 1993, p. 8).
Further, learning will be understood according to Argyris & Schn (1978) and Senges
(1990) emphasis on adoptive learning joined by learning that enhances the ability to
create, also called generative learning. The important aspect in this understanding is
that learning organizations never really arrive at their destination (Laiken, 2002; Senge
1990). Rather, they continually work towards it by creating a culture for learning.
Thus, OD interventions such as more employee control and empowerment can be
steps along the way if a learning culture is the aim (Laiken, 2001).
Beyond Theory X and Theory Y
When McGregor first proposed his theory Y in 1960 it was largely a reaction to
what he saw as the dominant understanding since Taylor applied scientific methods to
management practises and impressed his audience by showing how to reduce costs and
increase productivity among factory workers (Hicks & Gullett, 1975; McGregor,
1960). Theory Y offers us a way of understanding human motivation beyond scientific
managements assumption that man needed to be directed and controlled. Many of
McGregors contemporaries were similarly concerned with motivational factors and
their relationship to self-actualization (Lawler & Porter, 1967; Vroom, 1967).
However, as recognized by several writers theory Y tends to imply that all
employees are motivated by self-esteem and self-actualization at work, while
disregarding that job satisfaction might be subjectively defined and that many people
might be quite content to seek responsibility and growth in family life, community
projects or hobbies (Cherns, 1976; Hicks & Gullett, 1975). As artists, writers, mothers,
entrepreneurs, game devotees or sports enthusiasts many people find self-actualization
outside the job, which only pays their bills. Consequently, they might not be
interested in work they perceive as too demanding if it takes anything away from their
outside life. Even though they do not expect satisfaction at work, they cannot be
understood as type X individuals, who merely care about a pay cheque for survival. It
is not that they do not seek self-actualization; they just do not seek it at work. Rather,
they see work as a means to an end to pursuing what really matters. As such theory X
and Y are insufficient in describing what motivates the work to live individuals. We
need to think more broadly about how they fit into an organization.
Other motivational theorists such as Herzberg (1959, 1964) would perhaps
describe such work to live individuals as neither satisfied at work, nor dissatisfied. Since
the satisfiers such as achievement, responsibility and recognition are not sought, the
role of the organization merely becomes to ensure no dissatisfaction in order to keep a
low staff turnover. But is this consistent with a learning organization philosophy? To
answer this question we need to first consider why learning organization initiatives
would be seen as too demanding and uninteresting to join.

26
Boyle Learning organization for all?

Why Engagement Beyond Daily Routines Might not be Perceived as Worth it

The predominant organizational structure since the beginning of the industrial
era has no doubt been that of scientific management exemplified by Taylors
separation of workers from managers in a dichotomy of thinkers and leaders on one
side and doers, followers and workers on the other side (see for example Nirenberg,
1998). McGregors Theory X and Y create a similar strong dichotomy. Lukes (1974)
maintains that perceptions created by power, might cause individuals to accept things,
because they view it as unchangeable or can imagine no alternative. Senge (1999),
taking this an inch further, describes how this structure has developed into
assumptions:
we all hold certain taken-for-granted assumptions about the way
work needs to be and the compromises it requires. Central to these
assumptions is the industrial-age model of the employee as an input to
the production process. This model hasnt changed much from the time,
fifty or hundred years ago, when employees were called hands (p. 47).
Accepting a certain reality as the way work needs to be or the dichotomy of
managers versus workers might give us a clue to why certain jobs would be perceived
as too demanding. This is not far from developing the idea that taking responsibility
requires us to give up our personal lives and become constant slaves of capital willing
to sacrifice our family life, our hobbies or friends in the name of getting ahead.
The learning organization seeks to deal with some of the problems of earlier
management models by arguing a dynamic approach to change and learning, founded
not on hierarchy but on internal motivation, team work and self-management
(Nirenberg, 1998; Redding & Catalanello, 1992; Senge, 1990; Woolner, 1992). A
learning organization can be understood as a journey where the destination is never
reached (Senge 1990; Laiken, 2001), however, few organizations can even claim that
they are on the journey (Nirenberg, 1998). Even if an organization succeeds in creating
a shared vision, the vision can be claimed to have the potential for being an
organizational control device if there is no explicit recognition of organizational
diversity (Huzzard & stergren, 2002).
Following the discourse on control, Driver suggests that learning organization
initiatives might play a role in masking the abuses taking place in the organization for
instance in the idea of a tightly knit community of learners "...which can lead to
disciplinary controls enforced among peers in what amounts to participatory
surveillance [and] are not only more devious than traditional forms of managerial
control [but] lead to greater conformity and more suppression of conflict and diversity"
(Driver 2002, p.42). An example of this can be found in Barkers (1993) research on
how progressive ideas such as self managed work teams might turn into a work
environment with even stronger but more invisible control mechanisms and peer
pressure that requires every member to invest a part of themselves in the team. Even
empowerment programs do not always deliver on their promises (Hardy & Sullivan,
1998).

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Boyle Learning organization for all?

The suppression of conflict and diversity, group-think and peer pressure

explored so far is not exactly the typical understanding of a learning organization.
Quite the contrary: learning organizations are often described as environments for
increased tolerance and diversity (Lederman, n.d.). Senge (1999) even states that
embracing diversity, our seventh strategy, becomes a key guiding idea for leaders (p.
309). As such, it appears like there is a gap between the espoused theory and the
theory-in-use of most organizations identifying themselves as learning organizations.
Whether learning organization or not, many change initiatives have ended up creating
more cynicism than real buy-in and change in organizational culture (Axelrod, 2000).
Red tape, failure to see the big picture, extrinsic rather than intrinsic motivation, and
leaders who do not walk their talk, might just be some of the additional factors (see for
example Argyris, 1994).
In sum, even if individuals initially saw themselves as theory Y people
interested in getting ahead and were interested in taking part in the learning
organization or similar initiatives, those bright ideas might not have turned out to be
the paradise initially promised (Driver, 2002). This sheds some light on why an
individual with some years work experience in an organization decides that engaging
in anything beyond a daily routine is too demanding and that their energy is better
spent outside the organization.
Personal Mastery and the Creative Tension of Diversity
So far we have explored some of the assumptions and reasons why some
individuals hold a work to live approach and why it could be a challenge to combine
such an approach with a learning organization. Traditional routine jobs might be a
way to avoid excessive responsibility and demands; but when followed by the
assumption that no demands equals checking ones brain or personality at the door,
both individuals and organizations are missing out. Or in other words, the time spent
at work has the potential to be a good time or an energy draining time.
Personal mastery can be seen as the cornerstone of Senges (1990) five
disciplines for the learning organization. Even though learning takes place at the
individual, the team and the organizational level, it always starts with the individual
(Senge 1990, 1999). In order to learn, individuals must practise the discipline of
personal mastery, which is the discipline of continually clarifying and deepening our
personal vision, of focusing our energies, of developing patience, and of seeing reality
objectively (Senge, 1990, p. 7). For somebody who has decided to work to live this
might seem like a lot to ask. Learning and change in individuals require involvement.
What is more, their personal drive and vision is already developed outside work.
A closer look at personal mastery reveals that in practising the discipline,
individuals continuously deepen their understanding of themselves and expand their
own ability to reach their desired vision (Senge 1990). In other words, personal
mastery extends beyond the organization. People, who have decided that they are not
interested in certain demanding initiatives or jobs, those who work to live as musicians,
mothers or wind-surfers, all have visions or ideas that motivate them. They understand

28
Boyle Learning organization for all?

themselves and might therefore know better than anybody else what it means to use
the creative tension in holding a clear image of ones current stage up against ones
vision (Senge, 1990). Going back to Herzberg, we might say that the satisfiers are not
necessarily universal, but more individually determined. Thus, not interested
individuals display an authenticity that might be much needed in an organization, by
knowing and being honest about what really matters to them.
Authenticity practiced by members of a learning organization might also
prompt them to practise learning at a deeper and more honest level. According to
Gregory (1999), the five disciplines of the learning organization allow organizational
members to deal with the dynamics of diversity. In line with Argyris and Schns
(1978) stand on generative learning, Gregory (1999) illustrates the point with a series of
questions materialized by the diversity tension that will challenge the status quo:
Who here are seen as winners? Who are seen as losers? What data is
this based on? Is it based on false assumptions? How does this
marginalization affect our overall competence and capability? How does
it hinder us from attracting people? And what would have to change?
(p.279)
If such questions were asked, one of the likely responses might be that an
artistic mind or a different approach to organizational challenges is exactly what is
needed in learning organizations in order for them to continually learn and transform.
Furthermore, the organizational members might realize that they have missed great
potential in not embracing the talent and creativity of artists, the care and multitasking
of mothers and the risk taking of a dedicated wind-surfer.
For an individual, who is seeking to fulfil a personal vision and initially
thought the vision irrelevant to work, it might be a relief to see that the sharp
separation between work and life is not necessary. What matters on the job is
connected to what matters outside the work environment, just as the positive and
negative energy from a job will influence a person outside that job. As such,
discovering the joy of learning and being able to use and develop ones creative abilities
at work could even generate more energy for the vision itself.
This is very much in line with Senges (1999, p. 46-47) challenge to the
assumption that personal needs and goals are necessarily in opposition to business
needs. According to him real commitment, imagination and energy cannot be
sustained if peoples personal and family lives are sacrificed. An example of how
employees can balance interests and commitment outside the organization by, for
instance being able to work when it suits them, can be found in Semlers (1989) Semco
even if more an exception than the rule. If the disciplines of the learning organization,
such as personal mastery, are practised as intended creative energy will inevitably
result. One does not need to change a routine job fundamentally for it to be a source
of generative energy instead of a cause of exhaustion. Why, for example, would an
organization not encourage even routine workers to question and change non-
beneficial routines?

29
Boyle Learning organization for all?

Why Bother with Diversity for All?

For an aspiring learning organization, the question is whether it can afford to
ignore cognitive diversity in approaches to work.2 Although the learning organization
may claim a moral responsibility to provide the type of diversity that allows for
different approaches to work and treat employees as rounded individuals with
existences outside the office, more compelling reasons exist. First, organizational
diversity has been linked to organizational performance factors such as cost savings,
winning the competition for talent and driving business growth (Robinson & Dechant
1997). Second, as already touched upon, the great potential for added creativity and
authenticity in an organization that embraces diverse approaches to work is likely to
increase organizational learning. Lee et al. (2000) prove how the use of part time
workers can be seen as opportunities for learning and for identifying new business
priorities. Thomas & Ely (1996) assert that organizations that learn from and integrate
differences, by letting these differences inform their practise, are more efficient in the
long term. It might not only be a question of closing or opening the door to skilled
employees, but also a question of reaching certain groups of employees with skills,
values and experiences different from the existing organizational members. In this way,
the organization stands a better chance of successfully embarking on the learning
organization journey.
Cognitive diversity neither assumes that everybody is the same, nor reverts to
one dominant culture. Rather, it generously allows individuals with other values to
join. It extends beyond gender and race to diversity in approaches to work, in values
and identities. While the ethnocentric and the modernistic approach resembles what
we know as the melting pot ideology of national identity, a more illustrative analogy for
cognitive diversity of learning might be a salad bowl where ingredients are mixed to
complement each other. Each ingredient keeps their distinct taste. Thus, successfully
embracing diversity does not mean changing individuals. The salad bowl approach to
diversity puts no pressure on individuals to conform, perform or change in a certain
way.
Such an approach to diversity is perhaps the biggest challenge to leaders and
change agents in a learning organization. A learning organization that embraces the
salad bowl approach to cognitive diversity must balance the delicate line between
practising the discipline of a shared vision and not letting that vision become another
control mechanism contributing to mass group think. In other words, the task is not
to convert the work to livers into raving fans of the learning organization ideology,
rather to create an environment where these individuals distinct capabilities can
flourish and where authenticity in interactions and relationships facilitates learning.
Recent focus on work life balance and quality of life also suggests that an
increasing number of individuals are not even in the vacuum of neither dissatisfaction,
nor satisfaction at work. Instead they want self-actualization at work AND outside

2
Driver (2003) defines cognitive diversity as attitudes, beliefs and values rather than characteristics such
as age, race or gender.

30
Boyle Learning organization for all?

work (Dey, 2006). The important distinction here is perhaps that they are by no means
willing to compromise their outside work life for an organization (Komarniski, 2006).
When diversity becomes the theory-in-use, organizations provide space for all the
approaches and tap into the energy and creativity of each unique employee. The
criteria for joining the organization or the learning initiatives are no longer based on
dedication to the job compared to dedication to other commitments, interests and
values.
Conclusion
An understanding of individuals in a dichotomy of theory X and Y, interested
in demanding jobs, change and learning or not, is far too simplistic when considering
the diverse values and assumptions that guide individuals. As OD consultants engaged
in organizational learning, we must open ourselves to a broader understanding of the
values of work and life, and not exclude anybody who espouses a value of not
interested. However, we must also be acutely aware that the learning organization
ideology in itself can be a pitfall with its tendency to unitaristic approaches to learning
in order not to widen the gap between espoused theory and theory-in-use and alienate
individuals.
At first glance, failure to address a salad bowl diversity which extends to values,
identities and personal visions not aligned with the organizational vision might mean
failure to embrace organizational learning and to attract an increasing number of
people in the workforce. On the other hand, embracing salad bowl diversity means
that otherwise disengaged people could add valuable diverse insights and creativity to
an organizational environment. In turn, it would allow the organization to keep
learning and transforming itself as its global environment changes.
Learning organizations that practise true cognitive diversity do not require a
certain type of involvement in learning and change. Such organizations meet
individuals where they are and recognize that any particular unitary ideology of
learning does not work because organizational learning starts with personal mastery in
all individuals. Practising the disciplines of a learning organization will help the
organization build capacity for such diversity by questioning previously held beliefs of
how things are done.
As such, the learning organization not only has the capacity to provide space
for individuals who perceive themselves as not interested. In recognizing and building
on individual strengths, they might even provide a better and more rewarding work
environment than a traditional hierarchical organization. The important point to
remember here is that changing the individual is neither the role nor the goal of the
organization, the leader or the OD consultant.
References
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Review, 72(4), July-August, 77-85.

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Argyris, C. & Schon D. A (1978). Organizational learning. Reading, Mass.: Addison-

Wesley Pub. Co.
Axelrod, E. & Axelrod D. (2001). The engagement paradigm changing the way we
change organizations. In The flawless consulting fieldbook and companion: A
guide to understanding your expertise, (pp. 291-305). In Block, P. &
Markowitz, A. (Eds.) San Francisco: Jossey-Bass/Pfeiffer.
Barker, J. R. (1993). Tightening the iron cage: Concertive control in self-managing
teams. Administrative Science Quaterly, 38(3), 408-437.
Cherns, A. (1976). The principles of sociotechnical design. Human Relations, 29(8),
783-792.
Dey, I. (2006). Wearing out the work ethic: Population ageing, fertility and
work-life balance. Journal of Social Policy, 35(4), 671-688.
Driver, M. (2002). The learning organization: Foucauldian gloom or utopian sunshine?
Human Relations, 55(1), 33-53.
Driver, M. (2003) Diversity and learning in groups. The Learning Organization, 10, 3,
149-166.
Gregory, T. (1999). Beyond winners and loosers. In Senge, P. M. et al. (Eds.) The dance
of change (pp. 274-279), New York: Doubleday.
Hardy, C., & Sullivan, S. (1998). The power behind empowerment: Implications for
research and practice. Human Relations, 51(4), 451(33)-484.
Herzberg, F., Mausner, B., & Snyderman, B. (1959). The motivation to work. New
York: Wiley.
Herzberg, F. (1964). The motivation-hygiene concept and problems of manpower.
Personnel Administration, 27, 2-7.
Hicks, H.G. & Gullett, C.F. (1975). Organizations: Theory and behavior. New York:
McGraw-Hill.
Holden, D. (2006). Diversity Unraveled. Industrial Management, 48, 4, 8.
Huzzard, T. & stergren, K. (2002). When Norms Collide: Learning under
Organizational Hypocrisy. British Journal of Management, 13, 47-59.
Laiken, M. (2001). Adult education in organizations. In T. Barer-Stein & M. Kompf
(Eds.) The craft of teaching adults, Third Edition. Toronto: Irwin Publishing.
Laiken, M. (2002). Models of organizational learning: paradoxes and best
practices in the post-industrial workplace. In C.A. Rarick (ed.) Proceedings of
the 21st OD World Congress, Vienna, Austria. Organization Development
Institute.
Lawler, E. & Porter, L. (1967).The effect of performance on job satisfaction. Industrial
Relations, 7(1), 20-28.
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Lukes, S. (1974) Power: A radical view. London: Macmillan.

Komarniski, R (2006). Generations in the workplace: Make sure you're
communicating. Aircraft Maintenance Technology [Ft. Atkinson], 17(4), 48-51.
McGregor, D. (1960). The human side of enterprise. New York: McGraw-Hill.
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organization: a tool that can turn into a weapon. The Learning Organization ,
6(5), 207-211.
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organizations. OD Practitioner, 30(4), 6-14.
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as a model of strategic change. Thresholds in Education, 18(2 & 3), 47-53.
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Academy of Management Executive, 11(3), 21-31.
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organization. New York: Doubleday.
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33
 Potentials and Perils of Community-University Research Alliances:
Envisioning a Direction for Inquiry in the Canadian Context
Antony Chum
Abstract
Since the pilot of SSHRCs Community University Research Alliance
(CURA) program in 1999, little has been done to explore the promises and
perils of these community-based participatory research projects. This poster
lays out the potentials and risks discussed in existing empirical and
theoretical studies of the negotiated process of collaborative research from
question formulation, identification of funding, data collection and analysis,
to dissemination. Mainstream academia, for many years, has employed a
top-down (expert-driven) approach to research, and it has produced many
structural barriers and institutional forms that are not created with
community collaborations in mind. A study is necessary for exploring how
community and academia can be better prepared to work as co-researchers
and to avoid some of the tyrannies of participatory processes.

Introducing Collaborative Research and its Historical Roots

Collaborative research is a negotiated process in which community members
and university researchers are partners and co-creators of knowledge throughout the
process of question formulation, identification of funding, data collection and analysis,
and dissemination (Israel, Schulz, Parker, & Becker, 1998). The various historical roots
of this approach, generally categorized into two traditions (Wallerstein & Duran, 2002)
and its according epistemological and ontological assumptions, are important
dimensions that will inform an understanding of the nature, goals, and aims of recent
collaborative research endeavours. First, the northern tradition associated with Kurt
Lewins action research (Lewin, 1948; Peters & Robinson, 1984) saw knowledge
production as an increasing application of scientific/rational methods to world
problems (Wallerstein & Duran, 2002). By bringing various stakeholders together,
usually in schools or work sites, the aim was to eliminate problems at the small group
or system level (Chrisholm & Elden, 1993). Second, the southern tradition can be
traced back to the work of Paulo Freire (1970), where he influenced the
transformation of the research relationship from viewing communities as objects of
study to viewing community members as subjects of their own experience and inquiry
(i.e. a repositioning of epistemological stance), and the need for a commitment to
critical consciousness, emancipation, and social justice (i.e. the ontological aims) (Hall,
Gillette, & Tandon, 1982). Rather than viewing research as neutral, this tradition
privileges those who are poor and oppressed to transform their environment by
their own praxis (Rahman, 1991, p. 13). These differences between the two traditions
have tremendous implications for the emancipatory potential of research. A great deal
of research today in the social sciences may call itself participatory or
collaborative, claiming that they are using participatory research, action research,

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Chum Potentials and perils of community-university research alliances

collaborative research, participatory inquiry, practitioner research, or even researching for

democracy (Ansey & Gaventa, 1997). However, it is only through careful analysis of
the particular research, especially for equitable sharing of resources, power, and
control of the project, can it be said to be truly collaborative.
This paper has three sections. First, various purported benefits and promises of
collaborative research are presented. Second, the potential perils of collaborative
research and views from some of its critics are outlined. The third section introduces
the Canadian context of collaborative research with regard to Social Science and
Humanities Research Councils (SSHRC) Community-University Research Alliance
(CURA) program and suggests a direction for future research regarding its
emancipatory potential. While collaborative research presents an exciting alternative to
traditional forms of expert-driven research, by challenging the deeply embedded and
unquestioned assumptions in academic practices (especially by privileging both epistemological
and ontological significance of lay-knowledge), potential risks need to be kept in mind in order
to avoid the reproduction of entrenched anti-democratic practices in research.

The Promises of Collaborative Research

The following are benefits cited by proponents of collaborative research:
enhancing relevance, usefulness and use of research data, improving quality and
validity of research, possibility for overcoming distrust of research on the part of
communities that have been historically exploited, contributing to community-
building through funds, training and employment opportunities, giving voice to
historically marginalized communities, respect for communities knowledge,
sustainability and community ownership, joint and equitable allocation of resources
(Ansey & Gaventa, 1997; Flicker & Savan, 2006; Israel et al., 1998; Israel, Schulz,
Parker, & Becker, 2001; Kone, Sullivan, Senturia, Chrisman, Ciske, & Krieger, 2000;
Minkler & Wallerstein, 2003; Wolff & Maurana, 2001). Recently, the drive to involve
communities more meaningfully in research is increasing in the social sciences
(Cornwall & Jewkes, 1995; Minkler, Blackwell, Thompson, & Tamir, 2003; Minkler
& Wallerstein, 2003; Viswanathan, Ammerman, Eng, Gartlehner, Lohr, & Griffith,
2004). Along with this trend, there is an increase in communities rejection of a top-
down approach to research coupled with their demand to share decision-making
power over research that takes place in their domain (Israel et al., 2001; Kone et al.,
2000; Macaulay, Delormier, Potvin, Cargo, & McComber, 1998; Nelson, Ochoka,
Griffin, & Lord, 1998).
The voices coming from many academic fields and theoretical traditions also
demand for increased community participation in research. For example, within the
health field, declarations of international health promotion conferences such as Alma
Ata (WHO, 1978), Ottawa (WHO, 1986) and Jakarta (WHO, 1997) emphasize the
importance of community participation to improve health: participation is seen as
reducing the dependency on the health care system, ensuring cultural sensitivity, and

35
Chum Potentials and perils of community-university research alliances

facilitating change efforts (Jewkes & Murcott, 1998)3. In the field of community
development, preference is given to community-organizing models such as the
locality development model which emphasizes consensus to decision making and
popular participation over expert-driven and top-down methods such as the social
planning model (Boutilier, Cleverly, & Labonte, 1999, p. 268). It is widely accepted
that community-controlled, empowerment model is preferred over elite-controlled
(or created) models (Raeburn & Rootman, 1998, p. 86). Finally, Habermas, generally
associated with thinkers of the second generation Frankfurt School, boldly stated in
the process of enlightenment, there can only be participants (Habermas, 1974, p. 40).
In his brand of critical theory, our advanced capitalist environments has made it easy
for elites to create a distinct system world (of highly differentiated legal, economic,
scientific and political systems) from the ordinary life world (which feeds
individuals identities). As the system world colonizes the life world, peoples identities
become mere roles in the system as they are objected as consumers and passive
spectators, rather than as subjects of a civil society and community who can reproduce
themselves culturally with their own values (Habermas, 1974, 1987).
Potential Perils of Collaborative Research
Potential risks in collaborative research may arise from the lack of critical
analysis of power relations in its implementation (Cooke & Kothari, 2001).The
political economy framework, which emphasizes how the structures of the economy
and society affect the lives of individuals, rather than explaining peoples conditions as
an outcome of merit or relative efficiency, is a useful lens for analyzing the potential
power imbalances arising in the research endeavour (Alford & Friedland, 1985). Rather
than taking for granted the existence of an open system of equal competing agendas in
research, a critical perspective of power recognizes the real possibility for research to
inequitably reflect the interests of elites and powerful institutions rather than
marginalized peoples. Even collaborative research is not exempted from this process.
Cooke and Kothari (2001) document how participation is used to legitimate decision
making processes dominated by development experts (i.e. tyranny of decision making),
how it is used to reinforce individuals in a community who is already in power (i.e.
tyranny of the group), and how participatory research can be used to conceal a need
for analysis of larger institutional structures that override the local scope4 (i.e. tyranny
of methods). Miraftab takes this a step further to explain that the discourses of
community participation, once the emancipatory tools of activists, have become tools
of the trade for governments as well as for international financial establishments such
as the World Bank as part of its strategies for neoliberal governance (2004, p. 239).
According to this view, the depoliticization of participation has allowed for its

3
Increasing community participation, here, can also be seen as increasing individual and community
responsibility in order to decrease state spending (a function of neoliberalism). Community
participation that is used as an excuse and strategy for cuts to government spending can do harm to
marginalized communities: see note # 3 for example.
4
For an example of participatory research used by an institution representing the interests of global elite
that would illustrate the tyranny of methods see Francis, 2001.

36
Chum Potentials and perils of community-university research alliances

objectives for societal transformation and emancipation to be replaced by objectives

designed to preserve the status quo (Ferguson, 1990; Miraftab, 2004)5.
Systemic and structural inequalities may contribute to communities restricted
views of their own potential for social transformation and prevent conflicts from
surfacing in the first place (Lukes, 1974). Moreover, the nature of systemic structural
inequality, often disguised by our persistent belief in a meritocratic system that
objectifies people as rational and equal consumers/producers, may lead to the
individualization of responsibility and a misleading conflation of non-participation
with apathy or choice6. The various actors and apparatuses that promote and support
collaborative approach will need to foster conscientious researchers-participants who
are aware of these critical aspects of power in order to reverse the historical
maldistribution of power and resources, to avoid its cooptation as new strategy for
neoliberal regimes of governance, and to avoid the various tyrannies as mentioned
above.
Lastly, while collaborative research promotes the equitable sharing of
resources, power and control by the academics and community (internal equity), it is
not required to work with societal injustices or promote the interests of marginalized
peoples (external inequity). The northern tradition explained above, with its focus
on solving problems, conceivably, can be used for optimizing capitalist wealth
accumulation at the cost to marginalized communities7.

5
While not part of a participatory/collaborative research project, the formulation of a community-
based participatory waste collection strategy by the municipal government in Cape Town, South Africa,
during the period 19972001 draws from a similar discourse of participatory empowerment and
community development (Miraftab, 2004). The post-apartheid state engaged the discourses of
community development (i.e. creating social networks, the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness) to
justify waste collection schemes that rely on unpaid or underpaid labor of township residents in order to
cut back state spending. This is the paradox of participation (uninformed by a critical analysis of power
and structural inequality), which allows for neoliberal and capitalist interests to legitimate their work
through symbolic inclusion, and at the same time, it maintains the status quo of material exclusion.
6
Perpetuating the myth of a meritocratic society produces a Bourdieurian mconnaissance (Bourdieu,
1981, 1984, 1986, 1996) that entrenches the inevitability/necessity of inequalities and conceals the
interests of dominant elites, who may want to employ participatory techniques as a sleight of hand
[that] allows a symbolic inclusion and a material exclusion of communities (Miraftab, 2004, p. 239). In
this way participation can be part of a strategy created to blame the victims (e.g. points to social capital as
something that the poor or people of the South lack or choose not to develop out of their apathy or
laziness).
7
USAID, drawing on this uncritical version participatory approach to community development, makes
the argument that women [must make] choices that enhance their well-being, as well as that of their
families and communities. The mission [in Nepal] expects that its new, integrated empowerment
program will result in measurable behavioral changes in women[as a result of our program] women
will change their behaviour and become more active participants in their households and communities
and contributing more to the growth of Nepals economy (USAID, 1998). American academics in the
Nepal project collaborated with a community of policy makers and local government to investigate
ways of strengthening social capital and local economy, and it has managed to produce, as a result, an
egregious call for Nepals women to take individual responsibility for the social atrocities created by
colonial violence and the dispossessions of communities as a result of advanced capitalist wealth
accumulation.

37
Chum Potentials and perils of community-university research alliances

Collaborative Research in Canada: The case of SSHRCs CURA program

Many large funding bodies (in Canada and elsewhere), such as SSHRC, started
programs that exclusively support collaborative research (CCPH & Northwest Health
Foundation, 2004). SSHRCs CURA program, established in 1999, has identified
essential components such as equal partnership, mutual capacity building, action
research, etc. (SSHRC, 2002) However, the introduction of CURA into mainstream
academia, which have, for many years, employed a top-down (academic/expert driven)
approach, face many structural barriers and institutional forms that are not created
with community collaborations in mind. The existing evaluations of SSHRCs CURA
program discusses the programs mixed successes and the need for further
investigations into the practices of academic-community alliances to enhance
collaborations (Barrington Research Group, 2004; Kishchuk, 2003). As we approach
the first decade of the CURA program, many CURA projects have been established
involving the participation of hundreds of faculty members and students, and
community partners yet not much is known about the extent in which graduate
students, community members, and faculty members have the dispositions and
competencies to engage in this type of research, where and when they gain those
competencies and dispositions, what are their needs in this respect, and what is done
(or can be done) to minimize the potential perils of collaborative research and
entrench a critical understanding of power that promotes societal transformation
rather than a perpetuation of the status quo. This is a fruitful direction for new
research, which will (hopefully) encourage further emancipatory practices in
community-academic collaborations.
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Boutilier, M., Cleverly, S., & Labonte, R. (1999). Community as a setting for health
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41
 What do they know of English, those who only English know?
NNES teachers in ELT
James Corcoran
Abstract
While non-native English-speaking (NNES) teachers significantly outnumber
their native English- speaking (NES) teacher counterparts in the English
language teaching (ELT) profession, NNEST knowledge and expertise is often
subordinated (Auerbach 1993, Phillipson 1992). This paper investigates the
literature surrounding the NNES teacher in ELT. Beginning with a
discussion of the NNES teacher position in the political economy of ELT, this
paper will focus on: 1) the historical factors affecting NNES teachers; 2) an
analysis of post-colonial ELT policy stemming from the 1962
Commonwealth Conference on TESL; and 3) a discussion of the historical
basis for the problematic NS/NNS dichotomy. Next, a focus on NNES
teaching practice, and the literature supporting the equal, if not superior
teaching ability and contributions of NNES teachers is reviewed (Braine
2003, Ellis 2006). The paper concludes with a call for not only recognition of
NNES teacher contributions, but also a reconceptualization of the
NES/NNES dichotomy in ELT.

Introduction
The term native speaker (NS) is one highly debated in the emerging critical
literature on English language teaching (ELT) and language policy. This paper
investigates the debate over such labeling of language speakers and learners, specifically
those involved in the teaching and learning of English as a Foreign Language (EFL),
focusing on those teachers of English who are labeled non-native English-speaking
(NNES) teachers.
NNES teachers are the vast majority of English language teachers worldwide,
outnumbering the native English-speaking (NES) teachers nearly 4 to 1 (Canagarajah,
1999). Despite the numerical superiority, NNES teachers knowledge and expertise is
perfunctorily subordinated in the ELT profession.
This paper investigates the literature surrounding the NNES teacher in ELT.
Specifically, this paper aims to answer the questions, Can NNES teacher practice be
considered equal to NES teacher practice? and What are the effects of L1 inclusion in
the L2 classroom and how does this relate to the issue of NNES teacher competence?
Beginning with a discussion of the myth of the native speaker, an examination of the
troubling NES/NNES dichotomy and a brief review of literature highlighting the
disadvantaged NNES teacher position in ELT, this paper will focus on: 1) the
historical factors affecting NNES teachers; 2) an analysis of post-colonial ELT policy
stemming from the 1962 Commonwealth Conference on TESL; 3) A focus on NNES
teaching practice; 4) the literature supporting the equal, if not superior teaching ability

42
Corcoran What do they know of English, those who only English know?

and contributions of NNES teachers; and 5) A review of literature pointing to the

cognitive and affective benefits of L1 inclusion in the L2 classroom. Finally, an
analysis of the literature reviewed, including generation of questions for further
research (specifically, the authors proposed MA thesis research), precedes a
conclusion.
Myth of the Native Speaker
Definitions of the contentious term native speaker have abounded in applied
linguistics since the controversial publication of Paikedays Death of the Native Speaker
in 1985. In this book, Paikeday challenges the notion of an embodied native speaker,
separate from Chomskys abstract, idealized linguistic model (Chomsky, 1966).
Paikeday problematizes the term native speaker, raising questions such as Is native
speaker an ideal concept or a convenient linguistic fictionmyth, shibboleth, sacred
cowan etherlike concept with no objective reality to it, albeit embodied in a quasi-
privileged class of speakers of each language? (p. 95). Paikeday instead contends that
terms such as proficient user are more progressive and accurate descriptors (p. 95).
He is not the only one to critique applied linguistics (including second language
acquisition researchers and practitioners) appropriation of the term native speaker and
the creation of its antithesis, the non-native speaker.
Kramsch (1997), in her critique of Chomskys native speaker, adds a gender and
class component to the critique of this imaginary construct, stating that it is a
canonically literate monolingual middle-class male member of a largely fictional
national community (p. 255). Echoing Paikeday, Canagarajah (1999) questions such
a dichotomy, stating, with the existence of indigenized variants of English developed
in postcolonial societies, many here would consider themselves native speakers of these
Englishes (p. 78). He further challenges second language acquisition researchers and
practitioners to use Kachrus (1986) center and periphery speakers of English.
Canagarajah and Kachru, both coming from a postcolonial perspective, are rightly
troubled by the definition of native speaker and its consequences for multilingual
speakers of English as a first language from speech communities and countries where
English is only one of the many languages used for daily communication (ie: India,
Nigeria, Kenya, Sri Lanka etc.).
Not all criticism of the native/non-native label for second language learners
arrives at a clear-cut alternative to the dichotomy. Davies, in his book, The Native
Speaker: Myth and Reality, although agreeing in principle with Paikeday, falls short of
giving an alternative, preferring to state that the distinction between native and non-
native is something decided only by the individual speaker (Davies, 1991, p. 8).
Cook (1991), however, goes further than other NS critics, calling for a
complete reconception of language teaching and learning based on the notion of the
multicompetent L2 user. Cook (1999) goes on to address the native/non-native
speaker debate in terms of how language teachers conceptualize L2 learners, criticizing
applied linguistics and English language teaching as putting its learners at a deficit level,
never able to achieve nativeness (p. 186). In criticizing the native speaker as a model

43
Corcoran What do they know of English, those who only English know?

of L2 proficiency, he places the non-native speaker and non-native English-speaking

teacher in a privileged rather than deficit position. It is from an applied linguistics
perspective that this paper will address issues intersecting with the native/non-native
debate, with a focus on native and non-native English-speaking teachers.
This paper will hesitantly use the terminology native and non-native English-
speaking (NES/NNES) teachers, with an eye to a future when terms such as Cooks
multicompetent L2 user, Paikedays proficient user, and Kachrus centre and
periphery English users, can replace such a problematic dichotomization without
confusing a broad readership. Beyond this much criticized dichotomy, then, are NNES
teachers subordinated in the ELT profession? The following section briefly reviews the
literature.
NNES Teachers: Subordinated or Simply Outclassed?
Literature into the differential treatment of NES/NNES teachers and their
practice is fairly recent (Auerbach 1993, Canagarajah 1999, Cook 1999, Medgyes 1992,
Phillipson 1992), with the majority of the literature citing historo-social reasons for the
elevation of NES teachers at the expense of their NNES counterparts. Attacks on the
myths and fallacies of ELT, such as Phillipsons native speaker and
monolingual fallacies have increasingly been at the heart of theoretical frameworks
spanning research across the globe (Braine, 2005).
In a recent action research study, Rajagopalan (2005) emphatically opens with
the statement, NNSTs are typically treated as second class citizens in the world of
language teaching. The problem is especially acute in the realm of teaching EFL (p.
283). Although Rajagopalan is known for his problematization and critique of
Phillipsons notion of linguistic imperialism, the author cannot deny that, in his home
country of Brazil, the differential treatment of NES and NNES teachers is ever
apparent and results in a situation where many NNSTs need to be re-educated so as to
recognize that many of their job-related woes are actually the result of a well-
orchestrated program designed to guarantee privileged status for certain groups of
people to the detriment of others (p. 293). Continuing from a political economy
perspective, Canagarajah (1999) underscores the political and economic consequences
stemming from the NES/NNES dichotomy, including the unequal pay, unequal
opportunity, and manufactured consent created by an industry moved by the force of
the economic and political interests behind the ESL enterprise that even basic linguistic
notions may be suppressed or distorted to support these ulterior motives (p. 81).
Although there are numerous examples of the disadvantaged position of NNES
EFL teachers, much of the evidence is anecdotal. The majority of empirical studies
into the issue are framed within a context of, for example, teacher or student beliefs.
The subordinated position of NNES teachers is well known and documented in the
world of ELT, and this paper aims to highlight the empirical evidence supporting the
equal, if not superior practice of NNES teachers in EFL contexts, specifically the
ability to use the L1 as a pedagogical tool in the L2 classroom. However, an
investigation of both the evolution of ELT methods and a closer look into the

44
Corcoran What do they know of English, those who only English know?

ideology in ELT will provide further evidence supporting the disadvantaged position
of NNES teachers and serve as useful precursors to an examination of NNES
competence.
Evolution of ELT Methods
Several factors during the late 19th and 20th centuries, including mass
immigration, colonial and neocolonial policies, centre bias, and a backlash against the
Grammar-Translation method have led to the apparent domination of monolingual
teaching practices in ELT. Mass migration, mostly from Europe to North America,
created language classrooms consisting of heterogeneous student L1 populations,
therefore making translation an impractical teaching method (Hawks, 2001). Further,
monolingual practice has flourished alongside the spread of English and ELT, with
British colonial and neocolonial policies greatly impacting the ELT profession
(Pennycook, 1994). These policies assume English as superior to developing world
languages, with the native English speaker (NES) and NES teacher assuming the
dominant positions within the profession. An overwhelming bias towards the
inherent knowledge of centre (U.K., U.S.A.) professionals, including researchers and
teachers have greatly aided the rise to prominence of monolingual instruction
(Philipson, 1992).
Monolingual instruction has been the norm since the end of the 19th century,
when the Direct Method (based on first language acquisition) usurped the Grammar-
Translation Method (based on translation between first and foreign languages) as the
predominant approach to language teaching (Yu 2000). The appearance of the Direct
Method contributed greatly to the consolidation of the idea that all L1s should be
excluded from the classroom. During the past century, few have challenged the
superiority of the Direct Method principle: language can be learnt through the target
language (intralingual) as opposed to comparing and contrasting it with the learners
L1 (interlingual) (Stern, 1983). The Direct Method, although not wholly embraced by
the ELT profession, formed the basis for numerous monolingual methods that would
come to dominate the profession to the present day. The next best method to appear
was Audiolingualism in the 1950s and 1960s. The Audiolingual method proposed
leaving the L1 inactive while learning the L2. This method, which enjoyed
widespread popularity in ELT classrooms worldwide from the 1950s-1980s, was
influenced by research suggesting the compartmentalization of languages in the
learning process (Hawks, 2001). The past 30 years have seen a mixture of monolingual
approaches fused together under the banner of Communicative Language Teaching
(CLT). CLT, with its focus on speaking, has enjoyed incomparable success in the ELT
world, with both ESL and EFL institutions claiming to employ its use. Although more
recent methods, such as the Communicative Method and the Task-based Approach, do
not overtly exclude the L1 from the classroom, the L1 is only mentioned when
describing avoidance of its use (Cook, 2001).
Overall, ELT has evolved over the past hundred or more years under the
explicit and implicit assumption that the L1 has little or no place in the classroom
(Howard 1984, Cook 2001). The consequences of the worldwide acceptance of CLT

45
Corcoran What do they know of English, those who only English know?

methods has, according to Kramsch (1997), endowed native speakers with a

prestigeforeign language students are expected to emulate the communicative skills
of native speakers (p. 251). Obviously, with a greater emphasis on speaking and
listening, this prestige is bestowed upon the NES teacher in ELT. A further in-depth
look at neocolonial British language teaching policy and its influence on pedagogy is
helpful in understanding the pervasive nature of monolingual practice and the
native/non-native teacher dichotomy, including the consequences for NNES teachers
in the ELT profession.
Ideology in ELT: Linguistic Imperialism
From approximately 1600-1900, the English language spread throughout the
globe on the back of merchant enterprise and wealth extraction for the benefit of the
British Empire (Pennycook, 1994). The English language and ELT has spread as a tool
to aid British and, more recently, American hegemony. The spread of English and
ELT in the 20th and 21st centuries has led to the flourishing of private language teaching
institutions. This section will provide an overview of some ideas posited by Robert
Phillipson in his book Linguistic Imperialism (1992), with the aim of providing a
framework for understanding both the disadvantaged place of the NNES teacher in
ELT and the disconnect between theory and practice concerning L1/TL use.
The 1950s and 1960s are seen by some as a watershed era in the ELT profession,
with Britain infusing great sums of money into ELT to assert neocolonial control over
newly independent nations (Howatt, 1984). The Commonwealth Conference on the
Teaching of English as a Second Language, held in Makerere, Uganda 1961, related the
tenets and principles behind many of what Philipson terms fallacies of the ELT
profession. According to Braine (2003), this conference bestowed legitimacy to
widespread beliefs of a profession that had little theoretical foundation or pedagogical
methods (p. XIV). These tenets, which Philipson believes the modern ELT enterprise
accepts as unchallenged dogma, favour his notion of linguistic imperialism: 1)
English is best taught monolingually (the monolingual fallacy); 2) The ideal EL
Teacher is a native-speaker (native speaker fallacy); 3) The earlier English is taught, the
better the result (early start fallacy); 4) The more English is taught, the better the
results (maximum exposure fallacy); 5) If other languages are used too much, English
standards will drop (subtractive fallacy) (Philipson, 1992, p. 185). Especially significant
to this discussion and the proposed study are the monolingual and native-speaker
fallacies, which go hand in hand.
The idea that English is best taught monolingually is based on the idea that an
exclusive focus on English will maximize the learning of the language, irrespective of
whatever other languages the learner may know. Philipson sees this idea as
inextricably linked with a linguicist disregard of other languages, concepts and ways of
thinking, ultimately inducing a colonized consciousness (p. 187). The monolingual
fallacy is especially relevant in EFL contexts as such a theory rejects learners most
intense existential experience (p. 189) by excluding the L1 from the classroom.
Philipson emphatically states that when the L1 is excluded from the classroom,
teaching leads to alienation of the learners, deprives them of their cultural identity,

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Corcoran What do they know of English, those who only English know?

and leads to acculturation rather than increased intercultural communicative

competence (p. 193).
Finally, this tenet has not only social, but economic consequences
(Canagarajah, 1999, Philipson 1992, Philipson 1996 and Pennycook 1994). The
monolingual tenet legitimizes the idea of a global professional group of language
teaching professionals who are basically equally well qualified for a job anywhere there
is demand for ELT. This creates jobs for monolingual centre professionals while
subordinating and excluding such jobs for periphery professionals (Philipson, 1992, p.
193). Additionally, this tenet allows for a monopoly of the production of teaching
materials by the centre, for consumption by mainly periphery sources, which,
Philipson claims, in turn reinforces anglocentricity and the hold of ELT
professionalism (p. 193).
The idea that English is best taught monolingually leads to the obvious
conclusion that the best teacher of the language would then be a native speaker. This
assumption has produced an unequal power dynamic among teachers of both EFL and
ESL and has been questioned by many who feel, indeed, the opposite is true (Auerbach
1993, Atkinson 1987, Canagarajah 1999, Cook 2001). Kachru (1986) has taken the
native speaker fallacy to task in suggesting the inadequacy of NES teachers in a world
with other Englishessystemic variants rather than deficient imitations popping
up worldwide. Important to this study is how this fallacy has, as Philipson suggests,
bound the periphery interests to the centre without allowing for the flourishing of
local pedagogical initiative which could build on local strengths and linguistic realities
(p. 199).
Many have challenged Phillipson (Widdowson 1994, Rajagopolan 2001,
Pennycook 2001) over the lack of agency awarded language learners in the worldwide
spread of English under the banner of linguistic imperialism. In terms of language
teaching, however, the fallacies posited by Phillipson provide a useful base from which
to investigate unequal power relations in ELT. The NNES teacher, although not a
helpless vessel through which the centre interests market their wares, is certainly
affected by these commonly accepted fallacies. Questions as to how much these
fallacies pervade the beliefs and practices of NNES and NES teachers is the heart of the
proposed study into L1/TL use in the adult EFL classroom. The following is a look at
the literature surrounding NNES teacher practice and how, if at all, it can be
considered equal to NES teacher practice.
NNES Teachers Practice: What do they know of English?
With apologies to Kipling, this researcher asks: what do they know of English,
those who only English know?1 Indeed, although the myth of native speaker
superiority survives in the ELT world, many have called for a serious reconsideration
of the automatic prestige bestowed upon the native speaker. Many critics of
monolingual teaching practices question a teacher who attempts to teach a

1
Changed from Kiplings What do they know of England, those who only England know?

47
Corcoran What do they know of English, those who only English know?

second/foreign language without ever having gone through the process of learning
one. This section reviews literature supporting the advantages of NNES teacher
practice.
Philipson (1992) posits that NNES teachers have a significant advantage over
NES ones in that, having gone through the laborious process of learning a new
language, NNES teachers have special insight into the linguistic and cultural needs of
their learners (p. 195). Ellis (2006), using data from an Australian study of ESL
teachers (NES and NNES), criticizes the NES teacher position of privilege and
contends that NNES teachers are more qualified than their monolingual counterparts
due to previous language learning experience and reflective practices that go hand-in-
hand with such learning (p. 8). She concludes that NNES teachers have a multitude of
advantages over their NES counterparts, and that, although being a good teacher
includes far more than language learning experience, bilingual teachers possess far
greater resources with which to make informed professional decisions than does the
monolingual (p. 13).
Auerbach (1993), in a groundbreaking article regarding L1 inclusion in adult L2
classrooms in the United States, further asserts that, if a central tenet of SL theory is
that teachers should find ways to engage student experience and center content around
students lived experience, who is better qualified to draw out, understand, and utilize
learners experiences than those who themselves have had similar experiences? (p. 26).
Cook (2005) argues that the starting point for language teaching should be the
L2 user, with a recognition of his/her distinct knowledge of an L1 and the L2 as
opposed to a deficient L2 user. This automatically places the NNES teacher in a
position to have, in Cooks opinion, several advantages over the NES teacher: 1) non-
native speaker teachers provide models of proficient L2 users in action in the
classroom; 2) non-native speaker teachers present examples of people who have
become successful L2 users; 3) non-native speaker teachers often have more
appropriate training and background (p. 59). The only disadvantage Cook sees for the
NNES teacher is possibly lesser fluency, but contends that although teachers from
many countries are unhappy with their command of English, this reflects
shortcomings in being an L2 user, not shortcomings in being like a native speaker (p.
58). As will be addressed in another section, Cook further posits that the biggest
advantage of an NNS teacher is the ability to have at his/her disposal the L1 as a
pedagogical tool.
McNeill (2005), in a study looking at NES and NNES teachers ability to
predict learners vocabulary difficulties in reading texts concluded that ESL teachers
who speak the same L1 as their students are generally more accurate in identifying
sources of lexical difficulty in reading texts than NES teachers who are not familiar
with the students L1 (p. 123). Further empirical studies supporting equal if not
superior NNES teacher practice are specifically from the area of L1 inclusion and
codeswitching, and are reviewed following an overview of research into NNES teacher
perceptions.

48
Corcoran What do they know of English, those who only English know?

NNES Teacher Self-Perceptions: Inferiority Complex?

Much of the relevant research carried out on the topic of NNES teachers in
ELT comes from the area of teachers self-perceptions of NNES and NES teaching
practice and efficacy. Medgyes (1992), one of the first researchers to explicitly look
into differences between NES and NNES teachers, forwarded four hypotheses about
what he described as two different species and their inherent differences: 1) language
proficiency; 2) teaching practice (behaviour); 3) most such differences in teaching
practice can be attributed to the discrepancy in language proficiency; and 4) both types
of teachers can be equally good teachers on their own terms (p. 25). Medgyes, then, is
not reporting on the distinctly superior teaching practice of NNES teachers in EFL
contexts, but rather the different ways in which both groups of professionals can be
effective teachers. Focusing on Medgyes (1992) first and second hypotheses, Reves and
Medgyes (1994), in a study containing an international survey using participants from
10 different countries (Brazil, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Israel, Mexico, Nigeria,
Russia, Sweden, Yugoslavia, and Zimbabwe) found that a large majority of those
surveyed (68%) felt there were differences between NES and NNES teachers practice.
84% of the NNES subjects surveyed admitted to having language difficulties, of whom
75% found it affected their teaching practice. Reyes and Medgyes proposed two ways
to improve the lives of the NNES teachers: more exposure to native language
environments and proficiency-oriented in-service training activities as well as
informing these teachers of their distinct advantages as NNES language teachers (p.
364). The second point is more pertinent in terms of empowering NNES teachers and
is echoed by Rajagopalans (2005) ongoing action research with Brazilian EFL teachers
at the Cultura Inglesa chain of schools in Sao Paulo, Brazil. One of the important
findings was the dissatisfaction of the NNES teachers, including with their proficiency
level. More importantly, however, was the finding that the native-speaker myth was
ever present among these teachers, with 95% of NNES teachers according greater
status to NES teachers. Greater levels of education and youth seem to decrease the
effects of the NS myth (p. 290). These results were found again in Llurda & Huguet
(2003), who, in the process of investigating the self-awareness of 101 Spanish NNES
teachers in elementary and secondary schools, found that primary teachers appeared
more influenced by the native speaker fallacy, with half of them stating that they
would be more likely to hire NS than NNS teachers if they were administrators.
Secondary school teachers were split evenly among those favouring NES and those
favouring NNES teachers (p. 231).
Throughout the literature on teachers self-perceptions, commonalities shine
through: unhappiness with target language proficiency, awareness of different
NES/NNES teaching practice and elevation of NES teacher practice, These studies
into NNES teachers perceptions of their own efficacy are important in understanding
not only the pervasiveness of certain myths in ELT, but also proposing ways to
overcome these myths and empower NNES teachers. Lacking is sufficient research
into student perceptions of NES/NNES practice. Although initial studies seem to
suggest students are aware of teaching differences and have their preferences, a greater

49
Corcoran What do they know of English, those who only English know?

body of literature would be particularly helpful in connecting the idea of market

demand for NES teachers and its connection with NES/NNES teacher practice. This
question will be addressed in the proposed MA thesis research, through a student
survey assessing student expectations for TL/L1 use in the adult L2 classroom.
So, does the research support widespread, dogmatic ELT beliefs about a
monolingual approach and NES teacher superiority? The next sections review the
empirical evidence for L1 inclusion from a multidisciplinary perspective.
L1 in the L2 Classroom: Multicompetent L2 User Advantage
Support for L1 as a Linguistic Tool
Although the mother tongue is not a suitable basis for a methodology,
it has, at all levels, a variety of roles to play which are at present,
consistently undervalued. (Atkinson, 1987, p247)
Assumptions surrounding the superiority of a teaching approach based on
teaching exclusively in the target language with little or no recourse to students L1
have been called into question in both SL and FL contexts (Auerbach 1993, Butzkamm
2003, Cook 2001, Harbord 1992, Schweers 1999). Literature from different areas, such
as bilingualism, foreign language acquisition/classroom research, and second language
acquisition/classroom research, has found both cognitive and affective benefits for L1
inclusion for students of all ages and proficiency levels.
Cognitive Benefits
From the field of bilingualism, Cummins Interdependence Principle is
instructive in that it provides evidence of a common underlying proficiency that
enables cross-linguistic transfer of academic/cognitive literacy skills (1981). This
principle seems to fly in the face of any theory that purports the superiority or
correctness of separating languages from one another in the learning process. Further
studies from the field of bilingualism show the cognitive benefits of teachers using
students L1s as a tool in the learning process. Lucas and Katz (1994), in a study aimed
at investigating alternatives to the bilingual versus monolingual dichotomy present in
California public schools, found that teachers could incorporate students' native
languages into instruction in many ways to serve a variety of educationally desirable
functions (p. 555). Their study, carried out across diverse English-medium instruction
classrooms, found teacher and student L1 use effective for minority students in a myriad
of situations: peer help/translation, teacher/student social interaction, activity explanation,
comprehension checks and bilingual dictionary work. Anton & DiCamilla (1998), in a
study particularly relevant to the beginner/intermediate adult FL classroom, found
further cognitive benefits from an incorporation of L1 in the language classroom.
Their findings point to the benefits of teachers using the L1 as a scaffold to help
student learning, clearly demonstrating the positive role the L1 can play in carrying
out collaborative tasks and thereby creating opportunities to use and learn the L2.
Swain and Lapkin (2000) further the cognitive benefit argument for L1 use by
suggesting denial of student access to the L1 while completing collaborative tasks is

50
Corcoran What do they know of English, those who only English know?

denying an invaluable cognitive tool (p. 254). Results from their study show that
students used the L1 for a variety of reasons, including increasing efficiency, focusing
attention and facilitating interpersonal interactions. The three studies mentioned above
are important as they display the benefits of not only teacher L1 use, but also
allowance of student L1 use in the language classroom. The benefits of an L2
environment where the L1 is actively encouraged are evident in the SL classroom, and
overwhelmingly so in the FL classroom, where the student population shares an L1.
Benefits in Homogeneous L1 Classrooms
Research from a FL context is indeed the most empirically persuasive, with
cognitive and affective benefits seen from both student and, predominantly, teacher L1
use. Leading the critique of monolingual teaching approaches are Atkinson (1987) and
Cook (2001), who, from their respective research, see various beneficial uses of L1 in
the FL classroom for teachers. Atkinson cites a variety of purposes for L1 inclusion in
the FL classroom: negotiation of the syllabus and lesson (teacher-student), classroom
management, scene setting, language analysis, presentations of rules governing
grammar, phonology, morphology, spelling, discussion of cross-cultural issues,
instructions or prompts, explanation of errors and assessment of comprehension (1987,
p. 241). Obviously, Atkinsons list includes both outcome and affective-based reasons
for incorporating the L1. Atkinson further believes that more attention and research
should be focused on the L1 as a positive resource for teachers. Cook forwards his own
list of advisable instances for L1 incorporation: conveying meaning or concepts,
explaining grammar, organizing the class or specific tasks, maintaining discipline,
establishing a closer relationship with students, peer translation, and bilingual
dictionaries (p. 415). Based on four criteria (efficiency, learning outcome, naturalness,
external relevance), Cook argues for principled teacher L1 use in the FL classroom.
Efficiency is seen as paramount in the FL classroom as students generally have limited
time to use the TL (p. 413). However, rather than arguing for absolute adherence to
the TL due to limited exposure, many see this as more reason to use the L1 in order to
facilitate transitions to important TL usage opportunities/activities (Butzkamm 2005,
Atkinson 1987, Cook 2001). Butzkamm (2005) goes as far as to state, judicious use of
the MT in carefully crafted techniques can be twice as effectiveas instruction that
ignores the students native language (p. 10). This sort of claim is anecdotal, but shows
the vehemence with which many FL educators believe in the need for a serious
reconsideration of the role of the L1 in the FL classroom.
Franklin (1990), Duff and Polio (1994), and Brownlie and Rolon-Ianziti (2002)
all investigate target language (TL) versus L1 use in the Fl classroom, identifying
particular patterns of L1 use. All studies find common situations for beneficial L1 use
(translating and contrasting grammatical forms). Cummins (2007) calls for an
awakening to the benefits of teaching for transfer, with a focus on contrastive
linguistics, where the teacher draws students attention to similarities and differences
between L1 and L2 (p. 7). Although Cummins is commenting on child
bilingual/immersion programs, teaching for transfer seems a key pedagogical tool used
by many teachers in the adult FL classroom. Results of these studies are important as

51
Corcoran What do they know of English, those who only English know?

they show a consistent pattern of L1 use for certain pedagogical purposes. Benefits of
an L2 classroom environment where the L1 is actively encouraged are not merely
cognitive, but also affective, with extremely positive results from both SL and FL
classrooms, and with both child and adult learners.
Affective Benefits
A study by Schweers, 1999 found 88.7% of Spanish-speaking Puerto Rican adult
students studying English wanted L1 used in the class because it facilitates learning.
Students also desired up to 39% of class time be spent in L1 (Schweers, 1999, p7). This
study demonstrates not only student demand for teacher L1 use, but also for teaching
pedagogy that allows the L1 to be respected on an even plane with English in the FL
classroom (Schweers 1999). Schweers also alludes to the fact that, in his study and
through his experience, the affective benefits of using the L1 positively influence
student learning outcomes and hence, should be considered as important as other
empirical gages when evaluating the place of L1 in the FL classroom. In an age of
worldwide English domination, the removal of what Patchler and Field (2001) refer to
as a language barrier in the form of monolingual communication is even more
important in terms of reducing possible tension created through ELT.
A significant source of criticism of a monolingual approach comes from both
adult and child ESL research (Auerbach 1993, Cummins et al 2001). Cummins et al
provide a poignant example of how using the L1 in this case through dual-language
storybooks, can aid in accessing students prior knowledge and affirming minority
students identities (2001). This study is particularly important as it shows not simply
the benefits of teacher L1 use (in this case inaccessible), but rather the affirmation of
student L1 use and the subsequent use of available resources to validate activities aimed
at involving students with little TL knowledge in an English-medium classroom.
Along the same lines, Harbord (1992) has argued for a humanistic view of teaching,
where students should be allowed to express themselves, including in the L1, as it is a
natural part of the learning process. He further asserts that trying to eliminate this
process, ostensibly through an English only policy, will only have negative
consequences and impede learning (p. 351).
Auerbach (1993), a fierce critic of exclusive TL use in the adult SL classroom,
attacks a monolingual approach for being rooted in a particular ideological
perspective, being largely unexamined and reinforcing societal inequities (p. 9).
Auerbachs research findings point to significant affective benefits of L1 incorporation
in the adult ESL classroom. Her study of beginner level ESL learners, mostly of
Spanish-speaking origins, shows the significant affective benefits of L1 use: it reduces
anxiety and enhances the affective environment for learningfacilitates incorporation
of learners life experiences, and allows for learner-centered curriculum development
(p. 20). Auerbach goes on to assert that the most important benefit of L1 incorporation
is that it allows for language to be used as a meaning-making tool and for language
learning to become a means of communicating ideas rather than an end in itself (p.
20). On the flipside, the consequences of using a monolingual approach are severe in
terms of self-esteem and exclusion, with students dropping out in high numbers.

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Corcoran What do they know of English, those who only English know?

Auerbach rightly associates teacher practices with power relations inside and outside
the classroom, tying the issue of monolingual practice to Philipsons monolingual and
native-speaker fallacies. Ultimately, then, the exclusion of L1 in the ESL/EFL
classroom is not just a pedagogically neutral decision, but also one that carries psycho
and sociolinguistic consequences. Teachers who have chosen to incorporate the L1 in
the language classroom often do so in the form of code-switching, and a brief review of
the literature in this area follows.
Code-switching
Code-switching, defined by Coste (1997) as alternating rapidly between two
languages in either oral or written expression, is one aspect of bilingual instruction
that has been seen to positively affect student learning outcomes. Cook (2001), in his
review of positive L1 modalities, asserts that teaching methods involving code-
switching, where the teacher uses the L1 and TL concurrently for certain tasks, creates
an especially authentic learning environment for FL learners. Cook points to
Jacobsens (1990) New Concurrent Method, where the teacher mimics real-life code-
switching by rotating between the two languages at certain planned intervals.
Castellotti (1997), in her study of four secondary foreign language classes, also found
results pointing to the pedagogical effectiveness of code-switching, claiming that to
ignore such an opportunity is to deny students a cognitive tool available in this
particular FL environment. Enhancing input, highlighting important points/salient
vocabulary, drawing students attention and helping students transition from
unilingualism to bi- or plurilingualism are some of the pedagogical uses Castelloti
found for switching between the L1 and TL. Rolin-Ianziti and Brownlie (2002), in an
exploratory study into the use of students native language by teachers in the adult FL
classroom, isolate two strategic uses of intrasentential code-switching with NL words
embedded in an FL sentence (grammar and translation feedback). They suggest the
results point to these strategies facilitating acquisition during immersion in FL. Macaro
(1997) in perhaps the most in-depth study on the subject, interviewed and observed
foreign language teachers in England and Wales, revealing that teachers code-switch
most often to clarify important or salient points, to check comprehension, and to give
feedback. Macaros results show structured, consistent use of code-switching by
teachers for specific reasons, and not, as some would contend, uncontrolled use of the
L1. Macaros (2005) recent research into FL teacher codeswitching has further
provided solid grounding for its use by bilingual teachers by both reducing the
cognitive load of students while reducing the dreaded teacher talking time during new
lexical item introduction/acquisition (p. 81).
As demonstrated by the compelling studies reviewed above, the
importance of code-switching as a pedagogical resource for bilingual teachers in
homogeneous classrooms cannot be overstated and is yet an under-researched area in
EFL. It seems apparent that code-switching is an invaluable resource for
bilingual/multilingual teachers working with heterogeneous students; one that is
simply unavailable to the monolingual teacher.

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Corcoran What do they know of English, those who only English know?

Analysis
Useful as it may be to employ the L1 sparingly, this tenet has no
straightforward theoretical rationale. The pressure from this mostly
unacknowledged anti-L1 attitude has prevented language teaching from
looking rationally at ways in which the L1 can be involved in the
classroom.(Cook, 2001, p. 412)
Clearly, there is a direct connection between NNES teacher practice and L1
inclusion in the L2 classroom. From the outdated notion of Chomskys native speaker
comes valid criticism in terms of the effects on students and, as the focus of this paper,
on teachers of English around the world. Ultimately, the question of the troubling
dichotomization of NS/NNS is, as Davies (1991) pointed out, one of self-
identification, thereby allowing those (perhaps from post-colonial countries) who
deem themselves native speakers and native English-speaking teachers, to identify
themselves as such. Certainly, Cooks (2005) argument for a complete
reconceptualization of English language teaching and learning based on the notion of
multicompetent users is one that should be seriously considered by ELT professionals
and SLA researchers. Adoption of this concept, along with new categorization of
speakers and teachers of English could possibly help shift the unequal power relations
inherent in ELT. As it stands, ELT is bogged down with the labeling of its subjects to
the benefit of one group (NES teachers). Further studies are needed in the areas of
NNES teacher self-efficacy (particularly in terms of how they rate as compared to NES
teachers) and student perceptions of NES/NNES teachers in order for teachers and
researchers to gain a better grasp of the relationship between market demand and the
disadvantaged position of the NNES teacher in ELT.
Phillipsons (1992) monolingual and native speaker fallacies are instructive in
providing a theoretical framework for investigating inequity in ELT from many
angles. How pervasive these fallacies are is a matter for debate. One point, addressed
by Macaro (2005), and relevant to this writer/researcher is the dichotomization of
NES/NNES teachers when discussing bilingual and multilingual advantages of NNES
teachers. What about those teachers who are NES, but bi- or multilingual? This is a
group that has rarely been investigated in SLA research and deserves to be documented
as a distinct group. For example, how does their practice differ from NNES teachers
when it comes to employing students L1 in the classroom?
In terms of literature supporting the superiority of an approach that uses L1 as
a tool in the L2 classroom, the overwhelming cognitive and affective benefits of L1
inclusion in ESL/EFL classrooms of learners of all ages surely indicates a need for the
ELT profession and its professionals, both teachers and researchers, to take notice of
such a staggering disjunction between theory and practice. Further, recognition of
NNES professionals (or bi/multilingual NES teachers) and their unique ability to
incorporate the L1 into classroom practice, through code-switching and other
methods, should be recognized as a great advantage.
Finally, discussion of the NES/NNES dichotomy, L1 use in the L2 classroom
and the psycholinguistics and sociopolitical implications surrounding these interrelated

54
Corcoran What do they know of English, those who only English know?

issues deserves to be seen in a new light. In an era in which EFL is giving way to a
more worldly notion of what Llurda (2004) calls English as an International Language
(EIL), surely language acquisition should be seen for its amazing benefits to learners as
opposed to fragmenting language users into neat compartments (p. 319). Llurda
suggests that when NNES teachers realize their power in a world market interested in
EIL, native speaker control of the language will disappear, and non-native speakers
will feel entitled to the authoritative use of a variety of the language that belongs to
them (p. 320). This (re)appropriation of English will allow for a broader vision of
learning for intrinsic purposes and signal a distancing from a narrow vision of
language--where center professionals and researchers deign for the rest what is worthy
and what is not--as a tool for economic advancement.
Given the dubious and limiting nature of the NES/NNES dichotomy, perhaps
more attention should be paid to the hybrid identities assumed by speakers and
teachers of English. This cannot be done without investigation of precisely those who
do not fall neatly into the categories provided and accepted by ELT today. My
proposed MA research into NES/NNES teacher beliefs and practices regarding the
exclusion/inclusion of L1 in the EFL classroom will hopefully bring these issues to
clearer light.
Conclusion
This paper investigated the literature surrounding the NNES teacher in ELT.
In investigating literature regarding the myth of the native speaker and the
disadvantaged position of the NNES teacher in ELT, the table was set to consider how
an evolution of ELT methods and Phillipsons notions of the native speaker and
monolingual fallacies directly impact the present condition of the NNES teacher.
These fallacies are an important part of understanding the critique of monolingual
teacher practice and its absurd elevation at the expense of bilingual practice.
In reviewing the literature on NNES teacher practice, several key trends were
found: 1) NNES teachers are in a disadvantaged position in ELT; 2) NNES teachers
view their practice as inferior to that of NES teachers; and 3) NNES teachers, through
their bi/multilingual capacity, have a distinct advantage over their monolingual NES
counterparts.
The implications of this review of literature on the inclusion of the L1 in FL
classrooms are crystal clear. Evidence points to significant benefits of including the L1
in the L2 learning process. Research from bilingualism, second language acquisition,
foreign language acquisition, and code-switching demonstrates clear psycholinguistic
and sociolinguistic benefits of L1 inclusion. Not only were the benefits observed in
both SL and FL contexts, but also with students of all ages.
An analysis of these findings leads to questions regarding the domination of a
monolingual teaching approach in the ELT profession. The following questions will
form the nucleus of my MA research to be carried out with NES/NNES teachers in
Brazil: 1) What factors influence NES and NNES ESL/EFL teachers beliefs regarding
L1 use?; 2) Do teachers beliefs match their practice? 3) How influential is institutional

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Corcoran What do they know of English, those who only English know?

policy in shaping teacher beliefs and practices? 4) How do NNES teachers rate their
competence when compared with NES teachers? and 5) What is the student demand
for NES speakers and TL/L1 use?
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IATEFL Issues April May 2003.

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 The Knowledge Systems of Youth Justice
Edwina Godden
Abstract
Filtered through my own personal lens of inquiry, I examine knowledge
processes within Youth Justice Services, with an emphasis on what is accepted
as knowledge within this field. I describe the placement of Youth Justice
Services within the hierarchical structure of government and how it is
affected by power, control and differing perspectives. The influence of
political issues, along with the general preference for scientific data is
discussed in light of my research proposal and the reception I anticipate from
various sectors within youth justice. The process of submitting and carrying
out my research is used as the back drop to discuss the larger question of
knowledge within the field.

Prologue
Phone rings at the School of Youth Justice, Hamilton, Ontario: Hi Mike. Its
Edwina calling. Hows the training going?
Good, good. though these new probation officers are having a hard time
with the Risk Needs Assessment. They say its garbage. Ive seen Leschieds research
paper and it shows that if the probation officers would just use it properly they could
accurately assess risk of re-offending. Do they really think that the Ministry would
spend all this money and fourteen years on something that doesnt work?
Im not so sure Mike, but Ive heard these complaints before. Anyway, Ive
got to go. Ill be at the school this afternoon and Id like to talk to you about it then.
Bye.
And so began a personal journey of inquiry and self reflection that is weaved
through the pages of this paper.
Introduction
Filtered through my own personal lens of inquiry, I will discuss the knowledge
processes within Youth Justice Services and in particular, what is accepted as
knowledge within this field. I will describe the placement of Youth Justice Services
within the hierarchical structure of government and how it is affected by power,
control and differing perspectives. The influence of political issues, along with the
general preference for scientific data will be discussed in light of my research proposal
and the anticipated reception from various sectors within youth justice. The process
of submitting and carrying out my research will be used as the back drop to discuss the
larger question of knowledge within the field.
Field of Youth Justice Services
Youth Justice Services, as a branch of the Ontario governments Ministry of
Children and Youth Services, is heavily influenced by issues of finance, power, politics

61
Godden The knowledge systems of youth justice

and the law. Governments tend to be conservative institutions, slow to acquire new
trends and not particularly flexible. There is an emphasis on scientific data, applied
research, evidence-based programming and best practices, requiring programs to
scientifically prove their effectiveness in order to continue receiving funding. Further,
the trend towards private partnership impacts the type of research, assessment and
services considered acceptable. Research is generally issues driven. Though some
qualitative measures may be considered, these are generally not reported without first
referencing quantitative studies. One of the objectives of the Research and Outcomes
Measurement Branch is to ensure that programs meet Ministry objectives and are
evidence-based. As such, curiosity driven research has limited influence, particularly
within policy areas. Procedural objectivity, eliminating personal judgment, is an
expectation for Ministry research. But is this even possible? Eisner states that
ontological objectivity, seeing things the way they are, and procedural objectivity are
not possible; that we cant know something in its pristine state because we invariably
bring something of ourselves to the knowing. We bring meaning; our own
perceptions of the world are embedded deeply in our understanding. The act of
knowing becomes a transaction and whatever we learn is fundamentally co-produced.
(1993).
Front line staff who work directly with clients tend to be more attuned to
individual needs and are often more accepting of qualitative approaches that use few
statistics and focus on understanding behaviour, as they are consistent with the
methods of their daily work. A level of abstraction is accepted and most staff
acknowledge that they can never know all there is to know about another person.
They are accustomed to working within many different perspectives, the youths, the
youths parents, the school, the Ministry etc. So in this sense, there is some acceptance
of a non-positivist approach, accepting that there is more than one reality and that
humans are instruments of knowledge creation. However there is still a struggle when
it comes to considering personal influence in a particular situation or acknowledging
individual contributions to knowledge creation. The idea that the known can never be
separated from the knower, that knowledge is always filtered through our current
understanding, is somewhat foreign; though, in a clinical context probation officers
acknowledge this to some degree, in considering transference and counter-transference.
When moving into the realm of legal issues, pressure is strong for an ultimate
truth to be presented, unfettered of subjectivity. It is here, where youth justice
intersects with other parts of the legal system, that non-positivist approaches have less
acceptance. The courts demand clarity as the trier of fact. However, probation
officers and other professionals who work within the system are not as willing or able
to provide definitive answers to complex human behaviour. A psychologist, for
instance, who is asked to testify, may qualify statements of potential risk. In the end a
judge decides on what is fact for the purposes of sentencing. Once a sentence is
decided, implementation allows for more ambiguity. A probation officer assigned
with the responsibility of supervising a youth sentence may use her/his judgment

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regarding the needs, risk and abilities of a youth in following through with the details
of the sentence.
When I was a front line worker with youth I regularly made claims about my
clients intentions based on my own interpretations of youths expressions and
behaviours or even the interpretations of others. I then recreated these assumptions on
paper for the courts. From an epistemological perspective, was this knowledge or was
this my own perspective? I also worked closely with mental health professionals who
would provide diagnoses of my clients. These diagnoses were accepted as fact. But,
what of an illness such as Borderline Personality? Can it be understood outside of our
cultural context or is it a social construct? The term Borderline Personality did not
always exist, so how did it come into being? Its differential application to female
offenders makes me suspicious of its etiology. Over time the term Borderline
Personality has became recognisable and accepted as fact. Many believe it has an
existence outside of its inception. What has occurred is truth by consensus (Sefa Dei,
Hall, & Rosenberg, 2000). Identifying certain difficult females with Borderline
Personality may have more to do with cultural expectations regarding sex roles than it
does with actual mental illness. Hysteria had a similar incarnation, but is no longer
accepted as truth. Reality did not change, just our perception. Is it possible that risk
assessment has a similar etiology, that what many of us accept as true indicators of risk
to re-offend may have strong cultural influences?
Controversy, Change & Dichotomies
Inherent within Youth Justice Services is a dichotomy of roles between
addressing needs of youths and attending to criminal behaviour. Differing emphases of
this dichotomy affect service to youths, repertoires of understanding and ultimately,
choices of research. The dichotomy is played out through differing philosophies of
staff. Many long serving probation officers, such as me, have been trained within the
fields of social work, criminology or psychology and tend to use a social service
approach in their work. These probation officers are more likely to be open to the
personal narrative approaches of testimonio, often emphasizing social change, or
autoethnography, often emphasizing self discovery, though might refer to statistics to
confirm assumptions or basic beliefs. Newer probation officers have been trained to
focus on criminal behaviour, consequences and punishment and tend to use
correctional methods. These probation officers would more likely be comfortable
with a positivist approach, seeking the single truth that they believe is out there, but
might accept testimonio or autoethnography to confirm assumptions. Both groups
have the same aims, rehabilitation and community safety, but they approach their
work from different perspectives. Their paradigms of youth justice affect their
understanding of youth, the questions they ask and thus the knowledge they develop.
Further complicating these two very different styles of understanding and approaches
to working with youth, is the recent amalgamation of two very dissimilar government
ministries into an integrated youth justice service. The originating Ministries
replicated the dichotomy discussed above and have complicated work within youth

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justice services, by further emphasizing the two camps of social services verses
correctional services and non-positivism verses positivism.
Further, recent legislative and procedural changes, both federally and
provincially have increased the schism between the two approaches to youth justice.
While the federal governments Youth Criminal Justice Act emphasizes increased
community interventions, the province, until recently, was working within a law and
order platform. With a recent change in provincial government, the community
based, social services approach to youth justice has found some acceptance in Ontario.
Ironically, the perspectives of the federal and provincial governments have reversed, as
the province has moved towards a social service approach, the federal government has
moved towards criminal enforcement.
Single Case Management and Risk-Needs Assessment
An expectation within youth justice services is single case management, one
person guiding a youth from initial contact with the youth justice system to
completion of a sentence. The primary assessment tool of the case manager is the Risk
Needs Assessment (Andrews, Hoge & Leschied, 1992). Supported via traditional
scientific research data (Andrews, Bonita & Hoge, 1990), this tool has had a
tremendous influence upon the youth justice way of knowing, use of information and
prediction of offending. The Risk Needs Assessment guide emphasizes reducing bias,
increasing objectivity, creating a common language, standardizing assessments and
creating a systematic and consistent approach to working with youth (Ministry of
Children and Youth Services, 2004). The ultimate purpose of this tool is for probation
officers to predict risk of future re-offending. This is attempted through eight risk
factors: prior history of offending, family circumstances, education and employment,
peer relations, substance abuse, leisure and recreation, attitudes and orientation
(Ministry of Children and Youth Services, 2004). The tool also provides an override
section in which a probation officer may change the calculated risk level based on
his/her personal understanding of the youths risk. There have been some tentative
findings that this override is actually more consistent in predicting risk of offending
than the other sections of the tool (Leschied, 2004). If this is so, then what does this
say for the validity, reliability and applicability of the tool as a whole? These are key
questions within positivist research traditions, important to many government
services.
My Research Proposal
Before discussing the details of my research I will explain a little of my personal
philosophy as this has affected my choice of research, processes and likely the
outcomes as well. As Maykut and Morehouse state: the knower cannot be totally
separated from the known (1994, p.11). My assumption in beginning this research is
that risk can be quantified and predicted to some degree using indicators. I believe that
it is extremely difficult to predict the behaviour of any one individual; however, over
greater numbers predictive value will increase. Further, I believe that there are
situations and influences upon youth that increase their risk to offend. I am concerned

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about crime and have chosen to begin with cross-sectional and longitudinal studies to
delineate some of the potential factors related to criminal behaviour by outlining some
of the characteristics of currently identified offenders. By choosing this approach, I am
acknowledging an acceptance of this type of research as legitimate and worthwhile. To
some degree, I am suggesting that there is knowledge that I can discover. However, I
will also implement more openly subjective non-positivist approaches that consider the
influence of the researcher and subject. For I also believe, like Eisner, that knowledge
is not pristine and out there for the taking, but a co-creation of myself and other
(1993). My belief is that knowledge is a mix of understanding, influence and
perception and that I am changed by what I study, but also that I change what I study.
However, even as I acknowledge subjectivity and personal influence, I am also
interested in facts and truth. Therefore, my overall theoretical paradigm would lie
somewhere in between the modernist perspective of a single reality and the post-
modernist understanding of multiple perspectives. I have chosen a mixed research
approach in an attempt to give voice to all the players within the youth justice system,
including youths, their families, the community and frontline workers.
I have chosen to address the use of the Risk Needs Assessment tool and
consider its effectiveness in predicting risk of criminal behaviour. My overarching
theory is that human beings are better able to assess the risk of offending than a test of
risk factors with limited interpretive ability. The testable hypothesis is that the
categories of the Risk Needs Assessment tool will be less effective in predicting risk
than the override clause. My secondary hypothesis is that the larger the gap between
the tools assessment of risk and the probation officers override, the greater the
accuracy of the probation officers prediction of risk. My thinking behind this relates
to the emphasis on relationship building between the probation officer and her/his
clients. Over the time of a sentence the probation officer gains a holistic
understanding of the youth that is not possible through forms. Considering the
tremendous pressure to follow the guidance of the tool, an override would likely only
be made where there were strong justifications for changing the risk level; the greater
the gap between the two predictions of risk, the greater the pressure to conform. For
a probation officer to choose an override in this situation, confidence in her/his risk
assessment would likely be high.
With regards to methodology, my cross-sectional data analysis will consider
Risk Needs Assessment forms completed over the previous two year period. I will
follow this up with a longitudinal study to assess the level of criminal activity over the
subsequent five year period, collecting data at the one year, three year and five year
marks. I will use court statistics from Statistics Canada of charges and findings of guilt
as indicators of criminal activity. I decided on the court statistics for several reasons.
Generally, those who commit criminal offences do not want to be identified, so, self
reports would likely be unreliable. Police statistics also present problems in the way
charges are laid and cleared, particularly with regards to racialized youths. Court
statistics, though generally the result of police charges, are vetted by court officials for
duplications and inconsistencies. Further, there are two sources of comparison, one of

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charges and the other of convictions, both problematic in providing a complete picture
of offending, but likely to be closer to actual offending than other options. There will
be many reasons why a youth appears before the court for charges, not all of which are
the commission of an offence. Certain youths, such as black and Aboriginal youth
appear in greater numbers within the youth justice system. Further, the definition of
crime itself, I believe, is a social construct. If it were not, then why is it that a middle
class white male who defrauds people of millions of dollars may serve less time in jail
than a youth who steals one hundred dollars worth of goods from a local store? It
appears to me that crime and criminal is being defined in a very particular way to
benefit a particular group within society over others. Thus questions of constructed
truth will confound my research. Court statistics do not represent offending in a
linear fashion, but are a best guess.
Cross-sectional and longitudinal methods of research are consistent with a
traditional scientific, positivist approach and as such will likely be readily accepted
within government services. While these approaches will provide me with data to
compare, I will lose some of the richness of the information. Therefore, as a follow
up, I will use a non-positivist approach to consider the reasons for the probation
officers choice to override or not to override, via a post-research survey and focus
groups. Further, testimonios and autoethnographies provided by youths will provide
greater meaning to the data from the cross-sectional and longitudinal portions of the
study. However, obtaining releases from youths and parents will be major obstacles
and will include some legal and ethical issues regarding identification and influence that
I will have to address. Sections of the Youth Criminal Justice Act make the access to
youth records extremely difficult for reasons other than for statistical analysis and in
any case, names must not be identified. As each youth is assigned a number to
coincide with a file, I would be able to access data for the cross-sectional and
longitudinal sections readily without identifying any youth and could still return to
any file if questions arose that required clarification.
A challenge for me will be addressing confounding variables and thus rival
explanations for my findings. Human behaviour and risk of offending are complex
and it is difficult to isolate particular factors. In an attempt to control confounding
variables I have used comparable samples: youth within the criminal justice system,
and a large sample size of about 1,000 cases. But there will be only 10% or so of these
1,000 cases that are overridden. To increase the probability that I am able to
summarize the information from those overridden files without having their influence
undermined by the larger sample, I will consider them separately. Because my groups
are not randomly selected, nor randomly assigned, there may be extraneous factors
related to the reasons for their involvement within the youth justice system (Cross &
Belli, 2004). However, they will be selected from the youth justice population in
Ontario and this is the population to which I wish to generalize. I could not do pre
and post tests as the treatment has already been applied; I am assessing retrospectively.
But, I can increase the sample size and thereby increase my ability to detect the
treatment effects and statistical power, the strength of my argument. I hope to address

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the question of construct validity, my accuracy in interpreting my findings, in two

ways. First I will use the post assessment surveys and focus groups with probation
officers to help me understand the reasons for decisions they made. Second, I will
consider testimonies and autoethnographies created by the youths to increase my
understanding of their life experiences. Depending on the number of youth and
families that drop out of the research, the effects of selective attrition will need to be
considered.
The qualitative portions of my research will appeal to front-line staff, probation
officers and child and youth workers primarily, who are accustomed to creating
narratives in their reports and assessments. However, single case studies are rarely
powerful impacts on practice (Levin, 2003). Therefore, having a number of these
narratives in the form of short testimonies or autoethnographies will allow a level of
comparison that has not been common in the past (Finch, 1988). My intention here is
to use the qualitative research to inform the quantitative data that I will collect in the
cross-sectional and longitudinal portions of the research. Therapeutically, probation
officers accept that there are multiple truths, even within the same individual. I am
interested in the nuances of human behaviour, the differences, the commonalities and
my own influence in terms of reflexivity, i.e. recognizing myself in the research. In
proposing my research, I decided on an area of interest to me and I will argue for it,
complete it and defend it. Therefore it is as much about me as it is about the subject
matter. However, it is also about youths, families and the community. The better we
understand offenders and risk, the better we can serve youths and their families and
the greater protection we can provide to the community.
Despite the drawbacks to the use of qualitative research within my field, for
instance the lack of political endorsement and the lack of generalizability and
representativeness, there are a number of primary considerations for the use of this
methodology. The quantitative portions of my research can address outcomes; for
example, the accuracy of risk predictions. However, the qualitative portions can
elaborate on the process of arriving at a prediction of risk. The cross-sectional and
longitudinal portions of my study may show differences, but they will not provide
reasons why the differences exist. The qualitative portions will provide the context
around the statistics and help decipher the complexity of criminal behaviour and
human behaviour in general. Some questions that may be answered include: Why do
probation officers chose to override a score? What was their reasoning at the time?
What was happening in a youths life at the time of a criminal charge? All of which
may have larger policy implications. They provide descriptive detail, include data
from natural settings, reflect upon the complexity of the whole, not just particular
features and move beyond simple documentation of outcomes to a focus on processes
through which the outcomes were produced (Finch, 1988).
Finch stresses that for actual policy-making practices ethnography (I would also
include other non-positivist approaches) can make three distinct contributions:
indicate whether a particular policy initiative leads to substantive change, identify
unintended consequences of change and show contradictions in policies (1988). With

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regards to the Risk Needs Assessment, several questions may be considered. For
instance, has the Risk Needs Assessment influenced substantive change by better
providing for the needs of youths and the safety of the community? If the study finds
that the Risk Needs Assessment does not show substantive increase of service or safety,
why not? Could the Risk Needs Assessment be unintentionally identifying racialized
groups as high risk more often than others? In setting clear categories within the Risk
Needs Assessment, does this contradict the aim of flexibility in addressing complex
human needs? Are probation officers forced to address behaviour, because it is easier
to identify? If the probation officers override is more effective why use the form? Or
in the alternative, why have the override if the form is effective?
Autoethnographies and testimonies can inform the policy debate around risk
assessment and needs of the youth and the community. As Finch suggests the policy-
making process is often fragmented, incremental and diffuse (1988), but my experience
is that it is also politically driven and reactionary. The impact of research on
government is shaped by political considerations, especially the publics acceptance of
new ideas. Autoethnography and testimony can provide new conceptualisations
which redefine policy debates. Further, by using information from a number of these
case studies I may be able to build on the ideas of each and identify some consistent
themes.
In such a complex study, there are many variables and my findings will be
tentative, but I believe, persuasive. There will be a number of competing hypotheses
and no doubt some criticism of my method of assessing criminal behaviour via court
statistics. My own perspectives and biases will influence both the qualitative and
quantitative portions of the research. Further, this study will not be able to provide
definitive answers. While I expect to find a correlation between a probation officers
assessment of risk as indicated via his/her choice of override and the actual future
offending of youths, one does not cause the other. Through this research I hope to
open up a dialogue regarding the effectiveness of the Risk Needs Assessment tool and
the importance of relationship building in addressing risk. Ethical, as well as privacy
issues will have to be addressed, also pressures to consider certain areas of knowledge
and to present my findings in a certain way. But even if the study finds some
inconsistencies does that make the tool invalid? I doubt that one study would result in
a drastic change in assessment of risk; however, I hope that it will add to some growing
critiques of the assessment tool and influence some necessary changes. Other
researchers have questioned the validity of this tool, particularly when applied to
subgroups such as females and black and Aboriginal youth (Blanchette, 2002). Can a
research tool, created by three privileged white males, using a very traditional research
methodology really address the needs of all youth within the youth justice system?
Selling and Defending My Research
One of the struggles in developing and implementing research within
government services is gaining the support and approval of key individuals. This is a
delicate process that is influenced by the power structures and the prevailing cultural
beliefs of acceptable knowledge. As a first step, I will partner with a local university

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and a community agency. This will provide two essential ingredients, the legitimacy of
a well known educational institution and community partnerships to increase my
likelihood of obtaining funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research
Council. Secondly, I will use my facilitation skills developed as a trainer to
communicate my research proposal to varying groups within the governmental
hierarchy. I will begin with the key decision-makers locally, regionally and
provincially. The Assistant Deputy Minister has the power of final approval for
Ministry participation in any research and he is the person that will have to be
courted the most. Each contact person will require slightly different information,
but they will all want to know the direct implications for practice within youth justice
services.
The higher the individual is within the hierarchy, the more attuned he or she
will be to the organizations policies and the broader her/his thinking must be. The
minister of Children and Youth Services, for example, must consider a huge number of
issues relevant to her constituents. Yet, as an individual moves down the chain of
command, job requirements become more specific, as does the realm of influence and
interest. The closer the individual is to the front line, the more she or he will be
aligned with client needs. Those who see their lifes work as service to others are
unlikely to blindly follow policy directives. So, my approach to the Minister or the
assistant deputy minister will be different than my approach to those who report to
them. As Peri puts it: what counts depends on where policy makers are situated
(2002, p. 7)
Some decision-makers will be concerned about threatening the veracity of the
Risk Needs Assessment, which has been used as the basis for service to young persons
for the past fourteen years. My response to these concerns will be to emphasize that
the research could help improve the assessment process and will encourage discussions
about cultural and racial inclusiveness, currently an immensely important political
topic. Further, I will discuss how my research supports the Ministrys work plan of
creating female and culturally specific programming by increasing our understanding
of how the assessment tool will affect diverse groups. My cross sectional analysis will
be able to consider such variables as sex, race and socioeconomic status. Further, if it
is shown that the probation officers judgment is the more accurate predictor of
offending, then there will be implications for ongoing training of probation officers.
Community service is high on the priority list of the youth justice agenda, so the
accuracy of the Risk Needs Assessment in placing these youths is critical. Also, this
research is specific to the Ontario youth justice system and will benefit this system
through greater understanding and could spark other research that may directly impact
youth justice services. Finally, there are many influences on government policy and
decision-making, including varied and conflicting evidence. Policy makers are often
required to make assumptions about the future that are fundamentally untestable
(Zussman, 2003). This research proposal will provide a testable prediction of risk
assessment.

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Decision-making with regards to the Risk Needs Assessment may be

particularly problematic considering the political sensitivity of youth justice and the
time and money already invested in this tool. In the early 1990s huge policy changes
resulted from a horrific weekend in which several youths escaped custody, stole a car,
crashed and died. In an unrelated, but concurrent tragedy, a Child and Youth Worker
was murdered while caring for offenders alone in a group home. As a result of these
two incidents there was political pressure for quick answers and huge amounts of
money were invested in developing the current Risk Needs Assessment tool.
Therefore, even if the tool was found to be unreliable it would not be easy to set it
aside, particularly without a viable replacement. As with many government decisions,
liability and legal issues complicate the decision-making process. The consideration of
the Risk Needs Assessment touches at the heart of government policy relating to
offenders, and the publics fear of crime. Therefore it will be influenced by public
opinion, whether this opinion is based on reasonable evidence or not.
Governments are often challenged to address competing interests (Finch, 1988,
Levin, 2003, Weiss, 2001). Finch argues that policies often include tensions,
contradictions and incompatible aims (1988, p. 189). Certainly, policy making
within government is a complex, non-linear process including many voices. In
considering evidence, policy-makers can be overwhelmed by the copious studies,
theories and ideas. The key then, is to distinguish what is relevant and what is not. As
Peri states: judgement is then a problem of appreciation of what counts as relevant
(2002, p. 4). If the Ministry is to support my research it will have to be viewed as
relevant. Decision makers will have to consider an array of information, including
risks and benefits, the reception of the public to these views, the response of key
constituents, the costs and ease of implementation (Peri, 2002). On top of this, the
years of applying the Risk Needs Assessment and commitment made by some policy
makers will limit the attractiveness of an alternate view; these individuals are more
likely to support theories that are consistent with their already held views. Further,
one study may not be enough to change the minds of policy makers, particularly
considering the international support for similar risk assessments. Issues of ego and
personal influence wade in. Will alignment with this research increase status or level
of influence? Is it the right thing to do?
In a number of ways my research will be readily accepted. For instance, it is
consistent with the Ministrys emphasis on best practices and outcomes, and my
methodology was designed to address the needs of the many layered bureaucratic
system. Also, initial assessments and evaluations are seen as key factors in working
effectively with youth. Because they are seen as important sources of information
there is interest in assuring that they are accurate and sustainable. Further, there is an
expectation that we, as youth justice workers can keep the community safe; to do this
we must first consider who is the most at risk for re-offending and then intervene
effectively.
Assuming approval is granted for my research, there will be other obstacles that
must be addressed through open and clear communication. Locally there are a

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number of players who will have control over files, storage, and helpful information,
in particular, local administrative staff and probation officers. Therefore, before
starting my research I will attend each area office to meet with staff, explain the
research and enlist support. Further, the research will have to meet the requirements
of the Youth Criminal Justice Act, the Child and Family Services Act and the
Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act, along with a myriad of
professional standards and ethics reviews. In addition, it will have to be consistent
with the local work culture in order to gain support from front line staff.
When my research is complete, I will need to defend the findings, particularly if
they are contrary to accepted Ministry knowledge. To do this my terminology must
be consistent with Ministry culture and practices, including the use of scientific terms
such as objectivity and bias. I will present my findings in many ways to meet the needs
of varied audiences, altering my language to fit each group. I will argue initially from a
positivist perspective that the research was unbiased, objective, valid, reliable,
transferable, useable and directly applicable to Youth Justice Services. Then I will
move into discussions of the qualitative information in relation to the processes and
reasons behind the data. Further, I will present my findings in various formats:
through a formal written report, information bullets, on-line through the government
intranet service and orally at meetings. I will target all levels of government and
present my findings and assumptions to colleagues in local universities to open
dialogue and debate within the academic community. Further, I will create brief
media presentations that will fit one minute sound bites.
I will have to be open to debate and dialogue regarding my research and this
will mean hearing from those who support my findings and those who do not. True
learning may occur via dialogue by suspending assumptions and balancing inquiry and
advocacy (Argyris, 1991). I believe that conflict and disagreement can be creative tools
and pathways to greater knowledge. However, I have found that within youth justice
services the tendency is to accept one point of view as the ultimate truth, to the
exclusion of all other ideas. There are huge power plays involved within the Ministry
and well known researchers vie for funding. Individual history and relationships are
important in all this. The researchers who created the current Risk Needs Assessment
tool have tremendous influence within youth justice services and the larger criminal
justice system and have strong connections at various levels of the government.
Discussion
So, where do I stand personally with regards to the above knowledge base and
research culture? Are there contradictions within my field and within my own
theoretical paradigm? In every domain we work with an imperfect framework, so at
best we must agree on rules. In government the agreed upon rules tend to be
positivist. There is a belief that one can observe without disturbing. Personally, I
view the world as an interrelated, mysterious and complex place, with many realities.
Research may investigate these realities, but as there are many perspectives and thus
many answers and many questions, there is no one absolute truth to be found. My
personal history, culture, preferences and perspectives influence, not only the

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outcomes of my research, but my choice of process. My filter of understanding or

paradigm through which I view the world affects and alters my understanding. For
instance, my own desire to have the research accepted will influence the information I
choose to work with and that which I dismissively brush aside. Because of this I
believe open dialogue is particularly important. Unfortunately, the cultural preference
in North America tends to be competition and debate, taking an adversarial stand that
creates winners and losers. Long held assumptions, even if not supported by accepted
knowledge are tenaciously argued. This is because our knowledge is so deeply
embedded in our belief system. Often, policy makers are more interested in their own
ideology than in evidence (Zussman 2003). My hope, through my research, is to find a
better understanding of assessing risk of re-offending and perhaps to become confused
on a higher level, and about more important things (Anonymous).
I have chosen the first part of my research to coincide with the Ministrys
positivist expectations. However, as stories are often used to illustrate larger
understandings or trends, I added a post-test survey, focus groups, testimonios and
autoethnographies to inform the quantitative data. Within the positivist realm, it is
traditional research and the researcher that is accepted as having true knowledge. Of
the major research projects supported by youth justice services in recent years, Risk
Needs Assessment, Multi-Systemic Therapy and Wraparound, all have been justified
via traditional positivist research and evidence based practice (e.g. Andrews, D., Hoge,
R. & Leschied, A.,1992; Henggeler, S. W., Cunningham, P., Pickrel, S., & Schoenwald,
S., 1994). However, the front line workers who see and hear intense life experiences of
clients on a daily basis are more open to the non-positivist approaches I am proposing
within my research. Managers too may find these narratives useful in explaining the
data and providing a human touch. In the words of John Polanyi: a list of
observations, a catalogue of facts, however precise, does not constitute science. The
reason is that they tell no story. Only facts arranged as narrative qualify as science (as
cited in Stawicki, 2006).
Throughout this paper I have used the example of my own proposed research
to illustrate the knowledge systems within my field of Youth Justice Services. Though
I have identified the larger paradigm of youth justice as positivism, there are many
variations and nuances within government services. Realistically, there are many ways
of knowing and systems of knowledge within youth justice, perhaps as many as there
are people. The individual perspectives of those working within the system affect the
lenses through which they view offenders and influence not just the answers they seek,
but the questions they ask. The questions I ask in my research reflect my own
perspective of youth justice. These questions were influenced by my own personal
history, what I saw as important and my own world view. I had to consider other
perspectives in this process, especially when seeking approval, however, my own
influence was strong and though I emphasize dialogue, I still wonder how open I can
be to criticism, considering how close and intertwined my own beliefs are with the
research. Further, despite my careful orchestration of the research, I can never control
how others interpret the results. Even with careful planning the knowledge and

72
Godden The knowledge systems of youth justice

perceptions of others will influence the knowledge they gain. The wisdom I take from
my research may not be shared by others.
Epilogue
Phone rings at the School of Youth Justice in Hamilton, Ontario: Hello, may
speak with Edwina Godden please?
This is Edwina speaking.
Hello Mrs. Godden, this is Sue Charles from the Canadian Association of
Black Lawyers. We have just read about your research in the newspaper and would
love to receive a copy of your final report.
I appreciate your interest. I will be posting the complete document on my
website in the coming month.
I look forward to reading this research. CABL been fighting for racial equity
within the criminal justice system for years and we believe your research is one of the
first that clearly shows systematic racism exists throughout Youth Justice Services.
Not only are black youths identified as criminals more often and sentenced to tougher
sentences than their white counterparts, but your research shows that they are also
assessed to be at higher risk than their white peers. Thank you so much. Ill be in
touch. Good bye.
And the journey of inquiry and self reflection continues.
References
Andrews, D., Bonta, J. & Hoge, R. (1990). Classification for effective rehabilitation:
Rediscovering psychology. Criminal Justice and Behaviour, 17, 19-52.
Andrews, D., Hoage, R. & Leschied, A. (1992). A review of the profile, classification
and treatment literature with young offenders: A social-psychological approach.
A Report of the Ontario Ministry of Community and Social Services, Toronto.
Anonymous. Retrieved November 16, 2006 from http://ourpla.net/cgi-
bin/pikie.cgi?backup=FavoriteQuotes-1050595660.496547
Argyris, C. (1991, May/June). Teaching smart people how to learn. Harvard Business
Review, 99-109.
Blanchette, K. (2002) Classifying female offenders for effective intervention: Application of
the case-based principles of risk and need. (Doctoral dissertation, Carlton
University, 2002). Retrieved November 18, 2006, from http://www.csc-
scc.gc.ca/text/pblct/forum/e141/141h_e.pdf
Cross, L. & Belli, G. (2004). Experimental research to inform educational policy. In
K. deMarrais & S. Lapan (Eds.), Foundations for research methods of inquiry in
education and the social sciences (pp. 329-351). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates.
Eisner, E. (1993). Objectivity in educational research. In M. Hammersley (Ed.),
Educational Research: Current Issues (pp. 48-56). United Kingdom: Paul
Chapman Publishing Ltd.

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Finch, J. (1988). Ethnography and public policy. In A. Pollard, J. Purvis, & G.

Walford (Eds). Education, training and the new vocationalism: Experience and
policy. Philadelphia: Open University Press. pp. 185-200.
Henggeler, S. W., Cunningham, P. B., Pickrel, S. G., & Schoenwald, S. K. (1994).
Multisystemic therapy: An innovative treatment approach with serious juvenile
offenders and their families. In T. Jeffers & I.M. Schwartz (Eds.), Home-based
services for serious and violent juvenile offenders. Philadelphia, PA: Center for
the Study of Youth Policy.
Leschied, A. (2004). Lecture series, Ministry of Children and Youth Services.
Mississauga.
Levin, B. (2003). Helping research in education to matter more. Winnipeg: The
University of Manitoba.
Maykut, P. & Morehouse, R. (1994). Beginning qualitative research: A philosophic and
practical guide. London: The Falmer Press.
Ministry of Children and Youth Services (2004). Risk-Need Assessment Form Scoring
Guide. Toronto: Program Effectiveness, Statistics and Applied Research.
Perri, S. (2002). Can policy making be evidence-based? Building Knowledge for
Integrated Care, 10(1), 3-8.
Sefa Dei, G., Hall, B. and Rosenberg, D. (2000). Introduction. In G. Sefa Dei, B. Hall,
D. Rosenberg (Eds.), Indigenous Knowledges in Global Contexts. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press. pp. 3-17.
Stawicki, A. (2006, October 22). The pillars of reason. The Toronto Star, pp. D12.
Weiss, C. (2001). What kind of evidence in evidence-based policy? Conference
Proceedings: Third International, Inter-disciplinary Evidence-based Policies and
Indicator system conference, July 2001 [Online]. Retrieved from
http://cem.dur.ac.uk .
Zussman, D. (2003). Evidence-based policy making: Some observations of recent
Canadian experience. Social Policy Journal of New Zealand, 20, 64-71.

74
Informal Cross Border Traders and HIV Transmission in Southern
Africa
Clement A. Jumbe
Abstract
Do informal cross border traders contribute to the prevalence rates of HIV
transmission in Southern Africa? The 2005 UNAIDS (United Nations
Programme on HIV/AIDS) reported that Southern Africa remained the
epicenter of the global AIDS epidemic. The prevalence rates of HIV
transmission reported were 3.7% Angola, 24.1% Botswana, 23.2% Lesotho,
33.4% Swaziland, 14.1% Malawi, 16.1% Mozambique, 19.6% Namibia,
18.8% South Africa, 17% Zambia and 20.1% Zimbabwe. In 2005 an
estimated 2.3 million people died of AIDS-related illness in the region. The
prevalence levels of HIV transmission in the Southern African region are
increasing annually and show no significant signs of changing. Theories
explaining the lack of change in prevalence levels vary from cultural barriers
to changing behaviour, religion, circumcision, gender inequality, poverty,
poor nutrition, and many others. Certainly, these factors have an important
role in understanding of the epidemiology of HIV. However, they do not
fully explain the variations in prevalence between and within countries of
similar cultural patterns. Some scientists have claimed that the HIV-1 type
that is common in the region is responsible for the rapidly growing epidemic
in the region. HIV-2 that is less virulent in common in West Africa and
elsewhere in the world where HIV prevalence is lower that in Southern
Africa. All these hypotheses remain unsubstantiated. This study provides a
new framework that captures the role the risk environmental factors in the
region and patterns of informal cross border migration in determining the
spread of HIV in sub-Saharan Africa. The oscillating migration patterns
across the borders within the HIV risk environment provide significant
insight and explanatory power to the differing prevalence of HIV
transmission without having to relay on cultural or taste-based differences
among countries in the region. The sexual behaviours of informal cross
border traders are the key to determining the differing prevalence rates of
HIV transmission among the countries in the region. This study will help to
understand why HIV has spread at different rates and reached different
prevalence in these countries. That understanding could help to better define
appropriate interventions for managing the epidemic in the region. Quelling
HIV at country level is necessary but not sufficient to fight the epidemic in
the whole region.

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Jumbe Informal cross-border traders and HIV transmission in Southern Africa

Introduction
Do informal cross border traders contribute to the prevalence rates of HIV
transmission in Southern Africa?
Communities in Southern Africa are struggling to fight against the Human
Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV). The Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS
(UNAIDS) report for 2005 claimed that the region remained the epicenter of the
global AIDS epidemic. Of the 40 million people living with HIV globally, an estimated
29.4 million are in Sub-Saharan Africa. Approximately ten percent of adults aged 15 to
49 years in Sub-Saharan Africa are infected with HIV. The primary mode of
transmission in the region is heterosexual sex. In 2005 an estimated 2.3 million people
died of Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS) - related illness and 11 million
children were orphaned. The prevalence rate of HIV transmission is increasing
annually.
Sexual behaviour change is the major focus of HIV prevention efforts. Public
health debate has argued that understanding changes in sexual behaviour is important
for HIV transmission reduction and for predicting the future path of the epidemic.
Oster (2006) argued that the reason for lack of change in sexual behaviour is that there
is quite limited response in Southern Africa to the crisis of the epidemic. The reasons
given for the lack of change in sexual behaviour levels in the region include culture,
religion, gender inequality, poverty, poor nutrition, and many others. Certainly, these
factors play an important role in sexual behaviour change. However, these factors
alone do not fully explain the variations in HIV prevalence between and within
countries in communities where most of these factors are generally common. The
argument that the HIV-1 type that is more infectious than the HIV-2 is responsible for
the rapidly growing epidemic has remained unsubstantiated.
In this paper, I examine:
How informal cross border traders may be contributing to the spread of HIV,
Root causes for informal cross border trade and the HIV crisis in sub-Saharan
Africa and whether,
Patterns of informal cross border migrations can shed light on the broader
differences in HIV prevalence between countries in the region.
Informal cross border traders in Southern Africa
The International Organization for Migration (IOM) and Partnership on HIV
and Mobility in Southern Africa (PHAMSA) describe informal cross border traders as
small entrepreneurs who carry goods across one or more of the borders in the region
(Matsuyama, 2006). Informal cross border trade (ICBT) refers to registered or
unregistered business activities undertaken across the borders mainly on popular
economy. It is not mandatory for informal cross border traders to submit tax returns
for their operations. These traders use various means to move small quantities of goods
across national frontiers. They leave home and country determined to earn money by

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Jumbe Informal cross-border traders and HIV transmission in Southern Africa

buying and selling an assortment of products. Informal cross border trade accounts for
a large volume of trade passing through regional borders in bags, trucks and on buses.
Commodities for their trade in the region include cereals, beans, peas,
groundnuts, crafts, furniture, doilies, electrical goods, perfumes, jewelry, etc. The
contribution of informal cross border trade (ICBT) to regional economic development,
poverty alleviation, and regional integration is significant (Peberdy, 2006). The
dynamics of the informal cross border trade are many and varied. Women now
constitute about 80 percent of informal cross border traders. They have an average
level of education but some have no education at all.
Obstacles and HIV vulnerability
The main challenge for the region is dealing with the infrastructural
development. The informal cross border traders experience several obstacles linked
with limited infrastructure, which then result in their exposure to HIV risk. Road and
railway networks are poor, lack of warehousing, facilities for market information, and
proper accommodation. Some female traders sleep in the open, exposing themselves to
various vulnerabilities including sexual assault and rape. Profit margins for their
operations remain small because of hardships leaving them with limited funds to take
home. Hence, the majority of them tend to continue in the trade and remain
vulnerable to HIV.
The stringent measures demanded by banks and the shortage of foreign
currency experienced by many countries in the region compound the difficult
situation for the informal cross border traders. Only South Africa, Lesotho, Swaziland
and Namibia have a common monetary union. The rest do not have easily available
local currency exchange facilities. Some traders desperate for money get involved with
illegal foreign currency dealers to avoid complications at the banks. Some of these
dealers may be linked to sexual networks.
Female and male informal cross border traders were likely to have two or more
lifetime sexual partners while away from their regular partners. The traders have
complained of sexual behaviour of sex workers border crossings. Reports of sexual
harassment, coercion, and violence by border officials, taxi and truck drivers are
common. Female cross border traders have generally complained that men do the
body search for any hidden goods at border crossings.
The majority of informal cross border traders may want to stay for three or
four days only and exit shortly after that. Some visa restrictions force them to stay for
a minimum of 90 days before they return to their homes. During the 90 days, they are
vulnerable to risk for HIV infection. Spreading the 90 days or 180 days over a year
would permit them to trade regularly within that year. This would reduce the
unnecessary delays and the risks that they face.
Some traders have little or no education. Education would facilitate easier
conduct of business and benefit from the on-going HIV awareness campaigns. The
traders require information, education, and health services while on business trips.

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Jumbe Informal cross-border traders and HIV transmission in Southern Africa

Foreigners pay a higher fee for public healthcare services in South Africa, and
thus informal cross border traders may be less inclined to seek treatment while
traveling. HIV and AIDS interventions that target informal cross border traders are
uncommon. Informal cross border traders are constantly on the move and preoccupied
with survival needs. They may not be receptive to HIV and AIDS education and
prevention messages.
Root for the informal cross border trade and HIV crisis in Southern Africa
The migration problem in Southern Africa goes back to the nineteenth century
when white settlers first arrived at the Cape Colony in 1820. An upsurge of demand
for labour in the Cape by white settlers forced many African communities to leave
their and migrate to the north for safety. The land seizures and claims by white settlers
disrupted settled life in the interior. Massive populations of the African people swept
across the region spreading chain reaction to the north and central Africa (Cobbing,
1988).
Everything changed for the African people with the advent of white settlers
and the Boer land seekers. Land ownership transferred quickly from the Africans into
the hands of the settlers who claimed that they had purchased the land from the chiefs
(Etherington, 2004).
Swaziland, Lesotho, Botswana, and Malawi entered into arrangements for
recognition as protectorates. Zimbabwe and Zambia (Southern and Northern
Rhodesia) were controlled from the Cape Colony under the British South Africa
Company. Cecil Rhodes, then Prime Minister at the Cape had a vision to bring the
whole land from Cape to Cairo under British control. The present state boundaries in
Southern Africa are artificial. When they were fixed by the colonial powers, local
political, social and economic structures were dislocated. Most of the African people in
the entire region were up-rooted from their traditional way of life to become labourers
for the burgeoning white settlements.
The labour demands for white settlements and especially for the South African
mines laid the basis for the creation of the modern states in the region. This provides a
vital key to understanding the migration patterns of the informal cross border traders
and the HIV crisis that we witness in the region today. The apartheid system further
forced the African people into homelands within South Africa and introduced laws
that controlled the migration of Africans from the neighbouring states into the
country.
The transition from apartheid to independence in South Africa in 1994 had far-
reaching political, economic and social consequences for all the states. The conclusion
of the liberation struggle facilitated an explosion of long repressed mass movements of
people. This transition to freedom coincided with the rapid spread of HIV in the
region. This may explain the reason why the informal cross border trade and HIV
crisis is reaching such alarming proportions in Southern Africa.
Population movements to South Africa rose dramatically in the last decade.
South Africa is the magnet for population attraction in the region because of its strong

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Jumbe Informal cross-border traders and HIV transmission in Southern Africa

economy. It is the strongest economy on the African continent. Therefore, it draws

many informal cross border traders. Yet, of the estimated 29.4 million of people living
with HIV in Southern Africa, five million of these are in South Africa (Campbell,
2003).
The worsening HIV crisis in the region coincided with expanding transport and
communication networks in the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC).
The networks fostered migration, mixing of populations and the growth of informal
cross border trade. The geographical distribution of prevalence of HIV infection in the
region suggests a link between the migration patterns of people to and from South
Africa. Swaziland for example, with 33.4% HIV prevalence rate is closer to South
Africa in distance. It has the highest prevalence rate of infection in the region. The
prevalence rate in Malawi that is further away to the north of South Africa has 14.1%.
Understanding all the mechanisms of sexual networks of the informal cross
border traders traveling to and from South Africa may highlight the role that South
Africa may have as the key reservoir host country for the epidemic in the region. This
transition also led to the fragmentation of families. Society responses in the face of
social dislocation lead to weaker social controls on the younger generations. The
increasing number of orphans growing without solid socialization by adults
exacerbates transmission of HIV.
Diminishing economies in most of the countries in the region are forcing
people to migrate to other places to look for new opportunities. Faced with economic
hardships, people can make risk-taking decisions to travel under conditions that may
put them at risk for HIV infection. Widespread poverty, mass unemployment, and
social insecurity force the poorest and most materially deprived communities in the
region to be either mobile or become informal cross border traders. Migrations are an
expression of fighting back the unpleasant conditions under which they live. These
environmental factors are at the core of the spread of the HIV in Southern Africa.
The massive increase of informal cross border traders and their challenges have
to be addressed if the HIV epidemic has to be managed successfully. The obstacles of
the informal cross border traders must form part of the agenda for HIV prevention
intervention in Southern Africa. Attempting to change individual behaviour when the
structural factors that expose people to risk stay the same may not be the only answer
to the present HIV crisis in Southern Africa.
In Southern Africa, preventing HIV at country level is necessary but it is not
everything. Managing the epidemic in the region requires coordinating effort, and a
very high measure of understanding the root causes. A possibility of reconstruction
for the improvement of the lives of the marginalized communities is another option.
The prospects of being able to do that and doing it successfully, is bound to make a
difference in the fight against HIV in Southern Africa.

79
 Native and Non-Native English Speaking Teacher Cooperation in
English Language Teaching at Chinese Institutes of Higher Education
Kathy Lee
Abstract
A large majority of the worlds population participate in English acquisition
(as a teacher or a learner), because it is the dominant language in global
communications. Since the introduction of Communicative Language
Teaching (CLT), numerous Native English Speaking Teachers (NESTs) have
joined the English Language Teaching (ELT) field overseas. Given that most
English teachers in non-English speaking countries are non-NESTs, the two
cohorts are often employed at the same situation. Despite this proximity and
the fact that their skills and abilities in teaching English are complementary,
it has been my experience that the two groups do not collaborate in Chinese
institutions of higher education. This paper will review the literature
surrounding the characteristics of NESTs and non-NESTs, the development
of CLT in China, and provide examples of successful collaboration in other
contexts. Recent developments of ELT in China will be discussed.

Introduction
A large majority of the worlds population is either a learner or teacher of
English since it is the dominant language in global communications. Since
Communicative Language Teaching (CLT) was introduced in the late 1970s, numerous
Native English Speaking Teachers (NESTs) have joined the field of English Language
Teaching (ELT) overseas. Given that most English teachers in non-English speaking
countries are non-Native English Speaking Teachers (non-NESTs), NESTs and non-
NESTs are often employed at the same institution. We see this phenomenon in the
Peoples Republic of China. Although CLT did not gain a strong foothold there until
the early 1990s (Liao, 2000), China is now one of the leading countries in NEST
employment. Despite the proximity of NESTs and non-NESTs in the workplace,
each cohort face different sets of challenges. For example, NESTs frequently have
trouble relating to local students and non-NESTs frequently struggle with feelings of
linguistic inadequacy. However, ones weakness is the others strength: Non-NESTs
know the students background, mother tongue and common difficulties, as well as the
syllabi and examination systems, making them more empathetic towards students;
NESTs, on the other hand, have advantages in English pronunciation, fluency and
cultural knowledge (Carless, 2006), and can therefore provide an authentic context for
speaking English. Since each has the ability and skills the other lacks, it logically
follows that cooperation between them would result in improvement in overall ELT
quality. Nevertheless, it has been my experience that collaboration is rare. This is
most salient in Chinese institutions of higher education where approximately two
million students enter into universities each year (Wu, 2001). Given that the ELT in
China is still developing, the situation is ripe for the adoption of new teaching

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Lee Native and non-native English speaking teacher cooperation

methodologies that will enhance English learning for students. What follows is a
description of the complementary characteristics of NESTs and non-NESTS, a brief
overview of the progression of ELT in China since the introduction of CLT, and an
illustration of the criteria and benefits of successful cooperation between NESTs and
non-NESTs in other countries. My analysis of these topics will all support the need
for NEST-non-NEST collaboration in higher educational institutions in China.
Although there are many arguments about the definition of a native and non-native
English speaker, for the purposes of this literature review, a non-NEST is a local
teacher who shares the students first language and a NEST is a teacher foreign to the
country in which he/she is working.
Characteristics of Native and non-Native English Speaking Teachers
Defining NEST and non-NEST has been divisive for ELT professionals (Maum,
2002). However, this distinction is necessary as their differences are their strengths.
Reves and Medgyes (1994) international survey about non-NESTs self-image also
resulted in a description of NEST and non-NEST characteristics in teaching behaviour
perceived by the participants. Table 1 is a summary of these differences and only
includes items that are pertinent to this paper (for the full table, please refer to Reves
and Medgyes (1994, p. 367)). Next to each characteristic, I have added an S or W to
indicate whether the teaching behaviour is a strength or weakness for CLT.
Table 1. Perceived differences in teaching behaviour
between NESTs and non-NESTs
NESTs non-NESTs
Speak better English S Speak poorer English W
Use real language S Use bookish language W
Are more confident S Are less confident W
Are more innovative S Are more cautious W
Are less empathetic W Are more empathetic S
Attend to pre-conceived needs W Attend to real needs S
Have unrealistic expectations W Have realistic expectations S
Have less insight W Have more insight S
Focus on fluency, meaning, language S Focus on accuracy, form, grammar S
in use, oral skills, and colloquial rules, printed word, and formal
registers registers
Supply more information on target S Supply less information on target W
language culture language culture

A comparison of these findings demonstrates that differences in NEST and

non-NEST teaching behaviour are in fact complementary: the weaknesses of one
cohort are the strengths of the other. Although the ninth items of each cohort are
opposites, I feel that attention to both is important to language teaching and therefore

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Lee Native and non-native English speaking teacher cooperation

marked them as strengths. In general, NESTs can be viewed as good language models
while non-NESTs are good learner models. For example, because the target
competence of the student is emphasised in CLT, the NESTs ability to motivate
students by demonstrating fluency and target communicative behaviour is of
paramount importance in ELT (Seidlhofer, 1996). However, native speakers know
the destination, but not the terrain that has to be crossed to get there; they themselves
have not travelled the same route (Seidlhofer, 1996, p. 70). Consequently, non-
NESTs can bring balance to ELT because they can easily empathise with the local
students; this sensitivity gives them the ability to anticipate their students linguistic
problems (Maum, 2002, p. 3) and an advantage in identifying learners vocabulary
needs (McNeill, 1994). These assets are valuable in developing efficacious curriculum
and pedagogy. Although the two cohorts can be equally successful teachers on their
own terms (vra & Medgyes, 2000; Medgyes, 1994), cooperation between NESTs and
non-NESTs may prove more effective than working alone. Before continuing with
this, background information about CTL in China is necessary.
Development of English Language Teaching in China
Although the CLT movement began in the late 1970s, it did not gain
momentum in China until the early 1990s when the State Education Development
Commission (SEDC) introduced a new English teaching syllabus. One of the
syllabuss goals is to develop students communicative competence (Liao, 2000); this
focus marks Chinas first step away from the traditional grammar-translation method
of teaching. One reason for this late adoption of CLT was its departure from the
traditional method. The goal of CLT is communicative competence. This means that
the interactional speaking activities in classrooms must be instances of real
communication; there is a stress on two-way communication; it requires students
exposure to the target language; and listening and speaking must also be taught in
addition to reading and writing (Liao, 2000). However, these elements polar opposites
of the traditional method and are not suited to a Chinese classroom. Chinas
Confucian culture views teachers as knowledge givers and students as knowledge
receivers; therefore, some CLTs strategies of role-playing and games are not
recognised as teaching tools and students are sceptical of their learning value (Liao,
2000; Yu, 2001). Since Chinese students must pass the Matriculation English Test
(MET), which does not test communicative competence, in order to enter university,
they require the knowledge that is more easily delivered by the traditional method.
Because the teachers see their primary goal as preparing students for these public
examinations (Ng & Tang, 1997), there was no space in classrooms for CTLs language
activities (Liao, 2000). This lack of incentive for achieving communicative competence
combined with the teachers low level of English and cultural knowledge of the target
language, many teachers have tried to change the dominant teaching procedures but
quickly get frustrated, lose their initial enthusiasm, and acquiesce to tradition (as cited
in Liao, 2000, p. 8).
Discontented with the results of the traditional grammar-translation method,
which left students with little ability to speak and understand English (Ng & Tang,

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Lee Native and non-native English speaking teacher cooperation

1997; Yu, 2001), the Chinese government decided to provide structural support for the
implementation of CLT. In addition to the introduction of a new SEDC syllabus,
teachers received education in English language, the target culture, the reasoning
behind CLT, methods in teaching communicatively, and strategies to overcome
classroom difficulties (Liao, 2000; Yu 2001). Two new textbook series, Junior and
Senior English for China, were written that based their methodology on CLT as
opposed to traditional grammar-translation (Liao, 2000). The SEDC changed the
METs focus from testing students knowledge of language to assessing students ability
to use language (Liao, 2000). Recognising that part of CLT is having citizens of the
target culture as resources, the government allowed the active recruitment and
employment of native English speakers at institutions from primary to tertiary levels
of education. Lastly, the government heavily publicised about the educational
advantages of CLT; the effort was lead by a Chinese English language teacher of a
leading foreign languages institute, Li Xiaoju. Her article, In defense of the
communicative approach (Li, 1984) in which she said, language is communication,
and learning a language is learning to communicate (p. 2), had profound effects on
Chinese teachers attitudes towards CLT (Liao, 2000; Yu, 2001). The words renewed
the countrys ambition to integrate the new method into its current educational
system. Due to the highly centralised Chinese system of education, this top-down
intervention proved to be very effective in urging teachers to teach communicatively
in classrooms (Yu, 2001, p. 195). By the mid-1990s, CLT had permeated throughout
China and was finally adopted as the general approach to language teaching and
learning (Yu, 2001).
Wus (2001) analysis of the current trends and challenges of ELT in China
suggest that this support language planning, teacher education, teaching material
development, changes in assessment, and research must continually evolve in order
for CLT to persevere A structured system is now in place for further advancements in
ELT in China.
Native and non-Native English Speaking Teacher Cooperation
In Reves and Medgyes (1994) international survey, one-half of their
respondents reported no cooperation between NESTs and non-NESTs, while the
other half claimed there were in their country. However, most of the forms of
cooperation were generally organised by national and local educational authorities,
such as in-service training courses, workshops, seminars and conferences (Reves and
Medgyes, 1994). It was interesting to note that very few respondents indicated
NEST/non-NEST cooperation at the school level (ibid.). Conversely, based on the
complementary characteristics of NESTs and non-NESTs, it is clear that the benefits
of cooperation between teachers will be more immediate and effective since it is they
who have direct contact with the students. The results of three examples of successful
NEST/non-NEST cooperation are described below: one of team teaching (Carless,
2006), collaborative journaling (Gebhard & Nagamine, 2006), and a cooperative
relationship between colleagues in the United States (Carvalho de Oliveira &
Richardson, 2001). Although these instances of collaboration are distinct, they all

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Lee Native and non-native English speaking teacher cooperation

concur in terms of fulfilling certain criteria for effective cooperation, problems that
might be encountered, and advantages for NESTs, non-NESTs and students.
A collaborative relationship is a partnership consciously entered into by the
people involved, the team members. It is a relationship that is purposely pursued in
order to achieve a common goal and to provide the team members with support
(Caravalho de Oliveira & Richardson, 2001, p. 123). Prior to entering such a
relationship, teachers need to meet several conditions as a foreground to success: the
participating teachers have the time to cooperate; they receive the administrative
support; they are sensitive to the feelings and culture of each other, particularly of
their cohort counterpart; each teacher appreciates the others individual expertise; they
develop a relationship inside and outside the classroom; and there is continuity of
personnel over time (Carless, 2006; Carvalho de Oliveira & Richardson, 2001;
Gebhard & Nagamine, 2006). Carvalho de Oliveira and Richardson (2001) stressed the
importance of being able to choose the collaborating teacher(s), a point echoed by
Carless: When unenthusiastic partners are forced to teach together, problems are
likely to arise (2006, p. 344). Fulfilling these criteria will avoid problems of culture
clashes and resentment due to unfair division of labour; distinctive roles that utilises
each members strengths must be established before any cooperation can occur
(Carless, 2006). Nevertheless, there are challenges that are more difficult to control,
such as inexperienced NESTs, the lack of experience in collaborative forms of
teaching, or ineffective integration with the rest of the curriculum (Carless, 2006).
These are the administrative support necessary for successful NEST/non-NEST
cooperation.
The effort is worth it compared to the benefits attained by the members of a
NEST/non-NEST collaborative relationship. NESTs report an increased
understanding of the host culture and its educational system; they gained insight into
the students experiences of learning English and became more sensitive to their needs
(Carless, 2006; Gebhard & Nagamine, 2006; Carvalho de Oliveira & Richardson,
2001). Cooperation with NESTs inspired non-NESTs to use communicative activities
that would not have normally been attempted (Carless, 2006). They acquired
idiomatic expressions, vocabulary, and pronunciation. The increased sociolinguistic
competence in English made them more confident teachers (Carvalho de Oliveira &
Richardson, 2001). Overall, through the process of collaboration, both NESTs and
non-NESTs gained an awareness of their teaching, and developed teaching beliefs and
practices. This new knowledge is a source of empowerment for teachers to make more
informed teaching decisions (Gebhard & Nagamine, 2006).
While the benefits of NEST/non-NEST cooperation are enormous for
everyone involved in the relationship, it is the students who reap the greatest rewards.
Their motivation to learn English is multiplied when they can speak with NESTs
(Carless, 2006) and realise that fluency is an achievable goal as demonstrated by non-
NESTs (Carvalho de Oliveira & Richardson, 2001). The students culturally and
linguistically informed teachers are better equipped at creating effective lessons. In a

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Lee Native and non-native English speaking teacher cooperation

cooperative situation, both NESTs and non-NESTs can play to their strengths to
provide high quality ELT.
Implications for ELT in Chinese Institutions of Higher Education
The situation in China is ripe for adopting a NEST/non-NEST collaborative
program in their English language education system. Since the integration of CLT is
relatively new, China is more open to new and effective ideas. The Guangdong
University of Foreign Studies, at which Li Xiaoju is now dean of the Faculty of
English Language and Culture, just held its ELT in China 2006 & 3rd International
Symposium on CLT in November. The theme, Innovating English Teaching in
China: The CLT or Other Approaches signifies the countrys eagerness for novel
methods that improve ELT. Even in 1982, during the initial introduction of the CLT
movement to the world and long before its implementation into the Chinese
education system, Li Haili had already perceived the benefits of collaboration between
NESTs and non-NESTs:
It is absolutely essential for Chinese teachers of English and foreign
teachers working China to learn and understand each others culture so
that they will be able to provide their students with adequate social and
cultural background knowledge and increase their ability to
communicate (p. 94).
As the current dean of the Institute of English Language and Learning at the
Guangdong University of Foreign Studies, both Li Haili and Li Xiaoju continue to
pave the way for ELT advancement in China.
The governments ambition to create successful English language
learners is motivated by the realisation that having competent users of English in a
range of professions, business, workplaces and enterprises is a key element in Chinas
opening wider to the outside world and the drive to modernization (Liao, 2000, p.
13). With the abundance of NESTS employed in China and the efficacy of top-down
intervention by the government, countrywide NEST/non-NEST collaborative
programs can be quickly developed and implemented. It is possible that in just a few
years, students and teachers alike will begin to reap the infinite rewards of NEST/non-
NEST collaborative relationships and improved English Language Teaching.
Conclusion
This literature review lays the groundwork for the argument that cooperation
between NESTs and non-NESTs in institutions of higher education in China will lead
to enhanced ELT. The characteristics NESTs and non-NESTs bring to ELT are
complementary, and therefore cooperation between the two cohorts is the logical
progression in the advancement of this field. Since the use of CLT in English language
education is still developing in China, and post-secondary students are determined to
be successful English language learners, its colleges and universities are an ideal
situation to implement new teaching methodologies. However, research has
demonstrated only isolated instances of NEST/non-NEST cooperation in other

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countries. Further research is now necessary to produce a comprehensive description

of the various NEST/non-NEST cooperative methods that are feasible and effective at
institutions of higher education in China. A case study at one of the pioneering
universities of CLT in China, such as the Guangdong University of Foreign Studies,
would be a good site for this endeavour.
The results of such research have numerous implications for teaching practices
and academia. Collaboration results in the sharing of ideas, activities and course
curricula, thus contributing to their improvement as teachers and growth as
professionals. The students will benefit from the teachers enhanced cultural and
linguistic knowledge (Carvalho de Oliveira & Richardson, 2001). Other institutions
can naturally generalise the results towards their own specific situation. Schools can
choose the methods that are most suitable to its teaching environment and adapt them
by providing the necessary administrative reinforcement, thereby optimising the
strengths of their NESTs and non-NESTs. When two people work towards a
common goal, synergy tends to occur (Carvalho de Oliveira & Richardson, 2001).
The synergy found in NEST/non-NEST cooperation is essential in providing
exceptional English Language Teaching for the millions of English language learners in
China.
References
vra, V. & Medges, P. (2000). Native and non-native teachers in the classroom.
System, 33(3), 355-372.
Carless, D. R. (2006). Good practices in team teaching in Japan, South Korea and
Hong Kong. System, 34(3), 341-351.
Carvalho de Oliveira, L., & Richardson, S. (2001). Collaboration between native and
nonnative English-speaking educators. [Electronic version]. The CATESOL
Journal, 13(1), 123-134. Retrieved October 16, 2006, from ERIC Document
Reproduction Service No. ED 474 366 database.
Gebhard, J. G., & Nagamine, T. (2006). A mutual learning experience: Collaborative
journaling between a nonnative-speaker intern and native-speaker cooperating-
teacher. Asian EFL Journal, 7(2). Retrieved November 10, 2006, from
http://www.asian-efl-journal.com/
Li, Haili. (1982). Language and culture. TESL Talk, 13(3), 92-95.
Li, Xiaoju. (1984). In defense of the communicative approach. ELT Journal, 38(1), 2-6.
Liao, X. Q. (2000). Communicative language teaching innovation in China: Difficulties
and solutions (Research). Retrieved November 10, 2006, from ERIC Document
Reproduction Service No. ED 443 294 database.
Maum, R. (2002). Nonnative-English-speaking teachers in the English teaching profession.
(ERIC digest No. EDOFL0209) Retrieved October 3, 2006, from ERIC
database.
McNeill, A. (1994). Some characteristics of native and non-native speaker teachers of
English (Speeches/Meeting Papers; Reports Research No. ED386067). Hong

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Kong: Papers presented at the Annual International Language Education

Conference. Retrieved October 3, 2006, from ERIC database.
Medgyes, P. (1994). The non-native teacher. London: Macmillan Publishers.
Ng, C., & Tang, E. (1997). Teachers needs in the process of EFL reform in China a
report from Shanghai. Perspectives, 9(1), 63-85.
Phillipson, R. (1996). ELT: The native speakers burden. In T. Hedge & N. Whitney
(Eds.), Power, Pedagogy & Practice (pp. 23-30). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Reves, T., & Medgyes, P. (1994). The non-native English speaking ESL/EFL teachers
self image: An international survey. System, 22(3), 353-367.
Seidlhofer, B. (1996). It is an undulating feeling the importance of being a non-
native teacher of English. [Electronic version]. Vienna English Working Papers,
5, 63-80. Retrieved October 3, 2006.
Wu, Y. (2001). English language teaching in China: Trends and challenges. TESOL
Quarterly, 35(1), 191-194.
Yu, L. M. (2001). Communicative language teaching in China: Progress and resistance.
TESOL Quarterly, 35(1), 194-198.

87
 Drawing in the Margins: Doodling in Class as an Act of Reclamation
Andrew Kear
Abstract
Drawing on experiences at my first practicum placement teaching grades 10
and 11 history at a downtown Toronto high school, this paper speculates on
the purpose and meaning of in-class student doodling. Doodling is
conventionally diagnosed either as a symptom of student disengagement
from lesson material, or as signalling a particular type of intelligence
associated with a visual/spatial learning style. In contrast, I suggest that
doodling may be viewed as a practice that, through the physical inscription
of unsanctioned marks onto spaces intended for educational discourse,
challenges the symbolic order and norms of the high school institution. The
act of doodling might be thus framed as one of reclamation. Moreover, if
teachers can come to understand doodles as one means by which students
attempt to reclaim their self- recognized voice within the educational system,
then doodling also represents an opportunity for meaningful dialogue.
Between October 23rd and November 27th 2006 I taught grades 10 and 11
American and Canadian history and civics classes for my first practicum placement at a
downtown Toronto high school. As a new student teacher I wanted to construct a
well-managed and equitable classroom environment for all learners, provide
stimulating and relevant lessons, and activate each students potential for historical
thinking.8 This personal mandate ensured, very early into practice teaching, my
awareness and sensitivity to student behavior suggesting disengagement from, boredom
with, or ambivalence toward classroom learning. At the same time, in striving to
realize this mandate I discovered that certain inherent problems emerged from my
initial attempt to diagnose behavior and treat scholastic disengagement, boredom, and
ambivalence.
This paper is specifically a reflection on the phenomena of in-class doodling, a
practice often interpreted by educators as signalling either a students ennui with
classroom activity or a particular type of intelligence associated with a visual/spatial
learning style.9 While this paper does not draw any firm conclusions that would

8
Historical thinking is a pedagogical method which emerges from the premise that history is not an
informational subject; that is, it is not a quantifiable content that can simply be passed on by teachers
and remembered by students. The historical thinking method requires teachers to draw extensively on,
and cogently integrate, primary documents into classroom lessons. Historical thinking is the act of
interpreting and assessing both the evidence from the past that has been left behind and the narratives
that historians and others have constructed from this evidence. See Mike Denos and Roland Case,
Teaching About Historical Thinking, ed. Peter Seixas and Penny Clark (Vancouver: Critical Thinking
Consortium/University of British Columbia, 2006), 2.
9
Erica Klinger, To Doodle or Not to Doodle. That is the Question, Teaching Portfolio at
http://www.tamiko.com/ek/teaching/document.html. In her account, Klinger goes on to give several
other less common reasons for doodling: i) as brain stimulation; ii) to focus; iii) as an alternative to the

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Kear Drawing in the margins

directly prove or contradict either of these assumptions, it does suggest that doodling
should be seen positively as a lens through which teachers can gain insight about how
high school students understand their place within the classroom and school
institution. I suggest that doodling is a way in which students, consciously or not,
stake a claim of personal agency and challenge some the values inherent in the
education system. In the end, there may be several cogent reasons answering why
students doodle; what this paper seeks to show is the sense in which all doodling, done
for whatever reason, constitutes an interesting communicative form for students, one
that can in turn provide teachers with opportunities to reflect on the experiences of
their students in the classroom and the school institution.
In my second practice teaching week, toward meeting the above mentioned
hopes and expectations I had for my classes, I began to observe my classes for what I
thought were the telltale behavioural cues of disengagement, boredom, or ambivalence.
I drew up a tentative list of these behaviors.10 However, as the practicum progressed I
became uncomfortable with the ad hoc empirical method by which I had composed
this list. Furthermore, it bothered me that I had no clear idea of how I would utilize
the information contained in the list; after all, I had merely composed an inventory of
behavioural signs without determining whether or not the signs really had any of the
significance I had tentatively ascribed them. However, I was most uncomfortable with
the impression that by making and recording private observations of student behavior
I was psychologically distancing myself from the class. I saw myself, in short, as
assuming the very sort of disengaged and detached attitude that I wanted to eliminate
in my students.
Upon reflection I decided that rather than continue to search blindly for
various categories of behavior, it would be more interesting and compatible with my
original hope and mandate, to observe student behavior empathetically. The defining
characteristic of my empathetic approach would be striving to understand the behavior
of students I stigmatized as symptomatic of their classroom boredom or ambivalence
through recollections of my own feelings and attitudes toward high school classroom
experience. In other words, my approach was to assume from the outset that the ways
in which students performed within the classroom were already familiar to me; that
their behavior was necessarily an approximation of what my behavior must have been
like at their age and that it was not therefore something altogether alien to, or detached
from, me. I would resist the urge to forget my own position and history within the
secondary school system and its institutions, refuse to imagine myself as standing at an
Archimedean point outside my students position, and would instead actively frame
the phenomena I witnessed through self-conscious reference to memory. The goal

written word; iv) as a form of therapy; v) as a form of artistic expression; vi) as a tool for
comprehension.
10
The behavioural cues I identified included students: staring into space, head down on desk/sleeping,
speaking out on topics not demonstrably associated with the lesson, requiring repetition (i.e. and not
simply clarification) of a question, and demonstrating evidence of doodling (in notebook, on
assignment, or on desk).

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Kear Drawing in the margins

would not be to use the contents of my recollections as an explicative tool or standard,

imposing it on the students, but rather to use the student behaviors and practices I
observed in the classroom as conduits through which I could mnemonically access the
sensations and feelings I encountered in my own commensurable high school
experiences.
My attitudinal reorientation toward in-class student behavior drew me to the
specific phenomena of doodling. Sketching and writing in the margins of my
notebooks and assignments was a recurrent practice of mine throughout high school
and into the present; it was thus an ideal point on which I could begin to empathize
with my students. And yet, despite my own rich doodling practice, I was not any
closer to fully understanding why I had developed this practice in the first place. Even
if I had understood my own motivations in this regard I quickly realized that I could
not assume that the factors that had caused me to doodle in class would be anything
like those of any other person.
At the beginning of my last week of practicum I made a public a call for doodle
submissions in all three of the classes I was teaching. I explained that upon returning to
teachers college I was required to write a short essay dealing with a certain aspect of
my instructional experience. I confessed that I had been conscious of there being
students in my classes who appeared uninterested in classroom activities and that I
thought this was important because it raised the question of whether this apparent
disengagement was caused by my teaching style. I said that I wanted to see what people
were doodling to see if this would offer any clues on how to improve my teaching
technique. Toward that end, I added the following clarification; the doodles:
i. Were not going to be evaluated in terms of their draftsmanship or against any
other criteria;
ii. Could be given anonymously;
iii. Had to have been completed before my call for submissions was made (i.e. I was
asking them to submit already existing doodles, and was not commissioning
new works);
iv. Would be photocopied and returned, not kept by me;
v. Could appear alone, or as marginalia within class notes or assignments;
vi. Could not appear on surfaces like textbooks, bathroom walls, desks, arms, etc.;
vii. Must have been executed during a class, but not necessarily one of my classes;
viii. Could exist in a variety of media, but it must be two-dimensional: pencil, pen,
marker, photo-collage, body fluids, etc.;
ix. Could be either text- or image-based;
x. Could be the result of collaboration with another student(s), but I would not
accept notes or communiqus passed between students with the purpose of
clandestine communication.
By the end of my final practicum I had amassed photocopies of 12 doodles from
the same number of students.

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Kear Drawing in the margins

My purpose in gathering examples from students was never to produce a

reductive explanation of why they doodled, but rather to use the imagery as a way of
accessing my own memories of my own high school experience, and thereby arrive at
greater empathetic understanding of high school students today. To that end I came to
understand doodling as a practice that, through the physical inscription of
unsanctioned marks onto spaces intended for educational discourse, challenges the
symbolic order and norms of the high school institution. The act of doodling might be
thus framed as one of reclamation. If as Emile Durkheim argues, all education is a
continuous effort to impose on the child ways of seeing, feeling and acting at which
[he or she] would not have arrived spontaneously, then what students reclaim by
doodling is an individual sense of personal voice and agency, a voice perceived as
swallowed up and muted under the imposed curricular expectations and normative
practices of the educational institution.11
In my study, this resistance moreover takes place in a very specific and
circumscribed arena. The doodles I gathered from students were those done during
class time, in notebooks, on scrap pieces of paper, and in the margins of assignments
and tests. Generally, students had more control over the reception of this imagery.
The doodles appear in a relatively private arena generally accessible only to the student
and, occasionally, his or her peers and teacher. In this sense the doodles stand in
marked contrast to drawings on a desk or bathroom stall graffiti, which are
communicative forms intended for more general public consumption and are often
more overt in confronting the discursive norms of the institution within which they
appear.
The idea of in-class doodling as a specific practice of reclamation within a
contested space was most clearly borne out in one student sample I collected that
appeared on a grade 10 geometry quiz (see figure 1). We can understand what appears
on the quiz as relating to three levels of discourse: i) the sanctioned and expected
attempt by the student to complete the assigned geometrical problems; ii) the
unsanctioned and unexpected student doodles; iii) and the teachers combined response
to the mathematical efforts and doodling. What is so significant about this artifact is
that it represents not only both the students institutionalized voice and her voice of
self-reclamation on the same page, but also the voice of the educator. At this third
layer of discourse, the teachers feedback The artwork is nice, but this is Math
Hannah, please come in for extra help expresses support for the student, frustration
and slight sarcasm. Yet, more deeply, it illustrates potential for doodling to act as a
unique communicative layer or medium between student and teacher.
Doodling is an interesting phenomenon because it represents a student-initiated
effort to carve-out a sense of place within the educational institution. Doodling is a
tangible act of resistance in that by scrawling pictures, words and shapes onto
notebooks, assignment sheets, and tests, students effectively demonstrate a refusal to

11
Scott Davies and Neil Guppy, Classical Sociological Approaches to Education, The Schooled Society:
An Introduction to the Sociology of Education (Oxford: Oxford University, 2006), 14.

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Kear Drawing in the margins

limit their in-class role to hearing, reiterating and discussing curriculum content in the
prescribed way. However, doodling is potentially something more; it might also be
perceived as an invitation to dialogue, especially by teachers. If teachers can come to
understand doodles as one means by which students attempt to reclaim their self-
recognized voice within the educational system, teachers begin to practice equity
pedagogy. If teachers can frame doodles as voice then they make themselves open to
perceiving students individually, in nonstereotypical ways, and to sharing multiple
perspectives even while there might not yet be any clear understanding of what, based
on doodling, the content of that perspective is.12
Figures

Fig. 1

12
Linda Darling-Hammond, Educating a Profession for Equitable Practice, Learning to Teach for Social
Justice, ed. L. Darling-Hammond, J. French, and S.P. Garcia-Lopez (New York: Teachers College), 202-
03, 209.

92
 Critical Literacy: Toward A Poststructural Integrative Approach
Sunny Man Chu Lau
Abstract
Critical literacy (CL), as part and parcel of critical pedagogy, supports the
view that learning is fundamentally a social practice tied to values and
ideologies (A. Luke, 1991). It is increasingly employed as an important
pedagogical approach to second language education (SLE) in culturally and
linguistically diverse contexts. Most CL work, however, sits complacently
within a modernist-emancipatory framework which fails to address issues
that poststructuralists and feminists are calling our attention to, issues like
embedded power relations, fluid subjectivities, text reception and resistance,
etc. This paper attempts to survey existing CL approaches, evaluate their
strengths and weaknesses, and propose an integrative approach which is
premised on a curriculum of greater self-reflexivity, embodied engagement
and participatory social research. The proposed CL model will be used as the
guiding framework for a critical action research to be conducted with a
Grade 7/8 ESL class in a racially diverse inner-city school in Toronto this
fall.

Introduction
In recent years that we witness a social turn in the field of applied linguistics
and second language acquisition (Block, 2003), with increasing research dealing with a
more socially sensitive view of language. Areas like class, gender, race and their
complex intersections with issues of language and power are explored (e.g., Frye, 1999;
Ibrahim, 1999; Lin, 1999; Peirce, 1995; Rivera, 1999). All these works are telling
language educators to take into account the cultural, economic, social, and political
domains where language learning takes place.
My research interest is in doing critical literacy work with English-as-a-second-
language (ESL) students. It stemmed from what I found as the inadequacies of most
mainstream ESL programs, which for one thing still adopt a functionalist and
assimilationist approach, which tends to view ESL classrooms as a closed box
(Pennycook, 2000, p. 89) and students as a social and cultural vacuum. Students
indigenous cultural and linguistic resources are ignored and dismissed as intervening to
English education (Bernhard, Freire, & Pacini-Ketchabaw, 2001), which is often done
out of teachers best intention to help students quickly master the language of power.
This kind of asocial and decontextualized L2 learning approach only discourages
students identity investment, hence making it more difficult to get them engaged
academically and cognitively (Cummins, 2000, , 2001). Another problem with the
present ESL programs is their lack of a clear focus in cultivating students deep
understanding and academic English proficiency (Cummins, 2000, , 2001) that is
crucial for academic success as they move up the grades and compete with their
English-speaking peers.

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Lau Critical literacy

Critical literacy, as part and parcel of critical pedagogy, supports the view that
learning is fundamentally socially-situated and is tied to values, ideologies and beliefs
(A. Luke, 1991). It is increasingly employed as an important pedagogical approach to
second language education (SLE) in culturally and linguistically diverse contexts to
expand minority students identity and cognitive engagement. Most critical literacy
work, however, sits complacently within a modernist-emancipatory framework which
fails to address issues of embedded power relations, fluid subjectivities, text reception
and resistance, and hence becomes an object of critique by most poststructural and
feminist critical literacy proponents. My presentation attempts to survey existing
literature on critical literacy and evaluate their strengths and weaknesses and propose
an integrative approach to critical literacy work that is premised on a curriculum of
greater self-reflexivity, embodied engagement and participatory social research. The
proposed CL model will be used as the guiding framework for a critical action research
to be conducted with a Grade 7/8 ESL class in a racially diverse inner-city school in
Toronto this fall.
Critical literacies
Critical literacy originates from the critical pedagogy traditions, with which
Paulo Freire, Henry Giroux, Peter McLaren and Ira Shor are strongly associated
(Burbules & Berk, 1999). Proponents of critical pedagogy see society as fundamentally
divided by relations of unequal power and are concerned with how cultural
institutions perpetuate or legitimate an unjust status quo. What these critical theorists
are urging is an effort to work within the educational institutions to foster a critical
capacity in students, not just in thought but also in action, so that they can resist such
inequalities of power. Critical literacy as part and parcel of critical pedagogy reckons
that literacy, though has much to do with psychological or developmental
phenomenon, is always a social and cultural practice. Gee (1996) argues that we are all
socialized into reading texts of certain types in certain ways or to certain levels (p.
41) and literacy practices are almost always interwoven with values and beliefs.
Literacy development has also to do with ones access to the social, community and
cultural resources, discourses and texts in ones everyday life (A. Luke & Freebody,
1997). Any cultural texts, be it a book, a film, television, radio, music, etc., are not
neutral or value-free. There are texts that fit more easily with the experiences of
particular groups of people and their world views, while others are marginalized and
silenced. Power and ideologies are conveyed and reproduced through language use.
Therefore Gee argues strongly against Ongs (1982) traditional functionalist view of
literacy as simply the ability to read and write as it cloaks literacys connections to
power, to social identity, and to ideologies often in the service of privileging certain
types of literacies and certain people (Gee, 1996, p. 46).
Critical literacy aims at helping students to gain the necessary skills to analyze
and critically dissect all the forms of culture they interact with, so that they can gain
understanding of how these cultural forms construct their knowledge of the world and
the different social, economic and political positions they occupy within it. The
ultimate aim is to empower the individual to become active readers and writers of

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Lau Critical literacy

cultural texts and create their own meanings to shape and transform their social
conditions (Shor, 1992). Hence, critical literacy does not just aim at equipping students
with a language of critique that allows them to have critical understanding of social
representations, but also a language of possibility through which social
transformation may be possible:
Among other things, critical literacy makes possible a more adequate and
accurate reading of the world, on the basis of which, as Freire and others put it,
people can enter into rewriting the world into a formation in which their interests,
identities and legitimate aspirations are more fully present and are present more
equally. (Lankshear & McLaren, 1993, p. xviii)
Despite the common commitment for social change, critical literacy education
does not stand for a unitary approach. There are a number of different orientations in
doing critical literacy, the differences of which are generated by the various theories
that inform them (Knobel, 1998). I am going to go through the three major approaches
using the framework offered by Lankshears (1997) followed by an evaluation of their
strengths and weaknesses. I will then proceed to survey some more recent critical
literacy work that bears a more self-reflexive approach and is informed by
poststructuralist and feminist beliefs. What I am going to propose at the end of this
paper is a pedagogical framework for a poststructural integrative approach to critical
literacy education which is premised on greater self-reflexivity, embodied engagement
and a curriculum built on participatory social research.
Different orientations of critical literacies
Lankshears (1997) three takes on critical literacy provides a useful framework
in examining different emphasis different critical literacy works have through
identifying each approachs object(s) of critique:
having a critical perspective on literacy or literacys per se, where literacy itself
is the object of critique;
having a critical perspective on particular texts, where the critique of texts and
their world views is the object;
having a critical perspective on --- i.e., being able to analyze and critique--- wider
social practices... etc. which are mediated by, made possible, and partially
sustained through reading, writing, viewing, transmitting, etc. texts. Here,
social practices, their histories, their normative work, and their associated
literacy practices and artifacts, etc. are the target of analysis and critique.(p. 44)
According to Lankshear, approaches to critical literacy may include one or any
of the objects of critique:
A critical perspective on literacy or literacies
Critical literacy work that falls under this category has their focus on what
literacy is. They distinguish themselves from the functionalists who tend to view
language learning as simply an autonomous, universal, cognitive process. Literacy is
often seen as merely a set of isolated skills like reading and writing, decoding and

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Lau Critical literacy

encoding. In the case of second language learning, literacy tends to be viewed as solely
to do with psycholinguistic processes, schema theory, or first language transfer
(Pennycook, 2001, p. 76). A critical view of literacy, on the other hand, argues that
language learning has to be understood within a wider context of social and cultural
relations. Literacy should not be seen an a monolithic entity but rather as a set of
contextualised social practices (p. 77). One example is Gees New Literacies Studies
(NLS) which sees literacy as social languages--- specific forms of English fit to and for
specific activities (or practices) and connected to specifically socially situated identities
(connected, in turn, to distinctive sorts of motivations, goals, and purposes) (Gee,
2000, p. 123). Informed by Heaths ethnographic study (1983) which shows how
lower-class minority social groups literacy practices are at odds with the mainstream
school-based literacy, Gee argues that literacy should not be just confined to school-
based practices but should also include socio-culturally diverse and community-based
literacy practices.
Multiliteracies (ML) (Cope & Kalantzis, 2000) is another example of such an
approach of critical literacy. As a response to the rapid changes in communicating
technologies in postmodern global world order, multimodal ways of communication
are available. The New London Group (NLG), of which Gee is also a member,
formulates a pedagogy of literacy which goes beyond language learning to include a
multiple modes of meaning-making--- written-linguistic modes, visual and audio
modes, and spatial patterns (p. 5). This is also to address the realities of increasing local
diversity and global connectedness. Globalisation of communications (through TV,
Internet, mobile phones, etc.) and labour markets have made language diversity a more
critical local issue. Multiliteracies embrace a more open-ended and flexible conception
of functional grammar (the NLG uses the metaphor of Design to replace the tradition
concept of grammar) accommodating language differences, be it cultural, subcultural,
regional/ national, technical, context-specific, etc. Students are immersed in a
community of learners engaged in authentic literacy practices (Situated practice) and are
provided with an Overt instruction of the metalanguage to describe how meaning is
made through Available Designs. Theoretical analysis of how a Design fits in with local
meanings and more global meanings (Critical framing) is also carried out so that
students can eventually transfer and apply Design to a different context (Transformed
practice) where their voices and expressions can be validated.
One example of this kind of critical literacy project is Knobels ethnographical
study (1999) on a student named Nicholas who is computer-savvy but passive and
easily distractible as a student. The study is about how he receives assistance from
home in using word-processing software to organise and develop his writing, and
eventually becomes more successful with school work.
A critical perspective on texts and ideologies
Critical literacy with this orientation concentrates on developing a meta-level
understanding of ways in which language is used as for communication and for
understanding of our world. The focus is on knowing how language functions as a
convention- or rule-governed system of communication (discourses), and as social

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Lau Critical literacy

practices (Discourses) (Gee, 1996). One example of this orientation is the functional
grammar approach. This approach is based on Hallidays (1994, as cited in A. Luke,
2000, p. 453) systematic functional linguistics which has the belief that the lexical and
grammatical operations of texts can by systematically traced to ideological
representations (field), social relations (tenor), and textual formations (mode). The
classroom focus, thus, is on getting students to examine the technical characteristics
lexicon, sentence-level grammar, and text genres a metalanguage that ties language
to function, text to context, theme to ideology, and discourse to society and cultures
(A. Luke, 2000, p. 453). One example can be drawn from Lukes (2000) using the Four
Resources Model13 he devised with Freebody (1997) in analyzing a high school
geography textbook. Through analyzing the tricky use of lexical choices and
grammatical devices (e.g. the use of we, the passive and lots of nominalizations, etc.)
what appears to be an antidevelopment, pro-ecology position of the text is shown to be
infused with a pro-development ideology. Another example is Williams (2001) textual
analysis of popular music texts over the past forty years with her Grade 9 students in
South Australia and see how the construction of gender roles has changed over the
years.
This approach is highly associated with critical discourse analysis (CDA), of
which Faircloughs work (1995) is exemplary. Proponents of CDA and the functional
grammatical approach to critical literacy assume a critical theory of ideology and that
there is a one-to-one relationship between ideological formations and discursive
formations (Fairclough, 1995, as cited in Pennycook, 2001, p. 81). By analyzing the
structure of a text or conversation (e.g. Who gets to speak? About what? For how
long?) and the content (i.e. ways in which ideologies are re(produced) through
discourses), critical discourse analysts believe that concealed ideological positions of
particular social groups can thus be uncovered and hence denaturalized. Critical
Language Awareness (CLA) originated in Lancaster is often considered to be the
classroom pedagogical tool of CDA (Janks, 2000). Both share the same mission in
deconstructing the ideological nature of any texts14.

13
Four Resources Model:
1. Coding practices: Developing resources as a code breaker---e.g. How do I crack this text? What are its
patterns and conventions? How do the sounds and the marks relate, singly and in combinations?
2. Text-meaning practices: Developing resources as a text participant--- e.g. How do the ideas represented in
the text string together? What cultural resources can be brought to bear on the text? What are the
cultural meanings and possible readings that can be constructed from the text?
3. Pragmatic practices: Developing resources a text user---How do the users of this text shape its
composition? What do I do with this text here and now? What are my options and alternatives?
4. Critical practices: Developing resources as text analyst and critic--- What kind of person, with what
interests and values, could both write and read this naively and unproblematically? What is this text
trying to do to me? In whose interests? Which positions, voices, and interests are at play? Which are
silent and absent? (A. Luke, 2000, p. 454)

14
CLA was later adopted by the critical genre studies mostly taken up in Australia as a response to the
widespread whole language approach in the 70s and 80s which was deemed to rely too much on an
idealistic and romantic view of students individual development, neglecting the institutional barriers

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A critical perspective on wider social practices

This line of critical literacy development followed Paulo Freire who saw
literacy education as a form of conscientizao (conscientization) (Freire, 1998) that
through reading the world and the word, people would come to see their situation of
oppression and then take social action against it. According to Pennycook (2001), this
approach which is very much based on critical pedagogy is widely taken up in the
North American context. The key concern is how the ideas, cultures, languages and
voices of students from the minority ethnic and lower-class backgrounds are
marginalized by the dominant mainstream curricula and teaching practices. Critical
literacy pedagogy is hence built on the notion of voice: ... the opening up of a space
for the marginalized to speak, write, or read... so that the voicing of their lives may
transform both their lives and the social system that excludes them. (Pennycook,
2001, p. 101).
Developments of the Freirean approach can be seen in the work of Auerbach
(1995) who places an emphasis on student participation in deciding the adult ESL
content. To her, curriculum should be emergent (p.16), starting with the learners real
concerns followed by a critical process of exploration through which language work
can be contextualized as students address those issues. With this approach,
[t]he classroom becomes a context in which students analyze their
reality for the purpose of participating in its transformation. They
address social problems by sharing and comparing experiences, and
analyzing root causes, and exploring strategies for change. Knowledge,
rather than being transmitted from teacher to student, is collaboratively
constructed, involving the transformation of traditional teacher-student
roles. (Auerbach, 1995, p. 12)
Another example can be taken from what Elsasser and Irvine (1985) have done
with their Creole speaking students in the University of the Virgin Islands. Following
the Freirean thematic research, the teachers and students co-investigated a problem
common to all students and in this case it is the students indignation about being
placed in a non-credit remedial English class mostly because they did not speak
Standard English. They started by first investigating the reasons behind peoples
negative attitude towards their Creole language and documenting their negative
experiences in their language use, and then went on to publish a letter in a local
newspaper releasing their survey results and giving out suggestions for curricular
changes.

some students experience in their access to the skills needed to succeed. The genre approach to critical
literacy argues that by overt instruction of the conventions of dominant discourse and mainstream
academic discourse, students will be able to critically examine those conventions and empowerment can
be achieved as students develop alternatives of their own.

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Evaluating the different critical literacies

The above classification is by no means exhaustive, nor is it meant to be a rigid
categorization. It just shows some main ways of how critical literacy is understood and
practiced. The list is meant, however, for my personal reflection on what could be the
most appropriate or viable direction critical literacy could take in a multicultural
urban Canadian context, bearing in mind Pennycooks (1998)cautionary words that in
examining any language policies, we need to understand both their location
historically and their location contextually (p.126) before making any judgment.
As mentioned earlier, mainstream ESL education in Canada still follows the
functionalist approach and the assimilationist mentality of most teachers and parents is
making students identity investment and cognitive engagement all the more difficult.
Unless English language education provides a means for critical understanding ones
own history and culture and his/ her connection to current social structure, students
interest and engagement in the subject would only be confined to its utilitarian value.
Having said that, the need to have a curriculum approached through critical politics
does not automatically mean that access to this dominant linguistic capital can be
neglected. As Delpit (1995) argues, it is extremely important that Black and other
minority children are taught explicitly the languages of power because [i]f you are not
already a participant in the culture of power, being told explicitly the rules of that
culture makes acquiring power easier (p. 25). Critique and access should by no means be
made exclusive to each other especially with racial and social minority students to
whom English provides a valuable means for academic and social success. To resort to
any simplistic either/ or solutions just neglects the complexities of the whole issue.
But what kind of approach to critical literacy is more viable?
Following on Buckinghams insight on critical media education, I believe that a
dynamic and sophisticated critical literacy approach should involve a constant shift
between different forms of learning--- between action and reflection, between practice
and theory and between passionate engagement and distanced analysis (2004, p. 154).
To me, any personal growth necessarily involves changes in these three levels----
cognition, emotion and behavior--- which means the nature of change should include
aspects in knowledge, beliefs, attitudes, understanding, self-awareness and practices. Hence
critical literacy, in my opinion, should include the following three aspects: 1. an
interrogation of personal emotional investments for embodied engagement; 2. a more
self-reflexive poststructuralist critical analysis; and 3. a curriculum built on
participatory social research.
An interrogation of personal emotional investments for embodied engagement
Critical literacy approach that relies solely on critical textual analysis,
ideological critique or genre studies confine curriculum purely to objective ideology
analysis which rarely relates to students own emotional experiences and identity
investment and hence can be easily reduced to a purely academic exercise and would
not factor into real transformative effects. Misson (1996)and Rizvi (1993) argue, with
respect to homophobia and racism respectively, that to develop antihomophobic or

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antiracist education requires much more than simply some rational, intellectual
explanation of what is wrong with racism and homophobia (Pennycook, 2001): Our
subscription to certain beliefs is not just a rational or a socially-determined thing, but
we invest in them because they conform to the shape of our desires (Mission, 1996 as
cited in Pennycook, 2001, p. 159). Postmodern theory of intelligence, especially that
proposed by poststructural feminists, draws our attention to the inseparability of
rationality and emotion (Kincheloe & Steinberg, 1993). The very ideal of the rational
person and the autonomous sovereign subject, whereby truth and meaning can be fully
accessible, becomes the object of poststructuralist critique. What they argue is that not
all our mental operations are available to us for analysis and not all of them are logical.
Wendy Morgan (1997) illustrates this point by quoting Shors (1980) research with a
group of students at City University of New York whom he engaged in a rational
deconstruction of the hamburger. Morgan wonders, after their investigation, if there
were no students who still harbored a desire for the food and the fast-food lifestyle,
and desired pleasure from it in other social contexts. She argues that [t]he inchoate
and contradictory workings of our unconscious, our emotions, our desires, must be
factored into any accounts of human thoughts and action- and any pedagogy(p. 12).
Poststructural feminists call for the dismantling of the Cartesian mind-body dualism
and point out that real critical ability does not just limit to formal rationality, but also
the ability to draw connection between social realities to personal desires, beliefs and
values. Critical literacy work should allow one to make connections to ones own
personal experiences and emotional investments as it is only through this can one
come to a critical reflection of ones tacit beliefs and assumptions, and a better self-
awareness and critical understanding of social realities, which are much needed for any
social changes (Silvers, 2001). This is what I call embodied engagement, that not only is
the head involved for rational ideological critique, both the heart and the hands are
both engaged for critical personal interrogation and for creating constructive ways of
addressing the issues. Without embodied engagement, ideological critique based on
textual analysis would only be reduced to analyzing other peoples problems.
This personal/ emotional aspect is found lacking not just in the critical
discourse analysis approach, or genre studies, but also in the New Literacies (Gee,
1996, , 2000) and Multiliteracies (Cope & Kalantzis, 2000) approaches. The latter two
though validate students diverse cultural literacy resources, the emphasis is still more
on access (i.e. access to the dominant modes of discourses as available in the fast-
capitalist global society) rather than on critique or personal interrogation of deeply held
cultural beliefs and investments. As Pennycook argues, these two contextualized social
literacy practices, though important in opening up new dimensions ignored by
traditional autonomous cognitive approach to literacy, lacks an overt critique of power
and a vision of change (2001). An example can be seen in Chandler-Olcott & Mahars
(2003) study on the teenage girl Rhiannons anime-focused webpage construction.
Following the Multiliteracies framework, Rhiannon is enabled to produce texts like
love poems and fanficitons through the use of multimodal computer skills and the
immersion into an online animation fan community for sharing ideas and solving
problem. No doubt, her tech-savviness and computer-based literacies, which are often

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dismissed as irrelevant to main-stream school-based learning, are validated and

recognized as useful tools for literacy learning. But Critical framing in this case is no
more than the critique of the technical use of audio, visual and spatial skills. The girls
assumptions of traditional notions of heterosexual romance are left unchallenged.
Transformed practice is nothing more than a hybridity of different popular cultural
forms. Hence, there is the need for space where students are encouraged to draw
connection between social realities and their own emotional investments and beliefs
for a more genuine self-reflection.
A more self- reflexive poststructuralist critical analysis
Another major shortcoming of the critical literacy taken up by proponents of
CDA, CLA and genre studies is its lack of self-reflectiveness in its claim to be
emancipatory (Ellsworth, 1992; Gore, 1992; Lather, 1992). What it is blind to is its
unreflexive modernist and positivist claims to truth. Critical textual analysis and
ideological critique are premised on an assumption of a normal, ordered,
nonperverted discourse(Pennycook, 2001, p.86) and by revealing power and ideology
that deformed it, we can return to a transparent and ordered discourse again. This
resonates with Habermass urge for the possibility of emancipatory through
communicative rationality whereby understanding among people can be reached
through ideal speech situations when participating speakers all strive for rational
consensus and assume equal dialogue roles ((p. 87). This Habermasian form of critical
theory, though providing a useful tool to critique ideology, is blind to its idealist
emancipatory claim. As Patterson (1997) argues, if the positivist claim to grasping
truth is to be discredited, it seems odd that as a critical analyst I should feel free to
assume the truth about ideological operations is within my reach (as cited in
Pennycook, 2001, p. 84). If all truth is constructed and reality is mediated, then the
truth the critical analyst is championing for is but one discourse among many. The
weakness of the ideological critique approach stems from its failure to understand, first
of all, how power works; and secondly, the whole idea of identity and agency.
Foucauldian notion of power
Foucault informs us that power is circulating, exercised and existing only
in action(Gore, 1992, p. 58- 59) and that there is no place outside power, outside
discourse , outside ideology, nor is there a position from which one can arrive at the
truth outside the relations of power. Power is knowledge and knowledge is power.
There is no unmediated access to the real and the real is always already produced
by social and cultural organization. The critical analysis approach, however, often
positions teachers as an objective knower and interpreter (C. Luke, 1997, p. 41) who
can empower the passive and naive students to see through the ideological nature of
difficult cultural texts. The reality is that apart from their many personal limitations,
they are often constrained by historical and social locations and power relations. With
the inherent embedded power relations within the classroom, students tend to position
themselves as intelligent and rational consumer of cultural texts since this would give
them a more socially powerful and prestigious position in the eyes of the teacher and

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classmates (Buckingham, 2004). Without relating to students affective and emotional

reflection, critical textual analysis can easily be reduced to a form of language games
(p.111), where students are just guessing what is in the teachers head and competing
for the politically correct answers to establish positions of good students. And it may
represent a new form of cultural capital(Bourdieu, 1991) for middle class students as a
form of social distinction as they are found to be more adept than working class
students at reproducing critical readings (Buckingham, 2004). The transformative
potential of such literacy education is thus not as great as it claims.
Poststructuralist notion of identity and agency
Another weakness in this textual ideological critique approach is its failure to
see how contradictions, contingencies, tensions, and internal resistances will inevitably
be involved in this whole objective analysis project. The whole idea of how the text
is taken up, understood or resisted is absent from such an approach. What
poststructuralist analysis has informed us about identity is that it is far from unitary,
fixed or universal (Barker, 1999) and hence reception of the text is never homogeneous.
Each reader comes to a text with very different histories of engagement with that
particular cultural form. They read through and against a social history of encounters
with other texts at other times (Buckingham, 1993). Reading is also a socially situated
and context specific activity. Construction of meaning of a text is always dependent on
the knowledge of a particular group at a particular time and about that particular text
(Alvermann, Moon, & Hagood, 1999). Students interaction with texts is never static
but always changing depending on the particular participants they are with and the
social setting. Gee (2001) argues that we all have multiple identities which are
connected not to our internal states but to our social performances: [t]he kind of
person one is recognized as being, at a given time and place, can change from
moment to moment in the interaction, can change from context to context, and, of
course, can be ambiguous or unstable (p. 99). Whats more, he points out that identity
is very much a discursive practice and has to do with ones own narrativization of
oneself as well as how people talk about you, and how much you resist or inhabit
what they say about you. Hence, identity is constantly created and recreated in our
interaction with people and it is very much shaped by collective discourses around us
(Sfard & Prusak, 2005). As Gee (2001) puts it,
[e]ach person has had a unique trajectory through Discourse space.
That is, he or she has, through time, in certain order, had specific
experiences within specific Discourses (i.e., been recognized, at a time
and place, one way and not another), some recurring and others not.
This trajectory and the persons own narrativization (Mishler, 2000) of
it are what constitute his or her (never fully formed or always
potentially changing) core identity. The Discourse are social and
historical, but the persons trajectory and narrativization are individual
(though an individuality that is fully socially formed and informed. (p.
111)

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Approaches like CDA, CLA and genre studies fall into the trap of structure
over agency(Pennycook, 2001, p. 93) and its predominant focus on production rather
than reception fails to see what has been read into a text by particular reading practices
other than some pre-given textual or ideological reality.
Therefore, ideological critique should adopt a more self-reflexive
poststructuralist approach and the effort, as Patterson (1997) points out, should be on
locating the intertextual and situated meanings (as cited in Pennycook, 2001, p. 108).
Besides, multiple interpretations from students of different social backgrounds and
history of literacy practices should be encouraged. Bearing in mind that there is no
unmediated access to truth, different individual responses should only be the starting
point (Buckingham, 2004, p. 120) and used positively as a resource for further analysis
and debate to explore the social basis of peoples tastes and media practices (p. 121).
Curriculum built on a participatory social research
The move away from structural determinism toward a poststructuralist
approach to critical literacy will mean a changed conception of teachers as the sole
holder of truth. What this implies is that instead of an all-knowing critical
pedagogue, what we need is a self-reflective practitioner-researcher who learns as s/he
teaches. The greater degree of humility and reflexivity (Gore, 1992) a teacher practices,
the greater the chances that there a safer space for students to have a more genuine
reflection on their own investments and desires, a necessary step toward embodied
engagement mentioned earlier.
The teacher as a practitioner-researcher will also imply that students
participation in setting the curriculum should also be maximized. Teachers should not
be the only experts who can determine for learners what is important for them to
learn (Auerbach, 1995), which, however is still predominant in approaches centered on
critical textual analysis and ideological critique. The Freirean perspective which
emphasizes the centrality of learners and their communities, and the integration of
research and pedagogy that starts with learners concerns is needed. Norton
Pierce(1995) argues strongly for classroom based social research to engage the social
identities of students in ways that will improve their language learning outside the
classroom and help them to claim the right to speak (p. 26). Involving students in a
dialogic process of exploration and action on social realities that relate to their interest,
desires and lives will foster both cognitive and academic engagement as well as
transformative effects.
Toward a synthesis for critical literacy education
Janks (2000) in her discussion of critical literacy education argues strongly that
different critical literacy realizations based on different conceptualization of language
and power relations should not be seen as separate enterprises but rather as crucially
interdependent. Following Roger Simons argument, she points out that critical
literacy has to provide access to dominant languages, literacies and genres while at the
same time examining seriously the ways in which meaning systems are implicated in
reproducing domination. Also diversity has to be validated as a productive resource for

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redesigning social futures and for possibility of change. Interdependence of the

different critical literacies are essential because, as she argues,
[g]enre theory without creativity runs the risk of reifying existing
genres; deconstruction without reconstruction or design reduces human
agency; diversity without access ghettoizes students. Domination [by
which she means ideological critique] without difference and diversity
loses the ruptures that produce contestation and change. Reconstruction
needs deconstruction in order to understand the manifold relationships
of force that take shape and come into play in the machinery of
production (Foucault, 1978, p. 94) (Janks, 2000, p. 179)
I agree, in general, with Janks call for a more integrative approach, especially
in the multicultural context of postmodern Canada. Critique has always to go with
access to the language of power because without it, disadvantaged children will further
be marginalized. Also theoretical study cannot be dissected from creative action so that
through real engagement with literacy practices we come to a better understanding of
their mediated nature. This is also in line with Cummins (2004) nested model of
transmission-constructivist-transformative pedagogical orientation.
Built on Janks synthesis of critical literacy education, I am going to propose a
pedagogical model that caters to such a balance. The proposed model is inspired by
Ada and Campoy s creative reading approach (Ada, 1991; Ada & Campoy, 2004) and is
shown below:
Adas original model is a reading process which is built on a 4-phase interactive

Personal
Textual Dimension
Dimension

Critical Creative /
Dimension Transformative
Dimension

dialogue between teachers and students, namely 1. Descriptive phase; 2. Personal

Interpretive phase; 3. Critical/ Multicultural/ Anti-bias phase; and 4. Creative/
Transformative phase (Ada & Campoy, 2004). The use of the word phase in the
original model is to be replaced by the word dimension as the former may suggest a

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discrete linear structure whereas the latter would give a sense of a more dynamic and
fluid relationship among the four aspects. The model can be used for reading any texts,
be it print or non-print. The original Descriptive phase which is meant to focus on
developing an understanding of the message of the book is replaced by the Textual
Dimension which highlights an more overt focus on the grammatical structures,
linguistic choices or multimodal designs of the text that help to present and construct
certain messages or characterization. The Personal Dimension is to encourage students
and teachers to weigh the text against their experiences, feelings and emotions for
critical reflection which will facilitate self-awareness, and in turn generate greater
potential for change and social engagement. It is also to allow students unique voices
to be heard, given the fact that there can be plural, contradictory readings even with
the same textual structure and content. This links us back to the Textual Dimension
and how textual production can intersect in multifarious ways with textual reception
(the overlapping circles in the diagram suggests their interrelatedness). Allowing a
space where all these different readings are openly discussed will help both teachers
and students to come to a better understanding of the constructed nature of any
discursive or multimodal texts. The Critical Dimension, like what proposed by Ada
and Campoy, is to encourage reflections on issues related to gender, class, race,
ethnicity, etc. that are generated from reading the text. The last dimension Creative/
Transformative Dimension is to encourage creative, constructive action that addresses
those social realities discussed through a variety of transformed literacy practices like
those suggested by the Multiliteracies framework. It can be a poem or a letter or even a
short video addressing the issues of discrimination or poverty, for example, and have it
sent to a local newspaper or published in the web or set up a blog to invite further
discussion in the cyberspace.
This integrative instructional model is closely in line with the Cumminss
Academic Expertise framework (2004) for second language education which
emcompasses students mastery of formal features through a transmission pedagogical
orientation, and their experiential learning of the target language through social
constructivist pedagogical orientation. This broadens the transmission of curriculum
materials to include the development of students higher-order thinking abilities
through teachers and students co-constructing of knowledge and understanding.
Finally, it is the depth of critical understanding through transformative pedagogical
orientation. The emphasis is not just on transmitting the curriculum and constructing
knowledge but also on enabling students to gain insight into how knowledge intersects
with power. The goal is to promote critical literacy among students.
The poststructural integrative critical literacy approach is not meant to be a
fixed one-size-fits-all model or some kind of placebo that can fix any literacy problem.
That is why the main aim of the research is to collaboratively explore with frontline
teachers and ESL students how it plays out in the context-bound classroom.

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social worlds? TESOL Quarterly, 33(3), 393- 412.
Luke, A. (1991). Questions and answers: Critical literacy. The Reading Teacher, 44(7),
518-519.
Luke, A. (2000). Critical literacy in Australia: A matter of context and standpoint.
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Luke, A., & Freebody, P. (1997). The social practice of reading. In S. Muspratt, A.
Luke & P. Freebody (Eds.), Constructing critical literacies: Teaching and learning
textual practice (pp. 185-226). Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press.
Luke, C. (1997). Media literacy and cultural studies. In S. Muspratt, A. Luke & P.
Freebody (Eds.), Constructing critical literacies: Teaching and learning textual
practice (pp. 19- 50). Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press.
Morgan, W. (1997). Critical literacy in the classroom: The art of the possible. London:
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Quarterly, 29, 9- 31.
Peirce, B. N. (1995). Social identity, investment, and language learning. TESOL
Quarterly, 29(1), 9- 32.
Pennycook, A. (1998). English and the discourse of colonialism. London: Routledge.
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classrooms. In J. K. Hall & W. G. Eggington (Eds.), The sociopolitics of English
language teaching (pp. 89- 103). Clevedon, England: Multilingual Matters Ltd.
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Rivera, K. M. (1999). Popular research and social transformation: A community-based
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Sfard, A., & Prusak, A. (2005). Telling identities: In search of an analytic tool for
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Australia.

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 Education and Markets in the United Kingdom
Joannie Leung
Abstract
This paper analyses the use of markets in the education system in England.
Educational markets and parental choice are seen by politicans and policy
advisors as the 'solution' to social exclusion and poor educational standards.
The historical, social, cultural, and political educational changes in England
will be discussed. In this paper, I will briefly discuss the use of human capital
theory in education, and the issues that arise when education is regarded as a
commodity. In particular, I will also analyse the use of policies in England
which promotes privatisation, and how using the market in education will
lead to social exclusion.

Introduction
Raising educational standards has been high on the policy agenda of the UK
government and is an on-going subject since the post-war period. Many politicians and
market advocates believe that choice, through parents and students, will force
competition between schools, which will result in the drive for raising educational
standards and attainment.
In this paper, I will discuss why markets were introduced in the UK education
system by examining its historical context. Using human capital theory as the
theoretical framework, I will be exploring some of the empirical studies in this area to
analyse, politically and economically, some of the current education policies on topics
such as choice and competition, education and the labour market, compulsory and
post-compulsory education, and educational inequalities in the UK context. It is also
important to clarify at this point that most writers about education, including myself,
use the term UK or Britain to refer to the education system in England. The data
and studies are English and the context refers to the education system in England.
I will conclude, using evidence from various literature, how education markets
do not achieve its purpose of raising attainment. There is no conclusive evidence that
choice and competition raise educational standards; at best, the empirical results are
mixed. On the other hand, markets in education have serious repercussions on issues
of inequality.
Human Capital Theory
Human capital consists of the obtained energy, motivation, skills, and
knowledge possessed by human beings, that can be utilized over a period of time to the
task of producing goods and services (Douglass, 1977). The concept of human capital
has been used to demonstrate the magnitude and the economic importance of the stock
of human resources (Kiker, 2005). Kiker states a several motives for treating human
beings as capital and valuing them in money terms: first, it demonstrates the power of
a nation; second, to determine the economic effect of education, health and

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immigration; third, to propose tax schemes that are more equitable than the existing
one; fourth, to determine the total cost of a war; fifth, for public awareness on the
need for life and health conservation, and sixth, to assist courts and boards in a fair
decision-making process in dealing with compensation for personal injury and death.
These are the public purposes of human capital but one must keep in mine there are
also private purposes as well (i.e. wages).
Human capital theory suggests that education should be seen primarily as an
investment good. When new capital is formed, economists say that investment takes
place (Douglass, 1977). Investment is the act of allocating resources to the production
of producer goods rather than consumer goods. Individuals invest in human capital,
such as schooling, because human capital makes the individual more productive and
this gain in productivity is reflected in higher wages (Machin and Vignoles, 2005). In
essence, by applying human capital theory, education is being regarded as a
commodity, one that can be bought and sold. If education can be bought, then only
those who can afford it can purchase it; and if education can be sold, then would be
selling it: the government, the private sector, or both? Another issue that arises is if
education is argued to provide direct and indirect benefits to the society, then should
there be government intervention? On the other hand, there is a parallel version of
this argument regarding private benefits. The problem with regarding education as a
commodity, as I will argue later in the paper, is that it would increase inequality and
the gap between the rich and the poor. We will also observe how this theoretical
framework echoes through the policy initiatives in the UK education system.
The idea that todays problems are best dealt with by the market and
government regulations should be as minimal as possible is one of the objectives of the
neo-liberal system. However, Apple (2001) warns that neo-liberal policies, in practice,
involving market 'solutions' may actually serve to reproduce, not subvert, traditional
hierarchies of class and race. The neo-liberalist claims have hidden effects. The middle
class is advantaged in marketisation, and class, gender and race must be considered in
the analysis of discourses and policies. We will see how the neo-liberalist thoughts
echo in the UK governments strategies to raise standards. Under this ideology,
education must be made more efficient by following a market model and moving away
from the traditional concept of education as a publicly provided social good. In this
market model, there are three important elements: making the provision of education
more cost-efficient; high-stakes testing and standardization; and focussing on
marketable skills. These elements are combined in different policies, as we will be
discussing later in the paper.
When we consider human capital in the form of education, one must also
realise that there are private and public returns to education. Amongst the private
benefits are in forms of higher wages. The social benefits are the reasons the
government have a public policy interest in creating markets in education. A more
productive labour force leads to economic growth. Therefore, it is in the
governments interest to encourage human capital formation. To do so, the
government can alter either the cost or the benefit of a human capital investment. We

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will also be exploring this concept in more detail later in the paper. In order to remain
competitive globally by producing high skilled workers, they create markets in
education. George Langelett (2002) argues that investments in education benefit the
economy as a whole, as these investments affect economic growth. He identifies nine
ways in which providing education to individuals contribute to economic growth for
the country as a whole: first, education changes peoples attitude and perceptions into
becoming more inclined towards bettering themselves which, in turn, will contribute
towards economic growth; second, education can bring knowledge that help make
more efficient use of existing resources by developing complimentary resources to
substitute for scare resources; third, there is a positive correlation between education
and life expectancy, which will provide longer return to the investment into human
capital and a healthier work force; fourth, education is a form of consumption, since it
makes a net contribution to economic growth; fifth, education contributes to
developing new technology through research; sixth, education can help discover and
cultivate potential talent; seventh, there is a positive correlation between education and
peoples ability to adapt to change, which will improve economic growth by allowing
a quicker transition to a changing environment; eighth, education system can provide a
supply of education that meets the demands of a countrys need for high levels of skills
and knowledge, which results in higher paying jobs; and finally, education increases a
womens opportunity in the work force, which reduces the fertility rate; in turn, it
yields a higher income growth per capital. These are a few of the possible arguments
individuals can use to justify the importance of education to the benefit of the society
and to the individual. Therefore, one can say that it is in ones best interest to ensure a
nation is well educated. We will see this in our discussion of the development of
education policies, such as compulsory schooling, and raising standards, leading to
the introduction of education markets. Moreover, we can use human capital theory to
justify why education plays a critical role to a nation and to an individual. This can
also justify why politicians see a need to introduce educational reforms to raise
standards; and their solution to the problem is the introduction of markets to the
education system.
Historical Context
During the post-war period, there was a decline in growth and productivity in
Britain. This is accompanied by rising inflation and the perceived threats of the rising
growth of the Asian Tiger. This has left some to believe that the state education
system is to be blamed (Hughes et al., 1999). Social progress in this period was also
deteriorating. First, the idea of economic prosperity for all, shared in the form of
wages, has become economic prosperity for a minority. The incomes of the richest
rose significantly whilst declined for the poor. Second, security, achieved through
policies ensuring full employment, is threatened by the changing workforce
characteristics. Due to changes in organizational structures of corporations, workers
were no longer benefiting from job security with budget cuts, down-sizing, and
technology replacing certain work sectors. Thus, greater economic insecurity and
disproportionate income distribution have lead to the critical role education has taken

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on. This is lead by the belief that better educated individuals receive higher incomes.
Education has assumed greater importance in providing security and opportunity for
those in the labour market. As a result of the economical and political changes during
the post-war period, particularly in the 1970s, politicians have had the inclination to
believe that education and schooling will achieve individual personal fulfillment and a
successful working life (Chitty, 2004). The idea of schooling as a preparation for a
working life has certain implications and raises concerns to many educators. This
will be discussed further as we see how markets are introduced into education and the
connotations it may hold.
History of the Education System
With the introduction of the 1944 Education Act, commonly known as the
Butler Education Act, it marks a significant moment in history for the education
system in England and Wales. The education reform dramatically changed the system
and has shaped the English education system in a way which its effects are still seen
today. These changes include distinguishing between primary (5-11 years old) and
secondary education (11-15 years old) by eliminating the former all age (5-14 years old)
elementary sector; ending tuition fees that were charged for pupils attending state
secondary schools; introducing a more equitable funding to localities and to different
school sectors (Batteson, 1999). The Act also reconstituted the Board of Education as
the Ministry of Education and extended its powers, proposing its commitment to rise
school-leaving age from 14 to 15 by 1947 and eventually to 16 by 1972; mandating
local authorities to provide nursery education, further education; and introducing a
new salary schedule for determining teachers pay in the maintained sector. The
tripartite15 system of secondary education was introduced in establishing the
secondary education for all. This system allowed for the creation of the present day
comprehensive schools, which combines the strands of the tripartite system.
In this paper, I will continue to discuss some of the policy implementations and
practices after this point in time, including those from the Thatcher Government to
the present day Labour Government of Tony Blair.
The Birth of Education Markets
Individuals in support of education markets assert it raises standards and
promote equal opportunities at a time when economic competitiveness is seen to
depend on the performance of educational systems. It is believed that education, once
released from the chains of the state (Lauder et al., 1999), could help revitalize the
nation. State inference is thought to hinder initiative and talent; therefore,
competition is needed to stimulate the able pupils and to raise level of schools
performance. It is also argued that state education insulate schools from competition
by the method of zoning or applying catchment areas, which guaranteed schools a
supply of pupils, irrespective of how they perform. Therefore, the root cause of the

15
The tripartite system divided secondary schools into modern schools, grammar schools and technical
high school.

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decline of state education is this lack of competition. It is also claimed that

competition would lead to cultural renewal through a dissemination of greater
initiative and creativity in society.
In the market model, school funding is determined by the number of pupil
intake, so schools will enter into competition to attract pupils; therefore, the recipe for
raising school performance is parental knowledge and consumer power.
To support education markets, one must believe that political control over
public schools is indeed the causes for its low performance, and this is evident
through private schools, which operates in a market, performed better than public
schools. In addition, to revitalize the nation through education, one must establish
that there is a decline in educational standards if an argument for reform is to be made.
Historically, in the United States, there was a decline in Scholastic Aptitide
Test scores (SATs) in the mid-sixties. In addition, their performance was poor relative
to Pacific Rim nations on comparative international measures in science and maths.
The conclusion drawn by the supporters of market critics was that education was
failing due to a lack of competition between schools. Finally, there was a concern that
disadvantaged parents and their children were trapped, by zones in inner city ghetto
schools. So by removing the zones, it was hoped that some pupils would move to
schools beyond their local area, thus decreasing segregation. Competition and choice
was the answer to their prayers.
The Critics of Education Markets
Others may argue that there are problems with the market model. First, since
pupils do not pay for compulsory education, there is no price system to balance supply
and demand. There was attempt to resolve this constraint, such as the use of vouchers;
however, this only addresses the demand side of the market (Lauder et al., 1999). On
the supply side, there should be, in theory, many producers so consumers can choose
from a wide range of schools. This is not the case since government funding is finite
and the range of choice is restricted by financial constraints. So the key issue here is
that demand and supply have to be regulated by other means than government
funding. In the market of perfect competition16, it is assumed that products are private
goods. This implies that one persons consumption of good does not affect the welfare
of other consumers. This is one of the issues of education markets. There is evidence
to believe that the social class and ethnic characteristics of students within a school
have a significant impact on its performance (Lauder et al. 1999). So if parents decide
to remove their children from one school to another because they consider themselves
better off, this may have harmful consequences for those that remain. In their study,
Lauder et al (1999) show that markets are likely to lead to a decline in overall
educational standards because they have negative effect on the performance of working
class schools, while the leaving middle class untouched.

16
By definition, perfect competition is an market situation where buyers and sellers are so numerous
and well informed that each can act as a price-taker, able to buy or sell any desired quantity without
affecting the market price.

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Market behaviour also assumes that all parents will seek schools to send their
children which will be most successful in providing them with high level credentials.
It is also assumed that there are no barriers to access across schools within the market,
including access to the knowledge required to make informed choices. However,
supporters of education markets assume that parents can make rational preferences and
informed choices. We will be discussing parental choice in more detail later. Lauder et
al. (1999) cautions that the aims and significance of education are interpreted
differently by working class and middle class students: there is neither equality in the
knowledge and expectations neither of parents nor in the way parents are responded to
by schools. This has profound implications for the theories advocating the
marketisation of education.
From an economic perspective, there are limits to the operation of a quasi-
market in the UK education system. For examples, schools are generally not allowed
to go bankrupt; parents still lack full information on the quality of schools; often
conflicting and unclear objectives in decision-making within schools; multiple outputs
ranging from test scores to quality of learning.
Numerous studies have shown that there is no evidence linking choice and
competition to raising standards or achievement. For example, Gibbons et al. (2006)
attempts to examine causal links between choice and competition and academic
achievement of primary school pupils in the south east of England. The authors have
found that pupils who have more choice of schools at their place of residence achieve
no better than those with more limited choice. In addition, secular schools located in
places where they face strong competition perform no better than secular schools in
more monopolistic settings. Although they have found that faith schools seem to
respond more positively to competition and there is evidence that show pupils in more
isolated faith schools perform less well than those in competitive faith school
'markets', on the whole, choice and competition does not seem to be generally
effective in raising standards in the school context. Existing evidence on the beneficial
effects of competition on educational achievements is at best mixed and does not
provide any solid evidence for policy conclusions. In their study, there is some
'comfort' for believers of education markets. There is some evidence to suggest that
competition may improve schooling for some of the 1 in 5 or so of the school
population who attend religious primary schools17. Nonetheless, for the most part, the
results cast some doubt on general effectiveness of choice and competition in the
school context.
A study, conducted by Galindo-Rueda and Vignoles (2003), show that the
British education system has become less meritocratic18. The research uses two data
sets, the National Child Development Study (NCDS), a cohort born in 1958, and the

17
A further study on faith primary schools was conducted by Gibbons and Silva (2006), and most
differences in attainment can be accounted for by differences in pupils and admission and governance
arrangements, rather than choice and competition.
18
A meritocratic society can be one that is defined as an individual's economic success and social status
are determined by their own ability and effort, rather than by their parents' socio-economic status.

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British Cohort Study (BCS), a cohort born in 1970, to examine the relationship
between social class, ability, educational achievement and subsequent labour market
success. The results show that the effect of cognitive ability on education attainment
decreased, with an increasing effect of parental social class and income in determining
educational attainment. This means that an individual's ability is a poorer predictor of
how well they do in educational attainment than in the past. The results also show
that cognitive ability seems to be increasingly determined by parental income and
social class, at least through primary school. In addition, it appears that the
probability of gaining a higher-level qualification has increased similarity for all ability
groups. Therefore, it appears that it is not the most able who benefited from the
expansion of the UK education system but rather the most privileged. Further
analysis reveals that it is children from better off backgrounds who have mainly
benefited from the increasing value of a degree.
Another study (Blanden et al., 2002) suggests that where you come from
matters more now than in the past, with a stronger link to an individual's earnings to
that of their parents. Therefore, it appears that intergenerational mobility has actually
fallen with the introduction of education markets, and part of the fall can be explained
by the expansion of higher education, which has benefited people from rich families
more than those from poor families. The data was obtained from two British birth
cohorts, the National Child Development Study (NCDS), a survey of all children born
in the UK between 3 and 9 March 1958 and the British Cohort Survey (BCS), a survey
of all children born between 5 and 11 April 1970. There appears to be significant falls
in cross-generation mobility of economic status between the cohorts, with the
economic status of 1970 cohort much more strongly connected to parental economic
status than the 1958 cohort. The results show that differences in educational
attainment across family background have led to a decline in equality of opportunity.
Even though there is a large expansion in post compulsory schooling between the two
cohorts studied, the gains in educational earnings from one generation to another have
been unequally distributed across society with the majority of beneficiaries being
children from families who were already doing well.
There is further evidence (Hoxby, 2003) which shows that an increased
competition among schools and moves to decentralize school finance raise inequality.
Richer parents are able to take advantage of a more market-oriented system, which
means often more able pupils from poor economic and social backgrounds fall behind.
High socio-economic groups also appear to have better information on the
understanding of school performance, and if wealthier parents act on this information,
then there is a clear tension between strategies to raise standards and policies to reduce
inequality. Socio-economic background also relates to school quality and pupil
performance via peer groups, thus if parental choice leads to greater socio-economic
segregation across schools, peer group effects will further reinforce socio-economic
disadvantage.

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Education Policy in the UK

Due to rising concerns to address specific issues in the UK education system,
there were many attempts to reform the education system throughout the post-war
period. Machin and Vignoles (2006) examine four areas of public policy concerns in
the past three decades.
One of the main concerns of public policy in the 1980s has been the staying on
19
rate in the UK. Although evidence shows the staying on rate is rising, it is still low
relative to its international counterparts20. Since exam achievement at age 16 has
declined from around 1970 to mid 1980s, there was a concern about poor and falling
standards in school. In the 1980s, around half the cohort left full-time education
without any qualifications at the age of 16; more than two-thirds of the cohort did not
achieve examination success21 at the age of 16 thus entered the labour market with no
academic qualification (Machin and Vignoles, 2006). There was a clear concern
amongst UK policy-makers to introduction further reforms. As a result, the
Conservative government of the 1980s and 1990s introduced some market
mechanisms. These market mechanisms include parental choice, parent representation
on governing bodies, linking school funding with pupil enrolment numbers giving
incentive for schools to attract more pupils, publicly available test score information to
improve information available to the public (league-tables), and are schools forced to
be held accountable; all of which was introduced to aim at improving pupil
achievement. However, these market reforms also raise increased inequalities in
schools. Empirical evidence22 show staying on rate increased for all pupils and the gap
in stay on rates between the lower and higher socio-economic group pupils narrowed
about the introduction of these reforms; however, the evidence on the impact of the
reforms on pupil performance is more mixed.
A second area of public policy concern is the poor basic skills23 of the UK
population, particularly amongst young workers, relative to other countries.
Therefore, the government introduced curriculum reforms. The 1988 Education
Reform Act, introduced by the Thatcher Government, was a move towards a quasi-
market in education with the introduction of market mechanisms and the National
Curriculum. It should be noted that empirical evaluation of the national curriculum is
not possible since it was introduced nationally

19
The staying on rate is defined as the percentage of pupils staying on after the compulsory school
leaving age.
20
Source: OECD (2005) taken from Machin and Vignoles (2006)
21
Academic examination success measures the percentage of school-leavers achieving fie or more higher
grade GCSE passes.
22
Source: Machin and Vignoles (2005)
23
UKs level of educational achievement is compared internationally using the International Standard
Classification of Education (ISCED). Broadly speaking, ISCED levels 0, 1 and 2 refer to lower
secondary education or below (dropout), ISCED levels 3 and 4 refer to upper secondary (high school
graduation), and ISCED levels 5, 6 and 7 refer to postsecondary degree or above.

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Major provisions of the Act also include the introduction of testing and league-
tables, offering local management of schools, and increasing accountability through
regular inspections and the nature of school governing bodies. The Act also set up
Grant Maintained (GM) schools, which were allowed to selection up to 10 percent of
its pupils based on their ability. It was also the first attempt to bring the private sector
closely in to the state sector by introduction City Technology Colleges (CTCs) as they
are part funded by the private sector. In the 1990s, a further policy was introduced
called the literacy and numeracy hours. The empirical evidence of these impacts not
comprehensive; however, there is evidence that the impact of the literacy hour which
suggests it is a cost effective way of improving reading and English achievement
The objective for the introduction of market reforms was to raise standards and
achievement rather than issues related to inequality. However, there appears to be
very limited evidence that choice and competition have positive effects on pupil
achievement. Although there appears to be positive effects of market reforms on
achievement24, one must keep in mind the dramatic rise in examination success since
the late 1980s may be a result of a reform of the examination system at age 16, the
change from the Ordinary (O) level system to the General Certificate of Secondary
Education (GCSE). Unlike the previous system, everyone, in principle, could pass a
GCSE. In addition, the O level system was purely exam based whilst the GCSE
often have a substantial coursework component. The change in system may have
facilitated the differences in the examination achievement.
A third concern to policymakers is the relatively small number of pupils
staying on in education past the age of 16. This has lead to a low proportion of young
people achieving level 2 or 3 qualifications, relative to other countries. The aim of
public policy is then to raise participation in post-compulsory schooling. There were
two major policies introduced to tackle this concern: the vocational qualification
system and the introduction of an Education Maintenance Allowance.
There are many concerns with the vocational qualifications25 in the UK. There
are many providers and numerous vocational qualifications, leaving students, parents,
and employers confused with its content and academic requirement. As a result, it
leaves many of these qualifications with little economic value and academic status.
Numerous reformed were introduced to raise the value of these qualifications. Some
of these initiatives include the introduction of the National Vocational Qualifications
(NVQs) in 1988 and the General National Vocational Qualifications (GNVQs) in
1992. However, there were many criticisms directed at NVQs, including its low
academic requirement and knowledge. As a result, the NVQs lacked labour market
value. On the other hand, GNVQs was relatively more successful, as it gave pupils an
option to enter work directly upon completion or carry on with further education.
Nonetheless, it still lacked labour market value and employers were not keen on these

24
Source: Blanden, Gregg and Machin (2005) uses empirical evidence to examine the staying on rates
proportions by parental income group.
25
Official Website (DfEE) on vocational education and training:
http://www.dfes.gov.uk/ma.consultation/voc/index.shtml

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qualifications. This had lead to further reforms on the vocational education system.
GNVQs will soon be abolished with the introduction of vocational GCSEs for 14-16
year olds. Vocational AS and A levels have also been introduced for 16-18 year olds.
In addition, the Modern Apprenticeship Scheme was introduced in 1995 and modelled
on the German apprenticeship program, aimed for more able students in the 16-19 age
range. The apprenticeship program prepares workers for an NVQ level 326
qualifications and there is some evidence to suggest that it has strong labour market
values27.
The Education Maintenance Allowance28 (EMA) was introduced and piloted in
1999 and aimed to encourage disadvantaged young people in the 16-19 age range to
continue post-compulsory full-time further education courses at college or school, an
LSC-funded Entry to Employment (e2e) programme, or a Programme Let
Apprenticeship in England29. The scheme pays pupils, up to a maximum of 30 a
week30, conditional on attendance at a school or college, to help them with costs
associated with full-time studies. In 2004, the EMA was introduced throughout the
UK and is estimated that around 50 percent of young people 16-19 of age lived in
households with an income that qualified for the allowance. There is some empirical
evidence that suggests the education maintenance allowance did encourage higher
participation in education amongst disadvantaged pupils31.
A fourth problem policy area has been the inequalities in higher education
(HE). There has been an effort to reform higher education to increase participation of
lower socio-economic groups. Historically in the UK, higher education has been the
preserve of higher socio-economic groups, and although HE participation has risen in
the past decades, the proportion of participation amongst lower socio-economic groups
is low. The policy response is to further expand HE in effort of widening
participation for under-represented groups.
In the UK, higher education was traditionally free; however, HE participation
rose in the 1980s and 1990s whilst funding remained more or less constant in real
terms. Therefore, tuition fee was introduced in 1998. The fee was for a maximum of
1000 and had to be paid upfront; however economically disadvantaged individuals
were exempt from these fees. Previous to that, these individuals were also entitled to a
grant to subsidise their living costs whilst at university, but such grants were gradually
reduced in value and phased out completely in 1999. In replace of that were student
loans, repayable on an income contingent basis after graduation. The Labour
government proposed further reforms in 2003 with an effort to increase funding for

26
See Note 8.
27
Source: McIntosh (2002) taken from Machin and Vignoles (2005)
28
More information can be obtained at the following website:
http://www.dfes.gov.uk/financialhelp/ema/
29
The allowance is not available in other parts of the UK (only available for studies in the England).
30
Up to 20,817 per year, you get 30 per week; 20,817 - 25,521 per year, you get 20 a week; 25,522
- 30,810 per year, you get 10 a week; and more than 30,810 per year, no entitlement to EMA.
31
Source: Machin and Vignoles (2005)

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university. The government allowed universities to levy higher tuition fees on pupils
and charge up to 3000 per year. Unlike the previous reform, the fee is not payable up
front and will be paid post graduation on an income contingent basis. Such reforms
raise questions and concerns. First, by expanding HE and increasing the number of
graduates, one may need to address whether more graduates are needed. With an
increased supply of graduates, one may question whether the investment in
postsecondary degree acquisition remains valuable with significant returns. Second,
one may need to determine the impact on supply and demand of graduates resulting
from higher education expansion. Empirical evidence32 shows graduate wage
premium has not fallen despite the drastic increase in the supply of graduates. In fact,
the graduate wage premium has risen sharply at the same time as the supply rises until
the beginning of the twenty-first century where it stays constant33. It appears that the
economic value of HE qualification remained high even with the increased numbers of
graduates. The problem here is, as Lauder et al (1999) argues, that there is a risk of
credential inflation, when too many individuals hold a certain credential at that
particular level, it loses value and individual will try to gain advantage by studying for
a credential at an even higher or more prestigious level.
Third, there were concerns of inequality with the introduction of tuition fees,
such as the reduced demands for HE amongst economically disadvantaged young
people. Even with the governments efforts, empirical evidence suggest that there still
remains a large and widening gap in HE participation between the richer and poorer
pupils although it may not necessarily be related to tuition fees. Moreover, the
introduction of tuition fees may result in young people being more responsive to
market signals about the value of different degrees and make the choices accordingly.
A large number of individuals will be attracted to the degrees with the greatest
economic return, and many will compete for this limited number of prizes. This
may lead to shortage of skilled labour from some fields, such as the liberal arts, but a
higher supply of graduates from fields, such as business, where the competition is
fierce for that high-stake prize. To make matters worse, a majority will fail to attain
them which cause a waste of time, effort and money. In addition, the players in the
market (i.e. corporations) will distort the competition of credentials and meritocracy is
jeopardized. Opportunities for those with credentials from less prestigious institutions
will not be the same as for those with credentials from more prestigious institutions.
The signaling or screening theory, a part of human capital theory in economics, will
rank institutions and will indicate to employers which individual present the most
capital. Although the signaling theory does not create or add to human capital,
employers use it to calculate an individuals worth. Therefore, equal credentials do not
mean equal opportunities. This will further marketised the education system, with
employers and corporations having a greater influence on graduates outcomes.

32
Source: Machin and Vignoles (2005) examines the aggregate trends in graduate/non-graduate
employment and relative wages for all people age 18-64 in work and earning an income between 1980
and 2004.
33
Machin and Vignoles (2005)

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Leung Education and markets in the UK

Conclusion
In this paper, I have discussed the inequality issues that arise from the
introduction of education markets. Although advocates of markets claim that choice
and competition will raise educational standards, there is no strong evidence of it; at
best, the results are mixed. On the other hand, those who have warned of the
repercussions of introducing education markets are becoming a reality. We have seen
empirical evidence of greater educational inequality for the economically
disadvantaged. The British society has become less meritocratic, with social class
becoming a stronger predictor of academic and economic success. The opportunities
for the privileged have strengthened, whilst policy initiatives claiming to promote
equality have only created greater injustice for the underprivileged.
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Batteson, C. H. (1999). "The 1944 Education Act Reconsidered." Educational Review
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Blanden, J., A. Goodman, et al. (2002). "Changes in Intergenerational Mobility in
Britain." Centre for the Economics of Education.
Blanden, J., P. Gregg and S. Machin (2005) Educational Inequality and
Intergenerational Mobility, in Machin, S. and A. Vignoles, Whats the Good of
Education? The Economics of Education in the United Kingdom, Princess
University Press: Princeton.
Chitty, C. (2004). Education Policy in Britain. New York, Palgrave Macmillan.
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http://www.dfes.gov.uk/ma.consultation/voc/index.shtml.
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DfES (2005). Higher Standards, Better Schools for All, London: The Stationery Office
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Douglass, G. (1977) Economic Returns on Investments in Higher Education.
Investment of Learning. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 359-387.
Galindo-Rueda, F. and A. Vignoles (2003). Class Ridden or Meritocratic? An Economic
Analysis of Recent Changes in Britain. Centre for the Economics of Education.
Gibbons, S., S. Machin, et al. (2006). Competition, Choice and Pupil Achievement.
Centre for the Economics of Education.
Gibbons, S. and O. Silva (2006). Faith Primary Schools: Better Schools or Better Pupils?
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Hoxby, C. M., Ed. (2003). The Economics of School Choice. National Bureau of
Economics Research. London: The University of Chicago Press.

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Jones, K. (2003). Education in Britain: 1944 to the Present. Cambridge, Polity Press.
Kiker, B.F. (2005) The Historical Roots of the Concept of Human Capital. The
Journal of Political Economy 74(5): 481-499.
Langelett, George. (2002) Human Capital: A Summary of the 20th Century
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Lauder, H., D. Hughes, et al. (1999). Trading in Futures: Why Markets in Education
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Princeton University Press.

121
 Review of the mediating role of individual teacher efficacy and
collective teacher efficacy in the relationship between school
leadership and student achievement
Peng Liu
Abstract
In spite of the agreed-upon importance of the impact of individual teacher
efficacy and collective efficacy on student outcomes such as student
achievement and the significant influence of school leaders on teachers, there
still is a lack of a comprehensive framework in literature for understanding
the links between leadership behaviour, individual teacher efficacy, collective
efficacy, and student outcomes. The purpose of this research is to fill in this
blank spot by intensively reviewing studies related to these links and
proposing a comprehensive framework to describe the mediating role of
individual teacher efficacy and collective efficacy on the relationship between
school leadership behaviour and student achievement. This review presents
the idea that there is a clear relationship between individual teacher efficacy,
collective efficacy, and student achievement, particularly between collective
efficacy and student achievement. Leadership behaviours s affect
individual teacher efficacy and collective efficacy directly and indirectly.
This review also discusses some questions (among others, how to promote
teacher efficacy at the individual level and how to improve collective efficacy
at the organizational level through implementing effective leadership
behaviors). This paper suggests that in order to improve student achievement,
further empirical research needs to be conducted to test the role of different
leadership behaviors on facilitating individual teacher efficacy and collective
efficacy and to test the dynamic function of individual teacher efficacy and
collective efficacy on student achievement.

Introduction
Many research studies have confirmed that individual teacher efficacy and
collective efficacy are important variables related to student achievement. Bandura
(1977) defined teacher efficacy as a sub-set of the psychological theory of self-efficacy,
in which individuals describe beliefs they have about how well they might accomplish
a particular task. Some researchers (Cowell & Avon, 2005; Gian, 2006) have discovered
that teacher efficacy affects student achievement when controlling for the students'
previous levels of achievement. Students' academic achievement was linked to teacher
self-efficacy beliefs, although not significantly. Collective efficacy refers to the
collective perception that teachers in a given school make an educational difference to
their students over and above the educational impact of their homes and communities.
It is a promising construct for promoting an understanding of the ways schools can
foster student achievement (Megan Tschanne-Moran and Marilyn Barr, 2004).
Meanwhile, collective efficacy studies have shown that in addition to student

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

achievement, collective efficacy beliefs are crucial to organized goal attainment in

business, sports, medicine, the military, and neighbourhoods (Goddard, 2004). As well,
Gian (2006) summarizes other research results about the function of teacher efficacy
on students' academic achievement as follows: teachers with high self-efficacy beliefs
are more likely than teachers with a low sense of self-efficacy to implement didactic
innovations in the classroom and to use classroom management custodial control; to
take responsibility for students with special learning needs; to manage classroom
problems; and to keep students on task. All in all, Gian (2006) argues teacher efficacy is
an important predicator for understanding student learning and achievement.
Therefore, it is meaningful to explore the effects of teacher efficacy and collective
efficacy on student achievement.
Although there are not that many research studies about the relationship
between school leadership and collective efficacy, there is a number of research studies
which focus on the relationship between school leadership and teacher efficacy. As
Hipp (1996) argues that there is limited empirical data to support the direct effects of
principals leadership behaviour on teacher efficacy and related conditions in schools,
it is constructive to do research in this field to find out the concrete leadership
behaviours that influence teacher efficacy.
In spite of agreement on the roles of individual teacher efficacy and collective
efficacy on student achievement, there still is a lack of a comprehensive framework for
understanding the mediating role they play. Especially, there is no research on the
links between leadership behaviour, individual teacher efficacy, collective efficacy, and
student achievement. The research in this field mainly focuses on the school level and
student mathematics and reading achievement. It is hard to find research that covers
all school levels and all subjects. Meanwhile, for the relationship between leadership
and individual teacher efficacy or collective efficacy, the research separately focuses on
the link between leadership and either individual teacher efficacy or collective efficacy.
For the relationship between individual teacher efficacy and collective and student
achievement, the research has been done on these two links separately. The purpose of
this research study is to fill in the blank spot in the literature by intensively reviewing
related studies on these links and proposing a comprehensive framework to describe
the mediating role of individual teacher efficacy and collective efficacy on the
relationship between school leadership behaviour and student achievement.
This review will address the following important questions: how student
achievement can be facilitated through teacher efficacy and collective efficacy, how
teacher efficacy and collective efficacy can be improved through implementing
effective school leadership, and how teachers individual efficacy and collective efficacy
mediates the relationship between school leadership and student achievement. These
questions serve as a framework that guides the review in this paper.
This paper includes five sections. In the first section, the concepts of teacher
efficacy and teacher collective efficacy are briefly reviewed. In the second section, the
relationship between school leadership and teacher efficacy is analyzed through five
empirical research studies. In the third section, through two related empirical research

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

studies, the relationship between school leadership and collective efficacy is

preliminarily explored. In the fourth section, the relationship between teacher efficacy
and student achievement is explored. In the fifth section, seven studies examining the
relationship between collective efficacy and student achievement are reviewed.
Finally, based on relevant knowledge of school leadership, individual teacher
efficacy, collective efficacy, and student learning, a framework for future research is
proposed and discussed in the concluding section.
Review Method
In this paper, a total of 16 empirical research studies are reviewed. The criteria
for their selection are as follows. The articles were issued and published in formal
periodicals, and also include unpublished doctoral student theses. The period of
publication is from 1996 to 2006. Both quantitative and the mixed method are
included. Most of the articles reviewed here are from the following journals and data
bases: Leadership and Policy in Schools; Educational Policy; Educational
Administration Quarterly; Journal of Applied Psychology; Journal of Educational
Psychology; American Educational Research Journal; Teaching and Teacher
Education; Journal of School Psychology; Scholars Portal Search; Psyc Info; Scholars
Portal; Scopus; ERIC ( education).
The definition of individual teacher efficacy and collective efficacy
Selfefficacy has been defined as personal beliefs about one's own capability to
organize and execute the courses of action required to attain certain goals (Bandura,
1997). Bandura believes that in past research studies more attention was paid to the
ability of people to learn knowledge or to the reaction of people behaviour["people's
behavioural reactions to that knowledge", or "reactions towards people's behaviour"? I
am not clear here.]. Therefore, the process that links knowledge and behaviour is
neglected by many people. For example, many people do not behave well, although
they know what they should do. The reason for this kind of event is a problem in the
coordination process between knowledge and behaviour. In this process, how a
person judges his ability and how this judgement affects his behaviour and motivation
are the most important factors.
There are two strands to the definition of teacher efficacy. Using the work of
Rotter as a theoretical base, teacher efficacy was first conceived by Rand company
researchers as the extent to which teachers believed that they could control the
reinforcement of their actions, that is, whether control of reinforcement lay within
them or in the environment (Megan Tschanne-Moran, Anita Woolfolk Hoy, and
Wyne K. Hoy, 1998).
As for the definition of teacher efficacy, Bandura (1997) defines it as a type of
self-efficacy a cognitive process in which people construct beliefs about their capacity
to perform at a given level of attainment. Bandura also clarifies the differences between
these two strands of the concept: the Rotter scheme of internal and external locus of
control is basically concerned with causal belief about the relationship between actions
and outcomes, not with personal efficacy. An individual may believe that a particular

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

outcome is internal and controllable, or it is caused by the actions of the individuals,

but still have little confidence that he or she can accomplish the necessary actions
(Megan Tschanne-Moran, Anita Woolfolk Hoy, and Wyne K. Hoy,1998). The Rotter
strand researchers focus on the teachers' perception that they could control student
achievement. The researchers in the Bandura strand focus on the cognitive process of
the teacher's ability to perform at a given level of attainment.
In literature, some researchers (e.g., Gibson & Dembo, 1984; Matthew Blair
Mascall, 2003; Hipp, 1996) have divided teacher self-efficacy into two dimensions:
general teaching efficacy (GTE) and personal teaching efficacy (PTE). GTE is the the
teachers belief about the general relationship between teaching and learning. PTE is
defined as belief that one has the skills and abilities to bring about student learning.
Lewandowski (2005) cites the definition of teacher self-efficacy as the teachers
belief that they possess the ability to influence student learning and achievement for all
students, including those students who may be considered unmotivated and difficult".
Leithwood in his paper about the emotional side of leadership argues that
individual teacher efficacy it is a belief about ones ability to perform a task or achieve
a goal, which means it is a belief about ones ability or capacity, not ones actual ability
or capacity.
Based on the definitions of teacher efficacy above, this paper will use the term
individual teacher efficacy to encompass the terms teacher self-efficacy and teacher
efficacy which are used interchangeably in the literature.
Collective efficacy comes from the social cognitive theory of Bandura (1997).
Bandura defines collective efficacy as a group-shared belief in its conjoint capabilities to
organize and execute courses of action required to produce given levels of attainment.
Bandura (1997) proposed mastery experience, vicarious experience, social persuasion,
and affective states as the sources of collective efficacy. Schools are organizations where
teachers work together in an interactive social system (Megan Tschannen-Moran &
Amarilyn Barr, 2004). Collective teacher efficacy refers to the collective self-perception
that teachers in a given school make an educational difference to their students over
and above the educational impact of their homes and communities (Megan Tschannen-
Moran&Amarilyn Barr, 2004). Therefore, collective efficacy has the potential to
contribute to our understanding of how schools differ in the attainment of their most
important objective-- the education of students (Goddard, 2000). This paper defines
teacher collective efficacy or collective efficacy as a group-shared belief in its conjoint
capabilities to organize and execute courses of action required to produce given levels
of attainment .
The effect of school leadership on individual teacher efficacy
In this section, the relationship between school leadership and individual
teacher efficacy is analyzed through four empirical research studies. It is concluded that
transformational leadership is a strong predictor of personal teaching efficacy. But
there is no significant relationship between transformational leadership and general
teaching efficacy.

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Four studies in this paper explore the effect of the behaviors of school leader on
teacher efficacy. These studies use the mixed method (Hipp, 1996 ,1997; Lewandowski,
2005) and the quantitative method (give the reference of this study). Two of the four
studies use the Gibson and Dembo teacher efficacy scale. Another two studies uses the
Hoy and Woolfolk (1993) teacher efficacy scale. These studies confirm that eleven
leadership behaviors promote teacher efficacy (Hipp, 1996 ,1997) and that
transformational leadership contributes to teacher efficacy (Mashcall, 2003). Hipp's
research (1996) is based on an adaptation of Bandura's social cognitive learning theory
of self-efficacy (A.Wolfolk & W.Hoy, 1993; Hipp, 1996). Hipp used the survey
questionnaire from Leithwood's (1993) The Nature of Leadership Survey for principals
and teachers. For teachers, Hipp used S. Gibson and Mo. Dembo's Teacher Efficacy
Scale (1984). Through mixed methodology, the research confirms that the
transformational leadership framework of leadership behaviors promotes teacher
general efficacy, including inspiring group purpose, providing efficacy behavior
models, and providing contingent rewards. Hipp also discovered that modeling
behaviors and providing contingent rewards were significantly related to personal
teaching efficacy. Meanwhile, he also found that there is a significant difference
between general teaching efficacy and personal teaching efficacy. That Leithwood's
framework for leadership behaviors can promote teacher efficacy is strongly
supported. It could be helpful to do research on the components of transformational
leadership using other samples and populations since findings in the preliminary stages
of this study differ from the earlier findings of Leithwood. Meanwhile, the
relationships between teacher efficacy and teacher receptivity to change and the
successful implementation of new ideas and innovations need further investigation.
Further, GTE and PTE need to be further investigated in another context to confirm
the role of transformational leadership. In his 1997 research using mixed methods,
Hipp confirms the importance of the following leadership behaviors that promote
teacher efficacy: inspiring group purpose, promoting teacher empowerment and shared
decision-making, recognizing teacher efforts, providing personal and professional
support, managing student behavior, promoting a sense of community, fostering
teamwork and collaboration, and encouraging innovation and continual growth. 11
behaviors were found to confirm that the behavior of school leadership would
promote teacher efficacy. It is important to test the findings of these research studies in
other contexts. For example, all these research studies were carried out in middle
schools. It would be meaningful to do research in other contexts, because the factors
that influence student achievement would be different in high schools, elementary
schools, and middle schools. In addition, in Hipp's research (1996, 1997), gender issues,
school size, SES, and other organizational factors are not given enough attention.
Lewandowski (2005) uses quantitative and qualitative methods to find out how
variables such as leadership behaviors and teacher professional development affect
rural teachers' personal self-efficacy. The author surveyed 192 teachers from 17 rural
elementary schools in western Pennsylvania. The research instrument used was the
Teacher Efficacy Scale (Woolfolk & Hoy, 1993). Three schools which were
categorized as having higher personal teacher efficacy and two schools categorized as

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having low personal teacher efficacy were treated as sample schools. The teachers in
these five schools completed the Nature of School Leadership (Leithwood, 1997)
questionnaire. There are significant differences between high-efficacy schools and low-
efficacy schools in the six categories of leadership traits. One extra finding is that the
teachers in low-efficacy schools rate their principal higher than originally expected
(Lewandowski, 2005). The findings of this research are as follows: respect for staff,
tone for interaction with students, willingness to change practices, modeling of
problem-solving techniques, promoting an atmosphere of care and trust, and
representing a symbol of success and accomplishment all influenced teacher efficacy.,
although the degree of influence from these behaviors is different in high efficacy and
low efficacy schools. This study confirms the Leithwood (1997) research result that
transformational leadership promotes teacher efficacy. Meanwhile, principal support is
an important variable for improving teacher efficacy. Quantitative results reveal that
degrees exist among teachers personal teaching efficacy. Age, gender, teaching degree,
years of teaching, and other organization factors are included in this research. The
survey methods are fairly trustworthy because they have been used in another context.
Future research should focus on the context variables and sampling, because these
variables influence the research results. A low participation rate in the qualitative
research period also affects the validity of this research to some extent.
Mascall (2003) explores the relationship between teacher efficacy and
transformational leadership. Mascall uses the survey questionnaire designed by an
OISE team. Most of the questions in the survey questionnaire are based on
Leithwood's (1999) framework of transformational leadership. Mascall also uses the
work of Hoy and Woolfolk (1993) that is adapted from the framework of Gibson and
Dembo. The survey divides teacher efficacy into general teacher efficacy and teacher
personal efficacy. Mascall summarizes the relatively comprehensive framework for the
influence of transformational leadership on teacher efficacy: inspiring a common sense
of purpose; buffering teachers from disruptive factors; keeping student disorder at a
minimum; exerting influence on superiors at the district office; displaying strong
leadership; encouraging innovation; showing flexibility in allocating teachers'
classroom duties; being responsive to teachers' concerns; providing resources;
modeling appropriate behavior; providing rewards contingent on performance;
building teacher interaction; providing opportunities to learn from others; and
providing positive feedback. Mascall (2003) concludes that:
Transformational leadership practices account for small but statistically
significant amounts of the variation in efficacy scales. They account for
more of the variation in PTE than GTE, and for more variation in the
literacy survey than the numeracy survey. The dimensions of
transformational leadership which seem to have the greatest effect are
building school vision, building good relations with parents, modeling
best practices, demonstrating high performance expectations, and
fostering participation in decision making.
The leadership behaviors listed above are related to teacher efficacy.

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

In sum, transformational leadership is effective in improving teacher efficacy,

although the findings in this paper are mixed. The sampling procedure needs to be
improved and other related moderating variables need to be tested out in future
research. This field still lacks a comprehensive framework to understand the
relationship between school leadership and individual teacher efficacy. While
reviewing literature for this paper, behaviors of school leadership which can inhibit
teacher efficacy were not found in literature.
Based on the findings in these four research studies and Leithwood's (2005)
framework of transformational leadership, a table about the relationship between
transformational leadership and individual teacher efficacy is formulated. Except for
the dimension 4.2, management by exception: passive and active, all of the other
dimensions of transformational leadership are related to individual teacher efficacy.
Table 1
The influence of Transformational Leadership Behaviors (TLBs)
and Individual Teacher Efficacy
TLBs GTE PTE

Transformational aggregate
1. Setting Directions
1.1 Vision (charisma inspirational motivation) +++ ++
1.2 Group goals +++ ++
1.3 High-performance expectations + +

2. Helping People
2.1 Individualized consideration/support ++ ++
2.2 Intellectual stimulation ++ ++
2.3 Modeling key values and practices (idealized influence, ++++ ++++
attribute and behavior)

3. Redesigning the organization

3.1 Helping to build collaborative cultures +++ +++
3.2 Creating structures to foster collaboration ++ ++
3.3 Building productive relations with parents and the + +
community

4. Transactional and Managerial Aggregate

4.1 Contingent reward + +
4.2 Management by exception: active, passive
4.3 Management
Staffing + +
Instructional support + +
Monitoring school activity + +
Buffering
+means positively related to each other.
The number of + sign equals the number of findings in this paper.

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

The effect of leadership on collective efficacy

In this section, through two related empirical research studies, the relationship
between school leadership and collective efficacy is preliminarily explored. Goddard
(2000) argues for vicarious learning experiences and social persuasion to build the
collective efficacy of faculty. Another research study done by Gilad Chen (2002)
proposes that the new research directions of upper-level leadership and lower-level
leadership are related to collective efficacy by means of different mechanisms.
In a school context
Goddard (2000) argues school administrators should take opportunities to
provide vicarious learning experiences and social persuasion to build the collective
efficacy of their faculty. For example, Goddard (2000) argues visits to model schools
and videos of effective schools may be useful in this regard, especially when the models
are similar in population and resources to the teachers' own school. Additionally,
administrators should be attentive to both the competence and task dimensions of
efficacy. These arguments confirm the Bandura social cognitive theory which is that
vicarious experience and social persuasion are important. In Goddard's research (2001),
he mentions that group mastery experience was related to differences among schools in
collective efficacy. This finding confirmed mastery experience as an important way to
build collective efficacy in schools. This research result has to be tested in another
context, for example, middle schools and rural elementary schools.
In a non-educational context
Another researcher, Gilad Chen (2002), uses a multilevel model to do research
at the group and organization level about efficacy. This research was carried out
among 2585 soldiers in 86 combat units. The author focuses on the role of leadership
climate at different organizational levels. Chen (2002) found that soldiers' experience,
role clarity, and psychological strain can predict self-efficacy more strongly than
leadership climate. Meanwhile, role clarity is the mediator in the relationship between
self-efficacy and leadership climate at higher organizational levels. At lower
organizational levels, psychological strain is the mediator between leadership climate
and self-efficacy. Based on social cognitive theory and other research on efficacy
beliefs, Chen (2002) asserts that group-level analysis identified leadership climate at a
higher organizational level as the strongest predictor of collective efficacy. Chen (2006)
also mentions that leadership climate is related more directly to collective efficacy than
to self-efficacy. Therefore, Chen (2002) argues that leadership climate is more tightly
coupled with work group motivation than with the motivation of individuals within a
work group. Furthermore, Chen (2002) found that the leadership climate at higher
organizational levels is more strongly associated with collective efficacy than the
leadership climate at lower organizational levels. This research gives us a new research
direction in that upper-level leadership and lower-level leadership are related to self-
efficacy by means of different mechanisms. Future research would focus on other
organizations where there is less hierarchy. This research gives us implications for
future research in the school context, for example, how to promote teacher efficacy at

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

the group level and how to improve teacher efficacy at the organizational level, and
whether the leadership behaviors at the lower levels would be different than the
behaviors at the higher levels.
The relationship between individual teacher efficacy and student achievement
Three of the four studies in this research area are carried out in elementary
schools (including kindergarten). One is in a high school context. All the research is
carried out at the school level. In two studies, teacher efficacy is significantly related to
student achievement. In other two studies, there is no significant relationship between
student achievement and teacher efficacy.
Cowell Avon (2005) explores the following questions about the relationship
between student achievement, teacher efficacy, and teacher pre-service classroom
experience: what is the relationship between student achievement and teacher efficacy,
and is there an interaction effect between teacher efficacy and pre-service classroom
experience with student achievement? Sixty-six early childhood public school teachers
with 0 to 5 years teaching experience from Regions One and Two in the Bronx
participated in the study. The research instruments used were the Teacher Personal
Information Questionnaire, the Teacher Efficacy Scale (Sherri Gibson, 1983) and the
Early Childhood Literacy Assessment System-2 (ECLAS-2) literacy checklist. A
hierarchical Multiple Regression was used to analyze the relationship between teacher
efficacy, teacher pre-service years and student achievement. Student variables, such as
race, ethnicity, and SES were treated as controlled variables in order to check the effect
of teacher efficacy and teacher pre-service experience on student achievement. Results
revealed that teacher efficacy was not significantly related to student achievement, the
length of the pre-service was not significantly related to student achievement and,
finally, there was no significant relationship between the interaction of teacher efficacy
and the length of pre-service teaching experience and student achievement. The
strengths of this research are as follows: the author's attention to the gender, age,
ethnicity, degrees and experience of the teachers, and to grade level and type of class.
This research result is contrary to other research results which found that teacher
efficacy is significantly related to student achievement. Future research would focus on
the effect of student efficacy. The weakness of this research is that the size of the
sample is limited.
Gian and colleagues (2006) did research to explore the relationships between
teachers' self-efficacy, job satisfaction, and students' achievement at the school level.
2000 teachers in 75 Italian junior high schools were treated as samples to answer the
research questions. Data analysis was carried out by structural equation. The authors
found that teacher efficacy affects job satisfaction and student achievement when
controlling for the students' previous levels of achievement. In this research, the
authors discovered that students' previous academic achievement was linked to teacher
self-efficacy beliefs, although not significantly, but was not associated with teachers'
job satisfaction. The strong points of this research are its large sample size and its
attention to gender issues and the influence of the teachers' ages. Future research
could be done on the reciprocal influence between teachers' self-efficacy beliefs and

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

student academic achievement, which is related to Bandura's social cognitive theory.

Meanwhile, doing research at the class level would contribute to this field. In addition,
carrying out the research in another cultural context would be helpful.
Anthony (1998) explored the effect of teacher empowerment, teacher efficacy,
and transformational leadership in elementary schools, as well as the connections
between these four variables. 150 Kentucky elementary schools were treated as sample
schools. The research instruments completed were the School Participant
Empowerment Scale (Short & Rinehart, 1992), Hoy and Woolfolk's (1993) version of
the Teacher Efficacy Scale (Gibson & Dembo, 1984), and the Nature of Leadership
questionnaire (Leithwood & Jantzi, 1994).
The findings related to this section are as follows: teacher personal efficacy is
significantly related to student achievement. Meanwhile, high expectation (one of the
dimensions of teacher efficacy in transformational leadership) is significantly related to
student achievement. Teacher efficacy and the high expectations of transformational
leadership are significantly related to student achievement. The author finds that there
is no significant relationship between student achievement and teacher efficacy, which
probably is because of the newly introduced reform act in this state. In addition, the
author also finds that there is a significant relationship between PTE and five
transformational leadership behaviors: developing a shared vision, holding high
performance expectations for staff, providing individualized support, building a
collaborative culture, and providing a participative decision-making structure. Thus,
PTE appears to be related to several aspects of transformational leadership.
This research result confirms Hipp's (2001) finding that personal teacher
efficacy is related to transformational leadership. Future research still needs to find a
comprehensive framework to confirm the effect of transformational leadership on
teacher efficacy. The limitation of this research is that it examines only the elementary
school context instead of including both middle school and high school. Meanwhile,
the demographic factor would contribute to building up a comprehensive framework
for understanding teacher efficacy and student achievement.[Are you saying Hipp's
research takes demographics into account, or that further research should be done in
this area? If the latter, maybe say, "Meanwhile, exploring demographic influences
further would contribute to..." If the former, maybe say, "Meanwhile, Hipp's focus on
demographic factors contribute to building up...." .
Dana (2001) explores the relationships between perceptions of self-
efficacy, job satisfaction, academic achievement of students, and SES in at risk schools
(N=12) and non-at-risk schools (N=27). The participants in this research were
teachers and students from suburban Virginia schools (N=39). A 16-item Gibson and
Dembo (1984) questionnaire was used to evaluate teacher efficacy. Teacher job
satisfaction was measured by the Teacher Job Satisfaction Questionnaire (Lester, 1987).
The student achievements focused on math, science, social science, social studies, and
English (reading, literature, and writing) on the Virginia Standards of Learning
assessments. The Pearson regression was used to test the correlations between these
variables. The findings are as follows: the correlations between teacher efficacy, teacher

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

personal efficacy, and teacher job satisfaction were not significant at P.05 alpha level,
which indicates there are no significant relationships between these variables.
Furthermore, there is no significant relationship between SES and student academic
achievement. At same time, there is no significant relationship between student SES
and teacher efficacy, the correlation of which is not significant at P.05 alpha level. The
problems with this research are its sample size and respondent rate. The sample size is
relatively small and the respondent rate is low. Both of these factors limit the validity
of this research. Meanwhile, gender, school size, and other organizational issues are not
discussed in this research, which reduces its validity and reliability. Future research
would focus on a large sample to test again whether there is a significant relationship
between teacher efficacy and student achievement under the influence of other
organizational conditions.
To summarize, the results of these studies are mixed so it is hard to assert that
there is a significant relationship between individual teacher efficacy and student
achievement in all school contexts. There is no comprehensive framework for
understating the role of individual teacher efficacy in student achievement Two studies
confirmed the positive relationship between teacher personal efficacy and student
achievement. The results for the other two studies were negative. Based on the articles
reviewed in this paper, it is clear that the research on the effect of teacher efficacy on
student achievement focuses on the school level instead of on the group or individual
level. Meanwhile, other organizational variables should be included in this research
field to deepen the theory.
The relationship between collective efficacy and student achievement
Seven studies examine the relationship between collective efficacy and student
achievement. The instrument they use is Goddards (2001, 2002) 12-item collective
efficacy scale. Quantitative methods are used in six of the seven studies reviewed in this
paper. In only one article in this paper is the mixed method is used. Mathematics
achievement is treated as a dependent variable in six of the seven articles. Reading
achievement is treated as a dependent variable in five of the seven articles in this paper.
Two studies treat writing as a dependent variable. One study treats social studies as a
dependent variable. One study treats English tests as a dependent variable. Four of the
seven studies are carried out in an elementary school context. Two of the seven studies
are carried out in a high school context. One study is carried out in a middle school
context. One study focuses on student-level achievement. One study is carried out at
both the group and the school level. Six studies focus on school-level achievement. The
research studies reviewed in this paper show that collective efficacy in all cases was
significantly related to student achievement.
Goddard (2000) did research in urban elementary schools. The main concern in
this paper is to test out the relationship between collective efficacy and student-level
achievement. Goddard used mixed methodology to confirm the Bandura assumption
that collective efficacy would improve student achievement. As well as the main
research instrument containing the collective teacher efficacy items, a sense of
powerlessness scale (Zielinski & Hoy, 1983), an individual teacher efficacy scale

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

(Bandura, 2000), and a measure of teacher trust in colleagues (Hoy & Kupersmith,
1985; Hoy & Sabo, 1998) were adopted to assure the validity of the efficacy measure.
In his research, even after controlling for student demographic characteristics (gender,
SES, AFAM) and prior achievement, collective teacher efficacy was still positively
associated with the differences in student achievement that occurred between schools.
In this research, collective teacher efficacy could support 53.27% and 69.64% of the
between-school variance in mathematics and reading. This implies other organizational
variables would influence the student achievement among schools. Goddard also found
that a one-unit increase in collective teacher efficacy was associated with an increase of
more than 40% of a standard deviation in student achievement. The findings of this
research are significant, because other organizational variables that would influence
student achievement are included in the research design, such as gender, SES, school
size, and AFAM. Meanwhile, the research instrument used in this study was tested out
by other efficacy and organization measurement means before being used in this study.
In future research, samplings from other demographic areas and other study subjects
should be tested.
In 2001, Goddard did research in collective efficacy and student achievement in
an urban elementary school district in a Midwestern state. The research questions were
as follows: 1. whether the group-level assumption of social cognitive theory that
mastery experience is related to collective efficacy would hold true; 2. what the
relation is between collective efficacy and differences between schools in student
achievement; 3. how faculty perceptions of collective efficacy vary. Compared to his
research in 2000, Goddard used multilevel analyses including student- and school-level
variables. A hierarchical linear model is used in this research (HLM; Bryk &
Raudenbush, 1992; Goddard, 2004). Goddard finds that mastery experience is a
predictor of collective efficacy variation among schools. Meanwhile, group consensus
and collective efficacy are predictors of student achievement. But group consensus on
collective efficacy was not an important variable to explain student achievement. For
future research, whether the results would be confirmed in another demographic
population is a problem. The strength of this study is its consideration of school size,
faculty size, past achievement, gender, African American background and other related
factors which are included in the research design.
In Goddard's 2004 research, he explores the relationship between collective
efficacy and high school student achievement in Ohio under an accountability system
that stressed student achievement. Perceived collective efficacy, school context, and
student achievement are treated as variables. Student achievement is treated as a
dependent variable. Perceived collective efficacy and school context are treated as
independent variables. Perceived collective efficacy was measured by the Goddard
(2002) 12-short-item short form of the CES. Using a theoretical framework based on
the social cognitive theory, Goddard explores the differences among schools in 12th
grade student achievement. Structural equation modeling was the research method
used to analyze the data from 96 state high schools. Goddard finds that urbanicity,
minority enrollment, and school size are not significantly related to student

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

achievement. When SES, minority enrollment, urbanicity, size, prior student

achievement and other context factors are controlled for, perceived collective efficacy
still significantly contributes to student achievement in all areas that were required by
the state. Another finding of this research was that mastery experience was a positive
predicator of perceived collective efficacy. The author finds that a 1-SD increase in
prior achievement was associated with a 0.44 SD increase in perceived collective
efficacy, which means it is meaningful for school leadership to foster collective
efficacy. Goddard mentions that the following behaviors of school principals promote
collective efficacy: 1. Principals and faculties should work together to set small,
achievable short-term goals, such as meeting measurable school improvement goals set
by faculties, to help develop collective efficacy through mastery experience. 2.
Especially in states where the accountability systems and local school improvement
efforts act in concert, the consistency of feedback should reinforce efforts to
strengthen collective efficacy and to help all children learn challenging academic
content. The author also mentions that the significant relationship between SES and
perceived collective efficacy can confirm that SES is a strong predictor of student
achievement. Meanwhile, the research results on SES would indicate that social class is
not the only indicator which explains the differences in student achievement. The
problem with this research is the question of whether the results would be remain the
same if carried out in another regional context, for example, in a small state. Whether
the research results can be confirmed at another grade level also needs more attention.
In Wayne K. Hoy, Scott R. Sweetland, and Page A. Smiths research (2002),
student achievement is treated as the dependent variable. SES, academic press[academic
pressure?], and collective efficacy are treated as independent variables. Hoy and his
colleagues explore the relationship between collective efficacy and student achievement
in high school context. In this research, a short version of the collective efficacy scale
(Goddard, 2002; Goddard, Hoy, & Woolfolk Hoy, 2000) was used. School student
achievement in mathematics was measured by the Ohio Department of Education
(Hoy, 2002). Collective efficacy was measured by a short version of the collective
efficacy scale (Goddard, 2002; Goddard, Hoy, & Woolfolk Hoy, 2000). The authors
found that there is a significant relationship between the academic pressure in a school
and student mathematics achievement. Even if SES is partially controlled for, the
partial correlation between academic pressure and student mathematics achievement is
still .44 (p .01). The research result confirms the substantial relationship between
collective efficacy and student achievement in mathematics. The significance is r=.61,
p .01. After using the path analysis, the authors found that collective efficacy is the
strongest factor that influences student mathematics achievement in 97 high schools in
Ohio grades 9-12 and grades 10-12. Schools in the sample were taken from the entire
range of SES. Even if SES is controlled for, the relationship between collective efficacy
and student achievement is still significant. One of weaknesses of this research is that
the sample schools were not randomly chosen, although the authors selected urban,
suburban, and rural schools from diverse geographic areas. Meanwhile, the results
should be confirmed in another organizational context, taking, for example, gender,

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

race, different grade levels, age, the characteristics of teachers and students, and other
study subjects into account.
In Cybulski's study (2003), the author examines the relationship between
collective efficacy and student achievement under an accountability system that
stressed student achievement. Based on organizational theory and economic theory,
the author treats Student Instructional Ration (SIR), Student Service (SSR), collective
efficacy, student achievement and collective efficacy of teachers are shown to be
positively related to student achievement[This sentence seems to be two sentences put
together, and I don't know where one stops and the other begins. Maybe, "Based on
organizational theory and economic theory, the author find that Student Instructional
Ration (SIR), ...."?]. By correlation and structural equations, Cybulski finds that
collective efficacy is significantly related to student mathematics achievement (r =
.723, p < .01) and reading achievement (r = .754, p < .01) based on 2002 scores.
The contribution of this research is that it was done under one kind of special
organization variable, that is, an accountability system heavily focused on student
achievement. The accountability system is the variable that the author finds. This
perspective is not emphasized in other research from my review. The external validity
of this research is low, because it is hard to test in the states where there are no
accountability systems or in other kinds of school settings. Meanwhile, changing the
context would be another future research problem. In addition, achievements in other
subjects could be future research questions.
Megan Tschannen-Moran and Marilyn Barr (2004) explore the relationship
between collective efficacy and student achievement. They chose 66 middle schools
from a diverse context: 25% from an urban environment, 25% from rural areas, and
50% from a suburban context. The collective teacher efficacy belief was measured by
the collective teacher belief scale to quantify the teachers' belief about their collective
capability to influence student achievement. The data on collective efficacy and student
achievement were collected at the school level. The research results indicate that there
is a significant relationship between collective efficacy and student achievement.
Meanwhile, socioeconomic status has an effect on student achievement. When
controlling for socioeconomic status, collective efficacy has a significant independent
influence on grade 8 writing SOL, but it does not significantly relate to math and
English achievement. In addition, there is no significant relationship between
collective teacher efficacy and the proportion of students of low socioeconomic status
in the school.
The research confirms there is a significant relationship between student
achievement and collective efficacy. The samplings in this research are limited.
Meanwhile, the author does not take notice of gender issues. This is the shortcoming
of this research. In addition, the author still has to apply this research to other grade
levels to test whether it would yield the same result as this study.
In sum, all of the research studies reviewed in this paper confirm that collective
efficacy at the school level is significantly related to student achievement (defined by
the author as achievement in reading and mathematics) in all school contexts

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 Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

(elementary, middle, and high school), even under the influence of other
organizational variables. I found that there is no research comparing elementary and
secondary schools. Meanwhile, concerning the concrete behaviours of teachers, there is
only one research study reviewed in this paper. In addition, there is no empirical
research on the influence of collective efficacy on other academic subjects. The
mediating variables between collective efficacy and student achievement are not
explored thoroughly enough. The research at other organizational levels (e.g. group
level) is important for this field, because there would be other organizational variables
affecting the research results.
Conclusion
Based on this review, it is clear that there are no comprehensive frameworks to
understand the mediating roles of individual teacher efficacy and collective efficacy in a
school context. Based on the aforementioned review, a hypothetical model is initially
formulated regarding the relationship between school leadership, teacher efficacy and
student achievement (see figure 1).
Figure 1
The Hypothetical Model Of School Leadership, Individual Teacher Efficacy,
Collective Efficacy, And Student Achievement.

Collective Student
-Setting Directions efficacy Achievement
-Helping people
-Modeling
-Redesigning the organization
-Transactional and Managerial Student
Aggregate competency
Individual Development
teacher efficacy
-Problem solving
skills
-Reflective skills
-Communicative
and social skills
-Self-regulation
skills

Error! Bookmark not defined.

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

Most of the research studies in this review were conducted at the school level
instead of the class or group level. For the role of school leadership on individual
teacher efficacy and collective efficacy, studies reviewed in this paper reveal that school
transformational leadership positively influences both collective efficacy and teacher
efficacy to a certain degree. Transformational leadership is a strong predictor of
personal teaching efficacy. But there is no significant relationship between
transformational leadership and general teaching efficacy. Further study should
explore the effect of different elements (setting directions, helping people, modeling,
redesigning the organization and transactional and managerial aggregate etc.) of
transformational leadership on teacher efficacy and collective efficacy.
For the role of individual teacher efficacy in student achievement, the research
results are mixed so that it is hard to assert that there is a significant relationship
between teacher efficacy and student achievement in all school contexts. For the role
of collective efficacy in student achievement, according to this comprehensive review,
there is relative agreement that collective efficacy is related to student achievement
significantly. While individual teacher efficacy has a positive influence on student
academic achievement, collective efficacy seems to play a more important role than
teacher efficacy on student academic achievement (Wayne K. Hoy, Scott R. Sweetland,
Page A. Smith, 2002; Timothy Gerard Cybulski, 2003; Megan Tschannen-Moran1 and
Marilyn Barr, 2004).
Recently the topic of competency development has attracted more and more
attention from scholars in the fields of education, sociology and management.
Developing students' competency may be similar to or more important than
developing students knowledge in the future. Competency-based curriculum has been
introduced in some schools and universities. Apart from learning new knowledge from
teachers during class, students need to develop diversified competencies in different
situations. From an educational perspective, constructivism promotes that general
knowledge and skills arise only from concrete experiences in specific contexts.
Knowledge construction involves reflection and abstraction from several concrete and
personal situations (e.g. Duffy & Jonassen, 1992; Boekaerts & Simons, 1993). Students'
competencies may be described as follows: learning to identify and deal with new
problems on the basis of the acquired subject matter expertise; cultivating reflective
skills and meta-cognition to find ways to locate, acquire and apply new knowledge
(asking questions like: how do we learn from our experiences?); acquiring
communicative and social skills that help students access the knowledge network of
others, participate in communities of practice and make daily-life learning more
productive; acquiring skills to regulate motivation, affinities, emotions and affections,
and so on.
For future research, it is meaningful to explore the effect of teacher efficacy
and collective efficacy on student academic achievement and competency development,
and especially on the development of concrete skills including problem solving skills,
reflective skills, communicative and social skills and self-regulation skills. Although
collective efficacy a has stronger effect on student academic achievement, individual

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teacher efficacy may be strongly conducive to student competency development

through modeling and intense interaction with students.
Table 2
The Relationship Between Individual Teacher Efficacy And Student Achievement
Cowell (2005) Caprara, Barbaranelli, Steca,
Malone (2006)

Variables 1. Student achievement 1. Teacher self efficacy

2. Teacher efficacy 2. Job satisfaction
3. Pre-service classroom 3. Student achievement
experience

Sample Sixty-six early childhood public Over 2000 teachers in 75 Italian

school teachers from Regions One junior high schools
and Two in the Bronx participated
in the study.

Method 1. Teacher personal information 1. Structural equation

questionnaire 2. Job Satisfaction: These items
2. The teacher efficacy scale were selected and adapted
(SherriGibson,1983) from the Italian version
3. The early childhood literacy (Borgogni, 1999) of the Job
assessment system- literacy Descriptive Index (Smith,
checklist Kendall, & Hulin, 1969)
4. Hierarchical multiple regress 3. Teacher's self-efficacy beliefs
(e.g., Tschannen-Moran et al.,
5. Quantitative Method
1998).
4. Quantitative Method

School type Public schools, K and Grade 3 Junior high schools

Result Teacher efficacy was not Teachers' personal efficacy beliefs

significantly related to student affected their job satisfaction and
achievement and the length of pre- students' academic achievement,
service is not related to student controlling for previous levels of
achievement. achievement
There is no significant relationship
between the interaction of teacher
efficacy and the length of pre-
service teaching experience to
student achievement

Result (teacher Negatively related to student Teacher efficacy affects student

efficacy on student achievement previous levels of achievement
achievement)

Dependent Variable Student achievement Student achievement (student final

grade in the year)

Table 2, cont'd.
The Relationship Between Individual Efficacy And Student Achievement

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

Anthony (1998) Gresham (2002)

Variables 1. Teacher empowerment 1. Teacher efficacy

2. Teacher efficacy 2. Job satisfaction of school
3. Transformational leadership teacher
4. Student achievement 3. Academic achievement of
school student
4. SES

Sample 150 randomly chosen 39 5th grade schools

446 teachers join the research

Method 1. School participant 1. Person correlation

empowerment scale (Short & 2. Teacher Efficacy Scale (Gibson
Rinehert,1992) & Dembo,1984)
2. Teacher efficacy scale(Hoy and 3. Teacher Job Satisfaction
Woolfolks (1993) version of the Questionnaire (Lester ,1987)
teacher efficacy scale (Gibson
4. Quantitative Method
& Dembo,1984)
3. Nature of leadership
questionnaire (Leithwood &
Jantzi,1984)
4. Quantitative Method

School type Elementary school 5th grade schools

Result Teacher personal efficacy and high The relationship between teacher
expectation are related to student efficacy and all other variables were
achievement found to be not significant

Result(teacher Teacher personal efficacy and high Not significant relationship between
Efficacy on student expectation are related to student teacher efficacy and student
achievement) achievement achievement.

Dependent Variable Student achievement (state Math science , social studies ,

mandated assessment measures English
during the school year 1995-1996)

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

Table 3
The Relationship Between Collective Efficacy and Student Achievement
Goddard (2003) Nicholson (2003)

Variables 1. Collective efficacy Socioeconomic status and prior school

2. Student achievement achievement as control variables.
1. Transformational leadership,
2. Collective efficacy,
3. Student achievement

Method Mixed methodology Factor and correlation analyses along with

structural equation modeling were used in
the statistical analyses.
Quantitative methodology

Dependent Reading and mathematics Mathematics and reading achievement

Variables

Instrument 1. The collective teacher efficacy 1. Bass and Avolio's (2000) eight items
items originating from Leithwood and Jantzi
2. A sense of powerlessness scale (1999)leadership behavior
(Zielinski & Hoy,1983) 2. Goddards (2001) 12-item collective
3. Individual teacher efficacy scale efficacy scale, a shorter version of
(Bandura, 2000) Goddards original collective efficacy
scale, constituted the school climate
4. A measure of teacher trust in
variable in this study.
colleagues (Hoy & Kuper Smith,
1985; Hoy & Sabo, 1998) 3. LISREL 8.5

Sample 47 elementary schools within one 146 Ohio elementary schools,

large urban mid western school
district

Results Collective teacher efficacy was 1. Collective efficacy was positively

positively associated with related to student achievement
differences between schools in controlling for SES and prior
student level achievement in both achievement.
reading and mathematics. 2. Socioeconomic status was positively
related to collective efficacy and was
positively related to individualized
consideration, but it was not related to
intellectual stimulation.
3. The data fail to support
transformational leadership influences
on collective efficacy.
4. Intellectual stimulation influences
student achievement but not through
collective efficacy.
5. SES both directly and indirectly relates
to student achievement through
collective efficacy and prior student
achievement.

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

School type Urban elementary school Elementary school

Research Student level School level

level

Table 3, contd
The Relationship Between Collective Efficacy and Student Achievement
Goddard, Logerfo, & Hoy (2004) Cybulski (2003)

Variables 1. Instructional Ratio (SIR) 1. SES

2. Student Services Ratio (SSR) 2. Longitudinal student achievement
3. Measures of fiscal efficiency, 3. Collective efficacy
4. Collective efficacy
5. Socioeconomic status (SES)
6. Prior student achievement

Method Quantitative research Quantitative Method

Dependent Mathematics and reading Mathematics and reading

Variables

Instrument A 12-item scale (Goddard, 2002a) A 12-item scale (Goddard, 2002a)

SPSS Version 11.0 for Windows and SPSS Version 11.0 for Windows and
LISREL 8.50 LISREL 8.50.

Sample 146 elementary schools from Ohio 91 elementary schools from a large
State in diverse urban, suburban, Midwest schools.
rural areas.

Results 1. After controlling for school context 1. SIR and SSR do not have indirect effect on
variables, perceived collective student achievement through collective
efficacy was positively related to efficacy.
th
12 grade student achievement in 2. Collective efficacy has significant relation
both verbal and mathematical with student achievement ,even if
domains. controlling for SES and prior student
2. Mastery experience was positively achievement
related to perceived collective 3. SIR and SSR both have a weak
efficacy. relationship with collective efficacy
3. SES is positively and significantly 4. When control SES, no significant
related to perceived collective relationship between SIR ,SSR and
efficacy. student achievement.
4. Urbanicity, minority enrollment, and 5. SES has significant relationship with SIR
school size were only modestly instead of SSR
related to student achievement.
6. SES has positive relationship with student
achievement and indirect relationship with
student achievement through collective
efficacy.
7. Money has indirect relationship with
student achievement through collective
efficacy.

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

School type High school Elementary school

Research School level School level and student level

level

Table 3, contd
The Relationship Between Collective Efficacy and Student Achievement
Goddard (2001) Tschannen-Moran & Barr (2004)

Variables 1. SES 1. CTE

2. Longitudinal student 2. Socio-economic status (SES)
achievement 3. Pupil attainment levels in reading, writing
3. Collective efficacy and mathematics (at the entire primary
school level).

Method The study used student- and Quantitative research

school-level data from a sample of
urban elementary schools.
Quantitative Method

Dependent Math and reading Math, writing, and English tests

Variables

Instrument Hierarchical regression 12-item Collective teacher efficacy belief

scale (Goddard, 2000)
Virginia Standards of Learning

Sample 91 elementary school from a large 66 middle schools from diverse contexts
Midwest school district. (50% suburban context, 25% rural context,
25% from urban context)

Results 1. Collective efficacy was positively 1. Significant positive relationships were found
and significantly related to between CTE and student achievement on
differences among schools in the grade 8 math, writing, and English tests.
student achievement. 2. Significant relationships were found between
2. Mastery experience is a significant collective teacher efficacy instruction
predictor of differences between subscale and student achievement on all
schools in teachers collective three SOL tests (maths, writing, and English).
efficacy perceptions. 3. SES status did play a role as expected in
3. The amount of consensus among explaining student achievement.
faculty members regarding 4. When SES was controlled for,collective
collective efficacy perceptions was teacher efficacy made a significant
not a significant predictor of independent contribution to writing instead of
student achievement, nor was it math and English.
significantly related to school SES
or minority concentration. 5. No relationship was found between collective
teacher efficacy and the proportion of
students of low SES.

School type Urban elementary schools Secondary school

Research Group level and school level School level

Level

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

Table 3, contd
The Relationship Between Collective Efficacy and Student Achievement
Wayne (2002)

Variables 1. SES
2. Academic press
3. Collective efficacy
4. School mathematics achievement

Method Quantitative research

Dependent Mathematics
Variables

Instrument 1. SES from Ohio Department of Education (income, college education, and
professional learning)
2. A short version of collective efficacy scale (Goddard, 2002; Goddard, Hoy, &
Woolfolk Hoy, 2000).
3. School Achievement in mathematics were measured by Ohio Department of
Education.
4. Three subsets of the Organizational Health Inventory for Secondary schools
(Hoy et al.,1991; Hoy & Tarter, 1997) were combined to measure academic
press

Sample 97 high schools in Ohio (including urban, suburban, and rural schools)
High schools were defined by grade configurations that included Grades 9-12
and Grades 10-12. Schools represent all SES.

Results 1. There is a significant relationship between academic press of the school

and the degree of student mathematics achievement, even when
considering the effect of the SES.
2. The higher the collective efficacy of a school , the higher the degree of school
achievement in mathematics.
3. By path analysis, SES and collective efficacy had significant, direct effects on
student mathematics achievement except academic press.
4. By path analysis, collective efficacy had a direct effect on achievement and
SES had both a direct and an indirect effect on math achievement, academic
press had only an indirect effect on math achievement.
5. Three variables in the model, SES, Academic press, and collective efficacy,
combined to explain 45% of the variance in school mathematics
achievement.

School type High schools

Research School level

Level

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Liu Review of the mediating role of individual and collective teacher efficacy

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and measure. Review of Educational Research, 68, 202-248.
Tschamen-Moran, M. & Barr, M. (2004). Fostering student learning:the relationship of
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Educational Administration Quarterly, 38(1), 77-93.

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 Visual-Orthographic Aspect of Chinese Character Acquisition
for Young Children
Yang Luo
Abstract
The present study investigated general visual and visual-orthographic skills
in prediction of Chinese character acquisition in China and Canada. The
participants included 122 children in China and 93 children in Canada
from kindergarten to Grade 2. The results showed no difference in general
visual measures between the two countries, whereas children in China
outperformed their peers in Canada on visual-orthographic measures.
Moreover, compared with general visual skills, visual-orthographic measures
were better predictors of character reading. Visual skills significantly
predicted character reading in kindergarteners, suggesting that these skills
were important for early character reading acquisition.

Introduction
Reading is impacted by a variety of linguistic factors (Stanovich, 1985). In the
complicated process of reading, visually perceiving orthographic units is the first step,
which contributes to peoples assumption that visual processing skills are a crucial
underlying factor for successful reading. However, in the study of word reading ability
in alphabetic languages, much attention has been directed to the roles of phonological
processing skills during the past two decades (Bradley & Bryant, 1983; Stanovich,
Cunningham, & Cramer, 1984; Ellis & Large, 1988; Goswami & Bryant, 1990). The
studies of Chinese reading have also indicated that phonological skills are very
important to learning to read Chinese characters and words (Ho & Bryant, 1997; Li,
Anderson, Nagy, & Zhang, 2002; Hu & Catts, 1998). Learning to read Chinese, a
logographic orthography with visually complex characters, is believed to require
advanced visual processing skills. The extent of the association between visual
processing and character reading, however, is still in dispute. Furthermore, linguistic
contexts are important for childrens literacy development (Bialystok, 1996).
However, visual skills, considered as universal basic processing skills, have rarely been
investigated from a cross-linguistic and cross-cultural perspective. What the similarities
and differences between the developmental trajectories of visual skills in different
linguistic contexts remains unknown.
In contrast with English orthography, Chinese orthography bear unique
characteristics. Chinese orthography consists of thousands of Chinese characters,
which are square in shape and occupy more or less the same space in print, e.g.
(speak), (do), and hence called Fang Kuai Zi (Square Characters). The basic size
and shape of a character does not change significantly with the number of strokes it
contains. For example, the 3-stroke character, too and the 20-stoke character,
shining, occupy almost the same space. Unlike the English writing system in which

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the lengths of English words are visual cues for perception, such visual information is
absent in Chinese (McBride-Chang, Chow, Zhong, Burgess, & Hayward, 2005).
The smallest orthographic units in Chinese are strokes. There are six basic
strokes, a dot (), a horizontal line (), a vertical line (), a diagonal line falling
from right to left (), a diagonal line falling from left to right ( ), and stroke with a
change in direction (). These basic strokes have varied formats, such as different dots
(e.g. in , , and ), different diagonal lines, (e.g. in , ), lines with different
curves (e.g. in , ), and lines with hooks in different positions (e.g. in , ).
According to the analysis of 2,570 characters explicitly taught in Chinese elementary
schools, the number of strokes within one character ranges from 1 to 24, with the
majority having 7 to 12 strokes (Shu, Chen, Anderson, Wu & Xuan, 2003). Many
characters are visually similar e.g. (express) - (first), (future) - (last), (do
not) (rush) and (prevent) - (the name of a city in China).
Chinese characters can be divided into simple characters and compound
characters. Simple characters refer to the characters with a single meaningful
component, such as (knife), (horse), while compound characters refer to
characters with two or more components, such as (add), and (standing). These
patterns are formed by combinations of strokes and are used recurrently in different
characters, e.g. in (go) and (county), in (ready) and (pick). The
numbers of such components is relatively large, amounting to over 640 in the Chinese
orthography (Fu, 1989).
Chinese characters are composed of strokes; however, a stroke does not map
onto any phonological unit in oral Chinese. A lack of correspondence between strokes
and phonological units in Chinese makes it impossible to pronounce a character in the
way that an English word is usually sounded out blending the phonemes of the
word based on the knowledge of the phoneme-grapheme correspondences.
Due to the characteristics of Chinese orthography, learning to read Chinese
characters may be more demanding of visual processing skills than learning to read
English. For example, Wang and Geva (2003) found that Chinese ESL children
outperformed L1 children in spelling visually presented orthographically legitimate,
pronounceable letter strings and orthographically illegitimate, unpronounceable letter
strings. They argued that Chinese children had a better visual-orthographic memory
that was developed through their Chinese reading experience. However, whether and
to what extent visual perceptual skills predict Chinese character reading remains
inconclusive because the relatively small number of studies on the visual processes in
relation to reading in Chinese have yielded inconsistent results. The following
paragraphs review the studies which investigate the association between visual
processes and Chinese character/word reading.
Huang and Hanley (1994) examined visual processes and character recognition
among Grade 3 children in Taiwan and Hong Kong. The visual processing skills were
tested by two tasks: one was the Visual Form Discrimination, which required
participants to choose one of three choices that was the same as the target, and the

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other was the Visual Paired Associates learning test, which required the participants to
learn the colour associated with each of six abstract line drawings and then choose the
colour when presented with each of the line drawings learned. The results indicated
that the Visual Paired Associates learning was highly correlated with character
recognition for both groups. It was also the best unique predictor to character
recognition when differences in IQ were partialled out.
In the investigation of younger children, Ho and Bryant (1997) tested a group
of 3-year-old children in Hong Kong five times over four years until the end of Grade
1. Visual skills were measured in the first two tests by four subtests of the Frostig
Developmental Test of Visual Perception. The included subtests were Eye-Motor
Coordination (drawing lines in the space between a pair of straight lines or curves),
Figure-Ground (outlining certain geometric shapes in which the targets were
embedded in several overlapping shapes), Constancy of Shape (detecting particular
shapes embedded in and mixed with other visually distracting figures), and Position in
Shape (matching target pictures from several choice pictures that were left-right or up-
down reversed versions of the target ones). In addition, the Memory for Abstract
Designs was administered in Time 2 to examine visual memory skills, in which the
participant was asked to point out an abstract shape from three choices, after having
seen the shape for 4 seconds. The total Frostig score was uniquely predictive of
Chinese word reading in Time 3 and 4, and pseudocharacter reading in Time 5, after
controlling for age, IQ and mothers education. The Memory for Abstract Designs was
only a unique predictor of Chinese word reading in Time 4. Based on the findings, Ho
and Bryant (1997) concluded that the first stage of learning to read Chinese relied on
visual skills. They also proposed that, compared with learning to read alphabetic
scripts, children may stay in the visual phase for a longer time in learning to read
Chinese.
Siok and Flectcher (2001) examined the connection between visual skills and
Chinese character reading among children from Grade 1 to Grade 3. Two subtests of
the Test of Visual-Perceptual Skills were employed: Visual Form Constancy required
the participant to choose one out of five choices that contained a basic shape with an
exact proportion of the target, and Visual Sequential Memory required the participant
to remember the sequence of the figures presented on a card and then select the correct
one out of four choices after the first card was taken away. A component search task
was also administered, which required the participant to detect a Chinese component
in 80 randomly arranged characters. The results showed that, of these measures,
only Visual Sequential Memory was significantly correlated with character reading for
the first graders, and also uniquely predictive of character reading in Grade 1
independent of age, IQ and Pinyin Knowledge. None of the visual measures predicted
reading in older children.
McBride-Chang et al. (2005) conducted a one-year longitudinal study on
kindergarteners in Hong Kong and Xiangtan, China. The participants were tested
twice within 9 months. Childrens visual skills were measured by the Test of Visual-
Perceptual Skills (Visual Closure, Visual Discrimination and Visual Spatial

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Relationship subtests). The findings indicated that the Time 1 Visual Spatial
Relationships explained unique variance of Time 1 Chinese word reading in Hong
Kong children and Time 2 Chinese word reading in Xiangtan children, after
controlling for age, vocabulary, and phonological processing skills. McBride-Chang et
al. (2005) explained that the difference was partially due to the different amount of
reading experience between the two groups. Compared with the children in Hong
Kong, who usually started learning to read at age 3, children in Xiangtan had relatively
less reading experience. As a result, Hong Kong children could be at a more advanced
stage of learning to read characters. They further explained that visual skills appeared
to be important for reading development for beginning readers, and children would be
less dependent upon visual skills as children acquire more strategies for character
recognition. Therefore, the visual skills predicted Time 1 reading in Hong Kong
children, but Time 2 reading in Xiangtan children.
However, other studies have found inconsistent results. In a longitudinal study
by Huang and Hanley (1997), the Visual Paired Associates learning test was also
examined in relation to character reading in 6-year-old Grade 1 children. These
children were tested three times during grade 1. The Visual Paired Associates learning
was shown to be significantly correlated with character reading in Time 2 and 3.
However, the correlations were not significant after controlling for the variances in
the childrens IQ. Huang and Hanley (1997) explained that the Ravens Non-Verbal
IQ test also tapped visual skills, which was shown to be significantly correlated with
Chinese reading in their study. McBride-Chang & Kail (2002) found in both Hong
Kong kindergarteners and American kindergarteners and first graders that neither
visual-spatial skills nor visual figure ground skills measured by two subtests of the Test
of Visual Perceptual Skills were significantly predictive of reading after processing
speed and phonological processing were accounted for. The discrepant findings are
likely attributable to three factors: the Chinese reading experience that the participants
had had by the time of testing, the specific visual perceptual skills targeted, and the
characteristics of visual stimuli employed in visual experimental tasks. In the following
paragraphs, the three factors are explained in detail.
Some researchers proposed that an increase in Chinese reading experience may
facilitate visual processes, and hence, the association between visual processing skills
and reading may be reciprocal (Hoosain, 1986; McBride-Chang, 2002). Chen (2004)
conceptualized three developmental stages in learning to read Chinese, moving from
visual to phonological and then to orthographic. In the visual stage, Chinese children
mainly rely on a few distinctive visual features to remember characters, and tend to
stay in this stage for a longer period of time than beginning English readers. This is
also supported by the research showing a relatively stronger association between visual
skills and reading at the beginning of Chinese reading acquisition than later in the
process (e.g. Siok & Flectcher, 2001). The cross-cultural longitudinal study conducted
by McBride-Chang et al. serves as another good example showing reading experience is
an important factor in the determination of the association between visual skills and
reading (2005). The results of the study found the Time 1 visual spatial relationship

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uniquely predicted variance of Chinese word reading in Time 1 only for

kindergarteners in Hong Kong and in Time 2 only for kindergarteners in Mainland
China. The authors explained that, because children in Hong Kong learn to read much
earlier than children in Mainland China, they had moved to a higher level of reading
development by Time 2 in which children acquired other character recognition
strategies and relied less on visual skills.
Across the studies in Chinese, different component skills of general visual
processes have been examined. According to the eight categories of component visual
perceptual skills summarized by Kavale (1982), previous Chinese studies have
investigated visual discrimination, visual memory, visual closure, visual spatial
relationships, visual-motor integration, form constancy, visual association and figure
ground discrimination. But not all of them are found predictive of Chinese reading,
and the connections between individual component skills and reading have been
inconsistent across studies. Ho and Bryant (1999) employed the five subtests of the
Frostig Developmental Test of Visual Perception, investigating four main component
skills: visual motor integration, figure ground discrimination, form constancy, and
visual spatial relationship. Among these visual skills, form constancy in 3-year-old
Hong Kong children was the only significant predictor of the reading ability one year
later after controlling for age, IQ, and mothers education. McBride Chang et al (2005)
used three subtests of the Test of Visual-Perceptual Skill, Visual Discrimination, Visual
Closure, and Visual Spatial-Relationships, and found that, after controlling for the
variances in age, vocabulary, and phonological processing skills (syllable deletion, rapid
picture naming), visual spatial relationship was a significant predictor of Chinese word
reading one year later for Mainland China kindergarteners but not for Hong Kong
kindergarteners. Huang and Hanley (1994) demonstrated that the Visual Paired
Associations learning was the strongest predictor of Chinese character reading in 8-
year-old children in Taiwan and Hong Kong, but the prediction was not found in their
later study with slightly younger children in the same area (Huang & Hanley, 1997).
The mixed results of the relatively few studies on visual skills in Chinese
reading development provide little guidance for the selection of visual tasks that may
be predictive of Chinese reading acquisition. The meta-analysis on English studies
conducted by Kavale (1982) indicated that visual discrimination and visual memory
were the two strongest correlates of English word recognition, accounting for 19% and
21% of variances, respectively. In learning to read Chinese, these two skills are likely
to be important predictors as well because visually discriminating and memorizing
strokes, stroke patterns and characters are prerequisites for reading in Chinese,
especially with a large number of visually confusing characters, such as (express) -
(first), and (do not) (rush). Moreover, Chinese orthography contains many
recurrent stroke patterns, which maintain basic shapes in different characters although
they change in size and position, e.g. (mouth) in (country), (eat), and
(back). As a result, form constancy may be another good predictor of Chinese reading.
Moreover, most studies have targeted general visual skills in the investigation of
the connection between visual perception and Chinese reading by using figures and

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pictures. For example, Huang and Hanley (1994, 1997) employed a paired associates
task and required the participant to match a colour with a line drawing after they
learned the fixed associations assigned between six colours and six abstract line
drawings. Standardised visual tasks are also often used, such as the Frostig
Developmental Test of Visual Perception (e.g. in Ho and Bryant, 1997,1999), and the
Test of Visual-Perceptual Skills (e.g. in McBride-Chang & Kail, 2002; McBride-Chang
et al., 2005; Siok & Fletcher, 2001). Only a few studies used character and character-
like stimuli to examine the visual-orthographic skills specifically associated with
Chinese orthography.
Anderson, Ku, Li, Chen, Wu, and Shu (2003) argued that general visual skills
were too far removed from the perceptual demands of reading Chinese, as the
underlying process of perceiving figures and pictures was disparate from that of
perceiving orthographic units (Berninger, 1984; Ehri, 1985; Stanovich, 1992).) Also,
some studies on childrens awareness of character units have suggested that
components rather than individual strokes are the units children attend to during
reading, and awareness of the units develops with reading experience. For example,
Pak, Cheng-Lai, Tso, Shu, Li and Anderson (2005), used a delayed copy task to
examine visual chunking skills, the skills of visually perceiving units in Chinese
characters, and found that children demonstrated awareness of character units as early
as 6 years of age, and that children in higher grades were better at applying visual
chunking skills than children in lower grades. They also found that children with a
lower reading ability were behind in developing advanced chunking skills. Therefore,
integration of both general visual processing measures and visual-orthographic
processing measures would be very helpful in understanding the similarities and
differences between these two sets of skills in Chinese character acquisition.
The Present Study
The objective of the present study was to investigate the role of visual and
visual-orthographic perceptual skills in learning to read Chinese among children in
Canada, who were developing bilingual and biliteracy skills in English and Chinese,
and children in China, who were largely monolingual speakers of Chinese. The study
aimed to answer two specific research questions: (1) Do visual processing skills develop
differently for children in Canada and children in China, who are exposed to different
cultural and linguistic contexts? (2) Do general visual skills and visual-orthographic
skills play the same role in learning to read Chinese characters? Are both of them
predictive of early reading in Chinese? (2) Because visual perceptual skills seemed to be
more important for beginning Chinese reading acquisition (Ho & Bryant, 1997, 1999;
Siok & Flectcher, 2001), this study focused on kindergarteners and children in primary
grades by investigating a possible change in the association between visual processes
and reading across the grades. Meanwhile, the present study examined three
components of general visual skills, visual discrimination, visual memory, and form
constancy, in their relationship to Chinese reading acquisition. To parallel the general
visual measures, the two component skills in visual-orthographic perception skills,
discrimination and memorization, were also included.

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Method
Participants
This study involved a total of 202 participants from Beijing, China, and
Toronto, Canada. The participants in China consisted of 55 kindergarteners (30 Males;
25 Females), 30 first graders (15 Males; 15 Females), and 31 second graders (15 Males;
16 Females), with their average ages being 5 years and 8 months, 7 years and 3 months,
and 8 years and 1 month, respectively. They were recruited from a middle-class
kindergarten and a middle-class elementary school. The participants in Canada
included 42 kindergarteners (23 Males; 16 Females), 23 first graders (10 Males; 13
Females), and 21 second graders (11 Males; 10 Females), with their average ages being 5
years and 6 months, 6 years and 11 months, and 7 years and 11 months, respectively.
They were recruited from kindergarten, grade one and grade two classes of Chinese
heritage language programs in a middle-class area in Toronto.
The participants in China were slightly older than those in Canada in each
grade level because in Mainland China, an elementary education normally commences
when a child has attained the age of 6, while in Canada, an elementary education starts
in the year children reach 6. The children in China used and learned Chinese on a
daily basis, while those in Canada received only about 2.5 hours of Chinese language
instruction per week in Chinese heritage language classes after school.
Measures
A battery of standardized and experimental measures was administered to the
children to evaluate their character reading ability, general visual skills, visual-
orthographic skills, phonological awareness, naming speed, and phonological strategy
use. A parent questionnaire was also used to collect information about the parents
education level and home literacy activities.
Parent Questionnaire
Questionnaires were sent to each family to gather information about parents
socio-economic status, home literacy activities, and childrens language use at home.
The answers to the questionnaires indicate that the mothers of the children in China
had an average of a high school education; whereas, the mothers of the children in
Canada had an average of university level of education. The difference was primarily
because the majority of the parents of the children in Canada were immigrants and a
minimum of a university degree was required for immigrating to Canada.
Character reading
A character reading task was administered to assess childrens ability to read
Chinese characters. This task consisted of 190 unrelated characters, selected from the
12 volumes of the Elementary School Textbooks (1996) employed in Chinese language
curricula in Mainland China. The task started with the most frequent characters (e.g.
, ) and moved to the less frequent ones (e.g. , ). The test was discontinued
when the child misread 10 characters consecutively. The total number of correctly
read characters was recorded as the character reading score, ranging from 0 to 190. The
task reliability was 0.97. See Appendix A for the items included in this task.

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General Visual Perceptual Skills

A standardized test, the Test of Visual-Perceptual Skills (nonmotor)-Revised
(Gardner, 1996) was used to assess childrens visual processing skills. Three aspects of
visual skills were measured using the three subtests, Visual Discrimination, Visual
Memory and Visual Constancy. Instead of using a paper-pencil testing method, we
computerized all of the three tasks in order to precisely control the presentation time
for each item, and hence eliminate the variance in the time given for perceiving each
item.
Visual Discrimination. This test assesses childrens ability to discriminate
general forms and figures. One target figure and five choices were presented on screen
at the same time, and the child was asked to choose out of the five choices a figure
identical to the target figure. The child was required to respond as quickly and
carefully as possible, as each item was set up to remain on the screen for 8000ms,
followed by a 500ms blank sheet.
Visual Memory. This test assesses childrens ability to visually memorize and
discriminate general forms and figures. One target figure was shown on the screen for
3000ms and flashed away, followed by the five choices, which were presented for
8000ms. In both Visual Discrimination and Visual Memory, if the child failed to give
any response before the item flashed away, the item score was recorded as no
response.
Form Constancy. This task tests childrens ability to distinguish a basic figure
out of a background with other complicated geometric graphs. The target figure was
presented at the top of the screen, with the five choices listed at the bottom
concurrently. The child was asked to point out which of the five choices contained the
basic shape of the target figure, which, however, could be bigger, smaller or upside
down compared to the target. Based on the suggestion of the standard testing
procedure, no time limit was applied.
Visual-orthographic Processing skills
Three tasks were developed by the researchers to assess two aspects of visual-
orthographic skills in children, visual-orthographic discrimination and visual-
orthographic memory. Visual-orthographic discrimination skills were measured by a
same-different judgement task and a multiple-choice task, while visual-orthographic
memory skills were measured by a multiple-choice task.
Visual-orthographic discrimination same-different judgement. The children were
asked to judge whether two paired characters were the same or different. The task had
32 items, 12 containing a pair of simple characters and 20 containing a pair of
compound characters. Both simple character pairs and compound character pairs
included 3 experimental types: same pairs (e.g., /, /), visually similar pairs
(e.g., /, /) and visually dissimilar pairs (e.g., /, /). The first two
types of items were the target items, while the last type was used as fillers. Therefore,
the maximum score is 24. Each item was presented for 3000ms, followed by a 500ms

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blank sheet. Five practice trials were given with feedback. The task reliability was
0.76. See Appendix B for the items included in the task.
Visual-orthographic discrimination multiple choice. This task had 22 items. Each
item contained one target and five choices. The child was required to point out which
one of the five choices was the same as the target. Four types of Chinese orthographic
stimuli were used: real simple characters, real compound characters, pseudocharacters
with a single component, and pseudochaahracters with two components. All of the
items were presented in a randomized order. Each item remained on the screen for
8000ms, followed by a 500ms blank sheet. Four practices with feedback were provided.
The task reliability was 0.72. See Appendix C for the items included in the task.
Visual-orthographic memory. This task contained 22 items with four types of
orthographic stimuli: real simple characters, real compound characters,
pseudocharacters with a single component, and pseudocharacters with two
components. The target was displayed first for 3000ms, and then the five choices were
presented for 8000ms. The children were required to remember the target and choose
the same figure out of five choices. Four practices with feedback were provided. The
task reliability was 0.81. See Appendix D for the items included in the task.
Phonological awareness
Phonological awareness in Chinese was assessed with a deletion task. The task
contained 27 testing items and 6 practice items, including both real and pseudo
syllables. Children were required to delete a syllable or phoneme at the first, middle,
or last position (e.g. deleting a syllable /kong3/ from the two-syllable pseudo word
/xun1kong3/; deleting /s/ in a real syllable, /se4/). The task reliability was 0.93. See
Appendix E for the items included in this task.
Rapid digit naming
The Rapid Digit Naming subtest of the CTOPP (1999) was adapted to measure
childrens ability to rapidly name digits. Thirty-six digits, composed of 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8,
were listed randomly on a letter size paper. The child was asked to name these digits
one by one as fast as they could. The testing and scoring procedure of the standardized
task was followed except that the children were required to name the digits in Chinese.
Pseudocharacter reading
This task examined childrens ability to use phonological strategies to read
characters. The task contained 28 items, all of which were left-right structured
semantic-phonetic pseudo compounds, consisting of a real radical on the left, and a real
phonetic on the right. The radical and phonetic in each item had high frequency, few
strokes (less than 8 strokes), and simple structures (e.g.person and wind), so
they were likely to be familiar to children; however, the combination of the radical
and the phonetic did not exist in the Chinese orthography. The responses given by the
child using the phonological strategies were considered correct (e.g. pronouncing the
pseudocharacter, , /la1/ as or /li4/ as, were both counted correct). The task
reliability was 0 .97. See Appendix F for the items included in the task.

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Results
Table 1 presents the means and standard deviations of all of the measures after
imputation. From kindergarten to Grade 2, children improved on all of the measures.
Table 2 reports the correlations among measures for both the China and Canada
groups. As presented in the table, the strength of correlations among the six measures
of general visual and visual-orthographic skills ranged from .17 to .62 for China, and
.28 to .63 for Canada. As for the associations between visual measures and character
reading, visual-orthographic skills demonstrated higher correlations with reading than
general visual skills for both groups of children.
Table 1
The Means (Standard Deviations) Of All The Measures
As A Function Of Country And Grade
China Canada
Kindergarten Grade 1 Grade 2 Kindergarten Grade 1 Grade 2
Character Reading 33.13 (21.77) 108.27 150.55 18.44 (15.74) 34.65 (23.41) 36.43 (21.68)
(28.36) (13.97)
Rapid Digit Naming 62.32 (21.94) 37.10 (8.13) 33.61 (5.93) 93.00 (63.90) 61.55 (57.01) 53.90 (39.22)
Phonological 12.71 (4.27) 19.87 (3.82) 21.87 (2.36) 9.82 (7.18) 17.82 (4.35) 20.48 (2.16)
Awareness
Pseudocharacter 0.42 (0.37) 0.77 (0.26) 0.83 (0.19) 0.23 (0.31) 0.40 (0.38) 0.46 (0.34)
VOD Same-Different 16.03 (2.30) 18.42 (2.13) 18.74 (1.72) 13.59 (2.82) 15.53 (1.73) 17.34 (1.86)
VOD Multiple-Choice 15.76 (3.25) 18.03 (2.37) 19.13 (1.52) 12.26 (2.75) 15.48 (2.04) 16.20 (2.09)
VO Memory 15.40 (3.65) 17.87 (3.17) 18.13 (3.45) 11.93 (3.34) 13.35 (3.27) 14.90 (3.02)
Visual Discrimination 10.40 (2.60) 10.87 (2.65) 10.26 (3.14) 8.02 (2.66) 11.30 (2.01) 12.00 (2.00)
Visual Memory 10.63 (3.17) 11.03 (1.87) 11.58 (2.41) 9.12 (3.23) 11.09 (2.49) 12.45 (2.16)
Visual Form Constancy 10.03 (2.75) 8.83 (2.85) 9.81 (2.79) 7.90 (2.90) 9.65 (2.64) 10.85 (1.96)
Note. VOD = Visual-orthographic Discrimination. VO = Visual Memory.
Table 2
Correlations Among All Of The Measures For China And Canada
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
1. Character Reading - -0.49** 0.53** 0.55** 0.44** 0.48** 0.52** 0.52** 0.38** 0.31**
2. Rapid Digit Naming -0.73** - -0.40** -0.37** -0.28** -0.38** - -0.44** - -0.28*0
0.1400 0.1500
3. Phonological 0.77** -0.66** - 0.31** 0.52** 0.66** 0.46** 0.62** 0.61** 0.55**
Awareness
4. Pseudocharacter 0.55** -0.41** 0.52** - 0.38** 0.42** 0.24** 0.32** 0.0900 0.25*0
5. VOD Same-Different 0.58** -0.50** 0.54** 0.41** - 0.63** 0.36** 0.45** 0.53** 0.39**
6. VOD Multiple-Choice 0.57** -0.48** 0.48** 0.36** 0.62** - 0.45** 0.67** 0.61** 0.53**
7. VO Memory 0.43** -0.35** 0.34** 0.19** 0.54** 0.60** - 0.52** 0.58** 0.28**
8. Visual Discrimination 0.1600 -0.20* 0.1500 0.1100 0.34** 0.48** 0.42** - 0.61** 0.50**
9. Visual Memory 0.28** -0.37** 0.30** 0.20*0 0.42** 0.60** 0.50** 0.61** - 0.45**
10. Visual Form 0.0400 - 0.0500 - 0.1700 0.31** 0.31** 0.44** 0.52** -
Constancy 0.0800 0.0700

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Note. * p < 0.05. ** p < 0.01. VO = Visual-orthographic.

In the lower left section are the correlations for China;
in the upper right section are the correlations for Canada.

General Visual Skills

A two-way multivariate analysis was conducted in order to investigate the
effect of country (China and Canada) and grade level (kindergarten, Grade 1 and Grade
2) on general visual processing skills (Visual Discrimination, Visual Memory and
Visual Form Constancy). The mothers education level was used as a covariate to
partial out the effect of the family background. Significant differences were found
among the three grades, F (3, 193) = 6.37, p < .001, multivariate 2 = .09, while no
significant difference was found between the two countries. The results also indicated
the country by grade interaction was significant, F (6, 386) = 2.41, p < .05,
multivariate 2 = .04, suggesting children in China and children in Canada processed
differently on the general visual tasks.
Analyses of variances on Visual Discrimination, Visual Memory and Visual
Form Constancy were performed separately as follow-up tests to the MANOVA. In
order to control for Type I error, the Bonferroni method was employed. The main
effects of grade on Visual Discrimination, Visual Memory and Visual Form Constancy
were all significant, F (2, 195) = 14.91, p < .001, 2 = .13, F (2, 195) = 11.64, p <
.001, 2 = 0.11 and F (2, 195) = 4.53, p = .012, 2 = .04. Post hoc pairwise
comparisons showed significant differences between Grade 2 and kindergarten on all of
the three measures, MD = 2.31, p < .001, MD = 2.48, p < .001, and MD = 1.54, p =
.003. No difference was found between Grade 1 and Grade 2 or kindergarten and
Grade 1.
The results also showed a significant interaction between country and grade on
Visual Discrimination and Visual Form Constancy, F (2, 195) = 5.13, p < .01, 2 =
0.05 and F (2, 195) = 1.11, p = .016, 2 = .04. As depicted in Figure 1, for the Canada
group, childrens performances on the two measures improved from kindergarten to
Grade 2; whereas, for the China group, kindergarteners even performed better than
children in a higher grade. This was likely due to the fact that, compared with the first
and second graders, kindergarteners in China came from a higher SES background
than the first and second graders.

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Luo Visual-orthographic aspect of Chinese character acquisition

16.00

12.00

Scores

8.00

4.00

0.00
Kin G1 G2 Kin G1 G2

China Canada

Visual Discrimination Visual Memory Form Constancy

Figure 1. Performances on the three general visual measures as a function

of country and grade.
Visual-Orthographic Skills
A two-way multivariate analysis was conducted on the three measures of visual-
orthographic skills, i.e. visual-orthographic discrimination same-different judgment,
visual-orthographic discrimination multiple choice, and visual-orthographic memory,
with country and grade as between-subject factors, and mothers education as a
covariate. The analysis found significant main effects of country and grade, F (3, 193) =
28.83, p < .001, multivariate 2 = .31 and F (6, 388) = 15.80, p < .001, multivariate
2 = .20. Follow-up ANOVAs confirmed that the two main effects were significant
on each of the three measures, F (2, 195) = 38.16, p < .001, 2 = 0.28, F (2, 195) =
40.12, p < .001, 2 = 0.29, and F (2, 195) = 14.09, p < .001, 2 = .13 for the main
effect of grade; and F (1, 195) = 46.10, p < .001, 2 = 0.19, F (1, 195) = 61.94, p <
.001, 2 = 0.24, and F (1, 195) = 51.68, p < .001, 2 = .21 for the main effect of
country. Post hoc pairwise comparisons showed a significant improvement from
kindergarten to Grade 1 on the three visual-orthographic measures, MD = 2.47, p <
.001, MD = 3.15, p < .001, and MD = 2.34, p = .003, p < .001, but the difference
between Grade 1 and Grade 2 was not significant. The findings suggest that children in
China outperformed children in Canada in the visual skills specifically associated with
the Chinese orthography. The great improvement in these visual-orthographic skills
happened in Grade 1, indicating visual-orthographic skills develop relatively early (see
Figure 2).

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Luo Visual-orthographic aspect of Chinese character acquisition

22.00

18.00

Scores 14.00

10.00

6.00

2.00
Kin G1 G2 Kin G1 G2

China Canada

VOD Same-Different VOD Multiple-Choice VO Memory

Figure 2. Performances on the three visual-orthographic measures as a

function of country and grade.
In the visual-orthographic discrimination multiple choice and visual-
orthographic memory tasks, both real and pseudo characters with simple and
compound structures were used as stimuli. In order to investigate whether stimuli type
impacted childrens performance, 2 (condition: real vs. simple) x 2(country: China vs.
Canada) x 3 (grade: Kinergarten vs. Grade 1 vs. Grade 2) repeated measure ANCOVAs
were performed on the real and pseudo simple items in Visual-Orthographic
Discrimination Multiple-Choice. The main effect of condition was significant, F (1,
196) = 8.88, p < .01, 2 = .04. The interaction between condition and country was
also found significantly, F (1, 196) = 8.53, p < .01, 2 = .04. Follow up analyses
indicated that children in China did significantly better on real simple items than on
pseudo simple items, F (1, 112) = 12.00, p < .001, 2 = .10; while no difference was
found in children in Canada. Similar analyses were performed on the real and pseudo
simple items in Visual Memory. The main effect of condition was found significant, F
(1, 196) = 126.72, p < .001, 2 = .39. No significant interaction between condition
and country indicated that both groups of children performed significantly better on
real items than pseudo items. These results suggest an effect of familiarity in visual-
orthographic discrimination and memorization processes (see figure 3 and 4).

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Luo Visual-orthographic aspect of Chinese character acquisition

1.00

0.80

Percentage
0.60

0.40

0.20

0.00
Kin G1 G2 Kin G1 G2

China Canada

Real Simple Pseudo Simple

Figure 3. Performances on real and pseudo simple items in the visual-

orthographic discrimination multiple-choice as a function of country
and grade.

1.00

0.80
Percentage

0.60

0.40

0.20

0.00
Kin G1 G2 Kin G1 G2

China Canada

Real Simple Pseudo Simple

Figure 4. Performances on real and pseudo simple items in the visual-

orthographic memory as a function of country and grade.
In order to partial out the effect of familiarity to real characters, two univariate
analyses were performed on the pseudo simple items in the Visual-Orthographic
Discrimination Multiple-Choice and Visual-Orthographic Memory. The results

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Luo Visual-orthographic aspect of Chinese character acquisition

indicated significant main effects of country and grade in the Visual-Orthographic

Discrimination Multiple-Choice, F (1, 195) = 22.71, p < .001, 2 = 0.10, and F (2,
195) = 25.86, p < .001, 2 = 0.21, respectively, and in Visual-Orthographic Memory, F
(1, 195) = 19.79, p < .001, 2 = 0.09, and F (2, 195) = 15.88, p < .001, 2 = 0.14,
respectively. However, no significant interaction between country and grade was
found in the two measures. These follow-up analyses confirmed that children in China
had developed better visual-orthographic skills than children in Canada.
To summarize, the findings on the general visual and visual-orthographic
measures showed that children in China were similar to children in Canada in general
visual skills, but they developed more advanced visual-orthographic skills as the result
of more exposure to Chinese. From kindergarten to Grade 2, both general visual skills
and visual-orthographic skills improved, but the improvement in the visual-
orthographic skills seemed to be more closely related to the Chinese reading
experience.
General Visual and Visual-Orthographic Perceptual Skills in Character Reading
A series of fixed-order hierarchical multiple regressions were conducted to
answer three questions. First, do the general visual skills and the visual-orthographic
skills significantly predict unique variance in Chinese character reading, and which
skills have stronger predictive power? Second, did the prediction patterns change from
kindergarten to Grade 2? Third, are the roles of visual skills the same for children in
China and children in Canada?
Principal component analyses were used to generate a factor for the three visual
perceptual tasks and a factor for the three visual orthographic tasks. Table 3 presents
two sets of regression models. Mothers education and the interaction between
mothers education and country were entered in Step 1. Phonological awareness, rapid
digit naming, and the interactions between phonological awareness and country and
rapid digit naming and country were entered in Step 2. The Step 3 included general
visual factor and the interaction between general visual factor and country, or visual-
orthographic factor and the interaction between visual-orthographic factor and
country. General visual skills were not a significant predictor for character reading in
both the China group and the Canada group after controlling for the variables in Step
1 and 2. However, visual-orthographic skills significantly predicted unique variance of
character reading, R2 = .03, F= 10.88, p < 0.0001. Meanwhile, the predictive
power of visual-orthographic skills in character reading remained the same across the
two groups.

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 Luo Visual-orthographic aspect of Chinese character acquisition

Table 3
Summary of Multiple Regression Analyses with
Character Reading as the Dependent Variable
Step Independent Variable General Visual Visual-Orthographic
t p t p
1 Mothers Education Level -.21 -4.12 .00 -.21 -4.46 .00
Country -.64 -2.18 .03 -.47 -1.70 .09
Mothers Education X Country .45 2.15 .03 .44 2.25 .03
2 Rapid Digit Naming -.80 -5.38 .00 -.66 -4.76 .00
Rapid Digit Naming X Country .85 4.49 .00 .69 3.89 .00
Phonological Awareness .52 6.3 .00 .45 5.75 .00
Phonological Awareness X Country -.64 -4.02 .00 -.61 -4.04 .00
3 General Visual Factor Score .02 .41 .68
General Visual Factor Score X Country .04 .61 .55
Or 3 Visual-orthographic Factor Score .27 4.01 .00
Visual-orthographic Factor Score X -.04 -.60 .55
Country
Note. Column General Visual reports the coefficients of the variables
when general visual factor was entered in the last step. Column Visual-
Orthographic reports the coefficients of the variables when visual-
orthographic factor was entered in the last step.

Discussion
The purpose of the study was to investigate the development of visual and
visual-orthographic processing skills in relation to Chinese character reading ability.
More specifically, it intended to examine whether general visual skills and visual-
orthographic skills have the same predictive power of Chinese character reading. It
also intended to investigate whether the role of visual and visual-orthographic
perceptual skills in Chinese character reading ability would change with grade and
Chinese reading experience. Monolingual Chinese-speaking children in China and
Chinese-English bilingual children in Canada were compared on character reading
ability, general visual skills and visual-orthographic skills so as to understand the
similarities and differences in Chinese reading acquisition between the two groups of
children.
The study yielded two important results. First, there were no differences in
general visual skills between children in China and those in Canada, while children in
China performed better on visual-orthographic tasks than children in Canada. Second,
compared to general visual skills, visual-orthographic skills predicted character reading
ability better both in China and in Canada. Among the three visual-orthographic tasks
employed in the present study, visual-orthographic memory was the best predictor of
character reading across countries.
The comparison between monolingual children in China and Chinese-English
bilingual children in Canada on their general visual skills and visual-orthographic skills

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Luo Visual-orthographic aspect of Chinese character acquisition

revealed similarities and differences in the development of the two sets of visual
abilities. It was found that children in China and Canada were similar in general visual
skills, but different in visual-orthographic skills. This finding partially confirmed our
hypothesis proposed at the beginning of the study: General visual and visual-
orthographic skills may be different for children in China and Canada.
The reason for the different performances on visual-orthographic measures
between the two groups was likely due to the fact that children in China and Canada
had different amounts of exposure to Chinese language and orthography. Children in
China were exposed to the Chinese orthography on a daily basis, and Chinese learning
was part of the school curriculum. In contrast, Chinese children in Canada only learnt
to read Chinese for two hours every week in heritage language programs, and the
review of what was learnt in class was heavily dependent on parents willingness and
efforts at home. In the character reading task, children in China read a larger number
of Chinese characters than their counterparts in Canada, suggesting that children in
China were at a higher stage in Chinese reading development.
The difference in performances on the visual-orthographic measures between
children in China and Canada supported what Hoosain, (1986) and McBride-Chang &
Kail (2002) have proposed learning to read per se would promote the development
of visual processing skills. In our case, the relatively more Chinese reading experience
for children in China helped them develop more advanced visual skills in
discriminating and memorizing character or character-like stimuli, even when the
possible effect of familiarity on real components and characters was eliminated by
using pseudo simple characters in the analysis. However, the facilitation from reading
experiences was most likely to be limited to visual skills specifically associated with the
Chinese orthography. Despite different amounts of exposure to Chinese orthography,
children in China and Canada demonstrated similar levels of visual skills in
discriminating and memorizing geometric figures and forms. The similar performances
of the two groups were not surprising because visually processing figures and forms is
required in everyday life. Although children in Canada had relatively less experience
with Chinese characters, they still had a lot of experience with geometric figures
outside of Chinese classrooms.
The findings of the present study has shown that general visual and visual-
orthographic processing skills were correlated, with both of them being related to
Chinese character reading, but visual-orthographic skills would make a greater
contribution. However, the magnitudes of the correlations were from small to
moderate, indicating that, although these measures all involved visual processes, they
were likely to tap into the different aspects of visual processing. Berninger (1984,
1987), Koler (1970) and Anderson et al. (2003) argued the visual skill used to read may
be different from the skills used to process figures and pictures, which may be one
explanation of the small to moderate rather than high correlations. Visual processes are
a very complex construct, including different component skills (Kavale, 1982). In this
study, some of the visual measures only involved discrimination skills, some required
visual memorization skills on top of discrimination, and the Form Constancy test

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Luo Visual-orthographic aspect of Chinese character acquisition

involved a logic thinking process when choosing a smaller, bigger, or upside-down

figure to match the target. The different aspects of visual skill investigated in the study
may be the reason for the small to moderate rather than high correlations.
The results of the hierarchical regression models on both the China and Canada
groups indicated after controlling for mothers education level, phonological
awareness, rapid digit naming and phonological strategy use, none of the general visual
perceptual measures predicted character reading ability across groups; the three visual-
orthographic measures, however, significantly predicted reading for the China group
and Visual-orthographic Memory was significantly predictive of reading for the
Canada group. Under the same conditions and with the same groups of children, the
stronger predictive power of visual orthographic skills clearly showed that visual-
orthographic skills were better predictors of character reading than general visual
skills. This finding supported what Barrett (1965) concluded about the studies on
visual skills in English among first graders. Taken together, visual skills used to process
orthographic-related stimuli seemed to be more important than general visual skills in
the prediction of reading acquisition.
The present study has some limitations. First, the sample size is small for each
grade, especially for the sample in Canada. It was difficult to recruit and test
participants in Canada because children only meet for 2.5 hours in heritage language
classes. With such a small sample size, the regression analyses on each grade could only
provide a tentative trend of the prediction of visual skills to reading. The more
conclusive changing role of visual perception in character acquisition needs to be
replicated with a larger sample size. Second, controlling for mothers education in the
comparison between children in China and Canada may not effectively partial out the
influences of family background. Although research has shown mothers education is
intimately associated with childrens academic achievement, other family factors may
also play a role, such as household income, especially for our Canada sample. The
parents of the participants in Canada were mostly first generation immigrants. They
had a very high level of education, but may work in a factory as a general labourer.
Therefore, other family factors need to be taken into consideration in future studies.
Third, this study is cross-sectional. The data from the three cohorts of children in
kindergarten, Grade 1 and Grade 2 provided valuable information about the
similarities and differences of Chinese literacy development across grades in China and
Canada; however, a longitudinal study is needed in the future to capture the
developmental trajectory of general visual and visual orthographic skills in reading.
Despite the problems, this study has unique theoretical and practical
implications. The present study was the first of its kind to compare the associations of
the two sets of visual skills with reading in Chinese. The study underscores the
importance of visual skills in learning to read Chinese among children in both China
and Canada, suggesting that the visual skills closely related to the Chinese orthography
are of particular importance for children at the very first stage of character acquisition.
Visually distinguishing and memorizing strokes and components is essential for the
learning process. This finding suggests the reason that the previous research focusing

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Luo Visual-orthographic aspect of Chinese character acquisition

on general visual skills yielded mixed results in terms of associations between visual
skills and character reading ability. The study also provided the direction for future
research the study of the visual aspect of reading in Chinese should be based on
the consideration of Chinese orthography rather than general figures and forms. The
study indicated that in Chinese character instruction, it is very important to emphasize
the visual characteristics of Chinese orthography. Chinese teachers should direct
childrens attention to the configuration of characters as well as the details of strokes
and stroke combinations. For example, when a teacher introduces the new character
(moon) to children, he/she needs to point out what this character looks like (its
configuration), what strokes are included in the character and how they were
combined. In addition, explicitly comparing visually confusing components and
characters also assists the process of perception and memorization in character
learning. For example, teachers can teach (big) and (too) together, and use the
similarities and differences of the two characters to support childrens learning.
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167
 Inverted Priorities in the Processes of Graduate Study: Program and
Grant Applications, Publication, and Course Work
Suzanne F. Miller
Abstract
I problematize the prejudice that students enter graduate school to work on
their own designed projects. In the 1960s and 70s, when graduate students
applied to graduate schools, their proposals were usually based on their own
initiatives, while now the production of proposals is shaped by the
departments at the receiving end. There are increasing types of requirements,
for example, whether the student is willing to take part in ongoing funded
research, in which case, students must provide proof of their relevant skills
and related work history. Students' motivation may be depleted in the
process of bending their research to fit with the funded research. Similarly,
students' choices of courses are determined by department requirements, and
what is available at the time. And the production of course papers is
constrained by the topics, themes and relevance of the course. Students must
learn to 'think institutionally' to deal with and surmount these constraints.

Introduction
The conditions of graduate education are fast changing. Graduate work is
attracting greater recognition than in the past. The demand for professionals and
practitioners with graduate training is increasing in the marketplace, however this
increased demand is not being met by increased recognition of graduate students and
their conditions of study and research in the academy. The priorities of students and
their instructors and departments are being inverted, leading to contention and conflict
between them. Some of these inversions occur because of the introduction of new
mechanisms to intensify and raise the quality of graduate students reading-writing
work. I will examine some of these inversions in this paper.
My doctoral study focuses on the reading-writing work of graduate students in
relation to all aspects of their program in which reading-writing activity is required. In
this paper, I will discuss some of these, including applications to graduate school,
funded research (grant and scholarship applications), course work and working-up of
papers for conferences and publication, and where fault-lines may appear in these
processes.
My exploration of this topic is in process; it is part of a study of graduate
students reading-writing work within the graduate factory and its periodic activities,
from applications, through course meetings and papers, workshop series,
comprehensive requirements, research and thesis work. I am ethnographically
following graduate students in these processes. I observe them in action, and interact
with them around their program-related activities, collecting samples of graduate
students writing, and interviewing students, professors, and thesis supervisors in order

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Miller Inverted priorities in the processes of graduate study

to learn about the conditions under which graduate students produce their reading-
writing work. I am using qualitative methods, primarily Institutional Ethnography,
developed by Dorothy Smith, to uncover some of the mechanisms that influence these
processes, along with other methodologies.
Graduate program work processes do not merely provide a context for
knowledge production; rather they make possible the organization and carrying out of
the reading-writing activities of graduate students that produces what is retrospectively
recognized as knowledge. The increasing recognition of the intimate and consequential
connection between the reading-writing activities of graduate students and the
institutional arrangements that harness such activities is at the heart of the
transformations that are being introduced to graduate program practices. This study
examines the production of knowledge as it is happening within these shifting
environments of graduate programs, rather than inferring the nature of that
knowledge from its finished form as a text.
Reading-Writing Work
In my research and scholarship, I always have a keen eye on new modes of
practices in graduate school that benefit the students, and contribute to their goals and
ambitions. The gap between department work and larger national and international
academic research and scholarship is growing so fast that there is a need for an
intermediary step such as this conference, as these arrangements create opportunities
for training graduate students, and reworking their graduate course papers towards
their presentation in national and international conferences, as well as preparation for
publication. It often happens that suggestions and critique made by audience members
and discussants plays a significant role in reworking and improving a paper.
I would like to acknowledge the contribution of those who are participating in
this conference by helping in its organization and running, and by presenting papers,
and providing important feedback to presenters. Although graduate students get
support from faculty, it is for the most part a graduate student initiative and
undertaking to apply to present a paper, put together a panel, or help run a graduate
conference, which is important training for students future endeavours. This paper
owes a lot to this conferences organization and running.
What constitutes reading-writing work is something to be explored in order to
discover what it is that produces knowledge associated with masters and doctoral
work. Why is a masters thesis, a doctoral thesis, accepted as knowledge in our society?
There are people who write novels, and those who produce documentaries, but these
are not treated as the same kind of knowledge. There is something special about
graduate students reading-writing work; it is defined, guided and supervised in
multiple ways and modes. There are the traditional forms, such as course work and
papers, comprehensive requirements and exams, dissertation proposals, field or
laboratory research, and dissertation writing, and non-traditional forms, such as
petition-writing to seek exceptions to rules and regulations. Transformations in the
modes and means of reading-writing work done in graduate programs find their way

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into expectations of higher levels of reading-writing work from applicants to graduate

programs.
Attrition Rate
Many scholars write about the graduate education from different angles. A
common concern in many countries is the attrition rates in graduate schools; for example,
in PhD programs in the social sciences, only about 50% of students graduate. McAlpine
& Norton (2005), in their excellent article about the many different attributed causes of
this high attrition rate, write that one problem area is that graduate students are not
adequately informed about what they are expected to do in their programs. One reason
for this is that the ground of graduate program work is shifting all the time. Requirements
are constantly changing. Students in each year are in different categories, subject to
different regulations, depending when they entered their programs. Rules do not always
apply to all of them equally.
Application Process
Students who apply to graduate school may intend to work on their own
designed projects, but in fact, the production of proposals is shaped by the school and
departments at the receiving end. The application process filters for candidates that
fulfill the criteria that have been set by the educational institution, and by the specific
department and professors to which the applicant is applying, in order to choose the
best possible fit of candidates who also have the highest probability of completing their
programs. This has resulted in increasing requirements; for example, the Ontario
Institute of Studies in Education of the University of Toronto requires a Letter of
Intent in which the student describes their intended study area, and a list of the
particular professors who fit with their research interests. A more recent addition is
the requirement for a sample of writing. However, in spite of these efforts, 50% do not
complete their programs:
Traditional admission requirements often do not provide evidence of
the kinds of learning that will be required of doctoral students and thus
cannot foretell the potential to learn what will be expected (Haledon &
Nora, 1996). In fact, many students entering doctoral programs are
misinformed about the process of doctoral education and lack the
knowledge necessary to navigate the system (Golde & Dore, 2001),
clearly a failure to properly screen and inform students. Interestingly,
non-traditional procedures have proven to be more effective than
traditional ones (Lindblom-Ylanne et al., 1996). (McAlpine & Norton,
2006)

Funded Research
In science and engineering programs, but increasingly in other areas, there are
other types of application requirements, for example, whether the student is willing to
take part in ongoing funded research, in which case, students must provide proof of
their relevant skills and related work history. Students' motivation may be depleted in

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the process of bending their research to fit with the funded research. On the other
hand, students who are not working in research groups may experience isolation:
The opportunity to recruit successful students in a particular specialism,
and to make them part of a collective research group, differs widely
between the different academic disciplines. In the natural sciences it is
commonplace for research to be conducted in groupings, and for there
to be a regular allocation of doctoral students to such groups. The
doctoral students are part of a substantial grouping that includes
postdoctoral researchers as well as tenured members of the academic
staff. In the humanities [and social sciences] research students and
studentships may be few and far between for any given supervisor,
and group-building may be a much less natural activity in such contexts.
there is ample evidence to suggest that social and intellectual
isolation is a recurrent phenomenon for many graduate students, and
that some degree of collective culture and orientation can be a valuable
part of the postgraduate experience. (Delamont, Atkinson & Parry,
2004)

Two Models of Funding

Julianne Cheek (2005), in her work on the politics and practice of funded
research, provides information on the pragmatics of doing qualitative research; this a
good source for how-to information about the two models of pursuing funding for
qualitative research. In the first model, the researcher starts with an original idea and
problematic of her own, and seeks funding to cover her expenses. In the second model,
the researcher peruses announced, advertised funded research, which comes in the
form of tendered research, and applies with a proposal to obtain the funding; the
acceptance rate mentioned for winning funded research of this type is less than 20% in
the U.S. Although Cheek is gearing this information to academics rather than graduate
students, it captures the tension that graduate students are increasingly encountering,
in one way or another, in their attempts to find funding to cover their costs. What is
significant for graduate work in relation to this development is that traditional modes
of doing graduate work is pervaded by all kinds of attractive but also problematic
proposals involving funding and the cache that comes along with it.
Assistantships
Students who are accepted into fully-funded PhD programs at the University of
Toronto are required to sign up for a posted position, usually requiring ten hours of
work per week for a set time period, for which they earn the portion of their funding
that is in addition to their tuition payments.
PhD students are fully funded presumably to allow them to work full-time on
their graduate work, but this required assistantship work adds additional burdens to
graduate students in terms of time and energy expended, taking away from time for
their studies, and adding to the time required to completion of their programs. The
amount paid is not adequate to cover living expenses for a sole-supporting student,

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resulting in additional stress. It is only students who are fortunate enough to

successfully get through the SSHRC application process and win a grant that is large
enough to cover their expenses who have both the funding and the time to work
exclusively on their studies. Students who run out of funded time may find they
cannot continue their studies because of financial needs.
This funded research appears in a broad range of activities in the academy, such
as: Teaching Assistant, Research Assistantship, which in this context is an ongoing
funded SSHRC research project, Graduate Assistantship, which involves assisting a
professor with some aspect of their research; in addition, there are library projects,
research centre projects, community-sponsored research, public institutions tendered
research, corporate research, etc. These may provide valuable training for the graduate
student, or not. Some students find that their Graduate Assistantships are relevant
because they learn valuable research skills, and are given work that is evenly
distributed over the time period allotted, but others feel exploited, and find it hard to
say no to professors because of inequitable power relations. Such work is supposed to
take 10 hrs. per week during the set period, but the tasks can take longer, or be
bunched up, with nothing for several weeks, then many hours at one time, which may
conflict with the students other responsibilities and studies. The number of graduate
students accepted may be related to the needs of the professorate, especially in the case
of Teaching Assistants:
Doctoral students are an intrinsic part of the undergraduate tuition
system, and in such a way that the apprenticeship model is almost
inevitable. Professors need graduate students to teach their classes, and
so professors are keen to have doctoral students if for no other reason
than they need teaching assistants. Training people who are going to be
teaching courses designed by the trainer is a selection pressure in favour
of doctoral training as a reproduction of the professoriate. Other work
that is likely to be available to recently-graduated doctoral candidates is
as research assistants to their supervisors, which again pushes US
universities towards the apprenticeship model. (Kendall, 2002, p. 133)
Graduate students may be treated as cheap labour, as Teaching Assistants or as
researchers; similarly, new graduates increasingly are only able to obtain part-time
teaching positions in the university, another example of exploitation for cheap
academic labour.
SSHRC & OGS Grant Application
As a Flexible-Time PhD student, I am not eligible for funding, except I was able
to apply for a SSHRC grant or OGS. At the beginning of my second year, I decided to
try that route. My own experience of writing a proposal for a SSHRC and encouraging
other students to apply and helping them with their applications was very illuminating
in understanding the dilemmas and challenges involved for graduate students. I
attended several workshops on the process, studied successful applications, and worked
and reworked my proposal many times, trying to find the right formula. This process

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helped sharpen my research focus area, but it was difficult to acquire and emulate the
slick writing skills exhibited in the winning applications.
Although I didnt get an OGS or a SSHRC grant, the process transformed my
relation to my own work immensely. I came out of it a different individual. It made
me a player in the larger scheme of things. It got me involved with other students, in
working with them, bouncing ideas off each other. I enjoyed that collaborative
experience, and have continued it. It made me recognize departmental power relations,
that they are required to rank their students for these processes, for example, and made
me conscious of outside factors involved in the grant process. I shifted my gaze outside
the department due to my curiosity about how these grants operated, pushing my
work to include trans-departmental, and even trans-university contexts in my
consideration of the processes of grants. I studied the provincial and federal bodies and
positions influencing graduate education, including the fairly new Canada Chairs
program.
I came to the realization that if I complete my dissertation without winning a
grant, it will be regarded as less than if I had a grant attached to my research, as it will
look like the work of an idealist graduate student. In my CV, I wont have any grants
to list. In that regard, I came out of the process with a scar. I am collecting other
stories of encounters with funding grants. Although I am still somewhat ambivalent
about this process of applying for grants and funds, I now see there are positive aspects
to the process, and that they are not merely neoliberal measures imported from
corporate practices.
Graduate Students Publication Dilemma
The application process for OGS and SSHRC grants creates the expectation
that the student will draft their proposal in a way to communicate it to assessors
beyond the department and the discipline area in which the student is working, which
requires considerable skill. As well, the grant application process advantages those
graduate students who come from professional life or masters work with publication
records. The fact that students learn that they are not likely to earn these grants unless
they have a record of publications may push students to try to publish prior to their
comprehensive and dissertation work.
Turner, Miller and Mitchell-Kernan write about the problem of expectations
for publication placed on graduate students. The graduate faculty is divided on this
matter because some are involved in large scale funded research projects and they need
student researchers to assist them, or they believe students learn best when mentored
within a teaching or research position, which presents opportunities for students to
publish, usually as a joint author. Others believe that students should be focusing on
their dissertations, the only true measure of scholarly potential and academic
achievement (Turner, Miller and Mitchell-Kernan 2002, 47). The first group argue
that the professional communication of research is an essential component of
graduate education, and build in opportunities for students to conduct a series of
experiments during their graduate training, many of which are presented and/or

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published as a matter of course, work that facilitates degree completion since it is

routinely incorporated into the students dissertation (pp. 47 48). These two
different camps reflect different academic cultures in the graduate university which
revolve around fundamental differences in how doctoral students are selected, funded,
advised, mentored, trained, evaluated, and deemed worthy of degree conferral (p. 48).
These two groups are described as the collaborative disciplinary culture and the lone-
scholar disciplinary culture.
Both perspectives have virtues and shortcomings, but contrary to Turner,
Miller and Mitchell-Kernans separation of these two cultures into separate camps,
they need not be mutually exclusive. Certainly graduate students need a protected
period of training in their departments before they can tackle contemporary social
issues. Training in methods and theory is demanding and requires a strong program,
including a variety of relevant and tested courses and a period of collaborative focus on
methodological and theoretical issues, particularly for younger graduate students
without workplace experience. But opportunities for writing are also important in
graduate programs, including preparation of papers for conference meetings and
publication, since these are regarded as markers of academic achievement for grant
applications and job applications after graduation. However, support for students is
required in accomplishing these tasks. These enriching opportunities can include:
graduate programs offering a series of communicative practices involving outside
lecturers, internal workshops to develop students papers within a course, extended
discussions with invited scholars, graduate conferences, as well as outside conference
opportunities, research centres that mediate between the university and research
opportunities outside the university, and opportunities for working within a team of
scholars on collaborative paper writing and publication for university and outside
journals.
Course Selection
Another area of inversion of interests is course selection. Students' choices of
courses are determined by department requirements and course choices and
availability. In my department, Higher Education, students are required to take four of
the six required courses from within the department offerings, which can be a problem
if the listed courses which fit in with your research interests are not running at the
time you are doing your course work. An example that was brought to my attention is
the case of a student who found little of interest or relevance to her study in the
department offerings, and took most of her six courses from outside the department.
She was advised by her department chair that she needed to take more courses within
the department in order to fulfill the course criteria. She petitioned the School of
Graduate Studies, detailing how each of the courses she took fit in with her research,
and won her petition, so all her courses were accepted by her department.
Most students just follow the rules, not realising they can be bent to meet an
individual students needs, because the requirements may be stated in such a way that
they do not appear flexible, and information about petitioning may not be readily

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apparent or accessible. If a student appeals to her department and is refused, she may
not realize she has other recourses at a higher level that can bring the desired result.
Course Papers and Comprehensive Specialization Examinations
Likewise, students may find themselves writing a paper for a course that is not
directly relevant to their research, not realizing that it is possible to negotiate the
topics of course papers with the course instructor so all their papers are applicable to
their research area while fitting into the parameters of the course, which is more
productive use of their required reading-writing work. Students can use their course
papers as opportunities to explore the parameters of research on their chosen topic and
peripheral areas, adding breadth to their study.
Similarly, a students area of study may not fit in the set topics for
comprehensive specialization examinations. It makes sense to apply for a self-chosen
topic so that the dissertation work can be applied to thesis research and writing,
usually to the literature review section.
Conclusion: Self-Advocacy and Thinking Institutionally
Students employ different strategies to mitigate the consequences of inverted
priorities in graduate schools. Part of socialization into the professions is learning to
'think institutionally' to deal with and surmount these constraints and efforts that
press students to perform and conform. Students may react though compliance, not
wanting to make waves, or through resistance, which can lead in the extreme to
dropping out, or through creative utilization of selected aspects of these contentious
issues. More experienced students incorporate the institutions way of thinking into
their own way of thinking, and learn to work it to their own advantage. Such students
are highly creative in finding ways and means to bend rules and regulations to suit
their needs when there is a conflict with increasingly devolving requirements and tasks
that limit their time and resources in graduate school. Some students form groups to
raise issues of concern and advocate for novel solutions to create better conditions for
graduate students. A proactive attitude is more productive than a passive one in
navigating the smoothest and most direct route through the multiple and constantly
increasing tasks of graduate program work.
Students in the know familiarize themselves with the reading-writing practices
of the institution at each step of the way through their graduate programs, and satisfy
the institutions requirements while getting what they need from their courses,
program, advisors and committee, acting as their own advocates when negotiation is
needed. It is necessary to view contradictions, tensions, and disjunctures as matters of
reading-writing activity. It is the graduate students own effortful reading-writing
activity that can resolve problems and lead to positive outcomes.
References
Cheek, J. (2005). The practice and politics of funded qualitative research. In N. Denzin
& Y. Lincoln (Eds.), The Sage handbook of qualitative research: Third edition (pp.
387 409). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

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Delamont, S., Atkinson, P., & Parry, O. (2004). Supervising the doctorate: A guide to
success. Maidenhead, UK: Open University Press.
Farina, C. & Hart, K. (2004). Insider essay: Universities need to adapt to Ottawas
changing views on the funding of research. University Affairs, Feb. 2004.
Freeman, A. (2000). The spaces of graduate student labor: The times for a new union.
Antipode, 32(3), 245 259.
Golde, C. & Walker, G. (2006). (Eds.). Envisioning the future of doctoral education:
Preparing stewards of the discipline: Carnegie essays on the doctorate. San
Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Kendall, G. (2002). The crisis in doctoral education: A sociological diagnosis [1] Higher
Education Research & Development, 21(2), 131 141.
McAlpine, L. & Norton, J. (2006). Reframing our approach to doctoral programs: an
integrative framework for action and research. Higher Education Research &
Development, 25(1), 3 17.
Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto, Graduate
Studies in Education, 2006/2007 Bulletin. Downloaded from
ro.oise.utoronto.ca/Bulletin.PDF
Smith, D. (2005). Experience as dialogue and data. Institutional ethnography: A sociology
for people (pp. 123 144). Lanham, MD: Altamira Press.
Smith, D. (2006). (Ed.). Institutional Ethnography as practice. Lanham, MD: Rowman
& Littlefield.
Turner, J., Miller, M., & Mitchell-Kernan, C. (2002). Disciplinary cultures and
graduate education. Emergences, 12(1), 47 70.

176
 The effects of technology on literacy development: A Critique of
Mark Warschauers Laptops and Literacy
Christina Parker
Abstract
Whether we like it or not there has definitely been a page to screen shift and
technology has made room for multiple literacies. This paper offers a
critique of Mark Warschauer Laptops and Literacy: Learning in the
Wireless Classroom to show how technology can work to increase literacy
in the classroom. Reading on the internet is different than reading a book
and because of this shift the technologies in the schools needs to be adjusted
accordingly to reach the new learning styles of students. There really are two
sides to the spectrum when it comes to the incorporation of technology in
schools. It is hard for society to accept change when technology is involved as
some people shy away while others embrace it; technology could be
controversial. Technology has the ability to change the way our classrooms
look today. Many classrooms have remained traditional simply because
many educators fear technology. Drawing on studies that Warschauer has
conducted and the experiences I have had with schools in the Toronto I will
question how far can or should technology go in todays classroom and
should there be any regulations as to how much technology should be allowed
in schools?

Overview of Laptops and Literacy

Mark Warschauers Laptops and Literacy: Learning in the Wireless Classroom has
eight chapters that build upon one another to show how the incorporation of
technology, specifically laptops, could work to increase literacy rates. Warschauer
looks at ten schools in Maine and California to show how laptops help improve
literacy in the classroom. He wrote his book based on the action research he
conducted at these schools over a two year period. The schools that he has chosen for
his study vary with the students socio-economic statuses (SES), their location, and the
ethnic make-up of each school. Warschauer shows that the success of a one-to-one
laptop program depends on the SES of the students and location of the school. He
shows that students who were primed since an early age to prepare for college are
more successful in one-to-one laptop programs, while students from low SES
neighbourhoods are less inclined to have the strong research focus and critical and
analytic skills that are needed for this kind of program (Warschauer, 2006).
Warschauer presents very persuasive arguments to show that one-to-one laptop
programs increase literacy rates. He includes many anecdotes from teachers, students,
and administrators that mainly report on their positive experiences with laptops and
their use in the classroom. At the end of each chapter he provides a brief summary of
what he has discussed which helps the reader get a clear overview of the many topics
he addresses.

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Parker The effects of technology on literacy development

Technology and Literacy Challenges

Warschauer opens Laptops and Literacy by commenting on what he calls a
current literacy crisis as he shows how technology has caused us to have multiple
literacies. He focuses on academic literacies and digital literacies and emphasizes
throughout his book that the societal tools of literacy have also changed radically in
the last 50 years, as reading writing, and research move rapidly from the page to the
screen (Warschauer, 2006). Reading on the internet is different than reading a book
and Warschauer shows that technology could be used to promote reading and writing
simply because of this current page to screen shift (Warschauer, 2006). Warschauers
book made me stop to wonder: Can laptops really do that much to increase literacy?
He is writing from a pro-technology perspective with the intention of selling his idea
to future educators and fighting with a system that he says hasnt changed in the last
100 years (Warschauer, 2006).
Laptops and Literacy made me realize how conservative many schools still are
today; the traditional classroom still exists. It is hard for society to accept change;
when technology is involved some people shy away while others embrace it
technology could be controversial. Technology has the ability to change the way our
classrooms look today and according to Warschauer technologies that have helped
transform the economy and society also show promise for helping address the literacy
challenges that have arisen (Warschauer, 2006). Warschauer is very pro-technology
and his arguments appear very one-sided. However, Warschauer is showing that we
have now reached a point of crisis and laptops in the classroom can help play a big role
in overcoming this challenge.
Warschauer identifies three main literacy challenges that could be alleviated
with laptop computer programs: past and future, home and school, and rich and
poor. For past and future he questions how schools will function in the twenty-first
century and how much the curriculum reflects the changes and new skills that have
been developed. He also sees laptops as a potential solution to the home and school
divide as students can take their laptop home and can easily share what they have done
at school. Finally, he shows how the gap between the rich and poor can be somewhat
alleviated as the access to technology can be provided for students who cannot afford
to have computers at home.
Tools and Software
Warschauer uses the term Millennials to refer to students who were born as
native users of digital technologies (Warschauer, 2006). This term is very interesting
and it really made me realize how much has changed and how Millennials see, read,
and interact very differently in society because of their access to virtual notebooks.
For this reason Warschauers argument is very timely and his call to action for change
in the curriculum to address these challenges is important. However, the solution of
having one-to-one laptop schools may not be the perfect route. There are many
challenges that this option poses itself. Technologies change so rapidly and are so
costly that it may not be very beneficial for students or the schools that fund the

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programs in the long run. Furthermore, students can easily become dependent on
these mechanisms for research and knowledge that they dont really take time to digest
the material themselves.
Warschauer shows the benefits of technology by citing very interesting studies
and software that contribute to the growing need for technology in schools. He shows
how successful the software proves to be, such as the one program that will assess the
students reading level and suggest books at their level. After students read a book they
can access software which will direct them to comprehensive questions on that book
and upon answering them the program will determine their understanding and
generate a list of possible titles that are at their particular reading level. At first I
thought this was a great program, but the only drawback to this is that students may
compare each others lists and if they have a list of baby books they may feel
pressured to read at higher levels.
Ethnicity and SES Divisions
Warschauer presents a really interesting comparison between two schools that
were both in Maine where he showed that without the proper implementation and
teacher training a laptop program could be unsuccessful. Howard Middle School is
located in a high-income suburban community in southern Maine while Plum High
School is located in one of the most sparsely populated rural counties where the
annual household income is $28,000 which is significantly below the state average
(Warschauer, 2006). Not surprisingly, Howard has a thriving laptop program where
the technology-enhanced research goes far beyond finding and critically evaluating
online information (Warschauer, 2006). Plum, on the other hand, had students who
gave presentations facing the screen rather than their audience and had just cut and
pasted material from the internet that they read aloud (Warschauer, 2006).
Warschauer says that the reason for this dramatic difference is because of Plums
location and depressed economy and because Howard has high expectations coming
from the parents who are largely professionals (Warschauer, 2006). The results of this
study are plausible, yet it still does not provide conclusive evidence on whether the
success of a laptop program depends on how rich the neighbourhood is. Furthermore,
through Warschauers analysis of these two schools that were both located in the same
state I was able to see that he himself realizes that technology cannot be the entire
answer to the literacy crisis. He admits that it takes more than computers and
Internet access to connect students to real learning opportunities (Warschauer, 2006).
Pulling the plug on technology?
While reading this book a number of questions were going through my head. I
thought about what I would do if I was teaching in a classroom where there was a
laptop available for every student and how I would have to change my teaching style
to adapt to this new source of technology? The more I thought about it the more I
actually really liked the idea. However, I would not use laptops in every class or for
extended periods of time. I myself become distracted when other people start surfing
the net or watching a movie during class time and I think that giving this kind of

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access to students also means adapting and initiating a whole new classroom
management routine.
During my practice teaching placement I taught health and I wanted to show
the students the Dove commercial that shows the step by step process of how a model
was computerized. I couldnt believe how hard it was for me to get a computer or
projector into the classroom so I could project the commercial onto the screen.
Technology was difficult to access at this school. The students didnt have a computer
class nor did they ever use the one computer that was located in the classroom as it was
only used by the teacher to do her own work. My plan to take these students to this
website and show them this commercial was forfeited because getting access to
technology proved to be too complicated. The computer lab would have to be
booked, but then the person who maintains the lab would have to be present in order
to screen the video from the website and that person was busy with classes on all the
days that health could fit into the schedule. In this situation I began to question: Are
educators afraid of technology? I realized that the level of technology varies with each
school. The school that I have volunteered at for the past three years has a computer
lab attached to each classroom and have now also purchased laptop carts that could be
shared amongst the classes. The school that I am currently placed at is about to
purchase two smartboards, which are essentially interactive whiteboards. These
smartboards come with programs that already have preset lessons for the overall
expectations for grades 7 to 12 in Ontario. Learning styles and tools are changing and
they are doing so at a rapid rate. It is clear that some have accepted these changes
while others have not.
There really are two schools of thought on the issue of technology and its
incorporation into todays classroom: those that are pro-technology and those that are
anti-technology. There are publications that point to the desire to pull the plug in the
classroom, for instance Cliff Stolls book High Tech Heretic: Why Computers Don't
Belong in the Classroom, Larry Cubans article Computer meets Classroom:
Classroom Wins, and the United States Congress publication Technology in the
Classroom: Panacea Or Pandora's Box? The titles of these publications speak for
themselves as they point to the negative results of having computers and technology in
the classroom. When looking at both sides of the spectrum it really made me wonder
how much technology should be present in schools. From overhead projectors to
desktop computers to camcorders, iPods and personal laptops how far can or should
technology go in todays classroom and should there be any regulations as to how
much technology should be allowed in schools? The next issue is the lifespan of
technology; it is not very sustainable, yet it is very costly.
Making the technological adjustment
Ilana Snyders book Page to screen: taking literacy into the electronic era addresses
the historical integration of technology into education and argues that since computers
are here and they are here to stay we should accept this prospect and start addressing
other research questions that employ primarily quantitative methods of inquiry and
those that rely on qualitative techniques when studying the usage and integration of

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technology in schools (Snyder, 1998). Warschauer has used primarily quantitative

methods in his research as he has been able to distinguish each group through their
SES and ethnicity, however, it still may not be enough to form a conclusive argument
that laptops will contribute to higher literacy rates. When looking at the vast amount
of communities, and the varying access each one has within the U.S. alone, such small
studies that involves only ten schools and two states may not be enough information
to guide educators to make the decision to move towards a wireless classroom. This
does not in any way mean that Warschauers argument should be dismissed, but there
are areas that could be questioned further. Nonetheless, Warschauer makes a valid
point when he notes that the printing press made new forms of literacy possible and
that the current rise of information and communication technologies will likely have
a similarly large impact on literacy practices (Warschauer, 2006). It is evident that
multiple literacies have evolved because of new technologies that have made blogging,
podcasting, creating webpages, and digital videos a significant part of the new
Millennials lives and these technologies cannot be ignored. New learning styles and
perhaps even disabilities are bound to be formed from the inclusion of new
technologies. Warschauers study has shown that one-to-one laptop programs have the
potential to increase literacy rates. However, the amount of access to technology
depends on the teacher, the students SES, and the willingness of the school. While
some schools have essentially pulled the plug on technology, others have moved
ahead with its inclusion. It is only time that will tell whether one-to-one laptops will
be just as much as part of schools as the TV and VCR systems are today.
References
Snyder, Ilana. (1998). Page to Screen: Taking Literacy into the Electronic Era.
Retrieved 27 January 2007, from
http://www.myilibrary.com.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/Browse/open.asp?ID=670
7&loc=7
Warschauer, M. (2006). Laptops and Literacy. New York: Teachers College Press.

181
 Student Interaction and Note Readability in
Computer Mediated Conferencing
Vanessa L. Peters and Jim Hewitt
Abstract
This research explores the relationship between the readability of computer
conferencing messages and the level of student interaction in asynchronous
online discussions. Large-scale quantitative analyses were conducted on the
activity logs of 37 graduate-level distance education courses at the Ontario
Institute for Studies in Education. Significant correlations were discovered
between the Grade Level scores of student and teacher conferencing messages
and the number of replies that students make, and between the Reading Ease
and Grade Level scores of student messages and the number of notes that
students write. Consequently, the data suggest that a positive relationship
exists between readability and the level of student online interactivity.
Possible explanations for these results are discussed.

Introduction and Objectives

In Computer-mediated conferencing courses (CMC), students communicate by
reading and writing messages in a shared forum. These messages are a conduit for the
social processes that allow students to participate in online discussions. The current
study sought to explore the role that readability plays when students interact in their
online course. What relationship, if any, is there between the readability level of
conferencing messages and students online activity patterns? Does writing style and
readability affect the volume of messages that students contribute to their online
course? By exploring these questions it is hoped that we can develop a deeper
understanding of the factors that promote and sustain collaborative online discourse.
Theoretical Framework
A review of the literature suggests that social engagement plays an important
role in students online participation patterns (e.g. Wallace 2003; Rourke, Anderson,
Garrison, & Archer, 1999). When working in a computer conference, learners project
their presence by engaging in social exchanges with their peers. Commonly referred to
as social presence, this construct refers to the degree of salience of the other person
in the interaction and the consequent salience of the interpersonal relationships
(Short, Williams, & Christie, 1976, p. 65). In a CMC course, this involves the
projection of an online identity that facilitates interpersonal interaction between
students and the teacher.
Previous research has emphasized the importance of community on student
interaction in online discussions (Wegerif, 1998; Garrison, Anderson, & Archer, 2001).
Brown (2001) explains that students learn while attempting to integrate themselves
into the community environment. Students establish relationships with other
members, resulting in feelings of acceptance and well-being (Wellman & Guila, 1999).

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Peters & Hewit Student interaction and note readability in CMC

According to Collison, Elbaum, Haavind, and Tinker (2000), regular participation and
a demonstrated concern for others are hallmarks of a healthy online community.
Regular participation is a reflection of open communication, and indicates intellectual
trust between participants (Collison, et al., 2000).
The preceding studies, among others, have contributed greatly to our
knowledge of the factors that influence student interaction in online courses.
However, as Wallace (2003) points out, much of the research on student interactivity is
based on student self-reports and anecdotal evidence. The current study begins to
addresses this issue by examining the readability of messages in a large dataset of
computer conferencing activity.
Method and Data Sources
Reading conferencing messages is one of the fundamental processes of any
online course. In this study, message readability was chosen as a research variable
because of its important role in conveying information from the writer to the receiver.
Readability can be defined as the ease of comprehension because of style of writing
(Harris & Hodges, 1995, p. 203). The Flesch Reading Ease Score and the Flesch-
Kincaid Grade Level formula were used to determine readability because they are the
most widely accepted metrics. Since the study was not concerned with measures of
coherence or understanding, both procedures were sufficient to determine if a
relationship existed between the readability of conferencing messages and student
activity. The study explored relationships between the following measures of online
activity:
1. Reading Ease: The Flesch Reading Ease score ranges from 0 to 100, with a
lower score being more difficult to read than a higher score.
2. Grade Level: The Flesch-Kincaid Grade Level formula converts the Reading
Ease Score to a U.S. grade-school level.
3. Student Reply Ratio: The student reply ratio is the percentage of notes that a
student contributes responses or replies or to one of their classmates
contributions.
4. Mean Note Count: The mean note score measures the average number of notes
that a student contributes to the conference.
5. Mean Note Size: The average size of messages that an individual writes,
calculated in words.
Data were collected from 37 graduate-level distance education courses offered at
the University of Toronto. All courses were homogeneous in design, pedagogy, and
online conferencing environments. Adherence to these conditions ensured that the
courses were highly comparable, making it easier to examine message readability across
courses.
Results
Correlation coefficients performed across the 37 courses yielded the following
findings:

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Peters & Hewit Student interaction and note readability in CMC

Readability and Student Reply Ratios

There was a positive correlation between the Reading Ease score of teachers
messages, and the number of replies that students make to other individuals (r = .38, p
< .05). This relationship is displayed in Figure 1. A significant negative correlation
was found between both student (r = -.42, p < .05) and teacher (r = -.43, p < .01)
Grade Level scores, and the Reply Ratio of students.

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0
0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.9 1

Mean Student Reply Ratio

Figure 1
Correlation between Student Reply Ratio and Teacher Reading Ease.

Readability and Mean Note Count

The mean note count of student messages has a strong significant positive
correlation with their Reading Ease scores (r = .62, p < .01), as depicted in Figure 2,
and a strong negative correlation with their Grade Level scores (r = -.55, p < .01).
Interestingly, neither teachers Reading Ease nor Grade Level scores were found to
correlate with the number of messages that students contribute to the conference.

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Peters & Hewit Student interaction and note readability in CMC

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0
0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140

Mean Number of Student Messages

Figure 2
Correlation between Students Mean Note Count and Reading Ease Score.

Readability and Mean Note Size

The mean note size of student conferencing messages correlates positively with
their Grade Level scores (r = .74, p > .01), and negatively with their Reading Ease
scores (r = -.061, p > .01). Both correlations were strongly significant, suggesting a
tendency for students to write shorter notes when writing messages that are easier to
read.
Conclusions and Educational Significance
The results from this study indicate that a positive relationship exists between
the writing style of conferencing messages and the level of student online interactivity.
When online messages are highly readable, the outcome appears to be higher levels of
student interaction. Readability also appears to have a strong effect on the number of
messages that students contribute to the online discussions. The current study,
although exploratory in nature, provides empirical evidence that message readability
and student activity are related, and suggests practices that may lead to higher levels of
interaction in asynchronous discussions. Further research into the factors affecting
student activity is necessary to inform the design of future online conferencing
environments.

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Peters & Hewit Student interaction and note readability in CMC

References
Brown, R. E. (2001). The process of community-building in distance learning classes
[Electronic version]. Journal of Asynchronous Learning Networks, 5(2), 18-35.
Collison, G., Elbaum, B., Haavind, S., & Tinker, R. (2000). Facilitating online learning:
Effective strategies for moderators. Madison, WI: Atwood.
Garrison, D. R., Anderson, T., & Archer, W. (2001). Critical inquiry in a text-based
environment: Computer conferencing in higher education [Electronic version].
The Internet and Higher Education, 2(2/3), 87-105.
Harris, T. L., & Hodges, R. E. (Eds.) (1995). The Literacy Dictionary: The Vocabulary of
Reading and Writing. Newark, DE : International Reading Association.
Rourke, L., Anderson, T., Garrison, D. R., & Archer, W. (1999). Assessing social
presence in asynchronous text-based computer conferencing [Electronic
version]. Journal of Distance Education, 14(2), 50-71.
Short, J., Williams, E., & Christie, B. (1976). The social psychology of
telecommunications. London: John Wiley & Sons.
Wallace, R. M. (2003). Online learning in higher education: A review of interactions
among teachers and students. Education, Communication & Information, 3(2),
241-280.
Wegerif, R. (1998). The social dimension of asynchronous learning networks
[Electronic version]. Journal of Asynchronous Learning Networks, 2(1), 34-49.

186
 "Where Are You From Miss?": Visible Minority Women's Teaching
Experiences in Canadian Schools
Shumona Ray
Abstract
It is widely accepted that it is important to have a diverse teaching staff in
schools, not only because of representation but because it enriches the
educational experience of all students. Racial and ethnic minority teachers
not only enhance education in schools by bringing new cultural perspectives
to the classroom, but also present alternative modes of teaching that benefit
the varied needs of different students. They also serve as role models and
representatives for students who are visible minorities, and act as mediators
when such students become involved in conflict at school. This past decade
therefore, has witnessed attempts in both research and policy to remedy the
problem of recruiting and retaining visible minority teachers in both
elementary and secondary schools. However, little attention has been given
to the struggles and challenges that these teachers face once they are hired in
the school system. Factors such as race, gender, class, age, physical appearance
and sexual orientation can affect how the formal authority of these teachers
is perceived and received by students, and by extension the degree to which
they can be effective in their profession. This is especially true if the
knowledge they bring to the classroom or their teaching style challenges
existing norms (such as ways of thinking and behavior) that are usually
found in schools. This study therefore, seeks to examine the power dynamics
that operate in the everyday lives of visible minority teachers and how these
dynamics either serve to empower or disempower them in their profession. I
examined here the ways in which racism, sexism, classism, ageism and other
factors can drive these teachers out of their profession once they have
completed their training and started their work. I use the following questions
as a guide: (1) What role do visible minority teachers see themselves playing
in Canadian schools? How do these teachers see their work as helping to
enhance the education of mainstream and minority students? (2) What
difficulties do visible minority teachers face when working in predominantly
White/non-White schools? What other factors, apart from race, class and
gender, pose challenges to them while teaching or participating in the school
milieu? (3) How can we improve the preparation, recruitment, professional
development and career progress of visible minority teachers? What role do
communities, schools, boards and universities play in supporting visible
minority teachers as agents of change in schools?
In 1999, I graduated from the faculty of education at OISE/ UT. Upon
receiving my BEd degree, I was immediately given a full time position as a religion
teacher in a Mississauga area high school, teaching grades ten and twelve religion.

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Having completed my program, nothing prepared me for the overwhelming

difficulties I was about to encounter that year when I started my new job. While
studying at OISE, I took courses in classroom management, lesson planning and
pedagogy, as well as in equity and social justice (which was made mandatory at that
time). Having fulfilled all of the requirements for my program, I genuinely believed
that I was ready for my first job, and ready to take on whatever challenges teaching
held for me.
Originally, I came into teaching because I was interested in working with
children, especially minority youth who needed role models that they could look to
for guidance. The thought of serving my community as well as others who came from
communities that were also marginalized, attracted me to the profession. As a visible
minority woman, I also hoped to make a strong impression on students who came
form dominant groups as well.
However upon having my first taste of the work environment in schools,
everything changed for me that year. I quickly realised that as a teacher, I did not
exercise power in a vacuum. Everyday was a constant battle for me. I found that I had
to constantly fight in order to maintain my authority in the classroom (with the kids
who naively assumed that an Asian woman would be soft on them). I also had to
deal with staff members, who had racist and sexist stereotypes of who I was. In
addition to this, I also found that being the only visible minority in my department, I
had to be a resource for everything that was non-Christian or non-European. While
other teachers drew readily from my knowledge as an outsider from mainstream
Canadian culture, I was punished in different ways for bringing in new opinions and
perspectives in the classroom. Both teachers and parents seemed to be threatened by
the different cultural knowledges I brought into the classroom, and tried to suppress
my efforts to teach these knowledges by underestimating my competency in teaching.
Whenever a student of African or South Asian heritage got into trouble, I was often
called upon in the office to act as a mediator between the student and the principal.
Although many parents expressed their gratitude to me for being a role model and
representative to their children, in the end the constant burden of having to prove
myself before others while working twice as hard as my colleagues, left me feeling
angry, helpless and disempowered.
Today, looking back on my negative experiences as a visible minority woman
in the classroom, I can definitely say that there are some things which teachers college
failed to prepare me for. One of these things, is the fact that there is no such thing as
the notion of the generic teacher, that is one who is white, male, middle class,
heterosexual etc., which many teachers colleges seem to assume. Secondly, I
discovered that my education at OISE failed to tell me how my body (being non-
White, female, Asian etc.), would be implicated in my work as a teacher, who is
entering a space which is traditionally dominated by those who do not look like
myself. In analyzing this problem, I decided upon five areas in which my body is
implicated in the world of teaching.

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Ray Where are you from, miss?

The first of these is the way that my body is viewed. How am I seen? How is
my body read, interpreted by students, staff members, parents and other teachers?
Usually as an immigrant, (even though I am born here, I am often asked: Where are
you from?). Also because of my race and gender, I find that I am often assumed to be
a weak female or a passive Asian woman. How do I know this? From the way
that people behave towards me when I walk into the staff room, from the questions I
get about my family, my personal life, even my credentials as a professional. Today, as
a supply teacher that visits many schools, I still find that people ask me these questions
on a daily basis, and that these problems affect not only myself, but other visible
minority teachers as well.
Another area in which my body is implicated is in the area of knowledge.
Often the knowledge I bring into the classroom is held suspect by those who
underestimate my abilities in teaching or who feel threatened by the different cultural
perspectives I try to bring into the classroom. Also, my body forces people to
underestimate my abilities as a teacher, probably because I look much younger than
my age and because I am female, Asian, petite etc. Often as a supply teacher that visits
different schools, I find that I am asked: Did you graduate yet from teachers
college? Are you a student teacher? How certified are you to be teaching
Canadian children? These are the questions I often receive, despite the fact that I have
been teaching here for over 5 years now and hold a Masters degree and am in the
process of finishing a doctoral degree.
In addition to this, my body affects the roles that are assigned to me in the
school, both as a representative for all minority students, and as a resource for non-
Western/ non-Christian traditions. Whenever there was a multi-cultural festival or
an event in my old school such as Asian heritage month, I was immediately thrown
with the responsibility of overseeing such events, and dealing with students who came
from such backgrounds. As a first year teacher, I quickly discovered that if it was non-
White, non-Christian, or somehow outside of mainstream Canadian culture in some
way, people automatically assumed that I would want to be in charge of whatever it
was, and interested in being a part of it. A frequent catch-phrase in my department
was: Oh, anti-racism! Shumona will like that!
Finally, I also realized that my body affected the relationships that I had with
people in my department. Because I was constantly left with the burden of having to
correct other peoples stereotypes of who I was and of students in the school, this left
an uneasy strain on the way that I was able to relate to people who worked closely
with me. Although I desperately needed a mentor to guide me through my first year
of teaching, the difficulty of having to relate to people whose cultural background was
different from mine, and whose attitude was predicated upon looking at me as an
inferior, left me only wanting to distance myself more and more and wanting to work
alone.
This was my experience. This is my story. I wish someone who had a similar
story back in 1999 could have told me this before I entered the world of teaching, and

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this is why I am sharing this with you today. Thank you for being here today and
thank you for your attention.

190
 Women Educators: Connecting Experiential Dots of Teaching as
Visible Minorities in University, High school and Elementary School
Shumona Ray
Abstract
This paper is based on the teaching experiences of three visible minority
women of different backgrounds, each of whom teach in different
educational settings. The goal here is to illustrate the challenges they face in
their careers as educators who are visible minorities and women, as well as
the worldviews/ common desires they share (e.g., viewing differences as
normative and creative rather than problematic and divisive). Aided by our
participation in a class on Cultural Knowledges, Representation and
Colonial Education: Pedagogical Implications and various other courses in
higher education, we hope to engage the audience in a group discussion on
the many paths we navigate as marginalized peoples. Although not vocalized
immediately, collectively we reflected on issues such as: (1) What role do we
see ourselves playing as visible minority teachers and as women in
education? What difficulties do we encounter as visible minority women
working in predominantly White, male, Eurocentric systems? (2) Where do
our interests and issues intersect and do our differences aid and/ or
problematize our collaboration? (3) How can we continue and share these
teachings beyond our immediate classroom? The foci of our project
collaboration examined the importance of having diverse teachers/ teachings
in education, as well as alternative views that fit within the sacred circle. We
look at the degradation of our roles in teaching and interconnectivity within
various communities brought about by colonization. Through group
discussion, we also hope to demonstrate how everyday acts of resistance
through decolonization and self-determination efforts have and are
renewing and revitalizing many peoples from different communities. Our
learning was facilitated by our membership within a classroom where
practice and theory were intimately combined. Indigenous knowledge and
teachings were role-modeled by our teacher (Dr. Njoki Wane) and provided
learning examples of how to proceed. We learned how it is important to
recognize and acknowledge colonization and its destructive living legacy
within different peoples and communities. We also learned how allies from
the dominant majority can work in a collaborative manner with
minoritized/ racialized peoples of the world to maintain and strengthen
various suppressed cultural identities.
Before I begin, I would like to draw your attention to the following quotation
on the board which is based on an old Tagalog proverb that comes from the
Philippines, and which I believe speaks to much of the conflict and challenges we are
facing with teacher education today. It says: Unless you look behind you, you will

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Ray Women educators: connecting experiential dots

never reach your destination. The reason why I feel this quote is important is that is
speaks volumes about the importance of understanding our individual histories in
order to make sense of how we are experiencing the present and how we are making
steps toward changing the future.
This past decade has witnessed attempts in both research and policy to remedy
the problem of recruiting and retaining visible minority teachers in both elementary
and secondary schools. However, little attention has been paid to the struggles and
challenges these teachers face once they are hired in the school system. This study
therefore examines the power dynamics operating in the everyday lives of visible
minority women teachers and how these dynamics either serve to empower or
disempower them in their profession. Using my own experiences as well as those of
other visible minority women, I draw attention to these struggles and challenges.
Significance of study
This study is important for a number of reasons. First, it is important to the
future of our country since Canada is one of the most culturally diverse, multiracial,
multiethnic and multilingual countries in the world. As a result, there is a growing
number of students in our schools who come from a variety of ethnic and racial
backgrounds that require teachers who can address their diverse needs.
Studies have shown that some of the problems they experience in school can be
rectified if school boards hired a more diverse body of teachers who reflect the
diversity of student bodies populating our schools. These teachers can help minority
children by being positive role models by engendering in them a feeling of acceptance
in the school and that they can achieve their goals.
My location
In 1999, I graduated OISE/ UT, where I received my BEd degree. After
graduating, I was immediately given a full time job in a Mississauga area high school,
where I quickly discovered that as a visible minority woman, I did not have the same
amount of authority or respect as other teachers. While having to deal with staff
members who held racist and sexist stereotypes of me, I also had to be a resource for
everything that was non-Christian or non-European. Although many parents
expressed their gratitude to me for being a role model and advocate for their children,
ultimately the constant burden of having to prove myself to others while working
twice as hard as my colleagues left me feeling angry, helpless and disempowered.
Methodology
This study is based on the stories of ten (self-described) visible minority
teachers who come from different backgrounds (as seen here), are in different stages of
their career and are teaching in schools that are VERY diverse in the Toronto area.
For the purpose of this study, I also interviewed a vice-principal, a retired principal
(who is now an active community member), a school board member, and finally two
educational assistants (one of which is a certified teacher from India).

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Ray Women educators: connecting experiential dots

I purposely made it a criteria in my advertisement to have teachers who teach

in diverse schools, because I wanted to get a general sense of how diverse the teacher
populations are in comparison to that of the students (in the Greater Toronto Area).
I also wanted to get a wide range of teachers of various ages in order to compare the
experiences of the older (more experienced) teachers to that of the younger ones who
were just beginning their careers. Also, I interviewed a vice principal to get a better
understanding of how difficult it is these days for a woman of color to reach an
administrative position in education. In addition to this, I interviewed someone who
was certified in another country to understand the many difficulties of obtaining
Canadian teaching certification, a factor affecting the number of minority educators in
this country. The one person from a school board who was willing to be interviewed
by me happened to come from the Department of Race and Ethno-cultural Equity.
From this person, I was able to get a better insight into the difficulties of implementing
certain policies, and of educating people in positions of power about the importance of
race, class and gender.
For the purpose of this study, I have combined different styles related to
qualitative research. I decided to use the idea of narrative and life history to tell the
stories that were given to me by the teachers from their own context and their own
interpretation. The raw data of this study was taken from a series of individual, in-
depth interviews in which the participants were asked a variety of questions,
depending on who there were (eg. whether they were a teacher, a principal, a board
member, or an educational assistant).
Theoretical framework
The theoretical framework I use here for analyzing the situations facing visible
minority teachers includes the following theories: (a) colonial theory of education; (b)
post-colonial theory; (c) post-colonial feminism; and (d) anti-racist theory. My reason
for using all of these theories in this study is simple. As Ngugi Wa Thiongo insists in
Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature:
To decolonize our minds, we must not see our own experiences as little
islands that are not connected with other processes but rather as part
of a wider experience, one that is shared by many people whose
previous identities were torn apart by various forms of colonial
education. (Thiongo, 1981)
Because schools in Canada today are more or less an extension of their colonial
predecessors (which were designed to consolidate the status quo and eradicate the
religion, language and culture of various peoples), I use the colonial theory of
education to illustrate this process and to demonstrate how White supremacy remains
the unnamed political system existing in our schools. Secondly, as an extension of this
theory, I use post-colonial theory to demonstrate how cultural hybrids which are
produced from colonial systems of education, can use their ambivalent position as
both insider and outsider for resistance (using the work of Bhabba, Spivak, and
Lebaddy). Thirdly, post-colonial feminism is used to illustrate how there is no single

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Ray Women educators: connecting experiential dots

feminist theory which speaks to the oppressions that women of color in teaching
experience, especially in light of the various backgrounds of these women. Finally,
anti-racist theory will be addressed in order to demonstrate how women of color in
teaching are limited by the unequal distribution of power in our society (as related to
historical, political and economic factors). All of these theories spoke to the lived
experiences of each of the people who were interviewed.
Findings
A large number of findings were produced from this study on visible minority
women teachers however for the purpose of this presentation, only five major ones
will be highlighted here. First, it is apparent from this study that school boards,
universities and teacher organizations lack support systems and mentorship groups (for
the specific kinds of things that visible minority teachers experience in their
profession). Often, the support groups and membership programs that boards have
for teachers fail to address the fact that many teachers themselves had traumatizing
experiences of school, because of their race, class, gender or sexual orientation. This
can ultimately lead to more difficulty in establishing oneself as a professional later on,
as Churyia says here:
I find schools they are really traumatic places to be in I think it is
because I have so many traumatic memories associated with school as a
student, that I cannot really separate them from my experiences as a
teacher, so many experiences of racial violence, so many experiences of
being poor, brown, immigrant I dont use that word trauma lightly. I
really feel that there were many experiences of violence (like ideological
violence, sometimes physical and emotional violence) that I experienced
in school that were not really addressed so sometimes I feel like when
I am back and incidents like this happen, or that I am constantly
having to assert my authority as a visible minority female teacher I
find school is a really difficult place to be in for so many reasons.
While most schools and school boards provide mentorship opportunities for
beginner teachers and for professional development, few of them take this into account
as well as the fact that many teachers want to teach differently, because they do not
want to be a part of this dominant oppressive way of knowing. Also, few teacher
support programs realize that many teachers are carrying different types of
internalized racism because of their schooling (or the lack thereof) as described here by
Tara:
We were taught from books that supported racism, maybe not overtly
but presented Africans as backwards people. Embarrassed by the
mention of slavery we went into teaching (and there were so few of
us! But not as aware of our culture as we should have been. And those
of us who were aware were timid about being aggressive, and fearful!
Because I mean very often in the elementary school I went to for a long

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Ray Women educators: connecting experiential dots

time I was the only Black student in the entire school. So you were
reluctant to be demonstrative in your opposition to racism.
Others such as Sarah described this struggle but in terms of wishing that they
had more minority colleagues that they could turn to for support:
Sometimes I feel like some of the White kids are not hearing me because
I am a visible minority talking about antiracism, whereas if it was a
White person talking about it, I wonder if they would be more
receptive which is why I think in our struggle, it is so important to
have allies and people of all backgrounds working on this issue I also
work with a White male and he is very, very supportive but its not the
same for him because it leaves him after our conversation, whereas if I
come and talk to a visible minority we carry it out the door, it affects
us because it is our reality.
Secondly, this study has also found that the theories we have at present for
discussing teacher education and experiences, do not speak to all teachers (especially
those who are of a minority background, women, gay, lesbian, working class etc.).
The reason why these theories do not speak to such teachers is that often they are
based on a very generic model of what it means to be a teacher (e.g., one who is White,
male, middle-class, straight, Canadian born etc.). For example today in most teachers
colleges, the classroom management techniques and advice that are given, fail to take
into account the teachers body and the way that it will affect children and their
reaction to them. It is well recorded here that children will react differently to a
teacher, depending on his or her race, gender, age and other markers (e.g., accent)
which indicate difference. Sharon describes this problem:
I dont think they [teachers college] prepared us to realize that our
bodies are racialized and that would affect student response to how they
perceive us.
Joyce, (another teacher of Afro-Caribbean background) also says:
I think young White teachers dont have to prove themselves in that
way, in the same way that visible minority teachers have to and the
other thing is the subject that I teach, I teach English! I mean heres
this young, Black teacher who is supposed to be teaching the Queens
English! You have to do this paradigm shift to be taken seriously.
Other teachers here, also mentioned feeling that the theories they were taught
in teachers college, failed to prepare them adequately for the fact that students,
colleagues and parents would challenge their authority as professionals, especially
when what they taught did not fit in with the mainstream curriculum. Churyia again
describes this struggle here:
I didnt feel like I trusted somebody enough to say can you come into
my class? Because then they would be like, What the hell are you
teaching them? Why are you talking about those things? Its not how we

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teach here! Its not part of the curriculum. So I just felt like even in terms
of strategies, or at times I just wanted to talk to some-body I was just
too nervous and too unsure about how people would respond to me as a
teacher.
Karen, (an elementary school teacher of Chinese background) also says:
I think one of the major challenges was to gain a level of confidence and
respect from students and parents who were not used to seeing an Asian
teacher, and going past some of the stereotypes they had ideas of
Asian women not possessing the language skills capable of allowing
them to teach professionally sometimes even the students themselves
had an idea of Asian people, really trying to take advantage of that as
well. Because I know if it was a White teacher who was there, they
would not have tried to pull the same things as they pulled with me.
Often, many of the teachers here complained of not receiving enough support
from the school where they worked, especially for the types of problems that were
mentioned here. Again, many of them attributed this to the fact that many
administrators and others in positions of power in education, lack literacy in areas
having to do with antiracism, sexism, classism and other social justice issues. Churyia
believes that the root of this problem stems from universities and teachers colleges
which promote this idea of the generic teacher:
I think that for the most part, we still have principals and
superintendents and leadership that is not at all literate in these areas
and who are still predominantly White. And I think we have people
teaching in preservice who are not at all literate in these areas and are
still predominantly White And I think it produces teachers who are
not literate in these areas.
Later on she also says:
just as there is no generic teacher, there is no generic student. Students
are embedded in histories and communities and multiple communities,
and those are really important resources that should be reflected
teachers should reflect those communities and a lot of it is the
responsibility of people who are dominant in various ways!
Thirdly, this study uncovered another way in which the body can be marked
for discrimination in the workplace. It appears that many visible minority teachers
who look young for their age (please note, I did not say ARE young), experience many
kinds of unfair treatment at the hands of their colleagues, students and parents. One of
the teachers here, (eg. Jenny) who complained about this problem, described it as a
third disadvantage (in addition to their race and gender), which causes people to
question their credentials and their abilities as a professional. Jenny (a teacher of
Filipino background), describes this problem here:

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Its like, Who are you? and Why are you here? When they see me and
I tell them who I am, theyre still thinking, No, you are too young to
be a teacher, so you dont belong here.
Later, Jenny also described to me how this problem has affected her classroom
management, where students would often assume that being young she would let
them get away with many inappropriate things:
I look really young for my age, so a lot of times the students think that I
am a student, or I just graduated high school. So they think it is easy for
them to get by and misbehave. So I find that I really have to be
mean!... And teaching staff? Because I look so young, I get questioned
very easily for what I do, especially at the beginning of the year.
This problem extends to many levels, but is completely unaddressed in anti-
racist theory and other theories used to analyze teacher experiences.
Fourthly, this study uncovered another finding which is related to performing
whiteness in the workplace. It is very apparent from this study, that in order to
succeed as either a teacher or a student in our current education system, one must
conform to a very White/ European manner of thinking, dressing, behaving and
speaking. This is necessary for personal survival and also for fitting in, as Liz says in
her interview of her relationship with colleagues:
It [relationship with colleagues] was fine as long as I was taking and
maintaining an identity that was White, middle class, born in Canada, a
Canadian identity. It was easy to blend in with the rest of them.
Parveen, a teacher of South Asian origin also corroborates this fact by saying:
I have been here all my life in Canada I really came to understand the
system and became a part of it to a degree. Like I sort of knew what
was expected, I developed the skills that are kind of valued in this
Western culture so I was sort of able to move through the system like
that? And I never really felt that kind of resistance because to them, I
became one of them. I think if I had been a little more held on a little
more to some of my other cultural values and stuff? I dont know if I
would ever had been received the same way.
Interestingly, Parveen is one of the few teachers I interviewed here who
managed to become the Equity, Diversity and Race Relations Facilitator for her
school board. While some teachers in this study chose to assimilate to mainstream
culture as Parveen did here, others found that it was much more difficult for them to
maintain a strong relationship with students, parents and colleagues when they chose
not to. This ultimately leads to a form of spirit injury, which many teachers here were
in denial about.
Lastly, it is apparent from this study that all the teachers utilize different forms
of resistance in their workplace, some of which was based on their identity as a
racialized person, a woman and/ or a lesbian. Many here felt that they were able to

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use their own colonized/ marginalized background as a tool for fighting oppression,
and for making sense of their identities. While some of them (eg. Parveen) chose to
distance themselves from their original culture or racial background as a strategy for
survival, others (eg. Sheila) chose a different route, (which was to isolate themselves
altogether from mainstream culture and fight those who were in dominant positions).
However this comes with a price, for as Sheila says herself: when you fight the system
and try to stand up to them: Your life is not a picnic anymore. Still, others (eg.
Joyce) chose a third route, which was to act as a bridge or a mediator of different
worlds, as she says here:
I think they [white teachers] see me more as a mediator of cultural issues
and cultural tensions because I navigate both worlds [the world of the
Jamaican or Caribbean or Black/ minority world and the White world,
and I felt that I was comfortable in both and that I was going to make
myself comfortable in both] I know when there were huge tensions
for example in our English department the last two years I think
people saw that I was about navigating both sides and so to a certain
degree I was trusted.
Also, Joyce mentions having to learn how to depersonalize what she
experienced (even those she considers to be racial), as a strategy for navigating in the
White world:
I think that is something I have learned as a visible minority teacher is
how to depersonalize stuff, not because one is nave but because really it
is a strategy for dealing with a Caucasian, Anglo-kind of community
that loves to see everything being very objective and formal I think I
have internalized that as a strategy to say: Ok, you want to be
objective? Here are the marks!
Other teachers here also mention using this strategy in their daily work as
teachers, which I believe makes it harder for them in the end to name what is actually
happening to them.
However the most telling form of resistance shown here, came from Tara who
had been teaching for over 32 years. This teacher, who overcame many barriers from
the time she began her career, gave the most outstanding example of defiance by
staying in her profession for such a long time and making many changes/
contributions to education.
Recommendations
A number of recommendations were found here based on the findings from my
study, but only a few will be mentioned. One, we need to create more support
systems and network opportunities for visible minority teachers to help them deal
with the problems which they experience on account of their race, gender, class and
sexual orientation. Also, these support networks should provide resources for dealing
with classroom management, incorporating different perspectives in the curriculum,
and providing assistance with career mobility (another problem which many of the

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women here complained of). Secondly, we need to improve teachers college and the
way we educate teachers by first changing our notion of who a teacher is, and then
changing the theories that we use to describe or talk about them. Also, many of the
women here mentioned taking emphasis off of assessment and placing more
importance on new methods of classroom management and social justice. Thirdly, we
need to hire more visible minorities not only teachers, but also as counselors, vice-
principals, principals, superintendents and other positions in higher administration.
This is vital not only for changing the way that education is delivered to our students,
but also for changing the way that different communities are represented in our
schools. Fourthly, we need to improve the literacy of teachers and administration
especially in the areas of antiracism and human rights education. Many teachers (both
minority and non-minority) do not know what it looks like to teach science or history
from a different perspective other than the one theyve been schooled in, and many of
them require a lot of support. This support also requires accountability because as
Churyia says here:
I dont think you can just tell people you have to do this without
giving them the tools to do it because people really have no idea what I
am talking about when I bring up issues of equity
At present, the current situation in our schools is such that:
if I were going to help the students put on a fashion show, that would
be great, but I shouldnt be talking to them about anti-racism because
then I would be talking about power so have a bake sale and sell your
samosas, but dont talk about how the curriculum is still White, that the
teachers are mostly White, or that all the people who get to make the
decisions are still White.
This, ultimately is the problem that is affecting visible minority teachers in
their profession.

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 Living Well, Learning Well: Exploring the Relationships Between
Literacy, Health, and Wellness.
Kelly Robinson
Abstract
Despite increased attention to literacy and efforts to address what is often
considered a literacy crisis that affects the health and wealth of the nation,
there are few indications of significant advancement in this area over the
past two decades. Therefore, it is reasonable to suggest that something is
missing in attempts to increase literacy. Recently, there has been growing
acknowledgement that other factors may contribute to the literacy problem,
the most prominent of which is the issue of health. While the links between
health and literacy are now recognized, there are few models which
incorporate knowledge gained from both practice and theory. As academic
theories of literacy shift to acknowledge the social context of learning, the
health field is considering a more holistic approach to health. Increasingly,
there is recognition that we need to move from a strictly medical model of
health to more holistic approaches. Mental health workers, literacy
practitioners, and clients of community mental health centres have suggested
that it is important to consider the links between heath, mental health,
literacy, and learning. My research investigates the experiences, successes, and
challenges for some clients of community mental health centres in accessing
and benefiting from literacy services.

Introduction
Despite increased attention to literacy and efforts to address what is often
considered a literacy crisis that affects the health and wealth of the nation, there are
few indications of significant advancement in this area over the past two decades
(Rootman & Ronson, 2003, p. 7). In Canada, literacy was declared a national priority
in the Speech from the Throne in 1986, and 1990 was designated International
Literacy Year. Today, the Public Health Agency of Canada (2006) reports that
almost 50% of Canadian adults cannot work well with words and numbers. Twenty-
two percent have serious difficulties with any type of printed material and another
26% have problems with all but the simplest tasks requiring reading and writing. As
new technologies continue to develop and our participation in the global knowledge
economy increases, this illiteracy is seen as reaching crisis proportions. A number of
surveys, the most prominent of which is the International Adult Literacy Survey
(IALS), have also been used to support literacy as a major labour force development
issue (Rootman and Ronson, 2003, p. 6). Low literacy levels have been linked to
problems in the health care field in a number of studies ( Perrin, 1998: Sarginson, 1997;
Davis, Meldrum, Tippy, Weiss & Williams, 1996; Parker, Baker, Williams & Nurss,
1995).

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Given this research and data, it is reasonable to conclude that something is not
working or something is missing in attempts to increase literacy. Recently, there has
been growing acknowledgement that other factors may contribute to the literacy
problem, the most prominent of which is the issue of health. One study suggests that
the literacy crisis has led to a crisis in health care (Davis et al., 1996). In the past
decade, there has been a growing interest in these links between literacy and health.
To state that definitions of literacy are varied and complex could be considered
an understatement. There is often disagreement about what literacy means depending
on the context in which it is discussed and who is talking about it. Similarly, there are
many different ways of exploring the concepts of health and wellness. While the
relationship between health and literacy is increasingly recognized, there are few
models of this link which incorporate knowledge gained from both practice and
theory. There is very little discussion about the connection between literacy and
mental health in particular.
In order to gain a fuller understanding of what literacy and health and wellness
mean, we must explore the issues that affect and connect them. This understanding is
important for effective literacy and learning practices, and for effective health
practices. It can help create stronger alliances between literacy and health researchers
and practitioners, which supports practice and research and can influence policy.
It is within this context that my thesis explores literacy and health and wellness
by employing a social practice approach to literacy and using a more holistic approach
to health, wellness, and mental health. With this in mind, I examined some relevant
literature about literacy, health, and wellness, moving from narrow perspectives and
definitions to broader ideas about the concepts. This paper contains references to
some of the current research and makes suggestions about what is missing. This leads
to a consideration of the implications for future research regarding the way in which
we view literacy, health, and wellness, and its impact on partnerships, practice, and
policy.
Approaches to Literacy
(literacy is) an individuals ability to read, write and speak in English,
compute and solve problems at levels of proficiency necessary to
function on the job, in the family of the individual, and in society.
United States Government, Workforce Investment Act, 1998).
Here is a narrow definition of literacy. It suggests a functional or deficit
approach to literacy. That is, it focuses on reading, writing, speaking, math, and
problem solving as necessary to function in the workforce. The person with literacy
challenges is viewed as lacking something that is necessary for economic success on an
individual and societal level. Often the person with literacy problems is considered
disabled. Consider some of the rhetoric regarding illiteracy. That is, it needs to be
stamped out, or there is a war on illiteracy, or we need to inoculate against
illiteracy.

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Barton (1984) criticizes the functional approach to literacy and the way in
which literacy is defined as a set of skills. He talks about the way in which skill is
used as a metaphor for literacy which suggests that reading can be broken down into
stages and taught in a particular way, regardless of context. This reinforces the idea
that literacy is a thing or object that people own and can transfer. In contrast to
this skills based or functional approach to literacy, Barton examines literacy in the
context of everyday life within a social context.
Literacy and health are sets of interrelated cultural practices, highly
dependent on context, informed by and themselves informing our other
sets of knowledge and assumptions about, for example, gender, social
class, the uneven access to knowledge in our society (Freebody and
Freiberg,1997)
Here is a much broader definition of literacy and demonstrates what I mean as
literacy as social practice. Freebody and Freiberg address issues of power relations in
their examination of literacy as an everyday communicative practice that is embedded
in the relationships and politics of everyday social life. They suggest that literacy
practices are always and already embedded in particular forms of social activity and
patterns of cultural and technical authority and dominance. Viewing literacy as an
everyday socio-cultural practice, they suggest, provides a new way of thinking about
literacy and health.
Approaches to health
The difference between functional definitions of literacy and those that
incorporate social practices can also be seen in the way in which health and wellness
are defined. There are perhaps as many definitions of health and wellness as there are
of literacy and learning. The World Health Organization (1984) defines health as a
state of complete physical, mental, and social well-being and not merely the absence of
disease or infirmity. The Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion (1986) states that
[Health is] more than simply not being sick. It is a state of physical, mental, and
social well-being. If individuals are to reach such a state of well-being, they must be
able to identify and realize their goals, satisfy their needs, and change or cope
effectively within their environment. The British Columbia government (2006)
defines health as a dynamic state influenced by circumstances, beliefs, and
environments; soundness of mind, body, and spirit.
While these definitions demonstrate that health is generally no longer thought
of as simply the absence of disease, they might be criticized for suggesting that health is
a specific state that exists or does not exist, that someone has or has not attained, rather
than a complex continuum that involves the interplay of physical, mental, emotional,
spiritual, environmental, and economic factors. Definitions of health in North
America, similar to definitions of literacy, often focus on the individual. That is, it is
the individual who does or does not have health or literacy. It is the individual who is
solely responsible for behaviour that will increase or decrease health or literacy. There
are fewer descriptions of health, beyond Aboriginal and First Nations communities,

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that explore the relationship between the health of the individual and the health of the
community, or consider social aspects of health. I think the work of Eileen Antone
(2003), Priscilla George (2000), and others who examine literacy and health from an
Aboriginal perspective is crucial for a fuller understanding of their relationships.
While I cant cover it all in this short time span, it has had a great impact on my
considerations of literacy and health and I look forward to learning more about it.
Approaches to Mental Health
As with the terms literacy, health, and wellness, definitions of mental health
vary widely. The Canadian Mental Health Association (2006) suggests that definitions
of mental health are changing. At one time, a person was considered to have good
mental health if she or he showed no signs or symptoms of a mental illness. Recently,
there has been a shift towards a more holistic approach to mental health. Today, good
mental health is viewed as not simply the absence of mental illness. Mental health
exists on a continuum rather than as a distinct state of mind. This suggests a focus on
mental health that identifies components of mental wellness and explores ways to
encourage them.
While there is little research on the relationships between mental health and
literacy, my experience would also suggest that they are related in a few ways. People
with mental health issues may experience interrupted education, inadequate
employment and housing, insufficient income, social isolation, poor nutrition, and
stigma. While the nature of mental health problems may in themselves contribute to
difficulty with literacy, the larger challenges faced by individuals and families may also
be related to literacy problems. For example, while a person with schizophrenia,
depression, or bipolar disorder may have difficulty with concentration, memory,
reading, and writing due to potential changes in the brain, they may also be impacted
by lack of income, food, transportation, housing, and social support.
My Research
Mental health workers, literacy practitioners, and some clients of community
mental health centres have noted that there are a variety of barriers for those seeking
help from literacy programs. My intent is to examine some of those barriers. I also
want to acknowledge the successes that people and programs experience so my
research question is: What are the experiences, successes, and challenges for some
clients of community mental health centres in accessing and benefiting from literacy
services. My intent is not to criticize literacy programs or lay blame but rather to
open up discussion about larger issues of social justice that have an impact on health
and literacy. I will do this by conducting focus groups with each of the three groups. I
will then conduct interviews to follow up on topics raised in the focus groups.
I believe that this research can help literacy practitioners, mental health
workers, and some clients of community mental health centres benefit from increased
dialogue, mutual understanding, useful research and inspired practice. I also believe
that this particular research question will provide an entry point into further

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exploration of larger issues of literacy and learning, health and wellness, and their
complex and fascinating relationships.
References
Antone, E. (2003). Aboriginal Peoples: Literacy and Learning. Literacies #1, Spring: 9-
12.
Barton, D. (1994) Literacies: An Introduction to the Ecology of Written Language.
Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.
Canadian Mental Health Association. (2006). Definition of Mental Health. Retrieved on
October 1, 2006 from http://www.cmha.ca.
Freebody, P., & Freiberg, J. (1997). Adult Literacy and Health: Reading and Writing as
Keeping Well Practices. Melbourne: National Languages and Literacy Institute.
George, P. (2000). The Holistic/Rainbow Approach to Aboriginal literacy: Work in
Progress. Retrieved on December 11, 2006 from
http://www.nald.ca/fulltext/abo-hol/p19.htm.
Ministry of Health and Long Term Care, Canada. Retrieved on December 15, 2006
from http://www.health.gov.on.ca.
Rootman, I. and Ronson, R. (2003). Literacy and Health Research in Canada: Where
Have We Been and Where Should We Go? Ottawa: Canadian Institute for
Health Research.
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. (2000). Healthy People 2010:
Understanding and Improving Health. Washington, DC: Government Printing
Office.
World Health Organization. (2006). Definition of Mental Health. Retrieved on October
1, 2006 from http://www.who.int/mental_health/en/.

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 Mapping a Transformative Curriculum: Diversity, Service-learning,
and Change Education within an Undergraduate Programme
Susan Lee
Abstract
This paper will investigate the question: How can an undergraduate
programme in physical education better prepare students to become socially
responsible citizens and change agents? To align strategies with a particular
vision, a proposed definition of a transformative curriculum is presented.
Strategies for a transformative curriculum include: 1) diversity education to
raise the consciousness of the impact and intersections of race, culture,
gender, sexuality and disabilities in physical education, 2) service-learning to
enhance community service, social justice and critical reflection, and 3)
change education to create the action plan for new directions. A proposed
model for a transformative curriculum based on the influences from change
theorists and practitioners will be shared. This paper will reveal specific
curriculum changes, work in progress, and research questions. This paper was
developed in the Introduction to Sociology in Education course within
OISE/UT in the Sociology and Equity Studies in Education department.

Introduction
Education plays a key role in the development of knowledge, skills and values
amongst people to allow them to be able to contribute productively and responsibly in
society. In my experiences as an educator in the Faculty of Physical Education at the
University of Toronto, I have noticed students often take a pragmatic approach to
their undergraduate studies by being focused on career-related learning rather than
engaging themselves in community or social issues. While higher education can refer to
either college or university institutions, for the purpose of this discussion I will be
focusing on the university setting to explore and contextualize a revised curriculum.
Many questions arose from my personal observations as an instructor. Many of which
have informed this discussion. In this paper, I will investigate the following questions.
Firstly, if the vision is to be a transformative curriculum, what does this entail?
Secondly, how can an undergraduate curriculum be developed to guide career-focused
undergraduate students into more socially responsible citizens who will be engaged in
questioning the status quo and improving upon the existing social order? Thirdly,
what theoretical model can be adopted, adapted, or developed to achieve the initial
transformation and then to sustain the change? And finally, how can this new model
be applied to an undergraduate curriculum for physical education students and provide
a criteria for positive changes? I will begin with a clarification of the vision of a
transformative curriculum, and then proceed to investigate three areas of enquiry:
diversity education, service-learning, and change education.

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Clarifying the vision

My vision of a transformative curriculum begins with my intuition of where
students should be when they graduate from an undergraduate program in physical
education. To support my initial thoughts and feelings on this vision, I reviewed the
theoretical frameworks found in the fields of transformative and holistic learning.
Mezirow 's (2003, pp. 57-58) definition is as follows: "Transformative learning is
learning that transforms problematic frames of references sets of fixed assumptions
and expectations to make them more inclusive, discriminating, open reflective and
emotionally able to change." Transformative learning involves critical reflection on
one's own beliefs, values and assumptions, and requires the learners to acquire the
"skills, sensitivities, and understandings essential to become critically reflective of
assumptions and participate more fully and freely in critical-dialectical discourse"
(Mezirow, 2003, p. 62). This transformative learning theory is concerned with altering
the frames of reference through critical reflection of both habits of mind and points of
view, with the goal of empowering individuals to change their views.
Taylor (1997) and Inglis (1997) have critiqued Mezirow's theory in that it is not
expansive enough, and while it has set a foundation for adult learning, it needs to
evolve to encompass depth as well as breadth of learning, to address goals for social
change and social action. In Taylors review analysis of empirical studies that used
Mezirows model, he found that the studies showed that transformation occurs when
there is an influence of the various domains of knowing such as affective, somatic and
spiritual. This is an expansion of Mezirows focus on transformation changes that are
primarily based on cognitive knowledge. Inglis points out that while Mezirows theory
can stimulate transformation, it needs to address the role of the site of power, and thus
how does one become empowered and how can one work within a structure.
Additionally, Inglis notes that emancipation or being able to change the structure of
power and oppression is missing from Mezirow's transformation theory. Thus, while
Mezirow's perspective framework remains an individual transformation, an outward
focus on society would include the juxtaposition of Freire's (1993) theories on power,
oppression, and action on the world which will be discussed further in this paper.
In challenging the transformative learning theory, these critics are facilitating
discussions to evolve it. The process of transformative learning can have positive
consequences and will foster an increase in: self-confidence in new roles and
relationships, feelings of greater personal power and spiritual growth, compassion for
others, personal creativity, new connections with others, and changes in discourse
(Taylor, 1997). On the other hand, the transformative learning process can be
complex, uncomfortable, and time consuming and practitioners may experience some
consequences within practical applications. As Moore (2005, p. 84) says, "Shifting
perspectives often involves embarrassment and discomfort. By avoiding
transformation of perspectives, we may feel safe and secure; whereas shifting our
underlying assumptions can make us feel insecure and unsure." This insight will
explain some of the uneasiness that the physical education students may feel when they
encounter and reflect upon issues of diversity, equity, power, oppression, and social

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change. As an educator, I will need to prepare for emotions to arise amongst my

students. Amidst tears of sadness or laughter, I will need to be able to address their
concerns or elation, and assure them that they are experiencing emotions which may
be directly associated with acute signs of transformative learning taking place.
Current practices in transformative learning are more holistic in nature, with
some practitioners describing their activities as "spiritual learning" (hooks, 1994; Maia,
Zajonc & Dana, 2003; Miller, 1993). An evolved model of the transformation theory
is a holistic framework that addresses the whole person, and facilitates three goals: a
balance between polarities, promotes inclusion, and enhances connections to the self,
others and the world (Miller, 1993). Holistic learning, as theorized by Yang (2004), is a
pursuit to understand the connections between our selves and the world, and the
interconnections amongst the facets of knowledge that are explicit (theories and
principles), implicit (understandings and intuition), and emancipatory (attitudes and
values). While the theories of hooks (1993) and Miller (1993) are focused on
individuals, Yangs holistic learning model can also be extended to organizational
development. From my observations of workplaces, holistic learning needs to be
implemented at both the individual and organizational levels to ensure that the
environment is conducive for transformations that are being championed by and
enacted by individuals.
Building upon the theoretical concepts of transformative and holistic education,
my emerging concept of a transformative curriculum would be:
A transformative curriculum engages an individual to question his/her
current assumptions, beliefs, values, and perspectives of society, while
allowing space for critical reflection and open dialogue. The teaching
and learning process is to be holistic to allow an individual to develop
and change cognitively, emotionally, physically, socially, and spiritually,
and ultimately allow him/her to be able to contribute to society with an
evolved perspective on equity, inclusion, and social change.
Having articulated my concept of a transformative curriculum, I will now
investigate three critical factors for transformation: diversity education, service-
learning, and change education.
Diversity Education
My focus of diversity education within this paper will highlight the challenges
of race, culture, gender, disabilities, and sexuality and their intersections within
physical education settings, programs, practices and policies. Many physical,
emotional, and mental benefits can be attained by individuals through physical
activity; however, the various modes of sport and recreation have also prevented
individuals or groups from participating. These barriers will be reviewed and critiqued,
and then strategies for schools and undergraduate programs for diversity education will
be synthesized.
Physical education practitioners will be entering schools and workplaces that
will be more diverse in nature in the years to come. Since the Multiculturalism Act

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(Bill C-93 on July 12, 1988) was legislated, Canada has promoted multiculturalism as a
national ideal and supports immigration to Canada. The top ten source countries from
immigration statistics show a diversity of cultures and represent 55% of the total
immigration population (144, 447 people) (Statistics Canada, 2001 Census) of new
permanent residents to Canada: People's Republic of China 16.1%), India (12.6%),
Philippines (6.7%), Pakistan (5.2%), United States (3.5%), Columbia (2.3%), United
Kingdom 2.2%), Republic of Korea 2.2%), Iran (2.1%), and France (2.1%), with the
majority settling into the provinces of British Columbia, Ontario and Quebec).
Toronto itself is one of the most diverse cities in the world. According to Statistics
Canada, in 2001, the visible minority population totaled 37% (1,712,535) of the total
population (4,647,960) in Toronto (Statistics Canada, 2001 Census). The dominant five
groups were: South Asian (10%), Chinese (9%), Black (7%), Filipino (3%), and
Arab/West Asian (2%). In showing diversity of the dominant groups, the data fails to
highlight the other 45% of the total immigration population, and where people come
from. Thus, within a school or workplace setting, one will not just encounter 10
different languages, cultures, and races, but a multitude of differences.
This diversity in language, culture and race is directly linked to
multiculturalism. Multiculturalism is a Canadian value and is embraced my many,
including myself, until I wrote this paper. However, multiculturalism has its
limitations. Masked by such events such as Canada Day or heritage festivals,
multiculturalism tends to hide what's missing. Many people do not have their cultures
recognized on the scheduled programs of events that were intended to celebrate
diversity. Multiculturalism tends to confirm for the dominant groups that we live in
harmony and equity has been achieved, however, this is not the case when we look
closer at the literature. While multiculturalism is a celebration of cultures, it de-
emphasizes inequities and power balances. My belief is supported by the critical
discourses on multiculturalism as written by Dei and Calliste (2000). In utilizing an
anti-racist framework (Dei, 2000), anti-racism work requires: an understanding of one's
power, privilege and disadvantage; questioning of the marginalization of minority
groups; action-oriented education and political strategies to address issues of race and
interlocking systems such as sexism, classism, heterosexism, and ableism;
representation of race amongst academic discourse, texts, and the public terrain, and
ultimately, a social change towards a more inclusive community through equity.
Equity is a pursuit for social justice. While equity can remain a theoretical
discussion, I believe that the meaningful impact comes about when theory is applied.
Applied theory provides a framework for learning and change. Anti-racism work is
one tool towards transformative learning. "Anti-racism education is transformative
learning in the sense of promoting an educational agenda for social change. Anti-racism
seeks to comprehend racist events and racialized practices by asking critical and
destabilizing questions from the standpoint of both marginalized and the privileged",
says Dei (2003, p.35). Additionally, "An inclusive anti-racist educational practice is the
pursuit of interactive and co-operative learning strategies that teach all learners critical
thinking skills to question the status quo" (Dei, 2000, p. 37).

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This anti-racist framework supports Freires work on concientization which

highlights that "education for freedom" is founded on an astute understanding of
power and oppression (Freire, 1993), critical reflection, and action for change (hooks,
1994; Inglis, 1997). By adopting an anti-racist framework for diversity education, issues
of power and oppression are recognized, while multiculturalism celebrates different
cultures without a critical lens. These perspectives will be taken into consideration as
we examine physical education contexts where racism, classism, sexism, heterosexism,
and ableism take place.
Sport participation can be influenced by media, role models, access, and
participants according to their race, gender, class, and/or culture. In Harrison, Lee and
Belcher's (1999) study, students of European descent preferred swimming, rowing,
snow skiing, hockey, water skiing and bowling, while Black students only saw
themselves in basketball and track. These authors rationalized that the prevalence of
Black athletes in the media in sports such as national basketball (NBA) and Olympic
track events served as role models. With role models in these specific sports, Black
students tended to migrate towards basketball and track activities. Basketball and track
are also widely accessible in the public school systems. While these two sports can
provide physical activity benefits, these two choices seem to me very limiting in terms
of recreation options.
Social class also negatively impacts the preference of Black students for
participation in golf and tennis, which often requires country club memberships and
relatively expensive equipment. Hockey is also another sport that requires lessons,
coaching, league fees, ice time, and equipment, and does not represent a diverse
participant pool. Often, Black athletes are not merely playing for the fun of sport.
They are driven to seek athletic scholarships to U.S. universities to defray the costs
related to higher education and to follow an opportunity for future financial security
(James, 2005). Sport becomes one way out of a working class existence. While there are
representations in the media of visible minorities in both men's and women's
international golf, tennis and hockey competitions, the expensive nature of these
sports will undoubtedly deter or bar many from participating due to socioeconomic
reasons. When class is interlocked with race, I conclude that certain sports remain an
exclusive territory for the privileged.
Race, language and cultural values are also inextricably connected, and are
revealed in the following study. In Canada, Taylor and Doherty (2005) conducted
research on adolescent immigrants and found their perceived benefits of sport and
recreation were physical health, fun, new friends, sense of achievement, and relaxation.
The adolescent students also felt challenges in joining school sports and recreation
programs. While most of the students found that there was too much homework, and
not enough free time as indicated by a questionnaire survey, the results of focus groups
uncovered language, unfamiliarity with activities, and culture as perceived barriers.
Students from different countries were not familiar with the language or rules of sports
such as hockey, baseball or bowling. Cultural observances restricted Muslim girls and
boys from playing together, and these students were discouraged from participating

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with the need to wear short outfits and tight clothing for sports (Taylor & Doherty,
2005). In common sports activities such as volleyball and swimming, the body-
revealing attire can prevent Muslim girls and women from participating.
Thus, girls only or women only activities conducted in women only spaces
have been made available in various facilities such as the Athletic Centre of the
University of Toronto which I am familiar with. These more private spaces will give
females the opportunity to participate in physical activity, while they can still adhere
to their religious observances. The question has arisen in the past: Are we privileging
Muslim women when we create these special spaces? In the past, I have had to explain
these accommodations as a step towards equity. In working towards equity, I can
provide accommodations in favour of the disadvantaged group to support them, and
need not apologize for not practising equality. Fair treatment in the name of equity, is
very different from treating everyone the same.
Despite the fact that cultural observances have disadvantaged women in
physical activity, females, based on their gender roles, have been historically
marginalized in sports and recreational pursuits. Studies (McCaughtry, 2004; Taylor &
Doherty, 2005) have found differences between genders in the choice of sports.
Females preferred soccer, gymnastics, tennis, and walking while males preferred
football, weight training and boxing. While there is a gender preference for sports,
there is also an indication that a traditional physical education program with a male-
centered curriculum that promotes the sport model often disengages female students.
They would either opt out of the physical activity session or find other ways to play
while boys play sports. Some females may enjoy team sports but many may choose
alternative activity interests that do not rely on elite competition, aggression, strength,
and speed characteristics typically associated with male interests (Vertinsky, 1992).
Even with apparently non-aggressive sports like golf, researchers (McGinnis,
McQuillan & Chapple, 2005) have found that sexism was apparent in several areas
such as the gendered course set-up, limited retail merchandise, lack of role models,
exclusionary golf functions, and poor attitudes towards women amongst staff.
Therefore, to reduce or eliminate the gender barrier, participant-centred
activities and an inclusive environment are recommended. A physical activity program
that is not predominantly sport based, but includes a wide range of activities such as
dance, movement, and cooperative games can counter balance the aggression,
competition and masculinization found in competitive sports. A broader continuum of
activities will also embrace the holistic concept in physical education programming.
Sport environments that aim to be more inclusive also need to place considerable
thought towards gender friendly environments, sensitivity training for staff, increasing
the number of role models, and providing affordable drop-in day care to address the
needs of women.
In seeing the overt patriarchal system within traditional physical education, a
physical education teacher within McCaughtry' s (2004) study was able to understand
the oppressive setting experienced by female students. These students disengaged from
traditional sports and opted to socialize by sitting out of gym classes, or sitting on the

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bleachers. Having gained insights into why female students sat out from classes, the
teacher who was in the study was not able to implement a new curriculum. A more
inclusive and relevant curriculum for females would have included activities in soccer,
flag football, dance, gymnastics, and a health curriculum on healthy eating and body
images. Unfortunately, colleagues of the teacher were complicit in continuing to
practice and reproduce a traditional form of physical education rather than a revised
one because it was easier to administer. The more senior teachers did not have the
interest or will to change the oppressed nature of the physical education environment.
Consequently, inaction against traditional physical education was detrimental for the
female students. This research shows that inaction can be a form of bias and prejudice,
and can be a silent partner for oppression and marginalization.
In extrapolating the research results, new for practitioners in the field tend to
have less ability to make changes to the status quo. This is manifested by a lack of the
knowledge of the prevailing political structures, and a lack of authority to influence
changes within the educational setting. In making institutional changes, questioning
policies, learning the political networks, and gaining authority will be a long-term
process in comparison to raising awareness of diversity issues at the individual level.
Knowing at the outset that the process to influence any systemic changes will
challenge ones patience, I have found that a steadfast commitment to addressing issues
of marginalization, and a strong community of allies is essential in overcoming this
potential barrier.
Boys, like girls, have also found that they are marginalized if they do not play
the traditional sports which value aggression, competition, and demonstrate a certain
level of masculinization. This viewpoint is supported by McCaughtry et al. (2004, p.
426): "With the attention given to the body (in locker rooms and playing fields) and its
inherent physicality, school physical education and sport programs promote a culture
in which heterosexuality is not only normal and compulsory, but where
heterosexuality serves as a standard bearer for the ideal boy, girl, masculine and
feminine." The oppressive environment can be overt with verbal and physical abuses
in the locker room or fields, or can present as a chilly climate where the marginalized
person is ostracized or isolated. An oppressive environment has prevented students
who are gay and lesbians from coming out, and result in a denial of their sexual
identity (Griffin, 1992; Lenskyj, 1991). Some choose to pass (Krane & Barber, 2003)
as a member of the dominant culture, resulting in stress, depression and social isolation
for many.
Silence does not change the chilly environment, therefore there needs to be
ways to build the self-esteem of the individual and the confidence of the collective to
own the space and courage to openly acknowledge their sexual identity. Strategies such
as increased public visibility with the Gay Games; media coverage of role models;
institutional anti-harassment and non-discrimination policies; solidarity amongst
individuals who identify as a member of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered, two-
spirited, and queer communities; education about homophobia and heterosexism; and
support from allies in the form of individuals, groups or organizations (Krane &

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Barber, 2003; Griffin, 1992; Lenskyj, 1991) will build a growing community of activists
to address individuals and situations that discriminate against sexual minorities.
Another group that is often marginalized is persons with disabilities. They will
often find barriers to physical activity in the form of inaccessible spaces, limited
choices for integrated activities, ill-fitting equipment, and preconceived attitudes.
Increased awareness and concerted efforts to prepare for inclusion can take many
forms. Experience with persons with disabilities, pre-service preparation, a formal
commitment to inclusion, resources for programs and equipment, time for
professional collaboration, and preparation of peers (Hutzler, 2003; Idol, 1997) are all
possible strategies to facilitate the inclusion of persons with disabilities into physical
activity programs.
From my field experiences, I have found that we need a two-pronged approach
to ensure that we meet the individualized needs of persons with disabilities. In addition
to the strategies that have been suggested previously, and with similar ones having
been implemented in my fieldwork, I would recommend both a systemic and a client-
centred approach to provide the best results for persons with disabilities.
Notwithstanding the fact that preparing and implementing institutional changes for
inclusion is a valuable approach, it is the personalized consultation with the individual
with the disability or disabilities that will reveal whether we have all the appropriate
systems in place. The expressed need of the person and his/her knowledge of his/her
abilities and embodied experiences will act as a litmus test, and will undoubtedly
challenge the existing systems. The current systems may accommodate some special
needs, but at the same time, I acknowledge that there are also hundreds of potential
scenarios that will require additional modifications as all institutions move towards
inclusion.
Physical education in schools can be a locus of change to address
marginalization and oppression. When teachers, coaches and students included new
immigrant students into activities and took an interest in their background (Taylor &
Doherty, 2005), students were more prone to feeling supported and more willing to
participate in physical education sessions. Burden, Hodge, OBryant and Harrison
(2004) support the need to increase the interaction between teachers and their students
to encourage the whole physical education profession to move from an ethnocentric or
colour-blind viewpoint to a more ethnorelativist one. Burden et al (2004, p. 181)
state: "The ethnocentric stages include the denial, defense against, and minimization of
difference. The denial of differences indicates that one does not recognize cultural
differences, perhaps due to isolation or intentionally, separating oneself from it.",
whereas, "The ethnorelativism stages include the acceptance of, adaptation to, and
integration of difference. The acceptance of difference involves recognizing and
appreciating cultural differences and behaviours. Adaptation to difference requires
developing communication skills that enable intercultural communication. The
integration of difference is the authentic internalization of bicultural or multicultural
frame of reference."

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While the term ethnorelativism is used in Burden et al's (2004) article, I

understand the term to be interchangeable with multiculturalism. Both
ethnorelativism and multiculturalism operate under the principles of acceptance,
adaptation and integration (DeSensei, 1995). Burden et al. (2004) has expressed
strategies to enhance ethnorelativism or multiculturalism which include providing
opportunities to increase contacts between physical education students with a diversity
of students within structured one-on-one and small group teaching sessions, providing
opportunities for reflection via journaling, co-teaching in urban schools which would
have a higher cultural diversity than rural settings, and participating in courses which
have integrated diversity content and multiculturalism across undergraduate courses.
These teaching strategies emphasize self-actualization and social responsibility practices
such as self-esteem, self-efficacy, cooperation, and respect for others rather than a
disciplinary skill mastery approach.
Different teaching goals may need to be established depending on whether the
context is an urban or rural school, since urban schools often have a more diverse
student population. The urban school physical education teachers taught an effective
curriculum which included cooperation, respect for others, self-efficacy, and self-
contact through movement and sport, while the rural teachers emphasized a greater
sport skill and fitness based content (Ennis and Chen, 1995). Other researchers have
also recommended other strategies such as: facilitating open dialogues amongst
students and teachers to discuss diversity issues (Azzarito and Solomon, 2005), and
providing cooperative learning environments to allow students to assist their peers
(Grenier, Dyson & Yeaton, 2005).
All these strategies support what Miller (1993) called a holistic environment
that will enable students to feel balanced, included and connected. Balance is an
appropriate relationship between polarities such as male/female,
independent/dependent, and rational/intuitive. In the physical education realm,
balance would find an appropriate relationship between masculinized and feminized
activities such as football and dance. Being included means viewing the student as a
whole person which can be fostered through cooperative or peer learning. Ensuring
each student has a voice in an activity or a chance to play a role would be a valuable
lesson to include in a physical activity setting. Feeling connected is the opposite of
fragmentation. By ensuring that students understand relationships to each other and
that there is a connection between what is thought and felt, students can help their
peers connect to being empathetic about marginalized groups. Peer cooperation can
foster a heightened sense of compassion. Thus, students can be taught and learn about
understanding and respect for all individuals.
To support a more engaged student population participating in physical activity
beyond the student and teacher interaction, enabling factors include having an
institutional or school wide approach to: valuing inclusivity, supporting role models,
advocating for zero tolerance for hate-related or prejudiced comments or actions,
providing inclusive images or representations, teaching a diverse curriculum, and
raising the consciousness of students, staff and the community (Azzarito and Solomon,

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2005; Idol, 1997; McCaughtry et al, 2005). An institutionalized approach will not only
provide a greater and more consistent change, it will provide support for all the
individuals who are prepared to challenge traditional physical education and pave the
way for a more inclusive environment. Girls and boys in physical education who felt
alienated before can participate in a more diverse curriculum under the watchful eye of
a caring physical education teacher. Experiences in youth can have a dramatic impact
on whether a person continues or disengages from physical activity. Physical educators
need to encourage all children and youth to continue physical activity into adulthood
to be able to achieve the benefits of a healthy lifestyle.
Service-Learning and Community Engagement
Understanding diversity requires a questioning of assumptions, beliefs, values,
and stereotypes. This can be accomplished through learning through readings, contact
with communities and/or connecting with individuals. In my extrapolation of this
contact or connection theory, interaction with diverse communities and individuals
can help to dispel perceptions and stereotypes of any collective group of human beings.
Service-learning, as a new pedagogical strategy, has been touted as one way to
enhance connections, and has incorporated the following principles: relates to
academic subject, contributes to the community in a positive way, and involves
reflection (Moorman & Arellano-Unruh, 2002). The benefits of service-learning have
been published: fosters civic responsibility, works with community needs, enhances
learning in academic courses, involves students in project design, implementation and
evaluation, increases connectedness, and increases selfconfidence (Everett, 1998;
Marullo, 1998; Mooney & Edwards, 2001).
Within the realm of physical education, "Service learning is a form of
experimental or hands-on learning, which makes it an ideal teaching strategy for
physical education and sport.
Students can benefit tremendously from an educational experience that
combines service-learning and sport. They can reap the benefits in the areas of
academic learning, civic responsibility, personal and social development, and career
exploration" (Mumford & Kane, 2006, p. 43). Additionally, Cutforth (2000, p.43)
notes that "Service-learning is a non-traditional approach that stresses affective
development as much as, but riot at the expense of, more traditional psychomotor and
cognitive outcomes." Students can acquire a stronger sense of community connection
when their courses are grounded in service to groups in need. They can learn about
themselves and others, and talk insightfully, for example, about children and
education, youth and homelessness, seniors and health care, women and shelters, or
immigrants and recreation.
Citizenship is also an important outcome of service-learning. Citizenship can
be demonstrated in how one understands, cares for, and acts upon local and global
social issues. It is valuable to recognize that one can experience different types of
citizenship with variations in the community work of individuals. Westheimer and
Kahne (2004) discuss three conceptions of citizens: personally responsible,

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participatory, and justice oriented. Programs that seek to develop personally

responsible citizens engage students in volunteer opportunities to build character and
compassion. Programs that enhance participatory citizens actively engage students in
civic affairs and the social life of the local, national, or global community. The justice
oriented programs aim to prepare students to improve society by critically analyzing
and addressing social issues and injustices (Westheimer and Kahne, 2004, p. 4). Service-
learning, therefore, provides a connection between education and experience that is
well-promoted by Dewey (1938), in his discourse on education and experience. At the
same time, its not only the experience that matters, but also the quality of the
experience that will matter. Various levels of engagement will foster different types of
citizenship and learning outcomes through participation with different community
projects.
For service-learning to be successful, there needs to be a dialogue between the
student and the host agency or mentor. Deliberate action steps must be outlined to
ensure quality learning takes place. To ensure that specific goals and action steps are
set, there needs to be some negotiation to determine what can and cannot be included
within the service-learning timeframe. While there is a need for filing papers, this
administrative task may not present itself as a learning-rich task; whereas, teaching a
student who uses a wheelchair how to create an upper body-conditioning program to
assist her with her lifts and transfers is a quality of life issue. I have endeavoured to
organize meaningful learning projects for my own placement students who are also
part of the leadership courses. Out of a need for being efficient, I now supervise a
group of three students who conduct strength training sessions for clients who are
students and are registered with the University of Toronto's Accessibility Services.
The broad range of disabilities ranging from learning disabilities to musculoskeletal
injuries to mental health issues, provide a rich learning environment for my three
placement students who have to draw from their technical, communication,
interpersonal, and empathy skills to adjust and modify textbook knowledge for the
special needs of their clients. I have found that the developing relationships and
connections between the students and the clients stimulate learning, and
transformations begin to occur. In coordinating these student and client interactions, I
have created opportunities for each student as individuals and as a collective to have a
positive impact on the disability community.
Service-learning can be implemented in different ways. Various models can be
used such as an extra curricular option, part of a required course option, or be an
elective option (Watson et al, 2002). While there can be variations in the modes of
implementation, the key elements of service learning include: orientation and training,
meaningful service, structured reflection, and recognition (Cutforth, 2000; Watson,
2002). Orientations include: an introduction and training from the academic setting
into a community site of learning. Students can make the transition into the world of
work when they understand the systems that they are immersed in and the
communities that they will be entering. Maistre and Pare (2004) note that "each
individual workplace has its own geography, political structure, and culture, so that

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the knowledge of the organization must be acquired for each particular organization or
worksite or, more accurately, in each particular organization or worksite" (p. 46). In
a university setting, a student must navigate the theories, textbooks, instructional
tools, while in a workplace setting such as in a school setting, the new physical
educator would need to learn the policies, systems, equipment, and clients needs. By
understanding the differences between the two settings, students will be able to make a
more successful transition from university to work site. Having the knowledge, skills
and values to understand diversity and change will enable an undergraduate student to
contribute to society.
A structured reflection process is essential for questioning assumptions,
challenging stereotypes, and ensuring that learning rather than volunteerism is taking
place. McCollum (2002) provides a valuable model for the process that includes the
different levels of reflection (technical, situational, and sensitizing), with subsets of
each level to include a description, memory/emotional reaction, a justification, and a
critique/conclusion of an event. Following a structured reflection process, Watson et
al (2002) recommended that "class discussions weave course content, readings, and
student experiences at the sites in an attempt to further ground the service with course
content. Discussion sessions are organized to facilitate higher order thinking by
structuring sessions that move students from simple 'recall and describe' questions to
'synthesis, analysis and evaluation' (p.53). A framework, developed by Nelson
(2001), outlines that a focused conversation can uncover important learning questions.
These questions need to be asked on four levels: objective, reflective, interpretive, and
decisional. Nelson's framework is similar to McCollum's framework whereby
objective is related to descriptive, reflective is related to memory/emotional
association, interpretive is related to justification, and decisional is related to
critique/conclusions. With the key elements of service-learning consisting of
community engagement and critical reflection, either method from McCollum or
Nelson will engage the student to think and feel more deeply about their experiences,
and enhance their connections between themselves and the world. In utilizing
frameworks that can be applied repeatedly, students will be able to enhance their
critical thinking skills, and consequently, will be better able to check their assumptions
and question any stereotypes that may be present to them in current and future
settings.
Many examples can be cited for service-learning. One physical education
example stems from the "Hoops against Hunger" project that included food donations
for Floridians who were struck by the devastating hurricanes of Charley, Frances, Ivan
and Jeanne in 2004. From their case study, Mumford and Kane (2006) found that the
service-learning project included various phases: preparation, implementation, and
evaluation. The preparation phase included a needs assessment and clarification on the
scope of project; identification of the roles and responsibilities, and an outline of the
learning objectives. The implementation phase included a publicity component to
draw people to the event and a service component that provided skill development
basketball sessions in exchange for food donations. By tapping into the skills of

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physical education and business students, this service-learning project provided a

service for a community that had an immediate local need for food. To complete a
service-learning cycle, evaluation and recognition are also valued components of the
process. Evaluation needs to be conducted throughout the service-learning cycle to
ensure that learning and feedback takes place, which then inform action plans for the
upcoming implementation phases. Recognition helps to reinforce and celebrate the
successful efforts of individuals and the group, and attach meaning and appreciation to
their community service.
Ideas from published articles such as this can also stimulate thoughts for new
servicelearning projects. The development of service-learning projects can flow from
collaboration discussions. I am in the midst of discussions with the Director of First
Nations House, which is located within student services at the University of Toronto,
to offer a sports day for students from Six Nations Reserve and local high schools. The
intent is to promote university education to high school students who are from
Aboriginal communities. A combination of a physical education setting which will
include fun and skill activities, an exposure to the opportunities through an academic
program, and the inclusion of student leaders who are trained in diversity issues, could
be a valuable formula used to keep Aboriginal students interested in school and
possibly, inspire them to seek higher education. This potential service-learning project
can mitigate the high rates of youth offenders, incarceration, high school drop-outs,
health issues, and depression as a result of a low education level amongst Aboriginal
youth (Silver, Mallett, Greene & Simard, 2002; Winterdyk, 2005). When implemented,
this service-learning project will inform physical education students and their future
practices as justice oriented citizens, and connect them to the pressing social issues of
communities in need.
To initiate interest for the students, I sought out the Director of First Nations
House to speak on Aboriginal peoples education and culture, with my specific
requests for insights into holism and spirituality. My readings from Dei et al. (2003)
and Smith (2005) alerted me to the value of the embodied experiences. I was inspired to
seek a voice based on lived experiences to speak to my students. While I have gained
valuable and teachable insights in my direct contact with Aboriginal students, and
readings from scholarly textbooks, the voice of a guest lecturer who is a member of the
Mohawk community, can share the depth and breadth of the indigenous knowledge of
the Aboriginal peoples. Insights from personal and professional lived experiences can
pique a students curiosity as well as inspire him/her to learn more about a different
culture.
Service-learning, as pedagogy of education and experience, supports Dewey's
(1938) principles of continuity, growing, and interaction: "In a certain sense every
experience should do something to prepare a person for later experiences of a deeper
and more expansive quality. That is the very meaning of growth, continuity,
reconstruction of experience (p.47)". If we are to teach students to be sensitive to
diversity and change, we need to ensure that the experiences are quality ones that can
be based on these principles. The experience must also be learner-centred, as

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emphasized in the following passage: "There is, I think, no point, in the philosophy of
progressive education which is sounder than its emphasis upon the importance of the
participation of the learner in the formation of the purposes which direct his activities
in the learning process, just as there is no defect in traditional education greater than its
failure to secure the active co-operation of the pupil in construction of the purposes
involved in his studying (Dewey, 1938, p. 67). Furthermore, "With careful planning,
the infusion of service-learning experiences into schools can reinforce and validate
lessons learned in physical education classes. Simultaneously, the students' activity
becomes an asset to the community, the range of environments for physical education
is broadened, and education becomes a preparation for citizenship as well as
scholarship" (Cutforth, 2000, p.45).
Enhanced interactions with diverse communities can only strengthen students
to see the world from new perspectives, and the engaged learning found in service-
learning can transform students to become citizens of their local, national and global
communities with all their senses attuned to social issues, and a greater sensitivity and
urgency for social justice and change.
Change Education
Having an enhanced understanding of social issues through diversity education
and strengthened by an experiential learning process such as service-learning, change
models will further enhance the change process. Fullan (2003) describes the process of
deep change to be the intersection between a comprehensive understanding of the
theories of education and the comprehensive theories of change. I would like to
conceptualize a transformative curriculum by adapting Fullan's model, by specifying
that the education component to be that of diversity education, combined with an
understanding of the theories of change. This theory of education takes into account
the content, pedagogy, moral purpose and knowledge, while the theory of change
takes into account concerns policies, strategies and mechanisms to be used, in effect, to
implement the theories of education (Fullan, 2003, p. 53). This model emphasizes that
the initial change begins with a moral purpose, quality relationships and quality ideas.
While the need for a transformative curriculum may not always be clear to
students, the diversity education component as well as interaction with communities
can give students the ability to recognize the need to make changes: Moral purpose
gives people a glimpse of the future. Even if the future isn't clear, strong moral
purpose helps to embody hope than fear, says Fullan (2003, p. 36). In a similar vein,
ethical principles like inclusion and dignity also help to ground transformative
pedagogy (Camacho & Fernandez-Balboa, 2006).
Quality relationships and quality ideas can foster initial changes such as
understanding the needs of each student, and building on the various domains of
knowledge cognitive, affective, physical, and spiritual - acquired through lectures,
reflections, client interactions, open dialogue, and consciousness raising. Quality
relationships can develop the capacity building process with key contacts and a strong
network of supporters. Quality ideas can more readily become reality with the

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backing of people who can make a difference. The combination of a strong moral
purpose, quality relationships, and quality ideas can have an exponential impact for
individuals and collectives who face social issues, and physical educators who work
towards equity on a daily basis.
Diversity education drew upon the understanding of marginalized and
oppressed groups and the possible changes that can be implemented to improve
individual and group issues. While my model converged with Fullans initially with
diversity education and change education, my model diverges and strengthens Fullans
model with service-learning. Service-learning further enhanced the need for change by
heightening the understanding of the local needs of communities through interactions
within them. Change education looked at the possible factors within systems that
needed to be orchestrated to affect change. Thus, all three components, diversity
education, service-learning and change education, required praxis, as Freire (1993, p. 79)
highlighted as the action and reflection of men and women on the world to transform
it. Furthermore, praxis is problem posing education, and strives for the emergence of
consciousness and critical intervention in reality (Freire, 1993, p. 81). While Mezirow's
work is based on perspective transformations, Freire's discourse raises the
consciousness of students by observing the world, and more importantly, taking the
critical step to commit, act, and improve upon social issues. This educational process is
a journey for both the student and the teacher to realize that each individual has the
ability to connect, act, and realize a positive change.
Building upon Fullans change model that began with a moral purpose, quality
ideas, and quality relationships, I have created a concept for a transformative
curriculum.
Figure 1
Concept for a Transformative Curriculum

DIVERSITY

SERVICE - UNDERGRADUATE TRANSFORMED

LEARNING STUDENT INDIVIDUAL SOCIETY

CHANGE
EDUCATION

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The diagram in Figure 1 signifies the forces of diversity education, service-

learning and change education upon an undergraduate student. Over time, the
individual would evolve into one with a raised consciousness, praxis, and connection.
This new model is also supported by the work of Brown (2004) who also aimed to
create a model for transformation. While I have drawn upon models for change,
Brown coins her action steps an activist action plan, whereby Activists action plans
at the micro, meso, and macro levels help leaders for social justice move beyond guilt
for failure toward responsibility for success (p.98). In comparing my model, both
models are similar in that whether a person is identified as an activist, transformed
individual, or change agent, the intent is to address the social issues at the
organizational, local, national and international levels.
At the outset of this paper, a vision for a transformative curriculum was
outlined. To map out a transformative curriculum, goals also needed to be identified.
Consciousness, praxis, and connection emerged as goals through the discourses on
diversity, service-learning, and change models within the curriculum. I will now
synthesize a discussion of strategies to realize these goals within an undergraduate
physical education curriculum.
To ease the transition from student to professional, many professional faculties
organize practical experiences through internships. The Faculty of Physical Education
and Health at the University of Toronto, provides two full year courses entitled
Leadership Placement I and II, and matches third and fourth year students into
workplace settings for 80 and 100 hours of placement hours, respectively. As an
instructor of these two courses, I have found approximately 40% of the workplace
settings are in the elementary, intermediate and secondary school systems, while the
other 60% are kinesiology settings which include hospitals, therapy clinics, and fitness
clubs.
Having argued for a concept for a transformative curriculum, I will now offer a
chart that highlights the components of a transformative curriculum based on insights
reviewed from the literature and discussed in this paper. Criteria from this chart can be
used as a reference for future curriculum designs which are geared towards a
transformative curriculum.
Table 1
Educational Framework for a Transformative Curriculum
Diversity Education Citizenship Education Change Education

Content ethnocentrism types of citizens change models

ethnorelativism social justice initial change
multiculturalism equity sustainability
anti-racism community
heterosexism engagement
ableism
sexism

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privilege
oppression

Process reflective framework service learning moral purpose

journaling reflection quality ideas
readings focused conversation quality people
transformative learning interdisciplinary support systems
group learning collaboration networks
holistic education praxis

Outcome consciousness critical thinking engaged students

empathy new frames of engaged teachers
freedom of expression reference social responsibility
empowerment inclusion
connection
citizenship

Sustainability or strategies to stay the course over long periods of time will take
into account opportunities, depth of learning, policies for individual development,
leadership succession, and improving the profession. To sustain changes in the
working world, physical educators will need to find opportunities to implement
change and find answers to the many questions that will arise. Are there issues that
pertain to race, gender, sexuality, and/or disability in the physical education setting
which need to be addressed? Does the physical educator have enough information
about the issue, best practices, and historical attempts to correct the issue(s)? Are there
policies in place to support change? Is the organizational culture or the political
climate receptive to change? Do individuals have the tools and networks to enable the
changes? Is there a designated individual who would champion the cause? Finally, if
this leader leaves, are there clear plans for potential successors who are prepared to
continue the change process? These questions that I have generated will provoke
thought and planning processes to ensure that the sustainability of any change
initiative can be fostered over time.
Change models can provide the framework for initial and sustainable changes.
To complement these change models, the change management process needs to be
planned and implemented concurrently to reduce barriers to change and facilitate
action steps towards the end goals. In teaching physical education students how to
become change agents, I will highlight Kolodny's (1999) organizational change process
model to create the building blocks for change. The model has four building blocks:
building the foundation for change, getting agreement and setting direction, making
changes, and keeping it going. The unique aspects of this model in relations to others,
as stated by Kolodny (1999) is it's emphasis on 1) the attention to building foundations
needed to develop commitment for change, 2) planning for the chang process, and 3) a
comprehensive communication plan.

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Two common problems that are often encountered in change management

processes are the driven pursuits to first, announce the change and secondly,
implement the changes as quickly as possible, with unilateral decisions, few
consultations, and limited communications along the way. Unilateral action steps such
as these do not take into account the interests of all stakeholders, and do not create a
supportive environment for the change process. By adopting a comprehensive change
management model and sharing it with physical education students, I have changed the
curriculum so that the students will be better equipped to take on roles as change
agents and make successful changes as physical educators and citizens.
Conclusion
The triad of diversity education, service-learning and change education is my
concept of a new model towards a transformative curriculum. Building on the
foundation of Fullan's (2003) model, I began with a deconstruction of each of these
factors, and then a reconstruction of these intersecting and vital components towards a
new conceptual model. With this model, I hope to increase the number of socially
responsible citizens for every graduating cohort of the Leadership Placement courses.
Some of the curriculum changes included: assigning readings based on diversity issues,
planning for debates to promote thoughtful dialogues, assigning the writing of action
plans as future change agents, practising holistic education activities, adding lectures on
change leaders in action, providing meaningful group projects on diversity (Active U
Caravan)34 and daily physical education35, and coordinating guest speakers to share
their lived experiences on service-learning and Aboriginal communities.
From my perspective as an educator, I am committed to engaging students by
realizing the synergistic effects of an educational framework and effective pedagogy.
Students will be better prepared to become socially responsible citizens, with the
consciousness, compassion, and action to address individuals and contexts which can
be oppressive, and become allies for individuals and groups who have been

34
For this group project, students will work in a small planning team to plan, develop, budget,
implement and evaluate the Active U Caravan event (Feb 2007) which will aim to promote awareness of
the diversity of physical activity and participation of various activities offered during the week of the
Active U Caravan. One student group will focus on the Games and Sports of the World while a second
student group will focus on dances and movement around the world. Both project teams will liaise with
the other Active U team, student clubs, campus related groups, and professionals, and participate in
Active U meetings. This program will be promoted to students, staff and faculty at the University of
Toronto St. George Campus through emails, websites, and in-person promotions. Participants will be
able to learn about and participate in cultural games, sports, dances and movement of the world.
35
Every elementary student from JK to Grade 8 is now required to participate in 20 minutes of daily
physical activity according to the latest addition to the Ontario curriculum; however, many teachers
leading these activities do not have formal physical education training. This project will provide a
resource for teachers through the development of an electronic handbook and pilot workshop.
Following Faculty approval, this e-book may also become widely available as a downloadable resource
from the Faculty of Physical Education and Health website. The e-book is to be completed by mid-
February 2007, while the pilot workshop (2-3hours) will be scheduled for an evening in mid-March
2007.

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marginalized. With my concern for the growing need for physical education to reduce
the ill effects of chronic health conditions such as heart disease, obesity, or diabetes, I
am working to develop an inspiring and sustainable strategy to address each persons
right to participate in physical activity in an environment that is welcoming and
inclusive.
In the future, I would like to test this model with the following research
questions which I have thought about in writing this paper:
What are the assumptions, beliefs, values and perspectives about society
amongst students before and after taking a revised course in Leadership
Placement using the transformative curriculum model?
What have the students accomplished as change agents as new professionals (1-2
years after graduation) and as veteran professionals (5+ years after graduation)?
What are the best practices for a transformative curriculum across disciplines?
What are the reflections from the instructor's perspective at the beginning and
the end of each course and as it evolves from one year to another?
How can this model be adapted to different courses within the physical
education undergraduate curriculum?
In developing my transformative curriculum, I have taken a journey to expand
my educational practice. I have reflected upon the various theories and examples that
can contribute to a transformative model. I have wrestled with concepts that I thought
were benign words such as multiculturalism. I have considered the impact of action
and inaction in physical education settings. Although this paper was fully intended to
improve existing course outlines and practices, I feel that in writing this paper, I have
also been given the opportunity to reflect on my role as an educator and the values
that I bring to my classes and how my lived experiences work to inform my pedagogy
within the classroom. I feel then at this point as a holistic educator, as a student, and as
a researcher, my challenge is finding ways to balance my intuition, my lived
experiences, and my spirituality as a pedagogical tool.
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 Childrens Environmental Health in Public Health Nursing: From
Learning to Practice
So-Yan Seto
Abstract
This is a research study investigating the conditions that facilitate and
prevent the integration of the knowledge about childrens environmental
health into public health nursing practice by Public Health Nurses (PHNs).
In addition, it looks at the learning experiences of some PHNs in the area of
childrens environmental health. Seven semi-structured interviews were
conducted with PHNs from a large teaching public health unit who are
currently providing public health nursing services to high risk families with
children aged 0-6 years.
My findings revealed patterns in PHNs learning processes and recurrent
themes in barriers and facilitating conditions of knowledge integration.
Recommendations and implications were delineated. The findings of this
study can guide organizational activities such as formal and informal
communication processes, educational and training initiatives, quality
assurance procedures (e.g. practice guidelines and standards), and
interpersonal interactions. Most importantly, the results give clear
directions for policy development in various different contexts such as within
an organization, within the political structure, and within the societal
systems. Implications for practice are delineated under the categories of
strategies to build supportive structures, to equip the professionals and to
work with families in their care.

Rationale for the Study

Personal Context
Among my many roles, being a mother is the most important and meaningful.
I have three wonderful boys. One of them Joshua has Autism. It was not until I
took the course with Dr. Dorothy Goldin Rosenberg (TPS1837H Environmental
Health, Transformative Higher Education and Policy Change) that I realized Autism
could be related to a known neurotoxin mercury, and mercury is all around us. By
the end of the course I was able to explore the many conditions contributing to the
environmental contamination in our childrens world, specifically mercury. I also
examined the deeper issues related to the difficulties and road blocks in protecting the
health of our population especially the health of our children and women.
Professionally, I have been a Public Health Nurse (PHN) for over 16 years
focusing on the health promotion for families with young children. Upon realizing
the importance of the influence of the environment on childrens health and theories
of transformative learning, I have designed and delivered several classes to both my
fellow PHNs and to parents of my church groups. As a result, participants of the

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Seto Childrens environmental health in public health nursing

classes have made changes in their daily lives to reduce environmental risks for
themselves and their families especially for their children. The work I have done so far
on this issue has very limited audience: peers in my immediate working area and
parents I see during my personal volunteer time.
Consequently, I would like to promote childrens environmental health
education within my fellow PHNs practice and therefore multiply the dissemination
of this information widely. With this study, I hope to understand the learning
experiences of PHNs with regard to the conditions that influence the facilitation and
prevention of the integration of the knowledge of childrens environmental health into
practice for PHNs. The findings of this study may have implications for guiding the
practice of organizations, departments, and individual managers and staff, which can
ultimately, result in environmental health promotion for clients and their families as
well as stimulate community action for the eventual social change.
Contextual Review of the Literature
In contemplating this project, I searched the existing literature, which yielded a
large volume of material in illustrating the harmfulness of environmental toxicity in
childrens health, and a few writings about general environmental health in nursing.
In contrast, I found no article that speaks to childrens environmental health in public
health nursing specifically.
The lack of literature in this area motivated me even more to continue the
inquiry. Hence I investigated around the topic in different contexts. First, literature
on the health context, childrens vulnerabilities as they relate to the health of our
environment will be summarized and briefly discussed.
Second, in the nursing context, I will be looking at the literature from several
different angles: a) an exploration of the historic development of environmental health
in nursing; b) a comparison of the types of political activism of nursing professional
organizational bodies in the United States and Canada; c) the current status of nursing
education in relation to environmental health; d) and as professional nursing practice
should be guided by theories and evidence, in this section, I will also discuss two
environmental health nursing theories and frameworks. Examining environmental
health in the nursing profession from these four perspectives, I concluded that there is
inadequate knowledge in this area. This study, thus, has the potential to produce some
original knowledge that could shed light on the state of affairs in childrens
environmental health in public health nursing from the perspectives of: PHNs
learning processes, what facilitates and prevents the integration of knowledge into
practice, and most importantly, some recommendations for praxis.
The Health context
Within the context of childrens environmental health, the state of our
environment needs to be examine how is our environment and then how are
children being affected by the environment?
How is our environment?

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Seto Childrens environmental health in public health nursing

According to the organization, Environmental Defence (2005, November),

more than 80,000 new chemicals have been created, and the number of chemicals
produced, used and released into the environment is drastically higher now than a
generation ago. In Canada alone, over 23,000 chemicals are registered for production
and used in the market, and each year an increasing volume of toxic chemicals is
released into the environment. A joint report written by Environmental Defence and
the Canadian Environmental Law Association, Shattering the Myth of Pollution Progress
in Canada: A National Report, showed that between 1995 and 2002, the volume of
chemicals reported released and transferred in Canadian increased by 49%
(Environmental Defence and Canadian Environmental Law Association, 2004,
December). The findings were based on a PollutionWatch analysis of data from
Environment Canadas national pollution reporting program the National Pollutant
Release Inventory. These data showed that just in 2003 alone, Canadian industries
reported releasing nearly 18 million kilograms (kg) of carcinogens, over 14 million kg
of hormone disrupting chemicals, nearly 4.3 billion kg of respiratory toxins, and over
one billion kg of reproductive/developmental toxins into our environment. Another
report done by the same organizations also revealed that nearly half (45%) of all toxic
air emissions and over one-third (36%) of all reported emissions to water originated in
the Great Lakes basin home to over one third of all Canadian (Environmental
Defence and Canadian Environmental Law Association, 2005 June). In addition to
being exposed to industrial emissions of pollutants, Canadians are exposed to chemicals
every day through commonly used products in their homes, schools and workplaces
(Environmental Defence, November, 2005).
The false images by the government of Canada to attract tourism that Canadas
vast landscape is pristine and untainted is dispelled by the report The maple leaf in the
OECD (Gunton, 2005). Gunton confirms that, internationally, Canada has one of the
worst pollution records among industrialized countries. From emissions of air
pollutants, such as VOCs and sulphur oxides to the production of nuclear waste,
Canada consistently ranks at the bottom of the 30 industrialized countries that report
to the Environmental Data Compendium of the Organization for Economic Co-
operation and Development (OECD). Canada has held on to its poor environmental
ranking for over a decade now, placing 28th of 30 countries in 1992, 2002, and again in
2005.
Overview of Childrens Vulnerabilities
The literature shows that exposure to environmental hazards is threatening
human health, especially the health of our children. Children are vulnerable and
susceptible to the negative effects of environmental toxins such as metals (lead,
mercury, arsenic); compounds (PCBs and dioxins); pesticides; hormonally active agents
or endocrine disruptors; and radiation of all kinds (unprotected sun light, ionizing,
electric magnetic fields). These pollutants are everywhere: in our indoor and outdoor
air, food, water, and consumer products (Wigle, 2003).
Children are not mini-adults and there are five main reasons why children are
especially vulnerable to environmental toxicity:

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Seto Childrens environmental health in public health nursing

1. Growth and development are still in place: children have immature organs,
faster metabolism and greater intake per body weight (Cooper, 2004a; Phillips,
Burkhardt, Bradshaw, & McBrien, 2002). They eat, drink and breathe more
per kg. of body weight than adults; the absorption in the gastric intestinal
system and the skin are also higher in children. In the case of autism, this may
contribute to the vulnerabilities of these little developing bodies to
environmental poisoning such as mercury, lead and pesticides, which may act
together to delay their neurological development.
2. Unique pathways in transmission and/or direct contact of environmental
poisons. Children can get poisoned in utero and through breast milk (Cooper,
2004b). Steingrabers book (2001) makes clear that the fetus and babies are
especially vulnerable to environmental toxins. The placenta and the breast do
not filter out all the environmental contaminants. In fact sometimes they do
the opposite, according to Steingraber. She described how the human placenta
creates no barrier for pesticides crossing to the fetus and acts as a magnifying
glass for methylmercury in the fetus. These two elements are neurotoxins
strongly linked to the development of autism. Unfortunately mechanisms
involved in these pathways are not very well understood: could the other
toxins converge into the fetus and babies via these free access points of entry as
well?
3. Developmental windows of vulnerabilities: just like in the story of
Thalidomide, children are vulnerable in that their organs are developed in
special gestational ages and stages in utero. Timing of the exposure is just as
important as the dose of the toxin to the developing body.
4. Behavioural vulnerabilities: children play closer to the ground and therefore in
contact with more contaminants such as mercury, lead and pesticides (Phillips,
Burkhardt, Bradshaw, & McBrien, 2002; Cooper, 2004C). This made me think
of a TV commercial selling an antibacterial spray. The message was that people
should buy this spray to clean every corner of the home because of the
crawling babies. The irony is that the spray itself might be full of poisoning
chemical for that crawling baby, not the dirt on the floors. Children mouth
everything to learn about their surrounding; they explore everything no matter
where it had been. This unique characteristic of children has put them at risk
for environmental poisoning. Toxins like mercury, lead and pesticide could be
carried in our outdoor shoes, doormats, and lawn where children could mouth
them, breath in the fume and absorb them through their skin.
5. Longer shelf life to develop delayed health effects: as children obviously have
longer remaining life time than adults, they then will have more chances of
developing ill health effects as a result of the environmental contamination than
an adult would (Raphael, 2000). Therefore they are vulnerable to
environmental contamination.
Children are thus vulnerable to environmental toxicity and most importantly,
they do not have the ability to choose their own desirable environment. For example,

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they lack the physical ability to leave a smoke-filled room; they lack the cognitive
ability to choose not to play on the dirty doormat; they lack the mental and
communicative ability to protest when they are placed in an unpleasant or toxic
environment. This complete reliance on others for their needs is the most important
vulnerability.
Children are generally vulnerable to environmental contaminations as discussed
above; however, children from disadvantaged families are even more vulnerable and
thus even more affected. Social determinants of health such as poverty, lack of
appropriate housing and nutrition contribute to childrens vulnerability. Poor health
outcomes of socially disadvantaged children can often be mitigated or prevented by
health promotion strategies delivered by public health professionals such as PHNs.
Thus far, I have established that our environment is toxic for Canadian
population in general, and children are particularly vulnerable. Of childrens
vulnerability in general, children who live in poverty and other disadvantaged
circumstances are even more at risk. The next question is, what are the potential
health outcomes for children due to environmental exposures?
Health Outcomes of Concern
According to the study conducted by Landrigan, Schechter, Lipton, Fahs, and
Schwartz (2002), the proportions of major health concerns attributable to
environmental hazards are estimated at 100% for lead poisoning, 30% for asthma, 5%
for cancer, and 10% for neurobehavioral disorders among children in United State.
Comparable data is unavailable in Canada. The same study also concludes that these
health concerns attributable to environmental pollution impose an economic burden
of about $55 billion annually in the US. In this section, I will briefly discuss the health
outcomes of concern: asthma, neurodevelopmental disorders, reproductive and
endocrine disruptors, and cancer.
Asthma
Pollutant exposures are linked to greater risks of respiratory problems such as
asthma the most common chronic illness among children. It affects approximately
12% of Canadian children and youth. Its prevalence is four times higher over last 25
yrs. According to the Canadian Lung Association, a general trend exists of increased
deaths and hospitalizations due to asthma in Canada and the rest of the industrialized
world (Environmental Defence, November, 2005).
Neurodevelopmental Disorders
Several behavioural problems common in children are linked to
neurodevelopment: the most well known is Attention Deficit and Hyperactivity
Disorder (ADHD). In 2002, the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth
(NLSCY) reported that 17 to 21 % of Canadian children have a behavioural problem.
A U.S. study found that the diagnosis rates for autism and ADHD nearly quadrupled
between 1989 and 2000, with the prevalence of ADHD increasing by 381% and the
prevalence of autism increasing by 358% (Mandell, Thompson, Weintraub, DeStafano
& Blank, 2005). The effects of chemicals on the developing brain and their role in the

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development of behavioural problems and learning disabilities are being explored.

Scientific studies supported by the Learning Disabilities Association of Canada
(LDAC) and the Canadian Institute of Child Health (CICH) show that chemicals such
as metals, pesticides, VOCs, dioxins and PCBS are toxic to the developing brain
(Learning Disabilities Association of Canada, May 11, 2000). These neurotoxins cause
permanent alternations in brain development and function, which can lead to learning
disabilities and behavioural disorders. More recent research also found that a newer
group of chemicals, polybrominated diphenyl ethers (PBDEs), may disrupt the thyroid
and cause neurodevelopmental disorders (Ericksson, Jacobsson & Fredriksson, 2001;
Fowler, Fairbrother, Baecher-Steppen & Kerkvliet, 1994; Haddow, Palomani, Allan,
1999: Porterfield, 2000).
Reproductive and Endocrine Disruptors
Hormone disruptors, also known as endocrine disruptors, affect the bodys
endocrine system which includes the bodys hormone-producing glands which regulate
the functions of the body (Wigle, 2003). The exact mechanism by which the hormone
disruptors alter the body functions are uncertain; however, the studies have shown the
exposure to endocrine disrupting chemicals can cause a variety of health problems such
as adverse pregnancy outcomes (stillbirths, fewer male babies), male birth defects
(undescended testes and hypospadius), early onset of menstruation and pubertroid
hormone function in utero), endocrine mediated immunotoxicity and cancer
promotion at endocrine sites (breast, endometrial, testes, prostate, and thyroid) (Wigle,
2003; Environmental Defence, June 2006).
One of the most startling studies was done in Puerto Rico of 41 girls six
months to eigth years old who were diagnosed with premature breast development
(thelarche). Puerto Rico has the highest known incidence of premature thelarche ever
reported. Although this anomaly has been observed for over 20 years, no explanation
for this phenomenon has been found. In 2000, a group of scientists compared the
blood samples from 41 girls with thelarche and 35 girls without the diagnosis. They
found the level of an endocrine disruptor phthalate esters to be much higher in the
study samples than the controls (Colon, Caro, Bourdony & Rosario, 2000). Phthalate
ester is a plastic additive with known estrogenic activity which may cause disruption in
biologic systems if exposure takes place during critical periods of development
(Colborn & Clement, 1992). The most important sources of exposure of phthalate
ester for children are ingestion of contaminated formulas, food, and water from
contact with plastic wrappings and containers and mouthing of plastic toys and
pacifiers (Colon, Caro, Bourdony & Rosario, 2000).
Cancer
Cancer is the most common cause of death by disease in Canadian children
(National Cancer Institute of Canada, 2006). Canadian statistics on childhood cancer
are lacking; Health Canada started a childhood cancer epidemiologic research program
in 1992 but dedicated funding was cancelled a few years later (Toronto Public Health,
2005). According to U.S. studies, childhood cancer rates have increased gradually and

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with consistency for many forms of the disease such as leukemia and cancers of the
central nervous system (brain tumours) (Wargo & Evenson Wargo, 2002).
What has been done and what is happening?
In the context of the health care system, organizations at the municipal and
provincial levels have developed several reports, resources for both professionals and
parents on this topic. At the municipal level, two reports were released entitled
Environmental Threats to Children: Understanding the Risks, Enabling Prevention
(Toronto Public Health, 2005) and Fish Consumption: Benefits and Risks for Women in
Childbearing Years and Young Children (Toronto Public Health, 2006). These two
reports highlighted the importance of protecting children again environmental harm.
At the same time, the Canadian Partnership for Childrens Health and the
Environment (CPCHE) released two seminal resources on this topic. The first is a
booklet for decision-makers entitled Child Health and the Environment the Primer
(CPCHE, 2005), and the second is a brochure for parents called Playing it Safe:
Childproofing for Environmental Health (CPCHE, 2005). In addition, the Best Start
Centre, as part of CPCHE, produced a working manual named Playing it Safe: Service
Provider Strategies to Address Environment Risks to Preconception, Prenatal and Child
Health (Best Start Centre, 2006).
In the 2005 report, Environmental Threats to Children: Understanding the Risks,
Enabling Prevention (Toronto Public Health, 2005), the Medical Officer of Health
(MOH) made several recommendations, including to pursue opportunities within
existing programs to integrate environmental awareness and preventive practices for
parents-to-be, pregnant and nursing women, infants and children with particular
emphasis on those with increased risk. In their manual Playing it Safe: Service Provider
Strategies to Address Environment Risks to Preconception, Prenatal and Child Health (Best
Start Centre, 2006). The Best Start Centre also supported the integration of this
information into the everyday practice of service providers.
In moving forward with these recommendations, the organization has initiated
a series of workshops aimed to educate PHNs working with families with young
children. This study was conducted a few months after these workshops took place.
All PHNs interviewed attended the workshops and made reference to their learning
experiences from there.
The Nursing Context
History of Environmental Health in Nursing
In the handful of nursing articles and books written about environmental
health in nursing, many traced the history of environmental health nursing back to the
days of Florence Nightingale who believed environment as a core phenomenon in her
model of nursing (Hewitt, 2006; Gerber & McGuire, 1999; Hewitt, Candek & Engel,
2006). She emphasized the importance of developing sanitary codes for hospitals and
identified five factors for nurses to consider in optimizing the physical environment
for the ill person. These requirements were pure air, pure water, cleanliness, light, and
efficient drainage (Nightingale, 1869).

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Besides Nightingale, Lillian Wald (1915), at the beginning of the 20th century,
advocated for sewage and sanitation laws and established milk stations in New York
City to provide safe milk for infants and children. Wald, founder of public health
nursing, built play grounds and started fresh air camps in the country side to assist
children in getting away from the environmental hazards of the city (Gerber &
McGuire, 1999).
In the early 20th century, many nurses worked predominately in the
community setting in which they saw firsthand the importance of the environment in
affecting health and illness. As the hospital assumed a greater role in the care of the ill
and nurses were more frequently employed in these institutional settings, less emphasis
came to be placed on the role of the environment on health (Institute of Medicine,
Committee on Enhancing Environmental Content in Nursing Practice, 1995).
Political activism
Arguably, the concept of environment has been the least explored, practiced,
and researched in nursing (Gerber & McGuire, 1999). In the US, since 1995, two
national workgroups set the stage for a new perspective on nursing and environmental
health. The first was the Institute of Medicine, Committee on Enhancing
Environmental Content in Nursing Practice; they proposed the establishment of
environmental health competencies for nurses regardless of practice setting or
subspecialty. Nurses were charged to a) understand hazards, exposure pathways, and
prevention mechanisms; b) complete an environmental health assessment; c) use
advocacy skills on behalf of populations at risk; and d) understand environmental
health regulations. The second group was the National Institute of Nursing Research,
who developed an environmental health research agenda for the nursing profession
(Butterfield, 2002). The research agenda included topic areas such as lead poisoning
and air pollution and intervention strategies such as communicating risk in emergency
situations. This workgroup also emphasized the reasons why nurses are well
positioned in the health care system to address the impact of environmental hazards.
There is no similar Canadian action in this regard from the nursing professional
bodies.
Environmental health and nursing education
As standards of practice guide a profession in its legislative acts, presently, on
either sides of the boarder, no standards of practice exist for environmental health
nursing (Gerber & McGuire, 1999). However, in nursing education, a few schools of
nursing in the US are starting to integrate environmental health into undergraduate
community health nursing courses as documented in Sweeney and Peyster (2005);
Hewitt, Candek & Engel (2006); Hays, Davis and Miranda (2006).
All three nursing education curricula described in the above three articles
deliver scant and preliminary environmental education. At Duke University School of
Nursing, Hays and her colleagues incorporated an environmental module into an
accelerated second-degree community health nursing course. This module consists of
one-hour explanation of the module and the technologies in use; 75 minutes lecture

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about environmental health; 75 minutes group presentation; and an eight-hour of

neighbourhood assessment (Hays, Davis and Miranda, 2006). At the University of
Wisconsin-Milwaukee College of Nursing, Hewitt, Candek and Engel (2006) infused
environmental health content in both undergraduate and masters level nursing
programs. In the undergraduate program, the delivery of the environmental health
content involves a three-hour lecture and an offering of an elective course on
environmental health. At the Masters level, the contact time on environmental health
content was a three-hour class discussion and on-line case study on the topic. At San
Diego State University School of Nursing, Sweeney and Peyster (2005) integrated
environmental health to their undergraduate community health nursing course, which
involves a three-hour class lecture and a three to eight-hour field experience with an
environmental health professional on the job.
The above three attempts to integrate environmental health knowledge into the
nursing curriculum represent the recent efforts in the US to focus on the issues. There
is no documented equivalent program in Canada.
Theoretical Frameworks of Environmental Health in Nursing
Further to the above attempts to infuse environmental health content into
nursing education, there are also two attempts to conceptualize environmental health
nursing in the US nursing literature. The first framework of environmental health
nursing was described by Butterfield (2002) and is called Upstream Framework for
Environmental Health. Her thoughts about Environmental Health Nursing are
divided into two categories of tasks: 1) distributive actions which are nurses daily
efforts to track, embed and translate environmental health information; 2) strategic
actions as breakthrough efforts to discover, advocate and reframe environmental
health information.
The second framework in environmental health nursing was documented by
Backus, Hewitt and Chalupka (2006), who combined work from several authors,
compared them and gave examples for environmental health nursing practice. This
framework is guided by eight public health nursing competency domains. These
domains of skills were further named as core public health functions, and
environmental health competencies. Examples from public health nursing practice
were given.
From this very brief environmental scan of the subject, environmental health
in nursing, it can be concluded that very little has been done from the perspectives of
academia, political activism, and theory development. Why arent nurses doing this
work? Are they not the right people to do it? Yes, they are! I argue that nurses,
particularly the PHNs are the best health care professionals to support this work.
Why PHNs?
Public health professionals such as PHNs can be effective change agents because
of the professional locations they occupy in our health care system. Nurses are the
most trusted health care professionals according to public opinion polls (Jones, 2005).
They have expertise in message delivery and adult education techniques. They also

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have access to high risk families with young children in various settings homes,
daycares and community centres. Due to their intensive and intimate work with
families, they also play a leadership role in educating other service providers regarding
the latest health information and coordinating services for these families. They work
closely with diverse communities, including disadvantaged families that have limited
access to mainstream media and information. In addition, PHNs work with families
throughout critical periods of pregnancy, infant and child development and are able to
bring consistency and continuity to parents and guardians on the childrens
environmental health messages. Because of their trustworthiness, skills and
knowledge, relationship to their clients and the far reaching impacts of their work,
PHNs are ideal to bring the messages of childrens environmental health to the target
population. Consequently, the study of how PHNs learn and practice is an essential
element in improving the health of our population.
Methodology
Theoretical Frameworks: Phenomenology and Critical Theories
Rapport and Wainwright (2006) assert that nursing research is moving away
from the bioscience tradition, which seek to be objective, to explain and to predict.
The shift is now towards the desire to describe and interpret the meaning of human
experience, seeking ways to engage with the ever-changing situations in which both
nurses and clients find themselves. As such, Rapport and Wainwright (2006) suggest
that phenomenological methodology is particularly appropriate for nursing inquiries
because nursing is an intersubjective, interpersonal, relationship-based activity. The
nature of these intersubjective relationships such as nurses desire to promote health
and relief suffering cannot be fully appreciated from a positivistic tradition.
In Kvales book InterViews (1996), a phenomenological method of interviewing
was discussed as a conversation aiming to understand themes in the lived daily world
from the key informants own perspectives. Technically, the interviews should be
semistructured, guided by suggested questions which focus on certain themes. The
interviews are usually audio-recorded and then transcribed for interpretation of
meaning. The aim of phenomenological methods, which is to describe, to clarify and
to interpret key informants lived experience and their consciousness, is not enough
for me. I am still left with wondering why is it that things are the way they are.
phenomenological approaches are missing the so what what to do about it aspect
of what can change as a result of research findings. The processes of being suspicious
and critical of the status quo as well as the possibility of activism or praxis are the
major principles of critical theory, which I will utilize in the later chapters.
In keeping with the phenomenological methodology, I conducted semi-
structured interviews with seven PHNs who work intimately with families with
children up to six years of age in a large public health institution. The interviews
sought the opinions, views and experiences of PHNs relating to the area of childrens
environmental health in general and the integration of their learning into practice in
particular. All key informants but one gave permission for the interview to be

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audiotaped. The content of each interview was transcribed and provided to the key
informants to ensure accuracy and correct interpretation. Field notes were taken
throughout the process, particularly after each interview. Most interviews were
approximately one hour in duration. Locations of the interviews were chosen by the
key informants to ensure confidentiality and a comfortable setting.
Recruitment and Selection
The first step in the recruitment process involved sending out a letter
requesting participation to 86 PHNs currently working in the area of childrens health
promotion. In the letter, I asked the interested PHNs to contact me directly instead
of contacting their managers in order to ensure confidentiality, privacy and safety for
the PHNs (See Appendix 2). Despite the fact that the PHNs could not use company
time for this project, there was quite a bit of enthusiasm and uptake to participate.
After two weeks of sending out the letter requesting participation, I engaged in a
selection process of key informants. Geographical location, service areas, years of
experience in public health nursing and a variety of representation of race, gender, age,
health condition, life experiences and sexuality were factors in my consideration.
The Interviews
The interviews were guided by questions under four categories (see Appendix
1). The first category included questions about the background of the PHN such as
years of experience as a nurse and as a PHN, and experiences with children. The
second category related to the learning experiences of the PHN with respect to
childrens environmental heath. These questions explored the PHNs actual learning
experience, whether formal or informal regarding this topic and their reactions to it.
The third category involved the integration of the learned environmental health
knowledge in the PHNs personal lives. In the final category, the PHNs were asked to
describe their experiences in using their learning in their professional practice and their
recommendations for future praxis.
These questions were sent to the participants a week prior to the interview.
The PHNs were given the option of looking at them and thinking about their answers
before coming to the interview.
Results
The Interview Process
There were eight planned interviews with PHNs, but one PHN could not meet
with me due to illness. The rest came with a wide range of nursing experience from
three years to 38 years of practice. They work in different geographical areas of the
city where the interviews were conducted, which is comprised of very different types
of families and clientele. All the families receiving public health nursing services in
this particular program are considered and screened to be high risk for poor health
outcomes for their children. Risk factors such as mental or physical health issues,
abuse, poverty, teen parenting, and social isolation are included in the screening tool.

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According to literature, such as the report, Environmental Threats to Children:

Understanding the Risks, Enabling Prevention (Toronto Public Health, 2005) it is
asserted that these children who are severely disadvantaged are most vulnerable to
environmental harm.
These PHNs came from different teams with different managers who had
different styles of management. They all participated in the study willingly and
enthusiastically. In their generosity, they allowed me their own time and space for the
interviews and for that, I will always be grateful.
As for their personal backgrounds, they appeared to be in the 20 to 50 age
bracket and they represented a variety of ethno/cultural groups, as well as socio-
economic backgrounds. They also represented a variety of relationship statuses,
including single, partnered, married, parenting, grandparenting and parent-to-be.
Prior to each interview, the purpose of the study was reviewed and each
participant was invited to ask questions regarding the study, myself and my interest in
this area. Each participant signed a consent form which was provided to them two
weeks before the interview. Six interviews were audiotaped while one declined to be
audiotaped. Notes were taken for the interview that was not audiotaped.
While proposed interview questions (Appendix 1) were provided to the
participants a week prior to the interviews, the actual interviews questions were
generally guided by the objectives of the study: PHN learning experiences of
childrens environmental health, the facilitating factors and barriers in integration of
knowledge into practice, and recommendations they would make.
By and large, all the PHNs interviewed spoke freely and demonstrated deep
insight into their own learning experiences, their ways of practice, and the political
and organizational atmosphere of their work environment. Their responses were
thoughtful, eloquent, personal and at times and painfully honest, as they spoke about
their challenges, fears and hopes regarding the state of our environment ranging from
the large political context to the small one-to-one PHN-client relationships. Their
sense of altruism, empathy and professionalism is unsurpassed.
Analysis and Interpretation
In order to maintain confidentiality, each participant was identified only by a
number (as a pseudonym may reveal identity) which corresponded to both tape and
transcription. A copy of the interview transcription was given to the PHN involved
for correction, editing and/or addition. All six PHNs approved the transcription as it
was given to them except some minor spelling and typographical errors. One PHN
received notes of the interview; and approved it.
I began the analysis of the data while I was interviewing the PHN, as several
themes emerged during the process. When I concluded the interviews and completed
the transcriptions, I was able to see the recurrent nature of the themes in the text of
each interview. Under each theme, the transcription of each interview provided me
with rich examples of quotes that supported the themes. I then picked the most
representative quotes for writing this paper.

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Patterns in Learning Experiences

Processes of Learning
Pattern emerged regarding key informants learning experiences on childrens
environmental health. Three PHNs traced their first learning experience on this topic
to their postsecondary education. Some located their first awareness of lead poisoning
to the 1960s in their nursing training. Although they remembered that initial learning
experience, they did not regard this first awareness as any serious in-depth learning
about environmental health. These experiences were described as a quick glance at the
topic; there were no emotional attachments or applications to their lives or practice.
The experience was described as unimpactful and not so meaningful. One key
informant said, didnt see how the material could apply to me. Other PHNs said
they did not remember learning about it in their nursing school.
The learning that most PHNs described that was meaningful and that evoked
an emotional reaction was a half-day training received from experts in the field of
environmental health specifically aimed at exposure during pregnancy. PHNs
reported that they came away from that training feeling overwhelmed, scared,
troubled, and helpless. In their words,
It was difficult to hear about the information. I found that I was very
misinformed. I should have been aware earlier than that. I was scared,
hopeless, helpless, out of control. I felt as a consumer, I dont have
much say (Key Informant #5).
That made me scared. That I felt I didnt feel knowledgeable enough to
be answering or go through peoples toys when I go into their homes.
Not knowledgeable to tell them which one is good and which one is not
acceptable (Key informant #6).
I was frightened, that so many things can be harmful to us. I was really
concerned for people who didnt know. When I first started teaching
prenatal classes, a lot of people were skeptical. Just because the
information was passed to them, they didnt make any changes. And
yet, this is the time when they should make changes and a lot of people
dont commit to making changes. At that time, people already know
about the smoking but its the mercury and lead that people were more
skeptical about (Key informant #3).
A few years after the initial training described above, the PHNs subsequently
received training and some attended conferences on this topic. They described their
subsequent learning experiences to be much more positive and constructive. They
generally felt that they were able to pick out the do-able changes and felt much more
in control and solution-focused. They liked having examples of safe and affordable
alternatives presented to them and they also like the fact that they were given
opportunities to give feedback regarding using the information in their practice. Most

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of them reported making most lifestyle changes for themselves and their families as a
result of this in service compared to the first training.
I think the first time, it was overwhelming. But the second and the
third time, I just tried to grasp the changes that I can do on a personal
level. Because there were a lot that the factories do. So I just tried to
concentrate on what I can do personally (Key informant #5).
PHNs reported that their life experiences and stages did help them think about
this topic more; for example, compared to the PHNs who were are not parents PHNs
who were pregnant or parents reported that they took out the written materials from
the trainings and read them carefully several times; they sough additional information
from the websites provided and they would occasionally call the experts who did the
training with questions. As one said,
When they were doing that hidden exposure training, not everybody
got to go to it, so I didnt get to go, but I read about it. I sought out the
information on my own. And that was more impactful (compared to
the first learning experience). What went in my body, (waves from)the
cell phones, you cant put the bottle in the freezer, plastic, microwave
and the whole organic thing. When I was pregnant, preconception, and
breastfeeding, I was very aware (Key informant #4).
Despite the fact that all PHNs thought the environment and children was
essential for everyone to know about, most PHNs reported that they have not used it
in their practice for the families they work with. They identified the following
barriers in the integration processes:
I dont get a chance to incorporate it into our parenting groups now. If
it come up, I will address it but it hasnt yet. In my parenting home
visits, I will if it comes up. It is rare. There is no model for it to come
up (Key informant #3).

Not regularly. I have being thinking about that question significantly. I

found that I dont get to do a lot of the prevention stuff. I deal more
with, I dont want to say crisis intervention but things that are more
immediate (Key informant #4).

Recurrent Barriers
PHNs gave many reasons for not integrating the information of childrens
environmental health into their practices. Among their many barriers identified, there
were seven recurrent themes.
1. Clients Identifying Immediate Issues
All PHNs mentioned that their clients are not able to think about
environmental issues because they have other more pressing and immediate stressors in
their lives such as finances, housing, children with special needs, mental health issues,

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abuse, social isolation, their immigration status, or settlement and relationship issues.
In their words,
I think its time. Lack of my time. Lack of money for the client. I
cant tell them to buy organic. That would be ridiculous in view of
how much money they have. Its not a priority for them. Lack of
money, lack of work, and lack of motivation. They are not motivated.
For them, its not a real threat. Its not immediate (Key informant #3).
I found that my clients are not ready. They have so many other
priorities. People are concerned about housing, food on the table. We
cant even get to parenting, never mind environmental health. Its
hard to tell them that solvent you are using is not good. The cost alone
would be astronomical for them (Key informant #4).
Clients are living in state of survival both mentally and physically.
They are disinterested because they have learned helplessness or victim
consciousness, and if they live in that mode thats a reality for them
(Key informant #7).
The PHNs reported that they often dont even get to deal with pressing issues
such as parenting, which is the true purpose of the program they are in. Some of the
PHNs worried that in some cases by bringing up issues of environmental health they
might make their clients feel even worse about their present condition.
Even with the information PHNs provided about environmental health, they
suspected client would decide to brace the hazard, as one said:
You go into homes that have garbage, bad smells, and walls in desperate
repairs and there are roaches and rodents everywhere. A lot of people
complained that they stay up at night and watch their babies to make
sure the roaches and rodents dont get on their babies. When they find
a roach in the babys sleeper, it freaks them out. They cant sleep. So
its very disturbing. There are certain things we can teach them about
getting rid of roaches and rodents. But then they say nothing they put
down works. So they use all kinds of unsafe products, like Chinese
chalk. Our environmental people put out some information about it.
They have arsenic in it. There is a warning on it. I have a mom who is
seven months pregnant and when she moved into a building. She was
appalled by the number of roaches she saw. She used the Chinese chalk
all over the wall and on the floor. She has toddlers running around and
is seven months pregnant. So I did some teaching about the safety
hazards of the chalk. But she would rather use the chalk than see the
roaches (Key informant #1).
2. Competing Issues to Address for PHNs
PHNs often reported that they have a long list of issues they have to deal with
when they are in clients homes. Because they are mandated to do health education

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regarding parenting, they generally feel that environmental issues, although important,
are not a high priority. Therefore, they generally put this topic to the bottom of their
list unless an issue visible and immediate, such as an issue with home pests. Issues such
as old paint coming off the walls, use of plastic in the microwave, or potentially
harmful chemicals in cleaning products or consumer products do not get any attention
in nurse-client encounters. Either PHNs do not think clients are ready to hear them
or they generally do not have time to deal with such issues. This is illustrated in the
following interchange:
So-Yan: So what makes smoking easy to address?
P#4: Because its visible, like mold, smoking, strong smelling cleaning
products, roaches, and spray in the building. They are significant health
risks. People know the risk of pests and smoke. People are more aware
(Key informant #4).
3. Issues of Accessibility
PHNs assessed that access to safe alternatives were generally too costly, too
much hassle or physically unavailable for their clients; thus theyasked what is the
point of telling them about the potential hazards? There are safer alternatives that are
cheaper such as baking soda and vinegar for cleaning but PHNs did not mention these.
They expressed the view that safer alternatives are not within the reach for their
families such as organic foods, fabric material toys instead of plastics, and organic
consumer products. As they said,
That would be ridiculous in view of how much money they have (Key
informant #3).
The cost alone would be astronomical for them (Key informant #4).
4. Lack of Certainty
Evidence-based practice guideline require PHNs to conduct their health
teaching based on research evidence; therefore, the controversial natural of the topic of
children and environment seemed to create another barrier for PHNs to do health
teaching, as this interchange suggested:
So-Yan: What about when the information is controversial?
Key informant #5: Yes, it creates a barrier. Especially when someone is
going to challenge you. Once, I was telling a client something and the
husband went on the internet and found the information was not for
certain. It makes it harder to sell (Key informant #5).
5. Lack of Consistency
In addition to the lack of certainty in the literature, PHNs felt the
inconsistency of messaging between the credible agencies such as the government
agencies Health Canada and the local Public Health departments as well as between
the families own health care providers create confusion:

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So-Yan: What about the inconsistency of messages between the health

care providers?
Key informant #3: Yes, I felt that way specifically when I teach
prenatal. I was up against the obstetricians and the other doctors. Oh,
my doctor says I can eat it. And then its one health professional against
the other. I dont know how much time they spend teaching about
environmental issues at the obstetrical visits. Things like taxosmosis,
they have never heard of that and yet they have cats (Key informant #3).
The confusion between the recommended fish consumption for vulnerable
populations were a point of controversy between Health Canada and the local public
health unit that was mentioned. These recommendations are also disputed between
disciplines such as environmental researchers and the nutritionists.
6. Conflicts in society and government
But I think the priority of spending is not to spend money on poor
people. The poor people are considered poor because they dont work
hard enough. They cant pull themselves out of it. So they are not
given priority and their children are not given priority (Key informant
#1).
PHNs verbalized frustration when talking about the overall political structure
in supporting childrens environmental health. They felt that the government should
be able to instill regulations and laws to ensure the health of our population and not
put them at risk. They suggested examples of enforceable laws such as a complete ban
on lead in all products sold in Canada even if they are imported from other countries.
They also proposed more incentives for businesses to produce healthier foods and
products, as one complained:
Its all corporations. Its government who are looking after them. They
need to support the corporations to produce better products for the
environment. Like more natural cleaning products or organic foods and
alternatives. Provide them with more incentives to be more
environmentally friendly (Key informant #2).
PHNs pointed out that the childrens environmental health issues may follow
the foot steps of the No Smoking campaign. Smoking was not seen as an important
public health issues a few decades ago, but with more research, public campaigns and
education, the government is seen as taking serious actions to support smoke free
Ontario for example. Most PHNs expressed hope that the issue of childrens
environmental health will eventually be noticed and taken seriously. PHNs cited the
recent political attention on global warming and environmental protection issues
coming from the Federal government. They hoped this would eventually translate
into funding to grass root levels supporting the work of PHNs with at-risk families
and children:

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I think the more people talk about it, the more people are going to see
the need. Like the smoking issue. It has taken so many years to get to
where we are now and its just the beginning. The more we talk about
it the more people are willing to call their MP and MPPs about it (Key
informant #2).
Like a vicious cycle, a PHN cautioned that people cannot talk about childrens
health if they have so many other competing issues:
For us PHNs we need the support and funding to do our work. We
need individual citizens talking about it and then making it more
powerful and they can go to their MP with it which in turn might make
a change for this issue. But again if they have all these competing issues
that they are dealing with, they cant think of this one (Key informant
#2).
PHNs also see the hidden conflicts explaining why governments do not want
to address environmental health issues due to liabilities issues and other agendas:
So-Yan: So it not a public health issue?
Key informant #1: I think it is.
So-Yan: Yes it is but is it part of your work?
Key informant #1: No, it is not part of my teaching except on smog
alert days or heat alert days. It is accepted as non preventable as
everyone is exposed to it. We dont do visits to the vulnerable adults
anymore.
So-Yan: So even for childrens health, it is not considered part of your
work?
Key informant #1: Its not considered as a priority to bring up for our
families.
So-Yan: Why is that?
Key informant #1: I dont know. It could be a political issue. If we are
warning people about the air quality in the city and we are representing
the city, where would the liability be? Whose responsibility is it to
provide safe air for our citizens?
So-Yan: So you think its a political issue that we work for somebody
that could be a liability at the same time?
Key informant #1: Yes. I see that in terms of water quality too. We
dont want you to have bottled water in your kitchen because that sends
a message that the water from the city supply is not drinkable. So we
wouldnt want to start telling people stop breathing the air (Key
informant #1).

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7. Departments Within the Organization Working in Silos

The most frustrating barrier all PHNs identified was the fact that the
departments of the municipal government within they worked seemed to work in
silos. They cited examples of trying to help families who live in subsidized housing.
Those are also managed and owned by the city who is exposed these families to
harmful chemicals or horrible housing conditions such as no heat and homes full of
roaches, mice and rats. Through the PHNs advocacy, some families get services from
the building management, but most do not. PHNs were frustrated with the lack of
response when they call for help, as they observed:
Basically, what I learned from that (asking for help) was that nobody
wants to take any responsibility. Everybody wanted it to be written on
their job description that it isnt their area. The building inspectors said
that they only look at the outside of the building and the health
inspectors took the roaches and rodents out of their list. They only deal
with the big rats. So it was kind of discouraging and the issues never
went anywhere and people were trapped in low income housing. They
dont have any voice to make changes (Key informant #1).

I have had a family with mold. I didnt know if the health inspectors
would go out for that. I called and they said they dont go out for that.
How are you supposed to know that? Its hard that you tell the client
that you want to help them but you have nothing to tell them. Its
disjointed. It could affect the trust factor. Its sad. We work for the
same city but we have no pull (Key informant #4).

Departments are in silos. Why do they do that? We do not act like a

community, yet they expect that we go out and strengthen our
community. There is a sense of lack of trust at all levels (Key informant
#7).
There were some success stories from PHNs, but they were rare. As one
recalled:
There was one family in a building that was owned and managed by the
city where there were no screens in their windows. The little boy was
very active, and he could fall out. They dont have air conditioning, and
when the weather is hot, they were going to open the windows. We
were very concerned and we got the Childrens Aid Society involved.
They wrote a letter. And it took 9 months for the screens to be
changed. The client told me that some of her friends who live in the
same building also had no screen on their windows. It was pretty bad.
There had quite a few incidents where children had fallen off from their

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high rise apartment through windows. They live on the 15th floor (Key
informant #3).
In addition to the frustration the PHNs feel at the grass roots level, the PHNs
reported that there is a general feeling of powerlessness among the middle managers as
well:
So-Yan: What about internally within this department? Have you tried
to voice your concern through our department and ask if there is
anything we can do to help these people?
Key informant #1: I was always told to refer to other departments of
the city.
So-Yan: Do you not see a way to take these issues up and voice your
concerns?
Key informant #1: No.
So-Yan: Why is that?
Key informant #1: I think everyone is, they are not really motivated,
they are not willing to break out of the walls and look at the total
picture.
So-Yan: Now, in your opinion if you were to talk to a manager or
someone who have decision making power about this issue, what would
you say to them? How would you ask them to help nurses to
implement this area of information?
Key informant #1: Well, I think a lot of the managers are aware of the
problems. They were PHNs themselves. I took my manager out to a
home in a building. She reacted when she got off the elevator and saw
the state of the home. But there just wasnt there anything there.
So-Yan: Do you think they feel powerless too?
Key informant #1: I think so. Its been gone on long enough. I think
people are discouraged. Maybe its not a trendy issue (Key informant
#1).
Due to this general feeling of powerlessness among the middle management,
PHNs reported never taking problems to their managers:
So-Yan: Have you ever tried to bring the issues back to your own
management to try to get help and support here?
Key informant #4: No. Ive never done it.

So-Yan: If you were to do it, do you think itll get anywhere?

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Key informant #4: No, I dont think they have much power. For other
things I bring to them, they understand the risk factors, they are
supportive but their hands are tied too. They dont have much power
over the structural issues (Key informant #4).
Similar sentiments again came from Key informant #5:
So-Yan: Have you ever tried to bring the issues to your own
management and try to seek help from them?
Key informant #5: No, I presented at team but nothing really
materialized. I think this is the biggest complaint we have is that we
will be ignored. They cant do anything. We work very much in silos
and lack communication (Key informant #5).

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Recurrent Facilitating Factors and Recommendations

PHNs were asked what would facilitate the integration of their childrens
environmental health knowledge into practice with the families they work with and
they indicated the following factors and made some recommendations:
1. The average length of time PHNs provide service to a family is 18 months.
This long length of time is considered a facilitating factor, as one remarked:
We have such long term relationships with our families now that we
could have it as something we can address with them maybe in the 2nd
year of service when all the other more immediate issues are addressed.
Then we can pull it out as something to do with them. So I guess I feel I
am supported this way (Key informant #6).
To enhance the effectiveness of their teaching and to counteract the barrier of
competing priorities for their time with their clients, PHNs all expressed the need to
have written information they could provide for their clients. This information has to
be in a format that is easy to read, low literacy, and solution focused:
understandable, functional and doable and has to be at the level where
they are at (Key informant #7).
Simple messages like washing your hands, running the water if you are
in an older home, and taking shoes off at the door (Key informant #6).
They all expressed the need to have an interdepartmental committee which
should be mandated to advocate for childrens environmental health issues and be
given the authority to cut across departments in order to move this agenda ahead.
This committee should have representatives both from PHN level as well as
management level.
We work very much in silos and lack communication. We need an
interdepartmental committee so we can work through them (Key
informant #5).
PHNs asserted that in order for this committee to be useful and functional,
they should have direct reporting to the corporations highest level of management,
they must be committed to their mandates and should have the following functions:
An interdepartmental working group, for communication and
accountability purposes and provide advocacy and lobby for resources
for staff (Key informant #7).
They all felt regular educational training (once every 6 months) followed by
regular updates via email, websites, and team discussions can be very effective in
keeping up with the issues especially because the nature of this issue changes so
rapidly.
PHNs expressed the need to educate PHNs to be ready to work with issues of
social injustice:

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Well, I think some kind of training in sensitivity should take place.

And some help for nurse to counteract the cultural shock for new
nurses when they start. Because when they first start, they see the
conditions. Sometimes its overwhelming. They have to come to some
realization in their minds and ask themselves, why are these people
living like this? And you sometimes make all sorts of judgments what
got these people here? And have some understanding of some poverty
issues.

I recalled about 10 years ago, there was a group of nurses who came on.
They came from protected homes themselves. They were young and
just graduated from University. They were quite appalled by the
conditions of these homes and building. So they put forward this idea
that maybe we should not accept referrals from these buildings, because
these buildings were not up to standards. These ideas were quickly, the
answer was a definite no.
In fact this can happen to anyone. When working with families who
are faced with these issues, carry some hope. Give them some
encouragement. Evaluate what it is that they want to do. You see some
families that make their homes real islands. They dont lower
themselves (Key informant #1).
The same PHN also suggested that PHNs should be ready to help their clients
with the most basic things that people who live in Canada take it for granted:
Well, I usually start where they are at. I would look at some low cost
alternatives that would make their environment more comfortable for
them. I have a single mom who came from a tropical country. Didnt
understand Canadian winter. She has very thin curtain on her windows
and icicles were forming at the windows. So I told her about using
heavier curtain that can help to make the place warmer. Yes, I did a
little advocating for her when the heat didnt come in to her apartment.
It was so cold. She said she couldnt sleep. I talked to the maintenance
person in the hall. I said, whats this no heat in her apartment? She
has a small child. Are you coming to fix it today? He said oh, its the
boiler on the roof and it could be a while. She is paying rent. She
deserves to have heat brought into her apartment. He just laughed. So
I told her to have a heating pad in her bed. Ive done that when we have
no heat. We just use a heating pad and went to bed with winter
clothing on. So she did that (Key informant #1).
One PHN said that in advocating for clients, she found it very useful to be
assertive and approach it in a factual manner. She shared a successful story:

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First, trying to find out whats been done. Maybe the family told the
superintenant and it has been ignored. In one circumstance, they had
no heat for two winters. They were given a portable heater and they
made a complaint. They said they dont understand what they were
talking about because of their accent. I spent a couple of hours in the
home, I was supposed to be there for only an hour. It was a Friday
afternoon. I called the city and they bounced me around a few time to
different departments and I finally got someone and the problem was
fixed on Monday. You need to approach it from the health and safety
point of view. I dont nag. I needed to be very specific. I made it clear
that I intended to follow up and it could go higher. It must be made a
priority. I called the Property Standards. I persisted; I could have given
up and just given the family the numbers to call for themselves. I felt, as
a PHN I should know what to do but I really dont. I found that
departments have changed and I didnt know (Key informant #5).
This success story spoke to the value of being assertive and the skills of
advocacy. Five PHNs interviewed expressed that they feel inadequate in advocacy
skills, hence, they recommended some training in advocacy and community activism.
They also suggested identifying someone at the team level to lead the issue, act
as a liaison with experts and channel any resources through to the PHNs. The PHN
leader at each team would be responsible to bring up the issues regularly and make
sure the resources are available for PHNs for use. They all suggested that this team
leader must have a passion for this topic. Otherwise it will die as time goes on.
They suggested having a hot line or an agency where an expert can answer their
questions in a timely manner.
They suggested that public health should have some general simple key
messages for them to provide for their families such as hand washing, shoes removal at
the door, reduction of dust exposure. They suggested having five to ten key messages
that are pracitical, simple and easy-to-implement to get the concepts across.
They suggested public educational campaigns such as the ones done for
parenting and smoking would help the clients to see the messages in their daily walks
of lives which can reinforce the messages that PHNs teach. With seeing relevance,
they might be more likely to bring up various subjects and ask questions.
They also suggested the importance of educating other health professionals who
also provides services to families, which would make, hopefully, the messaging
consistent and more credible. Specifically, they mentioned educating doctors of all
specialties, Family Home Visitors and social workers.
Within the health organization, PHNs suggested that incorporating childrens
environmental health in PHNs practice standards and guidelines would also ensure
these messages reach the families. Developing such policy can ensure the commitment
of the PHNs to observe the requirements of addressing the issues of childrens
environmental health.

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Following up with policy development, tools for health teaching and

assessment in this area would be useful. They identified tools such as a checklist for
homes, and documentation for PHNs interventions related to this area.
Finally, PHNs asserted that their organization must act from within to role
model healthy environments. For example, I received comments:
I used role modeling. I used real cups instead of foam cups. Also in a
school, I saw the condition of the lunch room was so unsanitary that I
was very upset that the children had to eat there. It was a family
resource centre too. Its not healthy or safe for the kids to eat there.
The parents are mostly immigrants and couldnt advocate for
themselves. I talked to the principal and the room was spotless the next
day. I dont know how that was overlooked for so long. I think so we
can advocate and we can role model (Key informant #5).
I would also like to see all of us driving hybrid cars too (Key informant #6).
In essence, these PHNs suggested that an internal environmental audit for the
organization should be done to ensure that practice measured up to environmental
standards. The audit could start by examining the free promotional items PHNs often
give out such as plastic water bottles, cheap dollar store toys which may contain lead
and other toxins. The audit can also be looking at the PHNs workplaces, examining
the air quality, the furniture, the flooring and presence of pests. Staff should not have
to put up a big fight when they suspect something is bothering them. As one said,
When I was at X, we had to put up a big fight just to have someone
come to test our indoor air quality. I think there are so many other
priorities that they worry about that this is not one of them. Its my
perception that its not a priority for them (Key informant #6).
In addition, the PHNs asserted that role modeling goes beyond the physical,
chemical and biological and should extend to the mental and psychosocial aspects of
working as an organization:
We need good modeling from management; they have to be healthy
themselves. We need to have regular retreats that build morale and they
need to nurture the young nurses. They need to walk the talk. We
must all work to ensure the environment in general is safe for everyone
and then the safety can be extended to our clients (Key informant #7).

Implications for Praxis

In reviewing the findings outlined in the previous three chapters,
strategies for practice can be seen. They are organized into strategies for building
supportive structure, strategies for equipping the professionals, and strategies for
working with families.
Strategies for building supportive structure

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Strategies that would help the PHNs to integrate childrens environmental

health teaching in their work would have to start first with a supportive structure both
politically and organizationally. All PHNs mentioned that current political and media
attention on the issues of global warming and environmental health could act as a
catalyst for more positive changes and financial support for new initiatives in this area.
The PHNs called for political activism in talking the issue up and encourage people
to support green initiatives and politics. They called for more legislation and laws to
make it harder to produce harmful chemicals and pollutants. They also called for
incentives for green products.
Organizationally, PHNs called for the following:
2. valuing a healthy work environment physically as well as mentally and
psychosocially for staff of all levels.
3. creating an internal environmental audit team to evaluate current practices
according to environmental health principles and current knowledge of
harm as indicated in the childrens environmental health literature.
4. putting in place an interdepartmental workgroup for advocacy,
communication and accountability purposes.
5. developing policies supporting green environment and practice standards to
ensure implementation and integration.
6. role modeling environmental friendliness in organizational practices and
settings.

Strategies for Equipping the Professionals

1. starting childrens environmental health interest groups from professional
regulating bodies to lobby politically and to provide direction for registered
professional members.
2. setting up regular and on-going educational updates and in-services for staff
internally both relating to the content area of childrens environmental health
as well as educational sessions for PHNs to be sensitive to issues of diversity,
poverty and inner city urban dwelling.
3. setting up outreach educational target groups such as Family Home Visitors,
physicians and Childrens Aid Workers.
4. having experts readily available within the organization or outside the
organization who can provide up-to-date and reliable information via
telephone, email or in person.
5. having team leaders who will bring up environmental issue for discussion and
sharing.
6. developing a resource directory for related agencies and website links.
7. integrating the information in practice guidelines.
8. developing teaching modules, curriculum and kits for group teaching.

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9. using a checklist as a documentation tool and reminder.

Strategies for working with families
All of the PHNs interviewed stated that the very first barrier for integrating
childrens environmental health information in their practice is the families themselves
not being ready for the information. How do we then move them from being not
ready, not interested, unmotivated to being ready for this area of teaching? There
are a few ideas suggested by this study:
1. develop five to ten key messages which are simple, doable, practice and
universally accessible.
2. have low literacy resources in written, audio and visual formats readily
available for families to learn whenever they want.
3. launch and maintain a public social marketing campaign to educate the public
about the issues from all aspects: as consumers, as voters, as tax payers, as
human beings and as parents or caregivers.
4. promote and develop environmental clinics for issues related to childrens
environmental health modeling the childrens environmental health clinic in
Alberta.
Discussion and Conclusion
Limitations
There were a few limitations that challenged this study and they are:
Lack of literature on the topic: much of the literature found focused on the
area of childrens environmental health. There is nothing that marries CEH to public
health nursing. There was a handful of research studies in environmental health
nursing as discussed in chapter one under contextual review of literature. This lack of
research in this area presented a challenge for me in the formulation, establishment and
especially the analysis stages of this project.
Small sample size: Seven PHNs out of approximately 80 PHNs were
interviewed. This may cause questions regarding generalizability of this study.
However, this study is a preliminary enquiry into public health nursing practice in the
area of childrens environmental health. From my research the PHNs experience in
this area of practice has not been documented in the literature and thus each of their
accounts should be valued and validated with its own right. Patterns of themes were
revealed and implications for practice were recommended.
Self selection: Potentially, the selection process may be biased in some ways.
Possibly, the PHNs who volunteered to participate may be different from those who
did not want to participate (e.g., have overly positive or overly negative experiences).
Discussion
The purpose of this study was primarily to identify the issues of childrens
environmental health in public health nursing including the PHNs learning

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experiences, the barriers and facilitating conditions in the integration of knowledge to

practice. In the environmental scan completed in this area, I found much literature in
the area of childrens environmental health; however, there was much less literature in
the nursing literature and none in the public health nursing literature around this issue
in the current environmental health discourse.
The seven PHNs interviewed revealed indepth issues embedded in the power
relations within the political and organizational structures between governments,
between departments, between management and PHNs, and lastly between PHNs and
clients. Although I am part of the struggle and I suspected many if not all the issues
discussed in the interviews, it was still unsettling for me to listen to the general
powerlessness I sensed from each PHN I interviewed. As a personal conviction to my
children, myself, my profession, and my fellow PHN colleagues I pledge to bring their
voices to the forefront. To this end, I have submitted this study to the Canadian
Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences 2007 Congress under the Health
and Public Policy Association. My abstract has been accepted for a presentation
session and I intend to make the result of this study public and hopefully be a piece of
evident in advocating for change.
The presentation at the Congress in Saskatoon will represent the beginning of
my political praxis in the educational and professional arena. In the future, I intend to
make this knowledge public through journal publications and conference
presentations. Furthermore, I will continue in the enquiry of childrens environmental
health in public health nursing.
Implications for Future Research: Power Relations and Higher Education for Nurses
This is a preliminary study that could only provide a quick glimpse into the
issues relating to childrens environmental health in public health nursing. My
intuition tells me that these issues are much deeper and more complex than what my
research discovered as reflected in this paper. The intensity of power struggles
between institutions, between professions, between classes of people deserves more in
depth exploration. Further to documenting the journey of struggles in the issues of
childrens environmental health for PHNs, what happens when issues of gender, race,
class and sexuality are included in the struggle? I have already documented some
favouring of gender in this paper in chapter three, Patterns in Learning Experiences
where most PHNs learned and applied the information of childrens environmental
health most intensively at the time of preconception, pregnancy and parenting. I
wonder if the same intensity of learning could happen during other life events such as
at ones times of ill health or menopause.
I intend to fulfill my promise of providing a summary report of this study to
the organization where this study was conducted. I want to document the
receptiveness of the organization to the recommendations, and how they might be
ignored, considered and/or implemented. If implemented, to what extent and how
were they received. I want to document these happenings as my continue praxis for
the issues of childrens environmental health.

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In addition to the importance of investigating the power relationships

embedded in this issue, the implications for higher education, especially nursing
education, is also significant. In future research, questions such as what is happening in
Canadian nursing education in the area of childrens environmental health, is there a
curriculum set up? If yes, how effective is it? If no. Why not? What are the barriers
in education?
In addition to the education for nurses, the nursing professional organizational
bodies can also set the stage for the knowledge of childrens environmental health be
expected as one of the core competencies and best practice in licensed registered nurses.
It would be very interesting to investigate the flow of influences between professional
institutions such as the Registered Nurses of Association of Ontario (RNAO) or
Canadian Nurses Association (CNO), higher education institutions such as the
universities and colleges, and nursing employers such as the public health agencies, and
hospitals. What can move the childrens environmental health agenda between the
three types of institutions in the bigger political context?
Conclusion
Based on my experience as a PHN and my bittersweet experience of mothering,
the impetus for this study was born. This research means more than just meeting the
graduation requirements. It affects my own perceptions as a woman, minority, health
professional practicing in a culture where dominations of many kinds still very much
the reality for myself as well as my colleagues. It brought to the forefront the threads
of power relations embedded in our system everywhere. The extreme dedication,
altruism and professionalism of the PHNs were confirmed for me when they expressed
their frustration and pain at being unable to practice to their full standard and
capacity. By doing so, they helped to crystallize the importance of pushing this
research toward praxis for change. Their combined narratives brought smiles and
warm hopes to my heart. Suddenly, the frustrations of waiting for approval and
bureaucratic power struggles I lived through with this study became lighter and
worthwhile. Their shared experiences have validated my own. I am thankful that I
was able to act as a channel for these collected voices. It has been an unforgettable
educational experience of which I will always take lessons from.
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(2005). Trends in diagnosis rates for autism and ADHD at hospital dischange in
the context of other psychiatric diagnosis. Psychiatric Services, 56(1), 56-62.
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cw_2006stats_en.pdf.pdf.
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Dover.
Phillips M A, Burkhardt S, Bradshaw N, & McBrien K (2002), Hidden
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South Riverdale Community Health Centre, Toronto Public Health,
Environmental Health Clinic, Sunnybrooke & Womens College Health
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Raphael R (2000) The Role of Government in Childrens Environmental Health

Safe
Environments Programme, Healthy Environments Consumer Safety Branch,
November 8, 2000.
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433-437.
Steingraber S (2001), Having Faith: An Ecologist Journey to Motherhood, Cambridge:
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Wargo, J., & Evenson Wargo, L. (2002). Trends in childrens health. Retrieved on Dec.
22, 2006 from: www.checnet.org/healthehouse/education/articles-
detail.asp?Main_ID=363.
Wigle, D. T. (2003). Child health and the environment. New York, New York: Oxford
University Press.
Appendix 1: Interview Questions
Background of the PHN:
1. How long have you practiced nursing?
2. How long have you practiced public health nursing? How long have you
worked for this organization?
3. Tell me about your experience with children, for example, are you a parent,
have you ever interacted or cared for children on ongoing-bases?
Learning experiences of childrens environmental health:
1. When and where was the first time you learned about childrens
environmental health, both formally and informally? Some examples are:
school, media, books, journal articles, informal communication or training
at work?

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2. What were your learning experiences when you first heard about it that
is, what did you think or how did you feel about the information you
received? (Prompts: For some people, when they first learn of the issues in
childrens environmental health, they were shocked, unsettled and helpless
or they were indifferent, or they were excited about the discovery of new
knowledge. Provided only if participants have trouble answering the
question). Did having experience with children help you learn and apply
this knowledge?
3. If this learning occurred in your work setting, was the delivery of the
learning a one time experience?
4. If the delivery of the information occurred only once, why do you think
that was and what would have helped you to continue this learning?
5. Did your emotions, your feelings and your attitude towards the issue
change in any way as a result of this learning experience?
6. If your learning occurred on more than one occasion, how many times and
how frequently, and which experience impacted you the most? And why?
7. What was your learning experience the second time on this issue?
Integration of learning in personal life:
1. How did your learning about childrens environmental health affect your
personal life style? Did any changes occur in your daily life?
Integration of learning in professional practice:
1. As a PHN, you have many opportunities to conduct health teachings in
many areas. How do you see information about childrens environmental
health being integrated into your practice? (Some examples might be
teaching of nutrition, growth and development.)

2. How did this learning affect your general public health nursing practice?
Were you able to integrate this learning into your practice?
3. How do you integrate this information into your practice when you see
clients?

4. What happens when you teach this information to your clients? Do you
think this information impacts the health of your clients and their families,
and how does it do so?
5. What was your clients response when he/she learns about this
information?
6. Can you think of a time when you were supported in integrating this
information into your practice? Tell me about that experience. (Prompts:
For some PHNs, structural support such as documentation and policy
framework, knowledge support such as training and readily available and

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appropriate literature, situational support such as clients readiness to learn

are important factors in integrating this information into practice. Provided
only if participants have trouble answering the question)
7. In your opinion, what was the determining factor(s) that facilitated the
integration of this information in your practice?
8. Can you think of a time when you were prevented from integrating this
information into your practice? Tell me about that experience.
9. In your opinion, what was the determining factor(s) that prevented the
integration of this information in your practice?
10. If your experience was that there are competing priorities from the
organization for you to conduct other teaching and prevent this one, what
were they? (Ask this question only if the interviewee identified that
competing priority was a preventive factor from Question 8 or 9).
11. What do you think needs to happen between when you learned about this
information to the time you integrated it into practice?
12. What do you think can help to facilitate the transfer of knowledge to
practice? (Some examples could be, written resources, practice guidelines,
polices and procedures, regular up-dates etc.)

260
 Environmental Factors in Autism and Implications for
Transformative Education
So-Yan Seto
Abstract
Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) is a lifelong neurodevelopmental disorder
that affects peoples communication and socialization with others as well as
their learning abilities. In the last two decades, the prevalence of ASD has
increased 500%. This paper argues that exposure to environmental
neurotoxins can play a large part in the cause of ASD. It establishes that the
developing fetus and young children are vulnerable to environmental
toxicity and that our laws do not adequately protect our children. Scientists
such as Dr. Herbert Needleman suggest that we are using our children as
subjects in a huge toxicological experiment. The exploration of the often
hidden causes of this phenomenon yield political and technical inadequacies,
domination of corporations, and the divide and conquor approach in our
society. This paper concludes by applying the principles of transformative
education in the work of public health nursing in a parenting class context.

Introduction
As I was reading the literature provided in the course regarding environment
and child health, I began to think about autism its causes and the possible prevention.
Having an autistic child taught me a lot about life and looking back now, it was a
blessing to have Joshua my beautiful, aloof son. Any regrets in having Joshua as my
son? Absolutely not!! Would I rather parent without autism? Absolutely yes!! The
pain and grief a family endures because of autism is immeasurable and sometimes
destructive.
In this essay, I would like to introduce autism, explore the various theories on
the causes focusing on the environmental factors. I also would like to explore the
many current issues associate with environmental child health and applying them in
the autism phenomena. Lastly, I would like to apply the environmental child health
into the content of my autism classes to my colleagues and my clients using
transformative education style.
What is Autism?
Geneva Centre for Autism defined autism as follows:
Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD) are lifelong neurodevelopmental
disorders that affect how people communicate and relate to others. The
range and intensity of disability varies, but all people affected by Autism
Spectrum Disorders have difficulty with communication, learning and
social skills. There is no definitive cause or cure, but specialized
interventions can give people affected by Autism Spectrum Disorders

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the tools they need to lead full and productive lives. (Geneva Centre For
Autism, 2005)
Pervasive Developmental Disorder (PDD) is a term often used interchangeably
with ASD to describe several closely related disorders. These disorders include
Asperger syndrome, atypical autism and disintegrative disorder which all share the
same essential features (ie impairments in communication and social interaction
combined with restricted interests and patterns of behaviours) (Fombonne, Eric in
CAIRN, 2005)
How common is autism?
According to Canadian Autism Intervention Research Network (CAIRN), and
Geneva Centre for Autism the prevalence rate of ASD in Canadian children aged 0-19
was one in 165. This data was based on the 2001 Census. The current numbers would
be higher. This figure is three times higher than previously thought. This figure
represented a 500% increase in the last two decades. In the US, according to a study
done by the Department of Developmental Services in California in 1999, the increase
in autism between 1987 and 1998 was 210% (California HHS, 1999). In Atlanta,
autism was found in 1.9 per 1000 in 3-year-old children to 4.7 per 1000 in 8-year-olds
(Yeargin-Allsopp et al, 2003). A recent study in the United Kingdom reported a
prevalence of 1.7 per 1000 children for autistic disorder and 6.3 per 1000 for the entire
autism spectrum (Schettler, 2005)
The debate over the prevalence and trends of autism has two important
practical implications. First, an increasing prevalence of autism supports additional
research into their causes and identification of opportunities for prevention, as well as
additional resources for clinical and educational services. Second, if the prevalence of
autism is increasing, as recent surveys suggest, an important contributing role for
environmental factors becomes more plausible (Schettler, 2005).
What cause autism the environmental links?
There are many suspected links to the causes of autism. A limited number of
twin studies showed that genetic factors undoubtedly play an important role but were
not fully explanatory (Steffenburg et al., 1989; Folstein and Rosen-Sheidley, 2001;
Bailey et al., 1995; Rutter el al. 1997). Many different environmental agents have been
considered as possible contributors to the development of autism:
1. Gestational exposure to rubella virus, and postnatal herpes simplex virus may
result in autism-like syndrome (Desmond et al. 1967, Ritvo et al. 1990)
2. Pharmaceutical agents such as Thalidomide and valproic acid were implicated
in the development of some cases of autism. A 1994 Swedish study reported 5
in 100 children develop autism when their mothers took the morning sickness
drug thalidomide during early pregnancy around 24 days after conception
(Stromland et al. 1994).
3. Autism has been attributed to be an autoimmune and/or metabolic disorder
specifically dietary allergies to dairy and gluten products (Seroussi, 2000).

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There are recommendations of putting autistic children on Casein-free and

gluten-free diets to decrease the impact of autism (Krop, 2002; Seroussi, 2000)
4. A potential relationship between vaccines and autism has caught the attention
of many studies, however the results were inconclusive (Wakefield et al. 1998;
Chen and DeStefano, 1998; Wilson et al. 2003). In addition to scientific studies,
many anecdotal parental reports implicated the MMR vaccine at a childs
toddler hood to autism (Seroussi, 2000). In a recent article written by Olmested
(2005) published in the United Press International the rate of autism in the
general US population ( one in 166) is compared to the same in the Amish
population (1 in 15, 000). One possible explanation is that Amish people are
generally exempted from immunization because of religious reasons. And
therefore the uptake of vaccination is small compare to the general public.
5. In 2001, a committee of the Institute of Medicine at the National Academy of
Sciences addressed the topic, reviewing published and unpublished literature
addressing MMR vaccines and autism spectrum disorders (Institute of Medicine,
2001a). The committee concluded the evidence favors rejection of a causal
relationship at the population level between MMR vaccine and autism
spectrum disorders. However, the committee notes that its conclusion does
not exclude the possibility that MMR vaccine could contribute to autism
spectrum disorders in a small number of children (Schettler, 2005).
6. In resent years, the studies have focused in mercury as the real culprit instead of
the vaccine itself. Mercury poisoning has shown to have severe neurological
damages in adults. And there were several studies that associated mercury
poisoning and the development of autism (Bernard et al, 2000). There were
two general sources of mercury: first is from a mercury based preservative in
vaccine preparations named thimerosal ( Geier & Geier, 2003, Hornig et al,
2004). Second is from the cumulative mercury exposures of multiple sources
by men during their preconception and women during their preconception and
prenatal periods, and the exposures of children before toddler hood. (Schettler,
2005; Bernard et al, 2000). One source of such mercury exposure comes from
eating fish (McDowel et al, 2004)
7. In addition to mercury, lead and numerous types of pesticides were also
implicated in poisoning the neurodevelopment of children and adults (Cooper,
2004; Kamel & Hoppin, 2004). According to Cooper, autism was one of the
endpoints of concern as a result of the exposure of the environmental
contaminants such as pesticides and heavy metals in Canada.
As illustrated, the development of autism could be very complex and multi-
factorial. The environmental factors could be microbial, pharmaceutical, autoimmune,
metabolic, vaccine, mercury, lead and pesticides related. These could just be the tip of
the iceberg because these associations are often relatively immediate and obvious after
the exposures and therefore the relationship is easier to make. What about the other
toxins, which may contribute to delayed and multigenerational effects? This complex

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question leads to many issues in dealing with the problem of autism from the
environmental health perspective.
Current Issues
According to Cooper (2004), neurodevelopmental issue such as autism is the
number two child health effect ranked according to the number of children affected
and the severity of the outcome. Asthma is the number one health effect in terms of
number of children affected and cancer is the number one in the severity of outcome
category. There are a number of issues associated with environmental child health as a
whole and autism specifically. The following questions are important to consider
under this topic:
1. Why children are especially vulnerable to environmental toxicity?
2. Are we experimenting on our children, the danger of risk assessment?
3. Is our law protective of our children?
4. Are the research studies politically and technically adequate to find the answers
in autism and other environmental child health issues?
5. What is holding us back from regulatory change: corporation domination?
6. How do we see autism as a society: an individual instead of a collective
disorder?
Why children are especially vulnerable to environmental toxicity?
Why is it important to specifically consider children in environmental health?
The short answer is because we love them and they need our protection. They are not
miniadults and there are five main reasons why children are especially vulnerable to
environmental toxicity:
1. Growth and development are still in place: children have immature organs,
faster metabolism and greater intake per body weight (Cooper, 2004; Phillips,
2002). They eat, drink and breathe more per kg. of body weight than adults;
the absorption in the gastric intestinal system and the skin are also higher in
children. In the case of autism, this may contribute to the vulnerabilities of
these little developing bodies to environmental poisoning such as mercury, lead
and pesticides, which may act together to delay their neurological development.
2. Unique pathways in transmission and/or direct contact of environmental
poisons. Children can get poisoned in utero and through breast milk (Cooper,
2004). In reading Steingrabers book (2001), it was clear that the fetus and
babies are especially vulnerable to environmental toxins. The placenta and the
breast do not filter out all the environmental contaminants. In fact sometimes
they do the opposite according to Steingraber. She described the human
placenta creates no barrier for pesticides crossing to the fetus and acts as a
magnifying glass for methylmercury in the fetus. These two elements are
neurotoxins strongly linked to the development of autism. Unfortunately
mechanisms involved in these pathways are not very well understood, could

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the other toxins converge into the fetus and babies via these free access points
of entry as well?
3. Developmental windows of vulnerabilities: just like in the story of
Thalidomide, children are vulnerable in that their organs are developed in
special gestational ages and stages in utero. Timing of the exposure is just as
important as the dose of the toxin to the developing body. In autism, could the
timing of the poison intake be the determining factor for autism?
4. Behavioural vulnerabilities: children play closer to the ground and therefore in
contact with more contaminants such as mercury, lead and pesticides (Phillips,
2002; Cooper, 2004) This made me think of a TV commercial selling an
antibacterial spray. The message was that people should buy this spray to clean
every corner of the home because of the crawling babies. The irony is that the
spray itself might be full of poisoning chemical for that crawling baby not the
dirt on the floors. Children mouth everything to learn about their
surroundings, they explore everything no matter where it had been. This
unique characteristic of children put them at risk for environmental poisoning.
In autism, could this be a port of entry for the suspected environmental
contaminants to invade these little bodies causing autism? Toxins like mercury,
lead and pesticide could be carried in our out door shoes, doormats, and lawn
where children could mouth them, breath in the fume and absorb them
through their skin.
5. Longer shelf life to develop delayed health effects: as children obviously
should have longer remaining life time than adults should, they then would
have more chances of developing ill health effects as a result of the
environmental contamination than an adult would (Raphael, 2000). Therefore
they are vulnerable to environmental contamination.
Children are vulnerable to environmental toxicity and most importantly they
do not have the ability to choose their own desirable environment. For examples,
they lack the physical ability to leave a smoking room; they lack the cognitive ability
to choose not to play on the dirty doormat; they lack the mental and communicative
ability to protest when they are placed in an unpleasant or toxic environment. They
relied completely on us as adults to protect them and understanding their needs. It is
our God give duty to provide them with clean and health environment in which to
live and play. How then do we know a substance in our environment is harmful or
not? Risk assessment is the mean in which we are currently used to judge whether
something is acceptable or not.
Are we experimenting on our children, the danger of risk assessment?
In the past, toxicology has always maintained, the dose is equal to the poison.
Although this theory has long been proven wrong, our governmental regulatory
system continued to operate under this assumption. They are still investing
tremendous amount of resources in finding the safe levels of exposure to toxic
substances such as mercury. The process in which the safe levels of exposure are

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established is called risk assessment. The formula for setting the safe level of
exposure is:
Acceptable Exposure Level (from
animal studies, human data, what is
Safe level of exposure for the entire
known about the chemical, etc.)
= population
The Uncertainty Factors
(usually 10)

For the government to set regulatory policies according to the results of this
formula of risk assessment is very dangerous and limiting in many ways (Phillips et al,
2002).
The acceptable exposure levels usually were derived from occupational studies
where an average 150lb white males acceptable exposure was used. This does not
account for the vulnerable populations such as pregnant women and children. This
acceptable level of exposure automatically become too high for children and
therefore the results of this formula will automatically be invalid for this population.
The effects of these exposures may be delayed for many years. This may be the
case for autism, as it is not usually diagnosed until the child is at least 2-3 years old.
When the effects are not evident immediately after the exposure, people will not be
able to make the causal relationships and therefore they will falsely assume that the
safe level is really safe.
This formula does not account for synergistic or cumulative effects of the
poison. Mercury is a good example of such effect where the bioaccumulation occurs as
it goes up the food chain, and its concentration increases as it is pasted from one form
to another. In the case of human, the concentration of methylmecury is higher in the
blood of the fetus than the blood of the mother (Steingraber, 2001)
In many cases, research is not available and therefore the acceptable exposure
level is nonexistence. This could be very true for autism as links are already made with
some toxic and infectious substances but there could be many more possible links,
which have not been tested or even considered yet. Later in this paper, limitations of
research studies will be discussed.
As we know many of these toxins are endocrine disruptors that cause gene
mutations. The effects of such change will not be detectable until generations later or
years later in the same person. This effect is impossible to measure with the risk
assessment formula.
According to many writers of the subject (Cooper, 2004; Chance, 2001;
Raphael, 2000), there are 23,000 chemicals in use in Canada and very few have been
fully evaluated for their potential impacts on children particularly on the developing
brain. For the over 200 active ingredients in pesticides used in Canada, about 70%
need to be reevaluated for their effects in children. The existing evaluations have been
grossly outdated and they were done on adults not on children. This slow process of

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chemical evaluation (risk assessment) cannot keep up with the diversity and rate of
introduction of biological, chemical and other products today.
The true exposure to toxins of any given individual is almost always impossible
to measure. For example, if mercury was one of the causes of autism, how do we
begin to measure the amount of exposure as the sources of mercury can be numerous:
from eating fish, dental fillings, occupational exposure of working with mercury,
breathing in mercury fumes and being injected with mercury containing vaccines etc.
The concept that the solution to pollution is dilution does not stand in the
case of children. This is because their growth and development have windows of
vulnerability for different organs. Therefore, the timing of the exposure is more
important than the dose of exposure. And again, like mercury, it is impossible to
dilute or eliminate it once it is produced. The concentration of mercury becomes
higher as it is transmitted from one environment to the next such as in the blood of
the fetus as it got past from the blood of the mother. The only solution is to eliminate
the production of it at the factories. That means the government taking regulatory
actions and the corporations looking for alternative and abiding by the laws.
In addition to the slowness, the lack of evaluation on the multi-factorial or the
combinational effects of certain toxins together on child health is alarming. In autism,
most authorities agreed that genetics and familial heredity has a part in causing the
disorder. However this alone cannot explain all the 500% increase in prevalence in the
last two decades. Could the environmental contaminants such as mercury be the
trigger to activate the other wise benign autistic gene? This possibility could be a clue
to direct future research where the combination effect can be the focus of studies.
Recently there has been implication that low exposure level such as in the case
of methylmecury and pesticide also can cause harm to the nervous system of children.
This directly challenges the usefulness of the risk assessment tool as it further implied
that there is no safe level of exposure for children.
Risk assessment is a very costly and complex process. Chance (2001) reported
that in the United States National Toxicology Program, an 13-week single species
toxicology test of all the interactions in a mixture of 25 chemicals would require 33
million experiments at a cost of three trillion dollars. This astronomical cost
obviously became a prohibitory factor in testing the substances quickly and
thoroughly. It is not only costly, it is also mainly controlled by a few scientific elite
and their best guesses, which raises serious ethical issues. In science, there is rarely
certainty. Therefore, in order to determine the level of risk one has to make
discretionary decisions. These decisions may be affected by any number of factors at
the time such as political and commercial influences on the decision.
Another critique of risk assessment came from its pre-occupation with
establishing the safe levels of exposure. It allowed the continual use of the products
or substances while the assessment takes place or the substance is waiting to be
assessed. As we were engrossed in the hope of finding a safe exposure, we are
forgetting to think upstream prevention of having the contaminants around us just
in case the substance is really harmful to us. Intentionally or unintentionally risk

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assessment does not encourage the big corporations and the governments to look for
safer alternatives. It also directed the public attention away from holding the
corporate polluters responsible for producing the toxins in the beginning.
In considering the limitations of risk assessment, it is safe to say that for
children, there is no safe level in term of toxicology. The danger becomes that the
regulation of these toxins operates on the premise of such artificial and false
assumption of having a safe levels of exposure. As in other ill effects of
environmental exposures in our children, autism could be one of the serious outcomes
of risk assessment application in governmental regulatory standards.
Is our law protective of our children?
Traffic laws were written for the protection of our citizens, in term of
environmental law, does it protect our children? According to Cooper (2004), the answer
is no the law is not protective of our children.
As pointed out above, the regulatory standards are based on risk assessment,
which is so limiting and dangerous when it is applied to the entire population. There is
no safe level of exposure for children and therefore using it to regulate the toxic
substances emission is like giving a license for the corporate polluters to continue
poisoning our environment and our children. They are the prime victims of such
irresponsible political actions or non-action.
The laws such as Canadas Hazardous Products Act tend to be reactive. It only
comes into effect when something goes wrong. This is why Dr. Herbert Needleman said
we are conducting a vast toxicological experiment in our society, in which our children
and our childrens children are the experimental subjects (Davis, 2002). We are indeed
testing the chemicals and other toxins on our children and the law does nothing or little in
stop these testings.
The laws are not always used or enforced. This is due to the impacts of
widespread cuts in governmental programs and the effects of the trade agreements on
regulatory responses to contaminants in the environment and especially in consumer
products.
Despite the good intention of being child-focused in many of the recent standard,
it is however retracted its impact during the risk management process. Risk management
is a negotiation process where cost effectiveness and/or other legal and political factors
are considered against the potential for harm to human health. In many cases, money
over rides the value of human health (Waring, 1988). In these cases, one would wonder
about the existence of any ethics or democracy in such processes.
In the historical struggles over lead, asbestos, and tobacco, the debates over
regulatory controls have often lasted over decades while exposure to these contaminants
have allowed to continued. Do we need to see thousands more of autistic children,
decades more of debates in order for our governments to take proactive regulations
against mercury, pesticides and other environmental contaminants?
Political and technical inadequacies of our research studies
Research on environmental issues is often politically sensitive and ethically
difficult or impossible to conduct. As we learned in the articles written by Davis

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(2002) and Klein (2000), researches are often funded by groups or companies who have
vested interest in the results of the research. The sponsors of the researches are usually
the people who determined what research actually gets done and what the results have
to be. There are incidents sited in these articles that funds were withdrew, results
unpublished, and the researchers got decades of legal troubles when the results of the
research came out unfavorable according to their interest. In the case of autism in
Canada, most of the research funding has gone into early identification and
intervention that virtually no money is directed to find out the causes or the
prevention of autism. This may be a result of hidden political influences. In
environmental health, the existing research methodology while valuable but limiting
in many ways.
Many of the environmental studies were done on animals. The results of these
animal studies are often difficult or inappropriate to extrapolate to humans. In the
case of autism, how can autistic behaviours be measured in animals, as the autistic
characteristics are not visible?
In the past, the emphasis of research has been on cancer as the end-point. This
obviously is not helpful in the case of autism. Besides cancer and autism, there are
numerous other health effects attributable to the harmful environment such as asthma
and various numbers of learning disabilities.
Many of the studies were occupational which means the subjects were adults
not children who as we know are much more vulnerable to environmental toxicity.
Many of the studies were not long-term and therefore could not account for the
multigenerational effects of the toxins.
When a substance is first suspected as toxic, researchers generally do not know
what changes to look for in human or animal subjects. In the case of autism, the
changes most likely to occur are in the chemistry of the brain, which is impossible to
determine. Just like risk assessment, research has difficulty gauging the true exposure
of the toxins. In the same way, it is impossible or difficult for research to measure the
cumulative or synergistic effects of the toxins.
Lastly, research has becomes very onerous and difficult due to the sheer
complexity of the issue. In the case of autism, it is difficult to find the causes in the
environment due to the complex port of transmission, window of vulnerabilities in
various stages of a child and their parents lives (as the effects can be
multigenerational), the invisible symtomology, the accumulative effects of multi-
toxicity and what it is seemingly a delayed health effect. As many different
environmental agents have been considered as possible contributors to the
development of autism, in combination with a genetic predisposition. A number of
problems complicate the design of research programs to explore these possibilities.
Among them is the suspicion that the spectrum of disorders that are included in autism
may actually represent a very heterogeneous mix of conditions with disparate causes.
Under these circumstances, no simple combination of genetic and environmental
factors will ever be identified as contributing to the majority of the autism cases.
Because of this, some researchers suggest a shift of research focus to identification of

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subtypes of autism that, while not purely homogeneous, will nevertheless have lower
variability within the group being studied. A complementary shift in emphasis comes
out of the argument that the autism is not a unitary diagnosis but rather is a
manifestation of a final common pathway that can result from multiple types of
injuries to or abnormalities in the developing nervous system (Bernard el at, 2000).
I believe scientific research is still a valuable tool to inform and direct policy
and social change. However, we must be cognizance of the above-mentioned political
and technical inadequacies in researches. The interpretation of the results should be
considered along with many other theories and modes of reasoning such as indigenous
knowledge.
Corporation Domination
Thus far, we have established various possible environmental links with the
development of autism, the fact that children are especially vulnerable, there is no
safe level of any toxins for children, the unreliability of the current assessment tools,
research methodologies and the law. The logical question following would be what is
holding us back from applying the precautionary principle and implementing
appropriate regulatory standards that are children focused? Klein (2000) helped to
uncover the hidden powers behind the scenes of our political stage. The true power
lies with the big corporations. This power is called corporation domination.
According to Davis (2002) and Klien (2002) the big corporations seem to be above the
governmental regulations and they are able to do what ever they wanted. This is very
consistent with the many examples of environmental health, where peoples lives are
dismissed in the name of economical gain. Why is the government so afraid to
acknowledge the environmental associations with autism despite good research
suggesting so? Could it be that this way they do not have to hold the big corporations
accountable in inventing and producing the poisonous substance in the first place? In
staying silent, they are selling out the lives of thousands of children and their families
in the fear of these big companies. These big corporations have the financial power to
hire professional lobbyists to influence the decision-makers in favour of their greedy
desires. The strategies used by these political lobbyists can be a combination of
exchanging favours and making economical impact exaggerations to frighten any
thoughts of taking any necessary gutsy political actions. As consumers and voters how
can we exercise our purchasing and political power to change policies of the
government in order to protect our health?
Societal View of Autism: Individual instead of collective disorder
I visited many web sites of autism, I was curious to find out the positions these
organizations took regarding the causes of autism. As I read them, found a definite
pattern emerging. I can roughly divide these organizations into two categories: those
that are governmentally funded, I call them the Official Organizations mostly
Canadian organizations eg CAIRN and Geneva Centre for Autism in Canada, and
Institute of Medicine of the United States; those that are non-governmentally funded,
and research and information oriented organizations, I call them the Concerned

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Groups mostly in the States eg Autism Research Institute (ARI), Defeat Autism
Now (DAN) and The Collaborative on Health and the Environment (CHE). In my
opinion after reading their position statements on their websites, I found the following
general differences:

Official Organizations Concerned Groups

Dismiss any implication of other causes except Broader scope of possibilities in causation:
genetic and hereditary including genetic, hereditary, environmental,
dietary, autoimmunity, metabolic and microbial.

Diagnostic, interventional and treatment Prevention information included aiming for

focused political activism as well as information on early
identification, intervention and treatments.

Interventions and treatments endorsed are Interventions and treatments included

very biomedically driven biomedical as well as alternative medicine
such as environmental detoxification, nutrition
therapies, and secretin injections

Excessive effort in discrediting any studies that Present all perspectives on the issue by
implicate vaccine and/or other environmental posting the original research articles or review
factors; articles written by selected medical articles by the actual author or the research
doctors who were requested to write these team.
articles specifically to refute the research
findings that suggest environmental or vaccine
are related to the development of autism

On one hand, declaring the mother is not to Acknowledgement of genetic factors as well as
blame for her childs autism, on the other hand, other potential associations as mentioned
continuing to emphasize the causes are above
genetic and hereditary arent they not
continuing to blame the victims?!

Stress the need for evidence and proof of Call for precautionary principle as guiding
causal effects principle in policy making and individual
change

Despite the hard line drawn by CAIRN to dismiss other causes of autism
except genetics and heredity, there are two sentences in an article written by Szatmari
for CAIRN which stated: It is important to point out that these data do not exclude
an environmental risk factor as well; as long as it is understood that "environmental"
in this context can include any event after fertilization. The only environmental
factors for which we have preliminary evidence of such causation are thalidomide-
induced abnormalities produced during the embryonic period and anti-convulsants
taken during pregnancy(Szatmari, 2005) This admission of the existence of
environmental risk factors is significant because it showed that the Official
Organizations such as CAIRN can no longer ignore the environmental risks
associated with autism.

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Seto Environmental factors in autism

After doing the reading for this course, I can see many political parallels of
autism and other environmental diseases such as breast cancer. According to Sherwin
(1994), the societal views of cancer were examples of oppression of the disadvantaged.
She unveiled the oppression of keeping the disease as individual phenomenon by the
society emphasizing cancer is caused by genetic and lifestyle factors. Same in autism,
as genetic factor is the only definite cause the official organizations will admit to.
When they cannot explain the explosive increase in prevalence in the last two decades,
they attributed it to a better diagnostic criterion (Lingam et al, 2003). While it might
be partially true, it does not explain the 500% increase in the cases of autism (Schettler,
2005). It does not explain the coincidence of the sudden rise in autism tailing the
introduction of the MMR vaccine in the 80s(Rimland, 1999). It also does not explain
the practically nonexistence of autism in communities where immunization is not
commonly administered (Olmested, 2005)

Rising rates of autism in California and in U.K.. Start of MMR vaccination

shown by arrows 1978 and 1987 (Rimland, 1999)

As a public health professional, I firmly believe the effectiveness of the

universal immunization programs for the health benefits of our population. However,
as pointed out earlier, the problem not is the vaccine itself but thimerosal the
preservative in the vaccine. The government has since removed the thimerosal out of
the MMR vaccines for children. Today, some vaccines are thimerosal free but not all.
This begs the two questions: 1) why thimerosal a mercury compound was allowed in
our immunization program even after 1953 when Warkany and Hubbard specifically
named vaccinal mercury as a possible factor in acrodynia, or 1982 when the FDA
issued a notice singling out thimerosal as especially neurotoxic as well as ineffective as a

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Seto Environmental factors in autism

preservative (Federal Register, 1982); 2) why thimerosal remains in over 30 vaccine

products today (FDA, 1999), and why the government, as of March 2000, has only
"encouraged" rather than required the vaccine manufacturers to remove the thimerosal
(William Egan personal communication). Although the CDC has stated that no
adverse effects from thimerosal have been found other than hypersensitivity reactions,
the sad fact is there have been no direct studies on the long term effects of intermittent
bolus doses of ethylmercury injected in infants and toddlers. As Altman and Bland
have aptly demonstrated (1995), "absence of evidence is not evidence of absence."
Implications for Transformative Education
In keeping with the principles of health promotion and disease prevention
(Jackson, 2005), the precautionary principle should be employed in the issues of
environmental child health and with autism specifically. The precautionary principle
stated that where there is suggestive evidence, action should be taken. For timely, long
lasting change to occur, this principle must be applied to public and private policies,
regulations, and most importantly by individuals.
Now that I have been through the experience of dealing with autism, I am more
prepared to help other professional and families to deal with this disorder. Armed with
the knowledge I gained from this course I will be able to enrich my class content with the
environmental pieces. As the process piece I will use the transformative learning and
participatory teaching styles as effective tools to instill information for personal and
social change. This means I will:
1. Always remember when I first heard about these environmental issues, I felt
overwhelming. I felt helpless and hopeless we no longer have control. I
remembered feeling very angry, fearful and guilty. In teaching this information
now, I know I was not unique in feeling this way. I believe in order to be truly
effective and transformative aiming for individual and collective change, this
information must be framed in a way that people feel that they still have
options and control. I often encourage my groups to brainstorm what options
are feasible for them to implement one change a month. This means 12 changes
in a year. Like a realistic and sustainable diet program, the small and achievable
changes will likely to happen and be maintained for years to come.
2. Also remember that when I first learned about autism, it was introduced as a
disorder that was caused by heredity and genetics. I was told that autistic
children usually have parents who are Physicist, Mathematicians, Accountants,
and Engineers. I felt angry and blamed my spouse for his part in being an
Engineer and therefore caused Joshua to have autism. I was also secretly
inspecting all the personalities in his side of the family to further confirm this
oppressive theory. As a result I didnt talk to him, we both went through a
long period of feeling deep anger and depression. I know now that it is not
unique to autism, it is a societal view of all environmental disease or disorder
attributing it as an individual problem and therefore the society and the
government as a whole do not have to deal with the source of the problem,
which lies with the big corporations. I will address these oppressive

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phenomena when I talk about the causes of autism. I will also address the
various possible parental emotions, which professionals should be aware of and
therefore help parents to be aware and deal with them. I found being able to
share personal stories and emotions is powerful healing process for myself and a
powerful teaching tool to convey my messages. It adds colours to my contents.
3. Starting with the persons daily experience, helping the participants to analyze
the current condition and work together to achieve the desired changes (Goldin
Rosenberg). In my previous autism workshops, I only talked about autism like
the official organizations ie cause unknown or heredity, focused in on early
identification, early interventions and school navigations. While these are still
important topics that parents must know, but now I will add the following the
environmental pieces in specifically relate to autism:
a. Consider doing mercury detoxification during the preconception period
for the next child (as most of my audiences are usually parents already).
I will direct the specific protocol of detoxification to the environmental
clinic and the book by Krop(2000).
b. Point out the various sources of mercury around us in order to take
extra precaution not getting any more new intake of it: be careful about
fish consumption; dental fillings; occupational usages; living down wind
from paper and pulp production and coal burning furnaces (Chance,
2001).
c. Point out the reasons why children and women of reproductive years
are especially vulnerable to environmental toxicity and therefore should
be protected even more (Martuzzi & Tickner, 2004)
d. Insist that children are not vaccinated before the scheduled time and
when they do, make sure the vaccine is free of thimerosal. This
ingredient is still in use in many of the vaccines currently such as the flu
and the hepatitis B vaccines.
e. Make sure as much as possible that childrens environment is pesticide
free such as pesticides in food, cleaning products, pressured treated
wood and lawn care products. This could be good lead-in to the
discussion on the pesticide by-law and what we can do to support it.
I will help my participants critically analyze the material they might read or
hear from the official organizations and the traditional medical professionals, and
direct them to balance their information sources from the concerned groups. I will
stimulate the discussion regarding the pitfalls of the conventional methods of gathering
proofs and setting the safe levels of toxins using the risk assessment and management
methodologies, and the methods of retrospective nature of most current available
research studies. I believe by putting the seed of doubt in their mind will help them
better apply the precautionary principle themselves and/or support and advocate other
people (particularly the government) in applying the same.

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Seto Environmental factors in autism

Combining the new information of autism and environmental health, I feel

that I am now truly on the path of recovery and healing from the trauma of having
autism intruded into our familys life. As a mother and a professional, I believe I have
the tremendous power to make change both on the emotional and personal level, and
the cognitive and rational level. Now that I have a boarder scope of the disorder of
autism and the knowledge of transformative education, I can be truly preventive and
be an advocate for change.
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 Proportional Reasoning: An Expert-Novice Study
Diane Tepylo
Abstract
Research indicates that many adults struggle with - and fear - fractions and
ratios. Using a think-aloud protocol, differences between 2 math- anxious
and 3 math-confident individuals in solving proportion problems were
investigated. Consistent with other studies in mathematics expertise, the
math-confident adults solved the intermediate grade problems with greater
fluency and accuracy than math anxious adults. Strategy use was
investigated using protocol analysis; it was determined that math-confident
individuals used more metacognitive strategies - checking calculations and
the reasonableness of the answer and these strategies were linked with success
on math problems. Implications for mathematics teaching, teacher
development, and further research are discussed.
In Canada and the United States, no other subject is as feared as mathematics.
People, even well educated individuals, routinely express their dislike and inability to
do math. And within mathematics, fractions and proportions are often cited as a major
source of difficulty. Popular cartoons such as Charlie Brown and Calvin and Hobbs
bemoan the impossibility of doing fractions. Lamon (2006) estimates that 90% of
adults do not reason well proportionally.
Fractions and proportions provide many challenges to the learner. Individuals
must learn that a single quantity can have several representations - 41 , 2 8 , .25, 25% 1:4
(Moss 2005), and that the same representation can refer to different amounts - a
cupcake versus a cake (Lamon (2006). Additionally one fractional number can have
several meanings such part-whole, quotient, measure, ratio, and probability and only
the part-whole meaning is well investigated in many classrooms (Moss, 2005, Lamon
2006). Many of these problems are not addressed in the classroom, or appear only as
exercises with no instruction. No wonder fractions and proportions cause anxiety for
many.
Despite these difficulties, fractions and proportions are important
understandings for life and secondary school mathematics. Working with proportions
is necessary for changing recipes, calculating discounts and gas mileage, exchanging
money, determining the best value, reading maps, interpreting scale drawings, and
investing (Moss, 2005). Teachers guiding students into apprenticeships note that many
of these individuals struggle because of difficulty computing with fractions and
therefore at risk of not being capable of completing training in construction,
machining and other trades (Cheryl Kelly, personal communication).
Secondary mathematics assume a proficiency with proportions and fractions.
Intermediate and senior mathematics problems routinely act on fractions, decimals,
and ratios. Each unit adds more concepts and operations to be performed on these
numbers: dividing by fractions, negative fractions, exponents of fractions, fractional

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Tepylo Proportional reasoning

roots of equations, fractional rates and relationships, decimal measurements, and

fractional exponents (which actually are primarily geometric, not proportional). In
dealing with complex formulas, it is important that students immediately see that 246 is
equal 41 ; if the student stops to do the calculations or plug the numbers into a
calculator, they often get lost in their work and either make a mistake or have to start
over. Secondary teachers often remark that students struggle, not because of the new
concepts, but because they cant compute fluently with fractions and proportions
(Gomez , Tie, & Wojda, personal communication).
Fluency is one of the hallmarks of expertise. Keating (1990) reports that experts
are automatic in their basic processes and Ericsson (2002a) suggests that the experts
rapidly encode, store, and manipulate relevant information to solve problems with
confidence. Thus in this study of proportional expertise, it is expected that experts will
quickly gather information from questions, rapidly move between different fractional
representations (Lamon, 2006), and swiftly and confidently arrive at correct answer.
As problems become less familiar and more difficult, problem-solving models
and strategies can be a substantial aid in finding solutions (Wickelgren, 1973). Polya
devised a widely-quoted model guide for problem-solving that suggests that the main
steps are understanding the problem (includes gathering the relevant information),
devising a plan, carrying out the plan and then looking back (Billstein, Libeskind &
Lott, 1990). In contrast, Ericsson and Smith (1991) suggest that experts are more
efficient flexible problem solvers. Donovan and Bransford (2005) suggest that experts
solve problems more holistically compared to the novices step by step procedure.
Will experts use the steps of Polyas model or will they solve problems more flexibly
and holistically?
Keating (1990) also reports that experts use more useful strategies than novices.
In the domains of history (Wineburg, 1991), poetry (1998), and teaching (Sabers,
Cushing & Berliner, 1991), the think-aloud procedure has been effectively used to
identify expert strategies. In this study, think-aloud will be used to investigate expert
strategies in solving proportional problems. While some mathematical thoughts are
probably non-verbal it is hoped that their brief labels and referents (Ericsson, 2002b)
will be sufficient to determine whether math experts use different strategies than
novices.
Because most adults were taught math by algorithms (Fuson, Kalchman,
Bransford, 2005; Lamon 2006), it is possible that their strategies will be algorithm-
based. Lamon (2005) suggests that many people compensate for their proportional
weaknesses by using algorithms. An alternate possibility is that experts extracted the
concepts and organized the knowledge through extensive deliberate practice. Will
math experts demonstrate better conceptual understanding than the novices?
Moving from to novice to expert in a domain requires motivation,
concentration, and willingness to work on improving performance Ericsson (2002a).
Ericsson summarizes research indicating it takes at least ten years of deliberate practice
in a domain to develop expertise. Why, if fractions are introduced in grade 3, do most

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 Tepylo Proportional reasoning

adults not approach expertise in proportional reasoning? Possible explanations include

a lack of motivation and lack of effort. Because mathematics is often seen as an innate
ability in North America (LeTendre, 1999: Stigler & Stevenson, 2001), individuals
may avoid consistently math effort believing that they are not among the math-gifted.
Will proportional experts report the role of motivation, effort, and attribution in
learning mathematics differently than novices?
Methods
Participants
Five participants from the Quinte region were chosen for this study: 1 young
learner, 2 adult novices and two adult experts (Table 1). The adult novices were
chosen by open admissions that they struggle with mathematics. The second adult
novice volunteered at the last minute after an original participant was hospitalized
with health problems.
Table 1
Expert-novice study participants
Young Learner Adult Novice 1 Young Adult Expert
Female, aged 12 Female, aged 56 Male, aged 19
3nd
month Grade Seven B.A. English, B.Ed 2nd year Engineering, Queens
Most Recent Math Mark 90% Had to repeat Math 12 Grade 12 Maths -90%
Math Phobic Comfortable with math
Adult Novice 1 Adult Expert (AE)
Female, aged 56 Male, aged 49
B.A., Master of Theology B.Eng, M.Sc (Chemical
Grade 13 math 54% Engineering)
Math Phobic Grade 13 Maths %90 %
Comfortable with math

Materials
12 questions exemplifying a range of fractional and proportional reasoning
concepts were selected. Questions examined the concept of the unit, sharing and
comparing, invariance, unit rates, reversibility of proportions, reasoning up and down
(Lamon, 2006), understanding of division by a fraction (Kutas, personal
communication), distinguishing between multiplicative and additive reasoning (Moss,
2005), and complex operations with proportions (Billstein, Libeskind & Lott, 1990).
Ratio was questioned in both a mathematical and everyday situations to examine the
role of context. Most of the problems represent problems from grades six to nine, with
one question found only in the grade 10 applied mathematics curriculum (see
Appendix I for questions and analysis).
The challenge was to identify tasks that were sufficiently challenging to the
experts that they would not immediately see the answer, while being accessible to the
mathphobics and math learner in the study. The questions were tested with the young
learner and determined to suitable with a few ordering changes. Because of interesting

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Tepylo Proportional reasoning

differences between the young subject and both adult novices and experts, her
work was considered in the analysis for this pilot.
A questionnaire was developed to determine the participants reaction to the
activity, their previous math experiences and their perceived effort in math classes
(Appendix II).
Procedures
Each participant was asked to solve twelve math problems while thinking
aloud. Participants were tested individually with access to normal math tools (paper,
graph paper, pencils, and a calculator). Participants were asked to talk aloud as they
solved the problems. To reduce the stress of getting the correct answer the individuals
were told that their processes were more important the getting the answer. Complete
instructions are in Appendix III.
During the think aloud process, if the participant became silent, they were
encouraged to explain what they were thinking. If the participant appeared frustrated,
or on the verge of quitting, they were encouraged to solve the problem as they would
in everyday life. If a question was solved quickly, the participants were asked to
explain how they determined their answer.
The questionnaire was administered after the questions were solved.
Analysis
Two analyses were performed. Initially, all twelve questions were examined
for length (both time to answer and time to explain their method), correctness,
strategy use, and perceived confidence. Based on this analysis, five questions were
chosen for more detailed analysis based on sufficient details and differences between
participants: A3, B1, C2, C3 and D2. Question D2 was not completed due to time
constraints.
The protocols weres transcribed verbatim, noting hesitations, false starts and
pauses. Participant written work was added to the transcripts where it clarified or
supplemented the verbal protocol.
Verbal protocols were segmented into utterances and then coded. An utterance
was set to be a change in language function or a clearly distinct utterance. With this
definition, a grain could be from a sound, a phrase, or a compound sentence on the
same topic.
Steps of the Polyas problem solving model were elaborated for coding, with
the addition of two emotional speech acts -expressing negative and positive emotions
(Appendix IV). Two lengthy questions not chosen for detailed analysis were examined
tighten the operational definitions of each category. The protocols were analyzed once
while clarifying the operational categorization and grain definitions, and then recoded
the following day. An intra-rater reliability of 90% was recorded. Discrepancies were
referred to the categorization manual for a final decision. Coded protocols occur in
appendix V.

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 Tepylo Proportional reasoning

Results and Discussion

Fluency, Accuracy and Confidence
As predicted, experts solved the questions with more accuracy and speed than
the novices (Table 2). The adult expert solved eleven of the twelve questions in an
average time of 21 seconds and his answer for the incorrect question was within 4% of
the correct answer. The young adult expert solved all twelve questions with an
average time of 28 seconds. If his two lengthy responses for the difficult eleventh and
twelfth question are excluded (which none of the novices solved), the average time
decreased to 14 seconds. The least experienced participant averaged the longest for each
correct question.
Table 2
Question Analysis
YL AN1 AN2 YAE AE
Certainty

Certainty

Certainty

Certainty

Certainty
Time to

Time to

Time to

Time to

Time to

Time to

Time to

Time to

Time to

Time to
Explain

Explain

Explain

Explain

Explain
Answer

Answer

Answer
Answer

Answer

Answer

Answer

Answer

Answer

Answer
Question

A1 :07 U :38 C :17 R :52 C :14 U :41 C :02 U :26 C :01 U :11 C
U
A2 2:3 U 2:3 C :04 U :19 C :09 U :09 C :38 U :38 C :01 U :10 C
3 3
A3 2:3 U 2:3 C :29 U 1:3 SC 2:38 U 3:01 SC :09 U 1:3 C 1:07 U 1:05 C
3 3 9 6
B1 3:0 Y 3:0 SC 1:0 R 1:1 SC :41 U :57 C :49 U :57 C :08 U :15 C
3 3 2 U 2
B2 :23 U :23 C :03 U :18 C :16 U 1:33 U :15 U 2:3 SC :14 U 1:35 C
C 0
B3 :31 Y :31 U :13 U :23 C :12 U 1:22 C :02 U 1:2 C :03 U :38 C
C 1
C1 :54 U 1:0 C :52 U :52 C :33 SU :36 C :15 U :20 C :56 SU :57 C
4
C2 :24 U :39 C :46 Y ::46 U :21 SU :40 SC :14 U :14 C :30 U :54 C
C
C3 :12 Y :12 C 2:0 SY 2:0 U :14 U :38 C :23 U :23 C :25 U :49 C
4 4 C
D1 :20 U :34 C 1:0 U 2:0 U :29 U :48 C :03 U :13 C :11 U :23 C
0 2 C
D2 :25 a 1:3 SC :39 Y 1:3 SC 1:57 Y 1:58 U 1:1 U 1:2 C 2:13 3:26 SC
7 3 C 8 6
D3 :04 Y :22 C :15 Y :41 SC :06 Y :06 SC 1:3 U 2:3 C :12 U 1:52 C
0 0

434 7 504 9 240 6- 457 5 347 10 625 7 338 12 754 11 228 11 529 11
Total

C 8 C C C C

28
62 72 30 57 35 63 63 21 48
Ave

14#

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 Tepylo Proportional reasoning
Blinks

1 2 1 4 4

Notes
Y wrong answer Total time and average time in seconds
Legend SY wrong answer because of calculated for correct answers only
U correct answer subitizing error # indicates time without two difficult
RU correct after reading error . answer within 4% of answer questions
noted
Certainty a measure of how certain the
SU self corrected participant seemed that the problem was
a knew area of correct answer solved

The adult mathphobics showed different patterns of accuracy, and speed.

Novice Two worked more slowly through the questions and solved all but the final
two questions from the grade nine curriculum; in contrast Novice One quickly
worked through the questions, and made many errors. Several times she had the
answer or an important subgoal in front of her, and didnt realise its importance. In
question D1, she quickly arrived at 60 minutes and 100 km an hour, but took another
30 seconds to realize what the speed was. She was unable to solve C2, a traditional
math ratio question, even though she identified the multiplication factor: 3 into 15 is
five. That doesntI dont know what to do with that.
The experts fluency was also evidenced in the number of blinks they
experienced. In Gladwells popular review of expertise research, Blink, he describes
how experts can make decisions in a little as 2 seconds because of their rich, organized
knowledge (2005). As some studies indicate that the think-aloud paradigm can result
in longer task completion (Ericsson & Smith, 1993), blinks were defined here as
answering in less than 10 seconds. In this study, even novices experienced a blink on
the first questions where participants needed to recognize and compare fractions, but
the experts experienced at least twice as many.
Interestingly, the young adult expert did not instantly know whether 3/7 or
5/8 was the larger fraction, while the other adult expert and both adult novices did. It
is hypothesized that this difference might result from more experience after schooling,
or a consequence of growing up with calculators and not becoming as fluent with
mental fraction comparisons. It is also possible that this expert could have easily made
this comparison when he was routinely using fractions. As a engineering students, his
days are full of decimal, calculus, and linear algebra. After reading this question, he
commented: Oh, Ive forgotten all the easy math
It is conceivable that lack of regular practice with fractions has weakened this
portion of his proportional understanding, much as bone and muscle improvements
disappear when athletic training ceases (Ericsson, 2002a). Without the quick
comparison to a half which the other adults used, the young adult expert flexibly and
confidently calculated equivalent fractions with the same denominator.

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 Tepylo Proportional reasoning

As expected, the experts were confident of their problem solving. They seemed
confident on each question and rated their confidence as six and seven on a scale of
seven. The only time that uncertainty crept into the young adult experts words is
when he was asked to explain how he immediately knew the answer to question B2.
He started thinking in terms of complex geometric relations and began to doubt his
answer.
It is interesting to note that confidence is not always related to solving the
problem correctly. The young learner solved the least of the problems, yet she seemed
more sure of her answers, and rated her confidence that she had determined the right
answer as 6.5, higher than either of the adult novices (four) who solved more questions
than she did. It seems that her success so far in math classes has built her confidence
even when the questions are beyond her experience.
A more detailed analysis of questions A3, B1, C2 and C3 (Table 3) also
supported that experts are more fluent and confident problem solvers. The experts
used many fewer words and utterances, and expressed almost no uncertainty or other
negative emotions.
Table 3
Speech Act Analysis
YL AN1 AN2 YAE AE
1. Understanding the Question 4 7 6 4 5
2. Gathering Information 8 8 5 3 2
3. Planning 7 2 1 2 1
4. Repeating looking for inspiration? 1 7 2 0 1
5. Algorithmic steps 28 8 11 9 14
6. Guess and check steps 2 13 0 0 0
7. Investigating relationships 2 9 3 1 0
8. Subgoals 5 8 7 5 1
9. Repetition- checking? 2 0 1 0 1
10.Checking Work/ Progress 1 2 1 1 9
11.Checking Reasonableness of Answer 1 0 2 1 2
12.Justifying 5 1 3 3 2
13.Expressing Positive Emotions 0 0 0 1 2
14.Expressing Negative Emotions 6 30 7 0 1
15.Communicating Answer 5 5 4 4 7
Total 77 100 53 34 48
Total Words 744 792 579 385 416

Problem Solving Processes

The speech act analysis also suggests that experts solve problems more
holistically and flexibly than Polyas problem solving model. Experts rarely verbally
related the gathering-information phase of understanding the problem. As suggested

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Tepylo Proportional reasoning

by Ericssons 2002a review, these experts were able to quickly extract relevant
information from the question making only three and two utterances indicating that
they were gathering information.
On many questions the experts seemed to gather information, solve the
problem, and justify the answer in one step. This is illustrated by the adult expert for
question B1:
Theres 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 ,7 , 8 girls, Oh by far the girls get more pizza
because there should have been 9 girls to get the same amount as the
boys get
and by the young adult expert on question C3: Just multiply 6 by 1.5,
or one half to get the extra 3 there So 8 times 1.5is 12
In contrast the novices made more utterances consolidating the information in
the question. Novice One also repeated the information in the question many times,
as if she was looking for inspiration on what to do with the information. She also
appeared to make reading errors, but closer examination showed that she made errors
quickly subitizing quantities from the questions. Initially she saw five partitions rather
than four in the circle for question A1, and nine girls instead of eight in question B1.
When corrected she successfully answered these questions. These reading problems
are interesting given that Novice One is an English major and teaches secondary
English. Its possible that her English reading strategies interfere with reading math
which requires careful reading of each symbol or that math stress affects her ability to
quickly retrieve information from the questions.
Differences in planning statements were found between the young learner and
the adults. The adults rarely verbally indicated that they considered which strategy
they would use, while the learner often stated a strategy. This could represent
different stages in learning or the fact that schools are now including more direct
instruction on the problem-solving process. It is possible that the competent problem
solvers arrived at a strategy so quickly (Wickelgren,1973) that the planning step was
rarely conscious. An exception was the least comfortable adult; she would routinely
repeat information from the question as if she was looking for a plan to attack the
problem.
While Adult Novice Two lacked confidence, she shared important steps with
the experts: checking. She checked her answers, and changed her procedures when the
answers seemed unreasonable. As indicated by the SU in Table 2, she twice self-
corrected by monitoring her progress. Even though she struggled with the problems,
as a result of her metacognitive strategies, she was more accurate than Novice One
who only checked her work in the context of using a guess and check strategy.
Monitoring progress and answers are important metacognitive skills for success
in mathematics (Moss, 2005; Fuson, Kalchman & Bransford, 2005 ). Four speech acts
were considered to be metacognitive: repetition for checking, checking work, checking
the reasonableness of an answer, and explaining ones thinking. While the expert used
different patterns of metacognitive skills, by checking their work, their answers and

285
 Tepylo Proportional reasoning

explaining their thinking, the experts and Novice Two were able to catch and avoid
most mistakes. Even the young learner who is considered a math expert in her grade
made nine utterances that could indicate metacognitive thinking.
Mathematical Strategies
Mathematical strategy use was also investigated question by question and the
results are summarized in Table 4. While the experts used proportional algorithms
more successfully that novices, all the participants used a variety of strategies and
differences seemed to be more individual that related to expertise.
Table 4
Strategy Use
YL AN1 AN2 YAE AE
Intuition: I just knew A1 B1Y A1 A3 A1 A1 B2 A1 B1 B3
seeing comparable C3Y C3Y D1 B3 D1 D1 D3
fractions
Draw a Picture A2 B1 D3 D3
Patterning A3 C2 (next
B2 day)
D1
Algorithm- A3 B1 Calculator A2 A3 C1
Calculations B3Y A3, B1 Calc: A3, C2 C3
C1, C3, D2 B1, C1, C3, D2 D3
D2
Algorithm- D2Y D2Y C1 C2
Ratio cross multiply C3 D2Y
Algorithm- A3 selftaught A3Y A3 A3 (per 100)
Unit Rate traditional
A3-
selftaught
Proportional reasoning C1 C1 C3Y C1 C2 C1 C2
C2 D1 (but took C3 D1 C3
D1 time to see) D2
Guess and Check B1 C3
Real-life situation B3 B3 B3 (science) B3
Converting to a D2 A2 B1 D2 A2 B1 B3 A2 B1 D2 A2 B1
decimals D2Y

The young learner drew pictures and set up patterns more than any other
participant. This strategy is taught in schools to allow students to expand their
problem solving ability beyond their algorithms. The young learner solved problems
she would not have encountered in school yet by using these strategies and
proportional thinking (do to one what was done to the other).

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Tepylo Proportional reasoning

Novice One was the only participant to use the guess and check check strategy,
and did not to seem to have either school algorithms or conceptual understanding of
problems of mathematical contests. She solved question C1 that expressed a ratio in
terms of food portions, but was unable to solve question C2, with a mathematically
stated ratio, even though the numbers were simpler. Being able to solve problems
only in meaningful contexts is a well-reported phenomenon (Nunes, Schiemann, &
Carraher, 1993; Fuson et. Al, 2005) and suggests the importance of linking school
mathematics to street mathematics.
Novice Two somewhat remembered some of her school algorithms, but had
more success with thinking proportionally, converting to decimals and relating
questions to real life. While she used these strategies, she wasnt sure if they worked
correctly and she apologized for having to use them.
The experts both used traditional algorithms for some of the questions. The
adult expert used the ratio / cross-multiplication algorithm wherever he could. Just
when it was suspected that he might have difficulty reasoning proportionally, he
solved the same question (C2) proportionally using fewer steps and apparently less
difficulty. From this observation and the difficulty of Novice Two with the ratio /
cross-multiplication algorithm, it seems that just reasoning proportionally is much
easier than the algorithm for the problems in this study.
The young adult expert easily calculated unit rates and effortlessly interpreted
the scientific notation that his calculator produced. The adult expert combined the
ratio formula with a unit of 100, producing a confusing description and the right
answer to this question.
The unit rate question frightened the adult novices (and the young learner
when it was the first question). Both novices solved the question by looking at the
difference in the sizes compared to the differences in price. This is apparently a
common invented strategy, rarely acknowledged in schools, that works well in a
grocery store (Lamon, 2006), and demonstrates a certain conceptual understanding.
Conceptual Understanding
When the verbal protocols were analyzed, experts justified their answers more
conceptually. Both of the experts justifications were conceptual, comparing different
representations or qualities of the answer:
x is bigger than 8 AE / C3
There should have been 9 girls to get the same amount as the boys get
AE /B1
Just multiply by 1.5, or one half to get the extra 3 there
YAE/C3
In contrast, Novice One rarely justified her thinking and most of Novice
Twos and the young learners justifications were algorithmic

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 Tepylo Proportional reasoning

theres two numbers that have decimal in the question so in the answer
that means that there are two of them behind the decimal YL / A3
I multiplied 3 times 5 is 15 girls, 5 times 5 is 25 boys AN2./ C2
It appears that experts are more able or willing to justifying their work
conceptually even if they had learned the material algorithmically.
While the experts were able to answer almost all questions correctly, and justify
some of their thinking conceptually, areas of their proportional thinking are still
weak. The young novice struggled when asked if he could think of other ways of
comparing 3/7 and 5/8 or how he solved the workdays problem. Both experts
experimented with different algorithms until they found one that seem to work, rather
than really understanding the question.
Conversely, where the novices answered incorrectly, this does not necessarily
mean that the tested concept is undeveloped in that individual. The think-aloud
paradigm made it possible to better determine the participants conceptual
understandings and could be used as a diagnostic tool (Table 5). For example, the
young learner managed to unitize the pizzas in question B1 correctly, but was unable
to compare the resulting fractions, even though she had done the exact same thing by
drawing in question A2. Perhaps the cognitive load of the two concepts in the same
question produced too much cognitive load.
Table 5
Conceptual understandings
Key YL AN1 AN2 YAE AE
Understandings
Comparing U when theres not to U U U U
fractions much to keep track of
Unitizing
A1, A2, B1
Unit rates As equivalent As rate of As rate of U U
A3 fractions differences differences
Invariance Couldnt explain Couldnt explain Couldnt Geometrical B2
B2 explain Thinking Y
Dividing by Y U U U U
decimals
B3
Reasoning up and U In real-life U U U
down situations
C1, C2,
Recognizing Recognized when the U but calculated U U U
Multiplicative multiplicative factor is incorrectly
Situation C3 a whole number
Common Rates U With difficulty U U U
(speed)
D1

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 Tepylo Proportional reasoning

Inverse Percents Understood question, ? ? U tried partially

(D2) but had no idea how various
to proceed strategies
never divided by a first
decimal
Reversibility of Y Y Y U U
proportions
D3

On initial inspection, it appeared that the young learner did not recognize the
multiplicative nature of enlarging photos; she added instead of multiplying which
Moss indicates demonstrates an additive understanding, common for her age and
educational experience (2005). However when similar problems were presented with
whole number multiplicative factors, the young learner answered quickly and
correctly. Her difficulty, like participants in Nunes et. Al (1993), was seeing and
operating with a fractional amount. It would be interesting to see whether the
students studied by Moss could solve these problems with whole number
multiplicands.
Novice One also understood the multiplicative nature of the problem, but
because she quickly and incorrectly decided on the multiplicand of 1/3, she made the
question more difficult and could not get the correct answer even when she found a
third of eight through trial and error. If she had checked her work like the experts,
she probably could have solved this problem.
However, none of the novices properly understood question D2 which
involved operating backwards with a percent. The young learner saw that the price
had to increase but didnt know how to do that. Neither the young learner or adult
novices even considered that proportions are not reversible in question D3, an
important conceptual understanding.
Experience, Effort & Attribution
The differences between the experts and novices in fluency, accuracy, problem
solving, and proportional concepts can be partially explained by experience. The
experts have multiple grade 12/OAC math classes and numerous university
engineering courses. However, at these levels, knowledge of proportionality is
assumed, so at most these courses provide some extraneous practice.
Also, differences in marks at the grade 12/OAC level suggest that differences in
proportional expertise existed before university. Interestingly, none of my
participants could remember any positive activities in mathematics classes. Even for
the experts, their best memories of math classes were: getting the right
answersolving the problem and getting the right answer AE
The participants were unanimous in their worst memories: not understanding,
and not getting the correct answer especially when every one else did. It seems for all
the participants, the only motivation in math class was getting it right.

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Tepylo Proportional reasoning

As predicted the experts reported having good math ability (5 and 7 on scale of
7) They both identify the role of effort into learning mathematics:
Yeah, I worked fairly hard AE
Doing the problems, lots of problems YAE
The young adult expert had a powerful illustration of the role of effort in first
year university where he could not understand the professor, exercised little effort
himself and failed the course. In the month of May, he worked diligently, completing
many problems, and then scored over 75% on the makeup exam. While the
experience seems to have slightly shaken how good he is in math, he now realizes the
role of effort.
While the novices noted lower math ability (2), they also reported that effort
mattered: I studied my guts out [to pass math 12 the second time]. If I had failed that
math class I wouldnt have graduated AN1
It isnt clear however how much effort she expended in earlier math classes as
she always considered herself a very bad math person. Novice Two illustrates the
importance of learning the important concepts when they are taught:
I was more preoccupied with trying to fit in than I was listening in
class. By the time I decided to buckle down in grade 13, by then I was
just tooI didnt have enough background... I look at numbers and I
just get panicked

General Discussion
This pilot study replicates findings from mathematics writings and expert-
novice studies. Experts where able to quickly and flexibly gather relevant information
and solve problems (Lamon, 2006; Ericsson, 2002a; Keating 1990). Paralleling the
development of more accurate problem-solving was more use of metacognition:
checking and explaining work (Moss 2005). As suggested by the second principle of
How Students Learn, experts seemed to have more conceptual as well as algorithmic
understandings (Donovan & Bransford, 2005). While the participants expressed some
notions of innate math ability, Ericssons notion of deliberate was supported by the
participants recognition of effort for creating success in mathematics.
Several methodological concerns became apparent in this pilot that should be
improved in any further research. In this study all the novices were female, and all the
experts male. This may have accounted for differing quantity and quality of
utterances. Would male novices have talked as much, or be as willing to express their
uncertainty? The age and educational experiences of the participants may also have
influenced their problem solving processes and chosen strategies.
Procedurally, while the choice of using a calculator was interesting, for the
purpose of investigating proportional relationships, it is probably better to choose
good mental math numbers and not use calculators. This will help determine how
flexibly participants can manipulate different representations. Also by changing the
focus to how many ways the participant can solve a few questions (on one or two

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Tepylo Proportional reasoning

selected proportion constructs) a better understanding of the subjects conceptual links

may be apparent. This might be best accomplished in two sessions as this is unfamiliar
process to most adults, and they may be able to establish links between their existing
understandings given some reflection time.
Implications for Teaching
While it was known that the novices in this study disliked math - that was the
criteria for selecting them - the intensity of their fear and dislike were surprising. That
these confident, well-educated individuals should have such strong emotions and
uncertainty is a convincing argument for changing math instruction. These individuals
indicated that liked being able to use their own strategies and they liked talking about
math.
Transcribing the participants verbal protocols was a difficult process. Often
the strategies had to be deciphered before the sounds were intelligible. With some of
this disjointedness resulted from talking while they were thinking, none of the
participants other than the young learner was experienced at describing their
mathematical thinking. Given that students who are directed to self-explain develop
deeper conceptual understandings principle two of How Students Learn (Donovan &
Bransford, 2005). Talking about student methods of solving problems evokes and
values students prior knowledge principle two of How Students Learn (Donovan &
Bransford, 2005). Through discussions, the teacher can then link the students prior
knowledge to meaningful mathematical representations and efficient algorithms
(Fuson, Kalchman & Bransford, 2005).
Discussion, scaffolding, and reciprocal teaching can also be used to build
students problem solving processes and strategies. In the researchers experience, these
skills are not well taught by transmission. Modeling how to look at situations and
discern the important characteristics and then removing scaffolds can help novices
develop these skills. Modeling the expert metacognitive strategies of checking work
and answers ( principle 3 of How Students Learn (Donovan & Bransford, 2005) will
help students be and feel more successful in mathematics.
References
Billstien R., Libeskind S., Lott, J.W. (1990). A problem-solving approach to mathematics
for elementary teachers (4th Edition) Redwood City, CA: Benjamin Cummings.
Donovan, M.S. & Bransford, J.D. (2005 ) Introduction, in M.S. Donovan & J.D.
Bransford (Eds.) How Students Learn: History, Mathematics and Science. pp 1-21.
Washington DC: National Academic Press.
Ericsson, K. (2002a) Attaining excellence through deliberate practice: Insights from the
study of expert performance, in M. Ferrari (Ed.) Pursuit of Excellence through
Education. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Ericsson, K. (2002b) Protocol Analysis and verbal reports on thinking: An updated and
extracted version from Ericsson. Available at
www.psy.fsu.edu/faculty/ericsson/ericsson.prot.thnk.html

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Ericsson, K. & Smith, H.A (1993) Protocol Analysis: Verbal reports as data (Rev Ed).
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Fuson, K.C., Kalchman, M., & Bransford, J.D (2005) Mathematical Understanding: An
Introduction, in M.S. Donovan & J.D. Bransford (Eds.) How Students Learn:
History, Mathematics and Science. Washington DC: National Academic Press.
Gladwell, M (2005) Blink: The power of thinking without thinking. London: Allen Lane
Keating, D. P (1990) Charting pathways to the development of expertise. Educational
Psychologist, 25 (3 & 4), 243-267.
Lamon, S.J. (2006) Teaching fractions and ratios for understanding: Essential content
knowledge and instructional strategies for teachers (2nd Ed). Mahwah, NJ:
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educational comparison. Educational Researcher, 28(2), 38-45.
Ministry of Education and Training (2005) The Ontario Curriculum Grades 1-8:
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Mathematics. Toronto :Queens Printer for Ontario.
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number system, in M.S. Donovan & J.D. Bransford (Eds.) How Students Learn:
History, Mathematics and Science. Washington DC: National Academic Press. pp
309- 350.
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Mathematics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Palinscar, A (1986). The Role of Dialogue in Providing Scaffolded Instruction.
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Cognition and Instruction, 16(3), 235-263.
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Cognitive Strategies. Educational Leadership, 49(7), 26-33.
Sabers, D.S, Cushing, K.S. & Berliner, D.C. (1991) Differences among teachers in a
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Educational Research Journal, 28, 63-88.
Stigler, J.S., and Stevenson, H.S. (2001) How Asian Teachers polish each lesson to
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children,. New York: Worth Publishers.
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293
 Citizenship Learning and Possibilities for Democracy:
A Textual Analysis of the LINC Curriculum Guidelines
Biljana Vasilevska
Abstract
Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada (LINC) is the federally-
funded language training program for adults who are preparing to become
Canadian citizens. LINC is not a citizenship program, but one for
language instruction. However, because all LINC documents and contracts
are funded by Citizenship and Immigration Canada, I argue that they are
an ideal resource for analysing what the Canadian governments
expectations of newcomers are, especially with regard to their integration
into Canadian civic society. In this paper, I pose three questions: 1. How is
Canadian citizenship portrayed by the LINC Curriculum Guidelines? 2.
How, or to what degree, is democratic participation within the classroom a
feature of the formal curriculum? 3. How, or to what degree, are LINC
learners being prepared for engagement in participatory democracy outside
of the classroom, while still learners? I will closely follow the LINC
Curriculum Guidelines and the Manual and Resource Guide for Service
Providing Organizations, supplementing with quantitative reports and
scholarly analyses on the topics of LINC, citizenship learning and
participatory democracy.

Introduction
The first federally-funded language instruction programs for Canadian
immigrants, dating to 1947, were designed to prepare newcomers for citizenship, on
assimilationist principles which had nation-building based on an anglophone socio-
cultural profile as a goal (Cleghorn, 2000). As the rhetoric has shifted over time away
from threatening, totalizing terms (foreigner, alien) to more welcoming and
sympathetic ones (newcomer), so has the focus of language programming shifted from
outright assimilation to integration and settlement . (Cleghorn, 2000).
Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada (henceforth LINC) is the
current federally-funded, provincially-administered, and locally-delivered language
training program for immigrant adults who are preparing to become Canadian
citizens. This program is free for all government-assisted refugees and landed
immigrants (thereby excluding refugee claimants, or anyone else who is in Canada
illegally, people on student or work visas, and Canadian citizens) who are past the
school-leaving age in their province of residence18 in Ontario. Importantly, LINC is
not a citizenship program, but one for language instruction. However, it is funded
by Citizenship and Immigration Canada (formerly Employment and Immigration
Canada), who also funded the creation of all the formal LINC documents and
contracts. Hence, I argue, the LINC documents are an ideal resource for analysing
what the Canadian governments expectations of newcomers are, especially with

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Vasilevska Citizenship learning and possibilities for democracy

regard to their socialization (integration) and adaptation (settlement) to Canadian

civic society.
In this paper, I pose three questions:
1. How is Canadian citizenship portrayed by the LINC Curriculum Guidelines?
2. How, or to what degree, is democratic participation within the classroom a
feature of the formal curriculum?
3. Remaining within the formal curriculum, how, or to what degree, are LINC
learners being prepared for engagement in participatory democracy outside of
the classroom, while still learners?
I will closely follow the LINC Curriculum Guidelines (hereafter LINC CG)
and the Manual and Resource Guide for Service Providing Organizations,
supplementing with quantitative reports and scholarly analysis on the topics of LINC,
citizenship learning and participatory democracy.
Unless otherwise noted, all parenthetical citations are of the LINC Curriculum
Guidelines Based on Canadian Language Benchmarks 2000, by the Toronto Catholic
District School Board, 2002.
Outline of LINC
LINC was developed as an integration strategy by the federal government as
part of the immigration plan for 19911995:
LINC was seen as a new initiative that could address the broader needs
of immigrants for language training. LINC was intended to support the
integration of immigrants and place a greater emphasis on introducing
newcomers to shared Canadian values, rights and responsibilities. In
addition, it was hoped that LINC would provide participants with basic
communication skills that were seen to be essential for individuals to
function in our community. (Bettencourt, Caranaci, Hoo, Millard,
OGorman & Wilder, 2003, p. xiii)
The Canadian Constitution separates federal and provincial duties; notably, the
provinces are responsible for education, while the federal government is responsible
for immigration. To get around the fact that the federal government has expectations
of newcomers which may need to be taught to them, LINC (and similar programs) are
construed as training rather than education, and federal-provincial partnerships exist to
fund and administer the program. In language training, the funding is federal, but the
curricular content is provincial. Even though Canada has two official languages, LINC
is only offered in English; Quebec has entered into an immigration agreement with the
federal government, so that the Quebec provincial government has its own
immigration strategy and procedures, and immigrants to Quebec only receive language
training in French. Moreover, LINC is not available across the country, being
restricted to provinces that have entered into agreement with the federal government,
and LINC is funded to different levels in different provinces. Ontario currently offers
LINC instruction to level 5.

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Vasilevska Citizenship learning and possibilities for democracy

In a survey of LINC and non-LINC English as a Second Language (ESL) service

providers in Ontario, 87% of respondents reported using the LINC Curriculum
Guidelines in their programs, while 74% required instructors to develop their own
curriculum according to client need (PowerAnalysis, 2000). Therefore, the vast
majority of LINC instructors use the LINC CG, but with a curriculum of their own
choosing and design, which means a general lack of standardization exists both within
and amongst LINC service providers (Khalideen, 1998; Thomson & Derwing, 2004).
There has been no comprehensive qualitative or quantitative study to find out the
degree to which the CG are being used in daily practice, or in the development of
organization-specific curricula. Most studies of LINC are institutional ethnographies of
students or instructors working within a particular kind of setting, which generally
conclude that the LINC CG are referred to, but not adhered to:
Like all curriculum documents of this type, the LINC curriculum
appears to have great authority, coming as it does from an external
source and seemingly comprehensive in its coverage. In the sense that it
was both sanctioned and authoritative, it could be, and perhaps was
expected to be, used by teachers to structure their daily classes. The
curriculum, for all its weight and authority, was of little importance to
the teachers. (Cray, 1997, p. 34)
What is extremely important to note here is that Crays (1997) study obtained
similar results to that of Cleghorn (2000), both of whom followed instructors in small
social service organizations in Ottawa and Toronto, respectively. According to
quantitative analysis done of LINC in Ontario, such community agencies comprised
only 10% of LINC instructors, despite being awarded 56% of LINC contracts. The
vast majority of LINC instructors work for school boards (70%), even though school
boards comprise only 31% of contracts awarded (Power Analysis, 2000). This means
that the ethnographies and qualitative studies of LINC instructors available are of
instructors who work in non-teaching institutions, who may not have access to any
pedagogical support within their organization, with the exception of the LINC CG. I
have found no data for how many LINC instructors within school boards have access
to pedagogical support which may require stricter adherence to the LINC CG.
Whether or not a teacher follows a strict curriculum is largely dependant upon
what type of organization she is teaching in, and her personal motivation to do so. The
LINC CG are often present in a teachers classroom, but rarely referred to (Cray
1997). The major exception to this phenomena is with novice teachers who face the
dual challenge of lack of experience and isolation, in which case, the CG are referred to
only once in a while, [to see if she was] on the right track (Cray 1997, p. 34). The
nature of LINC funding, especially in small service providers, means that salient
features for instructors are continuous intake, multilevel classes, and off-site teaching
(Cray 1997). Notice that the curriculum and pedagogical strategies are not considered
defining features of the program. Yet, the LINC CG are funded by Citizenship and
Immigration Canada (CIC), and created by the Toronto Catholic District School

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Board (TCDSB), so they have the weight of formal governmental and educational
authority to them, and are expected to be a source document to inform instruction.
I will examine what vision of Canadian Citizenship the LINC CG
encourages, as well as what possibilities exist within the guidelines for democratic
participation, both within the classroom, and within the broader context of Canadian
society. This analysis will be supported by experiences from LINC students, as
presented in the academic and professional literature.
Citizenship Learning:
Citizenship is a contested term, understood to have four main dimensions:
formal and real status, civic virtues, identity, and agency (Schugurensky, 2005). The
way one defines citizenship will inform the attributes one seeks in an ideal citizen,
and the learning structures established to bring about those attributes (Merrifield,
2000). Through a textual analysis of five units in the LINC Curriculum Guidelines, I
hope to determine what definition of citizen is presented to Canadian immigrants
who are learning English, and what set of attributes, thus, is expected of them by the
Federal and Provincial Governments, who fund and administer LINC programs. I will
use female pronouns when referring to an abstract LINC teacher or student, to reflect
the fact that 86% of LINC and ESL instructors are women, while women comprise
69% of the student body (Power Analysis, 2000).
Organization of the Curriculum
The LINC CG are organized according to twelve units or themes: At Home in
our Community & the World; Banking, Customer Service & Telephone; Canada;
Canadian Culture; Canadian Law; Commercial Services & Business; Community &
Government Services; Education; Employment; Family & Relationships; Health &
Safety; Travel & Transportation. Each theme is further divided according the level
(LINC 1-5), then within each level there are three sub-themes, which in turn consist of
six sections of pedagogical tools: Topic Development Ideas; Strategies for Learners;
Resources for Developing and Teaching Topic; Topic Outcomes; Language Focus; and
Sample Tasks. Levels 3, 4 and 5 also include an Additional Tasks section. Each sub-
theme within each level is two facing pages in size, for ease of use and photocopying.
Here is a simplified schematic:

Theme (12) Level (LINC 1 to 5) Sub-Theme (3) Pedagogical Tools (2 pages)

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Citizenship Learning in Five LINC Themes

Chart of Themes and Sub-Themes, according to LINC level
Theme Levels 13 Level 4 Level 5

Finding a Place to Canadian Canada in the Global

Live Environment Village
AT HOME IN OUR Housing Problems The UN & Canada Global Environment
COMMUNITY & THE
WORLD
Neighbours and World News International Human
Neighbourhoods Rights

Geography Geography Famous Canadians

Government Government Immigration History

CANADA
History Native Peoples Rights and Freedoms

Celebrations Celebrations National Unity

CANADIAN Customs and Social Cultural Diversity Social Issues

CULTURE Behaviour

Leisure Activities Customs and Social What is Canadian?

Behaviour

Employment Law Citizenship Employment Law

Landlords & Tenants Family Law Immigration Law

CANADIAN LAW
Police Police Landlords & Tenants

Community Community Counselling &

Resources Resources Advocacy
COMMUNITY & Counselling & Public Libraries Recreation Facilities
GOVERNMENT Advocacy
SERVICES
Social Assistance Volunteering Social Assistance

adapted from LINC Curriculum Guidelines: Based on Canadian Language Benchmarks 2000. (2002)

I have chosen to focus on the themes (used interchangeably with units or

subjects) At Home in our Community & the World, Canada, Canadian Culture,
Canadian Law, and Community & Government Services. While citizenship learning
can and does happen across the formal curriculum, these five themes make the most
explicit references to either the status, civic virtues, identity or agency expected of

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Canadians, or those preparing for their Canadian Citizenship test, and so it is these
five themes that I restrict my analysis to.
The LINC CG follow a spiraling model, where topicsbe they language or
contentare re-introduced at each level, but with greater depth. For each theme,
levels 1-3 consist of the same sub-themes, usually quite pragmatic subjects, while 4 and
5 are more holistic and differentiated. For example, the LINC 13 guidelines for
Canada all include the sub-themes Geography, Government and History. At level 4
it changes to Geography, Government and Native Peoples, and at 5, Famous
Canadians, Immigration History, and Rights and Freedoms. This spiraling is evident in
the language outcomes, as well as the thematic topics, and the vocabulary and
conceptual expectations of each. One criticism of the LINC CG, and the Canadian
Language Benchmarks (CLB) upon which they are based, is that communicative
performance is correlated with linguistic proficiency, so that LINC 1 students are not
expected to study Rights and Freedoms, or have any ability to communicate around
the topic (Pinet, 2006). Similarly, it is assumed that a LINC 5 student would be able to
deal with housing problems in Canada, and thus this topic is not included in the
curriculum outcomes for that level.
In these five themes, I have placed citizenship learning into two broad
categories of explicit and implicit, following the typology of Thomson & Derwing
(2004), in their comparative study of textbooks which were actually used by practicing
LINC instructors and administrators. Their study looked at the degree to which
Canadian textbooks were used, and the degree to which these textbooks had authentic
Canadian content, in keeping with LINCs mandate to promote Canadian Values.
Explicit Citizenship Learning
These are the facts explicitly necessary to pass the citizenship test, and are
highly correlated with knowledge covered in the formal, publicly-funded school
system for Canadian children. The citizenship test comprises almost the entire
Canada theme at levels 1-3. Canadian symbols (the Mounties, beaver, maple syrup,
etc.) read like a tourism agencys nostalgia strategy. At level 4 in the same theme, the
outcomes include give simple travel advice for visiting places in Canada; get
information from short travel brochures about Canada; write a paragraph describing
own travel experiences or plans for future travel in Canada (231). Facts about
Canadas military history, or ones which throw in doubt the image of a benevolent
liberal nation (for example, the use of Chinese labourers in the Western expansion of
the railways, internment of Japanese-Canadians during World War Two, or the rate of
teenage suicide amongst Aboriginals) are entirely absent. Of course, the individual
instructor may choose to include these subjects, but there is no official curricular
support or mandate for her to do so. Indeed, insofar as doing so may undermine the
dominant paradigm of Canadian Values, doing so may actually be in opposition to
the formal curriculum.
Not all the facts about Canada are necessarily about the dominant ethno-racial
groups, however. The Immigration History sub-theme for level 5 suggests one

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learner strategy as research background of own ethnic group in local area (238). A
sample task here includes interview classmates about the immigration pattern of
people from their country of origin. (239).
The curriculum for Native Peoples in level 4 is written with a progressive,
post-colonial lens. Topics include: Assembly of First Nations of Canada; government
treatment of, and policies regarding Native peoples; impact of European settlement on
Native people in North America; and recent court cases involving Native claims to
ancestral lands and natural resources (234). Indeed, one of the topic outcomes is
express necessity, worry or concern about Native peoples issues (235). This section
is quite counter to the otherwise superficial, static series of Canadian facts promoted.
A section on National Unity (within Canadian Culture at level 5) is an artifact
of the time period in which the current LINC CG were being conceived and
developed, in the 1990s. The history of English and French speaking Canadians is
expected to be taught (part of the Topic Outcomes), yet this history is reified as
French=Quebec, English = the rest of Canada. National Unity is presented as a topic
of concern and anxiety (predict consequences of Quebec separation, express
feelings, opinions; qualify own opinion in a group discussion on national unity)(269)
without any mention of francophone culture, its diversity, or its geographic
distribution in Canada. There is no mention of the fact that some Anglophone
communities are very reluctant members of Confederation (namely Newfoundland),
and do not strongly identify as Canadian. Also glossed over is the fact that Canada
initially referred to what is now Quebec, and the Quebecois identity was created and
adopted relatively recently in the provinces history, as a response to anglo-Canadian
domination. The comparisons invited within the curriculum homogenize three
distinct societies, English-speaking, French-speaking, and Aboriginal (269).
Canadian governing structures are also a feature of the curriculum. Learners are
expected to know who their local elected representatives are, their roles, jurisdictional
mandates, etc., as well as how to contact them. Only in the higher levels does the
curriculum in these five themes mandate learning how to use a phone book; before
that, presumably, the teacher finds this information for the students. Absent is any
critique based upon equality or the ethics of electoral representation. For example, the
political structure is presented as is, not comparatively. There is no analysis of the
demographics of the elected representatives, compared to the population they
represent. A teacher can certainly build this into her personal curriculum, but the
rhetoric of equality and representation glosses over these gaps.
Implicit Citizenship Learning
All Canadian citizens have a responsibility to contribute to the social,
economic and environmental well-being of our country. Both individual
and collective action will help achieve progress toward the goal of
sustainable development. (A Look at Canada, Citizenship and
Immigration Canada, 2006, p. 11)

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Implicit citizenship learning can be likened to the behavioural expectations of

someone who was born and had their primary socialization occur in the dominant,
mainstream Canadian society. Whereas explicit citizenship learning is a feature of the
traditional formal school system, implicit learning is the socialization that occurs in all
contexts of learning, from formal, to informal, to non-formal.
The recommended resource which recurs throughout themes is the handbook
A Look at Canada, published by Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) and
distributed free of charge to every newcomer in preparation for their citizenship test.
However cash-starved a LINC service provider may be, most instructors have easy
access to this booklet (Thomson & Derwing, 2004). A Look at Canada states that
Canadian values include: EqualityRespect for cultural differences Freedom
Peace Law and Order (CIC 2006, p. 8).
Topic Outcomes for implicit citizenship learning include: identify
introductions and basic courtesy formula, complete an expanded range of greeting
cards with minimum required information (253); identify specific factual details and
implied meanings in a dialogue of casual small talk or a short phone call (257); open,
close, and respond to short casual small talk; take leave appropriately (259);
participate in a conversation about world news by showing interest and taking turns
(171).
Language Outcomes include: expressions for small talk (terrible, so-so, couldnt
be better, great, nice day) (259); expressions for showing interest and taking turns
(Really? thats interesting. Is that right? Hmm, What do you think?) (265). Small talk
about the weather and politeness in discourse are all features of the LINC CG Topic
and Language Outcomes. The only exception I have located to this rule in these five
themes is a Sample Task structured as an intellectual exercise, and not one necessarily
relevant to life in Canada, because it is located in the sub-theme International Human
Rights for level 5: Brainstorm various types of discrimination (e.g. racial, religious,
overt, systemic) and offer possible solutions. (177)
What is almost entirely absent is behaviour that is not codified in day-to-day
casual interactions, or behaviour which broadly exists, but is not considered social
acceptable.
One learner told of how difficult it was to return an item to the store
although she had rehearsed some of this one day in her LINC class. She
declared, its not the same thing. The teacher doesnt prepare you for
the hard questions people ask or the bad way they can treat you.
(Khalideen, 1998, p. 101)

Analysis
The type of citizenship learning promoted by LINC fits into Sears and Hughes
typology as Conception A: Students should be taught a common body of knowledge
about the history and political structures of the countryTeaching styles and
techniques may vary, but are focused on students arriving at common answers on
matters of fact and/or values (Sears & Hughes, 1996, p. 6). Some Sample Tasks do fit

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into Conceptions B and C (Students learn the knowledge necessary to become

involved in resolving public issues and students should develop a knowledge of
world systemshuman values, global issues and world issues.)but these forms of
citizenship education also require either a higher order of knowledge organization or
of engagement than that found within the formal curriculum (Sears & Hughes, 1996).
This form of citizenship learning is the most common, one which is found around the
world, and is intended to promote the official story of a nation's development,
instill uncritical patriotism among learners, naturalize social relations and exalt
national heroes. (Schugurensky, 2005, p. 5).
Pedagogically, citizenship learning in LINC is characterized by a banking
model acquisition of Canadian facts and behaviours. To a certain extent, this is to be
expected, as some facts, especially when decontextualized, simply cannot be elicited by
learners who may be exposed to it for the first time (for example, the date of
Confederation, or Canadas former Prime Ministers). Most of the banked facts are
relevant to writing a test to become a Canadian citizen, which is itself a test of
knowledge of Canadian history, geography and politics.
The facts are presented as uncontested, and in a linear sequence of progressive
improvement. There is nothing within the curriculum to address learners experiences
with problematic aspects of being an immigrant in Canada, such as racism, or lowered
expectations for employment. The plight of aboriginals is featured in one sub-theme at
one level, as is International Human Rights. There is no mandate for international
comparative education, so that, for example, the plight of aboriginal groups as such is
discussed; this topic is subsumed under the idea of racism rather than colonialism.
There is a general assumption of lack of agency on the part of the LINC student, and
entire sub-themes are devoted to things a student can do to get others to help her
(Counselling & Advocacy, to be discussed further, below).
I have focused in this section on enlightenment over engagement, to
highlight the unproblematized and often static depiction of Canadian history, culture
and behaviours presented in the LINC CG. It is to the matter of engagement I now
turn to.
Democratic ParticipationEngagement Inside the Classroom
My analysis of this portion of the curriculum is informed by Critical Pedagogy,
and questions the extent to which the formal curriculum provides the learner with the
opportunity to determine the course of her own learning.
The manual for service providers includes a chart comparing three theories and
approaches to second language teaching and learning , and a summation of the
Communicative Approach which is to be used when teaching LINC (see pages 4-6,
http://atwork.settlement.org/downloads/linc/U_LINC_Section_1.pdf). The Communicative
Approach is a pedagogy of holistic language acquisition within a collaborative, student-
centred environment, characterized as a real exchange of information in class activities,
which respects the experience and interest that an adult student bring to the classroom
environment, and uses adult materials that reflect the authentic language use of native

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speakers of English (Bettencourt et al, 2003, p1-5). I taught LINC for two years at a
social service agency for marginalized immigrants, where, amongst the administrative
staff and some instructors, the Communicative Approach was considered to be
compatible with other libratory pedagogies of adult education, especially Freirian
Popular Education, which instructors were encouraged to incorporate in LINC
classes. However, to the best of my knowledge, there is no explicit linking between
Popular Education and the Communicative Approach in the academic literature of
either pedagogy. Key to the assumption that these two teaching principles can be
linked is the idea of agency in the adult learner.
Another advantage adult learners have over children is their capacity for
self-directedness. Many adults know what they need and want, and they
expect the teacher to consider this in the course delivery. Teachers of
ESL to adults must, therefore, involve the adults in the planning of their
own learning experiencefrom choosing or prioritizing themes, to
deciding on coffee break timing, to allowing for options within
activities. (Bettencourt et al, 2003, p1-11).
Almost every sub-theme includes Topic Outcomes and Sample Tasks that
explicitly require working in collaborative groups, for example, In a group, discuss
statements about customs in Canada and decide if they are true or false (267); and,
Work with a partner. Role play calling an organization about a volunteer position.
(363)
But vastly outnumbering the above examples, are outcomes and tasks which are
phrased in the imperative mood, with the active voice (grammatically speaking), but
with overwhelmingly passive verbs. Imagine, listen, read, fill out: these actions
characterize most tasks within the formal curriculum. Here are the Strategies for
Learners within the What is Canadian? sub-theme of the Canadian Culture theme for
level 5:
attend local holiday and multicultural celebrations; match symbols with
provinces (e.g., wheat sheaves and Saskatchewan, mountains and
Alberta); practice small talk by referring to weather or sports; read
community newspapers to learn about local concerns; read editorials in
major newspapers to learn about attitudes, concerns and values
important to Canadians; visit museums, art galleries, and other cultural
location to build a personal understanding of Canadian identity. (273)
Values and concerns important to Canadians are to be acquired from reading
the editorial pages of major newspapers; there is no mandate for critical reflection
within this theme to consider who the editorial writers (or voluntary readers) are, or
why they might promote a certain view (other than that it is important to
Canadians). Issues of class, gender, race and other forms of marginalization are absent.
Certainly, while Canadian society changes and the values and concerns important to
Canadians change, editorial content also changes, so the static curriculum encourages
the use of dynamic documents (newspaper editorials). However, the question of who

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determines what is important, who writes and promotes policy, or the manufacturing
of consent necessarily problematize the idea of values and concerns important to
Canadians.
The imperative to build a personal understanding of Canadian identity is
taken to come from information and experiences obtained through formal cultural and
professional media institutions. Suggestions for field trips are found throughout the
formal curriculum, including the following in various levels of the Canada theme: a
historic house or museum (216); local conservation areas (218); local legislature, city
hall, town council (220);an art gallery or museum to see examples of Native art,
clothing, etc (234).
My experience teaching LINC points to enormous pragmatic barriers against
this level of engagement. LINC offers free child-minding as a way to encourage women
to participate. Child-minding is not the same as day-care, which means that the parent
cannot leave the site if a child is in the child-minders care. Most field trips can only be
organized with babies and children and child-minders present. This is very difficult,
and happened only once in all my time teaching LINC, and only in response to
emergency construction where we needed to be taken off site. In Khalideens study,
which was done in Alberta where a different federal-provincial LINC contract is in
place, there is no mention of childminding provision, so presumably, the learners
profiled either have been able to get their childminding needs met elsewhere, or do not
need childminding. Whatever the case, these learners went on field trips every Friday.
However, their needs were not considered, and active student input was explicitly
ignored. We told her [the teacher] that we didnt want to go downtown for field trip
but she said but that it was good for us. So on the Friday that we went, most students
stayed at home. (participant quoted in Khalideen, 1998, p.71-72).
Although progressive pedagogies and language acquisition techniques are
intended to break down student-teacher hierarchies, their success is contingent upon
the teacher willingly giving up her power. But because adults do have greater agency
than children, their resistance and its consequences are quite clear. Qualitative reports
of LINC show that maintaining minimal attendance levels is an ongoing struggle
(Cleghorn, 2000; Cray, 1997; Khalideen, 1998; Thomson & Derwing, 2004), and that
learners by and large do not feel included in the planning of their curriculum, and that
principles of adult education practice are not a feature of most LINC classes
(Khalideen, 1998).
Participatory DemocracyEngagement Outside the Classroom
What does LINC groom learners for? Is it expected that LINC graduates have
obtained the necessary attitudes, dispositions and cultural capital to actively participate
in Canadian civil society? Given that newcomers to Canada who are learning English
are likely to be learning about Canadian culture for the first time, and thus need
enabling structures in order to participate in Canadian society, what opportunities for
engagement are there in the LINC CG, which might serve as either practise, or a
starting point for deeper civic engagement outside of school?

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When approached without their teachers or program administrators

knowledge, learners are clear that LINC does not prepare them for full participation in
Canadian society, yet that the problem lies not just with LINC, but with the society
that they are trying to become full and equal members of. In Canada, we say we want
all people to be equal, for them to feel welcome, but(pause) the system encourages
division(pause again)You have to be an immigrant always. (participant quoted in
Khalideen, 1998, p.87). This sentiment is echoed by the women in Nortons study,
whose identities were defined and constituted by the social interactions they were
allowed to engage in as immigrant women, rather than by some essentialist notions of
self:
Sometimes, I perceive that some Canadians look down at the
immigrants. I dont know why, if ALL Canadians came from other
countries too. Canada is formed from immigrants. I think that the
authorities of the Canadian consulate should tell the truth about the
difficulties to get a job for a person who has a very good preparation and
experience in his profession. Canadians think that here there isnt
discrimination, but I dont think so.
Ive never felt an immigrant in Canada, just as a foreign person who
lives here by accident, and Ill never feel Canadian, because I dont think
that Canada is a friendly country. Canada only brings people because it
needs them, not because it wants to help them. (Participants quoted in
Norton, 2000, p. 56)
There is an infantilizing nature to the LINC curriculum, which simplifies social
and linguistic interaction, at the expense of possibilities for authentic communication
premised on authentic adult immigrant needs. They teach you English so that you
can go to the store and ask for bread or something else. They dont teach you how to
fight for your rights. (Participant quoted in Khalideen, 1998, p 79) Significant here is
that the student felt a need to fight for her rights, in spite of the rhetoric lobbied at
newcomers, especially through the ever-present A Look At Canada, that discrimination
on ethnic grounds is prohibited, and that all Canadians are responsible for working
towards goals of equity and justice (CIC, 2006). The newcomer feels she is expected to
the work, and that Canadian society is not accommodating enough. Ultimately, the
LINC curriculum supports this inequitable power relationship, rather than challenging
it.
With regards to how LINC programs generally facilitate the integration
of newcomers into Canadian society, it was felt that the system teaches
people to be more submissive. Learners claim that actual classroom
activities encourage them to take a passive role. One learner pointed
out, with the kind of activities we do, you cant question, you cant
analyze. Our ESL classes do not prepare us to advance in Canada. From
these classes I can see that immigrants are supposed to be in this role
forever. (Khalideen, 1998, p.87)

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Entire LINC themes are premised on the fact of learners dependence and lack
of agency. Learners see this as a way that are positioned as second class citizens. For
example, Counselling & Advocacy within Community & Government Service at level
5 is rife with pedagogical contradictions. At this point, the language focus includes
fairly sophisticated constructions and vocabulary, including embedded questions and
conditional sentences with real and unreal modals (If you talk to a counsellor, you
might feel better) (365), yet has as learner strategies contact community immigrant
agencies for assistance in first language and request brochures or services in own
language (364), while topic outcomes include find information about counselling and
advocacy services in an authentic brochure or extensive directory; understand details
and in a spoken exchange that involves a suggestion, advice, encouragement, request or
reminder( 364). Communication with native speakers of English is the most common
problem LINC learners face, and the inability to do so has a significant impact on their
emotional state. However, at LINC level 5, linguistic fluency and accuracy are seldom
problems: Some people are impolite because of my accent. They do not take the time
to listen. It is my problem if I understand them or not. They dont care for what I
say. (Khalideen, 1998, p.85). For full participation on the part of newcomers, full-
status Canadians need to make room for them within pre-established institutions,
including informal interactions.
The language taught in LINC is not that of empowerment or the development
of agency, but that of mundane daily routines which do not reflect authentic
communication of life outside the classroom. Immigrant language learners, especially
women, often feel that the outside world is hostile and uninviting (Norton, 2000,
p.113). What they learn is unconnected to their actual lived needs and learners feel
that instructors are often unwilling to sway from a set plan, in spite of self-initiated
learner involvement. (Khalideen, 1998; Norton, 2000; Pinet 2006).
Conclusion
Here I would like to re-visit the questions from the introduction.
1. How is Canadian citizenship portrayed by the LINC Curriculum
Guidelines?
Canadian citizenship is not presented as entirely unproblematic, given the
inclusion of Aboriginal history and concerns, and suggestions to research the history
of the students own ethno-racial history in Canada. However, the bulk of the formal
curriculum is concerned with static facts about Canada, especially the lower order sort
that are expected to be memorized and internalized unproblematically, because of their
widespread acceptance among Canadians, and their inclusion in written tests for
citizenship status. The dynamics of Canadian history is presented as a linear sequence
of facts, with homogenized groups of actors (The English, The French, Aboriginals,
Immigrants, The Government), with the exception of individuals notable for their
historical placement (the first Prime Minister, the first woman in elected office) or
their fame (cultural and sports figures in Famous Canadians).

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Canadian values are presented as those of a liberal democracy, with no

curricular acknowledgement of the fact that as immigrants, LINC learners will often
not have unfettered access to the rights of citizenship (equality, justice, rule of the
law, etc) but will be expected to contribute to the responsibilities of citizenship (the
fight for equality, justice, etc.). The unequal nature of immigrants (and Aboriginals,
and blacks, and womens, etc) participation in this democracy is not considered.
2. How, or to what degree, is democratic participation within the classroom
a feature of the formal curriculum?
The Communicative Approach mandated by LINC has democratic
participation as a feature. However, most instructors are not in a position to relinquish
control, or do not know how to. The material limitations on LINC (stability of
funding, pedagogical support, professional development, overall teacher
professionalism) determine the degree to which learners authentic needs will be
addressed, and their input valued and followed through with.
3. How, or to what degree, are LINC learners being prepared for
engagement in participatory democracy outside of the classroom, while still
learners?
Within the formal curriculum, there is no treatment of the question of how
Canada and full status Canadians should adapt to immigrants and immigration.
Change is expected to come from the individual learner. Teaching resources contain
stories about immigrants in Canada, usually with the theme of how those individuals
have succeeded, or managed to keep their culture while in Canada.
Many of the language outcomes are about how the student can express
misunderstanding or lack of understanding. As Norton argues, in most inter-ethnic
communication, it is contingent upon the newcomer to understand, and not on the
native speaker to make him or herself understood (Norton, 2000). Because there are
few structures within Canadian society as a whole to facilitate the active participation
of recent immigrants, the LINC curriculum is not amenable to forging links with
institutions outside of the service provider that students could use as a safe and
supportive introduction to active citizenship. There are no enabling structures
within LINC CG for participatory democracy, neither within the classroom, nor any
grooming or supporting mechanism to prepare the learner to become a full status
citizen, who can participate actively and equitably, when she is required to leave
LINC.
References
Bettencourt, E., Caranci, R., Hoo, S., Millard, J., OGorman K., & Wilder, H. (2003)
Understanding LINC: A Manual and Resource Guide for Service Providing
Organizations. Toronto: Citizenship and Immigration Canada.
http://atwork.settlement.org/downloads/linc/U_LINC_Section_1.pdf
Cleghorn, L. (2000) Valuing English: An Ethnography of a Federal Language Program for
Adult Immigrants. Unpublished masters thesis, Ontario Institute for Studies in
Education/ University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada.

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Khalideen, R. (1998) LINC Programs in Edmonton as Adult Education Practice: Learners

Perspectives. Unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Alberta, Edmonton,
Alberta, Canada.
Merrifield, J. (2002) Learning Citizenship. Brighton, England: Institute of Development
Studies.
Norton, B. (2000) Identity and Language Learning: Gender, Ethnicity and Educational
Change. Essex, UK: Pearson.
Pinet, R. (2006). The Contestation of Citizenship Education at Three Stages of the
LINC 4 & 5 Curriculum Guidelines: Production, Reception, and
Implementation. TESL Canada Journal 24 (1), 1-20.
Power Analysis Inc. (2000). Study of ESL/FSL Services in Ontario: Final Report.
Retrieved December 10, 2006 from
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Schugurensky, D. (2005)Citizenship and citizenship education: Canada in an
international context. Retrieved November 15, 2006 from
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Sears, A. M. & Hughes, A. S. (1996). Citizenship Education and Current Education
Reform. Canadian Journal of Education, 21 (2), 123142.
Thomson, R. I, and Derwing, T. M. (2004). Presenting Canadian Values in LINC: The
Roles of Textbooks and Teachers. TESL Canada Journal 21 (2), 17-33.
Toronto Catholic District School Board (TCDSB). (2002). LINC Curriculum
Guidelines: A Computer Integrated Curriculum Based on Canadian Language
Benchmarks 2000. Toronto.

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 Successful Leadership Practices At Turnaround Schools
Fei Wang
Abstract
As schools facing challenging circumstances come to the center of
unprecedented attention from educators and researchers, it is important to
keep informed of recent studies of the successful school leadership at the
challenging schools. This literature review is to understand the dynamics of
turning around low-performing schools by reviewing empirical research
about school leadership practices at turnaround schools. A vote counting
method is employed to assess the frequency of the results from studies
reporting the similar turnaround school leadership practices. The chosen
articles or reports are empirical studies dated from 1998 to 2006, including
ten journal articles, one article from a book, and four research reports. This
literature review uses Leithwoods four sets of successful leadership core
practices as conceptual framework. The paper provides a list of successful
leadership practices that are effective at turnaround schools, and also
recommendations to further this line of inquiry for further research.

Introduction
To change or die? This is a critical question that increasingly concerns low-
performing and high-poverty schools in their performance under various school-wide
reforms and school reconstructing programs. As schools facing challenging
circumstances come to the center of unprecedented attention from educators and
researchers, it is important to keep informed of recent studies of turnarounds of low-
performing schools. This literature review is to understand the dynamics of turning
around low-performing schools by reviewing empirical research about school
leadership practices at turnaround schools.
Context of Turnaround School
What is a turnaround school
The educational reform agenda appears to continually reflect an increasing
interest in improving schools in difficult or challenging circumstances. To turn around
these failing or ineffective schools has become the subject of a considerable line of
literature (Duke, 2006; Kowal & Hassel, 2005; Leithwood & Steinbach, 2002; Mintrop
& MacLellan, 2002; Stoll & Myers, 1998). What exactly is a turnaround? Kowal and
Hassel (2005) presented a specific definition of turnaround through reviewing a
substantial body of cross-industry research.
Turnaround refers to a dramatic improvement in performance created by
various changes within an organization. Turnaround research focuses on organizations
that go from bad to great in a short period of time, most often by replacing a leader
(and in some cases, other staff). This stands in contrast to the vast body of literature

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Wang Successful leadership practices at turnaround schools

about change in general which focuses on continuous, incremental improvement of

satisfactory organizations over a long period of time with existing staff. (Kowal &
Hassel, 2005)
A turnaround non-educational organization differs, to some extent, from
turnaround schools. Turnaround schools are founded on two principles: First, every
child has the potential to achieve academic success. Even those commonly thought to
be too at-risk of being successful are very likely to become academically successful.
Second, the school controls the keys necessary to unlock the success (Turnaround
Schools, 2006).
The second principle justifies Nicolaidou and Ainscows (2005) study of
turnaround of low-performing schools. Their study sets out to enhance the
understanding of failing schools with a perspective from the inside. In their study,
those that are characterized as slow paced, having poor planning and little creativity,
and ineffectively disseminated good practices, are labeled as ineffective schools
(Nicolaidou & Ainscow, 2005). Such schools have deepening detachment, resigned
pessimism, a paralysis of spirit and a stagnation of vision. They are learning
impoverished for both students and adults. There is little professional dialogue among
colleagues. Staff frustration gets projected on students. Staff, who remain complacent,
have no common goals and little desire for improvement ( Nicolaidou & Ainscow).
National Education Association in America also identified eight indicators of low-
performing schools: (i) Low student performance; (ii) unclear academic standards; (iii)
high rates of student absenteeism; (iv) high dropout rates; (v) high rates of staff
turnover; (vi) high rates of staff absenteeism; (vii) high levels of disruption and
violence; (viii) a negative school atmosphere (National Education Association, an
association resource guide, 2002).
What made schools decline
Understanding should precede evaluation and action. What makes this point so
salient is that:
nearly all the turnaround literature in education leaps from problem
(e.g. failure) to solutions (e.g. adoption of whole-school reform models)
with remarkably little effort to understand the reasons schools and
districts are failing. (Murphy, forthcoming)
Duke (2006) also realized that it would be valuable to look at what made
schools decline in the first place. He argued that understanding how a schools
academic achievement begins to slip can thus provide important insights into the
adjustments needed to reverse the process. (Duke, 2006, p. 729)
Fullan (2006) attributes school decline to ineffective leadership, weak
governance, poor standards of teaching, lack of external support, and challenging
circumstances. School-wide reform has been aimed in particular at low-performing
schools, however, it fails to become sustaining and widespread due to weak school
infrastructure. Thus, failing schools require infrastructure improvement, external
intervention, and a strong teaching profession (Fullan, 2001).

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What turnaround efforts have been made

A number of countries such as United States (Guilfoyle, 2006), Canada
((Ministry of Education, Government of Ontario, 2006), England (Fullan, 2001;
Fullan, 2006) have taken steps to provide direct assistance to low-performing schools.
In the United States, the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) was
enacted in 1965 to provide money to help low-income students. In 2002, No Child
Left Behind (NCLB), the newest iteration of a decades-old education law --- ESEA, was
signed into law. It proposes to close achievement gaps and aims for 100 percent student
proficiency by 2014 (Guilfoyle, 2006). In Ontario Canada, the government announced
its commitment in 2004 to send turnaround teams of experts into struggling schools as
part of its Literacy and Numeracy strategy, which aims to increase the number of
students who reach the provincial standard on province-wide testing from an average
of 50% (2003) to 75% by 2008 (Ministry of Education, Government of Ontario, 2006).
Since 1993, England has had a system of national inspections to identify schools in
need of special measures to improve their performance (Fullan, 2005).
By and large, turnaround efforts in these countries range from dispatching
assessment teams to identify sources of low performance to assigning veteran educators
to work in tandem with the principals of low-performing schools (Duke, 2006). A
common feature of many of the efforts is their reliance on the experience of veteran
educators (Duke, 2006).
Successful school leadership
Research suggests that effective school leadership is not only widely accepted as
being a key constituent in achieving school improvement (Harris & Chapman, 2002),
but also is often regarded as the determining factor for a turnarounds success or failure
(Fullan, 2006; Kowal & Hassel, 2005; Nicolaidou & Ainscow, 2005). Successful
leadership has a powerful impact in securing school development and change (Harris &
Chapman, 2002). It is not only one of the key success factors in schools facing
challenging circumstances, but also a critical lynchpin in successful turnarounds
(Kowal & Hassel, 2005). One action which assists with successful turnaround is to
improve school leadership ( Fullan, 2006). "Recognizing the limitations of the schools
current leadership and selecting the right replacement are essential to the turnaround
process. (Kowal & Hassel, 2005, p. 17)
Recent education reforms also appear to have seized upon leadership as both
an important target for reform and a vehicle for making other changes happen
(Leithwood & Reihl, 2005, p. 22). So, what will be the characteristics of a successful
school turnaround leader? What specific actions do successful turnaround leaders take?
Purpose of Study
Evidently, there is a great deal of current interest in schools in difficulty,
however, few studies have focused exclusively upon leadership practices and
approaches in these context (Harris & Chapman, 2002). This paper is designed to gain
insight into what the leadership practices are in turnaround school context and how
these practices are enacted to contribute to school achievement. It is important to turn

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to a compelling body of knowledge for information so as to help strengthen the extent

of the latter empirical research on leadership.
The following research questions will be employed to guide this literature
review:
What are the characteristics of successful school leadership?
How are leadership practices enacted in turnaround school?
How are these practices encompassed in the core leadership practices?
Review Methods
The selection criterion for this review is the substantive focus of each research
report. Priority was given to these articles that focused on school leadership practices
in turnaround schools from a variety of perspectives. All articles were from the
reference list of Leithwoods research project ---Turnaround School Leadership. The
chosen articles or reports are empirical studies dated from 1998 to 2006, including ten
journal articles, one article (Turner, 1998) from a book, and four research reports
(Billman, 2004; The Charles A Dana Centre, 1999; Kannapel & Clements, 2005; Ross
& Glaze, 2005). Final selection for this review includes mostly qualitative studies (13),
but also two mixed methods studies (Chrisman 2005; Ross & Glaze, 2005) (please refer
to the Appendix---Research Methods Summaries).
A vote counting method is employed to assess the frequency of the results
from studies reporting the similar turnaround school leadership practices (please refer
to Table of Turnaround School Leadership Practices below). Leithwoods four core
sets of successful leadership practices are used as framework for this literature review.

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Table of Turnaround School Leadership Practices:

Core Leadership Practices No. of Studies
Setting Directions 13
Identifying and articulating a vision 9
Fostering the acceptance of group goals 13
High performance expectations 6
Developing People 14
Providing individualized support/consideration 8
Intellectual stimulation 12
Providing an appropriate model 7
Redesigning the Organization 15
Creating collaborative cultures 12
Restructuring 12
Building productive relationships with families and
9
communities
Managing the Instructional Program 14
Staffing the program 10
Providing instructional support 13
Monitoring school activity 8
Buffering staff from external demands unrelated to the
3
schools priorities

Conceptual Framework
There is a substantial diversity to be found within the academic literatures
about the nature of successful leadership (Leithwood, et al. 2006) A number of
researchers (Hallinger & Heck, 1999; Conger & Kanungo, 1998; Leithwood & Riehl,
2005) have identified, from school and non-school contexts, some categories of
leadership practices that contribute to success. Hallinger and Heck (1999) categorize
leadership practices as purpose, people, and structures and social system. Conger and
Kanungo (1998) label these categories visioning strategies, efficacy-building strategies,
and context changing strategies. Leithwood and Riehl (2005) category labels are
setting directions, developing people, redesigning the organization, and managing the
instructional program.
Each category encompasses numerous considerations, however, for purposes of
this review, Leithwoods set of leadership practices is employed as a benchmark, or
framework in this review of literature. His core leadership practices, to some extent,
better reflect the four internal elements of an organization as defined in Scotts (1998)
organizational theory: social structure, goals, participants, and technology.

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Review of Literature
Core Leadership Practices
The benchmark for this literature review consists of four major categories of
leadership practices: setting directions, developing people, redesigning the
organization, and managing the instructional program. Each category encompasses a
small number of more specific leadership behaviors (14 in total).
Setting directions
A critical aspect of leadership work is helping a group develop shared
understandings about the organization and its goals that can frame a sense of purpose
or vision. (Leithwood & Riehl, 2005, p. 22)
Identifying and articulating a vision.
Nine studies have revealed how turnaround leaders help set directions by
developing, articulating, and inspiring others with their vision of the future. These
leaders consider a consistent and shared vision as an inherent part of their leadership
approach (Harris, 2002). In general, they have a clear view of where the school needs
to be and how best it can get there (Bell, 2001; Billman, 2004; West, Ainscow &
Stanford, 2005). Regardless of personality or leadership styles, turnaround school
leaders articulate and model their own vision of the successful school (Bell, 2001). They
keep both staff and pupils on board, communicate the vision to staff, students and
parents, ensuring they all know the current vision, direction and strategies of the
school as it develops (Bell, 2001; Harris, 2002; West, Ainscow & Stanford, 2005). They
have a common sense that the main thrust of their leadership is to emphasize teaching
and learning and student achievement (Foster & Hilaire, 2004; Orr et al, 2005). In
order to nurture and win people over to this idea, they identify weekly, monthly,
and/or quarterly goals, tackling low student achievement in the school (Billman, 2004;
Foster & Hilaire, 2004; Kimball & Sirotnik, 2000; Orr et al, 2005).
Fostering the acceptance of group goals.
This dimension of leadership practices is aimed at encouraging staff to work
cooperatively toward the common goal. Thirteen studies included in the review reveal
that to move towards the common goal is a process of encouraging change (Billman,
2004; Foster & Hilaire, 2004; Harris, 2002; Kannapel & Clements, 2005; Ross & Glaze,
2005; West, Ainscow, & Stanford, 2005) through communication, consultation
(Billman, 2004; The Charles A Dana Centre, 1999; Foster & Hilaire, 2004), and
motivation (Harris, 2002; Lambert, 2006; Ross & Glaze, 2005; Orr et al, 2005).
Once school leaders set a direction for their schools, they take actions to align
both staff and pupils to their particular vision of the school (Harris, 2002). To move
the school community forward, successful school leaders allow school staff substantial
autonomy and authority to make the improvement (Ross & Glaze, 2005), and energize
teachers to take responsibility for change and development (Harris, 2002). They invite
those who bought into the schools vision to lead the change (Ross & Glaze, 2005),

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encourage their staff to take risks, to try new approaches, and to share successes and
failures (Foster & Hilaire, 2004). With an enthusiastic and encouraging approach,
turnaround leaders manage to include their faculty as a part of the change process
(Ross & Glaze, 2005), thus allowing their staff to craft coherence in the school to
accomplish school goals (Foster & Hilaire, 2004).
To foster the acceptance of group goals, school leaders lay great emphasis on
the improvement of communication amongst school staff (Billman, 2004; The Charles
A Dana Centre, 1999). Through communication, all faculties become connected and
become a unified body (The Charles A Dana Centre, 1999), which facilitates the
change process. Besides, turnaround leaders are able to convince all those with the
school and the community that their vision is worth sharing and pursuing (Harris,
2002). A substantial amount of their work is more concerned with how to maintain
staff morale and motivation in response to their needs and interests (Harris, 2002; Ross
& Glaze, 2005). However, Orr et al. (2005) indicate that, given the uniform school
reform approach in most districts, school leaders have limited opportunities and
incentives to motivate their staff. They are held accountable for ensuring that teachers
are able to realize the schools vision and focus (Lambert, 2006). Nevertheless, effective
school leaders have learned to rely on several strategies that shape how they work with
their staff toward school improvement. They:
(i) create a vision and stick to it, using it to sort out dilemmas; (ii) resist
following implementation blindly, and look instead to multiple ways of accomplishing
goals; (iii) invest in the lower grades, not just the test grades; (iv) buffer their school
and staff from district pressures and intrusion; (v) view their leadership as on-the-job
training. (Orr et al, 2005, p. 23)
High performance expectations.
In turnaround schools, it is important to enlarge the staffs capacity to imagine
what might be achieved, and increase their sense of accountability for bringing this
about (West, Ainscow, & Stanford, 2005). The starting point is to establish a culture
of high expectations, high performance, collaboration and mutual respect (Kannapel &
Clements, 2005). Strong leadership is required to motivate the faculty to raise the
expectations and performance of the students (Kannapel & Clements, 2005). At the
district level, leaders are expected to be instrumental in setting the tone for shared
goals, for high standards, and high expectations, and provide supports to staff and
students to turn high expectations into high performance (Bell, 2001). In terms of
raising expectations, school leaders see the need to establish appropriate, measurable,
and agreed upon academic and non-academic goals and targets (Bell, 2001; West,
Ainscow, & Stanford, 2005). School leaders expectations for quality and high
performance from staff are based on a shared belief and optimism that people have
untapped potential for growth and development (Harris, 2002).
Developing People
Leithwood and Jantzi (2005) indicate that this category of practices is among
the most studied set of school leadership dimensions. This broad category consists of

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more specific sets of practices: providing individualized support/consideration,

intellectual stimulation, and providing an appropriate model.
Providing individualized support/consideration.
A total of eight studies reveal that successful turnaround leaders provide
professional support and encouragement for their staffs personal growth, even when
they are facing the immediate challenges of their classrooms or the accountability-
driven demands of state and district mandates (Giles et al., 2005). Effective leaders
monitor their staff on a regular basis, provide them with supports through one-to-one
meetings, give them individual advice for improvement (Ross & Glaze, 2005; Turner,
1998). They spend significant amounts of time in supporting and encouraging their
teaching staff (Billman, 2004), trying to raise their self-esteem and self-image (West,
Ainscow, & Stanford, 2005) and to influence their beliefs about their professional
ability (Ross & Glaze, 2005). By and large, turnaround school leaders are more
facilitators, mentors, guides (Billman, 2004; Giles et al., 2005), and coaches (Lambert,
2006; Ross & Glaze, 2005) than they are administrative managers.
Intellectual stimulation.
In terms of intellectual stimulation, effective school leaders purposely build and
strengthen their team by providing appropriate professional development
opportunities (7 articles), in-service training (Chrisman, 2005; Harris, 2002; Kannapel
& Clements, 2005; Turner, 1998), workshops (The Charles A Dana Centre, 1999;
Giles et al., 2005), and peer-observation and learning (Harris, 2002; Lambert, 2006;
Ross & Glaze, 2005).
Successful leaders find it critical to respect teachers autonomy and support
them in their professional development (Foster & Hilaire, 2004). They not only
maintain funds to help their staff with additional materials and professional
development opportunities (Billman, 2004), but also ensure that their teaching staff has
a reasonable amount of time for their own professional development (Kimball &
Sirotnik, 2000). Specifically, effective turnaround leaders employ various approaches to
promote staff development such as in-service training, visits to other schools, or peer
support schemes (Harris, 2002). They also invite into the school a relatively high
number of outside expert advisers to deliver in-service training (Turner, 1998).
Moreover, when teachers need space to take risks and experiment, successful school
leaders empower their teachers with the freedom and autonomy to find the best ways
to teach (Kannapel & Clements, 2005). Effective leadership is about capacity building
in others and investing in the social capital of the school (Harris, 2002, p. 15).
Providing an appropriate model.
Several studies indicted that it is important for school leaders to model
behaviours that they consider desirable to achieve the school goals (Harris, 2002).
However, to provide a model does not simply mean to model teaching in the
classroom (Ross & Glaze, 2005). It is more concerned with modeling leadership
(Billman, 2004), that is, demonstrating to staff their own capacity to focus and

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prioritize their work, enable them to deflect distractions, and yield tangible, immediate
improvements (Orr, et al., 2005, p.23). Giles et al. (2005) portray what an appropriate
leadership model looks like:
She [sic] modeled the respectful and caring behaviours that she expected toward
students, teachers, and parents. She modeled engagement with the parents and
community and treated their concerns with respect. She modeled instructional
leadership through her willingness to openly dialogue about, and engage in improving
teaching and classroom practice, and by passing on the benefits of her personal
learning from the courses that she attended and the books and articles she continued to
read. She modeled accessibility by having a presence in the hallways and classroom,
through her open-door policy, and by demonstrating her willingness to listen to and
respect the views of all members of the school and wider community. But most of all,
in this troubled school, she modeled what success could look like if the school and
community learned to do things differently. (Giles et al., 2005, p. 519)
Redesigning the Organization
This dimension of leadership practices includes three specific sets of
practices: creating collaborative cultures (12), restructuring (12), and building
productive relationships with families and communities (9).
Creating collaborative cultures.
Evidences from thirteen studies support the importance of collaborative
cultures in schools as crucial to school turnaround, the development of learning
communities, and the improvement of student learning. Eight studies provide
sufficient evidence that turnaround school leaders are more likely to focus upon
cultural rather than structural change within schools. They consider it critical to
generate a culture that can improve and strengthen teaching practices (Orr et al., 2005),
encompass the divergent perspectives of communities (Barker, 2005), and motivate all
students to succeed (Harris, 2002). To successfully create such a strong culture, the
style of turnaround leaders is apt to be more collaborative and inclusive (Billman,
2004; Lambert, 2006; Ross & Glaze, 2005}. They identify collaboration in the school
as the prime means to support the development of the school as learning community
(Ross & Glaze, 2005). Thus, their role expands to be academic leader, building
manager, and lead change agent (Billman, 2004). In terms of teacher-administration
collaboration, successful leaders are more likely to build a trusting relationship by
tearing down the boundaries amongst personal and professional roles (Lambert,
2006). They constructively challenge teachers through a collaborative process (Ross &
Glaze, 2005) and keep the school on course with continuous improvement for all
students (Lambert, 2006). They view themselves more as a force for creating a safe,
comfortable, predictable, and orderly environment conducive to adult and student
learning (Bell, 2001; The Charles A Dana Centre, 1999). Moreover, effective
turnaround leaders are able to develop professional and intellectual capital by
encouraging their schools to become inquiring communities (Harris, 2002). Through
their efforts, they are able to change the ethos of a community (West, Ainscow &

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Wang Successful leadership practices at turnaround schools

Stanford, 2005) and make collegiality, collaboration, inclusion and a sense of

community an integral part of the school (Bell, 2001).
Restructuring.
Twelve studies show that successful leadership practices include extra planning
time for teachers (Billman, 2004; Chrisman, 2005; Kimball & Sirotnik, 2000), forming
a coordinated teaching team (8 in total), and increasing teachers participation in
decision-making (Billman, 2004; Lambert, 2006; Giles et al., 2005; Ross & Glaze, 2005;
West, Ainscow & Stanford, 2005). Three studies (Billman, 2004; Chrisman, 2005;
Kimball & Sirotnik, 2000) report that leaders at the successful schools are more likely
to provide extra planning time for teachers to collaborate and work together regularly.
Some leaders even regard it as a critical need to change the format of staff meetings to
create more time for team planning (Billman, 2004).
In contrast, there is evidence (8 studies) that successful school leaders are more
likely to provide teachers with structured support through establishing coordinated
teams. Although it takes hard work and diligence to form teams (Billman, 2004),
successful school leaders consider it critical for teachers to work together in such teams
in order to manage change (Billman, 2004; Harris, 2002). One of their ultimate goals is
to identify a good team of staff who apply what they learn in the classroom and share
what they learn with colleagues (Billman, 2004). Effective school leaders are able to
work collaboratively with teachers and foster a strong team mentality and a team
dedication to improvement amongst teachers (Kannapel & Clements, 2005). Successful
school leaders also make sure that their staff feel truly involved in decision-making and
the activities going on in the school, and are given responsibilities that make them feel
challenged (West, Ainscow & Stanford, 2005). So they invite teacher participation in
practical decisions (Billman, 2004; Lambert, 2006; Ross & Glaze, 2005) and share the
responsibility for improvement with staff members (Lambert, 2006).
On the whole, support for a democratic committee structure, a strong emphasis
on team work, innovative scheduling of time to facilitate collaboration, and
opportunities for shared decision making and teacher leadership characterize
leadership practices at successful turnaround schools (Giles et al., 2005).
Building productive relationships with families and communities.
Nine studies provide information about the importance of having parents on
committees and/or involved in the school improvement planning. However, there is
limited evidence in these studies about how leaders engage parents in these ways.
Billman (2004) indicates that the majority of school leaders attempt to establish a
strong, enduring tie to the parents and community and constantly pursue ways to
better involve parents with schools. To maximize parent and community involvement
and to include them in school management plan are strategies that turnaround school
leaders employ in their leadership practices (Billman, 2004). Successful school leaders
not only get parents and other community members involved in goal-setting for
schools (Foster & Hilaire, 2004; Lambert, 2006), they also endeavour to consciously
match their cultural experiences and behaviours and lead community members in

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solving the deep problems that besieged the school (Lambert, 2006, p. 238). They
place particular emphasis upon establishing an interconnectedness of home, school,
and community so as to foster a view of the school as being part of, rather than apart
from, the community (Harris, 2002, p. 15).
Managing the Instructional Program
Fourteen studies provide evidences in this leadership category, which includes
four more specific practices including staffing the program (10), providing instructional
support (13), monitoring school activities (8), and buffering staff from external
demands unrelated to the schools priorities (3).
Staffing the program.
Ten studies report that recruiting and retaining staff is a primary task for the
leader in schools facing challenging circumstances. The priority for turnaround school
leaders is to ensure that they are able to appoint teachers of the highest quality (West,
Ainscow & Stanford, 2005) and recruit those who would be valuable members of the
staff (Orr et al., 2005). Two studies (Orr et al., 2005; West, Ainscow & Stanford, 2005)
indicate that recruitment and retention of staff can be very difficult and time-
consuming. Therefore, it is important for school leaders to have flexibility in hiring
teachers who value all students, understand the schools culture, are hard-working,
knowledgeable of content and pedagogy, and set high goals for all students and
themselves (Bell, 2001;Billman, 2004). Three studies (The Charles A Dana Centre,
1999; Kannapel & Clements, 2005; Turner, 1998) show that turnaround leaders place a
particular emphasize upon staff improvement and allocation. Successful leaders take
the opportunity not only to assign teachers in ways that their strengths can be
matched with student needs (Kannapel & Clements, 2005), but also to strengthen the
collective efficacy beliefs of their staff (Ross & Glaze, 2005). Effective school leaders
also stress the training and mentoring of new teachers (Kannapel & Clements, 2005;
Lambert, 2006) so as to provide additional staffing to support students learning.
Providing instructional support.
In terms of instructional support, three studies (Bell, 2001;Billman, 2004; Orr et
al., 2005) indicate that seeking out funding, providing fiscal support to teaching staff,
and having flexibility to set the budget are very important for leaders of schools in
challenging context. School leaders normally place great emphasis upon their role of
obtaining and making available the financial, material or human resources to ensure
that children and faculty would continue to experience success (Bell, 2001, p. 8). In
addition to financial support, successful school leaders are more likely to focus on
improving academic instruction in the school (The Charles A Dana Centre, 1999) and
do all that is necessary to help teachers translate the expectations of the district
curriculum or state standardized tests into effective classroom practice (Giles et al.,
2005, p. 519).

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Monitoring school activity.

Results from seven studies reveal that majority of turnaround leaders consider
use of data a key factor in the improvement of teaching and learning, the curriculum,
and the culture and image of the school (West, Ainscow & Stanford, 2005, p. 77).
Through reviews of achievement data, school leaders are able to identify areas that are
not performing up to standard, as well as areas that need additional instruction for
individual students (Billman, 2004; The Charles A Dana Centre, 1999; Chrisman,
2005). Reviewing data becomes part of the school improvement planning process
(Billman, 2004). School leaders consider data not only as a means by which they
demonstrate and celebrate achievements (West, Ainscow & Stanford, 2005), but also an
indicator that tells how far the student will likely progress with additional instruction
(Kannapel & Clements, 2005) and how the student achievement can be improved. Orr
et al. (2005) comment that leaders at turnaround school not only take into account
academic needs of their students, but also view students emotional needs as critical
issues to school improvement as well.
Buffering staff from external demands unrelated to the schools priorities.
Three studies (Bell, 2001; The Charles A Dana Centre, 1999; Orr et al., 2005)
inquired about how successful leaders deal with external demand through buffering
their staff from these demands unrelated to schools priorities. Leaders at successful
schools are able to manage to reduce requirements and distractions that might take
energy away from teaching and learning (Bell, 2001) and focus, instead, on schools
academic excellence, teaching practice improvement, and parents participation in
school functions (Bell, 2001; Orr et al., 2005).
Conclusion
Four broad categories of leadership practices, including thirteen more specific
categories present significant evidences about leadership at turnaround. There is
limited evidence from quantitative studies on turnaround school leadership since the
majority of empirical studies selected for this literature review employed qualitative
methodology. However, this methodological approach is capable of nuanced and rich
description of what turnaround leaders actually do. In addition, these studies also
accommodate various perspectives from school leaders, teachers, students, and
communities. Although this literature review provides a general view of the core
practices used by turnaround leaders, the enactment of these practices varies by school
and social context. As Leithwood et al. (2006) observe, these enactments are more
sensitive to the context. This literature review has, to some extent, gained insight into
what the leadership practices are in turnaround school context and how these practices
are enacted to contribute to school achievement. However, further research is
commended to strengthen the empirical research on the enactment of these core
leadership practices.

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Wang Successful leadership practices at turnaround schools

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 Enabling Democracy: Participatory Budget, Citizens Assembly and
Legislative Theatre at Applewood Heights Secondary School
Anne Wessels
Abstract
This paper suggests two participatory democratic enabling structures, the
Participatory Budget and the Citizens Assembly / Legislative Theatre /
Referendum, to be implemented at Applewood Heights Secondary School as
a way to deepen student understanding of the democratic process and to
build community through participation: discussion, deliberation and taking
action. The proposed projects work to solve the problems of the democratic
deficit, student disengagement from politics and to enhance the existing
Civics course offered in grade ten. A detailed outline of the participatory
enabling structures is provided and supported by a theory of democratic
education, current research and scholarship in the field of citizenship
learning. Other democratic schools throughout the world provide inspiration
and valuable lessons. Applewood Heights Secondary School has a unique
opportunity to show leadership in citizenship learning and to create an
exemplary community of practice in which students participate in the
decisions that impact their lives. Cultivating these habits of democracy and
equipping students with democratic knowledge, skills and civic virtues, they
will leave our doors prepared to take an active role in the political life of the
larger community.

Introduction
Citizenship should be viewed as taking part in the decisions that affect
peoples lives. Juliet Merrifield
The active engagement of young people in democracy is crucial for the well-
being and continuation of our preferred form of government. Applewood Heights
Secondary School, a public high school in Mississauga, Ontario, could become a centre
of leadership in citizenship learning by implementing enabling structures for
participatory democracy as the means to achieve an active and engaged community of
democratically-minded young people. Applewood Heights would thereby address the
problems of the democratic deficit, student disengagement from politics and the
limitations of an enlightenment approach to citizenship learning. A democratic theory
of education combined with the findings from current research and scholarship
support the proposed creation of these participatory structures. There also is much to
be learned from the success of schools that have already incorporated democracy as
their central, guiding principle.
Applewood Heights which has a student population of approximately 1500
students and a staff of ninety, would be well suited to taking leadership in citizenship
education because it has had a history of civic involvement. It has been a pilot school

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Wessels Enabling democracy

for early community service initiatives and sustained an annual exchange for over
eleven years with a secondary school in Denmark. It has housed the Applewood Acres
program and supported the TEAM program at the YMCA. Recently it has tried to
define itself as a centre of student leadership. Leadership, however, is a broad category
and this proposal suggests we, as a community, could define ourselves more closely as
a school that has committed to leadership in democratic citizenship learning.
As administrators with a school-wide perspective, you will undoubtedly have
suggestions and insights. In the spirit of participatory democracy, you are invited to
join in a dialogue about the feasibility of these proposals.
The Problem
This proposal addresses three problems. The first concerns the democratic
deficit, the second concerns the disengagement of students from the school community
and the perceived need for character education. The third concerns the limitations of
an enlightenment approach to citizenship learning.
Democratic Deficit
The democratic deficit has been documented in countries all over the world.
Citizens have a growing sense of cynicism towards the professional politicians in
representational democracy and have shown low rates of voter turn out particularly at
the municipal level (Schugurensky 2004:2).
A recent article in the Toronto Star on October 10, 2006, said that in
Mississauga the voter turn out rate was only twenty percent of the eligible voter
population. The Ryerson University study, Inclusive Cities Project, gathered
demographic data from 140 neighbourhoods and concluded that the voter turnout was
low overall and that voter turn- out patterns mirror the mapping of immigrant,
visible minority and income distributions (Siemiatycki Toronto Star Oct. 13, 2006).
Student Disengagement
The Higher Education Research Institute at the University of California issues
an annual assessment of freshman attitudes in which they document a declining rate of
political activism and a disinterest in politics among young people since 1992
(Branson13).
The Carnegie report, The Civic Missions of Schools, also describes civic
disengagement and suggest ways in which schools can work to reverse this trend. The
report advocates the political participation of youth (Westheimer 2003).
Participatory democratic structures aim to reengage citizens and revitalize
politics through greater participation. In schools, broader student participation can
happen only if enabling structures are created (Merrifield 32).
The Perceived Need for Character Education
New initiatives have been announced by the Ministry of Education to
introduce character education as a means improving the civility level and instilling
respect in young people for public institutions and in interpersonal relationships.

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Clearly, disrespect for people and property has led to the need to introduce these
measures aimed at curbing undesirable behaviour. Premier McGuinty says that
character education is about, building strong citizens who are prepared to make a
contribution to their community (Canadian Press 1). This proposal suggests that for
students to participate productively in their communities, structures need to be created
that link action to deliberation and discussion (Schugurensky 2001:6). The students
must be enabled to participate in the decisions that impact their lives.
Participatory democratic structures could achieve the same goals as character
education initiatives. The advantage to citizenship education is that it cultivates a
respectful and tolerant person who is also a good citizen with an interest in the needs
of the larger community. The student will learn good personal and communication
skills but the focus on citizenship learning is broader than the self. How can we
become good people of character, if we are not, at the same time, working to make an
unjust society more equitable? Alexis de Toqueville states, each new generation is a
new people that must acquire the knowledge, learn the skills and develop dispositions
or traits of private and public character that undergird a constitutional democracy
(qtd. in Branson 2). Citizenship education addresses the both the person as individual
and the person as citizen.
Limitations of the Enlightenment Approach
The participatory structures outlined in this proposal are not meant to replace
or pass judgment on the existing Civics course but to be a complementary addition
that enhances citizenship learning. Daniel Schugurensky has studied both models of
citizenship learning: the enlightenment model (book learning with discussion) and the
engagement model (participation in local governance) and concludes that, engagement
is more likely to lead to enlightenment than the other way around (Schugurensky
2001:7). He favours structures that link deliberation and decision-making to action
(Schugurensky 2001: 6).
Similarly, Deborah Meier, founder of the democratic schools in New York,
says that democracy has to be experienced; it has to be lived. The value of
opportunities to participate in democratic dialogues and to experience democracy as a
way of life cannot be overstated (qtd. in Westheimer 2003: 4). This proposal suggests
the implementation of participatory structures that make living democracy possible.
The Solution
Theory, current research and scholarship all reinforce the need for the
implementation of democratic participatory structures in schools to solve the
problems of the democratic deficit, disengagement of students from political life and
the limitations of the enlightenment approach to citizenship learning.
Philosophy of Democratic Education
The origin of the idea that participation makes better citizens dates back to
Arisitotle (Mansbridge qtd. in Merrifield 10). Amy Gutmann, the American political
philosopher who wrote Democratic Education, recognizes that citizen participation in

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politics has to begin in schools. The central purpose of education, according to her
theory, is the acquisition of the knowledge, skills and dispositions necessary for active
participation in democratic political life. Political education the cultivation of the
virtues, knowledge and skills necessary for political participation - has moral primacy
over other purposes of public education in a democratic society (Gutmann 1987: 287).
Students acquire democratic skills, virtues and knowledge from the practice of
deliberation, critical thinking and structures that enable democratic participation in
the decisions that impact their lives. Permitting students to participate in determining
aspects of their education generally serves to develop a commitment on their part to
learning (Gutmann 1987:91). Students experience a more committed learning
environment, increased confidence and a sense of efficacy as they reap the benefits of
the decisions they have made.
Another positive outcome of participation is the improvement in student
behaviour. Gutmann states, participatory methods are often the best means of
achieving the disciplinary purposes of primary schooling (Gutmann 1987: 287).
Gutmann advocates that parents, the state and educators share authority over
education. Central to her theory, however, is the concept of nonrepression that does
not allow for any one group to curtail the rational deliberation of competing
conceptions of the good life and the good society (Gutmann 1987: 44). No one group,
therefore, can enforce its view of a good life on anyone else ensuring tolerance and
respect for all.
This theory of democratic education aims to strengthen democracy by
equipping students with deliberation, critical thinking, participatory skills, civic
virtues and knowledge of democratic structures. Gutmann believes that students who
are educated in democratic schools will be the adults of the future who will participate
actively in democracy and improve the political life of our communities. The theory
of democratic education is supported by recent research.
Research
In 1999 the Commonwealth Foundation collected data from 47 countries
regarding the role of citizens and governments and what constituted a good society.
The report from this research calls for direct, practical and meaningful participation
of all citizens in governing the affairs of society (Merrifield 2001:1). People want a
society in which they can participate first in terms of equal rights and justice, and
second in responsive and inclusive governance (Merrifield 2001:3). This is not just an
appeal for the right to vote but for the opportunity to participate actively in decision
and policy making.
The Civic Education Study conducted by the International Association for the
Evaluation of Educational Achievement, an Amsterdam based umbrella organization
for 53 countries, studied the preparation of young people for their role as democratic
citizens (Quigley 5). After examining the findings in 24 countries they concluded that
not one country had successfully prepared its youth for active citizenship. They drew
seven conclusions: content should cross disciplines, teaching should be conducted in a

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non authoritarian way, it should be sensitive to social diversity, efforts should include
parents, NGOs and the community, and finally and most importantly for the
purposes of this proposal, the programs should be interactive and participative
(Quigley 5).
Students, therefore have to be taught knowledge and skills and civic virtues
have to be cultivated. Many scholars of citizenship learning support Gutmanns theory
and advocate learning by doing democracy.
Scholarship
Many scholars in citizenship education have advocated the use of enabling
democratic participatory structures as a means of facilitating students to be schooled
in democracy experientially.
Juliet Merrifield of the Institute of Development Studies in Brighton, England
advocates that knowledge and doing are so closely linked that it is important to have
experiential opportunities for citizenship learning. This can best be done in
communities of practice where information in conjunction with enabling
participatory structures cultivate the habits, skills, knowledge base and dispositions
needed for the practice of democracy (Merrifield 31).
Margaret Branson, Associate Director for the Center for Civic Education, says
that citizenship learning should take place in both the formal curriculum and
informally through co curricular activities and governance of the school community
(Branson 20). She envisions the program to be sustained and systematic through all
grade levels. (Branson 17). She also calls for the teaching of citizenship that nurtures
intellectual knowledge, participatory skills and civic dispositions.
Similarly, Charles Quigley who is the executive director of the same
organization agrees but uses different terminology. He relabels dispositions as virtues
and includes: respect for the worth and dignity of each person, civility, integrity, self-
discipline, tolerance and compassion (Quigley 3). He calls for the development of
decision - making skills, and participatory skills through active learning (Quigley 4).
Russell Dalton from the Center for Democracy and Civil Society at
Georgetown University in Washington, expresses concern over the low rates of voter
turnout but also documents that young people are moving away from a duty-based
form of citizenship and moving to a model of engaged citizenship. He states that,
rather than an absolute decline in political action, the changing norms of citizenship
are contributing to a shift in the ways Americans participate in politics (Dalton 9). He
sees a desire in young people to participate politically and that this represents a
valuable opportunity to seize.
Several schools throughout the world have adapted parts of this scholarship,
research and theory to suit the particulars of their circumstances.
Precedents
There has been a long history of schools that have tried to implement
democratic principles into their management, curriculum, decision-making and

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evaluation. For the purposes of this proposal, the focus will be limited to management
and decision - making in democratic schools in Canada, the United States, the United
Kingdom and Brazil.
Summerhill School, United Kingdom
The founder of the famous Summerhill School, A. S. Neill, believed that
children had to learn democracy early and stated, democracy should not wait until
the age of voting (Neill 23). Every Saturday night the students would meet together in
a formal meeting lead by a student chairman to discuss the issues and problems of the
week. They would propose solutions to the problem, which would be followed by a
school wide vote. The teachers vote and the students vote were weighted equally.
Filmmakers from the National Film Board of Canada filmed one of the Saturday night
meetings and it is inspiring to see the students of various ages engaging in dialogue,
deliberation and decision - making as they govern themselves.
Central Park East Secondary School, New York, United States
Deboarah Meiers, a teacher committed to the public schools in New York
City, worked to create smaller schools with a democratic focus within larger more
conventional schools. Central Park East, the elementary school was so successful that
they decided to create a democratic school at the secondary level. Central Park East
Secondary School had no extra budget and used the same expectations as other high
schools but the teachers were given a greater degree of autonomy. They knew that it
took time and trust to get to know students and therefore, they reduced the number of
student contacts to forty a day.
School governance was described as a public deliberative body (Meiers 109).
The high school required a cabinet of delegates while the elementary schools decision-
making involved the whole school. These democratic forms of governance were
successful because this continuing dialogue, face to face, over and over, is a powerful
educative force (Meiers 109).
To make this model of governance workable they had to stress the crucial
importance of mutual respect. Meiers states, if mutual respect is the bedrock
condition necessary for a healthy democracy, then it must be the foundation of
schooling (Meiers135). Meiers and her colleagues were able to achieve a democratic
school that governed itself through dialogue and engaged participation.
The Citizen School Project, Porto Alegre, Brazil
The project was initiated in 1993 as part of the Municipal Secretary of
Educations larger vision to deepen democracy by promoting public participation in
the definition, management and control of public policies in all sectors (Clovis and
Schugurensky 2005: 45). The creation of new literacy and street youth programs in
addition to creating many new schools meant that the student population tripled in
just two years. In the six years between 1996 and 2004 the drop out rate was reduced
from 5.06% to 1.5%.

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Wessels Enabling democracy

In a process that took eighteen months, students, parents, educators and

administrators met to discuss what would be their priorities and processes as they
strove to democratize access to schooling and to knowledge. They planned to
democratize the management of schools by creating school councils for each school. In
an assembly the council would discuss all projects and elect delegates for the forums.
From the forum, the three most pressing projects would be chosen to go on to the
delegates commission. At this level, decisions would be made and money would be
allocated. This form of Participatory Budgeting maximizes the involvement of all
sectors of the school community.
This is an impressive illustration of what can be accomplished with the political
will to invest in citizenship learning and participatory democracy. The Citizen School
is based on principles of inclusion, equality and solidarity. It conceives public
education as a social right and as a space for the construction of democracy and active
citizenship (Clovis and Schugurensky 2005: 56). There is much to learn from their
success.
Ridgeview School, West Vancouver, Canada
Ridgeview School is a public school for students in kindergarten through grade
seven. In 2004 the Parents Council agreed to try a Participatory Budget based on the
model from Brazil. The council set aside $2000.00 which was 10% of their total budget
to give the students the opportunity to experience deliberation in a participatory
democratic structure.
The process began by discussing their needs and ideas in their classes. Then
they made proposals that were discussed with the administration to determine
feasibility. The top choices from each class were then presented to a school wide
assembly and the vote followed.
The results were very positive because the students experienced dialogue,
deliberation and they learned about democracy by doing it (Lerner 8). Later, the
principal offered part of the schools budget to the students for Participatory
Budgeting.
The success of these schools inspires and guides us forward to examine in more
detail how Applewood Heights might become more democratized.
Methods
Introducing Enabling Participatory Democratic Structures:
This proposal suggests that Applewood Heights can adapt this theory,
scholarship and research to meet the needs of our particular school. Applewood
Heights could introduce a Participatory Budget and Citizens Assembly/ Legislative
Theatre/ Referendum as enabling structures for participatory democracy. These
experiential learning opportunities serve a double purpose. Firstly, they facilitate
citizenship skills, knowledge and civic virtues while at the same time engage students
in the decision-making that directly impacts their lives.

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Wessels Enabling democracy

It has been shown in many participatory democracy experiments throughout

the world, that when people are included in the deliberation and decision-making that
leads to action, they experience a heightened sense of investment in the community
and as a result, much of the destructive, disrespectful behaviour is transformed into
respect for people, processes and public property. Daniel Schugurensky who has
studied the Participatory Budget in Porto Alegre, Brazil and in Rosario, Argentina
states that this structure strengthens community because it nurtures compassion and
solidarity among groups, reinforces social ties, and promotes the collective pursuit of
the common good (Schugurensky 2004: 8). He demonstrates the reciprocal
relationship between citizenship learning and participatory democracy and calls it a:
Virtuous circle between citizenship learning and participatory
democracy: the more people participate in democracy, the more
competent and democratic they become, and the more competent and
democratic they become, the more equipped they are to improve the
quality of the democratic process (Schugurensky 2004:10).

The Structures to be Implemented

Participatory Budget
The Participatory Budgeting model was first used in Porto Alegre, Brazil in
1989 as part of a larger plan to deepen democracy (Wampler 2). A portion of the
municipal budget was earmarked for use by citizen groups who would deliberate and
decide on projects that would improve the quality of life in their communities. It
started modestly but has grown considerably and now has over 20,000 citizen
participants. Participation grew as citizens realized that PB was now an important
decision making venue (Wampler 3). The model has been duplicated and used in other
cities around the world. In the research conducted in Rosario, Argentina in which 40
people were interviewed about their learning from participation in the Participatory
Budget, the researchers make very positive conclusions:
Our data suggests that participatory democracy indeed makes better
citizens, if we consider more knowledgeable, skilled, democratic,
engaged and caring citizens to be better citizensthe extensive learning
and changes expressed by the delegates who participated in these
activities in Rosario not only validate participatory budgetings status as
a school of citizenship but also indicate what participants learn and
how they change through this school (Lerner 2004:7).
Participatory Budgeting can also be applied to the school setting (see Ridgeview
School above). A portion of the budget is set aside and the process begins with students
in their classes determining their priorities. They develop proposals that are taken to
the school community and this culminates in a school wide vote. Over the course of
the following year the recommendations are implemented.

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Wessels Enabling democracy

Time frame
The participatory budget could be implemented gradually or all at once. In
Ridgeway School in Vancouver the parents association began the project and the
following year the principal offered part of her school budget. Another way to
gradually implement would be to allocate a portion of departmental budgets.
Obviously, the Parents council and individual departmental budget approach would
have less impact because there would be less money involved and the commitment to a
school wide approach or mission would be weakened.
Citizens Assembly, Legislative Theatre, School Wide Referendum
The Citizens Assembly on Electoral Reform is underway here in the province
of Ontario. This is the second experiment of this kind in Canada and a similar
Citizens Assembly was just completed in British Columbia.
Citizens gather to study different electoral models for a period of six weeks.
This is followed by a series of public consultation meetings after which the assembly
convenes again to deliberate and form recommendations. The Assembly then presents
its findings to the government and a province wide referendum is held. Premier
McGuinty has already committed to honouring the results of the referendum and
implementing policy accordingly.
This model of participatory democracy could be adapted to schools. At
Applewood Heights it could become the skeleton of a grade eleven Dramatic Arts
project and would provide an opportunity for the students to revisit their citizenship
learning from the grade ten Civics course. The drama class would create a Citizens
Assembly, assess school culture, research and consult with experts about potential
solutions to the problems they see. They would then deliberate about solutions, make
decisions and develop their findings into a piece of Legislative Theatre to be presented
to the school as a whole. After school wide discussion and deliberation, a referendum
vote would follow. The role of the school administration is critical for the success of
this project. They would have to commit to support the outcome of the vote.
To explain the roots of Legislative Theatre it is important to say a few words
about its creator, Augusto Boal. Boal is a celebrated Brazilian theatre practitioner who
has devoted his life to the development of theatre techniques to facilitate social change.
When he was elected city councilor in Rio De Janiero, he created Legislative Theatre
that linked the theatrical expression of the concerns of the people to legislation.
Between 1992 and 1996, Legislative Theatre led to the initiation of 34 bills from which
thirteen became law (Weber 50).
Legislative Theatre involves four stages beginning with initial research from
which a play is developed to illustrate a particular problem or issue. Invited to this
presentation of the play is the legislative assessor who would translate the issue into
legal terminology (Weber 62). A summary would be created that could be used by the
legislators to draft the legal proposal. Then this proposal would be brought to the
municipal government for a vote (Weber 62).

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Wessels Enabling democracy

To adapt the model to a high school, Legislative Theatre would be used as a

vehicle to present a problem within the school and a proposed solution. The play
would be offered to the student body and a vote would follow. Clearly, this will
require the support of the administration and a commitment to action if this is to be
an effective and meaningful exercise in participatory democracy. If the referendum
were not acted upon, the time and effort of everyone involved would be wasted. This
commitment would have to be agreed upon before the project could begin. Advice
regarding feasibility by the administration in the early deliberation phase could help to
weed out any unworkable suggestions.
Timeframe
This Citizens Assembly, Legislative Theatre and school wide Referendum
would have to happen in one school year although the implementation of the
suggested change/solutions could take place the following year.
To be more specific, The Citizens Assembly could take three weeks, followed
by the creation of a piece of Legislative Theatre in the subsequent four weeks. The
play could then be presented and followed by discussion and a referendum. The results
would be announced and the planning for implementation could begin. The students
could follow up by conducting research to evaluate the success of the project.
Evaluation of success
Short Term
Survey students before their participation and afterwards to evaluate citizenship
learning in the four areas of knowledge, skills, dispositions and sense of
political efficacy.
How have the experiences changed their ideas of democracy?
How do they intend to participate in democratic structures outside the school?
Long Term
Compare the number of incidents of vandalism before the project and
afterwards to assess if there has been a change in the level of respect for school
property.
Assess the change in the quality of school tone.
How have attitudes changed towards the school by putting these initiatives into
place?
Have the experiences strengthened the sense of community?
This proposal suggests a positive approach to engaging students in the school
community. It equips them with new democratic knowledge and skills, teaches
deliberation, decision-making, negotiation, listening, public speaking and increases
efficacy because the students see that they can make changes that benefit them. In turn,
they will have experienced increased commitment to the school community that has
responded to the voice of the students.

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Evaluation
Formative
When the project is under way, it will be important to assess the progress and
determine any necessary adjustments. Unanticipated problems may be encountered
given that this is the first time these structures have been implemented in our school.
They will have to be addressed in the most democratic way possible which may
require stopping the project temporarily to confer with students about the best way to
move forward. As initiators of the project, we will have to be prepared for the
unexpected.
Summative
Data will be collected to evaluate the success of the overall project. Were the
objectives of deepening democracy, engaging more students in decision - making and
strengthening community achieved? In other words, did this project do what is what
supposed to do?
Impact Evaluation
Discussions will be conducted with students, teachers and administration about
the projects larger value? Were there benefits to the school community that we did
not anticipate? Should the project continue and if so, what direction should it take?
Should the experience be shared with other schools in any way? Would
students want to take their findings to the Mississauga municipal government and
encourage a similar project (Participatory Budget) to try to engage youth in the
political process?
Dissemination
Coalitions of support
To undertake a project of this kind, the cooperation and good will on the part
of a number of groups within the school is required. A natural coalition could be
created between the Global Studies and Civics Department and the Dramatic Arts
department. A teacher group to examine democratic pedagogy and the teaching of
deliberation would be useful.
Coalitions with people outside the school may also be helpful. Through sharing
these ideas at subject association meetings, there may be other teachers at other schools
who wish to try some of these initiatives. Secondly, scholars who have first hand
experience with these models might agree to act in an advisory capacity. There may
also be students from the Citizenship Learning and Participatory Democracy class at
OISE who may wish to participate in a supportive way.
Project introduction
The Global Studies and Civics Department and the Dramatic Arts Department
would have to be approached for their approval and support. Then the group could
approach the Administration. A vote could then be taken at a staff meeting after a

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presentation and discussion. The student government should also be involved in the
initial stages.
Expanded Dissemination of Project information
Once the Participatory Budget received approval, a presentation could be made
to the Parents Council. A similar presentation would be necessary to introduce the
idea of the Participatory Budget to the whole school and voting for delegates would
take place. The grade eleven drama presentation would happen later in the year.
Continuing Communication
The student newspaper, the school web site and/or the creation of a special
newsletter could be used to enable students, parents, administrators and teachers to
stay informed about the developments in our citizenship learning. Announcements in
the morning and in the cafeteria at lunchtime could be other means of communicating
news about the projects.
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Ontario to Push Character Education. (2006, 16 October). Canadian Press.

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