:

LATROBI
UNIVERSITY
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*
 A GRAMMAR
OF THE

ENGLISH LANGUAGE
 A GRAMMAR OF THE
ENGLISH LANGUAGE
IN THREE VOLUMES

VOL. I. HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE, SOUNDS

AND SPELLINGS, WORD-FORMATION
By Hans Kurath, Ph.D.

VOL. II. PARTS OF SPEECH, ACCIDENCE

By George O. Curme, Ph.D., Litt.D.

VOL. III. SYNTAX

By George O. Curme, Ph.D., Litt.D.

D. C. HEATH A N D C O M P A N Y
BOSTON
SYNTAX BY
GEORGE O. CURME

D. C. HEATH AND COMPANY

BOSTON ! >^'
 4^5
Mi

COPYBIGHT, 1931,
BY D. C. HEATH AND COMPANY

N o part of the material covered b y thia

copyright m a y be reproduced in any form
without written permission of the publishers

(6 J 4)

LATROBB
UMiVFRSITY
LIBRARY

PRINTED IN T H E UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

 PREFACE
T h e purpose of this volume is to present a systematic and rather
full outline of English syntax based upon actual usage. T h e book
contains the fruits of m a n y years of earnest investigation. F r o m
the beginning of these studies the great Oxford Dictionary has
been an unfailing source of inspiration and concrete help. T h e
author owes m u c h also to the large works of the foreign students
of our language, the grammars of Jespersen, Poutsma, Kruisinga,
Gustav Kriiger, and Wendt, the first three written in English, the
last two in German. Moreover, there is a considerable foreign
literature in the form of monographs and articles in technical
language journals. T h e author has learned m u c h from the keen
observations of these foreign scholars, w h o have sharp eyes for
the peculiarities of our language. H e has also m a d e extensive
use of the quotations gathered by them and the m a n y other
foreign workers in this field. In the same w a y he has availed
himself of the materials gathered by English-speaking scholars.
This book could not have been m a d e without the aid of these
great stores of fact. But to get a clear, independent view of
present usage and its historical development the author found it
necessary to read widely for himself, in older English and in the
present period, in British literature and, especially, in American
literature, which has not been studied so generally as it deserves.
Almost the entire important literature of the early part of the
M o d e r n English period has been read, in critical editions where
such have appeared. Everywhere attention has been called to
the loose structure of the English sentence at that time and to the
subsequent development of our simple, terse, differentiated forms
of expression an eloquent testimony to the growing intellectual
life of the English-speaking people. In the best literature of his
o w n time the author has read so extensively that he feels that his
findings have independent value. With his eyes constantly upon
present usage, he has read a large number of recent novels, dramas,
lectures, orations, speeches, letters, essays, histories, scientific
treatises, poems, etc., from all parts of the English-speaking
v
vi PREFACE

territory. It might seem atfirstglance that the novelists and

dramatists are more fully represented than writers on the events
of the day, politics, literature, history, science, etc., but in fact
this, the calm, composed form of English speech, representing the
higher unity of the language, has been very carefully studied and
illustrative examples are given everywhere throughout the book,
but usually without mention of the source since they represent
c o m m o n normal usage. In the novel and the drama, however,
we find the irregular beat of changefulfife,varying widely in dif-
ferent provinces and social strata, and, moreover, often disturbed
by the exciting influences of pressing events, changing moods, and
passionate feeling. A n attempt has been m a d e to give at least a
faint idea of this complex life so far as it has found an expression
in our language.
O n the other hand, the more dignified forms of expression have
been carefully treated. G o o d English varies according to the oc-
casion, just as our dress varies according to the occasion. Evening
dress would be out of place in playing a football game. Loose
colloquial English, as often described in this book, is frequently as
appropriate as a loose-fitting garment in moments of relaxation.
The lesser grammarians, w h o so generally present only one form of
English, not only show their bad taste, but do a great deal of harm
in that they impart erroneous ideas of language. In this book also
the language of the c o m m o n people is treated. It is here called
'popular speech' since the c o m m o n grammatical term 'vulgar'
has a disparaging meaning which arouses false conceptions. Pop-
ular English is an interesting study. O n the one hand, it has
retained characteristics of our greatest masters of English, which
the literary language has discarded. O n the other hand, quite
forgetful of its old conservatism, it boldly faces the present with
its new needs and hesitates not to give an expression to them,
often, like our western pioneers, opening up paths to n e w and
better things, going forward with faith in the present and the
future. Those w h o always think of popular speech as ungram-
matical should recall that our present literary grammar was origi-
nally the grammar of the c o m m o n people of England. W h o today
would return to our older literary English? T h e c o m m o n people
will also in the future m a k e contributions to our language. T h e
author, however, does not desire to emphasize too m u c h the
importance of the c o m m o n people. T h e expressive power of our
 PREFACE vii

language has for the most part come from the intellectual class.
Left entirely to the c o m m o n people the English language would
soon deteriorate. O n the other hand, intellectual struggles bring
to language an undesirable abstractness and intricacy of expres-
sion, while the c o m m o n people bring to it a refreshing concreteness
and simplicity, which appeals also to people of culture and will
influence them. Our American popular speech, in general, has not
proved to be very productive. It has preserved in large measure
the original British forms of expression. As, however, the various
British dialects have been brought together on American soil,
they have not been preserved intact, but have been curiously
mingled. In sections where mountains, low s w a m p y lands, and
islands have isolated tracts of country the language is often
peculiarly archaic. T h e Negroes as a result of social isolation
have preserved m a n y old forms of expression acquired in earlier
days from the whites, w h o themselves often spoke archaic British
dialect.
Diligent use has been m a d e of every possible means to secure
an accurate, reliable insight into existing conditions in all the
different grades of English speech, both as to the actualfixedusage
of today and as to present tendencies. Of course, the grades of our
literary language have been put in the foreground. A n earnest
effort has been m a d e to treat clearly the most difficult and most
perplexing questions of literary English in order that those might
receive practical help w h o are often in doubt as to h o w they should
express themselves.
This book is not rich in details. It treats of the general prin-
ciples of English expression. T h e attention is directed, not to
words, but to the grammatical categories the case forms, the
nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, the prepositional phrase,
the indicative, the subjunctive, the active, the passive, the word-
order, the clause formations, clauses with finite verb, and the
newer, terser participial, gerundival, and infinitival clauses, etc.
These categories are the means b y which w e present our thought
in orderly fashion and with precision, and are intimately associated
with the expression of our inner feeling. T h e story of the develop-
ment of these categories constitutes the oldest and most reliable
chapters in the history of the inner fife of the English people.
Serious efforts have been m a d e everywhere throughout this book
to penetrate into the original concrete meaning of these categories,
viii PREFACE

in order to throw light upon the interesting early struggles of our

people for a fuller expression of their inner life and to gain sugges-
tions for their present struggles in this direction. In these excur-
sions into older English the author in his quotations from the
original sources always preserves the older form, usually in the
original spelling, but in the case of writings still widely read, as
the Bible and Shakespeare, the spelling has been modernized in
conformity to present usage.
T h e author has not for a m o m e n t forgotten that English is a
language without a central territory that regulates its use. It is
spoken in m a n y centers, which are becoming more and more real
centers and are developing under peculiar circumstances. Hence,
usage cannot be fixed in accordance with the standards of any
particular center. In the erstwhile colonial centers, America,
Ireland, etc., English, no longer in direct touch with the language
of England, has not at all points developed in the same way. T h e
development has proceeded unevenly in the different territories.
There is no English colony or former colony that follows the
British standard in every respect, so that English is characterized
in every country by peculiarities of development; but as the
differences are not in essential things, English is still an entity,
a well-defined language with peculiar differences in the various
countries. Except where something is said to the contrary, all
descriptions of language in this book refer to the body of usage
c o m m o n to England and America. W h e r e British and American
English go different ways, each is described.
In early American English the prevailing type of expression
was southern British, the language of the southern half of England
and at the same time the literary language of the United Kingdom,
so that atfirstthe literary language of England and that of America
had the same general character. In the eighteenth century came
Scotch-Irish immigrants in large numbers, also m a n y from the
north of England. T h e speech of these newcomers was, of course,
northern British, a conservative form of English preserving older
sounds and expressions. T h e new settlers naturally went to the
newer parts of the country west of the old colonies. Their presence
there in large numbers influenced American English in certain
respects. While the younger, southern British form of English
remained intact for the most part on the Atlantic seaboard and
in large measure also in the south generally, the modified form
 PREFACE IX

of it, characterized by older, northern British features, became

established everywhere in the north except along the Atlantic
seaboard.
O n the other hand, the new things and the new needs of the
N e w World called forth a large number of n e w words and new
expressions. Moreover, the abounding, freer life of the N e w
World created a new slang. E v e n conservative Scotch Irish had
something new to offer will in the first person of the future
tense instead of literary shall. These differences in vocabulary
and idiom will always distinguish the English-speaking peoples,
but will not separate them. They have already stood a severe test.
Between 1620 and 1800 important changes took place in the
grammatical structure of English, both in Great Britain and
America, but instead of drifting apart in this period of marked
changes these two branches of English, at all important points,
developed harmoniously together. This was the result of the
universal tendency in colonial days a m o n g Americans of culture
to follow in speech the usage of the mother country. T h e colonies
had little literature of their o w n and were largely dependent in
matters of culture upon the Old World. If it had not been for
this general tendency of American culture, the language of the
N e w World might have drifted away from that of England, for,
as can be seen by American popular speech, there is a very strong
tendency for English on American soil to cling to the older forms
of the language. About 1800 the structure of literary English
had virtually attained its present form in both territories and
was in both essentially the same. That since that date no syn-
tactical changes of consequence have taken place in either branch
indicates a remarkable solidarity of structure. T h e English-
speaking people are held together by their priceless c o m m o n
heritage the English language in its higher forms in science and
literature. Constant contact with these forces will keep the dif-
ferent peoples in touch with one another. T h e same English life
pulsates everywhere, insuring in spite of the different conditions
a similarity, if not a oneness, of evolution.
Definite unifying forces are n o w at work. W e all feel that
that is the best English which is most expressive, or most simple.
These are the only principles that will be universally recognized.
The drift towards simplicity is still strong and will continue strong.
As m a n y forms and concrete pictures have in the past disappeared.
X PREFACE

yielding to simpler modes of expression, so also will they continue

to disappear in the future. W e shall thus continue to lose and
gain, lose in concreteness and gain in directness. Present tenden-
cies point to the possible ultimate loss of several valuable forms,
as 7, he, she, we, they in certain categories, since these forms are
exposed to the leveling influences of a powerful drift, as explained
in 7 C a; but there is now, on the other hand, in careful language a
strong tendency to express ourselves clearly, which prompts us
to use these expressive old forms. Indeed, at the present time
this tendency is, at this point, stronger than it has been for
centuries. T h e desire to speak clearly and accurately is even
leading us to create new forms for this purpose, as will be shown
in this book. T h e territory is wide, but thinking people every-
where, even though not in actual contact with one another, will
instinctively be guided by the same general principle, will choose
that which is most expressive. Hence the author defends in this
book the recommendations of conservative grammarians wherever
they contend against the tendencies of the masses to disregard fine
distinctions in the literary language already hallowed by long
usage. O n the other hand, the author often takes a stand against
these conservative grammarians wherever they cling to the old
simply because it is old and thus fail to recognize that English
grammar is the stirring story of the English people's long and
constant struggle to create a fuller and more accurate expression
of their inner life.
This book has a good deal to say of these struggles, even the
latest m u c h censured ones, which find so little favor with con-
servative grammarians because they are n e w and violate rules that
are sacred to them. In all ages, the things of long ago have found
zealous and fanatical defenders, w h o are at the same time foes of
the new and unhallowed. These n e w things of today, however,
need no organized defense, for they are born of universal needs
and will be supported by the resistless forces of life that created
them. T o the conservative grammarian all change is decay.
Although he knows well that an old house often has to be torn
d o w n in part or as a whole in order that it m a y be rebuilt to suit
modern conditions, he never sees the constructive forces at work
in the destruction of old grammatical forms. H e is fond of mourn-
ing over the loss of the subjunctive and the present slovenly use
of the indicative. H e hasn't the slightest insight into the fine
 PREFACE xi

constructive work of the last centuries in rebuilding the sub-

junctive. T h e present nicely differentiated use of the indicative
and the newly created subjunctive, as presented in this book, is
recommended for careful study to those w h o talk about the decay
of our language. T h e English-speaking people will chase after
fads and eagerly employ the latest slang as long as itfives,for
play is as necessary as work, but as long as it remains a great
people it will strive unceasingly to find more convenient and more
perfect forms of expression. It will do that as naturally as it
breathes, and will continue to do it, so that grammarians shall
occasionally have to revise the* school grammars. T h e fads will
pass away, but the constructive work will remain and go on. T h e
author has spent his life in studying the growth and development
of Germanic expression and has been very happy in his work. It
is his ardent hope that he has presented in this book the subject
of English expression in such a w a y that the reader m a y realize
that English grammar is not a body of set, unchangeable rules,
but a description of English expression, bequeathed to us by our
forefathers, not to be piously preserved, but to be constantly used
and adapted to our needs as they adapted it to their needs.
Square brackets have been uniformly used throughout this book
to inclose within quotations the omitted parts of an elliptical
statement. Hence they were not available for use to inclose within
quotations parenthetical remarks by the author of the Grammar.
All parenthetical remarks m a d e by the author of the Grammar
within quotations are inclosed in parentheses as elsewhere.
In the few instances in Syntax where the pronunciation of
words is indicated, use has been m a d e of the well-known W e b -
sterian key, so that the means of indicating pronunciation here are
quite different from those employed in Volume I, where English
sounds are treated scientifically. T h e author of Syntax hesitated
to assume on the part of his readers the knowledge of a scientific
alphabet.
T h e author desires to express here his feeling of obligation to
his colleague, Professor James Taft Hatfield, for m u c h aid received
from him from time to time. His wide knowledge of modern
English literature and his notes containing quotations from m o d -
ern writers illustrating characteristic forms of current English
expression have been at the author's disposal, and, what is of
gr3at importance, his fine feeling for the English of our day has
xii PREFACE

m a n y times guided the author in making final decisions. T h e

author also desires to express here his gratitude for the large
number of individual quotations that have been sent to him by
other friends.
T h e author is deeply indebted also to the following scholars,
w h o have read the manuscript and contributed valuable remarks
which have been embodied in the text or have led to important
changes: the late Professor O. F. Emerson of Western Reserve
University; Professor W . F. Bryan of Northwestern University;
Professor J. S. Kenyon of Hiram College. T h e author has had
the advantage of discussing several vexing questions with Sir Wil-
liam Craigie, the editor of the Oxford Dictionary. H e has also
received from him some valuable quotations. This acknowledg-
ment is m a d e without any desire to hold these and other contribu-
tors responsible for views in the book which they do not share.
For assistance in reading the proofs and for useful suggestions the
author desires to thank Dr. Bert Emsley of the Ohio State Uni-
versity; Professors W . Leopold, J. W . Spargo, F. A. BernstorfE
of Northwestern University; Professor Francis E . M o r a n of the
University of Notre D a m e . Finally, the author desires to express
here his deep gratitude to Dr. F. W . Scott of D. C. Heath and
C o m p a n y for encouraging this enterprise and for his active co-
operation in putting the book into its present form.

GEORGE O. CURME
Northwestern University
Evanskm, Illinois
 TABLE OF CONTENTS
See analysis of contents at the head of each chapter
"HAPTER PAGE
I. INTRODUCTORY; T H E SIMPLE SENTENCE, ITS
FORMS, FUNCTIONS, A N D ESSENTIAL ELE-
MENTS 1
II. THE SUBJECT 3
CASE AND POSITION 3
FORMS 5
OMISSION OF SUBJECT 18
III. THE PREDICATE 20
A FINITE VERB OP COMPLETE PREDICATION 20
A VERB OF INCOMPLETE PREDICATION AND COMPLE-
MENT 26
PREDICATE APPOSITIVE 30
PREDICATE COMPLEMENT 32
A Noun 32
An Adjective or Participle 36
A Pronoun 39
An Infinitive 44
A Gerund 47
An Adverb and Prepositional Phrase 48
IV. AGREEMENT BETWEEN SUBJECT AND PREDI-
CATE 49
NUMBER 49
PERSON 60
GENDER 61
CASE 61
V. SUBORDINATE ELEMENTS OF A SENTENCE . . 62
ATTRIBUTIVE ADJECTIVE MODIFIERS 62
(I) Adherent and Appositive Adjective and Parti-
ciple 63
(II) Attributive Genitive 70
(III) Apposition 88
(IV) Prepositional Phrase as Modifier of Noun ... 92
(V) Infinitive as Modifier of Noun 93
(VI) Adverb as Modifier of Noun 93
(VII) Clause as Modifier of Noun 94
VI. OBJECTIVE MODIFIERS 95
ACCUSATIVE O B J E C T 96
D A T I V E OBJECT, F O R M , U S E 103
GENITIVE O B J E C T 109
PREPOSITIONAL O B J E C T 112
D O U B L E OBJECT xiii 114
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER PA.QE
VII. ADVERBIAL MODIFIERS 128
F O R M AND FUNCTION 128
POSITION AND STRESS 130
NEGATIVES 138
FORM OF SIMPLE ADVERBS 140
'This,' 'That,' 'The' Used Adverbially 146
COMPARISON OF ADVERBS 147
VIII. INDEPENDENT ELEMENTS 151
INTERJECTIONS 151
DIRECT ADDRESS 152
ABSOLUTE NOMINATIVE 152
ABSOLUTE PARTICIPLES 158
IX. CLASSES OF SENTENCES 161
T H E COMPOUND SENTENCE 161
X. THE COMPLEX SENTENCE: SUBORDINATE
CLAUSE 174
XI. SUBJECT CLAUSE AND ITS CONJUNCTIONS . . 181
XII. PREDICATE CLAUSE AND ITS CONJUNCTIONS. 196
XIII. ADJECTIVE CLAUSE 199
ATTRIBUTIVE SUBSTANTIVE CLAUSE 199
XIV. ATTRIBUTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSE 204
DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELATIVE P R O N O U N ' W H O ' . . 208
DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELATIVE P R O N O U N ' W H A T ' . . 212
DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELATIVE P R O N O U N 'WHICH' . . 215
OTHER DETERMINATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS 217
DESCRIPTIVE AND RESTRICTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSES . . 223
PERSONALITY AND F O R M 228
CASE OF RELATIVE; ITS AGREEMENT WITH ANTECEDENT . 230
POSITION AND REPETITION OF RELATIVES 232
ASYNDETIC RELATIVE CLAUSE 233
ABRIDGMENT OF RELATIVE CLAUSE 236
XV. OBJECT CLAUSE 239
GENITIVE CLAUSE AND ITS CONJUNCTIONS 239
DATIVE CLAUSE 240
ACCUSATIVE CLAUSE AND ITS CONJUNCTIONS 241
PREPOSITIONAL CLAUSE AND ITS CONJUNCTIONS . . . . 253
XVI. ADVERBIAL CLAUSE 259
CLAUSE OF PLACE AND ITS CONJUNCTIONS 262
CLAUSE OF TIME AND ITS CONJUNCTIONS 266
CLAUSE OF MANNER 277
CLAUSE OF DEGREE 294
CLAUSE OF C A U S E AND ITS CONJUNCTIONS 309
CLAUSE OF CONDITION OR EXCEPTION 317
CLAUSE OF CONCESSION AND ITS CONJUNCTIONS . . . . 332
CLAUSE OF PURPOSE AND ITS CONJUNCTIONS 340
CLAUSE OF MEANS , 345
XVII. W O R D - O R D E R 347
 TABLE OF CONTENTS XV

CHAPTER PAGE
XVIII. TENSES AND THEIR SEQUENCE 354
PRESENT TENSE 355
PAST TENSE 357
PRESENT PERFECT TENSE 358
PAST PERFECT T E N S E 361
FUTURE TENSE 362
FUTURE PERFECT TENSE 371
XIX. ASPECT 373
DURATIVE ASPECT 373
POINT-ACTION ASPECTS 377
TERMINATE ASPECT 385
ITERATIVE ASPECT 386
XX. MOOD 389
INDICATIVE 390
SUBJUNCTIVE 390
Optative 394
Potential 409
IMPERATIVE 430
XXI. VOICE 437
ACTIVE 437
PASSIVE 443
XXII. INFINITE FORMS OF THE VERBS 448
PARTICIPLE 448
XXIII. THE INFINITIVE 455
XXIV. THE GERUND 483
XXV. ADJECTIVES 497
FUNCTIONS AND CLASSES 497
INFLECTION OF DESCRIPTIVE ADJECTIVES 498
INFLECTION AND U S E OF LIMITING ADJECTIVES .... 508
SUBSTANTIVE FUNCTION OF ADJECTIVES 518
ADJECTIVES AND PARTICIPLES USED AS N O U N S 534
XXVI. NUMBER IN NOUNS 539
COLLECTIVE N O U N S 539
PLURAL U S E D AS SINGULAR 540
PLURAL N O U N S WITH FORM OF SINGULAR 541
PLURAL OF N A M E S OF MATERIALS 542
PLURAL OF ABSTRACT N O U N S 543
N O U N S WITHOUT A SINGULAR 543
PLURAL OF 'KIND,' 'SORT' 544
N U M B E R IN TITLES 547
XXVII. GENDER 549
XXVIII. PRONOUNS 557
XXIX. PREPOSITIONS 559
XXX. GROUPS A N D GROUP-WORDS 572
INDEX 577
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 CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY.
1. Syntax treats of the relations of words or groups of words
to one another in sentences.
Sentences are divided into three classes simple, compound,
and complex.

THE SIMPLE SENTENCE

DEFINITION, FORMS, FUNCTIONS,
ESSENTIAL ELEMENTS
2. A sentence is an expression of a thought or feeling by means
of a word or words used in such form and manner as to convey
the meaning intended.
The form of the sentence m a y be: (1) exclamatory, uttering an
outcry, or giving expression to a c o m m a n d , wish, or desire, often
closing with an exclamation point perhaps the oldest form of
the sentence; (2) declarative, stating a fact, closing with a period;
(3) interrogative, asking a question, closing with an interrogation
point.
^ h e sentence has two functions: (1) It is emotive, i.e., it is an
expression of will, or is an expression of emotions, attitudes, inten-
tions, and moods present in the speaker or to be evoked in the
listener. (2) It makes a statement, or, in the case of a question,
calls for a statement. T h e question belongs not only here but also
to (1) since it contains an expression of will. Compare 43 I A
(last par.).
It is usually considered that there are two essential elements in
every sentence the subject and the predicate: Lead sinks. The
subject is that which is spoken of. T h e predicate is that which is
said of the subject. In a normal sentence both subject and predi-
cate are present, but sometimes the one or the other or both m a y
be absent and yet the sentence m a y be a complete expression of
thought. See a below.
a. S E N T E N C E S L A C K I N G T H E O N E O R T H E O T H E R O R B O T H O F T H E
E S S E N T I A L E L E M E N T S . In accurate thinking we often need a large
vocabulary and intricate grammatical form; but language also adapts
itself readily to the simpler needs of practical life, where action, tone, and
the situation are often more expressive than words and grammatical form.
1
 2 SIMPLE SENTENCES LACKING ESSENTIAL ELEMENTS 2o

Still, as in primitive speech, a single word in connection with the proper

tone or the situation conveys our meaning and thus constitutes a complete
-^sentence: 0! Ouch! Yes. No. 'Glass. Handle with care.' Beautiful!
Hurry! If w e call out 'Fred!' to indicate that he should come, w e pro-
nounce in loud prolonged tones Fred as a dissyllable. If w e scold him w e
pronounce Fred as a monosyllable and raise the tone of the voice. Short
terse expression was not only characteristic of primitive speech when
language was undeveloped, but it is still widely used. In all such cases
the expression of the thought is perfect. T h e sentences, though brief, are
complete. In the setting in which they appear, not a word, not a syllable
is lacking. A learned grammarian with mistaken enthusiasm might
desire to expand these brief utterances into full sentences, but in spite of
his grammatical skill the language would be bad, for it would violate
good usage. W e do not here usually employ full sentences, and for a good
reason. Fuller expression would be incomplete expression, for it would
mar the thought, take something vital away from it. Thus such brief
sentences are as complete as those of exact scientific language, where,
however, the speaker, removed from everyday life, must express himself
fully if he would describe accurately the hidden forces he is studying.
In older languages there was often no verb and survivals of this older
type of sentence are still c o m m o n : Nobody here? Everybody gone? C o m -
pare 6 B a. In older speech there was sometimes no subject, expressed
or understood. See 4 II B.
The oldest form of the sentence contained only one word, which, how-
ever, was a complete sentence, not a word in its modern sense, for a word
is a later development in language growth than a sentence. This oldest
type of sentence still survives in case of exclamations, as Ouch! and the
simple imperative forms, as Go! In course of time successive sentences
often stood in such close relation to each other that the different sentences
developed into words: See! Fire! Yonder! becoming See thefireyonder!
 CHAPTER II

THE SUBJECT
PAGE
C A S E A N D POSITION OF T H E SUBJECT 3
Survivals of older word-order 3
F O R M S OF T H E SUBJECT 5
Particulars as to form 5
Peculiar use and meaning of certain pronominal forms
when employed as subject 7
OMISSION OF T H E SUBJECT 18
3. Case and Position of the Subject. In Old English, the s
ject and its article and modifying adjectives were in the nominative
case. Today only certain pronouns, he, she, etc., have a distinctive
nominative: 'He inspires.' Noun, article, and adjectives now have
here the common form: lAfinebig mind inspires.' In Old English,
the noun had a fuller inflection than now and its article and modi-
fying adjectives had still more distinctive case forms, since in this
early period they were needed to make clear the grammatical re-
lations, for then the grammatical relations were not indicated as
now by the word-order. In the course of the Old English period
the tendency to indicate the grammatical relations by the word-
order grew stronger and stronger. The subject was put into the
first place, the verb was placed next or near the subject, then
came the object and adverbial elements.
Later, after this new word-order had become established in the
subject and object relations, noun, article, and modifying adjec-
tives gradually lost their distinctive case forms, for in the new order
of things form was slighted as not being a vital factor in expressing
the thought. In the literary language the personal, relative, and
interrogative pronouns have retained their old distinctive case
forms better than nouns and adjectives, but also in these pronouns
the tendency to level away the distinctive nominative and accusa-
tive forms to a common form for both these relations has become
strong in our colloquial and popular speech, as described in 7 C a
and 11 2 e.
a. SURVIVALS OF OLDER WORD-ORDER. The new word-order with the
subject in the first place did not come into use at any particular date, but
has been gradually gaining ground throughout the centuries. Even in our
own day, however, it has not entirely supplanted the old Germanic prin-
ciple of placing the emphatic or important word in thefirstplace without
3
4 SUEVIVALS OF OLDER WORD-ORDER 3 O

regard to its grammatical function. Hence, w e still oftenfindan emphatic

or important word in thefirstplace in a sentence or proposition: 'Hdnd
m e that book!' ' Ndwhere in the world is there such a place for an idle m a n
as London.' 'He quickened his pace and sd did I.' 'These men! h o w I
detest them!' For fuller treatment see 35 1 and 2.
Also in a question, where a noun subject does not in normal usage
introduce the sentence, the noun subject is in lively language often never-
theless put into the u n c o m m o nfirstplace. Under the pressure of thought
or feeling the subject here springs forthfirstas the most important thing
before the usual grammatical structure occurs to the mind, and is later
repeated in the usual position of the subject in the form of a personal
pronoun: 'Your friends, what will they say?' (F. C. Philips, One Never
Knows, I, 52). Similarly, in declarative sentences the subject thus often
springs forth suddenly before it is felt as a subject and is then repeated
in the form of a personal pronoun, especially earlier in the period, when
the literary language was not so subject to logical and formal requirements
as today, and still very commonly in popular and colloquial speech: ' The
L6rd your G6d, which goes before you, he shallfightfor you' (Devi., I, 30).
' N o w , they ain't m a n y w o m e n that would just let a m a n stand u p like
that and give her daughter away under her nose, but my wife, sh<'s been
well trained' (William Allen White, A Certain Rich Man, Ch. VIII). If
such a subject is a clause of any kind, it must be repeated in the form of
the neuter pronoun it: 'Getting to truth it's like warming cold hands
at afire;isn't it?' (Robert Hichens, Mrs. Marden, Ch. VI). Often the
whole predicate thus suddenly springs forth with only afightpronominal
subject, later followed by the logical subject: 'It leaves a nasty taste in
the mouth, this scheme' (F. C. Philips, One Never Knows, II, 221). _
O n the other hand, in case of intransitives and passives the subject is
often withheld for a time, sometimes even until the end of the sentence,
in order to create the feeling of suspense and thus direct attention more
forcibly to it: ' M a n y years ago when I was a mere lad there lived in this
bouse a lonely old man, of whom I desire to tell you an interesting story.'
the center of the room, under the chandelier, as became a host, stood the
head of the family, old Jolyon' (Galsworthy, The Man of Property, Ch. I).
' Behind him had come in a tall woman, of fullfigureandfinepresence, wit
hair still brown Lady Valleys herself' (id., The Patrician, Ch. I). ' Fro
mere cuttings have been grown some of thefinestrosebushes I have.' Sim-
ilarly, sometimes in the subordinate clause: 'No sooner was the last lodge
of the Western drive left behind than there came into sudden view the
most pagan bit of landscape in all England' (Galsworthy, The Patrician,
Ch. VII). 'But more exactly and more boldly the real reaction of the
press was indicated by Punch's cartoon of a phoenix, bearing the grim
and forceful face of Lincoln, rising from the ashes where lay the embers of
all that of old time had gone to make up the liberties of America' (Ephrai
Douglass Adams, Great Britain and the American Civil War, II, p. 239).
As in these examples, the emphatic subject that stands at the end of
a proposition or clause should be lengthy and heavy enough to form a
proper balance to what precedes. In accordance with this principle a
 41 d FORMS OF THE SUBJECT 5
short subject, even though stressed, does not usually follow a compound
tense, mood, or voice form of a verb. In an independent proposition a
short emphatic subject often follows a simple form of a verb: 'First comes
the music' Compare 35 1 (6th par.). Not so commonly now as formerly
after a compound tense, mood, or voice form of a verb: ' Then was seen
a strange sight.' This is still less commonly found in a subordinate clause:
'As he spoke, he moved across to the sapling, where was fastened his hdrse'
(Mary Johnston, The Long Roll, Ch. II) (or more commonly where his
hdrse was fastened). After there (4II c), however, a short, emphatic subjec
usually stands at the end of the subordinate clause: 'Where there is a will
thereisaway.' T do not believe that there has ever beena more lovely day.'
Usually it is not possible to place an emphatic subject after a transitive
verb since the subject could not be distinguished from the object, but
sometimes where the thought would not be endangered this old word-
order still survives: 'At last there reached his ear far down the woodland
path the sounds of voices and laughter' (James Lane Allen, The Choir
Invisible, Ch. X X I ) .
4. Forms of the Subject. The complete subject often consists
of a group of words: ' The stately ship dropped her anchor.' T h e
noun around which the other words are grouped is called the sub-
ject word, in this sentence ship. T h e subject word is always in the
nominative case.
I. Particulars as to the Form of the Subject. T h e form of the
subject m a y be that of:
a. A noun: 'The sun is shining.'
b. A pronoun: 'He is writing.' For peculiar uses of pronouns
as subject see II, p. 7.
c. A n adjective or participle used as a noun: ' N o good will come
of it.' 'Rich and poor rejoiced.' 'Ruler and ruled were alike dis-
contented with the turn of affairs.' 'The dying and the wounded
were cared for.' C o m p a r e 58.
d. T h e prepositional infinitive, in older English also the simple
infinitive: ' To err is h u m a n , to forgive divine.' ' T o k n o w m y deed,
't were best not know myself (Macbeth, II, u, 73).
T h e use of the simple infinitive is still c o m m o n in old saws:
'Better (=it is better) bend than break.' 'Better ask than go
astray.' After [it is~] better it still lingers on even in c o m m o n every-
day language: 'I mustn't be too hasty; it would be better wait a
few days, till the end of the term, or even till w e come h o m e from
the seaside, then pack her off' (Hubert H e n r y Davies, The Mollusc,
Act II).
In popular Irish English, the simple infinitive is here still well
preserved, so that it is still quite c o m m o n : 'It would be best for us
follow after the rest of the a r m y of the Whiteboys' ( W . B . Yeats,
6 FORMS OF THE SUBJECT 41/

The Unicorn from the Stars, Act III). As here Irish English often
preserves older English usage.
The preservation of the simple infinitive here in many cases
probably results from our feeling the form to be an imperative, as
can be seen by the tone or in the written language sometimes by the
punctuation: ' Kill or be killed, eat or be eaten, was the law'
London, The Call of the Wild, Ch. VI). 'Better not say too much
to the parents at present!' (De Morgan, When Ghost Meets Ghost,
Ch. III). In colloquial speech, however, the old simple infinitive
is still often used where it cannot be interpreted as an imperative:
'All she has to do is come here' (George Ade, Hand-Made Fables,
p. 29). 'She's awful. The only thing she hasn't done is bob
her hair' (Tarkington, Napoleon Was a Little Man). 'I'm not a
general. All I can do is truest the men who are' (S. V. Benet, John
Brown's Body, p. 220).
e. The gerund, usually as a parallel construction to the preposi-
tional infinitive without an essential difference of meaning: 'Seeing
is believing,' or ' To see is to believe.' ' To see with one's own eyes
men and country is better than reading all the books of travel
in the world' (Thackeray) or ' to read all the books of travel in the
world.' Compare 50 4 a.
f. Any other part of speech: 'the ups and downs of life must be
taken as they come.' 'Under is a preposition.' 'The pros and
cons must be considered.' 'I is a pronoun.'
A pronoun m a y also be used as a noun in quite a different sense,
namely, as a noun representing a person: 'Even it was hinted that
poor / had sent a hundred pounds to America' (Thackeray, Samuel
Titmarsh, Ch. XII). ' There is none so sick as, brought to bed, tha
robust he that ever has scorned sickness' (A. S. M . Hutchinson,
This Freedom, p. 207).
Instead of the usual nominative of the pronoun to serve as the
common form of the noun the accusative is often employed where
the pronominal form used follows the verb, but also often else-
where in accordance with the general tendency described in 7 C a:
'There was little me, astride on his bare back' (Hall Caine, The
Christian, I, 334). ' In his place, I (a young lady) might have be
just as bad, if I had been a him, you know' (De Morgan, The Old
Madhouse, Ch. XXVIII). ' H e viewed it (i.e., the play) as an awful
lark, especially when the Him and the Her of it eat their little
diner-de-noce together' (ib., Ch. X X X ) . The accusative is usuall
employed if an accusative to which it refers has preceded it: ' Flat,
stupid uninteresting people, every one of w h o m has, behind a
personality which does not appeal to us important us a story
of some sort' (ib., Ch. V).
 4 II B SITUATION AND IMPERSONAL IT AS SUBJECT 7

g. A group of words: ' Two times two is four.' ' Early to bed, early
to rise makes m a n healthy, wealthy, and wise.' 'In m y time, good
in the saddle was good for everything.'
h. A whole clause: ' Whoever knows him well respects him.' For
the different forms that a subject clause with afiniteverb m a y have,
see 21. Gerundial clauses are a c o m m o n characteristic of English:
'My friend's (or simply his) deceiving me was a sad disappointment
to me.' For the proper form of the subject of the gerund see 50 3.
The subject m a y be also an infinitive clause with an expressed sub-
ject: 'For me to back out n o w would be to acknowledge that I a m
afraid.' Compare 21 e.
II. Peculiar Use and Meaning of Certain Pronominal Forms
When Employed as Subject. Attention is directed here to the fol-
lowing points of English usage.
A. S I T U A T I O N ' I T ' A S S U B J E C T . It is m u c h used as subject to
point to a person or thing that is atfirstpresented in only dim outlines
by the situation, but is often later identified by a predicate noun:
' It's John, or Anna, or the boys,' or ' It's the boys, isn't it?' (utte
by someone upon hearing approaching steps). 'Somebody sat be-
hind him. A little later I saw that it was his brother.' 'Somebody
sat behind him, but I couldn't see w h o it was,' but 'There were
several sitting behind him, but I couldn't see w h o they were.'
' W h o is it (or he)?' (referring to some gentleman w h o has just
entered the room), but ' W h o are they?' (referring to two or more).
It is often a substitute for a noun obvious from the situation or the
context: 'It is twenty miles to Chicago.'
B. I M P E R S O N A L 'IT.' W e n o w say 'It rained yesterday,' but
in Gothic, the oldest Germanic language, there was no it here. The
verb had no subject at all. T h e original idea here was to call at-
tention to an activity or a state without any reference whatever to
a definite subject. In Gothic there were few such verbs, but in
oldest English and G e r m a n this group had become large, since the
original idea of calling attention to an activity or state without any
reference whatever to a definite subject had appealed more and
more to English and G e r m a n feeling as a convenient and valuable
means of expression. Difficulties, however, arose in using this
growing construction. These impersonal verbs in most cases in-
troduced the sentence, a position which was beginning to be char-
acteristic of questions requiring yes or no for an answer. T o avoid
the impression of a question and to comply with the established
convention of associating a subject with the verb, it was early
introduced as subject.
This it is related to situation it (A) in that it refers to a given
situation, but it does not point to a definite or an indefinite person or
8 IMPERSONAL IT AS SUBJECT 4 11 B

thing. A s it does not indicate a definite or an indefinite person or

thing, it is practically meaningless. This it, though containing no
real meaning, serves the useful purpose of giving the statement the
outward form of an ordinary declarative sentence with an expressed
subject, thus making it possible to preserve under changed condi-
tions a useful old construction perfectly intact, for the insertion of
the meaningless it in no w a y impaired the spirit of the old construc-
tion. In older English, the original form of impersonal verbs with-
out itfingeredon for a long while wherever the verb would not
stand in thefirstplace and thus m a k e the impression of a question:
' N o w es day' (Hampole, early fourteenth century) = ' N o w it is
day.' It evenfingersstill, but is no longer understood: 'Today is
thefirstof January.' T h e fact that w e do not employ it after today
here shows clearly that w e do not feel it as subject of is, for w e n o w
regularly employ it as the formal subject of an impersonal verb.
This usage became fixed in the course of the Middle English period.
W e here n o w construe today once felt as an adverb as a noun,
the subject of is, so that the construction has ceased to be imper-
sonal.
The it-form often competes here with the ^ere-form (see C,
p. 9), an entirely different construction in which there is an antici-
patory subject pointing to the following real subject: 'It snowed
heavily last night' or' There was a heavy snow last night.' The
words 'snowed heavily' have the same meaning as 'was a heavy
snow,' although the construction of the expressions is quite dif-
ferent, snowed being a verbal predicate and snow a subject. The
mind thus often employs two quite different means to express
the same thought. There is often no difference of meaning between
the two means of expressing a thought: ' T h e ship sails tomorrow'
or 'The ship will sail tomorrow.' E v e n though the meaning is
the same, there is sometimes a difference of coloring in the two
means, as here in the itr-form and the there-form. ' W a s snow'
with the concrete noun snow with its picture of the earth covered
with a white mantle is a more lively expression than the abstract
verb snowed. W e still say 'It frosted heavily last night' along-
side of ' There was a heavy frost last night,' but 'It dewed heavily'
has been replaced by ' There was a heavy dew.' Instead of ' It is
dewing' w e n o w say 'Dew is falling.' This fondness for the con-
crete as shown by employing a concrete noun in preference to an
abstract verb is one of the striking features of modern English,
often found also in other categories, as in 6 A 6.
Also in other meanings the old impersonal construction is not
so c o m m o n as it once was. W e n o w often prefer a construction
with a definite subject: ' It wanted but a very few days (object of
4 II C ANTICIPATORY IT AND THERE 9
wanted) before that blissful one when Foker should call Blanche
his o w n ' (Thackeray, Pendennis, I, Ch. X X X V I I I ) , but in Ch.
X X X I I 'There still wanted half an hour (subject of wanted) till
dinner.' Where there is a reference to persons, there has long
been a tendency to abandon the impersonal construction with cer-
tain verbs, since it is often desired to represent a definite person
or thing as subject and thus indicate that the person is passing
through an experience or that a definite person or thing is conceived
as affecting the person. Thus older 'me hungreth' has become
'I hunger,' or more commonly 'I a m hungry,' since the subject
is conceived as suffering. 'Me (dative) thinks' (= it seems to
me) and ' I think' seem to us today to be two constructions with
the same verb. Originally the two verbs had different forms.
After the two verbs had in Middle English become identical and
were felt as one, the personal construction here as so often else-
where gradually supplanted the impersonal. In archaic language,
however, the impersonal construction survives in the form of me-
thinks. In Shakespeare's ' W o e is m e ' woe was felt as a noun,
subject of the verb, just as w e n o w feel it, but in the older form of
the construction ' M e is [hf| w o ' it was an adverb govern-
ing the dative me, and the verb is was impersonal with the subject
it always suppressed as the dative introduced the sentence. Like-
wise in if [it] you please w e n o w construe you as subject and say if
you please. Of course, older usage often lives on in dialect and
hence is often reflected in our realistic literature: ' Don't you say
almost every day "This and that will happen, phase (subjunctive
= may it please) G o d " ' (Adam Bede, Ch. II, 29). Sheridan's
' H o w is it with you?' (The Critic, I, 2, A.D. 1779) has been re-
placed by ' H o w are you?' Similarly, older ' H o w fares it with
you?' though still used in poetic language, as in ' H o w fares it with
the happy dead?' (Tennyson, In Memoriam, X L I V ) , is n o w usually
replaced by the personal construction where the word still survives
in this meaning: 'A m a n might go farther and fare worse.' ' W e
shall see hereafter how he fared on his errand' (Freeman, Norman
Conquest, IV, X V I I , 77). Although the personal construction is
displacing the older it-form, the latter is still c o m m o n in m a n y
set expressions: 'it is late,' 'it is twelve o'clock,' 'it is stormy,
smoky,' etc.
C. A N T I C I P A T O R Y 'IT' A N D ' T H E R E . ' W h e n w e desire to call
especial attention to the subject, w e often withhold it for a time,
causing the feeling of suspense.
Where the subject is an emphatic noun or important group of
words, there is m u c h used at or near the beginning of the sentence
as anticipatory subject, pointing forward to the following real sub-
10 ANTICIPATORY IT AND THERE 4 II C

ject, the emphatic noun or important group of words: 'There once

lived in this house a very interesting old man.' 'At that m o m e n t
there came a knock at the door.' 'There is always the possibility
the possibility, I say of being All, or remaining a particle, in t
universe' (Thoreau, Journal, I, p. 486). C o m p a r e 3 a (4th par.).
For especial emphasis the subject word (4) is sometimes placed
before there is (are), followed b y the modifiers of the subject:
'Some bodies there are that, being dead and buried, do not decay'
(Thoreau, Journal, V, p. 10). 'Men there are yet living w h o have
seen him, on m a n y a day in the early seventies, riding his horse
up M a i n Street, clad in the colorful garb of the past' (Percival J.
Cooney, The Dons of the Old Pueblo, Epilogue). Always so in a
question: ' What is there to do?'
W h e n there is no predicate noun in the sentence, anticipatory
there is used to point to a following gerund used as the real subject:
'There is no getting along with him.' "There is no telling what will
happen.' In older English, it w a s used here instead of there:
'Cosin, it (now there) is no dealing with him' (Marlowe, Edward the
Second, 1. 904, about A.D. 1591, ed. 1594). B u t w h e n there is a
predicate noun or adjective in the sentence, it is the usual antici-
patory subject pointing to a following gerundial subject clause:
' It is useless, of no use, no use, no good your saying anything' (or
with general indefinite reference saying anything). C o m p a r e 21 e
(5th par. from end).
Anticipatory it is also used to point to a following subject that-
clause or a subject infinitive clause (21 e): 'It is necessary that you
exert yourself (or to exert yourself). 'It is useless, of no use, no use
no good for you to say anything' (or your saying anything, or with
general indefinite reference to say anything, or saying anything).
Here use and good are predicate nouns. If anticipatory there is
used here, use and good are subjects followed b y a prepositional
phrase of specification: ' There is no use, no good in saying any-
thing, in your saying anything,' or sometimes, 'There is no use of
your saying anything.' T h e there and it constructions are often
blended: ' There is no use your telling me that you are going to be
good' (Oscar Wilde, Dorian Gray, Ch. X I X ) , instead of the correct
' There is no use in your telling me that you are going to be good.'
Compare 21 e (5th par. from end).
Differing from impersonal it, anticipatory it has a little concrete
force, since it points to a definite subject, namely, the following in-
finitive, gerund, or substantive clause. T h e concrete force was
very slight in oldest English, for the it w a s often omitted, like-
wise situation it (A), which is still often omitted, as illustrated
in 5 d. T h e situation in both constructions m a d e the thought
4 IIC ANTICIPATORY IT AND THERE 11
clear. Anticipatory it was early introduced where, as in the pre-
ceding examples, the verb would otherwise stand in thefirstplace,
for the verb in thefirstplace was beginning to be felt as charac-
teristic of a question. T h e older type of sentence without antici-
patory it lingered for centuries where some word or words preceded
the verb: 'Of swich (such) thing [it] were goodly for to telle'
(Chaucer, Prologue of the Nonne Preestes Tale, 13). In course of
time anticipatory it has become well established, as it has been
found helpful in indicating the grammatical relations, but older
usage without it still occurs occasionally, even when the omission
of it brings the verb into thefirstplace. Older usage without it is
best preserved in quaint dialect: '[it] Used to be he couldn't abide
to eat a bite after the sun had set' (Maristan C h a p m a n , The Happy
Mountain, Ch. I). This older usage sometimes occurs in the lit-
erary language: 'One of his pistols, loaded, was already in his
suitcase, [it] Remained only to be positively assured, on some
occasion, that the Captain carried no gun' (Red Book, April, 1922,
p. 112). Similarly, anticipatory there is sometimes suppressed, as in
older English: 'From Texas came Pitzer, James, and Jeff Chisum,
his brothers, to help him in his business, [there] C a m e , too, to
reign over his household for years as chatelaine, Miss Sallie Chisum,
his niece, daughter of James Chisum, as pretty a girl as ever set
fluttering the hearts of the rough-riding cavaliers of the Pecos
country' (Walter Noble Burns, The Saga of Billy the Kid, Ch. I).
Anticipatory it is also used when it is desired to emphasize a
predicate adjective or noun, provided, however, that the logical sub-
ject is a singular noun denoting a lifeless thing, or is a clause. T h e
sentence is introduced by it, followed shortly by the predicate
adjective or noun in accordance with the old Germanic principle
of putting the emphatic word in or near thefirstplace: 'It is as-
tdnishing the amount of unadulterated sun a m a n can stand when
he is making hay.' ' It is hard work keeping the grass green this time
of year.' ' It is immaterial what names are assigned to them.' ' It is
vilely unjust, m e n closing two-thirds of the respectable careers
to women!' (Sir Harry Johnston, Mrs. Warren's Daughter, Ch.
III). 'It was m y tw6 brothers w h o did it.' Where the emphatic
predicate in a sentence containing a subject clause is a noun de-
noting a person, w e always employ anticipatory it when the desire
is to identify, as in the last example; but when the desire is to
describe, w e m a y say with Shakespeare 'It is a g6od divfne that
follows his o w n instructions' (Merchant of Venice, I, u, 15), or
n o w more commonly w e replace it by a personal pronoun that
can indicate gender and number: 'He is a g6od divfne w h o
follows his o w n instructions.' Compare 21 c.
12 ANTICIPATORY IT AND THERE 4 IIC

O n the other hand, if the logical subject is a noun denoting a

person or is a plural noun or pronoun, w e use an appropriate per-
sonal pronoun as anticipatory subject: 'He is a bright b6y, that
little brother of yours.' ' They are very engaging people, the Frenc
Canadians!' ' They are no 6rdinary h6uses, those' (Dickens, Pick-
wick, Ch. X X I ) .
After the analogy of the emphatic predicate adjectives and nouns
found in sentences which are introduced b y anticipatory it and
followed later by a formal subject in the form of a subject clause,
as described on page 11, it has become c o m m o n to m a k e any noun,
adverb, or adverbial phrase or clause emphatic b y converting it into
an emphatic predicate introduced b y it is (or was) and followed by
the subject of the sentence in the form of a subject clause. Thus
an emphatic subject m a y become formally the predicate of the
sentence: 'It is not / that a m to blame,' instead of '/ a m not to
blame.' Compare 21 c and e. Similarly, emphatic adverbs, ad-
verbial phrases, etc., m a y become formally the predicate of the
sentence, as shown b y the following examples and more fully in
21 c and 22 a: ' It is seldom that I ever see him any more,' instead
of 'I s&dom see him any more.' 'It was on this condition that I
went,' instead of 'I went on this condition.' 'It was here that it
happened,' instead of 'It happened here.' T h e c o m m o n use of
adverbs and adverbial phrases as a predicate, as described in
7 F, has facilitated the development of this curious but useful
construction.
Though this construction with an emphatic word at the begin-
ning of the sentence after the formal introduction it is, it was, etc.,
is not infrequent in the literary language, it is especially charac-
teristic of popular Irish English, where it attracts attention not
only b y its exceedingly great frequency but also b y the extremes
to which the principle is carried. For instance, any element in a
subordinate clause can be brought to the beginning of the sentence,
although the subordinate clause itself less this element follows the
principal proposition: 'It is yourself I a m come here purposely to
meet with' (Lady Gregory, The Bogie Men, p. 15). 'Is it to shoot me
you are going?' (id., The Full Moon). T h e formal introduction
it is sometimes drops out: 'A little sh6p they are saying she will
take for to open aflourstore' (ib.). In Irish English, it is is often
placed before an emphatic predicate adjective which expresses an
attribute of a person, where in the literary language the adjective
itself must stand in thefirstplace, in accordance with the old
Germanic principle described in 35 1: 'It is prdud she must be
to get you' (Yeats, Cathleen ni Houlihan) = literary 'Prdud she
must be to get you.'
4 II D PRONOUNS AS GENERAL OR INDEFINITE SUBJECT 13

In accordance with the old Germanic principle described in 35

1, 2, a predicate verb is placed in thefirstplace in the case of an
imperative: 'Hand m e that book!' In older English also in the
case of a question requiring yes or no for an answer: 'Knows he
the wickedness?' (Shakespeare, King Lear, IV, u, 92). Today w e
prefer to secure emphasis in questions by the employment of an-
other old Germanic principle. W e introduce the sentence by an
unstressed auxiliary, which contains the outward form of predica-
tion, and withhold for a time the real predicate, a predicate in-
finitive or participle, thus creating a feeling of suspense, which
imparts emphasis: 'Does he know the wickedness?' 'Did he
come?' corresponding to older 'Came he?' Compare 6 A d (2).
In oldest English it was still quite c o m m o n in narrative to put
the verb in or near thefirstplace, since in narrative the idea of
action often becomes prominent, or a form of the verb be was
brought forward to call attention to a past state of things.
M u c h later, Chaucer still uses this word-order with fine effect:
' Ran Colle our dogge, and Talbot, and Gerland, Ran cow and calf,
and eek (also) the verray hogges' (The Nonne Preestes Tale, 563).
This old usage survives in choice lively narrative style: 'Came
Christmas by which, at the outset, everybody knew it (i.e., the
war) would be over, and it was not over. Came June, 1915/ etc.
(Hutchinson, If Winter Comes, p. 256). 'Came days of storm,
days and nights of storm, when the ocean menaced us with its
roaring whiteness, and the wind smote our struggling boat with
a Titan's buffets' (Jack London, The Sea-Wolf, Ch. X X V I I ) .
Since, however, this word-order with the verb in thefirstplace
had even in Old English become intimately associated with the
idea of a question, it gradually became normal usage to place an
adverb before the verb to differentiate narrative from interroga-
tion. Thus by a simple device w e can still in narrative keep the
verb near the beginning of the sentence. W e n o w employ here
there at the beginning of the narrative and later on then: 'There
sailed a bold mariner over the sea. . . . Then came unfavorable
winds.' ' There was once a king.' In older English, before the
verb be w e sometimes find it instead of there: ' It was an English
lady bright. . . . A n d she would marry a Scottish knight' (Scott,
Last Minstrel, VI, X I ) . There is used not only in narrative style
to enable the verb to be brought near the beginning of the sentence,
but it is employed also at the beginning of the sentence to announce
the later appearance of an emphatic noun subject: 'There never
was in all the history of the world a greater blunder.' See 3 a.
D. PRONOUNS USED AS GENERAL OR INDEFINITE SUBJECT.
The pronouns one, we, you are much used here with the same
14 WE AS SUBJECT 4IIF

general or indefinite force: 'As long as one is young, one easily

acquires new friends.' 'We don't like to beflatlycontradicted.'
' You don't like to be snubbed.'
W e often use they here, but with a somewhat narrower meaning,
since it usually refers to a smaller circle or one remote, always ex-
cluding the speaker and the person addressed, hence often used by
the speaker to assert something modestly, representing it as com-
ing from others: 'In fashionable society they talk of the impending
nuptials of the D u k e of Clarence.' ' In that crowd they mostly play
cards.' 'In Japan they generally marry without love.' 'They say
best m e n are moulded out of faults' (Shakespeare).
W h e n a writer or speaker desires to refer to himself modestly,
there is a tendency at present to employ the indefinite one instead
of the sharply precise / or me: 'One (or a person, a fellow) doesn't
(instead of I don't) like to be treated that way.' 'Under such cir-
cumstances you might offer to help one' (or a fellow instead of me).
E. E D I T O R I A L ' W E . ' T h efirstperson plural is often used by
authors and speakers instead of thefirstperson singular, and the
possessive our instead of my, the author or speaker thus modestly
turning the attention away from himself b y representing his readers
or hearers as accompanying him in thought: ' Thus far we have been
considering only the outward condition of things at Luther's
birth, n o w we are to turn (or let us turn) our attention to his early
h o m e influences.' A speaker or writer often modestly employs we
since he speaks also for those associated with him: ' We (the editor
speaking for the editorial staff) owe an apology to the public for
not noticing this work on itsfirstappearance.' In these examples
we still has the original associative force, but it n o w often refers
to only one: ' We (the reviewer of the book) do not say that every-
thing in these essays is as good as what we have quoted.' 'It will
be easier to explain this later on, w h e n we have said something
about what is called the history of language' (Wyld, The Growth of
English, Ch. I, 8). T h e Plural of Modesty in its earliest forms is
very old, for w e find a quite similar usage in classical Latin.
Instead of we some authors employ here a noun with the third
person of the verb: 'The author would remark,' etc.
F. P L U R A L O F M A J E S T Y . Of later origin than editorial we is the
associative wefirstused in the third century in imperial decrees;
in that period of R o m a n history w h e n two or three rulers reigned
together and hence were associated in the official proclamations.
Later, whenever the political power was centered in one emperor
the old we was retained, so that although the associative force was
present, since the ruler included his advisers, the associative we.
developed into royal we, the Plural of Majesty, since the ruler
4 II H THOU, THEE, YE, YOU AS SUBJECTS 15

spoke of himself in his official announcements in the plural instead

of the singular, as ' W e decree' instead of 'I decree.' This usage
spread to the different European courts and was c o m m o n in the
Old English period.
G. W E = Y o u . We is often used with the force of you: 'Are
we downhearted today?' Often sarcastically: ' H o w touchy we
are!' 'Oh, ain't we select since we went to that hen college!' (Sin-
clair Lewis, Babbitt, Ch. II, II) (retort of a boy to his sister, w h o has
graduated from Bryn M a w r , and on the occasion in question has
spoken to him sarcastically).
H . T H O U , T H E E , Y E , Y O U . In Middle English, it was still
possible to express the idea of number in the personal pronouns of
the second person. In the singular, thou was used as subject and
thee as dative and accusative object, while in the plural ye served
as subject and you as dative and accusative object. These gram-
matical functions for ye and you were widely observed until the
middle of the sixteenth century, and survive in the Biblical and
higher poetical language of our time. In the fourteenth century,
however, the form you with reference to one or more some-
times replaced ye in the subject relation in the usual intercourse
of life, and later in the course of the sixteenth century became more
c o m m o n here than ye. Occasionally w efindthe opposite develop-
ment in older English ye was used instead of you in the object
relation: 'I do beseech ye' (Julius Co3sar, III, i, 157). In older
English, ye is thus not infrequently used in both the subject and
the object relation, often in the form of ee: 'D'ee (do ee) k n o w this
crucifix?' (Middleton and Rowley, The Spanish Gipsie, III, in,
40, A.D. 1661). 'I c o m m e n d m e fee, sir' (Chapman, The Gentleman
Usher, III, n, 208, A.D. 1606). This usage survives in British
dialect. The outcome of this development for the literary language
is you for nominative, dative, and accusative. In Biblical language
ye is n o w uniformly employed as nominative and you as dative and
accusative, as can be seen in the present text of the King James
Version of the Bible. In the original text of this version this usage
was not so uniform, as there were in it a number of you's where w e
now find ye. Both ye and you are here still always plural forms as
originally.
The use of the plural forms ye and you for reference to one person
is closely related to the use of the plural of majesty we described in
F above. A s a ruler often spoke of himself in the plural, others in
addressing him felt that they should employ the plural form. After
this model it became general in continental Europe to address by a
plural form every individual of high rank in church and state. At
last, plural form became a mark of politeness in general and was
16 THOU, THEE, YE, YOU AS SUBJECTS 4 II H

used in speaking to an equal as well as to a superior. This n e w

usage arose in England in the thirteenth century under the influ-
ence of French, which here followed the continental Latin usage.
T h e n e w polite form of addressing one person by the plurals ye and
you did not at once displace the older usage of employing thou and
thee here. For a long while the old and the n e w forms often alter-
nated with each other, but gradually the n e w form was distinctly
felt as more polite. Thus, in older English, the forms were often
differentiated. Thou was used in familiar intercourse, and you em-
ployed as a polite form in formal relations. In Pecock's Donet
(about A.D. 1449) the father, throughout the book, addresses his
son by thou and thee, while the son out of deference uses ye and you
to his father. T h e British dialects of the South and South Midland
still distinguish between thou or thee used in intimate relation and
you or ye (often written ee) employed in polite language in more
formal intercourse. In the eighteenth century, Richardson in his
Pamela lets Lady Davers use thou to her brother in moments of
strong emotions and employ thou to Pamela in moments of anger
and tenderness. This usage survives in British dialects.
In the standard prose English of the eighteenth century, thou and
thee were entirely replaced by you, so that the form of polite ad-
dress became general in the c o m m o n intercourse of life, the one
form you serving without distinction of rank or feeling for one or
more persons and for the nominative, dative, and accusative rela-
tions. T h e lack of clearness here has called forth in the popular
speech of America, Australia, and Ireland a plural ending for this
form to indicate more than one, yous (or youse and in Ireland
also ye, yees, yez, yiz): 'He'll settle yous ( = you kids), yous guys.'
It is not unknown in British English. Horace Walpole in a letter
to Miss M a r y Berry, March 27, 1791, in speaking of her and her
sister Agnes writes playfully: 'I have been at White Pussy's (i.e.,
Lady Amherst's) this evening. She asked m u c h after yous.'
This advantage, however, is sometimes lost through the popular
tendency to simplify, i.e., to employ yous also as a singular: 'So!
At last I found youse' (cartoon in Chicago Tribune, Sept. 16,
1923).
In the southern states, you all is used as the plural of you:
'He'll settle you all.' T h e genitive you all's is also in use: 'you all
business.' You all m a y be addressed to a single person provided
the form is felt as a plural comprising a definite group of indi-
viduals: 'Do you all (addressed to a clerk representing the different
members of the firm) keep fresh eggs here?' (Alphonso Smith, The
Kit-Kat, Vol. IX, p. 27). T h e all in you all is often reduced to '11,
as it is only weakly stressed: 'Boys, I want you'll to stop that noise'
4 II H THOU, THEE, YE, YOU AS SUBJECTS 17

(ib.). In the literary language you all is used, but the stressed all
indicates that the thought is different from the normal southern
use of you all, which is simply a plural of you: 'You all are wrong,'
or 'You are dll wrong.' In popular speech you uns is often used as
the plural of you. T h e genitive is you uns'. In certain British
dialects you together is used as plural of you. In the literary lan-
guage and in ordinary colloquial speech w e bring out the plural
idea here by placing some plural noun after you: 'you gentlemen,'
'you boys,' 'you kids,' etc.
The older universal use of thou and thee in the singular and ye
and you in the plural to all persons has survived in the higher forms
of poetry and elevated diction, where the thoughts soar, but in the
realistic forms of poetry the actual language of everyday city and
country life holds almost complete sway, even where the thoughts
rise somewhat from earth, the poet forgetting that the language of
earth keeps us on earth: ' Oh, when I was in love with you, Then I
was clean and brave, A n d miles around the wonder grew, H o w well
did I behave' (Housman, A Shropshire Lad, XVIII). Thus the
old poetic forms, long used to elevate thought and feeling, are in
our o w n time breaking down; it m a y be because the poetic eleva-
tion of thought and feeling that once gave them meaning is no
longer present.
In older English, thee is sometimes seemingly used as a nomina-
tive subject, where in fact it m a y be an ethical dative (12 1 B c):
'Hear thee (possibly an ethical dative, but n o w felt as a nomina-
tive), Gratiano!' (Merchant of Venice, II, H , 189). This same form
is also sometimes found in older English as a real nominative, per-
haps after the analogy of you, which has one form for all the cases:
'How agrees the devil and thee about thy soul?' (Shakespeare,
I Henry IV, I, n, 127). 'What hast thee done?' (Marlowe,
Jew, 1085, about A.D. 1590, ed. 1636). 'If thee wilt walk with
me, I'll show thee a better' (words of a young Quaker to Benja-
min Franklin, as quoted in Franklin's Autobiography, Writings, I,
p. 255). This usage lingered m u c h later in popular speech: 'I
know thee dost things as nobody 'ud do' (George Eliot, Adam Bede,
Ch. IV).
Thou and thee are still used by Quakers, often with the nomina-
tive form thee in connection with the third person of the verb, as
explained in 8 I 1 h: ' Thou art not (or n o w more commonly thee's
not) consistent.' T h e Quaker address originally had a deep mean-
ing in that it was used toward all m e n irrespective of rank, and
hence emphasized their equality, but it has become a mere symbol
of sect since society in general recognized this democratic principle
by the employment of you without respect to social station.
18 OMISSION OF THE SUBJECT 6 d

5. Omission of the Subject. In general every sentence must

have a subject expressed, but usage admits of certain irregularities.
The subject is omitted:
a. A s a rule in imperative sentences: 'Hand m e that book.'
Compare 45 1 a, b, c.
b. In thefirstperson in a few set expressions: 'Thank you.'
'Hope to see you again.' In colloquial American the subject I is
usually omitted in the expression 'I say' employed to call atten-
tion to what is about to be said: 'Say, do you k n o w w h o that is?'
It is omitted also when 'I say' is employed as an exclamation:
'Say! won't it be glorious?' In British English, I is usually ex-
pressed in both uses of 'I say.'
c. Grammarians usually say that a subject governing a preced-
ing possessive genitive is suppressed if the same word is used
shortly before or after: 'Of the three autos William's [auto] is the
best.' ' John's hair is darker than his sister's [hair is].' ' So did his
maiden sister, Miss Monica Thorne, than whose [heart] no kinder
heart glowed through all Barsetshire' (Trollope, Dr. Thorne, II, Ch.
X X I V ) . T h e c o m m o n impression that words are omitted here, as
indicated above in brackets, is in a scientific sense erroneous. The
genitive in all such cases, as here William's, his sister's, whose, has
in English developed into a possessive pronoun. This can be
clearly seen in such cases as 'Yours is the greater treason, for
yours is the treason of friendship.' Here yours is a possessive pro-
noun, pointing forward to the governing noun treason. N o noun
can be supplied after yours, hence there is no omission here. In
the other cases there is likewise in the exact sense no omission since
the genitives have become possessive pronouns. For fuller in-
formation see 57 5 a.
d. A s in oldest English, there is still often no subject expressed
since it is suggested by the context. F r o m a modern point of view
we m a y supply as subject situation it (4 II A ) or some other pro-
noun. This old construction is most c o m m o n after as and than:
'Come as soon as [it, i.e., the coming, is] possible.' 'He described
the affair as [it, i.e., the description] follows.' 'The conditions are
as [what] follows' (or sometimes as [they here] follow). ' A s m a n y as
[they] came were caught.' In older English, the subject was often
omitted after an as which introduced a degree clause of modal re-
sult (29 2): 'I was seized by a fever which grew so upon m e as
(now that it) forced m e to a resolution of seeking m y physician at
London' (John Donne, Letter to Mrs. Cokain, Aug. 24,1628). T h e
pronoun what is often omitted: 'He never reads as m u c h as [what]
is required of the class.' 'He accomplished more than [what] was
expected of him.' Even though the subject is omitted, anticipatory
5 e OMISSION OF THE SUBJECT 19

there (4 II C ) is often employed after than and as to point forward,

as it were, to the following omitted subject: 'One would say that
there were fewerflowersjust n o w than there have been' (Thoreau,
Journal, II, p. 282).
Similarly, the pronominal object is often omitted here: 'Bring
as m a n y of them as you can find.' 'He bought more of them than
he needed.' There is no object in the subordinate clause here since
the meaning is m a d e clear by the words many and more of the prin-
cipal proposition.
The predicate is likewise often suppressed since it is implied in
some word in the principal proposition, especially in a predicate
adjective: 'Out of this war (between the North and the South) w e
emerged more homogeneous as a people than w e had ever been be-
fore' (Henry Watterson, Editorial, M a y 11, 1909). 'I a m as well
as I have ever been.'
Similarly, an adverb is often suppressed: 'He works harder than
he did as a young man.'
Earlier in the period, a what was sometimes inserted in all these
grammatical relations tofillthe vacancy that was felt: 'On the
twentieth of the last February there came on a snow, which, being
added unto what had covered the ground a few days before, m a d e
a thicker mantle for our mother than what (subject) was usual'
(Thoreau, Journal, VIII, p. 163). 'I think I laughed heartier then
than what (adv. ace.) I do n o w ' (Scott, Heart of Midlothian,
Ch. X X X ) . This what is a marked feature of current popular
speech; 'I'm more in earnest than what you are.' 'I hope you can
walk quicker than what you eat.' What is n o w never inserted
here in the literary language.
In older English, omissions of pronouns were very c o m m o n in
the subordinate clause where a preceding word suggested the mean-
ing of the sentence. This older usage survives only in set expres-
sions, as here after as and then and in relative clauses: ' The book
7. hold [it] in my hand is an English grammar.' Compare 19 3
(3rd par.), 23 II.
There is sometimes a difference of meaning between the form of
expression with the subject suppressed and that with the subject
expressed: 'The neighbors were kind as could be' (Julia Peterkin,
Scarlet Sister Mary, Ch. X X I X ) , but 'On this occasion the gruff
old fellow was as kind as he could be.'
e. Subject Omitted when Verb is Used Absolutely. In 'For who-
soever hath, to him shall be given' (Matthew, XIII, 12) the subject of
the principal proposition is omitted as the verb is used absolutely
(46, 2nd par.), i.e., without regard to a subject.
 C H A P T E R III

THE PREDICATE
PAGE
A FINITE V E R B O F C O M P L E T E P R E D I C A T I O N . . . . 20
A part suppressed 21
Finite verb replaced by noun 22
Use of do-forms 22
A V E R B O F INCOMPLETE PREDICATION A N D C O M P L E M E N T 26
Appositional type of sentence or clause 28
P R E D I C A T E APPOSITIVE 30
PREDICATE C O M P L E M E N T 32
A noun 32
In the nominative 32
Introduced by 'as' 33
Introduced by'for' 34
Introduced by 'into,' 'to' 35
In the genitive 35
An adjective or a participle 36
A predicate noun with the force of an adjective . 38
A pronoun 39
Case of predicate pronoun 41
Infinitive 44
Normal form 44
Modal form 45
Form to express purpose 47
Gerund 47
Adverb and prepositional phrase 48
FORMS OF THE PREDICATE
6. The predicate can be:
A. A Finite Verb of Complete Predication: 'Birds sing.' 'Dogs
bark.' 'Riches pass away.' 'Mary writes neatly.' 'Mary writes
beautiful letters.' Verbs of complete predication are often not
complete of themselves and need some other word or words, as in
the last two examples, to m a k e the meaning complete, but the term
'verb of complete predication'is not entirely without inner justifica-
tion. Such verbs stand in contrast to copulas (B, p. 26), which in a
mere formal w a y perform the function of predication and do not in
an actual sense predicate. Verbs of complete predication, on the
other hand, predicate, say something of the subject; they present
20
6Aa VERB OFTEN UNIMPORTANT 21

a general line of thought which is basic even if it has to be often

supplemented b y details. T h e verb with all its modifiers consti-
tutes the complete predicate.
T h e verb is not always a simple word, as in the preceding ex-
amples, but is often m a d e u p of an auxiliary and another verb-form,
both together usually called the verb-phrase: 'I have just finished
m y work.' ' I shall soonfinishm y work.' ' I cannotfinishm y work
today.' Though the auxiliary hasfiniteform as far as possible and
the verb proper is in a formal sense dependent, the verb proper
contains the basic thought.
In oldest English, the verb usually stood at or near the end of
the sentence. This withholding of the verb for a time created the
feeling of suspense and thus m a d e the verb prominent. Later, it
often became desirable to m a k e important modifiers of the verb
prominent b y suspending them for a time, so that the verb was
gradually crowded out of the end position. See 35 1 a. W e have,
however, never lost all feeling for the old principle of rendering the
verb emphatic b y withholding it for a time: ' M a n y things w e
gladly remember, others w e gladly forg6t.'

a. VERB OFTEN UNIMPORTANT. The verb often becomes quite an unim-

portant element in a sentence and on account of the overtowering impor-
tance of some other part of the predicate is so little felt that it m a y be
omitted: '[take your] Hats off!' '[sit] D o w n in front!' A part of
the verbal predicate is often suppressed since it is suggested by the con-
text : ' Have you done it?' ' Of course, I have [done it].' ' Then, I take
it, there had been er ?' 'An estrangement. Yes, there had [been]'
(Pinero, The Thunderbolt, Act I). 'They [have] been comin[g] here a
long time' (Meredith Nicholson, Blacksheep, p. 21). '[have] Y o u seen
Elmer again?' (Edith Wharton, The Custom of the Country, Ch. IV). ' [did
you] Get m y wire?' (Edwin Balmer, Breath of Scandal, Ch. XIII). '[it
would] Serve you right if Red (name) wouldn't answer your old letter'
(J. P. McEvoy, The Potters), '[would you] Like to know him?' (Pinero,
Sweet Lavender, Act I). 'But I guess I [had] better go in' (Tarkington,
Gentle Julia, Ch. X X ) .
In lively narrative the suppression of the verb often imparts to the
description the idea of a brisk movement of events: 'Down the gorge and
over the bridge at the bottom of it' (Wallace, Ben Hw, VIII, Ch. VIII).
Similarly, in imperative sentences: ' The horsesand quickly!' (ib., VIII,
Ch. IX).
In older English, the infinitive of a verb of motion was often thought
unnecessary after an auxiliary, where according to present usage it must
stand: 'Thou shalt [go] to prison' (Shakespeare). In Scotland, North
Ireland, and in parts of America this old usage is still quite common after
to want (= to wish): 'I want [to get] off.' 'I want out.' 'I want in.' '
gium wants in this protective arrangement' (from an editorial in Chicago
22 USES OF DO-FORMS 6 Ad

Tribune, Nov. 10, 1919, p. 8). ' W h o said I wanted back?' (ib., cartoon,
Sept. 19,1923). It is also still commonly and widely preserved after the
full verb let (= allow) in certain set expressions: (to a conductor on a
street car) 'Let m e off at 12th Street!' Dickens in his Barnaby Rudge,
Ch. X V I I , uses it after the modal auxiliary let (431 A ) , where it n o w seems
odd to us: 'Let us to supper, Grip!' Here and there the old construc-
tion occurs elsewhere in recent literature, indicating that there is still
some feeling for it: 'I'll into the kitchen!' (Alfred Noyes, The Torch-
Bearers, p. 109). It survives generally in the proverb 'Murder will out.'
In certain dialects, as in Scotch English, it is still widely used: 'We'll
jist awa' up the stair an' luik' (George Macdonald, Robert Falconer, Ch. X ) .
b. F I N I T E V E R B R E P L A C E D B Y N O U N . There is a marked tendency in
English to clothe the chief idea of the predicate in the form of a noun
instead of a finite verb: 'The matter is under consideration,' instead of
'The matter is being considered.' 'Alter dinner w e had a quiet smoke,
instead of ' W e smoked quietly.' 'I got a good shaking up,' instead of
' I was shaken up thoroughly.' ' W e got a good snub.' Similarly, there is a
strong tendency to clothe the chief idea of the predicate in the form of a
noun instead of an infinitive which depends upon an auxiliary and hence
contains the real verbal meaning: 'Let m e have a try,' instead of 'Let
m e try it.' 'I'll make a try (instead of try) at least not to be a disgrace to
m y Alma Mater' (Mary R. S. Andrews, The Eternal Masculine, p. 381).
' Let's have a good swim!' All these cases indicate a reluctance in colloquial
speech to predicate by means of a full verb, since this method is felt as
too formal, too scientific, precise. In colloquial language there is here as
elsewhere a tendency to more concrete forms of expression. A noun seems
nearer to popular feeling than the more abstract verb. T h e verbs that are
used here in colloquial speech are all of the nature of the copulas described
in B. They merely serve to connect the predicate noun, the real predicate,
with the subject.
c. U S E O F ' D o ' T O A V O I D T H E R E P E T I T I O N O F A V E R B . In all the
different periods of English a form of do has been employed as a pro-verb
to avoid the repetition of a verb that has just been used: 'If competi-
tion advances as it has done for several years.' ' H e has never acted as he
should have done.' 'He behaves better than you do.'
In m a n y cases this usage is more modern, coming from the omission of
the infinitive in the periphrastic do-form (d) of the verb: 'Shall I ask
him?' 'Do [ask him]!' or '0 please d6 [ask him]!' 'Did you tell
him?' 'Of course I did [tell him]' or 'I surely did [tell him].'
d. U S E O F T H E P E R I P H R A S T I C F O R M W I T H ' Do.' In the present and
the past tense of verbs of complete predication the simple verb is often
replaced by a periphrastic form m a d e up of do and a dependent infinitive:
'Thus conscience does make (= makes) cowards of us all' (Shakespeare);
originally according to 46 (next to last par.) 'causes a making of
cowards out of us all.' At first, do was a full verb with an infinitive as
object. Later, it lost its concrete force and became a mere periphrastic
auxiliary. In older English, as in the example from Shakespeare, there
was usually no clear difference of meaning between the simple and the
6 A d (1) USES OF DO-FORMS 23

periphrastic form. Sometimes the periphrastic form was chosen because

it was a clearer past tense form, as in 'For m y vesture they did cast
(instead of simple cast) lots' (John, X I X , 24); sometimes for the sake of
dignity, euphony, rhythm, emphasis, often from mere caprice. This older
use of the periphrastic form without a clear differentiation from the
simple form survives in poetry and in Biblical, liturgical, and legal lan-
guage. The do-form of the verb is n o w used only in the present and the
past tense, but in early Modern English it was sometimes employed also
in the present perfect and the past perfect, especially in Scotland: 'as I
afore haue done discus' (Lauder, Tractate, 340, A.D. 1556) = have discussed
The infinitive following the past participle done was sometimes attracted
into the form of the past participle: 'Remember . . . H o w that m y
30wth I [have] done forloir' (past participle instead of the infinitive forleir
'lose') (Dunbar, X X I I , 2) = 'Remember that I have lost m y youth.'
'Thay ar Wolfis and Toddis, quha . . . haue violentlie done brokin
(instead of break) the dyk of the Scheipfald' (Burne, Disput., 78, V,
A.D. 1581) = 'They are wolves and foxes w h o have violently broken the
wall of the sheepfold.' Both forms of this construction are still found in
popular southern American English: 'I [have] done tell you 'bout Brer
Rabbit makin' 'im a steeple' (Joel Chandler Harris, Nights with Uncle
Remus, p. 97). 'I 'speck I [have] done tole (instead of tell) you 'bout dat'
(ib., p. 97). 'I've done found (instead oifind) it' (Margaret Prescott M o n -
tague, Up Eel River, p. 182). The past participle resulting from attraction
is now much more c o m m o n than the older infinitive form. This attraction
takes place also after the past tense done: ' 'Tain't so mighty long sence I
done tole (instead of tell) you 'bout ole M r . Benjermin R a m ' (Joel Chandler
Harris, Nights with Uncle Remus, p. 297). Compare 49 4 C (1) a (last par.).
The periphrastic form with do was rare in Old English, but began to
become c o m m o n in the fourteenth century and was at its height between
1500 and 1700. After the periphrastic and the simple form had long been
used interchangeably, a desire for more accurate expression led to a differ-
entiation of their meaning. This had become possible since the periph-
rasis had come to be felt as an analytic form and, like other analytic
forms, could assume different shades of meaning according to the stress,
as explained on page 24. Present usage becamefixedabout 1750, but with
certain verbs the old simple forms lingered on even in plain prose long
after they had elsewhere passed away; indeed here and there linger still,
especially in set expressions, as if I mistake not, I care not, I doubt not, I
know not, what say you? what think you? etc. Of course, the poet makes
still more liberal use of the old forms when it suits his purpose. In popular
speech there is a tendency to employ the do-form with the copula be in
declarative sentences, which is contrary to literary usage: 'Some days
she do be awful about her food' (Dorothy Gerard, The Eternal Woman,
Ch. X V ) .
In plain prose w e now employ do:
(1) In the present and the past tense of a verb of complete predication
when it stands in a question, a declarative statement, or an entreaty
where there is a desire to emphasize the idea of actuality, the truthfulness
24 USES O F JDO-FORMS 6 A d (1)

of a claim, realization or a desire of realization: ' Didn't he work?' ' Did he

work?' ' D6es he cheat?' ' I still maintain that you didn't d6 it.' ' But
I did do it.' ' W h y don't you wdrk?' T dd work.' T a m so happy to
learn that you dd intend to come.' 'D6 finish your work!' (desire of
realization). Compare (3), p. 25, 1st paragraph (end).
The employment of a stressed do to emphasize the idea of actuality is
in accordance with the general tendency in English to emphasize the
idea of actuality, realization, or modality by the use of a stressed auxil-
iary: ' W h y are you not studying?' 'I dm studying.' 'You have done
that before.' T haven't.' ' N o w I shall tell your mother. M a r k m y
words, this time I shall tell your mother' (Bennett, Old Wives' Tale, II,
Ch. IV). ' H e hasn't come yet, but he will come.' ' W h y don't you 6.6 it?'
' I cdn't.' ' I haven't done it yet, but I feel that I shbuld do it.' W e
have discovered the possibility of using our analytic verbal forms in such
a w a y as to shade our thought. In these compound forms the auxiliary
merely performs the formal function of predication, gives the time rela-
tions, or colors the thought. The verbal meaning lies in the participle
or infinitive. If w e desire to emphasize the verbal meaning, w e stress the
part of the verb that contains the verbal meaning, i.e., the participle or
infinitive; but if w e desire to emphasize the idea of actuality, truthful-
ness, realization, or modality, w e stress the auxiliary: ' W h y aren't you
wbrking?' 'I dm working.' ' W h y don't you work?' T dd work.'
This great advantage of our analytic forms has been the active factor in
extending their use. Compare 37 3.
The copula and the auxiliaries, which in single propositions, like the
preceding examples, are m u c h used to emphasize the idea of actuality,
truthfulness, are n o w also employed with the same force in double propo-
sitions, where the copula or auxiliary stands in the second shorter state-
ment, reaffirming the truth of the preceding longer statement. The
shorter proposition consists of only two words, a subject, repeating the
preceding subject in the form of a pronoun or a more explicit noun, and a
predicate, repeating the preceding verbal predicate in the form of a copula
or an auxiliary, which is sometimes only moderately stressed, sometimes,
in language charged with feeling, strongly stressed in connection with a
strong stress upon the repeated subject, so that there results a double
stress, as so often elsewhere in lively speech: 'He was odd, was the Cap-
tain.' 'But it's a cunning devil, is that machine (type machine)! and
knows more than any m a n that ever lived' (Mark Twain, Letter to Orion
Clemens, Jan. 5,1889). 'Dick had his Bible out and was praying volubly.
H e had been well brought up, had Dick' (Stevenson, Treasure Island,
Ch. X X X I I ) . 'He had a particular taste, Mr. Glenarm had' (Meredith
Nicholson, The House of a Thousand Candles, Ch. Ill, p. 43). T did not
know him. I really didn't' (Joseph Conrad, Chance, Ch. II). 'The Ship-
ping Master swung round on his stool and addressed m e as "Charles."
He did' (ib., Ch. I). 'Alexandra! Can't you see he's just a tramp and
he's after your money? H e wants to be taken care of, hi ddes' (W. S.
Cather, 0 Pioneers! p. 167). 'I love him, / do.' Similarly, w e repeat a
modal auxiliary to emphasize the idea of modality: 'John must do it,
6 A d (3) USES OF DO-FORMS 25

he just must.' 'John can do it, I just k n o w he can.' 'John can dd it,
cdn't he?' 'John can't do it, cdn he?'
(2) The do-form is used also in the present and the past tense of a
verb of complete predication w h e n it stands in an entreaty, or in a question,
or in a declarative sentence with inverted word-order where there is a desire
to stress the activity or to inquire after or to state simple facts without
any intention of emphasizing the idea of actuality: 'Do finish your work!'
' Does he believe it?' ' How's ( = h o w does) it strike you?' (Jack London,
The Sea-Wolf, Ch. VII). 'Did you see him do it?' 'What's he say?'
' W h a t did he dnswer?' ' Where did he come from?' ' W h e n did he finally
gd?' 'Bitterly did w e repint our decision.' 'Never did I se"e such a
sight!' In such entreaties and questions and in such declarative state-
ments with inverted word-order the verbal meaning is usually quite
prominent and hence the verb is usually stressed. In contrast to older
English, w e n o w use the do-form here, so that by stressing the infinitive
w e can emphasize the verbal meaning pure and simple.
The do-form was so often used in questions for the sake of securing a
pure verbal form to stress and emphasize that it has become associated
with interrogative form and is n o w used in all questions, even where the
verb is not emphatic: 'Whire did you buy it?' 'Whdm did you meet?'
The old simple forms are n o w only used in questions when the subject is
an interrogative pronoun: 'Who met you?' In older English, the simple
forms could be used also when some other word was subject: 'Dis-
cern'st thou aught in that?' (Shakespeare, Othello, III, in, 101). T h e
old simple forms are still used for archaic effect in historical novels: 'Saw
you ever the like?' (Wallace, Ben Hur, Ch. X ) . Also in certain dialects,
as in Scotch English, the old simple forms are still used: 'What paid ye
for't?' (George Macdonald, Robert Falconer, Ch. X X I ) . T h e older
simple form survives widely in the literary language in the case of have,
especially in England: 'Have you swordfish?' alongside of the more com-
m o n do-form, 'Do you have swordfish?' In indirect questions the old
simple form is preserved with all verbs: 'When did you come back?'
but ' I asked him when he came back.'
(3) Do is employed also in the negative form of questions, declarative
statements, and commands when simple not is the negative, only, however,
in the present and past tense of verbs of complete predication, of course,
therefore not in the case of the copula be, the tense auxiliaries, the modal
auxiliaries can, must, etc., the auxiliary-like verb ought, often also the
auxiliary-like verbs need and dare, both of which, however, m a y take do;
usually also not in the case of have in unemphatic statements: 'He
doesn't live here,' but 'He isn't here.' T do not often forget it,' but T
must not forget it.' 'I do not go h o m e till eight,' but either 'I need not
go h o m e till eight' or 'I do not need to go h o m e till eight.' 'She dared
not tell (or to tell) him,' or 'She did not dare tell (or to tell) him.' '
haven't it with me,' but in emphatic statement 'I do ndt have it with me,'
where, however, in colloquial speech w e m a y employ also the form without
do: 'You have it with you.' T hdven't.' In commands and entreaties:
'Don't tduch me!' 'Don't have a thing to do with him!' 'Ddn't go yet I'
26 VERB OF INCOMPLETE PREDICATION 6B
In negative commands and in positive and negative entreaties do is used
also with the copula be, as do has become associated with negative com-
mands and both positive and negative entreaties: ' Don't be late!' ' Don't
ydu be late!' 'Do be reasonable!' 'Don't be unreasonable!' In popular
speech do is used also elsewhere with be: 'Now, boy, w h y don't you be
perlite and get up and give one of these young ladies a seat?' (Punch).
Thus in negative statements there is usually an auxiliary, do or some
auxiliary of tense or mood or auxiliary-like verb. In all such cases, as
explained more fully in 16 2 d, the sentence adverb not, like other sentence
adverbs, stands after the auxiliary immediately before the real verbal
element, the infinitive or participle. The do-form is chosen in the case
of verbs of complete predication in order that the sentence adverb not
m a y stand in its natural place before the real verbal element. In case of
the auxiliaries has, may, can, etc., the not follows the auxiliary regularly
and thus comes into its natural position before the real verbal element.
Although in negative statements the old simple forms have disappeared
from simple prose, the charm of the beautiful older simplicity often asserts
itself in the language of our better moments: ' W e cannot do wrong to
others with impunity. Our conscience rests not until the wrong be
righted.'
B. Predicate a Verb of Incomplete Predication + Complement.
T h e predicate m a y be also a verb of incomplete predication in con-
nection with a predicate complement, the verb assuming in a mere
formal w a y the function of predication, the complement, noun or
adjective, serving as the real predicate: 'The whale is a mammal.'
' M a n is mortal.' A verb of incomplete predication is called a
copula, orfinkingverb. T h e verb be, the oldest and most c o m m o n
of the copulas, has in most cases nothing whatever of its original
concrete meaning, so that it for the most part is employed today
not to convey sense but merely to perform a function, to indicate
predication, connecting the subject with the real predicate. Con-
crete meaning, however, often enters into be, but it is usually in-
conspicuous, so that the form is felt as a copula, connecting a
subject with the real predicate: 'The book is ( = is lying) on the
table.' 'He is ( = is sitting) o n the veranda.' 'He is (= is stand-
ing working) in his workshop.' Sometimes, however, the force is
more concrete. For examples see 7 D 3.
There are at present a large n u m b e r of copulas, or linking verbs,
in English, verbs in various stages of development toward the
copula state, all containing more or less of their original concrete
meaning, so that, though all are copulas, they are all m o r e or less
differentiated in meaning from one another and from the copula be.
A n u m b e r of t h e m are serving not only as copulas, but also as full
verbs, preserving in certain meanings their original concrete force:
'The c o w has run, or gone (full verbs), into the barn,' but 'The
 6B VERB OF INCOMPLETE PREDICATION 27
cow has run, or gone (copulas = become), dry.' A s copulas they
indicate a state, continuance in a state, or entrance into a state.
Simple state: ' H e is sick.' ' H e is a great master.' Continuance in
a state: 'He continues obstinate.' 'He keeps still.' Entrance into
a state m a y call attention to thefirstpoint or thefinalpoint in a
development. First point: 'He became (or got) sick.' 'He (i.e.,
Keats) n o w also commenced poet' (J. R. Lowell, Literary Essays,
I, p. 224). Final point: ' H e became (or went) blind.' ' H e became a
great master.' A s the predicate is often a verbal adjective, a past
or present participle, the copulas are often employed as auxiliary
verbs. A s auxiliary of the passive voice: 'Our house is painted
every year.' Here is has the force of gets, an old meaning that it
has had for m a n y centuries, hence the literal meaning is, 'Our
house enters every year into the painted state.' In colloquial
speech get is often used here: 'Our house gets painted every year.'
Compare 47 6. A s auxiliary of aspect (38 1) indicating duration:
'He is working.' 'He keeps on working.'
The most c o m m o n copulas are: appear, bang (Door banged
shut), become, blow (Door blew open), blush (She blushed red; see
also 7 A d ) , break (He broke loose or free), break out, bulk, burn
(Clay burns white), burst out, catch (7 F ) , chance, come, commence,
continue, cut up (British Eng. = turn out to be: H e cut up rough, i.e.,
showed resentment), eat (The cakes eat crisp, i.e., prove to be
crisp when eaten), fall, feel,flame(His faceflamedredder),flash(He
flashed crimson with anger),flush(Her cheeksflushedred; see also
7 Ad),fly(Door flew open), get, go, go on, grow, happen, hold, keep,
keep on, lie, live, look, loom, make (see (3) and (4), p. 28), prove,
rank, remain, rest, ring, rise, run, seem, shine, show, sit, smell
sound, spring (7 B a), stand, stay, strike, take (colloquial American i
'take ill, sick'), taste, turn, turn out, wax, wear (Coat wears thin),
work (Button works loose). Appear, seem, and often look, though
copulas, differ from the others in that they have subjunctive
force, casting more or less doubt upon the statement. See
44 I (last par.).
All these copulas are intransitive verbs and differ only in this
respect from the copula-like verbs in A b, which are for the most
part transitives.
There are four classes in these intransitives: (1) Those origi-
nally intransitive: 'He fell ill.' 'What I ate lies heavy on m y
stomach.' 'He stands high in the community.' (2) Verbs origi-
nally transitive which have become intransitive since their object
is so often omitted that it is no longer felt: 'The room struck
[one as] cold and cheerless' (Phillpotts, The Secret Woman, Ch. II).
' W h e n George Herbert left off [being] courtier and took orders,
28 APPOSITIONAL TYPE OF SENTENCE 6Ba

he burnt his earlier love-poetry' (G. H . Mair, English Literature,

p. 84). (3) S o m e w h a t different from the verbs in (2) are reflexive
verbs which have dropped their reflexive object since they have de-
veloped intransitive meaning, as described in 46: 'He felt m u c h
depressed,' originally ' H e felt himself m u c h depressed.' 'I felt
such a fool' (A. Marshall, The Squire's Daughter, Ch. VI). 'He
is making (for making himself) merry over us.' ' Seen by the strong
light of the window, her face showed [itself] sallow in tone' (Ellen
Glasgow, Life and Gdbriella, C h . I). (4) O n the other hand, the
transitive make often retains its object but loses so m u c h of its
concrete force that it is felt as a copula with the meaning become,
turn out to be: 'She will make him a good wife.' W e here still dimly
feel wife as an object, but w e cannot put the sentence into the pas-
sive with wife as subject, which shows that wife is virtually a
predicate noun after the copula make. Here the former object
wife does not drop out, as the objects in (3), because it has received
a n e w function, while in (3) the objects drop out since they no
longer have a function and have become useless. In form, however,
wife is still an object, as w e can see b y the simple dative object
him before it. (5) A s described in 46, intransitives often acquire
passive force: 'This cloth feels (i.e., is felt as being) soft.' O n the
other hand, as passive force is often found in intransitive form w e
sometimes use intransitive form instead of passive: ' H e took ill'
instead of 'He was taken ill,' just as w e often say 'Thefirstcon-
signment sold out in a week' instead of 'Thefirstconsignment was
sold out in a week.' In the case of both feel and take, however,
their concrete meaning and passive force are not as prominent as
their function of copula to introduce a predicate adjective.
T h e old linking verb worth (= be, become) has passed out of com-
m o n use, n o w usually replaced b y other copulas: ' W o e worth the
chase (dative), w o e worth the day (dative), That costs thy life, m y
gray' (Scott, Lady of the Lake, I, ix, 166) = ' W o e be to the chase,
woe be to the day,' etc.
a. APPOSITIONAL TYPE OF SENTENCE OR CLAUSE. The use of a copula
represents an advanced stage of language development. Originally it
was sufficient merely to place the predicate complement alongside the
subject without any formal sign of predication. Colloquial speech teems
with examples of the older type of sentences: ' Our sister dead?' ' Every-
body gone?' 'Everything in good condition.' This primitive type of sen-
tence, which simply consists in placing the predicate complement alongside
the subject, is called the appositional type of sentence. The predicate ad-
jective m a y not only follow the subject, but it very often precedes it: 'A
sad experience!' 'Good work!' 'Poor fellow!' In many cases, as in the
last example, for instance, this old appositional type of sentence is firmly
6 Ba APPOSITIONAL TYPE OF SENTENCE 29

fixed in English usage, and can scarcely be changed into the later con-
ventional form with an expressed copula. The old type is most common
where there is a strong expression of feeling, as in the last example.
In the prehistoric period of Indo-European, before it split up into
different languages, thefiniteverb of complete predication had become
established to indicate that the subject is acting, acted upon, or resting
in a certain condition. Where the predicate was a noun, adjective, ad-
verb, or prepositional phrase, the old appositional type of sentence still
in general remained in common use. But even in this prehistoric period
the copula be was often used to connect the subject with a predicate noun,
adjective, adverb, or prepositional phrase. This verb was chosen because
in its historical development it had at this time lost a good deal of its
original concrete meaning and yet retained its verbal form. The loss of
concrete meaning and the retention of its verbal endings made it possible
to employ it as a formal means to introduce the predicate noun, adjective,
adverb, or prepositional phrase, for by virtue of its verbal form it possessed
the power of predication as in its earlier days when it was a verb of com-
plete predication, and moreover could indicate the relations of time and
mood, two important features not found in the older appositional type of
sentence.
From the very start the new type of sentence with the copula has been
closely associated with formal accurate language, hence is employed in
the calm flow of thought in declarative sentences and hasn't such exclu-
sive sway in loose colloquial speech or where strong feeling is involved. Of
course, the old type is common in old saws which often preserve faith-
fully older forms of expression. In many of these old saws we can see
that this primitive type can in spite of its simple structure often indi-
cate clearly the complicated grammatical relations of complex sentences:
'[if something is] Out of sight, [it soon comes] out of mind.'
This old type of predication without a copula is still common in the
headlines of our newspapers: SNOWDEN'S STAND CRITICIZED (The New York
Times, Aug. 17, 1929). Still common also in advertisements: 'Money
back guarantee in every package.'
On the other hand, it is still common in choice poetic prose, where it
often possesses a peculiar charm: 'Blossom week in Maryland! The air
steeped in perfume and soft as a caress: the sky a luminous gray inter-
woven with threads of silver,flakingsof pearls and tiny scales of opal!
All the hillsides smothered in bloom of peach, cherry and pear!'
(F. Hopkinson Smith, The Romance of an Old-Fashioned Gentleman).
It is best preserved in the subordinate clause. In the predicate accusa-
tive (15 III 2) construction: 'She boiled the egg hard' = 'She boiled the
egg that it became hard.' 'The President made him a general' = 'Th
President disposed so that he became a general.'
But it is not at all confined to the cases where the predicate of the
subordinate clause is an adjective or a noun. It is widely used also where
the predicate of the clause has the force of a verb of complete predication:
1
1 wrote to him to come' = ' I wrote to him that he should come.' This ter
old type of predication without afiniteverb is described in detail in 20 3.
30 PREDICATE APPOSITIVE 6C
In popular Irish English it is employed more widely than in the literary
language, the infinitive or participle here usually serving as predicate.
It can be used in any kind of subordinate clause: (subject clause) 'It
is notfittingMcDonough's wife to travel without company' (Lady Gregory
McDonough's Wife), (conditional clause) '/ to have money or means in
my hand, I would ask no help' (ib.). It is especially common here in
the second of two propositions connected by and, where, according to
19 3, the second proposition is felt as logically subordinate: 'What way
wouldn't it be warm and it (i.e., the sun) getting high up in the Sout
(causal clause) (J. M . Synge, The Well of the Saints, p. 1).

C. Predicate Appositive. The predicate may be also a verb of

complete predication in connection with a predicate complement,
usually called predicate appositive: 'He came h o m e sick.' ' Tired
and sleepy, I went to bed.' 'She asked h i m in tears to come again.'
'He came h o m e very much depressed.' 'The two persons w h o had
entered the house friends left it with feelings of alienation.' 'Leslie
reached Edinburgh a general without an army.' 'He died the (or as
the) richest man in the state.' 'This successful enterprise will go
d o w n in local history as representing the best that our town can do.'
For the use of as here, see 7 A b (3) and 7 B c.
T h e predicate appositive often not only adds a remark about
the subject but also has the force of an adverbial clause, thus
sustaining relations to both the subject and the principal verb:
'She sat at the window sewing' (with the force of an adverbial
clause of attendant circumstance). ' Being sick (= as I was sick), I
stayed at home.' ' Having finished my work ( = after I had finished
my work), I went to bed.' T h e wide use of the predicate appositive
in this category is one of the most characteristic features of our
language. Compare 48 2 (5th par.).
T h e predicate appositive is also found with passives: 'Even as
a young boy, he was regarded as very promising.'
T h e predicate appositive is, of course, also found after be when
the verb is in fact not a copula but a verb of complete predication:
'He is (is lying) at h o m e sick.'
T h e predicate complement is used not only with verbs of com-
plete predication but also with a predicate noun or adjective: 'He
is a good neighbor, always ready to lend a helping hand and do a
good turn.' 'She was like a bird, full of joy and music' 'Far from
being kind, he was most cruel.'
Also limiting adjectives are used as predicate appositive: 'But
there is a little redness, a kind of tendency to inflammation around
them (i.e., the eyes), and she is likewise slightly marked with the
small pox; both which blemishes were then imperceptible' (Mrs.
Eliza Fay, Letter, April 24,1779), n o w 'which blemishes were then
6C PREDICATE APPOSITIVE 31

both imperceptible,' or 'both of which blemishes were then im-

perceptible.' 'There had ridden along with this old princess's
cavalcade two gentlemen, w h o both were greeted with a great deal
of cordiality' (Thackeray, Henry Esmond, I, Ch. XII), or 'who were
both greeted with a great deal of cordiality,' or 'both of w h o m were
greeted with a great deal of cordiality.' 'They were all, both, each,
or themselves, wrong.' ' The others were all killed' or ' A11 the others
were killed.' T h e word-order all the others in the last example
shows clearly that all is developing toward the estate of an attribu-
tive adjective, but at the same time indicates its origin as a predi-
cate appositive. W e say his whole (attributive adj.) time, but all
his time, half his time, all these books, half these books, since a pr
cate appositive cannot stand between a limiting adjective and the
governing noun. Similarly, w e say these two books, but both these
books. After the analogy of two of these books w e n o w say also both
of these books, all of these books, half of these books, and 'He sent
some beautiful ties, all of which, however, were too small for me,'
or with the old appositional construction, 'He sent m e some beau-
tiful ties, which, however, were all too small for me.' These limiting
adjectives m a y be used also as predicate appositive to an object: ' I
have the letters all together.' ' I have already paid Messrs. M c C r e a
and Maire half their account' (George Mason, Letter to George
Washington, Feb. 17, 1775). 'I've not said half what I've got to
say.'
O n the other hand, half is often used as a noun, preceded b y a
limiting adjective and followed b y a partitive genitive: my half
of the money. 'I've not said the half of what I've got to say.'
The nouns half, third, quarter, etc., are often used as predicate
appositive to a subject or an object, standing before the subject or
the object: 'My halfthe melon is good.' 'My halfthe money' (George
Mason, Letter to George Washington, Feb. 17, 1775). 'Were I but
capable of interpreting to the world one half the great thoughts and
noble feelings which are buried in her grave!' (John Stuart Mill, On
Liberty, 1). 'Thefleetdid not have a quarter the number of boats it
should have had' (Theodore Roosevelt, The Rough Riders, Ch. II).
Where the predicate is an adjective or a participle, w e avoid the
adjective half in the predicate appositive relation, since it would
be felt here as an adverb: ' Half of them were dead,' not ' They
were half dead,' for half is here felt as an adverb.
The peculiar word-order connected with many and some in older
English shows that they were predicate appositives: 'as there be
gods many and lords many' (I Cor., VIII, 5); 'the letters ... Of
many our contriving friends' (Shakespeare, Antony and Cleopatra,
I, u, 188); 'the fate of some your servants' (Ben Jonson, Sejanus,
32 PREDICATE NOUN 7 A a (1)

V, I, 59, A.D. 1616). W e n o w say many of our contriving friends,

some of your servants. For the further discussion of the predicate
appositive see 10 II 2 H 6.
7. Predicate Complement or Appositive. T h e predicate com-
plement or appositive m a y be:
A. A N O U N :
a. In the nominative after verbs of incomplete predication and
after passives:
(1) After the copulas enumerated in 6 B or after their infinitives
and gerunds: ' Socrates was the son of a sculptor.' ' They fell a prey
to the angry waves.' 'He (Silas Marner) felt a reformed man, de-
livered from temptation' (George Eliot). 'What big girls you're
both getting' (A. Marshall, The Eldest Son, Ch. II). 'She looks a
lady,' but look is a transitive verb with an accusative object in
'She looks compassion, daggers,' 'She would have said more; she
looked the remainder,' 'Some w o m e n use their tongues she look'd
a lecture' (Byron, Don Juan, I, xv). 'Sir Leslie Stephen had the
double advantage of both being and looking a man of letters.'
' " T h e Scarlet Letter" remains the greatest work of the kind in the
English language.' 'I shrank from grateful words which would
have sounded payment' (Meredith). 'They turned Catholics from
sincere conviction.' 'The boy will turn out a marvelous man.'
In accordance with the old Germanic principle described in 3 a
the predicate noun m a y for emphasis sometimes still stand in the
first place: 'Cantankerous chap Roger always was!' (Galsworthy,
The Man of Property, p. 24). Compare 35 1 (7th par.).
The infinitive be is often added to thefiniteform of a number of
these verbs which have considerable concrete force in order to
mark them more clearly as copulas: 'He seemed (or seemed to be) a
happy man.' 'Young Pen looked to be a lad of m u c h more conse-
quence than he was really' (Pendennis, I, Ch. XVIII). 'He lived
to be a very old man.' 'He rose to be president of the company.'
After the verbs let, bid, the simple infinitive of these copulas is
used to connect the predicate noun or adjective with the accusative
subject: 'Let m e be your friend.' 'I bade him be a good boy.' 'I
bade him be quiet.' After other verbs the copula in infinitive
clauses usually has the prepositional form: 'He never expected to
become a criminal.' 'I want you to remain m y friend.' A s he, the
subject of the principal proposition in the first example, is a
nominative, so the predicate of the infinitive clause, criminal, is also
in the nominative. In the second example, as the subject of the
infinitive clause is the accusative you, so the predicate of the clause,
friend, is also in the accusative. Distinctive forms, of course, are
found only in the case of pronouns, which are regularly in the
7 A 6 (3) PREDICATE NOUN 33
accusative in the predicate if the subject of the clause is an accu-
sative: 'He thought Richard to be me.' 'A boy w h o m I believed
to be him just passed me.' 'I believed it to be her.' 'They sup-
posed us to be them.' 'Whom do you suppose them to be?' T h e
predicate accusative becomes nominative after a passive: ' It was
at first thought to be he' (or in loose colloquial speech usually
him, as explained in 7 C a). In the active form of statement the
infinitive clause is not so c o m m o n here as a full clause with a finite
verb: 'He thought Richard w a s I' (or in loose colloquial speech
usually me, as explained in 7 C a).
O n the other hand, if the complement is predicated of the geni-
tive subject of a gerund, it is in the nominative: 'I was sure of its
being he' (or in loose colloquial speech him, as explained in 7 C a).
A noun is often predicated of a direct accusative object without
the aid of a copula an objective predicate accusative: 'The
President m a d e him a general.' This is the appositional type of
predication described in 15 III 2.
(2) After the passive forms of the transitives (see 15 III 2)
which take a predicate accusative in the active, as in ' The Presi-
dent m a d e him a general': 'He was m a d e a general.' 'He was ap-
pointed agent' 'He was called John.' 'He was called bad names.'
' H e was acclaimed king.' ' The Amsterdam Congress (of Socialists)
must be written a failure' (Times Correspondent).
b. T h e predicate nominative is introduced by as:
(1) After the intransitive appear: 'This appears to m e the (or
as the) only way out of the difficulties.'
(2) After the passive forms of look upon, look at, consider, re-
gard, greet, treat, and all others (for list see 15 III 2 A ) which in the
active take a predicate accusative introduced by as (see (3) below),
as in 'I look upon him as a worthy man': 'He is looked upon as a
worthy man.' 'He is regarded as our (or considered our, or less
commonly as our) most trustworthy man.'
(3) After a copula + complement and after intransitives of
complete predication and after passives, as is often placed before a
predicate appositive, although in accordance with older usage as is
still often, especially in poetry, lacking here, as sometimes also
in the two preceding categories: 'As a teacher, he is a stern dis-
ciplinarian.' 'Methinks you breathe Another soul; your looks are
more divine; Y o u speak a heroe (now in plain prose as a hero), and
you m o v e a god' (now in plain prose as a god) (Dryden, All for Love,
I, i, 435, A.D. 1678). 'She acted hostess (more commonly as hostess)
at the ducal parties' (Elinor Glyn, The Reason Why, C h . VII).
'One of those robust natures and incisive constitutions to which
doubtfiguresas a sickness' (Morley, Voltaire, 11). 'Lincoln was
34 PREDICATE NOUN 7Ad

born a (or as a) poor farmer's boy and died President (or as Presi-
dent) of the United States.' 'People are not born carpenters, but
sometimes they are born painters.' 'He was detested as a Tory.'
'He was shunned as a man of doubtful character.'
Here as (from all so, i.e., quite so) as a determinative (27 2,
last par.) points as with an index finger to the following noun
which expresses the idea in mind, thus always indicating oneness
with, identity. For more information about its origin see 15 III
2 A. This as stands in contrast to the predicate appositive
adjective like that takes after it a dative object (11 2 a): ' As a
true friend he stood by m e to the end,' but 'Like a friend he
came to m e and exchanged a few words with m e , but I knew
that he was inwardly not friendly disposed toward me.' T h e as
here expresses complete identity, oneness with, while like indicates
mere similarity. Latin qua (ablative fem. sing, of the relative pro-
noun qui, hence = [in the way] in which, i.e., with the meaning of
in the capacity of) is sometimes used with the force of an emphatic
as: 'He does it, not qua father, but qua judge.'
c. Instead of introducing the predicate complement by as, as in
b, w e still after a few verbs in certain set expressions employ a
prepositional phrase introduced by the preposition for, a usage
once more c o m m o n than n o w : 'He passes for an accurate scholar.'
'Analogy goes for very little in the pronunciation of English.' 'He
was taken for his brother.' 'If thou losest the prize, thou shalt be
scourged out of thefistsfor (or as) a wordy and insolent braggart'
(Scott, Ivanhoe, Ch. XIII). T h e verbs which in 15 III 2 A
sometimes take for in the active, of course, take it sometimes in
the passive.
In older English, for was used here in connection with the predi-
cate what and the verb be, where what and for have the force of
what kind of, as was fur in German: 'What is he for a fool that
betroths himself to unquietness?' (Shakespeare, Much Ado About
Nothing, I, in, 49). ' What is she for a woman?' (Dryden, Marriage
a la Mode, I, i). This older usage survives here and there in
popular speech.
d. After an intransitive copula containing the idea of growth,
development, or a change of position or condition, the predicate
complement indicates thefinalstage of the development or the
new position or state: 'I speculated h o w it would look when the
youth grew a man' (Mrs. Craik, Domestic Stories, I, Ch. V, 251).
'He became a rich man.'
The simple predicate complement is c o m m o n only after become.
In a few expressions the nominative is used after turn, blush, flush:
' She turned a livid white.' ' She blushed,flushed,a deep rose color
7A e PREDICATE GENITIVE 35

Usually a preposition or, after certain verbs, the infinitive form to

be stands before the predicate complement to indicate more clearly
the idea of afinalstage or a n e w position or state: 'From a robust
and vigorous infant I grew into a pale and slender boy.' ' W h e n the
boy grows to man, and is master of the house, he pulls d o w n that
wall and builds a n e w and bigger' (R. W . Emerson, The Conduct of
Life, p. 34). ' You've suddenly turned into a woman and into a very
clever one.' 'Something got into my throat,' in contrast to 'Some-
thing was in my throat.' 'The machine got to running (gerund)
smoothly,' in contrast to 'The machine was running (predicate
participle) smoothly,' but sometimes, as explained in 50 4 c dd,
w e find simple get here instead of get to: 'If I get lying (predicate
participle) awake tonight, I shan't,' etc. (De Morgan, Joseph
Vance, Ch. X , p. 74). 'She grew u p to be a lovely woman like her
mother.' 'He rose to be inspector of police.' 'He lived to be a very
old man.' 'A rumor does not always prove (or prove to be) a fact.'
e. Predicate Genitive. After the verbs be, become, seem, feel, a
predicate genitive is used to express several ideas also found in
the attributive genitive, namely, characteristic, origin, possession
material, and sometimes the partitive idea, n o w usually with the
prepositional form of the genitive except in the case of the posses-
sive genitive, although the old simple genitive was once c o m m o n in
most of these relations: ' I a m quite of your opinion.' ' This matter
is of considerable importance.' ' W e are of the same age.' ' B e of good
cheer.' 'He seems (to be) of a sound mind.' ' I feel of no use to any-
body.' 'He was not of the poor class.' 'Render therefore unto
Caesar the things which are Cozsar's, and unto G o d the things
which are God's' (Matthew, X X I I , 21). 'God's is the quarrel'
(Shakespeare, Richard the Second, I, n, 37). 'Nature has denied
him (i.e., Lord Curzon) the wit that is Lord Rosebery's' (Athenceum,
Yl/l, 1915). "Tis mine T o speak' (Wordsworth, The Prelude,
XIII, 12). 'It is not ours (or in simpler language for us, or in
colloquial speech often our business) to criticize them.' 'The house
is of stone.' 'But ye believe not, because ye are not of my sheep'
(John, X , 26).
The old simple genitive of possession is still very c o m m o n when
it points backward or forward to a preceding or following noun or
pronoun, but here, as in 57 5 a, it is often to be construed as a pos-
sessive pronoun, like mine, hers, etc.: 'The book is my brother's, not
mine.' Compare 57 5 a. T h e prepositional genitive of charac-
teristic often develops here into an adjective, as is indicated by
the frequent dropping of of, which converts the group of words into
a compound adjective, as in 10 I 2: 'The plank is not [of] the right
width.' 'The chimneys are [of] the same height.' 'The two boys
36 PREDICATE ADJECTIVE OR PARTICIPLE 7Ba

are [of] the same size, age.' ' M y face became [of] a very bad color
'The door was [of] a dark brown.' 'This ring is [of] a pretty
shade.' 'It's [of] no use.' 'I only wish I could do it again; then
I should feel [of] some use' (Galsworthy, Saint's Progress, 205).
'Don't be [of] any trouble to him.' '[of] What benefit are all these
experiments?' ' What age is she?' ' What part of speech are these
words?' ' What price is this article?' ' What are potatoes today?'
Similarly, in the appositional relation after a governing noun
where the appositive has the force of a predicate: ' She is a gawky,
slipshod, untidy child, with hair [which is of] the color of tow.'
A n objective predicate genitive of characteristic is used after
show, make, represent, regard, etc.: 'He showed himself of noble
spirit,' or 'He showed himself to be of noble spirit.' T h e of of th
genitive here is often suppressed as in the predicate genitive and
for the same reason: 'He m a d e the two planks [of] the same width.'
'He painted the door [of] a green color.' '[of] What color shall I
paint the door?' After some verbs the objective predicate genitive
is introduced by as: 'I regard this as of great importance.' See also
15 III 2 A. T h e objective predicate genitive here, as the objective
predicate accusative in 15 III 2, is joined to its subject, the object
of the principal verb, without the aid of a copula, since the state-
ment is felt to be of the old appositional type of sentence described
in 6 B a, where the predicate is placed alongside of the subject like
an appositive without the aid of afiniteverb.
The genitive usually introduced b y as is often used as a
predicate appositive after intransitives of complete predication:
'This consideration ought to weigh as of value to you.'
B. P R E D I C A T E ADJECTIVE A N D PARTICIPLES. The predicate
complement or appositive m a y be an adjective or a participle:
a. Adjective or Participle as Complement. T h e adjective or
participle m a y be predicated of a noun or pronoun in the nomina-
tive, here usually standing after a copula (6 B ) or after the passive
forms of the transitives (15 III 2), which in the active take a noun
or a pronoun as a direct object and an adjective or a participle as
objective predicate, as in 'He knocked him crazy': 'The verdict
appears [to be] just.' 'He is rich.' 'He became happy.' 'He was
not a m a n w h o bulked (or figured) large in the thoughts of his
contemporaries.' 'It came easy to me.' 'She fell ill.' 'He feels
uneasy.' 'He got quite angry.' ' M u c h of our best literature goes
virtually unread.' 'The offer holds good for a month' (Mildred E.
Lambert, American Speech, Oct., 1928). 'He kept silent.' 'The
meat keeps good.' 'She keeps well.' 'He lived to be eighty years
old.' 'He looks healthy.' 'The shadow of these things it was that
had suddenly fallen upon her spirit, and loomed thick and dark
 7Bu PREDICATE ADJECTIVE OR PARTICIPLE 37

between her and the friend of her early years' (Allen Raine).
'The rumor proved [to be] true.' 'He ranks high as a general.'
'All services rank the same with G o d ' (Browning). 'He remained
silent.' 'He will not rest content with these victories.' 'It is only
where he drops the grand style that his verse really rings true.'
'Our ammunition is running short.' 'Oldish gentlefolks run fat in
general' (George Eliot, Silas Marner, C h . X I ) . 'He seems to be
contented.' ' T h e joy shone clear and warm on her face.' ' It shows
white from here.' 'He sits tight' (slang). 'It smells bad' (adj.)
but 'It smells (i.e., stinks) badly' (or disgustingly) (adverbs).
'I feel bad' (not badly). 'Your sentence sounds well (adj.), bad.'
'It sounds good to hear your voice again.' 'It sounded harsh to
me.' 'But, then, evening came, and the stars sprang alight' (Sarah
Gertrude Millin, God's Stepchildren, Ch. II, I). 'On this question
w e two stand alone.' 'Stay quiet for a little while.' 'It tastes
sour.' It turned cold.' 'The rumor turned out false' (or to be
false). ' M y father waxed hotter and hotter.' 'He was knocked
crazy.' 'The egg w a s boiled hard.' 'He was found dead.' For
the insertion of to be in a number of these sentences see A a (1).
W e still often find here the old verbless appositional type of
sentence described in 6 B a: The little rascal! The poor fellow!
A beautiful sight! A sad fate! In narrating indirectly such direct
outbursts of feeling w e often give them in part narrative form by
the use of the copula as formal predicate, but instead of converting
the adjective into a predicate adjective w e often under the influ-
ence of the original strong impression retain its original attributive
form, so that w e say 'Indeed it was a beautiful sight!' instead of
'Indeed the sight was beautiful!' and 'Mary's (or hers) was a sad
fate!' instead of 'Mary's (or her) fate was sad!'
T h e governing substantive does not always stand in the predi-
cate, as in these examples, but often serves as the subject, standing
in thefirstplace, the adjective standing in the predicate, not as a
simple predicate adjective, but in substantive form (57 1) with the
suffix one referring back to its governing noun, so that the adjec-
tive is in reality not a predicate adjective, for w e always feel its
relation to its governing noun: ' T h e sight is indeed a beautiful one!'
Though w e thus often replace the simple predicate adjective by
more expressive attributive and substantive forms, w e are, on the
other hand, fond of it in connection with a complementary prepo-
sitional phrase as a more forcible form of statement than a transi-
tive verb with an accusative object: ' Y o u are forgetful of (= forget)
the fact that,' etc. 'I was ignorant of ( = didn't know) these facts.'
'Inaccuracy is fruitful of (= produces) error.' 'His style is provoca-
tive of ( = provokes) controversy.' This usage is very c o m m o n in
38 PREDICATE NOUN WITH FORCE OF ADJECTIVE 7BM

learned speech and often tends a w a y from simplicity in the direc-

tion of bombast.
T h e adjective or participle m a y be predicated also of a direct
accusative object: 'It m a d e h i m angry.' 'She boiled the egg hard.'
' I saw h i m making a kite.' This is the so-called objective predicate
adjective or participle. C o m p a r e 15 III 2 and 15 III 2 A . A s can
be seen b y the last example, the participle here often has the force
of afiniteverb. C o m p a r e 4 8 2 (3rd par.).
T h e predicate adjective is often found in the infinitive and the
gerundial construction without reference to a definite subject since
the reference is general: 'To be cheerful is the habit of a truly
pious mind.' 'The desire of being happy reigns in all hearts.'
aa. Predicate Noun with the Force of an Adjective. In the predicate
a noun often loses its concrete force, representing no longer an individual
person, but n o w a general abstract idea, often without an article:
'He was fool ( = foolish) enough to marry her.' 'He was not blunderer
enough to betray his thought.' 'He was more hero than scoundrel.' 'He
was master of the situation.' 'The child is father of the man.' 'If I were
sovereign, I would rule that,' etc. 'He looked at m e and, heavy and strong
man as he was, he thought it wiser to speak m e fair.' 'Under such strokes
a courageous heart m a y turn coward.' 'He turned traitor.' 'Even irre-
ligious people don't feel week-day on Sundays' (Hichens). 'The highest
genius is splendidly spendthrift; it is only the second order that needs to
be niggardly' (A. Symonds, Browning, quoted from Wendt's Syntax, I,
p. 115). 'that I m a y rest assur'd Whether yond troops are friend or
enemy' (Julius Coesar, V, in, 18).
Where, as in the last example, there is a reference to more than one,
the idea of a number of individuals is usually present to our feeling, so
that w e more commonly put the noun in the plural in spite of its abstract
nature: 'Whether yonder troops are friends or enemies.' 'They were
masters of the situation.' 'Are w e not men enough to face things as they
are?' (John Burroughs, Accepting the Universe, p. 11). In T a m friends
with him' the plural idea is so strong that the predicate noun is plural
although the formal subject is singular. In a few set expressions, however,
as a survival of older usage, the abstract idea is still stronger than the
conception of different individuals, so that the noun, like an adjective,
keeps its singular form: 'They stood sentry.' 'Two girls sat sentinel beside
her' (M. H. Hewlett, The Forest Lovers, 237). 'They turned Christian'
(Kipling, Plain Tales, 11). Jespersen in his English Grammar, II, p. 166,
cites two more examples after turn: 'Enthusiasts have tried the experi-
ment of turning husbandman' (Gissing, Henry Ryecroft, 188). 'Young
gallants with no intention to turn husband' (Walter A. Raleigh, Shake-
speare, 161). The definite article imparts here abstract force, so that it
is used with the singular even where the reference is to more than one:
'They were too m u c h the lady to make up to a gentleman w h o so obviously
did not want them' (J. M . Barrie, Tommy and Grizel, 23). Of course,
7C PREDICATE PRONOUN 39

often used also where the reference is to one: 'He (J. Ramsay MacDonald)
looked the prime minister' (Edward Price Bell, Why MacDonald Came to
America, p. 25).
The predicate noun here does not usually agree with its subject in
gender, but the masculine form, as the more abstract of the two genders,
is employed with reference to both sexes: 'The King's wife was in reality
king.' 'She was master of the situation.' 'She is Jew, through and
through.' 'Nightfall saw her victor (objective predicate; see 15 III 2 A )
in this domestic contest.' In such sentences, however, as 'As for Mary,
she was mistress of herself enough to whisper to Elizabeth' (Jane Austen,
Pride and Prejudice), the feminine form mistress becomes natural since
we are influenced in our feeling by the accompanying herself. Of course,
the feminine form is regularly employed when the predicate noun refers
to something specifically feminine: ' She is more mother than wife.' ' Sheil
was very woman, and one Paris gown and the prospect of more had lifted
her from the depths to the heights' (Rupert Hughes, Clipped Wings,
Ch. XXXI).
In a few expressions the definite article is used with the noun to indicate
a particular noticeable state of things: T a m not quite the thing (= well)
today.' 'Blue socks are now the thing' ( = proper, in vogue). 'What's th
matter (= amiss) with him?' 'She has something the matter (objective
predicate = amiss) with her spine.'
On the other hand, modified nouns used as attributive adjectives, as
described in 101 2, are often used in the predicate, and, as pure adjectives,
are invariable: 'He is high church.' 'I'm west country myself.' 'The
Windfields felt hopelessly small town' (Rupert Hughes, Clipped Wings,
Ch. X X X I ) . 'His evidence was toofirsthand' (Galsworthy, Man of
Property, II, Ch. X ) . 'He isfirstrate as a cricketer' (George Bernard
Shaw). Compare 7 A e and 10 I 2.
b. Predicate Complement Introduced by 'As' or 'For.' Instead
of the simple adjective or participle the predicate is in certain in-
stances, as in the case of nouns, introduced by as or for: 'He is
generally regarded as honest, as defeated,' etc. 'He passes for rich.'
'He was left for dead.' 'He was taken u p for dead,' quite different
in meaning from 'He was taken up dead.' 'This should be taken
for granted.'
c. Adjective or Participle as Predicate Appositive. T h e adjective
or participle is associated as predicate appositive (6 C ) with an
intransitive or transitive verb of complete predication: 'He died
young.' ' Unfortified b y philosophy and unconsoled b y religion, he
perceived the arrival of the end with tears and lamentations.'
Compare 6 C.
The predicate appositive is in certain cases introduced b y as:
' Those w h o vote for this measure go on record as being willing to
further public interests at the expense of their own.'
C. PREDICATE P R O N O U N , OR A D V E R B 'SO' INSTEAD O F PRO-
40 PREDICATE P R O N O U N 7C
N O U N . The predicate complement m a y be a pronoun: 'It was he.'
'It was they.' 'It was we.' In colloquial speech the accusative is
often used here. See a, p. 41.
The predicate complement m a y be a pronoun, referring to some
preceding sentence or description, or to the idea contained in a
preceding noun, adjective, verb, or prepositional phrase: 'Thdt
(or such) was the close of a remarkable life.' ' The thing is to be fre
all around in this world, and only the poor can be thdt' (Phillpotts,
Forest, Ch. III). 'He is the author of the article, but he does not
desire to be kn6wn as such.' ' " They must be curious creatures."
"They are that," said Humpty Dumpty' (Lewis Carroll, Through
the Looking-Glass). 'She is a queen, and looks it.' 'She is v
tired, and looks it' (or so; see 3rd par. below). 'But I call no
M a n bad till such he's found' (Robert Rogers, Ponteach, I, iv,
A.D. 1776), but now more commonly, 'till he's found to be" that'
(or so; see 3rd par. below). 'He is patient, which you never are.'
' She did it without murmuring, like the brave girl which (or that)
she was.' 'I tried to stop him, m a d m a n as he was.'
That and sometimes such (now not so commonly as formerly)
can be used thus also as objective predicate (15 III 2): 'His sister
is tactful, but I couldn't call hfm that.' 'He is honest, and you wil
alwaysfindhim that' (or sometimes such, or so; see 2nd par. below)
If the indefinite pronoun one is used as predicate, it does not
refer back to an idea as do such, that, and it, but points indefinitel
to a person or thing: 'He was a notorious miser, and looked one
generally' (Reade, The Cloister and the Hearth, Ch. I). In older
English, such was used here, and is sometimes still so used. Com-
pare 57 5 6.
Instead of a predicate pronoun we often employ the adverb so
as predicate, especially in connection with if and why and in re-
ferring with emphasis to the idea contained in a preceding adjec-
tive, noun, or prepositional phrase: 'John, I hope you have not
forgotten the butter. // [that is] so, you must go back and get
it.' 'I don't like m y teacher.' ' W h y [is that] so?' 'He is
poor, and so am I.' 'He is a Catholic, and so a m I.' ' Is he a faith-
ful friend?' 'He certainly has proved so.' Although so is often
emphatic, that conveys still greater emphasis: 'To feel with them,
we must be like them; and none of us can be thdt without pains'
(Ruskin, Sesame, I).
Sometimes both it and so can be put to good use in the same sen-
tence: 'She is shy, but it is a peculiarity of hers that she never
looks it and yet is intensely so.'
The form so is, in general, the more common of the two; but, in
contrast to older usage, now generally drops out when the copula
TC a CASE OF PREDICATE PRONOUN 41

be, or in a compound tense its tense auxiliary, in accordance with

6 A d (1), is strongly stressed, or not is stressed: 'Are you ready?'
'I am.' 'He used to be rich, but isn't any more.' 'You are m y
true friend, and always have been.' 'He is willing, but I a m n6t.'
Similarly, in questions which merely express surprise: 'It is al-
ready done!' ' I s it?' but in older English, as in the preceding
cases, with so: " T w a s agreed betwixt us, before,' etc. 'Was
it so?' (Wycherley, The Gentleman Dancing-Master, V, i, 11,
A.D. 1673). 'Just n o w you wished to talk.' ' A h , did I so?'
(George H . Boker, Francesca da Rimini, V, i, A.D, 1856). 'I pray
that it m a y be so, but I cannot think that it is so' (now usually
omitted) (Miss Braddon, Lady Audley, Ch. X X I I I , A.D. 1862).
The adverb so is used not only as an ordinary predicate but often
also as an objective predicate: 'She m a d efifeinteresting just be-
cause she found it so.' ' Things are in good shape, and I like to have
(or keep) them so.' ' Is Beauty beautiful, or is it only our eyes that
make it so?' 'No m a n is poor that does not think himself so.' 'The
present scribe is no snob. H e is a respectfully brought-up old
Briton of the higher middle class at least, heflattershimself so'
(Du Maurier, Trilby, I, 196).
O n the other hand, it is often in colloquial speech used in the
predicate without reference to anything that has preceded predi-
cative situation it (4 II A ) . W h e n in a difficult situation someone
after m u c h fruitless discussion makes a bright suggestion the others
remark: 'That is it' ( = the thing to do). If a wrong motive has
been ascribed to one's act, one replies: 'No, that is not it' (= the
right explanation). Predicate it here often has the meaning of
superior, acme, point of perfection: 'Did he k n o w his Greek?'
'I should say so. H e was it' (Dialect Notes, II, p. 42). Often in
an unfavorable sense: 'He thinks he is it.' ' For barefaced lying you
are really it' (Pocket Oxford Dictionary). Predicative it often pre-
cedes the copula so that the emphatic subject m a y stand at the
end: 'In the dance it (= the important thing) is grace. In a
cigarette it is taste' (advertisement). Compare 21 b (2nd par.),
21 e (10th par.).
a. Case of the Predicate Pronoun. Where there are distinctive
case forms, the predicate pronoun should be in the nominative and
in choice language usually is, but in popular and loose colloquial
speech there has persisted since the sixteenth century a tendency
to employ here the accusative of personal pronouns as the predi-
cate complement after the copula: 'It wasn't them' (Tarkington,
Penrod and Sam, Ch. IV). 'No, it's us' (E. Poole, The Harbor,
p. 61). 'I say it is him or nobody for you' (Hardy, The Mayor
of Casterbridge, Ch. X X X ) . 'Some one said, "That's him!'"
42 CASE OF PREDICATE PRONOUN 7C a

(Hutchinson, If Winter Comes, p. 369). Under the influence of

attraction w e often find the accusative here in good authors in
serious style: 'It is not me [ w h o m ] he misjudges' (Winston
Churchill, The Inside of the Cup, p. 501), but 'It is I w h o keep
M r . Hodder in the Church' (ib., p. 512). Here me has been at-
tracted into accusatniLform under the influence of the suppressed
accusative relative which should follow it. T h e use of the accusa-
tive in the literary language is not confined to cases of attraction,
as in this example, but there is a tendency to use it elsewhere, as
in colloquial speech.
The tendency here towards the accusative is in part explained by
the position of the pronoun after the verb, a position which in
general is closely associated with the accusative. W e not infre-
quently find even the subject in the accusative when it follows the
verb: 'Here be them [that] haue beene amongst souldiers' (Ben
Jonson, Euery Man in His Humour, V, n, 4, A.D. 1601, ed. 1616).
'And damn'd be him thatfirstcries, "Hold, enough!'" (Shake-
speare, Macbeth, V, vin, 34). ' C o m e and dine with us. There'll only
be us three' (Sir Harry Johnston, Mrs. Warren's Daughter, Ch. I).
In colloquial speech, where the verb precedes the subject, the pro-
nominal subject is often in the accusative and the verb, as in 8 1 1 h,
is in the third person singular, whatever m a y be the person of the
pronoun: 'Here are you and M r . Farr, both of you whole-time
schoolmasters; here's Sir Eliphaz toiling night and day to make
cheap suitable homes for the masses; here's me (instead of here am
I) an overworked engineer' (H. G. Wells, The Undying Fire, p. 87).
'Now there's you (instead of there are you), burning yourself out 'cos
your high principles won't let you,' etc. (Sir Harry Johnston, Mrs.
Warren's Daughter, Ch. X I V ) .
Where an appositive noun stands between a pronominal subject
and the verb and thus hides, as it were, the subject and weakens
our feeling for its force, w e sometimes employ the accusative for
the subject instead of the correct nominative: 'All us girls think it
ever so romantic' (Meredith Nicholson, The House of a Thousand
Candles, Ch. IX, p. 127), instead of the correct 'All (predicate ap-
positive; see 6 C, 6th par.) we girls think,' etc., or 'We girls all
think,' etc., or 'AH of us girls think,' etc.
Where there is nofiniteverb expressed, there is a widespread
drift in colloquial speech, and sometimes even in the literary lan-
guage, to employ the accusative without regard to the grammatical
relations: 'Those m e n have other feelings than us w h o have noth-
ing suffered' (Thomas Paine, Common Sense, p. 43, A.D. 1776).
'I don't know, Frank, what the world is coming to or me either'
(Thackeray, The Newcomes, I, Ch. X X I X ) , instead of what I
TCa CASE OF PREDICATE PRONOUN 43
am coming to either. ' W h o talked it over?' 'Why, him and
her and me, of course' (De Morgan, Somehow Good, Ch. IX, p. 85).
'"I guess you ain't a N e w Yorker, huh?" Mike said. "Me, no."'
(Edna Ferber, Half Portions, p. 64). 'There was that in the room
as w e entered which was stronger than us all' (Mrs. Gaskell, Cran-
ford, 22) = than we all were. 'There's not a soul in m y house
but me (= but I) tonight' (Hardy, Far from the Madding Crowd,
Ch. X X X I V ) . Other examples are given in 27 2 a, 29 1 A a, aa,
and 31 (5th par.).
The plain drift of our language is to use the accusative of per-
sonal pronouns as the c o m m o n case form for the nominative and
accusative relations; just as in nouns there is here no formal dis-
tinction. In the best grade of colloquial speech it is stillfirmusage,
however, to employ the nominative as subject when it stands im-
mediately before the verb, as in ' / a m tired.' In popular speech
the accusative is used even here when there are two or more sub-
jects connected by a conjunction: 'This is the last Sabbath-day
that him and me will be under the same roof' (Mrs. Oliphant, The
Laird of Norlaw, I, 30). ' You and him is nice falias, 'deed ye are'
(Manx dialect). 'Him and m e is friends, yes, we are' (ib.). In
popular speech in general the pronoun for thefirstperson some-
times retains the nominative form: 'Him and / (or I and him) were
there.' The accusative is sometimes used here even when there is
but a single subject: 'Her'll be sixteen come Martinmas' (M. E .
Francis, Honesty, I, Ch. II). In M a n x dialect it is c o m m o n to say,
' Them is good,' but usually ' They, we, ye, are good.' Similarly,
in the nominative absolute construction (17 3 A ) the subject in
popular speech usually has the form of the accusative: 'It will be
a very good match for m e , m'm, me being an orphan girl' (H. G.
Wells, The Country of the Blind, p. 16). Irish English preserves
the older nominative here. Compare 17 3 A.
The wide use of the accusative for the nominative, described in
detail above, is unfortunate, for, as illustrated in 29 1 B a, it is
sometimes ambiguous. The expressive power of our language
should not become impaired. It is to be hoped that all w h o are
interested in accurate expression will oppose this general drift by
taking more pains to use a nominative where a nominative is in
order. Compare 31 (5th par.). It is gratifying to observe that
this careless usage, though still c o m m o n in colloquial speech, is in
general less c o m m o n in our best literature than it once was.
Opposed to the general tendency to employ the accusative in-
stead of the nominative is the use of the nominative instead of the
accusative, especially where other words connected by a conjunc-
tion stand between the pronoun and the governing preposition or
44 NORMAL FORM OF PREDICATE INFINITIVE 7D 1 b

verb, obscuring the grammatical relations: 'He went with John

and I.' In older literary English, this error sometimes crept into
the language of prominent writers: 'All debts are cleared between
you and I' (Shakespeare, The Merchant of Venice, III, n, 321).
'Why, Macro, It hath beene otherwise between you and /' (Ben
Jonson, Sejanus, V, v m , 203, A.D. 1605, ed. 1616). 'Let you and I
cry quits' (Hughes, Tom Brown, I, in, A.D. 1857). This error is
still c o m m o n in popular speech: ' As soon as he saw Dorothy and I'
(Anita Loos, Gentlemen Prefer Blondes, Ch. II).
D. P R E D I C A T E I N F I N I T I V E . There are three classes of infini-
tives here:
1. Normal Prepositional Form. There are two groups:
a. The prepositional infinitive is used after the copulas: 'To
be good is to be happy.' 'To represent him as a m a n of stainless
virtue is to make himridiculous.''He seems to have ability.' 'He
seems to want to do it.' 'He appeared to desire it.' 'I happened (or
chanced) to look in that direction and caught him in the act of
doing it.' W h a t is n o w a nominative subject of the verb happen or
chance was in older English a dative of interest (12 1 B b): 'It
hapned me fall in with an vgly Captain' (Thomas Nashe, The Vn-
fortvnate Traveller, Works, II, p. 217, A.D. 1594), n o w 'I happened
to fall in with an ugly captain.' This change from dative to nomi-
native is in accordance with the modern tendency to represent the
person standing in relation to an action as doing, passing through
an experience, rather than as involved in the action or as affected
by it. Compare 4 II B (4th par.). T h e word after happen is now
a predicate infinitive linked to the subject by the copula happen,
while in older English it is a subject infinitive, sometimes with
its old simple form, as in the example from Nashe. Compare 4 d.
Thefo-infinitivewas more common.
Descriptive force is sometimes imparted here by employing as
predicate a present participle or the progressive form of the in-
finitive: 'Her whole being seemed hanging (or to be hanging) on his
words' (Galsworthy, The Country House, I, Ch. VII). 'Instead of
offering any explanation, he seemed waiting (or to be waiting) for
her to say something' (Christopher Morley, ' Thunder on the Left,'
in Harper's Magazine for Sept., 1925, p. 400).
b. The prepositional infinitive is employed after the passive
forms of two groups of verbs: (1) verbs of finding, making
(= compelling), knowing, perceiving, and others with similar or
related meanings; (2) verbs of believing, thinking, saying, re-
porting, teaching, recommending, allowing, advising, commanding,
ordering, and the like. Examples: 'He wasfinallyfound to be sleep-
ing' (a fact), or 'He was found sleeping' (with descriptive force).
7D 2 MODAL FORM OF PREDICATE INFINITTVE 45

'He was never found to neglect his work.' 'He was m a d e to shut the
door.' 'He was k n o w n to do it.' 'He was believed to be rich.' 'It
was ordered sent (or to be sent) to m y house.' 'He was ordered
(asked, requested, or told) to do it.' These two passive groups cor-
respond to the two active ones described in 15 III 2 B and 24 III
d, except that the passive is not used with the verbs of wishing and
desiring in 24 III d. Instead of the present tense of the progressive
active infinitive a present participle with descriptive force is often
used, and instead of the present passive infinitive a perfect parti-
ciple without a difference of meaning, as illustrated above.
T h e use of the infinitive after passive form is characteristic of
modern English. W e can n o w usually convert active into passive
form b y merely putting the object of the person into the nomina-
tive, changing the active to the passive voice, and retaining the
rest of the predicate without change, as if the words formed a
compound or group-word (63): (active) 'He told m e to do it';
(passive)'I was told to do it.' Compare 15 I 2 a. If, however, w e
use a simple infinitive in the active, w e employ the prepositional
form in the passive, for this construction is modern, and in modern
infinitival constructions w e regularly use the prepositional form:
'I saw him do it,' but in the passive 'He was seen to do it.' Oc-
casionally, however, the simple infinitive of the active is retained
in the passive, as illustrated in 15 III 2 B a.
2. Modal Form. After the copulas be, remain, fall, and in a few
expressions seem, the infinitive often assumes a peculiar modal
force in the predicate, expressing the necessity, possibility, or fit-
ness of an action: 'The letter is to be (i.e., must be) handed to him in
person.' 'An account of the event is to be (i.e., can be) found in the
evening papers.' ' W o m e n are not easily to be read' (Hichens, Am-
bition, Ch. X X X I V ) (cannot be easily read). 'Such w o m e n are to
{i.e., ought to) be admired.' 'That remains to be seen.' 'Having
placed so m u c h to its (i.e., the motor omnibus's) credit, however,
there falls to be considered a totally different aspect of the case' (II.
London News, N o . 3896, 1068 a). This same modal force is also
found in attributive clauses where the infinitive has the force of a
predicate: 'There are still serious difficulties to be overcome' ( =
which are to be overcome, must be overcome). 'He has given m e m u c h
to think about' ( = that I should think about). Compare 23 II 11
(2nd par.).
The idea of necessity, so often found here in the infinitive, has
m a n y shades of meaning. It indicates that something must take
place in accordance with the will of a person or of Destiny, or as
the outcome of events or a natural development, or in accordance
with some plan or agreement: 'John, you are to (or must) be up b y
46 MODAL FORM OF PREDICATE INFINITIVE 7D 2

six.' 'What a m I (or do you want m e ) to do next?' ' W e are to (or

must, or are destined to) toil and moil here below.' 'I a m to (or
must) become a burden to you all.' 'He is at last to receive his
merited reward.' 'He is yet to meet his equal.' ' W e are all to meet
next week to settle the question.' 'There is a circus to be here
next week.' There is often future force here, but it is mingled with
the modal. T h e modal force is often found also in abridged attribu-
tive relative clauses (23 II 11), where the infinitive has the force of
a predicate, although there is here, of course, no copula before it:
'She dreamed impossibly of a spirituality never to be hers1 (= which
was never to be hers). 'She did not realize that she, now or about to
be a social power (= who was now or about to be a social power), was
to do,' etc. (Hope, Intrusions of Peggy, 57). 'She desires to flee
from the wrath to come' (= which is to come). There is often fu-
ture force here in connection with the modal, as in the last example.
T h e modal force of the infinitive is often found also in abridged
accusative (24 III d) and prepositional (24 I V a, 2nd par.) clauses
where thefo-infinitiveis felt as predicated of some word in the
principal proposition: 'I don't k n o w what to do' ( = / am to do, or
should do). 'I'll tell you h o w to do it' ( = you should do it). 'I told
him where tofindit' ( = he couldfindit). 'I showed him h o w to do
it' (= he should do it). ' I shall tell him w h e n to go' (= he should go).
'I a m thinking of what to do ( I should do) next.'
In older English, the modal infinitive w a s sometimes employed
after the present participle and gerund being in an abridged parti-
cipial or gerundial clause, where present usage requires a full clause
with afiniteverb: ' John being to go your way, I a m willing to write,
because he is so willing to carry anything for m e ' (Richardson,
Pamela, I, Letter V), n o w 'Since John is to go your way, I a m will-
ing,' etc. 'This particular circumstance of her being to come so
soon' (Jane Austen, Emma, II, Ch. I), n o w 'This particular cir-
cumstance that she is to come so soon.'
In Old English, the infinitive here usually had passive meaning,
so that a number of the sentences given above in which the infini-
tive has active force represent modern usage and indicate that this
construction has extended its boundaries. Originally the infinitive
was a noun and could not express the idea of voice. In Old English,
the infinitive here usually had clear passive meaning, but the form
was active, although elsewhere passive form had come into use to
express the passive idea. T h e infinitive here w a s still felt as a
noun, object of the preposition to. In the fourteenth century the
infinitive here began to be felt as a verb, and sometimes assumed
passive form: 'The menaces of Fortune ne ben nat for to dreden
(active form with passive force), ne theflateryngesof hir to ben
 7E PREDICATE GERUND 47
desired' (passive form and force) (Chaucer, Boethius, II, I), n o w
' The menaces of Fortune are not to be dreaded, nor are her flatterie
to be desired.' The development of passive form for passive mean-
ing was naturally facilitated by the fact that the infinitive here
sometimes had active force, so that passive form was needed to dis-
tinguish passive from active meaning. The gradual development of
passive form for passive meaning m a d e it possible to employ active
form freely for active meaning: ' H o w am I to (can I) pay such a
debt?' 'He is to come back tonight.' Other examples of infini-
tives with active form and meaning are given on page 46. There
are, however, a few survivals of older usage with active form and
passive meaning: 'This house is to let.' 'He is to blame for it.' 'He
seems to blame for it' with modal force, while in passive form 'He
seems to be blamed for everything that goes wrong' there is no
modal force at all. In abridged attributive relative clauses, active
form with passive meaning is still c o m m o n : 'He is not a m a n to
trifle with' (= that can be trifled with). Compare 23 II 11. Some-
times, however, active and passive form here have a little different
meaning: 'This is the m a n to send' (= that should be sent), but
'This is the m a n to be sent' (= that in accordance with our plan will
be sent).
A s in 4 II B (last par.), there has been a change of subject here
since the Old English period wherever there was in Old English a
dative of reference (12 1 B a): ' A c us is to smeagenne baet Drihten
on baere costunge nolde his pa myclan miht gecyban' (Blickling
Homilies, p. 33, tenth century), n o w 'But we are to consider that
the Lord in his temptation did not desire to reveal his great
power.' T h e newer construction is a marked characteristic of
Modern English, but it began to appear in Middle English: 'He
wist (knew) what he was to do' (Wyclif, Selected Works, I, 120).
3. Form to Express Purpose. After a copula an infinitive to-
clause is sometimes used as a predicate to indicate purpose: 'John
is n o w with us to help us with our work.' 'I have been d o w n town to
buy a new hat.' In all such cases the copula has considerable con-
crete meaning. In older English, be was used here as a pure copula
without any concrete force, where w e n o w replace the fo-infinitive
by a present participle, copula andfo-infinitivein older English
being used m u c h as the progressive form: ' A M I E N S . H e hath been
all this day to look you (now has been looking for you). J A Q U E S .
And I have been all this day to avoid him' (Shakespeare, As You
Like It, II, v, 33) (now have been avoiding him).
E. P R E D I C A T E G E R U N D . T h e gerund is often used as a predi-
cate, usually as a parallel construction to the prepositional in-
finitive without an essential difference of meaning: 'To build
48 PREDICATE ADVERB AND PREPOSITIONAL PHRASE 7F

upon any other foundation (than religion) is building upon sand'

(Southey) (or 'to build upon sand'). Compare 50 4 b.
F. P R E D I C A T E A D V E R B A N D P R E P O S I T I O N A L P H R A S E . In gen-
eral, adverbs and prepositional phrases modify adjectives, adverbs,
and verbs of complete predication as adverbs proper, but a large
number of adverbs and prepositional phrases are used as adjectives
a s attributive adjectives, or as predicate complements standing
after a linking verb, or as predicate appositives (7 C ) following a
verb of complete predication. T h e use of adverbs and preposi-
tional phrases in the attributive relation is described in 10 I 2 and
10 VI. T h e following examples illustrate their use as predicate
complement and predicate appositive.
Predicate complement: 'The matter is quite otherwise.' 'Is M r .
Smith in?' ' M y day's work is over.' ' Don't strike a m a n when he is
down.' 'He is down and out.' 'He is out for a walk.' 'The sun is up.'
'He was up early this morning.' 'He is up in mathematics.' 'lam
up with him now. I was behind him for a while, but I have caught
(finking verb) up with him.' 'Smallpox is about' 'He is about
(adverb, not preposition, for the prepositional infinitive cannot
now stand after a preposition) to take the step.' 'He seems about
(adverb) to take the step.' 'The car is in good condition' (predi-
cate prepositional phrase). 'The nation is at peace.' 'I must be
about (preposition) my Father's business' (Luke, II, 49). 'The
trend is in this direction.' 'The trend of both statements was to
the effect that in this critical hour friends of law and order should
stand by the President' (Chicago Tribune, Dec. 29, 1929). 'The
book is up to (compound preposition) date.' 'He is not up to his
task.' 'I a m up to his tricks.' 'He is up to some mischief.' 'It
up to you to do something.' The predicate is often a prepositional
gerundial clause: 'He is about taking the step.' 'He seems about
taking the step.' 'He is on the point of (compound preposition) ta
ing the step.' 'He is above doing such things.'
Predicate appositive: 'The fruit arrived in good condition.' 'H
came h o m e out of humor.'
In m a n y compounds the preposition on is reduced to a, as in
abreast, afoot, aglow, ashore, away, etc., all originally prepositiona
phrases, hence freely used as predicate complement or as predicate
appositive. Predicate complement: 'He is asleep, ashore, away,'
etc. Predicate appositive: 'He is lying on the sofa asleep.' 'He
came h o m e all aglow with enthusiasm.'
A n adverb or a prepositional phrase can be predicated also of an
accusative object, i.e., can be an objective predicate (15 III 2 A ) :
'I should not wish it otherwise.' 'I found everything in good condi-
tion.' There is no copula here. For an explanation see 15 III 2.
 CHAPTER IV

AGREEMENT BETWEEN SUBJECT

AND PREDICATE
PAGE
NUMBER 49
PERSON 60
GENDER 61
CASE 61
8. The predicate agrees wherever the form will permit
with the subject in number, person, gender, and case. On account
of the lack of distinctive forms the verb often cannot be brought
into agreement with the subject; but, so far as the form will per-
mit, present usage requires strict concord. Older usage was not so
strict.
I. N U M B E R
1. If the subject is singular, the verb is also singular:
tiniest hair casts a shadow.'
a. The verb which follows situation it (4II A) or an anticipatory
subject it that points to a following clause is always singular, even
though the reference is to more than two: 'Where does all that
noise come from?' 'It's the children playing upstairs.' 'It was
m y brothers who were struck.' ''Twas men I lack'd' (Shakespeare,
II Henry VI, III, i, 345). Compare 4 II C.
b. If a subject in the singular is associated by means of with,
together with, as well as, no less than, like, but, except,
words which logically though not formally constitute a part of the
subject, the subject is now with our present strong feeling for form
usually in the singular, although the plural is often found here in
older English and is sometimes still used: 'But godliness with con-
tentment is great gain' (I Timothy, VI, 6), but sometimes with a
plural verb if the idea of number is prominent: 'Old Sir John with
half-a-dozen more are at the door' (Onions, Syntax, p. 31), wher
however, to most speakers and writers and is more natural than
with, or is is more natural if with is employed. ' The island of
tralia, with Tasmania, constitutes the Commonwealth of Austral
'The bat together with the balls was stolen.' 'Justice, as well as
mercy, allows it.' ' The girl, as well as the boys, has learned to
ride' and of course ' The girls, as well as the boy, have learned to
49
50 N U M B E R A G R E E M E N T O F SUBJECT A N D PREDICATE 8I1 d

ride.' 'Man, no less than the lower forms of life, is a product of

the evolutionary process.' ' The conquest of the air, like all the con-
quests that m a n has m a d e over the elements, is taking a costly
toll of h u m a n life.' ' Nothing but dreary dikes occurs to break the
monotony of the landscape.' 'Nobody but John and William was
there.' 'Nobody, except his most intimate friends, knows of it.'
c. It is often very difficult, indeed, to determine whether the
noun which precedes the copula is the subject or the predicate
complement. Professor Jespersen has given us a good practical
rule for use in perplexing cases: 'The subject is comparatively
definite and special, while the predicate is less definite, and thus
applicable to a greater number of things' (The Philosophy of
Grammar, p. 150). In c o m m o n practice, however, m a n y find it
difficult to distinguish subject and predicate here. T h e present
tendency is to avoid a decision on this perplexing point b y regulat-
ing the number of the copula b y a mere formal principle namely,
as the nominative before the copula is often the subject, it has be-
come the rule to place the copula in accord with it, whether it be
a subject or a predicate. 'Her children (subject) are her sole care.'
'Her principal anxiety (predicate, but felt as subject) was her chil-
dren.' ' The chief curse (predicate, but felt as subject) is taxes.' O n
the other hand, as the noun which follows the copula is often the
subject, w e frequently, especially in older English,findthe copula in
accord with it: ' All that w e found of the deer were the ragged hide,
some patches of hair, cracked bones, and two long ears' (Zane Grey,
in Harper's Monthly, Aug., 1925). 'What it (i.e., the air) unques-
tionably did contain were carbon monoxide gas and prussic acid
gas' (E. E . Free, 'The Origin of Life,' in Forum, Oct., 1925). 'His
pavilion round about him were dark waters and thick clouds of the
skies' (Psalms, XVIII, 11). 'The wages of sin is death' (Romans,
VI, 23). A s far as the form is concerned, w e might interpret wages
here as a singular, subject of is, for it is often used as a singular in
older English, as illustrated in 2 /, p. 58. But, according to the
rule given above, it is the predicate and death the subject.
d. Collective nouns take a singular verb or a plural verb, ac-
cording as the idea of oneness or plurality is uppermost in the mind:
' The multitude, unacquainted with the best models, are captivated
by whatever stuns or dazzles them' (Macaulay). ' The assembly was
dissolved.' 'Congress were (now was) pleased to order m e an ad-
vance of two quarters' salary' (Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Samuel
Osgood, Oct. 5, 1785). 'The Senior Class requests (i.e., as a unit)
the pleasure of your company,' but ' The Senior Class are unable
to agree upon a president.' ' The choir knelt and covered their faces'
(Bennett, Old Wives' Tale). T h e point of view sometimes shifts
8 I 1 e NUMBER AGREEMENT OF SUBJECT AND PREDICATE 51

within one and the same sentence, so that the verb is n o w singular,
n o w plural, although the reference in the different cases is to the
same noun: ' There was a grand band hired from Rosseter, who, with
their wonderful wind-instruments and puffed-out cheeks, were
themselves a delightful show to the small boys' (George Eliot, Adam
Bede, 233). Aside from cases where the idea of oneness is quite
pronounced, there is in general still a tendency in English now,
however, not so strong as formerly to employ a plural verb with
a collective noun. Of course, sometimes here formal forces counter-
act this general tendency. T h e singular is sometimes chosen for the
sake of a contrast or a parallelism: 'Although he himself presum-
ably knows what are the thoughts and ideas which he is trying to
express, his audience does not.' 'The Mary Rogers was strained,
the crew was strained, and big Dan Cullen, master, was likewise
strained' (Jack London, When God Laughs). Compare 59 1.
Similarly, if a group of words, especially a partitive group, con-
veys the idea of plurality, a number of individuals, the verb is in
the plural, even though the governing noun is singular, while the verb
is singular if the group conveys the idea of oneness: 'The greatest
part of these years was spent in philosophic retirement,' but 'The
greatest part of the Moguls and Tartars were as illiterate as their
sovereigns.' In 'A large number of the garrison were prostrate
with sickness' and 'There are a large number of things that I de-
sire to say' number is n o w felt not as a collective noun but as a
component of a compound numeral, the indefinite pronoun a large
number with plural force, so that the verb is in the plural. In
older English, number was sometimes treated as a singular noun in
accordance with its singular form: ' In the Chirche above in heven
is a noumbre of greete seintis' (Wyclif, Selected Works, II, 309,
A.D. 1380). This treatment of number as a singular noun is still
found occasionally where a writer follows the outward form rather
than the inner meaning: 'Chicago has as m a n y more (models)
and besides these there is probably an equal number of occasional
sitters, transients' (Beecher Edwards, 'Faces That H a u n t You,' in
Liberty, M a y 22, 1926).
e. The singular is the regular form after the indefinite or general
pronouns each one, everybody, everyone, anyone, either, nobody,
neither, etc., since they are n o w usually felt as presenting the sub-
ject separately: 'Each of us must live his or her (60 1 d) life.'
'Everyone has his hobby.' 'Either of the expressions is correct,
but the former is more c o m m o n than the latter.' 'Neither has a
wife.' In older English, the plural was c o m m o n here, as the tend-
ency was then strong to give expression to the plural idea logi-
cally contained in these words: 'Everyone in the house were in
52 NUMBER AGREEMENT OF SUBJECT AND PREDICATE 8 I 1 h

their beds' (Fielding, Tom Jones, B o o k VII, Ch. X I V ) . This usage

survives in loose colloquial and popular speech. Compare 61 1 a.
After neither, however, the plural verb is still found also in the
literary language alongside of the singular. O n account of the
strong plural idea logically contained in it, the plural verb was
c o m m o n in older English and is still found in good authors:
'Thersites' body is as good as Ajax', w h e n neither are alive'
(Shakespeare, Cymbeline, IV, n, 252). 'Neither of the sisters were
very m u c h deceived' (Thackeray). 'Neither of us are dukes'
(H. G. Wells, The New Machiavelli, p. 316). Compare 2 c, p. 56.
None, originally singular, m a y also be classed here w h e n the
reference is to one person: 'None has more keenly felt them'
(Stevenson). It is c o m m o n in older English, and is still used in
choice language, but is n o w largely replaced b y no one or nobody.
It is n o w quite c o m m o n , however, as a plural with a plural verb:
'None are so deaf as those that will not hear.'
Just as the singular is usually found after the pronouns each one,
everyone, either, neither, it is also usually employed after the adjec
tive forms each, every, either, neither, although the reference is
more than one: ' Every boy is taught to read and write.' 'Either ex-
pression is correct.' 'Neither speech is to exceedfifteenminutes.'
/. For the number of the verb after kind of, sort of, see 59 7.
g. A plural personal pronoun, subject of a plural verb, often has
for its antecedent a singular noun modified b y many a: 'But
yesterday I saw many a brave warrior, in all the p o m p and circum-
stance of war, marching to the battlefield. W h e r e are they now?'
h. T h e principle that the verb should agree with the subject is
very often not recognized in popular speech. Here in the present
indicative the third person singular is used for all persons and both
numbers, in accordance with the tendency to level away the in-
equalities within a category, provided distinctive form is not ab-
solutely necessary to the thought: I says, you says, he says, w e
says. In dialect thou (4 II H ) likewise has a verb in the third
person after it: 'Thou's not acting right' (Stanley Houghton,
Hindle Wakes, Act II). This usage is c o m m o n also in the language
of Quakers: ' Thee ( 4 I I H ) is wrong about that.' In older English,
more commonly with thou as subject: ' H o w comes thou Into truth
if thou hast not beene led by ye spirit of truth?' (George Fox,
Journal, p. 313, A.D. 1657).
N O T E . This use of the verbal ending s for all persons and numbers
was originally a dialectic feature of Northern English. In the Old English
period the oldest ending for the second person singular of the verb was s.
In this early period the s often spread to the second person plural, and
then further spread to the other persons of the plural and to the third
8 I 1 A Note NUMBER AGREEMENT OF SUBJECT AND PREDICATE 53

person singular, so that in the Old English period s was often used in the
North for all persons and numbers except thefirstperson singular. In
Middle English, the s spread in the North also to the first person singular,
so that the s was sometimes used for all persons and numbers: 'as I before
you has talde' (Cursor Mundi, 14135, A.D. 1300), n o w 'as I have told you
before.' '0 gode pertre comes god peres' (ib., 37), n o w 'From a good
pear tree come good pears.'
This s was destined to play an important part in the literary language.
In Middle English it spread to the northern part of the Midland, where
it was used in the East in the third person singular and in the West in the
third person singular and often also in the plural. In both sections,
however, the old th continued to be used alongside of it in the third person
singular. T h e s at this time had not yet reached London, and thus it did
not affect Chaucer's customary language. But he was well acquainted
with it, and in his Reues Tale let the two Northern clerks employ their
Northern s in characteristic manner, using it for all persons and numbers:
'And forthy (therefore) is I come' (111). 'Howfares thy faire doghter and
thy wyf?' (103). In one instance Chaucer used an s-form on his o w n
account for the sake of the rime. Later, the s-ending became established
in London and the South generally. M a n y people from the North and
the northern Midland came to the growing national capital to live and,
of course, brought with them their handy s-ending, which by reason of
its marked superiority in ease of utterance appealed to the people there
as it had appealed previously to the people of the North. It affected at
first only colloquial speech, while in literary prose the older and more
stately th maintained itself for a time. Shakespeare employed s in the
prose of his dramas, where the tone is colloquial, while the translators of
the Bible used th throughout as more appropriate for a serious style.
The poets often employed s on account of its warmer tone or for the sake
of rime or meter. After the time of Shakespeare s gradually became
established in all styles of the literary language, but only in the third
person singular, not in the other persons of the singular and throughout
the plural as in northern English.
In older literary English, however, s was not entirely confined to the
third person singular. Just as the s in the North spread from the second
person singular to the plural and to the other persons of the singular,
the literary s of the third person singular, from the late fifteenth to well
into the eighteenth century, occasionally spread to other forms, especially
to the second person singular and the third person plural: 'Syker, thou's
(i.e., thou is) but a laesie loord' (Spenser, The Shepheards Calender, July,
33, A.D. 1579) = 'Surely, you are a lazy lubber.' ' W h y bends thou thus
thy minde to martir m e ? ' (Kyd, The Spanish Tragedie, III, ix, 6,
A.D. 1585-1587). 'What are they that comes here?' (Richard Edwards,
Damon and Pithias, 376, A.D. 1571). 'Your commissioners telz m e '
(Queen Elizabeth, Letters to James VI, 44). This usage survives in the
literary language in jocular imitations of popular speech in the case of
says I, says you instead of said I, said you, parenthetical insertions in a
quotation to indicate the author of the language: '"It was folly and in-
54 N U M B E R A G R E E M E N T OF SUBJECT A N D PREDICATE 8I2 a

gratitude, M r . Brough," says I, "I see it all now"' (Thackeray, Samuel

Titmarsh, Ch. VI). It survives also in the second person singular after
thee in the language of the Quakers, as described in h, p. 52.
In popular speech we find for all persons and numbers not only does
but also do after the analogy of a number of other auxiliaries (may, can,
etc.) which have no s in the third person singular: 'They always does it'
(Dickens, Martin Chuzzlewit). ' It do seem hard' (Masefield, The Everlast-
ing Mercy). In older English, this do occurs sometimes in the literary
language: 'He do confess himself to speak of this third kind' (Philpot,
Exam, and Writ., 335, A.D. 1553). 'He do' not hear m e I hope' (Ben Jon-
son, Every Man out of His Humour, Inductio, 351, A.D. 1600). In loose
colloquial speech, the negative form don't is still widely used as an aux-
iliary for all persons and numbers: 'I, you, he, we, they, don't believe it.'
In the Isle of M a n hev is used for all persons and numbers: T, thou, he,
we, hev' (= have). For the peculiar use of the uninflected form of the
verb in the east Midland of England for all numbers and persons of the
present tense see Accidence, 56 4 b. This usage is c o m m o n also in
American Negro dialect: 'Dish yer chicken-nabber look lak (like) he
dead' (Joel Chandler Harris, Nights with Uncle Remus, p. 20). 'Gawd
always lub (for loves) de righteous' (Du Bose Heyward, Porgy, p. 32).
In the past tense there is also in the literary language, aside from the
poetic second person singular, no ending for person or number, except that
the plural of was is were: I said, you said, he said, w e said, etc., but:
was, you were, he was, w e were, you were, etc. In older English, leveling
took place even in the case of was, which was sometimes used for both
singular and plural, and for all persons. Thus was was sometimes used
with the subject thou instead of wast: 'Where was thou born?' (Marlowe,
The Jew of Malta, 892, about A.D. 1590, ed. 1636). Was was most fre-
quently employed for were with the subject you where the reference was
to only one individual: 'Pray, Sir, h o w was you cured of your love?'
(Fielding, Love in Several Masqves, Act. IV, Scene II). Of this once
very c o m m o n construction Noah Webster says on page 92 of his Philo-
sophical and Practical Grammar (A.D. 1807): 'The compilers of grammars
condemn the use of was with you but in vain. The practice is uni-
versal, except among m e n who learn their language by books. The best
authors have given it their sanction, and the usage is too well established
to be altered.' The use of was for reference to more than one was much
less widespread, but it has become c o m m o n in current popular speech:
'we, you, they, was.' But also the older literary usage of employing in
the second person was for reference to one and were for more than one
occurs here: you was (sing.), you were (pi.).
2. If the subject is plural, or if there are several subjects, the
verb is plural: 'The boys in our class are m o r e numerous than the
girls.' 'A strong wind and a full sail bring joy to the sailor.'
a. W h e n the verb precedes a n u m b e r of subjects, it is often in
the singular, especially in older English: 'And n o w abideth faith,
hope, charity, these three' (/ Cor., XIII, 13). This usage lingers on
8 12 6 NUMBER AGREEMENT OF SUBJECT AND PREDICATE 53

in poetry: 'It is man's age-long struggle to draw near His Maker,

learn His thoughts, discern His law A boundless task in whose
infinitude, A s in the unfolding light and law of love, Abides our
hope and our eternal joy' (Alfred Noyes, The Torch-Bearers, p. 230).
Plain prose usage here today favors strict agreement of the verb
with its subject, hence the plural is n o w the natural form of the
verb. There is often a hesitation to use a plural verb because it
does not harmonize with the nearest subject: 'There is little illus-
tration and no side-lights of suggestion' (G. W . Lewes, Aristotle,
Ch. I, p. 20), instead of 'There is little illustration and there are no
side-lights of suggestion.'
In older English, as illustrated on page 53, a singular verb was
not infrequently used with a following plural subject, a usage
which survives in popular speech. Survivals still occasionally
occur also in the literary language after there is, there exists, etc.;
i.e., in certain set expressions where the mind is not on the alert:
' There exists, sometimes only in germ and potentially, sometimes
more or less developed, the same tendencies and passions which
have m a d e our fellow-citizens of other classes what they are'
(M. Arnold, Culture and Anarchy, Ch. III). 'Here there does
seem to be, if not certainties, at least a few probabilities, that,'
etc. (H. G. Wells, Mankind in the Making, Ch. III).
W h e n the subjects precede, the verb sometimes stands in the
singular, agreeing with the last of a number of subjects, usually,
however, only w h e n this part of the subject serves as a climax to
the whole of the subject or summarizes the different subjects:
'Your interest, your honor, G o d himself bids you do it' (Onions,
An Advanced English Syntax, p. 31). 'Her knights and dames
her court is there' (Byron, Parisina).
In older English, a singular verb is often found after two or more
singular subjects where w e n o w employ a plural verb. T h e singular
form of the verb here was defended on the ground that the verb
agrees with one subject and is understood with the other or the
others. N o a h Webster in his Philosophical and Practical Gram-
mar (A.D. 1807) defends thus the following sentence: 'Nor were the
young fellows so wholly lost to a sense of right as pride and conceit
has (now have) since m a d e them affect to be' (Rambler, N o . 97).
b. In case several coordinate singular subjects represent the
same person, the verb is in the singular, often also w h e n they are
felt as forming a distinct collective idea, a close union or oneness
of idea: ' M y colleague and dear friend (one person) is near death's
door.' 'Slow and steady (one person or animal that is slow and
steady) wins the race.' 'Tomumble over the past, to live on the
classics, however splendidly, is senility' (H. G. Wells). ' To make
56 NUMBER AGREEMENT OF SUBJECT AND PREDICATE 8 12c

life worth living and to raise the standard of comfort sounds well'
(G. Peel). 'A cart and horse (felt as a unit) was seen at a distance.'
'The sum and substance of the matter is this,' etc. 'The long and
short of it is,' etc. Aside from a few expressions, the singular is
not n o w so c o m m o n as formerly where the different subjects form
a collective idea.
O n the other hand, when each of a number of singular noun
subjects is considered separately, the verb is in the singular: 'A
fever, a mutilation, a cruel disappointment, a loss of wealth, a loss
of friends, seems at the m o m e n t untold loss' (Emerson). 'The
author, the wit, the partisan, thefinegentleman, does not take the
place of the m a n ' (id.). 'Not enjoyment, and not sorrow, 7s our
destined end or w a y ' (Longfellow, Psalm of Life). 'Either sex and
every age was engaged in the pursuits of industry' (Gibbon, Roman
Empire, Ch. X ) . 'Every boy and girl is taught to read and write.'
'Many an orator and essayist has pointed out the supreme value to
manhood of the hard grinding conditions under which such boys
grow up' (Theodore Clarke Smith, James A. Garfield, I, p. 35).
c. In connection with the conjunctions not only but (also),
either or, neither nor, partly partly, etc., the different su
jects are considered singly, and hence the verb agrees with one of
them the one next to it and is understood with the others:
'Not only the children are ill, but also the mother.' 'Not only
arms and arts, but man himself has yielded to it' (i.e., the pen).
'Either John or William is to blame.' 'Either the mayor or the
aldermen are to blame.' 'Neither the girls nor John is to blame.'
'Neither she nor John is to blame.'
After neither nor w e still oftenfindthe plural verb after singu-
lar subjects since there has long been a tendency to give formal
expression to the plural idea which always lies in the negative form
of statement: 'And neuer sithen nouther the kyng of Ermonye ne
the countree weren neuer in pees' (Mandeville, Travels, Ch. XVII,
about A.D. 1410-1420) = 'Since that time neither the King of
Armenia nor the country have been at peace.' 'Neither search
nor labor are necessary' (Johnson, Idler, N o . 44, A.D. 1759).
'Neither he nor his lady were at h o m e ' (George Washington,
Diary, Dec. 2, 1789). 'Neither Leopardi nor Wordsworth are
of the same order with the great poets w h o m a d e such verses
as . . .' (Matthew Arnold). 'Neither painting norfightingfeed
m e n ' (Ruskin). 'It (i.e., Matthew Arnold's Thyrsis) does not
carry the same conviction of distress that Lycidas does; neither
the friendship nor the sorrow seem so profound' (Robert Bridges,
'Poetic Diction in English,' in Forum, M a y , 1923, p. 1539).
Compare these examples with those in 1 e, p. 51. Similarly, after
8 I 2 e NUMBER AGREEMENT OF SUBJECT AND PREDICATE 57

not . . . either or, which has the force of neither nor: ' I do
not think either Montaigne or Johnson were good judges' (Lord
Avebury). W e sometimes find the plural after or since the speaker
or writer feels that the statement, though at any one time appli-
cable to only one of two or more things, holds good for them all:
' M y life or death are equal both to m e ' (Dryden). 'A drama or
an eTpicfillthe mind and one does not look beyond them' (Matthew
Arnold, Essays in Criticism, II, p. 135). 'Acting, singing, or re-
citing are forbidden them' (H. G. Wells). 'What are honor or
dishonor to her?' (Henry James). 'Language is the medium of
literature as marble or bronze or clay are the materials of the sculp-
tor' (Sapir, Language, p. 237). T h e expression one or two always
requires the plural: ' There are one or two subjects on which you are
bound to have but one opinion' (Ruskin). After a word or two the
singular is often used since w e feel the collective force: 'Only a
word or two is (or are) needed here.' Where the subjects are per-
sonal pronouns of different persons there is considerable fluctua-
tion in present usage. See II, p. 60.
d. If the subject of the sentence is the n a m e of a book, drama,
newspaper, country, or in general any title, proper name, the verb
is usually in the singular: '"The Virginians" is a good story.'
'"The Liars" was produced yesterday at the Criterion.' '"The
Times" reports,' etc. 'The United States is the paradise of the
workman,' but often also the plural: 'The United States of
America, which reckon 20,000,000 of people' (Emerson, English
Traits, 26). See also 59 2.
e. If a single plural subject or several singular or plural subjects
are felt as forming the idea of a firm mass or fixed amount, the
verb is in the singular: 'Nearly thirty shillings was paid for a pound
of tea in 1710.' 'Oh, there's bushels of fun in that!' (Eugene Field,
Poems of Childhood, 'The Drum'). ' Thefiftymiles was (or were)
covered by the winner in four hours, fourteen minutes, and forty-
five seconds.' 'Thirty minutes is sufficient for a good sermon.'
'Four years has seemed a long time to you but a very short time
to us' (Woodrow Wilson, June 12,1910). 'Three times (adverbial
element) 3 is (or are) 9.' 'Three times 3 quarts of water is 9
quarts.' 'Three times 3 oranges are 9 oranges.' '2 and 2 is (or
are) 4.' '2 quarts of water and two more quarts is 4 quarts.'
'2 oranges and 2 oranges are 4 oranges.' '4 from 6 (phrase used
as subject) leaves (not leave) 2,' but '6 less (or minus) 4 is (or
are) 2,' in which 'less 4' and 'minus 4' are prepositional phrases
with adverbial force. '20 divided by 5 (phrase used as subject)
equals (not equal) 4.' '5 is contained in 15 three times,' or 'There
are three 5's in 15.' 'There was two hundred dollars in the purse,'
68 NUMBER AGREEMENT OF SUBJECT AND PREDICATE 8 14

but 'There were two hundred-dollar bills in the purse.' 'Three-

fourths of the surface of the earth is sea,' but 'Three fourths of
our old college class are married.'
/. N o u n s that are plural in form but singular in sense, such as
gallows, news, measles, mumps, smallpox (for small pocks), usually
take a verb in the singular: ' This sad news was brought to him at
once.' 'Few diseases provide a more favorable chance for con-
sumption to develop than does measles' (Thos. S. Blair, Public
Hygiene, p. 307). S o m e nouns, such as amends, means, odds (now
usually a plural, except in the meaning of difference), pains, tid-
ings (more commonly a plural), are sometimes used as plurals,
sometimes as singulars: 'What's the odds?' but 'The odds are
against us.' 'Great pains have (or has) been taken,' or 'Much
pains has been taken.' 'All possible means have been adopted,'
or 'Every means has been tried.' 'Then come (less commonly
comes) tidings that,' etc. Sciences in -4cs, as mathematics, eco-
nomics, physics, etc., are usually felt as singulars, but the names
of practical matters, as athletics, gymnastics, tactics, politics,
usually felt as plurals: 'Mathematics is (sometimes are) not his
strong point.' 'Physics is mainly the science of the transforma-
tion of energy.' ' Politics are m y only pleasure' (Oscar Wilde, An
Ideal Husband, Act I), but also the singular is used here where
the idea of oneness is pronounced: 'Politics makes strange bed-
fellows.' In older English, wages was a plural form with singular
force: 'Their daily wages is so small' (Sir T h o m a s More, Utopia).
Wages is n o w a plural: 'But I shall be able to manage till m y first
quarter's wages come in' (George Moore, Esther Waters, Ch. III).
The singular wage is often used: a living wage or living wages.
Compare 59 2.
Alms, eaves, and riches (from Old French richesse), though in
older English singular forms, are n o w felt and treated as plurals:
'Where riches are, some alms are due.' 'The eaves are not yet
finished.'
Lots of or lots, heaps of or heaps, though originally plural nouns,
are n o w felt as indefinite pronouns expressing an indefinite number
or amount, so that, when used as subject expressing an indefinite
amount, they take a singular verb: 'There is lots of fun and there's
lots to follow.' 'There was heaps of fun' (Alec W a u g h , Loom of
Youth, III, Ch. VIII). Compare Parts of Speech, 7 5.
3. Where there are an affirmative and a negative subject, the
verb agrees with the affirmative: 'Virtue, not rolling suns, the
mind matures' (Young, Night Thoughts).
4. T h e verb is in the plural where a singular abstract subject
is modified b y two or more adjectives connected b y and which
8 17 NUMBER AGREEMENT OF SUBJECT AND PREDICATE 59

clearly indicate that two or more things are meant: 'Sacred and
profane wisdom agree in declaring that "pride goeth before a fall."'
The abstract subject here retains its singular form since it cannot
as an abstract noun take a plural. Similarly, w e employ a singular
subject and a plural verb w h e n the subject is a mass word modified
by two adjectives connected b y and: 'Good and bad butter are
things quite different to our taste.'
Of course, the verb is in the plural where there is an article or
other limiting adjective before each of the descriptive adjectives
to indicate that two persons or things are described: ' The red and
the white rose are both beautiful.' Similarly, the verb is in the
plural after a singular noun modified b y two possessive adjectives
referring to different persons: ' Your and my wife (or more com-
monly your wife and mine) are good friends.' Compare 10 I 4 and
57 5 a.
5. After the group more than there is a difference of usage
according to the meaning. T h e usual form of expression is the
singular verb since more than is felt as an adverb, as equivalent to
not merely; but others feel more as a plural indefinite pronoun
and employ the plural verb: ' M o r e than one has (or have) found it
so.' Of course, the plural is used w h e n the words are separated:
'More have found it so than just he.'
Similarly, Zess than is often felt as an adverb: 'There were less
than (adverb) sixty ( = sixty people) there,' or 'There were fewer
(plural pronoun) than sixty there.'
6. T h e predicate noun agrees with the subject in number: ' The
Puritans (subject) were the King's most exasperated enemies,' or
in order to emphasize the subject 'The King's most exasperated
enemies were the Puritans' For the position of the subject
see 3, p. 3.
a. The predicate noun does not agree with the subject if it is the
name of a material or is a collective or an abstract noun: ' Ye are the salt
of the earth' (Matthew, V, 13). 'The Swedes are a Germanic people.'
'Good children are the joy of their parents.' Concrete nouns in the predi-
cate assume a general abstract force and then often do not agree with
the subject, as illustrated in 7 B a aa.
7. The verb is in the singular if its subject is a clause: ' That
they were in error in these matters is n o w clear to us and probably
also to their warmest friends.' Similarly, a group of words con-
taining a single thought or picture takes the singular form of
the verb: 'Early to bed and early to rise makes a m a n healthy,
wealthy, and wise.' ' Three such rascals hanged in one day is good
work for society.' C o m p a r e 17 3 B .
60 PERSON AGREEMENT OF SUBJECT AND PREDICATE 8 II 3

II. P E R S O N
A few difficulties arise with regard to the form of the verb
when pronouns of different persons are used as subjects:
1. W h e n two or more subjects of different persons are in appo-
sition, the verb agrees with thefirstof them since it is felt as
containing the leading idea: 'I, your master, command you.'
2. Where there are an affirmative and a negative subject, the
verb agrees with the affirmative: 'I, not you, am to blame,' or
'I am to blame, not you.'
3. Where there are subjects of different persons connected by
or or nor, most grammarians prescribe that the verb should agree
with the nearest subj ect: ' Either he or I am in the wrong.' ' Either
w e or John is in the wrong.' 'Neither he nor I am in the wrong.'
'Neither w e nor John is in the wrong.' In our ordinary English,
however, this construction is not n o w c o m m o n , for most people
desire to avoid the annoying necessity of making a choice between
the two persons. Hence the most c o m m o n usage n o w is to sep-
arate the sentence into two distinct propositions, each with a
verb or one with a verb and one elliptical in form: 'Either he is
in the wrong or I am.' ' W e are not in the wrong, nor [is] John
either.' T h e wide currency of this usage indicates that most
people dodge the necessity of making a choice between the two
persons as though it were an educational test which they dreaded
to meet. This diffidence stands in marked contrast to the fearless
directness which in similar cases elsewhere often urges us to express
ourselves tersely at whatever cost, since w e feel that it is better to
speak by guess than to become systematically awkward in expres-
sion. In colloquial and popular speech m a n y people, feeling this
awkwardness, place the subjects together and employ a plural verb,
which, though often incorrect, always avoids the clash of the differ-
ent persons: 'Either he or 7 are in the wrong.' After nor, however,
the plural occurs also in the literary language, for here it is logi-
cal, as often elsewhere after neither or neither nor: 'Neither
Isabel nor I are timid people' (H. G. Wells, The NewMachiavelli,
p. 436). 'Neither you nor I are ever going to say a word about
it' (Marion Crawford, Katherine Lauderdale, I, Ch. X V ) .
In a number of cases the force of or is not really disjunctive,
so that the rule does not apply at all and w e must be guided by
the sense: 'There are one or two irregularities to be noted.' Here
one or two has the force of an indefinite number, hence the verb
is in the plural. In 'The scriptures, or Bible, are the only authen-
tic source' (Bishop Tomline) the words 'or Bible' are a mere
explanation of 'Scriptures,' which is the real subject.
8 IV CASE AGREEMENT OF SUBJECT AND PREDICATE 61

In the above examples either and neither are construed as con-

junctions, so that they do not influence the form of the verb. But
sometimes they are treated as pronouns employed as subject of
the verb and followed by two appositives: 'Either he or I is in
the wrong.' 'Neither m y dog nor I is for sale' (Thomas Nelson
Page, John Marvel, Assistant, Ch. X X V I ) . 'Neither you nor I
necessary to the progress of that great Methodist Church' (Sinclair
Lewis, Elmer Gantry, Ch. XVIII, IV). Of course, the verb is
here always in the third person, agreeing with its subject either or
neither.
III. G E N D E R
The predicate noun can assume a form in accordance with t
natural sex of the person or animal represented by the subject,
provided such forms are elsewhere in common use for persons or
animals: ' He is a count.' ' The animal is a bull.' ' She is a cou
In general, we have few such special forms for males and females,
and hence usually employ the same form for both males and
females: 'He is a teacher.' 'She is a teacher.' 'She is a good
of mine.' Sometimes we can put a word such as woman, lady, man,
girl, boy, etc., before the predicate noun to indicate sex: 'She is
the only woman competitor.' 'She is the best lady (better woman)
physician in the city.' 'It's a woman friend of mine.' 'It's a
man friend of mine.' 'It's a boy actor.' 'It's a she goat, a he
goat.' For a fuller treatment see 60 1 b.

IV. CASE
The predicate noun or pronoun agrees with a nominative sub-
ject in case and thus both stand in the nominative: 'It is /,'
but in colloquial speech we often hear the accusative here: 'It
is me.' See 7 C a. 'Who (predicate) are the men working on
the roof?' 'They are the tilers.' Where there is a reference to
a name already mentioned, a predicate pronoun is used: 'Jesus
therefore went forth, and said unto them, W h o m seek ye? They
answered, Jesus of Nazareth. Jesus said unto them, I am he'
(John, XVIII, 4-5). Today we may still in such a case say
'I am he,' or perhaps more commonly 'This is he,' but in col-
loquial speech we sometimes replace the pronoun by a noun: 'I
am the man [you're looking for],' or 'I am your man.'
A noun or pronoun predicated of an accusative is in the accusa-
tive. For examples see 7 A a (1), 4th par.
A noun or pronoun predicated of the genitive subject of a gerund
is in the nominative. For an example see 7 A a (1), next to last par.
Also the genitive is used in the predicate. See 7 A e.
 CHAPTER V

SUBORDINATE ELEMENTS OF A SENTENCE

9. The subordinate elements of a sentence are called modifiers.
They are divided into the following general classes:
1. Attributive Adjective Modifiers, which modify a noun or a
pronoun.
2. Objective Modifiers, which modify a verb, an adjective, or an
adverb.
3. Adverbial Modifiers, which modify a verb, an adjective, or
another adverb. It is often difficult to distinguish an adverbial
from an objective modifier as both kinds of modifiers modify verbs,
adjectives, and adverbs. In this book the term object is used
where the relation to the modified word is close. T h e expression
adverbial modifier is employed to indicate a less close relation.
Compare 14 a, 24 IV, 24 I V a, 25 1.
Thus modifiers are classified according to their function. Recent
grammarians under Jespersen's influence speak also of the 'rank'
of the modifier. In 'exceedingly prompt action' action is called
the principal, prompt the secondary word or adjunct, exceedingly
the tertiary word or subjunct.

ATTRIBUTIVE ADJECTIVE MODIFIERS

PAGE
A D H E R E N T A N D APPOSITIVE A D J E C T I V E A N D PARTICIPLE 63
Position and stress 63
Nouns, adverbs, and phrases used as adjectives . . 66
Repetition of limiting adjective 68
Noun modified by two possessive adjectives con-
nected by 'and' 69
Logical relations of the adjective to the governing
noun 70
Orthographical form 70
ATTRIBUTIVE GENITIVE 70
Form, position, stress 70
S-genitive associated with the conception of life . 75
Double genitive 75
Position of genitive among other attributive modi-
fiers 77
Categories 77
Genitive of origin 78
62
10 I 1 ATTRIBUTIVE ADJECTIVE MODIFIERS 63

PAGE
Possessive genitive 78
Possessive group genitive 80
Unclear old genitive 81
Subjective genitive 81
Objective genitive 81
Genitive of material or composition 82
Descriptive genitive 83
Genitive of characteristic 83
Genitive of measure 83
Appositive genitive 84
Partitive genitive 85
Nature 86
Replaced by an appositive 87
Appositive replaced by a partitive genitive . . 87
Blending 88
Genitive of gradation 88
APPOSITION 88
Loose apposition 89
Pronouns in apposition 91
Appositive to a sentence 91
Close apposition 91
PREPOSITIONAL P H R A S E A S M O D I F I E R O F A N O U N . . 92
INFINITIVE A S M O D I F I E R O F A N O U N 93
ADVERB AS MODIFIER OF A N O U N 93
CLAUSE AS MODIFIER OF A N O U N 94
Logical relation of clause to governing noun . . . . 94
10. Attributive adjective modifiers are treated as follows:
I. ADHERENT AND APPOSITIVE ADJECTIVE AND PARTICIPLE

The attributive adjective stands either before or after its gov

erning noun; in the former position called adherent, in the latter
position appositive, adjective. A s will be shown on page 64, the
appositive adjective is m u c h nearer the nature of a predicate
adjective than is the adherent adjective.
Adherent and appositive adjectives which modify verbal nouns
are in a formal sense adjectives, but they have the force of adverbs:
'his late arrival,' 'his last visit here.'
The inflectional forms of the adjective and their use are treated
in 52-56. Other matters are presented below.
1. Position and Stress. T h e adjective in the attributive rela-
tion usually precedes the governing noun, is a little less strongly
stressed, and normally has descriptive force: 'this little boy.' This
is descriptive stress. T h e adjective, when important to the
thought, is often strongly stressed, but yet a little less strongly
64 ATTRIBUTIVE ADJECTIVE MODIFIERS 10 I 1

than the governing noun: 'This is bldck ingrdtitude!' Here w e

have emphatic stress, usually indicated in this book b y two
marks of chief stress, although the second accent is a little stronger.
If the adjective is more strongly stressed than the governing noun
and precedes it, it usually has distinguishing or classifying force:
' the little book, not the big one' (distinguishing stress). ' Little mind
(classifying stress) always think so.' 'Big words seldom go with
good deeds' (classifying stress).
A participle usually follows the governing noun as an appositive
w h e n its verbal force is marked, but of course stands before the
noun w h e n felt as an adherent edjective: 'He dropt his chin like
a man shot' (H. G. Wells) ( = like a man who has just been shot, or
like a man after he has been shot). Adjectives in -ble are often
treated as participles since they contain a good deal of verbal
force: gdrges nearly impassable, sufferings unspeakable, the only
person visible, and after the analogy of such expressions also with
all the solemnity possible, the best style possible, etc. This word
order and stress has descriptive force, hence often is used when
the participle is stressed, for the stressed participle before the
noun would have classifying force, as in an unhedrd of crime,
while in fact attention is here usually directed toward an act:
the result arrived at (with descriptive force = the result which has
been arrived at). ' T h e crowd round a couple of ddgs fighting is a
crowd masculine mainly with an occasional active, compassionate
woman.' 'In the world's view a wdman soiled is a woman spoiled'
(Hall Caine). ' Bdys neglected were bdys lost' (Kipling). This word-
order is sometimes used b y good authors in the case of adjectives
in the hope of securing a striking effect through the unusual posi-
tion of the adjective, but the marked classifying force does not
harmonize with the descriptive stress: ' After Sndbs Military Sn6bs
Clerical suggest themselves' (Thackeray), instead of the more nat-
ural and forceful 'After Military Snobs (classifying stress and
force) Clerical Snobs suggest themselves.'
O n the other hand, it is both natural and c o m m o n to place
stressed adjectives after the noun w h e n they have descriptive force:
'a laugh musical but malicious' (Mrs. H . W a r d ) . 'Calculations
quick and Anxious passed through the young wife's brain' (id.).
Such adjectives, like participles, are felt as descriptive appositives
rather than as adherent adjectives, i.e., as explanatory additions
with the force of a descriptive, subordinate, attributive clause,
which always follows the governing noun. A single adjective fre-
quently stands after an indefinite pronoun with this force: 'Sdme-
thing [which is] niw, ndthing [which is] extraordinary, Everything
[which is] English.' ' I can't believe anything [which is] much can
 10 I 1 ATTRIBUTIVE ADJECTIVE MODIFIERS 65

happen.' 'Let Jenny marry sdmebody [who is] rich.' Similarly,

nouns used as adj ectives: ' something silk.' ' Everything metal was
intolerable to the touch.' B u t a single adjective stands m u c h less
commonly with this force after a noun. A single adjective clings
tenaciously to its place before the noun, and can in only compara-
tively few instances stand after the noun in native English expres-
sion; but when two adjectives are united b y a conjunction, as in
thefirsttwo examples in this paragraph, they often follow the gov-
erning noun. This position is also c o m m o n when a single adjective
is modified, or when there are a number of adjectives not con-
nected by conjunctions, for in these cases, as in the case of two
adjectives connected b y a conjunction, the adjective or adjectives
after the noun are felt as appositives: ' It was a plan so stupid that
no one approved of it.' ' It was a beautiful deed worth remembering.'
'It was an army a hundred thousand strong.' 'He was a m a n very
just in all his dealings with his fellows.' 'She is a w o m a n inferior
none in unselfish service.' ' W h e n observing this Chinese peasantry,
you seem to be watching a community of ants, persistent, untiring,
organized; only the ants are m e n , physically strong, assiduous, re
sourceful, adaptable, cheerful.'
The modified adjective or participle is often before the noun
where w e should uponfirstthought expect tofindit after the noun:
'a m a n y times exploded error,' 'too cdstly a sacrifice,' or 'a too
c6stly sacrifice,' 'so harsh an answer.' 'I a m as good a sch61ar as
he.' In these and m a n y similar examples w e prefer adherent form
and thus put the noun after the adjective or participle in order to
m a k e the noun more prominent in accordance with the usual char-
acter of adherent descriptive groups. But to call attention to the
adjective and yet give it descriptive force, w e employ the apposi-
tional form: 'in weather as inclement as that on the day previous.'
O n the other hand, w e m a y say 'a too costly sacrifice' w h e n w e
desire descriptive force and 'a too costly sacrifice' w h e n w e desire
to convey classifying force. Notice the classifying force in the fol-
lowing example: ' True, Wolf Larsen possessed intellect to an un-
usual degree, but it was directed solely to the exercise of his savage
instincts and m a d e him but the more formidable a savage' (Jack
London, The Sea-Wolf, Ch. X X I I I ) . A s so + a stressed adjective
often has descriptive force; it is often found in the appositional
construction w h e n it is more strongly stressed than the governing
noun: 'a pdwer so str6ng,' 'people so uneducated,' etc. If, how-
ever, the adjective is not a descriptive (51 2) but a limiting (51 2)
adjective the adherent form m a y be freely used without destroying
the descriptive force: 'so m u c h mdney,' 'so few people,' 'so m a n y
books.'
66 NOUNS, ADVERBS, PHRASES, SENTENCES AS ADJECTIVES 10 I 2

Sometimes an adjective m u s t be placed after the n o u n to avoid

a clash of different numbers: 'one of the greatest export articles
of N o r w a y , perhaps the greatest' (Fowler, Modern English Usage,
p. 402), not 'one of the greatest, perhaps the greatest, export ar-
ticles of Norway.' 'One of thefinestp o e m s of a n equal length
produced of recent years, if not thefinest'(ib.), not 'one of the
finest, if not thefinest,p o e m of an equal length produced of recent
years.'
o. A S I N G L E U N M O D I F I E D A D J E C T I V E A F T E R T H E N O U N . In a number
of set expressions under French influence a single unmodified adjective
has become established in the position after its governing noun: the
President elect; fee simple; the sum t6tal; cdurt martial; the bddy p61itic;
Pdet Laureate; Pdstmaster General; from time immem6rial; devil incar-
nate, etc. A few such groups have arisen under Latin influence: God
Almighty; third person plural, etc. Not only the word-order in such
groups but also the stress is in most cases foreign, for the accent upon
the second member, i.e., the descriptive stress, is in marked contrast to
its distinguishing or classifying force, as can be seen in comparing the
Latin group Asia Minor with the native English Greater New Ydrk.
These foreign groups with a stressed adjective after the noun should not
be confounded with native English groups with the same word-order and
stress but with descriptive force: the amdunt due ( = the amount which
is due); the am&unt overcharged; the wreck of February last; Frederick
the Great; Chapter 1 (usually read and spoken One instead of The First
under the influence of the written R o m a n character). 'A man dead is a
man diad, and there is an end of the matter' (Macaulay) = 'A m a n if he
is once dead is a m a n who is dead for good.'
A few of these cases of post position of the adjective are very old:
mother dear; Grace dear, etc. Originally the adjective was a substantive
here and this original usage is still very common; of course in modern
form with a limiting adjective before the descriptive: 'Oliver, m y dear'
(Dickens).
2. Nouns, Adverbs, Phrases, and Sentences Used as Adherent
Adjectives. O n e of the marked features in English is the great
freedom with which nouns, adverbs, phrases, and sentences can
stand before a noun in adjective function: a stdne bridge; a bdy
16ver; a baby b6y; the Smith residence; the pdet phil6sopher;
foreign language instruction; a twelve-pound package; a cldck-
work t6y; a large-scale m a p ; the United States g6vernment; a
cat and ddg life (compare similar example in 3rd par.); the down
stroke; the above argument; the then secretary; his almost im-
pudence; in after years; an out-and-out failure; a n up-to-date
dictionary; that never-to-be-forgotten 16ok; these not-to-be-avdided
current expenses; m y next-door neighbor; a quarter-past-seven
train; a world-wide reputation; the underground railroad; a pen
 10 I 2 NOUNS, ADVERBS, PHRASES, SENTENCES AS ADJECTIVES 67

and ink drawing; a matter-of-fact m a n ; a money-back guarantee;

in a free-and-dasy, gd-as-you please sort of way; the most stay-at-
home person that I ever heard of; a very go-ahead-looking little
p6rt; a drg-as-dust study; a pay-as-you-go p61icy. Similarly, if w e
drop the of in a predicate genitive it is because w e feel the words
following the of as a predicate adjective: ' T h e children are exactly
[of] the same age.' ' D o I look [to be of] my age?' ' [of] What color
shall I paint your door?' after the analogy of ' Shall I paint your
door white?' (objective predicate). Compare 7 A e.
In all the groups in the preceding paragraph the second member,
always a noun, is more heavily stressed than thefirstmember,
which is n o w felt as an adjective, i.e., descriptive stress prevails.
These groups which normally have descriptive stress should not
be confounded with groups that normally have distinguishing or
classifying stress upon thefirstmember, which is always a noun or
has a noun as its basic element: headache; well water; cannon ball;
artillery fire; insurance cdmpany; boy-lover (i.e., a lover of boys,
contrast to a bdy lover, a youthful lover); a bdrgain counter; an
army officer; a book review; a lively good roads agitation; a n e w dry
goods store, etc. T h efirstm e m b e r in these groups w a s originally
always stressed, hence these rigid formations were compounds or
group-words (63). B u t the marked feature in a large number of
these formations as w e n o w use them is that, in contrast to older
usage, the stress is no longer rigid. While in m a n y cases w e usually
stress thefirstm e m b e r w h e n the group has classifying force, w e do
not hesitate to shift the accent to the second m e m b e r when w e
desire to impart descriptive force: 'Good roads agitation will lead to
good rdads legislation.' W e today feel thefirstm e m b e r of a large
number of the formations as an adjective which modifies the second
member, hence w e treat thefirstm e m b e r as an adjective, stressing
it to impart classifying force, but stressing the following noun to
impart descriptive force. Of course, the adjectives in the preced-
ing paragraph m a y , like other adjectives, be stressed more heavily
than their governing noun when the desire is to impart classifying
force: b6y singers; a pen-and-ink drawing; the productions of his
after years; an up-to-date dictionary. T h e oldest groups in the
preceding paragraph, such as stdne bridge (in Old English stdn-
brycg), were originally compounds or group-words and hence were
rigid formations with stress upon thefirstm e m b e r , but later the
feeling that thefirstm e m b e r describes rather than classifies broke
up the old formation and led to the shifting of the stress upon the
second m e m b e r , so that w e n o w feel thefirstm e m b e r as an adjec-
tive. T h e groups described at the beginning of this paragraph had
the same origin, but the peculiar oneness of meaning in some of
68 REPETITION OF LIMITING ADJECTIVE 10 1 3

them has preserved their oldrigidityof form. In general, however,

most of them are developing in the same direction as the groups
in the preceding paragraph.
Adjectives are often formed from the plural of nouns: the
Niagara Falls post office; a lively good roads agitation; harbors
legislation (Chicago Tribune, Jan. 10, 1930); the fierce Kiowa,
C o m a n c h e and other plains tribes (Milo Milton Quaife in 'His-
torical Introduction' to Kendall's Narrative of the Texan Santa Fe
Expedition); a big arms budget (Chicago Tribune, Bee. 29, 1929);
a two-thirds majority; the customs officers; thefive-powersparley
(Chicago Herald-Examiner, Jan. 5,1930); an auto-sales cabinet; the
expenditures committee (Chicago Daily News, Feb. 3, 1930); the
house rules committee (ib.); the Highways Committee (Review of
Reviews), etc. In most cases the singular is more c o m m o n here:
the parcel (sometimes parcels) post; a ten-dollar bill; a fifty-doll
suit; a two-trouser suit; a two-cent stamp; a two-horse carriage;
22-carat gold; a two-volume novel; afive-actplay; the five-power
naval conference; the national rose show, etc. W e often feel the
genitive as an adjective: a this year's loon (Thoreau, Journal, XI,
p. 309); a n e w beginner's Latin book; obvious printer's (also print-
ers') errors; a cat and dog's life; a n e w old men's h o m e ; a pleasant
five minutes' talk; a lovers' quarrel; a boys' school; a very good girl
school. 'No mere bankers' plan will meet the requirements, no
matter h o w honestly conceived. It should be a merchants' and a
farmers' plan as well' (Woodrow Wilson, August 7, 1912). Com-
pare 10 II 2 F a, b.
In English there is one c o m m o n restriction to placing attributive
elements before the governing noun. If the attributive modifier
is an infinitive phrase, it must follow the governing noun, aside
from a few passive infinitive phrases, such as those given in 2, p. 66:
'all time to come,' 'the n e w measures to save coal,' etc.
Adverbs and prepositional phrases often modify nouns as ap-
positive adjective elements (10 I I ) : 'the tree yonder,' 'the book
upon the table.' Compare 10 VI, 10 IV.
3. Repetition of Limiting Adjective. If the limiting adjective
modifies two nouns, both representing the same person or thing,
or parts of a whole, it should be used only once; while, on the other
hand, if the nouns represent different persons or things that it is
desired to contrast or to mark as distinct and separate, the limiting
adjective should be repeated before each noun: 'He is the guardian
and natural protector (one person) of the lad,' but ' The teacher
and the guardian (two persons) of the lad were discussing his case
together.' 'A G e r m a n and English dictionary,' or 'a German-
English dictionary' (one book), but 'a G e r m a n and an English
10 I 4 TWO POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVES CONNECTED BY AND 69

dictionary' (two books); 'the red and white rose' (one rose with
two colors), but 'the red and the white rose' (two roses, each with
only one color); 'the red and white roses' (a number of roses,
each of which is red and white), but 'the red and the white roses'
(a number of roses, some of which are all red and others of which
are all white); (felt as belonging together) 'the King and Queen,'
'my knife and fork,' 'this watch and chain,' 'thefirstand second
verses of the song'; 'a horse and cart,' but' I bought a horse and a
cart' (the horse and the cart not belonging together) and 'A fair
and a brunette w o m a n were sitting inside the stagecoach.'
However, even where the reference is to different individuals,
the second limiting adjective is often, for convenience' sake,
dropped, provided no ambiguity would arise: 'the old and new
worlds,' 'the English and German languages' instead of 'the old
and the n e w world,' 'the English and the G e r m a n language.' 'A
doctor and nurse were provided for them.' T h e omission of the
limiting adjective becomes even necessary here to prevent awk-
wardness if there stands before both of the coordinated adjectives
one or more adjectives which belong to them both: 'a peculiar
neuter nominative and accusative singular in -d: id,' etc. (Lane,
Latin Grammar, p. 86).
One advantage accrues to us from the non-inflection of the
adjective; namely, that the same adjective m a y modify a singular
and a plural, so that w e need not repeat it: 'some particular chap-
ter or chapters.'
O n the other hand, the article is often repeated, not to m a k e the
thought clear, but to emphasize the individual words: ' Becky took
an interest in everything appertaining to the estate, to the farm,
the park, the gardens, and the stables' (Thackeray, Vanity Fair).
4. N o u n Modified by T w o Possessive Adjectives Connected by
'And.' O n the one hand, the noun here often denotes a person or
thing associated jointly with two or more different persons: 'I
shall not cease to be their and your affectionate friend.' 'Let it be
your and my gift.'
O n the other hand, the noun here often denotes different persons
or things: 'Your (or sometimes yours; see 57 5 a) and my wife (or
more commonly and more clearly your wife and mine) are good
friends.' ' Your (or sometimes yours) and my house (or more com-
monly and more clearly your house and mine) are the only ones
where good music is cultivated.' T h e context usually makes the
thought clear. Plural form is sometimes employed here to express
the plural idea: 'Mine (or more commonly my) and her souls (or
my and her soul, or more commonly my soul and hers) rushed to-
gether' (Browning, Cristina, VI). W e regularly say 'Your and
70 FORM, POSITION, STRESS OF ATTRIBUTIVE GENITIVE 10 II 1

m y favorite books' when w e m e a n 'Your favorite books and mine.'

Here again the latter expression is more c o m m o n and also clearer.
Compare 57 5 a.
5. Logical Relations of the Adjective to Its Governing Sub-
stantive. The attributive adjective has the force of a predicate,
i.e., it is something predicated of the governing noun. The at-
tributive adjective, however, as in 'the cruel man,' differs from
the predicate adjective, as in ' The m a n is cruel,' in that it indi-
cates that the thought is incomplete, while the predicate adjective
indicates that the clause or sentence is complete. A s explained in
6 C, the predicate appositive adjective sustains relations to both
the subject and the principal verb, and thus often has the force of
an adverbial clause: ' Cruel beyond belief (= as he was cruel beyond
belief adverbial clause of cause), he didn't listen to their plead-
ings.' T h e adherent and the appositive attributive adjective often
have the same force as the predicate appositive adjective when they
modify a subject: ' The cruel m a n , or the m a n , cruel beyond belief,
didn't listen to their pleadings' = 'The m a n didn't listen to their
pleadings, as he was cruel or cruel beyond belief (adverbial clause
of cause). 'This old w o m a n still dolls herself up like a young lady'
= 'This w o m a n still dolls herself up like a young lady, although she
is old' (adverbial clause of concession).
6. Orthographical Form. English orthography often does not
distinguish between a simple attributive adjective in an ordinary
syntactical group and an attributive adjective as a component of
a group-word (63) or compound. Thus in practical joker the ad-
jective practical does not modify joker but is a component of the
derivative practical joker = practical joke + -er. New and second
hand bookseller is a group-word = new and second-hand book
+ seller. Dirty clothes basket is usually a compound = dirt
clothes + basket, but it m a y also be an ordinary syntactical group
= a dirty clothes-basket.

II. ATTRIBUTIVE GENITIVE

A noun or pronoun in the genitive may modify a noun.

1. Form, Position, and Stress. Oldest English had more geni-
tive forms than the language of today. W e n o w have only two
distinctive forms, the prepositional genitive with of and the older
form in -s. The genitive -s is n o w always written 's, but it is pro-
nounced in two different ways: (1) After sibilants pronounced ez,
i.e., with a pronounced e followed by a z-sound, as in Jones's.
(2) Elsewhere pronounced as a simple s or z, as in Smith's, John's.
Originally, the s-genitive ending was always es (with pronounced
10 II FORM OF ATTRIBUTIVE GENITIVE 71

e), and even as late as Shakespeare's time the old ending es occurs,
not only after sibilants, but also occasionally after non-sibilant
sounds: 'as white as whales bone' (Love's Labor's Lost, V, n, 332).
Where in present-day English the old long genitive in -es is used
after other sounds than sibilants, it is a mere literary form em-
ployed in poetry for the sake of the meter: ' M y eyes for beauty
pine, M y soul for Goddes grace' (Bridges, Shorter Poems, Book IV,
9). In actual speech the old long genitive ending es with pro-
nounced e survives only after sibilants; elsewhere it is reduced to
a simple s.
About 1380 the e of the old genitive ending es began to disap-
pear in written English, atfirstin words of more than one syllable:
'the Pardoners Tale' (Chaucer, Ellesmere M S . ) ; 'Joseps son' (The
Pepysian Gospel Harmony, 46, about A.D. 1400); 'resons d o m '
(Pecock, Folewer, p. 10, about A.D. 1454); 'the Emperours counsail'
(Thomas Cromwell, Letter to Pate, M a y 11, 1540). A t the close
of the sixteenth century simple s is the usual genitive ending also
in monosyllabic nouns: 'in Gods care' (Chettle, Kind-Hartes
Dreame, p. 22, A.D. 1592).
As can be seen b y the preceding examples, the apostrophe was
not usually associated with the genitive ending in older English.
This old genitive s without an apostrophe is preserved in its (57
5 a), his, hers, ours, yours, theirs. In the case of nouns singular
began to appear about 1680, gaining ground atfirstonly slowly.
About a century later plural s' began to be used. T h e apostrophe
in 's does not always indicate that a sound is suppressed, for w e
often pronounce 's as es, thus suppressing nothing, as in Jones's.
The apostrophe came into use here at a time when the his-
genitive, as in 'John his book,' was widely used, competing with
the s-genitive. T h e s-genitive was doubtless felt by m a n y as a
contraction of the Ms-genitive, which strengthened the tendency
to place an apostrophe before the genitive ending s. This theory
does not explain the use of 's after a feminine or a plural noun.
The 's spread by analogy from masculine nouns to feminines and
plurals.
The Ms-genitive occurs occasionally in Old English: 'Enac his
beam' (Numbers, XIII, 29) = 'Anak's sons.' In older English
alongside of the Ms-genitive were a Mr-genitive and a their-
genitive: 'Mary her books,' 'the boys their books.' Also these gen-
itive forms occur in Old English. T h e genitive with M s , her, and
their became c o m m o n between 1500 and 1700: 'my lord his
gracious letteres' (Thomas Cromwell, Letter to Thomas Arondell,
June 30, 1528); 'Mars his true moving' (Shakespeare, I Henry VI,
I, n, I); 'in those 12 years of Sr. Tho. Smith his government'
72 FORM OF ATTRIBUTIVE GENITIVE 10 II 1

(The Tragical Relation of the Virginian Assembly, A.D. 1624);

' William Bradford his wife' (Bradford, History of Plymouth Plan-
tation, p. 410, A.D. 1630-1648); 'Mr. Dudley his house' (Winthrop,
Journal, Oct. 31, 1632); 'at William Morse his house' (Increase
Mather, Remarkable Providences, A.D. 1684). 'Then I took m y
children and one of my sisters hers' (The Captivity of Mary Row-
landson, p. 2, A.D. 1682). 'For m y Sowle, my Father and Mother
their Sowles' (Thomas Cromwell, Testament, July 12, 1529).
After the seventeenth century the genitive with his, her, and
their gradually disappeared from the literary language, but it
survives in popular speech: 'in George the First his time' (Thack-
eray, Pendennis, I, Ch. X X I I ) .
The genitive in 's is still, as in older English, often, especially in
poetic language and in poetry, used with nouns designating life-
less things, but it is m u c h more commonly employed with nouns
designating living beings: 'the sun's rays,' 'John's hat,' 'theboy's
hat,' etc. T h e 's is added also in the plural if the plural does not
end in -s: 'men's shoes,' 'children's shoes.' T h e plural in -s takes
only the apostrophe: 'the boys' hats,' etc. N a m e s of persons
and c o m m o n nouns denoting persons which end in a sibilant
usually in the written language take here in the genitive singu-
lar 's, which is spoken az: 'Mrs. Adams's wrapper' (Tarking-
ton, Alice Adams, Ch. I X ) . 'The D u k e sat at his hostess's
right' (Edith Wharton, The Age of Innocence, Ch. VIII). But
the plural genitive takes only the apostrophe, which is added to
the full plural form in -es: 'the Adamses' small veranda' (Alice
Adams, Ch. VII). T h e genitive plural of words not ending in a
sibilant adds the apostrophe to the plural in simple -s: 'the
Gaunts' cottage' (Galsworthy, The Freelands, Ch. X X X V I I I ) .
Sometimes, however, w e find a separate genitive ending, as in
the singular, an 's added to the regular plural: 'I ran over to
the Flemings's' (Meredith Nicholson, A Reversible Santa Claus,
Ch. V ) . In dialect the genitive of the plural folks ends thus quite
commonly in -es: 'bizzy wid udder fo'ks's doin's' (Joel Chandler
Harris, Uncle Remus, p. 68). Often also in the case of other
plurals in -s: 'the farmers's cows' (Wright, The English Dialect
Grammar, p. 265).
T h e genitive singular of words ending in a sibilant not infre-
quently still, as often in Middle English and early Modern English,
has no ending, but n o w in the written language takes an apos-
trophe: 'Cards' pride' (Hugh Walpole, Fortitude, p. 80). This
usage is general in the case of Jesus' and ancient names in -es, as
Xerxes', Socrates', etc. Quite commonly so also in the case of
designations of lifeless things in certain set expressions, especially
10 II 1 FORM, POSITION, STRESS OF ATTRIBUTIVE GENITIVE 73

before a word beginning with s, as sake, to avoid bringing near

together three s-sounds, as in 'for old acquaintance' sake,' 'for
goodness' sake,' 'for conscience' sake.' In older English, in these
set expressions with sake the s was suppressed even in words not
ending in a sibilant, which was an unconscious shortening of the
long s resulting from such expressions as 'for sport[s] sake'
(Shakespeare, Henry IV, I, n, 77). It looks as though the long
genitive ending -es had disappeared in Middle English and early
Modern English after sibilants, but alongside of this shortened
genitive was a Ms-genitive. A s the M s of the Ms-genitive was
weakly stressed, it had about the same pronunciation as the old
genitive ending -es and might often have been confounded with
it, so that in m a n y cases the form might have been a genitive in
-es. However that m a y be, the genitive in -es is n o w the usual
form here though it is written -s: Jones's.
The forms with suppressed -s in all the cases described above
are survivals of older usage. T h e dropping of the genitive ending
was facilitated b y analogies that existed in older inflection. In
m a n y Middle English nouns the genitive did not have a distinctive
ending. Such a genitive survives in Lady, as in a Lady chapel, a
Lady altar, etc., i.e., My Lady's chapel, altar, etc., but it is toda
felt as an adjective. After the analogy of such old genitives with-
out a distinctive genitive ending m a n y nouns dropped their geni-
tive ending, so that such endingless genitives are characteristic of
older English. Later, under the influence of the general feeling
that the grammatical relations here should be expressed clearly,
the genitive s was not only restored to those nouns that once had
it, but it was given also to the nouns that did not have a distinctive
ending. Though this n e w development is at present strong, there
are a number offluctuationswhere older usage lingers on alongside
of the new, as described above. In British dialect of the North
Country the endingless genitive is still c o m m o n : ' m y father'
brother.' This genitive occurs often also in American Negro dia-
lect: 'King Deer' daughter' (Joel Chandler Harris, Nights with
Uncle Remus, p. 69), 'fer Gawd' sake' ( D u Bose Heyward, Porgy,
p. 168).
Also the prepositional genitive with of is often used with nouns
denoting living beings and is moreover the usual form for nouns
denoting lifeless things: John's hat; Job's patience and the patience
of Job; a man's leg, but only a leg of a table.
Originally, i.e., in primitive Indo-European, the genitive did not
have a distinctive form, but was distinguished from its governing
noun by placing it before the governing noun and by stressing it
more heavily. This older type is still well preserved in numerous
74 FORM, POSITION, STRESS OF ATTRIBUTIVE GENITIVE 10 II 1

compounds and group-words (63): siin-Hse = the rising of the

sun; water-power = power of water, etc. E v e n in the prehistoric
period the inflected simple genitive had come into wide use and
was of course very c o m m o n in oldest English, but it was still as in
the prehistoric period placed before the governing noun and in
m a n y cases w a s still stressed m o r e heavily. Little b y little the
heavily stressed simple inflected genitive w a s removed in the Old
English period from the position before the less heavily stressed
governing noun to the place after it, and was later for the most part
gradually replaced b y the prepositional genitive, as explained
below.
T h e less heavily stressed simple inflected genitive remained
before the governing noun and is still there. T h u s the inflected
genitive that stands before the governing noun usually has a
weaker stress than its governing noun, while the genitive after the
governing noun has a heavier stress: Mr. Smith's new house, but
the new hduse of Mr. Smith. This is the normal stress in genitive
groups wherever the stress is descriptive. T h e old stressed simple
inflected or uninflected genitive before the governing noun is still
preserved wherever there is a strong desire to distinguish or classify;
n o w pronounced with a little extra force to convey this meaning:
(with distinguishing force) Jdhn's hat, not William's; the t&ble-leg,
not the chair-leg; (with classifying force) a child's language; a child'
voice; a girl's hat; water-power; hdrse-pdwer; steam-power; a chair-le
a table-leg. Of course, w e can often put a n extra strong stress upon
the second m e m b e r in order to distinguish it: Jdhn's hat, not his
ball. In the case of both persons and things w e can distinguish
and classify also b y m e a n s of the prepositional genitive b y plac-
ing, according to the meaning, a little stronger stress upon the
first or the second m e m b e r of the genitive group: (with distin-
guishing force) the leg of the table, not the leg of the chair; the leg
of the table, not the tdp; the helmets of the djficers, not those of th
common sdldiers; (with classifying force) the language of a child,
or a child's language; the patience of JSb. B u t if in any of these
cases the stress upon the second m e m b e r is stronger than that
upon thefirstm e m b e r , yet not extra strong, the force is descrip-
tive: 'The helmet of this officer is broken.' 'The language of
this child is quite undeveloped.'
In Old English, there were several simple genitive forms: -es
for m a n y masculines and neuters; -e for certain feminines; -an for
certain masculines, feminines, and neuters, etc. Although in oldest
English, the simple genitive was the usual form, the n e w preposi-
tional genitive was in certain categories coming into use b y reason
of the strong concrete force of of, originally meaning from, which
 10 II 1 b DOUBLE GENITIVE 75

indicated m o r e graphically the ideas of separation, source, and

origin than the simple genitive. Thus, people began to say ' H e
walks in the strength of God' instead of ' H e walks in God's
strength,' since the words of God, i.e., from God, vividly brought
out the idea of m a n walking and struggling o n earth, at the same
time drawing strength from a higher source. Later, w h e n Old
English inflection began to lose its distinctive case forms, the un-
clear simple genitives were, without regard to gender, replaced,
on the one hand, b y the clear simple genitive in's and, on the other
hand, b y the clear prepositional genitive with of. T h e tendency
toward the prepositional genitive, which originally w a s the result
of a strong desire for concrete expression, later became a formal
trend toward clearer expression. T h u s w e feel the prepositional
genitive with of today only as one of the t w o genitive forms with-
out a vivid feeling for the origin of the preposition of.
a. S-GENITIVE ASSOCIATED WITH THE CONCEPTION OF LIFE. AS
the prepositional genitives after the governing noun were usually desig-
nations of things, the prepositional genitive has become associated with
designations of things and the form in -s with designations of living
beings. This distinction between living and lifeless things is, however,
not closely observed. W e quite often in choice English still employ the
genitive in -s in cases of unstressed designations of things to impart descrip-
tive force and at the same time stress the governing noun: 'When I think
of all the sorrow and the barrenness that has been wrought in m y life by
want of a few more pounds per annum than I was able to earn, I stand
aghast at mdney's significance' (Gissing, Henry Ryecroft, V, p. 15). 'It
was apparently felt that, for the sake of the mind's peace, one ought not
to inquire into such things too closely' (Arnold Bennett, The Old Wives'
Tale, IV, Ch. IV, p. 82). 'A bbok's chances depend more on its selling
qualities than its worth.' The old genitive in -s cannot be freely used
here. The thing must usually have some sort of individual life like a
living being, but this idea of life m a y be very faint. It is faintest when
the name of a thing is used as the subject of a gerund, where it is often
not felt at all: 'There is n o w no further danger of the hduse's settling.'
Of course, the idea of life is often strong: 'the 6cean's r6ar'; 'Truth's
greatest victories,' etc. O n the other hand, under similar conditions, w e
often use the stressed genitive in -s to impart distinguishing force:
'for Heaven's sake'; 'at death's ddor'; 'Duty's call,' etc.
6. D O U B L E G E N I T I V E . T h e simple form in -s is still widely used
when the genitive stands before the governing noun, but in the position
after the governing noun it has been entirely replaced by the form with
of, for it would here not be felt as a genitive but as a plural. W e may,
however, quite often use the terminational genitive of personal pronouns
after the governing noun provided w e place the prepositional genitive
sign of before the terminational genitive, so that it becomes clear that
the form in question is a genitive: 'bi neghbur wijf yerne noght at haue,
76 DOUBLE GENITIVE 10 II 1 b

N e aght of his, ne mai, ne knaue' (Cursor Mundi, 1. 6479, about A.D. 1300)
= 'Yearn not to have your neighbor's wife, nor property of his ( = that is
his), nor his maiden, nor his servant.' In this old example and similar
ones in this same book the clear genitive sign of is put before his, since in
this and all similar genitives, as yours, mine, etc., the genitive force is
not felt, since these forms are also used as possessive pronouns in the
nominative, dative, and accusative relations. T h e combination of of and
the old genitive, his, hers, yours, theirs, etc., makes a clear genitive. This
double genitive is usually preferred to the form with of + accusative, as
of him, of her, etc., since there is usually a strong desire to express here
after the governing noun the idea of personal possession that is so promi-
nent in the old inflectional genitive found before the governing noun.
Hence the double genitive is strictly limited to reference to a definite
person or definite persons: 'a friend of mine,' 'this friend of ours,' 'the
friend of mine of w h o m I spoke yesterday,' 'these friends of mine,' 'a
remark of hers,' etc., not 'a friend of me, of us,' etc. B u t w e say'a beauti-
ful picture (i.e., likeness) of her' in contrast to 'a beautiful picture of hers'
(i.e., that belongs to her). T h e usual idea in the double genitive is that of
possession, as in 'that great weakness of his,' or the closely related idea
of origin, authorship, as in 'this remark of his.' But the partitive idea
often mingles with that of possession: 'a friend of mine,' 'an admirer of
hers.' In course of time there has become associated with the double
genitive a marked liveliness of feeling, so that it n o w often implies praise
or censure, pleasure or displeasure: 'that dear little girl of yours,' 'that
kind wife of yours,' 'this broad land of ours,' 'that ugly temper of hers,'
'that ugly nose of his.' 'Thus Professor Blackie, in that vituperative
book of his, " T h e Natural History of Atheism" . . . says . . .' (John
Burroughs, The Light of Day, Ch. V I ) .
F r o m the very start the double genitive has been in use also with nouns,
for it is often desirable to employ here the old terminational genitive
with its strongly pronounced personal force: 'Sertes . . . H a u e we
noght ban (for tan) o pe hinges' (Cursor Mundi, 1. 4907) = ' W e surely
have taken nothing of the King's.' It is also here absolutely necessary to
insert the clear genitive sign of, or otherwise the genitive group would be
felt as an appositional element, not as an attributive genitive. The
double genitive here has come into wide use, but it is still strictly con-
fined to definite reference and, differing from usage with pronouns, can
be used of only a single definite person, for the plural form here is to the
ear usually identical with the singular: ' this remark of Carlyle's,' ' a threat
of my father's,' 'the battered schoolbook of Tom's.' T h e plural form is
quite rare: 'in some old retreat of his or ids friends'' (John Burroughs,
Far and Near, p. 162). T h e apostrophe here makes clear the thought of
the author, but in the spoken language the thought is usually ambiguous
when the double genitive is a c o m m o n class noun unless the context
makes the reference clear. T h e ear, unaided b y the situation, cannot
detect whether the form is singular or plural. Hence, the use of the
double genitive with nouns is largely confined to proper names and such
titles of relationship as have the force of proper names, as in the first
10 II 2 CATEGORIES OF ATTRIBUTIVE GENITIVE 71

three examples. In m a n y cases, however, the double genitive of titles o:'

relationship, as 'the beauty of my sister's,' is not clear to the ear, unless
the situation makes the reference clear. Although the double genitive with
nouns is in general subject to ambiguity, many, desirous of its lively
effect, take their chances with it, trusting to the situation to help them
out: 'It was no fault of the doctor's' (Washington Irving). The o/-geni-
tive is here, as often elsewhere, a clearer form, and is often preferred.
The double genitive and the o/-genitive of nouns are often used side
by side without any differentiation of meaning: 'a play of Shakespeare's'
(or of Shakespeare). But the forms are gradually becoming differen-
tiated. The double genitive is associated with liveliness of feeling, ex-
pressing the idea of approbation, praise, censure, pleasure, displeasure:
'this appropriate remark of Mrs. Smith's,' 'that really beautiful speech of
your wife's,' 'that ugly remark of her father's,' etc.
c. P O S I T I O N O F G E N I T I V E A M O N G O T H E R ATTBIBUTIVE MODIFIEBS.
The genitive usually standsfirstamong the attributive modifiers which fol-
low the governing word: 'The desire of my heart for p6ace.' The genitive
precedes the other modifiers because it is least stressed, but it of course
stands last when it is the most important element: 'this sudden appear-
ance amid m y corrupt, and heartless, and artificial life of so much inno-
cence, and so much I6ve, and so much simplicity they fell upon m y callo
heart like thefirstrains upon a Syrian soil' (Disraeli, Contarini Fleming,
150). Another attributive element sometimes precedes the genitive
because it contains a word which points back to something that precedes
and hence comes as early as possible: 'the presence in such a spot of a
crew of foreign adventurers' (R. L. Stevenson, The Merry Men, 47).
2. The Categories of the Attributive Genitive. The attributive
genitive expresses different classes of ideas briefly described in the
following articles. These categories are not all peculiar to the
attributive use, but several of t h e m are found also in the genitive
which is used in connection with verbs, adjectives, and participles,
and rests upon the s a m e original genitive idea the general idea of
sphere described on page 78 and in 13 3. T h u s D and H (pp. 81, 85)
are often closely related to the genitive after verbs described in 13 3.
See D and H a. Also the c o m m o n genitive of origin and possession
described in A and B and the genitive of characteristic described
in F a are not only used as attributive forms but are employed also
as the predicate complement of the verb be, as illustrated in 7 A e.
In Old English, the genitive after verbs and adjectives w a s the
simple genitive. T h e genitive here survives only in the form of the
o/-genitive. A s w e d o not n o w feel the o/-genitive here as a geni-
tive, but construe it as a prepositional object, w e n o longer have a
live feeling for the old, once c o m m o n , genitive after verbs and
adjectives. W e n o w usually think of the genitive as an attributive
adjective element modifying nouns or pronouns. C o m p a r e 13
78 POSSESSIVE GENITIVE 10 II 2 B

1, 2, 3. T h e attributive genitive categories are treated below at

considerable length.
A. G E N I T I V E O F O R I G I N , representing a person or thing as
associated with another person or thing in the relation of source,
cause, authorship: the sdn of the king, the king's s6n; this woman's
children, the children of this woman; the devastations of the wdr;
this warrior's deeds, the deeds of this warrior; Tacitus' Annals,
the Annals of Tacitus; Dickens's w6rks, the wdrks of Dickens;
Shakespeare's works, the works of Shakespeare; the Oxford Pro-
fessor of Poetry's inaugural lecture. T h e same idea is found in the
genitive used in the predicate with verbs. See 7 A e.
a. This one use of this case form has given to it the name of genitive
(from Latin genitivus, pertaining to generation or birth), which has beco
afixedname not only for this use but also for all the following relations
expressed by the same case form.
b. If two names are connected by and and represent persons that are
joined together in authorship, business, or a c o m m o n activity the second
name alone assumes the genitive ending: 'Steevens and Malone's Shake-
speare,' 'in William and Mary's reign,' but of course Steele's and Addi-
son's works when w e are speaking of the separate sets of two different
authors.
B. POSSESSIVE GENITIVE. This is a broad category that may
have developed out of the general idea of 'sphere,' which in the
prehistoric period and still in oldest English w a s a c o m m o n mean-
ing of the genitive employed with verbs, as described in 13 3, as
well as the source of a n u m b e r of the attributive possessive geni-
tive meanings which have c o m e d o w n to us from this older period,
namely, possession, inherence, a belonging to, association with, or
relation to, indicating various relations between nouns m u c h as
prepositions indicate relations between nouns and verbs: my
brother's house, the house of my brother (literally, the house in the
sphere of m y brother, i.e., the house owned b y m y brother); the
hero's c6urage, the courage of the hero (literally, the courage in the
sphere, the nature of the hero); life's deepest pr6blems, the deep-
est problems of life (literally, the deepest problems in the sphere
of life); Sdcrates' wisdom, the wisdom of Socrates; Mr. Jones's
auto, the auto of Mr. Jones; the King of England's private pr6p-
erty; What do you call him's s6n; the writer's mdther's maiden
n a m e ; last May's st6rms; the leaves of the trees; the streets of the
city; the cdolness of Evening; the snows of winter; the sun's rays,
the rays of the sun; the earth's mighty ones, the mighty ones of
earth; the ship's side; the city's wealth; the nation's prosperity;
the day's w6rk; in The Times's opinion, in the opinion of 'The
Times,' in the opinion of The Times; England's aristocracy, the
10 II 2 B a POSSESSIVE GENITIVE 79

aristocracy of England; the dog's master, the master of the dog (liter-
ally, master in the sphere of the dog, not a master owned by the dog);
the boy's father, the father of the boy (literally, father in the sphere
of, with reference to the boy, not a father owned by the boy); the
chief of police (literally, chief in the sphere of the police); the king
of the land.
This is a very c o m m o n category, to which A, C, F, G are closely
related. T h e same idea is found in the genitive used with verbs.
See 7 A e.
The possessive genitive is often closely related to the partitive
genitive: 'the leg of the table' (possessive or partitive genitive).
The two genitives here have the same form and practically the
same meaning, but in case of personal pronouns there has long
been a tendency to differentiate here form and meaning, namely,
to employ M s , her, etc., in the possessive relation and of him, of
her, etc., in the partitive relation, stressing the idea of an integral
part, as described more fully in H , p. 85: 'His hair, his eyes,'
etc., but 'She was the daughter of a lumberjack and woodcraft
was bred into the veryfiberof her' (Saturday Evening Post, July 29,
1916). 'The m a n had something in the look of him' (Browning,
An Epistle). 'I do it for the honor of it.' A s this differentiation
has not become thoroughly established, w e still more commonly
employ here the old undifferentiated forms M s , her, etc., for either
the possessive or the partitive relation: 'Ms eyes' and 'The
m a n had something in M s look.' B u t w e n o w always use the
form with of w h e n the pronoun is modified b y a relative clause:
'ThenfirstI heard the voice of her to w h o m the Gods Rise up
for reverence' (Tennyson, QZnone, 1. 105). In older English, the
simple possessive genitive, her, his, etc., could be used here. See
23 II 8 a.
In this category descriptive stress with the accent upon the
second m e m b e r prevails, but w e not infrequently find distinguish-
ing stress: nSbody's bdok; somebody Rise's bdok; for peace'
sake; for heaven's sake; for health's sake; for righteousness'sake;
for Jgsus' sake; at death's ddor; F6rtune's tricks, the tricks of
Fortune; William's auto, not J6hn's. Also classifying stress is
c o m m o n , sometimes in connection with the genitive in -s, some-
times with the old uninflected form: bird's-nest; rat's tail or
rat-tail; swan's neck; pigskin; gdose-feather; hSrse-hide, etc.
Compare 63.
The possessive genitive m a y be also a genitive clause, as illus-
trated in 24 I.
a. Adverbs Inflected Like Nouns. Adverbs, or adverbial expressions,
are now often inflected like nouns: 'yesterday's mail,' 'this week's mail,
80 POSSESSIVE GROUP GENITIVE 10 II 2 B <J

'the heavy mail of last week'; 'tomorrow's dinner'; 'yesterday Evening's

newspaper.' Or, of course, to distinguish, 'yesterday evening's news-
paper,' etc.
b. Inflection of Nouns Connected by 'And.' If two or more names
connected by and represent persons that are joined together in posses-
sion, the second or last n a m e alone assumes the genitive ending: 'John
and William's uncle'; ' John, William, and Mary's uncle.' ' W e paid a visit
to Messrs. Pike and White's works.' ' M y father and mother's Bible.'
But w e must give each genitive its genitive -s if there is no joint posses-
sion: 'My father's and my mother's birthdays both fall in June, two days
apart.' In older English, however, even where there was no joint pos-
session the last genitive often alone took the ending, as a firm differenti-
ation of usage had not yet taken place: 'Thou M u s t . . . bear the palm
for having bravely shed T h y wife and children's blood' (Shakespeare,
Coriolanus, V, in, 113), n o w thy wife's and thy children's blood.
c. Omission of Governing Noun. T h e word for house or place of busi-
ness is often omitted: 'I was at Smith's [house or place of business].'
'Go to the baker's.' 'Mary has written to say that she is going to spend
all her Christmas holidays at her dear aunt (compare b) and uncle's.'
The governing noun is regularly omitted when the possessive genitive
points forward or backward to a preceding or following governing noun,
for the genitive here is n o w felt as a possessive pronoun, like mine, hers,
etc., as explained in 57 5a: 'John's auto is larger than William's and
mine.'
d. Group Genitive. It is usually taught that in such expressions as
'the King of England's private property' the inflectional genitive -s is
placed at the end of the group King of England because these words are
felt as a unit with the force of a single word. This conception, however,
cannot here be the compelling force that has brought about this con-
struction, for w e never say ' The king of Englands n o w have less political
power than formerly,' treating the group king of England as one word,
adding the plural -s at the end. T h e real reason for placing the genitive
-s at the end of the group the King of England is simply to avoid ambi-
guity, for if -s were added to King the form would be felt as a plural,
since -s n o w always conveys a plural idea where it is not immediately
followed by the governing noun. T h e oneness of idea in King of England
made it possible to add the -s to the end of the group and the ambiguity
that would otherwise arise suggested this course, but in this same group
of words king, not England, has the plural sign in the nominative plural
in the subject relation: 'The kings of England n o w have less political
power than formerly.'
Until about 1500 it was c o m m o n to say 'the King's property of Eng-
land.' Here and there this old usage fingered on after that date for
a time: 'the Archbishop's grace of York' (Shakespeare, I Henry IV,
III, n, 119). In such expressions as 'the King's property of Eng-
land' the later tendency to bring together the words that naturally
belonged together, i.e., to say the King of England, separated King from
the governing noun property, which m a d e it necessary to add the
 10 II 2 D SUBJECTIVE AND OBJECTIVE GENITIVE 81

genitive ending to England, so that the -s might here as elsewhere

stand immediately before the governing noun. In the plural in the
subject relation it was not thus necessary to add the -s to England so
that the old historic form of expression was here not disturbed. Where
there is no ambiguity, the old historic genitive singular with the -s at
the end of the proper word is still found in the language of children: 'It
ain't either's of us revolaver' (Tarkington, Penrod and Sam, Ch. IV).
This compact genitive construction is m u c h more forceful than the
literary form of expression 'The revolver doesn't belong to either of us.'
e. Unclear Old Genitive Forms. There is a force in the compact sim-
ple genitive that appeals to us. T h e loss of distinctive genitive form
here in a number of pronouns and limiting adjectives has weakened
English expression. In older English, a natural fondness for the simple
genitive often led to its use even where the genitives were uninflected
pronouns and limiting adjectives that could not indicate the grammatical
relations: 'Both their (in Middle English bother their or their bother, henc
with a clear genitive form) several talents were excessive' (Fielding, Tom
Jones, III, 45), now the several talents of both of them. This older usage
best preserved in the subjective genitive category in connection with the
gerund: 'Your mother will feel your both going away' (Mrs. Gaskell,
Wives and Daughters, Ch. X V I ) . 'Isn't it dreadful to think of their all
being wrong!' (Sir Harry Johnston, The Man Who Did the Right Thing,
Ch. II).
It is also well preserved in the possessive category in such expressions
as both our lives, both our minds, but w e n o w feel the old genitives
as plural limiting adjectives. This new interpretation early led to put-
ting a following singular governing noun into the plural: 'were you both
our mothers' (Shakespeare, All's Well, I, in, 169), n o w 'were you the
mother of both of us.' This old usage survives in popular speech: 'She is
both their mothers,' i.e., 'the mother of both of them.' 'It is both their faul
In the literary language itfingerson in for both their sakes, for both our
sakes. Similarly, when of is inserted after all, both, none, etc., to give
expression to the partitive idea: 'I'm taking the trouble of writing this
true history for all of your benefits' (Hughes, Tom Brown's School-Days,
I, VI), instead of the correct for the benefit of all of you. ' A painful circum
stance which is attributable to none of our faults' (Thackeray, Pendennis,
II, Ch. X X X V ) , instead of the correct the fault of none of us.
C. SUBJECTIVE GENITIVE, which represents a living being as
associated with a n act in the relation of author: 'Mother's love
for us children.' ' W e have all heard duty's call' (or the call of duty).
'From our house w e can hear the dcean's r6ar' (choice prose or
poetry; or m o r e c o m m o n l y the rdar of the ocean). C o m p a r e 2 0 3
(6th, 7th, and 8th parr.).
T h e old uninflected genitive is c o m m o n here: sun-rise, earth-
quake, heart-throb, snake-bite, etc. C o m p a r e 63.
D . O B J E C T I V E G E N I T I V E , which denotes the object toward
82 GENITIVE OF MATERIAL OR COMPOSITION 10 II 2 E

which the activity is directed: 'devoting m u c h time to the chil-

dren's education' (or the education of the children); 'the city's cap
ture by the Japanese,' 'the capture of the city by the Japanese';
'Cesar's murderers,' 'the murderers of Cifesar.' 'Old Lord
Ancoat's death, which followed within a m o n t h or two, was has-
tened on by the shock of his son's loss' (Mrs. H . W a r d ) = 'the
loss of his son.' 'The feeling of Emily's loss does not diminish as
time wears on' (Mrs. Gaskell). ' W O M A N IS H U N T E D A S MAWS
S L A Y E R ' (headline in The Sun, N e w York, Aug. 7, 1929). 'Costa
Rica, Salvador, and Honduras stoutly objected to the treaty's
ratification' (The Sun, N e w York, Sept. 5, 1929).
T h e objective genitive m a y be a full genitive clause or an
abridged infinitival or gerundial clause, as illustrated in 24 I and
a thereunder.
T h e prepositional genitive is the rule in this category, but, as
can be seen by examples given above, the old simple genitive still
lingers on. T h e prepositional form sometimes differentiates the
objective from the subjective genitive: 'I hate the sight of him'
(objective genitive), but 'His (subjective genitive) sight is failing.'
This genitive is often closely related to the adverbial genitive
of specification described in 13 3: 'They counted on a complete
destruction of the enemy' = with reference, with regard to the enemy
literally, in the sphere of the enemy.
T h e old uninflected genitive is still c o m m o n here in group-
words (63): gate-keeper, money-maker, woman-hater, child-study.
In the case of words not ending in s in the plural, there is a
tendency here to give a formal expression to the plural idea: lice-
exterminator, etc.
A s the possessive adjectives are derived from the genitive of
the personal pronouns they still often have various meanings of
the genitive, hence also sometimes the force of an objective geni-
tive : my (= genitive of origin) son, my ( = a possessive genitive)
book, my ( = a subjective genitive) love of God, my ( = an objec-
tive genitive) punishment.
E. G E N I T I V E O F M A T E R I A L O R C O M P O S I T I O N , denoting that of
which something consists: a cr6wn of thorns; an Idol of gold; rai-
ment of camel's hair; a herd of cattle; a grdup of children; a floc
of birds; a swarm of bees, etc. T h e old uninflected simple genitive
is still in part preserved: stone-heap, or a heap of stones; sand-pile,
or a pile of sdnd; thorn-hedge; dung-hill, etc. T h e old uninflected
genitive was once m u c h more c o m m o n here. In most cases it
has been construed as an adjective, as is indicated b y its loss of
stress: a st6ne bridge (in Old English stanbrycg); an iron pfllar;
a cdpper kettle, etc. Compare 10 I 2 (2nd par.) and 63.
10 II 2 F b GENITIVE OF CHARACTERISTIC AND MEASURE 83

T h e old inflected s-genitive is n o w not used in this category.

This genitive category is closely related to H .
F. D E S C R I P T I V E G E N I T I V E . This genitive is closely related to
the possessive genitive and some of the examples given below
might be classed there. There are two groups:

a. Genitive of Characteristic. With classifying force and stress:

a wdman's voice, or the voice of a wdman; a child's language, or
the language of a child; a man's roughness, or the roughness of a
man; a lady's glove; a wdman's college; a man's shoe; a gentle-
man's shoe; men's shdes; children's clothing; a wdrld's fair. W e
often feel the classifying genitive that precedes its governing noun
as an adjective, as can be seen b y the fact that the preceding
adjective modifies the governing noun, not the genitive: 'obvious
printer's (or printers') errors.' C o m p a r e 10 I 2 (3rd par.).
With descriptive force and stress: a m a n of sterling character;
a newspaper of high rank; things of this sort; a matter of consider-
able importance; the G o d of love; a m a n of action; a spirit of hate.
Sometimes, however, in these descriptive groups thefirstm e m b e r
has such a strong logical force that it is stressed, regularly so
after numerals: 'A m a n of action and a w o m a n 0/ action proceed
in quite different ways.' 'She is worth ten of her daughter, ten of
you.'
If w e employ a prepositional genitive here with classifying
force, w e must stress the second m e m b e r a little more than usual,
or the group will be construed as having descriptive force: the
patience of J6b; the language of a child. Instead of a genitive here,
we often use an adjective with classifying stress: a m a n of high
temper, or a high-tempered m a n ; a w o m a n of kind heart, or a kind-
hearted w o m a n . T h e compound adjective has come into wide
use here both to describe and to classify: 'He lives in a beautiful
fdur-hundred-dollar-a-month house' (descriptive), but 'Every cav-
alry officer must be a good cross-countryrider'(classifying). C o m -
pare I 2, p. 66.
b. Quite similar is the Genitive of Measure: afiveminutes' talk;
an hour or two's delay, or a delay of an hour or two; a three hours'
delay, or a delay of three hours; a month's rent. Instead of the
inflected genitive w e often employ the old uninflected genitive,
especially w h e n the measure is other than that of time: a three-hour
delay; a ten-pound baby; a ten-foot pole; a five-mile walk; the
ten-onile row across the harbor (John Burroughs, Far and Near,
p. 252), etc. W e sometimes feel the inflected genitive here so
strongly as an adjective that w e treat it as an adjective, adding
one in substantive function: 'The higher course is a two years'
g4 APPOSITIVE GENITIVE 10 II "2 G

one' (London Times, Educational Supplement, 8/8, 1918). The

old uninflected genitive is n o w usually felt as a compound ad-
jective: ' A five-minute talk would be more appropriate than a
thirty-minute one.'
A classifying genitive is used in units of measurement a
possessive or an objective genitive with classifying stress: (posses-
sive genitive)' a bdat's length'; ' at a distance of two ship's lengths'
(Sir C. P. Butt in Law Times Rep., LIII, 61/1); 'a h&ir's breadth';
(objective genitive) 'astdne's thrdw'; 'within two sttines' thrdwof
the club' (Galsworthy, The Country House, 263), or better 'within
two stone's throws.' Apart from the genitive relation w e usually
employ compound or group-word (63) form with non-inflection
of thefirstelement in such units of measurement: 'within three
btiwshdts' (Kipling); i.e., 'three shots with the bow' (attributive
prepositional phrase).
G. A P P O S I T I V E G E N I T I V E , explaining the preceding governing
word: the vice of intemperance; the gift of song; the art of printing;
the tdmple of the body; the period of the Reformdtion; the title of
Duke; the D u c h y of Ldncaster; the Republic of Frdnce; the State
of Illinois; the city of Chicago; the n a m e of misanthropist; the
cry of 'Wolf, wolf; a confused cry of 'The King is bleeding!'; a
verdict of 'death from natural causes.'
Except in proper names, as St. Paul's Cathedral, St. Jdmes's
Park, St. Jdmes's Square, often in elliptical form, St. Paul's [Cathe-
dral], All Saints' [Church], St. James's [Theater], St. Bartholo-
mew's [Hospital], etc., the old simple genitive is n o w used here
only in poetic language: treason's charge (Scott, Marmion, II,
VIII); life's journey; life'sfitfulfever; Time'sfleetingriver,etc.
The simple genitive of certain proper names is used only in poetic
language: Albion's Isle; ttrin's Isle; Zion's City; Tweed's fair
river, or more commonly, according to the second paragraph
below, the fair river Tw6ed, etc. Notice that the appositive geni-
tive, whether it follows or precedes the governing noun, usually
has the stress.
T h e possessive genitive is the starting point of this genitive
category, as can be seen in 'the blessing of a good education,'
where the genitive can be construed either as a possessive or as
an appositive genitive.
Alongside of this appositive construction is another. T h e ap-
positive is placed after the governing noun, agreeing with it in
case: the animal mdn; the bird Mr on; the m a m m a l whale; the
preposition with; the d e m o n rum; King H6nry; Cardinal Man-
ning; Lake Michigan, etc. In oldest English, the stressed apposi-
tive, of course, preceded the governing noun: ' Temese streame'
 10 II 2 H PARTITIVE GENITIVE 85
(Bede), n o w often 'the river Thdmes,' since the stressed word in
a normal descriptive group stands last. C o m p a r e III 1 B , p. 91.
The old word-order, however, is still often used here, but the
stress is the n e w descriptive: the Thames River. M a n y groups
still have thus the old English word-order with the n e w stress, as
HUdson River; Bering Sea; St. Gothard Tunnel; Panama Canal,
etc. T h e old word-order has been preserved through a change of
conception and a consequent change of stress. T h e proper n a m e
is n o w felt as a descriptive adjective and has accordingly lost its
strong stress, so that it must stand before the more strongly
stressed governing noun as other descriptive adjectives. B u t
State Street, Wabash Avenue, Drake Hdtel, etc., with distinguishing
stress.
Chaucer sometimes has alongside of the appositive genitive
form the older appositional construction of two nouns agreeing in
case: the citee of Rome (The Nonne Preestes Tale, 549); Thebes
the citee (The Knightes Tale, 76). W e n o w say the river Jordan
or the Jordan River, but in older English, w e find also the river of
Jordan (Mark, I, 5). W e n o w say Lake Erie, etc., but the apposi-
tive genitive form occurs in a few names: the Lake of Tiberias,
the Sea of Galilee, etc.
The appositive genitive m a y be also a genitive clause, as illus-
trated in 23 I.
a. The appositive genitive is often added to a noun, not to define
meaning more accurately, but to indicate a class to which a thing or per-
son belongs that has just been characterized as an individual by the gov-
erning noun: the rdscal of a landlord; a j6wel of a cup; a beast of anight;
a fr&il slip of a wbman; a brute of a husband; his termagant of a wife; a
16ve of a child; a deVil of a hurry, etc. This construction is not known in
Old English. It has come into the language from the French. Origi-
nally, it came from the Latin appositive genitive, which is an outgrowth
of the possessive genitive, as in 'scelus viri' rascal of a man, i.e., a rascal
who belongs to the class represented by man; 'monstrum mulieris' mon-
ster of a woman, i.e., monster w h o belongs to womankind. All feeling
for this origin has been lost, for the common class noun after of can now
be replaced by a proper name: ' Where is that beast of a Fingal?' = ' Where
is that beast Fingal?'
H. PARTITIVE GENITIVE, denoting the whole of which only a
part is taken: a piece of brSad; the half of my property; a glass of
water; 6ne of my friends; tw6 of the boys. 'Have you a copy of
this book?' In these descriptive groups the idea of quantity or
part often becomes logically so important that w e must stress the
first m e m b e r : 'Edward the Confessor was mdre of a mdnk than a
king,' but 'He is n o w more of a hypocrite than ever before.' 'He
86 ATTRIBUTIVE PARTITIVE GENITIVE 10 II 2 H a

isn't much of a linguist.' 'He is something of an adventurer.' 'She

is a bit of a coquette.' ' H e is the head (or the very life, or the sou
of the enterprise.'
In rather poetic language, it has long been c o m m o n to employ
a stressed noun here to denote the part and the unstressed genitive
of a personal pronoun to denote the whole, where the whole is a
person or thing and the part the material body or some part of
it, or, on the other hand, an immaterial part or some characteris-
tic feature: pe sdule of him (Old English Homilies, 1,163, latter half
of twelfth century). 'Fetch thou the corpse of her and bury her
by her husband the noble King Arthur' (Malory, Le Morte d'Ar-
thur, X X I , 2). 'He is tender to impression at the surface, but
there is too m u c h mass of him to be m o v e d ' (Ruskin, Modern
Painters). 'They were his environment, these m e n , and they
were moulding the clay of him into a more ferocious thing than
had been intended b y nature' (Jack London, White Fang). 'She
was the daughter of a lumberjack and woodcraft w a s bred into
the very fiber of her' (Saturday Evening Post, July 29, 1916). 'The
chief quality of Burns is the sincerity of him' (Carlyle). ' The pity
of it all (= the pitiable feature of his life) is that he had to die wi
out seeing the fruits of his work.' ' I do not remember that I then
had any pity for him (the chipmunk). I think I rather enjoyed
the sport of hunting him. That is the boy of it' (John Burroughs,
Field and Study, Ch. I X ) .
In a number of expressions the partitive genitive of personal
pronouns is also c o m m o n in plain prose, usually, however, without
the poetic meaning of the preceding examples, merely stressing
the idea of an integral part: ' That will be the 6nd of it, the last of
it.' In a vague w a y w e feel life and death as parts of us, vital
parts of our h u m a n experience: ' I couldn't do it for the life of me.'
'That will be the death of ydu.' In all the above examples, where
w e think of a whole and some part of it, the partitive genitive is
closely related to the possessive genitive. C o m p a r e B , p. 79.
T h e partitive genitive m a y be also a clause, as illustrated in
23 1.
a. Nature of the Attributive Partitive Genitive. The Old English
tributive partitive genitive was closely related to the adverbial genitive
of specification (13 3): 'Heora heriges bser wses m y eel of slaegen' = With
regard to their army there was a large part slain. This old genitive
early construed also as an attributive genitive, and this conception still
survives: 'Of their army a large part was slain,' or 'A large part oj
their army was slain.' In older English, however, the old genitive of
specification was here often also construed as a partitive genitive subject
or object, and later was replaced by a nominative for the subject relation
 10 II 2 H b ATTRIBUTIVE PARTITIVE GENITIVE 87

and by an accusative for the object relation: 'There is gold and sx7uer
(subject) gret plentee' (pred. appos.) (Mandeville). 'Sound (subject)
there was none (pred. appos.) only that faint stir that never quite dies
of a country evening' (Galsworthy, The Country House, p. 26). 'Silver
and gold (object) have I none' (pred. appos.) (Acts, III. 6). 'Affection
(object) she had none' (pred. appos.) (James Payne, Not Wooed but Won,
I, 68). 'Paternal relatives (object) Goodwin has as good as none' (pred.
appos.) (Gissing, Born in Exile, 41).
O n the other hand, with certain verbs the old use of the genitive as
partitive object or predicate tarried a long while and in poetic and solemn
style still lingers on: 'When the w o m a n saw that the tree was good for
food . . . she took of the fruit thereof (Genesis, III, 6). 'Ye believe
not, because ye are not of my sheep' (John, X , 26).
6. Partitive Genitive Replaced by the Appositional Construction. In-
stead of the genitive w e often find apposition after certain words: a
little bread; tw6 ddzen 6ggs, d6zens of eggs; a great m a n y children; a
few bdys; tw6 thousand dollars, th6usands of dollars; f6ur million peo-
ple, millions of people; three score years and ten, sc6res of times. In
older English, the appositional construction here was more widely used
than now: 'no morsel bred' (Chaucer); 'a barel ale' (id.), etc. This
construction arose in the period of the decay of older inflection. A sim-
ple genitive often did not have a distinctive form, so that it appeared
to stand in apposition with the governing noun. Later, the true genitive
was restored by replacing the appositive by the clear modern preposi-
tional genitive. T h e old construction, in general, has been retained only
where the governing noun has been construed as an adjective.
Another, quite different, appositional construction, the predicate appo-
sitional construction described in 6 C, has, in a number of cases, been
replaced for the most part by the partitive genitive: 'your broder, the
worthyest knighte of the world one' (Malory, Le Morte d'Arthur, Book X V I ,
Ch. X V , fifteenth century), n o w 'one of the worthiest knights of the world';
'the receipt of Two your letters' (Thomas Cromwell, Letter to Sir Thomas
Wyatt, Feb. 13,1539), n o w 'the receipt of two of your letters.' 'He offered
unto him the choise in marriage of eyther the sisters' (Sir Philip Sidney,
Arcadia, Book IV, p. 133, A.D. 1593), n o w either of the sisters. 'His
stature did exceed the height of three the tallest of mortal seed' (Spenser,
The Faerie Queene, I, vn, vni), n o w 'three of the tallest.' ' M y father,
king of Spain, was reckon'd one The wisest prince (now 'one of the wisest
princes') that there had reign'd b y m a n y A year before' (Shakespeare,
Henry the Eighth, II, iv, 48). 'The letters ... Of many our contriving
friends' (id., Antony and Cleopatra, I, n, 188), n o w 'the letters of m a n y
of our contriving friends'; 'the fate of some your servants' (Ben Jonson,
Sejanus, V, i, 59, A.D. 1616), n o w 'the fate of some of your servants.'
'He does not believe any the most Comick Genius (now 'any of the most
comic geniuses') can censure him for talking on such a Subject at such a
Time' (Addison, Spectator, N o . 23, p. 2, A.D. 1711). 'To m e and many more
my countrymen' (William Dunlap, Andre, Act III, A.D. 1798), n o w 'many
more of my countrymen.' Where the noun after the appositive is in the
88 APPOSITION PROPER 10 III 1

plural, this appositional construction survives in colloquial speech: 'Aunt

Fannie saw a newspaper from one the places where Aunt Julia's visiting
her school room-mate' (Tarkington, Gentle Julia, Ch. X V I ) . 'None the
girls are going.' In the case of each w e m a y say: 'She kissed them each'
(or each of them).
In a few cases this old appositive has become an attributive adjective:
'to other my poore kynnesfdikes' (Thomas Cromwell, Testament, A.D. 1529
now 'to m y other poor kinsfolk'; 'with other the great men of Scotland'
(Burton, Scot. Abr., I, i, 18, A.D. 1864), n o w 'with the other great men
of Scotland.' With the original word-order: 'strict adherence to every
the minutest part of their customs and religion' (Mrs. A. M . Bennett,
Juvenile Indiscretions, V, 117, A.D. 1785), n o w 'strict adherence to every
minutest part,' etc.; 'any plainest (from older any the plainest) m a n w
reads this' (Trollope, Framley Parsonage, Ch. X I V ) . After possessive
adjectives every has become a real attributive adjective: 'He watched her
every movement.'
c. Blending. In the partitive category there is a tendency, once
much more common than now, to blend the genitive with some other
construction, resulting in illogical expression: 'His versification is by far
the most perfect of any English poet' (Saintsbury, Nineteenth Century
Literature, 268), a blending of 'His versification is the most perfect of all
English poets' and 'His versification is more perfect than that of any
English poet.' The omission of the word other after any in the last example
is a form of blending still common. In comparisons where there is present
the idea of a group or class, the superlative represents the group as com-
plete, while the comparative represents the separation of one or more
from all the others in the group. Hence w e should say 'is the most
perfect of all English poets,' or 'is more perfect than that of any other
English poet.'
d. Genitive of Gradation. This is n o w felt as a variety of the par-
titive genitive: 'the King of kings and L6rd of lords' (I Timothy, VI, 15),
'the b6ok of books.' 'But it was not enough for Frances, who found her
mind looking for the w6rd of wdrds that would express her own meaning
to her own satisfaction' (May Sinclair, The Tree of Heaven, Ch. XVIII).
This genitive has come from the Hebrew through the medieval Latin of
the church.
III. APPOSITION

1. Apposition Proper. A noun which explains or characterizes

another noun is placed alongside of it, and from its position is
accordingly called an appositive (i.e., placed alongside of): 'Smith,
the banker.'
T h e idea of apposition is expressed also b y the appositive geni-
tive, so that here apposition and the appositive genitive compete
with each other, as illustrated in II 2 G. Another c o m m o n ap-
positional category is that of a sentence or clause explaining a
10 III 1 A LOOSE APPOSITION 89

preceding word, n o w divided into two distinct groups, called at-

tributive substantive clause and attributive adjective clause. T h e
former is still felt as an appositive. Its use is described at length
in 23 I. T h e latter, though n o w felt as an adjective relative
clause, was once an appositive, and traces of its older function are
still to be seen in both literary and popular speech, as described
in 23 II. There is still another c o m m o n appositional category,
the prepositional infinitive, which competes with the appositional
genitive and the appositional clause: 'your plan to go yourself (or
of going yourself, or that you should go yourself) doesn't please me.
Attributive appositives were originally only loosely connected
with the headword; words added b y w a y of explanation or in
oldest English often preceding the headword on account of their
importance. In course of time a close relation has in m a n y cases
developed between headword and appositive, so that they n o w
form a close group with the accent upon the second member.
Hence there are n o w two groups of appositives, namely, those
loosely connected and those closely attached.
A. L O O S E A P P O S I T I O N . W h e r e the appositive noun follows the
headword in a rather loose connection with the force of a descrip-
tive (23 II 6) relative clause, it agrees, if possible, with the head-
word in number and gender, but not always in case: 'Mary, the
belle of the village'; 'the Smiths, the friends of m y youth.' T h e
appositives belle and friends m a y here be regarded as agreeing
with their headword in number, gender, and case.
Often, however, the appositive does not agree with its headword
in case since it is felt as a nominative, the predicate of an abridged
relative clause: 'There was only one close carriage in the place,
and that was old M r . Landor's, [who was] the banker' (George
Eliot). 'And these footsteps dying on the stairs were Charley's
[who was] M s old friend of so m a n y years!' (De Morgan, The
Old Madhouse, Ch. X X I V ) . In Old English, the appositive was
usually in the genitive w h e n the headword was in the genitive: 'on
Isais bee pass witegan' (Luke, III, 4) = 'in the book of the wordis
of I say e the prophete' (Purvey's ed., A.D. 1388) = 'in the book of the
words of Isaiah the prophet' (Revised Version, A.D. 1881). A s can
be seen in these translations, the genitive form of the appositive
has for the most part been replaced b y the nominative, always
so after an o/-genitive, as in these examples. T h e o/-genitive is
never used as an appositive. T h e simple genitive is sometimes
impossible, in which case the nominative must be used: 'These
words were Cicero's, the most eloquent of men.' T h e appositive in
all these examples indicates the identity of a person, but where
it indicates the identity of a place, a shop, or a residence expressed
90 LOOSE APPOSITION 10 III 1 A

by a genitive, it too is in the genitive to m a k e clear that the ref-

erence is to a place, not to a person: ' I bought the book at Smith's,
the bookseller's' (= at Smith's store, the bookseller's store). But
if w e feel the reference is to a person, w e m a y use the nominative,
though it is not so c o m m o n as in older English: ' I bought the book
at Smith's the bookseller.' T h e nominative, however, is the usual
form here where the appositive consists of parts connected by a
conjunction, or is a noun modified by a prepositional phrase: 'at
Smith's, the bookseller and stationer'; 'at Smith's, the bookseller
Main Street' O n the other hand, the headword and the apposi-
tive sometimes form a compound noun, as described below, and
as a compound take the genitive sign at the end: 'I bought the
book at Smith the bookseller's.'
The appositive sometimes stands in rather close relations to
the headword, especially w h e n the latter is a pronoun, but the
headword and the appositive do not entirely fuse, as in B, p. 91,
so that a slight pause separates them: ' w e poor fellows.' 'He died
in 1859, leaving his property to one Ann Duncan.' T h e relation
between one and the following name, however, is sometimes so
close that the two words form a compound, the second component,
the name, assuming the genitive ending: ' W e breakfasted at one
Goldens' (George Washington, Diary, Oct. 14, 1794).
The appositive is often introduced b y as: 'I have thought of
you as your sister might think and spoken to you as my brother'
(Hall C a m e ) . T h e headword is here often a possessive adjective,
which was originally the genitive of a personal pronoun and still
implies a personal pronoun in the genitive case: 'Guildford now
found himself restricted to M s business as a judge in equity'
(Macaulay). T h e appositive is here regularly in the nominative
as in thefirsttwo examples given in the second paragraph of A,
p. 89, where the headword is a noun in the genitive.
The appositional idea often disappears entirely, headword and
appositive merging into a compound, as in B , p. 91, so that the
new unit, like a simple noun, takes inflection at the end, usually
so when the governing noun follows it: Nixon the hatter (Thomas
Hughes, Tom Brown's School-Days). ' W e stopped at Mr. Barton
the clergyman's house for a drink of water.' T h e n a m e and the
following appositive often become so closely associated that both
together blend into one n a m e : Tom the Piper, Peter the Great,
Peler the Hermit, etc. T h e stress in all these cases is descriptive,
i.e., rests upon the last member. If w e desire to classify here,
w e must stress the second m e m b e r a little more than usual to
distinguish it from the usual descriptive stress: 'I have spoken of
Tennyson the pdet, I n o w desire to speak of Tennyson the m&n.'
 10 III 1 B CLOSE APPOSITION 91

Similarly, if w e desire to distinguish: 'Nixon the hatter, not

Nixon the druggist.'
a. Pronouns as Appositives. An appositive pronoun usually agrees
with its headword, noun or pronoun, in case: ' Mother, who should go,
John or I?' 'Mother, w h o m do you want, John or me?' There is a
tendency here in colloquial language to employ the accusative, espe-
cially strong in personal pronouns of thefirstperson: 'Which would you
rather took you over the crossing? Me (instead of I) or Papa?' (May
Sinclair, Mary Olivier, p. 88). 'We're not like ordinary people, us (in-
stead of we) Cardinals' (name) (Hugh Walpole, The Captives, p. 15).
'Will we MS (instead of we) two go to lunch on Sunday to meet
Mr. Snaith?' (De Morgan, The Old Madhouse, Ch. VII). Compare 7 C a.
b. Appositive to a Sentence. A n appositive in the form of an ex-
planatory remark often belongs to the whole sentence: T , like many
another, a m apt to judge m y fellow m e n in comparison with myself, a
wrong and a foolish thing to do.' The appositive m a y be in the plural if
it is felt as referring to two or more ideas in the preceding sentence: 'You
are humane and considerate, things few people can be charged with' (Pope
Letter).
The appositive sometimes precedes the sentence: 'He (the Indian
Chief Logan) had changed, and not for the better, as he grew older,
becoming a sombre, moody man; worse than all, he had succumbed to
thefire-water,the curse of his race' (Theodore Roosevelt, The Winning
of the West, Vol. I, Ch. VIII). Often introduced by as: 'As afirststep, I
secured m y vast property, so that the income would be certain' (Wallace,
Ben Hur, I, Ch. V).
On the other hand, a substantive clause m a y serve as an appositive to
a single substantive: 'Here and there a cleft in the level land occurs,
what they call a "chine" in the Isle of Wight' (Mrs. Gaskell, Sylvia's Lo
Ch. IV).
B. CLOSE APPOSITION. The appositive may be a proper name
and enter into such close relations with the preceding headword
that it forms with it a group with the stress upon the last m e m -
ber, i.e., the appositive: King Edward, Jdhn Smith, m y friend
Jones, Uncle Tom, Professor Brown, the apdstle Paul, the Virgin
Mary, the steamer Ocean Bride, M o u n t Etna, Lake Michigan, the
river Thames, Cape Hatter as, Fort Wayne, Port Arthur, etc.
The appositive here assumes the inflection if it precedes a gov-
erning noun: at m y friend Smith's house; at Uncle Tom's house;
at Banker Smith's house.
The stress here is usually descriptive, i.e., rests upon the second
member. Of course, w e must stress thefirstm e m b e r if w e desire
to classify: 'I desire here to speak, not of the pdet Tinnyson, but
of the man.'
In m a n y cases the appositive is not a proper n a m e , but a noun
92 ATTRIBUTIVE PREPOSITIONAL PHRASE OR CLAUSE 10 IV a

with a similar force, namely, a word or expression representing a

thing as an individual, not as a m e m b e r of a class: the letter a;
the figure 6; the verb go; the preposition in; demon Rum; the old
saying 'First come,firstserved.' 'On her tombstone stood the
words "Thy will be done.'" T h e close relation here between
the appositive and the headword cannot always be indicated by the
stress, since the appositive is often, as in the last two examples,
not a single word but a thought as a whole, which m a y expand
into an entire clause or sentence.
In oldest English, the appositive here stood before the head-
word: 'Alfred cyning' = 'King Alfred.' Traces of this older
usage are still to be found. See II 2 G.
2. Improper Apposition. T h e appositional construction was
often in older English improperly used instead of the partitive
genitive. This older usage with the traces it has left behind is
described in 10 II 2 H b.

IV. A PREPOSITIONAL PHRASE AS MODIFIER OF A NOUN

A noun or pronoun may be modified by a prepositional phrase,;

which usually follows it: (with the force of a descriptive adjective)
'a girl with black hair' (= a black-haired girl); (with the force of a
limiting adjective) 'the book on the table.' After verbal nouns the
attributive phrase is in a formal sense an adjective element, but
logically it is an object, or an adverb: 'a mother's love for her
children' (with the force of an object); 'a walk in the evening'
(with the force of an adverb of time).
In the early stage of language development there were no prepo-
sitions. T h e modifier was simply placed before the governing
noun, the word-order alone indicating that the one noun was de-
pendent upon the other. This primitive type of expression is still
found in group-words (63) and on account of its convenient form
is still widely used: a rartrap = a trap for rats; horsewhip =
whip for the h6rse; toothbrush = brush for the teeth. A s this con-
struction originated in the period before the introduction of in-
flection, the plural idea is usually not formally expressed. In
clotheshdrse, cZd^esbrush, however, the plural idea has found a
formal expression.

a. ATTEIBUTIVE PEEPOSITIONAL CLAUSE. In attributive elements

the preposition may stand not only before a noun, but also before a
clause. There are many prepositions that can stand before a clause intro-
duced by an indefinite relative pronoun, adjective, or adverb: 'He always
has a clear insight into what is needed.' ' I haven't the slightest informat
10 VI OTHER MODIFIERS OF NOUNS 93

as to what plans he has made, as to where he is going.' Compare 23 I

(4th par.).
After, before, and since often seem to stand as prepositions before a
clause not introduced by a pronoun of any kind. Originally the deter-
minative (56 A ) pronoun that stood after the preposition, pointing as with
an index finger to the following explanatory clause: "The day after or
before [that:] he came was very beautiful.' 'The long lonesome period
since (a contraction of sith than + s; see 27 3, 6th par.) we last met has
depressed m e very much' (literally, since that: we last met). Gradually
after that, before that, since came to be felt as conjunctions introducing
attributive clause. Later, that disappeared after after and before, leaving
to after and before the function of conjunction. Compare 27 3 (7th par.).

V. AN INFINITIVE AS MODIFIER OF A NOUN

A noun may be modified by a prepositional infinitive. The

are different categories:
1. T h e infinitive has its original force, i.e., is still a prepositional
phrase with the literal meaning of the preposition to: 'Power to
forgive sin' (literally, power in the direction of forgiving sin); 'a
strong impulse to do it' (literally, toward doing it). See also 50 4 d.
2. T h e attributive infinitive has often developed the force of a
relative clause: ' H e w a s thefirstm a n to come' ( = who came).
'The King has no children to succeed him on the throne' ( = who
can succeed him). 'That's the w a y to do it' ( = in which you
should do it). 'This is the fourth case of lockjaw to occur (= which
has occurred) within a week.' 'This road car is the latest to be
offered to the public' 'They had n o windows to speak of (George
Eliot). A s the relative force here is quite strong the relative pro-
noun is often inserted: ' It is the glory of Trinity that she has an
abundance of famous m e n from whom to select' (or in older sim-
pler form to select from). See also 23 II 11.
3. T h e attributive infinitive often has the force of an appositive.
With loose connection: ' I a m conscious that a duty devolves upon
me, to omit no detail.' W i t h close connection: 'He didn't even do
m e the honor to come in' (or of coming in, the infinitive competing
here with the appositive genitive).
It often takes the place of an appositive clause: 'Your plan that
I should go (or for me to go) doesn't please me.' See also 23 I a.

VI. AN ADVERB AS MODIFIER OF A NOUN

An adverb may modify a noun: (1) as an appositive (1

adjective: 'the r o o m above,' 'the tree yonder,' etc.; (2) as an
adherent (10 I 1) adjective: 'the down stroke.' C o m p a r e 10 I 2.
94 OTHER MODIFIERS OF NOUNS 10 VII a

VII. A C L A U S E AS M O D I F I E R O F A NOUN

A clause may modify a noun: 'The thought that we shall he

him gives him courage.' 'The boy who is standing by the door is
m y son.' For m u c h fuller description of usage here see 23 I and II.
a. LOGICAL RELATION OF ATTRIBUTIVE CLAUSE TO GOVEENING NOUN.
A n attributive clause, though formally connected only with its governing
noun, often has logical relations to the principal verb: 'A boy who would
do a thing like that (with the force of an adverbial conditional clause)
would be laughed at.' ' W e took the dear little fellow, who was daily getting
worse (with the force of an adverbial clause of cause), to the hospital.'
Compare I 5, p. 70.
 C H A P T E R VI

OBJECTIVE MODIFIERS
PAGE
ACCUSATIVE OBJECT 96
Form, position, and stress 96
Meaning and use with verbs 98
Metonymic object 99
'It'and'so'as object 99
Reflexive object 100
Reciprocal object 100
' W h o m ' as object 101
Passive form of statement 102
Object of adjectives and adverbs 103
DATIVE OBJECT, F O E M , U S E 103
After verbs, adjectives, nouns 103
Sentence dative 106
Dative of reference 106
Dative of interest 106
Ethical dative 108
Original meaning 108
GENITIVE OBJECT 109
Functions, form, and meaning 109
PEEPOSITIONAL O B J E C T 112
Growth, development, and present use 112
Prepositional phrase as object or as adverbial element 113
Object of the preposition a gerund 113
Passive form of statement 114
D O U B L E OBJECT 114
Dative and accusative 114
Form, position, stress 115
Passive form of statement 117
Accusative of person and genitive of thing 118
Passive form of statement 119
Double accusative 119
Accusative of person and accusative of thing . . . . 119
Passive form of statement 120
Accusative of direct object and objective predicate . 120
Objective predicate a noun, pronoun, adjective . . 121
Passive form 124
Objective predicate an infinitive 124
Passive form 127
Accusative of person or thing and a prepositional
phrase 127
Dative of person and a prepositional phrase 127
95
96 FORM, POSITION, STRESS OF ACCUSATIVE OBJECT 11 1

ACCUSATIVE OBJECT
11 1. Form, Position, and Stress. As explained in 3, page 3,
the old distinctive accusative forms of nouns have disappeared.
The personal pronouns have fuller inflection than nouns, but they,
in part, too, have lost their old accusative and dative forms, as
described in detail in Accidence, 35 6. T h e word-order n o w in
part indicates the accusative and dative functions, as is illus-
trated in detail below, but the function itself, i.e., the peculiar
r61e that the word plays in the sentence, is always important.
Sometimes the function alone distinguishes accusative and dative:
'They chose him (ace.) king,' but 'They chose him (dat.) a
wife.' English is here at its simplest. F o r m disappears entirely.
The position of the noun or pronoun does not reveal its function.
Here function alone distinguishes accusative and dative. The
position, however, of noun or pronoun in connection with function
often helps to distinguish case.
If there is only one object, it is in most cases an accusative
and stands in the position after the verb: 'He broke a glass.'
If it becomes necessary to employ a dative object after the verb,
w e must usually employ the distinctive dative form with to, for
otherwise it would be construed as an accusative: 'Robin Hood
robbed the rich to give to the poor.' W h e r e the function is clear,
however, the older simple dative is sometimes still heard in Eng-
land and is even c o m m o n in America, which is here, as so often
elsewhere, tenacious of older forms of expression: 'The reason
we wired you yesterday' (Pinero, The Thunderbolt, Act I). 'Wire,
write me at once.' 'He has already told me.' 'Ten minutes
suffice me (or to me) to dress.' T h e unaccented simple dative
still often survives in the passive: ' N o consideration was sh6wn
me' (or to me), but 'No consideration was shown to mi.'
If there are two objects, the dative, or indirect object, stands
immediately after the verb, then comes the accusative, or direct
object: 'He loves her' (ace), 'He loves his mother' (ace), but
'He gave her (dat.) a book' (ace), ' H e gave the house (dat.) a
new coat (ace) of paint.' If the dative ever for any reason fol-
lows the accusative, as for instance w h e n it is to be emphasized,
when it is to be modified by a clause, or w h e n it serves as a sen-
tence modifier (12 1 B a b), it n o w usually, as illustrated more
fully in 12 1 A B a b, takes the prepositions to, for, on, or from
before it to indicate the dative relation: 'I will lend it to ydu, but
not to him.' 'He gave his friend (dat.) a book' (ace), but 'He
gave a book (ace) to his friend (dat.) w h o is visiting him.' 'He
held m y horse (ace) for me' (sentence dat.). 'He shut the door
11 1 FORM, POSITION, STRESS OF ACCUSATIVE OBJECT 97

on me' (sentence dat.; in older English also to me or the simple

dative). 'He stole a watch (ace) from me' (sentence dat.).
The old simple sentence dative sometimes still follows the verb:
'Kindly cash me this check,' or 'Kindly cash this check for me.'
Compare 15 I 2 (3rd par.). T h e old simple dative also not
infrequently follows the verb when the accusative precedes the
verb: 'What would you recommend me?' 'Everyone is a
moon, and has a dark side which he never shows anybody' (or to
anybody). Compare 15 I 2 (last par.).
The dative form with to must in general be used to mark the
dative relation clearly in cases where doubt might arise: 'I told
him (dat.) that I should come' (a that-clause in the ace relation),
but 'I indicated to him that I should come,' because to indicate
usually takes an accusative object, and hence a dative that
follows it must be clearly marked as such. T h e dative form with
to, however, is sometimes used even where it is not necessary to
make the thought clear, especially in a choice literary style:
'He (Columbus) gave to the world (or simply the world) the knowledge
of a new land' (Elbridge S. Brooks, A Trip to Washington).
Compare 15 I 2 (next to last par.).
Dative before accusative has always been the c o m m o n word-
order in English in normal expression, and, as can be seen from
the preceding examples, this order is still well established. But
this order has never been c o m m o n if there are two personal pro-
nouns as objects, or if there are an accusative of the pronoun
and a dative of the noun. A s the ideas of reference and personal
interest which lie in the dative here are prominent and the stress
is usually a little stronger and hence also a factor, the dative
still as in oldest English stands in the more importantfinalposi-
tion in the group: 'He gave it to me.' 'She asked him for it
and he gave it td her.' 'I gave it to his mother.' In such examples
as the last, where the accusative is a weakly stressed pronoun and
the dative a noun, the dative by reason of its heavier weight in-
variably follows the lighter accusative. T h e placing of the accusa-
tive pronoun in thefinalplace in the group in harmony with the
normal word-order dative before the accusative is still, as in oldest
English, rather u n c o m m o n : ' Officers and m e n Levied a kindly tax
upon themselves. Pitying the lonely m a n , and gave him it'
(Tennyson, Enoch Arden). Sometimes even in colloquial speech:
' If you really have it, show me it' or more commonly ' S h 6 w it
td me,' since the word-order, dative of a personal pronoun after
the accusative of a personal pronoun, has become fixed here, n o w
usually with the modern dative form, but in England very often
still as in older English with the simple dative: 'Show it me'
98 MEANING AND USE OF THE ACCUSATIVE 11 2

(Pinero, Sweet Lavender, Act II). Sometimes also in American

English: 'I give it you beforehand' (Oemler, Slippy McGee,
Ch. V ) . O n the other hand, if the accusative is a stressed demon-
strative it stands in the important final position in the group:
'I told him that.' 'He gave m e this.'
2. Meaning and U s e of the Accusative with Verbs. In an
early stage of our language the accusative could be used with ad-
verbial force after intransitive verbs of motion to indicate a con-
crete goal. This old usage survives only in the case of home:
'He went home.' This old accusative after intransitive verbs
of motion is somewhat better preserved where the idea of goal
appears in an abstractfigurativesense, namely, in the case of the
simple infinitive, an old verbal noun here in the accusative of goal,
employed in Old English, and even still in the colloquial speech
of our time after the imperative and the infinitive of go and come
to indicate the goal, i.e., end, purpose, of the verb of motion:
'Go get it!' (Dr. Bert Emsley in a communication to the au-
thor, July 5, 1930). 'You'd better go lie d o w n ' (Tarkington, The
Magnificent Ambersons, Ch. IV). 'I'll m a k e M a y and Lola and
their partners come sit in this little circle of chairs' (id., Seventeen,
Ch. X X V I I ) . ' W o m e n could go hang (see 46, 7th par.), because
she did not want them' ( W . J. Locke, The Glory of Clementina,
Ch. II). Elsewhere w e n o w usually employ here the prepositional
infinitive: 'She went upstairs to lie down.'
Although the accusative of goal is no longer c o m m o n after
intransitives of motion, it has from the earliest times been com-
m o n after transitives to indicate the goal, the object actually hit
or affected by the activity, or the thing representing the goal,
the real object of the activity, i.e., the result, effect: 'to hit,
reach, or toe a mark,' 'to paint a house,' 'to burn a house,' 'to
build a house' (the goal, the result of the activity), 'to sketch
a house' (the goal, result of the activity). After the analogy of
such transitives that take an accusative of result, the accusative
is used after m a n y verbs usually intransitive to indicate a result
of the activity or something exhibited b y it: 'to weep tears,' 'to
look compassion, daggers, death,' 'to breathe simplicity.'
Out of the idea of the accusative as an object in these more
or less concrete relations has come the more abstract conception
that the accusative is the proper case form of a noun or pronoun
employed to complete the meaning of the verb, i.e., to m a k e its
meaning special: 'I see a bird.' 'I hear the voices of children.'
'I felt the truth of the remark.' 'I guessed the riddle.' A c o m m o n
complement of verbs is the cognate accusative, i.e., an accusa-
tive of a meaning cognate or similar to that of the verb, repeating
11 2 & IT A N D SO AS OBJECT 99

and also explaining more fully the idea expressed b y the verb:
'to sleep the sleep of the righteous,' 'to fight a goodfight,''to
live a sad and lonely life,' 'to sing a song.' Similarly, verbs are
m u c h used with an object that denotes a thing which is closely
associated with the activity expressed b y the verb: 'to play
cards,' 'to talk shop, politics, dogs,' etc., 'to j u m p a fence,' 't
skip the country, two pages,' 'to ride a horse,' 'to flee the country,
'to depart this life.' 'Edgar sits a horse as well as any young
m a n in England' (Mrs. Sherwood, H. Milner, III, V ) . 'She did
not take any instruction herself or go through the evolutions
or maneuvers, but merely sat her horse like a martial little statue
and looked on' (Mark Twain, Joan of Arc, II, C h . IV). 'The
hen will sit seventeen of her own eggs' (Journal R. Agric. Soc,
III, II, 525).
In modern times the list of transitive verbs has been greatly
increased b y the addition of a large n u m b e r of verbs originally
intransitive which took a prepositional object, as 'to depend upon
a man,' 'to laugh at a person,' 'to talk over a matter.' In course
of time the preposition here has become attached to the verb as
an integral part of it, so that the object is no longer a prepositional
object but a direct object of the c o m p o u n d verb. This becomes
apparent in the passive, where the object becomes subject and
the preposition remains with the verb: 'They were laughed at
by everybody.'
A transitive verb, its object, and the preposition attached to
the object are often felt as a unit forming a c o m p o u n d transitive:
' W e lost sight of the boat in the fog,' or in passive form, 'The
boat was lost sight of in the fog.'

a. METONYMIC OBJECT. The object is often metonymic, i.e., indi-

cates not the real object but something which stands in close relation
to it: 'He wiped off the dust' (real object) and 'He wiped off the table'
(metonymic object).
b. 'IT' A N D 'So' A S O B J E C T . In a large number of expressions the
accusative object is it, which originally was in m a n y instances a con-
crete reference to a definite thing or a definite situation, but is now also
often a convenient complement of transitive and intransitive verbs
without definite reference, leaving it to the situation to make the thought
clear: 'You will catch it' (i.e., reproach, punishment). 'We footed (in
slang hoofed) it.' T a m going to rough it.' 'That's going it rather
strong.' T will have it out with him.' 'He tries to lord it over us.'
Where the construction is more or less complicated, it is often used
as an anticipatory object, pointing forward to a following full object
clause or an abridged, infinitival or gerundial, object clause: 'I soon
brought it about that he thought better of it.' 'I found it difficult to
100 RECIPROCAL OBJECT 11 2 d

refuse him his request.' 'Rumor has it he is going to leave town.'

T suppose you think it odd m y having gone to church.'
O n the other hand, it often points backward to a preceding dependent
clause or an independent proposition: 'If I get h o m e by eight o'clock,
I call it good luck.'' 'He spoke very sharply to m e . I shall not forget
it soon.' Frequently, however, the adverb so is used instead of it, point-
ing backward, referring to the contents of the preceding proposition,
especially after verbs of saying, thinking, hearing, fearing, hoping, doing,
etc.: 'Did your brother receive the letter?' 'I think so.' 'Will he
keep his promise?' 'I hope so.' 'I'll send it tomorrow if I can arrange
to do so.'
c. R E F L E X I V E O B J E C T . A reflexive pronoun is often added to transi-
tive verbs to indicate that the subject acts upon himself: 'He dressed
himself quickly,' ' W e all love ourselves more and hate ourselves less
than w e ought.' In older English, the personal pronouns were used as
reflexive pronouns. This older usage lingers on in Shakespeare, although
the new forms are more common: 'A ( = he) bears him like a portly
gentleman' (Romeo and Juliet, I, v, 68). Even in plain prose, however,
the older simple accusative is still the rule after prepositions which
express local relations in a literal sense: 'I have no money with me.'
'The two brothers had only a dollar between them.' ' W e see the stars
above us.' 'He shut the door behind him.' 'The horse sprang over
the precipice bearing its rider with it' 'Look about you!' but in a
figurative sense 'Look into yourself!' and 'He asked m e about myself.
Usage sometimesfluctuateshere according as w e feel the force of the
preposition as literal orfigurative:'The teacher took it upon him or
himself to punish the lad.' Compare 56 D (next to last par.).
The reflexive form can refer only to the subject of the proposition or
clause in which it stands. Hence, if the pronoun in a subordinate clause
refers to the subject of the principal proposition, a personal pronoun is
used: 'I believed him to be deceiving me' but 'I believed him to be
deceiving himself.'
After the plural of majesty we and editorial we, it is n o w customary
to employ ourself as the usual reflexive with reference to a single person
in contradistinction to ourselves with reference to more than one: 'We
feel that in this place we lay ourself open to the inquiry whether Mr. Win-
kle was whispering, during this brief conversation, to Arabella Allen'
(Dickens, Pickwick, Ch. X X X ) .
In the headings of newspapers simple self is m u c h used for himself or
herself: 'G. W . Howard, Author, Kills Self (Chicago Tribune, Nov. 21,
1922).
One of the marked characteristics of English is the tendency to drop
the reflexive pronoun: 'He dressed quickly.' 'Oil will not unite with
water.' For fuller discussion see 46.
d. R E C I P R O C A L O B J E C T . The pronouns each other and one another
are placed after the verb to indicate that the relations between or among
the persons designated by the subject are mutual. Although good
writers often use these two forms promiscuously, there is a tendency
11 2 e WHOM AS OBJECT 101

to use the former for reference to two persons and the latter for reference
to two or more: 'These two doctors hate each other.' ' W e all at last
understood one another.' In older English, the components of each of
these compound forms were felt as distinct words and hence were often
separated. This older usage persists: 'Each looked at the other' instead
of 'They looked at each other.' 'The roosters of the neighborhood are
calling one to the other' (or to one another). This older usage is most
common, as in these examples, when the pronoun is the object of a
preposition. For fuller treatment see Accidence, 37 a, b, c.
In older English, the long reflexive pronouns were sometimes used
for reciprocal pronouns: 'Get thee gone; tomorrow We'll hear ourselves
(instead of each other) again' (Shakespeare, Macbeth, III, iv, 31). Al-
though this old usage has in general passed away, it is still often found
after the prepositions among and between, perhaps prevails here: 'They
quarreled among themselves' (but with one another). ' W e are still quarrel-
ing among ourselves.' 'They resolved between themselves to start imme-
diately.'
As in c the pronominal object here is often omitted: 'Our elbows
touched' (or touched each other). ' W e met (or, sometimes, met each
other) at the post office.' ' W e soon came to a place where two roads
crossed' (or crossed each other). See 46.
e. I N T E E R O G A T I V E A N D R E L A T I V E ' W H O M ' A S O B J E C T . T h e inter-
rogative objective whom is used in careful language: 'For what or whom
was she waiting?' (Galsworthy, The Man of Property, p. 302). 'Whom
did you meet?' T asked him whom he met' (an indirect question).
'Whom do you mean?' 'I asked him whom he meant.'
In current colloquial speech, as in older literary English, it is still
quite common to use who as an invariable form for both the subject and
the object relation: 'Who (subject) was there?' 'Who (object) did you
meet?' Likewise in early modern literary English: ' H O E . M y lord,
I think I saw him yesternight. H A M L . Saw? Who?' (Shakespeare,
Hamlet, I, n, 190). 'To who, m y lord?' (id., King Lear, V, in, 248).
This usage is explained in part by a natural tendency to avoid in-
flection here, as the other interrogative words, where, when, whence, etc.,
which stand in the same position as who, are all invariable. The use of
the nominative who here as the invariable form for subject and object
in contrast to the employment of the accusative me, him, her, us, them,
etc., elsewhere as the invariable form, as described in 7 C a, has probably
come from the fact that the accusative whom here in the subjective re-
lation standing immediately before the verb, as in ' Whom came?' would
be unnatural and contrary to all precedent, while the nominative who
before the verb in the object relation, as in 'Who did they meet?' is
not unnatural, since the nominative usually stands before the verb.
Moreover, the use of the nominative who as object is never ambiguous,
since the inverted word-order, as in 'Who did they meet?' indicates
clearly that who, like when, where, etc., as in 'Where did they meet?'
modifies the verb and hence cannot be the subject. T h e c o m m o n use
of who as object in direct questions m a d e it natural to use the same
102 PASSIVE F O R M OF S T A T E M E N T 11 2 /

form in indirect questions: 'Do you know who the property belongs to?'
(Gissing, The House of Cobwebs).
W e sometimes find who for whom in substantive clauses, where in-
definite relative who, which introduces the substantive clause exactly
like interrogative who in indirect questions, has come under the influence
of interrogative who: 'I don't know who you mean' (A. Trollope, Harry
Heathcote, p. 15). In 'It feels like afight,but I don't know who's fighting
who' (Hugh Walpole, The Captives, p. 455), the second who is used after
the analogy of the second who in 'I couldn't see who was who.'
Earlier in the period who for whom is found also when used as a rela-
tive pronoun with an antecedent: 'in company with General Lee, who I
requested to attend m e ' (George Washington, Diary, Oct. 19, 1794).
This older usage still occurs in careless language, as in 'The burthen of
her talk is " m y Collin," who she makes out to be the most angelic babe'
(Mrs. Craik).
In general, however, the use of who for whom is receding in all functions
in the literary language.
/. P A S S I V E F O R M O F S T A T E M E N T . In changing a sentence from the
active to the passive the accusative becomes nominative and the nomina-
tive is put into the accusative after by, in older English of: ' The boy is
beating the dog' (active), but in the passive 'The dog is being beaten
by the boy.' 'Ye shall be hated of all m e n ' (Matthew, X , 22). 'He was
devoured of a long dragon' (Bacon, Essays).
In normal narrative, the modifier of the verb is usually important and
stressed, so that in sentences with an important modifier of the verb the
active is the natural form of statement, since the modifier of the verb
can often be put in the form of an object and placed in the important
end position: 'Last night the frost took all my prettyflowers'O n the
other hand, the passive is often more appropriate when the verbal activity
is prominent, since in this form the verb stands last or near the end:
'Last night m y pretty flowers were all destroyed.' The idea of active
agent or cause is best stressed by employing passive form and putting
the word denoting the agent or the cause at the end: 'The dog was
killed by his 6wn master.' 'I was hurt by his abrupt mdnner.' W h e n
we desire to give especial emphasis to the thing effected, w e employ pas-
sive form and put the subject representing the thing effected at or near
the end: 'From the instant that the lips of the little old lady touched
Jill's there was sealed a bdnd' (Temple Thurston, The City of Beautiful
Nonsense, III, Ch. VIII). But not only the end position is important,
thefirstplace is also used for emphasis, especially in excited language,
where the thing that is on our mind springs forthfirst.In the case of per-
sons or things affected the passive form is here appropriate since w e can
put them into the first place: 'My prettyfldwerswere all destroyed last
night.' W e can use also active form here by putting the person or thing
affected into thefirstplace in the form of an exclamation and referring
to them later by a pronoun with the grammatical form required by the
construction: 'My preliyflowers!the frost destroyed them all last night.'
Compare 3 a.
12 1 A FORM AND USE OF DATIVE OBJECT 103

The speaker or writer often employs the passive expressly to avoid

mention of the participants: 'Some things have been said here tonight
that ought not to have been spoken.'
Passive form is often chosen merely to avoid a change of subject:
'The young couple returned and were pardoned by the baron on the
spot.'
fir. O B J E C T O P A N A D J E C T I V E O R A D V E E B . The object treated above
is in all instances the object of a verb. Worth is the only adjective that
governs the accusative: 'This book is worth reading.'
In 'He sat opposite [to] me,' me is a dative after the adjective oppo-
site, as indicated by the suppressed to. Similarly, in 'He is like (adjective)
his father,' the object is a dative, as can be seen in poetry and in older
English, where the dative form occurs: 'Sweet sleep, were death like to
thee' (Shelley). 'For ye are like unto whited sepulchres' (Matthew, XXIII,
27). Likewise, the seeming accusative after the adverb near, as in near
me, is in fact a dative, for w e say nearer to me and next to me. These
adjectival and adverbial forms that govern the dative are now, however,
often felt as prepositions. Compare 50 4 c bb.
The genitive is the usual construction after worthy, but the accusative
occasionally occurs: 'The Englishman into whose soul these tales have
not sunk is not worthy the name' (Hughes, Tom Brown, II, Ch. II, 226),
usually worthy of the name. In older English, the accusative was more
common: 'It was a thought happy and worthy Ccesar' (Ben Jonson,
Sejanus, V, VIII, 59 A.D. 1603). Adjectives n o w usually take a dative,
genitive, or prepositional object. See 12 1 A, 13 3, 14.
h. A C C U S A T I V E O B J E C T A F U L L O R A B R I D G E D C L A U S E . The accusa-
tive object often has the form of a clause with a finite verb: T demand
that he go at once.' For the different forms that an accusative clause with
a finite verb m a y have see 24 III. T h e accusative clause m a y also have
the form of an infinitival or a gerundial clause, as described in 24 III d.
DATIVE OBJECT
12 1. Form and Use.
A. A F T E R V E R B S , A D J E C T I V E S , A N D N O U N S . The old dative
which is used after transitive verbs as an indirect object in con-
nection with a direct object in the accusative is well preserved.
Its present form and position in the sentence are treated in 11 1.
Old English had alongside of the simple accusative also a simple
dative object, employed not only as an indirect object in con-
nection with a direct accusative object, as at present, but also
m u c h used after m a n y verbs as the only object. A s a single
object it competed with the accusative, but, as described below,
it had a little different meaning, which naturally associated it
with certain verbs where the peculiar dative force came into play.
This old dative used as a single object has been largely displaced
104 FORM AND USE OF DATIVE OBJECT 12 1 A

by the accusative. In Old English, the accusative represents the

object a person or a thing a s affected by an activity, es-
pecially in a literal, material sense. T h e single dative in Old
English represents a person as involved or concerned in an activity
directed toward him and intended to affect him either in a mere
material w a y or more commonly in an inner sense. If the dative
object was a thing, it w a s felt as having interests like a person.
The difference of meaning between dative and accusative was
often not great, since both objects completed the meaning of the
verb. Later, the difference in form between the two cases entirely
disappeared, so that it became difficult to distinguish a dative
object from an accusative. W h e r e an object after verbs governing
the dative, such as thank, help, injure, please, displease, believ
threaten, oppose, serve, advise, etc., was felt as completing the
meaning of the verb, the old dative has been displaced b y the ac-
cusative. T h u s w e say today 'He thanks his friend,' not 'He
thanks to his friend.' 'The teacher helps the beginners,' not 'Th
teacher helps to the beginners.' 'The frost injures the plants,'
not 'The frost injures to the plants.' T h e old dative began to
be treated as an accusative about 1200. B u t the feeling for the
old dative lingered for a long while after the old native English
verbs and the n e w foreign verbs with the same meaning, as is
shown b y the employment of the n e w clear dative form with to,
which was in use elsewhere: 'Yf Y do not the worlds of m y
fadir, nyle 3e bileue to me; but if Y do, thou 3 3e wolen not bileue
to me, bileue 3e to the workis' (John, X 37, John Purvey's ed.,
A.D. 1388) = 'If I do not the works of m y Father, believe me
not. But if I do, though ye believe not me, believe the works'
(King James Version). ' T h o u schalt worschipe thi Lord God, and
to hym (now simple him) aloone thou schalt serue' (Luke, IV, 8,
Purvey's ed.). T h e dative disappeared here later because its
function was not at this point as clearly differentiated from the
accusative as it was elsewhere.
In spite, however, of the decided victory of the accusative in
this category of single object the dative maintained itself in a
very large number of words where the idea of a person involved
or concerned in an activity was strongly pronounced: 'A new
thought came to me.' 'Recently m u c h has happened to us.'
'He has yielded to me in this matter.' ' H e apologized to me,
cringed to me, deferred to me, bowed to me, submitted to me, sur-
rendered to me.' 'He got d o w n on his knees to me.' 'Religion
itself is forced to truckle to worldly policy.' 'He read to me,
sang to me, wrote to me, complained to me.' 'He proposed to
her-' 'It never occurred to me before.' ' M u c h genuine pleasure
12 1 A F O R M A N D USE OF DATIVE OBJECT 105

accrued to them from their kindness.' 'It belonged to me.' 'This

is all that remains to me of m y inheritance.' 'The property has
fallen to his son.' The dative has been preserved here because
it is felt not as completing the meaning of the verb but rather
as modifying the statement as a whole. T h e dative as a sen-
tence modifier, or sentence object, does not of course compete
with the accusative and has not been influenced by it. This
c o m m o n dative is treated in detail in B, p. 106.
T o express the dative idea here it became necessary to give it
a new form, for dative and accusative had become identical in
form, and a single object after a verb would be construed as an
accusative. Hence, as in these examples, the preposition to was
placed before the noun to indicate the dative relation. Even in
oldest English, to was thus often placed before a noun denoting
a person, but at this early period it has a more concrete meaning
than the old simple dative, indicating that the person was in-
volved or concerned in the activity in an outward, literal sense, as
in 'I spoke to him,' 'I called to him,' while the simple dative
suggested an inner relation, as in 'I preached to them' (in Old
English, a simple dative). A s in thefirsttwo of these three ex-
amples, to in older English often combined the idea of outward
and inner relations, so that later w h e n the dative and accusative
had become identical in form and it became necessary to create a
new, clear dative, it was easy and natural to employ to also like
the old simple dative to indicate inner relations, as in the m a n y
examples given above.
The dative is well preserved also in other categories where there
is no competition between accusative and dative, as after nouns
and adjectives. After nouns m a d e from verbs which in oldest
English governed the dative or which b y virtue of their meaning
would have governed the dative if they had been in use, the
dative construction is well preserved, and indeed has experi-
enced an extensive development beyond its original boundaries:
'The teacher helps (in Old English, with dative, n o w with accusa-
tive) the beginners,' but 'a help to beginners.' 'The frost injures
the plants,' but 'injury to plants.' T h e dative is also well pre-
served after adjectives: 'He was helpful to me.' 'The frost is
injurious to plants.' 'It lyketh to your fader and to me that I
yow wedde' (Chaucer, The Clerkes Tale, 289), n o w 'It pleases
your father (ace) and me (ace) that I marry you,' but after the
participial adjective the old dative is still in full use: 'It is pleas-
ing to your father and to me,' etc. 'Never wolde he do nothynge
that scholde to hym displese' (Merlin, 123, about A.D. 1440), n o w
'that should displease him' (ace), but after the participial adjec-
106 SENTENCE DATIVE OF REFERENCE A N D INTEREST 12 1 B 6

tive the dative is the c o m m o n construction: 'It is displeasing to

him.' In a few cases w e find the simple dative after adjectives,
as illustrated in 11 2 g.
B. S E N T E N C E D A T I V E . A S explained in A (3rd par.), the dative
is well preserved where it modifies not the verb alone but the
sentence as a whole. This dative, sometimes still with its old
simple form but usually in prepositional form with to, unto, for,
from, or on, falls into three groups:
a. Dative of Reference. This dative denotes the person to
w h o m the statement seems true, or with reference to w h o m it
holds good: 'To me the old house doesn't seem like home any
more.' 'That doesn't seem true to me n o w as it once did.'
'To me she is pretty.' 'What is that to me?' 'He never made
me such excuses.' ' A m I not any more the same m a n to whom
once all doors stood open?' 'The dress is too long for her.' 'I
bet youfivedollars (adv. ace) that you can't do it' (ace clause).
b. Dative of Interest. This dative denotes the person to whose
advantage or disadvantage the action results: ' The umbrella stood
me in good stead.' 'It will last the owner a lifetime.' 'He made
me a whistle.' 'She m a d e her boy a new coat.' 'She looked him
tenderly in the eyes.' 'Ruin seemed to be staring him in the
face.' 'You must not look a gift horse in the mouth.' 'He has
already done me a good deal of harm.' 'He has done a good deal
of harm not only to me but to many others,' where, as often else-
where, the idea of interest mingles with that of reference. 'Please
hand me that book.' 'He lent me his book.' 'He lent a book to
me and also one to John.' 'Inasmuch as you have done it unto (in
plain prose usually to or for) one of the least of these m y breth-
ren, ye have done it unto me' (Matthew, X X V , 40). 'I shall do
all I can for you.' 'I want you to run an errand for me.' 'His
heart beat for all humanity.' T h e use of for here instead of the
simple dative or the dative with to indicates the desire for a
clearer expression of the idea of advantage, for to is used also to
denote disadvantage. Often, however, for itself denotes disad-
vantage: 'I'll break his head for him.' 'She'll turn your head
for you.' 'He's setting a trap for you.' ' W h o digs a pit for others
m a y fall into it himself.'
T o express more clearly the idea of disadvantage, w e sometimes
use from instead of the simple dative or the dative with to: 'He
stole a watch from me,' i.e., from me to my loss, the concrete idea
of from mingling with the abstract idea of loss. ' T h e horse ran
away from me,' i.e., ran away to my loss, discomfiture. In collo-
quial speech w e often find such expressions as 'Thefirehas gone
out on me.' 'He has gone back on me.' 'I found out some-
12 1 B 6 SENTENCE DATIVE OF R E F E R E N C E A N D INTEREST 107

thing about him and I wrote and told him so, and he got m y letter
and just called m e up and tried to m a k e up with m e again, and I
hung up on him' (J. P. M c E v o y , The Potters). 'Every three years
he's raised the rent on us' (Basil King, The Side of the Angels,
Ch. I). 'He shut the door on me' (in older English, also to me
or the simple dative). The development here from the dative to
the preposition on (= against) indicates the desire for a clearer
expression of the idea of disadvantage, injury. O n account of its
distinctive form the on-dative is spreading in this meaning in
colloquial speech. It is especially c o m m o n in popular Irish English,
which at this point is doubtless influencing American colloquial
usage.
The old simple dative is most c o m m o n in connection with a
direct object: 'She m a d e her boy a new coat.' In the case of
reflexive datives here, the old short form (see 11 2 c), i.e., the
personal pronoun instead of the reflexive, is still, especially in
colloquial speech, often used in thefirstand second persons in-
stead of the long literary form: 'I bought me (or myself) a new
hat.' 'Did you buy you (or yourself) a new hat?' Formerly
the short form was m u c h used also in the third person: 'Let
every soldier hew him down a bough' (Macbeth, V, iv, 4). Today
we usually employ here the long form on account of the am-
biguity of the short form: 'He bought himself a new hat.' But
in popular speech the old short form is still c o m m o n : 'Rutheney
here, she never even stops to ax Link m a y she ride in to town
she jest ketches her a nag and lights out' (Lucy Furman, The
Quare Women, Ch. II). In all these cases the reflexive dative is
more c o m m o n in popular speech than in the literary language,
so that in the former it is still often employed where in the
latter it has disappeared: 'I want me a w o m a n [who] can milk'
(ib., Ch. V).
Earlier in the period, a weak, almost pleonastic, dative of
interest was often used after sit, lie, and verbs of motion and
fearing: 'I sit me down a pensive hour to spend' (Goldsmith,
Traveller, 32). 'He walked him forth along the sand' (Byron,
Siege of Corinth, XIII, 17). 'I dread me, if I draw it (i.e., the
lance-head), you will die' (Tennyson, Lancelot and Elaine, 511).
'I fear me, tis about faire Abigail' (Marlowe, The Jew of Malta,
I, 904, A.D. 1633). "Faith, for the worst isfilthy;and would not
hold taking, I doubt (= fear) me' (Shakespeare, Timon of Athens,
I, u, 159). After these verbs, especially after to lie down and sit
down, this old dative still lingers: 'He had lost his w a y and lain
him down to die' (Jerome, Three Men in a Boat, Ch. X , 127).
'Nor did his eye lighten with any pleasurable excitement as he
108 ORIGINAL MEANING OF DATIVE 12 2

sat himself (sometimes, as here, the n e w long dative instead of

the old short form) down in a shadowy corner' (Tarkington,
Penrod and Sam, Ch. IV).
Earlier in the period, and sometimes still, there is an old redun-
dant accusative, distinguishable from this old dative by neither
form nor significance, for both dative and accusative have scarcely
an appreciable meaning: ' I remember me of (now simple remember)
that day.' 'I repent me of (now simple repent) m y suspicions.'
The accusative is here sometimes construed as a dative of interest,
so that the of drops out: 'I do not repent me those dairyings in
enchantedfields'(J. M . Barrie, The Little White Bird, Ch. IX).
c. Ethical Dative. In older English, and sometimes still, a simple
dative is employed to denote the person w h o has or is expected to
have an emotional or sympathetic interest in the statement:
'Whip me such honest knaves' (Othello, I, i, 49). 'Why, he would
slip you out of this chocolate-house, just when you had been talk-
ing to him as soon as your back was turned whip he was
gone!' (Congreve, The Way of the World, I, I, 241, A.D. 1700).
'The main things are to be able to stand well, walk well, and
look with an eye at h o m e in its socket: I put you m y hand on
any m a n or w o m a n born of high blood' (Meredith). 'Has any-
thing happened to you?' 'No, Ralph, but something m a y
happen to you if you don't heed me what I say' (Hall Came).
Today there is little feeling for this once c o m m o n construction.
Instead of saying 'That was you a joy!' w e n o w usually say
'That was a joy, I tell you!' and instead of ' N o w heed me
that' w e say ' N o w I want you to heed that!' W e can sometimes,
however, employ the prepositional dative with for: 'There's a
fine fellow for you!'
2. Original Meaning of the Dative. T h e dative seems origi-
nally to have denoted in a literal sense direction toward, which can
often still be felt after transitive verbs and adjectives: 'He sent
me a book,' or 'He sent the book to me.' 'He was kind to me,'
i.e., manifestations of kindness were directed toward me. Thus
originally both accusative and dative indicated a goal or an object
toward which an activity was directed. Even in oldest English,
however, w e find the two forms in general differentiated in mean-
ing as w e k n o w them today, so that the accusative often indicates
that a person or thing is affected in a literal, exterior sense, while
the dative indicates that a person or thing is affected in an inner
sense, or that a person is involved in an act or statement as his
material or higher interests are connected with the act or state-
ment: 'That caused me (dat. indicating that the person is affected
inwardly) pain' (ace of result). 'That gave the cause (dat. in-
13 2 FUNCTIONS AND FORM OF THE GENITIVE 109

dicating vital inner interests) a mortal blow' (ace). ' H e was

unfriendly to me' (indicating direction of feeling toward inner
things, i.e., a personality). 'He sent help to me (dat. indicating
direction toward in a literal, but also an inner, sense) in m y distress.'
In all these cases the present prepositional dative corresponds to
the simple dative in Old English. Wherever the noun after to
is n o w an object in a literal exterior sense w e find also in Old
English to followed b y a dative: ' H e went to town.' 'He sent a
messenger to town.' In Old English, to with the dative w a s e m -
ployed to express the old original concrete idea of direction toward;
the simple dative w a s used to denote the newer derived idea of
direction toward in an inner sense. Later, as the simple dative lost
its distinctive form, the prepositional dative took its place wherever
ambiguity might arise. T h e older distinction in meaning had to
be sacrificed to the obvious necessity of indicating the dative
relation clearly. C o m p a r e 1 A (4th par., p.105) and 14 (3rd par.).

GENITIVE OBJECT
13 1. Functions of the Genitive. Today we usually think of
the genitive as an attributive adjective element modifying nouns
or pronouns, but in Old English it was widely employed also to
modify verbs and adjectives. A s seen in 3, p. 110, the genitive is
still used after verbs and adjectives; but it survives here only in
the form of the of-genitive, which w e here no longer feel as a geni-
tive but n o w construe as a prepositional object, so that the old,
once c o m m o n , conception of the genitive as a modifier of verbs
and adjectives has been lost. T h e fact that the genitive after
verbs and adjectives n o w never takes the simple s-form has dulled
our feeling for it as a genitive and also for its original close relation
to the attributive genitive. T h e older conception of the genitive
as a modifier of nouns, pronouns, verbs, and adjectives indicates
that the genitive in all these different functions had the same
general meaning some shade of the general idea of sphere, as
described in 3, p. 110, and in 10 II 2. T h e fact that w e no longer
have a live feeling for this old meaning has helped to blunt our
feeling for the original close relation between the attributive
genitive and the genitive after verbs and adjectives.
2. F o r m of the Genitive. In Old English, the simple genitive
was used as the object of a large number of verbs and a smaller
number of adjectives. Today, the simple genitive used as object
has been entirely replaced b y the prepositional genitive with of:
'When I felt of his heart, there w a s no beat.' ' H e is worthy of
respect.' 'The glass is full of water.'
110 MEANING OF THE GENITIVE 13 3

3. Meaning of the Genitive. T h e original meaning of the

genitive is unknown, but a study of the older periods where the
genitive was m u c h more used than n o w seems to indicate that
the central idea of this case is in a sphere: 'I a m thinking of my
father, of my duty,' i.e., m y thoughts are in the sphere of m y
father, m y duty. 'They robbed him of his money,' in the sphere
of his money, with respect to his money, or n o w more commonly
felt as containing the idea of separation. 'They complained of
their hard lot,' in the sphere, matter of, with respect to their hard
lot. This shade of the genitive, the genitive of specification, is
still very c o m m o n : 'I reminded him of his promise.' 'He ac-
cused m e of untruths.' 'The glass is full of water,' in the sphere
of water, with respect to water.
In older English, to hope, yearn, thirst, wait took the genitive
of goal, which represents some object or thing as the goal of the
activity, the sphere in which it acts, n o w replaced b y a preposi-
tional object after for: 'Death waites of (now for) no man's will'
(George Whetstone, Life of Gascoigne, I, IV, A.D. 1719). T h e new
accusative is used alongside of the old genitive of goal after admit,
allow, approve, conceive, and sometimes accept, and a little earlier
in the period also remember and recollect: ' T h e scope of this book
does not admit of the discussion of details' (or with the accusative
the discussion of details). 'I remember of (now omitted) detesting
the n a m e of Cumberland' (Sir Walter Scott).
T h e partitive genitive object, n o w replaced b y the accusative,
was not u n c o m m o n earlier in the period: 'She went to it, smelled
of it (now usually simple it or at it), and ate it' (Defoe, Crusoe,
I, IV). In American colloquial speech, however, the old partitive
genitive object is well preserved with a few verbs: 'She tasted
of it, felt of it, smelled of it.' Also in the literary language the
old genitive is sometimes used w h e n it is desired to raise the tone
a little above that of every day: 'Since people give of their time,
will they not give also of their money?'
The prepositional genitives in all these cases correspond to
the Old English simple genitive, but they are not felt today vividly
as genitives. They are mere fragments of a shattered construc-
tion which gives no clear outline of older usage. M a n y older geni-
tives which represented the activity as missing of, desiring of,
coveting of, forgetting of an object are n o w replaced b y accusative
which represent the activity as missing, desiring, coveting, forgetti
an object, since w e today put the single object that completes the
meaning of a verb in the accusative. Just as in 12 1 A, a single
dative object was not able to compete successfully with a single ac-
cusative object, so here a single genitive object is not able to
13 3 MEANING OF THE GENITIVE 111

compete with a single accusative object, since the old habit of

distinguishing between the meaning of the two cases did not prove
as strong as the simpler principle of placing, without regard to
meaning, a single object uniformly in the accusative, the case
most commonly used as object w h e n there is only one. Elsewhere,
where the accusative did not compete with the genitive as object,
namely, after adjectives and participles, the genitive object is
better preserved. Thus, though w e no longer miss of, desire of,
forget of, etc., w e still are desirous of, forgetful of, etc.
S o m e of the old simple genitives after verbs have been replaced
by prepositional objects. T h u s w e today say ' w e yearn for (or after)
sympathy,' 'we long for rest,' 'we laugh at a person' instead of
employing a genitive or an accusative object, since the idea of
an outward direction of an activity toward a person or thing is
strong in our feeling and demands a formal expression by some
preposition with a concrete force. C o m p a r e 14. T h e use of dif-
ferent prepositions in the last three examples indicates a desire
to interpret the genitive object, both the old simple genitive and
the newer form with of. T h e genitive in course of time had taken
on so m a n y shades of meaning that the thought was not always
clear.
Where the genitive has been retained, namely, the genitive of
specification, in all periods of the language the most c o m m o n
category and still deeply rooted in English feeling, as in to com-
plain of, to accuse of, to remind of, etc., also after adjectives, mind
ful of, thoughtful of, sure of, guilty of, etc., the of is n o w felt b y
people as a preposition, not as a sign of the genitive, although
the absolute rigidity of the construction, the impossibility of re-
placing of by another preposition with the same meaning, such as
about, with reference to, with regard to, clearly indicates that the
prepositional genitive is in fact intact. T h e construction with of
has been retained here because of has the same meaning as of
used elsewhere as a preposition, thus making the thought clear
and preserving the old construction at least in external form.
Not a single instance of the old simple genitive object has been
preserved. Thus the genitive as object in both its older and its
newer form has passed out of the vivid consciousness of English-
speaking people. T h e genitive object has become an accusative
object or a prepositional object, the latter at least to the feeling
of most people. T h e dative has been better preserved, in part
because its meaning is simpler, in part because the simple dative
rests upon a simple, clear principle of word-order, deeply rooted
in English feeling, namely, the dative precedes the accusative, as in
'He gave the house a n e w coat of paint.'
112 PREPOSITIONAL OBJECT 14

PREPOSITIONAL OBJECT
14. Growth, Development, and Present Use of the Prepositional
Object. Preposition and noun together form a prepositional object
that serves as the object of a verb or an adjective, i.e., serves to com-
plete the meaning of a verb or an adjective. For m a n y centuries
there has been a steady trend toward the prepositional object.
Verbs and adjectives which once required a simple genitive or
dative object n o w take a prepositional object. This is a trend
toward more concrete expression. T h e Old English words for
thirsty, eager, greedy took a simple genitive, which, as described in
13 3, often meant in the sphere of, with regard to, often also desig-
nated a goal and had still other meanings, so that the thought
was not always clear. But in the three words under consideration
there is always the clear idea of the outward direction of an
activity of the mind toward something. This idea has found a
concrete expression in the language, for w e n o w say thirsty, eager,
greedy for or after. After the decay of the inflections, the old
genitive w a s in part preserved for a while in the form of the
prepositional genitive with of, so that forms like eager of, etc.,
tarried for a time, only, however, to be entirely replaced later by
the more concrete forms eager for, eager after, etc. Similarly, the
Old English words for to yearn, hope, long, strive, thirst, ask, beg,
required a simple genitive, but in modern English these verbs take
a preposition which gives a more concrete expression to the idea
of an outward direction of an activity toward an object: to yearn
for; to hope for; to long for; to strive for, etc. T h efirstevidences
of this n e w trend appear in Old English.
T h e dative as object after adjectives and as indirect object
after transitive verbs is m u c h better preserved than the genitive
object, but the prepositional object has m a d e some inroads also
upon it, since an appropriate preposition sometimes expresses more
concretely the idea of direction toward than to, which not only
denotes direction toward but also indicates inner relations, as de-
scribed in 12 2: 'He is cold, hostile, unfriendly, friendly to me'
(or also toward me). S o m e adjectives do not take to at all but
the more concrete at: ' H e is m a d , angry at me.' Likewise, after
verbs at has a more concrete force than the dative with to or
the simple dative: 'He threw the matter up to me' (in an inner
sense), but 'He threw a stone at m e ' (in a literal exterior sense).
'He threw (or tossed) me a dollar,' but 'He threw a stone at me'
These last sentences show clearly that our ancestors, while they
have destroyed a good deal of the older frame of their language
and rebuilt it, working constructively along n e w lines, have often
14 6 PREPOSITIONAL OBJECT 113

wisely retained features of the old framework,fittingthem into

the n e w structure.
In our English of today, w e m a k e a liberal use of prepositions,
but ours is not by any means entirely a prepositional language, as
has been claimed. T h e seemingly prepositional element of, so
often used in the attributive genitive categories, is in fact at
present not a preposition, but a case sign, and this n e w genitive
with of is just as m u c h a case form as the older simple case forms.
Likewise, the to of the modern dative form is not a preposition
but the dative case sign. Just as modern English has used con-
crete prepositional elements to reconstruct its n e w case forms, so
did prehistoric Indo-European, from which English has sprung,
once use concrete elements to construct its cases. T h e stages of
the English development all lie open to view. O n account of the
loss of its inflections English was forced to employ the concrete
prepositions of and to as the best available forms to m a k e a clear
genitive and a clear dative. This employment to indicate abstract
relations has gradually robbed both of and to of a good deal of
their original concrete force and they are becoming mere case
signs. W e are right in the midst of the development, however,
not at the end of it, for both of and to are still often used as con-
crete prepositions. Similarly, for, on, upon, from, all still felt as
prepositions with concrete force, are not infrequently used to form
the dative case, as illustrated in 12 1 A , B a, b; 15 I 2. Preposi-
tions that have lost their original concrete force and are n o w used
to indicate case relations are called inflectional prepositions.

a. PREPOSITIONAL PHRASE AS OBJECT, OR AS ADVERBIAL ELEMENT.

It is difficult to distinguish the prepositional phrase in the object relation
from the prepositional phrase in the adverbial relation, since there is
never a difference in form and no fundamental difference in function.
In general, we call the phrase an object when its relation to the verb,
adjective, or participle is very close, so close that it is necessary to com-
plete its meaning. The relation of the adverbial phrase to the verb, ad-
jective, or participle is less close. For illustrative examples see 24 IV,
24 IV a, 25 1.
b. O B J E C T O F T H E P R E P O S I T I O N A G E R U N D . The object of the prep-
osition may be not only a noun or a pronoun but also a gerundial clause,
one of the tersest and most convenient constructions in the language:
'I a m counting on hisfinishingthe work tomorrow.' This is a short
cut to avoid a clumsy that-cl&use: 'I a m counting on it that hefinishth
work tomorrow.' But the gerundial clause is often replaced by an
infinitive or that-clmse if the idea of a wish is present: 'I a m longing
for a good cheerful letter from him,' or T a m longing for him to writ
a good cheerful letter,' or T a m longing, hoping that he may write
good cheerful letter.' Compare 50 4 d.
114 DATIVE AND ACCUSATIVE DOUBLE OBJECT 15 I 1

c. O B J E C T O F T H E P R E P O S I T I O N A C L A U S E . In modern English the

object of the preposition m a y be also a full clause introduced by an
indefinite relative pronoun or adverb: 'He thanked m e for what I had
done for him.' 'She is sorry for what she said.' Compare 24 IV. Some-
times the full clause has no formal introduction: ' M y head has been
people-tired, I think, but m y heart is just satisfied with being full of
"I'm so glad you're better"' (Clyde Fitch, Letter, 1904). Compare 24
(7th par.).
d. P A S S I V E F O R M . The verb before a prepositional object was origi-
nally intransitive, but in modern English the preposition has in many
cases become so closely attached to the verb that we feel it as a part of
the verb and thus transfer to the new compound verb its function of
governing the object and so convert the old intransitive into a transitive.
Hence such verbs with closely attached prepositions can assume passive
form: The steamer ran into a sailboat; in passive form A sailboat
run into by a steamer.

DOUBLE OBJECT
15. An accusative, dative, genitive, or prepositional object may
not only each be used singly after a verb, but two objects m a y be
employed, one an accusative, to denote the direct object of the
verb, and one a dative, genitive, accusative, or a prepositional
object, which stands in various relations to the verb, or some other
word, or the sentence as a whole, as described below. Sometimes
one object is a dative, the other a prepositional object.

I. DATIVE AND ACCUSATIVE

1. Description of the Construction. This construction is found

after a great m a n y verbs, especially those with the general meaning
of giving, buying, guaranteeing, devoting, dedicating, consecrat-
ing, adapting, pardoning, forgiving, bringing, sending, handing,
throwing, telling, teaching, saying, answering, revealing, mention-
ing, remembering, writing, telephoning, telegraphing, owing,
selling, paying, remitting, refunding, refusing, denying, promis-
ing, allying, betrothing, introducing, doing, making or causing,
explaining, wishing, showing, singing, playing (to play one a
trick), saving (to save one a good deal of trouble), yielding, etc.
T h e accusative denotes the direct object, the person or thing
affected or produced, and the dative the indirect object, the person
or thing to whose advantage or disadvantage the action accrues,
or the person to w h o m the statement seems true or with reference
to w h o m it holds good, or the person w h o has or is expected to
have an emotional or sympathetic interest in the statement,
where, however, often in the case of an indirect object, beneath
15 I 2 FORM, POSITION, STRESS OF DOUBLE OBJECT 115

these, the predominant meanings of the dative, somewhat of the

old original concrete idea of direction toward (12 2), is still felt.
a. In older English, the verb learn belonged to this fist, as it
often used with the force of teach: 'Bob this morning begg'd m e to
learn him lattin' (Philip Vickers Fithian, Journal, March 14, 1774).
This usage survives in popular speech.
2. Form, Position, and Stress. The principal rules for the
form and position of the dative in this construction are given in
11 1, but there are still other points that need attention. W e can
say 'He threw m e not John the ball,' or 'He threw m e the ball,
not John' (dat.). T h e latter form is here m a d e clear only by
the parallelism of the accent, for if w e say 'H6 threw m e the ball
not John' (nom.) the meaning is quite different. W e can either
say: 'He threw me" and John d o w n some apples,' or w e m a y
prefer 'He threw d o w n some apples to m4 and John,' for by
withholding the dative until the end of the sentence w e create
the feeling of suspense and thus m a k e it more prominent. Of
course, for the same reason the accusative often stands in the last
place: 'He threw m e and John d o w n some fine dpples.' T h e
other important position is thefirstplace: 'To a woman the con-
sciousness of being well dressed gives a sense of tranquillity which
religion fails to bestow' (Helen Choate). 'To me" he didn't say
a single word.'
W e can say 'He threw the ball up to me,' or 'He threw me up
the ball,' but w e can only say 'He threw the matter up to me,'
for w e do not feel to me as an indirect object. T h e expression
to throw up a matter is felt as a unit, a set verbal phrase, which as
a whole takes a single dative object. M a n y such set verbal
phrases take a single dative object, usually a prepositional dative,
since a simple dative according to 12 1 A has prepositional form.
The dative of reference (12 1 B a) usually has the prepositional
form, but sometimes the old simple dative occurs: 'He never m a d e
such excuses to me,' or 'To me he never m a d e such excuses,' but
we say also 'He never m a d e me such excuses.' M a n y of the set
verbal phrases referred to above might be classed here: 'They
showed their heels to the enemy.' 'They declared war upon them.'
Verbs of disguising, hiding, withholding take a prepositional da-
tive of reference with from: 'He hid the matter from me.' 'He
withheld from me the truth.' T h e dative of interest (12 1 B b)
usually has the modern prepositional form, but w e sometimes
find the old simple dative: 'He cut off a piece of bread for me,'
or 'He cut me off a piece of bread.' M a n y of the datives found in
the set verbal phrases mentioned above might be classed as da-
116 DATIVE AND ACCUSATIVE OBJECT 15 12

tives of interest: ' W h e n I was down, he turned his back upon

me.' 'He played a m e a n trick on me,' or 'He played me a mean
trick.' Examples of the ethical dative are given in 12 1 B c.
T h e datives of reference and interest and the ethical dative do
not differ in inner meaning from the dative of the indirect object.
They all contain the idea of personal interest or reference and all
contain traces of the original meaning of direction toward. They
all m a y be used in connection with an accusative object as in
these examples, but the dative of indirect object stands in closer
relation to the verb than the other datives, which modify the
verbal phrase, i.e., the verb with all its other modifiers, rather
than the verb alone, or are often felt as sentence modifiers: 'He
sent me (indirect object) a book.' 'She m a d e me (dative of
interest) a cake.' 'He never m a d e me (dative of reference) such
excuses.' Often, however, the line of demarcation is not clear:
'He sent me (dative of reference or indirect object) notice, too.'
The ethical dative is often an out-and-out sentence modifier, but
like an indirect object it is often associated with a direct object,
as in the examples in 12 1 B c.
English feeling demands a clear dative form: 'Give back to
Ireland her nationality, her individual existence, and soothe
thereby the wounded pride,' etc. (Asquith). Here the preposi-
tional dative to Ireland is required because to give back usually
takes as object a single accusative. W e could easily say here:
'Give Ireland (simple dat.) back her nationality,' etc., because
to give is usually found with a dative object followed b y an ac-
cusative. This sensitiveness of English feeling for a clear dative
is a marked feature of the language, which has often been over-
looked by foreign and native English grammarians. In such
expressions as 'Mr. Wells, whom competent critics have given a
niche a m o n g future classics,' the simple dative is c o m m o n as the
proximity of have given makes it clear that the form is a da-
tive, while in 'Tiberius, to whom Christ c o m m a n d e d that tribute
should be given,' the prepositional form is necessary to give clear
expression to the dative idea. E v e n in the former example a
clear expression of the dative relation b y the clear dative form to
whom does not sound unnatural. In choice language, of course,
more care is taken to give the dative a distinctive form than in
loose colloquial speech. With nouns and also pronouns, aside
from the relative pronoun, an initial dative regularly takes the
prepositional form in order that at the very outset the gram-
matical relations m a y become clear: 'To me he owes nothing.'
'To whom did you give the apple?' In older English, the simple
dative could stand in thefirstplace and this older usage lingers on,
 16 I 2 a PASSIVE FORMS OF STATEMENT 117

especially in poetry: ' A n d me that morning Walter show'd the

house' (Tennyson, Princess, Prologue).
If a stressed accusative is put into thefirstplace for emphasis,
or if a relative or interrogative pronoun, which m u s t always in-
troduce the clause or sentence, is in the accusative, the indirect
object is left at or near the end of the sentence or clause separated
from the accusative, which under other circumstances would
follow it. T h e simple dative is still often used here, since the
word-order is quite fixed a n d shows plainly that the form is a
dative: 'This m u c h I m u s t tell you.' ' H e never got back the
m o n e y which he h a d lent them' (or to them). 'I thanked h i m
for the position which he h a d procured me' (or for me). ' W h a t
would it be right to pay the waiterf (or to the waiter). T h e simple
dative is often used at the end of a relative clause even though
the preceding relative pronoun in the accusative has been sup-
pressed: 'a little jacket [which] she w a s knitting m e ' (Anne
Douglas Sedgwick, The Little French Girl, C h . V ) (or for me).
a. Passive Forms of Statement. There are here two forms, the first
a favorite in the literary language, the second, in colloquial speech, but
often also preferred in choice expression. The accusative becomes nom-
inative and the dative is retained, either in its old simple or its new prepo-
sitional form; the latter regularly when the dative is stressed: 'Ample
warning was given them,' but 'Ample warning was given to them, but
not to mS.' Or the dative becomes nominative and the accusative is
retained: 'They were given ample warning.' Only the simple dative
can become nominative, so that w e do not say: 'I was suggested this,'
for in the active we say 'He suggested this to me,' with the prepositional
form.
The use of a nominative in the passive corresponding to a dative in
the active began in early Middle English. In the thirteenth century
we find not only the nominative in the passive corresponding to the
simple dative in the active, but w efindalso the accusative of the active
retained in the passive: He was ileten blood (The Ancren Riwle, 112),
literally, He was let blood, i.e., was bled, corresponding to the active
The phisicien let him (dat.) blood, i.e., The physician bled him. Th
was at this time alongside of this construction an older construction out
of which it had developed: 'Him was ileten blood.' Here him is dative
and blood is nominative, the subject of the sentence. The new construc-
tion arose out of the older one in such sentences as 'The Duke was
ileten blood,' where, as the form was not distinctive, Duke, a dative, was
construed as a nominative, the subject of the verb. This construction
began in such set expressions, where the accusative of the active had
entered into such close relations with the verb that it had formed a com-
pound with it and hence was retained in the passive form of statement.
From such set expressions with a retained accusative object in the passive
it gradually became c o m m o n in colloquial speech to retain in the passive
118 ACCUSATIVE AND GENITIVE OBJECT 15 II

the accusative of the active. This old construction is more widely used
in American and Irish English than in English proper, although it is
also there quite common. Similar to the retained object in this construc-
tion is the retained object found elsewhere in passive constructions: 'He
took no notice of me,' in passive form T was taken no notice of,' where
take no notice of is felt as a compound, so that the accusative object 710
notice of the active is retained in the passive.
In colloquial speech there is another passive form. The subject is
always a person, the verb is an active form of have or get, which has as
object a thing and as objective predicate a perfect participle, which con-
tains the passive force: 'I have (or get) something given m e (or to me) every
birthday.' ' I have just had given m e (or to m e ) afinenew knife.'
b. Accusative Object a Full or Abridged Clause. The accusative object
is often a full clause with afiniteverb: 'I wrote him that he should come.'
For the different forms that an accusative clause with afiniteverb may
have see 24 III. T h e accusative object m a y have also the form of an
infinitival or a gerundial clause, as described in 24 III d.

II. ACCUSATIVE OF THE PERSON AND GENITIVE OF

THE THING
In this construction the accusative denotes the person or thing
directly affected, a n d the genitive expresses the idea of specifica-
tion, which is n o w often felt as denoting separation, deprivation:
'to accuse someone of a crime,' i.e., with respect to a crime; 'to
acquit someone of a charge'; 'to persuade someone of the wisdom
of a course of action'; 'to suspect someone of treason'; 'to possess
one's self of a thing'; 'to assure someone of one's sincerity'; 'to
remind someone of something'; 'to strip a bush of leaves,' literally,
with respect to leaves, but n o w felt as indicating deprivation; 'to
free someone of a burden'; 'to ease someone of a care'; 'to purge
or cleanse one's self of sin'; 'to divest someone of his honor'; 'to
deprive someone of his liberty.'
In Old English, the simple genitive w a s used here in exactly
the s a m e w a y as the prepositional form of today, but the list of
verbs w a s larger. T h e old genitive of specification h a d so m a n y
meanings that the thought w a s often unclear, and this unclearness
finally led to clearer expression. T h u s older ask with the simple
genitive of specification has disappeared a n d is n o w represented
b y ask someone for something, or for somebody, ask someone about
something or somebody, or after somebody. T h e of in the modern
genitive of specification as found in the above examples is n o w
probably felt as a preposition b y most people, so that the con-
struction n o w passes for a prepositional object. T h e construction,
however, corresponds so closely to the Old English accusative and
 15 III 1 DOUBLE ACCUSATIVE OF PERSON AND THING 119

simple genitive and is even today so set and rigid, not admitting
readily of the substitution of another preposition with the same
meaning, as about, with respect to, in the place of of, that it seems
in fact a fragment of the old accusative and genitive category in
modern form.
a. The genitive object may have the form of a clause with a finite
verb: 'This convinces m e of his innocence' (or that he is innocent). F
the different forms that the genitive clause with afiniteverb m a y have
see 24 I. The genitive object m a y have also the form of an infinitival or
a gerundial clause, as described in 24 I a.
b. Passive Form. In the passive form of statement the accusative
becomes nominative, and the genitive object is retained: 'He was robbed
of his money.'

III. DOUBLE ACCUSATIVE

1. Accusative of the Person and Accusative of the Thing.
This construction is n o w in c o m m o n usage reduced to the verbs
ask, lead, take, envy: 'I asked him his name' (or the price, or the
reason, or the way). 'Ask the cabman the fare.' 'He led them a
lively dance' (or chase). 'She leads him a dog's life.' 'I took her
a drive.' 'I envy him his hick.'
Sometimes banish, debar, dismiss, excuse, expel take a double
accusative object, one of the person, one of the thing, which has
arisen through the dropping of the preposition from (or, in older
English, of) which usually stands before the object of the thing:
' W e banish you our territories' (Shakespeare, Richard the Second,
I, in, 139), n o w usually from our territories. 'He debarred himself
every kind of amusement' ( W . Godwin, The Adventures of Caleb
Williams, II, C h . VII, A.D. 1794). 'They dismissed them the
society' (Defoe, Crusoe, II, IV, 72, A.D. 1719), n o w usually from
the society. 'He expelled him the house' (Lytton, The Caxtons, III,
Ch. VII), n o w usually from the house. This type arose under the
temporary influence of the two objects with forbid, thefirstof
which was originally a dative, but w a s sometimes felt as an ac-
cusative: 'I forbade him the house.' 'His mother forbade him
wine.' This construction has disappeared for the most part with
all these verbs except forbid, which still has the original dative
and accusative after it, as can be seen in the passive form of state-
ment: 'To all the children wine has been absolutely forbidden.'
'Wine is forbidden him.' 'He is forbidden wine.'
After hear, kiss, and strike (or hit) there are two objects, prob-
ably a double accusative, but thefirstobject m a y be construed
as a dative of interest (121 B 6): 'I heard the boys their lessons'
120 ACCUSATIVE AND OBJECTIVE PREDICATE 15 III 2

( c o m m o n in England, but little used in America). 'I kissed her

good night.' ' I struck (or hit) him a hard blow.'

a. Passive Form. In the passive, the accusative of the person beco

nominative and the accusative of the thing is retained: 'He was asked
Ms opinion.' 'He is led a dog's life.' 'She was taken a drive.'
was envied his luck.' ' Who, had they dared to imitate him, would have
been banished society' (Disraeli, Vivian Grey, VII, IX, A.D. 1826), now
usually from society. 'You are debarred correspondence for the present1
(Scott, Waverley, Ch. LXII). 'She saw her husband, who was afterwards
dismissed the service (now usually from the service), a strong and powerf
man, pine and waste,' etc. (Lytton, Eugene Aram, Ch. VII). 'He was
excused the entrance-fee' (Oxford Dictionary under Excuse, 7). 'The
were heard their lessons.' 'He was struck a hard blow.'

2. Accusative of the Direct Object and an Objective Predi-

cate. This construction differs from the double object in 1, p. 119,
in that the two accusatives together form logically a clause in
which thefirstaccusative performs the office of subject and the
second accusative the office of predicate: 'The President made
him the head of the navy' ( = that he became the head of the navy).
'The people m a d e him president.' 'They called him a traitor.'
'The parents have n a m e d the baby Thomas, but they of course
call him Tommy.' 'The pastor baptized him Thomas.' 'I have
always found him a true friend.' 'I saw him come.' T h e simple
infinitive here, as in the last example, is the accusative of an old
type of verbal noun which still is, as in the prehistoric period,
without an article before it.
T h e two accusatives in all these and similar examples were
originally the direct objects of the verb. A s the construction is
very old there has gradually come about a close association be-
tween the two accusatives, so that the second one is n o w felt as a
predicate to thefirstone, its subject. T h e predicate is here joined
to its subject without the aid of a copula, since the statement is
n o w felt to be of the old appositional type of sentence described
in 6 B a, where the predicate is placed alongside of the subject
like an appositive without the use of afiniteverb.
W e sometimes insert the copula here between subject and predi-
cate, as in other sentences where a noun, pronoun, or adjective
is predicated of the subject: 'I d e e m h i m an honest man' (or to
be an honest man). 'But what a parcel of fools he would think us
for getting in such a stew about him!' (De Morgan, The Old
Madhouse, Ch. X ) , but with to be w h e n the objective predicate is
a pronoun: 'He thought Richard to be me,' or in the form of a
full clause with finite verb: 'He thought Richard w a s /,' or in
15 III 2 A THE OBJECTIVE PREDICATE 121

loose colloquial speech usually me, as explained in 7 C a. T h e

insertion of to be before the accusative predicate w a s facilitated
by the close relation of the objective predicate construction in
force and meaning to that of the accusative with the infinitive,
described in 24 III d, w h e n the infinitive is the verbfee.O n the
other hand, the construction of the infinitive with the accusative
is often influenced b y the objective predicate construction in that
it is often without to be: 'I ordered m y bill [to be] m a d e out.'
The objective predicate is not only a noun in the accusative,
but it is often also a noun in the genitive of characteristic, an
adjective, participle, adverb, or prepositional phrase. For con-
venience the objective predicate is here treated in two groups.
A. T H E OBJECTIVE PREDICATE A N O U N OR P R O N O U N IN T H E
ACCUSATIVE, A N O U N IN T H E GENITIVE OF CHARACTERISTIC, A N
ADJECTIVE, PARTICIPLE, A D V E R B , OR PREPOSITIONAL PHRASE.
'The king dubbed his son a knight.' 'Willersley and I professed
ourselves Socialists' (H. G. Wells, The New Machiavelli, p. 134).
'Mr. Crabfield did his duty b y Lucius M a s o n , and sent him
home at seventeen a handsome, well-mannered lad' (Trollope,
Orley Farm, I, C h . II). 'I thought it a fraud, just, possible.'
'I consider what he did a gratuitous interference.' 'He showed
himself of noble spirit.' 'She boiled the eggs hard.' 'He wore
his coat threadbare.' 'He laughed himself sick.' 'I consider what
he said irrelevant.' 'I found him sleeping.' 'I kept him waiting.'
'I'll stop him circulating (or from circulating) these reports.' '
pictured myself careering into fame.' 'I started the clock going.'
'His (Garfield's) journal shows him constantly going there (i.e.,
the library) for information' (Theodore Clarke Smith, James A.
Garfield, II, p. 752). 'I have some money coming to m e yet.'
'I consider the matter settled.' 'I got my work done before six
o'clock.' 'I at last got the machine running' (or to running, or
to run). 'I shall have the machine running b y the time you get
back.' 'I found him there.' 'Have the children in b y nine
o'clock.' 'I found everything in good condition.' T h e copula is
now often expressed here: ' I have always found him to be a true
friend' (or to be of a friendly disposition). 'I have always found
him to be reliable.' W e employ the same forms after verbal nouns
except that w e use as direct object an objective genitive (10 II2 D )
instead of an accusative: ' T h e y were m e n w h o consecrated their
lives to the preservation intact of what had been wrought out in blood
and sweat by the countless generations of sturdy freemen who had
gone before them' ( W o o d r o w Wilson, D e e , 1902). For the use of
the predicative present participle here see 50 3 (3rd par. from end).
In oldest English, the predicate noun w a s not so often a Dlain
122 THE OBJECTIVE PREDICATE 16 III 2 A

accusative as today. It was usually introduced by to or for.

The to represents the n e w state as the result of a development or
as the purpose of the action, while for represents the new state
as entirely or seemingly identical with the conception of it held
by the person in question. These older conceptions are often
found later and in part still survive: in Old English 'to crown
him to king' (transformation into a n e w state), n o w 'to crown
him king.' 'The seven had her to wife' (Mark, XII, 23), indicat-
ing purpose, n o w 'The seven had her as wife.' For is still used in
a large number of expressions: 'They took him for his brother.'
'Though Helen laughs at m e n o w for a coward, before I've been
in afight,she won't laugh at m e afterwards' (J. T. Trowbridge,
The Drummer Boy, Ch. I). 'The Reverend Hussell Barter was
arrested by the sight of a couple half-hidden by a bushy plant;
he knew them for Mrs. Bellew and George Pendyce' (Galsworthy,
The Country House, p. 46). 'Yet he k n e w himself for a greater
idiot because he had not been able to tell Walter the truth'
(Tarkington, Alice Adams, Ch. X V I ) . 'He gave m e this book
for a Christmas present.' 'You will have Miss Sharp one day for
your relation' (Thackeray, Vanity Fair, I, Ch. X I V ) . 'All the
rest hooted and jeered at her for a witch' (A. R. Hope, Stories
of English Schoolboy Life, p. 8).
T h e modern favorite here, as,firstappeared in Old English, but
did not become c o m m o n until m u c h later. In Old English, the
single determinative swa, i.e., so, later as, or the double deter-
minative swa swa (27 2), i.e., so so, is sometimes used here. The
single or double so points as with a single or double index finger
to the following explanatory noun, thus indicating that this noun
expresses the idea in mind. In Chaucer w e find the single so-form
combined with the old for, i.e., as for: 'Thy doghter wol (will) I
take . . . as for m y wyf' (The Clerkes Tale, 251). In the cor-
responding nominative relation, described in 7 A 6 (3), Chaucer
uses simple as, but long before Chaucer's time w e find an occa-
sional use of simple as also in the accusative relation. N o w for
centuries in both the nominative and the accusative relation as
has been gradually replacing older to and for, while on the other
hand the simple accusative is still quite c o m m o n , especially with
certain verbs. Present usage isfluctuatingand uneven. W e say
'They selected him president' (or more commonly for president,
or to be president), 'I believe the m a n insane' (or to be insane),
while w e prefer 'He turned water into wine' to 'He made the
water wine' (John, IV, 46), and yet inconsistently in the case of
an adjective say 'It turned his hair gray' rather than 'It turned
his hair to gray.'
15 III 2 A THE OBJECTIVE PREDICATE 123

As can be seen by the last example, in the case of nouns w e still

often have a lively feeling for the old idea of transformation. W e
now use to or into: 'His presence will soon melt her resolution
into thin air again.' 'They never put their aims into practice.'
Also at and on m a y be used: ' W e set him at liberty.' 'He'll
never set the Hudson onfire.''It was what put Cit's back u p so
two years ago that set m e on thinking (in popular speech a-thinking)
it' (De Morgan, The Old Madhouse, Ch. X X V ) , or often to think-
ing it, or often simply thinking (present participle used as objec-
tive predicate) it. However, w e n o w often express the idea of
change and transformation also b y a simple accusative: 'They
made, proclaimed, elected, him king.' This is not natural
Germanic expression, but represents Latin and Old French
influence, which in a number of words has become natural m o d -
ern English, but in m a n y other cases Germanic usage has pre-
vailed.
Where the idea of transformation is not involved, the latest
form, the one with as, is spreading at the expense of the simple
accusative as well as the form with for: ' It's no sinne to deceiue
a Christian; For they themselues hold it a principle, Faith is not
to be held with Heretickes' (Marlowe, The Jew of Malta, II,
1074-1075, about A.D. 1590, ed. 1633); but 'It would be almost
impossible to exaggerate the effect which these schools have had
in the gradual process of realizing that ideal of a national speech
which the country holds as its standard' (Krapp, The English
Language in America, I, 29, A.D. 1925). As is most widely used
where the objective predicate is a noun: 'I acknowledge myself
defeated' (or as defeated), but usually 'I acknowledge myself as
an offender.' As has already become established in a large number
of expressions, and is often used in others: ' W e all regard him as
very skilful' (as a very skilful man). 'I regard this as of grea
importance.' 'They represent him as a reliable man' (as reliable
'I consider him still a child' (or less commonly as a child). 'I
think her the most confoundedflirtin London' or 'I regard her as
the most confoundedflirtin London.' Verbs having a preposition
closely attached to them uniformly take as: 'I always think of
him as the most potent force in m y entire life' 'I look upon him
as my best friend.' It is used also after verbal nouns: 'The
selection of Smith (objective genitive) as chairman pleases
everybody.'
Notice the difference of meaning between as, denoting complete
identity, oneness with, and the preposition like, denoting mere
similarity: 'Large minds treat little things as little things and
big things as big things,' but 'He treats bis wife like a child.'
124 AN INFINITIVE AS OBJECTIVE PREDICATE 15 III 2 B

a. Passive Form. In the passive, thefirstaccusative becomes nom-

inative, and the predicate word or phrase is retained as in the active,
with the exception that the predicate accusative becomes nominative:
'He was elected president.' 'He is reputed the best physician in to
(or to be the best physician in town). 'He was called hard names.' 'I
is thought to be a fraud/ ' It was atfirstthought to be he' (or in loose
colloquial speech him, as explained in 7 C a). 'He was found guilty'
(or to be guilty). 'The egg was boiled hard.' ' W e were all set laughing
(or to laughing). 'He is looked upon as a reliable man.' 'Everything
was found in good condition.' ' I have often been taken for my brother
b. Instead of the first accusative w e often employ a full clause or an
abridged, infinitival or gerundial, clause, which, however, is usually
preceded by a formal anticipatory accusative, namely, it: 'You think it
odd that I went to church' (or for me to have gone to church, or my havi
gone to church).

B. AN INFINITIVE AS OBJECTIVE PREDICATE. After the verbs let,

leave (in popular speech = let), bid, make, have, see, behold, noti
look at, observe, perceive, watch,find,feel, hear, overhear, listen t
objective predicate is usually a simple infinitive, but after bid,
make, have, feel, see, observe,find,w e sometimes employ also the in-
finitive with to, indeed regularly except after bid, make, have
if the infinitive is the copulafee,and after help and know w e employ
either the simple infinitive or the prepositional form, the latter
especially in careful language: 'I let him go.' ' H e let (or in pop-
ular speech left) go [his hold] of it.' 'Let (in popular speech leave;
see 43 I A ) him come in.' 'Bid h i m come in.' 'He bade her to take
(usually simple take) courage' (A. Trollope, Dr. Worth's School,
p. 88). 'Thou hast m a d e the earth to ( c o m m o n in early Modern
English) tremble' (Psalms, L X , 2). 'After an exciting subject
which has m a d e the general tongue to (now little used) wag . . .
then start your story' (Meredith, Harrington, C h . X X X I ) . 'I
m a d e him do it.' 'I m a d e himfeequiet.' 'I love your sister as
you'd have one love' (Robert Browning). 'It really grieves m e
to have youfeeso naughty' (Mrs. H . B . Stowe, Uncle Tom's
Cabin, Ch. X X V ) . 'An idiot is a h u m a n being, sir, and has an
immortal soul, I'd have you to (perhaps more c o m m o n l y omitted)
know' (Marion Crawford, Katherine Lauderdale, I, Ch. VI). 'I
shall have (i.e., cause) him do (sometimes to do) it,' differing in
thought from the two following sentences, which have the same
construction but another meaning, expressing not a causing but
a suffering or experiencing: 'I had the gypsies steal m y hens'
and 'I have had m a n y scholars visit m e from time to time.'
'I saw him come.' ' H e saw three figures advancing a r m in arm.
H e waited till they came within the radius of a lamp; then, seeing
 16 III 2 B AN INFINITIVE AS OBJECTIVE PREDICATE 125

them to be those of Miltoun (name) and a footman, he at once has-

tened forward' (Galsworthy, The Patrician, p. 43). ' Look at Glor-
vina enter a room, and compare her with that poor Mrs. Osborne'
(Thackeray, Vanity Fair, Ch. XLIII). 'Oh, look at him run!'
(Frank Norris, The Octopus.) 'I observed, watched, him work.'
'He had perceived one h u m a n being after another reveal quite
nakedly their tumultuous feelings' (Hugh Walpole, The Duchess
of Wrexe, Ch. I X ) . 'I have always found him to be reliable.'
'You'll never find him neglect (or to neglect) his work,' but always
with to in the following entirely different constructions ' I couldn't
find it (anticipatory object) in m y heart to refuse' (accusative
object) and 'Ifindplenty to do' (see 7 D 2). 'Did you ever feel
anything sting like that?' 'I heard him come.' 'I overheard him
tell his mother about it.' 'It was m y privilege a few years ago to
listen to Sir Ernest Shackleton speak of his expedition across the
Antarctic continent' (Irving Babbitt, Rousseau and Romanticism,
p. 277). 'I never k n e w him to be careless with his work.' 'I
never knew anyone do (usually to do) so m u c h in so short a time'
(Mrs. H . Ward, Miss Bretherton, Ch. VII). 'I helped him do (or
especially in careful language to do) it.'
The present participle is often used here instead of the infinitive,
usually, however, with a little different meaning. T h e infinitive
states a fact, while the participle has descriptive force: 'I saw
him do it' (a fact), but 'I saw him working in thefield'(descrip-
tive). T h e participle is regularly used after to catch, as the force
here is always descriptive: 'I caught him doing it.' Compare
48 2 (4th par.).
The subject of infinitive or participle usually precedes, but if
important or long, it often follows: 'I heard come booming up
the river what I suppose was the sound of cannon fired in Lowell
to celebrate the Whig victory' (Thoreau, Journal, V , p. 507).
Passive force is n o w often imparted to the objective predicate
here, although originally this was impossible, since the infinitive
was a noun. T h e verbal force of the infinitive is n o w so strong
that w e give it passive form after let and bid when w e feel it as hav-
ing passive force: ' H e wouldn't let her w o u n d be dressed.' ' In his
busiest days Alfred found time to learn the old songs of his race
by heart, and bade themfeetaught in the palace school' (Green,
Short History, p. 51). After the other verbs w e often employ
a perfect passive participle to state a fact and a present passive
participle to impart descriptive force: 'I have never k n o w n it
done (or to be done) right.' 'I had (in colloquial speech often
got) a n e w coat made.' 'I saw, watched, the net hauled in'
(fact), or' being hauled in' (descriptive). In fact the perfect passive
 126 AN INFINITIVE AS OBJECTIVE PREDICATE 16 III 2 B

participle in this construction is an elliptical present passive in-

finitive with the infinitive be suppressed. T h efee,however, is
actually expressed only after let, bid, and often after know. It is
sometimes found in older English after other verbs in this group:
' W h u c h of 30U seih m e be maad?' (Lyff of Adam and Eve, p. 2,
fourteenth century) = ' W h o of you saw m e made?' 'Mercy,
humanity call loudly that w e m a k e our n o w despised power to be
felt' (William Dunlap, Andre, Act III, A.D. 1798). W e usually
suppress fee here because the copula has not as yet become
established before an objective predicate.
T h e construction with have or get and the perfect passive parti-
ciple which represents the subject as planning the action, as in
'I had (or got) a n e w suit made,' is quite different from the con-
struction with have and get and the perfect passive participle which
represents the subject as suffering from the action of another or
of fate: 'I had (or got) m y right leg hurt in the accident.' Notice
that had or got are stressed in thefirstexample, while they are
only lightly stressed in the second. There is a clear difference of
meaning between stressed and unstressed had and got. Similarly,
there is a difference of meaning between ' T h e y have (or get) then-
work done' ('They employ others to do their work') with
stressed have or get and 'They have their work done' ('Then-
work is done') and 'They get things done' ('They accomplish
a good deal') with unstressed have and get.
In older English, and sometimes still, w e find here instead of
the n e w passive form the old active, a present active infinitive
or participle with passive force: 'I heard say (now it said) your
lordship was sick' (Shakespeare, II Henry IV, I, n, 108). 'I
never heard tell (now usually it said) that w e were put here to get
pleasure out of life' (Conan Doyle, Refugees, 231). 'Annie
seem'd to hear her o w n death-scaffold raising' (Tennyson, Enoch
Arden, 175). 'I caught him (i.e., the lawyer Barclay) palavering
with a juror the other day while w e had a case trying' (William
Allen White, A Certain Rich Man, C h . VI). C o m p a r e 46 (close
of next to last paragraph).
T h e use of to before the active and passive forms of the infinitive
here with certain verbs indicates that the accusative and the
infinitive are felt as abridged infinitive clauses, as in 24 III d,
but in the case of the other verbs of this group the development
in this direction is not yet so complete. T h e abridged clauses
in 24 III d have the full force of a clause with a nominative sub-
ject and afiniteverb, but these infinitive clauses without to before
the infinitive sometimes have a somewhat different force, so that
'I heard the bells ring' is different in meaning from 'I heard
15 V a DATIVE AND A PREPOSITIONAL PHRASE 127

that the bells rang.' T h e infinitive ring here is still, as originally,

the object of the verb heard. In m o s t cases, however, the dif-
ference between these clauses is not so great, often indeed is very
slight, as in 'I've never k n o w n h i m to neglect (or neglect) his w o r k '
and 'I've never k n o w n that he has neglected his work.' This
accounts for the tendency to place to before the infinitive here.
Earlier in the period a n d in Middle English, w e often find here
for to instead of to: 'It m a k e t h al m y drede (dread) for to dyen'
(die) (Chaucer, The Nonne Preestes Tale, 342).
a. Passive Form. In the passive statement, the direct object becomes
nominative and the infinitive or the present participle is retained, the in-
finitive usually with its prepositional form, sometimes, however, with its
simple form, especially in set expressions where the simple infinitive, so
closely associated with the active form, is also employed after the passive:
(active) T saw him do it,' but in the passive: 'He was seen to do it.'
But sometimes with simple infinitive after a passive: 'The younger
children were let sleep on' (Hardy, Tess of the D'Urbervilles, Ch. LII).
'I know it could be made do' (De Morgan, The Old Madhouse, Ch. II).
Compare 7 D 1 b. Of course, to impart descriptive force here w e employ
a present participle: 'A funeral procession was seen approaching.'
b. Instead of employing have with a dependent infinitive to indicate
that a person or thing suffers from an act, w e simply use in the case of
spring the intransitive transitively: 'The boat sprang a leak,' i.e., had a
leak start.
IV. ACCUSATIVE OF THE PERSON OR THING AND A
PREPOSITIONAL P H R A S E
This is a very common type: 'He laid the book upon t
'He wrote a book about his experiences in the war.'
a. P A S S I V E F O R M . In the passive, the accusative becomes nominative,
and the prepositional phrase is retained: 'A long book was written by
him about his experiences in the war.'

V. DATIVE OF THE PERSON AND A PREPOSITIONAL

PHRASE
This is not so common a type as the preceding one:
me about his experiences in the war.' 'He wrote, telegraphe
me (or to me) for help.' ' H e told me about his visit to you.'
a. P A S S I V E F O R M . In the passive the dative becomes nominative
and the prepositional phrase is retained: 'I was told about his visit to
you.' Such verbs as write, telegraph, etc., require a to in the passive to
indicate clearly the idea of direction toward: 'I was written to, telegraphed
to for help.' T h e to in such expressions is n o w felt as a part of the verb,
forming with it a compound.
 CHAPTER VII

ADVERBIAL MODIFIERS
PAGH
F O R M A N D FUNCTION 128
POSITION A N D STRESS 130
Sentence adverbs 130
Distinguishing adverbs 135
Use of 'only' 135
Historical explanation of the position of 'not' . . . 136
Contractions cf unstressed 'not' with preceding auxil-
iary or copula 137
NEGATIVES 138
Double negation and pleonastic expression with nega-
tives 139
Rhetorical question instead of negative statement . 140
F O R M OF SIMPLE A D V E R B S 140
Genitive, dative, and accusative used as adverbs . . 142
'This,' 'that,' 'the' used as adverbs 146
COMPARISON OF A D V E R B S 147
Relative comparison, regular form 147
Irregularities 148
Newer forms of expression 148
Absolute superlative 149
16 1. Form and Function of Adverbial Modifiers. An ad-
verbial modifier may assume the form of an adverb, a prepositional
phrase or clause, or a conjunctional clause: 'He entered quietly.'
'Polish it well.' 'He entered in haste' (prepositional phrase).
'I could see the bird's loaded beak from where I stood' (preposi-
tional clause). In the last example a preposition and its dependent
clause together form an adverbial element. It is very much more
common for a clause to form an adverbial element with the help
of a subordinating conjunction: 'He entered as soon as he had
taken off his overcoat.' The adverbial conjunctional clause
treated in 25-34.
An adverb, as indicated by its literal meaning, joined to a verb
is an appositive to a verb, i.e., is placed before or after a verb to
explain its meaning in the case at hand more clearly, much as an
adjective as an appositive is placed before or after a noun to explain
it: 'The girl is improving remarkably.' The same form is used
as an appositive to an adjective or another adverb and here is
128
 16 1 FORM AND FUNCTION OF ADVERBIAL MODIFIERS 129

also called an adverb, although of course it is here not true to its

name: 'The girl is remarkably beautiful.' 'The girl is improving
remarkably fast.' A n adverb, however, modifies not only thus a
single word, but often also a prepositional phrase, a subordinate
clause, or an independent statement as a whole: 'He has traveled
entirely around the world.' 'He is almost across the river.' 'He
lives a mile (adverbial accusative) beyond our house.' 'I arrived
soon after it happened.' 'I did it only because I felt it to be m y
duty.' For sentence adverb see 2 a, p. 130.
Adverbs often occur as the first component of compounds:
uproot, overturn, underdone, outlying, %/ii!-fitting, misjudge, re-
turn, cooperate, etc. T h e adverb not is usually replaced here by
un-\ unable, etc. In m a n y foreign words the negative here is in-
(or im-) or dis-: inconvenient, impossible, disobey. S o m e of
these adverbs, mis-, un-, re-, co-, etc., which are not n o w used
outside of compounds, are called prefixes.
A n adverbial element modifies a verb, adjective, or other adverb
by adding to it some circumstance of place, time, manner, degree,
condition, concession, purpose, or means. Though usually dif-
ferent in meaning from a genitive, dative, accusative, or prep-
ositional object, it always performs the same function, i.e.,
modifies a verb, adjective, or adverb. T h e adverbial modifier
differs from an object in that its relation to the modified word is
less close. For illustrative examples see 24 IV, 24 I V a, 25 1.
There is a close relation between adverbs and prepositions. For
explanation see 62.
Adverbs are often used as nouns: 'The ups and downs of life.'
'The ins (the party in power), the outs' (the party out of power).
'He knows the ins and outs (details) of every political move.'
Nouns m a d e from adverbs are very c o m m o n in prepositional
phrases: until tomorrow, after tomorrow, since yesterday, etc.
Compare 62 (3rd par.).
Adverbs are often used as pronouns: 'I saw him a year ago,
but since then (used as demonstrative pronoun) w e haven't met.'
'I saw him a year ago, since when (used as relative pronoun)
I haven't seen anything of him.' Compare 23 II 6 (next to last
par.), 62 (3rd par.). In older English, adverbs were often used as
pronouns in prepositional phrases in which the preposition followed
the adverb, adverb and preposition usually being written together
as parts of a compound: therein, n o w in it; therewith, n o w with
it; wherein, n o w in what (interrogative) or in which (relative);
wherewith, n o w with what (interrogative) or with which (relative);
etc. A few of the old adverbial compounds, however, have sur-
vived in c o m m o n use where they have acquired a special mean-
 130 POSITION AND STRESS OF SENTENCE ADVERBS 16 2 a

ing, such as therefore (19 1 e), whereupon (23 II 6, next to last par.).
In poetical and legal language the old adverbial compounds are
still widely used in their original meaning and function. Compare
Parts of Speech, 7 1feand 7 4 a.
Adverbs are often used as adjectives. See 7 F and 10 I 2.
2. Position and Stress of Adverbs. A n adverb can freely
stand in almost any position except between a verb and its direct
object, where it is m u c h less c o m m o n than elsewhere: 'Yesterday
I met your father,' 'I yesterday m e t your father,' 'I m e t your
father yesterday,' but not 'I m e t yesterday your father.' This
usage rests upon the principle that an adverbial element is usually
more important than a direct object and, like important elements
in general, gravitates toward the end. Sometimes, however, where
the direct object by reason of its bulk or its logical force is heavier
or more important than the adverbial element, it, of course, fol-
lows: 'I read the letter again,' but 'After an absence of fifty
years I have just seen again the dear 61d h 6 m e of m y childhood.'
a. S E N T E N C E A D V E R B S . A n adverbial element is often more
heavily stressed than a verb and then usually follows it: 'He
acted pr6mptly.' 'AH that I have learnt farther is, that the
populace were going to burn the house' (Horace Walpole, Letter
to Miss Mary Berry, July 10, 1789). In m a n y cases, however, the
adverbial element does not modify the verb directly but the sen-
tence as a whole. In this case the adverbial element usually pre-
cedes the verb, verbal phrase, or predicate noun or adjective and
has a weaker stress, for in English, when w e call attention in any
w a y to the thought as a whole, the verb, verbal phrase, or predicate
noun or adjective is strongly stressed, since it is felt as the basic
element of the statement: 'He evidently thought so.' 'He at Ikist
thinks so.' 'He not only believes in such books, but he even reads
them to his children.' 'He absolutely lives from hand to m6uth.'
'She always lets him have his way.' 'The blossoms quite (= en-
tirely) cover the tree.' 'A m a n should be quite (= entirely) certa
what he knows and what he doesn't know.' ' It was quite (= truly)
a disappointment to me.' 'I quite ( = positively) like him' (Conci
Oxford Dictionary). 'I rather (= somewhat) far that he won't
come.' 'The performance was rather good, rather a failure.'
In certain dialects the adverb pure (= absolutely; compare 54 2 a,
last par.) is c o m m o n here: ' Gal, you pure outddnced youself' (Julia
Peterkin, Scarlet Sister Mary). 'What you done pure cuts m y
heartstrings' (ib.).
Under the influence of strong emotion, the sentence adverb is
often strongly stressed; but this stress, resting on an adverb
standing before a strongly stressed verb, indicates that it is a
 16 2 a POSITION AND STRESS OF SENTENCE ADVERBS 131

sentence stress, not a stress upon an adverb belonging to the verb

alone and thus emphasizing some detail of the predicate: 'I
utterly sc6rn your proposition.'
The position of the lightly stressed sentence adverb before a
heavily stressed verb, or, under the influence of strong emotion,
a heavily stressed sentence adverb before a heavily stressed verb,
are marked characteristics of current English, and the distinct
feeling for the meaning of the adverb in this position has helped
bring about the split infinitive (49 2 c): 'I hope to even defeat
him,' after the analogy of 'He even defeated him.' 'She wishes
to utterly forget her past,' after the analogy of 'She would utterly
f6rget her past.'
In a compound form m a d e u p of an infinitive or participle and
an auxiliary, the sentence adverb stands either after or before the
auxiliary, but usually in accordance with the fixed principle that
it stands before the accented form of the compound verb: 'I
have always trusted your judgment' (George Bernard Shaw, You
Never Can Tell, Act III). ' W e shall soon kn6w,' ' W e m a y soon
kn6w.' T h e stress upon the part having the verbal meaning, as
in these examples, is the normal stress; but if w e desire to empha-
size, not the verbal meaning, but the idea of actuality, as described
in 6 A d (1), w e accent strongly the auxiliary: 'I always have
trusted your judgment.' 'Refined policy ever has been the parent
of confusion and ever will be so, as long as the world endures'
(Burke). 'I really must go and stop this' (George Bernard
Shaw, You Never Can Tell, Act III). Similarly, w e usually place
the sentence adverb after or before the copula according to the
stress: 'I a m always careful,' or 'I always a m careful.'
This principle, however, has not become thoroughly established
yet, for after the analogy of usage with the simple tenses w e some-
times without reference to the stress of the compound verbal
forms place the sentence adverb between the subject and the
verbal form having the personal ending: 'He ordered breakfast
as calmly as if he never had (instead of he had never) left his home.'
'He undoubtedly has (instead of he has undoubtedly) worked
hard.' In the passive, however, two participles, the one indicat-
ing the passive idea, the other the verbal meaning, usually form a
unit, so that the sentence adverb cannot stand between them
before the stressed participle, but for the most part stands before
the participial unit: 'I have undoubtedly been deceived,' or, of
course, 'I undoubtedly have been deceived,' for w e can always put
the sentence adverb between subject and verb. B u t even in the
case of these participial units w e must put the adverb between
the participles before the accented verbal form wherever the ad-
132 POSITION AND STRESS OF SENTENCE ADVERBS 16 2 a

verb indicates the manner or degree of the verbal activity: 'I

have undoubtedly been grdssly deceived.' 'She has always been
greatly admired.' A s in these examples, there are often two
adverbs, one standing in the usual position before the passive
auxiliary, the other, an adverb of manner or degree, standing
between the two participles before the accented verbal form.
Although these positions of the sentence adverb are very common,
they are in principal propositions not the only ones. W e some-
times find the sentence adverb at the very beginning of the sen-
tence, or after the verb at or near the end of the sentence; in the
former case followed b y a slight pause and in the latter case pre-
ceded by a pause, which in both cases marks the adverb or adver-
bial element as a sentence modifier: ' Unfortunately (pause), the
message never arrived,' 'The message, unfortunately, never ar-
rived,' or 'The message never arrived (pause), unfortunately.'
'At least (pause) he thinks so,' 'He at least thinks so,' or 'He
thinks so (pause) at least.' 'In my opinion (pause) they are
wise.' 'It is therefore wholly undesirable that the children of
the poor should be laboriously schooled to imitate all its peculiari-
ties its vices as well as its virtues (i.e., the vices and virtues of
the literary language); rather (19 1 c) they should be encouraged to
honor their local dialect' (George Willis, The Philosophy of Speech,
p. 191). 'Please (pause) go and order a cab!' or 'Go and order
a cab (pause), please!' Here please is a subjunctive (may it please
you) used as a sentence adverb. Instead of please w e m a y use if
you please. Thus also in other cases w e m a y use a short sentence
or clause as a sentence adverb: 'He is quite trustworthy, 7 think,'
or 'I think he is quite trustworthy.' 'I dare say things will,
somehow or other, turn out for the best.' 'Maybe (for it may be)
he will come tomorrow.' In popular and colloquial speech we
often find like with the force of the choicer as it were: '[They
(i.e., the rich men's sons) don't k n o w h o w to spend it (i.e., money)
properly. They're like chaps w h o can't carry their drink because
they aren't used to it.] T h e brass gets into their heads, like'
(Stanley Houghton, Hindle Wakes, Act III). T h e use of an if-
clause as sentence adverb is especially frequent: 'Their (i.e., loose
colloquialisms) employment, if high example counts for anything,
is a standard habit of the language' (H. L. Mencken, The Ameri-
can Language, VI). T h e subordinate clause has its sentence
adverb like a principal proposition: 'I do not approve of what
I assume will be the trend of your education.'
The English negative is a sentence adverb and, like other sen-
tence adverbs, is normally weakly stressed and stands between
subject and predicate: 'I never d6 such things.' In case there is
16 2 a POSITION AND STRESS OF SENTENCE ADVERBS 133

an auxiliary of any kind in the sentence the negative not or n't,

like other sentence adverbs, stands before the stressed verbal form:
'He hasn't come yet.' 'He doesn'i do such things.' 'He can't
d6 such things.' T h e perfect infinitive without to is usually con-
sidered as a unit, so that the negative stands before the unaccented
tense auxiliary of the infinitive: 'He can scarcely have arrived by
this time.' 'He can scarcely have bSen there.' 'He had spoken
late, but he need not have spoken at all.' 'You need not have
tdld m e that.' Other sentence adverbs than negatives m a y stand
before the unaccented tense auxiliary, or, as so often elsewhere, be-
fore the accented verbal form, or, as in a simple tense, between
subject and verb: 'He must surely have seen him,' or 'He must
have surely seen him,' or 'He surely must have s6en him.' In
the passive, however, two participles, the one indicating the pas-
sive idea, the other the verbal meaning, usually form a unit, so
that the sentence adverb cannot stand between them before the
accented verbal form, but for the most part stands before the par-
ticipial unit: 'He must surely have been seen,' or 'He surely must
have been seen.' B u t even in the case of these participial units
we must put the adverb between the participles before the stressed
verbal form wherever the adverb indicates the manner or degree
of the verbal activity: 'He must undoubtedly have been grossly
deceived.' 'She must undoubtedly have been severely tried.' A
in these examples, there are often two adverbs, one standing
before the passive auxiliary, the other, an adverb of manner or
degree, standing before the stressed verbal form.
In abridged infinitival or participial clauses the subject is usually
understood, so that the negative stands before the verbal form:
'He promises not to do it again,' or n o w sometimes with split
infinitive (49 2), since there is a tendency here to place the sen-
tence adverb immediately before the stressed verb, as in the
full clause: 'There can be nothing to to not talk about be-
tween you and m e , dear mother' (De Morgan, Alice-for-Short,
Ch. X X X V ) , as in 'There can be nothing between you and m e ,
dear mother, that w e can not talk about.' '[I] Always figured
somebody'd come along with the brains to not leave education
to a lot of bookworms' (Sinclair Lewis, Babbitt, C h . II), as in
'I always figured that somebody would come along with enough
brains that he would not leave education to a lot of bookworms.'
The drift of present usage is evidently in this n e w direction,
though it is not yet so strong as in the case of other sentence
adverbs, where it has become very strong. Compare 49 2. In
the compound form of the infinitive the negative usually stands
before to, or n o w sometimes in accordance with the n e w drift,
134 POSITION AND STRESS OF SENTENCE ADVERBS 16 2 a

after the auxiliary, as in the full clause: 'He claims not (or never)
to have seen her before,' or sometimes to have not (or never) seen her
before, as in 'He claims that he has not (or never) seen her before.
Other sentence adverbs than negatives stand either before to or
more commonly after the auxiliary before the accented verbal
form, as so often elsewhere. For examples see 49 2 c.
In abridged participial clauses, not stands before the present
participle: 'Not knowing the road, I lost m y way.' W h e n the
participle is in a compound form, the not regularly stands before
the compound as it does before the simple form, but other sentence
adverbs stand either after or before the auxiliary, as in the full
clause: 'Not having seen him for a long time, I didn't recognize
him,' but either 'Having never seen him before, or less commonly
Never having seen him before, I, of course, didn't recognize him,'
just as w e can say either 'As I had never seen him before, or less
commonly A s I never had seen him before, I, of course, didn't
recognize him.'
Of course, the negative, like other sentence adverbs, is strongly
stressed w h e n the statement as a whole is stressed: 'I niver did
it.' 'I have not done it.' T h e auxiliary takes the stress where
not has merged into it: 'I didn't do it.' 'I can't do it.'
T h e adverb enough w a s originally the adverbial accusative
(16 4 a) of the indefinite pronoun enough and stood, as a sentence
adverb, at the end of the sentence, the most c o m m o n position
of the sentence adverb in oldest English. Although in Old
English it sometimes preceded an adjective or adverb, like an
ordinary adverb, it n o w , as originally, follows it: 'It is hot
enough.'
In questions introduced b y a strongly stressed interrogative
word, the interrogative is often followed b y a sentence adverb,
an expression denoting surprise, impatience, or displeasure, usually
in the world, on earth, and in British colloquial speech often also
ever, which is often improperly written as a part of the preceding
interrogative: 'What in the world did he want?' or in British
English also ' Whatever (or better What ever) did he want?' ' Where
in the world did he go?' or in British English also 'Wherever (or
better Where ever) did he go?' ' W h y on earth didn't you say so?'
or in British English also 'Whyever (or better Why ever) didn't
you say so?' Ever is sometimes used in American English:
'Whatever has got into you?' (Hal G. Evarts, Saturday Evening
Post, M a y 28, 1927, p. 9). ' W h y , there's A b Knuckles! W h a t
next? However did anybody get him to a party?' (C. B . Kelland,
Saturday Evening Post, Feb. 26, 1927, p. 72), or more commonly
' H o w did anybody ever get him to a party?' 'Surely you'll admit
 16 2 c DISTINGUISHING A D V E R B S : U S E O F ONLY 135

that you like having your own bath.' 'Whoever said I didn't?'
(Willa Cather, The Professor's House, p. 34).
6. DISTINGUISHING A D V E R B S . Although the negative is a sen-
tence adverb and as such normally stands before the verbal form,
it is sometimes felt as a distinguishing adverb, i.e., as belonging
to some particular word, phrase, or clause which is prominent in
the situation as a whole, and is then placed immediately before this
word, phrase, or clause: 'He did it, not /.' 'He hit me, not him.'
'He did it for the love of the cause, not for personal gain.' 'I di
it because I felt it to be m y duty, not because I was compelled t
do it.'
A number of sentence adverbs and conjunctive (19 1) adverbs,
namely, only, solely, simply, merely, just, particularly,
even, also, at least, exactly (or precisely), etc., are often,
used as distinguishing adverbs, and are then placed immediately
before the word, phrase, or clause which they distinguish; some-
times, however, differing from not, are placed after a single word
which they distinguish: 'AH were there, only John (or John only)
was missing.' 'If you want it, you have only to say so.' 'I have
been influenced solely by this consideration.' ' I came just
you.' 'I did it simply (or merely) because I felt it to be my d
'Almost all of them arrived on time, even John' (or John even).
'William thinks so, also John' (or John also). 'None of them
will go; at least John (or John at least) will not.' 'What exac
(or Exactly what) paganism was we shall never know.' 'We never
knew precisely why he left.'
Two distinguishing adverbs, alone (= only) and too (= also),
regularly follow the emphatic word: 'John alone knows about it.'
'/, too, have troubles.'
The sentence adverb quite (= truly), like a distinguishing ad-
verb, is often used before another word than a predicate. Here
it indicates that the circumstances are such as to justify the use
of the word before which it stands: 'It took place at quite an
early hour.' 'A ship sailing northwards passes quite suddenly
from cold into hot water' (Herschel, Essays, 342). 'Quite a crowd
had already gathered about him.' 'There were quite a few there'
(ironic popular American = 'There were quite a large number
there'). 'He knows quite a little about it' (ironic popular America
= 'He knows quite a good deal about it').
c. U S E O F 'ONLY.' Of the adverbs discussed here only has the
greatest freedom of position, since as a distinguishing adverb it
may stand before or after any word that is to be distinguished,
and as a sentence adverb it may stand in the usual position of the
sentence adverb, i.e., before a stressed verb or a stressed predicate
138 EXPLANATION OF THE POSITION OF NOT 16 2 d

noun, adjective, participle, or infinitive: 'Only J6hn passed in

Latin.' ' John passed only in Latin.' ' H e only (sentence adverb =
barely) passed in Latin.' 'He stayed only a w6ek' (or a week
only), but to emphasize the predicate, 'He only (sentence adverb)
stayed a week.' 'He is only wdunded, not killed.' ' W e only
believe as deep as w e live' (Emerson, Art). 'The mind that lies
fallow but a single day sprouts up in follies that are only to be
killed by constant and assiduous culture' (Addison). A s in the
last four examples only regularly stands before a stressed verb
or a stressed predicate participle or infinitive. T h e stressing of
the verb or the predicate participle or infinitive indicates that
the attention is called to the basic element in the sentence, not
to some detail, and suggests the placing of only as a sentence
modifier before the basic element of the statement, the verb, or
the predicate participle or infinitive. W h e r e the predicate is a
stressed adjective, w e m a y put only too or all too before it when
w e desire to express our regret at having to acknowledge the truth
of the statement: 'The report proved only too (or all too) true.'
But if w e stress the predicate very heavily, m u c h more heavily
than only too, the form only too is not a sentence adverb but an
intensifying adverb with the force of exceedingly: 'I shall be only
too thankful if you accept m y invitation.'
d. H I S T O R I C A L E X P L A N A T I O N O F T H E POSITION O F 'NOT.' In
oldest English, the negative was ne, which was often strengthened
by not (originally the same as nought, from Old English nowiht,
i.e., not a whit). A s ne was weakly stressed, it later, in the
fifteenth century, dropped out of c o m m o n everyday speech,
leaving to not the office of negative. In poetry ne lingered on in
occasional use into the nineteenth century: 'Whilome in Albion's
isle there dwelt a youth, W h o ne in Virtue's ways did take delight'
(Byron, Childe Harold, I, II, A.D. 1812). Originally, ne stood
before, and not after, the verb, which explains the ocoasional
position of not in poetry and choice prose after the verb, as in
older English: 'pomp that fades not' (Wordsworth). In older
English, of course, ne stood before the verb: ' p o m p that ne fadeth
not.' After ne had dropped out and not had thus become a sentence
adverb, there naturally arose a tendency to place not before the
verb, the usual place for sentence adverbs: 'They sweat, they
blunder, they bounce and plunge in the Pulpit, but all is voyce
and no substance: they deafe men's eares, but not edifie' (Thomas
Nashe, Christs Teares ouer Iervsalem, Works, II, p. 123, A.D. 1593).
'It not appears to m e that,' etc. (Shakespeare, II Henry IV, IV,
i, 107). 'I not doubt t'effect All that you wish' (Ben Jonson,
Catiline, I, i, 418, A.D. 1611). This form of negative statement
16 2 e CONTRACTIONS OF NOT 137

did not spread, since there was something unnatural about it. A s
not usually had followed thefiniteform of the verb, and in the
case of auxiliaries still maintained this position, as in 'He cannot
come,' 'He has not come,' it gradually became usual to employ
instead of a simple verb the periphrastic form with the auxiliary
do, placing not after the auxiliary as in the case of other auxil-
iaries: 'He doesn't work.' T h u s in all these examples not, as in
older English, still in a formal sense stands after thefiniteverb;
but as such auxiliaries are today not felt as true verbs, not in
reality stands before the real verbal element, the part containing
the verbal meaning, i.e., infinitive or participle, just as other
sentence adverbs stand before infinitive or participle and just
as older ne as a sentence adverb stood before the real verb. A s
explained in 6 A d, our ancestors had a free choice between 'He
works' and 'He does work.' In negative statements, they finally
chose for normal expression the auxiliary form, in order that not,
like other sentence adverbs, might stand before the verb.
e. C O N T R A C T I O N S O F ' N O T . ' Since not is usually lightly stressed,
like older ne and sentence adverbs in general, it naturally loses
something of its form and often, thus reduced, becomes attached
to the preceding auxiliary or copula as an enclitic: 'He doesn't
like it,' 'they, I, you don't like it'; in popular and loose colloquial
speech 'he don't like it.' 'He isn't rich,' 'we, you, they aren't
rich.' A s can be seen b y the examples, there is in the literary
language no contraction with n't after am. In the declarative
form, however, w e can contract am to 'm: 'I'm not rich.' In
interrogative form contraction does not take place here in the
literary language at all. In colloquial speech am I not? or am not
I? often becomes ain't I? or aren't I? the latter regarded as
choicer by m a n y in England and by some in America: 'I'm such a
catch, ain't I?' (A. Marshall, Exton Manor, Ch. V ) . 'Weil, m a n
alive, I'm bound to know, aren't I?' (Hutchinson, If Winter
Comes, p. 101). 'Aren't I silly to weep?' (Francis R. Bellamy,
The Balance, Ch. X X ) . T h efirstperson singular form aren't is a
leveled form, after the analogy of we aren't, you aren't, they aren't.
Similarly, thefirstperson singular ain't is after the analogy of we
ain't, you ain't, they ain't, where ain't is corrupted from aren'
As the r in aren't is not pronounced in England before a consonant,
we often find this form written an't, especially a little earlier in
the period, as in Smollett and Dickens. Of course, the r is still
silent in England, but it is n o w usually written. In Ireland the
contraction amn't is sometimes used instead of ain't in the first
person singular: 'Amn't I after telling you she's a great help
to her mother?' (Lennox Robinson, The Whiteheaded Boy, Act I,
138 NEGATIVE ADVERBS 16 3

p. 9). T h e tendency to level, as seen in the case of ain't in col-

loquial speech in thefirstperson singular, is still stronger in popu-
lar speech where the general drift, as described in 8 I 1 h, is to
disregard the grammatical relations and use one form for all
persons and numbers: 'I don't, you don't, he don't, w e don't,'
etc.; 'I ain't (or an't), you ain't (or an't), he ain't (or an't), we
ain't (or an't),' etc. In popular speech ain't is employed also for
contractions of not with forms of have, but it is here a variant of
hain't with the h dropped: ' I ain't (or hain't) got it, he ain't (
hain't) got it, w e ain't (or hain't) got it' = ' I haven't got it,' etc.
Negro dialect ain't is often used instead of don't: 'Mus' be dey
ain't k n o w dis is pay-day' ( D u Bose Heyward, Porgy, p. 184).
Also used instead of won't: ' Stick tuh dem, an' you ain't git into
no trouble' (ib., p. 57). Sometimes ain't is used as a pure negative
adverb = not: 'I might be ain' changed on de outside, but I sho
is changed on de inside' (Julia Peterkin, Scarlet Sister Mary,
Ch. X X V I ) .
As contractions are, in general, so c o m m o n in colloquial speech,
there is a tendency in a choice style to write the full form not
instead of the c o m m o n contractions. This is appropriate where
the tone is dignified and stately. A s not is a sentence adverb and
is naturally weakly stressed, it ought not in ordinary prose to be
inappropriate to write the form as w e speak it, provided w e em-
ploy the correct contractions, but convention often controls us
more than our natural feeling, so that w e often write out not in
full where w e contract it in the spoken language. Of course, we
also in colloquial speech stress not strongly in emphatic state-
ments, for w e always have a keen sense for its meaning: 'I did
n6t do it.' T h e contracted forms first began to appear about
1660 and soon came into wide use.
3. Negatives. T h e usual negative n o w is not. 'He is not
working.' 'He is not strong.' In Scotch and North English this
negative has the form of no or nae (ne), both forms weakened to
na when used enclitically after auxiliaries: 'There's no (= not)
a window in it' (J. M . Barrie, Tommy and Grizel, Ch. V ) . 'But
I'm nae ( = not) sure that ee (he) didna (did not) for a' that'
(G. Macdonald, Alec Forbes, Ch. LXVIII).
Notice the use of not in elliptical expressions: 'I hope [that
it is] not [so].'
There is an older negative, no (Old English na, from the older
negative ne 'not' and a 'ever'), originally an emphatic form
(= not at all, by no means), which w e still use; now, however,
not as an adverb as originally, but as the equivalent of a sen-
tence: 'Are you going tomorrow?' 'No.' It sometimes still
16 3 a DOUBLE NEGATION 139

has its original emphasis, but is normally without stress, as we

now have no feeling for its original meaning.
This old emphatic form, now much reduced in force, is used
also as a common adverb with the meaning of not in one common
category, namely, as a modifier of a comparative: 'Mr. Buck, the
tutor, was no better a scholar than many afifthform boy.' 'He
is no more to be trusted than you are.' 'He is no more an officer
than I am.' 'I have no more to say.' 'The transaction is no less
than a swindle.' 'There were no (or not) less thanfivehundred
people present.'
The negative adverb no also occurs occasionally elsewhere in
a few set expressions, where, however, not is now more common:
'Have I done it or no?' (Hardy, Life's Little Ironies, p. 13
'It was a question of whether or no she were worth it' (Haggard,
She, p. 159). 'She would go to London whether he liked it or no'
(Mrs. H. Ward, Fenwick's Career, p. 172). In older English, also
the form non(e) occurs here, so that it seems probable that no and
none in such set expressions were originally the adjective no used
substantively (57 1): '"Wheper ar bei Cristen," he seide, "or
non?"' (R. Brunne, Chron. Wace, 14909, A.D. 1330). '"I will,"she
sayde, "do as ye councell me: Comforte or no"' (Generydes, 2588,
A.D. 1440).
In poetry and elevated language instead of no we sometimes use
nay, of Danish (i.e., old Norse) origin. It is here employed to
introduce a contradiction to a preceding statement: 'You do not
care for me.' 'Nay, I do care for you.' In this use it often
assumes positive force, since in taking back a preceding word or
statement we often substitute in its stead a stronger expression:
'Hundreds, nay thousands, perished.'
The adverb no should be distinguished from the limiting adjec-
tive no, which is of somewhat different origin, as described in
57 5 6: 'no money, no patience.' No is used also as a noun, and
as such has a plural: "The noes have it.'
Also the accusative singular of the neuter pronoun none is used
as an emphatic negative adverb before a comparative: 'He was
none the worse for his fall.' See also 4 a, p. 144, and 57 5 b (last
par.).
a. D O U B L E N E G A T I O N A N D P L E O N A S T I C E X P R E S S I O N W I T H N E G -
ATIVES. In older literary English, as in current popular speech,
two or three negatives were felt as stronger than a single negative,
on the same principle that we drive in two or three nails instead
of one, feeling that they hold better than one: ' I can't see no wit
in her' (Lamb in a letter to Coleridge in 1797). 'I don't know
nothing about it' (current popular speech). Under Latin influence,
140 FORM OF SIMPLE ADVERBS 16 4

w e have come to feel that two negatives m a k e an affirmative state-

ment, although w e still in an answer say no, no, to strengthen our
negative reply. E v e n in the literary language, however, there is
a survival of older usage after verbs like doubt, wonder, which are
affirmative in form but negative in meaning. W e sometimes still
use the negative but after these words w h e n preceded by a nega-
tive, not feeling that the two negatives m a k e the statement
affirmative without the help of but, so that but is really pleonastic:
'I do not doubt but that (now usually simple that) you are sur-
prised.' ' I wouldn't wonder but (now usually suppressed) Hannah's
up-stairs all the while, splitting her sides' (St. John Ervine, John
Ferguson, Act II). A little earlier in the period the list of these
verbs w a s larger. See 24 III for examples. N o t feeling that but
(= only) is a negative, w e sometimes put not before it, so that
here not is pleonastic: 'It will not take but a few m o m e n t s to dis-
pose of it' (Mr. Blanton, of Texas, in the House, Aug. 12, 1919).
O n the other hand, not feeling that help is negative with the force
of avoid, w e often say, 'I won't do any more than I can (instead
of the correct can't) help,' after the analogy of than I have to or
than I must.
b. R H E T O R I C A L Q U E S T I O N I N S T E A D O F A N E G A T I V E S T A T E M E N T .
A rhetorical question often replaces a negative statement: 'Would
you do better if you were in m y place?' = 'You would not do
better, if you were in m y place.' Compare 23 II 1 (last par.).
4. Form of Simple Adverbs. Adverbs have in part no distinc-
tive form, as in the case of here, there, then, when, where, why,
late, straight, far, near, close, quick, slow, fast, high, low, mu
little, very, right, wrong, cheap, just, well, etc.; in part they have
distinctive suffix -ly, as in rapidly, diligently, hurriedly, powerful
etc.; also often in the case of some of the words in thefirstgroup,
which have a form in -ly alongside of their simple form, as in
slowly, quickly, highly, rightly, cheaply, etc. Sometimes the
forms are differentiated in meaning: 'I'll go as high as a hundred
dollars,' but 'The wood is highly polished.' ' H e aimed higher,'
but ' W e ought to value our privileges more highly.' 'He sat up
late,' but 'He died lately.' 'He works hard,' but 'I could hard
hear him.' 'He lives near us, nearer to us,' but 'It is nearly done.'
'He is real (colloquial for very) good,' but 'He is really (sentence
adverb) good.' 'The bird is n o wflyingquite low,' but 'He bowed
lowly before the duchess,' i.e., bowed humbly and respectfully.
'You k n o w jolly (slang for very) well,' but ' H e smiled jollily.'
'Speak loud and distinctly,' but 'He boasted loudly of his power.'
With certain adverbs w e use the simple form after the modified
word and the form with -ly before it: ' H e guessed right,' but
16 4 FORM OF SIMPLE ADVERBS 141

'He rightly guessed that it w a s safe.' 'He spelled the words

wrong,' but 'the wrongly spelled words.' Earlier in the period the
old simple form was often used where w e n o w employ the form
in -ly: 'to haue him stand in the raine till he was through (or
thorough) wet' (Thomas Nashe, The Vnfortvnate Traveller, Works,
II, p. 246, A.D. 1594), n o w 'thoroughly wet'; but the old simple
form is preserved in thoroughbred, thoroughgoing, etc. 'She is
not near (now nearly) so small as I had expected' (Horace Walpole,
Letter to Miss Mary Berry, Sept. 25, 1793). Scarce was widely
used in early Modern English, but is n o w employed only in rather
choice language, yielding to scarcely in normal speech.
In older English, m a n y adverbs had the suffix -e, which dis-
tinguished them from the corresponding adjectives. In the
fifteenth century, after this ending had disappeared, m a n y adjec-
tives and adverbs had the same form. For a long while there has
been a tendency to distinguish the adverb from the adjective by
giving it the suffix -ly, as indicated above. T h e old simple form,
though often replaced b y the n e w form in -ly, often remains firm
before an adjective or participle: light yellow, dark blue, dead drunk,
previous little, mighty delightful, burning hot, red hdt, stark na
prelty bright; new laid eggs, modern built house, foreign bdrn citizen
etc. These are in large measure modern formations, but they belong
to the old group-word (63) type of expression, for which w e still have
a lively feeling. In the old group-word, the modifying word always
precedes the governing word, so that the word-order of itself
makes the grammatical relations clear and hence the lack of a
distinctive adverbial ending is not keenly felt. B u t here, as also
elsewhere, as described in 63, distinctive grammatical forms are
sometimes introduced: an uncommon or uncommonly fine fellow;
terrible or terribly strong; an exceeding or exceedingly great joy
a newly married pair; the newly appointed chaplain, etc. W e
should distinguish between 'a gdod-ndtured boy,' where the group-
word gdod nature has been converted into a derivative adjective
by means of the suffix -ed, and 'a we'll behaved boy,' where be-
haved is an adjective participle and well the modifying adverb.
Similarly, w e say 'a high-tempered man,' but 'highly seasoned
food.' In m a n y cases w e can construe a group of words according
to either of these two types, hence w e often find a difference of
usage: ill-mannered, 'the most sweetly mannered gentleman alive'
(Disraeli, Endymion, III, III, 25), but also gintle-mdnnered,
simple-mannered. In both constructions the stress shifts to the
second component in the predicate: 'He is gdod-ndtured.' 'He is
well behaved.'
O n the other hand, after verbs, where the word-order is always
142 ADVERBIAL GENITIVE, DATIVE, A N D ACCUSATIVE 16 4 a

different from that required in group-words, the tendency is to

give the adverb its distinctive suffix: 'wide-open,' but 'He
advertises widely'; 'tight-fitting,' but 'He clasped his h
tightly together.'
While in literary and good colloquial language the form with
-ly is becoming ever morefirmlyfixed,loose colloquial and popular
speech still clings tenaciously to the older type of expression with-
out -ly, especially in American and Irish English: 'I wanted to
do it bad (instead of the usual good colloquial form badly) enough,
and if it was to do over again I w6uld' (Mark Twain, Joan of Arc,
Book I, Ch. IV). 'He (a certain dog) isn't anyway near (instead
of literary nearly) as full-blooded as Duke' (Tarkington, Penrod
Jashber, Ch. I). 'I beat them easy' (instead of the literary form
easily), but also in good English with the short form in 'to take
it easy' and 'to let one off easy.' This conservative tendency in
colloquial and popular speech to employ the old type is especially
noticeable in the case of sentence adverbs (see 2 a, p. 130), where
in the literary language the form with -ly is mostfirmlyestab-
lished: 'It sure (in the literary language surely) will help.'
In older English, -ly was often added to adverbs formed from
adjectives in -ly, and this older usage survives in a few adverbs:
holily, jollity (see 4, p. 140), sillily, wilily. In general,
avoided here as awkward, although elsewhere there is a strong
tendency toward it on account of its distinctiveness. The present
tendency in this particular group is to employ the adjective also
as an adverb, as in early, daily, hourly, friendly, kindly, o
In many other words, however, we avoid such adverbs, as we feel
their lack of distinctive form.
It is common to form an adverb out of a compound adjective
provided thefinalelement in the compound is an adjective form:
world-wide, adv. world-widely; high-minded, adv. high-mi
If thefinalelement is a noun we must employ the compound
adjective also as an adverb: 'afirst-rate(adj.) machine.' 'I am
getting alongfirst-rate'(adv.).
a. G E N I T I V E , D A T I V E , A N D A C C U S A T I V E U S E D A D V E R B I A L L Y . In
oldest English, nouns in the genitive, dative, and accusative were
often used adverbially. The old adverbial genitive survives in a
few nouns and adverbs in the literary language and in a much
larger number in popular speech: must needs, nowadays, once
(i.e., ones, from one), twice (formerly twyes), thrice, un
afterward (especially in America) or afterwards, backward or ba
wards, forward or forwards, onward or less commonly onwards
seaward or seawards, sideways, always, etc.; in popular spee
anywheres, somewheres, nowheres, etc., instead of the literary fo
16 4 a ADVERBIAL GENITIVE, DATIVE, AND ACCUSATIVE 143

anywhere, somewhere, nowhere, etc. In colloquial speech it is still

c o m m o n in a few nouns to indicate repeated occurrence, but it
is n o w felt as an accusative plural: 'returning nights to his h o m e '
(F. J. Mather, Chaucer's Prologue, p. vii). 'Farmer Spurrier
could see the plow at work before he got out of bed mornings'
(H. C. O'Neill, Told in the Dimpses, p. 28). After the analogy
of such c o m m o n expressions w e n o w often use this plural accusa-
tive: 'The m u s e u m is open Sundays' (or on Sundays). T h e
modern prepositional genitive is used in 'of a morning,' 'of an
evening,' 'of a Sunday afternoon,' 'of late years,' 'of rainy after-
noons,' etc. In popular speech an excrescent t is often added to
the genitive form once: wunst. While the literary language rejects
the genitive form with excrescent t here, it has adopted it in the
case of amongst and whilst, adverbial genitive forms n o w used
alongside of among and while as preposition and subordinate
conjunction.
The old dative plural survives in whilom (= formerly), n o w only
used in poetry or archaic language. It is the old dative plural
form of the noun while, used adverbially: 'Whilom she was a
daughter of Locrine' (Milton, Comus, 827). It is sometimes,
like certain other adverbs, used also as an adjective: 'his
whilom associates.'
The old adverbial accusative of extent is well preserved in the
case of nouns: 'They remained a long while, three years.' 'It
is a long way off.' 'He went the full length.' 'That went a long
way toward remedying the evil.' 'He walked two miles.' 'He
will not swerve a hair's breadth from the truth.' 'The lake is
three miles wide.' 'He is fourteen years old.' 'The garden is one
hundred and seventy feet long.' 'He towers head and shoulders
above his contemporaries.' 'The sober sense of the community
are heart and soul with the Chief of Police in his crusade.' 'Vivi-
section must be abolished root and branch.' In early Modern
English, the genitive was not infrequently used here instead of
the accusative, and this older usage still lingers in popular speech,
which here, as in thefirstparagraph, is quite fond of the genitive
as a more distinctive form: 'He'd given u p sea-faring A n d moved
quite a way's inland' ( A m y Lowell, East Wind, p. 188, A.D. 1926).
'It seems a long ways off.'
The adverbial accusative of extent is c o m m o n also in the case
of indefinite pronouns, especially a bit, every bit, a lot, lots, a si
(colloquial and popular), and whatever in the meaning at all, also
with other indefinites when used in connection with too or a com-
parative: 'Wait a bit.' 'I a m every bit as good as you.' 'I a m
not a bit tired.' 'I have a lot (or lots) more to tell you.' 'I have
 144 ADVERBIAL ACCUSATIVE 16 4 a

lots more things to show her' (Clyde Fitch, Letter, Feb. 10,1903).
'It is a long sight better' (Concise Oxford Dictionary), or more
commonly 'a darn sight better.' 'There is no doubt whatever.'
'Is there any chance whatever?' 'I cannot see anyone whatever.'
'No one whatever would have anything to do with him.' 'What
(= to what extent or in what way) is he the better for it?' 'The
help came none too soon.' 'It is much too large.' 'The tri-
umphant people haven't any too m u c h food' (Westminster Ga-
zette, N o . 7069, 6a). 'He is none the worse for his fall.' 'The
baby is dying slowly but none the less surely.' 'He is resting all
the better for it.' ' Is he resting any the better for it?' ' Is he rest-
ing any better today?' 'I began to think that it was of no use
crying any more.' 'She is not any less beautiful today than she
has ever been.' 'Isn't it any later than that?' or in American
colloquial speech also: 'Is that all the later it is?' 'Nothing
daunted, he began again.' 'He is a little better.' 'He is much
better, much taller.' Much and little are often used outside of the
comparative: 'I don't care much about it.' 'I care little about it.'
Much is often used sarcastically: 'Much (= not at all) you care
about m y feelings!'
In general, any, some, none, except with too and the compara-
tive, are n o w not so c o m m o n in England as earlier in the period,
but in American colloquial speech there is still a great fondness
for these forms: 'I slept none that night,' or 'I didn't sleep any
that night.' 'If our readers are any like ourselves, w e think they
cannot help laughing' (Analectic Magazine [Phila.], IX, 437,
A.D. 1817). 'A tall fellow . . . stammers some in his speech'
(runaway advertisement in Mass. Spy, April 28, 1785). 'I walk
some every day.' This usage survives also in Scotland: 'You
will quarrel nane with Captain Cleveland' (Scott, Pirate,
Ch. XVIII). 'Having slept scarcely any all the night' (Hugh
Miller, Scenes and Legends, X X X , 450). Scotch influence has
strengthened the conservative American tendency here. It occa-
sionally occurs in English writers after verbs: ' H e m a y walk some,
perhaps n o t m u c h ' (Dickens in Forster's Life, III, IV). In
American slang some often assumes strong intensive force: 'The
papers will m a k e it some hot for you' (Robert Herrick, Memoirs
of an American Citizen, p. 310).
Similarly, the accusative of the comparatives more, less, and
the superlatives most, the most, least, the least are m u c h used
adverbially: 'If indiscretion be a sign of love, you are the most
a lover of anybody that I know' (Congreve, Love for Love, I, n,
354, A.D. 1695); n o w more commonly 'the most a lover of all
that I know,' or 'more a lover than any other person that I know.'
 16 4 a ADVERBIAL ACCUSATIVE 145
The old adverbial accusative of goal (11 2) after verbs of m o -
tion is preserved in home: 'He went home.' 'They brought the
charge home to him.' 'I was home by six.' In the last example
the verb of motion is not expressed, but the idea of motion is
implied. In popular speech home is improperly used where there
is no idea of motion implied: 'Jane was home (for literary at home)
all last week.' In compounds, however, home is used also in the
literary language where there is no idea of motion implied:
home-made, home-grown, home-brewed, etc. Home is here an old
uninflected locative (62, next to last par.) meaning at home. This
type of expression has come d o w n to us from the prehistoric
period.
The accusative of definite and indefinite time is c o m m o n : 'I
go to Europe every two years.' 'The m o n e y was paid the following
day.' 'First thing in the morning he smokes a cigarette' (Krapp,
A Comprehensive Guide to Good English). 'He often goes round
the last thing to m a k e sure that all is right' (Routledge's Every
Boy's Annual). 'I met him one day on the street.' Also the
accusative of w a y : 'Step this way, please!' 'I will take you
another way.' Also the accusative of price: 'This hat cost five
dollars.'
The adverbial accusative construction has replaced others less
c o m m o n and even some once c o m m o n , since w e n o w feel that the
accusative is the natural case form of a noun that completes the
meaning of the verb. It is n o w m u c h used to denote manner:
'He came full speed.' 'The blindfolded m a n ran full tilt into the
fence.' 'Have it your own way.' 'The windows of the tower
face both ways.' 'Having sampled America [in] that way, Europe
believes and trusts America' (Woodrow Wilson, July 4, 1919).
'She ran herfingerscomb fashion through her hair.' 'Let us go
shares, halves!' 'I came in and went to bed the same as usual.'
' Then w h y do you come your frowning high and mighty airs with
me?' (William Heyliger, American Boy, Sept., 1927, p. 34). 'You
can't come it with me.' In colloquial speech sure thing is often used
as an intensive form of colloquial sure (= literary surely): ' N o w
that you boys k n o w what the expedition is going to face are you still
anxious to go along?''Sure thing' (Victor Appleton, Don Sturdy
in Lion Land, Ch. IV). Also to indicate time, where in more careful
language w e find a preposition: 'What (or at what) time do you
go?' Also to indicate place in certain set expressions, but rarely
with a single unmodified noun: 'He struck m e on the head,' but
'He smote them hip and thigh.' 'Bind them hand and foot!' In
the concrete language of popular speech the adverbial accusative
of a modified noun is often used instead of an adverb: 'I looked
 146 ADVERBIAL THIS AND THAT 16 4

every place (instead of literary everywhere) for it.' 'What place

(instead of literary where) would w e run?' (Synge, The Well of
the Saints, Act III).
In m a n y distributive expressions, the noun following a is now
construed as an adverbial accusative of extent, but the a, though
n o w felt as an indefinite article, is in fact the reduced form of
the preposition on: 'I visit him twice a year.' 'A robin frequently
raises two broods a season.' This construction was originally
confined to expressions of time, as in these examples, but it now
has m u c h wider boundaries: 'His terms are a penny a line.' 'She
asksfivedollars a lesson.' 'I paid six dollars a pair for m y shoes.'
The definite article is sometimes used here instead of the indefinite:
'She sold her corn at ten shillings the bushel' (Winthrop, Journal,
April 27, 1631). 'Wheat was at twenty shillings the quarter'
(Macaulay, History, I, C h . III). 'Five cents the copy' (The
Saturday Evening Post, Aug. 8, 1925). ' H o w m u c h is salmon the
can now?' (Zona Gale, Miss Lulu Bett, C h . I). W e n o w feel
can in the last example as an accusative of extent; but, perhaps
originally, it was a nominative, an appositive to salmon. Most
of these expressions, except those indicating time, m a y have origi-
nated in this way.
b. ' T H I S ' A N D ' T H A T ' U S E D A D V E R B I A L L Y . In the fifteenth
century the principle of employing the accusative of indefinite
pronouns adverbially to indicate extent or degree was extended
to the definite pronouns this and that: ' This (or that or thus or so)
m u c h I hold to be true.' This usage is best established in the
case of 'this m u c h ' and 'that much,' but in colloquial language
it has spread m u c h farther: 'I've never been this sick before.'
'He didn't get h o m e until after one o'clock, and his mother told
him if he ever came h o m e that late again she would punish him
severely.' O n account of the accuracy of expression here ad-
verbial this and that are sometimes employed in the literary
language, in spite of the protests of grammarians: 'Oh, Mimo!
h o w could you let him sit on the grass! Zara exclaimed reproach-
fully, when he got this far' (Elinor Glyn, The Reason Why, Ch. X V ) .
'I didn't think he was that young' (Jack London, Martin Eden,
I, Ch. II). Also used like so, pointing to a following clause of
result: 'I'm that hungry, I could eat a dog' (Hall Caine, The
Woman Thou Gavest Me, C h . IV). Quite commonly in popular
speech: 'I was just that pleased I set d o w n an' bust out cryin"
(Alice Hegan Rice, Mrs. Wiggs of the Cabbage Patch, Ch. VII).
The demonstrative that is thus often used adverbially, but the
demonstrative such, which has a somewhat similar meaning,
always remains an adjective, although often classed as an adverb.
 16 5 a RELATIVE COMPARISON OF ADVERBS 147

That it is an attributive adjective when it stands before a de-

scriptive adjective is shown by the fact that it can never be used
when there is no noun after the descriptive adjective, i.e., when
the descriptive adjective is used predicatively: 'such severe
weather,' but not 'The weather is such severe.'
c. A D V E R B I A L U S E O F ' T H E . ' T h e old neuter instrumental
case of the determinative and demonstrative that still survives in
the form of the in two c o m m o n constructions: (1) In clauses of
degree expressing proportionate agreement: 'This stone gets the
harder the longer it is exposed to the weather.' See 29 1 A b for
a more detailed description of this construction. (2) A s a de-
terminative adverb of cause standing before a comparative,
indicating cause, however, in only a formal way, pointing forward
to a following clause or phrase of cause which contains the real
cause: ' His unkindness hurt m e all the more because I had been pre-
viously so kind to him' (or because of my previous kindness to him).
'The indications of inward disturbance m o v e d Archer the more
that he too fell that the Mingotts (name) had gone a little too fa
(Edith Wharton, The Age of Innocence, Ch. V ) . 'I think a little
the worse of him on this account.' 'She clung the morefiercelyto
her father for having lost her lover.' T h e cause is often not thus
formally expressed in a clause or phrase of cause but implied in
something that has preceded: 'Sir Arthur looked sternly at her.
Her head only dropped the lower.' 'If she were silent there was
one listener the more.' Compare 30 a.
5. Comparison of Adverbs:
a. R E L A T I V E C O M P A R I S O N . Adverbs are compared m u c h as
adjectives, as described in 54-55. A few monosyllabic adverbs
add -er in the comparative and -est in the superlative: fast,
faster, fastest. 'He climbed higher.' 'He lives nearer us.' 'Come
up closer to the fire.' 'John worked hardest.' 'He couldn't speak
finer if he wanted to borrow' (George Eliot). 'I can't stay longer.'
'I would sooner die than do it.' Also the dissyllables, often, easy,
early, are compared by means of endings: 'He is absent oftener
than is necessary.' 'Easier said than done.' 'You ought to
have told m e earlier.'
Earlier in the period, terminational comparison was often used
where w e n o w employ more and most: 'There is almost no m a n
but he sees clearlier and sharper (now more clearly and sharply)
the vices in a speaker then (now than) the vertues' (Ben Jonson,
Discoveries, p. 19, A.D. 1641).
Most adverbs are n o w compared by means of more, most and
less, least: rapidly, more rapidly, most rapidly; rapidly, less rap
least rapidly.
148 IRREGULAR COMPARISON OF ADVERBS 16 5 a 66

aa. Irregularities. A few irregularities in the form occur, cor-

responding closely to those found in adjectives:
well better best
ill, illy (obs.), badly worse worst
much more most
little less least
near, nigh (54 a aa) nearer, nigher nearest, nighest, next
far farther, further farthest, furthest
late later latest, last
rather (comparative
of obs. rathe, 'soon')
One of the outstanding features of popular speech is the use of
good for well: 'I don't hear good' (instead of well).
bb. Newer Forms of Expression. Besides the normal usage de-
scribed on page 147 there is another which is quite c o m m o n in col-
loquial speech and occurs sometimes in the literary language. The
superlative is formed by employing the adverbial neuter accusative
of the noun m a d e from the adjective superlative preceded by the
definite article: 'All good and wise M e n certainly take care To
help themselves and families thefirst'(Robert Rogers, Ponteach,
I, rv, A.D. 1776). 'I a m going . . . to Havre, whence I shall
get the quickest to Southampton' (Charlotte Smith, Emmeline,
IV, 55, A.D. 1788). 'Of all m y books I like this the best' (Dickens,
David Copperfield,Preface). 'He was the greatest patriot in their
eyes w h o brawled the loudest and w h o cared the least for decency'
(id., Martin Chuzzlewit, Ch. X V I ) . 'It is impossible to say whose
eyes would be the widest opened' (Henry Arthur Jones, The Divine
Gift, Dedication, p. 49). ' M y father liked this the best' (Alfred,
Lord Tennyson, A Memoir by His Son, 3, 245). ' W e are sure
that those w h o have k n o w n Sommerset the longest will thoroughly
enjoy M r . Hutton's pages' (Athenceum, Dec. 28, 1912). 'Great
souls are they w h o love the most, w h o breathe the deepest of heaven's
air, and give of themselves most freely' (William Allen White,
A Certain Rich Man, Ch. X X I I ) . 'Of all the orders of m e n they
fascinate m e the most' (H. L. Mencken, Prejudices, Series III,
p. 217).
This form is n o w spreading also to the comparative: 'He runs
the faster (instead of the simple faster). 'This led him to consider
which of them could be the better spared' (Dickens, Martin Chuz-
zlewit, Ch. X X X I I I ) . 'I hardly k n o w w h o was the more to blame
for it' (L. M . Montgomery, Anne of Avonlea, Ch. X X I I I ) . 'Ruth
could not tell which she liked the better' (Lucy Fitch Perkins, The
Children's Yearbook, p. 17).
 16 5 6 ABSOLUTE SUPERLATIVE OF ADVERBS 149

In the case of the analytic form with most, least, more, less,
this adverbial neuter accusative cannot be used at all. W e often,
however, add the adverbial ending -ly to the analytic adjective,
superlative or comparative, preceded by the definite article, thus
marking the form clearly as an adverb: 'If it be true that such
meat as is the most dangerously earned is the sweetest' (Goldsmith,
Natural History, VI, 82, A.D. 1774). 'It was difficult to say which
of the young m e n seemed to regard her the most tenderly' (Thack-
eray, Pendennis, II, Ch. X X ) . 'Standing here between you the
Englishman, so clever in your foolishness, and this Irishman, so
foolish in his cleverness, I cannot in m y ignorance be sure which
of you is the more deeply damned' (George Bernard Shaw, John
Bull's Other Island, Act IV).
In the relation of sentence adverbs the adverbial neuter ac-
cusative form of the superlative is replaced by an adverbial phrase,
consisting of the preposition at and the noun m a d e from the ad-
jective superlative preceded by the definite article: 'I cannot
hear from Dick at the earliest before Tuesday' (Mrs. Alexander,
A Life Interest, II, Ch. XVIII), or 'At the earliest I can't hear
from Dick before Tuesday.'
W h e n it is not the actions of different persons that are com-
pared but the actions of one and the same person at different
times and under different circumstances, w e employ the adver-
bial neuter accusative of the noun m a d e from the adjective superla-
tive preceded by a possessive adjective: ' T w o w o m e n shrieked
their loudest' (Thackeray, Pendennis, II, Ch. X X X V I I I ) .
'Carver smiled his pleasantest' (R. D. Blackmore, Lorna Doone,
Ch. X X V I I I ) . A n adverbial phrase with the preposition at is
sometimes used instead of the adverbial accusative: 'He led m e
in a courtly manner, stepping at his tallest, to an open place beside
the water' (ib., Ch. X X I ) . In the relation of sentence adverb
this prepositional phrase form is quite c o m m o n and freely used
both with the simple and the analytic superlative, especially the
latter: 'Even at his ungainliest and his most wilful, M r . Thompson
sins still in the grand manner' (Academy, April 14, 1894, 303).
'Nature at her most unadorned never takes that air of nakedness
which a great open unabashed window throws upon the land-
scape' (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1887, 324).
b. A B S O L U T E S U P E R L A T I V E . This superlative of the adverb is
formed from the absolute superlative of the adjective (54 2 a):
'Mary's mother is a most beautiful woman' and 'Mary's mother
sings most beautifully.'
The absolute superlative is sometimes formed by employing
the adverbial neuter accusative of the noun m a d e from the adjec-
150 ABSOLUTE SUPERLATIVE OF ADVERBS 16 5 6

tive superlative preceded b y the definite article: 'I do not the

least mind it' (Alfred, Lord Tennyson, A Memoir by His Son, 4, 72).
'It does not matter the least' (Florence Montgomery, Misunder-
stood, Ch. IV).
Instead of this form w e often use a prepositional phrase con-
taining a simple superlative of an adjective in attributive use,
standing before a noun or the simple superlative used as a noun
and preceded b y the definite article: 'The letter was written in
the kindest spirit.' 'That does not concern m e in the least.' Com
pare 54 2 a (3rd par.).
Instead of a superlative here w e more c o m m o n l y use a positive
modified by very, exceedingly, absolutely, etc.: 'She sings very
beautifully.' In colloquial and popular language, the intensive
adverbs, awfully, dreadfully, terribly, etc., are c o m m o n , sometimes
without the suffix -ly before an adverb: 'The work is moving
awfully slow.' ' I lived mighty comfortably.'
T o express an absolutely high degree of activity in connection
with a verb, w e place very before an adverb of degree, such as
much, greatly, etc.: ' H e is suffering very much.' T o express an
absolutely high degree of a quality, w e place very before the posi-
tive of the adjective: 'very sick, very pleasing, a very distresse
look.' B u t instead of saying 'I was very much pleased, very greatly
distressed,' m a n y incorrectly say 'I w a s very pleased, very dis
tressed,' feeling pleased and distressed as adjective rather than as
verbal forms, which they are. Similarly, w e should use too much,
too greatly before verbal forms, not simple too: 'I w a s too much
(or too greatly) discouraged b y this failure to try again.'
 CHAPTER VIII

INDEPENDENT ELEMENTS
PAGE
INTERJECTIONS 151
DIRECT ADDRESS 152
ABSOLUTE NOMINATIVE 152
Adverbial clauses 152
Time 154
Cause 155
Condition and exception 155
Attendant circumstance 156
Manner proper 157
Concession 157
Subject clauses 157
Predicate clauses 158
Appositive clauses 158
A B S O L U T E PARTICIPLE 158
17. Independent elements are words, phrases, or clauses which
are not related grammatically to other parts of the sentence, or
which stand all alone without sustaining any grammatical relation
to some word understood. A historical study of these words
shows that some of them were originally dependent. See 3 A,
p. 152.
1. Interjections. T h e simplest interjections, such as oh! (usu-
ally 0 when not followed by a punctuation mark), ouch! belong
to the oldest forms of spoken language and represent the most
primitive type of sentence. Compare 2 a, p. 1. T h e large number
of interjections n o w in use shows that they are as useful in modern
life as in primitive times; indeed more useful, more needed, for
the range of feeling is wider and the desire for varied expression
greater: ah! (surprise or satisfaction), bah! or pooh! (disdain),
botheration! (vexation), bravo! (approving, encouraging), goody!
(joy), alas! (literary form expressing disappointment, grief) or
dear me! or oh, dear me! (colloquial), gee whillikers! (surprise),
jumping geraniums! (vexation, surprise), why! (expressing dis-
covery, objection, hesitancy, protest at the simplicity of a ques-
tion), well! (expressing astonishment, relief, concession, resumption
of talk), etc.
They are often embodied in modern sentences, without any
grammatical relations to the other words, but imparting a distinct
151
152 NOMINATIVE ABSOLUTE IN ADVERBIAL CLAUSES 17 3 A

shade of meaning to the sentence as a whole: 'Oh, when will he

come?'
T h e accusative is found in a few exclamations: 'Dear me!'
'Unhappy me!' Compare/, p. 6.
2. Direct Address. T h e n a m e of a person w h o is called is often
spoken alone without other words. Like interjections, such names
are independent sentences of a primitive type, which, though a
single word, can in connection with the situation and an appropri-
ate accent convey a thought, as in John! spoken in loud tone and
prolonged vowel to call him into the house, or John! spoken
quickly with a short vowel and angry tone w h e n w e scold him.
They are also often inserted in a modern sentence, without gram-
matical relation to the other words, but serving the useful purpose
of arousing the attention of someone: 'John, I've brought some-
thing h o m e for you.' Originally and still in the classical languages
of antiquity, nouns thus used in direct address stood in a special
case called the vocative. Later, the nominative was used for this
purpose; always so in English.
3. Absolute Nominative. A n absolute nominative, i.e., a
nominative without grammatical relations to the principal propo-
sition, is often used in English. There are four groups:
A. I N A D V E R B I A L C L A U S E S : ' My task completed (= after my task
was completed), I went to bed.' 'Off w e started, he remaining be-
hind' ( = while he remained behind). T h e nominative here forms
with the words with which it is connected a clause in which it is
the subject, and a following participle, adjective, or noun is the
predicate. T h e predicate here n o w usually follows the subject,
but in older English and in poetry it often precedes: 'All loose
her negligent attire, all loose her golden hair, H u n g Margaret o'
her slaughtered sire' (Scott, Last Minstrel, I, 10). This order
is occasionally found in prose. See examples in a, c, and d, pp. 154,
155, 156. In one category, /, it is still employed regularly.
In Old English, the words in the adverbial clause stood in the
dative, employed here in imitation of the Latin ablative. The
Old English dative and the Latin ablative were in fact not used
here absolutely since they stood in an adverbial relation to the
principal verb, in that the words in the dative and ablative formed
an adverbial clause in which the noun was subject, the accompany-
ing participle, adjective, or noun was predicate, and the dative
or ablative was the sign of subordination to the principal verb.
This is the old appositional type of clause described in 6 B a,
where the predicate is placed as an appositive alongside of the
subject without the use of a copula. Later, w h e n the inflections
lost their distinctive case forms, the dative, no longer distinguish-
17 3 A NOMINATIVE ABSOLUTE IN ADVERBIAL CLAUSES 153

able as such, was construed as a nominative, an absolute nomina-

tive, since its form does not indicate any relation to the principal
proposition. In the literary language, irregularly here and there
under foreign influence, the objective case of the personal pro-
nouns continued for a long while to be used here as a nearer
approach to the original constructions than the nominative,
lingering on into the seventeenth century: 'Him destroyed for
w h o m all this was made, all this will soon follow' (Milton, Paradise
Lost, IX, 1. 130). O n the other hand, the nominative of pronouns
was used here in Middle English b y Chaucer, and later this case
gradually became established.
Originally, the adverbial clause was always without a copula,
as was the rule for the old appositional type, but it is n o w often
conformed to the modern type b y the insertion of the copula be-
tween subject and predicate: 'He being absent, nothing could be
done.' ' M y task being completed, I shall go to bed.' 'Mr. Smith
being the toastmaster, I think w e m a y expect an enjoyable time.'
The copula is n o w the rule where the predicate of the clause is an
adjective, noun, adverb, or prepositional clause, but in older
English the copula was lacking here: ' Thou away, the very birds
are mute' (Shakespeare).
The scope of the nominative absolute construction has been
greatly enlarged b y the development of strong verbal force in the
participle. Originally, the perfect participle could be used here
only when it denoted a state, i.e., w h e n it had adjective force, as
in thefirstexample in A , p. 152. T h e perfect participle in this
example has passive force, but with intransitives it had active
force if it denoted a finished state resulting from the action:
'These obstacles removed and the right time come for action, w e
proceeded with energy.' Here w e still have the original condition
of things. T h e two participles, removed, n o w felt as a passive, and
come, felt as an active, are without any formal signs of tense and
voice. They still have their old adjective form. B u t the verbal
force is n o w so strongly felt in participles that w e often give them
forms for tense and voice, and hence w e m a y also say here: 'These
obstacles having been removed and the right time for action having
come, w e proceeded with energy.' Although the old adjective form
without a sign for tense or voice is still c o m m o n w h e n the participle
has passive force, w e n o w usually give it a tense sign w h e n its force
is active: 'Our luggage arrived (or n o w more commonly having
arrived), I was dressed in a few minutes.' 'The clock having
struck, w e had to go.' W e might construe arrived as an adjective,
since it denotes a state, but struck has only verbal force. Thus
we can clearly see that the participle has often developed into a
154 NOMINATIVE ABSOLUTE IN ADVERBIAL CLAUSES 17 3 A a

verb with full verbal meaning, but as yet it has no forms for person,
number, or m o o d , and though it can indicate tense and voice it
hasn't as m a n y tense forms as thefiniteverb. O n the other hand,
it is a terse and convenient construction for all practical purposes.
For the most part, however, it has become established in the
literary language better than in colloquial and popular speech.
Originally, the predicate here was a noun or an adjective, or a
participle with adjective force. A s w e have just seen, the parti-
ciple has often developed into a verb. T h e predicate m a y now
be also an adverb or a prepositional phrase: 'The meal over,
prayers were read b y Miss Miller' (Charlotte Bronte, Jane Eyre,
Ch. V ) . 'John being away, Henry had to do his work.' 'He went
off, gun in hand.' In older English, and sometimes still, w e find
the prepositional infinitive used here as predicate: 'I send you
today three fourths of the s u m agreed upon between us, the rest
to follow within a month.' In popular Irish, the infinitive has
come into wide use here, so that it can be employed in every kind
of subordinate clause, in conditional clauses, temporal clauses,
etc.: (conditional clause) 'It would not be for honor she to go
without that much' (Lady Gregory, McDonough's Wife). As ex-
plained in 19 3, such clauses are often introduced by and: 'Little
it will signify, and we to be making clay (temporal clause = when
we shall be moldering in the grave), who w a s it dug a hole through
the nettles or lifted d o w n the sods over our heads' (ib.).
Instead of the nominative of a personal pronoun w e often find
here in popular and colloquial speech the accusative, as so often
elsewhere in constructions where there is nofiniteverb, as described
in 7 C a: ' It will be a very good match for m e , m ' m , me being an
orphan girl' (H. G. Wells, The Country of the Blind, p. 16). 'You
wouldn't expect anything else, would you, m e (instead of the
choicer I) being here like this, so suddenly, and talking face to
face with you' (Arnold Bennett, Sacred and Profane Love, Act I,
p. 25). 'It is strange he hasn't married with all his money, and
him (instead of the choicer he) so fond of children' (Kate Douglas
Wiggin, Rebecca of Sunnybrook Farm). T h e accusative subject here
is, of course, of entirely different origin from the accusative subject
in A (2nd par., p. 153).
The following relations are expressed by this absolute construction:
a. Time: 'My task having beenfinished,I went to bed.' ' Tea over and
the tray removed, she again summoned us to the fire.'
In older English, a preposition was often placed before this construction
to make the time relations clearer: 'I . . . commytted them vnto ward
(prison) where they now do remayne till your gracious pleasure knowen'
(Thomas Cromwell, Letter to Henry VIII, July 23, 1533). 'After my
 17 3 A c NOMINATIVE ABSOLUTE IN ADVERBIAL CLAUSES 155

instructions dispatched, I came away in haste' (Sir William Temple,

Letter, Sept. 6, 1665). 'Upon the peace concluded between the Dutch and
the same Indians, she was restored to the Dutch governor' (Winthrop,
Journal, July 5, 1646). Compare 20 3 (next to last par.).
Sometimes, as often in older English, the predicate precedes the sub-
ject: 'She's to be married, turned Michaelmas' (George Eliot, Silas
Marner, II, Ch. XVII). Compare c.
b. Cause: 'The rain having ruined my hat, I had to get a n e w one.'
Compare 30 6 (4th par.).
The nominative absolute construction is often replaced here by a
prepositional phrase: 'She is lonesome with her husband so much away.'
Compare a (2nd par., p. 154) and 20 3 (next to last par.).
c. Condition and Exception: 'And in a little while you will come back
to me, will you not?' 'Yes, dear, God willing.' 'Family for family, a
group of small-holders will absorb a m u c h greater amount of industrial
produce than the same number of persons, farmer and laborer, in normal
proportions, in the large-farm system' (Noel Skelton, The Quarterly
Review, July, 1925, p. 198). 'As yet few have done their full duty,
present company excepted.'
There were formerly two word-orders in the absolute construction,
not only here in the clause of condition and exception, but also in clauses
of cause, time, concession, etc. T h e predicate could not only, as in the
preceding examples, follow the subject (either a noun or a clause), but
could also precede it. Clause of cause: 'Therefore seene (now seeing; see
4, p. 158) you thinke it not gude to invade, m y councell is that w e campe
still on the bordures' (Holinshed, History of Scotland, 309, A.D. 1577-
1586). Clause of condition: 'It is enough, considered how easy it is to
copy out words from other Dictionaries' (Gentl. Mag., LVIII, 1153, A.D.
1778). It is still preserved in conditional clauses after a few participles,
except (contracted from excepted; see also 31 1 d aa), granted, given,
settled, etc.: 'The whole kingdom, except a small corner (or a small corner
excepted), was subjected to the Turkish yoke.' 'Granted then these cor-
respondences between Spenser on the one hand and Aristotle and his
immediate successors on the other, w e m a y pass to an inquiry into our
poet's indebtedness to the tradition of Christian ethics that derives from
the Greek philosopher' (H. S. V. Jones, The Journal of English and
Germanic Philology, p. 288, July, 1926). 'Given the choice of a fine h o m e
without a car and a modest one with a car, the latter will win' (William
Ashdown in Atlantic Monthly, June, 1925). 'Given such a principle and
such a method, it follows that the function of any textbook is to remain
in the background until needed' (D. D . Farrington, The Essay. Intro-
duction). The subject m a y be a clause: 'Once settled that teachers must
hold the views on all controversial matters that suit the particular commun
what persons of independent thought and action will become and remain
teachers?' (American Federation of Teachers, July 11, 1925). This old
word-order occurs occasionally also in a, p. 154, and d, p.156, and is even
employed regularly in/, p. 157.
This old word-order survives also with the participles during, pending,
156 N O M I N A T I V E A B S O L U T E IN A D V E R B I A L CLAUSES 17 3 A d

notwithstanding and the adjective save (originally with the meaning'safe,'

'intact,' 'excepted'), but the feeling for the original construction has
disappeared, since the old word-order, no longer understood, has ob-
scured the original grammatical relations. Since these words n o w stand
before a noun or a pronoun, except sometimes notwithstanding, as in
this notwithstanding, they are n o w often construed as prepositions; during,
pending, notwithstanding regularly so, save, felt by some as a preposition,
by others as a conjunction introducing an elliptical clause of exception,
as described in 31. Similarly, since the original construction is no longer
understood, except is construed b y some as a preposition, by others as
a conjunction of exception; by still others as the imperative of the
transitive verb except. See 31.
W h e n the subject is a clause, this old word-order is still employed also
with the past participles provided, given, granted as predicate: T will
come provided that I have time.' 'Given that he and they have a common
object, the one test that he must apply to them is as to their ability to
help in achieving that object' (Theodore Roosevelt, The Strenuous Life,
p. 74). 'Granted (or granting) that he had the best intentions, his con-
duct was productive of great mischief.' A s past participles do not
n o w usually stand before a clause and hence are not recognized here
as predicate in an absolute nominative construction, provided that, given
that, granted that are for the most part felt as conjunctions introducing a
subordinate clause, provided that and given that introducing a clause of
condition, granted that introducing a clause of concession, as in the last
example, or a clause of condition. Compare 31 and 32.
T h e nominative absolute construction is often replaced in the clause
of condition by a prepositional phrase: 'With conditions in every way
favorable, he might succeed.' Compare 20 3 (next to last par.).
d. Attendant Circumstance: 'He entered upon the n e w enterprise
cautiously, his eyes wide-open,' or here more commonly with a prepo-
sitional phrase with wide-open eyes, or with eyes wide-open.
Instead of an adjective element in the predicate relation w e often find
an adverb or a prepositional phrase or both, for adverbs and prepositional
phrases are n o w quite commonly used as predicates: 'He sat at the table,
collar off, head down, and pen in position, ready to begin the long letter'
(or with collar off, head down, etc.). T h e absolute nominative here before
a prepositional phrase is more c o m m o n and natural than anywhere else:
'He lay on his back, his knees in the air, his hands crossed behind his head'
(or with his knees in the air, etc.). T h e form with with was c o m m o n in
Old English and the older stages of all the Germanic languages and is
still everywhere in c o m m o n use. It is native English. Compare 20 3
(next to last par.).
Especial attention is here called to the frequent use of the prepositional
infinitive as predicate, which is only a particular application of the com-
m o n employment of a prepositional phrase as predicate: 'He made a
will bequeathing all he possessed to his niece, M r s . Joyce, the interest
for her sole use, the principal to revert to her eldest son after her death.'
Sometimes the absolute nominative follows the prepositional phrase,
17 3 B NOMINATIVE ABSOLUTE IN SUBJECT CLAUSES 157

i.e., contrary to ordinary usage the predicate of the clause precedes the
subject of the clause: 'She stands before him with the dressing gown
on her arm, in her eyes an odd l6ok' (Francis R. Bellamy, The Balance
Ch. IX). This word-order emphasizes the subject of the clause.
e. Manner Proper: 'He put on his socks wrong side out.' The absolute
construction is often replaced here by a prepositional phrase: 'He put on
his socks with the wrong side out.' Compare 20 3 (next to last par.).
/. Concession, usually with the predicate of the clause before the sub-
ject: 'Granted the very best intentions, his conduct was productive of
mischief.' 'Whatever the immediate outcome of the political and fi
crisis in France, it is certain that sooner or later the French people must
deal with the results of their government's post-war policies in some
drastic way' (Chicago Tribune, April 8, 1925). Compare 32 2 (7th par.,
last example).
The absolute construction is often not possible in this category. It
is then usually replaced by a prepositional phrase: 'Even with conditions
quite unfavorable, he would succeed.' The prepositional construction i
often used even where the absolute construction is possible: 'Art is
always art, poetry is always poetry, in whatever form' (Harold Williams,
Modern English Writers, p. 296), or whatever the form.
B. NOMINATIVE ABSOLUTE IN SUBJECT CLAUSES. We often
find, especially in colloquial speech, an absolute nominative in
subject clauses, where the absolute nominative serves as the
logical subject of the clause, and a participle, adjective, or prepo-
sitional phrase as the logical predicate: 'I pray you let m e have
the dayt of the marriage of m y cosyn Hair and your daughter
. . . and ye thus doing bynds m e to doe you as great a pleasure'
(Plumpton Correspondence, p. 215, A.D. 1515). 'I avoided him
. . . m y reasons are that people seeing me speak to him causes a
great deal of teasing' (Swift, J., 493, quoted from Jespersen's
On Some Disputed Points, S. P. E., Tract N o . X X V ) . 'My two
big sisters having now charge of things in the house makes it m u c h
easier for Mother.' ' Three such rascals hanged in one day is good
work for society.' ' These difficulties overcome makes the rest easy.
'But things being as they are makes other things, which would
have been different otherwise, different from what they would
have been' (Sir Walter Raleigh, Letter to John Sampson, M a y 4,
1905). 'She and her sister both being sick makes hard work for
the rest of the family.' 'Women having the vote reduces men's
political power.' 'He saying (present participle) he is sorry
alters the case,' or more commonly 'His saying he is sorry alters
the case.' ' It is vilely unjust, men closing two-thirds of the respect
ble careers to women!' (Sir Harry Johnston, Mrs. Warren's Daughter,
Ch. III). 'John and Henry rough-housing every night is enough to
destroy the strongest nerves.' 'Her hand in his gave him strength
158 ABSOLUTE PARTICIPLES 17 4

to speak' (De Morgan, Somehow Good, Ch. XLVI). The principal

verb here is, of course, always in the singular, since its subject
is a clause. Other examples in 21 e (last 4 parr.). Compare 50 3
(next to last par.).
In older English, the prepositional infinitive often serves here
as predicate: 'If itt happen the rent to be behynde' (Lincoln Dio
Documents, p. 172, M a y 19, 1534). 'It happened immediately
Ferardo to retourne home' (John Lyly, Euphues, Works, I, 242
A.D. 1578). 'I to bear this is some burden' (Shakespeare, Timon,
IV, in, 266). In popular Irish English theto-infinitivehas come
into wide use here as predicate: (speaking to his wife who lies
dead before him) ' It is a bad case you to have gone and to have l
me' (Lady Gregory, McDonough's Wife). 'A great wonder he
not to have come, and this the fair day of Galway' (ib.). Compar
21 e (7th par.).
The subject clause in all these cases is of the old appositional
type found in A and described in 6 B a. The predicate participle,
prepositional phrase, or infinitive lies alongside of the subject,
predicating without the aid of a copula.
C. A B S O L U T E N O M I N A T I V E I N P R E D I C A T E C L A U S E S : 'Cities
are man justifying himself to God' (De Voto, The Crooked Mil
p. 405). '
D. ABSOLUTE NOMINATIVE I N A P P O S I T I V E C L A U S E S : 'Well,
that is just our way, exactly one half of the administratio
always busy getting the family into trouble, the other half bus
getting it out again' (Mark Twain, Letter to Mrs. Grover Clevela
Nov. 6, 1887).
4. Absolute Participles. In English, the predicate appositive
construction with a present participle is a very common type of
abridged adverbial clause: 'Taking all things into consideration,
I must regard m y life as a happy one' = ' If I take all things into
consideration, I must regard m y life as a happy one.' The abridged
participial clause usually has a subject which is identical with
that of the principal proposition and as a predicate appositive
expresses the adverbial relations of condition, cause, etc. A num-
ber of these clauses have in course of time become set adverbial
elements of condition, cause, concession, etc., and are no longer
thought of in connection with a definite subject any more than
is any other adverb: 'Taking all things into consideration
longer an appositive to the subject but an adverbial element of
condition), his life is a happy one.' If we try to analyze such.
clause we can, of course,findno definite subject since it no longer
has relations to the subject of the principal proposition. As it
has no definite subject, we feel that it has an indefinite or general
17 4 ABSOLUTE PARTICIPLES 159

subject = if one takes all things into consideration. 'There are

certain proposals for future educational policy, which, omitting
details ( = if one omits details), m a y be summarized as follows'
(Manchester Guardian, VII, 8, 150). 'Generally speaking (= if
one may speak in a general sense), boys are a nuisance.' 'They
suffered little, considering the exposure' (or that they were badly
exposed). 'Judging from the lengthy notes used by them, the occasion
was deemed of great importance.' T h e absolute present participle
in such clauses of condition has become quite c o m m o n where
the subject is indefinite, as in these examples. W h e r e the reference
is indefinite, infinitive, gerund, and participle are often without
an expressed subject. Compare 31 2.
Because the subject is indefinite, the absolute participle is
c o m m o n in two other categories in clauses of concession and
in clauses of cause: 'Even granting the best intentions on his part
(or that he had the best intentions; concession), his conduct was
productive of mischief.' 'The roads in Guernsey are good, which
is not to be wondered at, seeing the abundance of granite' (or that
there is an abundance of granite; cause). C o m p a r e 32 2 and 30 b
(3rd par.).
Like the present and the past participle in 3 A c, p. 155, the pres-
ent participle here stands before a noun or a clause, but it has not,
as in the case of these participles, developed into a preposition
or a conjunction. There has been no change here in the word-
order. It stands before its object like other present participles,
and w e still feel it as a present participle, only it is used absolutely
without a subject expressed or understood. W e feel that there
is no need of a subject, as the reference is indefinite. Compare
32 2 and 30 b (3rd par.).
In a number of cases an adjective present participle with its
accusative or prepositional object often becomes detached from
nouns and for convenience of expression is attached to a verb,
thus becoming a preposition: ' H e m a d e m e a communication
concerning (adjective participle) m y friend,' but 'He communicated
with m e concerning (preposition) m y friend.' 'A peculiar effect
owing (adjective participle) to the presence of light,' but 'Owing
to (preposition) unfavorable weather I w a s unable to proceed.'
Thus have arisen also the prepositions regarding, touching, in-
cluding, etc. C o m p a r e 62 (5th par.).
Thus the detached, 'dangling' or 'hanging,' participle has
become established here and there in certain categories. It is
found also in a few set expressions: 'The vote of condolence w a s
passed standing.' 'Beginning with the July number, it is intended
materially to widen the scope of this Quarterly' (Oxford and
160 ABSOLUTE PARTICIPLES 17 4

Cambridge Review). ' Talking of subscriptions, here is one to which

your lordship m a y affix your name.' In general, however, al-
though occasionally found in good authors, it is felt as slovenly
English in spite of its frequency in colloquial speech: 'Being not
yet fully grown, his trousers were too long.' In older English,
the dangling participle was more widely used than today. It
was employed even by careful writers where it cannot now be
used: 'In their meals there is great silence and grauitie, vsing wine
rather to ease the stomacke then (now than) to load it' (John Lyly,
Euphues and His England, Works, II, p. 194, A.D. 1580).
 CHAPTER IX
CLASSES OF SENTENCES
18. Sentences are divided according to their structure in
three classes simple, compound, and complex. A simple sen-
tence contains but one independent proposition. A compound
sentence contains two or more independent propositions. A
complex sentence contains one independent proposition and one
or more subordinate clauses. As the simple sentence has already
been discussed there remain only the compound and the complex
sentences to be treated.

THE COMPOUND SENTENCE

CONNECTIVES
PAGE
COORDINATING CONJUNCTIONS 161
Copulative 162
Disjunctive 166
Adversative 167
Causal 168
Illative 168
Explanatory 168
P R O N O U N S A N D A D V E R B S U S E D AS CONJUNCTIONS . . 170
PARATAXIS 170
19. The compound sentence consists of different independe
propositions or members. These members may be two or more
simple sentences, or one member may be a simple sentence and
the others complex sentences, or there may be any combination
of simple and complex sentences. These members are usually
connected in the following ways:
1. Coordinating Conjunctions. The members are connected by
coordinating conjunctions. The commonest are and, or, but, for:
' John is in the garden working and Mary is sitting at the window
reading.' The members of a compound sentence, however, are
not always thus complete, each with subject andfiniteverb, for
a natural feeling for the economy of time and effort prompts us,
wherever it is possible, to contract by employing a common verb
for all members, so that the conjunctions connect only parts of
like rank: not 'John is writing and Mary is writing,' but 'John
and Mary are writing,' or 'John and Mary are both writing,'
161
162 COPULATIVE COORDINATING CONJUNCTIONS 19 1 a

or 'Both John and M a r y are writing.' 'I bought paper, pen, and
ink.' 'John writes fast but neatly.' Care must be taken in con-
tracting w h e n one subject is used with two different verbs each
of which stands in a different compound tense: 'All the debts
have been or will be paid,' or 'All the debts have been paid or will
be,' but not 'All the debts have or will be paid.' Sentences con-
taining these conjunctions, however, are often not an abridgment
of two or more sentences, but a simple sentence with elements of
equal rank, connected b y a conjunction: 'The King and Queen
are an amiable pair.' 'She mixed wine and oil together.'
Coordinating conjunctions also link together subordinate clauses
of like rank: 'The judge said that the case was a difficult one and
that he would reconsider his decision.'
Besides the pure connectives mentioned in 1, p. 161, there are
m a n y adverbs which perform not only the function of an adverb
but also that of a conjunction. Coordinating conjunctions and
conjunctive adverbs m a y be divided into the following classes:
a. C O P U L A T I V E , connecting t w o m e m b e r s and their meanings,
the second m e m b e r indicating an addition of equal importance,
or, on the other hand, an advance in time and space, or an inten-
sification, often coming in pairs, then called correlatives: and;
both and; equally and; alike and; at once and; not
nor (or neither, or and neither); not (or never) not (or nor) . . .
either (or in older English, and still in popular speech, neither);
a positive or negative proposition and nobody (or not, or nor, \
or in older English, ne instead of nor) . . . either (or in older
English, and still in popular speech, neither, or both words may
be suppressed); in elliptical sentences where the subject or finite
verb is expressed in only one m e m b e r and understood elsewhere
no (or not, or never) or (or often nor w h e n it is desired to call
separate attention to what follows and thus emphasize); not
no more, employed w h e n it is desired to repeat a preceding sentence
with a n e w subject, usually with inverted word-order and a
stressed subject after no more, but with normal word-order and
a stressed verb w h e n it is merely desired to corroborate a pre-
ceding negative statement; neither nor (now replaced after
a negative b y either or, but a little earlier in the period also
found after a negative), but in elliptical sentences where the
subject orfiniteverb is expressed in only one m e m b e r and under-
stood elsewhere w e sometimes still, as in older English, employ
here neither or, especially where there is no emphasis or contrast
involved; instead of neither nor sometimes in poetry a positive
first m e m b e r followed b y a second introduced b y nor, which im-
parts its negative force to thefirstm e m b e r ; neither nor nor
 19 1 a COPULATIVE COORDINATING CONJUNCTIONS 163

(with three or m o r e m e m b e r s instead of t w o ) ; in older English

no(u)ther nor instead of neither nor; nor nor in poetic or
older English, n o w usually neither nor; neither neither, in
poetic or older English, n o w usually neither nor; ne ne, in
older English, n o w neither nor; not only but (or m o r e com-
monly but also or but . . . too); too; as well as or and as well;
also, and also, in older English also eke; moreover, and moreover;
and withal (= and moreover); as also or simple as (= moreover,
and likewise), especially in older English; again; later; further,
furthermore; besides; likewise, and likewise; even; indeed; let
alone, to say nothing of, not to say anything of, not to mention;
still more; still less (in older English also simple Zess) or much less;
in thefirstplace;first,firstly,secondly, etc.; finally; then (27 3,
last par.); first then; nownow; sometimes sometimes; at
times at times; partly partly; what with and what with
= somewhat (i.e., in part) on account ofand somewhat (i.e., in
part) on account of, often with elliptical form, what with and,
or instead of this elliptical form others, often what between
and (a loose colloquial a n d popular blending of what with and
and between and) a n d sometimes what of and; on the one
hand on the other (hand); at least, etc.
Examples:
H e can both sing and dance.
i'* H e can sing and dance both.
This he published in 1779, a performance in one so young equally sur-
prising and admirable.
H e went to sleep alike thankless and remorseless.
The book is alike agreeable and instructive.
The Prime Minister was at once detested and despised.
I a m not obliged to tell everybody, nor (or neither) a m I obliged to
keep it a secret.
John was not there; nor was James (or neither was James, or and
neither was James, or and James was not either).
'I a m not fond of parties.' 'I a m not fond of them either' (or Nor I
either).
C L A U D . I did never think that lady would have loved any man.
L E O N . No, nor I neither (Shakespeare, Much Ado About Nothing, II, in,
98) (now nor I either).
You see the little beggar's never been to church before. I don't go in
town neither (now usually either), but I think it's right in the country to
give a good example (Thackeray, Pendennis, I, Ch. X X I I ) .
I a m going and nobody can prevent it either (or nor can anybody prevent
it).
At least, and at last, I was off the sea, nor had I returned thence
empty handed fStevenson, Treasure Island, VIII).
164 COPULATIVE COORDINATING CONJUNCTIONS 19 1 a

It hasn't done m e m u c h good, nor anyone else either.

I don't deny it was a good lay and I'll not deny neither (popular language
for either) but what, etc. (Stevenson, Treasure Island, X X ) .
Then shall Cadwalhn die; and then the raine (reign) Of Britons eke
with him attonce shall dye; Ne shall the good Cadwallader, with paine
or powre, be hable it to remedy (Spenser, The Faerie Queene, III, in, XL).
I can get no rest by night or (or nor) by day.
H e is not brilliant or (or nor) attractive.
There was not a cat or (or nor) a dog in town that night that was not
given a w a r m shelter.
I want no promises, nor notes (more emphatic than or notes); I want
money.
I will not do it, nor consider it (more emphatic than or consider it).
I have never spoken or (or more emphatically nor) written to him.
'I can't m a k e out h o w it came about.' 'No more can I' (Mrs. Gaskell,
Wives) (or more commonly Nor can I).
' Harriet, m y dear, you've gone too far w e had no right to pry into
Mr. Preston's private affairs.' 'No more I had' (ib.) (or more commonly
I know I hadn't).
Neither she nor I saw him.
Some evils which neither he or (now nor) she foresaw (Sterne, Tristram
Shandy, III, VII).
I a m suffering neither from one or (now more commonly nor) from the
other (Trollope, The Duke's Children, 2, 140).
Great brother, thou (usually neither thou) nor I have m a d e the world
(Tennyson, Idylls of the King, The Last Tournament, 1. 203).
Neither duty, nor honor, nor gratitude has any possible claim on
him.
Thou hast neither heat, affection, limb, nor beauty (Shakespeare,
Measure for Measure, III, i, 27).
There was no respite neither (now either) by day nor (now or) night for
this devoted city (Southey, Peninsular War, II, 131, A.D. 1827).
Nobody knows either him or his family.
Nor sun nor wind will ever strive to kiss you (Shakespeare).
It shall not be forgiven him, neither in this world, neither in the world
to come (Matthew, XII, 32).
Ne is thy fate, ne is thy fortune ill (Spenser, The Faerie Queene, III,
HI, xxiv).
Atfifteenhe was not onlyfitfor the university, but carried thither a
classical taste and a stock of learning which would have done honor to
a Master of Arts (Lord Macaulay).
Not only the mother but also the children are sick.
'There is not only concision in these lines but also elegance' (or' but
elegance too') or 'There is not only concision in these lines, there is also
elegance' (or 'there is elegance, too').
I have promised to go. I a m going to do it, too.
It will be m y endeavor to relate the history of the people, as well as
the history of the government.
19 1 ffl COPULATIVE COORDINATING CONJUNCTIONS 165

'He must irrevocably lose her as well as the inheritance,' or 'He must
irrevocably lose her and the inheritance as well.'
Some books are still written in Latin, and some scholars speak it.
It is also used in our time as the language of the R o m a n Catholic Church
(West, A Latin Grammar, p. 4).
Take this, and m y very best thanks also.
The wolf is hardy and strong, and withal one of the cleverest of animals
(or and one of the cleverest of animals withal).
Wherefore, that I might show them what kindness I could, as also
that I might have a full opportunity to observe the extraordinary Cir-
cumstances of the Children, and that I might be furnished with Evidence
and Argument as a Critical Eye-Witness, I took the eldest of them home
to m y House (Cotton Mather, Memorable Providences, T h e First Exemple,
Sect. XVII).
W e must abide our opportunity, A n d practise what isfit,as what is
needful (Ben Jonson, Sejanus, I, n, 172, A.D. 1603).
Again (often, as here, at the beginning of a paragraph, continuing the
discussion), m a n is greater by leaning on the greatest (Emerson, Trust).
'The attorney general further holds that,' etc. (Chicago Tribune, March
26,1925), or with greater emphasis, 'Further (or furthermore), the attorney
general holds that,' etc.
John dislikes m e ; he even told m e so.
The birds here are very numerous. Indeed, they often rise in a dense
cloud that hides the sun.
Not even dogs were unkind to him, let alone h u m a n beings.
The house is uninhabitable in summer, let alone in winter.
And the scare (of cholera) has produced a rigid quarantine that has
upset all commercial relations, to say nothing of (or not to say anything of,
or not to mention) the serious interruptions of passenger traffic (Bret
Harte, Letter to His Wife, Sept. 17, 1892).
It is scarcely imaginable h o w great a force is required to stretch, still
more break, this ligament.
I do not even suggest that he is negligent, still less (or much less) that
he is dishonest (Oxford Dictionary).
You never fought with any, Zesse (now still less, or much less) slew any
(Ben Jonson, Magnetic Lady, III, in, A.D. 1632).
W e played a little while longer; then w e went home.
First think, then act.
What with his drinking and what with his jealousy (or what with his
drinking and his jealousy), he wore himself out.
' What between the trenches and alarms w e never have a m o m e n t to
ourselves.' The what should be suppressed here.
What of Excise Laws and Custom Laws and Combination Laws and
Libel Laws, a h u m a n being scarcely knows what he dares do or say
(Corbett, Cott. Econ., 108, A.D. 1823).
M y interests at present are twofold: on the one hand m y flowers
claim m e early in the morning, on the other (hand) I a m absorbed in
language studies the rest of the day.
166 DISJUNCTIVE CONJUNCTIONS 19 16

H e is very poor, at least he has not the wherewithal to buy proper

clothes for his wife and family.

b. DISJUNCTIVE, connecting two members but disconnecting

their meaning, the meaning in the second m e m b e r excluding that
in thefirst:or, in older English also either or outher ( = or) and
in questions whether or with the force of simple or; or . . .
either; either or; either or or (with three or m o r e members
instead of two); or or, in older English a n d still in poetry, in
older English also other or; other other, outher or, outher
outher else, either either; the disjunctive adverbs else, otherwis
or or, or or else, in older English outher else.
T h e employment of whether here as a conjunction in older Eng-
lish is explained b y its original use as a n interrogative pronoun
with the force of which of the two: ' Whether is greater, the gold
or the temple that sanctifieth the gold?' (Matthew, X X I I I , 17).
Examples of its later use as a conjunction are given a m o n g the
examples below.

Examples:
Is he guilty or innocent?
Can thefigtree, m y brethren, bear olive berries? either (now or) a
vine, figs? (James, III, 12).
Pray, Sir, whether (now suppressed) do you reckon Derrick or Smart
the better poet? (Boswell, Life of Johnson, IV, 159).
Whether then (both words now suppressed or replaced by Say), Master
T o m m y , do you reckon it more honest to use your own faculties or those
of others? (Punch, 1872, Vol. I, III).
If John said so or William either, I could believe it.
Either he or I must go.
A narrative has to do with a narration of events, either past, present,
or to come.
At different times the American government has been carried on without
the cooperation of the Vice-President. Either he has resigned through
ill-health, or has died while in office, or has succeeded to the presidency.
Alike or when or where they shone or shine, or on the Rubicon or on the
Rhine (Pope, Essay on Man, IV, 245-246).
This idle sort . . . which hitherto other (now either) poverty hath
caused to be thieves, or else n o w be other (now either) vagabonds or idle
serving m e n and shortly will be thieves (Sir Thomas More, Utopia, 58).
No, no, Eubulus, but I will yield to more than either I a m bound to
grant, either (now or) thou able to prove (John Lyly, Euphues, 193).
H e cannot be in his right senses, else (or otherwise, or or, or or else
he would not make such wild statements. Compare 31 1 d dd.
Seize the chance, else (or otherwise, or or, or or else) you will regret i
Compare 31 1 d bb.
 19 1 C ADVERSATIVE CONJUNCTIONS 167

Either or often has the force of both and: 'John is as steady as either
Henry or William.'

c. ADVERSATIVE, connecting two members, but contrasting

their meaning: but, but then, only ( = but, but then, it must however
be added that), still, yet, and yet, however (in older English howso-
ever, surviving in dialect as howsumever, howsomdever), on the other
hand, again, on the contrary, conversely, rather, notwithstanding,
nevertheless (replacing older nath(e)less), none the less (replacing
older not the less), all the same, though, after all, for all that, at th
same lime; and withal, yet withal, or but withal ( = at this same
time, for all that, notwithstanding); in the meantime, meanwhile,
etc.; in older English howbeit ( = yet; see Mark, V , 19).
Examples:
H e is small but strong.
The commander-in-chief has not been quite successful, but then he has
essayed a difficult task.
H e wanted to take precedence of all the Lowland gentlemen then
present, only m y father would not suffer it (Scott, Waverley, Ch. X V ) .
H e makes good resolutions, only he never keeps them.
She is devilish like Miss Cutler that I used to meet at D u n d u m , only
fairer (Vanity Fair, I, Ch. IV).
She has wronged me, and yet I wish to do her justice.
' I want to go very much; still (conjunction) I do not care to go through
the rain'; but still is an adverb in 'It is raining still.'
'I miss himyjyet I a m glad he went'; but yet is an adverb in 'It hasn't
quit raining yet.'
'The studio contained some armor and pottery of no special value.
There was, however, afineold cabinet at the end of the room' (or ' There
was a fine old cabinet at the end of the room, however,' or 'However,
there was afineold cabinet at the end of the room').
Miss Raeburn's dress was a cheerful red, verging on crimson. Lady
Winterbourne, on the other hand, was dressed in severe black.
Charles is usually cheerful; sometimes, again, he is very despondent.
I have not nearly done. On the contrary, I have only just begun.
Very free word-order is possible only in inflected languages. Con-
versely, absolutefixedorder occurs only in languages devoid of inflection.
The old m a n is no coward; rather, he is a m a n of high spirit.
I denied myself everything. Notwithstanding, the old skinflint com-
plained without ceasing.
H e is always chin-deep in debt. Nevertheless (or none the less), he is
always jolly.
The expression is ungrammatical; all the same it is a part of the com-
m o n tongue.
The sheep which w e saw behind the house were small and lean; in
the next field though (coordinating conjunction) there were some fine
168 EXPLANATORY CONJUNCTIONS 19 1 /

cows'; but though is a subordinating conjunction in ' Though it never put

a cent of money into m y pocket, I believe it did m e good.'
In coming home w e got caught in the rain and became wet through
and through. After all I don't mind it, as w e had afinetime.
H e often loses his temper and can become unreasonable. For all that
we like him, as he has somefinetraits.
These persons are a moving mass of scarfs and furs and overcoats.
and shivering withal.
It (book) is very stimulating and sound to the core yet difficult
reading withal (James Gibbons Huneker, Letter, Aug. 23, 1900).
' H e confessed that his master was rather severe, but withal a good man'
(or 'but a good m a n withal').
H e was now undergoing many hardships. His brother in the meantime
was having an easy time.
d. CAUSAL, adding an independent proposition explaining the
preceding statement, represented only b y the single conjunction
for: ' T h e brook w a s very high, for a great deal of rain had fallen
over night.' C o m p a r e 30 a (next to last par.).
Although the independent causal proposition usually has de-
clarative form, it sometimes has the form of a direct question:
'I had n o twinge of compunction, for was this not fulfilment?'
(Ray Stannard Baker, Adventures in Contentment, C h . V ) .
e. I L L A T I V E , introducing an inference, conclusion, consequence,
result, namely, therefore (originally the same word as therefor,
but since A.D. 1800 differentiated from it in spelling and stress
in accordance with meaning), on that account, consequently, ac-
cordingly, for that reason, so, then, hence, thence (= hence, but not
so c o m m o n ) , etc.

Examples:
N o m a n will take counsel, but everybody will take money; therefore
money is better than counsel (Swift).
The factory was burned down last night; on that account (or conse-
quently) many workmen are thrown out of employment.
The thing had to be done. Accordingly w e did it.
There was no one there, so I went away.
'I a m here, you see, young and sound and hearty; then, don't let us
despair!' (or 'don't let us despair, then!').
W h e n the blood becomes viscous, it is difficult for the heart to pump
it through the capillaries. Hence the blood pressure increases.
A vast and lofty hall was the great audience-chamber of the Moslem
monarch, thence called the Hall of the Embassadors (Washington Irving).
/. EXPLANATORY, connecting words, phrases, or sentences and
introducing an explanation or a particularization: namely, to wit,
viz. (short for Latin videlicet, the z indicating a contraction, as in
19 1/ EXPLANATORY CONJUNCTIONS 169

oz. for ounce), that is (when it precedes, often written i.e., for
Latin id est), that is to say, or, such as, as, like, for example (often
written e.g., which is for Latin exempli gratia), for instance, say,
let us say.
Examples:
There were only two girls there, namely, M a r y and Ann.
A m o n g the building stones in N e w England three kinds are of especial
value, namely, granite, marble, and slate.
There is but one w a y of solving the difficulty namely, to publish
both articles.
' H e has an enemy to wit, his o w n brother' (or m u c h more commonly
'namely, his o w n brother').
There is now ample accommodation for them here, no less than five
hospital ships being available, viz. (or namely), Maine, Spartan, Nubia,
Lismore, and Avoca.
The play was flung on 'cold' that is, without an out-of-town try-
out.
A great deal of the forest of the West is on government land, and to
prevent it from being wasted, our government has set apart what are
called 'forest preserves.' That is, the forest is kept, or reserved, by the
government, so that no one can cut down the trees without permission.
M y wife suggested m y going alone, i.e., with you and without her.
The N a v y is thefirstline of defence; that is to say, it is not till the
Navy has been beaten that the shores of England can be invaded.
I passed some time in Poet's Corner, which occupies an end of one of
the transepts, or cross aisles, of the Abbey.
She possessed certain definite beauties, such as (or simple as, or like)
her hair.
The mistletoe grows on various trees, such as oaks, poplars, birches.
Michael, who all the time was dreading m a n y unfortunate events, as
for the cabman to get down from his box and quarrel about the fare,
or for the train to be full, or for Stella to be sick during the journey
(Mackenzie, Youth's Encounter, Ch. V ) .
The drama of literary moralizing is growing increasingly, as witness
the plays by M r . Shaw, M r . Barker, M r . Galsworthy (Bookman).
She gave m e a good deal of miscellaneous information, as that William's
real name was M r . Hicking (J. M . Barrie, The Little White Bird, Ch. VIII).
W e designate odors by the objects from which they come, e.g., violet,
orange, etc.
Such changes in the level of the land are even n o w in progress in m a n y
places, though the process is so slow that usually years, and even cen-
turies, must pass before the changes become evident. For instance (or
for example), the land along the coast of N e w Jersey is sinking at the rate
of about two feet a century, while that around Hudson B a y is rising.
I have often heard this pronunciation, for instance in N e w York.
Take a few of them, say a dozen or so.
Any country, let us say Sweden, might do the same.
170 PARATAXIS 19 3

2. Pronouns and Adverbs as Conjunctions. T h e connection

between the members m a y be m a d e b y placing at the beginning
of the sentence a stressed personal pronoun, possessive adjective,
or demonstrative pronoun or adverb referring back to the pre-
ceding proposition: 'In this crisis I have often thought of the old
home, of Father, of Mother. That was a good place to start out
in life from. Their life has always been an inspiration to me,
their example a sure guide. There at least in m e m o r y I shall still
often tarry. Them I shall often consult.' Demonstrative adverbs
are very frequent here. Examples of then so used are given in
1 a, p. 165.
3. Parataxis. Sometimes there is no formal link binding the
members together since the logical connection forms a sufficient
tie. U p o n close investigation, however, it will become clear that
such apparently independent propositions are not absolutely in-
dependent. O n e of the propositions often stands in some gram-
matical relation to the other, such as that of subject or object,
or in an adverbial relation, such as that of cause, purpose, result,
concession, condition: 'The best w a y is you ask the man himself
(subject clause). '"I am not sure of it" (object clause), he re-
plied.' 'Hurry up; it is getting late' (cause). 'They gave him a
large s u m of money; he was to keep still, you know' (purpose).
'The crops were very poor this year; the prices of food are high'
(pure result). '/ could have poisoned him (modal result) I was so
m a d to think I had hired such a turnip' (Mark Twain, Letter to
His Daughter Clara, Sept. 29, 1891). 'Let him talk (concession),
it'll do no harm.' 'Do it (condition), you'll never regret it.'
Such sentences represent an older order of things which was
once more general than now. In the earliest stage of the parent
tongue from which the various Indo-European languages have
come, there were no subordinating conjunctions as now, i.e., no
formal expression had as yet been found for the idea of subordina-
tion of one proposition to another. This placing of a subordinate
proposition alongside of a principal proposition without a formal
sign of subordination is called parataxis. T h e development of a
distinctive formal sign of subordination in the form of conjunc-
tions and relative pronouns hypotaxis, as it is called i s
characteristic of a later stage of language and belongs to the
individual fife of the different languages after the migration of
the different peoples from their original home. It has required
m a n y centuries to develop the present hypotactic forms, but
actual subordination, although without a formal expression, was
present at a very early stage of language growth, as can still be
seen in the old verbless type of sentence preserved in old saws:
19 3 PARATAXIS 171
Out of sight out of mind = ' If something is out of sight, it soon
passes out of mind.'
A n early stage of formal hypotaxis, asyndetic hypotaxis, i.e.,
hypotaxis clearly marked in thought and form but not yet indi-
cated by a separate word such as a conjunction or a relative, is
still quite c o m m o n in English in relative clauses that do not have
a relative pronoun: 'The book i" hold [it] here in my hand is an
English grammar.' In this old construction, of the two originally
independent sentences one of them, lying alongside of the other in
close relation to it, often even as in this example literally em-
bedded in it, is so markedly dependent logically and also formally
dependent by reason of its peculiarly abridged and close-linked
form that it is no longer felt as an independent sentence but as a
relative clause. Compare 23 II. A n imperative sentence that
precedes another sentence is often logically subordinate to it. It
often has the force of a conditional clause: 'Do it, you will never
regret it.' T h e imperative sentence often has the force of a con-
cessive clause: 'Let him be the greatest villain in the world, I shal
never cease to have an interest in him.' Likewise a question is
often degraded to a subordinate conditional clause: 'Is any among
you afflicted? let him pray. Is any merry? let him sing psalms'
(James, V, 13). N o w usually without the question mark: 'Had
I the time, I would go.'
In general, the formal hypotactic stage was preceded by co-
ordination, the connection of sentences by pronouns, adverbs,
and coordinating conjunctions, as described in 1 a, b, c, d, e, 2,
pp. 162-170. Coordination often indicates a close relation between
two words or two propositions, the context frequently showing
clearly that one of these is subordinate to the other: nice and
warm = nicely warm. 'A little farther, and (= when they had gone
a little farther, a clause of time) they turned off to the left in the
direction of an olive orchard' (Wallace, Ben Eur, VIII, Ch. VIII).
'Give him an inch, and ( = if you give him an inch, a clause of con-
dition) he'll take a mile.' ' Y o u should try and be reasonable' (= to
be reasonable, an abridged infinitive clause in the object relation).
'You will come and see us, won't you?' ( = to see us, an abridged
adverbial infinitive clause of purpose). 'Go and fetch them for me'
= 'Go fetch me them' (Genesis, X X V I I , 13), an adverbial infini-
tive clause of purpose containing an old simple infinitive, once
more c o m m o n here. 'You have been and moved my papers!'
{Concise Oxford Dictionary) = 'You have been to move my papers,'
the old infinitive of purpose construction described in 7 D 3 =
'You have been moving m y papers!' 'Can you touch pitch and
not be defiled?' (= without being defiled, a gerundial clause of result
172 PARATAXIS 19 3

Instead of an infinitive clause of result (38 2 b ee, 4th par.), as

in 'If you are not more careful, you are going to lose your knife,'
w e often employ a coordinated proposition: ' W h y did I have to
go and lose my rifle?' (Victor Appleton, Don Sturdy among the
Gorillas, C h . X I X ) . 'I cannot keep these plants alive and I have
watered them well, too' ( = although I have watered them well, an
adverbial concessive clause). In older literary English, an in-
dependent proposition which is coordinated by and to a preceding
independent proposition is often used instead of a dependent
relative clause: 'A good m a n was ther of religioun, And was a
poure persoun of a town' (Chaucer, Canterbury Tales, Prologue, 477)
(= who was a poor parson of a town). Coordination instead of a
dependent relative clause is still widely used in Irish English
dialect, as illustrated below.
A s can be seen by the above examples, coordination with and,
though a very old construction, is still in colloquial and popular
speech often more c o m m o n than the hypotactic form of statement,
which in general is n o w more c o m m o n in accurate literary lan-
guage. In popular Irish English every possible kind of subordina-
tion is expressed by connecting two propositions by and. That
the proposition following and is n o w felt as subordinate is fre-
quently shown by putting it in the old appositional type (6 B o)
without afiniteverb, the regular form in Irish English for every
subordinate clause: 'What w a y wouldn't it be w a r m , and it (i.e.,
the sun) getting high up in the South?' (J. M . Synge, The Well of
the Saints, p. 1) (causal clause). 'I'm told it's a great sight to
see a m a n hanging by his neck; but what joy would that be to
ourselves, and we (an old blind couple) not seeing it at all' (ib.,
p. 10) (conditional clause). 'Is it a niggard you are grown to be,
M c D o n o u g h , and you with riches in your hand?' (Lady Gregory,
McDonough's Wife) (concessive clause). 'Ah, what sort at all
are the people of the fair, to be doing their bargaining and she
being stark (i.e., lying dead) and quiet!' (ib.) (temporal clause).
'Did you not hear his reverence, and he speaking to you now?'
(J. M . Synge, The Well of the Saints, p. 79) (relative clause).
This appositional type of clause after and was a c o m m o n con-
struction in Gaelic. Hence it became thoroughly established in
early Irish English, for Irish expression was influenced here not
only by Gaelic but also b y literary English, which at this time
had the same construction: 'What mortall fools durst raise thee
to this daring, and I alive!' (Beaumont and Fletcher, The Maids
Tragedie, IV, i, 70, A.D. 1622) (= while I am alive). 'Because we
could not free Captain Hawkins and other voluntaries of what
they had done, w e were to send a small present to Monsieur
19 3 PARATAXIS 173

D'Aulnay in satisfaction of that, and so all injuries and demands

to be remitted and so a final peace to be concluded1 (Winthrop,
Journal, Sept. 20, 1646) (= that thus all injuries and demands might
be remitted and a final peace be concluded, purpose clause). It
occurs sometimes still in literary English: 'If it is miserable to
bear when she is here, what would it be, and she away?' (Dickens,
David Copperfield,Ch. X V I ) (= if she were away). 'Think, while
we sit In gorgeous p o m p and state, gaunt poverty Creeps
through their sunless lanes, and with sharp knives Cuts the w a r m
throats of children stealthily And no word said' (Oscar Wilde, The
Duchess of Padua, Act II) (= without a word being said, a gerundial
clause of result).
The older construction of coordination cannot as accurately as
hypotaxis give expression to m a n y fine shades of meaning required
in exact thinking, but it is by reason of its simple directness often
more forceful than the younger, more exact construction of hypo-
taxis, and consequently is still, even in the literary language, widely
used in lively style. A n illustration of this is given in 2, p. 170.
Likewise the oldest construction here, parataxis, still has its dis-
tinct advantage in lively style with quick movement, as in old saws,
imperative sentences, and questions as illustrated by the examples
given on opposite page. In lively description, although the sen-
tences are as elsewhere more or less connected logically, hypotaxis
plays an inconspicuous r61e. O n the one hand, parataxis is the
favorite where the m o v e m e n t is rapid, as in / came, I saw, I
conquered. O n the other hand, coordination is in place where
different objects are presented for the sake of making the picture
more impressive, or different activities are described separately
in their natural sequence in order to depict the march of events
in a stately or impressive w a y : ' W e have ships, and m e n , and
money, and stores' (Webster). 'And the rain descended, and
the floods came, and the winds blew, and beat upon that house;
and it fell; and great was the fall of it' (Matthew, VII, 27). Again,
coordination is m u c h more expressive w h e n there is feeling to be
conveyed: ' Three thousand years and! the world so little changed!'
(Thoreau, Journal, I, p. 31); more expressive than hypotactic:
'Although three thousand years have passed since Homer's times,
the world has changed very little.'
O n the other hand, parataxis is often loose and clumsy and for
a long time has been yielding to hypotaxis, which expresses our
thought more compactly and conveniently. In 26 in the descrip-
tion of the development of the clause of place introduced by the
conjunction where w e have an apt illustration of the compactness
of hypotaxis as against the looseness of parataxis.
 CHAPTER X

THE COMPLEX SENTENCE

SUBORDINATE CLAUSE
PAGE
THE FULL SUBORDINATE CLAUSE WITH FINITE
VERB 174
Grammatical function 174
Subject clause 175
Predicate clause 175
Attributive adjective clause 175
Object clause 175
Adverbial clause 175
Form 175
Position 175
THE ABRIDGED SUBORDINATE CLAUSE WITHOUT
FINITE V E R B 176
Elliptical clause 180
20 1. Complex Sentence, Function, and Form of Subordi-
nate Clauses. T h e complex sentence consists of a principal clause
and one or more subordinate clauses. This is true, however,
in only a general sense. In an exact sense there is often no
principal clause at all: 'Whoever comes will be welcome.' Here
one of the essential elements of the sentence, the subject, has
the full form of a subordinate clause, but there is no principal
clause in the sentence distinct from the subordinate clause. The
so-called principal clause is merely the predicate. N o t only an
essential element but also a subordinate element can have the
form of a clause: 'I have heard that he has come.' Here the
object has the form of a clause, an object clause. The sub-
ordinate clause m a y also be merely a modification of some word
within one of the component elements of the sentence: 'The
book which I hold in my hand is an English grammar.' Here the
clause is not the subject but only a modifier of it, hence is an
adjective clause.
According to their grammatical function, subordinate clauses
are'1divide^'~tntcr~subject," predioatepadjeetive, object," adverbiaT
clauses. These clauses may_bereduced to three if w e divide them
according to the part ol speech which^hTyl^present: "{Tr^sw^
stantive clauses, i.e., clauses witKthe functions of a substantive,
" TTT ~
 20 2 POSITION OF SUBORDINATE CLAUSES 175

including subject, predicate, object clauses, and such adjective claus

"as represent a noun in the attributive relation of appositive, geni-
tive, or prepjositicu^"ph1rsLse, as described in 23 I; (2) adjective
clauses; (3) adverbial clauses.
Ttsu^b^cunate clause is usually employed tojndicate dependency
ofjEEoug^ proposition,
' or it modifies it or s o m V w o r d in it. TormaTIyTris' distinguished
by a distinctive conjunction or connective, such as that, when'
while^lvhere, who, which, etc.. or._where there is no conjunction
or connective, b y the slightness of the, pause before it and by the
quicker enunciation, as inJIljzAohijne^h^^ 'Give
mff'fheH5o15k~lLou hoIdUn your hand.' Often, however, the thought
in the subordinate clause is as^n^ejpjndent_as in the. principal
"proposition. l^bordinalSelJause form here is sometimes employed
tplndicate a close association with the act of the principal propo-
sition: 'I had scarceFFstepped out of the houle^^e^Tmdi^'tifig
a ql^fifiL^association of the two acts than then) I heard, a shot
within.' Sometimes it expresses a"~cbn^rastT"3Srie^1s ..diligent,
while (or whereasj~he isTazy? Frequently Jt is employed.merely
as~a~convehlent means of joimng_one_independent_statement to
another: 'I handed it lb~~John! who (= and he) passed it on to
~James.' 'T)ne Tost" a leg7 another an arm, whMeJ^ and) a third
wasJMed outright.' WKUe'with the force q F a n d h a s become a
marked feature^ in recent journalistic language, but has not .^t
become establishecTin choice expression.
2. Position of Subordinate Clauses. A s each subordinate
clause which is not merely a modifier of some word within one
of the component elements of the sentence has a definite function
as if it were a simple word, its position in the sentence is regulated
byJfe.,MM^priagiple that determines Jhe position^of a simple
"word with the. same function and logical^ force....For. instance,
just as an emphatic noun subjecTstands at the end of the sentence,
as explained on page 4, ah "emphatic clause subject assumes the
end position: 'The best w a y is you ask the'mlm himself.' A
"subordinate clause m a y follow or precede the principal propo-
"sition: 'He stole m y watch while I was asleep' or 'While I was
asleep he stole m y watch.'
A subordinate clause often modifies, not the principal propo-
sition, but a"preceding subbrdina^cjause^'sbme element"lh~it,
the two subordinate clauses forming a complex~subor3Inate clause.
Tjatejone afternoon when I was in the garden near the end of the
vineyard, where there was a bird box, I suddenly heard the loud,
emphatic note of a bluebird.' In complex subordinate clauses
there is not always a succession of subordinate clauses as here,
176 ABRIDGED CLAUSES 20 3

but often one of the subordinate clauses is embedded in the other,

"ailllustH^" In 21^tast"par.}, 2 3 I I 6 a, 24 irT(iast parjT"
3. Abridged Clauses. T h e various kinds of subordinate clauses
are the result of a long development, and represent the active
efforts of the English mind in its countless practical struggles
for fuller expression to adapt from emergency to emergency the
available historical materials of the language to the more accurate
processes of thought that became necessary in its growing intel-
lectual fife. Alongside of these involved structures are simpler
forms of expressions which in theirfirstbeginnings belong to the
earliest stage of language growth. There is still preserved in
old saws a very primitive type of complex sentence which is verb-
less and conjunctionless and yet as complete in its expression
as a modern complex sentence with its highly developed hypo-
tactical form: 'Right or wrong m y country' = 'Whether the
cause be right or wrong, I shall stand b y m y country.' 'Better
dead!' (Galsworthy, The First and the Last, Scene III) = 'It
would be better if he were dead!' 'Out of sight, out of mind' =
'If something is out of sight, it soon passes out of mind.' These
sentences are forms of the old appositional type of expression
described in 6 B a. Today there is usually afiniteverb in every
principal proposition and in every subordinate clause, and the
latter is introduced b y a conjunction, but in these old sentences
there is no finite verb and no conjunction. T h e grammatical
relations are m a d e clear b y simply placing one part of the sentence
alongside of the other.
The particular forms of the old appositional type given above
are not n o w c o m m o n , but other forms of the old type of predica-
tion without afiniteverb have become general favorites in the
subordinate clause in the style of everyday practical life, where
their vigor and simplicity have a strong appeal. Their great
practical value w a s discovered centuries ago, so that n o w for a
long time they have been developing into convenient terser types
of easy expression alongside of the more intricate clause forma-
tions which w e employ in more formal and exact language. While
these simpler constructions are, in general, characteristic of collo-
quial speech, they are not at all confined to it. Their good qualities
are appreciated in every style. A few of these constructions, as in-
dicated on page 177, are more c o m m o n in literary than in colloquial
style, for their compact form often becomes desirable there in
concise language. These simpler types of expression are treated
in the following articles alongside of the fuller and more precise
clause formations. They are given under the caption of abridg-
ment in the various kinds of clauses treated below and are often
20 3 ABRIDGED CLAUSES 177

elsewhere spoken of as 'abridged' or 'contracted' forms. Al-

though these abridged clauses are in their original form older
than the fuller clause structures and hence in a historical sense
cannot be said to be abridged from them, the terms 'abridged' or
'contracted' are not inappropriate, for the more compact structures
have long been intimately associated with the fuller, more involved
structures, and in contrast to their fuller form are n o w felt as
abridgments or contractions.
English has gone m u c h farther than the other Germanic lan-
guages in preserving these old forms and developing them into
types of expression capable of wide use. Particularly terse is
the predicate appositive participial construction, where the parti-
ciple and its modifiers form a n abridged clause in which the
participle is the logical predicate, and the subject of the principal
proposition is the logical subject, the clause as a whole indicat-
ing some adverbial relation, as time, cause, manner, etc., which
can be determined only from the connection, since this relation
is not formally expressed in the clause itself: 'Going down town
(= when I was going down town), I m e t an old friend.' 'Having
finished my work (= after I had finished my work), I went to
bed.' 'Being sick (= as I was sick), I stayed at home.' This is
the old appositional type of clause described in 6 B a. T h e
thought is not expressed accurately b y means of intricate gram-
matical form, but is merely suggested b y associating the parti-
ciple with the subject of the principal proposition. Compare
48 2 (5th par.).
T w o or more participial clauses can be coordinated, linked by
coordinating conjunctions or unlinked, but one of them cannot
now, as sometimes in older English, be replaced b y a clause with
afiniteverb: 'I haue reade of Themistocles, which (now who)
hauing offended Philip, the king of Macedonia, and could no way
(now being in no way able to) appease his anger, meeting his young
sonne Alexander, tooke him in his armes' (John Lyly, Euphues
and Atheos, Works, I, p. 303, A.D. 1580).
Sometimes the conjunction employed in the full subordinate
clause is used also in the abridged participial clause to indicate
more clearly the different adverbial relations, such as time, place,
cause, concession, condition, restriction an improvement intro-
duced in the sixteenth century: (concession) 'For lovers' hours
are long, though seeming short' (Shakespeare, Venus and Adonis,
842). (concession) 'One hears n o w and then of a serious-minded
Eastern girl who, though having grown up in the Eastern tradition,
distrusts the preponderantly feminine atmosphere of the woman's
college that has been chosen for her' (Olivia H o w a r d Dunbar in
178 ABRIDGED CLAUSES 20 3

Forum for Nov., 1923, p. 2049). (restriction) 'The inquiry, so

far as showing that I have favored my own interests, has failed.'
Such clauses are the result of a blending of the full and the abridged
clause. In the following sentence from T h o m a s Nashe's The
Vnfortvnate Traveller, Works, II, p. 220, A . D . 1594, it can be
seen h o w m u c h clearer the thought often becomes by the in-
sertion of the conjunction used in the full clause: 'The whelpes
of a Beare neuer growe but [when] sleeping.' Further illustrations
are given in 26 a, 27 5, 28 2 b, 28 3 a, 28 5 d, 29 1 A c, 30 b, 312,
32 2. This construction, though useful, has not manifested a
tendency to spread beyond the boundaries indicated by the ref-
erences just given.
A more accurate form of the old appositional type of clause
is the gerundial construction. Often a preceding preposition
indicates clearly the relation to the principal proposition: 'I
a m opposed to John's going to their house.' 'I was mortified by
her (or Mary's) treating him so unkindly.' T h e predicate of the
clause is the verbal noun, the gerund. T h e gerund without verbal
endings of any kind becomes a full verbal predicate, though in
fact a noun, by merely being placed as a noun alongside of its
dependent possessive adjective, or its dependent noun in the
genitive, or n o w often, as explained in 50 3, a dependent noun in
the accusative, which serves as its logical subject. T h e preposition
which precedes the abridged clause is the sign of subordination
to the principal proposition. If the subject of the gerund is the
same as that of the principal verb it is not expressed: 'I a m fond
of doing this.' Likewise if the subject is general or indefinite:
'There is a strong feeling in the ward against making him alder-
man again.' In older English, the subject of the gerund was
often expressed even though it was the same as that of the principal
verb: 'Since her (now suppressed) being at Lambton, she had
heard that Miss Darcy was exceedingly proud' (Jane Austen,
Pride and Prejudice, III, C h . II). Also elsewhere the gerundial
construction is a clear, accurate type of expression. A s subject
the gerundial clause precedes the principal verb; as object it
follows the verb, so that the grammatical relations are always
easily discernible. T h e gerund, as w e use it today, is one of the
tersest and m o s + convenient constructions in the language and
little by little has come into wide use. A n outline of its present
extensive functions is given in 50 3.
Verbal nouns often form with the genitive a clause of the
appositional type: 'After the king's death ( = after the king died)
m a n y changes were m a d e in the government.' 'You can easily
observe the decline of his mental power' ( = that his mental power
20 3 ABRIDGED CLAUSES 179
is declining). Here the genitive is the subject of the clause, and
the verbal noun is the predicate. T h e subject of the clause is
often implied in a noun or pronoun in the principal proposition:
'After the loss of his fortune (= after he lost his fortune) he had
change his manner of living.' This type is chiefly literary.
Abstract nouns often form with a genitive a clause of the
appositional type: 'I recognize the man's ability' ( = that the
man is able). 'I question the truth of the statement' ( = whether
the statement is true). Here the genitive is the subject of the
clause, and the abstract noun is the predicate with the force of
a predicate adjective. Chiefly literary.
A widely used appositional type of clause is the infinitive con-
struction. T h e infinitive without verbal endings of any kind
becomes a full verbal predicate, though originally a noun, b y
merely being associated with some noun or pronoun near it:
'I hope to finish the work this evening' = 'I hope that I may
finish the work this evening.' T h e subject of the infinitive to
finish is implied in I, the subject of the principal proposition.
A brief history of the development of the infinitive construction
into a convenient n e w type of subordinate clause is given in 49 2 a.
Also the form of the subject of the infinitive is discussed there.
A n outline of the present extensive use of the infinitive is given
in 49 4.
Another form of the appositional type of clause is the absolute
nominative construction described in 17 3 A , B , C , D .
Not unlike the preceding forms of the appositional type of
clause is the use of a prepositional phrase as a clause: 'He put
on his socks with the wrong side out' ( = so that the wrong side was
out). 'Even with conditions unfavorable ( = even though the conditions
were unfavorable) he would succeed.' 'He said it with tears in his
eyes' ( = at the same time that tears were in his eyes). T h e first
noun in each prepositional phrase is the subject of the abridged
clause; the adverb, adjective, or prepositional phrase after the
subject is the predicate; and the introductory preposition is the
sign of subordination to the principal verb.
The old objective predicate construction described in 15 III 2
and 15 III 2 A is still a widely used form of the appositional type
of clause: 'He got the machine to running.' = ' H e got the m a -
chine so that it ran.' 'She boiled the egg hard.' = 'She boiled
the egg that it became hard.' 'The President m a d e him a general.'
= 'The President disposed so that he became a general.' Here
the object of the principal verb serves also as the subject of the
subordinate clause. T h e predicate of the clause is a prepositional
phrase, an adjective, a participle, or a noun. Compare 28 5 d
180 ELLIPTICAL CLAUSES 20 3 a

(next to last par.), 4 8 2 (2nd a n d 3rd parr,). T h e construction

is c o m m o n in all styles.
a. E L L I P T I C A L C L A U S E S . In contrast to abridged clauses are elliptical
clauses, which have the same structure as full clauses, only that the finite
verb is suppressed: 'She is regarded more highly than he [is regarded].'
In an abridged clause there is nothing suppressed that belongs to its
structure.
 CHAPTER XI
SUBJECT CLAUSE
PAGE
T H E F U L L C L A U S E W I T H FINITE V E R B 181
Conjunctions 181
Use and meaning 182
Examples 183
Omission of 'that' 186
Position and stress 186
Emphasis and attraction 187
T H E ABRIDGED CLAUSE 191
21. Conjunctions. The subject clause is usually introduced
by: that, in popular speech often replaced by as (27 2, 2nd
par.); sometimes because or in older English for that instead of
that when the subject clause contains a reason for an act or a
state of things; lest, after nouns expressing fear, sometimes still
as in older English used instead of that; after verbs of saying,
telling, relating sometimes how instead of that; but, but that, or
in colloquial speech but what, instead of the more c o m m o n that
after not improbable, not impossible, cannot be doubted; in older
English but, but that after it is odds ( = the chances are), n o w usu-
ally that; since, before, till, see p. 190; the indefinite relative
(23 II1, 2, 3) pronouns who (in older English also who that), that, as
(= who), who(so)ever, whoso (in older English), what (in older
English also what that), what(so)ever, whatso (in older English),
which, whichever; the indefinite relative adjectives which, what,
whichever, whatever; the indefinite relative adverbs where, when,
whither (in a choice literary style, usually replaced by where, or
often, especially in England, the more accurate where . . .to),
whence (in a choice literary style, usually replaced by where . . .
from, from where, or sometimes from whence), why (in older English
also why that), how (in older English also how that), whether (origi-
nally a pronoun meaning which of the two) or if; whether or
whether; whether or, used w h e n the second m e m b e r has its sub-
ject, or its verb, or both, suppressed; in indirect questions in-
troduced by interrogative pronouns, adjectives, and adverbs, who,
which, what, where, when, whither, whence, why, how; in indirect
exclamations introduced by what a, how.
In substantive clauses subject, object, and attributive sub-
stantive clauses (23 I) indirect questions are a c o m m o n feature.
181
182 CONJUNCTIONS IN SUBJECT CLAUSES 21

Attention is called here to the examples of indirect questions given

below and in 23 I and 24 III, since their true nature has often
been misunderstood and false impressions have been spread by
the c o m m o n definition that 'an indirect question is a substantive
clause introduced b y an interrogative word.' B y 'interrogative
word' most grammarians m e a n the who, which, what, where, when,
why, how, or whether which stands in a substantive clause. These
words are a very old class of indefinites which have come down to
our time with their original force unimpaired in principal propo-
sitions and substantive clauses. A s pure indefinites they are still
widely used to introduce a substantive clause: 'It is not known
who did it, when he did it, how he did it.' T h e y are here called
indefinite relative (i.e., conjunctive) pronouns or adverbs. They
are interrogatives only w h e n they call for an answer directly or
indirectly. Direct question: 'Wnodidit?' A n indirect question
is an indirect w a y of asking a question, as in 'Tell m e who did it,'
or an indirect report of a question, as in ' I asked who did it.' These
forms never cease being indefinites. Their use as interrogatives
in direct and indirect questions is only a special function which
they often perform. In countless expressions, however, these
words, who, what, when, etc., are not interrogatives and have not
developed out of interrogatives, as is so often claimed. For in-
stance, in a sentence like ' I saw plainly who struck him' who indi-
cates that the identity of the person doing the striking was known
to the speaker but u n k n o w n to the hearer, so that it contains an
element of indefiniteness and is properly called an indefinite. It
is surely not an interrogative, as so often claimed, for there isn't
here the slightest suggestion of an interrogation. Similarly, the
conjunctions whether and if, often used to introduce an indirect
question, are also frequently employed merely to indicate indefi-
niteness, doubt, uncertainty as to the occurrence of an act: Indirect
question: 'I asked him whether (or if) he had seen it.' Mere
indefiniteness, uncertainty: 'I do not k n o w whether (or if) he has
seen it.' 'He has not yet said whether (or if) he will do it.' Til
go see whether (or if) he has returned.' C o m p a r e 23 I.
T h e idea of indefiniteness is also closely associated with inter-
rogative form of any kind and is often the chief element in it, so
that w e often in deliberative and speculative (23 II 1, last par.)
questions employ interrogative form merely to express indefinite-
ness, doubt, without any thought of eliciting an answer: 'Havel
a right to do this?' (deliberative question). 'Is he lying or telling
the truth?' (speculative question). Hence, instead of the usual
form of a substantive clause introduced b y an indefinite w e often
employ interrogative form: 'The thing I want to k n o w is what
21 EXAMPLES OF SUBJECT CLAUSES 183

(relative) I can do to improve my health,' or more graphically in

the form of a deliberative question, What can I do to improve
my condition? or more simply in the form of a noun, a means of
improving my health. ' T h e thing I want to k n o w is what (relative)
the cause of the disturbance really is,' or more graphically in the form
of a speculative question, What is really the cause of the disturb-
ance? Similarly, instead of a clause introduced b y the indefinite
whether or if w e sometimes employ interrogative form: ' She cast
about a m o n g her little ornaments to see could she sell any to procure
the desired novelties,' instead of whether (or if) she could sell an
etc. Often in popular Irish English: 'I stood outside, wondering
would I have a right to walk in and see you, Pegeen Mike' (J. M .
Synge, The Playboy of the Western World, Act I), instead of whether
(or if) I had a right, etc. 'Leave your hand off m e and open the
room door, and you will see am I telling you any lie' (Lady Gregory,
McDonough's Wife), instead of whether (or if) I am telling you any
lie. Compare 24 III c. W e often speak the clause introduced
by the indefinite if or whether with rising intonation, thus combin-
ing the indefinite with question form to emphasize the idea of
indefiniteness: 'He says I secretly do believe, but that I a m
perverse and fight against m y convictions. I wonder if I do?'
(Robert Hichens, Mrs. Marden, C h . V ) .
In substantive clauses indefinites and interrogatives both have
relative (i.e., conjunctive) force, serving as indefinite relatives and
interrogative relatives, but for convenience the t w o groups are
here distinguished as relatives and interrogatives. Relatives: 'It
is not k n o w n who did it, when he did it, how he did it, whether (or
if) he did it.' Interrogatives: 'I asked him who did it, when he
did it, how he did it, whether (or if) he did it.' T h e interrogatives
introduce indirect questions.
The subject clause usually has declarative form, but sometimes
it appears in the form of a c o m m a n d or a question: ' Our thought
has been "Let every man look out for himself" ' (Woodrow Wilson,
March 4, 1913). Examples of question form are given above and
on page 185.

Examples of Subject Clauses:

'It is best that he go' (or more commonly that he should go), but origi-
nally 'The best (predicate) is that: he should go,' where that is subject,
determinative (56 A ) pointing to the following explanatory appositional
clause.
It would seem to look at the m a n as he sat there that he had
grown old before his time (Mrs. Wood, East Lynne, I, Ch. 1).
That he was in error will scarcely be disputed by his warmest friends.
184 EXAMPLES OP SUBJECT CLAUSES 21

It's only natural as (popular form for that) I shudn't git things clea
at fust, seeing as you've kept m e in the dark this two month (Sheila Kaye-
Smith, Green Apple Harvest, p. 49).
The occasion (of his discontent) was, because he had bound himself for
divers years and saw that, if he had been at liberty, he might have had gre
wages (Winthrop, Journal, Aug. 6, 1633).
T h e deputy would not suffer them to come, neither did [he] acquaint
the governor with the cause, which was, for that Salem and Sagus had
not brought in money for their parts (ib., Nov., 1633).
The reason w h y I was alone in the mountains on this occasion was
because, for the only time in all my experience, I had a difficulty with
guide (Theodore Roosevelt, An Autobiography, Ch. II).
M y only terror was lest my father should follow me (George Eliot,
Daniel Deronda, I, III, Ch. X X ) .
'Tis told how ( = that) the good squire gives never less than gold.
Is it probable that he will come today?
It is not impossible that (or n o w less commonly but, but that, or but what
I may alter the complexion of my play.
It could not be doubted that (or n o w less commonly but, but that, or
but what) his life would be aimed at.
It is odds when he spits but that (now usually simple that) all his teeth
fixe in thy face (John Lyly, Midas, III, II, 70, A.D. 1592).
It is odds but (now usually that) you touch somebody or other's sore plac
(Chesterfield, Letters, II, CLVII, 116, A.D. 1748).
T t is odds that he will do it' (Oxford Pocket Dictionary), now usually
'The odds are that he will do it.'
As in the last seven examples, it often points forward to the following
subject clause in both declarative and interrogative sentences, but in
questions which of the two, or in older English whether (as in Matthew,
IX, 5), points forward if the reference is to two clauses: 'Which of the two
is more probable, that he will come himself, or that he will send a substitu
Although that, or its substitutes how, or but, or but that are the most
c o m m o n conjunctions, the other connectives are not infrequent: 'Who
(relative pronoun) goes light travels fast' (proverb).
Who (or n o w more commonly he who, or in colloquial speech still more
commonly a man, fellow, woman who) does a thing like that cannot be
trusted.
Is there who (more commonly any one who) 'mid these awful wilds has
. . . heard . . . Soft music? etc. (Wordsworth, Descriptive Sketches, 340).
'Whom (now more commonly those) the gods love die young/ and in
older English after this model 'When Mm (instead of he whom) we serve's
away' (Shakespeare).
It is he that (or who) did it.
It is he that I am so anxious about (or about whom I am so anxious).
'Handsome is that (= he who; see 23 II 10 a, last par.) handsome
does' (proverb), or sometimes here the relative pronoun as instead
of that: 'Handsome is as handsome does' (De Morgan, Somehow Good,
Ch. VI).
21 EXAMPLES OF SUBJECT CLAUSES 185

There are that (now those that, or those who) dare (Shakespeare, Henry
the Eighth, V, i, 40).
'The question I want to ask is, Who (interrogative) is he?' (direct ques-
tion), or in the form of an indirect question who he is.
'The great mystery n o w is, who (relative) he is,' or more graphically
b the form of a speculative question, Who is he?
It is not k n o w n who (relative) he is.
Whoever (relative) calls must be admitted.
It is not yet k n o w n w!iM (relative) they did.
It has often been asked what (interrogative) I meant (indirect ques-
tion).
What (plural relative) have often been censured as Shakespeare's con-
ceits are completely justifiable (Coleridge).
What he says goes.
Whatever (relative) he talks on will prove interesting.
'Which course we are to take will be announced soon,' but where the
thought is more indefinite w e say ' What (or whatever) changes we make in
our plans will be announced later,' or a little more definitely, 'Whichever
of these three plans he approves will be the one w e adopt' (relatives).
'It is not yet k n o w n which, or what (relatives), road he took,' or 'which
(relative) of the roads he took.' 'It has often been asked which, or what
(interrogatives), road he took,' or 'which (interrogative) of the roads he
took.'
Where (relative adverb) he is weakest is in his facts (Concise Oxford
Dictionary).
'It is immaterial where or when (relatives) he goes,' but w h e n the relative
adverb becomes quite emphatic, the subject clause comes to the front,
so that the relative adverb m a y stand at the beginning of the sentence,
and the anticipatory it, of course, drops out: 'Well, where that rolling-
pin's got to is a mystery' (Compton Mackenzie, The Attar Steps, Ch. III).
It has often been asked where and when (interrogatives) he went.
'The most important question (or thing that concerns us) n o w is when
(relative) he will return,' or more graphically in the form of a speculative
question (23 II 1, last par.), When will he return?
It was a bond of union when I learned that he was friendless as I (Doyle,
The Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes, p. 156).
It is not k n o w n where (relative) he came from.
It has often been asked where (interrogative) he came from.
It is immaterial why (relative) he did it.
It has often been asked why (interrogative) he did it.
It could easily be seen how (relative) he did it.
Is that how (relative) you look at it?
It has often been asked how (interrogative) he did it.
It is doubtful whether, or if (relatives), he is coming.
Thefirstquestion I put to him was whether, or if (interrogatives), he
would do it (indirect question).
It is immaterial whether (relative) he comes himself, or whether he sends
a substitute (or whether he comes himself or sends a substitute).
 186 POSITION AND STBESS IN SUBJECT CLAUSES 21 b

It has often been asked whether (interrogative) he will come himself,

or whether he will send a substitute.
It is not known whether (relative) he did it or not.
It occurred to m e what a nice stroke of business it would be to offer
services to them (Cosset's Magazine, May, 1894, p. 425).
How strong is the hold which universities and public schools toget
upon the English mind, to what an extent their influences dominate the
who in turn are entrusted with the administration of the country, m a y
judged by the following estimate (Escott, England).
The subject clause is sometimes complex, i.e., consists of a
principal and a subordinate clause, the one being embedded in
the other: ' W h a t the South wants above all things is just what
General Grant says let us have, and that is peace' (Henry Watter-
son, Editorial, N o v . 9, 1868). Here the principal clause of the
subject clause, General Grant says, is embedded in the subordinate
clause.
a. O M I S S I O N O F ' T H A T . ' A S in the original paratactic (19 3)
construction, that is still often omitted: 'It w a s natural they
should like each other.' ' There are, it seems, few people present who
are interested in this subject.' 'It is to be hoped nothing serious ha
happened.' T h e omission of that always takes place when the
principal clause is embedded in the subject clause, as in the second
example. Elsewhere, however, the that should not be omitted if it
is needed to keep the thought clear, i.e., to indicate the oneness of
the words in the subject clause and to maintain the integrity of
the group as a distinct grammatical element in contradistinction
to other elements in the sentence. It is especially needed when
the clause stands in the first place, but it is also often useful
elsewhere.
b. P O S I T I O N A N D S T R E S S . If a predicate noun or adjective is
emphatic it is often placed near the beginning of the sentence
after anticipatory it, is stressed, and pronounced with falling in-
tonation here indicated b y a period while the subject clause
stands at the end: ' It is at least a probability., or probable., that he
will come tomorrow.' If the subject clause is emphatic it stands
at the end, while the predicate word or clause is in the first
place, is unstressed, and is followed b y the verb, which is spoken
with rising intonation here indicated b y a raised period: 'The
probability is" that he will come tomorrow.' 'The fact is' he has
already come.' 'As she sat d o w n she took u p her yarn and needles.
It was a sweater, I think. W h a t matters is' that her hands moved
swiftly and deftly' (Meredith Nicholson, Lady Larkspur, Ch. II,
p. 56. T h e emphasis upon the subject clause the full or the
abridged clause is in writing often indicated b y setting the clause
21 C EMPHASIS AND ATTRACTION IN SUBJECT CLAUSES 187

off by a c o m m a or a colon: 'It seems to m e the idea of our civili-

zation, underlying all American life, is, that men do not need any
guardian' (Wendell Phillips, Harper's Ferry). ' Something must be
done to relieve congestion. That something is: widening the gates'
(Editorial in Chicago Tribune, Feb. 27, 1925).
The unemphatic predicate here is often situation it (7 C, last
par.): 'The queer part of it was that Miss Waters didn't seem
to be really mean. It (= the cause of her trouble-making) was
just that she couldn't mind her own business' (Fannie Kilbourne
in American Magazine, Sept., 1925). 'He used to grumble at his
ill-luck and his small bag. It (= the cause of his ill-luck) was not
that he lacked skill with his gun. H e was a good shot, but he
absolutely disregarded caution in stalking' (Ernest Brooks in
McClure's Magazine, Sept., 1925).
There is often an anticipatory this, which is spoken with rising
intonation, thus pointing forward to the following subject clause,
which is then usually without a conjunction: 'But the purpose
of this epistle is this': mother's having a few people in for dinner
before we go over to Lovell's dance; will you come?' (Edwin
Balmer, The Breath of Scandal, Ch. I, p. 6). 'Of course you can
see something has happened. It's this* Captain O r w y n has
been killed in the war' (Robert Hichens, Mrs. Marden, Ch. I X ) .
c. E M P H A S I S A N D A T T R A C T I O N . In accordance with the prin-
ciple described in 4 II C, w e can m a k e any noun or pronoun in a
sentence emphatic by making it formally the predicate of a sen-
tence introduced by anticipatory it. Of course, also a subject
can in this w a y be m a d e emphatic: Instead of '1 a m not marvel-
ous. Y o u are marvelous' w e m a y say: 'It's not 1 that am (in-
stead of the correct is) marvelous. It's y6u that are (instead of
the correct is) marvelous' (Arnold Bennett, Sacred and Profane
Love, Act I). T h e correct third person occurs sometimes: 'It is
not I that does it' (Cameron Mackenzie, Mr. and Mrs. Pierce,
Ch. III). 'Is it you that's going to be married, or is it Edith?'
(Shaw, The Doctor's Dilemma, 229). "Tisn't I that wants to spoil
your home' (Galsworthy, quoted from Jespersen's Modern Eng-
lish Grammar, III, 90, where there are other examples). T h e
correct third person was employed by Chaucer, and has long been
in limited use: 'It a m I that loveth so hote (hotly) Emelye the
brighte' (The Knightes Tale, 878). A s in the example from Ben-
nett, a peculiar attraction n o w usually takes place when the subject
or object of the subordinate clause represents the same person or
thing as the predicate noun or pronoun of the principal proposi-
tion. T h e emphatic subject of the principal proposition here
becomes formally an emphatic predicate, and the subordinate
188 EMPHASIS AND ATTRACTION IN SUBJECT CLAUSES 21 c

clause, which is really a subject clause, is construed as an attribu-

tive relative clause, so that only such relative pronouns can be
used here as are used in the attributive relative clause; and the
verb, if the relative is subject, must agree in person and number
with the false antecedent, the predicate of the principal proposi-
tion. Similarly, ' It is his searching questions that (or which) con-
fuse me,' instead of the correct what confuse me. If there are a
positive and a negative antecedent, the verb usually agrees with
the positive form: 'It is you, not /, w h o are afraid to pursue this
subject further' (Willa Cather, A Gold Slipper).
In questions, of course, the emphatic predicate here stands in
thefirstplace wherever it is an interrogative pronoun or adverb:
' Who is it that needs m e ? ' ' When is it that you need m e ? '
In Old English, a determinative (56 A ) often stood in such
sentences before the subject clause, pointing to it: 'Hwset is se
be be sloh?' (Matthew, X X V I , 68, A.D. 1000); literally, ' W h o is
that one there: [he] struck you?' In the King James Version the
English form of this passage is: ' W h o is he that smote you?'
Here he corresponds closely to Old English se. It is not a personal
pronoun, but a determinative serving as an anticipatory subject,
pointing to the following subject clause. This anticipatory sub-
ject indicates the sex. This type of expression is n o w little used
where it is simply desired to identify. In Old English, there was
another type of expression. T h e anticipatory subject was a neuter
form, and the subject of the subject clause was suppressed: 'Hwa
is past pe slog?' (Rushworth M S . ) = ' W h o w a s that struck you?'
A s can be seen by the translation, this old type of expression is
still c o m m o n in our colloquial language. W e n o w use the old
neuter that or the modern it in interrogative form, but regularly
it in declarative form: ' W h o was that just came in?' 'What's
that you say?' (Cameron Mackenzie, Mr. and Mrs. Pierce,
Ch. VIII). ' W h o was it told you that?' (A. Marshall, Watermeads,
Ch. II). 'What is it moves this body?' (Alfred Noyes, The Torch-
Bearers, p. 240). 'It was this infernal fellow completely upset me'
(Meredith, Rhoda Fleming, C h . X X I ) . 'Prothero (name) had
first set him doubting, but it was Benham's o w n temperament
took him on to denial' (H. G. Wells, The Research Magnificent,
Ch. III). 'But that is not it (now it is not that) I intend to speak o
here' (Hobbes, Leviathan, II, X X V I , 137, A.D. 1651). W h e n the
predicate of the principal proposition is a pronoun in thefirstor
second person, the verb of the subject clause is usually attracted
into the person and the number of the predicate pronoun, as in
the examples in thefirstparagraph, where the relative pronoun
is expressed: 'No, 'tis you dream' (Dryden, All for Love, I, i, 335,
 21 C EMPHASIS AND ATTRACTION IN SUBJECT CLAUSES 189

A.D. 1678). "Tis thou hast dragged M y soul, just rising, down
again to Earth' (Thomas Godfrey, The Prince of Parthia, II, VI,
A.D. 1765). T h e correct third person has long been in limited use:
' 'Tis I, sir, needs a good one' (Middleton-Rowley, The Spanish
Gipsie, III, n, 124, A.D. 1661). It has even become c o m m o n
in popular Irish English: 'Is it yourself has brought the water?'
(Synge, The Well of the Saints, Act I). 'Is it you is M a r y Doul?'
(ib.). 'Isn't it yourself is after playing lies on m e ? ' (ib.).
In the literary language the subject of the subject clause is n o w
usually expressed in this type: ' W h o was it just went out?' or in
literary form ' W h o was it that (or who) just went out?' 'What was
it that caused the disturbance?' 'What was it which Wulf had
recognized in Hypatia which had bowed the old warrior before
her?' (Kingsley, Hypatia, p. 193). 'Assuredly it was a daring
thing which she meant to do' (Marion Crawford, Katherine Lauder-
dale, I, Ch. VI). 'It was m y two brothers that (or who) were hurt.'
W e thus often use it even where w e point to persons, provided
the desire is to identify, as in the last example; but when the
desire is to describe, w e m a y say with Shakespeare 'It is a good
divine that follows his o w n instructions' (Merchant of Venice, I,
n, 15); or more commonly w e replace it here by a personal pro-
noun that indicates gender and number: 'He is a good divine w h o
follows his o w n instructions.'
The emphatic subject that has become a formal predicate for
sake of emphasis is often modified by a relative clause, so that
there are two relative clauses, thefirsta real relative clause, the
second in reality a subject clause: 'It is only w o m e n w h o live
alone that can k n o w what it is to yearn to have a man's strong
arm.'
The predicate noun m a y be m a d e emphatic in the same w a y as
the emphatic subject: 'What you see yonder is m y new hduse,' or
'It is m y n6w house that you see yonder.' Here, as in case of an
emphatic subject, the subject clause assumes the form of a relative
clause. Compare 4 II C and 22 a.
Also dative and prepositional objects and adverbial elements
may be m a d e emphatic in this way, but here the subject clause has
the regular form of a subject clause introduced by the conjunction
that, or without a conjunction: 'It was to you that I gave it,' not
'It was to you to w h o m I gave it,' as w e sometimes hear and read;
but where the predicate is a nominative 'It was you that (relative
pronoun) I gave it to' (or to whom I gave it). 'It is to you [that]
he objects' (Henry James, The Wings of the Dove, Book II, Ch. I).
'It is upon you that I depend.' 'It was Mn that the unexpected
turn in our affairs came,' or to emphasize the subject of the
190 REPEATED SUBJECT 21 d

clause: 'It w a s then [that] came the unexpected turn in our

affairs.' " T w a s then [that] C a m e h6rror, as to the House of
Mirth, again' (William E . Leonard, Two Lives, p. 32). 'It wasn't
this morning, it was yesterday that I saw him.' 'It was with great
difficulty that I got h i m to come along.' 'It was when I was a
mere lad that Ifirstm e t her.' 'Where is it [that] mothers learn
their love?' (John Keble). Instead of using that in the subject
clause, as in these examples, w e use since and before in sentences
containing an adverbial element indicating duration of time:
'It is (or has been) a long time since I have seen him' = 'I haven't
seen him for a long time.' 'It is (or has been) mdny months since
I have seen him.' 'It will be weeks before bis disappearance will
attract attention' = ' His disappearance will not attract attention
for weeks.' That is often employed here instead of since, usually
differentiated in meaning from it; the clause introduced by since
indicating that the action is past, the clause introduced by that
indicating that the action is still continuing: 'It is n o w four years
since I have studied this question,' but 'It is n o w four years that
I have studied (or have been studying) this question.' 'It is now
four years that I have meditated this work' (Byron, Marino Faliero,
Preface). In connection with ago, however, that indicates a point
of time in the past: 'It was four years ago that he died.' 'It is
four years since (simple since, not ago since, as is often spoken and
written) he died' calls attention to a period of time. In older
English, the subject clause w a s sometimes introduced by till or
until instead of before: ' It w a s not 16ng till (in England n o w usu-
ally before) he set about turning this n e w knowledge to account'
(Carlyle, Schiller). In the Oxford Dictionary this usage is repre-
sented as n o w confined, in England, to dialect, but to many
Americans till is still a c o m m o n form, often used alongside of
before. N o t only adverbs and adverbial phrases m a y thus be
stressed but also adverbial clauses, as illustrated in 22 a.
d. R E P E A T E D S U B J E C T . Sometimes still, as in older usage, there
stands in the principal proposition w h e n it is preceded by the
subject clause a personal pronoun, which points to the preceding
subject clause and in a word sums u p its contents, thus binding
the two propositions more firmly together: 'Whoever calls, he
must be admitted.' T o d a y the subject clause b y reason of its
distinctive form is so clearly felt as such that it is usually not con-
sidered necessary to indicate this relation b y the use of a personal
pronoun in the nominative pointing back to it. Where, however,
an emphatic compound subject, consisting of two or more full or
abridged clauses, introduces the sentence, it is customary to place
a that at the beginning of the principal proposition to point back
21 e ABRIDGMENT OF SUBJECT CLAUSE 191

to the preceding compound subject: 'To k n o w h o w others stand,

that w e m a y k n o w h o w w e ourselves stand; to k n o w h o w w e
ourselves stand, that w e m a y correct our mistakes and achieve
our deliverance that is our problem' (Matthew Arnold, The
Modern Element).
e. A B R I D G M E N T O F S U B J E C T C L A U S E . This clause can be
abridged to an infinitive clause with to w h e n there is some word
in the principal proposition which can serve as the subject of the in-
finitive or can indicate it: 'It is stupid of you to say it.' T h e sub-
ject is often implied in a preceding possessive adjective: ' It is my
earnest desire to do it.' 'My w a y is to act and let others do the
talking.' Provided the context makes the reference clear, the
infinitive can be employed even though there is no word in the
principal proposition that can serve as its subject: 'The great
difficulty [for us] n o w is how, or when, or where, to cross the river.
The infinitive with to can be used also w h e n the subject of the
clause is general or indefinite, in which case the subject is usually
understood: 'It is wise to be cautious.'
W h e n the infinitive has a subject of its own, w e introduce the
clause by for . . . to, putting the subject into the accusative and
placing it between for and to: 'For me to back out now would be
to acknowledge that I a m afraid.' 'All that I want is for somebody
to be thinking about me' (Arnold Bennett, The Glimpse). T o em-
phasize the subject of the infinitive w e often withhold it for a time,
placing it after the infinitive and inserting a formal anticipatory
subject, there (4 II C ) , after for: 'It is impossible for there ever
to be a conflict between our two countries.'
Thefo-infinitiveis old, but it was long limited in its develop-
ment since it could only be used w h e n there w a s some word in
the principal proposition which could serve as its subject, or w h e n
its subject was general or indefinite, as described above. Its com-
pact convenient form, however, w o n it favor, so that in the four-
teenth century there arose a desire to extend its boundaries, i.e.,
to use it with a subject of its o w n if there was no word in the
principal proposition to serve as its subject: 'It is no maystrye
for a lord To dampne a man withoute answere or word' (Chaucer,
The Legend of Good Women, 400) = 'It is no great feat for a lord
to condemn a man without answer or word.' T h e for + noun here
represents an older simple dative of reference, which, as illustrated
in 12 1 B a, is still sometimes used. This group of words with
the force of the old simple dative of reference is still widely em-
ployed: 'It was hard for me to understand him.'
Closely related to this dative is the dative of interest, which
was likewise a simple form in Old English, and is even sometimes
192 ABRIDGMENT OF SUBJECT CLAUSE 21 e

still used in its simple form, as illustrated in 12 1 B b. In its

modern form with for + accusative the dative of interest was
c o m m o n with Chaucer and is still m u c h used: 'It is bet for me
T o sleen myself than been defouled thus' (The Frankelyns Tale,
693) = ' It is better for me to slay myself than to be violated thus.'
Both the dative of reference and the dative of interest are sentence
datives and modify the whole sentence, but there is always here a
logical relation between the dative and the following infinitive,
so that the dative is often felt as the subject of the infinitive.
This led in Chaucer's time to the use of the modern dative, i.e.,
for + accusative, as the subject of the infinitive. T h e for + noun
in the quotations from Chaucer is still near a real dative, but
gradually the use of this form became freer, so that in time it
became c o m m o n to use for + noun or pronoun as the subject of
an infinitive w h e n there w a s no word in the principal proposition
which could serve as its subject.
Alongside of the infinitive with for . . . to there thrived in
this early period and for centuries afterwards a competing con-
struction, thefo-infinitivewith an absolute accusative as subject:
'Thanne (then) schal y (I) haue al that [it] is necessarie me to
knowe' (Pecock, The Donet, p. 93, A.D. 1449). This construction
arose under Latin influence, and followed the Latin quite closely:
'Forsothe it is lister heuene and erthe to passe' (Luke, X V I , 17,
Purvey's ed., A.D. 1388), corresponding to the Latin version,
'Facilius est autem coelum et terram praeterire,' later replaced by
'It is easier for heaven and earth to pass' (King James Version).
This construction was used not only b y scholars, but not infre-
quently also by literary m e n : 'It is a greet folye a womman to
haue a fair array outward and in herself [been] foul inward' (Chau-
cer, The Persouns Tale, 935). T h e simple accusative here has
disappeared from the literary language. A n accusative is found
here in popular speech, but it is of quite different origin, resulting
from the popular tendency to employ the accusative instead of
the nominative, which, as described in the next paragraph, was
once c o m m o n here: 'I felt as if it was a great compliment Mm
(for he) to come in friendly like and take a chair and talk to you
and m e ' (M. O. W . Oliphant, The Second Son).
A s the absolute accusative that arose under Latin influence was
foreign to native English expression, it w a s replaced in early
Modern English by the more familiar absolute nominative (17 3 B):
'I to bear this is some burden' (Shakespeare, Timon of Athens,
IV, in, 266), n o w 'For me to bear this is some burden.' This
construction has been supplanted in the literary language by
the competing construction of the infinitive with for ... to
21 e ABRIDGMENT OF SUBJECT CLAUSE 193

described on page 191, but it survives in popular speech. It is espe-

cially c o m m o n in popular Irish English: '[it is] A great wonder he
not to have come and this the fair day of Gal w a y ' (Lady Gregory,
McDonough's Wife). This construction w a s carried to Ireland
by British colonists in the seventeenth century, where it easily
became established in Irish English, as it corresponded closely
to Gaelic expression.
There is another infinitive construction with for to of entirely
different origin, whichfirstappeared in Old English, as described
in 33 2. T h e to of the infinitive originally indicated purpose or
end. A s in the course of time to had lost m u c h of its original
concrete force, for, with the same meaning, was placed before the
to to bring out more clearly in purpose clauses the idea of purpose
or end. But early in the thirteenth century the n e w double
form for to m e t the fate of simple to, i.e., lost its concrete force,
so that from this time on it was long used alongside of to without
the slightest differentiation as a mere parallel form in all the
categories in which simple to could be used, i.e., in subject clauses,
object clauses, etc.: 'And of swich thing were goodly for to telle'
(Chaucer, Prologue of The Nonne Preestes Tale, 13), n o w 'It
would be pleasant to tell such a thing.' A s this old use of for to
instead of simple to had nothing whatever to recommend it and
was even of positive harm since there was another for to with
different function, as described on page 191, it gradually in course
of centuries disappeared from the literary language. It lives on,
however, in popular speech: 'It's not manners for t'help oursel's'
(Mrs. Gaskell, Sylvia's Lovers, Ch. X X V I ) .
The simple infinitive was often used here in older English.
See 4 d, p. 5. This older literary usage is still c o m m o n in Irish
English: 'It is best for you give in to their say' (Lady Gregory,
McDonough's Wife). Often also in all parts of the English-speak-
ing territory in colloquial speech: 'All she has to do is come here'
(George Ade, Hand-Made Fables, p. 19). In m a n y cases, however,
the simple infinitive is retained, since it is felt and interpreted as
an imperative. See 4 d, p. 5, for examples.
As in b (2nd par.) the sentence is sometimes introduced b y an
unemphatic predicate, situation it (7 C, last par.). T h e to of the
infinitive is in colloquial speech usually suppressed: 'I was no
match for him, It ( = the thing to do) was just dodge an' run for
me' ( A m y Lowell, Selected Poems, p. 180). This form is often felt
as an imperative, as can be seen b y the punctuation: 'It's tramp!
tramp! tramp! I've covered more mileage than th' mailman look-
ing for the lady in black' (Harold Teen Cartoon in Chicago
Tribune, Feb. 19, 1929).
194 ABRIDGMENT OF SUBJECT CLAUSE 21 e

The infinitive construction is often replaced b y the gerund:

' To have done one's duty (or Having done one's duty) is a great
consolation in misfortune.' ' To live near a large town (or Living
near a large town) is an advantage for a farmer.' T h e sentence
here is often introduced b y an anticipatory it, pointing forward
to the real subject standing at or near the end, which by being
withheld for a time, creating suspense, becomes emphatic: 'It
is dangerous to play with explosives' (or playing with explosives).
'It is no use, or of no use, or useless, to say anything, or for me,
or for you, or for Father, to say anything, or my, or your, or Father's
saying anything.' 'What use (or of what use) is it to say anything?'
' It w a s very strange for me getting a letter from him dated Had-
dington' (Jane Welsh Carlyle, Letter to Jeanie Welsh, Sept. 12,
1843) (or more commonly for me to get). 'My daughter's staying
so late worries me,' or ' The staying of my daughter so late worries
me.' T h e noun predicate in such sentences can become subject
without a change of meaning: 'There is no use (or no good)
(subject of sentence) in saying (or to say) anything' instead of
' It is no use (or no good) (predicate of sentence) saying (or to say)
(subject) anything.' T h e it and there constructions are often
blended: 'There is no use saying (or to say) anything.' Compare
4 IIC.
The regular subject clause with a conjunction followed by a
nominative subject and a finite verb is often replaced by the
old appositional type of clause described in 17 3 B , which here
consists of a subject in the absolute nominative followed by a
predicate in the form of an appositional adjective or participle:
'Things going right is to m e real poetry' (or is to m e poetical).
'It's not a bit of use you talking, I shan't wear it again' (Arnold
Bennett, Old Wives' Tale, II, Ch. II). 'It w a s no use men being
angry with them for damaging the links' (London Times, 1913).
In the last two examples the subject clause stands at the end for
emphasis. Other examples in 17 3 B.
T o m a k e room for an emphatic predicate adjective, noun, or
pronoun near the head of the sentence, this subject clause is
often put at the end with an anticipatory subject it at the begin-
ning: 'It is vilely unjust, men closing two-thirds of the respectabU
careers to women' (Sir Harry Johnston, Mrs. Warren's Daughter,
Ch. III). Often the subject of the participle is not expressed
but merely implied in the emphatic predicate of the principal
proposition: 'I do not say these things for a dollar, or tofillup
the time while I wait for a boat: it is y6u talking ( = who are
talking) just as m u c h as myself I act as the tongue of you'
(Walt W h i t m a n , Leaves of Grass, p. 89). 'It w a s always y6u
21 e ABRIDGMENT OF SUBJECT CLAUSE 195

teasing me' (= who teased me) (Eleanor Carroll Chilton, Shadows

Waiting, p. 57).
As in c, a subject clause here, such as in thefirstexample in
the second paragraph on page 194, m a y be converted into an em-
phatic predicate after it is: 'It is things going right that is poetical'
(Chesterton, The Man Who Was Thursday, Ch. I).
In the case of impersonal expression the subject clause here
as elsewhere has no real subject, only a mere formal subject it:
'It being Sunday complicates matters,' or in gerundial form 'Its
being Sunday complicates matters.'
 C H A P T E R XII

PREDICATE CLAUSE
PAGE
Conjunctions 196
Examples 196
Position and stress 197
Complex clause 198
Abridged clause 198
22. Conjunctions. The predicate clause performs the function
of a predicate n o u n or adjective: 'Serious trials are to the soul
what storms are to the atmosphere' ( = purifying agents).
T h e predicate clause is introduced b y who (= the man or boy,
woman, etc.), what, why, as, where (a), when (a), before (a), after (a),
because (a), that.
Examples:
'He was not who (now more commonly the man) he seemed to be,' but
regularly in the accusative relation He was not the man I took him to be.
Reputation is what we seem; character is what we are.
W e are not what we ought to be.
They looked what they were the sisters, the wives, the mothers of
strong m e n (Vachell, Quinneys', 42).
And this is why I sojourn here (Keats, La Belle Dame Sans Merci,
XII).
Things are not always as they seem to be.
That was where he failed (Oxford Dictionary).
That is where he lives.
N o w is when I need him most.
'This (or that) is what he meant' 'Is that what he meant?'
That is what we agreed on.
That sometimes introduces a predicate clause which explains a de-
terminative so that stands in the principal proposition: 'Yet so it is,
that people can bear any quality in the world better than beauty' (Stee
Spectator).
There is sometimes a that in the principal proposition, pointing
back as a demonstrative to a what in the preceding predicate
clause, a survival of older usage w h e n the propositions had more
independent force than today a n d needed to be more closely
finked b y demonstratives in order that the relation between the
m e m b e r s might be pointed out. T h e poet is fond of these older
196
22 a POSITION AND STRESS OF PREDICATE CLAUSE 197

more concrete forms of expression: 'What the leaves are to the

forest, That to the world are children' (Longfellow). Compare 26
(2nd par. under Examples).
In all the preceding examples the predicate clause is a nomina-
tive clause, predicated of a subject; but as it can be predicated
of an accusative object, it can be also an accusative clause: 'I
found it to be what I wanted.'
In 8 1 1 c it has been shown h o w difficult it often is to determine
whether the noun before the copula is the subject or the predicate
complement. It is also often difficult to determine whether the
clause before the copula is a subject or a predicate clause. T h e
general rule for determining the grammatical relations given in
8 I 1 c will prove useful also here: ' What he said (subject clause)
was a blessing to us all.' 'It matters little h o w a m a n dies.
What matters (predicate clause) is h o w he lives.'
a. P O S I T I O N A N D S T R E S S . Just as any noun, adverb, or ad-
verbial phrase m a y become an emphatic predicate by being
stressed and put into thefirstpart of the sentence after it is, so
m a y any clause become an emphatic predicate clause b y being
placed at the beginning after it is, followed immediately b y the
subject in the form of a that-clause: 'It was where we now stand
that w e parted.' 'It was when I was a mere lad that Ifirstm e t
her.' 'It was before her mother died that Ifirstm e t her.' 'It was
after her mother died that Ifirstm e t her.' 'It is only because I
regard it as absolutely necessary that I take such harsh measures.'
After a causal clause employed as an emphatic predicate, w e
sometimes instead of a subject clause employ an independent
statement introduced by adversative but, since w e desire to pal-
liate the deed: ' I k n o w it's because one is bad but the minute
one has to be grateful one isn't' (De Morgan, Joseph Vance,
Ch. X ) . Compare 4 II C (6th par.) and 21 c.
The principal verb is stressed b y putting it in an unusual
position, especially by forming a predicate clause in which what
is subject and the emphatic verb is predicate, in accordance with
a principle observable elsewhere that a verb inclines more to
stress in a subordinate than a principal proposition: 'Manners
are what (plural) vex or sdothe, corrupt or purify, exalt or debase
bdrbarize or refine us' (Burke). 'Truth is what hurts.' 'The
factories are what (plural) blacken up the city so.' This form is
also used to emphasize the subject, since it is a convenient device
to put the subject in an unusual position: 'That is what / think'
instead of '/ think that.' If, however, the emphatic subject is
a thought it can be put into a that-clause and placed at the end
of the sentence while an unemphatic predicate what-clause in-
198 A B R I D G M E N T O F PREDICATE CLAUSE 22 e

troduces the proposition, followed by the verb spoken with rising

intonation, here indicated by a raised period: 'What I a m glad
to hear is ' that he is fond of music'
0. C O M P L E X PREDICATE CLAUSE. The predicate clause is
often complex, i.e., consists of a principal proposition and a sub-
ordinate clause, the one being often embedded in the other:
'But that is not what I sent for you to tell you' (Robert Hichens,
Mrs. Marden, Ch. XII). Here the principal proposition of the
complex predicate clause, I sent for you, is embedded in the sub-
ordinate clause.
c. A B R I D G M E N T O F P R E D I C A T E C L A U S E . W e often use the
gerundial construction instead of a predicate clause with a finite
verb: ' That is hitting the nail on the head.' Prepositional pred
clauses are common: 'He seems about taking the step.' See 7 F
50 4 c dd.
 CHAPTER XIII

ATTRIBUTIVE ADJECTIVE CLAUSES

23. There are two classes the attributive substantive clause
and the attributive relative clause.

ATTRIBUTIVE SUBSTANTIVE CLAUSE

PAGE
PECULIAR N A T U R E O F CONJUNCTIVE P R O N O U N S , A D -
JECTIVES, A N D A D V E R B S I N T R O D U C I N G T H E C L A U S E 199
F O R M OF THE CLAUSE 200
Genitive clause 200
Introduced by 'what a' and indefinite relatives. . 200
Prepositional clause 200
Introduced by 'that' and by indefinite relatives . 200
Appositive clause 201
Introduced by conjunctions, interrogatives, and
indefinite relatives 202
ABRIDGMENT 202
23 I. An understanding of the nature of a direct and an in-
direct question is necessary to appreciate the form and meaning
of some of the examples of this clause given below. A general
description of the nature of an indirect question is presented in
21 and 23 II 1 (last par.). This subject is discussed also in 24 III.
The attributive substantive clause is often a direct or an indirect
question: ' W e hope you will answer in your next letter our oft
repeated question, How did you accomplish it?' (direct question),
or how you accomplished it (indirect question). T h e forms em-
ployed to introduce direct and indirect questions in attributive
substantive clauses are also used to introduce other attributive
substantive clauses, namely, indefinite relative clauses, where
there is not the slightest reference to a question or an answer,
as in 'His explanation of how (indefinite relative adverb) he
accomplished it (indefinite relative clause) is very interesting.'
There is, however, a close relation between these interrogative
and indefinite relative (21, 4th par.) forms. Both groups were
originally indefinites and still retain their original meaning. A n
interrogative is an indefinite that assumes the additional function
of asking information concerning indefinite relations. T h e inter-
rogative, however, never ceases to be an indefinite. Indeed, w e
199
200 ATTRIBUTIVE SUBSTANTIVE CLAUSE 23 1

often, instead of employing an indefinite relative, use the form of a

question, although w e do not expect an answer. Deliberative ques-
tion (23 II1, last par.): ' W h a t shall I say to him w h e n he comes?'
Speculative question (23 II 1, last par.): 'What could he have
meant?' O n the other hand, the question often loses every trace
of a desire for an answer, also every trace of indefiniteness, doubt,
and becomes declarative, expressing the idea of an emphatic
contrary assertion a rhetorical question: 'What's the use of
trying?' = 'There is no use in trying.' S o m e questions, such as
'What is the meaning of life?' are either speculative or rhetorical.
All the above shades of meaning appear in the attributive sub-
stantive clause: 'Next comes the question what you want it
for' (indirect question) or in direct form, What do you want it
for? 'The question often comes u p in m y mind what he wanted
it for' (indirect speculative question), or in direct form, What
did he want it for? 'The question often comes u p in m y mind
what I shall say to him when he comes' (indirect deliberative
question), or in direct form, What shall I say to him when he
comes? 'The question often comes u p in m y mind what the
use is of trying' (indirect rhetorical question), or in direct form,
What's the use of trying?
For the most part, attributive substantive clauses are apposi-
tional or genitive clauses, but a large number are prepositional.
A noun that modifies another noun or a pronoun is usually in
the genitive, but if the modifier is a full clause the most common
construction is the appositional, the clause lying alongside of
the governing noun or pronoun as an appositive: 'The hope of
his recovery is faint,' but 'The hope that he may recover is faint.'
The genitive clause, however, is often used w h e n the clause is
introduced by exclamatory what a or an indefinite relative pronoun,
adjective, or adverb. Objective genitive: ' H e soon gave proof of
what a wonderful leader he was.' ' O n e evening of each week was set
aside for the reception of who(so)ever chose to visit him.' 'I shall
m a k e note of whom copies are to be sent to,' or of to whom copies
are to be sent. ' I a m in favor of the purchase of whatever books you
may need.' ' W e can count on Father's sanction of whichever course
(or whichever of these courses) we may choose.' 'His description
of how he did it is interesting.' Partitive genitive: 'This gave us
a taste of what was to follow.' Possessive genitive: ' T h e force and
clearness of what was said depended so m u c h on h o w it was said.'
Appositive genitive:' W e are not investigating the question (= sub-
ject) of whether he is trustworthy,' or in the form of simple apposi-
tion whether he is trustworthy.
The prepositional clause is sometimes introduced by the
23 I ATTRIBUTIVE SUBSTANTIVE CLAUSE 201

conjunction that preceded b y a preposition and anticipatory it

as its object: 'There was no doubt about it that he took the money.'
Usually, however, prepositional clauses are introduced b y an
indefinite relative pronoun, adjective, or adverb: 'I haven't the
least interest in what he is doing, in what views he holds.' 'I have
little insight into what he is doing, into what motives are swaying
him.' ' W e have no definite information yet as to which route
(or which of these routes) he will take.' 'Can you give m e any in-
formation as to whether he will come, as to when he will come?'
Compare 10 I V a. T h e preposition is often omitted: 'She had
no idea [as to] why she thought of him thus suddenly,' or '[as to]
Why she thought of him thus suddenly she had no idea' (Galsworthy,
Freelands, Ch. VIII). 'I a m in doubt [as to] whether I should
buy or sell.'
The appositional clause is introduced b y different conjunctions,
or is sometimes without such introduction, and can, moreover, be
introduced by both interrogatives and indefinite relatives: 'The
thought that we shall live on after death in another better world
consoles many.' 'I'd a feeling as (popular for literary that) maybe
you cud give me,' etc. (Sheila Kaye-Smith, Green Apple Harvest,
p. 35). 'There can be no question (or doubt) that (or sometimes
but, or but that) she was lovely,' or in the form of a prepositional
clause, 'There can be no doubt about it that she was lovely.' ' W e
ought to discuss carefully the vital question (or problem) whether
(relative) we can do it or not,' or more graphically in the form of
a deliberative question, Can we do it? or more simply in the form of
the appositive genitive of a noun, of our ability to do it. ' I have
often asked myself the question whether (interrogative) I have the
right to do it' (indirect deliberative question), or in direct form,
Have I the right to do it? ' W e n o w come to the two main questions
(or problems), what (relative) the cause of the disturbance is, and
who (relative) the proper person would be to remove it,' or more
graphically in the form of a deliberative question, What is the
cause of the disturbance, and who would be the proper person to
remove it? 'But tell m e one thing n o w : What was that awful
shadow I saw?' (Mark Twain, Joan of Arc, I, C h . VII) (direct
question). 'I n o w put the question to you plainly, Will you come
or not?' (direct question). 'I insisted on an answer to m y question
whether he was coming or not' (indirect question). 'I should like
to say to you one important thing, You should go slow in this
matter' (polite c o m m a n d ) , or in stronger language, Go very slow in
this matter! ' I should like to say to him one important thing, he
should go very slow in this matter' (indirect polite c o m m a n d ) , or
in stronger language, let him go very slow in this matter.
202 ABRIDGMENT OF ATTRIBUTIVE SUBSTANTIVE CLAUSE 23 I o

Appositional clauses, as can be seen by the examples on page 201,

are for the most part introduced by conjunctions, especially the
following: that; after the noun fear sometimes still, as in older
English, lest instead of that; after no doubt usually that, or now
less commonly but, but that, or but what; as, in popular speech
often replacing that; whether, n o w a conjunction, but in older
English a pronoun = which of the two, as in Matthew, IX, 5.
The use of lest after the noun fear, and the use of that, but that,
but what after the noun doubt, and as if after the noun look, shows
that the noun is influenced by the corresponding verb, as also in
the case of most of the other conjunctions employed here, so far
as the nouns are derived from verbs: ' I was in mortal fear lest
(or more commonly that) he should see me.' 'The good people of
the place had no doubt that (or but, or but that, or but what) the end
had really come.' 'I never had a doubt but what you would [do it]'
(Winston Churchill, Coniston, Ch. VII). 'There was in his eye a
look as if he would annihilate me.' T h e appositional clause, how-
ever, often follows the noun directly, as appositive clause without
a connective: 'His fear he might never accomplish anything is
torturing him a good deal.' Also appositional clauses in the form
of direct or indirect questions or in the form of relative clauses
introduced by relative pronouns, adjectives, or adverbs frequently
occur; also appositional commands, as illustrated in the preceding
paragraphs.
There often stands before the that-clause an explanatory co-
ordinating conjunction, as, such as, namely, to wit, etc., thus
indicating that an additional remark is about to be made, a remark
not bearing upon the preceding statement as a whole but upon only
a single noun in it, hence appearing in the form of an attributive
appositional clause: 'She gave m e a good deal of miscellaneous
information, as that William's real name was Mr. Hicking' (J. M.
Barrie, The Little White Bird, Ch. VIII).
a. A B R I D G M E N T O F A T T R I B U T I V E S U B S T A N T I V E C L A U S E . The at-
tributive substantive clause can often be abridged to an infinitive
clause with to when its subject is general or indefinite, or is implied
in some word in the principal proposition: 'The time to do some-
thing has at last come.' ' N o w arises the question of how to do it'
'Then he went out to the sunshine of that morning with the whole
world before him and his choice of what to do with it.' 'Your plan
to go yourself doesn't please me.' 'But one course was open to me
to cut his acquaintance' (Thackeray, Snobs, Ch. I). Compare
50 4 d and 10 V 3. In colloquial speech the to of the infinitive is
often omitted in the appositional relation: 'There was only one
thing for m e to do regain hold of the reins of the government'
23 I a A B R I D G M E N T O F ATTRIBUTIVE S U B S T A N T I V E C L A U S E 203

(Chicago Tribune, Feb. 24, 1929). The absence of to here indicate

in many cases, as in this example, that the form is felt as an
imperative.
When there is no word in the principal proposition that can
serve as the subject of the infinitive, it has a subject of its own
introduced by for: 'Your plan for me to go doesn't please me.'
'The time had come for the parting words to be spoken over the
(Oliver Wendell Holmes, Elsie Venner). Even when there is some
word in the principal proposition that might serve as the subject
of the infinitive, the infinitive often has a subject of its own to
remove all ambiguity and make the thought perfectly clear: 'I
sent him the money in time for it to reach him on Monday.' The
origin of the /or-construction is explained in 21 e. In the apposi-
tive relation the for . . . to clause, just as the full that-clause,
is often introduced by an explanatory conjunction, as, such as,
namely, etc.: 'Michael, who all the time was dreading many un-
fortunate events, as for the cabman to get down from his box an
quarrel about the fare, or for the train to be full, or for Ste
during the journey' (Mackenzie, Youth's Encounter). Compar
50 4 d and 10 V 3.
The infinitive here, except in the cases stated in 50 4 d, can be
replaced by the gerund. The gerund does not have an expressed
subject if the subject of the principal proposition or some word in
it can serve as its subject: 'Your plan of going yourself doesn't
please me.' If there is no word in the principal proposition that
can serve as the subject of the gerund, it has a subject of its own,
usually a genitive of a noun or a possessive adjective (originally a
genitive of a personal pronoun), or now often also the accusative
of a noun or pronoun, as described in 50 3: 'The hope of John's
or his, or John's brother (ace.) coming cheers us.'
The gerund is not only common as an attributive genitive, as
in these examples, but also in an attributive prepositional phrase
after most prepositions: 'He is experiencing much joy on account
of his sister's or her, or his sister's son (ace.) comin
limitations to this usage see 50 4 d (last par.).
The gerundial clause is often used as an appositive: 'That is
just our way, always arriving too late,' or always to arrive to
The appositive is sometimes an absolute nominative clause
(17 3 D ) : 'Well, that is just our way, exactly one half of the
administration always busy getting the family into trouble, th
other half busy getting it out again' (Mark Twain, Letter to Mr
Graver Cleveland, Nov. 6, 1887).
 C H A P T E R XIV

ATTRIBUTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSE

PAGE
F U L L RELATIVE C L A U S E W I T H FINITE V E R B . . . . 204
Original nature of this clause 204
Older forms of the clause 206
Development of the relative pronoun'who' . . . 208
Development of the relative pronoun 'what'. . . 212
Development of the relative pronoun 'which' . . 215
Other determinative constructions 217
List of relative pronouns n o w used in attributive
relative clauses 218
Examples of attributive relative clauses 220
Descriptive and restrictive relative clauses 223
Complex relative clauses 227
Descriptive relative clauses introduced by 'as' . . 227
'And which,' 'and who,' 'but which,' 'but who' . 228
Personality and form 228
Case of the relative pronoun and its agreement with
its antecedent 230
Antecedent implied in a possessive adjective . . . 231
Verb in agreement with the subject of the principal
proposition 231
Verb in the third person without regard to its ante-
cedent 231
False attraction 232
Position and repetition of the relative 232
Personal pronoun instead of the relative 233
Independent proposition instead of relative clause . 233
Asyndetic relative construction 233
Hypotactic asyndetic clause 234
Paratactic clause 236
ABRIDGMENT OF RELATIVE CLAUSE 236
23 II. This clause was originally an appositional construction,
as can still be seen b y the form which it often has: ' The book I
hold [it] in my hand is a n English grammar.' ' I w a n t to show you
m y books, especially those I've recently acquired [them].' Here the
and those each point as a demonstrative, or m o r e accurately a
determinative (56 A ) , to a following explanatory appositional
clause. Such a clause has the full force of a subordinate relative
clause, but there is in it n o relative pronoun. T h e preceding
204
23 II ATTRIBUTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSE 205

determinative points to it and serves the same purpose as a

relative; only it stands in the principal proposition and points
to the following dependent clause, while a relative pronoun stands
in the dependent clause and points back to the antecedent in the
principal proposition. Such a clause without a relative pronoun
is called an asyndetical (without a connective) relative clause.
As can be seen b y the forms in brackets, the pronoun that belongs
to such a clause is a personal pronoun, not a relative. T h e sup-
pression of the personal pronoun here leads us to look to what
precedes for the connection. This suppression of the pronoun is
the old primitive w a y of indicating that the clause is subordinated
to what precedes. T h e asyndetic relative construction is found
only rarely in Old English and Old German. T h e writers of this
early period, accustomed to the Latin type of clause with an
expressed relative pronoun, carefully avoided a relative clause
without a relative pronoun. T h e construction has disappeared in
Modern German, but it is widely used in present-day English.
As it has long been used in Danish, it seems quite probable that
in the older period the large Scandinavian population of Great
Britain helped establish the construction in English. Its present
wide use is described in 10, page 233.
In Old English, w e often find a double determinative in accord-
ance with older English fondness for double expression, as seen
also in the use of two negatives instead of one and the use of
double determinatives in the adverbial clause constructions de-
scribed in 25, 26, 27 2. Double expression indicates a desire to
make thought and feeling clearer. As, in oldest English, deter-
minatives were only spoken gestures, they were often, like gestures
in general, freely applied, as w e shall see in the course of this dis-
cussion. T h e old double determinative form is still often employed,
but w e no longer feel it as such: 'I'll lend you the pen I write
with [it],' or with double expression of the determinative 'I'll lend
you the pen that I write with [it].' W e do not n o w feel the and that
as a double determinative, pointing as with two indexfingersto
the following explanatory clause, but construe that as a relative
pronoun standing in the relative clause, pointing back to the
antecedent pen in the principal proposition. A s the old determina-
tive that stood immediately before the explanatory remark it
became closely associated with it, gradually forming with it a
subordinate clause and serving as its connective, linking it to the
principal proposition and thus developing into a relative pronoun.
The form of the clause, however, is the old determinative, for the
preposition with stands at the end of the clause with its pronominal
object it suppressed. For the peculiar form that such prepositions
206 OLDER ATTRIBUTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSE 23 II

used to have see 62 4 (next to last par.). If the clause here were
a real relative construction the preposition would stand before the
relative pronoun, as in 'I'll lend you the pen with which I write.'
W e n o w feel also as (from all so, i.e., quite so) as a relative
pronoun, but it was originally a determinative, like that, with
which it competed and still competes. Though n o w felt as a
relative, it still always has the old determinative construction
with the preposition at the end of the clause: 'Let us discuss only
such things as w e can talk of freely.' This is the old double deter-
minative construction, the determinatives such and so originally
pointing as with two index fingers to the following explanatory
clause: 'Let us discuss only such things, so ( = of this character):
we can talk of [them] freely.' Also our two c o m m o n relative
pronouns who and which have developed out of a determinative
construction, as will be described in detail in 1 and 3, pp. 208-212,
215-217. In choice language they n o w usually take the newer rel-
ative construction after prepositions, especially who, which already
in early Middle English w a s here felt as a relative pronoun, but
in colloquial speech they m a y still have here the old determina-
tive form, especially which, which still as in older English is inti-
mately associated with this form: ' I should like to introduce to
you the gentleman of whom I spoke' (or sometimes whom I spoke
of). 'I'll lend you the pen with which I write' (or often which I
write with). Farther on w e shall see also other traces of the former
determinative character of who and which.
In Old English, the personal pronoun in the subordinate clause
was not always suppressed, as in the examples given above, for
it was sometimes necessary to express it, especially when in the
dative or genitive, to bring out the grammatical relations clearly:
' baet is se A b r a h a m se him engla god n a m a n niwan asceop' (Exodus,
380), literally, 'It w a s that Abraham, that one, the G o d of the
angels gave him a n e w name.' Here the determinative is an
inflected form. After the uninflected determinative be the personal
pronoun was employed still more freely, as it w a s often felt as
helpful to m a k e the grammatical relations clear: 'bam witgum
pe G o d self burh hi spec to hys folce' = 'to the prophets, those:
G o d himself spoke through them to his people.' Also poet was often
used as an uninflected determinative, and could be followed by
a personal pronoun: 'And pssr is m i d E s t u m an msegb P^ hi
m a g o n cyle gewyrcan' (King Alfred, Orosius, 21, 13) = 'There
is a m o n g the Esthonians a tribe, that one ( = such a one): they
can create cold.' In Middle English, invariable that superseded
se and pe, but the old determinative construction remained intact
throughout the period, and w a s still in literary use in Shake-
23 II OLDER ATTRIBUTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSE 207

speare's time, especially in the genitive relation: 'Therynne

wonep a wy3t that wrong is his n a m e ' (Piers Plowman, C, II, 59,
about A.D. 1362-1395) = 'Therein lives a fellow, that one: W r o n g
is his name.' ' N a m e m e a profest poet that his poetry did ever
afford him so m u c h as a competencie' (Ben Jonson, Poetaster,
I, n, 59, about 1601, ed. 1616). Also which was used here as a
determinative: ' be kynges dere sone, which alwey for to do wel is
his wont' (Chaucer, Troilus, II, 318) = 'the King's dear son,
that one (= such a one): always to act right is his wont,' n o w
'whose wont is always to act right.' This old genitive construction
is preserved in popular speech, both with that and with which:
'There's two fellows that their dads are millionaires' (Sinclair
Lewis, Babbitt, Ch, II, I). 'Mrs. Boffin, which her father's n a m e
is Henery' (Dickens, Our Mutual Friend, I, Ch. V ) . Also with
who: 'The fellow who you don't k n o w his n a m e ' (Sinclair Lewis,
Babbitt, p. 122).
In Middle and early Modern English, however, the old deter-
minative construction, with the personal pronoun in the sub-
ordinate clause expressed, was not confined to use in the genitive
relation, but was sometimes employed also in the nominative
and accusative relations,flourishingespecially in long descriptive
clauses. T h e determinatives were atfirstthat and which, latei
also who: 'A knight ther was and that a worthy m a n , That
(= such a one), fro ( = from) the tyme that hefirstbigan to ryden
(= ride) out, he loved chivalrye' (Chaucer, Prologue, 1. 43).
'bis is he which pat ( = that one) m y n vncle swereth he m o t be
ded' (id., Troilus, II, 654). 'Pyrithian of Thessayle was there
among all other, the whiche (= that one) w h a n he apperceeyuid
that euerich (= everyone) hadde well eten and dronken rayson-
ably, he stood up,' etc. (Caxton, History of Jason, p. 8, A.D. 1477).
'Anger is like A full hot horse, who (= such a one) being allow'd
his way, Selfmettle tires him' (Shakespeare, Henry the Eighth,
I, i, 133). 'It is a massy wheel . . . which (= such a one), when
it falls, Each small annexment, petty consequence, Attends the
boisterous ruin' (id., Hamlet, III, in, 17). 'For charity is that
fire from heaven, which ( = namely such a one), unless it does
enkindle the sacrifice, G o d will never accept it for atonement'
(J. Taylor, Worthy Communicant, London, 1678, IV, I, 197).
In the literary language, this loose old determinative type of
expression disappeared about the close of the eighteenth century,
having been replaced by the compact relative construction with
a relative pronoun pointing back to the antecedent in the principal
proposition. In the transitional period from the old to the new,
the new relative clauses were often construed in accordance with
208 DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIVE PRONOUN WHO 23 II 1

Latin models and were often quite un-English. Since the old
determinative was now, under the influence of Latin idiom, con-
strued as a relative pronoun, the following personal pronoun or
pronouns were felt as superfluous and were simply dropped without
any attempt to recast the clause, resulting frequently, as in Latin,
in bringing together in the same subordinate clause a relative
pronoun and an adverbial conjunction or another relative pronoun,
a construction still unknown in natural English, as it has always
been, but in this earlier time in learned language under Latin
influence quite c o m m o n and in archaic style stillfingeringon:
'And this m a n began to do tristily (boldly) in the synagoge,
whom whanne Priscille and Aquila herden, they token hym'
(Acts, XVIII, 26, John Purvey's edition, A.D. 1388). 'And he
began to speak boldly in the synagogue, whom when Aquila and
Priscilla had heard, they took him unto them' (King James
Version), corresponding to the older type 'who when Aquila and
Priscilla had heard him, they took him unto them.' 'Captain Neal
sent a packet of letters to the governor, which when the governor
had opened [it] he found it came from Sir Ferdinando Georges'
(Winthrop, Journal, June 25, 1631). 'And you are to know that
in Hampshire they use to catch Trouts in the night by the light
of a Torch or straw, which when they have discovered [them]
they strike [them] with a Trout spear' (Izaak Walton, Compleat
Angler, p. 128, A.D. 1653). 'To send for a Comission, which if
[it] could or could not be Obteyned by a certain day, they would
proceed Comission or no Comission' (Thomas Mathew, Bacon's
Rebellion, p. 7, July 13, 1705). 'These were works which, though
I often inspected [them], I did not accurately study [them]'
(H. F. Clinton, Literary Reminiscences, 24, A.D. 1818). 'Now
the third joy of making, the sweetflowerOf blessed work, bloometh
in godlike spirit; Which whoso plucketh [it] holdeth for an hour
The shriveling vanity of mortal merit' (Bridges, The Growth oj
Love, 26, A.D. 1913).
O n the other hand, the old determinative construction survives
in popular speech: 'He'd been a-making a tremendous row the
night afore a-drinking, and a-singing, and wanting tofightTom
and the post-boy; Which I'm thinking he'd have had the worst
of it' (Thackeray, Pendennis, Ch. V ) . 'Brer Rabbit 'spond'
(responded) dat he smell sump'n' which it don't smell like ripe
peaches' (Joel Chandler Harris, Nights with Uncle Remus, p. 125).
'The road from Nice to Monte Carlo is called the Grand Corniche,
which I don't k n o w what it means' (Ring Lardner, The Riviera).
1. Development of the Relative Pronoun' Who.' Out of the
double determinative construction with indefinite who, in its
23 II 1 DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIVE PRONOUN WHO 209

original form swa hwa swa, i.e., so who so, literally, that somebody
that one, has developed our c o m m o n relative pronoun who, which
in accord with its original meaning refers only to persons: 'Swa
hwozne swa ic cysse se hyt is' (Matthew, X X V I , 48, tenth century)
= Modern English 'It is he whom I kiss,' but literally, in the
spirit of the old determinative construction = 'That somebody
that one I kiss [him], he it is.' T h e two determinatives point to
the following explanatory clause ' I kiss.' T h e speaker here chooses
for a relative the indefinite so who so since the person in question
is as yet unknown to the m e n addressed, but the speaker has a
definite person in mind, namely, Jesus, so that the sense is quite
different from the vague general meaning usually found in so who
so. T h e indefinite determinative who, which here replaces older
definite that, suggests in a general indefinite w a y the idea of a
person, but at the same time points to the following explanatory
clause, so that in fact the reference becomes definite. This passing
from the u n k n o w n to the k n o w n w a s a n e w means of expression
here that soon found favor. Compare 26 (6th par.) and 27 1. T h e
old indefinite form so who so was later reduced to who so. Along-
side of who so with the determinative so there was another indefinite
form in use, who that with the determinative that: ' A3aines kinde
G a b hwa pat swuche kinsemon ne luueS' (Old English Homilies,
p. 275) = 'Who ever does not love such a kinsman goes against
nature.' Gradually the two forms became differentiated, so that
who so was used for indefinite reference and who that for definite
reference. In archaic language whoso is still used for indefinite
reference. In normal speech it is n o w replaced here b y whoever.
Although who that was in early M o d e r n English sometimes still
used for indefinite reference, it was already in Middle English more
commonly employed for definite reference, referring to a definite
antecedent: 'the sighte of hir whom that I serve' (Chaucer, The
Knightes Tale, 373). Here who that points to a definite person
just as our modern who. Who that differs from who in the retention
of the old determinative that. T h e retention of the determinative
shows that there was still some feeling left for the old determinative
construction. While, on the one hand, the relative who pointed
backward to the antecedent, the determinative that, on the other
hand, indicated that the relative was also associated with the
following clause, linking it to the antecedent. B u t as who here
soon developed more fully in the direction of a true relative pro-
noun, closely associated with both the antecedent and the fol-
lowing clause, linking the latter to the former, the that, no longer
having a real function, disappeared. B u t even in Shakespeare's
day, who had not entirely lost its old determinative nature, as
210 DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIVE PRONOUN WHO 23 II l

clearly seen in the quotation from Henry the Eighth, I, i, 133,

given on page 207.
In Old English, alongside of the indefinite so who so was a
simple indefinite who with the same meaning, which will be dis-
cussed below at more length. This simple indefinite who, in ex-
actly the same manner as so who so, developed definite meaning,
so that w e find it in Middle English after a definite antecedent
as a parallel form to the who that described in the preceding
paragraph: ' H e nadde ( = ne hadde) bote an dorter wo mi3te is
eir be' (Robert of Gloucester, Chronicle, Rolls, 1977, A.D. 1297),
literally, 'He had but a daughter w h o could be his heir.' 'My
lady whom I love and serve' (Chaucer, The Knightes Tale, 285).
'And thei camen, not oonli for Jhesu, but to se Lazarus, whom he
hadde reisid fro deth' (John, XII, 9, John Purvey's ed., A.D. 1388).
Our present relative pronoun who has come in part from this
who and in part from who that b y the suppression of that.
The definite relative who first appeared in the thirteenth cen-
tury, but was comparatively little used before the sixteenth. Its
use was atfirstlargely confined to the objective form whom, as
in all the examples given above, except in the one from Robert
of Gloucester. It was not m u c h used in the nominative relation,
for in this earlier period indefinite who w a s here still quite com-
m o n . T h e usual relatives were that and which; but after who
had acquired definite force it rapidly came into favor, for it had
a great advantage over its competitors it referred only to
persons hence for reference to persons w a s a clearer form.
O n the other hand, the old determinative construction so who
so, out of which the relative who developed, did not disappear,
but in modified form, n o w whoso, or more commonly who(so)ever
instead of so who so, is still widely used, not like relative who
pointing backward to an antecedent, but still a determinative
pointing to the following explanatory remark, forming with it a
substantive or a concessive clause (21, 32, 8th par.) and serving as
its connective, binding it to the principal proposition, hence a real
relative pronoun, though having no antecedent an indefinite rel-
ative pronoun: 'He welcomed whoever (with stronger indefinite
force whosoever) came.' 'He stopped whom(so)ever he met.' 'Whose-
ever it is, I m e a n to have it.' In older English, the determinative
that is sometimes used here instead of so: 'Play who that can that
part' (Sir T h o m a s Wyatt, Poems, 18 (3), sixteenth century).
Compare first paragraph.
Alongside of this compound determinative there is the simple
determinative who, which now, as in Old English, has the same
indefinite force, only not so general and vague, often approaching
23 II 1 DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIVE PRONOUN WHO 211

definiteness, but on the other hand with the same determinative

force, pointing to the following explanatory remark, forming with
it a substantive clause and serving as its connective, binding
it to the principal proposition, hence a real relative pronoun,
though having no antecedent an indefinite relative pronoun:
'Who (or more indefinitely whoever) goes light travels fast'; liter-
ally, ' That somebody: [he] goes light travels fast.' ' I always felt
that, talk with whom I would, I left something unsaid which
was precisely what 1 most wished to say.' '"Really" replied
Mr. Povey with loftiness as who should say " W h a t an extraor-
dinary thing that a reasonable creature can have such fancies!'"
(Arnold Bennett, Old Wives' Tale, Ch. I). 'It is not k n o w n who
did it,' i.e., the identity of the author of the act is not known.
In 'I saw whom he struck' and 'I saw who struck him' the identity
of the person struck and the person w h o did the striking is k n o w n
to the speaker but not to his hearers. In the preceding examples
the indefinite who stands within the relative clause, serving as its
relative, i.e., conjunctive, pronoun, binding the subordinate clause
to the principal proposition, but in the following example it
stands in the principal proposition as an indefinite determinative
with the force of that one only that the reference is indefinite:
'Vengeance is his or whose he sole appoints' (Milton, Paradise
Lost, V, 808), n o w usually that one's. Compare 56 A (3rd par.).
This indefinite who often has an indefinite antecedent: 'He
makes no friend who never m a d e a foe' (Tennyson). This usage
occasionally occurs in older English: 'A h w a m mai he luue tre-
weliche h w a ne luues his brother?' (Old English Homilies of the
Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, I, 274) = 'Ah, w h o m can he truly
love who does not love his brother?' In older English, who that
was often used instead of simple who: 'Repreve he dredeth never
a del Who that beset his wordis wel' (Chaucer, The Romaunt of
the Rose, 5261) = 'He dreads not reproof at all who sets his words
well.' A s can be seen by the translation of this example w e n o w
drop the determinative that here. In plain prose w e today avoid
the indefinite antecedents he, she, they. Thus instead of he who,
she who, they who, w e usually say in plain prose a man who, a boy
who, a woman who, a girl who, those who. W e especially avoid here
she who. He who, she who, they who are still used in choice
literary English. Compare 5, p. 220, Examples, 2nd par.
Closely related with this indefinite who and developed out of
it is interrogative who. It was quite natural that in asking
questions in primitive Germanic a word w a s employed which
indicated that the relations of the person in question were in-
definite, u n k n o w n to the speaker. Interrogatives, however, have
212 DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIVE PRONOUN WHAT 23 II 2

never ceased to be indefinites. These indefinites often assume

the special function of calling for an answer in an indefinite situa-
tion: 'Who did it?' T h e interrogative is used also in indirect
questions, i.e., to ask a question in an indirect way, as in 'Tell
m e who did it,' or to report a question indirectly, as in 'He asked
m e who did it.' O u r grammarians, however, often regard as an
indirect question the subordinate clause of such sentences as ' I saw
who did it' and ' W e shall soon k n o w who did it.' In the former
example who indicates that the identity of the person doing the
act is k n o w n to the speaker but not to the hearer. In the latter
example who indicates that the identity of the person doing the
act is u n k n o w n to both the speaker and the hearer. In both
examples there is in who an element of indefiniteness, but not
the slightest suggestion of an interrogation. A n interrogative
is an intensive indefinite indicating that the indefiniteness has
impressed the mind so strongly that an intellectual reaction has
set in which has demanded an explanation. Interrogative form,
however, is often employed not to elicit an answer but merely
to express doubt a deliberative or speculative question. De-
liberative: 'What shall I (or a m I to) do?' 'To our son there
are only two courses open, both connected with great difficulties.
Which shall he take?' (a question not calling for a categorical
answer but introducing a deliberation). Speculative: 'What
can it mean?' 'Will he come?' T h e question often loses every
trace of a desire for an answer, also every trace of doubt, and
becomes declarative, expressing the idea of an emphatic contrary
assertion a rhetorical question: ' Who could have foreseen it?'
= 'No one could have foreseen it.' ' W h e n doctors disagree who
shall decide?' = 'No one can decide.' Rhetorical questions are
often charged with different kinds of feeling. Disapproval:
' W h o told you to do that?' Indignation aroused by inconsiderate
treatment: ' W h o do you think I a m ? ' C o m p a r e 21 (2nd and
3rd parr.) and 23 I.
2. Development of the Relative Pronoun ' What.' In exactly the
same w a y as the relative who developed out of the indefinite double
determinative so who so, as described in 1 above, relative what
has developed out of the double determinative construction with
indefinite what, in its original form swa hwozt swa, i.e., so what so,
literally, that something that. A s in the case of so who so, described
above, the determinatives so so have disappeared: ' N o w this
was not all what G. B. wanted' ( W . Black, Sunrise, I, 302). Also
as in the case of the tu/io-construction there are two types: the
older one with a relative what pointing not backward to an ante-
cedent but forward to a following explanatory clause; the youngei
23 II 2 DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIVE PRONOUN WHAT 213

one with a relative what pointing backward to an antecedent, as

in the example from Black just given. T h e older form is still a
very c o m m o n construction, n o w with -so or more commonly
-(so)ever instead of older so so, pointing to the following ex-
planatory remark, forming with it a substantive clause (21, 24 III,
IV) and serving as its connective, binding it to the principal
proposition, hence a real relative pronoun, though having no
antecedent an indefinite relative pronoun: 'His mother gives
him whatever (or archaically whatso, or with stronger indefinite
force whatsoever) he asks for.' T h e accusative of this indefinite,
like the accusative of other indefinites, as described in 16 4 a,
is often used adverbially, with the force of at all: 'There is no
doubt whatever about it.' ' N o one whatever would have anything
to do with him.' 'I cannot see anyone whatever.'
What(so)ever is used also adjectively, standing before its gov-
erning noun and pointing as a determinative to the following
explanatory remark, forming with it and its governing noun a
substantive clause and serving as its connective, binding it to
the principal proposition, hence a real relative, though having
no antecedent an indefinite relative adjective: 'Even the fisher-
men armed themselves with whatever weapons they could procure.'
Whatever, whether pronoun or adjective, is very c o m m o n in
substantive clauses, but it is often used also in adverbial conces-
sive clauses (32): 'I a m going to pursue this course, whatever it
may cost, whatever sacrifice it may demand.' It is sometimes em-
ployed also in adjective clauses. See 6 below, 5th and last parr.
Alongside of this compound determinative there is the simple
determinative what, which now, as in Old English, has the same
indefinite force, only not so general and vague, often approaching
definiteness, but with the same determinative force, pointing to
the following remark, forming with it a substantive clause and
serving as its connective, binding it to the principal proposition,
hence a real relative pronoun, though having no antecedent
an indefinite relative pronoun: 'His mother gives him what
(or more indefinitely whatever) he asks for.' ' I saw what (something
seen by the speaker but as yet u n k n o w n to the persons addressed)
he held in his hand.' This what is often used elliptically: 'Some-
thing is the matter, but I don't k n o w what [it is].' 'I'll tell you
what [the thing to do is]. W e should take that fellow d o w n a peg.'
What is widely used in substantive clauses, also as an indefinite
adjective with the same determinative and relative force: 'I
gave him what m o n e y I had with me.' ' C o m e yourself and bring
along with you what m e n you can induce to come.' What, or
what a, often expresses a high degree of some quality or a large
214 DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIVE PRONOUN WHAT 23 II 2

amount: 'I want to tell you what a time w e had.' ' W e all know
what a liar he is, what liars they are.' ' Y o u can't realize what trou-
ble w e have had.' Whatever is more indefinite than what: 'I'll see
to it that you get whatever m o n e y you m a y need.' Adjective what
was originally a pronoun. T h e noun following it was a genitive,
so that the form was: 'I gave him what of money I had with me.'
Since the genitive in older English was often an indistinctive sim-
ple form, the grammatical relations became obscured, so that the
genitive was construed as the c o m m o n case, and what was taken
for an adjective.
The substantive (57 1) forms of the adjectives what, what a, and
whatever are often used in substantive clauses as indefinite relative
pronouns, always with a definite antecedent but with only an
indefinite reference to it: 'I have only a little money with me,
but what I have is at your disposal.' ' I a m short of them and what
I have are bad.' ' H e is always making costly blunders, but we can-
not foresee just what ones he will m a k e next.' ' Each time he makes
a new excuse. It will be interesting to hear what one he will offer
next.' ' W e surely needed friends, and w e n o w realize what a om
we have found in M r . Benton.' 'His mother has overlooked all
the mistakes he has m a d e in the past, and will probably overlook
whatever ones he will m a k e in the future.' Whatever is used also
in concessive clauses: 'Whatever the defects of American universi-
ties m a y be, they disseminate no prejudices' (AmericanNotes, III,
A.D. 1842).
What is used also in principal propositions as an interrogative
or exclamatory pronoun or adjective: 'What did he say?' 'What
impression did he make?' ' What weather!' ' What a day!' ' Oh,
what trouble w e have had!' Also what one(s) is used as an in-
terrogative or exclamatory pronoun. 'You have read many
interesting G e r m a n books. What ones would you recommend
as the best twenty-five?' 'To be sure w e have found a house for
rent, but what a one!' Also indirect questions are common:
'I asked him what he was doing.'
Who and what were originally singulars, but who is now used
in all its functions also as a plural: 'Who were there?' 'I do not
know who were there.' Sometimes also what: 'What have been
censured as Shakespeare's conceits are completely justifiable'
(Coleridge, Lectures on Shakespeare). 'What appear, from the
point of view expressed in these pages, to be its shortcomings
are emphatically the shortcomings of its type' (Olivia Howard
Dunbar in Forum for Nov., 1923, p. 2049). 'I outlined whai
seem to be the seven dominant fears that have inspired and have
been inspired by this literature of despair' (Glenn Frank in Cen-
 23 II 3 DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIVE PRONOUN WHICH 215

tury, for Sept., 1925, p. 626). Less frequently whoever: 'Whoever

allow themselves m u c h of that indulgence, incur the risk of some-
thing worse' (J. S. Mill, On Liberty). Often, however, in the
predicate: 'I a m not afraid of them, whoever they are.'
What in the old so what so construction had such pronounced
determinative force, usually pointing forward to something fol-
lowing, that it did not develop relative force, pointing backward
to an antecedent, as in the case of who. T h e same conditions,
however, were present, as in the case of who, so that w e have a
few traces of a development in the direction of a pure relative
pointing backward, both in the case of simple what and what ac-
companied by a determinative: 'Til she had herd al what the
frere sayde' (Chaucer, The Somnours Tale, 493). 'Every lover
thoughte, That al was wel what so he seyde and wroughte' (id.,
Troilus and Criseyde, III, 1799). Later, the determinative so
here was always dropped: 'anything what (now that) thou wilt'
(Ben Jonson, Euery Man out of His Humour, V, in, A.D. 1600).
'That what (now usually which) w e falsely call a religious cry is
easily raised by m e n w h o have no religion' (Dickens, Barnaby
Rudge, Preface). 'To peruse everything what went into the
"Post"' (H. Sydnor Harrison, Queed, Ch. VII). That which
leads to the use of what here instead of which is a tendency to
differentiate which and what by employing what when the reference
is general or indefinite. This employment of indefinite what as a
relative, pointing backward to an antecedent, though not wide-
spread or c o m m o n , is old, for it is found in late Old English; but
its strong determinative force, its normal use to point forward to
something following, prevented its c o m m o n use and its final
establishment in the language as a relative pointing backward to
an antecedent. Thus while who is usually a relative pointing back
to an antecedent, what is rarely so. It is usually a different kind
of relative, a form pointing forward to something following and
at the same time as a relative binding it to the principal proposi-
tion. In popular speech, however, what m a y point back to a
definite antecedent, even to one representing a person or persons:
'I can't see that the man what's willing to remain poor all his life
has any pride at all' (George Moore, Esther Waters, Ch. VI).
'This is them two sisters what tied themselves together with a
handkercher' (Dickens, Our Mutual Friend, I, Ch. III).
3. Development of the Relative Pronoun 'Which.' In the
same manner in which who developed out of the indefinite double
construction with swa hwa swa, i.e., so who so, the relative which
developed out of the indefinite double determinative construction
with swa hwilk swa, i.e., so which so, the determinatives so so
216 DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIVE PRONOUN WHICH 23 II 3

pointing, as the double determinatives described above, to the

following explanatory clause. Instead of the determinatives so
so w e often find others in older English, especially the and that,
as in the which, which that, the which that, the usual forms in Middle
English, referring to either persons or things. The which began
to appear in Old English: 'an of bsem gebundenum, pone sum
huozlcne hia gigiuudon' (Mark, X V , 6, Lindisfarne M S . ) , literally,
'one of the prisoners, that one, the one they desired.' This is the
oldest example of the which. In this oldest form the so after which
has disappeared. This passage in the Corpus M S . reads: 'aenne
gebundenne swa hwylcne swa hi baedon.' In Middle English this
form appears as which that, where thefirstdeterminative so has
dropped out and the second has been replaced by the determina-
tive that. In both of these old examples there is an antecedent,
an indefinite one, but yet an antecedent, so that which, the which,
which that, standing as they do between antecedent and subordi-
nate clause, can n o w easily develop into a relative pronoun binding
the subordinate clause to the antecedent. A s the meaning here
often became more definite these forms were later frequently used
with the force of our modern which or who: 'this wyde world
which that m e n seye is round' (Chaucer, The Frankelyns Tale,
500); 'felawes the whiche that he had knowe in olde dawes' (id.,
452) = 'fellows whom he had k n o w n in former days.' A s which
from n o w on usually followed a noun or pronoun, it gradually
developed into a relative pronoun, pointing back to the preceding
noun or pronoun; hence the determinatives the and that used in
connection with which disappeared, since they lost their original
function and had thus become useless. W h e r e the reference was
to definite persons which w a s gradually replaced by who or that.
In early M o d e r n English which was still lingering on here.
T h e old indefinite force of which, however, survives in adjective
function in substantive clauses (21, 24 III, IV), where there is not
a reference to a definite antecedent but only a general or indefinite
reference: 'I do not k n o w which w a y he went.' Whichever is still
more indefinite: 'You m a y take whichever book you like.' As in
the case of the adjectives what and whatever described in 2, p. 212,
the adjectives which and whichever, though referring to no definite
antecedent, have become true relative adjectives, binding the
clause in which they stand to the principal proposition. Which
and whichever differ from what and whatever only in indicating a
little less degree of indefiniteness. T h e indefiniteness of which is
also preserved in questions, direct and indirect: 'Which book did
you take?' 'I asked him which book he took.'
T h e substantive (57 1) forms of the adjectives which and which-
23 II 4 OTHER DETERMINATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS 217

ever are often used in substantive clauses (21, 24 III, IV) as in-
definite relative pronouns, frequently with a definite antecedent
but with only an indefinite reference to it: 'As I have not read
all the n e w books, I cannot tell which one (or which ones) I like
best.' 'Here are some n e w books. Y o u m a y have whichever one
(or whichever ones) you choose.' 'Several Smiths live here. I
don't k n o w which one you refer to.' These forms often point
forward to a following noun or pronoun: 'I don't k n o w which of
these books he would rather have.' 'You m a y have whichever of
these books you choose.' 'I don't k n o w which 6ne of them did it,
but s6me 6ne of them did it.' Which and which one(s) are used
also as interrogatives: ' Which of you did it?' ' Which (or which
one) of these b6oks is yours?' 'Which of these books are yours?'
Other examples in 57 3 (last par.). Indirect question: 'I asked
him which of the books he wanted.' 'I asked him which one
of the m e n he meant.' In all of these cases which m a y refer to
persons or things. Originally, which could always refer to persons
or things.
Indefinite relative whichever, whether pronoun or adjective, is
used also in adverbial concessive clauses (32): 'He willfinddiffi-
culties, whichever w a y (or whichever of these ways) he m a y take.'
It is sometimes employed also in adjective clauses, as illustrated
in 6 below, 5th and last parr.
While adjective which is, in general, indefinite and without an
antecedent, it is sometimes definite, referring back to a definite
antecedent, where it is a definite relative adjective: ' W e traveled
together as far as Paris, at which place w e parted company.'
4. Other Determinative Constructions. Out of the determina-
tives just described have developed not only our relative pro-
nouns but also other connectives, a m o n g them the most c o m m o n
conjunctions, that, as, and what: 'I k n o w that he is faithful';
originally 'I k n o w that: he is faithful,' the that pointing forward to
the following explanatory appositional clause. In colloquial and
popular speech, what with the same determinative force as that is
often used instead of that after but: 'Not a day passes but what
(or in the literary language but that, or simple but) it rains.' 'I
cannot say but what (or but that, or simple but) you m a y be right.'
In popular speech w e often find as here instead of that, just as w e
often in popular speech find as instead of relative that: 'He told
us as (for that) "Gospel" meant "good news'" (George Eliot,
Adam Bede, C h . II). Although this little word as is frequently
used in popular speech where it is not employed in the literary
language, itsfieldin colloquial and literary English is an exceed-
ingly wide one, altogether too wide, embracing so m a n y meanings
218 LIST OF RELATIVE PRONOUNS 23 II 5

that the thought is not always apparent at a glance. A bird's-eye

view of its uses is given in 27 2. This wide range of meanings
indicated by as is explained b y its original determinative nature,
which w a s simply to point, leaving it to the connection to make
the thought clear. This is also true of the conjunction that, ex-
determinative, like as. Just as the indefinite who, as described
in 1, p. 208, developed into a determinative and then into a relative
pronoun with the force of that, so the indefinite how from the
same stem as who developed into a determinative and then
into a conjunction with the force of that, attaining to itsfinalstage
of development very early, even in Old English, m u c h earlier than
who: 'I saw how ( = that) he was falling behind in the race.'
In Middle English, the determinative that was so often associated
with a preceding word, as in the who that, which that described
above, linking this word to the following subordinate clause, that
it w a s construed as a sign of subordination and was attached to
other words which originally were not followed b y a determina-
tive, such as interrogatives: 'If m e n wolde axe (ask) m e why
that god suffred m e n to do y o w (you) this vileinye' (Chaucer,
Melibeus, 38).
5. List of Relative Pronouns Used in Attributive Relative
Clauses: that for persons and things, except after that where we
n o w usually say that which, thus avoiding the repetition of that,
although that that was quite c o m m o n a little earlier in the period;
at, the worn-down form of that, once widely used in the literary
language of Scotland and North England, still surviving in north-
ern English dialect, where it is n o w often written ut; who for
persons; in older English sometimes the who (as in Shakespeare's
Winter's Tale, IV, iv, 538) instead of simple who; which for things,
referring to some definite thing or things, or to something indefi-
nite; in older literary English and current popular speech also
referring to persons; the which, once a c o m m o n form competing
with which without a difference of meaning, n o w only rarely used
and then restricted largely to descriptive clauses, both when used as
a relative pronoun and as a relative adjective; whichever (see 6 be-
low, 5th and last parr.); what, earlier in the period sometimes refer-
ring to an indefinite pronoun, nothing, all, everything, that, etc., an
sometimes still so used, but far less c o m m o n l y than that and which,
the latter the usual form after the indefinite pronoun that; what,
widely used w h e n the reference is to a following statement or the
thought contained in a following adjective, as illustrated in 6 be-
low; whatever (see 6 below, 5th and last parr.); but (or sometimes but
he, but she, etc., instead of simple but) or in colloquial speech bid
what, both forms with the meaning of that not, which not, who not,
23 II 5 LIST OF RELATIVE PRONOUNS 219

but usually only employed after a negative or a question in the

subject relation, m u c h less commonly in the object relation; as,
in older English more widely used as a relative than now, still
the regular form after such, although also that, which, and who
are still, as in older English, used here occasionally; as, n o w the
regular form after the same in elliptical clauses without a finite
verb, in older English, however, also that, while in the full clause
withfiniteverb w e employ that, which, who, or m u c h less com-
monly as; as, sometimes elsewhere in elliptical clauses; as, still
much used in descriptive clauses where the reference is to the
thought contained in some preceding or following proposition or
word; as, still c o m m o n in the predicate relation where the refer-
ence is to a preceding noun; moreover, a number of adverbs or
conjunctions, where (in older English also there, there as, there that,
where as, where that), whence, or sometimes from whence (both
restricted to poetry and choice prose, elsewhere replaced b y from
which), thence that (in older English = whence), whither (in poetry
and choice prose, elsewhere replaced by to which), when, while,
why, also a large number of others, once c o m m o n but n o w little
used except in poetry or in exact, especially legal, language, such
as whereby, wherein, whereof, etc. In popular speech as (27 2) or
what often replace that or who: 'They've got a friend as (or what)
will help 'em.' In older English, w efindas here also in the literary
language, after determinatives, not only after such and the same,
as described above for present usage, but also after that, those,
the: 'I have not from your eyes that gentleness A n d show of love
as I was wont to have' (Shakespeare, Julius Cossar, I, n, 33).
'Those as sleep and think not on their sins' (id., The Merry Wives,
V, v, 57). 'I did not imagine these little coquetries could have
the ill consequences as I find they have' (The Spectator, 87). Of
all the above relatives only who is declined: nominative who,
genitive whose, dative and accusative whom, the same form in each
case serving as singular and plural.
But and but what originated in adverbial clauses of pure result
(28 5, 28 5 6) in sentences where the meaning permitted the clause
to be construed either as a clause of result or as a relative clause:
'Nobody k n e w him but (or but that, or but what) he loved him'
(adverbial clause of pure result), or 'but (or but what, relative pro-
nouns used as subject) loved him' (relative clause). 'Nobody
read the book through but (or but that, or but what) it impressed him
favorably' (adverbial clause of pure result), or 'but (or but what,
relative pronouns used as object) it impressed favorably' (relative
clause). T h e relative clause is n o w differentiated in form from
the adverbial clause of result b y the suppression of the personal
220 E X A M P L E S O F ATTRIBUTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSES 23 II 5

pronoun, he, she, it, the relative pronoun but or but what serving
as subject or object. T h e differentiation of the t w o clauses was not
so complete in older English as it is n o w .
Examples:
'The boy who is standing by the door'; 'a boy that will do such a thing'
'the boy whose father died yesterday'; 'the two little boys whose parents
are dead'; ' the boy with whom you play,' or' the boy you play with'; ' a bo
that you should play with,' or 'a boy you should play with'; 'the boy whom
you struck,' or 'the boy you struck'; 'the m a n to whom you referred' (or
whom you referred to, or that you referred to, or you referred to); 'the bo
that (or which) is lying on the table'; 'Dumas the Elder, than whom there
never was a kinder heart,' where in harmony withfixedusage whom stands
after than instead of the correct who, in accordance with a general tend-
ency, not sofirmlyfixedin the literary language elsewhere, to employ the
accusative of a pronoun instead of the nominative in clauses and phrases
which do not contain afiniteverb, as illustrated in 7 C a.
'You could scarcely have told from the peace that dwelt upon them
which was she that (choice language) had sinned' (Bret Harte, The Outcasts
of Poker Flat); likewise ' he that had sinned,' or in plainer language nearer
colloquial speech ' he, or she, who had sinned,' but in colloquial speech for
both he who and she who usually the one who, since there is a strong tendency
here to avoid the use of he or she as a definite determinative: 'this gentle-
m a n and the one who is standing by the window'; 'this lady and the one
who is standing by the window.' But w e cannot use the one where there
isn't a preceding noun to which it can refer. Here, in colloquial speech,
we usually employ a noun preceded by the definite article, which together
serve as a definite determinative instead of he or she: ' the gentleman, or
lady, w h o is standing by the window.' Of course, w e can freely use he or
she before who when they are not determinatives: ' W e were speaking last
night of a m a n w h o has been asking for us here. His visits have alarmed
the servants, but there is nothing to fear from him. Y o u know it is
rather he (not a determinative but a predicate pronoun) who seems to
fear us' (subject clause). Where he (she, or they) is an indefinite deter-
minative pointing forward to something following, w e say in the singular,
'He who (she who, or in choice poetic language he that, she that, but in
colloquial speech usually one who, a man who, a woman who, a fellow who,
a girl who) would do such a thing would not deserve respect,' but in the
plural w e usually prefer ' Those who (now largely replacing in plain prose
older, once common, those that, they that, such as) would do such a thing
would not deserve respect,' although they who (now largely replacing
older they that) still occasionally occurs, especially in choice, poetic
language: 'They who had most admiringly begged Percy Bresnahan for
his opinions were least interested in her facts' (Sinclair Lewis, Main
Street, p. 448), but especially in beautiful language, as in 'Great souls
are they who love the most, w h o breathe the deepest of heaven's air, and
give of themselves most freely' (William Allen White, A Certain Rich
Man, Ch. X X I I ) . 'Those have most power to hurt us that (now usually
23 II 5 EXAMPLES OF ATTRIBUTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSES 221

whom) w e love' (Beaumont and Fletcher, The Maids Tragedie, V, in,

129, A.D. 1622). 'They that (now those who or they who) seek immortality
are not onely worthy of leave but of praise' (Ben Jonson, Discoveries,
p. 11, A.D. 1641). 'Poetry in this latter age hath prov'd but a meane
mistresse to such as (or those who) have wholly addicted themselves to
her. They who (now more commonly those who) have but saluted her
on the by, and now and then tendred their visits, she hath done m u c h
for' (ib., p. 27). T o express the idea of kind or quality w e often employ
the qualitative determinative such: 'Let such teach others who (now
usually as) themselves excel' (Pope, Essay on Criticism, 15). W h e n a
restrictive clause follows such, as in this example, those is often used in
colloquial speech as a qualitative determinative instead of such, since
the restrictive clause is felt as indicating with sufficient clearness the
idea of quality, and such is avoided as a literary word: 'Mention es-
pecially the intelligent and those who (or in more exact formal language
such as) want to study literature as an end, not a means' (Sir Walter
Raleigh, Letter to Percy Simpson, Dec. 13, 1913). The singular qualitative
determinative such a one is c o m m o n when there is a preceding noun to
which it can refer: T have had some good teachers but never such a one
as [is] Professor Jones.' W h e n there is no such preceding noun to which
it can refer, the qualitative determinative such a one is a literary form,
replaced in simple prose by someone or a man (woman, boy, girl): 'Asso-
ciate with such a one as you can look up to,' or 'Associate with someone,
or a man (woman, boy, girl), you can look up to.'
In every society, however seemingly corrupt, there are those ( = some)
who have not bowed the knee to Baal (Hughes, Tom Brown's School-
Days, 193).
The book which I hold in m y hand is an English grammar.
Our Father which art in heaven (Matthew, VI, 9).
(She) had been told it herself by Mrs. Mudberry, which kept a mangle
(Dickens, Pickwick, Ch. X X X I V ) .
U h m a n w'ich steal is uh m a n w'ich enter anodduh man' house een de
dead ub night (Gonzales, The Black Border, p. 72).
All that I have is at your disposal.
It was that (something definite, just referred to) which killed him.
H e always does that (determinative) which the hour demands, not
that which he would fain do.
There was that ( = that indefinite something) about him that (now
more commonly which) did not please her (Julia Kavanagh, Queen Mob,
I, 105).
There was that in Lady Jane's innocence which rendered light talking
impertinence before her (Thackeray, Vanity Fair).
I fear nothing what (now usually that or which) can be said against m e
(Shakespeare, Henry the Eighth, V, i, 125).
N o w this was not all what (usually that) G. B. wanted (W. Black,
Sunrise, I, 302).
That what (usually which) w e falsely call a religious cry is easily raised
by men w h o have no religion (Dickens, Barnaby Rudge, Preface).
222 E X A M P L E S OF ATTRIBUTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSES 23 II 5

... to peruse everything what (usually that or which) went into the
'Post' (H. Sydnor Harrison, Queed, Ch. VII).
N o leader worthy of the n a m e ever existed but (or but what) was an
optimist.
There is almost no m a n but hee (old nominative of but, now more
commonly simple but or but what) sees clearlier (16 5 a) and sharper the
vices in a speaker then (now than) the vertues (Ben Jonson, Discoveries,
p. 19, A.D. 1641).
Not one great m a n of them, but he (old nominative form of but, but now
more commonly simple but) will puzzle you, if you look close, to know
what he means (Ruskin, Selections, I, 172).
There is not a touch of Vandyck's pencil but (used as relative pronoun
in the object relation) he seems to have reveled on (ib., I, 261).
N o ill luck stirring but what lights on m y shoulders (Shakespeare,
Merchant of Venice, III, i, 98).
Not that I think M r . M . would ever marry anybody but what had
some education (Jane Austen, Emma, 29).
Not a soul in the auditorium or on the stage but what lived consum-
mately during those minutes (Arnold Bennett, Leonora, Ch. VI).
N o words but what seemed to him violent and extreme would have
fulfilled his conception of the danger he had escaped (Galsworthy, The
Country House, 71).
I have not from your eyes that (now such) gentleness as I was wont
to have (Shakespeare, Julius Ccesar, I, i, 33).
I can't serve with that (now such) cheerfulness as formerly (Addison
and Steele, Spectator, 366) (or the same cheerfulness as formerly).
Such books as (predicate) this [is], or such men as he, are rare.
I made such alterations as occurred to m e .
Such only who (usually as) have been in parishes that have been for
generations squireless and also in those where a resident family has been
planted for centuries can appreciate the difference in general tone among
the people (S. Baring-Gould, Old Country Life, Ch. I).
Only such intellectual pursuits which (or that, but usually as) are pleasant
(Sarah Grand, Ideala, 229).
Tony turned his eager attention to such pleasures that (or more com-
monly as) could be obtained in that sociable place (A. Marshall, Anthony
Dare, Ch. I).
The children get the same food as I [get].
I really couldn't put up with living in the same place as that fellow
after what had happened.
Such was thy zeal to Israel then, the same that (now as) now to me
(Milton, Paradise Regained, III, 413).
H e sits in the same row that (or as) w e do.
W h e n w e saw the engine enter the tunnel on the same track that (or as)
we were on, w e believed our last hour had come.
H e is entangled in the same meshes that (or which) held m e .
H e is the same m a n that (or whom) w e met yesterday.
His air as [was that] of not having to account for his o w n place in the
 23 II 6 DESCRIPTIVE AND RESTRICTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSES 223

social scale was probably irritating to Urbain (Henry James, The American,
Ch. XIII).
Between her eyes was a driven look as [was] of one w h o walks always a
little ahead of herself in her haste (Edna Ferber, So Big, Ch. I).
H e granted her wish, good fellow as (or that) he was.
The place where I saw him last; this delightful country whither (still
a favorite in choice, poetic language, but in plain prose usually replaced
by to which) w e should like to m a k e a tour; a corner whence (or from
whence; in choice, poetic language, but in plain prose usually replaced
by from which) there was no escape; the day when I was there; the pauses
while we are thinking of the right word.
It is a gentil pasture ther (now where) thou goost (Chaucer, The Prologe
of the Monkes Tale, 45).
. . . this Tartre king, this Cambinskan, Roos fro his bord, ther that
(now simple where) he sat ful hye. Toforn him gooth the loude min-
stralcye, Til he cam to his chambre of parements, There as (now simple
where) they sownen diverse instruments (Chaucer, The Squires Tale,
258-262).
T o Engelond been they come the righte wey, wher as (now simple
where) they live in joye and in quiete (Chaucer, The Tale of the Man
ofLawe, 1032).
I shall show you the chambre where as (now simple where) he slepeth
(Lord Berners, Huon, I, p. 102, A.D. 1534).
'Tis his Highness' pleasure Y o u do prepare to ride unto Saint Alban's,
Where as (now simple where or at which place) the King and Queen do
mean to hawk (Shakespeare, II Henry VI, I, u, 56).
Y must [go back] to the erthe thennes that y come fro (Knight de La
Tour, 36, A.D. 1450).
That is the reason why (or that) he cannot succeed.
Is there a certain test whereby words of native English origin can be
known from others?
6. Descriptive and Restrictive Relative Clauses. There is a
tendency in English at present to distinguish between descriptive
relatives, introducing a descriptive, independent fact, and re-
strictive relatives, introducing a clause confining or limiting the
application of the antecedent. Descriptive clauses stand in a loose
relation to the antecedent and hence are separated b y a pause,
indicated in print by a c o m m a , while restrictive clauses are quite
closely linked to the antecedent in thought, so that they follow
immediately without pause, and hence are not usually cut off b y a
comma: 'I like to chat with John, who is a clever fellow,' but
'What is the n a m e of the boy that brought us the letter?' 'Next
winter, which you will spend in town, you know, will give you a
good opportunity to work in the library,' but 'The next winter
that you spend in town will give you a good opportunity to work
in the library.' There is often a double restriction, the second
224 DESCRIPTIVE AND RESTRICTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSES 23 II 6

relative clause restricting the antecedent as restricted by the first

relative clause: ' H o w seldom do w e find a m a n that has stirred up
some vast commotion who does not himself perish, swept away in it'
(Carlyle, Heroes and Hero-worship, 127). T h e descriptive relative
clause is in a formal sense a dependent clause; but it does not in
any w a y limit the application of the antecedent, so that it is
logically an independent proposition. Compare 20 1 (3rd par.).
In a descriptive relative clause the relative pronoun must be ex-
pressed, for its suppression might change the thought or obscure
the expression: 'This fact, which you admit, condemns you,' not
'This fact, you admit, condemns you,' which is another thought.
Who, that, and which are all used in restrictive clauses; who
with reference to persons, that with reference to persons and things,
which n o w usually with reference to things. A number of gram-
marians, however, recommend here the exclusive use of that, both
for persons and for things: 'Here is the boy that did it.' 'Here is
the book that he lost.' B u t there is another tendency here, which
has been growing for centuries and is n o w often stronger than the
tendency to distinguish the restrictive relative clause by the use
of that. It is the tendency to express the idea of personality by
the use of who and the idea of lack of life or personality by the use
of which. T h e tendency to express personality is n o w strong even
in restrictive clauses: 'He w a s not a m a n who allowed his taste
to be warped w h e n he k n e w for solid reasons that it was sound'
(Galsworthy, The Man of Property, p. 304). It was not possible
in Old English, with all its wealth of form, to express this fine
shade of meaning. T h e tendency in restrictive clauses to use
which to express lack of life or personality is not so strong as the
tendency to employ who to express personality, but it is growing:
'There is m u c h which will be unpleasing to the English reader;
m u c h which the Indian will dislike; but there is nothing which
can be seriously questioned' (Cambridge Review). O n the other
hand, the choice of pronoun here is often determined by formal
considerations. After the interrogative who w e always employ
that on merely formal ground, to prevent the repetition of who:
' Who that has the spirit of a m a n would suffer himself to be thus
degraded?' That being impossible, w e must employ whom or
which in prepositional constructions wherever the preposition is
placed at the beginning of the clause: 'There is no m a n for whom
I have sincerer respect.' 'He bitterly regretted that the little
estate on which he had set his heart had slipped out of his hand.'
That can also not be used in the genitive and must be replaced
here b y whose, the genitive of who. In popular speech, however,
as a survival of older usage, explained on page 207, that and which
 23 II 6 DESCRIPTIVE AND RESTRICTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSES 225

are used in the genitive relation by placing a possessive adjective

after that or which, that or which together with the possessive
adjective having the force of whose: 'There's two fellows that
their (= whose) dads are millionaires' (Sinclair Lewis, Babbitt,
Ch. II, I). 'Mrs. Boffin, which her ( = whose) father's n a m e was
Henery' (Dickens, Our Mutual Friend, I, 75). In the literary
language where the reference is to things, which is replaced in
the genitive relation by whose, or w e m a y employ the prepositional
genitive, of which, as described in 7 (last par.) below.
Who, that, and which have until recently been used also in
descriptive clauses, but at present there is a tendency, not yet
fixed usage but a growing tendency, to replace that here by who
for persons and by which for things: 'He is with his youngest
son, who is accompanying him on his walk.' 'This book, which
only appeared about a year ago, has already gone through several
editions.' This n e w usage is m u c h more c o m m o n with reference
to persons than to animals and things, where w e still often find
that: 'For thefirstfew weeks she spoke only to the goat, that
was her chiefest friend on earth and lived in the back garden'
(Rudyard Kipling, The Light That Failed, Ch. I, 5). 'Once he
piped up a kind of country love-song, that he must have learned
in his youth' (Stevenson, Treasure Island, Ch. Ill, 28). Which
is usually employed when an attributive relative adjective in
connection with a governing noun is used instead of a relative
pronoun: ' W e traveled together as far as Paris, at which place
we parted company.' W e n o w only rarely use here the which,
once, however, a c o m m o n form, competing with which in all its
uses: 'He brought him unaccountable presents of knives, pencil-
cases, gold-seals, the which tokens of homage George received
graciously, as became his superior merit' (Thackeray, Vanity
Fair, I, Ch. V ) .
In early M o d e r n English the who was sometimes used in descrip-
tive clauses instead of simple who: 'Where you m a y Enjoy your
mistress, from the whom, I see, There's no disjunction to be m a d e '
(Shakespeare, The Winter's Tale, IV, iv, 537).
In descriptive clauses where the reference is indefinite some
indefinite relative pronoun in -ever must be used; whatever with
vague indefinite force and whichever with m u c h less indefinite
meaning: 'Someone in the crowd, whoever it was, demanded fair
play.' 'I'll send you one of m y boys, whichever of them (or which-
ever one) you prefer.' 'He stumbled over something, whatever it
was, and fell.' 'You m a y use either of the expressions, whichever
sounds best to you.'
In descriptive clauses that refer to a thought, an idea, whether
226 DESCRIPTIVE AND RESTRICTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSES 23 II 6

contained in a proposition, a group of words, or a single noun or

adjective, which is used with reference to a preceding statement
or a single noun or adjective, while with reference to a following
statement or a single noun or adjective w e n o w usually employ
what, though in older English, and sometimes still, which occurs:
' I a m getting gray and wrinkled, which is not particularly cheering
Only rarely n o w with the which instead of simple which: 'She
said with thin lips, " W h y , even all this time you have been
deceiving m e ! " the which egged on, in that vile w a y in which
exchanges of a quarrel are as knives sharpening one against the
other, Keggo's inflamed retort, " T h e more fool you! Little fool!"'
(A. S. M . Hutchinson, This Freedom, p. 167). ' W e talked a
long while about our boyhood days, after which we had a good
dinner.' ' M y brother is a good business m a n , which I am not'
' M y brother is a millionaire, which I am not.' ' W h e n overwrought,
which he often was, he became acutely irritable' (Charlotte Bronte,
Villette, Ch. X X X ) . 'I've seen their Capital, their Troops and
Stores, Their Ships, their Magazines of Death and Vengeance,
And, what is more, I've seen their potent King' (Robert Rogers,
Ponteach, III, in, A.D. 1766). 'He praised the wine of the country
and what was more to the purpose, gave us the opportunity of
tasting it.' 'And, which (now usually what) is worse, all you have
done Hath been but for a wayward son' (Shakespeare). 'I found
also, which (now usually what) appeared to me to be an unlucky
measure, that the former had issued his warrants against one
H e r m a n Husbands' (George Washington, Diary, Oct. 20, 1794).
' (I was) also abused, and taken amiss, and, which (now usually
what) vexed me most of all, unknown' (Blackmore, Lorna Doone,
Ch. L X I V ) . Adjective which in connection with an appropriate
governing noun can refer to the thought contained in a preceding
proposition: 'She had forgotten to wind it up, which omission
indicated that the grocer had perturbed her more than she thought'
(Arnold Bennett, Old Wives' Tale, II, 133).
O n the other hand, that is the usual form in restrictive clauses
where the reference is to the thought contained in a preceding
adjective: 'On that day she looked the happiest that I had ever
seen her.' T h e that m a y be suppressed: 'Louise was sitting in a
deep chair, looking the happiest [that] I had ever seen her' (Mary
Roberts Rinehart, The Circular Staircase, Ch. X X X I V ) .
The adverbs when, as (17 2), whereupon, and whereat are used
as relative pronouns in descriptive clauses where the reference is
to a preceding statement or the idea contained in a preceding
word, thefirsttwo forms often, the other two not n o w so com-
monly as formerly, as also where the reference is to a following
 23 II 6 b RELATIVE CLAUSE INTRODUCED B Y AS 227

statement: 'The whole nation was jubilant, when, like a bolt from
the blue, news arrived of a serious reverse.' 'I m e t h i m a m o n t h
ago, since when I haven't seen anything of him.' 'He w a s an
Englishman, as (or which) they perceived by his accent.' 'You
behave like a m a d m a n , as (or which) you are.' 'Nor w a s the
testimony of Lord Justice Rigby less important, showing, as (in
such a parenthetical remark more c o m m o n than which) it did,
that the officers of the a r m y are not visionary philanthropists.'
'Robin H o o d replied that he had some two or three hundred
head of cattle, whereupon (or after which) the sheriff said that he
should like to ride over and look at them.' 'The inventor . . .
said that ... he would demonstrate b y his o w n model that
some day navigation would be b y steam: whereat (or at which)
they all kindly laughed at him for a dreamer' (J. L. Allen, Choir
Invisible, II).
W h e n the reference in descriptive clauses is indefinite, whatever
and whichever (less indefinite than whatever) must be used to refer
to a thought contained in some preceding word or words: 'He is
one of the moderns, whatever that may mean.' 'The leper looked
or listened, whichever he was really doing, for some seconds.'

a. COMPLEX RELATIVE CLAUSES. Both restrictive and descriptive

clauses m a y be complex, i.e., m a y consist of a principal proposition and a
subordinate clause, the one sometimes being embedded in the other: 'It
is afineopportunity, which I would seize if I were not otherwise engaged
'Shakespeare's mind m a y be likened to that modern machine into which
if a thousand voices speak it will treasure up and redeliver the words.'
uel Dale was a typical farmer of that part of the country with his fifty
or sixty acres of land, the capital to work which had come fromfish'(Comp-
ton Mackenzie, The Altar Steps, Ch. VII). In this example the relative
which stands as an object in the attributive infinitive clause that modifies
capital, which is the subject of the principal proposition of the complex
clause. The relative often stands in a substantive clause which is the
subject, predicate, or object of the verb or predicate adjective in the
principal proposition of the complex clause: 'I now desire to speak of
Pericles, whose aim was, it has been said, "to realize in Athens the idea w
he had conceived of human greatness."' 'That is a statement which I
believe I can prove' (or which I am sure I can prove). In this sentence and
many similar ones the clause is only in a formal sense complex, for we
feel such expressions as I believe, I am sure as sentence adverbs, as ex-
plained in 16 2 a (p. 132).
b. D E S C R I P T I V E R E L A T I V E C L A U S E I N T R O D U C E D B Y 'As.' In older
English, as with the force of as being often stood before the relative pro-
noun introducing a descriptive clause: ' That which is of itselfe is the thing
which we cal God, beyond w h o m e nothing can bee imagined and by w h o m e
all things both are and have bene, as which (= as being things which)
228 PERSONALITY A N D F O R M I N R E L A T I V E CLAUSES 23 II 7

could have no beeing of themselves' (Sir Philip Sidney, Trewnesse of the

Christian Religion, Ch. II, A.D. 1587). As who was similarly used.
c. ' A N D W H I C H , ' ' A N D W H O , ' ' B U T W H I C H / ' B U T W H O . ' These
forms now usually follow only a noun modified by a relative clause, but
sometimes, especially earlier in the present period, they follow a noun
modified in other ways: 'the sign of the Bell, an excellent house indeed,
and which (now usually simple which) I do most seriously recommend'
(Swift). 'A m a n well looking for his years, and who W a s neither much
beloved, nor yet abhorr'd' (Byron, Don Juan, I, 65), now usually 'a
m a n who was well looking for his years, and was neither much beloved
nor yet abhorred.' 'In the case of calls within the London area, but
which require more than three pennies, the same procedure is followed'
(recent writer), now usually 'In the case of calls which are within the
London area but require more than three pennies, the same procedure
is followed.'

7. Personality and Form. Current English stresses the idea of

personality m u c h more than older English. E v e n a little earlier
in the period who was used of animals, while w e today usually
employ that or which here since w e feel the absence of personality:
'Though the weather is raw and wintry and the ground covered
with snow, I noticed a solitary robin, who (now that) looked as if
he needed to have his services to the Babes in the W o o d s speedily
requited' (Thoreau, Journal, I, p. 21). T h e relative is always
near the antecedent, hence the incongruity of placing a personify-
ing form alongside of a noun designating a being without person-
ality is more keenly felt than in the case of personal pronouns,
which stand farther away: ' W e have one cow that (or which)
w e highly prize. She is a Jersey.' With children the idea of
individuality increases with their age. W e say 'the last child
which was born,' but 'our only child who is n o w at college.'
T h e idea of personality varies considerably in collective nouns
denoting persons. W e employ which here wherever the idea of
oneness or a mass or masses is more prominent than that of a
number of independent individuals: 'The Garth family, which
was a large one,' etc. (George Eliot, Middlemarch, 217). 'His
mother had ten children, of which he was the oldest' (Scribner's
Magazine, X X X V , 114), but 'Every faction is attended by a
crowd of camp-followers, an useless and heartless rabble who prowl
round its line of march' (Macaulay). 'He instructed the crowds
which surrounded him,' but 'People who have enjoyed good edu-
cational opportunities ought to show it in their conduct and
language.'
In older English, after the names of cities, countries, and other
organizations implying persons, who was often used as relative,
23 II 7 PERSONALITY AND FORM IN RELATIVE CLAUSES 229

but it has been entirely replaced here by which, since the idea of
organization is n o w uppermost in the mind: 'France, which is
in alliance with England; that party in England which,' etc.
Similarly, w e often employ which after a noun denoting a person
where we desire to express the idea of estate, rank, dignity rather
than to speak of a person: 'He is exactly the m a n which such an
education was likely to form' (Trollope, The Warden, Ch. II).
'He was surprised to find that he had come out upon quite a
different Clark from the one to which he had been accustomed'
(Barry Pain, The Culminating Point). 'He did not understand,
and could not without giving up his o w n idea of her, the M a y
Gaston which, as she said, he had m a d e for himself (A. Hope).
'Most of the critics have been kind. I only saw one which was
not' (Sir Henry Jones, Letter, M a y 29, 1919). Which is especially
common here in the predicate relation: 'Like the clever girl
which she undoubtedly was' (Benson, Relentless City, 84). 'He
is not the m a n which his father wants him to be.' That might
be used instead of which in all of these examples. Although
which and that are both used here, which is the more distinctive
form and is, in general, winning out, but in the predicate relation
that and also as are still quite c o m m o n : 'But Hilda, like the
angel of mercy that she was, whispered,' etc. (Grant Allen, Hilda
Wade, Ch. I, 19). 'I will do m y best to stop you, m a d m a n as
you are' (Thackeray, Newcomes, I, Ch. X X I X ) . W e often omit
the relative here where it would not impair the thought: 'It is a
part of Torrence's business to counsel widows, which he does
like the honorable m a n [that] he is' (Meredith Nicholson, Lady
Larkspur, Ch. II, p. 69).
W h e n the relative refers to both persons and things w e cannot,
of course, in one word indicate both personality and lack of it,
hence w e here choose the colorless that, which can refer both to
living beings and lifeless things: 'He spoke largely of the m e n
and the things that he had seen.' Of course w e cannot use that
after prepositions, where w e must use which. See 8, p. 230.
In sharp contrast to the principle of indicating personality or
the lack of it, which n o w prevails in the use of the nominative
and objective cases of the relative, as described above, is the
employment of the genitive whose for reference to persons, animals,
and living and lifeless things: 'the m a n whose watch was stolen,'
'a dog whose n a m e is Carlo,' 'the tree whose top was trimmed,'
'the house in whose shade (or in the shade of which) w e sit.' Where
the reference is to lifeless things, colloquial language prefers the
new prepositional genitive of which, although the convenient old
form whose is still not infrequent. In poetry and choice prose
230 CASE AND AGREEMENT OF RELATIVE PRONOUN 23 II 8

the old form is still the favorite: 'a little white building whose
small windows were overgrown with creepers' (Galsworthy, The
Patrician, p. 40). T h e use of whose for persons and things is the
survival of older usage, which k n e w nothing of the differentiation
described above. In the genitive the convenient agreeable form
has thus far proved stronger in our feeling than the logical dis-
tinctions which sway us in the nominative and objective relations.
Even in choice language, however, the genitive is only in limited
use, for it cannot be used at all in the relation of an objective
genitive: 'In its sensuous purity this woman's face reminded
him of Titian's "Heavenly Love," a reproduction of which (not
whose reproduction) hung over the sideboard' (Galsworthy, The
Man of Property, p. 301).
8. Case of Relative and Its Agreement with Its Antecedent.
The relative pronoun performs a double function: It is a pronoun
in the clause in which it stands and is also a connective joining the
clause in which it stands to the governing noun. A s a pronoun
it has the case required b y its function in the relative clause,
i.e., is subject, direct or indirect object, or a genitive limiting some
noun in the clause: 'The m a n who (subject) was sick is n o w well.'
'The boy whom (object of the verb of the clause) I trusted has
proved worthy of m y confidence.' 'The boy of whom (object of
the preposition of) I spoke yesterday will soon be here.' 'The
boy to whom (indirect object) I gave a knife has lost it.' 'The
boy whose (genitive limiting knife) knife was lost has bought
another.' In loose colloquial speech w e sometimes hear who as
accusative instead of the correct whom. See 11 2 e.
A s a connective or conjunctive pronoun the relative has rela-
tions to its antecedent, with which it agrees in gender, number,
and person. Gender: 'The boy who is standing by the gate is
m y brother,' but 'The book which lies upon the table is a history.'
For the use of whose with reference to both persons and things
see 7 (last par.) above. That is the appropriate form where the
reference is to two or more antecedents representing both persons
and things: 'The cabmen and cabs that are found in London.'
However, w e use also which here and this form must be used
where a preposition stands before the relative: 'The Company
had indeed to procure in the main for themselves the money and
the m e n by which India was conquered.'
A s relative pronouns have the same form for both numbers and
all three persons, their number and person can be gathered only
from the number and the person of the antecedent. This becomes
important wherever the relative is the subject of its clause, for
it then controls the number and person of the verb: '/, who am
23 II 8 c VERB IN THIRD PERSON 231

your friend, tell you so,' where am is in thefirstperson singular

agreeing with its subject who, which agrees with its antecedent J.
'For help I look u p to thee who art all-powerful and able to help.'
'The road that leads to the shore is sandy,' 'The roads that lead
to the shore are sandy.' A n antecedent which is in the vocative,
i.e., in the case of direct address, is felt as being in the second
person: 'Dark anthracite, that reddenest on m y hearth!'
The relative often in loose colloquial speech, sometimes even in
the literary language, agrees incorrectly with some word closely
connected with the antecedent instead of agreeing with the ante-
cedent itself, since this word lies nearer the thought of the speaker
or writer than the grammatical antecedent, with especial fre-
quency in the case of a plural partitive genitive that is dependent
upon the numeral one, which is erroneously felt as the antecedent:
'That is one of the most valuable books (true antecedent but here
not felt as such) that has (instead of the correct have) appeared in
recent years.' 'Tyranny is one of those evils which tends (instead
of tend) to perpetuate itself (instead of themselves) (Bryce, Ameri-
can Commonwealth, Second Edition, II, 344). T h e singular form
of the verb here is quite old: 'Thauriso, bat is a full fair cytee and
a gret and on (one) of the beste bat is in the world for marchandise'
(Mandeville, Travels, C h . X V I I , fourteenth century, M S . Cotton,
A.D. 1410-1420).

a. ANTECEDENT IMPLIED IN A POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVE. The ante-

cedent of the relative pronoun is usually a noun or a pronoun, but it
is sometimes, especially in older English or in poetry, a person implied
in a possessive adjective, which is explained by the fact that the possessive
adjective was originally a personal pronoun in the genitive and still
always represents a definite person: 'Would you have m e . . . Put m y
sick cause into his hand that (now usually into the hand of him who) hates
me?' (Shakespeare, Henry the Eighth, III, i, 115).
6. V E R B I N A G R E E M E N T W I T H S U B J E C T O F P R I N C I P A L PROPOSITION.
Where the antecedent is a predicate noun in the principal proposition,
the verb of the relative clause sometimes, especially in older English,
agrees in person and number with the subject of the principal proposition
if it be a personal pronoun: T a m no orator, as Brutus is, But, as you
know m e all, a plain blunt man, That love my friend' (Shakespeare,
Julius Caesar, III, II, 221), now usually that loves his friend.
c. V E R B I N T H I R D P E R S O N W I T H O U T R E G A R D T O A N T E C E D E N T . In
older English, the verb of the relative clause was sometimes in the third
person without regard to the antecedent of the relative: ' M y Lord of
Burgundy, W efirstaddress toward you, who with this king Hath (now
have) rival'd for our daughter' (Shakespeare, King Lear, I, i, 192). This
usage still lingers: 'To me, who knows the capacity of human muscle,
these men are a miracle' (Norman Douglas, South Wind, Ch. X ) . 'Above
 232 POSITION AND REPETITION OF THE RELATIVE 23 II 9

all, no compulsion is offered to yourself, dear Elizabeth, who rightly

resents anything of the sort' (Hugh Walpole, Wintersmoon, A.D. 1928).
d. F A L S E A T T R A C T I O N . Writers and speakers not infrequently place
the relative pronoun in the accusative under the false impression that it
is the object of the following verb, while in reality its grammatical function
demands the nominative form: 'Instinctively apprehensive of her father,
whom she supposed it was, she stopped in the dark' (Dickens). Here
whom is incorrectly used for who, the predicate of the relative clause
who it was, which is the object of the verb supposed. This incorrect
usage was very common in Shakespeare's time: 'Arthur, whom they say
is kill'd tonight O n your suggestion' (King John, IV, u, 165).
9. Position and Repetition of the Relative. To avoid ambiguity
the relative should be placed as near as possible to the antecedent:
'The figs which w e ate were in wooden boxes,' not 'Thefigswere
in wooden boxes which w e ate.' If this cannot be done, the sen-
tence must be altered so that the thought becomes clear: not
'Solomon, the son of David, who built the temple,' but 'David's
son Solomon, who built the temple.' In older English, an ante-
cedent in the genitive might precede its governing noun, but today
it follows the governing noun and stands immediately before the
relative: 'I shall not confine myself to any man's rules (now the
rules of any man) that ever lived' (Sterne, Tristram Shandy,
I, p. 10).
Though in general the relative pronoun introduces the clause,
w e sometimes for the sake of emphasis put some other word in
thefirstplace: 'So w e get this charming little book, the newest
thing about which is, perhaps, its method' (London Times, Literary
Supplement, 29/10, 1914). 'It amounts to this that they are
ready to undertake work the results of which they can visualize'
(ib., 19/10, 1916). 'A deeply interesting book is this ancestor of
the modern dictionary, to describe which adequately would take
far more time than the Unfits of this lecture afford' (Sir J. Murray,
Evolution of English Lexicography). If the relative is the object
of a preposition the latter frequently precedes: ' H e is the m a n
upon whom I a m depending.' T h e preposition often stands at
the end of the clause. See 62 4.
W h e r e the construction in two or more successive relative
clauses is the same, and there is n o particular reason to contrast
them or emphasize each statement, the relative pronoun need not
be repeated: 'John Jones, w h o w a s born and buried in London.'
In older English, the relative pronoun w a s often not repeated
even where the construction in the different relative clauses was
different: "Tis like a Potion that a m a n should drinke, But turnes
his stomacke with the sight of it' (Ben Jonson, Euery Man out of
23 II 10 ASYNDETIC RELATIVE CONSTRUCTION 233

His Humour, I, i, 9, A.D. 1600). T h e relative is n o w repeated w h e n

the case or government is changed: 'Originality in politics, as in
everyfieldof art, consists in the use and application of the ideas
which w e get or which are given to us.' 'Nor do I, either in or out
of Cambridge, k n o w any one with whom I can converse more
pleasantly, or whom I should prefer as m y companion.' A s in
these examples, w e should always use the same relative w h e n w e
repeat a relative. There is a natural hesitancy, however, to
repeat restrictive that w h e n widely separated from its antecedent,
as it usually follows its antecedent immediately, not even sepa-
rated b y a pause, so that some prefer which where the pronoun
is widely separated from its antecedent: 'all the toys that infatuate
m e n and which they play for' (Emerson). W e m a y avoid this
difficulty b y using which in both cases. O n the other hand, if
there are two relative clauses in the sentence a n d one of them is
subordinate to the other, a change of relative is helpful to keep
the grammatical relations clear: ' H e enjoyed a lucrative practise,
which enabled h i m to educate his family with all the advantages
that m o n e y can give.'

a. PERSONAL PRONOUN INSTEAD OF RELATIVE. Sometimes, especially

in older English, where the grammatical conscience was not so sensitive
as today, w e find in the second of two coordinated relative clauses a
personal pronoun instead of a relative, usually, however, only where the
construction in the two clauses is different, which clearly indicates that
the personal pronoun has been chosen as a convenient means of avoiding
the reconstruction of the second clause: 'Fortune shall cull forth out of
one side her happy minion, T o w h o m in favour she shall give the day, And
kiss him (instead of whom she shall kiss) with a glorious victory' (Shake-
speare, King John, II, I, 391).
b. I N D E P E N D E N T P R O P O S I T I O N I N S T E A D O F R E L A T I V E C L A U S E . In
older English, we often find a relative in one clause, but do not find in
the following clause, which in a formal sense is coordinate with it, a
relative expressed or understood: 'At last they were forced into a harbor,
where (= in which) lay a French man-of-war with his prize, and had
surely made prize of them also, but that the providence of God,' etc.
(Winthrop, Journal, June 15, 1637). In such sentences the second sub-
ordinate clause has a subject in common with thefirstsubordinate clause,
but there is no relative pronoun that finks it to thefirstsubordinate
clause, so that it appears to be an independent proposition. Instead of
the conjunction and the relative pronoun which should have been used:
'a man-of-war with his prize, which had,' etc.
10. Asyndetic Relative Construction. There is in English
fairly well preserved the most primitive type of relative con-
struction, the asyndetic relative clause, i.e., a clause without a
234 HYPOTACTIC ASYNDETIC CLAUSE 23 1110 a

connective, without a formal link joining the clause to the govern-

ing noun. In a strict sense this is not a relative clause since it does
not contain a word which points back to an antecedent. It simply
lies alongside of it as an appositive clause explaining it. The usual
custom of saying that the relative is omitted suggests carelessness
and has in fact brought the construction into bad repute with
m a n y w h o are wont to attach value to form. A careful study,
however, of the true nature of this favorite old construction, as
given at the beginning of II, p. 204, and also in 19 3, will show at
once that it is a good natural English expression, not a mutilated
grammatical m e m b e r but perfect and neatlyfittedinto the struc-
ture of the sentence, performing its function tersely, yet clearly
and forcefully, often even with elegant simplicity.
There are two groups:
a. H Y P O T A C T I C A S Y N D E T I C C L A U S E . In this, the more common
of the two types, the clause is always restrictive, closely linked
to its antecedent; in fact so closely that it is indispensable to the
thought, hence though not connected with the antecedent by a
formal link, it is yet bound to it b y such a strong logical tie that
the dependent relation is distinctly felt. In most cases there is
in the governing proposition a formal indication of subordination,
a demonstrative or, more accurately, an adjective or pronominal
determinative (56 A ) , namely, the (definite article), that, the one, or
some other word with determinative force, the indefinites a, any,
etc., and the qualitative determinatives a, one, ones, like that, or
in colloquial language simple like (56 A ) , pointing to the following
asyndetic relative clause. T h e following groups of examples of
this c o m m o n construction are arranged upon the basis of the
function that the relative pronoun would perform if it were
expressed.
Direct object of the verb: 'the book I hold in my hand'; 'the
books J am holding and those (or the ones) you gave me'; 'thai
lovely w a y Father has, that even course he always pursues'; 'a
m a n we met yesterday'; ' any course you may pursue'; ' the need of
a m a n we can trust'; 'not such a m a n , but one we can trust.' 'She
makes pies like those Mother used to make,' or in loose colloquial
speech like Mother used to make.
Instead of an indefinite determinative w e often simply omit
the determinative altogether, since the absence of an article or
other determinative imparts indefinite force: 'certain books (or
simply books) w e should all read.'
Although the asyndetic relative clause is most c o m m o n in the
relation of direct object, as discussed above, it not infrequently
occurs elsewhere: Cognate (11 2) accusative: ' H e went back the
23 II 10 a HYPOTACTIC ASYNDETIC CLAUSE 235

way he had come.' Accusative of length of time: 'The length of

time Eskimo dogs can go without food seems beyond belief.' In-
direct object: 'the m a n I wrote to,' 'the boy / gave the knife to.
Object of a preposition (62 4): 'the pen / write with,' 'the car I
rode on,' 'the book I spoke of,' 'the table the ball rolled under
'the fence he jumped over'; 'the place I am going to,' or to which
am going, or whither (in a choice literary style) I am going, col-
loquially, where I am going, usually only in popular speech where
I am going to, although outside of relative clauses this form is
much more widely used; 'the place / came from,' or from which
I came, or whence (in a choice literary style, or sometimes from
whence) I came, usually only in popular speech where I came from,
although outside of relative clauses this form is m u c h more widely
used. On (or in) which in expressions of time: 'the day he ar-
rived,' 'the year you came back.' Every (or each) time that: 'ever
(or each) time he came.' While: 'all the time I was there.' Why:
'the reason I did it.' In which in expressions of manner: 'the
way he does things.' Predicate: 'He is not the m a n he once was.'
'She is not the cheerful w o m a n she used to be.'
Earlier in the period, this construction was not infrequent in
the subject relation: 'I haue a neece is a merchants wife' (Ben
Jonson, Euery Man out of His Humour, I, n, A.D. 1600). 'Truth
is mans proper good and the onely immortal thing was given to
our mortality to use' (id., Discoveries, p. 4, A.D. 1641). 'I bring
him news will raise his drooping spirits' (Dryden, All for Love, I,
113, A.D. 1678). Though this construction is in general not n o w
used so m u c h in the subject relation as formerly, it is still quite
common here in a large number of expressions: ' M y children have
had every complaint there is to be had.' 'There's nothing makes
me so wild as that continual bawling.' 'Mrs. Jones came to
borrow some butter and I gave her all there was (or the little
there was) in the house.' ' I lent to Mrs. Jones all the butter (or
the little butter) there was in the house.' 'You m a y keep the
money there is left after buying your hat.' 'There isn't one of us
really knows -what she's doing it for' ( W . D. Howells, A Hazard
of New Fortunes, II, C h . I). 'There's going to be several folks
talk too much, shortly' (H. W . Morrow, Forever Free, Ch. XII).
Still widely used in popular Irish English, which here, as often
also elsewhere, preserves older English idiom: ' It's the like of that
talk you'd hear from a m a n would be losing his mind' (J. M . Synge,
The Well of the Saints, p. 55). Also still quite c o m m o n in the
language of educated Irishmen: 'There's no investment in the
world would give you a return like that' (Lennox Robinson, Harvest,
Act I). Also c o m m o n in the mountain dialect of Kentucky:
236 ABRIDGMENT OF RELATIVE CLAUSE 23 II 11

'Any m a n can'tfightfor his friends [had] better be dead' (Lucy

Furman, Mothering on Perilous, Ch. X V ) .
T h e old asyndetic clause is still not infrequent in subject
clauses which are n o w felt and treated as relative clauses: 'Who
was it told you that ?' Other examples in 21 c.
T h e old asyndetic clause was once c o m m o n after the determina-
tive that, but as the form was early interpreted as a relative
pronoun it was later replaced b y what and he who, those who,
the original construction n o w only lingering on, seldom recog-
nized, in poetry or poetic prose or old saws: ' W e speak that
(now what) w e do k n o w and testify that (now what) w e have seen'
(John, III, 11). 'A m a n passes for that (now what) he is worth'
(Emerson). 'Handsome is that handsome does,' n o w in plain
modern form 'Handsome is he who,' etc. 'Of her ancestors there
have been that (now those who) have exalted and pulled down
Kings' (Digby, Private Memoirs, 272, A.D. 1665).
6. P A R A T A C T I C C L A U S E . Here the clause is descriptive, often
quite loosely linked: 'There is a m a n at the door [, he] wants
to see you.' 'Here is a little book [, it] will tell you how to raise
roses.' 'I knew an Irish lady [, she] was married at fourteen'
(Meredith, Ordeal of Richard Feverel, Ch. X X V I I I , 226). 'I have
discovered something [, it] Concerns you nearly' (Bridges, Humour
of the Court, III, 2, 2583). In this old paratactic (19 3) type two
sentences he side by side, each with enough independence that
it might stand alone, and yet the second is connected in thought
with the first. In older English, w h e n two such sentences came
into relations with each other, there was often no personal pronoun
in the second sentence referring to a noun in thefirst.The
context m a d e the thought clear. T h e suppression of the pronoun
is a primitive means of suggesting subordination. In our present
hypotactic (19 3) stage of development w e prefer to indicate this
subordination by a relative pronoun, hence this old type is now
little used.
11. Abridgment of Relative Clause. T h e relative clause can
often be abridged. Its contracted form is frequently that of an
appositive noun, adjective, or participle, which, alone or modi-
fied, might theoretically be construed as an elliptical clause, as
indicated by the square brackets, but in reality is an abridged
clause (20 3), as often becomes evident in clauses containing a
present participle which, as in the examples from B e n Jonson and
M a r k Twain, cannot be construed as standing in an elliptical
clause. T h e subject of the abridged clause is usually some noun
or pronoun in the principal proposition: 'The English, [who are]
a practical and energetic people, have spread beyond their islands
23 II 11 ABRIDGMENT OF RELATIVE CLAUSE 237

and n o w hold territory in all parts of the world.' 'His companions

led Henry V to do m a n y deeds [that were] quite unworthy of a
prince.' 'Opinion is a light, vaine, crude, and imperfect thing,
settled in the imagination, but never arriving ( = which never ar-
rives) at the understanding, there to attain the tincture of reason'
(Ben Jonson, Discoveries, p. 6, A.D. 1641). 'It (i.e., the circus)
was all one family parents and five children performing
(= who performed) in the open air' (Mark Twain, Letter to His
Wife, Sept. 28, 1891). 'Pride [which is] joined with many virtues
chokes them all.' 'Geoffrey says his speech on the Poor L a w was
head and shoulders the best [that was] made' (Galsworthy, The
Patrician, p. 338). 'Well, Father, there's Rocket (name) [who
has] come for you' (Hugh Walpole, The Green Mirror, p. 29).
'First (58, 6th par.) [who has] come, first [who will be] served.'
'First [who has] come,first[who will be let] in.'
There is also another kind of abridged relative clause which
has come into wide use. Wherever there is a modal idea involved,
a relative clause, in accordance with 7 D 2, can be abridged to
an infinitive clause w h e n the infinitive serves as the predicate and
some noun or pronoun in the principal proposition as subject:
'He is not a m a n to trifle with' ( = who is to be trifled with, can be
trifled with). 'That isn't anything to censure' ( = that should be
censured). 'The sights to be seen ( = which can be seen) are not
impressive.' A s explained in 7 D 2, the infinitive here is often
active in form but passive in meaning. In oldest English, active
meaning was quite rare in this construction, but it is n o w quite
common: 'John is the boy to do it' (= who should do it). 'Did
you ever see anything to beat it?' ( = that could beat it). 'It is the
glory of Trinity that she has an abundance of famous m e n from
whom to select' (= from whom she can select, or in simpler form
to select from). 'He is a poor old m a n soon to become ( = who
must soon become) a burden to his family.' There is often here a
future force in connection with the modal. See 7 D 2 (2nd par.).
W h e n the reference is general or indefinite, the infinitive here
has no subject: ' It is not a night to turn a dog from the door' ( = in
which one should turn a dog from the door). 'He has no following
to speak of.' 'What is there to do?'
Not infrequently, the subject is indicated by the context:
'Clearly the minute had come at which to speak plainly' (Basil
King, The Side of the Angels, Ch. XIII) (or in simpler form to speak \
plainly = at which he should speak plainly). f
Where the subject of the infinitive is not general or indefinite,
or is not implied in some word in the principal proposition, or
is not indicated b y the context, the infinitive has a subject of its
238 ABRIDGMENT OF RELATIVE CLAUSE 23 II 11

o w n introduced by for, as explained in 21 c: 'She wasn't terrible,

she wasn't really anything except a kind of peg for all sorts of
traditions to hang on to' (Hugh Walpole, The Duchess"of Wrexe,
Ch. XII). 'The thing for you to do is to go to bed.' 'What is
there for us to do?'
 CHAPTER XV
OBJECT CLAUSE
PAGE
GENITIVE C L A U S E A N D CONJUNCTIONS 239
Abridgment 240
DATIVE CLAUSE 240
Abridgment 241
ACCUSATIVE CLAUSE, O B J E C T O F A V E R B 241
Conjunctions and conjunctive pronouns, adjectives,
and adverbs 241
Use and meaning 243
Anticipatory object or object pointing back 246
Omission of 'that' 247
Accusative clause in the form of a question 247
Abridgment 249
PREPOSITIONAL C L A U S E , O B J E C T O F V E R B O R A D J E C T I V E 253
Distinction between prepositional object clause and
prepositional adverbial clause 254
Abridgment 256
24. Object clauses are divided into genitive, dative, accusative,
and prepositional clauses. In the prepositional clause the prepo-
sition and the following clause form a unit called a prepositional
clause, which as a whole serves as the object of some verb or
adjective.
GENITIVE CLAUSE
24 I. A genitive clause performs the function of a noun i
genitive, used as the object of a verb or an adjective: 'I reminded
him that he had promised it' ( = of his promise). 'I a m sure that he
will support me' ( = of his support).
The genitive clause is introduced by: that; but, but that, or in
colloquial speech but what, after a negative proposition instead
of that not; the indefinite relative (23 II 1, 2, 3) pronouns
and adverbs who, what, whether, how, etc. T h e genitive clause
does not usually have a distinctive form. W e recognize it by the
fact that a corresponding noun or pronoun object is in the genitive,
as in the two examples given above. If, however, it is introduced
by an indefinite relative other than whether, it has the genitive
sign of: 'I reminded him of what he said.' 'Are you sure of what
you say ?' 'Are you sure of who he is ?'
239
240 DATIVE CLAUSE 24 II

Examples:
I a m not sure that he will come.
I a m not sure that he may not decline (or but that, or but what, he ma
decline).
I cannot convince myself that she isn't alive (or but that, or but wha
she is still alive).
I cannot persuade myself that she does not still love me (or but that,
but what, she still loves me).
They robbed him of what he had on his person.
H e was not sure whether he had left his umbrella at school or on the p
grounds.
H e was mindful of how kindly they had treated him.
As many people feel the genitive clause now as a prepositional
clause, these examples might all be classed under IV, p. 253.
a. A B R I D G M E N T O F G E N I T I V E C L A U S E . A i/iai-clause m a y
sometimes be abridged to an infinitive clause, but it is much
more freely abridged to a gerundial clause, since the gerund can
naturally assume the genitive form: ' H e is worthy to receive such
honor' (or to be thus honored). 'I reminded h i m of his having
promised it.' 'I convinced h i m of his (or my) being able to do it.'
'He is not convinced of being defeated.' 'I a m not quite sure of
his having said it.'

DATIVE CLAUSE
24 II. The dative clause performs the function of a noun which
is in the dative after a verb or an adjective:
He told the story to whoever would listen.
H e told the story to whomever he met.
H e was unkind to whoever opposed him.
This is like what we saw yesterday.
The explosion took place near where we stood.
The relative pronoun in the subject relation is sometimes in-
correctly put into the dative after the dative sign to, the writer
or speaker for the m o m e n t not noticing that the pronoun is subject
of the dative clause: ' T h e original papers . . . are in m y posses-
sion and shall be freely exhibited to whomsoever (instead of the
correct whosoever) m a y desire a sight of t h e m ' (Hawthorne,
Scarlet Letter, T h e C u s t o m House).
A s like and near m a y be construed also as prepositions, the clause
following them m a y be construed as the object of a preposition,
preposition and clause together forming a prepositional clause:
'This cloth does not wear like what we bought of him before.'
24 III CONJUNCTIONS IN ACCUSATIVE CLAUSE 241

'The bridge crosses the river near where we live.' Compare 50

4 c 66 and 24 IV.
a. A B R I D G M E N T O F D A T I V E C L A U S E . This clause is some-
times replaced by a participle: 'He is unkind to all opposing
him,' instead of to whoever opposes (sometimes oppose) him.

ACCUSATIVE CLAUSE, OBJECT OF A VERB

24 III. Conjunctions. This clause performs the function
a noun in the accusative used as the object of a verb: 'I saw
what he did' (= his deed). There are sometimes two direct ob-
jects one a noun or pronoun, the other a clause: ' I entreated
him that he spare me this humiliation.' As the double accusat
is not now a common construction, we prefer a prepositional
object instead of the accusative of the noun or pronoun, wherever
this is possible: 'Pas straight desired all the company they would
beare witnes' (Sir Philip Sidney, Arcadia, Book III, p. 65,
A.D. 1593), now usually of all the company. But the accusative of
the noun or pronoun is the more common form when the clause is
an infinitive clause: 'I desire all the company to bear witness.'
This clause is introduced by: that, in popular speech still often
replaced by as (27 2, 2nd par.), as sometimes in older literary
English; in older literary English sometimes as that instead of
the usual that; lest, from older thy (old instrumental case of tha
less the, literally, on that account that with the negative less (
inserted to indicate that the person in question wishes that the
action may not take place; sometimes still, as in older English,
used after verbs of fearing instead of that; but, but that, or i
colloquial speech but what, often used instead of that not after a
negative or interrogative proposition containing a verb of know-
ing, thinking, believing, expecting, fearing, or saying; an illogical
but, but that, or in colloquial speech but what, sometimes use
instead of the more common that after a negative or interrogative
proposition containing a verb of doubting, wondering, earlier in
the period also a verb of denying and gainsaying, in all four cases
verbs which though positive in form are negative in meaning;
an illogical but or but that instead of that after a negative or inter
rogative proposition containing a verb of hindering or preventing,
verbs which though positive in form are negative in meaning, a
construction once common but now replaced by a positive gerun-
dial clause after the preposition from; in older English, an illogical
that not instead of that after such verbs as to forbid, hinder,
which though positive in form are negative in meaning; after
verbs of remembering, recalling, thinking, knowing, learning,
242 CONJUNCTIONS IN ACCUSATIVE CLAUSE 24 III

perceiving, hearing, and relating often how instead of that, or,

especially earlier in the period, with double expression, how that,
in popular speech often replaced b y as how or that how; often
introduced b y the indefinite relative (23 II 1, 2, 3) pronouns
who (in older English also who that), what (in older English also
what that), that (in older English, n o w replaced b y what), which,
whichever, what(so)ever, whatso (in older English); the indefinite
relative adjectives which, whichever, what (more indefinite than
which), whatever; the indefinite relative adverbs where, when,
whence (in a choice literary style, usually replaced by where
from, from where) or sometimes from whence, whither (in a choice
literary style, usually replaced b y where, or often in colloquial
speech b y the more accurate where to), why (in older English
also why that), how (in older English also how that), whether (origi-
nally a pronoun meaning which of the two) or if, or in older English
sometimes and or an; whether or whether, in older English also
if or, also if or whether, also if or whether that; whether
or, used w h e n the second m e m b e r has its subject, or verb, or both
suppressed, but in older English w e find here also whether or
whether; in indirect questions introduced b y whether or if, or in
older English sometimes and or an; whether or whether, in older
English also if or whether, whether (or if) or whether that;
whether or, in older English also if or; in indirect questions
also introduced b y the interrogative adverbs why (in older Eng-
lish why that), how (in older English how that), whence, where
from, whither, when, where, etc., or the interrogative pronouns and
adjectives, who, what, which, etc.; in indirect exclamations intro-
duced b y what a. Examples illustrating the use of these conjunc-
tions are given below. O n e of these conjunctions if needs
a historical explanation. In older English, it w a s used in both
substantive and conditional clauses. Its original meaning of
doubt or uncertainty w a s felt as appropriate for both categories.
T o d a y in the literary language w e usually distinguish the two
categories b y a distinctive form, preferring whether to if in sub-
stantive clauses and reserving if for use in conditions. T h e old
usage of employing if also in substantive clauses is still wide-
spread in colloquial speech. B u t even here if is not used if the
substantive clause precedes the principal proposition or if the
substantive clause stands in the attributive relation, i.e., is an
attributive substantive clause (23 I): 'Whether (not if) he comes
himself or sends a substitute is immaterial to me.' 'The question
whether (not if) he should come himself or send a substitute must be
decided soon.'
A n understanding of the nature of a direct a n d an indirect
 24 III EXAMPLES OF ACCUSATIVE CLAUSES 243

question is necessary to appreciate the form and meaning of

some of the examples given below. T h e nature of a n indirect
question is discussed in 21 and 23 II 1 (last par.). T h e forms
employed to introduce direct a n d indirect questions are used
also to introduce other object clauses where there is not the
slightest reference to a question or a n answer, as in 'I told him
how (relative adverb) he should do it.' There is, however, a
close relation between these interrogative and indefinite relative
forms. Both groups were originally indefinites a n d still retain
their original meaning. A n interrogative is a n indefinite that
assumes the additional function of asking information concerning
indefinite relations. T h e interrogative, however, never ceases to
be an indefinite. C o m p a r e c, p. 247, and 23 I and II 1 (last par.).
For the use of the terms relative and interrogative see 21 (4th par.).
Although the accusative clause usually has declarative form, it
sometimes has the form of a direct c o m m a n d or a direct question:
' A n d I say to mankind, Be not curious about God!' (Walt W h i t m a n ,
Leaves of Grass, p. 90). For examples of interrogative form see c,
p. 247.

Examples of Accusative Clauses after Verbs:

T know that he has come,' originally T know that: he has come,' where
the that is a determinative pronoun pointing to the following explanatory
appositional sentence.
Is it sufferable that the Fop of w h o m I complain should say as (now that)
he would rather have such-a-one without a Groat than me with the Indies?
(Steele, Spectator, No. 508, p. 6, A.D. 1712).
Miss O P H E L I A . Y o u ought to be ashamed of yourselves. M R . S T .
CLAIRE. I don't know as (now that) I am (Harriet Beecher Stowe, Uncle
Tom's Cabin, Ch. XVIII).
I don't know as (now that) it would be proper for me to mention the
grown-up people over the way (Louisa Alcott, Aunt Jo's Scrap-Bag, 197).
I don't know as (in popular speech replacing, as here, literary that) I
should want you should marry for money (W. D. Howells, The Minister's
Charge, Ch. X X ) .
Pray let her know as that (instead of the usual simple that) I will present
her . . . my Lancashire Seat (Richardson, Clarissa, IV, 259, A.D. 1748).
I feared that it might anger him (or lest it should, or might, anger him)
I don't know but (or but that, or but what) it is all true (= that it is
all true).
W h o knows but (but that, or but what) it is all true ? (= that it isn't
true?).
I could hardly believe but (but that, or but what) it was all real (= th
it wasn't all real).
Take the money there is no saying but (but that, or but what) you will
need it.
244 E X A M P L E S O F ACCUSATIVE CLAUSES 24 III

That wouldn't say but what I'd be foolish (= that I shouldn't be foolish
to feel that w a y (Victor Appleton, Don Sturdy in Lion Land, Ch. IV).
Thus w e lived several years in a state of m u c h happiness; [I will] not
[say] but that we sometimes had those little rubs which Providence sends t
enhance the value of its favors.
Also, he did a big piece of work in his clean-up of camps all over Cali-
fornia, and in awakening, through countless talks up and down the state,
some understanding of the I. W . W . and his problem. (Not but what it
seems now to have been almost forgotten.) (Cornelia Stratton Parker in
Atlantic Monthly, April, 1919.)
W h o doubts that (or n o w less commonly but, but that, or but what) he
will win.
'I do not doubt that (or n o w less commonly but, or but that, or but what)
the catastrophe is over,' but with the indefinite whether to bring out the
idea of doubt, uncertainty: T doubt whether (or if) the catastrophe is over
'What hinders then but that thoufindher out?' (Addison, Cato, III, vn,
18), now, 'What hinders you then from finding her out?'
H e forbade that not (now simple that without not) anybody should use a
silver drinking cup (W. Burton, Comment. Itin. Antonin., 121, A.D. 1658).
'I saw how ( = that) he was gradually falling behind in the race,' quite
different from T asked him how he did it' (indirect question).
Tell John what (relative adjective) things ye have seen and heard;
how that (= simple how or that) the blind see, the lame walk (Luke, VII, 22)
Seeing as how (for literary that) the captain had been hauling him over
the coals (Marryat, Peter Simple, XIII).
Miss Dorritt came here one afternoon with a bit of writing, telling
that how (in popular speech for literary that) she wished for needle work
(Dickens, Little Dorritt).
I should like to ask who (interrogative pronoun) did it (indirect question).
I told him who (relative pronoun) did it.
H e told m e whom (relative) he blamed for it.
I asked him whom (interrogative) he blamed for it (indirect question).
I asked him who (interrogative; see 11 2 e; better whom) he plays with
(indirect question).
'I m a y neither choose who (now one whom) I would nor refuse who
(now one whom) I dislike' (Shakespeare, The Merchant of Venice, I, n, 24).
Today w e avoid simple indefinite who where w e desire to describe rather
than to point out.
Give m e what (relative) you have in your hand.
Tell m e what (interrogative) you have in your hand.
That (relative; n o w what) thou doest, do quickly (John, XIII, 27).
Whatever he threatens he performs.
'I'll tell you soon which (relative) plan, or which (relative) of the plans,
wefinallysettle on,' or where the thought is more indefinite 'I'll report to
you later what (or whatever) changes we make in our plans,' or a little more
definitely ' W e are ready to adopt whichever of these plans you recommend.'
I asked him which (interrogative) plan he had settled on, or which
(interrogative) of the plans he had settled on.
 24 III EXAMPLES OF ACCUSATIVE CLAUSES 245

I told him why (relative) / did it.

I asked him why (interrogative) he did it.
I wonder why he doesn't come! (indirect speculative question; see 21,
3rd par.).
I wonder what he is going to do now! (indirect speculative question).
I told him when (relative) / was going.
I asked him when (interrogative) he was going.
I have seen, When (now a case, or cases in which), after execution, judge-
ment hath Repented o'er his doom (Shakespeare, Measure for Measure,
II, n, 10).
I see whither (relative; in poetry and choice prose not infrequent)
your question tends (Concise Oxford Dictionary).
I told laimwhere (relative; in poetry and choice prose whither) I was going.
I asked him where (interrogative; in poetry and choice prose whither)
he was going.
I told her where (relative) I came from (or in poetry or choice prose
whence I came).
'Nobody knew where (relative) he came from,' or to emphasize where
by withholding it until the end: 'He came from nobody knew where'
(George Eliot, Silas Marner, Ch. II).
T should like to k n o w where (interrogative) she came from' (or in poetry
and choice prose whence she came), a polite indirect w a y of asking a ques-
tion ; but in a direct question w e often for emphasis bring the interrogative,
who, what, where, wherefrom, etc., forward from the subordinate clause
and put it at the beginning of the sentence: ' Who did she say wrote it?',
'Who do you think it is?', 'What do you think has happened?', 'Where
did she say she put it?', ' Where did she say she came from?'; instead of:
'Did she say w h o wrote it?', 'Do you think w h o it is?', 'Do you think
what has happened?', 'Did she say where she put it?', 'Did she say
where she came from?'
'I have heard, Where (now conversations in which) many of the best
respect (rank) in Rome, Have wish'd that noble Brutus had his eyes' (Shake-
speare, Julius Ccesar, I, u, 59). This old use of where with the force of a
noun + in which is still heard in colloquial speech: 'This morning I read
in the Tribune where (in the literary language an account in which) a
boy killed his father.'
Of m a n y things that have been taken for granted m e n are beginning
to ask, Are they true? (direct question), or whether they are true (indirect
question).
H e decided that he would go and see whether (relative) Rachel were in
(Hugh Walpole, The Duchess of Wrexe, p. 261).
I asked him whether (or if; interrogatives) he was coming.
In 'She found herself wondering at the breath she drew, doubting that
another would follow' (Meredith), the writer employs that to indicate
that, though there was doubt in the mind of the person described, there
is really no doubt about the fact in question; but it is more natural here
to use whether (or if) to portray vividly the doubt in the mind of the person
described.
246 ANTICIPATORY OBJECT IN ACCUSATIVE CLAUSE 24 III a

T doubt whether (or colloquially if) he was there,' but 'I do not doubt
that (or sometimes but, or but that, or colloquially but what) he was there'
and 'Do you doubt that (or but, or but that, or but what) he was there?'
Good sirs, looke and (now whether or if; relative) the coast be cleere,
I'ld faine be going (Ben Jonson, Euery Man out of His Humour, V, in,
A.D. 1600).
Aske him an (now whether or if; interrogatives) he will clem (starve)
me (Ben Jonson, Poetaster, I, n, A.D. 1601).
I do not k n o w whether (relative) he will come himself, or whether he will
send a substitute (or whether he will come himself or send a substitute).
K n o w of the D u k e if (now usually whether) his last purpose hold, Or
whether since he is advis'd by aught To change the course (Shakespeare,
King Lear, V , i, 1).
I do not k n o w whether (relative) he is better or worse.
' W e m a y choose whether we will take the hint or not' (or sometimes as in
older English also no), or ' W e m a y choose whether or not (or no) we will
take the hint.'
'Confessing not to k n o w whether there were gods, or whether not' (Milton,
Areopagitica, 7), n o w simply or not.
Then while the king debated with himself If (now usually whether)
Arthur were the child of shamefulness, O r born the son of Gorlois, etc,
(Tennyson, Idylls of the King, 237).
I asked him whether (interrogative) he would come himself, or whether
he would send a substitute (or whether he would come himself or send a sub-
stitute).
'And hark thee, villain, observe if his cheek loses color or his eye falter
(Scott, Talisman, C h . X V ) . This ifor is still c o m m o n in colloquial
American English, but in the literary language whether or is the usual
form.
Then judge, great lords, if (now usually whether) I have done amiss,
Or whether (relatives) that such cowards ought to wear this ornament of
knighthood (Shakespeare, J Henry VI, IV, i, 27).
Every one knows what a scene takes place when a Ministry is defeated
in the House of Commons.
Little did she foresee what a difference this would make.
T h e object clause is often complex, i.e., consists of a principal
and a subordinate clause, the one being often embedded in the
other: 'Let us n o w consider what we said was the supreme character-
istic of a highly developed age the manifestation of a critical spir
the endeavor after a rational arrangement and appreciation of facts.
Here the principal proposition of the complex clause, we said,
is embedded in the subordinate. T h e clause is often only in a
formal sense complex since the principal proposition has the force
of a sentence adverb, as described in 16 2 a (p. 132): 'I n o w desire
to discuss what I feel is the main issue.'
a. A N T I C I P A T O R Y O B J E C T O R O B J E C T P O I N T I N G B A C K . There
is often an anticipatory word such as this, it, one thing, etc., in the
24 III C ACCUSATIVE CLAUSE IN FORM OF A QUESTION 247

principal proposition, pointing to the following object clause:

'I know this, one thing, that he will never do that again.'
If the principal proposition is placed at the end for emphasis,
it often contains a pronominal object which points back to the
object clause, which is the real object: ' W h o m I honor, him I
trust.' 'What the light of your mind pronounces incredible, that
in God's name leave uncredited' (Carlyle).
6. O M I S S I O N O F ' T H A T . ' A S in 21 a, that is often omitted: 'He
always answers us he is well.' This always takes place when
the principal proposition is embedded in the accusative clause ;
'God himself, they devoutly trusted, would shelter his servants*
in the day of battle against the impious m e n w h o were less their
enemies than his' (Gardiner). Sometimes the principal proposi-
tion follows the accusative clause, which has been placedfirstfor
emphasis: 'You've an appointment at the tailor's, remember'
(Pinero, The Thunderbolt, Act I).
It is a characteristic of American popular and dialectic speech
to employ a full clause after want ( = desire), usually with sup-
pressed that, while in the literary language the abridged form of
the clause, according to d, p. 249, is always used: 'He wanted
Luke should go with him' ( A m y Lowell, East Wind, p. 110), but
in the literary language always: 'He wanted Luke to go with him.'
c. A C C U S A T I V E C L A U S E I N T H E F O R M O F A Q U E S T I O N . In collo-
quial and popular speech it is c o m m o n to employ here a blending
of direct and indirect discourse the form of a direct question
instead of the usual literary accusative clause introduced by the
interrogatory conjunction whether or if, with the important modi-
fication, however, that a present tense form under the influence
of a past tense is changed to a past tense form: 'He spoke of
Pen's triumphs as an orator at Oxbridge, and asked was he coming
into Parliament' (Thackeray, Pendennis, p. 286). 'He had asked
the boy Micky had any one gone to see them' (De Morgan, When
Ghost Meets Ghost, Ch. X X I X ) . 'He wants to k n o w is the news-
paper man here' (George Bernard Shaw, The Doctor's Dilemma,
Act IV). 'Mr. M a n up'n ax' 'im is (= has) he got a bad cole' (Joel
Chandler Harris, Nights with Uncle Remus, p. 125). This con-
struction is spreading from popular speech. It is especially
common in popular Irish English. It is used there even when the
principal proposition is a question, so that both propositions have
question form: 'Would you say would that lad grow too high in
himself to go into the kitchen to oblige me?' (Lady Gregory, The
Dragon, p. 91).
As explained in 21 (3rd par.), question form here sometimes de-
notes not a formal question but mere doubt, uncertainty: 'She
248 ACCUSATIVE CLAUSE IN F O R M O F A QUESTION 24 III c

cast about a m o n g her little ornaments to see could she sell any to
procure the desired novelties,' instead of the usual if (or whether
she could sell any, etc. Very often in popular Irish English:
'Mad, a m I? Bit by a dog, a m I? You'll see am I mad!' (Lady
Gregory, The Full Moon), instead of the usual if (or whether) I
am mad. In the literary language w e often find here a question
followed by the formal principal proposition I wonder, which in
reality, however, is not the governing proposition but a sentence
adverb (16 2 a, p. 132) which gives the sentence the coloring of
uncertainty: ' A m I getting deaf, I wonder?' (Edith Wharton,
The Glimpses of the Moon, Ch. X X I ) .
In all these cases there is sometimes not only a change of tense
but also a change of person: (direct) 'Will you call again?'
(indirect) 'Would I call again? she asked.' 'Ned put hisflatand
final question, would she marry him, then and there' (Hardy,
Life's Little Ironies).
Similarly, after the interrogatives when, where, what, why, etc.,
we sometimes find here question form instead of the usual word-
order of the accusative clause: 'Then he asked where was King
Phillip' (M. H . Hewlett, Richard Yea-and-Nay, 228), instead
of where King Phillip was. 'Dey ax' 'im, dey did, wharbouts
wuz Brer Fox' (Harris, Nights with Uncle Remus). ' M y sister
asked m e what was the matter' (Doyle, Sherlock Holmes). As
above, question form here sometimes denotes not a formal ques-
tion but mere doubt, uncertainty: 'I wonder what way did that
lad make his way into this place' (Lady Gregory). 'He realized
that it would be best to see what was the matter' (Robert Herrick,
The Common Lot, Ch. X X V I ) (or more commonly what the matter
was). A s above, w e often find here in the literary language a
question followed by the formal principal proposition I wonder,
which in reality is not the governing proposition but a sentence
adverb which gives the sentence the coloring of uncertainty:
' W h y do you dislike having servants and being waited upon so
much, / wonder' (Mrs. H . W a r d , Lady Rose's Daughter, Ch. XII).
Furthermore, question form is often employed where there is
no desire either to report indirectly actual questions or to express
doubt, uncertainty. W h e n a speaker or writer presents a topic
for consideration, he frequentlyfirstputs it in the form of a ques-
tion and then proceeds to discuss it: 'To come to closer quarters
w e m a y ask, W h a t are the chief general characteristics of sixteenth-
century English?' (H. C. Wyld, History of Modern Colloquial
English, p. 100).
Of course, question form is used when a direct question is quoted:
'"Where are you going?" she asked.'
24 III d ABRIDGMENT OF ACCUSATIVE CLAUSE 249

d. A B R I D G M E N T O F A C C U S A T I V E C L A U S E . This accusative
clause can be abridged to an infinitive clause w h e n its subject is
identical with the subject or an accusative, prepositional, or dative
object in the principal proposition: 'I hope to see him today.' 'I
don't k n o w how to do it'; but in older English sometimes without
how: 'since I knew to love' (Thomas Godfrey, The Prince of Par-
thia, I, III, A.D. 1765). 'I didn't k n o w whether to laugh or cry.' 'I
beg you (ace.) to go.' 'I beg of you (prepositional object) to go at
once.' 'I showed him (dat.) how to do it.' 'Tell him (dat.) to come
at once.' 'I told him (dat.) where tofindit.' 'I taught him (dat.)
to swim' (or swimming, or how to swim). 'I have taught how to
swim to m a n y boys' (dat.). 'I taught him (dat.) what to say'
(or what he should say). 'He allows (or permits) m e (dat.) to do
it.' 'That makes it hard for m e (dat. of reference; see 12 1 B a)
to do it.' A s explained in 7 D 2 (3rd par.), theto-infinitivehere
often has modal force: 'I do not k n o w what to do' (= I am to do,
or I should do). 'I should be happy if I k n e w h o w to accomplish
(= I might accomplish) this.'
Originally, the infinitive w a s only a modifier of the verb, but
in course of time a close relation developed between it and the
subject or the object of the principal verb, so that the infinitive
and the subject or object of the principal proposition came to be
felt as an abridged clause, in which the subject or object of the
principal proposition was the logical subject and the infinitive
the logical predicate. This construction has become thoroughly
established where the subject of the infinitive is the subject of the
principal proposition or the accusative, dative, or prepositional
object of the principal verb; indeed in m a n y cases it has spread
beyond these early limits of the construction, for the infinitive is
often used with an accusative subject after the verbs want, wish,
desire, like, order, request, know, think, believe, suppose, take (=
pose), image, expect, report, represent, reveal, cause, enable, perm
grant, etc., where the accusative is- felt as the subject of the
infinitive rather than as the object of the principal yerbr^Twant
you to go away and stay away.' 'I want you to wait for me until
six o'clock,' but with descriptive force, 'I want you to be waiting
for me with the car when my train arrives.' 'I expect, desire him
to go.' 'I desire the rubbish to be removed.' 'He ordered the house
to be pulled down.' 'I k n o w him to be an honest man.' 'I k n o w
it all to be true.' 'I thought, supposed him to be the owner of the
house.' 'I thought, supposed it to be him' (7 A a (1)), or more
commonly with a clause with afiniteverb, ' I thought, supposed
it was he,' or in loose colloquial speech him, as explained in
7 C a. 'He thought, supposed Richard to be me' (or that Richard
250 ABRIDGMENT OF ACCUSATIVE CLAUSE 24 III d

was I, or in loose colloquial speech me). 'I took him to be nearer

sixty than fifty.' 'The big table enables maps and documents to
be laid out with ease' (Strand Magazine, N o . 325, 16a). 'He
doesn't allow (or permit) the books to be taken out of the library.'
In Middle English and early M o d e r n English, the list of these
verbs was longer, including to say, tell, allege, fear, promise, do
etc. This usage with the last of these verbs survives in archaic
' W e do you to wit' ( = know); i.e., ' W e give you to understand,
inform you.' In the passive form of statement, however, the old
construction is generally preserved: 'Nobody could be said to
understand the heath w h o had not been there at such a time'
(Hardy, The Return of the Native, I, C h . I). Though the old
active form with say has gone out of use, the old passive form of
the same construction survives. Compare 7 D 1 b.
Except with the list of verbs given above w e n o w follow the
simple rule that the to-form of the infinitive is used when its sub-
ject is the subject or object of the principal verb, and that else-
where, according to 21 e, the infinitive has a subject of its own
introduced by for; sometimes also in the case of some of the verbs
in the abovefist,as the simplicity and clearness of this newer
usage has a strong appeal and is gaining favor: 'I planned to go
myself,' but 'I planned for him to go.' 'I hope for the book to make
its mark' (Meredith, Letters, 550). 'I beg for dear little Molly to
stay on here' (Mrs. Gaskell, Wives and Daughters, I, Ch. VII).
'Harry, Mrs. Roosevelt would like for you to lunch at the White
House today' (Archie Butt, Letter, Dec. 7, 1908), or also as in
older English with the simple accusative as subject of the infini-
tive : ' Y o u m e a n you would like Captain Lay to lunch at the White
House today' (ib.). 'I hate for them to whine like that,' or some-
times still as in older English with a simple accusative as subject
of the infinitive: 'I had rather they would whine though I
hate them to whine, too' (Mary Johnston, Hagar, Ch. II); but we
usually prefer to construct the clause so that the subject of the
infinitive is the subject of the principal proposition: 'I hate to
hear them whine like that.' In older English, there was another
kind of for to used, as explained in 21 e, a mere substitute for simple
to: 'The markis (marquis) c a m (came) and gan (began) hirforto
(now in the literary language simple to) calle' (Chaucer, The
Clerkes Tale, 233). This old usage lives on in popular speech.
Just as in principal propositions an emphatic subject follows
there is, as in 'There is here some mistake,' so in abridged clauses
the emphatic subject follows there to be: 'I don't want there to be
any mistake' (Stanley Houghton, Hindle Wakes, Act III). Simi-
larly, an emphatic subject especially w h e n modified by a phrase
24 III d ABRIDGMENT OF ACCUSATIVE CLAUSE 251

or clause follows a passive infinitive: 'Little did the fathers of

the town anticipate this brilliant success w h e n they caused to be
imported from further in the country some straight poles with the
tops cut off, which they called sugar maple trees' (Thoreau, Journa
X I , p. 218).
The to be of the passive infinitive is often omitted, especially
in American English: 'I want these letters [to be] stamped and
mailed at once.' 'He ordered a family in Shanty T o w n [to be]
quarantined' (Sinclair Lewis, Arrowsmith). T h e fact that to be
is often omitted here indicates that this construction is influenced
by the objective predicate construction in 15 III 2.
In older English, an infinitive with modal force could stand
after doubt not but: ' H e doubted not but to subvert any villainous
design' (Fielding), n o w 'He didn't doubt that he could subvert,'
etc.
With the group of verbs in 15 III 2 B the simple infinitive
without to is the usual form, n o w as well as in older English,
although there is a tendency to use here the form with to, or in
older English also for to.
In early Modern English, the old simple infinitive is occasionally
still used here as in the case of the verbs in 15 III 2 B. This old
usage lingered longest where there was present in the mind some
analogy of meaning with the verbs in 15 III 2 B : 'ButfirstI
forc'd him lay his weapons downe' (Kyd, The Spanish Tragedy,
I, n, 158, A.D. 1585), after the analogy of 'I made him lay his
weapons down.' Sometimes where there is at present no verb
in the list to serve as an analogy, for in older English this list was
larger and the feeling for the old simple infinitive was livelier than
today: 'And yesternight [she] sent her Coach twise to m y lodging
to entreat m e accompanie her' (Ben Jonson, Euery Man out of
His Humour, II, in, A.D. 1600). This old usage still lingers where
there is some analogy in mind: 'Elementary humanity forbade
him leave (after the analogy of the simple infinitive after bade,
which is here associated with forbade) his lame old godmother one
moment unattended' (Agnes and Egerton Castle, The Lost
Iphigenia, C h . I). T h e simple infinitive is n o w most c o m m o n
here where it is felt as an imperative: 'And you, Quentin, I com-
mand you be silent' (Scott, Quentin Durward, II, 193) (or more
commonly to be silent). 'I was going to say wait for us, and then
we could all have been married together' (De Morgan, When
Ghost Meets Ghost, Ch. X I ) .
The gerund clause is often used here instead of the infinitive,
almost regularly so w h e n the verbal idea is felt as the direct object
of the verb, while the infinitive is more c o m m o n w h e n its expressed
252 ABRIDGMENT OF ACCUSATIVE CLAUSE 24 III d

subject is felt as having relations with the principal proposition:

'I don't remember ever being scolded by her' (or ever having been
scolded by her). 'I shall not tolerate your talking so to Mother,'
but' I shall not allow you to talk so to Mother.' T h e verb to tolerate
in this meaning usually takes a single object of the thing, while
to allow usually takes an indirect object of the person and a
direct object of the thing, and hence m a y take an infinitive, since
its indirect object can serve also as the subject of the infinitive.
W e can either say, ' M y convictions do not permit my taking
part in this' or ' M y convictions do not permit me to take part in
this,' for to permit admits of either a single object of the thing or
an indirect object of the person and a direct object of the thing.
W e can say, 'I planned going myself or 'I planned to go myself,'
since w e feel that the subject of the infinitive, though unexpressed,
has close relations with the principal proposition, for it is the sub-
ject of the principal proposition. W e can either say 'I don't
like the boy to come here so often,' or better with the newer form of
the infinitive construction, for the boy to come here so often, or
with the gerundial construction, the boy's (or often, the boy; see
50 3) coming here so often. 'I aim to be (American), or at being
(British), brief.'
After help in its negative meaning avoid, prevent, w e employ
either the infinitive or more c o m m o n l y the gerund: 'He could
not help to weep and sigh' (Kingsley, Hereward the Wake, II, XVI)
(or more commonly weeping and sighing). M u c h more common
than theto-infinitiveis but + the simple infinitive: 'He could
not help but laugh' (S. Weir Mitchell, Hugh Wynne, Ch. III).
'He could not help but see them' (Hugh Walpole, Jeremy, Ch. XI,
2). 'He could not help but believe me' (Lord Alfred Douglas,
Oscar Wilde and Myself, C h . X X I V , 290). 'I could not help but
feel that,' etc. (Theodore Dreiser, The Bookman, Sept., 1927, p. 8).
This construction is an abridged form of the full clause introduced
by but that following a verb of preventing. Examples of the
full clause are given in 24 III, p. 244. T h e use of but + the simple
infinitive has been criticized b y American grammarians, but it is
constructed after an old pattern once widely used. Moreover,
it is still employed b y good British and American authors. It is
c o m m o n in American colloquial speech. Choose has the same
meaning and construction, but is not so c o m m o n : 'He could
not choose but love her' (Meredith, Ordeal of Richard Feverel,
Ch. X X V ) . In older English to was sometimes used before the
infinitive: 'I could not chuse but to forgive her' (Richardson,
Pamela, III, 70). T h etoshould always stand before the infinitive,
but the construction has been influenced b y the elliptical con-
24 IV PREPOSITIONAL CLAUSE 253

struction with but described in 49 4 E (4th par.). In older English

this construction was used after other verbs of preventing: 'You
shal not faile butfindthem' (T. Wilson, Rhetoric, 81, A.D. 1553).
'She can not miss but see us' (Paget, Tales of Village Childre
II, 96, A.D. 1844). These examples have been taken from the
Oxford Dictionary under But 22, where there is a fuller list. Where
the but is not employed in the abridged clause, the to before the
infinitive is better preserved. Fail usually takes a to-infinitive
but sometimes also a gerund, either in the accusative or the
prepositional genitive, the old genitive of goal (13 3): 'Don't
fail to come.' 'He never failed coming to inform them of this'
(Jane Austen, Pride and Prejudice, Ch. X X X ) . 'My proposals
will not fail of being acceptable' (ib., Ch. XIX). Miss now usuall
takes a gerund, but a little earlier in the period also a <o-infinitive:
'I would not miss seeing it.' 'I was in pain Lest I should miss to
bid (now bidding) thee a good morrow' (Keats, Isabella, X X V I )
Prevent takes either a gerund after the preposition from or an
accusative participial or gerundial clause with an accusative or a
genitive subject: 'The troops tried to prevent the enemy from
crossing the river' (or to prevent the enemy, or enemy's,
theriver).Hinder takes either a gerund after the preposition
from or less commonly ato-infinitive:'The noise hindered her
from going to sleep again.' 'He don't hinder you to tell' (Charl
Reade), now more commonly from telling. Avoid now usually
takes a gerund, though in older English it often has a to-infinitive
'I avoided discussing (in older English also to discuss) the matte
with him.' 'I cannot forbear expressing (or from expressing, o
to express) m y surprise.'
After verbs and the adjective worth (11 2 g) the gerund some-
times, in accordance with older usage, has active form though the
meaning is passive: 'It won't bear thinking about' (Conan Doyle,
Tragedy of the Korosko, Ch. II) (or being thought about). 'H
deserves hanging for that.' 'He preferred burning to recantation.'
'These acts are worth recording.' The gerunds in these cases are
felt as nouns, rather than as verbal forms. Compare 50 1, 2.

PREPOSITIONAL CLAUSE, OBJECT OF VERB

OR ADJECTIVE
24 IV. If we resolve the prepositional clause into its co
ent elements, wefinda preposition and a group of words forming
a unit, a clause with the force of a substantive (noun) a sub-
stantive (noun) clause. This clause has the peculiar form of a
substantive clause, i.e., it is introduced by the usual conjunctions
254 PREPOSITIONAL CLAUSE 24 IV

and conjunctive pronouns, adjectives, and adverbs found in sub-

stantive clauses. These connectives are given below. This
substantive clause is the object of the preposition, hence is an
object clause. B u t w e do not feel it as a direct object. Preposition
and substantive clause together form a unit, a prepositional
clause. This prepositional clause modifies a verb, verbal phrase,
participle, or adjective. Sometimes this clause is felt as the
prepositional object, i.e., the necessary complement, of the verb,
verbal phrase, participle, or adjective which it modifies: 'Your
success will largely depend upon what you do and how you do it.'
'He had wisely m a d e u p his mind as to what could no longer be
avoided.' 'He is conscious of what a fine opportunity he has.'
'He gets furious against whoever opposes him.' 'I a m curious as
to what he will say.' Sometimes the prepositional clause is much
less closely related in thought to the modified word, so that
it is felt as an adverbial element ratherj;han as an objector in-
dispensable complement: 'I walked over to where she saf' "(ad-
verbial prepositional clause of place). 'But you do as you like
with m e you always did, from when first you begun to walk'
(George Eliot, Silas Marner, C h . X I ) (adverbial prepositional
clause of time). 'From what I know of him (adverbial preposi-
tional clause of condition = // i" may judge by what I know of
him) I should say that he is unreliable.'
A n anticipatory object, it or this, often precedes the clause, the
real object: 'I took his word for it that he would make an effort.'
'I a m counting on it that you will come.' 'You m a y rely on it
that I shall help you.' 'It has come to this, that he can't support
his family.' T h e conjunction that m a y be suppressed here, as
in 21 a: 'Molly's punishment had got as far as this: she longed
for her mother al this time' (Owen Wister, The Virginian, Ch.
XXXIV).
In older English, in clauses with adverbial force, the anticipatory,
or determinative (56 A , 3rd par.), object was often that, which
soon formed with the preceding preposition a compound, the two
words developing into an adverbial conjunction. This old type
is preserved in a number of adverbial conjunctions: 'He did not
really k n o w what he was going to say, beyond that (31) the situation
demanded something romantic' Likewise in the case of in thai
(28 1), instead of that (28 3), besides that (28 3), and sometimes
for that (30). In older English, there were m a n y such conjunctions.
Compare 27 3 (7th par.).
T h e preposition is often suppressed: ' H e boasted [of it] thai
he did it.' 'I give you m y word [for it] that I wasn't there.' 'I
believe he m a d e u p his mind [to it] that I was heartless and selfish
24 IV PREPOSITIONAL CLAUSE 255

(Ruskin, Praeterita, II, 189). 'She hesitated [as to] whether she
should break in on his affliction.' ' I don't care [for, always omitte
who marries him.' 'I wonder [at it] that (often omitted) he didn't
kill you.' 'She was not aware [of] how wide a place shefilledin
his thoughts.' 'Be careful [as to] how ( = in what manner) you
do that.' 'The hawkers are wary [of it] how (= that) they buy an
animal suspected to be stolen' (Mayhew, London Labour, II, 62,
A.D. 1865). 'I shall write you as soon as I have m a d e u p m y
mind [to] what I should do.'
The substantive clause contained in the prepositional clause is
introduced by: that, what a, and the indefinite relative pronouns,
adjectives, and adverbs what, whatever, who, whoever, which, which-
ever, where, when, how, why, whether, etc. T h e forms with -ever
have more indefinite force: 'I a m pleased with what he has done,
and I k n o w I shall be pleased with whatever he undertakes in the
future.' 'A gentleman has informed m e of who were engaged in
the affair, and he will inform m e of whoever in the future will engage
in anything similar.' 'I have m a d e u p m y mind as to which
plan I prefer, but I shall probably be contented with whichever
plan Father will adopt.' Interrogatives are not used in this clause.
Even in such sentences as 'I inquired about what he was doing
and how his experiments were turning out' what and how are
relatives, not interrogatives; for the statement here is not an
indirect report of a direct question, but a declaration that informa-
tion was sought with regard to certain matters.
In parallel clauses introduced b y what the what needs to be
repeated only when the construction is different in the two clauses:
'His n a m e is associated with what is probably the best, and [what]
has certainly proved to be the most popular, of English antholo-
gies,' but 'He is entirely ignorant of what the house is and what
its work consists of.'
In colloquial and popular speech the preposition often stands
before a clause not formally introduced b y a conjunction or an
indefinite relative pronoun, adjective, or adverb: ' M y head has
been people-tired, I think, but m y heart is just satisfied with
being full of "I'm so glad you're better'" (Clyde Fitch, Letter,
1904). Usually, however, there is in such sentences a subordinat-
ing conjunction present. T h e preposition itself serves as a con-
junction. T h e subordinate clause is of the old type described
in the third paragraph, only that that, the anticipatory or deter-
minative (56 A , 3rd par.) object of the preposition, has been
suppressed, as in 27 3 (7th par.), so that the preposition itself
serves as the conjunction, an adverbial conjunction: 'Q. Y o u
don't k n o w M r . Scope? A. [I] D o not, outside of [that] I have
 256 ABRIDGMENT OF PREPOSITIONAL CLAUSE 24 IV a

seen him here about town' (Tennessee Evolution Trial, p. 12, July 10
1925). 'I'm just fat by [that] I eat so much victuals lately' (Julia
Peterkin, Scarlet Sister Mary, C h . III). 'They'd figgered on
making him their victim on account [of that] he was the handiest'
(Will James, Smoky, C h . I V ) . T h e that is sometimes expressed:
'But, then, credit had to be handed to the little horse on account
that, even though he still had a powerful lot to learn, he sure was
all for learning' (ib., C h . VIII). C o m p a r e 27 3 (7th par.).

Examples:
I insist upon it that he go, should go, must go, shall go.
H e is worrying about what we shall do next.
Jones and I had a bet [as to] who would stick out the longer.
The crowd was elated or dejected according to which of the two antag-
onists got the upper hand.
They were praised or scolded according to how they had done their work
I a m not informed [as to] whether he went, why he went, when he went,
where he came from.
Instead of the clumsy correct' I a m curious as to with whom she is going
tonight,' m a n y who try to talk correctly say whom she is going with to
night, but in loose colloquial speech we usually hear who (see 11 2 e) she
is going with tonight.
H e looked from one to the other of us, as if uncertain [as to] which he
was to address (or simply which to address).
Let them take care [as to] what they say.
'She is worrying about it,' or 'She is worrying that he doesn't come
(or because he doesn't come). There is often in the that-clause, as in thi
example, the idea of cause, which leads to the use of because instead of
that. Compare 30 a.
a. ABRIDGMENT OF PREPOSITIONAL CLAUSE. The original
concrete meaning of m o v e m e n t toward a person or thing found in
the preposition to is still discernible in the to of the infinitive in
infinitive clauses which form an indispensable complement to a
verb, adjective, or participle: 'His father forced him to maifce his
own living.' 'I persuaded, induced, got h i m to do it.' 'He is
eager to go.' 'He is inclined to take offense easily.' Often also
where the relation to the verb is not so close: 'He prevailed
upon his wife to join in the deceit.' 'I a m counting upon John
to do it.' A s in these examples, the subject of the infinitive is
often the subject of the verb of the principal proposition, or it
is the object of the verb or the preposition following the verb.
T h e subject of the infinitive is not expressed if it is general or
indefinite: 'The work is hard to translate.' If the infinitive has
a subject of its o w n for is placed before it: 'I a m anxious for you
to succeed.' In all these cases the infinitive has more or less the
 24 IV a ABRIDGMENT OF PREPOSITIONAL CLAUSE 257

force of a prepositional object. It is interesting to observe that

the gerund after to often replaces the infinitive after to here,
while it cannot be used after to at all in the adverbial constructions
described below: 'Hunger forced him to steal' (ortostealing).
'I a m accustomed to do it this way' (ortodoing it this way). In
m a n y adverbial clauses thetoof the infinitive is still a preposition,
but its original force has faded a w a y to different shades of ab-
stract meaning. Purpose: ' H e worked hard to get through early.'
The idea of purpose sometimes becomes quite dim: 'Look out!
I a m going to shoot.' Adverbial infinitive clauses of purpose are
treated more fully in 33 2. Result: 'He has come to see the error
of his ways.' 'He (i.e., the little son) is exactly like H u g h (i.e.,
the father, a general in the army) he only wants a uniform to
be put on the Staff at once' (De Morgan, Joseph Vance, C h . X X X ) .
After to be born the infinitive often has active form where the force
is passive: 'You was born to hang' (Jack London, The Call of the
Wild, Ch. I). Compare 28 5 d (4th par.). T h e infinitive after
to expresses also other adverbial relations: 'I w a s pleased to see
him' (cause). 'I should be gladtogo' (condition). 'You couldn't
do that to save your life' (concession). This infinitive is a terse
convenient means of expression, but, as it hasn't a distinctive
form in all the categories, it can be used only where the context
makes the thought clear. In the categories, however, where
there is a distinctive conjunction the expression is not only terse
but also clear, as in clauses of purpose (33 2), modal result (28 5 d,
29 2 a), and exception (31 2, 5th par.).
The infinitive clause is often used after other prepositions than
to if it is introduced b y an indefinite relative pronoun, adjective,
or adverb: ' I a m thinking of what to do next (= of what I should
do next), of what course to pursue (= of what course I should pur-
sue), of how to do it' ( = of how I should do it). 'They could not
agree as to whom to select' ( = as to whom they should select). 'She
hesitated [asto]what to reply' (= [as to] what she should reply).
The infinitive in such clauses is, of course, not a simple infinitive,
object of the prepositionto,but a modern formation, a to-infinitive
in an abridged prepositional clause. A s can be seen b y the forms
in parentheses, the infinitive here, as in 24 III d, often has modal
force.
After other prepositions thanto,in clauses not introduced b y
a relative, the gerund is used exclusively or alongside of the
prepositional infinitive: 'I a m afraid of doing him an injustice.'
'He is dead set against doing anything for me.' 'They have often
talked about going to America.' 'The prisoner rescued himself
by making a rope out of his coat and letting himself down on it from
258 ABRIDGMENT OF PREPOSITIONAL CLAUSE 24 IV a

the window.' ' H e was dismissed from school on account of setting

the boys up to so much mischief.' 'She blamed herself for having
been such a dull companion.' 'She w a s worried over her little
boy's (or, according to 50 3, boy) having to cross the railroad on
the way to school' 'His present poverty comes from neglecting
his earlier opportunities.' In all these cases a thing is the object
of the preposition, namely, the gerund. A gerund is usually
employed here where the sense requires a thing as object, but the
prepositional infinitive is here preferred, as in 24 III d, when the
sense requires as object a person w h o is at the same time felt as
the subject of the infinitive: 'He insisted upon his wife's joining
in the deceit,' but 'He prevailed upon his wifetojoin in the deceit,
since w e insist upon a thing but prevail upon a person. 'I am
counting on John's doing it' or 'I a m counting on John to do it,'
as to count on takes an object of either the thing or the person.
T h e infinitive here is the object of the preposition to that stands
before it, as in thefirstparagraph, not the object of the prepo-
sition that stands before the subject of the infinitive.
There is sometimes a difference of meaning between gerund
and infinitive: 'He is afraid of dying' ( = that he shall die). 'He
is afraid to die,' literally, in the direction of dying. T h e real
difference here lies in the use of different prepositions rather than
in the verbal forms themselves.
After certain prepositions the gerund sometimes, in accordance
with older usage, has active form though the meaning is passive:
'I tried vainly to soothe her and reason with her; she was past
soothing or being soothed.' 'He w a s past saving.' 'He tried her
patience beyond bearing.' 'He got m u c h sympathy in the con-
stituency for his rough handling b y a band of hooligans' (Man-
chester Guardian, IV, N o . 10, 185, quoted b y Poutsma in his
Grammar, IV, p. 481). In such cases the gerund is felt as a noun
rather than as a verbal form. C o m p a r e 50 1, 2.
A s in older English, a participle employed as a predicate ap-
positive can still often be used instead of a gerund after a prepo-
sition: 'Holding on to the rope firmly, I came safe to land'
( = By holding on to the rope firmly, etc.). T h e gerund is more
accurate, but the participle is more graphic. In lively style we
still use our simpler older forms of expression, since they are
usually more concrete and impressive.
 C H A P T E R XVI

ADVERBIAL CLAUSE
PAGE
DIFFERENT TYPES OF T H E ADVERBIAL CLAUSE . . . . 260
ORIGIN A N D D E V E L O P M E N T O F CONJUNCTIONAL C L A U S E 260
CATEGORIES:
Clause of place and its conjunctions 262
Abridgment 265
Clause of time and its conjunctions 266
Abridgment 275
Clause of manner 277
Manner proper and its conjunctions . 277
Abridgment 279
Clause of comparison and its conjunctions 280
Abridgment 283
Clause of attendant circumstance and its conjunctions 283
Abridgment 284
Clause of alternative agreement and its conjunctions 286
Manner clause of modal result and its conjunctions 286
Manner clause of pure result and its conjunctions . 288
Abridgment of clauses of modal and pure result . 291
Clause of degree 294
Clause of simple comparison and its conjunctions . 294
Abridgment 295
Clause of proportionate agreement and its conjunc-
tions 296
Clause of restriction and its conjunctions 298
Replaced by other constructions 299
Abridgment of clause of restriction 300
Clause of extent and its conjunctions 300
Abridgment 302
Comparative clause and its conjunctions 302
Abridgment 304
Degree clause of modal result and its conjunctions . 305
Abridgment 307
Clause of cause and its conjunctions 309
Abridgment 315
Clauses of condition and exception and their conjunc-
tions 317
Replaced by other constructions 326
Abridgment of clauses of condition and exception . 329
Clause of concession and its conjunctions 332
Abridgment 338
259
260 ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF CONJUNCTIONAL CLAUSE 26 2

PAGE
Clause of purpose and its conjunctions 340
Replaced by other constructions 343
Abridgment of clause of purpose 343
Clause of means 345
Abridgment 345
25 1. Different Types of the Adverbial Clause. There are
two different types, one introduced b y a conjunction, the other
dependent upon a preposition. Conjunctional clause: 'I met him
as I was coming home.' Prepositional clause: 'The light came
straight towards where I was standing.' T h e conjunctional type
is b y far the more c o m m o n type, so that for m a n y centuries the
prepositions in the prepositional clauses have been developing
into conjunctions. Compare 24 I V (3rd and 7th parr.) and 27 3
(7th par.). T h e prepositional clause is discussed in 24 IV. The
conjunctional clause is treated in detail in the following articles.
2. Origin and Development of the Conjunctional Clause. A n
adverbial clause performs the function of an adverbial element:
'He went to bed as soon as he came home' ( = upon his return
home). W e n o w feel the group of words as soon as as a unit, as
a subordinating conjunction introducing the subordinate clause
of time. Originally, however, here as elsewhere in adverbial
clauses, the expression was m u c h more concrete. In the first
stages of its development the clause under consideration was of
the old determinative (56 A , 3rd par.) type. There were two forms.
In the older form the determinative adverb so stood after the
adverb soon, pointing as with an index finger to the following
explanatory remark: 'He went to bed soon, so: he came home.'
T h e determinative so stood in such close relations to the adverb
soon that the two words early fused into a compound. A s this
compound stood immediately before the explanatory remark of
time, in close relations with it, it w a s often early felt as a part of
it, serving as its connective, binding it to the principal proposition
and thus developing into a subordinating conjunction; so now,
however, in most categories appearing with its later, strengthened
form as (from all so, i.e., quite so): 'He went to bed soon as he
came home.' 'Soon as the evening shades prevail, T h e m o o n takes
up the wondrous tale' (Addison, Hymn on Creation). In many
sentences the adverb or adjective does not fuse with as into a
compound conjunction that introduces the subordinate clause,
as in these examples, but the adverb or adjective remains in the
principal proposition, while as has been drawn into the sub-
ordinate clause as the introductory conjunction: 'Thoughts . . .
Glance quick as lightning through the heart' (Scott, Rokeby, I,
25 2 ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF CONJUNCTIONAL CLAUSE 261

X I X ) . ' M y good lady m a d e m e proud as proud can be' (Richard-

son, Pamela, III, 241). 'The desert was still as the sky' (Wallace,
Ben Hur, I, Ch. V ) . This old type of expression with a single
as was once c o m m o n here, but is n o w largely replaced by the
type with as as.
Alongside of the old simple determinative so was a double
determinative so so, pointing as with two indexfingersto the
following explanatory remark: 'He went to bed so soon, so: he
came home,' n o w as soon as he came home. T h e group of words
so soon so early fused into a unit and became a part of the sub-
ordinate clause, serving like soon so as its introductory conjunc-
tion. This type of expression with double as, as in as long as,
as soon as, as early as, has long been the usual form in this group:
'I stayed as long as I could.' 'I come h o m e as early as I can.'
In m a n y sentences, however, the adverb or adjective does not
fuse with as as into a compound conjunction that introduces
the subordinate clause, as in these examples, but thefirstas + ad-
verb or adjective remains in the principal proposition, while the
second as has been drawn into the subordinate clause as intro-
ductory conjunction: 'I threw it as far from m e as I could.'
'He is as strong n o w as he has ever been.'
The introductory subordinate conjunction both the simple
and the double type, from the old single determinative so or the
double determinative so as or so that not only stands in close
association with an adverb or adjective in the principal proposition,
as in all the preceding examples, but it m a y be associated also
with the verb of the principal proposition: 'I a m going to bed,
as I'm very tired,' originally 'I a m going to bed, so (= it is thus):
I'm very tired.' In some categories the old determinative form
so is preserved: 'You m a y go where you like so (or with double
determinative form so that) you are back by dinner time.' 'I went
early so (or with double determinative form so that) I got a good
seat.' ' M a n y came unto them from diverse parts of England,
so as (now so that) they grew a great congregation' (Bradford,
History of Plymouth Plantation, p. 40, A.D. 1630-1648).
The double determinative is characteristic of primitive expres-
sion, a double sign for the same thing, as the double negative still
heard in popular speech, or the older double determinative forms
who that, which that (23 II), where w e n o w use simple relatives,
who and which. W e still, even in the literary language, often
prefer the double determinative forms to the simple ones: 'the
book that I hold in m y hand,' often used rather than 'the book
I hold in m y hand'; 'as soon as I came home,' m u c h more com-
m o n than 'soon as I came home.' Double expression arose in
262 CONJUNCTIONS IN CLAUSE OF PLACE 26

the desire to make thought and feeling clearer. Oldest English

is characterized by the liberal use of determinatives, spoken
gestures freely used, like gestures in general, to explain the in-
tended meaning, so that the expression was markedly concrete.
Later, expression lost much of its concreteness and became more
abstract, so that words that once had concrete force and were
useful lost their meaning, and later as useless words without a
function disappeared. In other cases, words that had lost their
concrete meaning were nevertheless retained since they had ac-
quired a new abstract force and hence were useful. In the develop-
ment from the concrete to the abstract, expression became less
exuberant and picturesque, more simple and exact. The double
forms were often replaced by simple ones; on the other hand, the
simple forms were often replaced by double ones, for a combina-
tion of words contained greater possibilities of shading the thought
than a single form. Modern expression is averse to excess of
expression, but it is fond of accuracy and hence does not avoid
a combination of words merely because it is long. These general
principles will in the following articles be illustrated by many
concrete examples.
3. Classification. Conjunctional adverbial clauses are sub-
divided into classes corresponding to those of adverbial elements
clauses of place, time, manner, degree, cause, condition and
exception, concession, purpose or end, and means.

CLAUSE OF PLACE
26. Conjunctions. A clause of place indicates the place w
the action of the principal verb occurs: 'Cornflourishesbest
where the ground is rich.' This clause is now introduced by:
where; nowhere (that), see 27 3 (5th par.); whereas (see page
265 and 27 4); as, in older English = where, now only used in
a few expressions; whence or from whence in poetry and choice
prose, or more commonly wherefrom, from where, from what
place or source; whither in poetry and choice prose, or more
commonly where; whereso, now archaic, now usually wherever,
everywhere, everywhere that (27 3, 5th par.), or the less commo
but more emphatic wheresoever; whencesoever in poetry and choic
prose, more commonly whereverfrom, from whatever place or
source; whithersoever in poetry and choice prose, more commonly
wherever, everywhere, everywhere (that) (27 3, 5th par.), arch
also whereso. The parentheses around that in these conjunctions
indicate that that may be used or suppressed.
26 CONJUNCTIONS IN CLAUSE OF PLACE 263

Examples:
W e live where the road crosses the river.
I will go nowhere that (27 3, 5th par.) she cannot go.
It is right in front of you as (= where) you cross the bridge.
Here, as (now where) I point my sword, the sun arises (Julius Casar,
II, i, 106).
'Go whence (or from whence) you came,' now usually where you came from.
For whither (now where) thou goest I will go (Ruth, I, 16).
She is the belle and the spirit of the company wherever she goes.
Clauses of place with general or indefinite meaning often have
concessive force and might be classed as well as concessive clauses:
'It would have cost m y poor uncle no pang to accept Blanche's
fortune, whencesoever it came' (Thackeray, Pendennis, II, Ch.
X X V I ) . 'Wherever he went, he was kindly received.' Compare 32.
In clauses of place, as in 22 (1st par. under Examples), there
is sometimes, especially in older English, a demonstrative in the
principal proposition, pointing back to some word in the preceding
subordinate clause: 'Where your treasure is, there will your heart
be also' (Luke, XII, 34). 'Then whither he goes, thither let m e
go' (Shakespeare, Richard the Second, V, I, 85).
In Old English, w e often find in the subordinate clause instead
of where the form there: ' W u n a par be leofost ys' (Genesis, X X ,
15) = 'Dwell where it is most pleasant to thee,' literally, 'Dwell
there: it is most pleasant to thee.' T h e there was originally a
determinative (56 A ) , pointing to the following explanatory re-
mark, later gradually becoming closely associated with it, forming
with it a subordinate clause of place and serving as its connective,
binding it to the principal proposition and thus becoming a relative
conjunction. Although the old determinative had become a real
relative, standing in the subordinate clause and often pointing
backward to the principal proposition, it kept its old determinative
form until the sixteenth century: 'It had been better for h y m
to have taryed there (now where) he was' (Lord Berners, Hum,
L X I V , 221, A.D. 1534).
As can be seen b y the form in parentheses there has been sup-
planted b y where. Indefinite where, which here replaces older
definite there, suggests in a general indefinite w a y the idea of
place, but at the same time points to the following explanatory
clause, so that in fact the reference becomes definite. This pass-
ing from the u n k n o w n to the k n o w n w a s a n e w means of ex-
pression that soon found favor here as well as in 23 II 1 and 27 1.
The new form began to appear in Old English: 'Hwer a m ic b e r
begn min bib' (John, XII, 26, Rushworth M S . ) , i.e., 'where I a m ,
there will also m y servant be.' In accordance with older English
264 CONJUNCTIONS IN CLAUSE OF PLACE 26

fondness for double or triple expression this indefinite determi-

native where w a s often accompanied b y the double determinative
swa swa (later so so), often simplified to a single swa: 'Sua
huer ic a m ber begD m m W P ' (ib-, Lindisfarne M S . ) . In this
example the single swa precedes where, but it often followed, and
this form survives in our emphatic indefinite wheresoever. The
old determinative so has survived here because it has a function,
namely, the expression of indefiniteness, and hence is useful, but
where the reference is more definite it has disappeared, as ex-
plained below.
Similar to the use of swa in connection with hwer for the sake
of double expression, is the doubling of the determinative there
in the subordinate clause, so that instead of sua huer in the last
example in the preceding paragraph w e find a double there in
the same passage in the Corpus M S . : ' M i n ben bib paw porr ic
eom.'
In Middle English, both the single and the double determinative
type survive: 'Hir eyen (eyes) caste she ful lowe adoun Ther
(now where) Pluto hath his derke regioun' (Chaucer, The Knightes
Tale, 1223). In the double determinative type Old English swa
appears in Middle English as so or as (contracted from all so,
i.e., quite so), the former with its old indefinite force, the latter
with more or less definite force: 'And red wherso thou be, or
elles songe, That thou be understonde I god beseche!' (Chaucer,
Troilus and Criseyde, V , 1797) = 'I beseech G o d that thou
("Troilus and Criseyde") mayst be understood wheresoever thou
mayst be read or sung.' 'He came alone a-night ther as (now
simple where) she lay' (id., The Clerkes Tale, 408). There and
there as were at this time often replaced b y wher and wher as:
'Let see wher the cut wol falle' (id., The Pardoners Tale, 466)
= 'Let us see where the lot will fall.' 'This frere cam, as he were
in a rage, wher as (now simple where) this Lord sat eting at his
bord' (id., The Somnours Tale, 458). In the principal proposition
there is often a ther pointing back to the ther as or wher as in the
subordinate clause: 'Ther as (now simple where) m y n herte
(heart) is set, ther wol (will) I w y v e ' (marry) (Chaucer, The
Clerkes Tale, 117).
With verbs of motion the double determinative forms thider as,
thider that, whider as, wider that were sometimes used in Middle
English: 'I moot (must) go thider as (now in choice English
whither or in plain prose where) I have to go' (Chaucer, The
Pardoners Tale, 421). Instead of thider as here thider that, whider
as, or wider that might have been used.
In Old English, the usual relative adverb of place with definite
 26 a ABRIDGMENT OF CLAUSE OF PLACE 265
reference is par. T h e usual Old English form for indefinite or
general reference is hwcer or so hwosr so. In Chaucer's language
ther is still employed for definite reference, but also wher is used,
or ther or wher accompanied by one or two determinatives ther
as, ther that, ther as that, wher as, wher that. Indefinite or general
force is expressed by adding so or so ever to wher: wherso, wherso
ever. Thus at this time determinative forms are used for definite
or indefinite reference, but the forms are differentiated in meaning
as and that with more or less definite force, so or so ever with
indefinite or general force.
After the different determinative constructions with definite
there and where had developed into a relative construction, the
there and where becoming relative conjunctions, pointing back-
ward or forward to the principal proposition and linking the clause
of place to it, the demonstrative there in the principal proposition,
pointing back to the clause of place, lost its function and hence
its usefulness and gradually disappeared, likewise the determina-
tive adverbs as and that in the clause of place. This development
became more marked after where had supplanted there as relative
conjunction. T h e dropping of the formal particles there in the
principal, and as and that in the subordinate, proposition m a d e
the sentence as a whole m u c h more compact. T h e old type of
expression is parataxis, the n e w type hypotaxis, as explained in
19 3. T h e old double determinative construction, however,
lingered on for a long time, so that w e find traces of it in the
present period after both there and where, i.e., w e find the relatives
there and where occasionally followed b y as: 'He came there as
(now simple where) she was' (Lord Berners, Huon, I, p. 100, A.D.
1534). 'Whereas (now simple where) the Ebrewe speache seemed
hardly to agree with ours, w e haue noted it in the margent'
(Geneva Bible, A.D. 1578). This older use of whereas survives in
two derived meanings, namely, while (on the other hand) and as
(with causal force): 'Those w h o are well assured of their o w n
standing are less apt to trespass on that of others, whereas nothing
is so offensive as the aspirings of vulgarity' (Washington Irving).
'Whereas M r . James Smith has been employed in m y service from
... to ... I hereby testify,' etc. O n the other hand, the in-
definite determinative so, described in the preceding paragraph,
did not disappear as did the definite determinative as. It has
survived not as a determinative but as an indefinite particle felt
as useful to stress the idea of indefiniteness: wheresoever, more
emphatic than wherever.
a. A B R I D G M E N T O F C L A U S E O F P L A C E . T h e full clause of place
is sometimes abridged to a predicate appositive clause, in which
266 CONJUNCTIONS IN CLAUSE OF TIME 27

the subject of the principal proposition is the subject and a

participle is predicate: 'Where having nothing, nothing can he
lose' (Shakespeare, III Henry VI, III, in, 152). But in 'Wher-
ever [it has been] feasible, the illustrations have been taken from
standard literature' w e have to do with an ellipsis. Compare
20 3 (5th par.) and 27 5 (2nd par.).
T h e old verbless appositional type of sentence described in
6 B a is sometimes found here: 'Least said, soonest mended'
= 'Where there is least said, there things are soonest mended.'

CLAUSE OF TIME
27. Conjunctions. A temporal clause limits the time of the
action of the principal verb, which is thus represented as taking
place simultaneously with, or before, or after that of the temporal
clause. T h e following conjunctions introduce the temporal clause:
soon as (25 1), n o w more commonly as (or so) soon as, in older
English also anon as with the same meaning; as soon as ever, an
emphatic as soon as; as (or so) long as; as (or also so in older
English) often as; whenso, archaic, n o w usually whenever, or the
less c o m m o n but more emphatic whensoever; so surely as; if
(= whenever); as; when, or, in older English, when as, or when
that; the time (that); by the time (that) or in older English by
that, by then (that), or by, the last form surviving in Scotch dialect;
until, in dialect often used with the force of by the time that; the
year (that), the month (that), the week (that), etc.; every time (th
the next time (that), at the same time (that), what time; while or, in
older English, whiles, an old adverbial genitive from which has
come a form with an excrescent t, whilst, still in use; in older
English during (that), n o w replaced by while; now (that), once,
directly, immediately, instantly; since; after, again (in older En
lish) or against (now usually replaced by by the time or before),
ere (archaic, poetic, or choice prose), before, till, until, all earlier
in the period followed by that; in older English fore (that), afore
(that), n o w replaced by before; no sooner than, scarcely but
(see page 274). T h e parentheses around that in these conjunc-
tions indicate that that m a y be used or suppressed.
In older English, that, like French que, was used as a substitute
instead of repeating a conjunction that had already been used,
a that thus repeating a preceding when, since, because, if, etc.:
'When one of the parties to a treaty intrenches himself in cere-
monies and that (used to avoid the repetition of when, which has
already been used) all the concessions are on one side' (Burke,
Letters on a Regicide Peace, III, Works, VIII, 330). In older
27 EXAMPLES OF CLAUSE OF TIME 267

English that is used also as a regular conjunction with the force

of when after hardly, scarcely, not yet fully, not so soon: ' T h e kyng
had not yet fullych eten that (now when) ther c o m e in to the
halle another messagyer' (Caxton, Chronicle English, C C V I I , 189,
A.D. 1480). But (that), however, was more c o m m o n here: 'So she
was not so soone there but there c a m e a K n y g h t e of Arthurs courte'
(Malory, Le Morte d'Arthur, B o o k X , C h . X X X V I I I , A.D. 1485).
Compare 27 3 (last par.).
Examples:
I came as soon as I heard of it.
Anone as (now as soon as) the kyng wyst that, he took the quene in his
hand and yode (went) unto syr launcelot (Malory, Le Morte d'Arthur,
Book XVIII, Ch. VII, A.D. 1485).
'As soon as I sou) his face, all m y fears vanished.' Here a causal idea
blends with the temporal.
I shall come as soon as ever I can.
'As long as the general spirit of the administration was mild and popu
they were willing to allow some latitude to their sovereign' (Macaulay,
History, I, Ch. I). Here a strong causal idea blends with the temporal.
Sometimes the causal idea overshadows the temporal. Compare 30.
Sometimes the idea of extent overshadows that of time: T have stood it
as long as I can.' Compare 2 9 1 A d.
'So long as men believe that women will forgive anything, they will
anything' (Sarah Grand, Heavenly Twins, I, 120). Here a strong restric-
tive idea blends with the temporal. Compare 29 1 A c. There is often
in so long as also a strong conditional idea: 'I do not care so long as
(= provided) you are happy.' Compare 31.
I visit him as often as I can.
Whenever (or if) I feel any doubt, I inquire.
So surely as she came into the room, however, Martin feigned to fall
asleep (Dickens, Martin Chuzzlewit, Ch. IV).
When you are done, let m e know.
I shall be ready by the time (that) you get back.
After this course settled and by that (now by the time that) their come
was planted, all their victails were spente (Bradford, History of Plymouth
Plantation, p. 147, A.D. 1630-1648).
N o w was it eve by then that (now by the time that) Orpheus came Into
the hall (Morris, Jason, III, 503, A.D. 1868).
It was done by (for literary by the time that) w e came home (modern
Scotch).
He will be ready till (= by the time that) you are (dialect).
Other examples are given in the following pages in connection with
the further treatment of these conjunctions.
Clauses of time with general or indefinite meaning often have
concessive force and might be classed as well as concessive clauses:
'Whenever they attack, they shall find us ready.' C o m p a r e 32.
268 WHEN IN CLAUSE OF TIME 27 1

1. History of ' When'. When has become established after a long

competition with other forms. In Old English, the most common
temporal conjunctions were ponne and pa, both originally deter-
minative adverbs with the force of then, pointing to the following
explanatory clause, later gradually becoming closely associated
with it, forming with it a subordinate clause of time and serving
as its connective, binding it to the principal proposition: Tc
nsebbe nanne m a n b*t m e do on bone mere ponne wseter astyred
bib' (John, V, 7, A.D. 1000), literally, 'I have no one to put m e into
the pool then: the water is troubled,' now when the water is troubl
'J>a se haelend geseah b^t heo weop he geomrode on hys gaste'
(John, X I , 33, A.D. 1000), literally, 'Then: the Saviour saw that
she was weeping, he groaned in his spirit,' n o w ' When he saw her
weeping, he groaned in his spirit.' In Middle English, ponne
appears as than or then and pa appears as tho: ' Then (now when)
hys howndys began to baye, That harde (= heard) the jeant
there (now where) he lay' (Sir Eglamour, 286, A.D. 1440). 'Pis was
po (now when) in Engoland Britones were' (Robert of Gloucester,
Chronicle, I, 2, A.D. 1300). E v e n in Middle English, then and
tho were little used, although the corresponding older forms ponne
and pa were the most c o m m o n conjunctions of time in the Old
English period. Early in Middle English, when began to supplant
than, then, and tho, all three of which have entirely disappeared
as subordinating conjunctions of time.
This n e w relative conjunction of time, n o w so common, was
little used in Old English, but even in this early period it had
begun to develop out of the old indefinite determinative adverb
when: 'Hwamne ic braecfifhlifas . . . h u fela wylegena ge namon
fulle?' (Mark, VIII, 19, A.D. 1000) = ' W h e n I broke the five
loaves h o w m a n y basketfuls took ye up?' Indefinite when, which
here replaces older definite pa, suggests in a general indefinite way
the idea of time, but at the same time points to the following
explanatory clause, so that in fact the reference becomes definite.
This passing from the unknown to the k n o w n was a new means
of expression which soon found favor here as well as in 23 II 1
and 26 (6th par.). In older English, in accordance with older
fondness for double expression, when was sometimes accompanied
by two determinatives, so so, later often simplified to a single
so: 'Weonne so ich beo uorb faren, Hengest eow wul makien
kare' (Layamon, Brut, 2, 206, A.D. 1205) = 'When I a m gone,
Hengest will cause you trouble.' T h e old determinative so ap-
pears here later in the form of as. Also that was used as a
determinative, so that the n e w definite temporal conjunction when
accompanied by its determinatives appeared as when as and when
27 2 ORIGINAL MEANING AND PRESENT USE OF AS 269

that. Later, after definite when became a relative conjunction,

pointing often backward to the principal proposition, linking the
temporal clause with it, the determinative lost its function and
hence its usefulness andfinallydisappeared. Instead of when,
however, w e stillfinda little earlier in the present period when as
and when that, i.e., when in connection with a determinative,
which indicates that the old determinative construction was at
this time in part still preserved: 'When as (now simple when)
the Palmer came in hall N o r lord nor knight was there more tall'
(Scott, Marmion, I, X X V I I I ) . ' M y gracious liege, when that
(now simple when) m y father liv'd, Your brother did employ m y
father m u c h ' (Shakespeare, King John, I, i, 95). In Middle
English and early M o d e r n English, the determinatives were for
the most part differentiated. T h e form so had general or indefi-
nite force, while as or that had more or less definite meaning.
Today w e still use so for indefinite reference, as in whensoever,
or more commonly ever, as in whenever. For definite reference w e
now employ simple when, dropping the old determinative as or
that.
2. Original Meaning of 'As' and Its Present Uses. As is one
of the commonest conjunctions in our language. It is not at
all confined to clauses of time, but is found in a number of different
kinds of clauses. In its oldest form so it was a determinative
adverb pointing to a following explanatory statement. In this
explanatory statement lay the idea of time, manner, result, cause,
etc. These ideas did not lie in as. T h e as originally simply
indicated that a following statement would explain the meaning
that was to be conveyed. In the following paragraphs the use of
as in clauses of time is illustrated, also its employment in several
other kinds of clauses to give a general idea of the meaning of
this favorite word and the simple concrete conception that lies
at the base of all its meanings.
In oldest English, the determinative adverb so, or in strength-
ened form all so (i.e., quite so), later contracted to as, could stand
after a verb pointing to a following explanatory clause. This
clause did not have a distinctive meaning and still in our o w n
day varies in force according to the context. T h e so standing
immediately before the explanatory remark became gradually
very closely associated with it, forming with it a subordinate
clause and serving as its connective, binding it to the principal
proposition and thus becoming a relative conjunction, n o w with
its old form so only in the categories of condition, purpose, and
pure result, elsewhere with its modern form as. Condition:
'You m a y go where you please so you are back by dinner time.'
270 ORIGINAL MEANING AND PRESENT USE OF AS 27 2

Purpose: 'They hurried so they wouldn't miss the train.' Pure

result: 'He went early so he got a good seat.' M a n n e r clause of
modal result, in older English with as, which still survives in
popular speech but in the literary language is replaced by that:
'I gained a son, A n d such a son as (now that) all men hailed me
happy' (Milton, Samson, 358). Degree clause of modal result,
in older English with as, which survives in popular speech but
in the literary language is replaced b y that: 'I feel such a sharp
dissension in m y breast as (now that) I am sick' (Shakespeare,
I Henry VI, V , v, 84). Manner: 'He does as I tell him.' Ac-
companying circumstance: 'The e n e m y devastated thefieldsas
he retreated.' Contemporaneous event: 'He returned home as I
was leaving.' Cause: 'He stayed at h o m e as he was ill.' Pro-
portionate agreement: ' O n e advances in modesty as one advances
in knowledge.' Alternative agreement: 'stones whose rates are
either rich or poor As fancy values them' (Shakespeare, Measure
for Measure, II, n, 150). Place: 'It is right in front of you as
(= where) you cross the bridge.' In older English, as was used in
purpose clauses. See 33. As w a s also once c o m m o n in sub-
stantive clauses instead of that, n o w surviving only in popular
speech: 'I don't k n o w as (for literary that) I should want you
should marry for money' ( W . D . Howells, The Minister's Charge,
Ch. XX).
In oldest English, simple so could stand after a noun or pronoun,
pointing to a following explanatory remark, so that it gradually
became very closely associated with this remark, forming with
it a relative clause and serving as its introductory relative pronoun,
n o w always with its modern form as. In the literary language
relative as has never been widely used, but is well established in
certain categories, especially after the same (pp. 219, 222) and such
(pp. 219, 222), also in descriptive clauses where the reference is
to a preceding or following statement as a whole, or to the idea
contained in a preceding word, as illustrated in 23 II6 (next to last
par.). In popular speech as is widely used as a relative where the
literary language has who, that, or which, as illustrated in 23 II5
(toward end of 1st par.).
In the concrete expression of oldest English there are often
two determinatives, pointing, as it were, with t w o index fingers
to the following appositional clause which explains their meaning.
Since the two determinatives stood immediately before the ex-
planatory remark, they gradually became very closely associated
with it, forming with it a subordinate clause and serving, both
forms merged into a unit, as its connective, binding it to the
principal proposition and thus becoming a relative conjunction.
27 3 TEMPORAL PHRASES AND ADVERBS AS CONJUNCTIONS 271

This development took place: (1) in manner clauses of modal

result introduced by as that, described in 28 5 (8th par.); in degree
clauses of modal result introduced b y as that and so as, described
in 29 2; (2) in clauses of pure result introduced by so that and
so as, described in 28 5 (6th and 9th parr.) and 28 5 d; in clauses
of comparison introduced b y so as, described in 28 2; in clauses
of extent introduced by so as, described in 29 1 A d; in purpose
clauses introduced by so that and so as, described in 33 and 33 2;
(3) in clauses of place introduced by there as and where as, de-
scribed in 26 (last par.); (4) in clauses of time introduced by
when as, described in 1, p. 269. In the natural development toward
greater simplicity the old double determinative has in several
cases here as elsewhere been replaced b y a simple form, as in the
case of there as and where as replaced by simple where, as described
in 26 (last par.), or when as replaced b y simple when, as described
in 1, p. 269, but in most of the cases already described and in others
described in the following pages double or triple form has been
retained as useful in differentiating the thought.
The two determinatives often modified an adverb and in course
of time became so intimately associated with it that the three
words have formed a unit, as: (1) in clauses of time: 'I visited
him as often as I could'; (2) in clauses of extent: 'He held on
as tight as he could'; (3) in clauses of restriction: 'They were
all pleased so far as I know.'
In m a n y other cases the two determinatives have entered into
close relations with an adjective or adverb, but thefirstdetermi-
native and the adjective or adverb still belong to the principal
proposition, while the second determinative is n o w a subordinating
conjunction of degree: 'He is as tall as I am.' 'I threw it as far
from m e as I could.'
Determinative as points as with an index finger not only to a
following clause but often also to a following noun which expresses
the idea in mind, thus always indicating oneness with, identity,
as in 'I regard h i m as a true friend.' In older English, either
single or double so is used here. Compare 15 III 2 A.
a. ACCUSATIVE INSTEAD OF NOMINATIVE. In elliptical adverbial
clauses introduced by as as, where thefiniteverb is not expressed,
the nominative of personal pronouns is often replaced by an accusative,
as so often elsewhere in elliptical expressions, as described in 7 C a: 'The
post would have been as soon as me' (De Morgan, The Old Madhouse,
Ch. XXVII), instead of as soon as I.
3. Temporal Phrases and Adverbs Used as Conjunctions. In
1, p. 268, w e have seen h o w determinative then developed relative
272 TEMPORAL PHRASES AND ADVERBS AS CONJUNCTIONS 27 3

force and w a s later replaced b y the indefinite relative when. The

old determinative construction, however, is still c o m m o n in a
number of words. T h u s a bit of the older life of our language is
not only preserved but is still seemingly thriving amid the changed
conditions of another age. T h e old determinative that, of the
same stem as then, still follows a noun, as in oldest English,
pointing to a following explanatory clause: 'I bought m y coat the
year that I was in Europe.' 'I m e t h i m the week (or the day) that
I was in Chicago.' The hour that our committee met; the moment
that I reached the platform of the car; the minute that I set eyes
on him; the instant that he arrived; from the time that Ifirstmet
him, etc.
In popular speech w e often hear the determinative as here
instead of that: the moment as I set eyes upon him.
In all the cases described above the definite article before the
noun has so m u c h determinative power that the that or the as
following the noun m a y be omitted: 'the year I was in Europe,'
'the minute I set eyes upon him,' etc. Instead of the definite
article before the noun w e often find next and every and sometimes
what as determinative: 'next time, every time I see him.' 'It would
be eminently reasonable to refreshen our memories of Dr. Kane's
plucky endeavors in northern icepacks what time the sun is doing
his best to remind us of Central Africa' (periodical in the hot
s u m m e r of 1911). What time was once more c o m m o n .
There is one case where both the the before the noun and the
that after the noun have disappeared: 'John worked while Henry
played'; a little earlier in the period the while (stillfingeringin
poetry and choice prose), the while that, or while that, or while as
(the determinative as taking the place of the determinative that)
Henry played. T h u s while has developed out of the determinative
construction into a relative conjunction of time. Also the other
expressions, the day (that), the week (that), the moment (that), etc.
are now, like while, in fact relative conjunctions of time, but the
old determinative form that is still often used after day, week,
moment, etc., and the definite article before the noun is still always
retained, so that in a formal sense the development hasn't gone
as far as in the case of while. In early M o d e r n English, while
not only indicated duration, as in current speech, but also pointed
to the point of time at the close of the waiting, i.e., it could have
the force of until, n o w in this meaning always replaced by until:
'Nothing is more short-liv'd then (now than) pride: It is but while
(expressing duration) their clothes last; stay but while (= until
and n o w replaced b y it) these are worne out, y o u cannot wish
the thing more wretched or dejected' (Ben Jonson. Discoveries
27 3 TEMPORAL PHRASES AND ADVERBS AS CONJUNCTIONS 273

p. 59, A.D. 1641). Adiel Sherwood in his Gazetteer of the State of

Georgia (A.D. 1837) lists this usage as a provincialism, and gives
an example: 'Stay while I come.'
After the analogy of using all these expressions of time as relative
conjunctions of time w e often employ certain adverbs of time and
place as relative conjunctions of time and place, some with or
without that, as in the case of now (that), anywhere (that), nowhere
(that), everywhere (that); some without that, as in the case of
mice, directly, immediately, instantly: ' Now (or now that) w e
at last gathered together, I desire to lay before you for your
consideration an important family matter.' 'And everywhere
That (or simply everywhere) a thought m a y dare T o gallop, mine
has trod' (Cale Y o u n g Rice, Far Quests, The Mystic). 'Once
that Manchurian Campaign was over (after that Manchurian
Campaign was once over), I never put pen to paper in the
diary sense until I w a s under orders for Constantinople' (Sir
Ian Hamilton, Gallipoli Diary, Preface). 'Once ( = after once) a
beast of prey has licked blood, it longs for it forever.' 'Directly
I uttered these words there w a s a dead silence.' 'Immediately
(or instantly) the button is pressed the mine explodes.' Directly,
immediately, instantly are largely confined to British usage. In
now and now that the idea of cause mingles with that of time,
often overshadowing it. Compare 30.
In a number of cases the determinative following a preposition
has almost or entirely disappeared. In since the reduced form
of sithen (Old English sippan - sip 'after' + pan 'that') + s
(gen. ending) the determinative element is n o w so fused with
the preposition that w e do not feel its presence: 'I haven't seen
him since we were boys together,' originally since that: we were
boys together. In older English, also the longer form sithens was
used. Also forms without s, sithen and the shortened forms sith
(or syth) and sin (or syn), were once widely employed.
After a number of prepositions the determinative that was used
in older English, but has since disappeared: 'After that (now
simple after) things are set in order here, we'll follow them' (Shake-
speare, / Henry VI, II, n, 32). 'From Oxford haue I posted
since I dinde (dined), T o quite (punish) a traitor fore that (now
before) Edward sleepe' (Robert Greene, Frier Bacon, III, I, 957,
A.D. 1594). After the preposition after, against (or in older
English also again), before, ere, till or until, and in older English
fore, afore (= before) had developed into a relative conjunction,
often pointing backward to the principal proposition, the deter-
minative no longer having a function to perform naturally dropped
out as a useless form. This development began in Middle English
274 TEMPORAL PHRASES AND ADVERBS AS CONJUNCTIONS 27 3

and was still going on in early Modern English, the new form
without that being used alongside of the old form with that and
gradually supplanting it: 'And rightful folk shal go, after they
dye, T o heven' (Chaucer, The Parlement of Foules, 55). 'Bid your
fellowes get their flailes readie againe (now by the time) I come'
(Ben Jonson, Euery Man out of His Humour, I, in, A.D. 1600).
' N o , stab the earle, and fore (now before) the morning sun Shall
vaunt him thrice ouer the loftie east, Margaret will meet her
Lacie in the heuens' (Robert Greene, Frier Bacon, III, I, 1019,
A.D. 1594). 'They will be here afore (now before) you canfinda
cover' (J. F. Cooper, The Prairie, I, III, A.D. 1827). 'Shegathered
fresh flowers to deck the drawing room against (now more com-
monly before or by the time) Mrs. H a m l e y should come home'
(Mrs. Gaskell, Wives and Daughters, Ch. VII). Compare 24 IV
(3rd par.).
In the case of than the old demonstrative form has been re-
tained, but every vestige of feeling for it has disappeared: 'He is
taller than I,' literally, 'He is taller, then I come.' Than is the old
form of the adverb then. In older English, before afixeddif-
ferentiation had taken place between temporal then and compara-
tive than, then was often used in comparative clauses: 'That is
more then (now than) is in our commission' (Marlowe, The Jew
of Malta, 1. 251, about A.D. 1590). In this older English, the
c o m m o n use of the c o m m a before then often makes the original
temporal nature of the clause clearer: 'Yet of the two, the Pen
is more noble, then [comes] the PencilT (Ben Jonson, Discoveries,
p. 59, A.D. 1641). A s than n o w differs in meaning from then we no
longer feel than (29 1 B ) as temporal, but construe it as a compara-
tive conjunction. Than is n o w used with temporal force only
after no sooner; where, however, it is quite natural since it fol-
lows a comparative: ' I had no sooner done it than I regretted it.'
As, however, the temporal force here is sometimes felt, the tem-
poral conjunction when is sometimes improperly used instead of
than. After other words of similar meaning but without com-
parative form, as scarcely, hardly (both = no sooner), not long,
not far, not half (an hour, etc.), not + verb + object or adverbial
phrase, w e regularly employ when or before: 'I had scarcely done
it when (20 1, 3rd par.) I regretted it.' 'Randal had scarcely
left the house before M r s . Riccabocca rejoined her husband'
(Lytton, My Novel, II, I X , Ch. XII). Sometimes than is im-
properly used here instead of when: 'The crocuses had hardly
come into bloom in the London Parks than (instead of when)
they were swooped upon by London children.' In older English,
till was sometimes used instead of when or before: 'I had not been
27 5 ABRIDGMENT OF CLAUSE OF TIME 275

m a n y hours on board till (in England n o w usually when or before)

I was surprised with thefiringof muskets' (Defoe, Voyage round
World). In the Oxford Dictionary this usage is represented as
now confined, in England, to dialect, but in America till is some-
times still used here alongside of before and when. Earlier in the
period the negative form of the principal proposition often sug-
gested the use of but here instead of before, when, or than: ' Aurora
shall not peepe out of the doores, But (now before) I will haue
Cosroe by the head' (Marlowe, Tamburlaine, II, u, A.D. 1590).
' Scarce have I arrived But (now when) there is brought to m e from
your equerry a splendid richly plated hunting dress' (Coleridge,
Piccolomini, I, 9). 'I no sooner saw this venerable m a n in the
pulpit, but (now than) I very m u c h approved of m y friend's insisting
upon the qualifications of a good aspect and a clear voice' (Specta-
tor, CVI). Compare 29 1 B (last par.). When, so often used
after negative expressions, is sometimes employed with similar
force after positive statements, where, however, it has the func-
tion of a relative pronoun (23 II 6, next to last par.): 'There
they repose, . . . When from the slope side of a suburb hill . . .
came a thrill of trumpets' (Keats, Lamia).
4. Adversative Conjunctions. In while, whilst, when, at the same
time that, and in older English while as (II Henry VI, I, i, 225),
while that (Henry the Fifth, I, n, 178), when as (III Henry VI,
V, VII, 34), the original temporal meaning is often overshadowed
by the derived adversative force, just as in whereas and in older
English, as in Shakespeare's Coriolanus, I, i, 104, also simple
where the original local meaning is often overshadowed by the
derived adversative force: ' Whereas (or while, or at the same time
that) in applied physics w e hold our own, in applied chemistry
we have lost m u c h ground' (British Review). 'I a m really very
cross with you for sticking to your work, when you ought to be
away having a change and a good rest.' Simple where sometimes
still has adversative force: ' Twenty years ago I used to see a dozen
or more (bald eagles) along the river in the spring w h e n the ice
was breaking up, where I n o w see only one or two, or none at all'
(John Burroughs, Far and Near, p. 155). Compare 20 1 (3rd
par.).
5. Abridgment of Clause of Time. T h e full clause of time is
often abridged to a predicate appositive clause, in which the
subject of the principal proposition is subject and an adjective,
noun, or participle is predicate: 'When young (or when a boy)
I looked at such things quite differently.' 'She always sings
when doing her work.' 'In those days, when not knowing how to
proceed in an emergency, he would consult his father.' 'Experience,
 276 ABRIDGMENT OF CLAUSE OF TIME 27 5

when dearly bought, is seldom thrown away.' 'John, don't speak

until spoken to.' ' D o not read while eating.' 'While regretting
the sorrow which had fallen upon him, Miss Cuthbert was neverthe-
less glad that her brother w a s free' (R. Bagot, Anthony Cuthbert,
VI, 51). 'But there w a s n o spite in her quizzes, and Esther felt
that while seeming to make a mock of her, she was defending her'
(George Moore, Esther Waters, C h . III). 'While resembling in
some general traits the Yorkshire countryman, he (the Yankee)
has developed in dress, mannerisms, and speech into a figure
quite independent of foreign influence' (Marie Killheffer in Ameri-
can Speech, Feb., 1928, p. 222). 'The consciousness of his descent
from good American stock that had s o m e h o w been deprived of
,, its heritage, while a grievance to him, was also a comfort' (Winston
' Churchill, The Dwelling-Place of Light, C h . I, 1). 'Going down
town I m e t an old friend.' 'Having once acquired ( = after one
has once acquired) a taste for good things one doesn't give them up
readily.' 'Havingfinished( = after I hadfinished)my task I went
to bed.'
In oldest English, the predicate was always a noun or an adjec-
tive. If a participle was used, it was an adjective in force. Today
the participle has tense like afiniteverb, as in the last two ex-
amples, where it is in the perfect tense. This development began
with the present participle which had both adjective and verbal
force. T h e strong verbal force in the present participle led later to
the use of the perfect participle with the full force of a verb in the
present perfect or the past perfect tense. T h e conjunctions when,
until, while, before, as found in thefirsteight examples, are modern
introductions, not appearing until the sixteenth century. In
contrast to older English, the abridged clause here has the features
of tense and conjunction which characterize the full clause. In
English, the evident tendency has been not to discard the old
primitive predicate appositive type of clause but on account of
its terseness to retain it, adapting it to the modern need of ac-
curacy of expression b y giving the participle an appropriate tense
form and conjunction in order to indicate precisely the time re-
lations. C o m p a r e 20 3 (5th par.) and 30 b.
Instead of the participial construction w e m a y often use the
gerund, which vies with it in terseness. T h e gerund cannot be
used with when and while, which are pure conjunctions, but on the
other hand is freely employed after conjunctions which are also
prepositions, for here as elsewhere the gerund is a natural form
after prepositions: 'I must write m y exercise before going to
school' 'Sincefinishingthese studies he has not taken up a new
line of work.' T h e gerund competes with the simple appositive
 28 1 CLAUSE OF M A N N E R PROPER 277
participle after the prepositions in and after: 'In going down
town (or Going down town) I m e t an old friend.' 'After having
finished my work (or Having finished my work) I went to bed.'
The participle is a favorite in lively language since it is more
concrete and impressive, especially the present participle with its
descriptive force, even though it cannot m a r k the time relations
accurately: 'Passing ( = having passed, but with more descriptive
force) through the wall of m u d and stone they found a cheerful
company assembled' (Dickens, A Christmas Carol, II, 65). In
both the participial and the gerundial constructions the subject
of the principal proposition is also the subject of the abridged
clause. The gerund with after or before, however, m a y take another
subject: 'After his (or John's, or my neighbor's, or my neighbor)
(50 3) acting in that w a y I can believe almost anything of him,'
where the idea of time mingles with that of cause. Also after on:
'On someone's asking him derisively if he were a partner of mine,
he replied,' etc. (Thomas Nelson Page, John Marvel, Assistant,
Ch. VII).
Also the absolute nominative construction m a y be employed
in abridged clauses of time: 'This disposed of, I turned at once
to something else.' Compare 17 3 A a.
Sometimes the temporal clause can be abridged to an infinitive
clause with to w h e n the subject of the principal proposition can
serve as the subject of the infinitive: 'Imagine h o w I felt to find
(= when I found) that you had actually gone off without filling
my traveling inkstand' (Mark Twain, Letter to Mrs. Crane, Sept. 18,
1892). 'He was surprised to see this' ( = when he saw this). T h e
idea of time here often mingles with that of cause, as in the
second example.
The temporal clause is often abridged to a prepositional phrase:
'She died almost immediately upon her arrival' (= after she
arrived).

CLAUSE OF MANNER
28. A clause of manner describes the manner of the action of
the principal verb. This clause m a y define the action in each
of thefivefollowing ways:
1. M a n n e r Proper. A n adverb or adverbial phrase of manner
stands in the principal proposition, the adverb or some word in
the adverbial phrase pointing forward as a determinative to the
following appositional statement, which explains it: 'I interpret
the telegram so (or thus, or in this way): he is coming tomorrow,
not today.' In oldest English, there was often here a double so
278 CLAUSE OF MANNER PROPER 281

(Old English swa swa), the old double determinative construction

found so often elsewhere. T h e second determinative in this con-
struction is n o w always that, which, however, is n o w felt as a
conjunction introducing the subordinate clause: 'I interpret the
telegram so (or in this way), that he is coming tomorrow, not
today.' Instead of so or in this way w e often use in this: 'This
form of speech differs from the various regional dialects in many
ways, but most remarkably in this, that it is not confined to
any locality.'
T h e determinatives in what manner, in whatever manner, how,
in that (in older English also simple that), and as, standing as
they do immediately before the explanatory remark, have become
closely associated with it, forming with it a subordinate clause and
serving as its connective, linking it to the principal proposition
and thus developing into relative conjunctions: 'They strove to
escape in what manner they might,' originally in what (a determina-
tive like that, but with indefinite force) manner: they might, the
determinative what pointing to the following explanatory clause.
W e employ the same construction after how, which is an old
contracted form from the same root as what and hence has the
same indefinite meaning: ' D o it how (or in what manner, or in
whatever manner) you can.' ' W e must get on how we can.' 'A
m a n has a right to spend his m o n e y how he pleases.' T h e deter-
minatives that and as have more definite meaning, but they have
the same construction: 'He differed from his colleagues in that
he devoted his spare time to reading,' originally 'He differed in that:
he devoted his spare time to reading.' 'Thou hast well done that
thou art come' (Acts, X , 33), n o w in that you have come or more
simply in coming. ' D o as (from older all so, i.e., quite so) you
think best,' originally ' D o aU so: you think best,' i.e., 'Act after
the manner that your best thought will suggest to you.' 'Do as
you please.' 'He described the scene to m e as [it, i.e., the de-
scription] follows.' For the omission of the pronoun it, see 5 d.
Since as has so m a n y meanings, one often shading off into another,
it is not always possible to distinguish this as from the one in
2, p. 280. This as expresses manner pure and simple without a
thought of a comparison of one act with another, as in 2. The
as-clause denotes manner pure and simple w h e n it can be replaced
by a participle in the predicate appositive or objective predicate
relation: 'I must go just as I am' (or dressed in these clothes). 'I
bought the house just as it stood' (or unrepaired and unpainted).
T h e commonest use of this as is to indicate the manner in which
a statement is m a d e , so that the as-clause, like a sentence adverb
(16 2 a, p. 132), modifies the governing proposition as a whole rather
 28 1 a ABRIDGMENT OF CLAUSE OF MANNER PROPER 279

than the verb and, like a sentence adverb, usually stands between
subject and verb, or at the beginning or the end of the sentence
or proposition: 'Mr. Barkis's wooing, as I remember it, was alto-
gether of a peculiar kind' (Dickens, David Copperfield, Ch. X ) .
1
As I view them now, I can call them no less than coward's errands'
(Thackeray, Henry Esmond, II, Ch. IV). 'If he comes tonight,
as we all expect he will, it will be a happy household.' 'It is
ten miles from here, as the crowflies.''I protest (declare) to
you, as I am a gentleman and a souldier, I ne're chang'd wordes
with his like' (Ben Jonson, Euery Man in His Humour, I, v, 86,
A.D. 1601, ed. 1616).
a. A B R I D G M E N T O F C L A U S E O F M A N N E R P R O P E R . This clause
is quite commonly abridged to the predicate appositive or objective
predicate construction with a present or perfect participle as predi-
cate appositive or objective predicate whenever the subject of the
participle is the subject or the object of the principal verb: 'She
came into the house singing, crying, carrying an armful of clothes
etc. 'He stood leaning against a tree.' ' W e sat vacantly looki
at each other.' 'Well, that is just our way, exactly one half
of the administration busy getting the family into trouble, the othe
half busy getting it out again' (Mark Twain, Letter to Mrs. Grove
Cleveland, Nov. 6, 1887). 'He was ( = was busy) two years
writing this book' (Galsworthy, Caravan, 421). 'Five languages
in use in the house (including the sign language, the hardest-worked
of them all), and yet with all this opulence of resource w e do seem
to have an uncommonly tough time making ourselves understood'
(Mark Twain, Letter to Mrs. Crane, Sept. 30, 1892). 'Don't
bother answering this' (James Gibbons Huneker, Letter, Aug. 11,
1918). 'It was kind of you to bother yourself asking her' (id.,
Letter, July 15, 1919). 'Will you never be done getting me into
trouble?' (L. M . Montgomery, Anne of Avonlea, Ch. III). 'Are
you through asking questions?' 'I beat him jumping.' 'I must
go dressed in these clothes.' 'I bought the house unrepaired an
unpainted.' While a full clause can often be abridged to the
participial construction, the latter is often older and hence inde-
pendent of it, and often still m u c h more common. The present
participle is exceedingly frequent. It is here one of the tersest
and most convenient constructions in our language. It specifies
some activity that characterizes or specializes the act or state.
The participle is often introduced by as: 'I rejoice that I
am on record as having repudiated thefinancialpart of it' (i.e.,
the political platform) (James A. Garfield, Letter to J. H. Rhodes,
M a y 15, 1868). 'Pray do not understand m e as having lost hope'
(Woodrow Wilson, Letter to Thomas D. Jones, 1910).
280 CLAUSE OF COMPARISON 28 2

In older English, the simple infinitive was the c o m m o n form

after come, where w e n o w use the present participle: 'Thenne
he looked b y h y m and was ware of a damoysel that came ryde
(now riding) ful fast as the hors mighte ryde' (Malory, Le Morte
d'Arthur, B o o k II, Ch. V I ,fifteenthcentury).
T h e gerundial construction after a preposition is m u c h used:
'He differed from his colleagues in spending his spare time in
reading.' 'The fight began by John's calling William names.'
'He spends his spare time in reading' (or with the participle,
reading).
T h e prepositional phrase is often simple with an ordinary
noun after the preposition instead of a gerund: 'The assembly
was opened with prayer.' T h e phrase often specifies a detail or
details in the statement a phrase of specification: ' The brothers
differ in disposition.' T h e phrase often serves as a sentence ad-
verb (16 2 a): 'The statement is without doubt exaggerated.'
2. Comparison. T h e action of the principal verb is compared
with that in the subordinate clause: ' D o at R o m e as the Romans
do,' originally ' D o at R o m e all so (older form of as): the Romans
do,' where the determinative so, like an index finger, points to
the following explanatory clause. 'He treated m e as a father
would have done.' 'You do not act as you speak.' 'Let us do our
duty as our predecessors did theirs.'
In older English, there w a s often a double determinative here:
'Euen so betide m y soul as I vse him' (Marlowe, Edward II,
1. 2135, A.D. 1590, ed. 1594). In accordance with this older usage
w e still sometimes find a so in the principal proposition pointing
to the as in the subordinate clause: 'The committee was not so
constituted as he had expected.' In older English, the so was
sometimes brought over from the principal proposition and placed
before as in the subordinate clause: 'to see thy power and thy
glory, so as (now simple as) I have seen thee in the sanctuary'
(Psalms, LXIII, 2).
In another case the double demonstrative is quite common.
T h e as-clause often precedes w h e n it is desired to hold the princi-
pal proposition a while in suspense for emphasis, in which case
the latter is introduced by so, pointing back to the subordinate
clause: 'As it is the nature of the kite to devour little birds,
so it is the nature of such persons as Mrs. Wilkins to insult and
tyrannize over little people' (Fielding, Tom Jones). In this form
of the clause the idea of cause sometimes mingles with that of
comparison: 'As a madman's epistles are no gospels, so it skills
(matters) not m u c h w h e n they are deliver'd' (Shakespeare, Twelfth
Night, V, 294). A s in this example, the clause of comparison was
28 2 CLAUSE OF COMPARISON 281

much used in older English to convey the idea of cause. Compare

30 a.
The clause of comparison is often elliptical: 'She plays with
him as a cat [plays] with a mouse.' 'Of course, our winters here
in Chicago are not mild as [they are] in your native California.'
'Everything had happened exactly as [had been] expected.'
Instead of as w e often find like as in older English: 'Like as
a father pitieth his children, so the Lord pitieth them that fear
him' (Psalms, C H I , 13). Here like is an adverb with the meaning
in the same manner. As performs the function of conjunction.
But early like as became felt as a unit, and later as began to dis-
appear since like was felt as expressing clearly alone both the
meaning and the function. T h e like-as clause has the great ad-
vantage over the as-clause that like has a clear, distinctive meaning,
while as has so m a n y meanings that it is often difficult to discover
what it means in the case in hand. Shakespeare, a m o n g other
earlier writers, used like here as a short form for like as, just as
after, while, etc., were used for older after that, the while that, et
so that, just as the preposition after and the noun while have
become subordinating conjunctions of time, the adverb like has
become a subordinating conjunction of comparison, in accordance
with sound grammatical analogies which have long been at work
in English: 'Like an arrow shot F r o m a wel-experienc'd archer
hits the mark' (Pericles, I, i, 163). O u r grammarians have rec-
ognized after, while, etc., but still combat like. They demand the
use of as here. Like, however, is widely used in colloquial and
popular speech, since its vivid concrete force appeals to the feelings
more than the colorless as. It is, of course, very c o m m o n also
in literature which reflects colloquial usage: 'They don't marry
like we do' (A. Marshall, Abington Abbey, Ch. XIII). 'Suppose w e
do knock militarism out of Germany, like we did out of France'
(Jerome K . Jerome, All Roads Lead to Calvary, Ch. X V I ) . In ordi-
nary use the simple form like has entirely supplanted older like as,
the older form n o w appearing only in archaic or poetic language,
or in dialect.
On the other hand, where there is nofiniteverb expressed or
understood, and there is present a noun or pronoun, like is not
opposed by grammarians; it is indeed the usual form even in the
best literary style, here felt as a preposition, forming with its
object a prepositional phrase: ' H e treats his wife like a child.'
'His coatfitshim like a glove.' 'He laughs like her.' In elliptical
clauses as was once used before a noun with the same force as
like, only differing in grammatical structure, the preposition like
taking an object, the conjunction as standing before a nominative
282 AS IF, AS THOUGH IN COMPARISON CLAUSE 28 2 a

which is the subject of a suppressed verb: 'And the desert shall

rejoice and blossom as the rose [rejoices and blossoms]' (Isaiah,
X X X V , 1). Today w e employ like here. W e avoid the use of as
in such elliptical clauses, since as is so often used in sentences of
this form to introduce a predicate appositive (7 A 6 (3)), where it
has quite a different meaning, indicating not mere similarity but
complete identity, oneness with. If, however, a word or words
follow this nominative which show that the nominative is not a
predicate appositive but the subject of a suppressed verb, as is the
usual literary form, not like: ' She took to the multiplication-table
as a duck [takes] to water,' or in colloquial speech 'like a duck
[takes] to water.' In poetical style like as is still used here instead
of as: ' M y spirit rises before it like as the lark awakened by the
dawn' (Hall Caine, The Deemster, Ch. XLII). Like as survives
here also in popular speech.
a. 'As I F ' A N D ' A S T H O U G H . ' Before if and though all of the
clause of comparison is usually suppressed except the conjunction
as, since the thought is always suggested by the context: 'He
acts as [he would act] if (or though = if, as in older English) he
were in love with her.' T h e verbs look, seem, and be are much
used in this category. They are not copulas here but full verbs:
'He looks (= has an appearance, acts) as if he were going through
a great crisis.' 'They seemed (= seemed to act) as if they had
never missed Sylvia' (Mrs. Gaskell, Sylvia's Lovers, Ch. VI).
'It seemed to m e (= impressed m e ) as if they had never missed
Sylvia.' 'It was (= seemed) almost as if people had sensed at
once that she could never be held accountable for what she said
and did' (Eleanor Carroll Chilton, Shadows Waiting, p. 28). The
present indicative is used here to indicate greater confidence: 'He
acts as if he is [in love with her]' (Tarkington, 'Juliette,' Ladies'
Home Journal, Aug., 1925). 'It does look as if the very crisis is
here' (Walter H . Page, Letter to Arthur W. Page, April 28, 1917).
Originally, if was not used here. In older English, the form
of clause without if is c o m m o n : 'He laye there nighe half an
houre as [if] he had ben dede' (Malory, Le Morte d'Arthur, Book
XVIII, Ch. XII, A.D. 1485). ' H e looks as [if] he had seen a
ghost' (Coleridge, Wallenstein, I, V, A.D. 1800). This older usage
survives in the set expression as it were: 'She took him over as
it were into her confidence.'
In popular speech like as if is m u c h used instead of as if: 'She
holds him round the neck, like as if she was protecting him'
(Dickens, Our Mutual Friend).
In older English, like as is sometimes used instead of as if:
'Yet once methought It lifted u p its head and did address Itself
 28 3 CLAUSE OF ATTENDANT CIRCUMSTANCE 283

to motion, like as it would speak' (Shakespeare, Hamlet, I, n,

217). T h e present tendency in colloquial and popular speech is
to simplify these forms to like: ' It looks like he was afraid' (or to
express greater confidence like he's afraid).
b. A B R I D G M E N T O F C L A U S E O F C O M P A R I S O N . This clause is
often abridged to the predicate appositive construction, in which
the subject is the subject of the principal proposition and the
predicate is an adjective, participle, or prepositional phrase: 'She
hurriedly left the room as though angry.' 'He lay for several
hours as though stunned.' 'She looked pleadingly at her parents as
though entreating forgiveness.' 'She looked about as if in search o
something.' 'The clouds had disappeared as if by magic.' T h e if
or though is sometimes lacking, as originally: 'Then the herald
raised his eyes as seeking approval of someone far off' (Wallace,
Ben Hur, Ch. X I ) . 'Some birds, such as the true thrushes, im-
press one as being of a serene, contemplative disposition' (John
Burroughs, Far and Near, p. 192). 'Walter S. Smith, not having
completed his work, did not graduate with his class in 1924; but
in the following year,finishinghis work, was at his request gradu-
ated as of the class of 1924.'
If the predicate is a verb, the clause is often abridged to an
infinitive clause: 'He raised his head as if (or as though) to
command silence.' ' W h e n I appear upon the scene, the female
(sapsucker) scurries away in alarm, calling as she retreats, as if
for the male to follow' (John Burroughs, Under the Apple-Trees,
Ch. I). In older English, if is often lacking here, as originally:
'Mr. Peters and M r . Williams are to be here, as [if] to breakfast
with me' (Richardson, Pamela, I, p. 385). Older usage lingers on:
' She paused a m o m e n t as [if] to collect herself for an effort' (De M o
gan, The Old Madhouse, Ch. XIII).
W e sometimes find here the primitive verbless type of sentence
described in 20 3: 'Lightly won, lightly lost' = 'Just as something
is lightly won, it is lightly lost.'
3. Attendant Circumstance. T h e action of the principal verb
is accompanied by some attendant circumstance which is con-
tained in the subordinate clause. T h e conjunctions here used are:
as; without that (only in older English); that not, but, but that,
and colloquially but what and without (in older English a literary
form); moreover that (especially in older English, as in Shake-
speare's Hamlet, II, n, 2); besides that, in addition to the fact that;
apart from the fact that, independently of the fact that, instead of
that; sometimes instead of in contrasting two verbs and in ellipti-
cal clauses with verb understood; often also the temporal conjunc-
tions while or whilst, at the same time that.
284 CLAUSE O F A T T E N D A N T CIRCUMSTANCE 28 3 a

Examples:
The enemy devastated the country as he retreated.
'This seemed to be done without that the King was fully informed thereof
(Lord Herbert, Henry VIII, 162, A.D. 1648), n o w replaced by the gerun-
dial construction described in a below.
' The artist, of whatever kind, cannot produce a truthful work without
he understands the laws of the phenomena he represents' (Spencer, Educatio
Ch. I), still heard in colloquial and popular speech, but in the literary
language n o w replaced by the gerundial construction described in a below.
H e never passed anybody on the street that he didn't greet him (or but,
but that, but what, or without, he greeted him).
It never rains but it pours.
I can't think housekeeping will be any great addition to your expenses,
and I a m sure it will give some respectability to your house, besides that
it will be much more agreeable than living in a boardinghouse (George Mason
Letter to His Son John, M a y 14, 1789).
Still w e were grateful to him, for, besides that he showed an example
of contentment to us slaves of unnecessary appetite, he sold vegetables
(T. E . Lawrence, Revolt in the Desert, p. 70, A.D. 1927).
If Carlyle had written, instead of that he wanted Emerson to think of him
in America, that he wanted his father and mother to be thinking of him
at Ecclefechan, that would have been well (Ruskin, Praeterita, 1, 252).
I saw that you were the real person; someone I admired as well as
loved, and respected instead of well, patronized (Eleanor Carroll Chilton,
Shadows Waiting, p. 286).
W h e n I paint a picture, you think the net result is I and the picture,
instead of [it is] I alone (Edward F. Benson, The Judgment Books, 162).
Y o u ought to have told m e this instead of I [told] you (Reade, Cloister
and the Hearth, Ch. I X ) (or instead of my having told you).
N o w they rule him instead of him (incorrectly used for he) them (Sarah
Grand, Heavenly Twins, 42) (or instead of his ruling them).
T should be his prisoner instead of he being mine' (Doyle, Strand
Magazine, D e c , 1894, 571), incorrectly used for instead of he mine or
instead of his being mine. M r . Doyle's clause is a blending of the elliptical
and the gerundial clause.
H e was drowned while he was bathing in the river.
At the same time that our trials strengthen us, they m a k e us more tender
and sensitive to the sufferings of others.
The idea of attendant circumstance and that of result are often
so closely associated that it is difficult to distinguish them. Hence
w e often find the s a m e conjunctions for both, so that s o m e of these
conjunctions will also occur in 5, p. 289.
a. A B R I D G M E N T OF CLAUSE OF ATTENDANT CIRCUMSTANCE.
An as-clause and a while-clause can be abridged to the predicate
appositive construction with the present participle as predicate
appositive whenever its subject is identical with that of the prin-
28 3 a CLAUSE OF ATTENDANT CIRCUMSTANCE 285

cipal proposition, or the participle m a y be replaced b y in with

the gerund: 'Retreating (or in retreating) the e n e m y devastated
the country.' 'He was drowned bathing in the river' or while
(20 3, 5th par.) bathing in the river.
Also elsewhere a predicate appositive has the force of a clause
of attendant circumstance: 'Far from receiving help, he gave it.'
'So far from doing any good, the rain did a good deal of harm,'
a blending of 'Far from doing any good, the rain did a good deal
of harm' and ' The rain was so far from doing any good that it did
a good deal of harm.' 'So far from intending you any wrong, I
have always loved you as well as if you had been m y o w n mother.'
'The certainty as to the amount of mineral wealth, so far from
having improved the situation, m a d e it distinctly worse.'
A clause that in older English w a s introduced by without that
has been replaced by the gerundial construction: 'This seemed
to be done without the King's having been fully informed of it.'
A clause introduced b y that not, but, but that, or without is
quite freely abridged to the gerundial construction with without,
whether its subject is identical with that of the principal proposi-
tion or not: 'He never passed people without greeting them' and
'He never passed people without their greeting him.' T h o u g h
without is n o w avoided in the literary language in the full clause,
it is c o m m o n in the gerundial clause. T h e conjunctions besides
that, apart from the fact that, independently of the fact that, in add
tion to the fact that can be freely replaced b y prepositions or prepo-
sitional phrases with the gerundial construction: 'Besides being
rich, she is very pretty.' 'Besides John's (or my son's, or son.;
see 50 3) helping me with the heavy work, several of the neighbors
lent a helping hand.' 'Quite apart from (or quite independently of)
saving a good deal of money in drawing the illustrations myself, I
derived m u c h pleasure from it.' 'In addition to being charged
with high treason, he w a s charged with fraud.' 'In addition to
John's being blamed for this, he was blamed also for breaking the
window.' After instead of w e usually employ the abridged form
of statement, rarely the full clause: ' Instead of doing it himself,
he got a m a n to do it.'
The gerundial construction is also c o m m o n after the preposition
so far from, which is thus used not only as a predicate appositive
adjective, as illustrated above, but also as a preposition: 'So far
from the rain doing any good, it did a good deal of harm.' 'So
far from there being any danger or need of accentuated foreign
competition, it is likely that the conditions of the next few years
will greatly facilitate the marketing of American manufactures'
(Woodrow Wilson, M a y 20, 1919).
286 CLAUSES OF MODAL AND PURE RESULT 28 5

W h e n two clauses have a gerund in c o m m o n , the expression is

eometimes elliptical where the thought would not be endangered.
The gerund m a y be expressed in thefirstclause and understood
in the second: ' Of course, boys cannot work together in a common
cause without some doing too much and others [doing] too little.'
T h e subject of the gerund here is always the accusative, never the
genitive. W e employ the elliptical construction when w e desire
to contrast the two subjects. Compare 50 3 (6th par.). In collo-
quial speech w e often find in the second clause a nominative used
as subject: 'The sleeping inmates of the room accompanied m y
recital with a snoring duet or tercet without m y interfering
with their sleep or they with m y reading' (Vambery, My Struggles,
93). T h e nominative here indicates the influence of the full clause
with afiniteverb. T h e correct elliptical structure here requires
two accusative subjects: 'without me interfering with their sleep
or them with m y reading.'
A prepositional phrase m a y often take the place of the full
clause: ' W e went out without permission.' 'I shall act without
regard to (or regardless of) consequences.' 'He sang with the windo
open,' not by the open window, which indicates a place, not at-
tendant circumstance. Compare 17 3 A d.
Instead of a full clause w e often find here the absolute nomina-
tive construction described in 17 3 A d.
4. Clause of Alternative Agreement. T h e action of the princi-
pal proposition is in alternative agreement with that of the subordi-
nate clause. T h e conjunctions here used are as (in older English
and sometimes still) and the more c o m m o n according as: 'stones
whose rates are either rich or poor As fancy values them' (Shake-
speare, Measure for Measure, II, n, 150). 'The shadow cast by an
object is long or short according as the sun is high up in the heavens
or near the horizon.' ' Things are often good or bad for us according
as we look at them.' This idea can also often be expressed by a
prepositional clause: 'They were praised or scolded according to
how they had done their work.'
5. M a n n e r Clause of M o d a l Result and Clause of Pure Result.
In manner clauses of modal result the subordinate clause is repre-
sented as something which has resulted from the manner of the
activity expressed in the principal proposition. There are two
forms of the clause. In one form there is in the principal propo-
sition a determinative such or so pointing to a following
explanatory clause, originally an independent proposition, hence
without an introductory subordinating conjunction: 'He has
always lived such a life: he cannot expect sympathy now,' or 'He
has always lived so: he cannot expect sympathy now,' where the
28 5 CLAUSES OF MODAL AND PURE RESULT 287

determinative such or so points as with an index finger to the

following explanatory clause. This old type of clause without
an introductory conjunction is still in use; in colloquial speech
is even c o m m o n : 'Here lies our good E d m u n d , whose genius was
such, We can scarcely praise it or blame it too much' (Goldsmith,
Retaliation). 'His manner w a s such I could not help thinking he
was unfriendly to Sherman' (J. B . Foraker, Notes of a Busy Life,
Ch. VI). 'I tried to arrange s6 the sections would be far enough
apart to allow each ample time to unload, feed, water, and load the
horses at any stopping place before the next section could arrive'
(Theodore Roosevelt, The Rough Riders, Ch. II).
Alongside of this type of sentence there is another with a
double determinative, in accordance with older English fondness
for double expression, a sitch or so in the principal proposition
and that in the clause of result: 'He has always lived such a life
that he cannot expect sympathy now,' originally 'He always lived
such a life, thdt: he cannot expect sympathy now,' the two deter-
minatives such and that pointing as with two index fingers to the
following explanatory clause. T h e second determinative that,
standing immediately as it does before the explanatory remark,
became early closely associated with it, forming with it a subor-
dinate clause of result and serving as its connective, binding it
to the principal proposition, and thus developed into a subordinat-
ing conjunction. M o d e r n English has often rejected parts of
older double determinative constructions as excessive expression,
but the second determinative that has been retained here since
it has developed into a conjunction and thus performs a useful
function, marking the unity of the words in the clause, so that
this form is n o w more c o m m o n in the literary language than the
simpler form of the clause without a conjunction. T h e old de-
terminative that was originally an adjective element and could
only be used w h e n it could refer to a preceding noun as in this
example referring to ' such a life'; but its function as determinative
or conjunction w a s early felt more vividly than its function as
adjective, so that since the earliest historical records it has been
used as determinative or conjunction even w h e n the preceding
word is an adverb: 'He has always lived so that he cannot expect
sympathy now.' This explains the extensive use of the conjunc-
tion that in adverbial clauses of modal result whether of manner
or degree. It is used also in clauses of pure result, as described
below.
In oldest English, the determinative so w a s often used in the
clause of result instead of that. These old determinatives so
and that have throughout the history of our language been
288 CLAUSES OF MODAL AND PURE RESULT 28 5

competitors in a number of different kinds of subordinate clauses.

That is n o w the literary form in the clause of result, but as (from
all so, i.e., quite so), the modern representative of older so, was co
m o n earlier in the period: 'A m a n should study other things to
m a k e his base such as (now that) no tempest shall shake him' (Ben
Jonson, Discoveries, p. 57, A.D. 1641). This old usage survives in
popular speech, as illustrated on page 290. Of course, w e today feel
that and as merely as conjunctions and have so little feeling for
their older concrete force that w e do not feel as as containing
the old determinative so.
In older English, the such of the principal proposition was often
replaced by the determinative adjective that: 'From m e , whose
love was of that dignity That it went hand in hand even with
the v o w I m a d e to her in marriage' (Shakespeare, Hamlet, I,
v, 48). 'She sat and looked on, keeping out of the w a y of her
bustling aunt as far as possible; but Miss Fortune's gyrations
were of that character that no one could tell five minutes before-
hand what she might consider "in the w a y ' " (Susan Warner,
The Wide, Wide World, Ch. X X I I , A.D. 1851).
In all its modal meanings the so of the principal proposition is
heavily stressed and usually follows the verb, but not infrequently
the verbal idea becomes prominent and is heavily stressed, so
that so has a little less stress than the verb and, like a sentence
adverb (16 2 a), stands immediately before the verb or in a com-
pound tense or modal form before the part of the verb containing
the verbal meaning, thus indicating that the verbal idea is more
important than the idea of manner: 'It so hdppened that I was
present.' ' W e should so act in this matter that w e shall have
nothing to regret.'
The so of the principal proposition often loses its stress and is
brought over to the subordinate clause, so that the modal idea
of manner disappears entirely and the subordinate clause becomes
a clause of pure result; in the literary language usually introduced
by so that, in colloquial speech often still b y simple so, as in older
English: 'He went early so that (or simple so) he got a good seat.'
' She sat directly before m e , so that (or simple so) I could not see
the expression on her face.' ' H e didn't go early, as he ought to have
done, so that (or simple so) he didn't get a good seat.' ' I would to
heaven I were your son, so you would love m e , Hubert' (Shake-
speare, King John, IV, i, 23). 'With those (generals) present were
their respective staffs, so (now more commonly so that in literary
language) there were enough of them, all told, to make up a
pretty large company' (J. B. Foraker, Notes of a Busy Life,
Ch. VII). 'A m a n ought to have a settled job, with an office in
 28 6 CLAUSES OF MODAL AND PURE RESULT 289

some fixed place, so (for literary so that) you always k n o w where

he is' (Christopher Morley, 'Thunder on the Left,' in Harper's
Magazine for Sept., 1925, p. 397). 'You write that letter to
Ninian, and you m a k e him tell you so (colloquial for so that)
you'll understand' (Zona Gale, Miss Lulu Belt, C h . V ) . T h e
subordinate clause introduced here b y simple so is differentiated
from the coordinate clause introduced by simple so, described in
c, p. 291, by less stress and a slighter pause before it. W e often
use here a question instead of a negative so-that clause: 'He no
longer has any backing, why should you fear him ?' (or so that there
is no need of your fearing him).
O n account of its lack of distinctive form simple that, one of the
oldest conjunctions used in clauses of pure result, has become
rather rare and choice, although earlier in the period more com-
m o n : 'Pray let your youth m a k e hast; for I should haue done
a business an hower since, that (now usually so that) I doubt (fear)
I shall come too late' (Ben Jonson, Euery Man out of His Humour,
IV, iv, A.D. 1600). 'The image of a bear stood out upon a Sign-
Post, perk'd u p on his Arse with a great Faggot-bat in his Claws,
that (now usually so that) he look'd like one of the City Waits play-
ing upon the Double CurteV (Ned W a r d , The London Spy, p. 120,
A.D. 1700, ed. 1924). 'Afirescorch'd m e that (now usually so that)
I woke' (Tennyson, Lucretius, 66). Simple that, however, is quite
freely used when the clause of result follows a statement of the
cause or the assumed cause couched in the form of a declarative
sentence or very commonly a question: 'Something is wrong thai
he hasn't come before this,' or 'What is the matter that he hasn't
come before this?' 'I must have been blind that I didn't see that
post,' or 'Where were m y eyes that I didn't see that post?' Often
after an indirect question: ' I should like to k n o w what the matter
was that he didn't come.' In negative clauses after a question, a
negative, or a word with negative force, as scarcely, we m a y still
use that not, or but, or but that, or in colloquial and popular speech
but what or without, or instead of a subordinate clause often, even
in the literary language, a principal proposition after and: 'Can
you touch pitch that you do not defile yourself?' (or but, or but
that, or but what, or without, you defile yourself? or and not defi
yourself?). 'He scarcely ever played with the children that a
quarrel didn't follow' (or but, or but that, or but what, a quarrel
followed). Without that was once employed here, but it is n o w
little used: 'It w a s next to impossible that a casket could be
thrown . . . without that she should have caught intimation of
things extraordinary' (Bronte, Villette, 107), n o w in colloquial
speech sometimes without she should catch intimation, etc., but
 290 CLAUSES OF MODAL AND PURE RESULT 28 5

usually in colloquial and literary language without her catching

intimation, etc.
As described on page 288, as was once c o m m o n instead of thai in
clauses of result. M o d a l result: 'I gained a son, A n d such a son
as (now that) all m e n hailed m e happy' (Milton, Samson, 358).
'At last they were forced into a harbor, where lay a French man-
of-war with his prize, and (23 II 9 b) had surely m a d e prize of them
also, but that the providence of G o d so disposed as (now that)
the captain knew the merchant of our bark' (Winthrop, Journal,
June 15, 1637). Still in popular speech: 'But you said they
depended on you, papa!' 'So they do, but of course not so's
(i.e., so as, current popular form for so that) they couldn't get
along without m e ' (Tarkington, Alice Adams, Ch. IV). 'They
planted th' tree so's (i.e., s6 as) no one wouldn't ever be buried
in that spot agin' ( A m y Lowell, East Wind, p. 89). In older
English, there was a double determinative here, as that instead
of as, in accord with the old fondness for double expression:
' The difficulty certainly is, h o w to give this power in such manner
as that (now simple that) it m a y only be used to good, and not
abused to bad, purposes' (Richard Henry Lee, Letter to George
Mason, M a y 15, 1787). This usage survives in popular speech:
'There is boarders w h o is always laying in wait for the days when
the meals is not so good as they commonly be, to pick a quarrel
with the one that is trying to serve them so as that (for literary
that) they shall be satisfied' (Oliver W . Holmes, The Poet at the
Breakfast Table, XII).
Similarly, as or so as was once c o m m o n in the literary language
in clauses of pure result instead of that or so that: 'And matchlesse
beautiful, as (instead of that, n o w more commonly so that), had
you seene her, 'twould haue mou'd your heart' (Marlowe, The
Jew of Malta, 629, A.D. 1590, ed. 1633). 'He miscarried by un-
skilfulness, so as (now so that) the loss can no w a y be ascribed
to cowardice' (Hobbes, Thucydides, 120, A.D. 1628). 'Many
came unto them from diverse parts of England, so as (now so
that) they grew a great congregation' (Bradford, History of
Plymouth Plantation, p. 40, A.D. 1630-1648). This usage survives
in popular speech: 'P-pay anything so's (for literary so that)
you get it' (Winston Churchill, Coniston, C h . VII). In older
English, w e sometimes find three determinatives in clauses of
pure result: 'On that night ashes were thrown into the porridge,
so as that (now so that) they could not eat it' (Increase Mather,
Remarkable Providences, Ch. V , Jan., 1684).
The determinative so in the principal clause has not a clearly
defined meaning, denoting often manner or degree. Hence the
28 5 d ABRIDGMENT OF MODAL AND PURE RESULT CLAUSES 291

so in the example from Tarkington on page 290 m a y m e a n degree

instead of manner and then would belong to 29 2.
a. ' T I L L ' I N S T E A D O F ' S O T H A T . ' SO that is often replaced by
till where the idea of time seems more important to our feeling
than that of result: 'The dogs fought till the hair flew.'
b. R E L A T I V E C L A U S E I N S T E A D O F A D V E R B I A L . A n adverbial
clause of pure result is often replaced by a descriptive relative
clause introduced by whence, wherefore, why, or more commonly
on account of which: ' This bird (shrike) has a strong bill toothed
at the end, and feeds on small birds and insects, whence or on
account of which ( = so that) it is known as the butcher-bird.'
' I demand . . . W h a t rub or what impediment there is, Why that
(old form = why = on account of which, or more commonly that)
the naked, poor and mangled Peace . . . Should not . . . put
up her lovely visage' (Henry the Fifth, V, n, 32).
A relative clause is often used with the force of a clause of pure
result when the reference is to a negative: 'Nobody knew him
who didn't love him,' or in adverbial form, that he didn't love him
or but (or but that) he loved him. Compare 23 II 5 (2nd par.).
A restrictive relative clause often has the force of a clause of
modal result when it is introduced by the relative pronoun as or
that (expressed or understood) and there is in the principal propo-
sition the determinative such or a expressing a kind or degree:
'He lent his antagonist such a box on the ear as made him stagger
to the other side of the room' (or a box on the ear that made him sta
to the other side of the room, or in adverbial form, such a box on th
ear that it made him stagger to the other side of the room). 'We
each of us give you such a thrashing as you'll remember' (or a thrash-
ing that you'll remember, or a thrashing you'll remember, or in ad
verbial form, such a thrashing that you'll remember it).
c. C O O R D I N A T I O N I N S T E A D O F S U B O R D I N A T I O N . Instead of a
principal proposition and a subordinate clause of pure result in-
troduced by so that w e often find two principal propositions con-
nected by and: ' M y health is excellent, and I could settle down
to a stiff task with ease.' Instead of coordination with and w e
m a y coordinate with so (coordinating conjunction; see 19 1 e):
'My health is good, so I could settle down,' etc. And and so m a y
be combined: ' M y health is good, and so I could settle down,'
etc. Compare 19 3.
d. ABRIDGMENT OF M A N N E R CLAUSES OF M O D A L R E S U L T A N D
CLAUSES OF P U R E RESULT. After such and so a that-clause o
modal result can usually be abridged to an infinitive clause with
as to when the subject of the principal proposition can serve as the
subject of the infinitive: 'This is not such weather as to encourage
292 ABRIDGMENT OF MODAL AND PURE RESULT CLAUSES 28 5 d
out-door sports.' 'He lays out his work each day so as to be able
tofinishit by six o'clock.' T h e as is not found here in oldest Eng-
lish, which clearly shows that it later entered the abridged clause
under the influence of the as which introduced the full clause.
In the literary language the as has been replaced by that in the
full clause, but it survives in the abridged clause.
In older English, a so-that clause of pure result could be abridged
to an infinitive clause with so to w h e n the subject of the principal
proposition could serve as the subject of the infinitive: 'Here it
(giddiness of head) increased upon m e to an alarming degree,
so to render me incapable of moving from my seat' (Joseph Farington,
Diary, N o v . 29, 1810).
A so-that clause of pure result is n o w usually contracted to an
infinitive clause with so as to w h e n the subject of the principal
proposition can serve as the subject of the infinitive: 'Put on
your gloves so as to be ready!' T h e so as is not found here in oldest
English, which clearly shows that it later entered the abridged
clause under the influence of the so as which introduced the full
clause. In the literary language the so as has been replaced in
the full clause by so that, but it survives in the abridged clause.
A simple that clause of pure result can be abridged to a to-
infinitive clause, and is often even more c o m m o n than the full
clause by reason of the concrete force of to, which here has one
of its c o m m o n derived meanings, end, result: 'He did not see
Stenning again to speak to' (A. Marshall, Anthony Dare, Ch. Ill)
(or more commonly to speak to him). ' A catbird sang to split its
throat' (Mary Johnston, Hagar, C h . V ) . 'Five of their six sons
lived to grow up.' ' H o w old do you have to be to be grown up?'
(Christopher Morley, Thunder on the Left). 'You have only to
ask to get it' 'Whole tracts of the Excursion (poem by Words-
worth) require considerable patience on the part of the reader
to appreciate.' 'Poetry should not require considerable patience
to be appreciated.' T h e infinitive here m a y n o w have a subject
of its o w n introduced by for: 'In Ireland just n o w one has only
to discover an idea that seems of service to the country for friends
and helpers to spring up on every hand' (Yeats, Plays and Contro-
versies, p. 3). In this very c o m m o n infinitive clause the form with
to or for to is n o w the c o m m o n one, but the old simple infinitive
still lingers: ' H o w came you take (now usually to take) up such an
absurd habit?' (Susan Warner, The Wide, Wide World, Ch. X L I X ) .
In older English, a simple as-clause of pure result could be
abridged to ato-infinitiveclause introduced b y as: 'Where is
n o w the soul of god-like Cato? he that durst be good when Caesar
durst be evill; and had power As not to live his slave, to dye his
28 5 d ABRIDGMENT OF MODAL AND PURE RESULT CLAUSES 293

master' (Ben Jonson, Sejanus, I, i, 89, A.D. 1616). W e n o w sup-

press the as here.
The simple that-clause that follows a statement of the cause of
the result, couched in the form of a declarative sentence or very
commonly in the form of a direct or an indirect question, can
often be abridged to ato-infinitiveclause: 'I suppose you think
I a m a very bad mothertobe amusing myself while Joy is suffering'
(Galsworthy, Joy). ' W h o was I to go tearing through peaceful
towns with my execrated locomotive and massacring innocent people ?'
(W. J. Locke, The Joyous Adventures of Aristide Pujol, C h . I).
'When his old friend John Street's son volunteered for special
service he shook his head querulously and wondered what John
Street was about to allow it' (Galsworthy, The Man of Property,
86). Also the present participle is used here: 'What's got into
you wanting all of a sudden to get married?' (Mary Heaton Vorse,
Woman's Home Companion, Aug., 1927, p. 18).
A clause of pure result introduced b y that not, but, or but
that can be abridged to ato-infinitiveclause: 'None knew him
but to love him.' After most verbs the negative clause is more
commonly abridged to a gerundial clause with without: 'The
children never played together without getting into afight.'Though
without is n o w avoided in the literary language in the full clause,
it is c o m m o n in the gerundial clause.
A full so-that clause of pure result that has considerable inde-
pendence of thought can often be abridged to a participial clause,
'He mistook m e for a friend, so that he caused me some embarrass-
ment' (or causing me some embarrassment, or with a formal expres-
sion of the idea of result: thus causing me some embarrassment).
The use of thus here has been unjustly criticized on the ground
that a coordinating conjunction should not link a subordinate
clause to the principal proposition. B u t such a clause of pure
result is logically a principal proposition, for it does not in any
way modify the meaning of the principal proposition, and can
be replaced by a principal proposition.
The idea of result is often expressed b y an objective predicate
(15 III 2, 15 III 2 A ) : 'She boiled the egg hard.' 'The President
made him a general.' ' H e got the machine running' (ortorunning).
'The garrison was starved into surrender.' 'He worked himself
into a frenzy.' 'He smoked himself into calmness.' Compare 20 3
(last par.).
The result in all the above cases is represented as the effect
of the activity or state indicated in the principal proposition.
Theto-infinitiveis often employed to express an entirely different
kind of result, namely, a result which is the natural outcome of
294 POSITIVE DEGREE CLAUSE OF SIMPLE COMPARISON 291Aa

events or plans which are independent of the action described in

the principal proposition: 'They parted never to see each other
again.' 'He waked tofindall this a dream.'

CLAUSE OF DEGREE
29. Clauses of degree define the degree or intensity of t
which is predicated in the principal proposition. T h e degree can
be expressed in the following ways:
1. Comparison. It is expressed in the form of a comparison:
A. Positive Clause, signifying a degree equal to that of the
principal proposition:
a. A Simple Comparison. W e sometimes employ as here: 'She
is true as gold.' This corresponds closely to Old English usage,
where w e find swa, i.e., so, in the place of our as, which is a
contraction of all so, i.e., quite so. Thus originally this was a
determinative construction, the so pointing forward to the follow-
ing explanatory word or remark: 'She w a s true, so: gold [is].'
A s the so, n o w as, stood immediately before the explanatory re-
mark it early became closely associated with it and was felt as
a conjunction introducing the subordinate clause. This simple
type is not so c o m m o n n o w as in older English, but it still lingers
on: 'There's the boy with the basket, punctual as clockwork'
(Dickens, Pickwick, C h . L X ) . 'Quick as thought he seized the
oars.' Compare 25 1.
Alongside of the old simple determinative construction with so
was a double determinative construction with so so, as de-
scribed in 25 1. In oldest English, this double type was not
c o m m o n in the category of comparison, but it has gradually be-
come the c o m m o n form of expression here. In its present form
it has the following two sets of correlatives, where thefirstcorrela-
tive of each set belongs to the principal proposition and the
second correlative of each set is n o w felt as a subordinating con-
junction introducing the subordinate clause: as as in positive
sentences to express complete equality and so as in negative
statements and questions with negative force to indicate inequal-
ity: 'I a m as tall as she [is]' (equality). 'Is she as tall as I [am]?'
(question simply inquiring whether there is an equality). 'She
is not so tall as I' (inequality). 'But are you so tall as she?'
(question with negative force). 'I a m always as busy as I am
now,' but 'I a m not always so busy as I a m now.' 'She wears
her clothes as gracefully as a coat-rack wears the coats hung on
it.'
This differentiation between as as and so as, though recom-
 29 1 A a 66 ABRIDGMENT OF CLAUSE OF SIMPLE COMPARISON 295

mended by grammarians, has not become established in the

language. In fact there has long been afluctuationof usage here,
since the two forms so and as have the same origin and meaning
and hence are naturally used interchangeably. In the colloquial
speech of our time there is a strong drift in the direction of greater
simplicity and uniformity, a trend to employ as as in both
positive and negative statements, following the simple principle
that as as expresses equality and not ... as as denies the
existence of an equality: 'I a m as taR as she' and 'I a m not as
tall as she.' W e often, however, employ so as thefirstcorrelative
instead of as when w e desire to stress not equality or inequality
but the unusually high degree: 'You can't get one so good as
this.' 'In a country so Urge as the United States there must be
a great variety of climate.'
Where the things compared are not concrete but mere concep-
tions, the clause of comparison m a y be introduced by as that:
'Trying hard and failing is not so bad as [is] that one should not
try at all.' 'Nothing vexes m e so m u c h as [does] that I cannot
see in what I can be serviceable to you.' In older English, the form
with simple as could be used: 'Nothing vexeth m e as (now so
much as) that I cannot see wherein I can be servisable unto you'
(Sir Philip Sidney, Arcadia, Book I, Ch. X I V , A.D. 1590). The
subject of the clause of comparison here is itself a clause a
subject clause. T h e abridged form of the subject clause is more
common here than the full clause. See 66 below.
aa. A C C U S A T I V E I N S T E A D O F N O M I N A T I V E . In elliptical clauses
where thefiniteverb is not expressed, the nominative of personal
pronouns is often in loose colloquial language replaced by the
accusative, as so often elsewhere in elliptical expressions, as de-
scribed in 7 C a: 'What, the one as big as me?' (Dickens, A
Christmas Carol, Stave V ) , instead of as I.
66. A B R I D G M E N T O F C L A U S E O F S I M P L E C O M P A R I S O N . T h e full
subject clause introduced by that is little used. It is largely re-
placed by the infinitival or the gerundial construction. W h e n
the subject is indefinite, the subject of the infinitive and the
gerund is always understood: 'To go ahead resolutely and fail
(or Going ahead resolutely and failing) is not so bad as not to try
at all [is],' or as not trying at all [is], or less commonly as [is
that one should not try at all.
If the subject of the subject clause is definite, there is often
some noun or pronoun in the principal proposition which serves
as the subject of the infinitive or the gerund: 'There is nothing
so natural to him as to crave recognition [is],' or as craving recog
nition [is]. If there is no word in the principal proposition that
296 CLAUSE OF PROPORTIONATE AGREEMENT 29 1 A b

can serve as the subject of the infinitive or the gerund, they have
a subject of their own. T h e subject of the infinitive is an accusa-
tive after the preposition for, as explained in 21 e; the subject of
the gerund is a possessive adjective or a noun in the genitive:
' Nothing could be so unwise as for him to attempt it [would be],'
or as his attempting it [would be], or as John's attempting it [would
be]. T h e gerund is sometimes replaced b y the absolute nominative
construction described in 17 3 B with the absolute nominative as
subject and a present participle as predicate: 'Nothing alters the
case so m u c h as [does] your saying (gerund; or sometimes as
[does] you saying; present participle) you are sorry.' 'Nothing
cheers us so m u c h as [does] things going (present participle)
right.' 'Nothing reduces men's political power so m u c h as [does]
women having (present participle) the vote.' In older English, the
subject of the infinitive here w a s often the absolute nominative
instead of the accusative after for: 'That it (i.e., the child) shall
[be found], Is all as monstrous to our h u m a n reason As my
Antigonus to break his grave' (Shakespeare, The Winter's Tale,
V, I, 40), n o w as for my Antigonus to break his grave. Compare
17 3 B (2nd par.).
6. Proportionate Agreement. This clause is introduced by the
following conjunctions: as, according as, in degree as, in the same
degree as, in proportion as, but as, except as, the instrumental cor-
relatives the the (16 4 c), and the following more formal and
stately correlative forms with the same meaning, which were
m u c h more used earlier in the period than n o w : in what degree
in that degree, by how much by so much, so much the + com-
parative by how much the + comparative, the + comparative
by how much + comparative, in older English also as so, later
entirely replaced b y as, according as, in proportion as.
T h e old instrumental correlatives the the, though n o w void
of distinctive form, are still b y reason of their terse and telling
parallelism m u c h used. T h e y still, as in Old English, have two
forms: 'This stone gets the harder the longer it is exposed to the
weather,' originally 'This stone gets in that [degree] harder, in
that [degree]: it is longer exposed to the weather.' Here w e have
the old double determinative described in 27 2 for the similar use
of as. Here the two the's point as with two indexfingersto the
following explanatory subordinate clause. Here as so often else-
where, the second determinative w a s early felt as belonging to
the subordinate clause and became its introductory conjunction.
In the other form of this construction the subordinate clause
precedes to m a k e w a y for the emphatic principal proposition:
'The more money he makes the more he wants.' originally 'In that
29 1 A 6 CLAUSE OF PROPORTIONATE AGREEMENT 297

[degree]: he makes more money, in that [degree] he wants more.'

T h efirstthe is a determinative, pointing to the following subordi-
nate clause. T h e second the, like the that in 24 III a (2nd par.),
is a demonstrative, pointing back to the preceding subordinate
clause. In Old English, there w a s here in this form of the con-
struction a complete parallelism between the t w o propositions,
so that the subordinate clause had n o clear formal sign of de-
pendence. A t the close of the Old English period a that w a s
inserted to indicate subordination: ' The m o r e m o n e y that he
makes the m o r e he wants.' T h e double determinative, as here
the that, is characteristic of older English. In m a n y cases it has
disappeared, but it still survives here, since it clearly marks the
clause as dependent and hence performs a useful function: ' The
more shy that Michael became, the m o r e earnestly did this young
m a n press h i m with intimate questions' (Compton Mackenzie,
Youth's Encounter, C h . VIII). B u t the old form that expresses
complete parallelism is still, as in older English, the favorite.
The form with inserted that in the subordinate clause is found also
in thefirstform of this construction: 'This stone gets the harder
the longer that it is exposed to the weather.'
The the the of the second form m a y often in choice prose and
poetry be replaced b y the longer form in what degree in that
degree, since it distinguishes b y its form the subordinate clause
from the principal proposition and hence is often m o r e suitable
for accurate expression. For most purposes, however, even in
poetry, the the b y reason of its terse forcefulness, dramatic
parallelism, and elegant simplicity is still the favorite.

Examples:
'One advances in modesty as one advances in knowledge,' with the
emphasis upon the subordinate clause, but the principal proposition stands
last when emphatic or important: 'As I grewricherI grew more ambi-
tious.'
'We can earn more or less according as we work,' or in the form of a
prepositional clause according to how we work.
'His humid eyes seemed to look within in degree as (or in the same degree
as, or in proportion as) they grew dim to things without,' with the empha
upon the subordinate clause, but the principal proposition stands last
when emphatic or important: 'For just in proportion as the writer's aim,
consciously or unconsciously, comes to be the transcribing, not of the
not of mere fact, but of his sense of it, he becomes an artist, his work f
art' (Walter Pater, Style).
I desire no titles but as I shall deserve 'em (Fletcher, Prophetess, II, II
A.D. 1622).
When we come to the improvement of the teacher in service, can that
298 CLAUSE OF RESTRICTION 29 1 A c

be done right except as the teacher is a participant in the effort for imp
ment? (Mary M c S k i m m o n in National Educational Association, 1925,
p. 104).
The more money he makes the more he wants.
'In what degree we get self under foot, in that degree w e get a larger
view of life'; or m u c h more simply 'The more we get self under foot, the
larger view of life w e get.'
Being thought so m u c h the more assured to their Master, by how much
the more he sees them grow hateful to all men else (Sir Walter Raleigh,
Historie of the World).
Which deserveth the more accurate handling, by how much it touches
us more nearly (Bacon, Advancement of Learning).
As they excelled in ahhominacion, so preferred he theim (Elyot, Image of
Governance, 8, A.D. 1541).
The full clause is often abridged to a prepositional phrase:
'The price of manufactured articles m u s t rise in proportion to
the cost of labor.'
A primitive form of this clause is preserved in old saws, as in
' The more, the merrier,' where w e still find the old verbless type
of sentence described in 6 B a and 2 0 3.
c. Restriction. T h e following conjunctions are used to indicate
a restriction of the action or the state of the principal proposi-
tion: so (or sometimes as) long as; so (or sometimes as) far as;
in so far as; or sometimes simple as.

Examples:
H e answered quietly that if I gave the order he would take possession
of the mines and would guarantee to open them and to run them, so long
as I told him to stay (Theodore Roosevelt, An Autobiography, Ch. XIII).
So long as a people retains its vigor and its vital energy, its langu
never grows old (Brander Matthews, Essays on English, p. 5).
So far as (or as far as) I could see or judge, they were all satisfied with
the arrangement.
'His efforts were so far successful as they reduced the percentage of
deaths' (H. W . Fowler, Modern English Usage, p. 170), or more commonly
'His efforts were successful so far as they reduced the percentage of deaths
The outlines of the proposal, in so far as (or so far as) they interest the
general public, are well known.
'Mr. Carlton is not a prudent m a n as (5 d, p. 18) regards money matters'
(or with regard to money matters, or so far as money matters go).
H e recognized it for a fact, as (5 d, p. 18) regarded the past, no more was
to be said.
W h y , Hal, thou know'st, as (= so far as) thou art but man, I dare; but
as (= so far as) thou are Prince, I fear thee as (= as much as) I fear the
roaring of the lion's whelp (J Henry IV, III, in, 165).
She's not a bad servant, as servants go (Mrs. W o o d , East Lynne, I, 281).
29 1 A C aa REPLACEMENT OF CLAUSE OF RESTRICTION 299

In poetical language, there is sometimes a so in the principal

proposition where the subordinate clause is introduced by an as
that has the force of so far as: 'But if I live, So aid m e heaven,
when at mine uttermost, As I will make her truly m y true
wife!' (Tennyson, The Marriage of Geraint, 501). There is a
more common form of this old adjuration, which is also old:
'So (= to this extent) help m e God, I will make her m y wife!'
'[I] Wouldn't take a sou less, so help m e ' (Jack London, The
Call of the Wild, Ch. I).
aa. C L A U S E O F R E S T R I C T I O N R E P L A C E D B Y O T H E R C O N S T R U C -
TIONS. A restriction is often contained in a substantive rela-
tive clause introduced by the relative pronoun that (or in popular
speech as), which is used either as an adverbial accusative or as an
object, object of a preposition that stands at the end of the clause:
'He had never seen Hall that he knew before that day' (Dasent,
Jest and Earnest, II, 343), literally, as to what (= so far as) he
knew. 'An injunction to restrain such proceeding has never that
I know of been granted since 1851' (Sir N. Lindley in Law Report,
31 Chanc. Div. 367). 'It has never been done before that (or in
popular speech as) I ever heard of.'
A restriction is often expressed also by a prepositional phrase
consisting of for and a pronoun (aught, anything, or now more
commonly all or what) or noun modified by a relative clause, or
instead of this construction we may employ a subordinate clause
introduced by so far as, especially after a negative proposition:
'He may be dead for aught (that) or for anything (that), or m
commonly for all (that), or for what I know,' but 'He isn't dea
far as I know' rather than 'He isn't dead for aught (that) or f
anything (that), or for all (that), or for what I know,' altho
prepositional construction sometimes occurs, as seen in the next
two examples. 'For aught that I could ever read, Could ever he
tale or history, The course of true love never did run smooth'
(Shakespeare, A Midsummer-Night's Dream, I, i, 132). ' And for
all we know, Xantippe had no mother to w h o m she could go and
abuse Socrates' (J. K. Jerome, Idle Thoughts, 155). 'She seldom
quitted her cabin; a pair of shoes may have lasted herfiveyears
for the wear and tear she took out of them' (Frederick Marryat, J
Faithful, I) = so far as the wear and tear she took out of the
concerned. ' But his ship might have sunk with all on board for an
sign he gave' (G. Atherton, Sleeping Fires, Ch. X X V I ) . The relat
may be omitted after the governing pronoun or noun, and is always
omitted after what. After a personal pronoun the relative clause
is omitted as unnecessary: ' "She's got a pretty waist and a brown
eye, Davy, and she's seventeen."' ' "She may for me" (= for all
300 CLAUSES OF EXTENT, DEGREE, AMOUNT, NUMBER 29 1 A d

I care), said D a v y ' (Mrs. H . Ward, David Grieve, II, II). Simi-
larly, after a possessive adjective, since the possessive adjectives
have developed out of personal pronouns: 'The boy is clever for
his age.' 'I for my part agree.'
Restrictions are often expressed b y a phrase introduced by
such prepositions as with (or in) regard to, with reference (or
respect) to, as to, as for, touching, in the case of, of, as com
with, etc.: ' It is true, at least, with regard to (in the case of, or
John.' 'As compared with the last season, there is an improvement
in the catch of whales.' As for and as to are differentiated in
meaning: W h e n w e desire to call attention to some particular
person or thing in order to say something of that person or thing,
w e employ as for or as to; but w h e n w e desire to restrict the
statement in some particular, w e employ as to (not as for): 'As
for (or as to) myself, m y adversity was a blessing in disguise.'
' As for (or as to) cleverness, there isn't her like in all the county.'
But 'He was invariably reserved as to (not as for) his private
affairs.'
bb. A B R I D G M E N T O F C L A U S E O F R E S T R I C T I O N . T h e full clause
of restriction is often abridged to a participial clause introduced
by a conjunction, usually so far as, or sometimes simple as: ' The
inquiry, so far as showing that I have favored my own interests,
has failed.' 'The facts as ( = so far as) affecting the army are:
The regular army at its present strength,' etc. (Editorial in Chicago
Tribune, Feb. 19, 1925). But the construction after so far as m a y
be construed as gerundial, for so far as is n o w sometimes used as
a preposition. See next paragraph.
The full clause of restriction m a y be abridged to a gerundial
clause after the preposition so far as: 'So far as its having been
premeditated or made for the purpose of insult to the court I had
not the slightest thought of that' (Clarence Darrow in Tennessee
Evolution Trial, July 20, 1925).
W e still sometimes find here the old verbless type of sentence
described in 20 3: 'So far, so good.'
d. Extent, Degree, Amount, Number. Conjunctions: as long as;
as (or so) far as; as (or so) far as that; to such an extent as, to
the degree that, so as, or quite commonly simple as; as fast as,
not so (or as) fast as; as proud as, not so (or as) proud as, etc.,
n o w only rarely proud as (with a single as), etc., as in older English;
as much as, sometimes so much as; inasmuch as in older English,
n o w usually with causal force; as many as. Here as in a, p. 294,
we employ the old determinative construction in both of its forms,
either with a single or a double determinative. T h e single de-
terminative as, as in the eleventh and twelfth examples (p. 301),
29 1 A d CLAUSES OF EXTENT, DEGREE, AMOUNT, NUMBER 301

is n o w in the subordinate clause, serving as its introductory con-

junction. In the double determinative construction n o w the
c o m m o n form the t w o determinatives, as in the first t w o
examples below, have often formed a c o m p o u n d a n d have often
further entered into close relations with the accompanying ad-
verb, forming with it a compound, as described in 25. This
compound n o w usually stands in the subordinate clause, serving
as its introductory conjunction. W h e r e , however, the word stand-
ing between the t w o determinatives is not an adverb, but an ad-
jective, as in the ninth and tenth examples below, the development
has not gone so far. T h efirstdeterminative a n d the accompany-
ing adjective are still in the principal proposition, while the second
determinative is in the subordinate clause, serving as its introduc-
tory conjunction.

Examples:
I have stood it as long as I can.
I followed him with m y eyes as (sometimes so) far as I could.
I have gone as (or so) far as that I am collecting statistics for my inv
tigation.
I know these people about here, fathers and mothers, and children and
grandchildren, so as (or to such an extent as, or simple as) all the science
the world can't know them (Oliver W . Holmes, Elsie Venner, Ch. X V ) .
To the degree that the reader recognizes the force of these observat
will feel impelled to discount the author's condemnation of the course
pursued by the Mexican authorities (Milo Milton Quaife in 'Historical
Introduction' to Kendall's Narrative of the Texan Santa Fe Expedition).
H e ran as fast as he could.
He spends his money as fast as he gets it.
H e will stand at the end of the class as sure as (or as surely as) the end
of the month comes around.
This morning m y leg is as stiff as [it] ever [was].
H e was not so (or 'as') patient as he might have been.
M y good lady made m e proud (now usually 'as proud') as proud can be
(Richardson, Pamela, III, 241).
His method of taking in Blackstone seemed absorbing (now usually 'as
absorbing') as it was novel (Meredith, The Ordeal of Richard Feverel,
Ch. XVI).
I had as much as I could bear.
The poorest memory will retain so (more commonly 'as') much as that
(C. E. Pascoe, London of Today, 241).
Let them blaspheme in private as (= as much as) they please, it hurts
nobody but themselves (Mrs. H . Ward, Richard Meynell, Ch. V ) .
Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren,
have done it unto m e (Matthew, X X V , 40).
Bring m e as m a n yflowersas (5 d, p. 18) you can find.
302 COMPARATIVE CLAUSE 29 1 B

aa. A B R I D G M E N T O F C L A U S E O F E X T E N T . A clause of extent

introduced by as (or so) far as that is often abridged to an infini-
tive clause: 'I have gone as (or so) far as to collect statistics for m
investigation.' Here as far as is a conjunction, but, as explained
in 29 1 B 6 (2nd par.), it is n o w used also as a preposition. As
the gerund can stand after a preposition, the infinitive after the
conjunction as far as can be replaced by the gerund after the
preposition as far as: ' I have gone as far as collecting statistics f
my investigation.'
Extent is often expressed b y the adverbial accusative of a
substantive form of a superlative with its modifying relative
clause: 'She sang the best (that) she could.'
W e still sometimes find here the primitive verbless type of
sentence described in 20 3: 'so m a n y m e n , so m a n y minds.'
B. Comparative Clause. Following a comparative, introduced
by the conjunction than (in older English also with the form then,
see 27 3, last par.), in older English also by as, which survives
in popular speech. In older English, in Scotch, and elsewhere
in dialect, also nor was used, which survives in popular speech.
T h e northern dialectic form an an apocopate Danish form of
the same word as English than sometimes appears in older
literary English in the erroneously expanded form and, having
been confounded with conditional an or and (31).
Examples:
'Nothing could be more disagreeable to m e than that I should have to do
that [would be],' or than to have to do that [would be]. The subject of
comparative clause here is itself a clause a subject clause. Compare
29 1 A a (last par.).
'A heavier task could not have been imposed than I (17 3 B, 2nd par.)
to speak my griefs unspeakable [would be]' (Shakespeare, Comedy of Err
I, i, 32), now than for me to speak my griefs unspeakable [would be].
It is better that ten criminals should escape than that one innocent man
should be hanged.
I'd have done anything rather than [that] you should know (Sheila Kaye-
Smith, Johanna Godden Married, II, Ch. X X I V ) .
H e was more shy than [he was] unsocial.
She is better than [she was] when I wrote you last.
'He more frequently ran than [he] walked to his work,' where we speak
of different acts, but in 'He ran rather than [he] walked to the house' w
speak of two descriptions of one act, one of which is represented as more
appropriate.
The English love their liberties even more than [they do] their kings.
She eats less than a bird [does].
His tolerance for people younger, or less instructed, or both, than [he]
himself [was] was as unfailing as his courtesy to great and small.
29 1 B COMPARATIVE CLAUSE 303

N o leader of a party in recent modern days has kept himself in greater

detachment from the thought and the sentiment of his party than has the
late Prime Minister (subject at the end for emphasis).
'He was more beloved than Cinthio, but not so much admired,' not
'He was more beloved, but not so much admired, as Cinthio.'
H e will never be other than he is now.
W e are other than we should be.
Nought is more high, Daring, or desperate then (now than; see 27 3,
last par.) offenders found; Where guilt is, rage and courage doth abound
(Ben Jonson, Sejanus, II, n, 119, A.D. 1616).
N o thynge m a y sooner moue a m a n to be meke and shewe mercy as
(now than) whan the persone whiche hath trespassed ayenst hym, lowly
submytte hymself, fall downe at his fete and mekely aske of him forgyu
(John Fisher, E.E.T.S., Ex. Ser., X X V I I , p. 161, early sixteenth cen-
tury).
'A (he) made afinerend . . . and (now than) it had been any Christom
(Chrisom) child (Shakespeare, Henry the Fifth, II, in, 11).
When the verb in the subordinate clause is suppressed, the
construction is often the same as in the principal proposition:
'We are m o v e d b y other than [by] pure motives.' 'Give it to some-
one else than [to] me.' 'I love him more than [I love] her.' ' She is
regarded more highly than he [is regarded],' or he is [regarded].
Often, however, the person of the verb in the subordinate clause
is different and has a different subject, thus requiring a different
construction: 'I regard her more highly than he [does],' but
T regard her more highly than [I do] him.' T h e person is some-
times incorrectly changed where there is no need of it: 'I have
left Jack to tell a part of m y life which I a m glad to leave to an-
other than I [ a m ] ' (S. W . Mitchell, Hugh Wynne, Ch. X X V I I I ,
p. 531), instead of than me. T h e personal part of the verb is
often necessary to m a k e the thought clear: ' T o m likes m e better
than he does Harry,' but ' T o m likes m e better than Harry does.'
A preposition is often necessary to m a k e the thought clear:
'Evanston is nearer to Chicago than to Fort Sheridan.' If the
to after than were omitted, the sentence might be felt as meaning,
'Evanston is nearer to Chicago than Fort Sheridan is,' which
of course is false.
Other as a comparative formation takes than after it, as illus-
trated in the examples given above. Since different has the same
meaning as other, m a n y improperly employ than after it instead
of the preposition from: ' Your idea is different than (instead of
the correct from) mine.' O n the other hand, different often im-
properly influences other, so that m a n y use from after other:
'Yet dress, habits, politics, other things, were still, as it were,
304 ABRIDGMENT OF COMPARATIVE CLAUSE 29 1 B 6

of another world from ours' (Saintsbury, 'Introduction' to Thack-

eray's Virginians), instead of the correct than ours.
Examples of dialect and popular speech: 'I like play better
nor work' (George Eliot, Adam Bede, Ch. I), literally, 'Of the two
I like play better, not work.' '[the baby] Ain't bigger nor a
derringer' (Bret Harte, The Luck of Roaring Camp, p. 4). T
would rather see him as you' (U. S. A., Dialect Notes, 1895, 376).
'I'd ruther see a railroad train as to eat' (Lucy Furman, Mothering
on Perilous, Ch. Ill), for literary than eat.
After a negative or a question but is sometimes employed in
older English after a comparative instead of than: 'If Mohamet
should come from heauen and sweare M y royall Lord is slaine
or conquered, Yet shoulde he not perswade m e otherwise But
that he hues and will be Conquerour' (Marlowe, Tamburlaine,
III, III, A.D. 1590). Sometimes still: 'What more natural but
(now usually than that) there's something for yourself?' (Hall
Caine, The Manxman, 138). After sooner this usage was once
c o m m o n : 'He was no sooner landed, but (now than) he moved
forward towards m e ' (Defoe, Robinson Crusoe, 102). 'And it
(i.e., the spindle) was no sooner got into her hand, but (now than)
the other people then present beheld that it was indeed a Real,
Proper, Iron Spindle' (Cotton Mather, Wonders of the Invisible
World, A.D. 1693). T h e preceding negative or question here
suggested the use of but, which usually stands after a negative
or a question, but its negative force here in an affirmative propo-
sition was later felt as inappropriate. Compare 27 3 (last par.).
a. A C C U S A T I V E I N S T E A D O F N O M I N A T I V E . In elliptical clauses,
where thefiniteverb is not expressed, the nominative of personal
pronouns is often replaced by an accusative, as so often elsewhere
in elliptical expressions, as described in 7 C a: 'They're more
serious thanjus' (A. Marshall, The Old Order Changeth, Ch. X X X I ) ,
instead of than we [are]. 'It is sometimes greater than me'
(George Bernard Shaw, Back to Methuselah, p. 16), instead of than
I [am]. T h e use of the accusative here should be avoided, for it
is often ambiguous. In such examples as ' I regard her more highly
than he [does]' and 'I regard her more highly than [I do] him'
only the correct use of the nominative and accusative forms can
m a k e the thought clear. Compare 31.
6. A B R I D G M E N T - O F C O M P A R A T I V E C L A U S E . This clause is often
abridged to an infinitive clause with to when the subject of the
principal proposition can serve also as the subject of the infinitive:
'I knew better than to mention it.' 'I didn't dare go farther than
merely to suggest it' (ortomerely suggest it). T h e infinitive is muc
used also w h e n the reference is general: 'Nothing pays better
29 2 DEGREE CLAUSE OF MODAL RESULT 305

than to be (or being) kind [does].' 'To trust in Christ is no more but
(now than) to acknowledge him for God' (Thomas Hobbes, Human
Nature, Ch. X I , A.D. 1650).
Sometimes the gerund seems to stand in a comparative clause,
while in reality the construction is a prepositional clause: 'I
didn't dare go farther than merely suggesting it.' 'It hasn't gone
any farther at present than me (or my; see 50 3) promising not to
marry anyone else' (De Morgan, Somehow Good, Ch. X L V I I ) .
The use of the gerund here after farther than and any farther than
indicates that these combinations of words are felt as compound
prepositions, for the gerund can stand here only after a preposition.
After the analogy of 'He has never goneto,or beyond, Chicago'
we say, 'He has never gone as far as (farther than, any farther
than) Chicago,' treating as far as, farther than, any farther than
as prepositions. Compare 29 1 A d aa.
W e often find in the subordinate clause a simple infinitive in-
stead of the form with to: 'Age and good living had disabled him
from doing more than [that he did] ride to see the hounds thrown
off and make one at the hunting dinner' (Washington Irving,
Sketch-Book, X ) . 'I had (or better would; see 43 I B ) rather go
than [I had or would] stay.' A s can be seen by these examples,
such clauses are elliptical, not abridged. For fuller information
see 49 4 E . After rather than w e sometimes find the simple infin-
itive even though no word can be supplied in thought which
would require the simple infinitive, since the simple infinitive is so
often properly used after rather than, as in the preceding example,
that it sometimes becomes associated with it: 'He ought to
have come by steerage rather than not [to] have started the same
day' (Theodore Roosevelt as quoted by Archie Butt, Letter,
Oct. 20, 1908). Compare 49 4 E (5th par.).
2. Degree Clause of M o d a l Result. This clause never indi-
cates pure result as in 28 5, but always a result in association
with the modal idea of degree.
The conjunctions are: that (28 5, 2nd par.) preceded b y the
determinative so or such or an adverb of degree; a little earlier
in the period and in still older English as, as that, or so as, instead
of that, as in 28 5, a usage still surviving in popular speech; after
a negative the forms but that, but what, or that not preceded by
a determinative in the principal proposition; in descriptive clauses
insomuch that (or, earlier in the period, insomuch as), to such a
degree that, to such an extent that, so much so that, which differ fro
the preceding conjunctions in that the determinative has been
brought over to the subordinate clause from the principal proposi-
tion. Earlier in the period and sometimes still than that is used
306 DEGREE CLAUSE OF MODAL RESULT 29 2

after a comparative to indicate result: 'For the bed is shorter

than that a man can stretch himself on it' (Isaiah, X X V I I I , 20).
T h e abridged infinitive clause is a little m o r e c o m m o n than the
full clause form of this construction: 'I think m o r e highly of him
than to suppose he would do that.' ' H e k n o w s better than to do
that.' In a formal sense such clauses are clauses of degree after
a comparative, but the idea of result is present and this has led
to the replacing of the comparative b y too + the positive of the
adjective or adverb a n d the blending of the old comparative
construction with the clause of result: 'The inquiry is too mo-
mentous than that it should be abandoned.' This blended and the
old comparative construction are n o w for the most part replaced
by a n abridged infinitive clause after too + the positive of the
adjective or adverb: 'The inquiry istoomomentous to be aban-
doned.' 'I thinktoohighly of h i m to suppose that he would do that.'
Earlier in the period, the determinative adjective that or those
w a s often used in the principal proposition instead of so great or
such: ' This enlivened us to that degree that w e were mighty good
c o m p a n y ' (Duchess of Queensberry, Letter to Countess of Suffolk,
A.D. 1734). 'The t o w n w a s reduced to those straights that, if not
relieved, it m u s t have surrendred in t w o daies time' (Luttrell,
Brief Relation, I, 567, A.D. 1689).
Examples:
H e is speaking so loud that I hear him even from here (actual result).
H e is so badly injured that he must die (inevitable result).
H e is so badly injured that he will probably die (probable result).
H e is so badly injured that he may die (possible result).
H e is so badly injured that he might die (a result faintly possible).
H e is so badly injured that he shall be taken to the hospital at once (a
result determined upon by the speaker).
H e is so badly injured that he should be taken to the hospital at once (
desired result expressed modestly).
H e was so excited that he couldn't sleep.
H e spoke so loud that I could hear him upstairs.
H e spoke in such a loud tone that I could hear him upstairs.
His efforts were so far successful that they reduced the percentage of deat
Steerforth laughed to that degree that it was impossible for me to help
laughing too (Dickens, David Copperfield, Ch. X X I I ) .
John is not old enough (or sufficiently old) that we can send him with th
message.
She worried so that she couldn't go to sleep.
I feel such a sharp dissension in m y breast, As (now that) I am sick
(Shakespeare, / Henry VI, V, v, 84).
H e was so bad a scribe as (now that) his hand was scarce legible (Brad-
ford, History of Plymouth Plantation, p. 181, A.D. 1630-1648).
29 2 a ABRIDGMENT OF DEGREE CLAUSE OF MODAL RESULT 307

W e should have so much faith in authority as (5 d, p. 18; now that it)

shall make us repeatedly observe and attend to that which is said to be
(Ruskin, Modern Painters, Part III, Sec. I, Ch. III).
It is still in our power to direct the process of emancipation and de<
portation (of our slaves) peaceably, and in such slow degree as that (now
simple that) the evil (of slavery) will wear off insensibly (Thomas Jeffer
son, Autobiography, p. 73).
Your informant seems to have given you no very clear idea of what you
wish to hear, if he thinks that these discussions took place so lately as that
(now simple that) I could have been of the party (Shelley, Banquet).
But they made so pore a bussines of theirfishingso as (now simple that),
after this year, they never more looked after them (Bradford, History
Plymouth Plantation, p. 201, A.D. 1630-1648).
It's far enough from the Union Station so's (i.e., so as, popular form for
literary that) they haven't got any warehouses (Sinclair Lewis, Elmer Gantry,
Ch. XXII, IV).
I shall never be so busy but that (or but what) I shallfindtime to answer
your letters (or that I shall notfindtime to answer your letters).
Between spelling and pronunciation there is a mutual attraction, in-
somuch that (or to such an extent that) when spelling no longer follows
pronunciation but is hardened into orthography, the pronunciation begins
to move toward spelling (Earle).
N o w this did more increase the people's good opinion of his sufficiency
and wise conduction of an army, insomuch as (now insomuch that) they
thought him invincible (North, Plutarch, 181, A.D. 1579).
Aldous silently assented, so much so that Hallin repented (Mrs. H . Ward,
Marcella, III, 227).
The examples given above with a determinative in the principal
proposition and that in the clause of result are the double deter-
minative type described in 2 8 5. T h e single determinative type
without an introductory conjunction, described in 2 8 5, is also
used here, especially in colloquial speech: 'I w a s so much upset /
couldn'tfixmy mind on it' (Henry Arthur Jones, Mary Goes First,
Act II). 'She w a s so tired she could not go another step' ( M a r y
Heaton Vorse in Good Housekeeping, Sept., 1929, p. 42).
a. ABRIDGMENT OF DEGREE CLAUSES O F MODAL RESULT.
Clauses of degree to express a simple result can be abridged to an
infinitive clause with as to w h e n the subject of the principal propo-
sition can serve as the subject of the infinitive and there is a deter-
minative in the principal proposition: ' H e w a s so kind as to help
me.' ' Y o u can't be such a fool as to be jealous of her!' T h e origin
and meaning of as here is the same as in 28 5 d. In older English,
the as is lacking here: 'there is N o w o m a n ' s heart so big,tohold
so much' (Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, II, iv, 98). 'I wish you'd
be so kind to fetch me a rod and baits' (Richardson, Pamela, Letter
X X X I I ) . T h e present use of as here shows that it has entered
308 ABRIDGMENT OF DEGREE CLAUSE OF MODAL RESULT 29 2 a

the abridged clause under the influence of the as which once in-
troduced the full clause, as described on page 305.
W e sometimes find the simple infinitive here instead of the form
with to: 'I wouldn't have m a d e so free as drop (more commonly to
drop) a hint of,' etc. (Dickens, Dombey and Son, Ch. XXII).
In the majority of such examples the simple infinitive is employed
since it is felt as an imperative: 'If you'll only be so good as try
(more commonly to try) m e , sir!' (ib., Ch. XLII).
A clause introduced b y so much so that can be abridged to an
infinitive clause introduced b y so much so as to when the subject
of the principal proposition can serve as the subject of the in-
finitive: 'Her attendant kept herself modestly in the background,
so much so as hardly to be distinguished' (Scott, Count Robert,
XVIII). Similarly, clauses introduced by so much that are
abridged to an infinitive clause with as to: 'Take so much leisure
as to peruse this letter' (Scott, Kenilworth, Ch. X X X I X ) , or more
commonly 'Take enough timetoread this letter.' In older English,
the as is lacking here, which clearly shows that it later entered
the abridged clause under the influence of the as which once
introduced the full clause. T h e older form of the abridged clause
without as survives in poetry: 'Though I have not so m u c h grace
To bind again this people fast to G o d ' (Swinburne, Bothwell,
II, I X ) .
After enough and too the clause can be abridged to an infinitive
clause with to w h e n the subject of the principal proposition can
serve as the subject of the infinitive and to an infinitive clause
with for . . . to, w h e n the infinitive has a subject of its own:
' I was not near enough to distinguish his features.' ' I was too ne
to avoid him.' 'He was too tactful to mention it.' 'I knew too wel
to disturb him in these silent moods.' B u t : 'He was not near
enough for me to distinguish his features.' 'He wastoonear for
me to avoid him.' Similarly, after other words indicating a degree:
'He came in time (= early enough) to help me,' but 'He came in
time for me to help him.' ' T h e walls were high enough to keep out a
foe,' but ' T h e walls must have been very high for the foe to have
been kept out.' Compare 21 e. In older English, there is some-
times a superfluous than before the infinitive after too: 'You
that are a step higher than a philosopher, a Devine, yet have too
m u c h grace and wit than to be a bishop' (Pope in a letter to
Swift). For an explanation see 2, p. 306.
T h e idea of modal result is often expressed b y a prepositional
phrase: ' M y emotion is too great for words' ( = to be expressed by
words).
30 CONJUNCTIONS OF CAUSAL CLAUSE 309

CLAUSE OF CAUSE
30. Conjunctions. The subordinate clause contains the ca
or reason, the principal proposition, the result or conclusion.
This clause is usually introduced b y the conjunctions: that, in
popular speech often replaced b y as; as, in older English some-
times as that; because (from by the cause that and in older English
still often found with that, as in because that Shakespeare,
Comedy of Errors, II, n, 26), n o w in popular speech often reduced
to acause and cos; not that but because (or simple but); not that
not but because (or simple but); not that not (or not but that,
or not but what) but because; since (compare 27 3, 6th par.),
in older English also in the form of sithen, sithen that, sith, syth
sith that, sin, syn, sin that, syn that, sithens, sithens that, since
now or now that; for the reason that, or by reason that; on the ground
that; when, in older English also when as; after; once; as long as;
whereas (26, last par.), in older English also simple where; inas-
much as, in older English sometimes also insomuch as; for fear,
for fear that, or lest (the reduced form of the old double determina-
tive construction thy [old instrumental case of that] less the,
literally, on that account, that, the two determinatives thy and the
pointing as with two index fingers to the following explanatory
statement describing a threatening occurrence, with the negative
less [ = not] inserted between the t w o determinatives to express
the wish that the threatening occurrence m a y not take place);
in that; in older English or still lingering on in poetic or archaic
style: for or for that, reduced forms of Old English for poem (dative
of that) pe, an old double determinative construction, literally,
on account of that, that, the double determinative pointing to the
following explanatory statement, in older English introducing
either a subordinate causal clause with the meaning because, or,
on the other hand, an independent explanatory remark, in the
former function n o w surviving only in poetic or archaic style,
while in the latter function simple for is still widely used, as de-
scribed in 19 I d; for why or for why that ( = because), originally
for why? (i.e., literally, for what?), a question in two words fol-
lowed b y a clause which was the answer to for why?; for because
(Shakespeare, Richard the Second, V , v, 3 ) ; for cause or for cause
that; forasmuch as, in older English also with the form forsomuch
as, as in St. Luke, X I X , 9; by that, n o w obsolete; in regard (that),
now replaced b y because. Chaucer's cause why (The Reues Tale,
224) survives in Irish English and in a limited w a y also in British
dialect: 'I didn't go to the fair cause why the day w a s too wet'
(Joyce, English as We Speak It in Ireland, 81).
310 EXAMPLES OF CAUSAL CLAUSE 30

Examples:
'I a m sorry that he is going,' but in popular speech that is often replaced
by as: 'I'm sorry as he dvdn't tell you' (Sheila Kaye-Smith, Green Apple
Harvest, p. 35).
I rejoice that he is prospering.
The securing of the walrus had indeed been a Godsend, as it relieved their
most pressing needs (Victor Appleton, Don Sturdy across the North Pole,
Ch. XVIII).
All this was gall and w o r m w o o d to Jake, the more so as the disparaging
sneers that he had ventured to offer on the subject had been resented with
indignation or cold contempt (ib., Ch. X I V ) .
Greatly pitying her misfortune, so m u c h the more as that (now simple
as) all men had told me of the great likeness between us, I took the best care
could of her (Sir Philip Sidney, Arcadia, Book I, Ch. VII, A.D. 1590).
The crops failed because the season was dry.
She was suspected partly because that (now simple because), after some
angry words passing between her and her neighbours, some mischief befel such
neighbours in their Creatures (John Hale, A Modest Inquiry, A.D. 1697).
The Englishman is peculiarly proud of his country's naval achieve-
ments, not that he undervalues its military exploits, bid simply because
England is essentially maritime.
'He rarely ever saw the squire and then only on business. Not that the
squire had purposely quarreled with him, but (or but because) Dr. Thorne
himself had chosen that it should be so' (Trollope, Dr. Thorne, I, Ch.
VIII). 'Not a word had been said between them about M a r y beyond
what the merest courtesy had required. Not that each did not love the
other sufficiently to m a k e a full confidence between them desirable to
both, but (or but because) neither had the courage to speak out' (ib., II,
Ch. VI).
I a m provoked at your children, not that they didn't behave well (or not
but that, or not but what they behaved well), but because they left us too ea
H e cannot be tired since he has walked only half a mile.
A n d sith (now since) in cases desperat there must be vsed medicines th
are extreme, I will hazard that little life that is left to restore the greater
part that is lost (John Lyly, Campaspe, III, v, 54, A.D. 1584).
A n d syn that (now simple since) the cryminell Geant Corfus is dede, All
the Remenaunt is as good as vaynquisshid (Caxton, History of Jason,
p. 34, about A.D. 1477).
The idea of Marner's money kept growing in vividness, now the want of it
became immediate (George Eliot, Silas Marner, Ch. IV, 30).
Now that he is sick, w e shall have to do the work.
The blame cannot be put upon m e , for the simple reason that I was not
present and had nothing to do with the affair.
H e refused to participate, on the ground that he was not in sympathy with
the cause.
H o w convince him when he will not listen?
H o w can he be expected to be a scholar, when he has spent his whole life
in a dancing-school?
 30 EXAMPLES OF CAUSAL CLAUSE 311

For were a lady blinde, in what can she be beautiful? if dumbe, in what
manifest her witte? when as (now simple when) the eye hath euer bene
thought the Pearle of the face, and the tongue the embassadour of the
heart (John Lyly, Euphues and His England, Works, II, p. 167, A.D. 1580).
I don't think m u c h of John after he has treated me (in) that way.
Once (or after) you have made a promise, you should keep it.
As long as you act so mean, you can't expect anybody to do anything for
you.
And where ( = whereas) heretofore there hath been great diversitie . .
within this realme: N o w from henceforth, etc. (Book of Common Prayer,
Preface, A.D. 1548).
Whereas the Royal Kennel Club of Great Britain has stopped the exhibiting
of dogs with cut ears, be it resolved that the American H u m a n e Association
ask the American Kennel Club to take like action.
H e cannot be expected to k n o w m u c h Latin, inasmuch as he has been
educated at a village school.
To be sure, the present law is inoperative, insomuch (now inasmuch) as
the universities contain teachers who have never subscribed this famous c
fession (Westminster Review, X X I V , 105, A.D. 1836).
Flashman released his prey, w h o rushed headlong under his bed again,
for fear they should change their minds (Hughes, Tom Brown, I, Ch. VI,
125).
But he did not want to ask any questions n o w for fear that Jake would
think he was taking advantage of the debt he owed him (Victor Appleton,
Don Sturdy across the North Pole, Ch. X X V ) .
T o m dared not stir lest he should be seen.
I was fearful lest my hostess should suggest the medieval church as a top
(Meredith Nicholson, The Siege of the Seven Suitors, Ch. IV).
Middle English spelling ... is to a certain extent phonetic, in that
there is often a genuine attempt to express the sound as accurately as possi
(H. C. Wyld, History of Modern Colloquial English, p. 28).
And for that wine is dear W e will be furnished with our o w n (Cowper,
John Gilpin).
And, for (= because) himself was of the greater state, Being a king, h
trusted his liege-lord Would yield him this large honor all the more (Tenny-
son, Gareth and Lynette, 1. 387).
But for a time there was no need of additional territory for that already
hers stretched from the Atlantic to the Rocky Mountains (Ephraim Douglass
Adams, Great Britain and the American Civil War, p. 12, A.D. 1925).
This death's livery (soldier's uniform), which walled its bearers from
ordinaryfife,was sign that they had sold their wills and bodies to the
State and contracted themselves into a service not the less abject for that
its beginning was voluntary (T. E . Lawrence, Revolt in the Desert, p. 317
A.D. 1927).
I weep for thee, and yet no cause I have, For why thou left'st me nothing
in thy will (Shakespeare, The Passionate Pilgrim, 1. 137).
For cause (now because) also the paynes of purgatory be moche more than
the paynes of this worlde, w h o m a y remembre god as he ought to do beyng
312 ORIGIN OF CONJUNCTIONS OF CAUSE 30 a

in that paynfull place? (John Fisher, E.E.T.S., Ex. Ser., X X V I I , p. 15,

early sixteenth century).
Forasmuch then as we are the offspring of God, we ought not to think tha
the Godhead is like unto gold, etc. (Acts, XVII, 28).
By that hee cats him drum mortis, I m a y conclude, etc. (Earl Northamp-
ton in True and Perfect Relation, Rr 46, A.D. 1606).
H e keeps himself a bachelor by reason he was crossed in Love (Steele,
Spectator, No. 2, A.D. 1711).
There was a motion to put up a trading house there; but in regard the
place was notfitfor plantation, w e thought notfitto meddle with it (Win-
throp, Journal, July 12, 1633).
The idea of cause sometimes finds expression in an attributive
element, either in the form of an attributive adjective or an
attributive relative clause: 'The cruel man didn't pay any atten-
tion to their pleadings' = 'The m a n didn't pay any attention
to their pleadings since he was cruel.' 'John didn't mind the
sharp words, but M a r y , who was of a very sensitive nature, burst
out into tears' = but 'Mary burst out into tears since she was of
a very sensitive nature.'
A principal proposition is often used instead of a subordinate:
'I'm not going tonight. I'm very tired.' 'Round Audrey Noel's
cottage they (the owls) were as thick as thieves and almost seemed
to be guarding the mistress of that thatched dwelling so nu-
merous were theirflutteringrushes, so tenderly prolonged their soft
sentinel callings' (Galsworthy, The Patrician, Ch. XIII). 'Even
n o w m a n y teachers do not realize, so great is the hold of tradition,
that English nouns rarely have gender.' ' These wares come from
Russia. That is w h y they cost so m u c h ' = 'These wares cost so
m u c h because they come from Russia.' C o m p a r e 19 3.
a. O R I G I N O F T H E C O N J U N C T I O N S O F C A U S E . T h e that-claxise
here performs the function of an old instrumental, genitive, or
prepositional phrase of cause. T h e clause is the old double deter-
minative type found so often elsewhere in English: 'These indi-
cations of inward disturbance m o v e d Archer the (instrumental
case of that) more that he felt that the Mingotts (name) had gone
a little too far' (Edith Wharton, The Age of Innocence, Ch. V ) ,
literally, moved Archer more on that account, that: he too fell that
the Mingotts had gone a little too far, the two that's pointing as with
two index fingers to the following explanatory clause. After the
second determinative that had developed into a conjunction of
cause, thefirstdeterminative was felt as excessive expression and
was dropped except before a comparative, as more in the example
just given: 'I rejoiced that he came.' 'I a m glad that I went'
T h e that-clause in all these cases always denotes pure cause;
30 a ORIGIN OF CONJUNCTIONS OF CAUSE 313
but, as its form is not distinctive, it is not n o w in wide use where
accuracy of expression is required. T h e that in colloquial and
lively literary language is often suppressed: 'Winston was dis-
appointed we didn't dash away yesterday, but w e have not really
let m u c h grass grow under our feet' (Sir Ian Hamilton, Gallipoli
Diary, I, 16). Except in such sentences as the preceding where
the clause with or without that gives the cause of some feeling
or emotion w e n o w more commonly employ because: 'I a m urging
his name because I believe in him.'
It has always been c o m m o n in English to indicate the reason
for an act b y simply placing after a statement an explanatory
sentence: 'You had better be thankful your life is spared, young
man' (Oemler, Slippy McGee, Ch. II). Although such sentences
are in a formal sense independent there is a logical tie that binds
them together. In an early stage of our language development
this was sometimes indicated by placing the determinative adverb
so at the end of the principal proposition, which after the manner
of concrete primitive speech pointed as with an index finger to
the following explanatory remark: 'I a m going to bed, so (= it
is thus): I am very tired.' T h e so standing immediately before
the explanatory remark early became closely associated with it,
forming with it a subordinate causal clause and serving as its
connective, linking it to the principal proposition and thus
developing into a causal conjunction, n o w always in the form of
as (from older all so, i.e., quite so): 'I a m going to bed, as I'm
very tired.' 'I saw I had said something wrong, as they all laughed
(De Morgan, Joseph Vance, Ch. X I ) . ' As he refuses, we can do
nothing' (Pocket Oxford Dictionary).
Causal as (in Old English usually in the old simple form swa,
i.e., so), although identical in form with the as introducing clauses
of time and manner, maintained itself in Old English, Middle
English, and early Modern English as an occasional form, and
later gradually became c o m m o n in colloquial speech and not
infrequent in the literary language: ' W e pe lofiab, swa pu hodend
eart' (Grein, Hymnen und Gebete, 7, 116) = ' W e love thee, as
thou art our Savior.' 'Lete m e fro this dethfie,As I dede nevyr
no trespace' (Cov. Myst., 181, A.D. 1400). 'But att the laste, as a
man may not euer endure, Syre Launcelot waxed so faynt of
fi3ting but (= absolutely) he mighte not lyfte vp his armes for
to gyve one stroke' (Malory, Le Morte d'Arthur, Book X V , Ch. V,
A.D. 1485). 'And at our highest neuer joy w e so, as we both
doubt and dread our ouerthrow' (Kyd, Spanish Tragedy, III, I, 6,
A.D. 1585) = 'And even when w e kings are at the height of our
power, w e never joy in having it so, as we fear and dread our
314 ORIGIN OF CONJUNCTIONS OF CAUSE 30 a

overthrow.' 'If earthlie Kings reuenge any little wrong done to

theyr Embassadours, n o w h o w m u c h more shall the King of
Kings reuenge the death and slaughterdom of his Embassadours?
The Angels in heauen, as they are the Lordes Embassadours, would
prosecute (revenge) it though he should ouerslip it' (Thomas
Nashe, Christs Teares ouer Iervsalem, Works, II, p. 24, A.D. 1593).
As can be seen by the preceding examples, as is n o w as in older
English peculiarly appropriate where it is desired to give an easy,
natural, almost self-evident explanation of the statement in the
principal proposition.
In early M o d e r n English, a favorite w a y of expressing cause
was to employ an as-clause of comparison that always preceded
the principal proposition, which itself was always introduced by
a so pointing back to the as-clause: ' As a madman's epistles are
no gospels, so it skills (matters) not m u c h when they are deliver'd'
(Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, V , 294). Compare 28 2 (3rd par.).
Today w e avoid this once c o m m o n causal construction, as we feel
that its peculiar form, so closely associated with the idea of
comparison, doesn't give clear expression to the idea of cause.
The very c o m m o n as-clause of manner, which is m u c h used as
a sentence adverb (28 1), often contains causal force, so that
the idea of manner mingles with that of cause: 'He has made me
some offers, but, as I am circumstanced, [I] cannot accept them'
(Nicholas Cresswell, Journal, June 15, 1777), or more clearly
according to b, p. 315: ' circumstanced (or more commonly situated)
as I am, I cannot accept them.'
Where there is a clear desire to emphasize cause, because is
the c o m m o n form: 'He will succeed because he is in earnest.'
W e always employ because after the emphatic it is described in
22 a: 'It is only because I regard it as absolutely necessary that I
take such harsh measures.' Usually also when the clause is in
the form of a question: 'It would have been very unreasonable
in the girl to say anything, because why on earth shouldn't Robert
fasten up Vicey's glove if it got unbuttoned?' (De Morgan, Joseph
Vance, Ch. X ) .
Temporal since often assumes causal force since what precedes
an act is naturally construed as its cause: 'Since John has lied
to us several times, w e cannot believe him any more.' The causal
force in since is stronger than that in as, but not as strong as that
in because: 'You shall have them cheap since there is little de-
m a n d for them.' 'Since these m e n could not be convinced, it was
determined that they should be persecuted.'
The coordinating conjunction for has causal force approaching
that of subordinating as and since: 'He could not have seen me,
30 6 ABRIDGMENT OF CAUSAL CLAUSE 315

for I was not there.' T h e proposition introduced b y coordinating

for is in current English always a remark loosely added to a pre-
ceding proposition to explain it. Hence it can never precede the
main proposition as an as-clause or a since-clause. For also differs
from as and since in that it can introduce an explanation that
does not contain the idea of cause: 'It is morning, for (not as
or since) the birds are singing.' Compare 19 1 d.
Inasmuch as is more formal than since, also more guarded,
qualified: 'Inasmuch as the debtor has no property I abandon
m y claim.' Whereas, as a pure causal conjunction, is largely
confined to legal or official style. A n example is given on page 311.
6. A B R I D G M E N T O F C L A U S E O F C A U S E . A causal clause intro-
duced by since, because, as, and in that can sometimes be abridged
to a participle, adjective, noun, or prepositional phrase w h e n the
subject, predicate, or object in the principal proposition is the
subject of the subordinate clause: 'Being poor, he could not
afford to buy books.' 'Knowing him so well from childhood, I feel
that I can recommend him strongly.' 'Feeling that he disliked
me, I avoided him.' 'Seeing that he was in trouble, I went to his
aid.' 'Discovering that the next train didn't leave till late, I dec
to stay and take a morning train.' 'Having passed through
severe trials myself, I have at last learned to sympathize with
others in their struggles.' 'In time these voluptuous experiences
had their effect, calling up a hitherto undeveloped sensuousness'
(Sheila Kaye-Smith, The Challenge to Sirius, p. 84) = in that
they called up a hitherto undeveloped sensuousness. 'Conceding
this point (or employing a gerundial construction, in, or by, con-
ceding this point, or a full clause, in that you concede this point)
you destroy your entire argument.' 'The enemy, now in posses-
sion of all the bridgeheads, can be expected to advance soon.'
'She is quite a different w o m a n now, deprived of her wealth and
her beauty.' 'Dora did not reply, gentle creature that (relative
pronoun) she was.' 'She makes thefirstadvances, dear kind soul
as (relative pronoun) she is' (Pinero, Mid-Channel, Act III).
'This is a very rare event, occurring as (relative pronoun) it
does only once in many years.' ' H e has m a d e m e some good
offers, but, situated as (adverbial conjunction of manner) I am,
I cannot accept them.' 'A suppressed excitement in his manner
convinced m e , used as (adverbial conjunction of degree) I was
to his ways, that his hand was upon a clue.' 'As (7 A 6 (3))
possessors of the bridgehead, they n o w had a decided advantage.'
'He was shunned as (introducing the predicate appositive, as in
the preceding example, but here, perhaps, felt as a causal conjunc-
tion) a man of doubtful character.' 'Our remaining horse was
316 ABRIDGMENT OF CAUSAL CLAUSE 30 &

utterly useless as (used as in the preceding example) wanting an

eye.' 'They criticized the boy as (used as in the two preceding
examples) having no interest in his work.' 'I mightily approve
Lady Craven's blending the dairy with the library as (used as
in the preceding sentence) an example to her sex, w h o at present
are furiously apt to abandon the churn totally' (Horace Walpole,
Letter to Thomas Walpole, July 21, 1788). 'But if you shall once
more m a k e m e a tender Of that love which at your Castle I refus'd,
As (causal conjunction) being then a prisoner to anothers beauty,
Assure your selfe I shall redeem that errour' (Ludowick Carlell,
The Fool Would Be a Favourit, Act IV, A.D. 1657). 'It is an un-
pardonable slight since (causal conjunction) intentional.' 'The
Sophists were hated by some because (causal conjunction) powerful,
by others because (causal conjunction) shallow.'
The adjective, participle, noun, or prepositional phrase is the
predicate of the abridged causal clause. This is the old verbless
type of clause described in 6 B a and 20 3, but n o w after the
analogy of usage elsewhere a copula is often inserted: 'Sick and
tired, I went to bed,' n o w often 'Being sick and tired, I went to
bed.' T h e copula, however, conforms to the old type in that it
takes participial form as a predicate appositive to the subject
of the principal proposition. T h e insertion of conjunctions, as,
since, and because, in m a n y of these abridged clauses indicates
the influence of the full clause upon this old type. Compare 27 5
and 20 3 (5th par.).
Where the reference is indefinite, w e often employ the present
participle absolutely, i.e., without a subject, as explained in
17 4, 31 2, and 32 2: 'Which isn't to be wondered at, seeing
(= as one can see) that he has justfinishedsix weeks of examination
work' (Hughes, Tom Brown, II, VIII). ' A n d it would be rather
hard for him to overcome this handicap, seeing (= as one could
see) that other boys with better homes were being trained for speci
kinds of work' (T. Dreiser, An American Tragedy, I, 14). 'It is
no wonder that he learns so little at school, seeing that he doesn't
work' ( = as one sees that he doesn't work).
Another kind of participial clause is very c o m m o n here, a
clause with an absolute nominative (17 3 A 6) as subject and a
participle as predicate: 'The rain having ruined my hat, I had
to buy a n e w one.' 'She was n a m e d for m y father, there being no
son in the family' (Meredith Nicholson, The Siege of the Seven
Suitors, C h . IV). 'It being very stormy, she stayed at home.'
The absolute nominative construction is often replaced here by
a prepositional phrase: 'She is lonely, poor thing, with her husband
so much away.'
31 CONJUNCTIONS OF CONDITIONAL CLAUSE 317

Instead of a full causal clause w e can often after a preposition

employ a gerundial clause: 'The Gunnings are not only resettled
in St. James's Street as boldly as ever, but constantly with old
Bedford, w h o exults in having regained them' (Horace Walpole,
Letter to Miss Mary Berry, July 7, 1791). 'I can't do anything
for thinking of her.' ' H e quarreled with her for saying it.' 'You
will be scolded for having torn your clothes.' ' W e feel kindly to-
ward him for (or because of) his waiting so patiently under such
trying circumstances.' 'I haven't been invited in consequence of
my being a profligate sinner.' 'I can't leave h o m e on account of
having a visitor.' 'He dared notfirefor fear of hitting someone.'
'I don't think m u c h of John after his treating me (in) that way.'
'Some of your suggestions could not be followed out from their
notfittinginto the plan I have adopted.' 'Owing to his (or John's,
or the lad's, or the lad; see 50 3) bringing me word so late I couldn't
go.' 'Hayward was lionized in London society on the strength of
having written a prose version of about one-half of Goethe's master-
piece.' A t this point the full clause is often avoided since it is
often far inferior b y reason of its clumsy form: 'Owing to John's
bringing m e word so late I couldn't go' rather than 'Owing to
the fact that John brought m e word so late, I couldn't go.'
The abridged clause often has the form of an infinitive clause
with to if there is some word in the principal proposition that
can serve as the subject of the infinitive: 'I was pained to hear it.'
'I was glad to see him.' 'Mary, hang the idiot to bring me such
stuff!' T h e present participle is often used alongside of the present
infinitive: ' Y o u ought to be ashamed stealing from a little widow'
(Joseph Hergesheimer, 'Collector's Blues,' in Saturday Evening
Post, Oct. 2, 1926) (ortosteal from a little widow). T h e subject
of the infinitive is sometimes not expressed but merely suggested
by the context, as in exclamations where the inference is that the
speaker is the subject: '[I'm a ] Fool! to have looked for common
sense on such an earth as this!' T h e subject is understood if it is
general or indefinite: 'To looke backe at Ills begets a Thanke-
fulnesse to have escap'd them' (Thomas Dekker, London, Looke
Backe! p. 1, A.D. 1630). W h e r e the infinitive has a subject of
its own, it is introduced b y for ... to: 'I k n o w h o w deeply she
must have offended you for you to speak like that.'

CLAUSE OF CONDITION O R EXCEPTION

31. Conjunctions. This clause states the condition upon which
the action of the principal clause hinges, or adds an exception,
318 CONJUNCTIONS OF CONDITIONAL CLAUSE 31

i.e., a fact or proviso that qualifies in some particular respect

the preceding statement. It is introduced b y the following con-
junctions:
C O N J U N C T I O N S O F C O N D I T I O N : if, on condition (that); if not,
were it not that, if it were not that; except that = were it not that;
only that = if not, were it not that, in this meaning often replaced
by adversative only (see 1 e, p. 328), in older English also with
the meaning unless; unless, in older English on lesse (or lasse)
than (or then), on lesse that, i.e., on less interference than, on
less favorable condition than, short of; in popular speech less'n,
representing older on lesse than; without, in older English and still
in colloquial speech = unless; save or saving, in higher literary
style = if not, unless; except and excepting, in older English and
sometimes still in archaic language = if not, unless; but, but what
(colloquially and popularly), sometimes still as in older English
= if not, unless; but that (in older English sometimes simple
but) = if not, were it not that, often replaced b y adversative but
(see 1 e, p. 328); provided or provided that, provided only, providing
or providing that (both forms n o w less c o m m o n than provided or
provided that); so that, or in older English and still in popular
speech so as, or in older English and still often in colloquial speech
simple so, n o w also so only all these forms n o w usually with the
meaning provided (that), on condition (that), but the so-forms in
older English could also m e a n if, in case; so be it = provided;
so long as or sometimes while; in case or in the event that; when
= in case; granted that; given that; once = if once. In older
English: and or an = if, still in certain dialects; if that, if so
(that), if so be (that); if so be as; so be (that); so be as; if case be
(that), if case that; conditionally (that); but if (that) = unless;
but that ( = if not), after it is (or were) pity; foreseen that = pro-
vided; in dialect gin and gif = if. T h e parentheses around that
in these conjunctions indicate that that m a y be used or suppressed.
In older English, after no wonder, no marvel, or the negative
or interrogative form of the verbs wonder, marvel, be sorry, care,
a concessive clause introduced b y though often lost its concessive
force and developed into a conditional clause, so that though is
n o w replaced b y if: 'Oh, h o w can love's eye be true, That is
so vex'd with watching and with tears? N o marvel then, though
(now if) I mistake m y view' (Shakespeare, Sonnets, CXLVIII).
' W h a t [do I care] though (now if) She strive to try her strength,
H e r feeble force will yield at length' (id., The Passionate Pilgrim,
317). 'He cares not though the Church sinke' (Gillespie, English
Popish Ceremonies, E p . A . II. b, A.D. 1637), n o w 'He doesn't
care if the Church goes down.' This old though, however, is
31 CONJUNCTIONS OF CONDITIONAL CLAUSE 319

preserved in the elliptical construction with as: ' H e looks as

[he would look] though (or if) he were sick.'
C O N J U N C T I O N S O F E X C E P T I O N : but that or less c o m m o n l y simple
but; except that, except (or but) for the fact that; beyond that (with
the force of except that), after a negative proposition or a question;
save that, saving that; only that, in colloquial speech also simple
only; in elliptical clauses the simple forms but, except, save, saving,
than, and sometimes unless (next par.).
In elliptical clauses of exception where there is nofiniteverb,
we often find an accusative form employed in the subject relation:
'Nobody w a s there but m e ' = but [that] I [was there]. M a n y
grammarians explain the accusative here b y construing the but,
except (17 3 A c), or sai>e before it as a preposition. Since, how-
ever, in choice language it has long been customary to employ
in the subject relation the nominative of a personal pronoun
after all these words but except, it is evident that in our collected
moments w e feel them as conjunctions. Except has not been
long felt as a conjunction here, but it is n o w being drawn into this
group by the force of its meaning, which is the same as that of
but. T h e c o m m o n construction of these words as prepositions
when an accusative follows is an inadequate explanation, for w e
find the accusative in m a n y elliptical expressions where the word
before it cannot possibly be construed as a preposition: 'They're
more serious than us' (A. Marshall, The Old Order Changeth,
Ch. X X X I ) = than we are. T h e use of the accusative instead
of a nominative in elliptical clauses of exception after but, except,
save, is simply an illustration of the widespread employment of
the accusative of personal pronouns instead of the nominative
found everywhere in elliptical expressions not containing a finite
verb, as described more at length in 7 C a. T h e frequent accusa-
tive after except is explained in part also b y the fact that m a n y
feel except as the imperative of the transitive verb except. C o m -
pare 1 d aa, p. 328. T h e tendency toward the accusative is very
strong in elliptical clauses of exception, especially after except, but
many careful authors resist this drift and employ in choice lan-
guage the nominative where the pronoun is used as subject, es-
pecially after but. T h e case is quite different with simple excepting,
which is still, as it has always been, a present participle taking
an accusative object or a clause. Alongside of it is the transitive
verb except, which takes an accusative object. T h e present parti-
ciple excepting, with the full force of the transitive verb except, is
often used absolutely, as illustrated in 2 (4th par.), p. 330. This
absolute participle has been often mistaken for a preposition.
Also saving is a present participle, but no longer a live one. There
320 E X A M P L E S O F CONDITIONAL CLAUSES 31

is alongside of it no transitive verb save with the meaning except.

E v e n in early M o d e r n English saving w a s construed as a conjunc-
tion, as illustrated o n page 325 b y the examples from Harvey and
Spenser. A s it is n o w little used, w e have no live feeling as to how
it should be treated, whether as a conjunction or as a preposition.
Of all these forms except is the favorite before a prepositional
phrase or an adverbial clause: 'I take no orders except from the
King.' ' H e is never to be found except in the wrong place.' T
never do such things except when I have plenty of time.' 'He is
everywhere except where he ought to be.' Sometimes, n o w rather
infrequently, unless is used in both of these categories instead of
except. Here w e m a y construe except and unless as conjunctions
standing in an elliptical clause or w e m a y regard t h e m as preposi-
tions governing the following phrase or clause. Unless, unac-
companied b y when, is often used in clauses with the force of
except when: 'I take a walk every day unless it rains.'

Examples of Conditional Clauses:

They'll not go tomorrow if it rains.
If the person who wrote the book is not wiser than you, you need not
read it; if he be, he will think differently from you in many respects
(Ruskin).
In literature, in art, in politics a m a n is exceptionally fortunate if he
'arrive' (or more commonly should arrive) by the time he is forty (Brit
Review).
If ever anyone on this earth was simple and unaffected, Moltke was
(Sidney Whitman).
Of course if the king was in the right, Fox was in the wrong.
// / were rich, I would travel.
I should have done it before if I had had time.
Lord, if thou hadst been here, m y brother had not died (John, XI, 21).
Y o u can have it for a few days on condition (that) you return it next
week some time.
John is very m u c h disheartened, and if I did not encourage him (or
were it not that I encourage him) he would give up entirely.
' It might have passed unnoticed, except that he had made enemies by his
readiness to saber foes with his speech' (Will Durant, The Story of Philo
phy, p. 158), or had it not been that, or had it not been for the fact that, h
made enemies, etc.
I would come only that I am engaged.
She (i.e., the black heifer) let a drive with her horns, and only that I
gave her a belt with the stick I had in my hand, she'd have her (i.e., the
white cow) pinned against the wall (Lennox Robinson, Harvest, Act I).
I wille not graunte the thy lyf, said that knyghte, only that (now un-
less) thou frely relece the quene (Malory, Le Morte d'Arthur, Book XVII
Ch. VII).
 31 EXAMPLES OF CONDITIONAL CLAUSES 321

I shall go unless (in older English onless) it rains (literally, on less

interference than rain, i.e., short of rain).
Robert will not suffre h y m to be laten (let) to baile on lasse than (now
unless) he will make a generall acquytaunce (A.D. 1500, quoted from Oxford
Dictionary).
N e would I gladly combate with mine host . . . Vnlesse that (now
without that) I were thereunto enforst (Spenser, Faerie Queene, VI, in,
xxxix, A.D. 1596).
Haue a m a n neuer (now ever) so moche lyght of faythe onlesse (now
unless) he haue also this hete of charyte sterynge his soule and bryngy
forthe lyfely workes, he is but a dead stock and as a tree withouten lyfe
(John Fisher, E.E.T.S., Ex. Ser., X X V I I , p. 326, early sixteenth cen-
tury).
Don't you ever let on I told you, less'n (current popular form represent-
ing older on lesse than, n o w replaced by unless in the literary language)
you want to see me kilt (Lucy Furman, Mothering on Perilous, Ch. XXIII).
Mrs. Taylor told him last Sunday that, without (now usually unless) he
understands Latin, he will never be able to win a young lady of family and
fashion (Philip Vickers Fithian, Journal, March 15, 1774).
Y o u will not have better health without (better unless) you take belter
care of yourself.
W h o wept and said, That save they could be pluck'd asunder, all M y
quest were but in vain (Tennyson, Holy Grail).
For saving I be join'd To her that is the fairest under heaven I seem as
nothing in this mighty world (Coming of Arthur, 1. 85).
Thou couldest have no power at all against m e except (now in plain prose
unless) it were given thee from above (John, X I X , 11).
Scindiah certainly could have done nothing excepting (now unless) he
could bring his brigades to Poonah (Wellington, A.D. 1804, quoted from
Oxford Dictionary).
The whiteness of this shadow was not like any other whiteness that w e
know of, except (archaic for unless) it be the whiteness of the lightnings
(Mark Twain, Joan of Arc, I, Ch. VI).
'May I die,' cried Montague, 'bvt I am shocked' (Dickens, Martin
Chuzzlewit, Ch. X L ) = if I'm not shocked.
It shall go hard but I will get there = I a m willing that it shall go hard
with m e if I can't get there otherwise.
W e will drain our dearest veins But they shall be free! (Burns, Scots,
whahae, V ) .
I'd burn the house but (or but what) I'dfindit = I would burn the house
if I couldn'tfindit otherwise.
We'll des nat'ally pull de groun' out but w'at we'll get deze creeturs out
(Joel Chandler Harris, Nights with Uncle Remus, p. 235).
'Ten to one but he comes' ( = ' I bet ten to one if it doesn't turn out that
he comes'), n o w usually replaced by 'Ten to one he comes,' since w e n o w
feel the clause as positive.
But (= unless) I be deceiv'd, ourfinemusician groweth amorous (Shake-
speare, Taming of the Shrew, III, i, 62).
322 EXAMPLES OF CONDITIONAL CLAUSES 31

Virtue is the very heart and lungs of vice; it cannot stand up but
(= unless) it lean on virtue (Thoreau, Journal, I, p. 78).
N o m a n ever did or ever will work, but (= unless) [he worked] either
from actual sight or sight of faith (Ruskin, Modern Painters, IV, Ch.
VII, 5).
W e should have arrived sooner but that we met with an accident.
But that I saw it, I could not have believed it.
I would have told you the story, but that it is a sad one and contains
another's secret (Thackeray, Pendennis, II, Ch. X X ) .
I should never have repeated these remarks, but that they are in truth
complimentary to the young lady whom they concern (id., Vanity Fair, I,
Ch.XII).
And, but (now but that) she spoke it dying, I would not believe her lips
(Shakespeare, Cymbeline, V, v, 41).
I will come provided (or n o w less commonly providing) that I have time
(or provided or providing I have time).
Once the travelers were shut up in the Advance (submarine), they
could exist for a month below the surface, providing no accident occurred
(Victor Appleton, Tom Swift and His Submarine Boat, Ch. IV).
The R o m a n s were well enough satisfied with this, provided only they
might remain inactive (Hale and Buck, Latin Grammar, p. 283).
Y o u m a y go where you like so that you are back by dinner time.
I accept thy submission and sacrifice so as (now so that = provided that)
yerelie at this temple thou offer Sacrifice (John Lyly, Midas, V, in, 75,
A.D. 1592).
P U F F . It would have a good effect efaith! if you could exeunt praying!
S N E E R . Oh, never mind so as (now so that) you get them off! I'll
answer for't the Audience won't care h o w (Sheridan, The Critic, II, n,
186, A.D. 1781).
H e could play 'em a tune on any sort of pot you please so as (in popular
speech instead of so that) it was iron (Dickens, Bleak House, Ch. XXVI).
Schiller seized the opportunity of retiring from the city, careless whither
he went, so he got beyond the reach of turnkeys (Carlyle, Life of Schiller,
1,44).
Let them hate, so they fear (G. M . Lane, A Latin Grammar, p. 338).
Let him go so only he come home with glory won (ib.).
So (now if or in case) thou hadst been still with me, I could have taught
m y love to take thy father for mine (Shakespeare, As You Like It, I,
n, 11).
So that (now if or in case) you had her wrinkles and I her money, I would
she did as you say (id., All's Well That Ends Well, II, iv, 20).
So as (now in case) thou liv'st in peace, die free from strife (id., Richar
the Second, V, vi, 27).
I also pray that that fine elevation and expansion of nature which
ventures everything m a y go with us to the ends of the earth, so be it we
go to the ends of the earth carrying conscience and the principles that m
for good conduct (Woodrow Wilson, Dec. 2, 1900).
I do not care so long as you are happy.
31 EXAMPLES OF CONDITIONAL CLAUSES 323

Nothing matters so long as we are not found out.

The brothers, and other relatives, might do as they would, while they
did not disgrace the name (Meredith, The Ordeal of Richard Fever el, Ch. I).
In case it rains (or in the event that it rains) w e can't go.
When (= in case) great national interests are at stake, the party syst
breaks down.
Granted that he actually did it, w e m a y n o w seek to explain his
conduct.
Given that he and they have a common object, the one test that he must
apply to them is as to their ability to help in achieving that object (Theo-
dore Roosevelt, The Strenuous Life, p. 74).
But there's no dealing with him, once he's got a notion in his head (Brand
Whitlock, /. Hardin & Son, Book III, Ch. VII, 2).
They will set an House on Fire, and (now if) it were but to roast their
Egges (Bacon, Essays, 97, A.D. 1625).
An (= if) I could climb and lay my hand upon it, Then were I wealthier
than a leash of kings (Tennyson, Gareth and Lynette, 1. 50).
'An (= if) you do that, we're lost.' An is still to be heard in our south-
ern mountains and here and there in N e w England.
If that (now simple if) you conqver, I live to joy in your great triumph
(Byron, Sardanapalus, IV, I, 482, A.D. 1822).
I told them that to come to a publike schoole ... it was opposite to
m y humour, but if so they would give their attendance at my lodging, I
protested (declared) to doe them what right or favour I could (Ben
Jonson, Every Man in His Hvmovr, III, vin, 26, A.D. 1601, ed. 1616).
If so be the Lord will be with me, then I shall be able to drive them out
(Joshua, X I V , 12).
// so be that I can get that affaire done by the next post, I will not fail
to give your Lordship an account of it (Chesterfield, Letters, II, CCIII,
269, A.D. 1749).
If so be as (older English preserved in dialect) he's dead, m y opinion is
he won't come back no more (Dickens, Dombey and Son, Ch. X X X I X ) .
I care not what I meet with in the way, so be I can also meet with
deliverance from my burden (Bunyan, Pilgrim's Progress, 20).
It ought nat to be applyed, but yf case be that the pacyente were faynte
herted (R. Copland, Gydon's Quest. Chirvrg., A.D. 1541).
If case some one of you wouldflyfrom us, etc. (Shakespeare, III Henry VI,
V, iv, 34).
I here entail T h e crown to thee Conditionally that here thou take an oath
To cease this civil war (Shakespeare, III Henry VI, I, i, 196).
Bvt if remedee Thou her afford, full shortly I her dead shall see (Spenser,
Faerie Qveene, III, in, xvi).
Inasmuch as things which are prseternatural do more rarely happen,
it is pity bvt that they shovld (now if they shovld not) be observed (Increas
Mather, Remarkable Providences, Ch. V ) .
I shal bere it as patiently as to m e is possible foreseen (now pro-
vided) that ye shall promyse me, etc. (Caxton, History of Jason, p. 88,
A.D. 1477).
324 E X A M P L E S OF CLAUSES OF EXCEPTION 31

Gin ye promvlgate sic doctrines, it's m y belief you will bring somebody
to the gallows (Scott, St. Ronan's Well, X X X I V ) .
Dash m e gif I can tell ye wha (= who) he is (Gorden, Carglen, 33).
Examples of Clauses of Exception:
I don't believe that God wants anything but that we should be happy.
W h a t can I say but that I hope you may be contented.
Here w e live in an old rambling mansion for all the world like an inn,
but that we never see company.
Nothing would content him but I must come.
M y boy is quite as naughty as yours, except that he always begs my
pardon when he has done wrong.
The copy was perfect except that (or except, or but) for the fact that,
accents were omitted.
H e did not really know what he was going to say, beyond that the situa-
tion demanded something romantic (Francis R. Bellamy, The Balance,
Ch. I).
H e could not distinguish its meaning (the meaning of the cry), save that
it seemed to convey an urgent appeal for help (Victor Appleton, Don Sturdy
on the Desert of Mystery, Ch. I).
I've nothing against the man, only that I hate him (Marion Crawford,
Katharine Lauderdale, II, Ch. VIII).
'Is anything the matter with m y Madeline?' 'No, papa, only I have
got a headache' (Trollope, Orley Farm, II, Ch. III).
I don't know anything, only he hasn't any folks and he's poor (Louisa
Alcott, Little Men, Ch. VI).
Only (now usually only that, or more commonly except that when the
subordinate clause precedes) he is very melancholy, he would be agreeable
(H. Martin, Helen of Glenross, II, 226, A.D. 1802).
W h o is glad but hef (Chaucer, The Marchantes Tale, 1168).
Apone this yt chaunced that vppon a day ther was no persone att
dynner with vs but we three and Masone (Sir Thomas Wyatt, Declaration
to the Councell, A.D. 1541).
D a m o n is the man, none other but he, to Dionysius his blood to pay
(Richard Edwards, Damon and Pithias, 1. 1590, A.D. 1571).
W h o but thou alone can tell? (Spenser, Faerie Queene, Book VII,
Canto VII, II).
It was I and none but I (Sir Philip Sidney, Arcadia, Book V, p. 174,
A.D. 1593).
Methinks nobody should be sad but I (Shakespeare, King John, IV,
i,13).
W h o hath hindered him from cutting it downe but If (Thomas Nashe,
Christs Teares ouer Iervsalem, Works, II, p. 19, A.D. 1593).
W h o knows but He whose hand the lightning forms (Pope, Essay on
Man, Epistle I, 157).
There's nobody home but I (or in colloquial speech more commonly me).
The boy stood on the burning deck whence all but he had fled (Mrs.
Hemans, Casabianca).
31 EXAMPLES OF CLAUSES OF EXCEPTION 325

N o one ever knew but I (Dickens, David Copperfield, Ch. XI).

W h o but he had betrayed me? (F. B. Aldrich, The Story of a Bad Boy,
Ch. X X ) .
No one knows it but you and I (W. D. Howells, A Modern Instance,
Ch. X X X V I I ) .
Nobody knew her but I (Pinero, His House in Order, Act IV).
W h o can have done it but I? (Hardy, The Return of the Native, V, Ch. I)
There's not a soul in m y house but me tonight (id., Far from the Madding
Crowd, Ch. X X X I V ) .
There is none to claim m e but he (Meredith, Rhoda Fleming, Ch. XLI).
None in the world shall ever know But I who a m his wife (Cale Young
Rice, Far Quests, The Wife of Judas Iscariot).
There is none evil but I (Alfred Noyes, The Paradox, II).
Everybody is to know him except I (Meredith, Tragic Comedians, 28).
Every one, except me, seemed to dislike him (Beatrice Harraden, The
Fowler, II, Ch. IV, 111).
N o w he had lost her, he wanted her back, and perhaps everyone present,
except he, guessed why (Kingsley, Westward Ho! Ch. X X V ) .
Save I and a frere, In Engeland ther can no m a n it make' (Chaucer,
The Chanouns Yemannes Tale, Ellesmere MS., 802), but in the accusative
relation ' N e I ne desire no thyng for to haue, N e drede (nor dread I) for
to leese (lose) saue oonly thee' (id., The Clerkes Tale, Ellesmere MS.
451).
None can helpe save we (John Heywood, The Play of the Weather, 1.1136,
A.D. 1533).
None heard save I (Bridges, Demeter, Act II).
All save he and Murray have pleaded guilty (Chicago Tribune, Nov. 12,
1924).
All were reddi saving I and Sir Flower (Gabriel Harvey, Letter to Dr.
Young, Nov. 1, 1573).
All this worlds glory seemeth vayne to me, and all their showes but
shadowes, saving she (Spenser, Amoretti, X X X V , 14, A.D. 1594).
Anybody but a fool (may be construed as nominative or accusative since
the form is not distinctive) would understand.
She loved no one but (or except, or much less commonly unless) him
(in the accusative relation, as here, always accusative, usage never vary-
ing)-
He did not believe that he would ever obtain anything unless (now
usually but or except) a species of elevated poor-law system of gover
(Pall Mall Gazette, Aug. 4, 1886).
Society can have no hold on any class except through the medivm of their
interests (Buckle, Civilization, I, XI, 632).
He is everywhere except in the right place.
There were two ponies in the stables of the Great House which they
were allowed to ride and which, vnless (now usually except) on occasions,
nobody else did ride (Trollope, Small House, I, Ch. II).
T take a walk every day except when it rains.' Sometimes, now rather
infrequently, unless when is used here. O n the other hand, unless unac-
326 SUBSTITUTES FOR CLAUSES OF CONDITION 31 1 5

companied by when is often used here instead of except when: T take a

walk every day, unless it rains.'
H e is to be found everywhere except where he is needed.
A beautiful horse, jet black, unless (now usually except) where he was
flecked by spots of foam (Scott, Rob Roy, Ch. V ) .
A prophet is not without honor, save (more commonly except) in his
own country.
H e does nothing but [that he does] laugh.
H e couldn't do anything but [that he did] mournfully acquiesce.
What could she do but [that she did] love him?
Such procedure cannot [do anything] but hurt his cause.
N o one other than an Englishman dare do that.
H e could not do otherwise than [that he did] assent.
Nor could his private friends do other than [that they did] mournfully
acquiesce.
H e will do anything except [that he should do] work hard.

For the explanation of these elliptical forms see 49 4 E. Note

also the following: ' W h o but (conjunction) he (or besides prepo-
sition him, or else than he, or other than he) could have done it?'
'No one but (conjunction) he (or besides preposition him, or
else than he, or other than he) could have done it,' or sometimes a
blending of t w o constructions: ' W h o else but he (or else besides
him) could have done it?' ' N o one else but he (or else besides him)
could have done it.'
T h e use of than in a n u m b e r of the examples given above
indicates that the subordinate clause has developed out of a
comparative clause (29 1 B ) and in a formal sense is still a com-
parative clause.
In older English, the negative ne (16 2 d) often stood before
the principal verb: ' H e nis ( = ne is) but a child.' B y the later
omission of ne, as in ' H e is but a child,' the old conjunction but
has acquired the meaning of nothing but, and is n o w often felt
as an adverb with the force of only and thus can n o w as an adverb
be employed where it w a s not used in older English: ' W e pass
through life but (or only) once.' In older English, this but could
be strengthened b y only: 'I find but only (now simple but or only)
two sorts of writings' (Milton, Areopagitica, 36).
1. Clauses of Condition and Exception Replaced by Other
Constructions. These clauses m a y be replaced b y the following
constructions:
a. W e often employ a relative clause instead of a conditional
clause introduced b y if: 'Any b o y who should do that would be
laughed at' = 'Any boy would be laughed at if he should do that.'
b. Instead of a conditional clause introduced b y if w e some-
31 1 d aa SUBSTITUTES FOR CLAUSES OF CONDITION 327

times use a clause with question word-order, originally an inde-

pendent question and in rhetorical style still occasionally appear-
ing as such: '7s any among you afflicted 1 let him pray' (James,
V, 13). 'Don't you love Nature because she is beautiful? H e
(i.e., Thoreau) willfinda better argument in her ugliness' (James R.
Lowell, Literary Essays, I, p. 372). 'You would see for yourself,
were you here.' ' Had I the time, I would go.' 'There are other
articles, to which, did time permit, w e might draw attention.'
'People will gather by hundreds outside a police court on the
chance of catching a glimpse of a criminal; do they see but a corner
of his hat, they go away happy.' 'Were I to be late, would you
wait for m e ? ' ' Should youfindthem, kindly let m e know.' ' Would
space allow, I should like to quote the notice in full.' This con-
struction is n o w for the most part employed only where the verbal
predicate is compound, m a d e u p of an infinitive or a participle
and an auxiliary. Only in the case of be and have is it used with
a simple verb. In older English, this construction was m u c h
more c o m m o n than today. It could be used also with any simple
verb of complete predication, where today, if the question form
is used at all, an auxiliary verb must be used in connection with
an infinitive: 'Call m e their traitor! T h o u injurious tribune!
Within thine eyes sat twenty thousand deaths, ... I would say
"Thou liest"' (Shakespeare, Coriolanus, III, in, 69), now, if used
at all, 'Did twenty thousand deaths sit within thy eyes,' etc.
c. A conditional clause m a y be replaced by a wish impossible
of fulfilment, with question word-order: 'Could I see her once
more, all m y desires wculd be fulfilled.' '0 had he only come,
how different woula tnings n o w be!'
In older English, the conditional clause in b and c w a s some-
times confounded with the that-clause, so that instead of the
question word-order the normal order was employed and that
suppressed, as so often in that-clauses: 'I should be glad this
compromise were made' (Southey in Life, III, 26). 'What would I
give I could avoid it when people speak of you?' (Dorothy Osborne,
Letters, 279, A.D. 1654).
d. O n e of two independent sentences linked b y conjunctions
or unlinked is often equivalent to a conditional clause or a clause
of exception.
aa. Where there are two sentences linked by and or unlinked,
one of which is an expression of will containing an imperative or
a volitive (43 I A ) subjunctive, the sentence containing an ex-
pression of will has the force of a conditional clause and m a y be
replaced by such: ' Give him an inch and he'll take a mile.' 'Stir
and you are a dead man.' 'One step further (= take one step
328 SUBSTITUTES FOR CLAUSES OF CONDITION 31 1 e

further) and you are lost.' 'But enter a Frenchman or two and a
transformation effected itself immediately' ( D u Maurier, Trilby).
'She had no room for anything but pity; but let Alessandro come
on the stage again, and all would be changed' (Helen H u n t Jackson,
Ramona, C h . X I V ) . 'Do it at once, you will never regret it.'
'Suppose (or say = suppose, or assume) that he took a real fancy
to you, would you accept him?' In accordance with older literary
usage the volitive subjunctive is still often employed in quaint
dialect where it is not n o w used in the literary language: 'Come
(= if it comes, happens) [that] w e can't get the big things (i.e.,
trees) and their shade, we're proud to take the little flower-things
and their sweetness' (Maristan C h a p m a n , The Happy Mountain,
Ch. X V I ) . ' Old maids (a kind of flower) they's going to be
happen [that] they get their mind set to blooming ere frost'
(ib.).
Sometimes there is no expression of will at all in a sentence, and
yet it has the force of a conditional clause: 'You don't have to
be tender of m y feelings. Y o u can't and be honest' (= if you are
honest) (Eleanor Carroll Chilton, Shadows Waiting, p. 273).
A sentence containing an imperative is often used instead of
a clause of exception: 'Bar Milner's speech there has scarcely
been a word about our policy in the whole of the debate.' 'She
is the best housekeeper in town 6ar no one.' Except (17 3 A c)
is often felt as an imperative: 'All m e n are fallible except the
Pope.'
66. Where there are two sentences linked b y or, otherwise,
else, or or else, thefirstof which is an ex^ession of will, the sen-
tence containing the expression of will is otten equivalent to a
conditional clause: 'Do that at once, or (or otherwise, else, or or
else) you will be punished' = 'If you do not do that at once you
will be punished.'
cc. Where there are two unlinked expressions of will, the first
often has the force of a conditional clause: 'Love me, love m y
dog' = 'If you love me, love m y dog.' 'Bestow nothing, receive
nothing. Sow nothing, reap nothing. Bear no burdens, be crushed
under your own.' 'Waste not, want not.'
dd. Where there are two independent declarative sentences
finked by a disjunctive (or, else, or otherwise; see 19 1 6), the
first sentence is often equivalent to a conditional clause: 'He can-
not be in his right mind, or (or else, or otherwise) he would not
m a k e such wild statements' = 'If he were in his right mind, he
would not,' etc.
e. After the conclusion of an unreal condition (44 II 5 C ) we
often employ an independent sentence instead of a conditional
31 2 ABRIDGMENT OF CLAUSE OF CONDITION OR EXCEPTION 329

clause. This independent sentence is coordinated with the pre-

ceding conclusion by means of adversative but or only (19 1 c):
'The one (airship) that fell in Virginia would have m a d e a safe
landing all right, but the metal nose came up against an electric
light wire and setfireto the gas' (Victor Appleton, Don Sturdy
across the North Pole, C h . IV) = if the metal nose had not come
up against, etc. 'And we'd have done better, only we struck a hard
wind against us about two miles up in the air' (id., Tom Swift
and His Submarine Boat, Ch. I) = if we had not struck, etc.
2. Abridgment of the Clause of Condition or Exception. W h e n
the subject of the principal proposition and that of the subordinate
clause are identical, the subordinate clause introduced by if,
provided, or unless can be abridged to a participle or an adjective,,
which is a predicate appositive to the subject of the principal
proposition: 'Born in better times, he would have done credit
to the profession of letters.' 'Such things are better left unsaid.'
'It is best forgotten.' 'Left to herself, she would have been drawn
into an answer.' 'This same thing, happening ( = if it should
happen) in wartime, would amount to disaster.' 'I have an in-
come large enough to take care of m e , living ( = provided I live)
as I live' (Carrie Jacobs-Bond, Ladies' Home Journal, Sept.,
1927, p. 141). T h e participle failing belongs here in a formal
sense, but it is n o w really a preposition, for it is no longer in this
construction vividly felt as the present participle of fail. 'They
would prefer to come to us; failing that, they would have us visit
them.'
The frequent insertion of if, unless, and except in these abridged
clauses indicates the influence of the full clause upon this old type
of expression: 'Thus will I save m y credit in the shoot: N o t
wounding, pity would not let m e do 't; If wounding, then it was
to show m y skill' (Shakespeare, Love's Labor's Lost, IV, I, 26).
'Unless meeting with unexpected difficulties at the office today, I
shall be h o m e early tonight.' ' H e will do it if properly approached.'
'The child is never peevish unless sick.' 'The whole R o a d from
Hartford to Springfield is level and good, except being too sandy
in places' (George Washington, Diary, Oct. 21, 1789). Compare
20 3 (5th par.). It is possible to construe the third and fourth
examples as elliptical: 'He will do it if [he is] properly approached.'
'The child is never peevish unless [it is] sick.' In the second
and last examples unless and except m a y be construed as prepo-
sitions governing the following gerund. B u t unless is n o w little
used as a preposition. C o m p a r e 31 (5th par.).
A n elliptical clause is often used if its subject is situation it
(4 A)-. ' C o m e tomorrow if [it is] possible.'
330 ABRIDGMENT OF CLAUSE OF CONDITION OR EXCEPTION 31 2

W h e r e the reference is general or indefinite, the present parti-

ciple is often used absolutely, i.e., without an expressed subject,
in accordance with the general principle observed with participle,
infinitive, and gerund that there is no need of a subject if the
reference is indefinite: 'Strictly speaking ( = if one must speak
in a strict sense), that is not true.' 'Mildly speaking, that is an
exaggeration.' 'Setting aside the 10,000 ( = if one set aside the
10,000 pounds sterling), it did not appear that she was at all
Harriet's superior' (Jane Austen, Emma, C h . X X I I ) . 'Judging
( = if one judged) from the traces of their (i.e., the beavers') work,
it (the beaver d a m ) had once held a large colony of beavers'
(Theodore Roosevelt, Hunting Trips of a Ranchman, Ch. II).
'Excepting a few of Jonson's earlier creations, I cannot see but
that these (the characters in Magnetic Lady) are about as success-
ful as the majority of the personages of his earlier plays' (H. W .
Peck, Introduction to Jonson's Magnetic Lady, p. xxxiv). 'Look-
ing at his life from another point of view, his actions become intel-
ligible.' 'It cannot be denied that, granting the difficulty of the
undertaking, M r s . Davis has done her work with great skill'
(Gamaliel Bradford in Harper's Monthly, Aug., 1925). 'Con-
sidering the circumstances, he is doing well.' 'Assuming the
hearty cooperation of all the members (or that all the members will
heartily cooperate), it is reasonable to expect that the celebration
will be successful.' ' Objections to this plan, supposing there should
be any, should be reported to the committee at once.' 'Barring
accidents, he will arrive tomorrow.' S o m e call the participle here
a preposition or a conjunction, but it has in these and m a n y other
examples too m u c h live verbal force to be regarded as crystallized
into the rigid state of a preposition or a conjunction, as in the
case of bating, which, no longer felt as a participle since the
verb bate has become obsolete, has become a preposition. Simi-
larly, providing is n o w felt as a conjunction, since the verb is not
n o w c o m m o n l y used in the special meaning contained in the
participle: ' I shall go providing (not n o w if you provide) it doesn't
rain.' In clauses of exception the preposition except, the sub-
ordinating conjunction except, and the second person imperative
except (ldaa, p. 328) cannot be used at all if the clause is negative.
Here except must be replaced b y the absolute present participle
excepting: 'All m e n are fallible, not excepting the Pope' or the
Pope not excepted (17 3 A c). T h e present participle can be freely
used here, as the reference is general or indefinite.
T h e full clause is often abridged to an infinitive clause with to
in clauses of condition and but to or except to in clauses of exception,
provided there is some word in the principal proposition which
 31 2 ABRIDGMENT OF CLAUSE OF CONDITION OR EXCEPTION 331

can serve as the subject of the infinitive: 'It would hurt us to

act hastily.' 'I should be glad to go.' 'There is nothing left to
us but (or except) to go.' 'What a m I here for but to talk' (Henry
Watterson, Editorial, Feb. 19, 1908). T h e full clause can also
often be abridged to a <o-infinitive clause w h e n the subject of
the infinitive is general or indefinite, in which case the subject
is usually understood: ' To judge by his outward circumstances
he must be very rich' = if one may judge, etc. '"I was thinking
of asking 30 for the m o n t h " (for the use of the boat). " T h e
boat is not worth it to buy'" (G. A. Birmingham, Spanish Gold,
Ch. II) = if one should buy it for that price. ' T h e reason of m a n
differs from the instinct of animals in that it can form abstract
conceptions conceptions that float free, so to speak (= if one
may use such an expression), dissociated from particular concrete
objects.' 'His language is irreverent, not to say ( = if one may
not say) blasphemous.' Often an indefinite pronoun in the prin-
cipal proposition serves as the subject of the infinitive: 'I'm sure,
nobody to read this would ever imagine I was an almost grown-up
girl' (De Morgan, Joseph Vance, Ch. X ) . If the infinitive has a
subject of its own, the subject is introduced by for: 'It would be
delightful to m e for us to work together.' 'I should be glad for
Mary to go.' 'There was nothing n o w but for him and the footman
to get into the carriage.'
The fo-infinitive is m u c h used in exclamatory conditional
sentences with the principal proposition suppressed. T h e con-
ditional clause has the form of an abridged Zo-infinitive clause
with the subject unexpressed, as the natural inference is that
the speaker is the subject: 'Oh, to be in England n o w that April's
there!' (Browning, Home-thoughts from Abroad, I) = 'Oh, h o w
happy I should be if I were in England,' etc. W e often employ
here a prepositional phrase introduced by for: 'Oh, for a friend
to help us and advise us!' (Wilkie Collins, The Woman in White,
p. 222) = 'Oh, h o w happy I should be if we only had a friend to
help and advise us!'
The absolute nominative construction described in 17 3 A c
often takes the place of a conditional clause.
Sometimes the conditional clause has the form of an attributive
adjective: 'A true friend would have acted differently' = 'A
friend would have acted differently if he had been true.' 'There
is little, if any, difference between them.' T h e adjective some-
times follows the noun as an appositive: 'With what species
(of birds), if any, the marriage unions last during life, I do not
know' (John Burroughs, Leaf and Tendril, VII).
Sometimes w e find a prepositional phrase instead of a clause
332 CONJUNCTIONS OF CONCESSIVE CLAUSE 32

of condition or exception: 'Without him I should be helpless.'

'Bating a little wilfulness I don't k n o w a more honest or loyal
or gentle creature.' 'In a thorough analysis w e shall find that
there is some good in every man.'
Instead of were it not for, had it not been for it is c o m m o n to
employ but for, except for, save for, or, in older English and stil
in colloquial speech, only for, which are n o w felt by m a n y as
compound prepositions but which historically are elliptical expres-
sions introduced by the conjunctions but, except, save, or only:
' But [it were] for the thick trees the bitter wind would blow the
house to pieces.' ' W e should have died but (or except, or save)
for him.' 'Only for my tea, I should have had the headache'
(Ora and Juliet, I, 30, A.D. 1811). ' W e should have died only for
him' (in colloquial speech for but for him).
After the preposition without the io-infinitive m a y be used
provided the preposition has an object which can serve as the
subject of the infinitive: 'But he couldn't [have sat up], without
me to raise him' (De Morgan, Joseph Vance, Ch. X X X V I ) = if 1
hadn't raised him, or w e can also use the gerund here: without
my raising him, or without my having raised him. The gerund is,
in general, c o m m o n after prepositions: 'In case of John's (or the
boy's, or the boy; see 50 3)finishingthe work tonight, let m e know.'
' H o w m a n y critics would be able, on being shown this drawing,
to say from whose pencil it had emanated.' 'Short of committing
suicide, he does his best to keep out of the way.'
A verbless conditional clause is sometimes contained in the
old verbless appositional type of sentence described in 20 3:
'Forewarned, forearmed!' 'Small pains, small gains!' 'Once a
gambler, always a gambler!' 'Better dead!' (Galsworthy, The
First and the Last, Scene III) = 'It would be better if we were
dead!' 'No song, no supper.'

CLAUSE OF CONCESSION
32. Conjunctions. The concessive clause contains a conceded
statement, which, though it is naturally in contrast or opposition
to that of the principal proposition, is nevertheless unable to
destroy the validity of the latter: ' Though he is poor, he is happy.'
The concessive clause is introduced by the following conjunc-
tions: if, even if; though, tho, even though, even tho, although,
altho; in older English, thof (a variant of though), surviving in
dialect; the adversatives (27 4) while, when, whereas, in older
English also where; as (as in 6ad as he is, in older English so as,
or as as, as in so bad as he is, or as bad as he is); in spite of the
32 CONJUNCTIONS OF CONCESSIVE CLAUSE 333

fact that, despite that, notwithstanding (that); relative pronoun or

adverb + ever or soever; for all or for all that; for as little as;
granted that (17 3 A c). In older or archaic English: albeit (i.e.,
all be it = be it entirely) that or simple albeit, albe; al, with in
verted word-order; howbeit (that); and or an ( = if); so (= even if).
A pair of concessive clauses is usually connected b y whether
(in older English a pronoun = which one of the two, as in Matthew,
IX, 5) or, whether or whether, if (more commonly whether)
or, simple or, in older English or whether or.
As can be seen b y the use of if, the concessive clause has in
part developed out of the conditional clause with which it is
often closely related. O n the other hand, the concessive clause
has affected the conditional clause, as can be seen in as though,
which is often used with the force of as if: 'He looks as [he
would look] though ( = if) he were sick.'
The use of though in concessive clauses indicates a relation with
the older adversative coordinating conjunction though, which still
as in oldest English stands in an independent proposition that
expresses a contrast to the preceding statement: 'This medicine
is good for you; it is a little bitter though.' 'I have no doubt he
will understand though you never know.' 'He is an ingenious
lad, though his brother is more ingenious' (or his brother though is
more ingenious). W h e n such an adversative statement loses some-
what of its independence and becomes logically subordinate to the
other proposition, it becomes a concessive clause: 'Though this
medicine is a little bitter, it is good for you,' or 'This medicine is
good for you though it is a little bitter.' 'Big though he was, he
was not ashamed to learn,' or 'He was not ashamed to learn,
big though he was.' 'Coward though he is, do not bully him,' or
'Do not bully him, coward though he is.' W h e r e the though clause
precedes, as in thefirstalternate form of each of these examples,
the subordination is evident, but where it follows, as in the second,
the subordination can often be indicated only b y a rapid enuncia-
tion. Coordination can often be marked b y putting though within
the proposition or at the end, as illustrated in the examples given
above. In Old English, the subordinate clause w a s usually dis-
tinguished b y the volitive (43 I A ) subjunctive: 'He bi5 bonne un-
deablic, beah he ssr deablic wosre' (Blickling Homilies, 21, A.D. 888)
= 'It (the body) will then be immortal, though it was mortal be-
fore.' In older English, subordinating though was often indicated
by putting a determinative, in Old English the, later that, after
though, pointing forward to the following explanatory group of
words, marking it thus as a subordinate clause: ' Though that the
queen on special cause is here, H e r a r m y is mov'd on' (Shakespeare.
334 EXAMPLES OF CONCESSIVE CLAUSE 32

King Lear, IV, vi, 219). T h e form although is always a subor-

dinating concessive conjunction.
A c o m m o n form of the concessive clause originated in the
clause of degree: 'Bad as he is, he has some good points,' in older
English 'As (or so) bad as he is, he has his good points,' where
as as ( = Old English swa swa, i.e., so so) contains an
indefinite idea of degree, so that the clause has the force of how-
ever bad he is. 'Rashly (in older English as or so rashly) as he
acted, he had some excuse.' In these clauses of degree w e now
often use the volitive (43 II A ) subjunctive, once m u c h less
c o m m o n : 'Bad as he may be, he has some good points,' literally,
'Let him be ever so bad, he has some good points.' In all these
examples the as or so that once stood before the strongly accented
word which introduced this clause has disappeared. After the
old double determinative construction with as (or so) as had
developed concessive force and the original function of the double
forms had become obscured, thefirstdeterminative as or so was
dropped as a useless form, so that the heavily stressed word after
it might stand in the important first place. T h e as after the
heavily stressed word is n o w felt as a concessive conjunction.
In 'Boy as he was, he was chosen king' as is a relative pronoun
with the force of that, but since boy is a predicate appositive with
concessive force, as explained in 2, p. 339, this group of words is
felt as a concessive clause, and as is construed as a concessive
conjunction. Similarly, relative that, which is often used here
instead of relative as, is often construed as a concessive conjunc-
tion: 'Apt scholar that he was, they were equally apt teachers,
never allowing h i m to linger long in error' (Jack London, The
Call of the Wild, Ch. II).
Another c o m m o n form of the concessive clause makes use of an
indefinite relative pronoun, adjective, or adverb + ever or soever:
'He w a s resolved to defend himself, whoever should assail him.'
' Whose-ever it is, I m e a n to have it.' 'His love will not fail, whoever
else's may.' ' W e will go on with the war, whatever it costs' (cost, o
may cost). ' Whatever may be his weaknesses, he is generally liked.'
'I a m going to pursue this course, whatever sacrifice it may demand.'
'He will find difficulties, whichever way (or whichever of these ways)
he m a y take.' ' H u m a n beings, of whichever sex they may be, will
do amazing things.' 'However sick he is (or may be), he always
goes to his work.'

Examples:
T don't care if I do lose,' or in rather choice English 'I don't care
though I lose.'
 32 EXAMPLES OF CONCESSIVE CLAUSE 335

I couldn't be angry with him if (or though, or stronger even if, or even
though) I tried.
H e is very kind-hearted, even if (or even though) he is outwardly a little
gruff.
H e will start tomorrow, though it rain cats and dogs.
Foolish though she may be, she is kind of heart.
A gentle hand . . . rbugh-grained and hard though it was (Dickens,
Old Curiosity Shop, Ch. X V ) .
Strangely enough, stdunch Royalist though he was, T h o m a s Chicherley
must in early life have been brought into contact with Oliver Cromwell
(Lady Newton, Lyme Letters, Ch. I, A.D. 1925).
A sailor will be honest, thof (now though) mayhap he has never a penny of
money in his pocket (Congreve, Love for Love, III, iv, 288, A.D. 1695).
Though (or although) he promised not to do so, he did it.
Though they worked never (once c o m m o n in concessive clause, but since
the later seventeenth century gradually replaced by ever) so hard, it was
all in vain (Dickens, Martin Chuzzlewit, Ch. X L I I ) .
Her mother, while she laughed, was not sure that it was good to en-
courage the pert little one.
W e sometimes expect gratitude when we are not entitled to it.
Whereas I was black and swart before, With those clear rays which she
infus'd on m e That beauty a m I bless'd with which you see (Shakespeare,
I Henry VI, I, n, 84).
And where thou now exact'st the penalty, T h o u wilt . . . Forgive a moiety
of the principal (id., Merchant of Venice, IV, i, 22).
Stupid as he is, he never loses his profit out of sight.
The world, as censorious as it is, hath been so kind (Swift).
Dr. Johnson admitted Boswell into his intimacy in spite of the fact that
the latter was a Scotchman.
The amount of m o n e y in the family threatened to increase from year to
year, despite that (or despite the fact that) Mr. Middleton's good works were
continued (L. Zangwill, Beautiful Miss Brooke, 33).
Notwithstanding that he is being lionized, he still keeps a level head.
He's a scoundrel, whoever he may be.
She is always cheerful in whatever condition her health is.
Whichever you do here, whether you go or stay, you will have reasons to
regret it.
Whatever (more indefinite than whichever) youfinallydecide to do, tell
your father about it before you act.
I shall be quite content however and whenever you do it.
However lightly he treated the approaching trial (or Lightly as he treate
the approaching trial), he became a different m a n afterwards.
However bad the weather may be (or Bad as the weather may be), w e shall
have to confront it.
However we may assess the merits or defects of the Confucian philosophy
(or .Assess the merits or defects of the Confucian philosophy as we may), the
subject of China's religion must always form a subject of the widest
interest.
336 SUBSTITUTES FOR CONCESSIVE CLAUSE 32 1 o aa

For all that (or simply for all) he seems to dislike me, I still like him.
They spoke in tones so low that Francis could catch no more than a
word or two on an occasion. For as little as he heard (or Although he heard
little) he was convinced that the conversation turned upon himself and his
own career (R. L. Stevenson).
Granted that he had the very best intentions, his conduct was productiv
of great mischief.
Albeit she was angry with Pen, against his mother she had no such feeling
(Thackeray, Pendennis, Ch. X X I , 275).
... of h e m alle was ther noon y-slayn, Al were they sore y-hurt (Chaucer,
The Knightes Tale, 1850).
The Moor, howbeit that I endure him not, Is of a constant, loving, noble
nature (Shakespeare, Othello, II, i, 297).
If I have broke anything, I'll pay for 't, an it cost a pound (Congreve,
Way of the World, V, 8).
'Should I lie, m a d a m ? ' '0,1 would thou didst, So (= even if) half my
Egypt were submerged' (Shakespeare, Antony and Cleopatra, II, v, 94).
Whether he succeed(s) or fail(s), w e shall have to do our part.
Whether he comes or not, I a m not going to worry.
H e promised him that, if (now usually whether) he fell on thefieldor
survived it, he would act in a manner worthy of the name of George
Osborne (Thackeray, Vanity Fair, I, Ch. X X X V ) .
Stewart was perhaps the most beloved member of Trinity, whether he
were (43 II A, last par.) feeding Rugger blues on plovers' eggs or keepin
an early chapel with the expression of an earthbound seraph (Compton
Mackenzie, Sinister Street, Ch. V ) .
Whether I go alone, or whether he go (or goes) with me, the result will be
the same.
Or whether his fall enrag'd him, or how 't was, he did so set his teeth and
tear it (Shakespeare, Coriolanus, I, in, 68).
In older English, there was a marked tendency to employ
correlatives in concessive sentences, a n adversative, yet, still,
nevertheless, etc., in the principal proposition corresponding to the
concessive conjunction in the subordinate clause: 'Although all
shall be offended, yet will not I' (Mark, X I V , 29). This adversa-
tive often seems superfluous to us today, since this idea is suggested
b y the context, hence w e usually suppress it, following the modern
drift toward terse, compact expression; but under the stress of
strong feeling w e still often employ it: 'Although it m a y seem
incredible, it is nevertheless true.'
1. Concessive Clause Replaced b y Other Constructions. This
clause is often replaced b y the following constructions:
a. T h e concessive adverbial clause is often replaced by a
principal proposition, which m a y be:
aa. A n expression of will in the form of a n imperative sentence,
which, though independent in form, is logically dependent:
 32 1 a aa SUBSTITUTES FOR CONCESSIVE CLAUSE 337

'Laugh as much as you like, I shall stick to m y plan to the bitter

end.' 'The massive person of M r . Bradlaugh is entirely excluded
from sight, crane your neck as you may.' 'Marietta's the best
fore-and-aft, up-and-down little housekeeper on the island, bar
none and challenge all comers' (Wallace Irwin, Seed of the Sun,
Ch. XII). This is parataxis (19 3). W e often employ coordination
here with two sentences linked by and, thefirstof which is a
command: 'Take any form but that and m y firm nerves shall
never tremble.'
The different personal forms of the imperative are quite com-
m o n here: Third person singular: 'Let him be the greatest villain
in the world, I would not keep from wishing to do some little
thing to benefit him.' T h e old simple subjunctive, a mild volitive
subjunctive (43 II A ) , frequently serves here as a mild imperative,
often with suppressed subject. First person: 'There is no task
to bring m e ; no one will be vexed or uneasy, linger I ever so late'
(Gissing, Henry Ryecroft, II, p. 10). Willy-nilly, i.e., will he,
nil (= ne will, the ne being an old negative) he (= whether he will
or not), now, however, used as a mere adverb with reference to
all persons and numbers, as in 'I, you, he, we, must go, willy-
nilly,' but in Shakespeare's time still with the proper person:
'And, will you, nill you, I will marry you' (Taming of the Shrew,
II, 273). 'Sink [I] or swim [I], I shall undertake it.' 'Say
[I] what I will to the contrary, he tells the story everywhere.'
Plural: 'Detest [we] him as w e m a y , w e must acknowledge his
greatness.' 'Argue [we] as w e like, dogmatize [we] as w e please,
experiment [we] up to the extinction of the canine race, no fellow
can ever understand the mysteries and the vagaries of idiosyn-
crasy.' Third person: ' W e cannot receive him, be he w h o he
may.' ' H o m e is h o m e 6e it ever so homely.' 'The business of
each day, 6e it selling goods or shipping them, is going on pleas-
antly.' ' M y mental vision is limited as is every man's to a greater
or less degree, therefore there are certain great books that have
for m e no charm, charm they ever so m a n y others whose opinions
I respect and accept.' 'I shall have to buy the coat, cost [it]
what it may.' 'I shall go rain [it] or shine [it].' 'But hate [he]
Walpole as he might, the king was absolutely guided by the
adroitness of his wife, Caroline of Anspach' (Green). 'Comfort
[he] himself as he would, however, dream [he] as he would,
Meynell's conscience was always sore for Hester' (Mrs. H . Ward,
Richard Meynell, Ch. X I V ) . T h e suppression of the subject of
the volitive forms here is modern. It has resulted from the analogy
of the genuine imperative, where the omission of the subject has
always been the rule.
338 ABRIDGMENT OF CONCESSIVE CLAUSE 32 2

bb. A s in primitive speech, the concessive idea is still often

in colloquial language expressed b y simple declarative parataxis
(19 3): 'The meat is good; it is a little tough, though (= althoug
it is a little tough). 'I cannot keep these plants alive; J have
watered them well, too' ( = although I have watered them well).
' No matter (= it is of no importance) what he says (or it doesn't
matter what he says), I a m going' = 'Whatever he may say (con-
cessive clause), I a m going.'
Coordination is also employed here: 'Being the larger, she
(the female squirrel) could have whipped him and not half tried'
(= even though she hadn't half tried). 'I cannot keep these plants
alive, and I have watered them well, too.' W e often find here the
old appositional type of sentence after and, i.e., subject and
predicate adjective, participle, or noun lying side b y side without
being connected b y a copula: 'They ne'er car'd for us yet: suffer
us to famish, and their store-houses cramm'd with grain' (Shake-
speare, Coriolanus, I, i, 81). This construction is especially com-
m o n in popular speech. See 19 3.
cc. Instead of a concessive clause w e sometimes find a clause
in question word-order, which was originally an unreal wish. This
construction wasfirstused in unreal conditional sentences, as
described in 31 1 c, and w a s later transferred to the concessive
clause, as in the case of other features of the conditional clause
which were employed also in the closely related concessive clause:
' Were the danger even greater, I should feel compelled to go.' Some
adverb, as even in this example, n o w differentiates the concessive
from the conditional clause. This form of the concessive clause
is u n k n o w n in Old English.
A s described in 31 1 6, a clause with question word-order,
originally an independent question, is used as a conditional clause.
This construction is sometimes employed in the closely related
concessive clause: 'I, marrie, here comes majestie in pompe,
Resplendent Sol, chief planet of the heauens: H e is our Seruent,
lookes he ne're (now ever) so big' (Thomas Nashe, Svmmers Last
Will and Testament, 1. 443, A.D. 1600). 'Mr. Gibson bowed, much
pleased at such a compliment from such a m a n , was he lord or
not' (Mrs. Gaskell, Wives and Daughters, II, p. 114, A.D. 1865).
6. T h e concessive idea sometimes finds expression in a relative
clause: ' M a n y American boys who ( = although they) have had
few advantages in their youth have worked their w a y into promi-
nence.'
2. Abridgment of Concessive Clause. T h e abridgment of the
concessive clause is very c o m m o n . Often in the form of a predicate
appositive participle, adjective, or noun, sometimes as in primitive
32 2 ABRIDGMENT OF CONCESSIVE CLAUSE 339

speech without a subordinating conjunction, sometimes under

the influence of the full clause with a subordinating conjunction,
as explained in 27 5 and 20 3: 'From d a w n till dark in this car,
driving or riding, you'll never feel that you have put a whole day's
miles behind you' (Advertisement). ' Well or sick, calm or worried
(or whether well or sick, calm or worried), she is always restrained
in her expression.' 'Though sick, she went to school.' 'For
lovers' hours are long, though seeming short' (Shakespeare, Venus
and Adonis, 842). 'His critics, though outvoted, have not been
silenced.' 'The statutes, if not good, are tolerable.' 'The rumor,
however incredible, was believed b y the natives.' ' Vagabond or
no vagabond, he is a h u m a n being and deserves pity.' 'While
admitting that he had no sympathy with private capitalists, M . Dzer-
jinski said Soviet Russia could not exist without the participation
of private traders in the general trade of the country' (Chicago
Tribune, April 4, 1925).
As explained in 32 (7th par.), a predicate appositive noun in
connection with a following relative clause often forms a concessive
clause: 'Whig as (relative pronoun = that) he was and rather a
rancorous one at that, Creevey was a welcome person even to
the D u k e of Wellington.' 'Strong man that he is, General Botha
has been severely put to the test during the past few weeks.'
The participle is sometimes in apposition with a pronoun con-
tained in a possessive adjective: 'Waking or sleeping, this subject
is always in my mind.'
Where the reference is general or indefinite, the present participle
is here, as in the closely related conditional clause in 31 2, often
used absolutely, i.e., without an expressed subject, sometimes ac-
companied b y even, which clearly differentiates the concessive
from the conditional clause: ' Granting that this is true, the difficulty
is not removed.' 'Even assuming a great willingness on the part
of the members to work, few are properly prepared for the task.'
'Admitting (or even admitting) that the Governor was provoked, his
procedure is censurable.' 'Conceding his superiority as a scholar,
it is evident that he is inferior as a man.' C o m p a r e 17 4.
The appositional construction is sometimes still verbless as in
primitive speech: 'Right or wrong m y country.'
The adjective here sometimes appears as an adherent (10 I)
adjective instead of a predicate appositive: 'With a dogged per-
severance and a keen, if narrow, insight into affairs President
Kruger has worked with a single object.' 'This old woman dolls
herself u p like a young lady' = 'This w o m a n dolls herself u p like
a young lady, although she is old.' T h e adjective is often in the
substantive relation (57 1), i.e., stands alone, like a substantive
340 CONJUNCTIONS IN CLAUSE OF PURPOSE 33

pointing to a following or preceding noun with which it is associated

in thought: ' It is one of the most spacious, if not the most spacious,
of salons.' ' It is one of thefinestpoems produced in recent years,
if not the finest.'
T h e abridged statement is sometimes an elliptical form of the
full clause: '[whether he] Drink or [do] not drink he must pay.'
'The navy exists for the sole purpose of ensuring, [whether there
be] war or no war, that the British people shall be properly fed.'
'Mr. Cecil Chesterton's article, "Israel a Nation," resolved itself
into an attack on the political status of the Jews in the British
commonwealth, while m y reply to some of his statements must,
albeit [it is done] unwillingly, assume a more or less defensive
attitude' (British Review). 'Whatever the immediate result [may
be], there can be no doubt that the dispute has raised issues which
can no longer be ignored.' In the last example, however, the
subordinate clause m a y be the absolute nominative construction
described in 17 3 A /.
T h e abridged form is often that of a prepositional phrase,
especially one containing the word all: 'His wife clung to him
with all his faults.' ' With all I've done, and all I've spent on m
garden, it's fussy compared to this.' 'For all his learning he is a
m e a n man.' 'Well, if I did, I shall do as I like for all him' (Thomas
Hardy, Jude the Obscure). 'It's clearing u p after all.' 'The rain
spoiled a part of our fun, but w e had, after all, a fine time.' 'He
is a blunt m a n , but he is kind of heart after all.' Often in connec-
tion with a gerund: 'But w e haven't got any wind, for all the
barometer falling' (Joseph Conrad, Typhoon, C h . VII). Often
after in spite of, despite, or notwithstanding, even where there is n
all present: 'In spite of (or despite, or notwithstanding) his untiri
devotion to the community, he has not received the recognition he
deserves.' Instead of in spite of that w e sometimes use at that:
' At that (i.e., in spite of the very heavy duties of her social position)
Mrs. Coolidge gets a good deal of fun out of her life in the White
House' (Winifred Mallon in Liberty, Feb. 28, 1925).
T h e concessive clause can sometimes be abridged to an infinitive
clause w h e n the subject of the infinitive is the same as that of
the main proposition: 'You couldn't do that to save your life.'

CLAUSE OF PURPOSE
33. Conjunctions. The clause of purpose or final clause, as
it is often called, states the purpose or direct end of the action
of the principal proposition. It is introduced b y the conjunctions:
that, old but still often used, more c o m m o n l y now, however, re-
33 CONJUNCTIONS IN CLAUSE OF PURPOSE 341

placed by the more expressive forms in order that (i.e., with the
purpose that), quite modern but b y reason of its distinctive form
in wide use in choice language, and the old but still very c o m m o n
so that or in colloquial speech simple so; as, m u c h used in older
English, but n o w replaced b y that; for the purpose that, to the
end that; till = in order that in Irish English, which preserves
here an older literary meaning; in the hope that; after a negative
or a question but that or more c o m m o n l y unless that; three forms
to express apprehension, that not, for fear, for fear that, and
sometimes lest, which is from older thy (old instrumental case
form of that) less the, literally, on that account that less (with
negative force = not); in older English with the force of that, so
that, in order that, also the following conjunctions: because, for,
for that, for because, to the intent that. Also another conjunction,
so as, was once widely employed and to a limited extent is still a
living form. It corresponds to Old English swa swa (i.e., so so),
and thus has been in use from the oldest period to our day. A t
present it is for the most part confined to popular speech in the
full clause, while in the abridged clause it is widely used also in
the literary language. In Old English, it was not used at all in the
abridged clause, which shows that it entered the abridged clause
later under the influence of the full clause at a time w h e n it w a s
in use in the full clause.
The conjunctions that, so that, so as, and simple so are also
used in the closely related clause of result. In both clauses
they perform the same function and have the same origin, as
described in 28 5. T h e two clauses are, in the literary language,
often differentiated not b y their conjunctions but b y the use of
different moods. T h e indicative in the clause of result often
represents the statement as an actual result, while in the clause
of purpose may, might, shall, should, or sometimes the simple
subjunctive form of the verb, represents the result as only planned
or desired: 'Turn the lantern s6 that we may see what it is' (clause
of purpose), but 'He turned the lantern s6 that I saw what it was'
(clause of result). 'I a m going to the lecture early so that I may
get a good seat' (clause of purpose), but 'I went to the lecture
early so that I got a good seat' (clause of result). There is often,
however, no formal difference between the two clauses, the mean-
ing alone distinguishing them. T h e subjunctive is frequently
used in clauses of result to represent the result as possible or as
desired or demanded: 'It has cleared u p beautifully, so that he
may (or might) come after all.' 'You must proceed in such a
manner that it shall not offend the public' O n the other hand,
the indicative is often used in clauses of purpose to indicate con-
342 EXAMPLES OF CLAUSE OF PURPOSE 33

fidence of realization, especially in colloquial language: 'He is

going to the lecture early so that he'ZZ get a good seat.' A pause
here before the conjunction so that converts the clause of purpose
into a clause of pure result: ' H e is going to the lecture early, so
that he'll get a good seat.' A clause of pure result is logically an
independent proposition a n d requires a slight pause to indicate its
independence.
T h e clause introduced b y for fear w a s originally a causal clause,
but the idea of cause here is often overshadowed b y that of pur-
pose: 'She walked softly for fear she should wake the baby.'

Examples:
H e told it s6 that it might not hurt our feelings.
I wish to haue them speake s6 as (now that) it may well appeare that
the braine doth gouerne the tonge (Roger Aseham, The Scholemaster, p. 4,
A.D. 1570).
They are climbing higher that (or so that, or in order that) they may get a
better view.
They climbed higher that (so that, or in order thai) they might get a bet
view.
'They are hurrying that (so that, or in order that) they may not miss th
train,' or in colloquial speech so that (or simple so) they won't miss the train.
' They hurried that (so that, or in order that) they might not miss the tra
or in colloquial speech so that (or simple so) they wouldn't miss the train.
If a m a n be asked a question to answer, but to repeat the Question be-
fore hee answer is well, that hee be (now more commonly may be) sure to
understand it, to avoid absurdity (Ben Jonson, Discoveries, p. 6, A.D. 1641
C o m e here n o w till ( = in order that) I beat you (an Irish mother to her
child, quoted from Hayden and Hartog's The Irish Dialect of English).
H e never comes but that (or unless that) he may scold us.
'He is keeping quiet that he may not distvrb his father' (or lest, or for fe
or for fear that, he disturb, or shall disturb, or m u c h more commonly may
should, or might, distvrb his father, but for fear he will distvrb his fa
when the desire is to indicate that this result will surely follow if great care
is not taken to prevent it).
H e jotted the n a m e down for fear (or lest) he should (or might) forget it.
Say as little as possible about it to Sybel lest she repeated (or more com-
monly should or might repeat) my account of the Happy Valley to that
scoundrel Patterne (Sir Harry Johnston, The Man Who Did the Right
Thing, Ch. X V I I , p. 308).
They axed him . . . because (= that) they might acuse hym (Tyndale,
Matthew, XII, 10).
A n d for (= that) the time shall not seem tedious, I'll tell thee what befell
m e (Shakespeare, III Henry VI, III, i, 9).
For that our kingdom's earth should not be soil'd With that dear blood
which it hath fostered . . . Therefore, w e banish you our territories
(Shakespeare, Richard the Second, I, in, 125).
S3 2 ABRIDGMENT OF CLAUSE OF PURPOSE 343

Also he weped not onely, but also very sore and pytefully for bycause
he might wasshe every synne in hym with his bytter teres (John Fisher,
E.E.T.S., Ex. Ser., X X V I I , p. 17, early sixteenth century).
Syth so good and so holy a m a n desyred of god to be sharpely punysshed
in this lyfe rather than after this lyfe, to thentent (= the intent) he myght
be able to haue the everlastynge kyngdome of heauen (ib., p. 41).
'What have you done to your neck?' 'Oh, m y wife put that in it
so's (= so as = literary so that) I'd remember to get some things from town
(Punch).
Father has thefirstone (i.e.,firstwhistle) blown at half-past six, so's
(= literary so that) the men can have time to get their things ready (Doro
Canfield, The Brimming Cvp, Ch. VI).
With words nearer admiration then (now than) liking she would extoll
his excellencies, the good lines of his shape, the power of his witte, the
valiantnes of his courage, the fortunatenes of his successes, so as (now so
that) the father mightfindein her a singvlar love towardes him (Sir Phi
Sidney, Arcadia, Book II, Ch. X V , A.D. 1590).
1. Adverbial Clause of Purpose Replaced by Other Construc-
tions. W e often prefer to express the idea of purpose b y a gram-
matical form other than a n adverbial clause of purpose, namely,
by:
a. A relative clause: 'Envoys were sent who should sue for
peace.' Compare 43 II B e.
b. Instead of a subordinate clause of purpose w e often employ
an independent coordinate proposition connected with the pre-
ceding proposition b y and: 'Won't you c o m e and see us?' C o m -
pare 19 3.
2. Abridgment of Clause of Purpose. In this category abridg-
ment often takes place, usually in the form of an infinitive clause
with to w h e n the subject of the principal proposition or some
other word in it can serve as the subject of the infinitive, and
in the form of an infinitive clause with for . . . to w h e n the
clause has a subject of its o w n : 'I a m waiting to go with John
when he comes,' but 'I a m waiting for them to go before I speak
of the matter.' 'I rang to them to come up,' but 'I rang for break-
fast to be brought up.' E v e n where there is some word in the prin-
cipal proposition that might serve as the subject of the infinitive,
the infinitive often has a subject of its o w n to remove all ambiguity
and m a k e the thought perfectly clear: 'The lad had pulled at
his mother for her to take notice of him.'
Instead of the infinitive with for . . . to here w e often find
in older English ato-infinitivewith a nominative as subject:
'Pray to thy S o n aboue the stems clere, He (now for him) to
vouchasef b y thy mediacion, T o pardon thy seruaunt' (John
Skelton, ed. b y Dyce, I, 14).
344 ABRIDGMENT OF CLAUSE OF PURPOSE 33 2

Instead of the infinitive with to it is n o w also quite common

to place so as, in order, or on purpose before the old Jo-form to
bring out more clearly the idea of purpose: 'I a m going early
so as to (or in order to) get a good seat.' 'I went to Germany
on purpose to study this question.'
In older English, a so-that-clause of purpose could be abridged
to an infinitive clause with so to w h e n the subject of the principal
proposition could serve as the subject of the infinitive: 'Finding
by his wisdome that she w a s not altogether faultlesse, he pro-
nounced she should all her life be kept prisoner among certaine
w o m e n of religion like vestall nonnes so to (now so as to) repaye
their touched honour of her house with well observing a stryctt pro-
fession of chastitie' (Sir Philip Sidney, Arcadia, Book V, p. 173,
A.D. 1593).
In older English, an as-clause of purpose could be abridged to
an infinitive clause with as to: 'The messinger found Argalus
at a castle of his owne sitting in a parler with the faire Parthenia,
he reading in a booke, she bye him as to heare him reade' (Sir Philip
Sidney, Arcadia, B o o k III, Ch. VII, A.D. 1590), n o w to hear him
read.
Before the to of the infinitive, which has for its subject some
word in the principal proposition, w e find occasionally in Old
English and frequently in Middle English and early Modern Eng-
lish a for of different origin from the for described on page 343 and
more in detail in 21 e. This for, like to, meant purpose and was
placed before to merely to bring out this idea more concretely;
but, as its force w a s not vividly felt, it w a s gradually replaced
by the more expressive forms so as, in order, on purpose: 'Are ye
come out as against a thief with swords and staves for to (now
simple to, or in order to) take m e ? ' (Matthew, X X V I , 55). This
old literary usage is well preserved in popular Irish English:
'There will a car be sent and t w o boys from the Union for to
bear her out from the house' (Lady Gregory, McDonough's
Wife). Also in English popular speech: 'She's an orphan,
studying for to be a governess' (Pinero, The Schoolmistress, Act
I). For a description of the historical development here and its
reason see 21 e.
In oldest English, w e often find the simple infinitive here, a
usage which even in present-day speech in certain set expressions
still lingers on quite generally in all parts of the territory: 'I'll
go see' (Tarkington, Alice Adams, C h . I V ) . For the original
meaning of this form see 11 2.
T h e principal proposition upon which an infinitive clause
with to depends is often suppressed: ' To be sincere, [I must tell
34 CLAUSE OF MEANS 345

you] you have not done your best.' ' To tell the truth, [I have to
say] the lecture was a great disappointment to me.'
The full clause is often replaced b y the gerundial construction
after the preposition for and the prepositional phrases for the
purpose of, with the object of, with the intention of: 'We planted a
hedge for preventing the cattle from straying.' 'I a m not here to-
night for the purpose of making a speech.' 'I didn't come with the
object (or intention) of destroying the good feeling prevailing among
you.' Instead of the gerund w e often use the prepositional phrase
in support of (= to the end that he, they, may, might support):
'Several representative citizens volunteered their services yester-
day in support of the traction ordinance.'
T o indicate continued activity w e employ the present parti-
ciple: 'He went hunting,fishing,swimming.' 'He took m e out
riding.' 'Axemen were put to work getting out timber for bridges'
(U. S. Grant, Personal Memoirs, II, 47). 'Joe had been sitting
up nights building facts and arguments together into a mighty
unassailable array' (Mark Twain, Letter to W. D. Howells, Christ-
mas Eve, 1880). 'The populace were u p there observing her
fortunate performance and rejoicing over it' (id., Joan of Arc, II,
Ch. XVIII).
In the early history of our country a gerundial construction
was often employed where w e n o w use a present participle a
gerund after on or to: 'In the beginning of M a r c h they sent her
(i.e., the pinnace) well vitaled to the eastward onfishing'(Brad-
ford, History of Plymouth Plantation, p. 165, A.D. 1630-1648).
'Then all went to seeking of shelfish, which at low water they
digged out of the sands' (i6., p. 149). A t this early time the
present participle w a s used here alongside of the gerund, later
for the most part replacing it.

CLAUSE OF MEANS
34. The clause of means indicates the means by which
effect mentioned in the principal proposition is produced: 'I
recognized him by the fact (a formal introduction to the following
clause) that he limped,' or in abridged form, by his limping. 'AH
strove to escape by what means they might.' ' I have been guided
more by what I myself know of the situation than by what he said.'
In such constructions there is always a preposition, so that the
clause in fact is a prepositional clause and is identical in form with
the prepositional clause in 2 4 I V . Hence it is not further discussed
here.
Abridgment to a gerundial or participial clause is very c o m m o n
346 CLAUSE OF MEANS 34

here: ' By holding (gerund) on to the ropefirmly,or holding (present

participle) on to the ropefirmly,I c a m e safe to shore.' ' By John's
holding the ladder firmly, I succeeded in climbing onto the roof.'
'He left a considerable fortune m a d e it selling (present parti-
ciple) pictures.'
 CHAPTER XVII

WORD-ORDER
PAGE
V E R B IN T H E S E C O N D O R THIRD P L A C E 347
Origin of this word-order 351
V E R B IN T H E FIRST P L A C E 352
35. The word-order has been a matter of constant attention
throughout the syntax, so that the details have already been
presented under the different grammatical categories. Attention
is here directed to only the general larger outlines.
In English there are three word-orders: the verb in the second,
the third, or thefirstplace.
1. Verb in the Second or Third Place. In older English, the
verb in a normal declarative sentence was usually in the second
place; but n o w under certain conditions, described on page 349,
it is usually in the third place.
The most c o m m o n order is: subject in thefirstplace, verb
in the second: 'The boy loves his dog.' This is called normal
order.
If any other word for emphasis, or to establish a nearer relation
with what goes on before, or because it lies nearer in thought,
stands in thefirstplace, the verb often still maintains the second
place, followed by the subject in the third place. This is called
inverted order. This order, once c o m m o n in English, is n o w as a
living force pretty well shattered. It is n o w most c o m m o n in
the case of emphatic adverbs and other emphatic modifiers of
the verb which are m a d e prominent by being put into the first
place in the sentence. W e cannot, however, freely place emphatic
adverbs and objects into thefirstplace immediately before the
verb. W e usually do this when not only the adverb or object is
emphatic but also the verb. In such cases w e usually employ
auxiliaries, so that the real verb appears in the form of an infinitive
or participle which contains only the verbal meaning and hence
when stressed calls especial attention to the activity in question:
'Seven times did this intrepid general repfathis attack.' 'Bitterly
did w e repent our decision.' 'Gladly would he n o w have consented
to the terms which he had once rejected.' ' Particularly did Florian
rejoice in the tale of the saint's birth' (Cabell, The High Place,
Ch. II). 'Never had I even dreamed of such a thing.' 'Bitter as
347
348 WORD-ORDER. VERB SECOND OR THIRD 35 ]

the pill was, rdrely did he fdil to force it down.' ' Only once before
have I s6en such a sight.' 'Only two had merciful death released
from their sufferings.' 'Whdm did you meet?' 'When did you
m6et him?' ' Where did you say she put it?' where the interrogative
adverb where is even brought forward from the subordinate clause
to introduce the sentence. T h e light auxiliary in all such cases
has become attached to the strongly stressed adverb or object,
so that the inverted order has become fixed here.
B y glancing at the examples it will be noticed that the most
c o m m o n forms causing inversion are negatives, interrogatives, and
adverbs expressing restriction. W e today feel these three elements
as the cause of inversion not the accent, for w e invert in ques-
tions w h e n neither the interrogative nor the verb is stressed:
' W h e n will you go next?' W e invert in all questions introduced
by an interrogative object or adverb simply because inversion
has become fixed here. Similarly, w e invert after a restriction
of any kind, even after a clause, so that it cannot be a strongly
stressed word that causes the inversion: 'Only when the artist
understands these psychological principles can he work in harmony
with them' (Spencer). Originally, the accent was the controlling
force and still is felt here, but the controlling force n o w is the
association of inversion with negatives, interrogatives, and re-
strictions.
W h e n the principal proposition is inserted in a direct quotation
or follows it, the principal verb m a y sometimes still, in accordance
with the old inverted order, uniformly stand before the subject,
but it is n o w more c o m m o n here to regulate the word-order by
the modern group stress, so that the heavier word, be it subject
or verb, stands last in the group, just as elsewhere the heaviest
word stands last: '"Harry," continued the old mdn, "before you
choose a wife, you must k n o w m y position,"' but '"George,"
she exclaimed, "this is the happiest m o m e n t of m yfife."''"You
have acted selfishly," tods her cold retort,' but ' " Y o u have acted
selfishly," she replied.' In accordance with this principle the
subject here almost always stands before a compound tense form
or a combination of verbal forms: ' " Y o u must think that over
again," our dear mother would sdy.' T h e word-order is similarly
regulated b y the modern group-stress in the case of a sentence
which is inserted with the force of a sentence adverb (p. 132)
within a sentence or a subordinate clause: 'The wind whistled
and moaned as if, thought Michael, all the devils in hell were trying
to break into the holy building' (Compton Mackenzie, Youth's
Encounter, C h . V ) , but 'The wind whistled and moaned as if,
it stiemed to him, all the devils in hell were trying to break into
35 1 WORD-ORDER. VERB SECOND OR THIRD 349

the holy building.' A s the word-order verb before the subject

is so often found with quotations, as just described, it has become
associated with quotations, so that it is sometimes employed at
the beginning of a sentence to introduce a quotation: 'In Phila-
delphia I met the black author, publisher, and sidewalk retailer
of a work entitled " T h e Ethiopian-American of Ancient and
Modern Education." Writes he, " T h e n a m e Ethiopian-American
was founded and edited in order that w e might discontinue the
nickname Negro"' (Rollin Lynde Hartt in World's Work for
July, 1924, p. 321).
Where the old inverted word-order is seemingly preserved, it
is usually, except in the cases described in the three preceding
paragraphs, not in a strict sense inversion. T h e subject instead
of standing before the verb has been put at the end of the sen-
tence for emphasis, as explained in 3 a, p. 4: ' N o w comes my Mst
trick.' 'To the list m a y be added the following ndmes.' ' D o w n
the street came a girl and a dog, rather a small girl and quite a
behemothian dog' (H. Sydnor Harrison, Queed, C h . I). In this
still very c o m m o n construction, the introductory words are not
usually emphatic. Sometimes, however, they are stressed, but
usually less strongly than the following stressed subject: 'Then
came the dreaded &nd! A n d fast into this perilous gulf of night
walked Bosinney (name) and fast after him walked George' (Gals-
worthy, The Man of Property, p. 321). 'Such are the life and
chdracter of this man!' Though this construction is in general
quite c o m m o n , it has its limitations, as described in 3 a, p. 4.
One feature of the old inverted order is still well preserved
in declarative sentences. W e still quite commonly put into the
first place a heavily stressed word in the predicate other than
afiniteform of a verb; but now, except after a negative or a
restriction, or where there is a heavy subject, as described above,
the subject usually follows the introductory word or phrase, and
is itself followed immediately by the verb: 'The gallant fellow
fought for appearances and down he went' (Meredith, The Ordeal
of Richard Feverel, C h . II). 'Cantankerous chap Roger always
was!' (Galsworthy, The Man of Property, p. 24). 'Very grdteful
they were for m y offer.' 'Lucky it is that w e k n o w her name.'
' This threat he was quite unable to carry out.' W e sometimes find
the infinitive or participle of a compound verbal predicate in the
first place followed immediately by the subject: 'Growl you will,
but go you must.' '"If you telegraph at once, he can be stopped,"
said the Inspector. A n d stopped he was.' It should be noted,
however, that where the subject is quite heavy it must stand
after the verb at or near the end, even though the sentence is
 350 WORD-ORDER. VERB SECOND OR THIRD 35 1

introduced b y an emphatic element: ' U p went this roaring

drdgonfly in which Peter was sitting . . . U p they went and tip,
until the world seemed nearly all sea, and the coast was far away'
(H. G . Wells, Joan and Peter, Ch. XIII), where in thefirstpropo-
sition the subject stands after the verb on account of its length
and heaviness, but in the second proposition stands before the
verb in accordance with the general rule. In all these sentences
the verb stands in the third place, which, except after an interroga-
tive, or negative, or where there is a heavy subject, is the usual
position for the verb in a sentence introduced b y an emphatic
modifier of the verb or a predicate noun or adjective.
There is another c o m m o n word-order here where w e desire to
put some important word (subject, object, adverb, adverbial
phrase, predicate noun, or adjective) in the important initial
position. W e construe the emphatic word or phrase as a predicate
whether it is actually a predicate or not and place it after it is, so
that, though in a formal sense the predicate stands in the third
place, the verb in the second place, the subject in thefirstplace,
the emphatic word in reality stands in thefirstplace, for it is
preceded only b y it is, a mere formal introduction: 'It is John
that is guilty.' 'It was on Saturday that I saw him.' For fuller
description of this construction see 4 C II (p. 12) and 21 c.
T h e word-order with the verb in the third place has not only in
large measure destroyed the inverted order in declarative sentences,
as described on page 349, but it has also for the same reason dis-
placed it for the most part in exclamations, where inversion is very
old but n o w little used: 'What good friends horses have been to
us for thousands of years!' 'What cheek he has!' ' H o w diligent
you are!' W e sometimes, however, still find the old inverted
order here, especially in choice prose and poetry: ' H o w pleasant
is this hill where the road widens! A n d h o w beautiful, again,
is this pdtch of common at the hilltop with the clear pool!'
Here again, as illustrated for the declarative sentence, the old
inverted order is only seemingly preserved. In most cases the
subject instead of standing before the verb in its usual position
has been put at the end for emphasis. Occasionally, however, the
old inverted word-order is still employed: 'Judith, Judith, how
lovely are you!' (Mary Johnston, The Long Roll, Ch. XVII).
The old inverted word-order, of course, is used regularly where
the expression approaches the nature of a question, especially
where the answer is self-evident and no answer is expected: ' Won't
she live to k n o w what she has done! I can tell her of one that
won't pity her' (Trollope, Prime Minister, Ch. X V I ) . Exclama-
tions containing a negative usually have inverted order, as they
35 1 a WORD-ORDER. VERB SECOND OR THIRD 351

contain a question: ' H o w m a n y times had she not sat there, in

white frocks, her hair hanging d o w n as now!' (Galsworthy, Free-
lands, Ch. X V ) , a blending of ' H o w m a n y times she had sat there!'
and 'Had she not sat there m a n y times?'
Originally, the normal word-order, i.e., the subject in the first
place, was identical with the inverted order, that is, the subject
stood in thefirstplace for emphasis, or to establish a relation
with what preceded it. This is not n o w its usual force. T h e
normal word-order has become the form of expression suited to
the mind in its normal condition of steady activity and easy
movement, from which it only departs under the stress of emotion,
or for logical reasons, or in conformity tofixedrules.

a. ORIGIN OF THE WORD-ORDER WITH THE VERB IN THE SECOND

PLACE. In oldest English, the verb didn't stand in the second or third
place so regularly as today. W e oftenfindit at or near the end of the
sentence. This oldest word-order, as illustrated also in 6 A, is still possible:
'This under such circumstances I often do.' T h e verb is here at the end
preceded by its modifiers. This principle of placing the modifiers of a word
before it is still very c o m m o n in old compounds or group-words, which
represent the oldest type of expression in the language: h6me-made =
made at home, t&ble-leg = leg of the table, ear-ring = ring for the ear,
eyelashes = lashes of the eye, etc. Such words arose at a time when
there was no inflection, so that thefixedword-order alone indicated the
grammatical relations. In oldest English, this old word-order was still in
use, although the rich inflection at this time n o w m a d e it possible to
deviate from the old word-order. T h e stress on thefirstelement of old
compounds indicates clearly that the modifier was more strongly stressed
than the governing word. This explains the frequent changes in the word-
order of the sentence, which ever became more c o m m o n from the oldest
historic times on. T h e emphatic modifiers of the verb were often put at
the end of the sentence after the verb in order to create the feeling of
suspense and thus increase the emphasis. A s the verb was thus not the
center of attention and was often weakly stressed, it gradually settled into
the weakly stressed position after the subject or the strongly accented
object or adverb which often introduced the sentence.
Besides this rhythmical principle, there was also a psychological force
active in establishing the verb in this position. T h e verb contains the
basic idea of the predication, so that there was often, especially in long
sentences, a tendency to bring it near the subject in order that the subject
and predicate together might at the outset m a k e clear the general line of
thought and thus relieve the tension somewhat and m a k e it possible to
concentrate the attention upon the important details which were to be
presented later. This n e w word-order with the verb following the subject
must not, however, be thought of as something English. It took place
long before the historic period, and is indeed very old. In our oldest
literature both word-orders the verb following the subject and the verb
352 WORD-ORDER. VERB IN FIRST PLACE 35 2

at or near the end were in use, but gradually the newer word-order with
the verb after the subject supplanted the older. Thus it gradually became
usual to place the subjectfirst,the verb next, and then after them arrange
the modifiers of the verb in positions in accordance with their importance
and the grammatical relations, so that the word-order gradually assumed
the functions of the old case endings, which n o w for the most part as use-
less forms little by little disappeared. T h e originally emphatic order with
the modifiers of the verb after the verb became the n e w normal or inverted
order as they exist today, the latter of which has in large measure been
replaced by the word-order verb in the third place. These new types,
however, are not entirely rigid since w e often put an adverb between sub-
ject and verb, as in T often do that' and sometimes even put the verb in
the last place, as illustrated on page 351.
The present word-order became established in the principal proposition
first. The old word-order with the verb at the end lingered on in the sub-
ordinate clause for centuries. T h e evident reason is that the subordinate
clause is felt as a grammatical unit, a subject, object, or adverbial element.
The attention is directed not so m u c h to important details as to the
thought as a whole. In the old word-order with the verb at the end, the
verb contained the basic thought and, standing as it did in the important
position at the end, had a distinct stress, though often not so much as its
important modifiers. Though this old word-order was at last given up
also in the subordinate clause and the word-order in general conformed to
that employed in the principal proposition for the sake of the advantages
of that word-order in making the grammatical relations clear, the strong
stress of the verb still often distinguishes the subordinate clause: 'As soon
as I intered the room, I ndticed the dis6rder.' Where as here the sub-
ordinate clause is clearly felt as a unit with a definite function in the
sentence, the verb receives a little stronger stress than its modifiers, while
in the principal proposition the modifiers are usually stressed more
strongly than the verb. Of course, however, the more independent a
clause becomes the more the attention is usually directed towards the
important details. O n the other hand, if the attention in the principal
proposition is directed to the thought as a whole the verb or verbal phrase
of the predicate receives the stress: 'A brave m a n never forsakes his post.'
2. Verb in the First Place. As seen on page 347, the first place
in the sentence is emphatic. In oldest English, however, this
emphatic position w a s not only reserved for the subject and im-
portant objects a n d adverbs, as in the examples given in 1,
but also a n emphatic verb could stand in the first place. This
older order of things survives in wishes, in expressions of will
containing a n imperative and often in those containing a volitive
subjunctive, also in questions that require yes or no for an answer:
'Were he only here!' 'Hdnd m e that book!' 'Come w h a t will.'
'Cost w h a t it may.' 'Did h e o o f in older English 'Went he?'
In questions requiring yes or no for a n answer only the outward
35 2 WORD-ORDER. VERB IN FIRST PLACE 353

form of the older usage is preserved; the spirit is lost. In these

questions, the personal part of the verb n o w stands in the first
place, as in older English the simple verb. A s a mere auxiliary
it hasn't strong stress. B u t notice that in both the older and the
newer usage the real verb is stressed. Today w e prefer to secure
emphasis in questions b y the employment of another old Germanic
principle. W e introduce the sentence by an unimportant word,
in this case an unstressed auxiliary, and withhold for a time the
real predicate, the infinitive, thus creating the feeling of suspense,
which imparts emphasis.
If in questions requiring yes or no for an answer the question
is asked in a tone of surprise, the form is that of a declarative
sentence; but it is spoken with rising inflection: 'You are going?'
W e m a y employ the declarative form also w h e n w e do not under-
stand a statement and ask for the repetition of it: ' H e went
where?' = 'Where did you say he went?'
In oldest English, the verb could stand in thefirstplace also
in lively narrative, since action is here the conspicuous feature.
As illustrated in 4 I I C, p. 13, the spirit of this old principle is still
preserved, since w e n o w in lively narrative place the verb as near
the beginning of the sentence as possible, sometimes even put it
in thefirstplace, as in oldest English.
 CHAPTER XVIII

TENSES
PAOE
SEQUENCE OF TENSES 354
USE OF TENSES 355
Present 355
Historical present 355
Annalistic present 355
Use of the present for the future 356
Past 357
Present perfect 358
Used to represent an act as still continuing 360
Present perfect with force of present 360
Past perfect 361
Future 362
Form 362
Future perfect 371
36. Tenses and Their Sequence. There are four absolute tenses
(present, past, present perfect, and future), which express time
from the standpoint of the m o m e n t in which the speaker is speak-
ing without reference to some other act; and two relative tenses
(past perfect and future perfect), which express time relatively
to the preceding absolute tenses.
Originally, there were only two tenses in English the present
and the past. T h e six tenses n o w in use are m a d e u p of a combina-
tion of verbal forms, but in each tense there is always a present
or a past tense. A tense containing a present tense is called a
present tense form: he writes, he is writing, he has written, he
will write, etc. A tense containing a past tense is called a past
tense form: he wrote, he was writing, he had written, etc.
In English, there is a general rule of sequence when a past
tense form precedes. W h e n the governing proposition has a past
tense form, a past tense form usually follows whether it is suitable
to the occasion or not: 'He says he is going tomorrow,' but
'He said he was going tomorrow.' ' H e says he will go tomorrow,'
but 'He said he would go tomorrow.' 'He says he has often done
it,' but 'He said he had often done it.' 'He will surely decide
to do it before his father comes,' but ' H e decided to do it before
his father came.'
This fixed sequence, however, is often not observed if it is
354
 37 1 d HISTORICAL AND ANNALISTIC PRESENT TENSE 355

desired to represent something as customary, habitual, charac-

teristic, or as universally true: 'He asked the guard what time
the train usually starts.' 'He told me that M a r y is quite diligent,
works hard, sings beautifully.' 'I remembered that boys will be
boys, and that you cannot put old heads on young shoulders.'
'He didn't seem to k n o w that nettles sting.' 'Columbus proved
that the world is round.' It is also not observed after a past
subjunctive, as this form indicates present time: 'I should say
that this book meets your requirements.'
There is a modern tendency to disregard the old sequence in
certain subjunctive categories, as described in 43 II B a, 6, 44 II 3,
44 II 5 A a (2nd par.), 44 II 10.
There is also a tendency in indirect discourse to break through
the old sequence when a more accurate expression suggests itself.
Thus instead of thefirstexample in the third paragraph w e m a y
with greater accuracy say: 'He said he is going tomorrow.'
Other examples are given in 44 II 3 a.
37. Uses of the Tenses. T h e following articles apply prin-
cipally to the tenses of the indicative. T h e tenses of the sub-
junctive are treated under the head of the subjunctive mood,
41-44.
1. Present Tense.
a. It represents an action as n o w going on, or a state as n o w
existing: 'He is writing.' 'There he comes.' 'He is quite sick.'
b. It represents an act as habitual, customary, repeated, char-
acteristic: 'He lives in town in winter, in the country in summer.'
'I call on him whenever I go to town.' 'He writes beautifully.'
'He loves his mother tenderly.'
c. It expresses a general truth: 'Twice two is four.'
d. H I S T O R I C A L P R E S E N T . In narrative, especially in a lively
style, the historical present is m u c h used to m a k e more vivid
past events and bring them nearer the hearer: 'Soon there is a
crowd around the little prostrate form, the latest victim of reck-
less speeding. A strong m a n holds the little fellow in his arms.
The crowd makes room for a little w o m a n w h o cries out, "Give
m e m y boy!"'
The historical present, though n o w a favorite in a lively literary
style, was almost u n k n o w n in the literature of the Old English
period. It did not become c o m m o n in the literary language until
about 1300. F r o m then on its frequent use indicates that its
evident advantages in lively description had at last become ap-
preciated in the higher forms of literature.
Somewhat similar to the historical present is the annalistic
present, which registers historical facts as matters of present
356 USE OF PRESENT TENSE FOR FUTURE 37 1 e

interest: 'It is not till the close of the Old English period that
Scandinavian words appear. Even Late Northumbrian (of about
970) is entirely free from Scandinavian influence . . . With the
accession of Edward the Confessor in 1042 Norman influence
begins' (Sweet, New English Grammar, I, p. 216).
e. U S E O F T H E P R E S E N T T E N S E F O R T H E F U T U R E . A S in oldest
English, when there was no distinct form for a future tense, the
present is still often used for the future, especially when some
adverb of time, or conjunction of time or condition, or the situation
makes clear the thought: 'I am going.' 'He is coming (compare
38 1, 9th par.) soon.' 'I want to see you and talk something
over, so I am running (compare 38 1, 9th par.) down on Sunday
afternoon' (Galsworthy, The Country House, I, Ch. VII). 'I am
leaving (compare 38 1, 9th par.) Rose Cottage today' (Mrs. Craik,
John Halifax, Gentleman, Ch. X V ) . 'When does the ship sail?'
'It sails tonight.' 'When does the train start?' 'When does the
lease run out?' ' W h e n can you start?' ' W h e n must you be back?'
'The sooner you come back, the better it will be.' 'When you
try it a second time, you'll succeed better.' 'We are waiting
until he comes.' 'If you move, I shoot.' This old use of the
present tense for future time is best preserved in abridged in-
finitival and gerundial clauses, where it is the regular future:
'He is planning to go.' 'He promises to do it.' 'I a m counting on
his doing it.'
The idea of futurity often lies in the present tense form am
(is, etc.) going in connection with a <o-infinitive, originally a
clause of purpose or result, so that the conception of intention or
result is often still felt alongside of the idea of futurity: 'I am
going to walk to Geisingen; from there I shall go by train to
Engen.' 'What are you going to be when you are grown up?'
Often to express an earnest purpose: 'I am going to put m y foot
down on that!' The idea of futurity is often associated with
that of immediateness: 'Look out! I am going to shoot.' 'I am
going to call on him soon.' 'I a m afraid it is going to rain.'
future form often points to a result either near at hand or farther
off with the implication of the certainty of fulfilment: 'This show
is going to attract a good deal of attention.' 'He is an unusually
bright boy, and is moreover very energetic and diligent. He is
going to be an important m a n sometime.' Compare 38 2 b ee
(4th par.).
The idea of futurity and immediateness lies in the present tense
of to be on the point (or verge) of in connection with the gerund
'She is on the point of crying.' 'He is on the verge of breakin
The present is often emploj'ed in the subordinate clause with
 37 2 PAST TENSE 357

the force of the future to indicate that something as yet merely

desired or planned for the future is confidently expected to be
realized, the present indicative here representing an older present
subjunctive: ' I'll see you get there' (Edith Wharton, Ethan Frame).
Compare 43 2 B a (1st par.).
The idea of futurity often lies in am (is, etc.) in connection with
a predicateto-infinitive,usually, however, mingled with the modal
force described in 7 D 2: 'He is to be there.' 'He is to be hanged.'
'There is to be a dance after the program.' 'The children are to
have a holiday tomorrow.' Compare 38 2 b ee (4th par.).
/. The present is often used where the reference is to a past
act and the present perfect might be used. T h e speaker uses the
present tense as though the words had just been spoken, since he
feels the matter as one of present interest: ' W e read in the paper
that you are going to Europe soon.' ' W e hear that you have had
some good luck.' 'I learn that you are going to sell your house.'
Similarly, w e quote an old author when w e feel that his words
have weight in questions of the hour: 'Homer says that,' etc.
g. The present is sometimes used instead of the present perfect
to express that an action or state that was begun in the past is
still continuing at the present time, usually accompanied by some
adverbial element, such as these many years, these forty years,
long since, long ago: 'Lo, these m a n y years do I serve thee,' etc.
(Luke, X V , 29). 'Nicholas Vedder! W h y he is dead and gone
these eighteen years' (Washington Irving, Sketch-Book, V ) . 'Did
you ever see any scalping, or anything horrible yourself, m y dear?'
'Oh no, Miss Tarlton, all that is over long ago. T h e Indians
are in the reservations n o w ' (Mrs. H u m p h r y W a r d , Daphne).
'When was that, Joan?' 'It is nearly three years ago n o w '
(Mark Twain, Joan of Arc, I, Ch. VII) = 'It has been nearly
three years.'
In Irish English, the present progressive form accompanied by
a temporal adverbial expression is m u c h used, corresponding to
the literary present perfect: 'I am sitting here waiting for you
for the last hour' (Joyce, English as We Speak It in Ireland, 85).
h. In adverbial clauses the present tense is often used instead
of the future perfect: 'Telegraph m e as soon as he arrives.'
2. Past. It is used to represent an act as done, or as regularly
or habitually done, or as going on in time wholly past at the
present moment, although it m a y have been performed only a few
seconds before; but, if this tense is employed, the time of the
act must be stated accurately or indicated clearly by the context,
so that the idea of indefiniteness or generality is entirely excluded:
'I bought this bronze w h e n I was in Naples.' 'I misplaced m y
358 PRESENT PERFECT TENSE: ITS ORIGIN 37 3

pencil a m o m e n t ago and can't find it.' 'This m a n was rich in

days past.' 'The lightning struck a house yesterday.' 'Last week
I went to town every day.' 'I was working in the garden when he
came.' This is the c o m m o n tense of narrative, where one event
is represented as going on in connection with another.
3. Present Perfect. T h e present perfect tense represents an
act as completed at the present m o m e n t : 'I have just finished m y
work.' 'I have written a 16ng letter to Father.' Stress upon the
tense auxiliary emphasizes the idea of the reality of the attain-
ment: ' W h y don't y o u finish your work?' 'I havefinishedit.'
W e belittle orridiculethe attainment b y stressing the auxiliary
and speaking in a sarcastic tone: 'Well, you have m a d e a figure
of yourself (Susan Warner, The Wide, Wide World, Ch. X ) .
Compare 6 A d (1).
T h e present perfect has developed out of the present tense of
transitive verbs: 'I have written the letter,' originally 'I have the
letter written,' i.e., in a written state. A s having the letter in a
written state implies previous action, have written gradually ac-
quired verbal force, serving as a verbal form, pointing to the past
and bringing it into relations with the present. Originally the
Germanic past tense had a similar force, but gradually the idea
of the past so overshadowed that of the present that a desire
arose for a n e w form that would express a close relation between
past and present. In early Old English this desire found an ex-
pression in the formation of the n e w present perfect tense. Sim-
ilarly, in Latin and Greek the idea of the past so overshadowed
that of the present in the perfect tense that it led in popular speech
to the creation of a n e w perfect, a present perfect formed with
the auxiliary have, which survives in the R o m a n c e languages and
M o d e r n Greek. In the original form of the English construction
the past participle, as written in the sentence given above, was an
objective predicate participial adjective and as a predicate had
a strong stress. E v e n in oldest English the participle sometimes
assumed strong verbal force, transferring to the preceding noun
its strong stress, since the object is usually more forcibly accented
than the verb. Later, the strongly accented object was placed
after the participle, in accordance with the general tendency to
place strongly accented words after words with weaker stress.
Thus arose a clear formal differentiation between 'I have the
letter written,' the old present tense, and ' I have written the letter,'
the n e w perfect tense. T h e development of the perfect tense
suggested the formation of the n e w past perfect: 'I had written
the letter.' T h u s English w a s enriched b y the creation of two
new tenses, the present perfect and past perfect, which were added
 37 3 ITS FORM IN OLDER ENGLISH 359

to the two original English tenses, the present and the past. Dura-
tive (38 1) intransitives followed the analogy of transitives: '/
have worked' and '/ had worked.'
Point-action (38 2) intransitives, however, did not at once
participate in this development. T h e present perfect remained
in reality a present tense, the perfect participle serving as a predi-
cate adjective indicating a state, the present tense of the copula
performing the function of predication: 'The tree is fallen' =
'The tree is in a fallen state' and 'The tree has fallen.' Similarly
'The tree was fallen' had the meaning 'The tree was in a fallen
state' or 'The tree had fallen.' This old order of things continued
throughout the Old English period and into the Middle English
period, but in Middle English there began to appear alongside
of the forms with is and was forms with has and had wherever the
perfect participle had clear verbal force. T h e forms with is and
was slowly disappeared, but a few survivals are still to be found,
especially in poetic language and in a few set expressions: 'The
melancholy days are come.' ' W e are (or have) assembled here to
discuss a difficult question.' 'Our friend is (or has) departed'
(i.e., is dead). 'The messenger is (or has) gone.' 'This morning
the police found the nest of the thieves, but the birds were (or had)
flown.' Today w e only, as in these examples, use is and was w h e n
we feel the perfect participle as expressing more or less clearly the
idea of a state and hence as having the force of an adjective.
Earlier in the period, however, is and was could still be used where
the perfect participle had clear verbal force: 'The King himself
is rode to view their battle' (Shakespeare, Henry the Fifth, IV, in,
2). 'I am this instant arrived here' (Witham Marsh, Letter,
written at Albany, N . Y., April 18, 1763, to Sir William Johnson).
W e must n o w in plain prose say here has ridden, have arrived. T h e
older usage of employing a present tense form for the present
perfect lingered also in the passive: 'Besides I m e t Lord Bigot
and Lord Salisbury, With eyes as red as new-enkindledfire,A n d
others more, going to seek the grave Of Arthur, w h o m (23 II 8 d)
they say is (now has been) kill'd to-night O n your suggestion'
(Shakespeare, King John, IV, n, 162). 'Since writing I am (now
have been) credibly informed that,' etc. (Sir William Johnson,
Letter, written at Johnstown, N . Y., Feb. 9, 1764, to John
Penn).
Although the present perfect is no longer a present tense, it
still preserves m u c h of its original meaning in that it is usually
employed w h e n the time is felt as not wholly past but still at least
in close relations with the present: ' M y brother bought two hats
this morning,' but ' M y brother has bought two hats this week,'
360 PRESENT PERFECT W I T H FORCE OF PRESENT 37 3 6

since the speaker feels that the period in question is not yet
closed. 'I went to the theater last night,' but 'I have been ill all
night and do not feel like going to work this morning,' since the
speaker still feels the effects of the night's illness. T h e present
perfect can be used of time past only where the person or the
thing in question still exists and the idea of past time is not promi-
nent, i.e., where the reference is general or indefinite: 'John has
been punished m a n y times' (general statement), but 'John was
punished m a n y times last year' (definite). ' I have been in England
twice' (indefinite time), but 'I was in England twice last year.'
'England has had m a n y able rulers,' but 'Assyria had m a n y able
rulers,' since Assyria no longer exists as an independent country.
'It was one of those epidemic frenzies which have fallen upon great
cities in former ages of the world' (Hall Caine, The Christian)
(general and indefinite). 'I have in times past more than once
taken m y political life in m y hands' (Daily Telegram, Sept. 8,1903)
(general and indefinite). There is often a marked difference of
tone between the past and the present perfect tense. In referring
to something that has taken place, the speaker uses the past
w h e n he speaks in a lively tone with a vivid impression upon his
mind of what has occurred, while he employs the present perfect
w h e n he speaks in a calmer, more detached tone: 'Did you ever
see anything to beat it?' (Tarkington, Napoleon Was a Little
Man), but in a calmer, m o r e detached tone: 'Have you ever seen
anything to beat it?'
a. P R E S E N T P E R F E C T T O R E P R E S E N T A N A C T A S STILL CONTINUING.
O n account of the firm relation of the present perfect tense to present
time it is much used to indicate that an act begun in the past is still
continuing: 'He has been working hard all day,' but when the time is
wholly past 'He worked hard all day yesterday.' 'How long have you
been studying German?' 'She hasn't left her bed for a week.' 'I have
known him for years.'
b. P R E S E N T P E R F E C T W I T H F O R C E O F P R E S E N T . With one verb,
namely, get, the idea of present time in the present perfect tense often
overshadows that of past time, so that the form has the force of a present
tense: T have got (= have) a cold, a new car/ etc. T have got (= have)
to do it.' Have got, however, is not an exact equivalent of have; it has
more grip in it, emphasizing the idea of the possession or the necessity
as the result of some recent occurrence: 'He has a blind eye,' but 'Look
at John; he has got a black eye.' But in colloquial and popular speech
the development has gone farther: has got often has the meaning of
simple have: 'What have you got (= have you) in your hand?'
In Negro dialect got (elliptical for have got) sometimes has the s-ending
of the present tense, gots serving for all persons and numbers, as described
in 8 I 1 h: T gots good news' (Du Bose Heyward, Porgy, p. 54). The
 37 4 PAST PERFECT TENSE 361

negative form is ain't gots: 'Such as yuh ain't gots no use fuh he' (ib
p. 53).
Similarly, the past-present verbs (Accidence, 67 4), can, may, etc., are
now felt as present tense forms, although in fact they are old past tense
forms. The Germanic past tense once had the force of our present perfect.
In the past tense of most verbs the idea of past timefinallyovershadowed
that of present time, but in these few past tense forms the idea of present
time overshadows that of past time.
c. P R E S E N T P E R F E C T I N P O P U L A R IRISH. This tense is here often
formed by placing the present of the verb be before the preposition after
+ a gerund, if one desires to indicate that something has taken place
only a short while or immediately before the time one is speaking: 'I'm
after walking up in great haste from hearing wonders at the fair' (J. M .
Synge, The Well of the Saints, p. 8). Elsewhere the regular present perfed
form is used. Occasionally, however, in the case of transitive verbs,
Irishmen place the object before the perfect participle instead of after
it, which gives a peculiarflavorto their language: 'Have you your tea
taken?' (Lennox Robinson, The Whiteheaded Boy, Act I, p. 11).
To express that an action that was begun in the past is still continuingj
the present progressive is often used in popular Irish instead of the
literary present perfect progressive. For an example see 1 g, p. 357.
d. ' B E ' F O R ' H A V E ' I N D I A L E C T . In certain British dialects be is
used as tense auxiliary instead of have. Also in certain American dialects:
'Is you seed any sign er (of) m y gran'son dis mawnin?' (Joel Chandler
Harris, Nights with Uncle Remus, p. 55).
4. Past Perfect Tense. This form represents a past action or
state as completed at or before a certain past time: 'After he had
finished the book, he returned it.' For the origin a n d the earlier
form of the past perfect tense see 3, p. 358.
In colloquial speech, the past tense is still often used for the
past perfect, as in the early period before the creation of a past
perfect: 'After he finished the book, he returned it.' This usually
occurs, as in this example, where the verb has point-action (38 2)
force. E v e n in the literary language the past is used instead of
the past perfect where s o m e other idea overshadows that of the
exact time relations: 'John w a s punished because he broke a
window.' Of course, John broke the w i n d o w before he w a s pun-
ished for it, but the fact of the breaking, in and of itself, is w h a t is
uppermost in the mind, not the exact time relations. In 'As soon
as he heard that, he turned pale' heard cannot be replaced b y had
heard, although in fact the person in question heard the bad news
before he turned pale. T h e use of the past perfect here would
stress the time relation too m u c h a n d call the attention a w a y
from the close relation of the t w o acts, the one following the
other immediately.
362 FUTURE TENSE, MEANING AND FORM 37 5 a

In popular Irish English, the past perfect idea is expressed by

the past of be + after + gerund: 'To hear the talk of you, you'd
think I was after beating you' (Synge, The Well of the Saints,
Act II).
5. Future Tense. This form represents an action or state as
yet to take place or to come into being: 'I shall be sorry if you
do not come.' 'You will be sorry if you do not come along.' 'He
will do it tomorrow.' This is the pure future.
The future is often used in commands. See 45 4 c.
The future often, most commonly, however, in the English of
England, indicates a present probability, the future form implying
that upon investigation the truth of the statement will become
apparent: '"This will be your luggage, I suppose," said the man
rather abruptly when he saw m e , pointing to m y trunk in the
passage' (Charlotte Bronte, Jane Eyre, Ch. X I ) . ' At Okehampton
a brisk young-looking m a n with a clean-shaved face appeared be-
fore Elizabeth. "You'll 6e Miss Densham, I reckon," he said
slowly' (Phillpotts, The Beacon, I, Ch. II, p. 13). 'It's not like
Jolyon to be late! I suppose it'H be June (name) keeping him'
(Galsworthy, The Man of Property, p. 48). 'Mother will be ex-
pecting me.' T h e future perfect in such expressions, of course,
points to the past: 'You will have seen from m y postcard that we
were at Ostend.'
a. F O R M O F T H E F U T U R E T E N S E . T h e contracted forms '11, 'd
represent usually reductions of will, would, never contractions of
shall, should: 'I'll go, we'll go, I'd go.' In 'I'd better go' I'd
stands for / had. T h e negative form will not appears often as
won't, representing an older variant form of will, namely woll,
woll not becoming won't. T h e contracted form of shall not is
shan't. The written forms I shall, we shall are often in rapid speech
pronounced Ishl, weeshl. In dialect I shall is often reduced to
I'se: 'I'se lay a wager he was christened John Trotter' (Smollett,
Roderick Random, Ch. XII).
In spite of the great importance of a pure future, English has
not yet developed such a form. Our future tense is made up of
modal auxiliaries which are not only used as future forms but are
sometimes employed elsewhere with their old modal meanings, so
that they sometimes do not convey the pure idea of tense but are
associated also with modal conceptions. T h e following forms
have grown up and are n o w recognized as a literary standard, but
they are far from representing the usage of educated people in
all parts of the English-speaking territory. They are followed
in England proper better than anywhere else, but not uniformly
even there.
37 5 a SHALL AND WILL, SHOVLD AND WOULD 363

In the declarative form, shall is used in thefirstperson and will

in the second and third persons: 'I shall die, w e shall die, you
will die, he will die, they will die.'
The use of shall in thefirstperson as a pure future has developed
out of one of its modal meanings, am to, indicating a constraint
of circumstances, duty, or the will of another, a meaning still
common: 'I'm bad enough, G o d knows, and I'm afraid, I shall
(= am to, must)findm y w a y to hell some day' (Eggleston, Circuit
Rider, p. 323). T h e idea of constraint in thefirstperson is often
overshadowed by the conception of future occurrence, which is
often implied in the idea of constraint: 'I shall return tomorrow.'
Thus the modal force often yields in thefirstperson to the con-
ception of pure futurity. Shall in the first person, singular and
plural, is the standard usage in England, though not uniformly
observed, and is still the preferred form in the higher grades of the
literary language in America, though n o w not so uniformly used
as it once was. In American colloquial speech will is n o w the more
common form in thefirstperson as well as in the second and the
third: ' W e will be terribly poor, I know' (Floyd Dell, This Mad
Ideal, IV, Ch. VI). In the English of England will is used in the
first person as a pure future only w h e n in a compound subject J
or we is preceded by a pronoun in the second person, or by a
noun or pronoun in the third person: 'You and I will get on
excellently well' (Dickens, Martin Chuzzlewit, Ch. V ) . 'Eddie
and I will be delighted to come on M o n d a y ' (A. Marshall, The
Greatest of These, Ch. X ) . T h e preceding pronoun or noun in the
second or third person here influences the selection of the auxiliary.
But we employ will here also to express willingness, intention, so
that the tone of the voice or the situation must decide the meaning:
'John and I will assist you.'
The use of will in the second and third persons as a pure future
developed out of its modarmeaning of wish, desire. T h e idea of
desire was overshadowed""' ^^ w^nhrju-rrff-flwrH persons by the
conception of future occurrence, pure futurity, which is often
implied in^the idea of desire. ITalierson desires to do sumething,
we m a y oftenlnier that he will do it: L H e w^~go-k>-town to-
morrow/ ~^TTie~use~7n^inir^ in the
last centuries to express pure futurity in contrast to the older
use of shall here has resulted from a feeling of politeness, a desire
to represent the act, not as a c o m m a n d of the speaker, but as
springing from the will of the person addressed or the person
spoken of ._T^orighwp n o w n<=aia,lly employ will in thesecond and
third persons_as_an auxiliaryto indicate pure futurityTTtris^still
sometimes used with its older modartoTce_expressing desire, will-
364 SHALL AND WILL, SHOULD AND WOULD 37 5 a

ingness, determination: 'You will help m e , I a m sure.' 'They

will not look the question in the face.' 'The Court cannot and
will not stand journalistic personalities about its members'
(Nineteenth Century, D e c , 1891, p. 859).
If wgjugjsjj^in thefirstperson,it is not a future tensejiuxiliarv.
but a modal auxiliary indicating adesu^JnteniSn^-wiUiagness,
incli^^^lI^^S^i^i^^'1^'^ sencTitto you next week'
(promise). 'I will do it for you,' but 'I shall be glad to do it for
you,' for w e do not desire to say that w e are willing to be glad but
that w e shall be glad, employing a pure future to express confidently
a future result. 'I will subscribe to your fund.' 'I'll never give
m y consent to that' (resolution).
In thefirstperson alongside of modal will, which represents a
resolution as sprung from the feeling of the moment, is modal
shall, which represents the resolution as the result of previous
deliberation, or deep conviction, or deeply rooted feeling, and
represents the execution as assured not future shall as claimed
by some English grammarians, but a genuine modal shall, for it
is used by Americans w h o use will for the pure future: 'Then,
Patty, since you m a k e m e choose, I shall not give up the Lord
even for you' (Eggleston, Circuit Rider, C h . X I X ) . 'I shall
(= have decided to) send m y two boys to Harvard.' 'I shall stand
m y ground as firmly as I can.' 'I shall do nothing of the kind'
(peremptory refusal). In questions shall in thefirstperson often
inquires after the will of the person addressed: 'What shall I do
next?' B u t stressed shall often has quite a different meaning
here: 'What shall I ( = am I to) do?' Stressed will expresses
determination in all three persons: 'I will go, no matter what you
say.' 'You will (he will) act foolishly, in spite of m y advice.'
Unstressed will is often used in one of its old meanings inclined to
when w e desire to indicate an action as customary: 'John will
often sit for hours alone on the porch.' 'Courage will come and
go.' 'Whenever I asked Edward about bis adventures he would
begin to talk about something else.' A strong stress here indicates
a strong inclination, tendency: 'Children will be noisy.' 'Acci-
dents will happen.'
Just as will is a future tense auxiliary only in the second and
third permis7^a7ris~*-iulaiiB-4eTis~awxiliary only in the first
person. He'h^e^when shall is employed in the second and third
persons, it must be a modal auxiliary:As-ajnodal auxiliary it
indicates the will of someone other than its subject, representing
its subject as^tarrdttrg-Hinder the will of another w h o commands
him, promises or assuTes-him something, wishes something to be
arranged to suit him,-threatens him, resolves to do something for
37 5 a SHALL AND WILL, SHOULD AND WOULD 365

his benefit or injury, or it represents the speaker as determined to

bring something about or prevent it: 'Thou shall not kill' (com-
mandment). 'I won't do it.' 'You shall [do it]!' (a strong ex-
pression of will, of a command). 'You shall pay m e at your
convenience,' i.e., 'you are to pay m e , it is m y desire that you pay
m e at your convenience.' 'You shall have some cake' (promise).
'If you trust him you shall not misplace your confidence' (a per-
sonal assurance, a usage once c o m m o n but n o w usually replaced
by the future, you will not misplace). 'You shall not catch m e
again!' 'You shall pay for that!' (threat). 'She shall not regret
her kindness to m e ' (resolution). 'He shall pay for that!' (resolu-
tion). 'I m e a n it; nothing shall st6p me!' 'You (or he) shall not
have any' (refusal). T h e constraint is often that of authority,
convention, good usage, etc.: 'Immigrants shall be treated with
kindness and civility by every one' (notice posted at different
points on Ellis Island). ' W h y shall he (the pupil) not say, " H e
or I are going"?' (P. Chubb, The Teaching of English, p. 214).
(Because it is illogical and is forbidden by good usage.) The
constraint is often that of circumstances: 'I'll sell m y new
red cloak sooner than yo' ( = you) shall ( = must) g6 unpaid'
(Mrs. Gaskell, Sylvia's Lovers, Ch. V ) . It represents the speaker
as proclaiming the will of G o d or destiny in a prophetic or oracular
announcement of something that shall take place: 'Heaven and
earth shall pass away, but m y word shall not pass away' (Matthew,
X X I V , 35). 'The time shall come when Egypt shall be avenged!'
(Lytton, Pompeii, II, Ch. VIII). Often in rhetorical and delibera-
tive questions (p. 212): 'When doctors disagree, w h o shall (= is
to, can) decide?' ' W h o shall (= is to, can) tell of what he was
thinking?' (Galsworthy, The Man of Property, p. 367). 'Which
of these views shall the student of English (= is the student of
English to, or ought the student of English, to) accept?'
In independent questions, shall and will are used as pure futures
in thefirstand third persons, as in the declarative form, but in
the second person that auxiliary is used which is expected in the
answer, so that also in questions w e must carefully distinguish
between tense and modal auxiliaries: 'Shall (tense auxiliary) w e
have the pleasure of seeing you tomorrow?' 'Will (tense aux-
iliary) he come tomorrow?' 'Shall (tense auxiliary) you have
time enough tomorrow to do this for m e ? ' corresponding to the
expected answer, 'I shall have time enough'; but 'Will (modal
auxiliary) you do this for m e ? ' i.e., 'are you willing to do this
for me?' corresponding to the expected answer, 'I will do it for
you.' Instead of the present tense will here w e often use the past
subjunctive would, the polite volitive (43 1 A ) , in order to put the
366 SHALL AND WILL, SHOULD AND WOULD 37 5 a

question more modestly or politely: 'Would you tell m e the time,

please?' If, however, the question is not a real one expecting an
answer, but a so-called rhetorical question, w e do not use shall
anticipating a shall in the answer, but w e employ will, the usual
second person form: 'Will you ever live to realize all these
dreams?'
Shall is m u c h used in questions in thefirstand third persons
as a modal auxiliary to ascertain the will, idea, or thought of
the person addressed: 'What shall he do next?' 'What shall I
help you to?' (at the table). 'Shall w e go?' but ' W e won't pay
till the end of the week will we?' since won't has preceded, ex-
pressing the will of the speaker, and will is added to invite, as it
were, the concurrence of the person addressed. Similarly: 'We
would do it for you, wouldn't we, G r a h a m ? ' B u t ' W e will do it
for you, shall we?' since the speaker leaves the decision entirely
with the person addressed.
In dependent statements and questions containing a pure fu-
ture the auxiliaries are used in accordance with the general rule,
shall in thefirstperson and will in the second and third, usually
entirely without regard to the auxiliary used in the direct form
of statement: 'He says that I shall (in American colloquial
speech will) surely fail,' direct 'You will surely fail.' 'He fears
he will not arrive in time,' direct 'I shall not arrive in time,' or
sometimes here in the third person with the auxiliary used in the
direct statement, as explained more fully in 44 II 3 a: 'He fears
that he shall not arrive in time.' O n the other hand, in the case of
modal auxiliaries w e always use the auxiliary employed in the
direct form, without regard to the person: 'He says he will do
it,' direct 'I will do it.' 'He often asks m e whether I will do it
for him,' direct 'Will you do it for m e ? ' Of course, in all these
cases after a past tense shall becomes should and will becomes
would: ' H e said that I should (in American colloquial speech would)
surely fail,' direct 'You will surely fail.' 'He feared he would
not arrive in time,' direct 'I shall not arrive in time,' or sometimes
here in the third person with the auxiliary used in the direct state-
ment: 'He feared he should not arrive in time.' O n the other
hand, in the case of modal auxiliaries w e always use the auxiliary
employed in the direct statement: 'He said he would do it,' direct
'I will do it.' 'He often asked m e whether I would do it,' direct
' Will you do it?' Compare 44 II 3 a.
Wherever the idea of uncertainty enters into our conceptions
of the future, as in the principal proposition of a theoretical condi-
tional sentence (44 II 5 B ) , w e employ as future subjunctive forms
to indicate a future result the past potential (41, 2nd par.) should
37 5 a SHALL AND WILL, SHOULD AND WOULD 367

in thefirstperson and the past potential would in the second and

third. ' If he should go away without speaking to m e , I should be
grieved.' 'If I should go away without speaking to him, he would
be grieved.' This use of should and would as potential subjunctive
futures is modern. In older English, would in all three persons
was often used in the principal proposition of a theoretical condi-
tional sentence with its old volitive (43 I A, 7th par.) force, ex-
pressing desire, willingness, intention, and this old usage still
not infrequently occurs: 'If he should treat m e in that way, I
just wouldn't stand it.' 'If w e should treat you in that way,
you just wouldn't stand it.' 'If w e should treat him in that
way, he just wouldn't stand it.' Compare 44 II 5 B.
Instead of thefirstperson form should in the principal proposi-
tion of these theoretical conditional sentences w e sometimes use
would, provided it has just been used by someone in speaking
to us, since w e feel a desire to reply to him in his o w n terms,
catching up the very word he used: ' Y o u would think so yourself
if you were in m y position.' 'No, I wouldn't,' or 'Would I
though?' or with the regular form 'I should not.'
W e often use the regular form of the principal proposition of
a theoretical conditional sentence as a form to express an opinion
modestly, employing should in thefirstperson and would in the
second and third: 'I should regard this course as unwise.' 'I
should think so.' 'It would (sometimes, in accordance with older
usage, should) seem so.' Compare 44 I and II 5 D . Such modest
expressions containing the future subjunctive of result should
not be confounded with modest expressions containing the modal
should, which indicates that the subject is under some kind of
constraint, the constraint of duty, circumstances, or the will of
another: 'I should (ought to) help him.' 'I should (under the
circumstances) go.' 'You should (ought to) go.' ' W e should
hurry' (admonition). Should, however, often becomes quite em-
phatic: 'You should! go if I had m y way.' 'You should mind your
own business.' This modal should is used in all three persons.
In all expressions of desire with reference to the immediate
future, the past subjunctive would, a modest optative (43 I B ) ,
is milder in force than will: ' I would not have you think unkindly
of me.' 'Your present plan m a y have its advantages, but I
would suggest quite a different course.' ' Would you pass the salt?'
T think he would do it for you.' 'I a m sure your father would
not have you neglect this opportunity.' But in thefirstperson
we usually employ should in 'I should like to go' and 'I should
prefer to stay at home,' for the idea of desire is expressed in like
and prefer and to use would here would be expressing this idea
368 SHALL AND WILL, SHOULD AND WOULD 37 5 a

twice. W e usually employ the pure future form should here, as

w e desire something for the immediate future and wish to express
this desire modestly. Similarly, w e employ should in questions
where w e expect should in the answer: ' H o w should you like to
go to N e w York?' corresponding to the expected answer ' I should
like to go to N e w York.' 'Should you prefer to stay at home?'
corresponding to the expected answer ' I should prefer to stay at
home.' Even good authors, however, often use would improperly
in thefirstperson in declarative statements and in the second
person in questions, not feeling the tautology: 'I would like to
show you m y den' (Mrs. H . W a r d , Richard Meynell, II, Ch. X ) .
In questions this tendency to use would instead of should is
especially strong: 'Would you like to go to N e w York?' Some
employ in thefirstperson should instead of would when the aux-
iliary is associated with rather, feeling that the adverb contains
the idea of desire: 'They bury m e n with their faces to the East.
I should rather have mine turned to the West' (Kingsley, West-
ward Ho! C h . X V I ) . But would is the proper form here, for
rather has other c o m m o n meanings and hence does not of itself
express desire or preference: 'I would rather stay at home.' In
all declarative statements we, of course, always use would with
like, prefer, rather, etc., in the second and third persons, fo
would is here a pure future: 'I k n o w you would like to go.' 'He
would prefer to stay at home.' 'He would rather stay at home.'
T h e usage described above began to take definite shape in the
southeast of England in the second half of the sixteenth century,
and became fairly wellfixedthere in the course of the seventeenth.
Although at this time will had become the usual pure future form
in the second and third persons, older shall still continued to be
used alongside of it, usually with a slight modal tinge:# 'What will
you say if I m a k e it so perspicuously appeare n o w that yourself
shall (now in plain prose will) confesse nothing more possible'
(Ben Jonson, Euery Man out of His Humour, IV, v, A.D. 1600).
Similarly, in theoretical conditions should was still often used at
this time in the second and third persons: '[if w e should act so]
This should (now would) be treacherie' (Marlowe,. Tamburlaine,
Second Part, II, i, A.D. 1590). T h e pure future form shall was at
this time fairly well fixed here in thefirstperson: 'Gentlemen,
you three take one Boat, and Sogliardo and I will (modal) take
another: w e shall (pure future) be there immediately' (Ben Jon-
son, Euery Man out of His Humour, IV, v). 'But I will (modal)
say that unless you take some speedy and effectual resolution in
this particular, I shall (pure future) look like the veriest rogue'
(Sir William Temple, Letter, Oct. 13, 1665).
37 5 a SHALL AND WILL, SHOULD AND WOULD 369

As there was a strong immigration into our country from the

southeast of England at this time, shall was often used as a pure
future sign in thefirstperson, so that at the very beginning of
our literary language it became more or less firmly established
as the literary form, although will was sometimes used here, and
later became the c o m m o n form in colloquial and popular speech:
' I shall not need to n a m e perticulers, they are too well k n o w n to
all' (Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, p. 299, A.D. 1630-
1648). The Englishman, Sir William Temple, quoted on page 368,
employs shall in the third person of indirect discourse, correspond-
ing to a shall in thefirstperson of direct discourse, as described on
page 366: 'He says, if he failes in his enterprise, he shall esteem
his condition not at all the worse' (Letter, Sept. 6, 1665). This
use of shall (or, after a past indicative, should) in indirect discourse
is in British English still not infrequent, but is not so c o m m o n as
will (or would). In American literary English, this use of shall
or should is still less c o m m o n . In our older American literature,
however, it often occurs: 'Their answer was, as before, that it
was a false calumniation, for they had m a n y amongst them that
they liked well of, and were glad of their company; and should
(now usually would) be of any such like that should come amongst
them' (Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, p. 184, A.D. 1630-
1648). 'He used to tell his friends after his release that he verily
believed, if he had not taken this method, he should (now usually
would) have lost his senses' (Benjamin Franklin, Writings,
II, p. 70). T h e use of shall or should in thefirstand third person,
as illustrated above, is preserved in part in the native popular
and colloquial speech of N e w England: ' Give wut they need, an'
we shell git 'fore long A nation all one piece, rich, peacefle, strong'
(J. R. Lowell, The Biglow Papers, N o . X I ) . 'He sez he shall vote
for Gineral C (ib., N o . III). 'Charley Marden remarked that
he shouldn't be surprised if,' etc. (Thomas Bailey Aldrich, The
Story of a Bad Boy, Ch. VIII). ' I shall go m a d 'fore long if some-
thin' don't happen' ( A m y Lowell, Selected Poems, p. 179).
Our present literary usage is characterized by a m u c h less fre-
quent employment of shall in the second and third persons than
found in early Modern English, since shall in these persons is so
intimately associated with the idea of the constraint of circum-
stances or the will of another than the subject that it is n o w
avoided here as an unclear form in favor of will, which in these
persons is not so charged with modal force.
The expression of future time in our c o m m o n colloquial English
follows, in general, the usage of England, as described above,
but differs from it in one important point, namely, will and would
370 SHALL AND WILL, SHOULD AND WOULD 37 5 a

are used as the signs of the pure future, not only in the second and
third persons, but also in the first person: 'Patty, I tell you I'm
wretched and will be till I die' (Eggleston, Circuit Rider, p. 290).
'Do you really think w e would (for literary should) be happy [if
w e should marry]?' (Floyd Dell, This Mad Ideal, IV, Ch. VIII).
Under the influence of the strong national drift, will and would
often occur here also in the literary language of prominent Ameri-
cans: 'I have come to believe that should I violate this law (i.e.,
the law he had m a d e for himself never to ask for an office) I would
fail' (James A. Garfield, Journal for December, 1880). 'If men
cannot now, after this agony of bloody sweat, come to their self-
possession and see h o w to regulate the affairs of the world, we will
sink back into a period of struggle in which there will be no hope,
therefore no mercy' (Woodrow Wilson, M a r c h 5, 1919). 'If I
could feel that our laws and the administration of our laws were
in the future to be such as would be conducive to the health and
morals, the prosperity and happiness, of the average citizen of
our country, I would feel confident, wholly confident of the future'
(William E . Borah in the U . S. Senate, 1916).
T h e use of will as a sign of the pure future in all three persons
is also a marked characteristic of popular Scotch, Welsh, and
Irish English. This usage w a s already in early Modern English
fairly well established in the popular English of Scotland and
Wales and in general also of the intervening western shore country.
After the invasion of Ireland in the twelfth century English colonies
were established in the southeast. English spread in the thir-
teenth century, but in the next centuries declined. Still later,
in the seventeenth century, n e w life came into the colonization of
Ireland. T h e Irish English of our time rests for the most part
upon this later stream of immigration. A s these colonists were
largely from the western part of Great Britain, the will-future
became established in these colonies. In the seventeenth century
under James I a large part of Ulster in North Ireland was given
over to Scotch settlers, who, of course, brought their will-future
along with them. Settlers from southwestern Lancashire carried
it to the Isle of M a n . Scotch, Irish, and Welsh immigrants have
furthered this usage in American colloquial speech.
T h e use of will as a pure future sign in thefirstperson as well
as in the second and third is, however, not u n k n o w n in the English
of England proper: 'An (= if) bad thinking do not wrest true
speaking, I'll offend nobody' (Shakespeare, Much Ado about
Nothing, III, iv, 33). 'Very well; then I will be the miserablest
w o m a n in the world' (Hardy, Return of the Native, I, Ch. V).
Thus the forces that have been operating in the English-speaking
 37 6 FUTURE PERFECT TENSE 371

territories outside of England have long been felt also in Eng-

land itself. Will, n o w everywhere used in the second and third
persons, is being carried by the force of leveling into the first
person.
If the present widespread use of will in all three persons as a
sign of the pure future should become finally established in the
literary language, it would be a distinct gain to English expression
in the direction of greater simplicity. W e should, however, in
this event lose some useful distinctions in thefirstperson. These
distinctions are not so intricate that they could not be grasped b y
most people, for in England the uneducated, in general, observe
them. But the great mass of English-speaking people are today
at this point borne along unconsciously by the strong drift toward
a greater simplicity of expression. Grammarians, in general, and
many educated people in the English-speaking territories outside
of England proper still follow the usage of England, feeling that
it is superior. Which force shall ultimately prevail?
Though the English-speaking territories outside of England
proper, in general, go together in the colloquial use of will as the
sign of the pure future, they differ somewhat in the use of will
and shall as modal forms, so that peculiar uses here characterize
different sections. Thus, Irishmen often attract our attention by
their use of will instead of shall in inquiring after someone's will
or desire: 'Will I cut another piece for you?' (St. John Ervine,
John Ferguson, Act II). This same usage is c o m m o n also in
Scotland: 'Will you tell her, m a n , or will (instead of shall) I?'
(J. M . Barrie, Tommy and Grizel, C h . XII). Also in the Isle of
M a n : 'Will (instead of shall) I go h o m e with ye?' (Moore, Anglo-
Manx Dialect, p. 202). This is a modern development. In Amer-
ica older shall is here as well preserved as in England proper. O n
the other hand, the Irish cling conservatively to older usage in
expressing dutiful assent b y shall: 'Please have breakfast for m e
at 8 o'clock.' 'I shall, sir,' where w e today in literary speech
usually employ will since there n o w prevails here the desire to
express the idea of willingness to comply with the request.
b. OTHER M E A N S OF EXPRESSING THE IDEA OF FUTURITY.
The idea of futurity is still, as in older English, often expressed by
the present tense, as described in 1 e, p. 356.
6. Future Perfect Tense. This form represents that an action
or state will be completed at or before a certain time yet future:
'I shall have completed the task b y evening.' 'He will have com-
puted the task b y evening.' T h e same use of will and shall is
observed here as described for the future tense in 5 a, p. 362. Of
course, shall and will here become should and would after a past
372 FUTURE PERFECT TENSE 37 6

tense form: 'I said I should have reached h o m e before Easter.'

'I was sure they would havefinishedm y house b y then.'
Will and would are often replaced in temporal clauses by shall
and should to give the statement modal force, the idea that the
future act is the result of a natural development, or is arranged,
planned, desired: 'Our salvation will come w h e n the search for
friendship shall take (or shall have taken) the place of the search for
wealth.' 'I shall pay him as soon as he shallfinish(or shall have
finished) the work.' 'I w a s to pay him as soon as he should
finish (or should havefinished)the work.' Compare 43 II B c.
In principal propositions the future perfect is used in choice,
accurate language, but in colloquial speech it is avoided as too
formal. This form is a late and learned development which has
not yet become established in simple expression. It is not found
in the language of Shakespeare. In informal speech w e employ
here the future in connection with a perfective adverb or a perfect
participle to indicate completion: 'I shall havefinishedthe work
before you return,' or in colloquial speech 'I shall (or in America
will) be through with the work (or I shall, or in America will, have
the workfinished)before you return.'
T h e future perfect is avoided still more in the subordinate
clause. Here it is usually replaced b y the present or future, the
present perfect, the past or past perfect: 'He is standing there
reasoning out the steps to be taken w h e n the fog lifts' (or shall lift
= shall have lifted). ' I shall pay him as soon as he has finishe
(= shall havefinished)the work.' 'I w a s to pay him as soon as
hefinished(or hadfinished= should havefinished)the work.'
 CHAPTER XIX
ASPECT
PAGE
DURATIVE ASPECT 373
POINT-ACTION A S P E C T S 377
Ingressive aspect 377
Effective aspect 381
TERMINATE ASPECT 385
ITERATIVE A S P E C T 386
38. Aspect indicates the aspect, the type, the character of the
action. T h e following classes occur:
1. Durative Aspect. This type represents the action as con-
tinuing. W e usually employ here the progressive form: 'He is
eating.' T o express different shades of the idea of continuance
also other forms are often used, especially remain, keep, keep on,
go on, continue with a present participle as predicate after an
intransitive, and an infinitive or gerund as object after a transi-
tive : ' Don't you see, you foolish girl, that he'll remain hanging
(participle) about?' 'He kept working (participle) until he was
tired out,' or 'He continued to work (object of transitive continued),
or working (predicate participle or gerund object according as con-
tinued is felt as intransitive or transitive), until he was tired out.'
'He was tired, but he kept on working' (participle). 'I could go
on writing (participle) about it forever if I only had time.' Other
forms of expression are given in a, p. 377. In older English, the
present active participle w a s used also with passive force: 'The
books continue selling' (Priestley, Rudiments of English with Notes
and Observations, p. Ill, A.D. 1769), n o w being sold or to be sold.
In older English, the simple form of the verb often had durative
force, but it n o w usually represents an action as a whole, i.e., is
terminate (3, p. 385). It still often implies the idea of duration,
but this conception is n o w never the leading one here. It expresses
the idea of a general truth, an act as a fact or as a whole, or an
act as habitual, customary, characteristic, while the progressive
form stresses the conception of continuation, repetition, the fre-
quent exercise of a habit at the present m o m e n t or at a definite
past time: 'Dogs bark' (a characteristic act), but 'Dogs are bark-
ing ' (act n o w going on). T h e copula is expressed in the progressive
form when the subject is a nominative, as in the last example.
373
 374 DURATIVE ASPECT 38 1

But it is regularly lacking w h e n the present participle is predicated

of an accusative object: 'I saw him working in the garden.' T
kept him waiting.' Compare 15 III 2 (2nd par.), 15 III 2 A, and
48 2 (3rd and 4th parr.).
As the present participle in the progressive form has not only
verbal force, but is also a predicate adjective, it frequently, like
an adjective, has descriptive force and by reason of its concrete
meaning and the emphasis or peculiar tone often associated with
it is charged with feeling, indicating that the speaker is affected
by something, often expressing joy, sorrow, pleasure, displeasure,
praise, censure, also emphasis, implying that the person in ques-
tion is convinced of the truth or importance of the statement,
i.e., the progressive form often differs from the simpler form in that
it has modal force: 'John bothers m e a good deal' (fact). 'John
is bothering me a good deal of late and keeping m e from work'
(spoken in a complaining tone). 'John does fine work at school'
(fact). 'John is doing fine work at school' (spoken in a tone of
praise). ' W h e n Elizabeth put Ballard and Babington to death,
she was not persecuting' (Macaulay, Essays) (important state-
ment spoken in tone of conviction).
Stress upon the copula often emphasizes the idea of actuality,
usually with feeling: ' W h y aren't you studying?' 'I dm
studying.' Compare 6 A d (1).
In questions with the stress upon the present participle or some
more important part of the predicate, the progressive form often
indicates curiosity: 'What are you doing, children?' Feeling of
different kinds: ' W h y aren't you studying?' (censure). ' H o w are
you feeling this morning?' or 'Are you feeling better this morning?'
(sympathy, concern). Stress upon the copula here often indicates
a marked displeasure with the condition of things: 'Children,
what are you doing?' Compare 6 A d (1).
It is very c o m m o n to use the simple form to express a general
truth, as in 'Twice two is four,' but it is also c o m m o n to employ
the progressive form here in lively style w h e n w e feel the truths
as living forces, always at work, usually accompanied by some
adverbial expression, as always, forever, to indicate their incessant
action: ' True taste is for ever growing, learning, reading, worship
ing, laying its hand upon its m o u t h because it is astonished'
(Buskin, Modern Painters, Part III, Sec. I, Ch. III). 'You are
not surprised to see his (i.e., the chipmunk's) face so clean, because
he is washing it on all occasions' (John Burroughs, Field and
Study, Ch. I X ) .
It is very c o m m o n to employ the simple form to express a fact
or an act as a whole, either in present or past time: 'The town
38 1 DURATIVE ASPECT 375

lies on a river' (a fact, a permanent situation), but 'The wounded

m a n is still lying on the ground' (continuation). 'He m a d e a
home of our house, while he stayed in our town' (act as a whole),
but 'While m y father was trying to m a k e m e a good merchant,
m y good mother was seeking all the while to m a k e a musician
out of m e ' (emphasizing the unceasing efforts upon both sides).
'There he comes' (a fact), but 'He is coming d o w n the road'
(descriptive). W e should, however, not be misled by the word ' de-
scriptive.' T h e simple past and present tenses are the usual
tenses of narrative and description; they relate and describe,
but they represent events only as facts in a development and
describe persons and things only as details in a picture, so that
they are immediately replaced by progressive forms w h e n the
narrative becomes a description of unfolding events or unfolding
details in a picture: ' W e reached (fact in a description) the lake
just as the sun was rising (unfolding event) above it.' 'A blow
well given n o w would not only disperse the m o b and set the
Nazarene free; it would be a trumpet-call to Israel, and pre-
cipitate the long-dreamt-of war for freedom. T h e opportunity
was going (unfolding event); the minutes were bearing (unfolding
event) it away; and if lost! G o d of Abraham! W a s there nothing
to be done nothing?' (Wallace, Ben Hur, VIII, Ch. I X ) . A s
can be seen by the last example, it is absolutely necessary in
narrative to employ the past progressive when it is desired to
represent a past act as unfolding at a definite point of time, for the
simple past tense here would represent the act as completed. In
general, however, in description the simple tenses are the rule
in narrative, as the described persons and things are felt as details
of a picture: ' She seemed aboutfifteen,and had her apron full of
pears.' 'Beside her on the table lay a large pan.' This is normal
narrative or description, but in lively style w e often employ here
the progressive forms since w e feel the phenomena, not as actual
events and persons and things k n o w n to us but as unfolding before
us, in the vivid play of the imagination arising and taking form:
'I coughed all night' (objective statement), but 'I was coughing
all night' (vivid style). 'It is the representation of a lady. She
lies on a couch. A t her side sits a w o m a n in grief (objective state-
ment), but 'It is the representation of a lady. She is lying on a
couch. At her side is sitting a w o m a n in grief (vivid style).
'I live (or am living) in Chicago,' a habitual, customary act at
the present time, often as here without an essential difference of
meaning between the two forms, but the progressive form becomes
more natural when feeling of any kind enters into the statement:
'I a m n o w living in a very pleasantflat'(feeling of satisfaction,
376 DURATIVE ASPECT 38 1

arising perhaps from a change of residence for the better). The

progressive form is a favorite in the lively description of things
going on at the present time: ' W e are tramping over the hius
and reading and writing and having a restful time' (Jean Webster,
Daddy-Long-Legs, 225). T h e simple present tense here would be
only an objective statement of fact.
T h e present tense of the progressive form often represents, not
an act as actually taking place, but a person as looking forward
to it with a lively feeling of expectancy: 'Aunt is coming soon.'
' W e are having a few guests tonight.'
Instead of the simple present w e often use the present of will
( = apt to, inclined to) in connection with a dependent infinitive:
'John will often sit on the veranda alone for hours, or will go off
alone into the woods.' W e stress will here to indicate a strong
tendency to do certain things: ' Children will he noisy.' 'Accidents
will happen.'
With the aid of appropriate adverbs both forms of the present
perfect, the usual tense form and the progressive, m a y express a
habitual act in a time past but connected with the present: 'Re-
cently John has done his work regularly' (fact), but in a tone of
praise or censure w e say: 'Recently John has been doing his work
quite regularly, or very slovenly.' T h e usual present perfect tense
form expresses a habitual act after the subordinating conjunction
after: 'After I have seen her, I feel encouraged' (Mildred E. Lam-
bert in American Speech, Oct., 1928). Similarly, after the subor-
dinating conjunction until: 'I don't go to bed until I have finished
m y work.'
Past habit: 'Even w h e n a little girl she ran (used now in
contrast to older English only used in the past tense to run,
or would run) after the boys' (fact), but in a tone of censure:
'Even when a little girl she was always running after the boys,'
where w e usually have to employ an adverb, as always, all the
time, forever, to m a k e the situation clear. 'I knew John smoked
(a fixed habit, well k n o w n and characteristic of John, but here
merely stated as a fact without reference to its exercise at any
particular time), but he emphatically declined to do so in m y
presence'; but to emphasize the frequent exercise of the charac-
teristic habit at some particular period of time w e say: 'In those
days John was always smoking.'
Both forms are used with reference to the future: ' W e shall
soon have plenty of rain' (something so confidently expected that
it is here stated as a fact), but to express the displeasure that the
thought arouses in us w e say: ' W e shall soon be having rain,
rain, and nothing but rain.'
38 2 a aa INGRESSIVE POINT-ACTION ASPECT 377

a. Often to emphasize the idea of duration w e add on, or on

and on, to the simple verb, or w e add and and repeat the verb:
'When the Elsmeres were gone, Hester sat on alone in the drawing-
room' (Mrs. H . Ward, The Case of Richard Meynell, III, Ch. X V I I ,
359). 'The prayers and talks (in the prayer-meeting) went on
and on' (W. S. Cather, The Song of the Lark, Ch. X V I I ) . ' W h e n
they (i.e., Mexican w o m e n ) are in trouble, in love, under stress
of any kind, they comb and comb their hair' (ib., Ch. VI).
Intermittent action is expressed by off and on: ' I slept off and
on all the w a y to Chicago.'
b. In older English, after be the progressive idea was sometimes
expressed by the prepositional infinitive, which originally was an
infinitive of purpose butfinallyoften became a mere parallel of
the progressive form: ' A M I E N S . H e hath been all this day to
look you ( = to look for you). J A Q U E S . A n d I have been all this
day to avoid him' (As You Like It, II, v, 34-35). Compare 7 D 3.
c. The progressive form has been steadily spreading at the ex-
pense of the simple form. Earlier in the present period w e often
find the simple form where w e n o w use the progressive: 'The
wholefleetthat went from hence rides (now is riding) n o w before
the enemies' harbours' (Earl of Clarendon, Letter, Aug. 2, 1666).
2. Point-action Aspects. T h e point-action aspects call atten-
tion, not to an act as a whole, but to only one point, either the
beginning or thefinalpoint. There are thus two classes:
a. I N G R E S S I V E A S P E C T . This point-action type directs the
attention especially to the initial stage of the action or state:
'He awoke early,' i.e., came into a waking state early. 'The boat
slowed up as it came in.' 'They went the m o m e n t it cleared.'
This idea is expressed in various ways:
aa. The ingressive aspect is often expressed by begin, commence,
or start in connection with an infinitive or gerund as object. T h e
simple present tense form of begin, commence, start (in colloquial
American also start in), start out indicates that the beginning is
habitual: ' W h e n w e scold her, she begins to cry' (or begins crying).
The progressive form of begin, commence, start, start out, start i
(in America used of a prolonged activity) denotes the beginning
of an activity in present time: 'It is beginning (starting) to rain.'
'The baby is beginning (starting) to cry.' 'He is starting out to
write his report without knowing all the facts.' T h e simple past
tense represents the beginning of an act in past time as a fact;
the progressive past represents it as an unfolding event: ' W h e n
I said that, she began to cry.' ' W h e n the horses got stuck with
the load, the driver started to abuse (or abusing) them.' 'It was
just beginning to rain as I awoke.' 'The United States commis-
378 INGRESSIVE POINT-ACTION ASPECT 38 2 o 66

sioner for Dakota started in to give the world a comprehensive idea

of the resources of the territory' (Lisbon Star, Jan. 2, 1885). The
infinitive after start in and start out has adverbial force expressing
purpose. T o express the idea of beginning work on something we
employ here set about: 'As soon as thefloodwas over, they set about
(preposition) repairing (gerund) the damage' or 'they set about
(adverb) to repair the damage.' C o m p a r e 50 4 c dd. Of things
w e use here set in to express steady, continued action, develop-
ment: 'It set in to rain.' 'It had set in snowing (predicate
appositive participle) at breakfast.' 'A reaction set in.' Start
is often used in connection with a direct object and an objec-
tive predicate participle: 'It started him coughing.' Compare
15 III 2 A . See also hh, p. 380.
T h e ingressive aspect is often expressed b y to break out, burst out
in connection with a present participle: ' H e broke out laughing.'
'She burst out crying.'
T h e present tense of be about (7 F ) in connection with a to-
infinitive and the present tense of be on the point (or verge) of in
connection with a gerund indicate an action that will take place
in the immediate future in accordance with some plan, or as the
result of circumstances, or a natural development: 'I am about
to leave for Europe.' 'He is about to break down.' 'It is about
to rain.' 'She is on the point of crying.' 'She is on the verge of
breaking down.' T h e gerund is sometimes used after is about.
See 50 4 c dd.
bb. T h e ingressive idea is often expressed b y the ingressives
get, grow, fall, turn, wax, become, run, go, come, set, start, tak
(take u p as a habit) in connection with a predicate adjective,
participle, noun, or a prepositional phrase: ' H e often gets sick.'
'Things often assume distorted forms w h e n w e get to worrying
about them.' 'It is growing dark.' 'She turned (became, got,
grew) pale.' 'Our funds are falling short.' 'He waxed hotter.'
'The captain's voice came (got) thick.' ' H e fell asleep' (from
older on sleep). 'He fell again to speculating (less commonly fell
speculating; in older English also fell on speculating, fell a-spe
lating, or fell to speculate) on the probable romance that lay behind
that loneliness and look of desolation.' 'The cow ran (or went)
dry.' 'The engine went dead.' ' H e went to sleep.' 'Go to work.'
'They went to housekeeping.' ' H e started the ball rolling.' 'That
set me thinking' (or to thinking). ' H e took to drinking.' 'He
took to going out nights and coming h o m e at late hours.' Often
after am (was) going to: 'Look out! I am going to shoot.' In
older English, going to could follow the present participle being,
while today w e suppress being: 'I do assure you that nothing
38 2 a ee INGRESSIVE POINT-ACTION ASPECT 379

would surprise m e more than to hear of their being going to be

married' (Jane Austen, Sense and Sensibility, II, Ch. VII). C o m -
pare b ee, p. 383, and 37 1 e.
In the preceding paragraph the gerund is used after take, but
the infinitive is sometimes employed here: 'She has taken to like
him' (Meredith, One of Our Conquerors, III, X I , 233). In older
English, instead of the meaning take up as a habit the ingressive
take had the general force of start, proceed, employed usually of
vigorous action with the implication that the action would be
carried through successfully. In the thirteenth century co-
ordination (19 3, 4th par.) was employed here instead of the
infinitive: 'He tok (took) and wente' (Genesis and Exodus, 1751).
This usage is still c o m m o n in popular speech: 'Ever since Mallie
tuck'n (took and) died in Aprile, hit's been the same old story'
(Lucy Furman, The Quare Women, Ch. V ) . 'He tuck'n sot a trap
for Brer Rabbit' (Joel Chandler Harris, Uncle Remus, p. 142).
Verbs m a d e from adjectives have ingressive force: 'They went
out the m o m e n t it cleared.' 'The milk soured.'
cc. W e often use catch and take here in connection with an
object: ' I caught sight of him.' ' I caught a cold.' 'The plant took
root.' 'He took heart.'
dd. Ingressive force often lies in the adverbs up, down, out, off,
in, away, in the prefix a- and the suffix -en: 'He stood up.' 'He
hurried up.' 'He didn't show up' (colloquial = appear). 'He
sat down.' 'Children, quiet down!' 'The lilacs have come out.'
'He dozed off.' 'His regular breathing told that he had gone
off' ( = fallen asleep). 'He jumped onto his horse and rode
away.' 'Then a heated discussion arose.' 'Her face redderied
with anger.' 'He quickened his pace.' Borrowed verbs often
have ingressive force by virtue of their prefixes: appear, introduce,
etc. In is m u c h used in American colloquial speech to indicate
the beginning of a prolonged activity: ' W h e n are you going to
begin your n e w work?' 'I start in tomorrow.' Compare aa,
p. 377. Pitch in, sail in, light in have the additional idea of
energetic action: ' W h e n he has a job to do he pitches (or sails,
or lights) in at once' (Crowell's Dictionary of English Grammar).
ee. The imperative of all verbs, durative as well as point-action
verbs, usually has ingressive force, since the expectation is that
the action will be begun or performed at once: 'Run!' 'Come
in!' 'Hand me that book!' T h e progressive form is m u c h used
in lively style, where feeling of different kinds enters into the
expression: 'Let euery man take his wife and his children and
begoying' (Coverdale, / Samuel, X X X , 22, A.D. 1535). 'Be tredg-
ing (trudging) or in faith you bere m e a souse' (Jack Juggler,
380 INGRESSIVE POINT-ACTION ASPECT 38 2 a hh

50, A.D. 1562). Leat vs be trudging! (John Heywood, Proverbs

and Epigrams, 37, A.D. 1562). 'Up, be doing everywhere, the hour
of crisis has verily come!' (Carlyle, Latter-Day Pamphlets, 28).
Let's be going! We must be going!
O n the other hand, the negative form of the progressive impera-
tive usually has durative force: 'Don't be trying to m a k e m e a
participator in your wickedness!' (Meredith, Sandra Belloni, 297).
'Don't be talking! Let m e just suck this in as w e go along!'
(Phillpotts, Beacon, I, Ch. V ) .
T h e progressive imperative is a conspicuous feature of popular
Irish English: 'Be taking your rest!' (Synge, In the Shadow of
the Glen, 11). 'Let you not be telling lies to the Almighty God!'
(id., The Well of the Saints, Act III).
T h e be of the progressive form has ingressive force in the impera-
tive as often elsewhere, as described inffbelow. In the imperative
it is often rather literary, replaced in colloquial speech by gel:
'Get goin', Bozo!' (Chicago Tribune, Harold Teen Cartoon, Jan. 20,
1929). A n ingressive particle is often used instead of an ingressive
copula: 'Hurry up!' 'Brace up!'
ff. T h e verb be has had for m a n y centuries both durative and
ingressive force, but the former has so overshadowed the latter
that w e do not n o w have a vivid feeling for the latter. For the
most part be as an ingressive copula or auxiliary is n o w replaced
by other ingressive forms, such as become, get, etc., but its old
ingressive force still lingers: 'He was ( = became) both out of
pocket and out of spirits by that catastrophe' (Thackeray, Vanity
Fair, Ch. X X X V I I ) . ' I must be going' (Kingsley, Hypatia, 1,246).
In the actional passive, be still regularly has ingressive force.
Compare 47 6. It often has the same force in the progressive form.
See ee, p. 379, and hh below. It is often a full verb with ingressive
force = come into being, take place: 'It was not until they had
turned aside that she asked him w h y he was so quiet' (Tarkington,
The Plutocrat, p. 292).
gg. T h e ingressive idea sometimes lies in the meaning of the
verb: 'The buds will soon show' (make their appearance). 'The
real test begins tomorrow.' ' W e start tomorrow at six.'
hh. T h e progressive form, though usually durative in force,
often with ingressives indicates the beginning of an activity:
'It is clearing.' 'The lilacs are just coming out.' 'I am getting
tired of it.' ' I was getting tired of it.' ' T h e children are quieting
down.' 'He is quickening his pace.' 'It is starting to rain.' In
English, it has become necessary to employ the progressive form
to express the beginning of an activity at the present m o m e n t or
to represent the activity as unfolding at some m o m e n t in the past.
38 2 b aa EFFECTIVE ASPECT 381

With ingressives w e employ the progressive form of the ingressives

themselves. With duratives w e employ the progressive form of
start, begin, etc., as in the last example. Compare aa, p. 377.
For the use of be here in the progressive form with ingressive force
seeff,p. 380. Compare 6 hh, p. 385.
b. E F F E C T I V E A S P E C T . This point-action aspect directs the
attention to thefinalpoint of the activity or state, to a result
that has been reached, hence it often indicates attainment or
failure: 'The two friends fell out.' 'He knocked him out in the
fourth round.' 'I at last, becoming discouraged, gave up hope.'
'The plan fell through.' In these examples the verbs have point-
action force. They are pure effectives. A durative in connection
with an effective particle has durative-effective force, indicating
that the action continues to the end and often implying attain-
ment, thoroughness: 'I hunted him up.' ' W e must cleanup here.'
The effective idea is usually expressed by:
aa. Adverbs and prefixes. Pure effectives: 'He set up in the
school a n e w standard of attainment.' 'He put the rebellion
down.' 'He passed away quietly in the night.' 'The rumor turned
out false.' 'It will turn out all right.' 'Ourfinancesgave out.'
'His right leg gave out.' 'I at last found out what the matter was."
'They were paid off and discharged.' 'I'll lay off (colloquial
= cease work) for a month' (James Gibbons Huneker, Letter,
Oct. 11, 1918). 'The company laid off ten m e n today' (Crowell's
Dictionary of English Grammar). ' Several banks have gone under
this year.' ' W e hope to bring it about soon.' 'He got by with
it' (American slang = succeeded). 'He got there' (American slang
= succeeded). 'He put the nefarious design through.' 'They put
it across' (colloquial American). 'They put it over on him' (col-
loquial American). Durative effectives: 'He not for his o w n self
caring but her, H e r and her children, let her plead in vain, So
grieving held his will, and bore it through' (Tennyson, Enoch Arden,
167). 'I'llfightit out on this line if it takes all summer.' 'It
requires exceptional courage to stand out against a popular cry.'
'He held out although it was a severe test.' 'They sat out the
next dance.' 'The result of the sad experiences was that he pined
away.' 'He kept his courage up.'
The English adverbs here have in general strong concrete force,
but they are acquiring abstract ingressive or effective force, as
can be clearly seen in up. W e say 'I ate the apple up,' although
we know very well that the apple went down and not up. This
shows that up has lost its old concrete force and has become a
point-action particle. Similarly, a in arise (see a dd) once meant
out, but w e n o w have no feeling for its old concrete meaning.
382 EFFECTIVE ASPECT 38 2 6 dd

S o m e point-action verbs take no effective particle since the

simple form has effective force, as in the case of die, win, stop,
etc.: ' H e died this morning.' 'He won b y a head.' 'He stopped
in the middle of the sentence.' ' M y watch has stopped.' Die
out and win out are durative-effectives: ' M y interest in the sub-
ject died out.' 'A good cause often m a k e s little headway at first,
but in time it wins out.' Stop in connection with a prepositional
phrase is m u c h used in colloquial speech as an effective-durative:
' W e stopped at the Pennsylvania Hotel.' 'I have been stopping in
Cornwall with friends' (Concise Oxford Dictionary). T h e preposi-
tional phrase indicates that a sojourning takes place after the
journeying ceases. S o m e criticize the use of stop here and suggest
that it be replaced b y stay, but slay does not say so m u c h as stop
does.
66. T h e effective idea is often expressed b y a prepositional
phrase instead of an adverb: 'He shot the hat to pieces.' 'He
developed into a strong man.' 'He worked himself into a
frenzy.'
cc. T h e final point in an activity is also indicated by cease,
stop, leave off (or in older English also simple leave),finish,quit
(American), or do, with an infinitive or gerund as object: 'She
ceased to cry' (or ceased, or stopped, crying). 'I have left off (or in
older English also simple left) sleeping (in older English sometimes
to sleep) with the windows shut.' 'I have justfinishedreading the
book.' 'I have quit smoking.' 'Quit teasing her.' 'I have (in
America, Scotland, Ireland often am) done packing.' In the Ameri-
can construction, done is a predicate adjective, and packing is a
present participle employed as a predicate appositive expressing
manner or specification a very c o m m o n construction, which is
illustrated in 28 1 a b y a n u m b e r of examples. In this construction
the adverb through is often used as predicate instead of done:
'I a m through trying to please her' (Mildred E . Lambert in Ameri-
can Speech, Oct., 1928).
In the passive form of statement the present participle usually
has passive form: 'I finished sowing m y clover field yesterday'
(active form). ' M y cloverfieldw a sfinishedbeing sown yesterday'
(passive form). In older English, the participle often had active
form: 'Upon inquiring [I] found that m y Clover Field was
finish'd sowing and rolling' (George Washington, Diary, M a y 1,
1760).
dd. With transitive point-action verbs thefinalresult is often
indicated b y an object or an object in connection with an objective
predicate: 'He has won great fame.' ' W e shall reach the city
within an hour.' 'They got the thief.' 'I remember them, but I
38 2 5 ee EFFECTIVE ASPECT 383
forget their names,' literally, 'I fail to get hold of their names.'
'He has made himself skilful in this kind of work.'
In colloquial speech, to express the cessation of an activity, it
is often used as object, referring to something being done by
another or others, usually in a tone of disapproval: 'Cut it out!'
'Quit it!' 'Drop it!' (principally British).
ee. After point-action copulas, like become, catch (6 B , 7 F ) ,
come, get, turn, etc., w e use a predicate noun, adjective, or preposi-
tional phrase to indicate thefinalgoal or state: 'He became a
lawyer.' 'I was behind him for a while, but I have caught up
(adverb used as predicate adjective; see 7 F ) with him.' 'His
prediction came true.' 'They at last came to terms.' 'He got to
be rich, my best friend, a great lawyer.' 'He turned out to be a rasca
'He turned traitor.' A s w e have seen in aff,p. 380, 6e is sometimes
used as a point-action copula with ingressive force. Like a number
of other ingressive forms, it points also to thefinalpoint in the
development: 'He wants to 6e ( = become) a lawyer.' T h e exten-
sive use of ingressive and effective copulas is a marked feature of
modern English. They are often used where in other languages a
prefix is employed in connection with the verb. For a full list of
these copulas see 6 B.
In colloquial speech, w e are very fond of speaking of an attained
state, employing a predicative perfect participle after get, where
in more formal language w e speak of an act, employing a simple
finite verb of complete predication: 'It will be ten o'clock before
we get started' (or in more formal language start). ' W e all lost
our patience before w e got started' (or simply started). 'I was tired
long before I got done (colloquial American) with m y work' (or
more formally 'finished m y work').
It is usually necessary to employ here a copula and an adjective
to predicate a quality of a person or thing, but in verbs m a d e
from adjectives the verb performs the functions of copula and
adjective: 'Her hair grayed and whitened.'
The infinitive is m u c h used after be, stand, get, be growing, be
coming, and 6e going (37 1 e), or simple grow, come, go, to indicate
the actual or forthcoming result, outcome of some action, influence,
development, or state of things: 'Better things are to follow.'
'You must get d o w n to work if you are ever to accomplish anything.'
'The situation is such that w e stand (indicating imminence) to
lose a large s u m of money.' ' W e gazed in despair, for w e were
only three hundred yards from the railway, and stood to lose the
car when the e n e m y came along in ten minutes' (T. E . Lawrence,
Revolt in the Desert, p. 272). 'I got him to do it.' 'I got to talk
with him.' 'I got the machine to run.' 'I am growing to believe
384 EFFECTIVE ASPECT 38 2 b gg

(or I am coming to believe) that m y sacrifice has been in vain.'

'He is going to be rich.' 'I am going to injure him (purpose) all
I can,' but' Don't you see that you are going to injure him (result)
by this course?' 'Naturally, being fond of boxing, I grew to
know a good m a n y prize-fighters' (Theodore Roosevelt, An Autobi-
ography, C h . II). 'Sooner or later the world comes round to see
the truth and do the right' 'I went to help him (purpose), but now
it is quite evident that I actually went to disturb his peace of mind'
(result). After got the infinitive here is regularly replaced by a
gerund or a predicative present participle w h e n the force becomes
descriptive, i.e., w h e n it is desired to represent the resultant
activity as proceeding steadily rather than merely to state a bare
result as a fact: 'I got the machine to running (or simply running)
smoothly.' 'The machine got to running (or running) smoothly'
in contrast to 'The machine was running smoothly.' 'Uncle
Gus's got going' (Harriet Connor B r o w n , Grandmother Brown's
Hundred Years, 359), i.e., he got to singing the favorite songs of
his earlier years and overpowered b y m e m o r y couldn't stop. The
substitution of the infinitive to go here for the participle going
would change the meaning entirely: 'Uncle G u s has got to go,'
i.e., must go. 'The machine has got to go,' i.e., 'I a m determined
that the machine shall go.' T h e infinitive expresses result after
all these verbs except the present perfect tense of get, which has
the force of must. T h e verbs stand, be growing, be coming, be
going, grow, come, go are usually found with the infinitive, as in the
above examples, since the idea of an actual result is prominent.
There is here often a modal force associated with the effective
force. Compare 43 I A (6th par.), 43 II B c.
ff. T h e same form is often used for both point-action aspects.
T h e context alone can then indicate whether the expression is
ingressive or effective: 'The children quieted down' (ingressive),
i.e., came into a quiet state, but ' H e put the rebellion down'
(effective), thefinalresult of the action. ' H e became sick' (in-
gressive), entrance into a n e w temporary state, but 'He became
rich,'finalstate,finalresult of a development.
gg. In all point-action verbs, ingressive as well as effective, the
perfect participle of intransitives was in compound tenses originally
felt as a predicate adjective expressing a condition, either a result-
ant state or a n e w state just entered upon, hence it was linked to
the subject b y the copula 6e. C o m p a r e 37 3. This older usage
still occasionally occurs since the original construction is still
dimly felt: 'The melancholy days are come' (Bryant). 'You
knew I was returned to London, Major Winter?' (Galsworthy,
Beyond, I, Ch. VI, 57). ' M a n y of our apples are fallen,' i.e., are
38 3 TERMINATE ASPECT 385

lying on the ground in a fallen state. 'He is gone,' always so in

' M y money is gone.' This older usage also survives in the present
perfect imperative 'Be gone!' See also 45 6. Point-action in-
transitives are n o w usually conjugated with have since verbal
activity and tense are n o w more prominent here than state and
aspect. W e n o w use 6e only when w e feel the idea of state strongly.
hh. T o indicate that the final point of the activity, or that
attainment, is approaching at the present m o m e n t or was ap-
proaching at some m o m e n t in the past, w e employ the progressive
form of a pure effective in the case of pure effectives and the
progressive form of cease, stop, etc., in the case of duratives:
'He is dying.' 'I am catching up with him.' ' M y strength is
giving out.' 'They are putting it across' (colloquial American).
'I was winning him to all that was good w h e n I fell sick.' 'It
is ceasing to rain.' Compare a hh, p. 380.
3. Terminate Aspect. A large number of simple and compound
verbs indicate an action as a whole. Such verbs are called ter-
minates. This aspect is especially associated with the simple
form of the verb just as the durative aspect is associated with the
progressive form. In 1, p. 373, examples have been given illustrat-
ing the difference of meaning between the simple form of the verb
with terminate force and the progressive form with durative force.
In terminates the action often begins and terminates within a
limited period: 'He motioned to me.' 'He didn't even wince.'
'He hit the mark.' 'He handed me a book.' 'He shot a duck.'
'The bullet pierced his heart.' 'She sighed.' 'A snowflake lit
upon his nose.' 'He stumbled and fell.' 'The thugs killed him,
took his money, and threw him into the river.' ' A n ideaflashedon
me.' 'This news dashed, shattered, our hopes.' 'She misunderstood
me.' 'I overlooked this item in m y calculation.' T h e terminate
aspect is the largest category, and hence is associated with m a n y
verbs of quite a different meaning from those just mentioned.
Any verbal form that represents the act as afinishedwhole is a
terminate whether the duration of the act be long or short: 'He
went (here thought of as a finished whole, not as continuing) to
church this morning.' 'Last s u m m e r I built a fine n e w house.'
'Next summer I expect to build afinen e w house.'
A terminate indicates an action as a whole, while a point-action
verb indicates only a point in the activity. In 'As soon as I shot,
I saw the bird drop' drop is a terminate, for the action is con-
sidered as a whole. B u t in 'She dropped asleep' dropped is an
ingressive, for it indicates the point of entrance into a n e w state.
In 'She dropped dead' dropped is an effective, for it indicates the
point of entrance into a final state. In 'He put the book upon
386 ITERATIVE ASPECT 38 4

the table' put is a terminate, for the action is considered as a

whole; but in 'He put the nefarious design through' put through
is an effective, for it calls attention to thefinalpoint in the activity.
A terminate expressing momentary action often becomes a point-
action verb w h e n it stands in progressive form. In 'I couldn't
see where I stepped' stepped is a terminate, but it is an ingressive
in 'He is just stepping into his car,' for it indicates the beginning
of the action. T h e point-action aspect is closely related to the
terminate aspect. T h e point-action idea is present when the con-
ception of a point becomes more prominent than that of the
action as a whole. O n the other hand, in a point-action verb we
often lose sight of the point and feel the action as a whole, shifting
the stress from the particle to the verb: 'He is just getting up'
(ingressive), but 'This morning I got up (terminate) early.' 'I
bought his shoes only a few weeks ago, but he's about worn them
out' (effective), but 'He wears out (terminate) shoes faster than
any boy I know.' 'It is just setting in (ingressive) to rain,' but
'It sUs in (terminate) to rain here in April.' 'They have just
paid off (effective) the debt on their house,' but 'Honest people
pay off (terminate) their debts as fast as they can.' 'He has
fooled away (effective) all his money,' but 'Shiftless people fool
away (terminate) their money.'
T h e terminate aspect has relations also to the durative aspect.
A terminate often becomes a durative w h e n it stands in the pro-
gressive form: ' T h e mercury is slowly falling.'
4. Iterative Aspect. This type indicates an indefinitely pro-
longed succession of like acts: 'He pooh-poohs at everything.'
'He threw his head back and haw-hawed.' ' Outside the wind blew
gustily and set a loquacious tassel tap-tapping against a pane'
( M a u d Diver, Desmond's Daughter, I, C h . V , 36).
T h e suffixes -le, -er are often used to suggest repetition, but
w e have no strong feeling for their meaning and cannot use them
freely with any verb, employing them only in certain words
where they have become fixed: ' T h efirecrackles.' 'Geese gabble.'
'Hens cackle.' 'Girls giggle.' 'Theflameflickers.''He went off
muttering something to himself.'
W e often use the auxiliary keep along with a present participle:
'He kept looking back as he ran,' but the idea of repetition here is
only inferred from the meaning of the verbal stem of the participle,
for with m a n y verbs this same form indicates duration: 'He
kept working until it became dark.'
Repetition is also expressed in other ways: 'She sang it over
and over again' (or again and again). 'He is (or was) accustomed
(or in choice language wont) to think before he speaks' (or spoke).'
38 5 ASPECT IN SCOTCH AND IRISH 387

or w e can employ 6e used here, sometimes with the infinitive or

more commonly with the gerund: 'He is (or was) used to think
(or more commonly to thinking) before he speaks' (or spoke).
' W h a t things have they been used (or accustomed) to tell you?'
(Mark Twain, Joan of Arc, I, Ch. VII). ' She looked at him pretty
much as Mrs. Pipchin had been used (or accustomed) to do' (Dickens,
Dombey and Son, Ch. XII). 'And you are to k n o w that in
Hampshire they use (now only used in the past tense) to catch
Trouts in the night by the light of a Torch or Straw' (Izaak Wal-
ton, Compleat Angler, p. 128, A.D. 1653), n o w 'are accustomed to
catch trout in the night,' or 'are used to catching them in the night.'
'You don't use (now are not accustomed) to be so shy to speak your
mind' (Richardson, Clarissa, IV, 164, A.D. 1768). 'She used (still
common in the past tense) to sing it,' n o w usually, however, with
the implication that the habit has ceased. 'She was in the habit
of singing it.' 'Courage will come and go.' 'She would sing it
upon every occasion.' 'I've tried and tried, but I've not succeeded.'
'We insisted and insisted and insisted, not once but half a dozen
times, at the very beginning of the war, on England's adoption
of the Declaration of London' ( W . H . Page, Letter to Edward M.
House, Aug. 4, 1915). 'He is always getting angry.' 'I have often
got the machine to running smoothly.' 'He is perpetually com-
plaining.' In the second from the last example repetition is as-
sociated with the ingressive aspect, in the next to the last example
with the effective aspect, in the last example with the durative
aspect. Thus the iterative aspect is often associated with other
aspects.
The past tense and past participle used, employed in the pre-
ceding paragraph in illustrative examples, is pronounced ust as
a result of assimilation with the unstressed to of the infinitive that
always follows it. A s it is thus pronounced ust to indicate repeti-
tion, while it is pronounced uzd in its more general meanings, it
is evident that ust is n o w felt as having a special function, namely,

)hat of an iterative aspect auxiliary: 'He used (ust, iterative aux-

liary) to visit us frequently,' but 'The whistle was used (uzd,

ull verb) to call the dog.'
5. Aspect in Popular Scotch and Irish English. T h e progressive
form in Scotch and Irish English is used to express any kind of
action, hence it is here often used where the literary language
requires the simple verb: 'I was never knowing such a girl, so
honest and beautiful' (R. L. Stevenson, David Balfour, Ch. X X I ) .
'Try again, Martin, try again, and you'M 6e finding her yet'
(J. M . Synge, The Well of the Saints, p. 31). In Irish English the
idea of duration or habit is expressed b y using do in connection
388 ASPECT IN SCOTCH AND IRISH 38 5

with the progressive form. 'It's small joy we'd have hearing the
lies they do be telling from the gray of d a w n till the night' (J. M .
Synge, The Well of the Saints, p. 91). 'The young and silly do be
always making g a m e of them that's dark' (blind) (ib., p. 4). In
the case of the copula 6e the idea of habit is expressed by do and
the infinitive 6e: 'I do be at m y lessons every evening from 8 to
9 o'clock' (Joyce, English as We Speak It in Ireland, p. 86).
 CHAPTER X X

MOOD
39. Mood is a grammatical form denoting the style or manner
of predication. There are three m o o d s , the indicative, subjunctive,
and imperative.
c
PAGE
INDICATIVE 390
SUBJUNCTIVE 390
Classification of the meanings and the use of the tenses . 390
Form 393
Uses:
Optative:
In principal propositions: 394
Volitive subjunctive 394
Subjunctive of wish 398
Subjunctive of logical reasoning 400
Subjunctive of plan 400
In subordinate clauses:
Action conceded 400
Action desired:
Substantive clauses 401
Purpose clauses 405
Temporal clauses after 'until,' 'till,' 'when,' etc. 406
Relative clauses 407
Clauses of modal and pure result 408
Clauses of condition 409
Potential:
In principal propositions 409
In subordinate clauses:
Subject clauses 414
Object clauses 415
Indirect discourse 417
Adjective clauses 421
Conditional clauses 421
Manner 429
Modal and pure result 429
Extent 429
Cause 429
IMPERATIVE 430
Old simple form 430
Modern do-form 431
Subjunctive form 432
Auxiliary verbs in expressions of will 433
Tenses 389 435
Passive 436
390 CLASSIFICATION OF MEANINGS OF THE SUBJUNCTIVE 41

INDICATIVE
40. The indicative, the mood of simple assertion or interroga-
tion, represents something as a fact, or as in close relations to
reality, or in interrogative form inquires after a fact. A fact:
'The sun rises every morning.' In close relation to reality: 'I
shall not go, if it rains.' T h e indicative rains here does not state
that it is raining, but indicates that the idea of rain is something
close to a reality, for the speaker feels it is an actual problem in
the near future with which he has to reckon and is reckoning. W e
sometimes still, as very commonly in older English, use the present
subjunctive here, 'if it rain,' which has about the same meaning
as the indicative rains, only representing a little different point
of view. T h e subjunctive indicates that the idea of rain is merely
a conception, but at the same time represents the act in question
as something with which w e m a y have to deal. There is at present
also a stylistic difference between the two forms. T h e present
indicative is everyday expression; the present subjunctive, like
old forms in general, belongs to a choice literary style. The
c o m m o n preference for the indicative in this category and a few
others has led some grammarians to talk about the slovenly use
of the indicative and the slighting of the subjunctive in present-
day English, while in fact the increasing use of the indicative in
these categories doesn't indicate carelessness, but rather a change
in our w a y of thinking. T o d a y w e decidedly prefer to look at
m a n y things, not as mere conceptions, but as things near to us,
as actual problems with which w e must deal. T h e indicative is
never a substitute for the subjunctive, but is always felt as an
indicative. E v e n w h e n used as an imperative (45 4 c) it does not
lose its old indicative character, for it represents the command
as executed, the desired act as an actuality. Though the indica-
tive, in c o m m o n expression, is supplanting the subjunctive in
certain categories, the subjunctive in general is not on the decline.
Indeed, w e are coining n e w subjunctive forms to express ourselves
more clearly and more accurately. In life w e have to deal not
only with facts but with conceptions of m a n y kinds.

SUBJUNCTIVE
41. Classification of the Meanings and the Use of the Tenses.
T h e function of the English subjunctive is to represent something,
not as an actual reality, but only as a desire, plan, demand, re-
quirement, eventuality, conception, thought; sometimes with
more or less hope of realization, or, in the case of a statement,
41 USE OF THE TENSES OF THE SUBJUNCTIVE 391

with more or less belief; sometimes with little or no hope or faith.

The subjunctive is also often used of actual facts, but it represents
them as conceptions of the mind, general principles rather than
as facts. See 4 4 I I 1 (2nd par.), 3 (last par.), 10. Thus, though the
subjunctive has a number of distinct functions, they are all united
in a higher unity they all represent the action or state as a
conception of the mind rather than as a reality.
The different uses of the subjunctive m a y be classified under
two general heads, which are hereby only briefly outlined, but
are treated more fully in the following articles: (1) T h e optative
subjunctive, which represents the utterance as something which
is desired or planned, a present tense form (36) indicating hope of
fulfilment; a past tense form (36) indicating little or no hope of
fulfilment. W e frequently avoid a blunt expression of will by
using a past tense form of the subjunctive, thus indicating that
we do not count upon the fulfilment of our wish. Here the past
tense forms lose in large measure the element of unreality and
are called the subjunctive of modest wish. (2) T h e potential sub-
junctive, which represents the statement, not as an actual fact,
but only as a conception of the mind, a present tense form indicat-
ing that the speaker or writer feels the conception as probably
conforming to fact or reality, or regards the occurrence of the
act in question as likely, probable, sometimes, however, indicating
doubt as to the matter of fact or the occurrence of the act; a
past tense form indicating decided doubt as to the matter of fact
and pronounced improbability as to the occurrence of the act.
W e frequently avoid a blunt expression of our opinion by using
a past tense form of the subjunctive, thus expressing hesitation.
Here the past tense forms of the potential subjunctive lose in
large measure the element of doubt and uncertainty and are used
to state an opinion modestly, politely, or cautiously in a less
positive and abrupt w a y than in the indicative. This is the
polite subjunctive, or the subjunctive of modest or cautious state-
ment.
The two groups of tenses employed in the subjunctive the
present tense forms (present, present perfect, or will, may, or
shall with a dependent infinitive) and the past tense forms (past,
past perfect, or would, might, or should with a dependent infinitive)
stand out in general quite distinctly from each other. T h e
different tenses within each group m a r k different distinctions of
time, while the tenses of one group as compared with those of the
other group do not m a r k different distinctions of time, but differ
only in the manner in which they represent the statement. Thus
the present and the past subjunctive both denote present or fu-
392 USE OF THE TENSES OF THE SUBJUNCTIVE 41

ture time, but they usually differ in the manner of the statement,
the past tense indicating a greater improbability, or even un-
reality: 'If there 6e a misunderstanding between them, I don't
k n o w of it,' but ' If there were a misunderstanding between them,
I should k n o w of it.' ' If it rain, I'll not go,' but' If it were to rain,
I wouldn't go.' Likewise the present perfect and the past perfect
subjunctive both denote past time, but differ in the manner of
the statement: 'I ask that every m a n of any standing in R o m e
be brought to trial even if he have remained (a quite probable
case) neutral' (Masefield, Pompey the Great, Act II). 'Even if
he had been (contrary to fact) here, I should have said the same
thing.' W e feel the distinctions of manner today most vividly in
the auxiliaries. Will, may, shall, on the one hand, and would,
might, should, on the other hand, all represent present or future
time, but the two groups differ markedly in the manner in which
they represent the thought: 'I a m hoping that he may come this
evening,' but 'I think he might come this evening but I a m not
expecting him.'
In oldest English, w h e n there were only two tenses, the present
and the past, the past subjunctive, like the past indicative, pointed
to the past, differing from it only in that it represented the act
as a mere conception or as contrary to reality. It is sometimes
still employed for reference to the past where it is desired to
represent something not as a concrete reality but as conceivable,
probable, as occurring. Interesting examples are given in 44 II
5 A 6 (last par.). It is no longer employed for reference to the
past w h e n it is desired to express unreality, for w e n o w have much
better means of expression here and moreover have found a better
use for this old form. In Old English, it was still used for reference
to the past to express unreality: 'Gif bu wozre her wore min
broSer dead' (John, X I , 21, A.D. 1000) = 'If thou hadst been
here, m y brother would not have died.' T h e past subjunctive
form with the peculiar idea of unreality that had become asso-
ciated with it was sometimes used also for reference to the future,
as the present subjunctive forms could not express this idea. /
Later w h e n the past perfect indicative came into use, its suby
junctive gradually assumed the functions of the old past subjunc^-
tive where the reference was to the past, and the past subjunctive
was reserved for reference to the future. A s the modal auxil-
iaries, however, are defective verbs that have never had a past
perfect subjunctive, w e have to employ here another means to
express unreality w h e n the reference is to the past, namely, the
past subjunctive of the auxiliary in connection with a depend-
ent perfect infinitive: 'He might have succeeded if he had tried
 42 SUBJUNCTIVE FORM 393
(past perfect subjunctive). Similarly, the present tense sub-
junctive forms of these auxiliaries with their implication of greater
probability m a y be used for reference to the past if they are asso-
ciated with a perfect infinitive: 'The train may have arrived by
this time.'
As indicated on page 391, the tense of the subjunctive employed
is a point of vital importance. Unfortunately, however, this feeling
for the meaning of the subjunctive tenses is only active after a
present tense form (36). After a past tense form (36) it is entirely
destroyed by the law of the sequence of tenses described in 36:
'I am hoping that he may come this evening,' but 'I was hoping
that he might come that evening.' Here might does not have the
usual force of a past subjunctive, for it is a present subjunctive
that has been attracted into the form of a past tense after a
past tense.
42. Subjunctive Form. Since the time of the earliest records
the simple subjunctive forms have lost m u c h of their original
distinctiveness, so that they n o w cannot always be distinguished
from indicative forms. T h e forces that called the original forms
into being, however, did not cease their activity. A s described on
page 390, the subjunctive is an important means of expression, vital
to an accurate expression of thought and feeling. A s the simple
subjunctive forms in the course of a long phonetic development
lost their distinctive endings, modal auxiliaries were pressed into
service to express the same ideas. In large measure they are
subjunctive forms, although not recognizable b y a distinctive
ending. In fact, however, whether indicative or subjunctive in
form, they perform the function of the older simple subjunctive
and are here treated as our modern subjunctive forms. For clear
formal proof that a number of these so-called modal auxiliaries
have entirely ceased to be verbs and are n o w in reality mere gram-
matical forms to color the statement, see 44 I. In the same w a y
the original endings of the simple subjunctive forms had been
pressed into service to color the statement. T h e mind seeks
until it finds a means to express its thought and feeling. T h e
first means which the mind employs to express itself are usually
concrete in meaning. T h e endings of the old simple subjunctive
were doubtless originally more concrete than they were even in
oldest English. T h e y had become mere abstract symbols, so that
even in the Old English period the English mind was already
seeking a more concrete and a more accurate expression for its
subjunctive ideas, and began to employ the auxiliaries which are
now so m u c h used. T h e fact that some of these auxiliaries were
employed at a time w h e n the subjunctive had distinctive endings
394 VOLITIVE SUBJUNCTIVE 43 I A

shows clearly that they did not come into use on account of the
lack of distinctive subjunctive forms. T h e use of the auxiliaries
evidently indicates a desire for a more concrete and a more ac-
curate expression of thought and feeling. T h e auxiliaries have
more and brighter shades of meaning than the old simple sub-
junctive forms.
OPTATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE

43. This subjunctive is used in the following expressions of

will:
I. In Principal Propositions:
A. V O L I T I V E S U B J U N C T I V E . T h e old simple subjunctive is, in
general, n o w little used in decided expressions of will the voli-
tive subjunctive. Third person: 'Suffice it to say that,' etc.
'Perish the colonies rather than a principle!' 'Be this purse an
earnest of m y thanks!' (Lytton, Rienzi, I, Ch. III). 'Laugh those
that can, weep those that may!' (Scott, Marmion, 5, 17, 1. 3).
It is most c o m m o n with a subject of general or indefinite meaning:
'Everybody stand up!' 'Please forgive me everybody!' (Pinero,
His House in Order, Act II). It is also still quite c o m m o n where
the subject is a substantive limiting adjective modified by a
partitive genitive of a personal pronoun: 'One of you go and
hasten it!' (Alfred Noyes, The Torch-Bearers, p. 24). It is also
frequently used with witness in the sense serve as proof, be the proof
'The literary works that have fascinated mankind abound in
strokes of invention: witness H o m e r , Shakespeare,' etc. (Bain,
Rhetoric). 'The drama of literary moralizing is growing in-
creasingly, as witness the plays by M r . Shaw, M r . Barker, Mr. Gals-
worthy' (Bookman). W e n o w usually employ here let (impera-
tive) with a dependent infinitive clause: 'Someone is inquiring
for you.' 'Let him come in!' 'Let them take care what they
say!' T h e form with let here is the modern subjunctive form cor-
responding to the old simple subjunctive. In popular speech,
leave is often used here instead of let; always without to after the
analogy of let: 'Leave him come in.' In the negative form of
statement, w e use here the present subjunctive of do with a
dependent infinitive: 'Don't everybody talk at once!' 'Don't
anybody tell m e that!' 'Don't talk to m e anybody!' (Pinero,
Sweet Lavender, Act III). T h efirstperson plural of the old simple
subjunctive is n o w possible only in poetry: 'Part we in friendship
from your land' (Scott, Marmion, 6, 13), n o w expressed by the
new let-form: 'Let us part!' Compare 45 3.
T o convey stronger force w e employ must: 'You must go!' 'He
must go!' ' W e must go!' 'The world must be m a d e safe for de-
 43 1 A VOLITIVE SUBJUNCTIVE 395
mocracy' (Woodrow Wilson, April 2, 1917). 'It must succeed!'
Often, however, with the stress upon the form that has the verbal
meaning where the verbal meaning seems important to the mind:
'We must go!' Also have to and have got to are used here. T h e
latter is the more emphatic of the two, but is for the most part
confined to the present tense and to colloquial language. Although
have to and have got to usually denote an objective necessity that
lies in circumstances, they are also not infrequently used to in-
dicate that the objective necessity lies in the will of another,
hence the speaker often employs them instead of must w h e n he
desires to represent his will or, in the language of kindness and
politeness, his wish as an objective necessity that constrains an-
other or brings about some result: 'I order it and you have to
do it; this is m y last word.' 'You have to (or have got to) come
to our cottage over Whitsuntide.' 'It has to succeed.' They
often denote the constraint of another than the speaker: ' I don't
want to do it, but I have to' (or have got to). W e often have to
use had to and have had to as must has no clear forms for reference
to the past: 'I had to do it.' 'I have often had to do it.' Compare
45 4 e. Alongside of this c o m m o n use of have to, have got to, and
must is their c o m m o n use to indicate the constraint of circum-
stances: ' W e have to (or must) sell our house.' 'In life w e have to
(or must) do m a n y things w e do not desire to do.' Perverse con-
straint: 'Just w h e n I was dropping off, a door had to (or must)
bang.' Must was originally a past subjunctive. W e n o w feel it
as a present tense. W h e r e the reference is to the will of a person
the force is that of a volitive subjunctive. W h e r e the reference
is to the constraint of circumstance the force is thought by some
to be that of the indicative, though the form was originally a
subjunctive. O n the other hand, have to was originally an indica-
tive indicating the constraint of circumstances, but it is n o w used
also with subjunctive force indicating the will of a person. In both
forms, however, there is always present the idea of a constraint of
some kind, so that there is a unity of meaning in all the examples.
There is a certain volitive force here, for the aim is not to express
the act of a free subject, but to represent the act as determined
by another, or by circumstances, or b y natural law. Sometimes
other forms of expression, need, want (popular), am obliged, am
compelled, etc., are employed to express this modal idea: 'He need
not wait.' 'You want (= need) to keep your eyes open in the city
or you will be taken in' (Krapp, Comprehensive Guide to Good
English). 'I am obliged to be away tomorrow.' Also sentence
adverbs (16 2 a) have this modal force: 'He will necessarily (or
of necessity) arrive late.'
396 VOLITIVE SUBJUNCTIVE 43 I A

Am (or is, are) to is often used instead of must or have to, usua
with a little milder force: 'You are to stay here until I come back.'
Sometimes in sharper tone: 'You are always to shut the door
when you enter this room!' For a fuller description of this modal
force see 7 D 2. Compare 45 4 /. Going to has the same general
meaning, but is more forcible: 'All policemen are going to go to
work or get off the force' (words of the Chief of Police in Chicago,
July 16, 1930).
To indicate the will of the speaker with reference to the future
we use will in thefirstperson and in questions also in the second
person, but in declarative statements employ shall in the second
and third persons: 'I will do all I can' (promise). 'I won't have
you children playing in m y study!' In 'Will you sit down?'
and in still more friendly tone ' Won't you sit down?' the force is
kind, but in ' Will you children be quiet!' the words and tone have
the force of a command. 'You shall have some cake' (promise).
'You shall smart for it' (threat). 'You shall do as I say!' (com-
mand). A mild form of expression of will is found in permissions:
'You may go.' The Concise Oxford Dictionary gives must not
cannot as the usual negative forms of may: 'You must not (or
cannot) go.' This corresponds closely to our colloquial American
usage: 'May I (or mayn't I) play ball this morning?' 'No, you
cannot; but you may play this afternoon' (Kittredge and Farley,
Advanced English Grammar, p. 126). But may not is sometimes
used here, especially in the literary language: 'Why mayn't I
say to Sam that I'll marry him? W h y mayn't I?' (Hardy, Life's
Little Ironies, I, II, 29). 'Would he break faith with one I may
not name?' (Tennyson, Lancelot and Elaine, 681). 'Now the
dilemma is acute, and settlement may not be deferred' (editorial in
Chicago Tribune, Dec. 9, 1929). 'Rooms may not be sub-rented'
(The University of Chicago Announcements, Jan. 15, 1930, p. 18)
May not is most common here when the word may immediately
precedes: ' It is not always easy to know what we may do and what
we may not do.' 'May I go now?' 'No, you may not!' Can
is not infrequently employed also in positive permissions: 'You
can go' (Concise Oxford Dictionary). Of course, also in the sub
ordinate clause: 'Why won't you say when I can see you again?'
(Tarkington, Mirthful Haven, Ch. XIV). In questions may and
can here have the force of a request: 'May I come in?' 'I may
come and see you, mayn't I?' (Susan Warner, The Wide, Wide
World, Ch. XIII). 'Can I come in?' (Rider Haggard, Mr. Mee-
son's Will, Ch. VIII). The positive form of statement with may
or can often has the force of a mild command: ' P R E T T Y COUSIN.
"Bobby, how dare you give m e a kiss?" B O B B Y (unabashed).
43 1 A VOLITIVE SUBJUNCTIVE 397

"Well, if you don't like it, you can (or may) give it m e back
again"' (Punch). Compare 45 4.
T o ascertain the will of a person to w h o m w e are speaking, we
employ shall or am (or is, are) to: 'Shall I (or he) come again
tomorrow?' ' Am I (or is he) to come again tomorrow?' Compare
37 5 a (pp. 366, 371).
Shall or am (or is, are) to is employed to predict that some-
thing will come about in accordance with the will of G o d or des-
tiny: 'Heaven and earth shall pass away, but m y word shall not
pass away' (Matthew, X X I V , 35). 'The time shall (or is to) come
when Egypt shall be avenged' (Lytton, Pompeii, II, Ch. VII).
Similarly, shall, am (is, are, was, were) to, going to, and come t
are used to represent an act or state as the inevitable outcome of
events or as the natural result of a development: ' W e shall then
(or are then to) be partners with all the business m e n of the
country, and a day of freer, more stable property shall have
come' (Woodrow Wilson, Aug. 7, 1912). 7s to cannot replace shall
in the future perfect relation, as in the case of the second shall
here, but elsewhere it is the c o m m o n form in everyday language,
while shall is the favorite in higher diction: 'Better days are
soon to (or shall soon) follow.' 'The worst was over. Better days
were soon to (or should soon) follow.' These forms point to the
future from the present or from a point of time in the past.
Going to points to the future from the present: ' W e are going to
lose all that w e have earned in a lifetime.' In the case of come to
all the different time relations can be expressed, as come has
retained enough of its original concrete meaning to point, like any
verb, to the present, past, or future: 'He is coming (came, has come,
will come) to see the error of his ways.' In the case of is coming,
came, has come the reference is to actual events, but these forms
express something more than actual events. They contain a
modal idea. They represent the events as the result of the con-
straint of educating personal experiences. This modal idea is
often expressed by a sentence adverb (16 2 a): 'Our cause will
ultimately (or eventually) prevail.'
The past subjunctive should is m u c h used as a modest or polite
volitive: 'You should go at once,' m u c h milder than 'Go at once!'
or 'You shall go at once!' 'He should go at once.' ' W e should
go at once.' This form, however, sometimes becomes quite em-
phatic: 'You should go if I had m y way!' 'You should mind
your o w n business!' T h e past subjunctive would is here usually
associated with the idea of politeness, modesty: 'I would speak
a few words to you, sir.' 'Would you tell m e the time, please?'
'Mrs. Ralston, also M r . Brown would like a cup of tea' (indirect
398 SUBJUNCTIVE OF WISH 43 I B

polite request), but, according to 37 5 a (p. 367), w e say 'I should

like a cup of tea' (direct polite request) to avoid expressing
the idea of desire twice. T h e past subjunctive would is some-
times quite sharp and emphatic: 'If he should treat m e in that
way, I just wouldn't stand it.' T h e past subjunctive might is
m u c h used in polite and modest requests: 'You might call at
the baker's and get some bread.' 'Aunty, might (or could) I
bother you again with a few questions?' Might sometimes be-
comes sharp and emphatic: 'You might offer to help me!' Com-
pare 45 4. For reference to the past w e employ the perfect
infinitive: 'You should have gone at once.'
The past subjunctives ought (past subjunctive of owe), must,
and should are often used to express modestly and politely the
idea of constraint of duty, i.e., moral necessity or obligation:
' W e ought (literally, should owe) to (or must, or should) do some-
thing to help him.' Ideal constraint, i.e.,fitnessand expediency:
'She ought to (or should) be praised for that.' 'A liar ought to
(or should) have a good memory.' Should is often used ironically:
'He as he put it colloquially to himself should worry!'
(Lawrence Perry, Collier's, Sept. 3, 1927, p. 32) = 'It wasn't
anything he should worry about.' 'You'll get a good thrashing
for that.' 'I should worry' = 'I'm not worrying about that.'
Compare 44 I a. For reference to the past w e employ the perfect
infinitive: ' W e ought to have done something to help him.'
A polite expression of will often takes the form of a simple ques-
tion calling for a statement of fact: ' W h o lives here?' See 2 (3rd
par.), p. 1.
B. S U B J U N C T I V E O F W I S H . T h e present subjunctive is often
used to express a wish which in all probability m a y be realized,
the sanguine subjunctive of wish: 'God bless you!' 'The Lord
have mercy upon us!' ' T h e Lord save us!' ' T h y kingdom come!'
'Heaven forbid!' Often in oaths as an expression of irritation:
'God damn you!' (or it). 'Be damned to you!' a blending of
'Be [you] damned!' and 'Woe [be~] to you!' Often with milder
words: '[God] Confound you!' (or it). 'The devil take him!'
'Plague take them!' ' G r a m m a r 6e hanged!'
In general, the n e w subjunctive form with may and a dependent
infinitive clause is more c o m m o n : 'May you see m a n y happy
returns of this occasion!' 'May he return soon!' 'May I never
see such a sight again!' 'So mote (archaic present subjunctive of
must, once used here with the force of may) it be!' In oaths and
mild imprecations will with a dependent infinitive clause is often
used in thefirstperson: T H 6e damned (hanged, or dashed) if I
doit!' '[FH be] Dashed if I like it.'
43 1 B SUBJUNCTIVE OF WISH 399
A past tense form, the unreal subjunctive of wish, conveys
the idea of unreality, indicating that fulfilment is not expected:
'0 were he only here!' '0 had I wings!' 'Would G o d that thou
couldst hide m e from myself!' (Tennyson, Guinevere, 117), n o w
usually 'I would to G o d that,' etc., after the analogy of 'I wish to
God.' Modal auxiliaries are n o w more c o m m o n here, serving as
the modern subjunctive forms: 'Too late! 0 might I see her just
once more!' ' Could w e only look forward in life and see as clearly
as we do looking backward in memory!'
The past tense often expresses a modest wish (41): 'Might
this little book contribute something toward arousing interest
in this important question.' 'I would not have the affair known
for all the world.' 'I would rather stay than go.' Instead of
would rather w e often employ the past subjunctive had with
rather: 'I had rather err with Plato than be right with Horace'
(Shelley, Essays, II, 155). T h e adverb rather has displaced here
older liefer. T h e newer form began to appear here in the fifteenth
century, but the older lingered on for a long while: 'Far liever
would I face about, and step back to m y Emperor' (Coleridge,
Piccolomini, IV, V, A.D. 1800). It survives in dialect. Earlier
in the present period the positive of this old form was still in use:
' I would as lief go there as anywhere' (Thackeray, Henry Esmond,
I, VI). It survives in colloquial speech. In more formal language
we use as readily here. In less formal language older liefer, as
lief are n o w represented by sooner, as soon: 'I would (or had)
sooner die than let himfindit out.' 'I would (or had) just as soon
stay at h o m e as go.' In all these cases had is n o w less c o m m o n
than would. T h e past optative had with an adverb should be dis-
tinguished from the past potential described in 44 I (10th par.).
The past potential is associated with an adjective, not with an
adverb: 'I had belter (objective predicate adjective) go,' lit-
erally, 'I should regard going as better.' 'I had best go.' In the
potential category had is m u c h more c o m m o n than would. T h e
latter, however, is sometimes used. Examples are given in 44
I (10th par.).
In all these examples the past subjunctive expresses a desire
of the speaker, but it is often employed to report the desire of
another: 'He would gladly do it.' 'He I O O U W rather stay at home.'
For reference to past time w e employ the past perfect sub-
junctive, or in the case of auxiliaries use the perfect infinitive
instead of the present: 'O had he only been here!' '0 might I
have known it in time!' '0 could I have understood him better!'
T would gladly have done it.' 'I should have liked a glass of water.'
'He would gladly have done it.'
400 SUBJUNCTIVE OF ACTION CONCEDED 43 II A

C. S U B J U N C T I V E O F L O G I C A L R E A S O N I N G . In logical reasoning
in laying d o w n one or more desired propositions from which con-
clusions are to be drawn, the present tense of the simple subjunc-
tive is n o w entirely replaced by let with the infinitive: 'Let the
figure abc 6e an isosceles triangle and bd a perpendicular line on
the base,' etc.
D. S U B J U N C T I V E O F P L A N . Am (or is, are) to and shall are
m u c h used to represent the act as merely planned, but usually
with the implication that the plan will be carried out: 'I am
to go by train to Jerusalem tonight. There I am to meet Ellington'
(Sir Walter Raleigh, Letter toH.A. Jones, March 22,1922). ' There
shall (or more commonly is to) be a girth of buildings down the
avenue that leads to the woods below, and there shall (or more
commonly is to) run by those buildings a path which leads to the
open quadrangles of the professional schools' (Woodrow Wilson,
Dec. 9, 1902).
T o express an unrealized past plan w e employ was to followed
by a perfect infinitive: 'He was to have dined with us today.'
Thefiniteverb in the case of am (or is, are, was) to is always in
the indicative. It indicates the time of the action future or
past. T h e subjunctive or modal idea lies in theto-infinitivein
connection with the verb 6e (am, is, are, was). Compare 7 D 2.
II. In Subordinate Clauses. Here the optative subjunctive
represents the action as conceded or desired.
A. A C T I O N C O N C E D E D . T h e present subjunctive is often used
as a weak imperative, a mild volitive. Originally, these proposi-
tions were independent sentences and m a y still be regarded as
such, but as their logical dependence is evident they m a y be re-
garded as subordinate clauses: 'Say [he] what he will, he can-
not m a k e matters worse,' or 'Let him say what he will,' etc. Other
examples in 32 1 a aa.
Also in really subordinate concessive clauses: 'Though he make
(shall make, or more commonly may make) every effort, he
cannot succeed.' 'But whether the extensive changes which I
have recommended shall be thought desirable or not, I trust that
w e shall reject the Bill of the noble Lord' (Macaulay). 'However
hard it rain (shall rain, or more commonly may rain, or rains, if
w e desire to indicate that w e are reckoning with this factor),
we shall have to go.' 'Whosoever he 6e (now more commonly
may be) that doth rebel, he shall be put to death' (Joshua, 1,18).
'I ask that every m a n of any standing in R o m e be brought to
trial even if he have remained neutral' (Masefield, Pompey the
Great, Act II). T h e past tense forms convey the idea of unreality:
'Even if (or though) it were more dangerous, I should feel com-
43 II B a SUBJUNCTIVE IN SUBSTANTIVE CLAUSES 401

pelled to go.' 'Even though (or if) he were here, I should say the
same thing.' Improbability: 'Though he might (or should) m a k e
every effort, he could not succeed.' T h e past subjunctive of the
simple verb or the past subjunctive might or should in connection
with a present infinitive points to the present or the future. If
the reference is to the past, w e must use the past perfect sub-
junctive or the past subjunctive might or should in connection
with a perfect infinitive: 'Even if (or though) it had been more
dangerous, I should have felt compelled to go.' 'Even if he should
have made every effort, he could not have succeeded.'
The past subjunctive sometimes, as in 44 II 5 A 6 (last par.),
has the modal force of the present subjunctive, indicating that the
statement is probably true, but it differs from it in that it refers
to the past: 'Stewart was, perhaps, the most beloved m e m b e r of
Trinity, whether he were feeding rugger blues on plovers' eggs or
keeping an early chapel with the expression of an earth-born
seraph' (Compton Mackenzie, Sinister Street, Ch. V ) . In older
English, the past subjunctive often pointed to the past. See 44
II 5 A 6 (last par.). N o w w e more commonly employ the past
indicative here, since w e feel that w e have to do with actual facts.
B. A C T I O N D E S I R E D . A present tense form represents the
statement only as desired or planned, but implies the expectation
that the desire or plan will be realized. It expresses various shades
of the volitive and the sanguine subjunctive of wish described in
I A and B. A past tense form represents the thing desired or
planned as a mere conception of the mind, not resting upon any
expectation of realization, or, on the other hand, b y thus using
here a past tense form and thus indicating that w e are not counting
upon a realization of our expectations w e can often modestly
express earnest wishes and plans which w e inwardly hope to see
realized.
The subjunctive of action desired occurs in the following cate-
gories:
a. In substantive clauses:
In object clauses after verbs of advising, beseeching, warning,
praying, wishing, willing, demanding, deciding, providing, seeing
to, taking care, etc., also after adjectives of similar meaning:
'Pray G o d it last not long!' (S. Weir Mitchell, Roland Blake,
Ch. II, p. 15). 'She desires that he do (or may do) it,' or with
milder force, 'She begs that he will (consent to) do it,' 'that I
will do it.' 'I hope ( = desire and expect) that he may recover.'
T tell you what let's do: let's all run away' (Margaret Deland,
The Iron Woman, Ch. II). 'I insist that he be allowed his free-
dom.' 'I require that you 6e here by eight.' ' W e demand that
402 SUBJUNCTIVE IN SUBSTANTIVE CLAUSES 43 II B a

this burden must (or shall a modern subjunctive, originally the

present indicative of the modal auxiliary shall, hence stronger
than may) be removed.' 'I will arrange that another consultation
shall be held.' 'The doctor insists that I shall give up smoking.'
'The will provides that the estatefee(or shall be) divided among
his children.' 'Let him that hath ears and understanding see
that he hear (now more commonly hears) God's word regard-
fully' (Baxter, Paraphrase on the New Testament, Mark, IV, 23,
A.D. 1685). 'See to it that m y boots 6e (or shall be) blacked,' but
more commonly are blacked, to indicate that w e are counting on it.
' Take care that she may not jilt you,' or more commonly doesn't
jilt you, since w e are reckoning with this factor. 'But mind your
h u m a n debts are paid' (Edwin A. Robinson, Collected Poems,
'Ballad by the Fire'), the indicative emphasizing the absolute
necessity of complying with this injunction.
A s described in 7 D 2, there is a peculiar modal force in the
indicative forms am to, is to, are to; also shall often has this same
force: 'Father hasfinallydecided that Fred is to go, that we are
to go.' 'I stipulate that I shall, you shall, he shall do it.' 'I beg
that I shall not suffer from it.' Shall is especially c o m m o n here
to represent an act or state as the inevitable outcome of events
or as the natural result of a development: ' I trust that you shall
have no cause to regret making this appointment' (Charles P.
Taft, Letter, Jan. 29, 1887). Am to, is to, are to often have about
the same meaning here and elsewhere, but there is a little differ-
ence in the style. 7s to, are to are more c o m m o n in everyday
language.
T h e future indicative, so often used in direct commands, as
described in 45 4 c, is often used also in indirect form here in
object clauses: 'I desire you will do no such thing' (Jane Austen,
Pride and Prejudice, Ch. I). T h e form will is often found here
with milder meaning, but it is, of course, modal will, not the
future tense auxiliary: 'I beg that you will draw your chair up
to thefire'(Conan Doyle, Sherlock Holmes, I). 'He begs that I
will do it.'
A past tense form in this category often conveys the idea of
unreality: 'I wish I were dead!' or here often in colloquial speech
with the past subjunctive form was, after the analogy of other
past subjunctives which all have the same form as the past in-
dicative, the reference to the present or the future alone distin-
guishing the subjunctive here from the indicative: 'I wish it
was to-morrow!' (Farjeon, London's Heart, I, 188). 'I wish I had
wings!' 'They afterwards wished they had arrested him,' where,
however, in popular speech a have (frequently in the contracted
43 II B a SUBJUNCTIVE IN SUBSTANTIVE CLAUSES 403

form of a or of) is often inserted after the had of the past perfect
subjunctive to distinguish here the subjunctive from the indicative
and thus impart the clear modal idea of unreality, as explained
in 49 3 6 (3rd par.) and 44 II 5 C (last par.): 'They did most ear-
nestly wish they had of arrested him' (A. S. M . Hutchinson, This
Freedom, p. 370). T h e past subjunctive might is m u c h used here:
'I too wish our efforts might he successful, but I scarcely expect
it.' A past tense subjunctive form is often a modest expression
of desire: 'I wish I might not have m y labor in vain!' 'I wish
you would stay a little longer!' 'He wishes I would go and visit
him.' 'I wish that success might come to you speedily!' 'I would
rather he took (or should take) m e over the crossing.' 'Which
would you rather took you over the crossing? M e or Papa?'
(May Sinclair, Mary Olivier, p. 88). 'Would you rather I went on
to the house?' (Mary Johnston, The Long Roll, Ch. X V I I ) . Polite
command: 'I (a physician) desire the patient should have a bath
every day.'
After a past indicative tense form the distinction of meaning
between present and past tense forms usually disappears entirely:
'She desired that he might come at once.' ' W e demanded that the
burden should be removed.' In recent literature and present col-
loquial usage, however, the tendency occasionally found in early
Modern English to break through ourrigidsequence and employ
the simple present subjunctive even after a past tense has grown
stronger, since the simple present subjunctive with its implication
of early and immediate execution has become associated with
the expression of will in general without reference to the tense
of the principal verb: 'I desire, demand, or suggest, or I desired,
demanded, or suggested, that action 6e postponed.' 'She insisted
that he accept, and, indeed, take her with him' (Edgar Rice Bur-
roughs, Tarzan of the Apes, Ch. 1,3). 'He was glad his sisters had
suggested that the Holtons 6e invited' (Meredith Nicholson,
Otherwise Phyllis, Ch. X ) .
The subjunctive is found with verbs with these meanings not
only in object clauses, but also often in subject clauses: 'It has
long been desired by us all that this privilege 6e extended to others.'
"Twere to be wish'd not one of them survived' (Robert Rogers,
Ponteach, I, 11, A.D. 1776), or should survive. 'It seems to be
fixed that Fred is to go to college' (George Eliot).
This subjunctive is m u c h used in subject clauses also after
nouns and adjectives with these meanings: 'It is m y ardent wish,
or very desirable, that he come (or may come, or shall come) at
once.' 'The essence ( = thing required) of originality is not that
it be new' (Carlyle). There is a tendency here to disregard the
404 SUBJUNCTIVE IN SUBSTANTIVE CLAUSES 43 II B a

old sequence and employ a present subjunctive after a past tense

in the principal proposition, especially when immediate action
seems desirable: ' It was more than ever imperative n o w that he
forestall that desperate action' (Brand Whitlock, J. Hardin &
Son, III, C h . X , 4). 'For our good n a m e it was essential that
they (the notes) 6e early redeemed' (T. E . Lawrence, Revolt in
the Desert, p. 121).
This subjunctive is m u c h used also in attributive substantive
clauses after nouns with these meanings: 'Father's advice that
M a r y wait until next week is quite reasonable.' 'The Committee
on Curriculum presents the recommendation that the cases of all
students w h o do not fully meet the requirements for a degree
shall be considered by a committee consisting of the Dean, the
Registrar, and the Committee on Registration.' 'When one runs
against a post like that, one can't help expressing the wish that
the post were in the infernal regions.' 'She has left the written
request that you would (or stronger should) come soon.' 'He has
given the order that the patient should have a bath every day.'
Of course, with a past indicative the present subjunctive is at-
tracted into the form of the past: 'I promise secrecy on the
understanding that the thing end' (or shall end), but 'On the un-
derstanding that the thing ended, secrecy was promised' (Jerome
K. Jerome, Harper's Monthly, July, 1925), or ' on the understand-
ing that the thing should end.' Often, however, here, as above, a
present subjunctive after a past tense: 'He issued the order that
the work 6e done at once.'
The past tense subjunctive forms are often used in the subor-
dinate clause where the principal proposition is suppressed: 'Oh!
that I were young again!' 'Ah! that your excellency but saw
the great duel which depends on you alone!' (Kingsley, Hypatia,
Ch. II). 'Oh! that I had but known!' (Hall Caine, The Deemster,
Ch. XVIII).
In the preceding examples the idea of wish, desire, demand is
expressed by the meaning of the verb or some noun or adjective
in the principal proposition as well as by the subjunctive form of
the verb in the subordinate clause. Often, however, the idea of
wish, desire, demand is expressed only by the subjunctive form
of the verb in the subordinate clause.
In object clauses: 'Therefore they thought it good you hear
a play' (Shakespeare, The Taming of the Shrew, Induction, II,
136), or more modestly 'should hear a play.' 'He thought it good
that a young m a n n o w and then hear (or should hear) a play.'
' W e regard it of the highest importance that Kinney be nominated'
(Chicago Tribune, April 12, 1926). 'Mary will telegraph him that
43 II B b SUBJUNCTIVE IN ADVERBIAL CLAUSES OF PURPOSE 405

he is to (shall, or more modestly should) come at once.' It can

be seen by thefirstexamples that the old sequence is not always
observed here.
In subject clauses: 'It is a matter of the highest importance to
the whole world that there shall be a free ballot and a fair count'
(J. B. Foraker, Notes of a Busy Life, Ch. X V I ) . 'It is biologically
important that the sex-complex leave nothing to chance' (George A.
Dorsey, Why We Behave as Human Beings, p. 438). 'It is best
that he go at once.' 'It is sufficient, not sufficient, that he read his
lesson over only once.' 'The only form of independence that is
possible or desirable for a w o m a n is that she shall be (or simple
be) dependent upon her husband, or if she is unmarried, on her
nearest male relative' (St. John Hankin, The Last of the DeMullins,
Act III), or more modestly 'should be dependent upon,' etc.
In predicate clauses: 'What this country needs n o w more than
it ever did before, what it shall (or is to) need in the years follow-
ing is knowledge and enlightenment' (Woodrow Wilson, Dec. 9,
1902). T h e force of shall and is to in this example is the same as
in the example from Charles P. Taft on page 402.
In attributive substantive clauses: 'It is high time that he
go' (or more modestly went, or were going, or should go). 'It is
time that you either showed your authority or openly confessed
you had none.' A s were is the only distinctive past subjunctive
in the language, in all other verbs the past subjunctive having
the same form as the past indicative, w e sometimes even in the
literary language and frequently in colloquial speech find the
past indicative used as a past subjunctive: 'It's really time
something was done' (Marion Crawford, The Undesirable Gov-
erness, Ch. I).
b. In adverbial clauses of purpose introduced b y that, so that,
in order that, for fear that, lest, with the same use of forms and
tenses as in a: 'In order that this measure 6e useful, it must be
put into force at once.' 'I m o v e that the case be adjourned until
tomorrow in order that further inquiries may be made.' 'I locked
myself into m y study that I might not 6e disturbed.' ' I would give
all m y goods that it had never happened' (Dasent, Burnt Njal,
II, 118), or more commonly 'might never have happened.' For
other examples see 33.
As in object clauses, as described in a (5th par.), there is also here
in adverbial clauses of purpose, especially those introduced by lest,
a tendency after a past tense to break through our rigid sequence
and employ the simple present subjunctive to indicate more
vividly that the thing feared is felt as imminent: ' W e helped d o w n
the Indians from their burdened camels that no sound betray
406 SUBJUNCTIVE IN TEMPORAL CLAUSES 43 II B c

(instead of might betray) us to listening ears' (T. E . Lawrence,

Revolt in the Desert, p. 177). 'And lest she disobey (instead of
disobeyed, or more commonly should disobey), he left her' (Amy
Lowell, Men, Women, and Ghosts, p. 111). 'He desired rather
to keep free of these follies lest they confuse him and make him
soft' (Sinclair Lewis, Arrowsmilh). T h e use of may instead of
might after a past tense is a prominent feature of colloquial Irish
English: 'Last week when I set out on m y long train journey I
brought a book that I may read as I traveled along' (Joyce,
English as We Speak It in Ireland, 84).
Shall, here as elsewhere in purpose clauses, has a strong force.
It represents something as yet only conceived, but at the same
time as something that must be attained: ' They (i.e., the trappers)
go about their business in a stealthy manner for fear that any
shall see where they set their traps' (Thoreau, Journal, XI,
p. 456). 'The one c o m m a n d laid upon him (i.e., the real play-
wright) is to see things nobly that his deeper vision shall help
the crowd' (L. Merrick, The Actor-Manager, Ch. I, p. 13). 'He
brushes his hair up over his head from behind, so that it shall
not be seen h o w bald he is' (Anne Douglas Sedgwick, The Little
French Girl, Part III, Ch. IV).
c. In temporal clauses after until, till, when, whenever, as soo
as, before, against (= before), ere the subjunctive shall is sometim
employed to represent a future act, not as a fact, but only as the
result of a development, the outcome of circumstances, or as
planned, desired: 'Is she going to keep a lonely vigil till that
time shall come?' (Florence Montgomery, Thrown Together, I).
'Do m y errand when it shall he most convenient for you in the
course of the day' (Stevenson, Dr. Jekyll, Ch. I X ) . 'There is
m u c h to be done before every child in the country shall speak
English as could be wished' (H. C. Wyld). 'There is a month
yet, and I promise you to be back ere it shall have elapsed.'
Come to is often used here instead of shall: 'It will be a better and
a happier world when greater numbers of m e n come to (or shall)
see the need of serving others.' Of course, shall and come to be-
come should and came to after a past indicative: 'Many years
passed by before he should (or came to) realize his error.'
In older English, the simple subjunctive was used here: 'The
tree will wither long before it fall' (Byron, Childe Harold, III,
X X X I I ) . 'The most forward bud Is eaten by the canker ere it
blow' (Shakespeare, The Two Gentlemen of Verona, I, i, 45). This
usage lingers on in poetry and choice prose: 'Not though all men
call, Kneeling with void hands, Shall they see light fall Till it
come for all Tribes of m e n and lands' (Swinburne, Songs before
43 II B e SUBJUNCTIVE IN RELATIVE CLAUSES 407

Sunrise, 'Christmas Antiphones,' III). 'I a m n o w going d o w n

to Garden City and N e w York till the President send for m e ;
or, if he do not send for m e , I'm going to his house and sit on his
front steps till he come out!' (Walter H . Page, Letter to Irwin
Laughlin, August, 1916). 'It follows that all gods must pass
until perhaps a god 6e found w h o satisfies the requirements
of this disastrously exigent h u m a n dreaming' (Cabell, The High
Place, X X I X ) .
After the past subjunctive forms ought, might, should, etc., the
present subjunctive is usually attracted into the form of the past:
'You ought not to decide this matter until you were (or should be)
calmer.' 'You ought to be beaten until you fell down' (Herges-
heimer, Cytherea, p. 288) (or should fall down). 'She might say
it until she dropped dead before m e , and I should k n o w it wasn't
true' (Alice Brown, The Winds between the Worlds, Ch. XXIII).
'You should be kept at this work until youfinishedit.'
The present indicative is n o w more c o m m o n here than the
form with shall or the simple present subjunctive, since w e desire
to represent the thought, not merely as something planned or
desired, but as an actual factor with which w e are reckoning:
'When he comes, bring him into the room.'
d. The old simple volitive subjunctive (I A ) is still sometimes
used in a proposition which, though formally independent, has
the logical force of a temporal when-clause: 'She will be eighteen
years old come Easter' ( = when Easter shall come), literally,
Let Easter come. 'I almost think if I could do like you, Drop
everything and live out on the ground But it might be, come
night (= when night should come) I shouldn't like it' (Robert
Frost, North of Boston, p. 71).
e. In relative clauses expressing shades of the volitive subjunc-
tive and the subjunctive of wish:
Often to express purpose: 'Envoys were sent w h o should sue
for peace.' 'The system of Divine Providence leaves it open to
us, by humble and loving ways, to m a k e ourselves susceptible of
deep delight from the meanest objects of creation a delight
which shall not (= is not intended to) separate us from our fellows,
nor require the sacrifice of any duty or occupation, but which
shall bind us closer to m e n and to G o d ' (Ruskin, Modern Painters,
Part III, Sec. I, Ch. III).
Often in choice language to represent a future act or state as
the inevitable outcome of events or as the natural result of a
development: ' M a y m y beloved old college have the unspeakable
privilege of helping on m y country towards the days when its
people shall respond to the world that invests it, b y learning
408 SUBJUNCTIVE IN ADVERBIAL CLAUSES OF RESULT 43 II B /

its laws and obeying them, by loving its beauty,' etc. (Sir Henry
Jones, Letter, M a y 7, 1920). 'It is hard to construct an argument
here which shall not be heated' (Woodrow Wilson, Jan., 1901).
Am (or is, are) to often has the same force. Of course, the past
subjunctive form must be used after a past indicative: 'The year
was n o w at hand in which he should draw the proconsulate of
Africa as his lot' (Hate and Buck, Latin Grammar, p. 268).
Often as a strong volitive: 'I a m engaged in an enterprise that
must and shall succeed.' 'But even more do w e need criticism
which shall be truthful both in what it says and in what it leaves
unsaid' (Theodore Roosevelt, The Strenuous Life, p. 74). Also
with milder force: 'After a time she was telling herself that she
did love the Butler (name) of that remote past, but that, as (see
23 II 6, next to last par.) witness what had just occurred, she did
not love the Butler of the present' (Cameron Mackenzie, Mr. and
Mrs. Pierce, Ch. X I X ) .
Also the subjunctive of wish is c o m m o n : 'Moreover, the work
in which this appears is not intended for the enjoyment of erudite
scholars, w h o m G o d preserve, but for the enlightenment of the
ordinary innocent weakling w h o is only too easily led away from
the faith.' Also when the antecedent is a previous clause or
statement: 'its interest to be paid to her if she's a spinster at
thirty . . . which Heaven forbid' (Granville Barker, The Madras
House, Act IV).
The past tense forms are used here to express a modest wish:
'I hear a voice I would not hear, a voice that n o w might well be
still' (Byron, Away, Away, Ye Notes of Woe!).
f. Optative Subjunctive in Adverbial Clauses of Modal and Pure
Result. May indicates a desired result: ' W e should proceed in
such a manner that the public may indorse our cause.' Here
shall is employed to indicate a result determined upon or demanded
by the speaker: 'He is so badly injured that he shall be taken to
the hospital at once.' 'A hundred and twenty little incidents
must be dribbled into the reader's intelligence in such a manner
that he shall himself be insensible to the process' (Trollope, Is He
Popenjoy? Introductory). ' W e should have so m u c h faith in
authority as (5 d) shall m a k e us repeatedly observe and attend
to that which is said to be right' (Ruskin, Modern Painters,
Part III, Sec. I, Ch. III). W e employ should here to state the
desired result modestly: 'He is so badly injured that he should
be taken to the hospital at once.' Compare 29 2 (Examples).
W e express the constraint of circumstances or natural forces
by have to, must, or come to; the outcome of events and natural
developments by shall, come to, or is to: 'The seed corn has come
44 1 POTENTIAL SUBJUNCTIVE IN PRINCIPAL PROPOSITIONS 409

up so poorly that (or very poorly so that) the farmers have to

(or must) plant over again.' 'The world sometimes treats us so
roughly that w e come to be contented with things that once m a d e
us miserable.' 'Can h u m a n progress ever advance so far that
justice shall (or is to) come to all m e n ? ' 'I believe that the mind
can be profaned by the habit of attending to trivial things, so
that all our thoughts shall (or come to) be tinged by triviality'
(Thoreau, Journal, II, p. 290). In older English, the simple sub-
junctive of result was in use here: 'He that smiteth a m a n so
that he die shall be surely put to death' (Exodus, X X I , 12).
Where it is desired to represent the result not as the constraint
of circumstances but as a simple fact, w e still, as in older English,
employ the indicative: 'The seed corn has come up so poorly
that the farmers are planting over again.'
g. Optative Subjunctive in Adverbial Clauses of Condition. W e
often employ the unreal subjunctive of wish (I B , p. 398) in the
condition of conditional sentences. Examples are given in 44 II
5 C a. Also the volitive subjunctive is used in conditions. See
44 II 5, 44 II 5 A a, 6.
POTENTIAL SUBJUNCTIVE

44. The potential subjunctive (41) shows the same use of the
tense forms which have been described in 41 and illustrated in
the different articles of 43. Here as elsewhere the old sequence
(36) usually destroys after a past tense form all thefinedistinctions
observed after a present tense form. T h e following categories
occur:
I. Potential Subjunctive in Principal Propositions. Can,
though an indicative form, has potential force. It is m u c h used
to express ability to perform an act: 'Mary can walk, can write.'
Will is sometimes used in the same meaning: '[His] words,
though they will bear, yet do not warrant, such a translation'
(R. Simpson, Life of Campion, I X , 279, A.D. 1866). Can and will,
though indicatives, do not express action here. They express only
the possibility of an action. They have in a certain sense the
force of the potential subjunctive, but they have retained a good
deal of their original concrete meaning. Also their past tense
forms could and would, like past indicatives, can point to the past.
The present indicative may is n o w very commonly used as a
present potential subjunctive to mark the thoughts which are
busying the mind at the present m o m e n t as mere conceptions:
'It may rain today.' 'He may come today.' 'You may be right.'
This old indicative is n o w rarely used as an indicative with its
original meaning to have power, to be able: 'Try as he may he
410 POTENTIAL S U B J U N C T I V E IN PRINCIPAL PROPOSITIONS 441

never succeeds.' 'Try as he might he never succeeded.' Here

might refers to the past.
T h e fact that might n o w usually refers to the present or future
indicates clearly that it is prevailingly employed as a subjunctive.
T h e past tense form was employed as an indicative and as a
subjunctive in oldest English, a slight difference of form distin-
guishing the two functions, but only the subjunctive survives in
wide use, so that might, n o w with the same form for indicative
and subjunctive, is felt as a subjunctive referring to present or
future time, which thus prevents its use as an indicative referring
to the past. T h e present tense may, though originally an indica-
tive and still possessing somewhat of its older concrete force, has
developed into a present subjunctive, widely used in principal
propositions and subordinate clauses to correspond to the past
subjunctive might in the same positions, the former in accordance
with the nature of the present subjunctive expressing a greater
degree of probability: 'It may rain today,' where may expresses
more probability than might in 'It might rain today.'
Grammarians usually consider may a present indicative when it
stands in a principal proposition, but the fact that w e do not
use it in the past indicative except in a few rather rare expressions
shows clearly that w e do not feel it as an indicative. W e do not
have the least inclination to use it with reference to the past, as
in the case of would and could, which, though their indicative and
subjunctive are alike in the past tense, are m u c h used as indica-
tives and subjunctives, referring to either the past or the present.
Might, like should, has lost its indicative function. May and
might, like shall and should, are both felt as subjunctives, both
referring to the present or future, differing from each other only
in the degree of probability which they express.
Must and ought are old past subjunctives which are not felt
as related to other forms from the same stem. They differ from
the other modal auxiliaries in that they do not have alongside
of them a present tense form with a different shade of meaning.
T h e one form must perform both functions.
May, might, shall, should, must, and ought are not n o w felt as
belonging to a conjugational system like other verbs. They
indicate present or future time w h e n associated with a present
infinitive, but point to the past w h e n associated with a perfect
infinitive, so that it is not they but the infinitive that indicates
the time. All these forms are usually called modal auxiliaries, but
they differ markedly from the modal auxiliaries will and can,
and from all the modal auxiliaries in the closely related German
in that they rarely have an indicative form and cannot show time
 44 I POTENTIAL SUBJUNCTIVE IN PRINCIPAL PROPOSITIONS 411

relations. They are used with an infinitive, which indicates the

verbal meaning and the time relations, while they themselves only
give a touch of color to the statement, each having a distinct
shade, which is again in the case of may, might, shall, should dif-
ferently shaded according as the form is in the present or the past
tense: 'He may miss the train' (future possibility). 'He might
miss the train' (faint future possibility). 'He may have missed
the train' (past possibility). 'He might have missed the train'
(faint past possibility). Shall and should are differentiated in the
same w a y and have the same use of the dependent infinitive
forms. Shall is little used in the potential category, but is very
c o m m o n in the optative category (43). Should is c o m m o n in
both categories, also may and might. T h e only function of may,
might, shall, should, must, and ought is to color the statement.
They perform the same functions as the subjunctive endings in
Latin, but as there are a number of different auxiliary verbs in
English and each verb retains a little of its original concrete
meaning and the present and the past tense forms may, shall,
might, should have a different shade of meaning, the English
coloring is more varied and considerably richer. C o m p a r e Acci-
dence, 57 4 A h.
The auxiliary can is developing in the direction of may. It
has become a subjunctive form w h e n it expresses a possibility
due to circumstances, having here the same force as may, only
stronger, and, like may, not capable of indicating past time w h e n
used in the past tense: ' W e can (stronger than may) expect oppo-
sition from vested interests' (London Times). 'It cannot (or with
much weaker force may not) be true.' ' Can it be true?' In ' Could
this be true?' could, though a past tense, refers to the present.
Can is often also a subjunctive w h e n used of the possibility that
lies in the ability of a person. 'I a m at last able to do it' is an
objective statement of fact, but in' I can do it!' can is a subjunctive
when spoken by someone w h o is confident of his ability to do
something that he has never as yet done. It expresses here the
abstract subjunctive idea of possibility.
While would and could, like past indicatives, often point to the
past, they can do this only w h e n the context clearly indicates
that the reference is to the past: 'I tried to get it into m y suitcase,
but it wouldn't (= couldn't) go in.' ' H e tried to get it into his
suitcase but couldn't' W h e r e the context does not clearly indicate
that the reference is to the past, would and could point to the pres-
ent or the future, like other modal auxiliaries, and, like them, are
now usually felt as subjunctive forms: ' W e could never get that
into the suitcase! It wouldn't ( = couldn't) go in.' T h u s would
 412 POTENTIAL SUBJUNCTIVE IN PRINCIPAL PROPOSITIONS 441

and could are developing in the direction of the other modal

auxiliaries, i.e., they cannot n o w of themselves indicate time
relations and are becoming mere coloring forms. Can, could,
will, would are used in both the optative and the potential cate-
gory and with the same differentiation of the tenses as found in
the other modal auxiliaries.
T h e past subjunctive forms are widely used in principal propo-
sitions in the potential category. Possibility that lies in the
ability of a person or in circumstances: 'He could easily do it.'
'It couldn't possibly be done.' 'It might possibly be true.' 'He
might come today.' Doubt or uncertainty: 'Could he mean it?'
T h e polite subjunctive of modest or cautious statement: 'It were
wise to be silent.' 'I had better (objective predicate adjective)
go,' literally, 'I should hold or regard going as better.' 'I had
best (adjective) do it now.' 'I had as good (adjective) do it now,'
or sometimes ' I had as well (adverb) do it n o w ' after the analogy
of 'I might as well (adverb) do it now.' 'All's over for us both;
'Tis vain contending; I would (not so widely used here as had)
better go' (Browning, A Soul's Tragedy, I). ' W e would (not so
widely used here as had) better wait and see if they wish to come'
(Mary Roberts Rinehart, The Circular Staircase, Ch. VI). 'I
think you would (not so widely used here as had) better read it
aloud' (Willa Cather, Death in the Desert, p. 293). 'I should
(37 5 a, p. 367) think so.' 'I should hope so.' 'It would
(37 5 a, p. 367) seem that the W a r Office is not as it ought to
be.' 'This would seem to confirm his statement.' 'The royal
power, it should (now more commonly would) seem, might be
intrusted in their hands' ( H u m e , History of England). 'That
would be rather difficult.' 'Your refusal to come might give of-
fense.' Should is often used in all three persons to express mod-
estly a strong probability: ' W e should be there within an hour.'
'He should (or ought to) succeed this time.' In should the tone of
modest assurance is often intensified to that of positive affirma-
tion: 'Is anybody deceived by such words?' 'I should say not.'
In rhetorical questions (p. 212) should is often used after how to
express impossibility: ' H o w should I k n o w that?' (Tarkington,
The Magnificent Ambersons, C h . X X I I ) = 'I couldn't possibly
know that.' Compare II 5 D , p. 428.
T h e form should is sometimes not a direct past subjunctive
but the indirect form, corresponding to afirstperson present sub-
junctive of the direct, as described in 3 6, p. 419: 'He sat brood-
ing. W h a t should he (in the direct shall I) say when Father came
(in the direct comes) h o m e ? '
With reference to the past, the perfect infinitive is used instead
44 I a OUGHT AND MUST 413

of the present. Possibility: ' H e could easily have done it.' ' H e
might have missed the train.' D o u b t or uncertainty: 'Could he
have meant it?' 'Might h e have missed the train?' Subjunctive
of modest or cautious statement: ' I should have thought it rather
unfair.' ' H e would have thought it rather unfair.' 'That would
have been rather difficult.' ' H e should have succeeded.'
In the potential category there are other quite different m e a n s of
expression. T h e copulas seem, appear, a n d often look represent
the statement as uncertain: ' H e seems (or appears) friendly.'
'He looks perplexed.' Also sentence adverbs (16 2 a) are employed
to express this idea: ' H e is apparently friendly.' Since there are
a large n u m b e r of such adverbs or adverbial phrases, as seem-
ingly, to judge by appearances, as far as we can see, etc., with
different shades of meaning, the adverb is a highly prized m e a n s
of expression.

a. 'OUGHT' AND 'MUST.' These past tense subjunctive forms are usu-
ally optatives with volitive force, as described in 43 I A (2nd and next to
last parr.). Not infrequently, however, they have potential force. Strong
probability: 'You have no occasion whatever to worry. H e is an old ex-
perienced m a n and ought to (or must, or should) know what he is about.'
'Eclipse (horse) ought to (or should) win.' Inferred or presumed certainty:
'You must (or should) be aware of this.' 'You must (or should) have been
aware of this.' With a tinge of doubt: 'He must come soon.' 'He must
have missed his train.'
In neither potential nor volitive (43 I A ) meaning do ought and must
now have alongside of them a past indicative or a present indicative or
subjunctive to make us feel that they are past subjunctives. As they
usually point to the present, they have gradually come to be felt as
present subjunctives; but w e still have enough feeling for their old mean-
ing to use them in dependent sentences as past subjunctives, as in older
English; i.e., like every other past subjunctive they can be freely used
in indirect discourse after a past tense, thus here pointing to a past duty
or a past necessity: T thought he ought to do it and told him so.' 'I
thought it must kill him' (Meredith, The Ordeal of Richard Feverel,
Ch. X L V ) .
Sometimes under the influence of this c o m m o n construction must is
used elsewhere with reference to the past, in independent sentences as
well as subordinate clauses, in some cases seemingly as a past indicative;
but in fact in such instances it always stands in the neighborhood of some
other verbal form which clearly points to the past and is thus in reality
the means of conveying the idea of past time: 'A commander like Mans-
field, who could not pay his soldiers, must, of necessity, plunder wherever
he was. As soon as his m e n had eaten up one part of the country, they
must go to another, if they were not to die of starvation' (Gardiner,
Thirty Years' War, 47). '[In reading thefinebooks in the British M u -
seum] M y hunger was forgotten, the garret to which I must return to
414 POTENTIAL SUBJUNCTIVE IN SUBJECT CLAUSES 44 II 1

pass the night never perturbed m y thought' (Gissing, Henry Ryecroft,

Ch. XVII). Compare II 3 a, p. 418.
The common people often replace the unclear old past subjunctive
ought by a clear modern past subjunctive, employing the past subjunctive
auxiliaries should, had, or did: 'A woman should ought to be modest'
(Sheila Kaye-Smith, Joanna Godden, p. 31). 'You should ought to have
seen them' (ib., p. 29). 'He'd oughter (i.e., had ought to) know bet
'He'd oughter've known better.' 'And now the old lady downstairs is
turning down the gas; she always does at half past ten. She didn't
ought' (H. G. Wells, Mr. Britling Sees It Through, II, Ch. IV). 'There
didn't ought to be such things.' 'He didn't ought to have done it.' Instead
of adding the negative to the auxiliary, as in the last examples, it is some-
times added to ovght, as the auxiliary and ought are together felt as a
unit, a new clear past subjunctive form: 'D'you claim he'd (= he had)
oughtn'tV (Owen Wister, Extra Dry, last page). To convey greater as-
surance the common people place the present tense do before the old
past subjunctive ovght, and have thus created a new present subjunc-
tive form: 'He don't ought to go.' Alongside of the past subjunctives
might, should, would are the present subjunctives may, shall, will f
more positive assertion. There is in the literary language no present sub-
junctive corresponding to the old past subjunctive ought. The common
people feeling the deficiency of form here have created two clear sub-
junctive forms, a present and a past, with the usual differentiation of
subjunctive meaning. They have thus given clarity to English expression
at a point where the literary language is regularly unclear. The common
people instead of neglecting the subjunctive, as is so often claimed,
are creating new and clearer subjunctive forms in accordance with their
natural tendency toward concrete expression. Compare 49 3 b (3rd par.).
II. Potential Subjunctive in Subordinate Clauses.
1. P O T E N T I A L S U B J U N C T I V E I N S U B J E C T C L A U S E S . It repre-
sents the thought which is busying the mind as a mere conception;
but the indicative is used to indicate that the thought appears al-
most as a reality, as a practical problem with which w e must deal:
'It is not impossible that he may change his plans.' ' It seems quite
probable that it may (or with different force the indicative will)
rain today.' 'What he may do next is n o w the absorbing theme.'
Shall is employed to indicate a future contingency: 'Whoever
shall violate the law shall pay the penalty.' ' M y one great fear
is that he shall some day return.' T h e past tense might indicates
uncertainty: ' It is possible that it might rain.' Modest statement:
' It is easily conceivable that he might outstrip them all.'
W e often use should even of facts, as the abstract conception,
the principle involved, is more prominent in the mind than the
concrete fact: 'That m a n y m e n should enjoy (or of course also
enjoy) it does not m a k e it better' (Matthew Arnold, Essay on
44 II 3 POTENTIAL SUBJUNCTIVE IN OBJECT CLAUSES 415

Keats). 'It is extraordinary, Dorian, that you should have seen

(or, of course, also saw) this in the portrait' (Wilde, Dorian Gray,
190). 'It is surprising that I, you, he should be (or should have
been) so foolish.'
After a past indicative, of course, in accordance with the law
of sequence (36), w e employ a past tense of the subjunctive in-
stead of the present: 'At that m o m e n t it seemed quite probable
that it might rain.' ' M y one great fear was that he should some
day return.'
2. P O T E N T I A L SUBJUNCTIVE IN PREDICATE CLAUSES: 'My
health is not what, under favorable circumstances, it may (prob-
ability) or might (possibility) be.'
3. P O T E N T I A L S U B J U N C T I V E I N O B J E C T C L A U S E S . In object
clauses introduced by the interrogative or indefinite whether or if,
we sometimes still in choice prose and poetry employ the simple
subjunctive, as in older English, to express the doubt in our mind,
but in plain prose w e n o w use the indicative, since w e feel the
reality, the actuality, of the problem stronger than the idea of
doubt as to the proper solution: ' W e doubt whether it 6e (in
plain prose is) possible to mention a state which on the whole
has been a gainer by a breach of faith' (Macaulay). 'She'll not
tell m e if she love (in plain prose loves) m e ' (Tennyson). 'I some-
times wonder if it 6e (in plain prose is) understood in the United
States' (Walter H . Page, Letter to Woodrow Wilson, Jan. 12,
1915).
After a past tense we, of course, employ a past tense form of
the subjunctive. This past subjunctive which results from at-
traction seems a little more c o m m o n than the present subjunctive
after a present indicative: 'That's just the answer Tertius gave
me when Ifirstasked if she were (in plain prose was) handsome'
(George Eliot). 'He decided that he would go and see whether
Rachel were (in plain prose was) in' (Hugh Walpole, The Duchess
of Wrexe, p. 261). 'Esther trembled like one grown suddenly old.
She did not k n o w whether it were (in plain prose was) with pleas-
ure or fear' ( M a x Pemberton, Doctor Xavier, Ch. IX). There is a
modern tendency after lest to disregard the old sequence where
the thing feared is felt as imminent: 'Each was playing a part
and dreading lest the other suspect it' (G. Atherton, Sleeping
Fires, Ch. X X ) (or should suspect it).
W e sometimes in choice prose and poetry use the simple sub-
junctive after other interrogatives and indefinites, what, how,
where, why, etc., but w e n o w usually employ the indicative, as
in the second paragraph: 'A wise horseman should, in such a
case, take care h o w he pull (in plain prose pulls) the rein' (Lytton,
416 POTENTIAL SUBJUNCTIVE IN OBJECT CLAUSES 44 II 3

Rienzi, II, Ch. III). After a past indicative the simple subjunctive
of course here the past subjunctive seems a little more
natural: 'I could not, when the scheme wasfirstmentioned the
other day, understand w h y a visit from the family were (in plain
prose was) not to be m a d e in the carriage of the family' (Jane
Austen, Mansfield Park, I, Ch. VIII).
In older English, the simple subjunctive could be used not only
after interrogatives and indefinites, but also in indirect statements:
'I think the King be (now is) stirring, it is n o w bright day' (Rich-
ard Edwards, Damon and Pithias, 1. 132, A.D. 1571). 'I think it
6e (now is) not so' (Chapman, All Fooles, IV, I, 223, A.D. 1605).
'I fear m e "faire" 6e (now is) a word too foule for a face so passing
fair' (John Lyly, Sappho and Phao, I, iv, 6, A.D. 1584). 'I think
m y daughter 6e (now is) an exception' (Scott, Fair Maid of Perth,
Ch. X X I X ) . T h e past subjunctive of modest statement is better
preserved and can still be used in choice language: 'But I should
say that m e n generally were (in plainer style usually are) not
enough interested in thefirst-mentionedsciences (i.e., botany,
anatomy, mathematics, chemistry) to meddle with and degrade
them' (Thoreau, Journal, III, p. 326).
O n the other hand, when the idea of doubt or uncertainty is
strong w e still quite commonly employ the subjunctive in all
kinds of object clauses, even in the categories discussed above;
now, however, in its modern form with an auxiliary: 'The doctors
do not yet k n o w whether there may be any change in his condition
during the night.' ' I a m going to ask him whether there may be
any chance of an opening in his business for me.' 'I fear that he
may not recover.' 'I n o w believe it possible that he may recover.'
'He n o w feels (or thinks) that he may be mistaken about it.' 'I
have heard that he may return soon.' However, w e use the in-
dicative wherever w e desire to indicate that the statement is felt
not as a mere conception but rather as a reality, truth, sure re-
sult: 'He n o w feels that he is mistaken about it.' 'I fear that he
will not recover.' 'I think this will meet with your approval.' In
all these cases a past tense form is, of course, employed after a
past tense: 'I feared he might not recover.' 'I had heard that he
might return soon.' 'I feared that he would not recover.' 'He fel
that he was mistaken about it.'
The past tense forms of the simple subjunctive and the modal
auxiliaries are m u c h used after a present tense with different
shades of meaning. Possibility: 'Whether such a development
were possible or not is not for m e n o w to discuss.' 'I see that that
might have proved disastrous.' Often to put the thought upon a
basis of pure imagination: 'Suppose he were here?' 'Suppose
 44 II 3 a INDIRECT DISCOURSE AFTER SAYING, ETC. 417

that I were to tell y o u that y o u had n o need to be alarmed' (Black,

Daughter of Heth, I, 270). M o d e s t statement: 'I think that
might (or should) please anybody.' 'I think y o u would be better
pleased with this book.' T h e past subjunctive is often used in-
stead of the present indicative since the abstract principle is felt
as more important than the concrete fact: 'I regard it as the
saddest of things that a m a n should be allowed to bring u p his
son in that way.'

a. Indirect Discourse after Verbs of Saying, Reporting, Remarking, etc.

After these verbs w e n o w employ the subjunctive in indirect discourse
only where it is used in the direct form. Direct: '/ mayfinishthe work
tomorrow.' Indirect: 'He says he may finish the work tomorrow,' or
'He said he mightfinishthe work tomorrow.' W e employ the indicative
uniformly in all indirect statements where the indicative is used in the
direct form. Direct: 'I am sick.' Indirect: 'John says he is sick' or
'John said he was sick.' There is often here an element of uncertainty
or unreality. Today w e feel this as amply expressed by the meaning of the
verb in the principal proposition and the change of person and tense in
the subordinate clause. These characteristic features of indirect discourse
show us that w e have to do with an indirect, hence not necessarily reliable,
statement. In Old English, as still in modern German, the subjunctive
was used here to indicate uncertainty or unreality: 'Oft us m e n secgap
bst hi unsynnige beon' (^lfric, Homilies, II, 330) = 'Often m e n tell us
that they are without sin.' 'Nu cwsedon gedwolmen baet deofol gesceope
sume gesceafta' (ib., I, 16) = ' N o w heretics said that the devil created
some creatures.' But in this oldest period the subjunctive was often used
also of actual facts: T c gehyrde secgan paet hwaete wayre on Egypta
lande' (The Heptateuch, Genesis, XLII, 2) = 'I have heard that there is
corn in Egypt' (King James Version). The potential idea has here en-
tirely disappeared, the subjunctive expressing merely indirectness of
statement. This subjunctive survives in German, but has been discarded
in English as superfluous expression. A t least one of the characteristic
features of indirect discourse described above is always present and
indicates indirectness of statement.
The following additional examples are given to illustrate present
usages more fully:
Direct Indirect
I come as often as I can. H e says he comes as often as he can.
I will do it for you. H e says he will do it for m e .
I would come if you should ask m e . H e says he would come if I should
ask him.
It may rain. H e thinks it may rain.
Am I making progress? H e often asks m e whether he is
making progress.
418 INDIRECT DISCOURSE A F T E R SAYING, ETC. 44 II 3 a

There is no difficulty here except in the case of the pure future, which
has different forms for the different persons. In the indirect statement we
here usually, without regard to the auxiliary used in the direct statement,
employ shall in thefirstperson and will in the second and the third, in
accordance with the usual w a y of using these forms in the future tense:
Direct Indirect
Y o u will surely fail. H e says I shall (or in American col-
loquial speech will; see p. 369)
surely fail.
I shall return tomorrow. H e says he will return tomorrow.
There is, however, a tendency here, especially in the third person of
the indirect statement, to retain the auxiliary used in the direct, just as
w e do everywhere else:
Direct Indirect
I shall come to stay at Diplow. Sir H u g o says he shall (usually mil;
see pp. 366, 369) come to stay at
Diplow (George Eliot).

Of course, after a past tense, in accordance with our law of sequence

(36), a present tense form becomes past. T h e only difficulty here is the
proper treatment of the pure future forms. T h e rules given in the pre-
ceding paragraph apply here, except that every present form becomes
past: 'He said I should (in American colloquial speech would; see p. 369)
surely fail'; direct: 'You will surely fail.' 'He said he would return
tomorrow'; direct: T shall return tomorrow,' or sometimes with the
auxiliary used in the direct: 'He told her plainly he should be a prince
before he died' (Kingsley, Westward Ho! Ch. I); direct: T shall be a
prince before I die.'
In the case of modal auxiliaries the auxiliary used in the direct is always
retained in the indirect statement, the present, however, becoming past:
T told him I would help him if he needed it.' Direct: T will help you
if you need it.' Must and ought do not change their form after a past
tense since, according to I a, p. 413, they are past subjunctive forms:
T thought it must kill]him' (Meredith, The Ordeal of Richard Feverel,
Ch. X L V ) . T thought he ought to do it and told him so.'
A past tense subjunctive of the direct is, of course, not affected by a
preceding past tense when the statement becomes indirect: ' M y reason
often asked harshly w h y I should be so desolate.' Direct: ' W h y should
I be so desolate?'
T h e present perfect of the direct statement usually becomes past per-
fect in the indirect, but the present perfect m a y be retained to emphasize
the close relations of the act to the present: (direct) 'I have been sick,'
but in the indirect form: T met John on the street this morning and he
told m e that he had been sick,' or in the form of a subject clause: 'His
first remark was that he had been sick.' Direct: 'The painters haven't
finished work on the house yet,' but in indirect form: 'John told m e this
44 II 3 b INDEPENDENT FORM OF INDIRECT DISCOURSE 419

morning that the painters hadn't (or often haven't)finishedwork on his

house yet,' or in the form of a subject clause: 'His greatest worry this
morning was that the painters hadn't (or often haven't)finishedthe work
on his house yet.'
Similarly, the present and the future of the direct discourse m a y be
retained in the indirect to indicate that the act is still continuing and will
go on for some time: (direct) 'The painters are still at work on the house
and will be for some time,' and in indirect form: 'He told m e this morning
that the painters are still at work on his house and will be for some time,'
or in the form of a subject clause: ' Hisfirstremark this morning was that
the painters are still at work on his house and will be for some time.'
Often also where the reference is to a point of time still vividly felt as
future at the time of speaking: 'He told m e this morning that he is
going (or will go) with us tomorrow.'
Moreover, the present must be used to represent something as habitual,
customary, characteristic, or as universally or locally true: 'I told him
that the morning train leaves at nine, that John is diligent and energetic'
'I told him where the post office is.' 'He asked m e what the properties
of acetylene are.'
There is one point in indirect discourse not covered b y the above de-
scription. In reporting indirectly a c o m m a n d w e never employ the im-
perative, but an optative the volitive subjunctive or an infinitive
with the force of a volitive subjunctive: (direct) 'Come at once.' (in-
direct) 'He said / should come at once' (or / was to come at once), or
'He told m e to come at once.' W e say also: 'He wrote, telegraphed, to
m e to come at once' (or that I should come at once). In American English
it is c o m m o n to say also: 'The teacher says (= tells us) to come early'
(or that we must come early). 'When the Federal Board says for it (the
stabilization corporation) to do so (or that it must do so), it borrows money
from the Government and casts it into the wheat pit' (Garet Garrett in
The Saturday Evening Post, June 21,1930, p. 6). In the Oxford Dictionary
this use of say for tell is marked obsolete. It was once literary usage in
England.
Of course, a direct quotation is given exactly as it is spoken and is
distinguished by quotation-marks: 'He extended his hand to m e and
said, "I a m grateful to you for all that you have done for me,'" but in
indirect form: ' H e extended his hand to m e and said that he was grateful
to m e for all that I had done for him.'
b. Independent Form of Indirect Discourse. In a lively style, the
author often strips off all formal signs of subordination and reproduces the
thoughts, feelings, dreams, impressions, fears, etc., of another in grammat-
ically independent form. T h e words are not represented as a free report of
the author or speaker, but as a close, though indirect, reproduction of the
thoughts, musings, reveries, etc., of another. T h e tenses are the past
tense forms usually employed in narrative: the past tense to correspond
to the present indicative or subjunctive of the direct discourse, whether
used as a present or a future, or with reference to the future w e m a y
use would + infinitive without regard to the auxiliary employed in the
420 I N D E P E N D E N T F O R M O F INDIRECT DISCOURSE 44 II 3 &

direct statement, or sometimes should instead of would where shall is

used in the direct; the past perfect indicative to correspond to the past
or the present perfect of the direct; the past subjunctive of simple verb
or modal auxiliary to correspond to a past subjunctive of the direct
where the reference is to the m o m e n t at hand, i.e., the m o m e n t the writer
is describing, but the past perfect subjunctive or the past subjunctive of a
modal auxiliary (could, should, etc.) in connection with a dependent
infinitive in the perfect tense m a y also be used here if the feeling prevails
that the words are a narration of a past musing: 'James looked at his
daughter-in-law. That unseen glance of his was cold and dubious. Ap-
peal and fear were in it. W h y should he (direct should I, with reference
to the m o m e n t described by the writer) be worried like this? It was
(direct is) very likely all nonsense; w o m e n were (direct are) funny
things! They exaggerated (direct exaggerate) so, you didn't (direct don't
k n o w what to believe; and then nobody told (direct tells) him (direct me)
anything, he had (direct I have) tofindout everything for himself' (direct
myself) (Galsworthy, The Man of Property, Ch. III). 'When he came out
of Timothy's his intentions were no longer so simple. He would (direct
I will) put an end to that sort of thing once for all . . . A divorce!
The word was paralyzing. She would (direct will) pass out of his
(direct my) life, and he he should (direct / shall) never see her again!'
(ib., Ch. VI), or instead of should in the third person more commonly
would corresponding to shall in thefirstperson in the direct form: 'He
considered whether it wouldn't be wiser to go to his room and lock him-
self in. But then he would (direct I shalT) miss Miss Corner' (H. G. Wells,
Mr. Britling Sees It Through, I, Ch. III). 'He ordered himself, too, the
very dinner the boy had always chosen soup, whitebait, cutlets, and
a tart. A h ! if he were (direct if he were) only opposite now!' (Galsworthy,
The Man of Property, Ch. II), where the use of were indicates that the
writer is referring to the m o m e n t that he is describing, but under the
influence of narrative, as often elsewhere in this book, he might have
said: 'Ah! if he had only been opposite!' 'In a few kindly words the
Field-Marshal (Moltke) told m e he was (direct / am) unable to fathom
the source of m y apparent intimate knowledge of the Prussian army.
H o w could a stranger have grasped (direct could a stranger grasp) the spirit
which pervaded (direct pervades) it?' (Sidney Whitman, German Memo-
ries, Tauchnitz Collection 4393, p. 127). T h efirstsentence of the last
quotation is the usual form of indirect discourse. In the second sentence
the writer passes over into the independent form, representing the words
as a report of the musing of Moltke.
This form of indirect discourse is widely used also by newspaper men,
w h o in this manner report indirectly the things that have been told them:
'Bishop Charles P. Anderson, primate of the Episcopal Church of Amer-
ica, critically ill with heart trouble, was beginning to show signs of ex-
haustion this afternoon, though otherwise his condition was unchanged.
This was stated in a bulletin issued by Dr. James B. Herrick' (The
Chicago Daily News, Jan. 25, 1930). It is used also in novels instead of
ordinary indirect discourse: '"What can I do for y o u ? " Swithin asked
44 II 5 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES 421

ironically. The Hungarian seemed suffering from excitement. W h y

had Swithin left his charges the night before? What excuse had he to
make? What sort of conduct did he call this? Swithin, very like a bull-
dog, at that moment, answered: "What business was it of his?"' (Gals-
worthy, Salvation of a Forsyte, p. 218). In the last sentence the propositi
in which this construction stands is not independent as usual but de-
pendent, object of a verb, as in the case of ordinary indirect discourse.
4. POTENTIAL SUBJUNCTIVE IN ADJECTIVE CLAUSES:
a. Attributive Relative Clause: 'It is a book that may (or the
indicative will to indicate that the speaker is counting on a positive
favorable result) help m a n y a poor struggling fellow.' 'Here is
a book that may (or more modestly might) interest you.' In
Masefield's The Everlasting Mercy, p. 65, there is an example of
the older simple subjunctive here, but it m a y have been chosen
for the sake of the rime: '[he] H a s got his dirty whores to speak
to, His dirty mates with w h o m he drink (for may drink), Not
little children, one would think.'
Shall is used to express a future contingency: 'I offer a reward
to anyone who shall give m e the desired information.'
Should is often employed to express a strong probability:
'He is a bright young m a n w h o should succeed.' Would and
should are used to represent something as merely conceived: 'I
should like to see the m a n w h o would dare to insult m e in 111-
fracombe's presence' (Florence Marryatt, A Bankrupt Heart,
II, 62). 'He was not the kind of a m a n w h o m a servant would
ever have dared to express any sympathy with' (Sarah Grand,
The Heavenly Twins, I, 85). In the preceding examples the rela-
tive clause has the force of a conclusion to a condition. It m a y
have the force also of a condition: 'A m a n might pass for insane
who ( = if he) should see things as they are' (Channing). ' T w o
months ago I should have scouted as m a d or drunk the m a n who (if
he) had dared tell me the like' (Kipling, The Phantom Rickshaw, 9).
Unreality: 'Here is a m a n that might have become a power in
the land.'
b. Attributive Substantive Clause: "The thought that he may
miss his train is worrying her.' 'He dismissed the suspicion that
she might be deceiving him.'
5. S U B J U N C T I V E A N D I N D I C A T I V E I N C O N D I T I O N A L S E N T E N C E S .
For practical considerations conditional sentences of all kinds
are here treated together. In some of the categories the indicative
and the subjunctive are employed side by side, while in others the
subjunctive alone is used. T h e potential subjunctive is the more
common subjunctive use, especially after if, unless, in case.
Examples are given in A, B , C, D. But also the volitive subjunc-
422 FUTURE TIME IN PRACTICAL CONDITION 44 II 5 A a

tive (43 I A ) occurs, especially after provided, on condition that, so

so only, so that, often after unless: 'I will help him provided (or
on condition that) he do (shall do, or more commonly does; indica-
tive) what I say.' 'I will not help him unless he do (shall do, or
more commonly does; indicative) what I say.' Besides the exam-
ples given below there are others in 31.
A. Practical Condition. This category has to do with the
things of practical everyday life things with which in our
world of action and thought w e m a y have to do in the immediate
future or with which w e m a y have to do in the present moment.
This category has to do also with the things of the past, for the
things of the past often affect us in one w a y or another. W h e n
the things with which w e are dealing or shall soon deal present
themselves to the mind under the aspect of facts, w e employ the
indicative. M a n y of the mere conceptions that are passing through
the mind are felt b y us at the time as realities even though they
have not as yet become facts. They are so near to us that they
appear to us under the aspect of facts; so near often that we base
conclusions on them. Often, however, in our more composed
moods w e feel these things as conceptions, as things near to us
but yet as mere conceptions, and w h e n w e speak of them we use
the subjunctive. This attitude of mind was more c o m m o n in
older English, so that the subjunctive here was more common
then.
a. Future Time. W h e n the action or state expressed in the
condition seems of practical importance to us, something which
in the near or more remote future will concern us, hence some-
thing well within the realm of reality, w e usually employ in the
condition the present indicative, which here as so often elsewhere
has future force; in the conclusion w e use will in thefirstperson
to express intention and in all three persons employ the future
indicative to indicate a future result: 'If it rains (or is stormy)
I'll not go.' 'If it rains (or is stormy) w e shall (in American col-
loquial speech will) all be very m u c h discouraged' (or 'they will
all be very m u c h discouraged'). 'They will go unless it rains.'
In the condition alongside of the present indicative with future
force there has always been employed here a present subjunc-
tive with future force, with the same meaning as the indicative,
only representing a little different point of view. T h e present
indicative represents the assumed act or state as so near to us
that w e regard it as a future actuality or at least as something
with which w e m a y have to deal: 'If it rains, I'll not go.' The
present subjunctive represents the act or state as a mere concep-
tion but at the same time marks it as something with which we
44 II 5 A b PRESENT AND PAST IN PRACTICAL CONDITION 423

m a y have to deal the potential subjunctive or after provided,

so, so that, so only, on condition (that) as something desired or r
quired the volitive (43 I A ) subjunctive: 'The gathering will
be large if (or in case) the weather be (or is) good' (or ' unless the
weather be, or is, bad'). 'Let him go, so only (= provided)
he come (or comes) h o m e with glory' (G. M . Lane, A Latin Gram-
mar, p. 338). ' I'll lend it to him on condition he return (or returns)
it tomorrow.' Sometimes after a past indicative there is a tend-
ency to disregard the old sequence (36): 'She w a s granted a
year's probation on condition she send (instead of should send,
or sent) her son to school' (New York Evening Post, July 12, 1929).
In everyday fife the indicative is the c o m m o n form in all these
cases, but the subjunctive is still in use in choice language.
Alongside of the simple present subjunctive w e often find in
older English the newer form with shall, and in those palmy days
of the simple subjunctive it was m u c h needed, for the simple
subjunctive can frequently not be distinguished from the indica-
tive: 'If ye shall ask anything in m y name, I will do it' (John,
XIV, 14). Shall is still often used here in one special case, namely,
to represent the act as the assumedfinaloutcome of events, or the
assumed result of a development, where in choice language it is
not infrequently preferred to either the present indicative or the
present subjunctive: 'If annihilation shall end (or ends, or end)
our joys, w e shall never regret the loss of them.' 'If you shall fail
to understand W h a t England is ... O n you will come the curse
of all the land' (Tennyson). In everyday language is to (43 I A,
6th par.) is c o m m o n here: 'It (the government) will have to
maneuver skilfully if it is to avoid being caught in a snap vote'
(The New York Times, July 7, 1929).
6. Present and Past Time. Often in our daily life w e are forced
to draw conclusions from what seem to us, so far as our practical
experience goes, to be facts of the present and the past. Here
we often employ in both condition and conclusion a present,
past, or present perfect indicative, thus for the time being in the
absence of fuller evidence recognizing the reality of the assumed
act or state, but not committing ourselves to this view: 'If he
is doing this, he is doing wrong.' 'If this is true, that is false.'
'If he lies, he probably cheats also.' 'If he did this, he did wrong.'
'If the weather was pleasant (and you admitted it was) w h y
didn't you go to school every day?' 'If it has thundered, it has
also lightened.' Condition and conclusion are often in different
times: ' If he did this, he is in the wrong.' ' If he had fair warning,
he has nothing to complain of.' 'If he has found it, he will send it.'
In older English, w e often find here instead of a present, past,
 424 PRESENT AND PAST IN PRACTICAL CONDITION 44 II 5 A b

or present perfect indicative the corresponding tense of the sub-

junctive with about the same meaning, only from a little different
point of view. T h e subjunctive represents the statement as a
mere conception but at the same time marks it as probably or
presumably true. T h e present subjunctive after provided, so
long as, so that, and often unless, but ( = unless) represents the
action as desired or required, as illustrated in the next paragraph,
hence has volitive (43 I A ) force. T h e indicative recognizes the
act or state as a reality.
T o express present time or a general truth the present sub-
junctive is still c o m m o n in choice language: 'But the slight,
if there be one, was unintentional' (Stevenson, Treasure Island).
'But I confess, so long as ( = provided) a volume hold together,
I a m not troubled as to its outer appearance' (Gissing, Henry
Ryecroft, Ch. XII). ' W e care little what he (i.e., m a n ) believes or
disbelieves, so that he believe in sobriety, justice, charity, and
the imperativeness of duty' (John Burroughs, The Light of Day,
Ch. X D 7 , VI). 'Virtue is the very heart and lungs of vice: it
cannot stand u p but ( = unless) it lean on virtue' (Thoreau,
Journal, I, p. 78). T h e present subjunctive as well as the pres-
ent indicative can be used of actual facts, the subjunctive form
representing the assumed act or state as a general conception,
i.e., as a general principle rather than as a particular concrete
act or state: 'If G o d so clothe the grass . . . h o w m u c h more
will he clothe you?' (Luke, X I I , 28). ' If a straight line be bisected,'
etc. (Mansford, School Euclid, 95). 'If the planet be close to the
sun, its speed increases.' In all these examples w e m a y use the
indicative instead of the subjunctive. T h e difference is one of
style rather than of meaning. T h e subjunctive is characteristic
of choice language and elevated discourse.
T h e present perfect subjunctive was m u c h used in older English
to represent a past act or state as only conceived but at the
same time to m a r k it as probably a fact: 'If experience haue
not taught you this, you haue lyued long and learned lyttle'
(John Lyly, Euphues, Works, I, p. 193, A.D. 1578). This older
usage is still occasionally found in choice language: 'It ought to
weigh heavily on a man's conscience, if he have (in plain prose
has) been the cause of another's deviating from sincerity' (W. J.
Fox, Works, III, 283).
If the reference is to time wholly past, the past indicative is
the usual form for the condition. B u t the past subjunctive is
sometimes employed in choice language. It has the same modal
force as the present and the present perfect subjunctive. It
represents the statement as a mere conception but at the same
44 II 5 B THEORETICAL CONDITION 425
time marks it as probably true: 'If it were so, it was a grievous
fault' (Shakespeare, Julius Ccesar, III, n, 84). 'If ever poet were
a master of phrasing, he (Tennyson) was so' (A. C. Bradley,
Commentary on Tennyson's ' In Memoriam,' Ch. VI). ' N o Thanks-
giving dinner was quite complete unless there were a baby on
hand belonging to some branch of the family' (George F. Hoar,
Autobiography, I, 57). Similarly, in the closely related con-
cessive clause: 'If the cavern into which they entered were arti-
ficial construction, considerable pains had been taken to m a k e
it look natural' ( W . Black, Daughter of Heth, II, C h . X V I ) .
The past subjunctive here for reference to the past is m u c h less
c o m m o n than the present subjunctive for reference to the present
and future, for it is contrary to the n o w almost universally rec-
ognized principle that the past subjunctive refers to the present
or the future. In older usage the past subjunctive was often used
here for reference to the past: ' She wolde wepe, if that she sawe
a mous Caught in a trappe, if it were deed or bledde' (Chaucer,
Prologue, 144). T h e past perfect subjunctive is impossible here
since it represents the statement as contrary to fact, so w e n o w
usually employ the past indicative. Compare 41 (4th par.).
B. Theoretical Condition. In the theoretical condition, or less
vivid condition, as it is often called, the action or state seems less
near to us, seems to us of only theoretical nature with no prospect
of our having to deal with it practically, hence w e employ here
a past tense form of the subjunctive, namely, should, to indicate
that the situation is only conceived, and in the conclusion w e use
the past volitive (43 I A , 7th par.) subjunctive would in all three
persons to express intention or willingness, and employ the past
potential should in thefirstperson and the past potential would
in the second and third persons as future subjunctive forms to
indicate a future result: 'If it should rain tomorrow, I wouldn't
go.' 'If he should treat m e in that way, I just wouldn't stand it.'
'If he should treat you in that way, you just wouldn't (volitive)
stand it.' 'If w e should treat him in that w a y he just wouldn't
(volitive) stand it.' 'If he should go a w a y without speaking
to me, I should be grieved,' but 'If I should go a w a y without
speaking to him, he would (potential) be grieved.' It should be
noticed that in the second and third persons there are in the con-
clusion a volitive and a potential would with quite different mean-
ings. Compare p. 367. Instead of thefirstperson form should
we sometimes use would, provided it has just been used b y someone
in speaking to us, since w e feel a desire to reply to him in his o w n
terms, catching u p the very word he uses: 'You would think so
yourself if you were in m y position.' 'No, I wouldn't,' or ' Would
426 CONDITION CONTRARY TO FACT 44 II 5 C

I though?' or with the regular form 'I should n6t.' In the subor-
dinate clause of all these conditional sentences, w e normally em-
ploy potential should, but instead of the should w e m a y use the
simple past subjunctive, or were to, usually, however, with the
differentiation that simple past subjunctive, should, and were to
indicate decreasing grades of probability: 'If w e missed (or should
miss, or were to miss) the train, w e should have to wait an hour at
the station.' W e sometimes find in the condition a would instead
of a should, since the clause in which it stands is a conclusion to
a suppressed condition: 'If you would he patient for yourself
[if occasion should arise], y o u should ( = ought to; see next par.)
be patient for me.'
A should in the condition always indicates that the subject
acts, not of his o w n free will, but under the constraint of circum-
stances, business, etc., as in 'If he should fail, I would help him,'
but if he acts of his o w n free will, w e must use will here: 'I should
be (or he would be) glad if she would (expressing desire) only come.'
If the subject in the conclusion acts under the constraint of duty
should, not would, must be used: ' H e should (constraint of duty)
go, if his father should (constraint of circumstances) call him.'
Should in the conclusion often indicates the desire of the speaker:
' You (or he) should go, if it were left to me.' ' You (or he) should
not go, if it were left to me.' T h e condition m a y be according to
A and the conclusion here according to B : 'If he lies, he should
be punished.'
T h e past subjunctive could and might are often used in the con-
clusion to express the idea of possibility, the former the possibility
that lies in the ability of a person, the latter the possibility that
lies in circumstances: 'He could do it if he tried.' ' W e might
miss the train if w e walked slower.' 'If he could hold out a little
longer, he might succeed.' Might also has optative force indicating
the possibility of a permission: 'You might go if you would only
behave a little better.' Could is used also in the condition, as in
the third example. T o express the idea of constraint w e now
employ should (or would) have to, not must, as w e no longer vividly
feel the latter as a past subjunctive: 'If he should not come, I
should have to do the work.' 'If I should not be able to come back
in time, he would have to do the work.'
C. Condition Contrary to Fact. In conditions contrary to fact,
or unreal conditions, as they are often called, w e employ the
simple past subjunctive in the condition, and in the conclusion
use would or should, as described in B : 'If he were here, I would
speak to him.' 'If father were here and saw this, w e should have
to suffer for it.' 'If father were here and saw this, he would punish
44 II 5 C CONDITION CONTRARY TO FACT 427

us.' 'He looks as [he would look] if he were sick.' In poetry and
rather choice prose, w e sometimes still use the old simple past
subjunctive were in the conclusion instead of the newer, n o w more
common, form should be, would be: 'It were ( = would be) different
if I had some independence, however small, to count on' (Lytton,
My Novel, I, III, Ch. X I X ) .
As the past subjunctive has through phonetical change become
identical in form with the past indicative in all verbs except be,
we often in loose colloquial speech find the past indicative singular
was used as a past subjunctive singular instead of the regular
were, after the analogy of other verbs in which the past subjunctive
is identical in form with the indicative: 'If it was (instead of
were) not so cold, he would be allowed to go out.' Sometimes
even in choice language: 'What appears more real than the
sky? W e think of it and speak of it as if it was as positive
and tangible a fact as the earth' (Burroughs, The Light of Day,
Ch. X I V , VIII). In older English, this usage was m u c h more com-
m o n than now: 'I shall act by her as tenderly as if I was her
own mother' (Richardson, Pamela, Vol. II, p. 216, and often else-
where in this work). 'Was I in a desert, I would find out where-
with in it to call forth m y affections' (Sterne, A Sentimental
Journey, 'Calais'). This use of was as a past subjunctive arose
in the seventeenth century: 'She told him if he was not a
fool he would not suffer his business to be carried on by fools'
(Pepys, Diary, July 12, 1667). In spite of the long use of was in
the literary language as a subjunctive form it has not become
established there with this meaning. Were is still the usual
form.
W h e n the reference is to past time, w e usually employ in the
condition the past perfect subjunctive and in the conclusion the
same auxiliary used for present time, should, would, could, might,
but put the dependent infinitive in the perfect tense instead of
the present: 'If it had rained, I would not have gone.' 'If he had
gone away without speaking to m e , I should have been grieved.'
'If I had gone away without speaking to him, he would have been
grieved.' 'He should have gone, if it had been left to me.' 'If he
had been present, I would have spoken to him.' 'He could have
done it if he had tried.' ' W e might have missed the train if w e had
walked slower.' In older English, the past perfect subjunctive
was used in both propositions: 'If thou hadst been here, m y
brother had not died' (John, X I , 21). This older usage lingers on
in poetry and choice prose: 'Her anger frightened him. It had
been no surprise to him if she had fallen dead at his feet' ( M a x
Pemberton, Doctor Xavier, Ch. X X ) . T h e condition is sometimes
428 ELLIPTICAL CONDITIONAL SENTENCES 44 II 5 D

abridged to a prepositional phrase: 'Mrs. Doria, an amiable

widow, had surely married but for her daughter Clare' (Meredith,
Richard Feverel, Ch. XIII) = 'if it had not been for her daughter
Clare.' T h e condition is sometimes implied in the context: "Tis
mercy that stays her hand, Else she had cut the thread' (Thomas B.
Aldrich, The Bells at Midnight). In lively style, the past indicative
sometimes takes the place of the regular subjunctive form in the
conclusion, since the past act does not seem to us a mere concep-
tion, but something so close to us that w e feel it as a reality which
w e relate: 'Surely if they had been zealous to pluck a brand from
the burning, here was a noble opportunity' ( W . Gunnyon, Bio-
graphical Sketch of Burns, 41).
In strong contrast to the tendency in colloquial and popular
speech to neglect an opportunity to distinguish between indicative
and subjunctive b y the use of distinctive forms in the case of
was and were is the decided tendency to distinguish in the past
perfect tense the subjunctive from the indicative by the insertion
of have after had, as explained in 49 3 6: 'If they had 'a' said so,
you'd 'a' sat and listened to 'em' (De Morgan, Alice-for-Short,
Ch. II). T h e reason that the tendency to distinguish between
was and were here is so weak is that all the analogies in the language
are against a distinction, the past tense indicative and subjunctive
always being alike except in the case of was and were, while after
had, as described in 49 3 6, there are analogies favoring a dis-
tinction between indicative and subjunctive. Compare 43 2 B a
(4th par.) and 44 I a (last par.).
a. Optative in Conditions. It should be noted that in unreal
conditions the past tense forms are often optative, not potential:
'Were he only here, I would give all that I have!' 'Had he only
been here, I would have given all that I had!' This is the unreal
subjunctive of wish (43 I B ) .
D. Subjunctive in Elliptical Conditional Sentences. A sentence
that is seemingly independent is often in fact the conclusion of
a conditional sentence with the condition suppressed: '/ should
say [if I were asked] that it were better to say nothing about it.'
In this sentence that it were better serves as an object clause, the
object of the verb say, but it were better is also the conclusion to
the condition to say nothing about it = if one said nothing about it.
T h e apparently independent sentences in I, p. 409, are in fact
largely conclusions with the conditions suppressed. T h e condition
in most cases can easily be supplied. Sometimes a blending has
taken place: 'The face is a curious mixture: the soft dreamy
eyes contrast so sharply with the firm, / had almost said, hard
little mouth' (Florence Montgomery, Thrown Together, I, 72),
44 II 10 POTENTIAL SUBJUNCTIVE IN CAUSAL CLAUSES 429

where I had almost said is a blending of I almost said and I ha

said if I hadn't checked myself.
6. P O T E N T I A L S U B J U N C T I V E I N C L A U S E S O F M A N N E R . May is
much used here to mark the thoughts which are busying the mind
at the present moment as mere conceptions: 'It looks as if (or
as though) it may rain,' or indicating more doubt and uncertainty:
'as if it might rain.' Modest statement: 'It seems to m e as
though he might (or a little more positively should) outstrip all
the others.' '"The world is not your nursery, Angel!" Agatha
closed her lips very tightly, as who (= one who) should imply:
"Then it ought to be!'" (Galsworthy, The Patrician, p. 298).
Often with more positive force: 'I feel as if (or though) I were
going to fall.'
7. P O T E N T I A L S U B J U N C T I V E I N A D V E R B I A L C L A U S E S O F M O D A L
A N D P U R E R E S U L T . In clauses of modal result may is used to
express a possible result and might a result only faintly possible:
'He is so badly injured that he may (or might) die.' Compare 29 2.
In clauses of pure result may or might indicates a possible result:
'It has cleared up beautifully, so that he may (or might; faint
possibility) come after all.'
8. P O T E N T I A L S U B J U N C T I V E I N C O M P A R A T I V E C L A U S E S . The
simple subjunctive is often used here in choice language to repre-
sent something as a mere conception: ' Nor is there fairer work for
beauty found Than that she win in nature her release From all the
woes that in the world abound' (Bridges, The Growth of Love, 8),
or now more commonly the modern form with the past tense of a
modal auxiliary, should win.
9. P O T E N T I A L SUBJUNCTIVE IN C L A U S E S O F E X T E N T . The
simple subjunctive is much used here in older English to represent
the act as a mere conception, while today we usually employ the
indicative, as we feel the act as a fact: 'The onely triall that a
ladie requireth of her louer is this, that he performe as much as
he sware' (John Lyly, Euphues and His England, Works, II,
p. 168, A.D. 1580), now promises.
10. P O T E N T I A L S U B J U N C T I V E I N C A U S A L C L A U S E S . W e often
use should here to express an abstract conception, an abstract
principle. W e use it even of facts, since the abstract conception,
the principle involved, is more prominent in the mind than the
concrete fact: 'Yes, [I a m ] ashamed that I should have (or, of
course, also the simple present indicative have) a mother who
could show so little thought for another's feelings' (J. Hartley
Manners, The Harp of Life, Act II).
After for fear (that) and in choice language lest we sometime
find the simple subjunctive here, now more commonly the modern
430 O L D SIMPLE IMPERATIVE F O R M 46 l

form with the past tense of a modal auxiliary, to represent some-

thing as a mere conception: 'Let us act and not shrink for fear
(that, or lest) our motives be (or should be) misunderstood.' 'I
tremble for fear that (or lest) you should he seen.' 'In England
m a n y legislators are uneasy for fear that (or lest) they should not
get away to the country for the grouse shooting.'
Sometimes after a past indicative there is a modern tendency
to disregard the old sequence (36) in clauses introduced by lest
where the thing feared seems imminent: 'People dared not ven-
ture into the street lest they be shot' (G. Atherton, Sleeping Fires,
Ch. Ill), or should be shot.

IMPERATIVE
45. The imperative is the mood of command, request, admoni-
tion, supplication, entreaty, warning, prohibition. This is one
of the oldest grammatical categories. Forms for the expression
of will are older than those for the expression of actual fact. The
simple imperative, as in eat, sit, etc., antedates inflection. It is
an old uninflected form, which along with interjections, like 01
ouch! belongs to the oldest forms of spoken speech. Though the
oldest imperative form, it is still widely used, but now it is only
one of m a n y forms, for today the expression of one's will is no
longer a simple matter as in the earliest period when m e n were
less differentiated and less sensitive.
The following categories indicate the means w e now employ to
express our will:
1. Old Simple Imperative Form. In direct address we usually
employ in commands, admonitions, requests, supplications, wishes
the simple stem of the verb without a subject, as the direct address
of itself suggests the subject: 'Hurry!' 'Shut the door!' 'Keep
quiet!' 'Come in!' 'Mind your o w n business!' 'Shut upV 'Be
here at noon!' 'Study your failures and be instructed by them.'
'Pass m e the bread, please.' 'Give us this day our daily bread.'
The one form here with its m a n y meanings represents the sim-
plicity of primitive speech. T h e meaning here is not conveyed by
the form alone, but also, as in primitive speech in general, by the
situation, the accent, and the tone of voice. Often to suggest a
course of action politely w e m a k e the real c o m m a n d an object
clause after the imperative suppose, thus presenting the command
merely as a case for discussion: 'Gerry found a friend there last
night. Very likely he's walked up to say goodbye to him. Sup-
pose you go to meet them!' (De Morgan, Somehow Good, Ch. XLVI).
T h e simple imperative is often used to express a wish: 'Good
45 2 a MODERN DO-FORM 431

night. Sleep well!' (Galsworthy, Indian Summer of a Forsyte,

Ch. V ) . Such a permutation here clothing a wish in the lan-
guage of a c o m m a n d imparts a sprightliness and hopefulness of
tone not found in the usual forms of wishing.
The subject is often expressed:
a. In older English, where w e n o w and in oldest English find
the simple imperative: 'Enter ye in at the strait gate . . ., be-
cause strait is the gate and narrow is the way' (Matthew, VII, 13).
There are survivals of this older usage: 'Mind you, he hasn't
paid the money as yet.' Especially c o m m o n in the colloquial
expression ' Look-a-here!' for ' Look you here!' T h e subject here
follows the imperative. In certain dialects, as in Scotch English,
this older usage is still quite c o m m o n : 'Sit ye doon' (George
Macdonald, Robert Falconer, Ch. XLII).
6. In present English, in order to indicate a contrast, usually
with the subject before the imperative: 'I don't k n o w what to
say. Norah, you go.' '"You watch her," the doctor said to his
assistant, "I shan't be back before eight."' 'I must go about m y
work. You amuse yourself in any w a y you like.'
c. In lively language, to indicate that the person addressed
should take an interest in something, or that it is intended espe-
cially for his good or for his discomfiture, or that it should con-
cern or not concern him especially: 'You mark m y words. It's a
certainty.' 'Y6u b e V in slang = 'You m a y risk a bet on that.'
'He's not an unpleasant fellow at all.' 'Just y6u get better
acquainted with him and see!' 'Y6u f611ow m y advice and don't
you go!' 'It'll never work!' 'Just you wait and see!' 'Y6u
leave that alone!' 'Never you mind, Master Impertinent!'
Similarly, in negative do-form: 'Don't you be cocksure!' 'Don't
you dare to touch a single thing!' 'D6n't y6u say that again!'
Compare 2 6, p. 432.
2. Modern Do-Form:
a. Negative commands are expressed b y the rorm with un-
stressed do: 'Don't talk so 16ud!' In popular Irish English let is
often the auxiliary here: 'Let you not be a raving fool, M a r y
Doul!' (Synge, The Well of the Saints, Act III). Compare 3,
p. 432.
In older English, the simple imperative is employed here.
This older usage survives in connection with the adverb never
and sometimes elsewhere in solemn language and in poetry:
'Never mention it again.' 'Tell m e not in mournful numbers . . .'
This older construction is in harmony with the old Germanic
principle of putting emphatic words at or near the beginning. The
modern use of do with dependent infinitive, which contains th&
432 SUBJUNCTIVE FORMS IN COMMANDS 45 3

verbal meaning, has in part resulted from the desire to suspend

the real verb for a time in order to create the feeling of suspense
and thus increase the emphasis: 'Don't you ever tell!' See also
6 A d (2), (3).
b. T h e form with do is often employed in entreaties and as
an emphatic prohibition or a negative entreaty, here usually with
stressed do: 'Do go, please'/ 'D6n't go!' 'Give m e a penny,
Papa!' 'I have nothing for you.' 'D6 give m e just one penny!'
'Do get up, it's very late.' 'Sit d o w n for a moment, pray, do!'
W h e n the tone becomes that of an emphatic prohibition or a
negative entreaty, the subject, according to 1 c is often expressed:
'Don't y6u do that!' 'Don't y6u forget!' or to call attention to
the verbal activity: 'Don't forget.' But 'Don't think it for a
minute!' (Mildred E . Lambert in American Speech, April, 1928,
p. 332) is not a prohibition at all but an emphatic denial. Also
in positive entreaties w e stress the infinitive to emphasize the
activity: ' D o finish your work!' 'Do hurry!' In popular Irish
English let is often the auxiliary here: 'Let you make haste; I
hear them trampling in the wood' (Synge, The Well of the Saints,
Act III). 'Oh, let you not endanger yourself!' (Lady Gregory,
The Full Moon). 'O Hilaria, you w h o are blind, let you open your
eyes!' (Donn Byrne, Blind Raftery, p. 145).
Also the progressive form is used here. See 38 2 a ee.
3. Subjunctive Forms in C o m m a n d s . In older English, the
volitive (43 I A ) subjunctive forms were used instead of the im-
perative w h e n the subject was in thefirstor the third person.
'Climb we not too high, Lest w e should fall too low' (Coleridge).
These subjunctive forms survive only in set expressions, now in
contrast to older English usually with suppressed subject after
the analogy of the old imperative: 'Say [7] what I will, he doesn't
mind me.' 'Say [we] what w e will, he doesn't mind us.' 'Say
[he] what he will, no one believes him.' 'Cost [it] what it may, I
shall buy it.' ' Try [they] as they m a y , they never succeed.' In
a few expressions with the subject expressed: 'She be hanged!
(De Morgan, The Old Madhouse, Ch. X X V I I ) . The subject is
most commonly expressed w h e n it is a general or indefinite pro-
noun. For examples see 43 I A.
Instead of the simple form of the subjunctive w e now usually
employ here the modern form with the unstressed modal auxiliary
let (originally the stressed imperative of the verb let = allow,
permit) and a dependent infinitive: 'There is a m a n at the door
wants to see you.' 'Let him come fn!' quite different in meaning
from 'Let (= allow, permit) him come in!' 'Let me say what I
will, he doesn't mind me.' 'Let us go!' 'Let them go!' Let can
45 4 a AUXILIARY VERBS IN EXPRESSIONS OF WILL 433

be used with all persons but the second. It can, however, be used
with the second if combined with another person: 'Let you and
m e go by ourselves!' In popular Irish English, let, after the
analogy of thefirstand third persons, can be used also with the
second person, where the literary language requires the simple
imperative of the second person: 'Let you quit mocking and mak-
ing a sport of me!' (Lady Gregory, The Bogie Man, p. 18). 'Let
you get up out of that!' (Synge, The Well of the Saints, Act III).
The let-form often occurs in a substantive relative clause:
'Ah'll (I'll) tell you what let's do, Miss Leighton!' (W. D. Howells,
A Hazard of New Fortunes, II, Ch. II). 'I tell you what let's do:
let's all run away!' (Margaret Deland, The Iron Woman, Ch. II).
Compare 43 II B a (1st par.).
W h e n w e speak in a pleading tone, w e place the imperative do
before the let-form: '"I say, Ellen! Suppos'n w e follow the
brook instead of climbing up yonder again!" " O h , do let's,"
said Ellen' (Susan Warner, The Wide, Wide World, Ch. XII).
Negative form: 'Let's not dd that!' W h e n w e speak in a
pleading tone, w e employ the do-form, or often also the regular
negative form with a don't as negative instead of not: 'Don't
let us do that!' '"Let's don't (prolonged, i.e., drawled out) be
serious, George," she begged him hopefully. "Let's talk of
something pleasant!"' (Tarkington, The Magnificent Ambersons,
Ch. XVII).
Instead of a let-form we often, to suggest a course of action
politely, m a k e the real c o m m a n d an object clause after the im-
perative suppose, or sometimes the present participle supposing
(31 2), originally an elliptical condition with the conclusion sup-
pressed: 'Suppose (or sometimes supposing) we all go together
and ask him about it! [would it be agreeable to you?]'
Past subjunctive forms are used in polite admonitions: ' W e
should do it' or ' W e ought (old past subjunctive) to do it.' 'You
should do it,' 'You ought to do it,' or 'You had better do it.'
'I thought to myself: "Old chap, you had better look into this
matter."' For another form of admonishing one's self see 4 b,
p. 434. T o convey mild force w e often use might: ' Perhaps you
and I might run round to Sir T h o m a s ' (Henry Arthur Jones,
Mary Goes First, Act II).
4. Auxiliary Verbs in Expressions of Will. T h e use of auxil-
iary verbs here has been touched upon above. A number of other
auxiliaries, such as will, shall, must, etc., have clear modal force,
likewise certain verbal formations containing auxiliaries, such as
the future tense and the progressive form:
a. A present tense of a modal form is used in connection with
434 USE OF THE FUTURE AND THE PROGRESSIVE 46 4 c

the old imperative, especially common in requests: 'Just hold

the light for m e a moment, will you?' Can is used when the
request is spoken in impatient tone: 'Come down quietly, can't
you?' But will you? is often used when the utterance is more
an exclamation than a request: 'Look at that, will you?' (Mil-
dred E. Lambert in American Speech, April, 1928, p. 332).
b. U S E O F M O D A L ' W I L L ' A N D ' S H A L L ' I N S T E A D O F ' LET.' In-
stead of let (see 3, p. 432) we often use modal will: 'Everybody g
(subjunctive imperative) ready, we'H try again!' = 'let us try it
again!' '"Granny," said Barbara, "you must go quietly on to
the stile. W h e n you're over I'll come too." "Certainly not,"
said Lady Casterley, "we will go together"' (Galsworthy, The
Patrician, p. 86). '"We'll carry these (i.e., the bookshelves)
longways," Sabre (name) directed, when thefirstone was tackled'
(Hutchinson, // Winter Comes, p. 25). W h e n we are not so sure of
assent and desire to defer to the wishes of others, we use modal
shall here and employ the question form: 'Shall we try it again?'
In an admonition to one's self, where there is, of course, no fear
of opposition, we employ will and declarative form, as in the
first example: 'I said to myself: "I'll go and see.'"
c. U S E O F T H E F U T U R E A N D T H E PROGRESSIVE. W e employ
the future indicative when we desire to speak courteously and at
the same time indicate that we are confidently expecting that our
wish will be fulfilled: 'Heads of departments will submit then
estimates before Januaryfirst.'W h e n spoken in earnest tone the
future becomes almost a command: '"You will do nothing of the
sort!" she (grandmother to grandchild) said' (Galsworthy, The
Patrician, p. 87). O n the other hand, since we feel a certain blunt-
ness in the future we often soften the force of the expression here by
the use of please, kindly, perhaps, I know, etc.: 'Intending sub
scribers will please to note the following terms on which the
Graphic will be posted to any part of the world' (Graphic). 'You
will kindly excuse m e as I must go back to m y work.' 'As you
are going to the post office, you will, I know (or perhaps), mail
these letters for me.' W e often soften the expression by employ-
ing modal will and question form in connection with a negative:
' Mrs. Jones, won't you sit down?' ' You'll stay to tea, won't you?
The use of the past subjunctive would in a dependent clause is
a still more modest form of expression: 'I wish you would come
over soon to see me.'
As described in 38 1, the progressive form often has modal force.
Hence its imperative is often charged with feeling: 'Up, be doing
everywhere, the hour of crisis has verily come!' (Carlyle, Latter-
Day Pamphlets). Compare 38 2 a ee. As the present indicative
45 6 TENSES OF THE IMPERATIVE 435
of the progressive form of go often indicates a prospective action
which is to take place in the immediate or near future, it is often
used in expressions of will to indicate that the c o m m a n d is to be
carried out at once or soon and is usually charged with feeling:
' John, you're going to bed early tonight!' ' Y o u sit down! You're
not going yet!' (George Bernard Shaw, Candida, Act III).
d. Shall is used in commands issued in a tone of authority:
' Thou shall not steal!' '" N o , m y dear, you had better stay in."
"But I should like to go." "Well, you shall not go!'" 'Posi-
tively, you shall not do that again!' ' W e shall have courteous
language or none at all.' T h e past subjunctive should has very
much milder force, representing the words as friendly advice
kindly given: 'You should go at once!' ' W e should go at once!'
'He should go at once!' Negative question form has still milder
force: 'Should you not go over all the factors in the case once
more very carefully before you m a k e afinaldecision?'
e. Must is m u c h used in commands or prohibitions to indicate
that something should be done or not done since it is proper or
improper: 'John, w e have company today. Y o u must behave!'
'You mustn't knock against the table in that w a y w h e n I'm trying
to write!' 'You must not talk so loud!' A s explained in 43 I A
we m a y use also have to here in positive commands. Must often
denotes a strong determination. See 43 I A.
/. Are to. This form is m u c h used to convey the will of some-
one other than the subject, representing the order as something
that has already been determined upon and here is simply trans-
mitted: 'You are to be up at six!' 'You are always to shut the
door when you enter this room!' ' Y o u are to come down! M a m m a
wants you.' Compare 43 I A.
5. In lively language, expression is often terse, since the situa-
tion makes the thought clear, so that nouns, adverbs, prepositional
phrases, etc., serve as imperatives: 'The salt, please!' 'All
aboard!' 'Down in front!' 'Hats off!' 'Forward, brave compan-
ions !' A noun or a noun and an adj ective often serve as a warning:
'Danger!' 'Fresh paint!' Compare 2 a, p. 1.
The gerund preceded by no has the force of a negative c o m m a n d :
'No parking here' = ' D o not park here.'
6. Tenses of the Imperative. C o m m a n d s , such as have been
treated in the foregoing articles, usually have reference to the
present m o m e n t or the future. W e sometimes use also the present
perfect tense of the imperative to represent the action as already
performed: Have done! or in popular speech 'a' done! 'Have
done with such nonsense!' In the tone of entreaty the imperative
of do is used here in connection with the perfect infinitive: 'Do
436 PASSIVE IMPERATIVE 45 7

have done with this nonsense!' Found also in popular speech:

'Now, Mother, 'a' done do w u d such silly talk!' (Sheila Kaye-
Smith, Green Apple Harvest, p. 117). A s described in 38 2 & gg,
the tense auxiliary be is still sometimes used with point-action
(38 2) intransitives in the present perfect and past perfect tenses
of the indicative and subjunctive. This older usage survives here
intact in the present perfect imperative Be gone!
7. Passive Imperative. T h e positive passive is, in general,
avoided: ' W e welcome you,' not 'Be welcomed by us!' 'Listen to
your higher nature!' or also 'Be guided by your higher nature!'
'Heed m y warning!' rather than Be warned! (Phillpotts, Eudocia,
I, II). Of course, in some cases the passive is c o m m o n , especially
the colloquial form with get: 'Get shaved before you come home!'
Also the negative imperative with do is c o m m o n : 'Don't be
swayed b y such considerations!' or perhaps more commonly
'Don't allow yourself to be swayed b y such considerations!' A
present perfect passive is sometimes used: 'Don't have been told
anything about it!' (De Morgan, The Old Madhouse, Ch. XVI),
i.e., 'Arrange it so that you have not been told anything about it.'
 CHAPTER XXI
VOICE
PAGE
ACTIVE 437
PASSIVE 443
Actional 443
Statal 445
46. Active Voice. A marked peculiarity of present-day Eng-
lish is the freedom with which a transitive verb is used without
an object either absolutely or with reflexive, intransitive, or
passive force.
W e often use a transitive verb absolutely, without an object,
because w e are not thinking of a particular person or thing as
receiving the action, but have in mind only the action itself,
pure and simple: 'He likes to give.' 'As a teacher, he not only
interests and inspires, but also stimulates and incites to furthe
investigation.' ' N o doubt extraordinary m e n are in a measure
the result of happy accident. There are determining or favoring
factors race, climate, family inheritance, and so on' (John
Burroughs, Under the Apple-Tree, XIII, IV). 'It is m y turn
to milk [the cow].' 'I'm laying [an a m b u s h ] for that Encyclo-
pedical Scotchman' (Mark Twain, Letter to W. D. Howells, Oct.
24, 1880). 'He never laid [his sword] about him in his imaginary
battles in a more tremendous w a y than he did in this real one'
(id., Joan of Arc, II, Ch. XVIII). 'The hens are laying [eggs]
again.'
English shares this feature with a number of tongues, but the
wide use of this principle in English has led to distinctive features.
For m a n y centuries there has been a growing tendency to employ
transitive verbs intransitively without an object for the purpose
of predicating an act pure and simple of some particular person
or thing: 'He is very weak this morning, is breaking fast.' 'The
bread baked too long.' 'The turkey is roasting nicely.' 'Stir till
the pulp cooks to a marmalade.' 'The cloth tears at a touch.'
At this point has arisen a long list of n e w intransitives, which in
many cases have developed a peculiar meaning, as described on
page 440.
In English, there has arisen another peculiar group of intransi-
437
438 O L D R E F L E X I V E S R E P L A C E D BY INTRANSITIVES 46

tives m a d e from transitives. W e say, 'Mary is dressing,' or 'Mary

dresses plainly,' although it is quite evident that M a r y acts upon
herself. M o d e r n G e r m a n and other languages use in these cases
a reflexive pronoun as object: 'Mary dresses herself.' W e say,
'Her eyesfilledwith tears,' 'The thick fog lifted,' while in German
in m a n y such cases where the subject seems to act of itself the
subject is personified, i.e., a reflexive pronoun is used as object,
as if the subject were a person acting upon himself: 'Her eyes
filled themselves with tears.' W e sometimes find the reflexive form
in English: 'round which the heart's best affections have twined
themselves' (Robertson, Sermons, III, X V I I , 216). 'Some such
impression conveyed itself to the two m e n w h o were walking with
Mrs. Reffold' (Beatrice Harraden, Ships That Pass in the Night,
I, Ch. III). 'In a few years the population of the town doubled'
(or doubled itself). 'The convulsion soon exhausted itself.' Wit
reference to persons the reflexive pronoun in its older, shorter form
was once very c o m m o n where there is n o w no reflexive object at
all: ' W h i c h w a y will I turne me ?' (Lyly, Euphues and His England,
Works, II, p. 142, A.D. 1580), n o w simple turn. 'I met a fool;
w h o laid him d o w n and bask'd him (now simple basked) in the sun'
(Shakespeare, As You Like It, II, vn, 15). 'At the breach of day
w e sixe made vs [go] for the mountaine' (Lithgow, Travels, VI,
261, A.D. 1632), n o w ' W e six made for the mountain.' ' W e put
(for older put us) u p at the hotel.' In older English, set was used
reflexively or intransitively in the sense of seat one's self, sit down:
' M y doughter, sette you here by m e ' (Melusine, 154, A.D. 1500).
'He m a d e them set vpon a benche' (Caxton, Sonnes of Aymon,
X V I , 377, A.D. 1489). T h e intransitive form is still c o m m o n in
popular speech: 'Set b y me.' 'Set down.' 'Our hen is setting.'
Intransitive set, developed out of reflexive set, occurs also in the
literary language in m a n y set expressions, for the most part
figurative or abstract: 'Plaster of Paris sets quickly.' 'His char-
acter has not yet set.' 'About a dozen fruit set, of which six rip-
ened.' 'The sun is setting.' 'The tide sets in' (out). 'They set
about repairing the bridge.' ' W e set off (or out) together for the
base of the mountain.' After a number of verbs, absent, bear,
bestir, betake, bethink, busy, comport, compose, conduct, demean
deport, intoxicate, perjure, pique, plume, pride, etc., the reflexiv
pronoun is still the rule, of course, n o w in its modern compound
form: 'She prides herself on her cooking.' With a number of
verbs the reflexive pronoun can be used or omitted: Behave, or
behave yourself. 'I dressed' (or dressed myself). 'I hid' (or hid
myself). 'I overslept' (or n o w rarely overslept myself). 'I overate
(or n o w rarely overate myself). 'The horse reared' (or less com-
 46 USE OF REFLEXIVE AND RECIPROCAL PRONOUNS 439

monly reared himself). 'She likes to show off,' or 'She likes to

show herself off.' 'A sweet smile spread (or spread itself) gently
over his face.' 'I rested (or rested myself) an hour or two.' 'I
washed, bathed' (or washed myself, bathed myself). 'A n e w sense of
duty is developing (or is developing itself) in him.' In America w e
say, 'He hired out to a farmer,' while in England it is still, as in
older English, usual to say, 'He hired himself.' In the case of the
one verb rest the intransitive is the older form.
In general, w e use the reflexive or the reciprocal pronoun w h e n
we think of a person or thing as acting on himself or itself, or as
having mutual relations with another, while w e employ intransi-
tive form when the idea of an action pure and simple, or a develop-
ment or result presents itself to our mind: 'I applied myself to
m y difficult task,' but 'I applied to m y friend for advice.' 'I
qualified myself (= made myselffit)for the position,' but' I qualified
(= passed the examination, or gave a bond) for the office.' 'A door
can't open itself,' but 'The door suddenly opened.' ' H e proved
himself to be worthy of the place,' but 'He proved intractable'
and 'He m a d e acquaintance with a lady w h o proved to be the
Countess of Drogheda' (Macaulay). 'He felt himself degraded,'
where w e feel the thought of the subject as turned in on himself;
but w e say 'He felt disgusted,' as w e feel felt as a mere copula.
There is the samefluctuationin the use of the reciprocal pronoun:
'They kissed each other tenderly,' but without the pronoun to
express action pure and simple: 'Kiss and be friends.' 'Our
letters crossed' (or crossed each other). 'They met (or sometimes
met each other) at the gate,' but 'They separated at the gate.'
This fluctuation between reflexive or reciprocal and intransitive
with a general drift in the direction of the intransitive is old, for
it is not only going on now, but it was going on also in Old English:
'Hie gedozldon hie' (or simply gedoMon, i.e., they parted). 'Hie
oft gemetton hie' (or simply gemetton, i.e., they often met).
There has been here a steady development a w a y from reflexive
form toward intransitive wherever there has been a development
of reflexive meaning into intransitive. As, however, the old transi-
tive meaning of such verbs often maintained itself alongside of
the new intransitive, the same verb often had either transitive
or intransitive force according to the connection. Thus early
in the history of our language there began to be felt the principle,
now widely observed, that the same verb m a y be used both transi-
tively and intransitively. E v e n in Old English, there were a n u m -
ber of such verbs. In m a n y other cases transitive and intransitive
verbs had in this early period the same stem but were slightly
differentiated in form. Later, through natural phonetic develop
440 INTRANSITIVES WITH PASSIVE FORCE 46

ment and under the influence of the growing feeling that a dif-
ference of form w a s not necessary here, both transitive and in-
transitive form became in m a n y words identical.
There is often a further development here. Since m a n y of the
n e w intransitives from the two groups described in the third and
fourth paragraphs, as well as m a n y old intransitives, represent
something as naturally developing or accidentally entering into
a n e w state, or as having the power orfitnessto enter it, con-
sequently as affected or capable of being affected, they acquire
passive force, so that n o w passive force is often associated with
intransitive form: 'Muscles, nerves, mind, reason, all develop
(or are developed) under play.' 'This cloth has worn (or has been
worn) thin.' 'This cloth feels (i.e., is felt as being) soft.' 'The
first consignment sold out (or was sold out) in a week.' 'He grad-
uated (or was graduated) last year.' 'The wheat in our northern
states often winterkills.' 'The boat upset' ( = was upset). 'The
right to rule derives ( = is derived) from those w h o gave it.' 'The
two of them traced (= were traced) back to a Samuel Lincoln who
had come two hundred years before to H i n g h a m ' (Carl Sandburg,
Abraham Lincoln, I, p. 82). ' W o m e n could go hang (i.e., to be
hanged), because she did not want them' ( W . J. Locke, The Glory
of Clementina, Ch. II). ' M y hat blew (or was blown) into the river.'
' These plans are working out (or are being worked out) successfully.'
'The plans worked out (or were worked out) successfully.' 'The
eggs hatched out easily.' ' M y coat caught (or got caught) on a
nail.' 'The door doesn't lock' (or can't be locked). 'Such houses
rent, sell (or can be rented, sold) easily.' 'Ripe oranges peel (o
can be peeled) easily.' 'Sugar dissolves (or can be dissolved) in
water.' 'The vessel steers (or can be steered) with ease.' 'These
colors do not wash (or cannot be washed) well.' 'This cloth doesn't
cut (or cannot be cut) to advantage.' 'This cake doesn't break
(or cannot be broken) evenly.' 'This paper doesn't tear (or cannot
be torn) straight.' 'This w o o d doesn't split (or cannot be split)
straight.' 'The bread doesn't bake (or cannot be baked) well
in this oven.' 'The travel-book did notfinish(or could not be
finished) easily, and more than once w h e n he (Mark Twain)
thought it completed, he found it necessary to cut and change'
(Albert B . Paine, Mark Twain's Letters, II, p. 644). 'I don't
k n o w that I can write a play that will play' (or can be played)
(Mark Twain, Letter to W. D. Howells, Jan. 22, 1898). 'This
play reads better than it acts' (or should be read rather than
acted).
T h e boundary fine between the n e w passive and the older in-
transitive force is often quite dim and cannot be accurately de-
46 INTRANSITIVES AND CAUSATIVES DIFFERENT IN FORM 441

termined by a distinctive formal m a r k of any kind nor b y any

inner shade of meaning, for intransitive and passive force are so
closely related that the one shades imperceptibly into the other.
Thus the examples from Robertson and Beatrice Harraden given in
the fourth paragraph m a y be construed not only as intransitive but
also as passive. Similarly, w h e n the reflexive has been dropped
and the form becomes outwardly intransitive the inner meaning
often hovers between intransitive and passive. In m a n y cases,
however, the passive idea here is so strong that intransitive can
be replaced by passive form as indicated on page 440 in paren-
theses. B u t these two passive forms are often not identical in
force. T h e passive with passive form represents a person or thing
as being affected by an agent working under resistance vigor-
ously and consciously to a definite end, while the passive with
intransitive form represents an activity as proceeding easily,
naturally, often almost spontaneously. Compare 47 a.
The development of form and meaning here is often uneven.
The original reflexive form here is often retained although the
meaning after having become intransitive hasfinallybecome pas-
sive: 'No progress can establish itself (i.e., be established) withou
a partial retrogression.' 'Thefirecommunicated itself to the next
house.' 'He fell d o w n and hurt himself (i.e., was hurt).
As can be seen from the above account, a large number of in-
transitives or passives with intransitive or reflexive form have
developed out of transitives, so that the same verb can be used
actively, intransitively, or passively without a change of form.
In contrast to this group there is another in which transitive verbs
have developed out of intransitives. There w a s in Old English,
in a number of cases, a difference of form between a transitive
causative and the intransitive from which it was derived: ' baernan'
(trans.), to make something burn, to burn up, but 'beornan' (in-
trans.) to burn; 'sencan' (trans.), to make something sink, but
'sincan' (intrans.), to sink, etc. There are still a few cases where
there is here a difference of form between the transitive causative
and the intransitive from which it is derived: 'He fells (literally,
makes fall) the tree' and 'The tree falls' (intrans.). In other
cases where the two forms are preserved w e do not n o w feel their
original force: 'The storm drenched our clothes' (literally, made
our clothes drink) and 'He drank (intrans.) deeply.' ' H e sets
(literally, makes sit) the pot on the stove' and 'He sits (intrans.)
by the window.' 'He lays (literally, makes lie) his book on the
table' and 'The book lies (intrans.) on the table.' 'Her family
reared (or in Danish form raised; literally, made rise) a sumptuous
mausoleum over her remains' and 'He rose to the occasion.' In
442 INTRANSITIVES AND CAUSATIVES WITH SAME FORM 48

a special sense also rise is used as a causative: ' W e rose many

birds in the course of the day's hunt.'
In this category w e n o w employ usually in most cases, in accord-
ance with the usage so c o m m o n elsewhere, only one form for both
transitive and intransitive function: 'I burned u p the rubbish'
and 'The rubbish burned up.' 'He sinks the boat' and 'The boat
sinks.' In all these cases the verb was originally intransitive, but
the corresponding transitive causative was already in oldest Eng-
lish in c o m m o n use, atfirstwith a somewhat different form, later
usually with the same form. Of course, when causatives were
later formed from originally intransitive verbs they assumed the
form of the intransitive, as in the case of fall (in older English),
swim, starve, stand,fly,gallop, leap, run, drop, march,flash,jingl
grow, stay, walk, sit, rise, etc.: 'A little child learning to walk
often falls' (intrans.). 'The c o m m o n executioner, Whose heart
the accustom'd sight of death makes hard, Falls (trans, caus.)
not the axe upon the humbled neck B u tfirstbegs pardon' (Shake-
speare, As You Like It, III, v, 5). 'The horses plunged into the
river and swam (intrans.) over.' ' W e in the Evening Swam (trans.
caus.) our horses over' (George Washington, Diary, March 20,
1748). 'They had so little to eat that they almost starved' (in-
trans.). 'He starved (trans, caus.) his old father to death.' 'They
starved themselves (reflex.) to buy books.' 'Here once stood (in-
trans.) a huge oak.' 'I stood (trans, caus.) m yrifleagainst the
oak.' 'The kite is flying (intrans.) high.' 'The boy is flying
(trans, caus.) his kite.' 'She (airship) flew (intrans.) to Spitz-
bergen, where she replenished her supplies' (Victor Appleton,
Don Sturdy across the North Pole, C h . X X V ) . 'Croil (name)
flew (trans, caus.) m e to Suez' (T. E . Lawrence, Revolt in the
Desert, p. 192). 'He flies (trans, caus.) his o w n plane.' 'He
sprang (intrans.) u p from his seat.' 'He loves to spring (trans.
caus.) surprises on us.' 'The horse galloped (intrans.) away and
leaped (intrans.) over the fence.' '. . . the horsemanship of the
cavalry, w h o galloped (trans, caus.) their horses at full speed over
the ground and leaped (trans, caus.) them over formidable ob-
stacles' (Theodore Roosevelt, The Winning of the West, Vol. IV,
Ch. V ) . 'The water ran (intrans.) off.' 'He ran (trans, caus.)
the water off.' 'He ran his canoe ashore.' 'He dropped the letter
into the box.' 'The guard marched the prisoner off.' 'From a
little handmirror heflashedsun into their eyes.' 'He jingled the
loose coins in his pockets.' 'He grows vegetables for the market.'
' W h o can stay the hand of death?' 'He drew m e out of m y study
and walked m e off to the woods.' 'He (Voltaire) was refused
Christian burial in Paris; but his friends sat him up grimly in a
 47 a CAUSATTVES: ACTIONAL PASSIVE 443
carriage, and got him out of the city b y pretending that he w a s
alive' (Will Durant, The Story of Philosophy, p. 275). ' W e rose
m a n y birds in the course of the day's hunt.'
In most cases, however, the causative idea is n o w expressed by
placing the auxiliary make or have, or in a number of expressions,
as in older English, the auxiliary let, before the infinitive of the
verb in question: 'Money makes the mare go.' 'That makes you
look miserable.' 'I'll make him take it back.' 'I'll have him do
it.' 'I'll let you know tomorrow.' 'Let him see that you are
dissatisfied.' 'Let him feel it.' W h e n the infinitive is to have
passive force, the usual causative auxiliary is have in connection
with the past participle of the verb, which contains the passive
force: 'I had a n e w suit made.' Compare 15 III 2 B (4th and
5th parr.). In accordance with older usage let is sometimes still e m -
ployed as auxiliary here, in connection, however, with the passive
infinitive: 'He let it be known to only a few friends.' 'He soon
let his power be felt.' In older English, the active infinitive was
used here with passive force: 'He lete make a proclamacion bor3
(through) all his Empire' (Gesta Romanorum, I, VI, 15, A.D. 1440).
Compare 15 III 2 B (4th and 6th parr.). In older English, the
causative idea could be expressed by do with an infinitive: 'Some-
times to do him laugh she would essay T o laugh' (Spenser, The
Faerie Queene, II, vi, vn).
There is another group of transitives that have developed out
of intransitives intransitives that take an accusative object
to complete their meaning. This group of verbs is treated in
112 (4th par.).
47. Passive Voice. T h e passive forms in English are used to
express two quite different things, action and state.
a. A C T I O N A L P A S S I V E . T h e simpler passive form with be and
the perfect participle is used to denote an act as a whole: 'The
house is painted every year.' 'The house was painted last year.'
'Since w e have lived here, the house has been painted every year.'
'For as the sun is daily n e w and old, So is m y love still telling
what is (now has been; see 37 3, 3rd par.) told' (Shakespeare,
Sonnet L X X V I ) .
The progressive form is employed to represent an act as going
on. In the literary language, it is m a d e u p of the progressive form
of the verb be and the perfect participle of the verb to be con-
jugated: 'The house is being painted.' This progressive form
arose in the fifteenth century: ' W y n e (wine) is being y-put
(old perfect participle for put) to sale' (in a letter of John Shilling-
ford, about 1447). It spread atfirstvery slowly and did not
really become established in the literary language until about
444 ACTIONAL PASSIVE 47 a

1825. During this period (1447-1825) there were two other com-
peting progressive forms, a gerundial and a participial: (gerundial)
'The house is in building,' or in contracted form a-building; (parti-
cipial) 'The house is building' (the present participle with passive
force). T h e gerundial construction in its contracted form, 'The
house is a-building,' survives only in popular speech; in the lit-
erary language it was earlier in the period gradually supplanted
by the participial construction.
Between 1700 and 1825 the participial construction (is building)
gained temporarily the ascendency in the literary language and
was widely used also in colloquial speech. Thus in colonial times
and the early days of the Republic this passive form was the
c o m m o n one: 'Some of the Peas are u p and some are n o w sowing'
(Richard Smith, A Tour of Four Great Rivers, II, 19, A.D. 1769),
n o w being sown. 'This being the Anniversary of American Inde-
pendence and being kindly requested to do it, I agreed to halt
here this day and partake of the entertainment which was prepar-
ing (now was being prepared) for riie celebration of it' (George
Washington, Diary, July 4, 1791). F r o m 1825 on, however, the
form with being + perfect participle began to lead all others in
this competition, so that in spite of considerable opposition the
clumsy is being built became more c o m m o n than is building in
the usual passive meaning, i.e., where it was desired to represent
a person or thing as affected by an agent working under resistance
vigorously and consciously to a definite end: 'The house is being
built.' ' M y auto is being repaired.'
O n the other hand, the form with the present participle did
not n o w disappear, but continued to be widely used. This was
because the present participle had been gradually developing a
peculiar passive meaning, which was felt as distinctive and useful.
While this peculiar force of the present participle rendered it unfit
to express the usual passive meaning, it came into wide use in
its o w n distinctivefield,namely, to represent an activity as pro-
ceeding easily, naturally, often almost spontaneously: 'These
books are selling out fast.' 'Our plans are working out success-
fully.' 'Dust is blowing in at the open door.' T h e development
of passive force here out of active form is explained in 46 (7th and
8th parr.)
Thus the form with being and the form with the present parti-
ciple were at first competing constructions without a difference
of meaning, but later became differentiated, enriching the lan-
guage. This differentiation, however, is incomplete, for the form
with being is used only in the present and the past tense: 'The
house is being built, was being built.' In the compound tenses the
47 6 STATAL PASSIVE 445

construction with the present participle is still, as in older English,

employed in the usual passive meaning: 'The house has been
building, had been building, will be building.' T h e form with bein
is employed in the present and the past tense for the sake of its
accuracy, but w e hesitate to extend this principle of accuracy to
the compound tenses, where the accumulation of auxiliary forms
would be intolerable. For a similar reason w e avoid the form
with being in the imperative, infinitive, participle, and gerund,
since the use of being after the form be or being would sound too
harsh. In older English, the form with the present participle
could be used in the infinitive: 'After passing Beverly w e come
to the Cotton Manufactory, which seems to be carrying (now
carried) on with spirit by the M r . Cabbots' (George Washington,
Diary, Oct. 30, 1789). In the dialect of the southern counties of
Scotland, the form with the present participle is still, as in older
literary English, employed also in the present and the past tense
in the usual passive meaning: 'The hoose is buildan.' This older
usage still occasionally occurs also in the literary language: ' M y
horse!' ' M y Lord, he's shoeing' (George H . Boker, Francesco
da Rimini, V, n, A.D. 1856). M o s t commonly, however, where
the idea of conscious agent is little felt, overshadowed by that
of natural development or process: 'Tea was preparing in the
kitchen' (A. Marshall, Anthony Dare, Ch. X ) .
The gerundial construction survives only in popular speech,
now only in contracted form: 'The house is a-building.' This
contracted form was once in use in the literary language: ' N o w
we have shown our power, Let us seem humbler after it is done
Than when it was a-doing' (Shakespeare, Coriolanus, IV, n, 3).
Likewise the full form was once c o m m o n in the literary language:
'Forty and six years was this temple in building' (John, II, 20).
Alongside of the literary passive with be and the past participle
is a c o m m o n , more expressive, colloquial form conjugated with
get instead of be: 'Our house gets painted every year.' 'Our house
is getting painted.' Compare b below.
Besides the various means of expressing the passive idea de-
scribed above, there are still others, described elsewhere. See
1 5 1 2 a (last par.), 15 III 2 B (4th, 5th, 6th parr.), 46 (next to last
par.), 7 D 2.
6. S T A T A L P A S S I V E . T h e simpler passive form is also used
to denote a state: 'The house is painted' Past state: 'The house
has been painted, although no trace of paint can n o w be detected
upon it.' 'The door was shut at six w h e n I went by, but I don't
know when it was shut.' T h efirstwas shut in the last sentence
is used to denote a state, the second was shut to denote an act.
446 ACTIONAL PASSIVE WITH GET 47 6

Thus the one form is employed to denote two quite different

things. For m a n y centuries the verb be, whether used as copula
or passive auxiliary, has had a twofold meaning, expressing on the
one hand the idea of state, on the other hand the idea of ingression
(38 2 aff)with the meaning of become, hence used in the passive
to express action: 'Our house is (expressing state) painted.'
' Our house is (= becomes, hence expressing action) painted every
year.' In be the idea of state so overshadows that of ingression
or action that its establishment as an auxiliary in the actional
passive is a great misfortune for our language. This lack of an
adequate form in the literary language to express action has led
in colloquial speech to the use of a more expressive actional form,
namely, get with ingressive force, like become, hencefittedfor the
expression of action: 'I fear that all books that really do then
work get used up' (Sir Walter Raleigh, Letter to Evan Charteris,
M a y 9, 1917), i.e., 'a good book gets read so m u c h that it gets used
up.' 'A m a n gets driven into work' (H. G. Wells, The New Machia-
velli, p. 207). 'Your nature is an overbearing one, Sophia, and for
once you got punished for it' (A. Marshall, Many Junes, Ch. I,
p. 2). 'The poor little fellow gets punished almost every day.'
'He's never yet got punished enough. S o m e day he'H get punished
the w a y he deserves.' 'I suppose it will get whispered about and
they'll hear it' (Tarkington, Gentle Julia, Ch. XVIII). 'And
n o w what was this wonderful g a m e where so m a n y people got
killed V (Rupert Hughes, Clipped Wings, Ch. I). If this expressive,
actional, passive form with the auxiliary get, already quite common
colloquially, ever becomes established in literary English, it will
be a decided gain to the language. O u r present use of get as the
auxiliary of the actional passive alongside of be corresponds
closely to the Old English use of wear pan as the auxiliary of the
actional passive alongside of the be forms. Weorpan was an in-
gressive with the force of our modern auxiliary get, which at that
time had, of course, not yet come into existence, hence was not
available. Weorpan was superior to be in expressive power, but
its form was so heavy that even in the Old English period it be-
gan to be replaced by its lighter competitor. O u r present wide
use of get here shows plainly that w e feel the inability of be to
express our thought clearly. Get, unlike Old English weorpan,
is a light, handy word that gives promise of a long period of use-
fulness.
T h e past participle of certain verbs have almost pure adjective
force. T h e use of get or become with such past participles does
not indicate action at all, but merely the beginning of a temporary
or a final state: 'I am getting (or becoming) tired.' 'Dialectic
47 6 STATAL PASSIVE WITH BECOME, BE, STAND 447

expressions sometimes become established in the literary language.'

Compare 38 2 a 66 and 38 2 6 ee. T h e use of the auxiliary 6e
with such participles indicates an actual state: 'I am tired.'
'The expression is established in the literary language.' T h e auxil-
iary stand here has the force of be with the implication that the
state is the result of a decision or act that has just preceded:
'The meeting stands adjourned tofiveo'clock.' 'I stand corrected.'
'We stand committed to this action.' 'The delegates stand
pledged to this course.' 'He took the key and opened the lid,
when the cakes and wine stood revealed in all their damning pro-
fusion' (Anstey, Vice Versa, Ch. V ) . Sometimes stand indicates
readiness: 'I stand prepared to dispute it.'
 CHAPTER XXII

THE INFINITE FORMS OF THE VERB

In contrast, in a formal sense, to the finite forms of th
i.e., those limited by person, number, and mood, are the infinite
forms, i.e., those not thus limited, verbal forms without person,
number, and mood. There are three such forms participle,
infinitive, and gerund. The extensive use of these forms is an
outstanding feature of English. N o other part of our grammar
is at the present time developing so vigorously. Compare 20 3.

PARTICIPLE
PAGE
FUNCTIONS O T H E R T H A N T H O S E W I T H T H E F O R C E OF A
FINITE V E R B 448
Used as an adjective with more or less verbal force . . 448
Used as a noun 449
Used as an adverb 449
Used as a pure adjective 449
Used with more verbal than adjective force 449
FUNCTIONS W I T H T H E F O R C E OF A FINITE V E E B 450
Voices 453
Tenses 453
Subject 453
C O M P L E T E OUTLINE OF FUNCTIONS 454
48. The participle, true to its name, participates in the
of an adjective and a verb.
1. Functions Other than Those with the Force of a Finite Verb.
There arefivecategories:
a. Participle Used as an Adjective with More or Less Verb
Force. Attributively with active meaning and descriptive stress
(10 I 1): a grasping nature; a captivating manner; the rise
sun; often in connection with a modifier (adverb, object, etc.)
or a predicate adjective: a well-meanina b6y; a well-behaved
b6y; a well-read man; a well-dressed w6man; an unrelenting
w6man; a full-bZowi r6se; a beautifully dressed woman; a heart-
breaking scene; a healthy-Zoofciregr b6y; but in the predicate re-
lation the adverb is usually stressed less than the participle; of
course, also in the attributive relation if the adverb is unstressed
448
48 1 e WITH MORE VERBAL THAN ADJECTIVE FORCE 449

in the compound verb: 'The boy is well-meanino, well-6e/id>ed.'

'The w o m a n is well-dressed, unrelenting.' 'The rose is full-blown.'
'The w o m a n is beautifully dressed.' ' A n overdressed w o m a n '
and 'The w o m a n is overdressed,' since in the compound verb
overdress the verbal form is stressed. Attributively with passive
meaning: a brbken chair; a well-known m a n ; a fully equipped
army; an unopened letter; a well-dressed little girl (i.e., 'a little
girl w h o has been well dressed,' while in 'a well-dressed w o m a n ' the
participle has active meaning); an ivy-cZad castle; a storm-
tossed ship; a ldng-foo&ed-for occasion; unheard-of w6nders;
can>ed-in-wdod idols; but in the predicate relation: 'The m a n
is well-known.' 'The a r m y is fully equipped.' 'The letter is un-
opened.' 'The little girl is well-dressed.' Attributively with
classifying or distinguishing stress (10 I 1 ) : thefirstof living
artists; the following day; (with passive meaning): washing ties
(i.e., ties that wash, are washed); cooking apples (i.e., apples that
cook well, can be cooked). Appositively after the noun: 'the
little boy sitting on the last chair,' 'a n e w sect lately risen in India.'
Predicatively: 'He is always reserved.' ' T h e book is interesting.
As objective predicate (15 III 2, 15 III 2 A ) : 'I find the book
interesting.' A s predicate appositive (6 C ) : 'He awoke the next
morning rested and refreshed.'
b. Participle Used as a Noun. A s an adjective the participle
can be used as a noun: the wounded and dying; the deceased;
m y intended, etc. C o m p a r e 58.
c. Participle Used as an Adverb. T h e participle is used also
as an adverb: boiling hot; piercing cold.
d. Participle Used as a'Pure Adjective. In a n u m b e r of cases
the adjective nature of the participle has entirely overshadowed
the verbal nature, so that the words are n o w felt as adjectives
pure and simple and have, in the case of perfect participles, become
differentiated in form from the participle b y the retention of the
older participial form in -en, while the participle with verbal force
has developed a n e w form, if it is preserved: one's bounden duty;
a cloven hoof; sunken eyes; a graven image; a drunken m a n ;
a clean-shaven or clean-shaved face, etc.
e. Participle Used with More Verbal than Adjective Force. T h e
participle n o w for the most part has more verbal force than
formerly. T h e present participle in connection with an auxiliary
is much used in the progressive form of verbs, where, though still
a predicate adjective, it has the full force of a verb: 'He is writing
a letter.' 'He was, has been, will be, writing a letter.' This form
often has passive meaning: 'There is a n e w house building on the
corner.' 'These books are selling out fast.' For a fuller treatment
450 PARTICIPIAL FUNCTIONS WITH VERBAL FORCE 48 2

of this passive construction see 47 a. T h e progressive form has

become a powerful construction b y the fusion of the gerundial
construction with it: 'as she was writing (older form in writing)
of it' (Shakespeare, As You Like It, IV, in, 10), n o w 'as she was
writing it,' the dropping of in and of indicating that the gerundial
construction has merged into the participial. This fusion of the
two constructions was m a d e possible b y the earlier fusion of their
endings and the general similarity of their meaning. In the
fourteenth century, the participial ending -4nde became confused
with the gerundial ending -inge, so that -4ng became the common
ending for both forms. In the dialect of Northumberland and
the southern counties of Scotland the two forms still have dif-
ferent endings, -an (pronounced Qn) for the participle, -in for the
gerund. T h e fusion of the t w o forms in the literary language
often makes it difficult to distinguish them: the form in -ing a
gerund in dining-car (i.e., a car for dining), ironingr-board (i.e.,
a board for ironing), but a present participle with passive (47 a,
46) force in cooking-apple (i.e., an apple that cooks well, can be
cooked), breech-Zoadina gun (i.e., a gun that loads, is loaded at the
breech).
The present participle is m u c h used as predicate also after the
copula seem: 'Instead of offering any explanation he seemed
waiting for her to say something.' T h e predicative infinitive of
the progressive form competes with the predicative participle:
'He seemed to be waiting for her to say something.'
Also the past participle is m u c h used in verbal forms as a pred-
icate adjective, namely, in the passive: 'The house is painted.'
Here the participle has almost pure adjective force expressing a
state. But it often has strong verbal force: ' T h e house is (or gets)
painted every year.' There is here also a progressive form: 'The
house is being (or getting) painted.' Compare 47 b. In older
English, also the past participle of point-action (38 2 6 gg) intransi-
tives was used as a predicate and occasionally is still so used:
' M y m o n e y is all gone.' 'The leaves are all fallen.' 'The melan-
choly days are come.' After the verbal force here had overshad-
owed the adjective force, is, are, was, etc., were gradually replaced
by has, have, had, so that w e today usually employ a present
perfect or a past perfect tense where our ancestors used an ad-
jective construction: ' M u c h snow has (once is) fallen.' 'Much
snow had (once was) fallen.' C o m p a r e 37 3 (3rd par.).
2. Functions with the Force of a Finite Verb. Our English
ancestors m a d e a liberal use of the two participles when they
fashioned our conjugational systems, and the following generations
continued this work b y employing both participles in abridged
 48 2 PARTICIPIAL FUNCTIONS WITH VERBAL FORCE 451

clauses (20 3), which they began to develop more carefully to

replace, for practical purposes, the more formal subordinate clause
with a nominative subject and afiniteverb as predicate, so that
participles were used to build up the verbal systems and later to
replace these same systems.
After a noun a participle often forms with the words near it an
attributive clause, in which the preceding noun serves as subject
and the participle as predicate. Here the participle is not in a
formal sense a predicate adjective after afinitecopula or auxiliary,
as in 1 e, p. 449, but predicates of itself, just like a finite verb:
'It (the circus) was all one family parents andfivechildren
performing (= who performed) in the open air.' 'Good things
long enjoyed (= which have long been enjoyed) are not easily given
up.' 'The large building being constructed (= which is being
constructed) in the field yonder is the n e w schoolhouse.' 'The
bridge seized ( = which had been seized) two hours before by the
enemy was n o w retaken.' ' W e shall arrive too late to catch the
train leaving ( = which will leave) at eight.' T h e participle, though
it has fewer forms than thefiniteverb, expresses the time relations
quite accurately.
The participle is often employed to predicate something of the
object of the principal verb, i.e., it serves as an objective predicate
(15 III 2, 15 III 2 A ) . In this construction the object of the
principal verb and the participle together form a kind of sub-
ordinate clause, in which the object serves as the subject and the
participle as the predicate. T h e participle performs the function
of predicate just as in the progressive form and in the passive of
finite verbs, but there is present in this construction no finite
auxiliary verb to serve as a formal sign of predication. T h e
participle predicates of itself: 'I saw h i m lying under a tree.' 'I
have m y work done.' 'I had m y work done.' This use of the past
participle as objective predicate has led to one of the most im-
portant developments in the history of our language. B y simply
changing the word-order in such sentences as the last two w e have
developed the present perfect and the past perfect tense of transi-
tive verbs: 'I have done m y work.' 'I had done m y work.' C o m -
pare 37 3 (2nd par.). T h e use of have and had here in the n e w
present perfect and past perfect tenses proved so useful that they
were similarly employed with intransitives, so that has, have, had
are now used uniformly with all verbs. C o m p a r e 37 3.
The predicative past participle out of which the present perfect
and past perfect tenses developed had a good deal of adjective
force, expressing a condition or state. This old participle is still
widely used with the same force: 'I had the letter written before
 452 PARTICIPIAL FUNCTIONS WITH VERBAL FORCE 48 2

he came.' 'I got m y work done before twelve o'clock.' Both the
present and the past participle, however, often have here almost
pure verbal force: 'I watched the net being hauled in.' 'I saw the
thing shaping' (active form with passive force; see 15 III 2 B,
6th par.). 'He felt himself seized b y a strong arm from be-
hind.' 'She represents him as having ever struggled for the best
things.' T h e form shaping represents the original condition of
things as far as the form is concerned. It was originally an ad-
jective and has still its old adjective form, but it has acquired a
good deal of verbal force. Being hauled has the force of a passive
verb and has been given passive form to express it. Having
struggled has the force and the form of the present perfect active.
W e often employ the present infinitive instead of the present
participle, but each form has a little different shade of meaning.
T h e participle has descriptive force, expressing duration or repeti-
tion, while the infinitive represents the action as afinishedwhole,
a fact: 'I heard him coming slowly u p the steps as if under a
heavy load' (duration), but 'I heard him come u p the stairs a
few minutes ago' (a fact). ' W e should be sorry to see English
critics suggesting (repetition, one critic suggesting in one period-
ical, another in another periodical) that they ought to or could
have acted otherwise.' C o m p a r e 50 3 (3rd par. from end). The
present participle has this force also w h e n it is used to predicate
something of the object of a preposition: ' D o not send any more
of m y books home. I have a good deal of pleasure in the thought
of you looking on them' (Keats). C o m p a r e 50 3 (4th and 5th parr.
from end).
T h e most c o m m o n use of the participle is to employ it as a
predicate appositive (6 C ) . W e bring it into relation to the sub-
ject or the object of the principal verb that it m a y predicate some-
thing of it and at the same time, as a predicate appositive, serve
as an adverbial element indicating some adverbial relation, such
as time, cause, manner, condition, purpose, means, etc. The par-
ticiple has the force of afiniteverb. Its subject is not expressed
but implied in the subject or the object of the principal verb:
'Going (= while I was going) down town I m e t a friend.' 'Having
finished (= after I hadfinished)my work I went to bed.' 'Being
(= as I was) sick I stayed at home,' 'I feel it as a rare occasion,
occurring as it does only once in many years' (= since it occurs onl
once in many years). 'I beat him jumping' (clause of manner,
indicating manner, respect in which he excelled). 'He went hunt-
ing' (clause of purpose). In older English, instead of 'He went
hunting' it w a s c o m m o n to say, 'He went on hunting.' Compare
33 2 (last par.). Thus the more accurate gerundial construction
 48 2 C VOICES, TENSES, SUBJECT OF PARTICIPLE 453

has been replaced by the simpler participial form. Simplicity

is a marked characteristic of English. C o m p a r e 20 3 (3rd par.).
Hampered by their original adjective nature and form, these
participles have not yet developed forms for m o o d and have not as
m a n y tenses as verbs have. Thus, the same participle must often
serve as an indicative and a subjunctive: 'This thing, happening
(= since it happened; past indicative) at therighttime, has helped
our cause' and 'This same thing, happening ( = if it should happen;
past subjunctive) in wartime, would amount to disaster.' Again,
the present participle must serve, not only as a present tense, but
also as a future: ' M y train starts at six, arriving (future time)
in Chicago at ten.' Similarly, the perfect participle must serve
as a present perfect and as a past perfect: 'Having been ( = as I
have been) sick so m u c h , I have learned to take good care of m y
health.' 'Havingfinished(= after I hadfinished)m y work, I went
to bed.' Compare 27 5.
As the participle never assumes a form to indicate person, n u m -
ber, and mood, and in these categories never has a subject of its
own expressed, the construction is an exceedingly simple one.
The great ease of m o v e m e n t associated with it explains its wide
use. While it is terse and convenient, there is often in it no clear
expression of the adverbial relations. Instead of rejecting it as
inadequate for accurate purposes w e have for a long time been
trying to improve it b y introducing into it features, i.e., the con-
junctions, of the full clause: 'While going d o w n town I m e t an
old friend.' Compare 20 3 (5th par.). O n the other hand, in
lively style, as illustrated in 24 I V a (last par.) and 27 5 (4th par.),
<he simpler older form is still often preferred, since it is more con-
crete and impressive.
a. Voices of the Participle. There are active and passive forms.
Examples are given in 2, p. 450.
6. Tenses of the Participle. T h o u g h the participle has fewer
tenses than thefiniteverb, it can express the time relations quite
accurately. Examples are given in 2, p. 450.
c. Subject of the Participle. In all the categories described in the
preceding pages the subject of the participle is always understood,
never expressed. It is usually implied in some noun or pronoun
that stands near it, which at the same time performs some function
in the principal proposition, usually that of the subject or the
object of the principal verb. Examples are given in 2, p. 450.
Sometimes the subject of the participle is not implied in any
word in the sentence, as the reference is general and indefinite.
Such a participle is called an absolute participle. This construc-
tion is described in 17 4.
454 OUTLINE OF PARTICIPIAL FUNCTIONS 48 3

Sometimes the participle has a subject of its own, which is

usually in the nominative. This is the so-called absolute nomina-
tive construction. It is described in detail in 17 3 A, B, C.
3. Complete Outline of Functions. In accordance with its
importance, the participle has been carefully discussed under the
different grammatical categories treated throughout the syntax.
The following references are given in order that the student may
get a clear view of the entire field of its present usefulness in the
language: 41c; 6 C ; 7Ba,6,c; 1011; 15 III 2 A, B; 17 3 A a, b,
c, d, B, C, 4; 20 3; 21 e; 23 II 11; 24 IV a (last par.); 27 5;
28 1 a; 28 2 b; 28 3 a; 28 5 d; 29 1 A c bb; 29 1 A d aa; 30 b;
31 2; 32 2; 33 2; 34; 47 a, 6; 58.
 CHAPTER XXIII
THE INFINITIVE
PAGE
ORIGIN 455
F O R M O F T H E INFINITIVE C L A U S E 457
Subject of the infinitive 457
Elliptical form of the clause 458
Split infinitive 458
TENSES A N D VOICES 467
Use of the tenses after a full verb 467
Use of the perfect infinitive with modal and tense auxil-
iaries 472
C O M P L E T E O U T L I N E O F T H E F U N C T I O N S O F T H E INFINI-
TIVE 474
49 1. Origin. The infinitive is a verbal noun which for many
centuries has been gradually acquiring more and more verbal
force. In Old English, the infinitive w a s still inflected as a noun
except in the genitive, which w a s lost in the prehistoric period:
Nominative and accusative writan (to write), dative to writenne
or writanne. T h e dative consisted of a distinctive dative form,
writenne, etc., and the governing preposition to, which in Old
English usually took a dative object, not an accusative object
as today. T h e remnant of this older inflection is the so-called
infinitive with to, which retains the to of the old dative form but
has lost the infinitive suffix -en and the dative sign -e, so that the
dative now, aside from its distinctive to, is identical in form with
the nominative and accusative. T h e old dative -e w a s dropped
in the twelfth century. After the dative sign -e disappeared, there
still survived the infinitive suffix -en, which n o w served as the
infinitive ending not only w h e n the infinitive w a s used as the
subject or the object of a verb but also w h e n it was the object of
the preposition to. In all these grammatical relations it w a s be-
coming ever more c o m m o n to place to before the infinitive, as to
had come to be felt as the sign of the infinitive. T h e suffix -en
was often reduced to -e, as in to aske, and in this form remained
in use in the South and the Midland until the sixteenth century,
when it disappeared, to aske becoming to ask, since the to before
the infinitive was felt as sufficiently distinctive. After auxiliaries,
as in 'It m a y rain,' 'I shall go,' 'He will go,' the simple infinitive,
as in these examples rain and go, is no longer felt as an infinitive,
456
456 ORIGIN OF THE INFINITIVE 49 1

but as a component element of a subjunct've form or the future

tense form.
T h e infinitive with to w a s originally a noun in the dative gov-
erned b y the preposition to, hence was in thefirststages of its
development a prepositional object modifying the verb. This to,
as can still be seen in m a n y sentences, originally meant toward
and pointed to that toward which the activity of the principal
verb was directed: 'Jealousy drove h i m to do it,' i.e., drove him
toward the doing of it. Similarly, after adjectives: 'I a m ready
to do it,' i.e., ready in the direction of doing it. A s described in
24 I V a, the to of the prepositional infinitive is still in a number of
grammatical categories more or less vividly felt as the preposition
to or upon reflection can be recognized as such. This to, however,
is n o w often not felt as a preposition but rather as a part of the
infinitive itself, and hence the prepositional infinitive is n o w no
longer confined to a prepositional relation, but m a y be used also
as the subject or the object of a verb, where to cannot be con-
strued as a preposition governing the infinitive: 'To err is human.'
'Learn to labor and to wait.'
A s the prepositional infinitive originally stood in a close relation
to the verb or adjective, it gradually c a m e to be felt as the proper
form to use with a verb or adjective to complete its meaning. In
oldest English, the prepositional infinitive w a s still in large part
a prepositional phrase in which the preposition to still had its
original meaning. Preposition and infinitive together formed a
unit, a prepositional object, which completed the meaning of the
verb. T h e simple infinitive w a s often employed to complete the
meaning of a transitive verb, performing the grammatical function
of a direct object: 'Pa ongan he wepan' (object), n o w 'Then he
began to weep.' A s can be seen b y the translation of this example,
the Old English simple infinitive in the object relation is now
replaced b y the prepositional infinitive. T h e development had
already begun in the Old English period. Gradually the preposi-
tional infinitive came to be felt as the proper form to complete
the meaning of the verb in all categories. A s the prepositional
infinitive had come to be felt as a unit, a verbal noun, it became
natural to employ it not only as the object of the verb but also
as the subject, for a noun m a y be used as either the subject or
the object of the verb. This development w a s greatly favored
by the distinctive form of the prepositional infinitive. The simple
form would not be equal to the difficult task ot performing all the
delicate work n o w done so well b y the prepositional form. The
simple infinitive survives as a fossil in various categories described
in the following pages.
49 2 a SUBJECT OF THE INFINITIVE 457
2. F o r m of the Infinitive Clause.
a. Subject of the Infinitive. For centuries the Zo-infinitive and
its modifiers have been developing into a distinct subordinate
clause of a n e w type, which has been crowding more and more
out of c o m m o n use the older ZAaZ-clause with a finite verb, so
that the to-infinitive has acquired functions u n k n o w n to the simple
infinitive. Today the infinitive clause introduced b y to is a form
of expression which is felt and used as a more convenient sub-
ordinate clause than the more formal clause introduced b y that,
followed b y a nominative subject and afiniteverb. In a gram-
matical sense they are two expressions for the same thing. T h e
to of the infinitive has become in all such abridged clauses a con-
junction, so that w e speak of a Zo-clause just as w e speak of a
Z/iaZ-clause: ' I a m not eager to go' (or that I should go). Originally,
the subject of the infinitive w a s not expressed but w a s contained
in some noun or pronoun of the principal proposition, as in this
example in I, the subject of the sentence. A s described in detail
in 24 III d and 24 I V a, the subject of the infinitive m a y be the
subject of the principal verb or an accusative, dative, or preposi-
tional object of the verb. In the earliest stages of development
the subject of the infinitive always performed thus some function
in the principal proposition and w a s only b y implication also
subject of the infinitive. This terse older form of the clause is
still very c o m m o n . T h e simple compact form of this construction
brought it from the start into ever greater favor.
In the fourteenth century, as described in 21 e, there arose a
desire to extend the use of the convenient infinitive construction,
and people began to give the infinitive a subject of its o w n w h e n
there was no noun or pronoun in the principal proposition which
could serve as a subject. T h e subject w a s put before the old to-
form of the clause and for was used as a formal sign of the intro-
duction of this n e w element: 'I a m not eager for him to return.'
This is only a slight variation of the old Zo-form. In the original
infinitive construction, as explained above, the subject w a s not
expressed but w a s contained in some noun or pronoun in the
principal proposition. T h u s from the very start the subject was
not a part of the infinitive construction; and later w h e n the
infinitive could have a subject of its own, it w a s placed before
the clause outside of its construction, just as it had always stood
outside of it. T h e for, whose origin is explained in 21 e, here
merely indicates that in the case in hand the infinitive has a sub-
ject of its own. In older English, there was before the infinitive a
for . . . to of a different origin. This older for . . . to hadn't
the functions of the later for . . . to but was used interchangeably
458 ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SPLIT INFINITIVE 49 2 c

with simple to. This older for . . . to has disappeared from the
literary language but is still widely used in dialect. Examples
are given in 21 e (8th par.), 24 III d (3rd par.), 33 2 (6th par.).
W h e n the subject of the infinitive is general or indefinite, it is
often not expressed: 'It is wise to be cautious.'
b. Elliptical Form of the Infinitive Clause. In oldest English,
to w a s still largely felt as a preposition governing the infinitive,
its object, but it gradually became the distinctive feature of the
clause, marking the following group of words as a grammatical
unit, often even representing it alone, the other words dropping
out where the reference is to a thought previously expressed
which is to be briefly repeated in substance in the form of an
abridged infinitive clause: ' I shall go to the celebration tomorrow,
or at least I a m planning to [go to it].' This construction arose in
the fourteenth century, but did not become c o m m o n until the
second half of the nineteenth century. It gradually developed
power along with the infinitive clause, which it n o w often repre-
sents. In older English, it w a s more c o m m o n here to place the
preposition to before the neuter pronoun it, which pointed back
to the thought previously expressed: 'But shall w e dance, if they
desire us to'tV (Shakespeare, Love's Labor's Lost, V, II, 145). Tins
old form of expression fives on in popular speech: 'I can't read,
nor I don't want to it' (Dickens, Our Mutual Friend, I, 31). Be-
sides the c o m m o n Zo-form described above there is n o w another
less c o m m o n elliptical construction, which has no distinctive mark
and consists simply in suppressing the infinitive clause entirely
and leaving us to gather the thought from the context: 'Do you
write to him!' 'I will since you wish m e [to do so]' (Marryat,
The Settlers in Canada, 11). 'Meanwhile she opened the little
door of Ellen's study closet and went in there, though Ellen
begged her not' (Susan Warner, The Wide, Wide World, Ch. X X ,
A.D. 1851), n o w usually 'begged her not to.' O n account of the lack
of distinctive form to m a k e the thought clear this construction can
often not be used at all.
c. Split Infinitive, Origin and Development. A s explained in
16 2 a, the sentence adverb stands before the stressed simple verb
or the stressed verbal phrase and is itself usually unstressed, but
under the influence of strong emotion or on account of its logical
force is often heavily stressed. This peculiar word-order with its
peculiar stress is absolutely rigid for the ZAaZ-clause. Since the
Zo-clause has the same force as the Z/aaZ-clause, there is a widespread
feeling that this peculiar word-order with its peculiar stress should
obtain also in the Zo-clause. T h e to is thus separated from the
infinitive b y the adverb, which has led to the expression 'split
49 2 c ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SPLIT INFINITIVE 459

infinitive': 'To almost succeed (or That I should almost succeed)

is not enough.' 'I don't expect to ever see him again' (or that I
shall ever see him again). 'I wish to utterly forget my past' (or
that I may utterly forget my past). 'It's a sad experience to always
live from hand to mouth' (or when one must always live from hand
to mouth). T h e insertion of the adverb here between to and the
infinitive cannot even in the strictest scientific sense be considered
ungrammatical. A s explained on page 456, Zo, in certain com-
m o n categories, has long since ceased to be a preposition, just as
that in the corresponding Z/iaZ-clause has long since ceased to be a
determinative pronoun pointing to the following clause. Both to
and that have in the course of the development here lost their old
force and have assumed a n e w function. Both words introduce a
clause and naturally all words that belong to the clause should
follow. In the newer /or-Zo-infinitive construction all words be-
longing to the predicate similarly follow to: 'I a m not eager for
him to ever return.'
In the older form of the infinitive construction the sentence
adverb preceded the to and this is still the more c o m m o n form
of expression; but, as the feeling grows that to should introduce
the clause, it becomes more c o m m o n to place the adverb after
the Zo. In the older form with the adverb before the to there is
no clearly marked beginning to the infinitive clause, which some-
times leads to ambiguity: 'He failed entirely to comprehend it.' It
is not clear here whether entirely modifies failed or comprehend.
We can construe the sentence either w a y with a difference of
meaning. If entirely modifies comprehend it would be better to
place it before comprehend: ' H e failed Zo entirely comprehend it.'
Thus the split infinitive is an improvement of English expression.
The old position of the adverb before Zo is most c o m m o n in
the case of such distinguishing (16 2 6) adverbs as are distinctly
felt as belonging to the infinitive clause as a whole rather than
to the infinitive itself: 'I've dropped in just (or merely, or only)
to inquire how your father is doing.' Especially not clings to the
old position before Zo: 'I desire, not to discourage, but to encourage.'
But even these adverbs are sometimes placed after to w h e n they
are distinctly felt as belonging to the infinitive itself. Examples
are given on page 460.
The adverb sometimes stands after the infinitive instead of be-
fore it, but this change of word-order is always associated with a
different shade of meaning, indicating emphasis upon the adverb,
as described in 16 2 a, while in the split-infinitive construction
the infinitive itself is the important word and has a strong stress:
'He understood a good deal of it, but he failed to comprehend it
 460 ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SPLIT INFINITIVE 49 2 c

entirely.' T h e adverb is sometimes stressed in the split-infinitive

construction. There are then two strong accents, both adverb and
infinitive receiving a strong stress: 'She wishes to utterly forgel
her past.' Compare 16 2 a (2nd and 3rd parr.).
T h e split infinitive began to appear in the fourteenth cen-
tury. T h e oldest examples do not have the characteristics which
m a r k the construction as w e use it today: 'He louied be lasse
auber to lenge lye or to longe sitte' (Sir Gawayne and the Grene
Knight, 11. 87-88) = 'He (Arthur) did not like to either lie or sit
long.' 'Bot to take be toruayle to my-self to trwluf expoun' (ib.,
1.1540) = ' but to undertake the task to expound true love.' Today,
w e put the adverbial modifier and the object here after the in-
finitive. These interesting old examples show one thing very
plainly. T h e to is no longer felt as a preposition, so that adverbs
and objects can stand between to and the infinitive. The idea of a
Zo-clause, which had long lain in English feeling, received here for
thefirsttime a formal expression in the language. T h e future
development of the n e w clause was n o w possible. Changes soon
took place in the word-order which affected also the Zo-clause, so
that these early examples n o w look strange to us, but the important
point here is that an interesting development had begun which
was to go on for m a n y centuries and is still going on. Late in the
fourteenth century two scholars Wyclif and John Purvey
employed the split infinitive as it is used today, even in the case
of not, which is still in our day not so thoroughly established here
as other sentence adverbs: ' It is good to not etcfleischand to not
drynke w y n ' (Romans, X I V , 21, Purvey's ed., A.D. 1388).
In thefifteenthcentury this construction was used by Pecock
and Sir John Fortescue. Pecock employed it in his philosophical
writings with as great frequency as it is found in authors of the
present time, and with the same force: for to so leie a side, etc.
(The Folewer to the Donet, E.E.T.S., N o . 164, p. 97, about
A.D. 1454) = to thus lay aside, etc. E v e n in the case of not, which
is still in our day not so thoroughly established here as other sen-
tence adverbs: ' Y schall . . . swere to not discouere hem' (ib.,
p. 138) = ' I shall pledge myself to not inform on them.'
In the next three centuries the split infinitive was used freely
by only a few authors, but the construction was spreading. It
was employed occasionally b y a large number of writers: Thomas
Cromwell, Lord Berners, Tyndale, Sir Philip Sidney, Donne, Sir
T h o m a s Browne, Pepys, Bentley, Defoe, T h o m a s Godfrey, Jr.,
Robert Rogers, Benjamin Franklin, Dr. Johnson, Burke, Coleridge,
Southey, L a m b , D e Quincey, and others.
T h e split infinitive has been censured by grammarians to w h o m
49 2 c EXAMPLES OF SPLIT INFINITIVE 461

grammar is not an objective study of the living language but a

fixed body of rules that has come d o w n to us from the past. Also
a number of good writers avoid the split infinitive. Since the
fourteenth century, however, the split infinitive, b y virtue of its
decided advantages, which are unconsciously widely felt, has been
gradually gaining ground, in recent times even making headway
against deeply rooted prejudices, so that it frequently appears
in good authors, among them m a n y of our best, sometimes only
occasionally, sometimes more freely. But it is never used with such
consistency that it is uniformly employed where it should be.
In the feeling of speaker or writer there is a struggle here between
older and newer usage. H e n o w follows the one, n o w the other,
but yielding ever more and more to the powerful n e w drift in the
direction of greater precision of expression.
Although this n e w drift has long been regarded b y m a n y w h o
do not understand it as plebeian or vulgar, there have never been
any real grounds for such an attitude, for it has never been char-
acteristic of popular speech. Although it is n o w rapidly spreading
in the language of the c o m m o n people, it was not prominent there
in older English, so far as w e can judge from the evidence at our
disposal. O n the other hand, it has long been used in literary and
colloquial language. In general, it is more characteristic of our
most prominent authors than of the minor writers, w h o avoid it
as they fear criticism. In the lastfiftyyears, however, its use in
literature has spread more rapidly than in any previous period
of its development. It has become such a necessary form of
English expression that w e often cannot avoid it if w e would em-
ploy the infinitive at all: 'This earl would have deemed it a
condescension to so much as invite me to his house' (Marie Corelli).
'He stood high in the colony, was extravagant and fond of display,
and, his fortune being jeopardized, he hoped to more than retrieve
it by going into speculations in Western lands' (Theodore Roose-
velt, The Winning of the West, Vol. I, Ch. VI). 'Her husband was
sure to enable her to more than better her old position' (Edwin Bal-
mer, The Breath of Scandal, Ch. II). 'I've heard enough to about
do for m e ' (Willa Cather, The Professor's House, p. 241).
The split infinitive has become so c o m m o n that an adequate
idea of its extensive employment cannot be conveyed by illustra-
tions, but a large number of characteristic examples, taken from
the author's m u c h larger collection, are given here in order that
the student m a y get a general idea of the wide use of the con-
struction b y good authors: ' to nobly stem tyrannic pride' (Burns),
'to still further limit the hours' (William Wordsworth), 'without
permitting himself to actually mention the n a m e ' (Matthew Ar-
462 EXAMPLES OF SPLIT INFINITIVE 49 2 c

nold), 'of a kind to directly stimulate curiosity' (Walter Pater,

Appreciations, Sir T h o m a s Brown, p. 132). ' N e w emissaries are
trained with n e w tactics, to, if possible, entrap him and h6odwink
and handcuff him' (Carlyle). 'To slowly trace the forest's shady
scene, Where things that o w n not man's dominion dwell' (Byron,
Childe Harold, II, 25). 'In order to fully appreciate Lord Holland'
(Macaulay, Critical and Historical Essays), 'to still five on'
(Whittier, Cambridge ed., p. 401),' being told to just step 6n seven
miles farther' (Mrs. Gaskell, Wives and Daughters, Ch. VII), 'to
half surmise the truth' (Robert Browning, The Ring and the Book,
Cambridge ed., p. 513), 'to straightway murder' (i6., p. 561),
'to longer bear' (i&., p. 563), 'to worthily defend' (i&., p. 563),
'to bravely disbelieve' (i6., p. 570), 'to quietly next day at crow
of cock Cut m y throat' (i6., p. 588). 'Escape? T o even wtsh
that would spoil all' (id., Pippa Passes; and m a n y other examples
in this and others of his works). ' H o w m u c h better to thus save
the m o n e y which else w e sink for ever in the war' (Abraham
Lincoln, July 12, 1862). 'The fury of the Confederate assault
soon halted this advance force and ultimately inflicted upon it
such loss of m e n and guns as to seriously cripple McCook's corps'
(P. S. Sheridan, Personal Memoirs, I, C h . X I ) . 'Things which
few except parents can be expected to really understand' (Oliver W .
Holmes, Elsie Venner, Ch. X I X ) . 'I wish the reader to clearly
understand' (Ruskin). 'I undertook to partially fill lip the office
of parish clerk' (George Eliot, Silas Marner, p. 56). 'To an active
mind it m a y be easier to bear along all the qualifications of an idea
than tofirstimperfectly conceive such idea' (Herbert Spencer,
Philosophy of Style). 'To further confirm this, Sherman's advance
division will march direct from^Whiteside to Trenton' (U. S. Grant,
Personal Memoirs, II, p. 51). 'The commission's scheme to ar-
bitrarily and permanently confine the channel' (Mark Twain,
Life on the Mississippi, p. 224). 'I don't ask you to vote at all
I only urge you to n6t (not as often found here after the to as
other sentence adverbs, but with an evident drift in this direction)
s6il yourself by voting for Blaine' (id., Letter to W. D. Howells,
Sept. 17, 1884). 'The cost has to all come (after the analogy
of must all come) out of a year's instalments of Autobiography
in the N . A. Review' (id., Letter to H. H. Rogers, M a y 29, 1907).
'Enough to thoroughly appreciate' (Ellis, Early English Pronun-
ciation, 1875, p. 1087). ' Which w o m e n do not like in a w o m a n and
m e n prefer to distantly admire' (Meredith, Diana of the Crossways,
London, 1914, p. 103). 'But the tendency of the study of science
is to utterly upr6ot such notions' (John Burroughs, The Light oj
Day, Ch. X I V , I). 'The great point of honor on these occasions
49 2 c EXAMPLES OF SPLIT INFINITIVE 463

was for each m a n to strictly limit himself to half a pint of liquor'

(Hardy, The Mayor of Casterbridge, Ch. X X X I I I ) ; frequently in
this author in the descriptive portions of his works, occasionally
also in the portions reproducing popular speech, for this con-
struction is n o w affecting the language of the c o m m o n people:
'Don't let m y sins, when you know them all, cause 'ee to quite
forget that though I loved 'ee late I loved 'ee well' (ib., Ch. XLIII).
'To utterly forget her past' (Henry James, Adina). 'To so ar-
range it' (Helen H u n t Jackson, Ramona, Ch. I). 'The old m a n
only similated deafness all these years to one day catch your
father 6ut' (De Morgan, Joseph Vance, Ch. I, p. 2); here in popu-
lar speech, but more commonly in literary language: 'to merely
fill lip to the brim' (i6., p. 5). 'There can be nothing to to n6t
(not as often found here after the to as other sentence adverbs,
but with an evident drift in this direction) talk about, between
you and m e , dear mother' (id., Alice-for-Short, Ch. X X X V ) .
'Which prompts a m a n to savagely stamp on the spider he has but
half killed' (Kipling, The Phantom Rickshaw). 'I was able once
more to calmly review m y chances of escape' (id., The Strange
Ride). 'The Cavalry were to gently stimulate the break-up which
would follow' (id., The Drums of the Fore and Aft). 'To basely
desert his friend' (Du Maurier, Trilby, p. 185), 'to honestly feel'
(id., Peter Ibbetson, p. 155), 'to selfishly overrate' (id., The Martia
p. 215), 'to thoroughly understand life' (ib., p. 352), 'to basely
16ng for these' (i6., p. 371). 'I a m asking myself h o w difficult it
will be to quite understand these people' (Frances Hodgson Bur-
nett, The Shuttle, Ch. X X V I I I ) . 'The idlers of the town might
not have been able to accurately define the m o m e n t when the
drama of defeat lost its interest' (Charles Egbert Craddock, The
Prophet of the Great Smoky Mountains, Ch. XII). 'Ask cook to
kindly make m e a sandwich' (C. H a d d o n Chambers, The Tyranny
of Tears, Act IV; also often elsewhere in this drama). 'Unable to
squarely face Aurelia's ardent assumption' (Henry Blake Fuller,
The Chatelaine), 'to further c6mplicate our problem' (Hamlin
Garland, A Daughter of the Middle Border, p. 328), 'to quite fill
the measure' (John Fox, Jr., The Kentuckians, Ch. I), 'to firmly
carry 6ut one's ideas' (Margaret Deland, The Apotheosis of the
Reverend Mr. Spangler, Ch. I). 'Just sensible enough of his o w n
callousness to intensely enj6y the humor and adroitness of it'
(George Bernard Shaw, You Never Can Tell, Act II). 'The ob-
server w h o had thoroughly understood one link in a series of in-
cidents should be able to accurately state all the other ones'
(A. Conan Doyle, Sherlock Holmes, I, 211). 'You are to please
come over here' (Mrs. H . Ward. Marcella, IV, Ch. VI). 'I've
464 EXAMPLES OF SPLIT INFINITIVE 49 2 c

presumed to call on you in the hope that I m a y be permitted to

modestly reason with you' (Pinero, The Amazons, Act I). 'I'm
old-fashioned enough to really believe there is that difference'
(Stanley Houghton, Hindle Wakes, Act II). 'And after that he
had m a d e up his mind to always start on a Friday' (Jerome K.
Jerome, Diary Pilgrim, 13). 'It really almost frightened the poor
girl to suddenly find herself in this strange position' (Rider Hag-
gard, Mr. Meeson's Will, p. 55). 'She proceeded to securely c6ver
6ver the sunshade' (W. Black, Highland Cousins, II, 28). 'She
had cause to bitterly repent it' (F. C. Philips, One Never Knows,
II, 125). 'You appear to m e not to quite kn6w what you are
about' (B. L. Farjeon, London's Heart, II, 32). ' W h y you should
have been m a d e to half kill yourself over the matter is more than
I can understand' ( W . J. Locke, The Red Planet, Ch. XVIII).
'It would have overburdened the text to there inc6rporate many
details' (G. Hempl, Modern Language Notes, XIII, 456). 'To
s6 judge literature would be tantamount to,' etc. (Edward Sapir,
Language, p. 24). 'It is doubtful if he had quite listened he
having so m u c h to n6t listen to at the H o m e Office that the prac-
tice was growing on him' (Galsworthy, Freelands, Ch. X V I ) ; in
general, often found in the works of this author, sometimes even
in the case of not, as in this example. ' Well, D a d oughtn't to ever
let you have it' (Sinclair Lewis, Babbitt, Ch. II); frequently else-
where in this book, occurring even in the case of not: '[X] Always
figured somebody'd come along with the brains to n6t leave educa-
tion to a lot of bookworms' (i6., Ch. VI, III). 'I'll have time to
really finish m y research' (id., Arrowsmith, Ch. X X I X ) . 'The
truth is I have come to rather dislike him' (Tarkington, The
Magnificent Ambersons, Ch. XVIII); in colloquial language found
frequently throughout the m a n y books of this writer. 'He de-
cided to again attack Rivas' (Richard Harding Davis, Real Sol-
diers of Fortune, p. 160). 'But it is hard to always have to brace
yourself to be a prop to the weak' (Hubert Henry Davies, Mrs.
Gorringe's Necklace, Act I). 'Nobody dared to even question
the truth of that report' (Oemler, Slippy McGee, Ch. IX). 'He
used to keenly question' (J. R. Green, A Short History of the Eng-
lish People, 1911, p. 50). 'Mr. M a n , that ought to pretty nearly
fix it' (William Allen White, A Certain Rich Man, Ch. XIII).
'I thought I was pretty good to even try it' (F. Scott Fitzgerald,
This Side of Paradise, p. 203). 'When I hear gentlemen say that
politics ought to let business alone, I feel like inviting them to
first consider whether business is letting politics alone' (Woodrow
Wilson, Feb. 24, 1912). ' H o w satisfactory it must be to really
kn6w,' etc. (W. S. Cather, The Song of the Lark, p. 421). T do
49 2 c EXAMPLES OF SPLIT INFINITIVE AND GERUND 465

not k n o w that she ever hoped to really s61ve it' (Francis R. Bel-
lamy, The Balance, Ch. X X ) . ' W h y , it would be such fun to just
forg6t all about the hours when the sun didn't shine, and remember
only the nice, pleasant ones' (Eleanor A . Porter, Just David,
Ch. X ) . 'To s6 act that,' etc. (Webster's International Dictionary,
1921, p. 1301, 13), 'designed to further centralize government in
Washington' (editorial in Chicago Tribune, Feb. 28, 1924), 'some-
thing that would c o m m a n d m e to utterly submit' (De Voto, The
Crooked Mile, p. 342), 'to publicly baptize Psalmanazar' (Sir
Sidney Lee, Diet. Nat. Biography, Psalmanazar, p. 440). 'This
knowledge has been so applied as to well-nigh revolutionize h u m a n
affairs' (Harvey Robinson, The Mind in the Making, p. 7). 'I
don't want you to even speak to her' (Floyd Dell, This Mad Ideal,
II, Ch. VII). 'To devise measures to vigorously rest6re and ex-
pand our foreign trade' (Herbert Hoover, Oct. 15, 1928).
If the to before the second of two infinitives is suppressed, the
sentence adverb invariably stands immediately before the in-
finitive: ' W e pray you to proceed A n d justly and religiously
unfold' (Shakespeare, Henry the Fifth, I, n, 9). This construction,
which has been in universal use for m a n y centuries, has facilitated
the spread of the split infinitive.
Similar to the prepositional infinitive is the prepositional gerund.
The preposition here serves as a conjunction introducing the
gerundial clause. Here, as in the case of the infinitive clause or
the full clause with afiniteverb, sentence adverbs stand before
the verbal element, i.e., before the gerund: ' W h e n he looked at
her he usually ended by smiling and sometimes by suddenly
Uughing' (A. Marshall, The Old Order Changeth, Ch. XIII). W h e n
the subject of the gerund is expressed, the sentence adverb, as in a
full clause, stands between subject and gerund: 'It (i.e., your
case) will rest upon my dctually having no complaint against you'
(ib., Ch. X X I I ) . These examples clearly show h o w closely re-
lated a full clause with finite verb, an infinitive clause, and a
gerundial clause are. Curiously enough it has never occurred to
a grammarian to censure the placing of a sentence adverb before a
gerund, while the grammarians w h o have written our schoolbooks
quite generally censure this word-order in the infinitive clause.
In full clause, infinitive clause, gerundial clause the same forces
are at work; in all three cases the development is natural and in
accord with the development in an independent sentence, and
should be furthered rather than censured, for it makes for clearer
expression.
In all the cases just discussed, the split infinitive is the simple
form without an auxiliary. In a compound form containing an
466 EXAMPLES OF SPLIT INFINITIVE 49 2 e

auxiliary the sentence adverb usually stands before the stressed

form of the verb, which in most cases is the part having the verbal
meaning: 'Life's aim is simply to be always looking for tempta-
tions' (Oscar Wilde, A Woman of No Importance, Act III). In
the passive, the form is slightly different wherever there are two
participles, one the passive auxiliary, the other the form contain-
ing the verbal meaning. These two participles usually form a unit,
so that the sentence adverb cannot stand between them before
the stressed verbal form, but for the most part stands before the
participial unit: 'She seems to have always been admired.' But
even in the case of these participial units w e must put the adverb
between the participles before the stressed verbal form wherever
the adverb indicates the manner or degree of the verbal activity:
'She seems to have always 6eew kindly received.' 'She seems to
have always been greatly admired.' A s in these examples, there
are often two adverbs, one in the usual position before the pas-
sive auxiliary, the other, an adverb of manner or degree, before
the stressed verbal form. This form with the sentence adverb
before the stressed part of the verb is widely used, even by many
w h o do not split a simple infinitive. It does not seem to be gen-
erally felt as a split infinitive, though the adverb plainly stands
between the auxiliary and the form of the verb containing the ver-
bal meaning. T h e word-order, here as elsewhere, corresponds
closely to that found in an independent sentence and in the that-
clause: 'She has always been kindly received.' 'It seems that she
has always been kindly received.' In the infinitive construction
the unsplit infinitive, i.e., the form with the adverb before the to,
is also used here: 'The former I do not remember ever to have seen'
(Thomas B . Aldrich, My Cousin the Colonel, Ch. I). 'She seems
always to have been happy.' This construction, however, is often
ambiguous: 'I remember plainly to have refused his offer.' Here
plainly m a y modify either remember or refused. If w e mean the
latter, the split infinitive conveys this meaning clearly: 'I remem-
ber to have plainly refused his offer.'
Also w h e n the infinitive is the copula 6e and the real predicate
in the infinitive clause is an adjective, noun, or prepositional
phrase, w e usually place the sentence adverb before the stressed
predicate: 'I intend to be always watchful' (a watchful observer,
or on the watch). Sometimes, however, the sentence adverb stands
before the to, as in the unsplit infinitive construction: 'The girl
seemed always to be in half-mourning' (Thomas B . Aldrich, The
Stillwater Tragedy, Ch. I X ) .
There is one case where the sentence adverb always precedes
the to, namely, w h e n the infinitive clause follows the copula with
 49 3 a TENSES OF INFINITIVE AFTER FULL VERB 467

the force of a predicate adjective or noun: 'It w a s hardly to be

expected.' 'Life's aim is simply to be always looking for tempta-
tions.' A s the infinitive clause in each of these sentences has the
function of a predicate and thus is felt as a unit, the sentence ad-
verb, which belongs to the sentence as a whole, cannot enter it.
Of course, where the sentence adverb belongs only to the infinitive
clause, as always in the second example, itrightfullystands within
the clause.
3. Tenses and Voices of the Infinitive. Although the infinitive
was originally a noun, it has in the course of time acquired the
properties of tense and voice, thus approaching the nature of a
verb. Like afiniteverb, the infinitive has two voices active
and passive. There are no peculiar difficulties here except in the
case of the passive form. T h e infinitive in passive function grad-
ually developed passive form, but in a few categories retained its
original active form in passive function. For fuller information
see 7 D 2, 15 III 2 B , 46 (next to last par.).
Unlike thefiniteverb, the infinitive has only two tenses
present and perfect. A s the use of these two tenses presents
peculiar difficulties, they are treated in detail in a and b below.
Although the infinitive has no special forms to indicate mood,
it can render fairly accurately some of the relations expressed
by the subjunctive forms of thefiniteverb: 'I wrote him to come
at once' ( = ' that he should come at once'). ' I do not k n o w what to
do' (= 'what I should do'). 'I should be happy if I k n e w h o w to
accomplish ( = I might accomplish) this.'
a. Use of the Tenses of the Infinitive after a Full Verb. T h e
tenses of the infinitive here express time relatively to that of the
principal verb. T h e present tense indicates time contemporaneous
or future with reference to that of the principal verb: 'I wish Zo do
it.' 'He w a s very foolish to do it,' not usually n o w as in older
English 'He was very foolish to have done it.' 'The Indian must
have possessed no small share of vital energy to have rubbed (in-
correctly instead of to rub) industriously stone on stone for long
months till at length he had rubbed an ax' (Thoreau, Journal,
I, p. 40). 'I intend to write a line or two to her soon.' 'I yesterday
intended to write a line or two to her, but forgot to do so.' 'I
managed to do it without his help' (i.e.,' I did it without his help').
'It was the fourth case of lockjaw to occur (i.e., that occurred) within
a week.' Of course, the present infinitive refers to the past after
the annalistic present (37 1 d), for the annalistic present itself
points to the past: 'This is the fourth case of lockjaw to occur
(i.e., that has occurred) within a week.' T h e perfect tense of the
infinitive indicates time prior to that of the principal verb: 'I a m
468 TENSES OF INFINITIVE AFTER FULL VERB 49 3 a

proud to have been able to help. It gives recreation a better relish

to have first accomplished something' (Harriet Connor Brown,
Grandmother Brown's Hundred Years, 279). 'He found about a
half dozen Seniors w h o m he did not remember to have noticed
before.' 'I consider myself lucky to of (reduced colloquial form
of have) found out about it before it was too late' (Ring Lardner,
Saturday Evening Post, July 11, 1914). Looking backward from
the present to a past situation, having in mind one's present state
of feeling: 'I should like to have given him something' (Dickens,
A Christmas Carol, II, 41), but (with reference to a past situation,
but looking forward) 'I should have liked to make her a little
present' (Thackeray, Vanity Fair, I, C h . XII). T h e principle
that the perfect tense of the infinitive should indicate time prior
to that of the main verb is not always observed, as will be seen
in the following paragraphs, but it is n o w m u c h better observed
than earlier in the present period. T h e steadily increasing ob-
servance of this principle shows clearly that its importance for
English expression is gradually becoming more widely felt. In
our language the infinitive has only two tenses, and unless their
use be regulated b y some such fixed principle our expression will
become unclear.
In unreal conditions, the infinitive is often used as an abridged
clause to form the condition or the conclusion, with the same
use of the tenses described in the preceding paragraph: 'I should
be glad to go' ( = if I could go). 'I should have been glad to go'
(= if I could have gone). 'He would have been foolish to do it'
(= if he had done it). 'What would I give not to have heard the
calamities fallen on the heads of the King and Queen of France'
(Horace Walpole, Letter to Miss Mary Berry, June 28, 1791)
(= if I had not heard, etc.). 'Here w a s enough to haue infected
(now usually Zo infect = that it could have infected) the whole city,
if it had not been taken in time' (Ben Jonson, Euery Man in His
Humour, V , v, 28, A.D. 1616). '[it was] A glorious vision to the
youth, w h o embraced it as a flower of beauty, and read not a
feature. There were curious features of color in her face for him
to have read' (Meredith, The Ordeal of Richard Feverel, Ch. X V ) ,
instead of the better for him to read = which he could have read if
he had observed. A s can be seen b y the examples, there has long
been a tendency here after a past tense to employ a perfect in-
finitive instead of a present infinitive. This usage seems at present
to be less c o m m o n in good literature than formerly, and it is to be
hoped that it will disappear altogether, for it violates the widely
observed principle that the perfect infinitive indicates time prior
to that of the main verb.
49 3 a TENSES OF INFINITIVE AFTER FULL VERB 469

Where, however, the situation clearly shows that the reference

is to the future, the perfect infinitive represents the action as
completed at a point of time in the future: 'He expects to have
written the last chapter by tomorrow evening.'
Where it is desired to indicate that a past intention, hope, expec-
tation has not been realized, w e often instead of the regular past
perfect subjunctives i" had meant, thought, intended, etc., in connec-
tion with a present infinitive, as in ' I had meant, thought, intended
to write a line to you,' employ, as in older English, the past sub-
junctives meant, thought, intended with a dependent perfect infini-
tive after the analogy of the past subjunctive would, which in
older English was used in the sense of intention in connection
with a dependent perfect infinitive to indicate that a past intention
was not realized: 'I meant, thought, intended to have written a line
to you' = older 'I would have written a line to you,' i.e., 'I had
intended to write a line to you.' Such a sentence with would has
developed out of a full unreal conditional sentence, as 'I would
have written a fine to you if I had been able to find the time.'
W e still use would in a full conditional clause, or where w e feel
the statement as containing an unreal condition, as in 'In your
place I would have acted otherwise.' W e do not n o w use would
in an independent sentence where the idea of unreal condition
has disappeared and there remains only the idea of unreality, as
in 'I would have written a fine to you.' B u t in older English, be-
ginning in Middle English, this use of would is c o m m o n : 'For
summe.of h e m wolden haue take h y m , but no m a n sette hondis
on h y m ' (John, VII, 44, John Purvey's ed., A.D. 1388). 'He,
following that faire advantage fast, His stroke redoubled with
such might and maine, That him upon the ground he groveling
cast; and leaping to him light would have unlast (unlaced) His
helme to m a k e unto his vengeance w a y ' (Spenser, The Faerie
Queene, VI, i, xxxrx). T h e context in both examples clearly
shows that would with its dependent perfect infinitive expresses
an unrealized past intention.
Even as early as the thirteenth century would began to be re-
placed here b y thought, meant, or weened as clearer expressions
for this idea. These past tense forms had become very c o m m o n
by the fourteenth century. That these verbal forms were felt as
past tense subjunctives with the force of would can be seen by
the frequent use of the perfect infinitive after them without to
as after would: 'He thought ( = would) have slaine her in his
fierce despight (anger); B u t hastie heat tempring with suffrance
wise, H e stayde his hand' (Spenser, The Faerie Queene, I, i, LI).
This old use of meant, thought, intended, etc., long remained quite
470 TENSES OF INFINITIVE AFTER FULL VERB 49 3 a

c o m m o n , except that the dependent perfect infinitive later always

took to: ' Long as this letter is, I intended to have written a fuller
and more digested one upon this important subject' (George
Washington, Letter to Benjamin Harrison, Oct. 10, 1784). 'I in-
tended to have written a line to you' (Mrs. Gaskell, Life of Charlotte
Bronte, 299). T h e old list of past tense forms has been increased
by a few others of related meaning: 'I hoped to have left them in
perfect safety' (Dickens, A Tale of Two Cities, III, Ch. IX). 'I
wanted to have seen you ever so m u c h , but I did not like to trouble
you' (F. C. Philips, Mrs. Bouverie, 89).
T h e use of the perfect infinitive to express an unrealized purpose
or plan is found not only in object clauses, as in the preceding
examples, but also in adverbial clauses, especially in older English:
'Sir Beaumayns felle vpon h y m and vnlaced his helme Zo have
slayne h y m , and thenne he yelded h y m and asked mercy' (Malory,
Le Morte d'Arthur, B o o k VII, Ch. X V I I , A.D. 1485). 'This traine
he laid to have intrap'd thy life' (Marlowe, The Jew of Malta, 2375,
A.D. 1590). It is sometimes still found after am (is, are) going,
where it was originally an adverbial clause of purpose: 'Were you
going to have walked?' (Temple Thurston, The City of Beautiful
Nonsense, Ch. X V ) .
A s the idea of result is closely related to that of purpose, the
perfect infinitive is employed to express an unrealized result,
especially in older English: 'He w a s readie to have striken his
tapster for interrupting him, but for feare of displeasing mee hee
moderated his furie' (Thomas Nashe, Works, II, p. 212, A.D. 1594).
'I was ready to have gone with her, but this will do just as
well' (Jane Austen, Emma, Ch. XLIII). 'Several times w e were
like Zo have been staved against Rocks' (George Washington,
Diary, Dec. 16, 1753), or, in older English, often the incorrect had
instead of was or were: 'One thing more remains, which I had
like to have forgotten' (id., Letter to Benjamin Harrison, Oct. 10,
1784), 'The evening liked to have been a tedious evening' (J. A.
Benton, California Pilgrimage, 127, A.D. 1853). T h e perfect in-
finitive after liked, as in the last example, is still c o m m o n in popu-
lar speech. In the literary language w e say, 'The evening came
near to being tedious.'
In spite of the long and wide use of most of these forms the
construction is bad and useless. Meant, thought, intended, hoped,
etc., are not modal auxiliaries and should indicate past time,
not by a dependent perfect infinitive, but b y the regular past
perfect subjunctive with a present infinitive, also an old construc-
tion hallowed b y long and good usage: 'I had not thought to see
thy face, and, lo, G o d hath shewed m e also your seed' (Genesis,
 49 3 a TENSES OF INFINITIVE AFTER FULL VERB 471

X L V I I I , 11). 'I had meant, thought, intended, hoped, wanted,

wished to write a line to you.' With the verbs intend, mean, hope,
think the past perfect subjunctive is quite c o m m o n , but with the
other verbs w e m a y use also the longer subjunctive form with
should in thefirstperson and would in the second and third in
connection with the perfect infinitive: 'I should have wished to
go to France, but I must take what I can get' (Galsworthy,
Saint's Progress, IV, I, 354). ' H e would have longed to give his
arm to the fair Blanche' (Thackeray, Pendennis, II, Ch. I).
O n the other hand, as explained in b, p. 472, would and the other
modal auxiliaries can only indicate past time b y means of a de-
pendent perfect infinitive, so that this construction is proper for
them. In older English, this usage w a s improperly extended to
meant, thought, intended, etc. Alongside of this incorrect usage
is the correct one with a past perfect subjunctive and a dependent
present infinitive, and this correct usage is widely followed b y
careful speakers and writers and should finally supplant the in-
correct usage: 'I had meant to go to China, but,' etc. (Edith W h a r -
ton, The Glimpses of the Moon, Ch. XIII). Likewise in the case
of like (= come near to), once widely used in the literary language,
but n o w avoided: 'Ellen's tears had been like to burst forth again
at his words; with great effort she controlled herself and obeyed
him' (Susan Warner, The Wide, Wide World, Ch. X L V I I ) .
The past subjunctives meant, thought, etc., described above, have
long been erroneously felt as past indicatives, so that w h e n this
construction spread to the verb 6e w h e n used in the sense of an
unrealized intention, the form was to w a s employed: 'She was to
have dined with us here the day after her father's death' (Gissing,
A Life's Morning, C h . X I V ) . T h e past indicative has become
established here and will have to remain as it is, for w e cannot
here use the past perfect subjunctive had been, since it would
mean something quite different.
In another respect the infinitive construction after full verbs
is often influenced b y that found after modal auxiliaries. After
modal auxiliaries the perfect infinitive is necessary to convey the
idea of time past. After the past perfect subjunctive of intend,
mean, think, hope, want, desire, wish, like, long, or after their
longer subjunctive form with should or would with the perfect
infinitive, w e sometimes, after the analogy of usage with modal
auxiliaries,findthe perfect infinitive instead of the present, which
here is sufficient, as the preceding subjunctive clearly indicates
time past: ' I had thought, sir, to have held (instead of the correct
to hold) m y peace until Y o u had drawn oaths from him not to stay'
(Shakespeare, The Winter's Tale, I, n, 28). 'The rabble had lik'd
 PERFECT INFINITIVE AFTER AUXILIARIES 49 3 5

to have pulled him to pieces' (Mrs. Behn, Novels, I, 282, A.D. 1689),
n o w came very near to pulling him to pieces. 'I had hoped to
have procured (instead of the correct to procure) you some oysters
from Britain' (Lytton, Pompeii, I, Ch. III). 'He would have
liked to have hugged (instead of the correct to hug) his father'
(Hughes, Tom Brown's School-Days, I, Ch. IV). In older English,
the have of the perfect infinitive here w a s often suppressed to
avoid the heaping u p of auxiliary forms: ' M y m e n would have
had m e [have] given them leave to fall upon them at once' (Defoe,
Robinson Crusoe, A.D. 1719), n o w would have had me give them
leave. Similarly, the perfect infinitive has often been used instead
of a present infinitive in a full subordinate clause that depends
upon a past perfect subjunctive: 'I a m glad to see you so well,
Miss Cardinal ... I had been afraid that it might have exhausted
(instead of the correct exhaust) you' (Hugh Walpole, The Captives,
I, C h . III). T h e incorrect perfect infinitive in all these cases,
though still to be found in current English, is not so c o m m o n as
it once was. Of course, the perfect infinitive is in order when it
is desired to indicate that the intention at the time was that a
contemplated act should take place prior to another act that is
mentioned in connection with it: 'I had meant to have visited Paris
and to have returned to London before m y father arrived from
America.'
6. Use of the Perfect Infinitive with Modal and Tense Auxiliaries.
T h e present and past subjunctive forms of the modal auxiliaries
are n o w so commonly used to give modal force, the present and
the past subjunctive each imparting a distinctly different shade
of feeling or thought rather than conveying different time rela-
tions, that w e feel them n o w only as modal forms without dis-
tinction of time. Both the present and the past subjunctive here
indicate present or future time w h e n used in connection with a
present infinitive. Reference to the past can be secured only by
using a perfect infinitive instead of the present: 'He may have
gone.' 'He might have gone.' A s these auxiliaries were once con-
crete verbs and could indicate time relations like other verbs and
in part can still do so, w e must always note carefully whether we
are using a concrete verbal or a mere modal form. A s can be seen
by the two examples just given and as explained more fully in
44 I, may and might are n o w usually felt as subjunctive modal
forms and regularly require a perfect infinitive for reference to
the past. Likewise the past subjunctives ought and must (43 I A,
next to last par.; 4 4 1 a): 'He ought to have done it.' 'He must have
done it.'
Similarly, the past subjunctive had and in negative statements
 49 3 6 SUPPRESSION OF HAVE IN PERFECT INFINITIVE 473

and in questions usually need and sometimes dare, which are n o w

felt and used as past subjunctives: 'He had better have taken
a return ticket.' 'She need not have done it,' but sometimes with
the incorrect past indicative form described in a, p. 467: 'She
hardly needed to have asked the question' (Mrs. Gaskell, Life of
Charlotte Bronte, 209), instead of 'She need hardly have asked the
question.' ' W h y need he have gone so soon?' 'You k n o w you
daren't have given the order to charge the bridge if you hadn't seen
us on the other side' (George Bernard Shaw, The Man of Destiny),
or more commonly 'You wouldn't have dared to give the order,'
etc. T h e indicative could, as in 'He tried yesterday, but couldn't
do it' can point to the past, but the subjunctive could can only
indicate past time w h e n its dependent infinitive is in the perfect
tense: 'He could have done it yesterday if he had tried.'
After the analogy of examples like the last, where a perfect
infinitive follows a past subjunctive, w e often hear in popular
speech instead of a perfect participle a perfect infinitive after the
past subjunctive had of the regular past perfect subjunctive, i.e.,
'if they had have said so' instead of 'if they had said so,' or, stated
in other words, a have (frequently in the contracted form of 'a' or
of) is often inserted after the had of the regular past perfect sub-
junctive : ' If they had 'a' said (instead of the correct had said) so,
you'd 'a' sat and listened to 'em!' (De Morgan, Alice-for-Short,
Ch. II, p. 16). Here had is a past subjunctive and hence has modal
force; but, since the form is the same as the indicative, the c o m m o n
people, unworried by historical considerations and actuated by the
desire to impart the modal force which is present in their feeling,
insert here have, which so often follows a past subjunctive, as in
'you'd 'a' sat' ( = 'you would have sat') in this same sentence.
The literary language permits this usage only after modal auxil-
iaries; popular speech extends it also to tense auxiliaries. This
incorrect usage makes the thought clear, so that even educated
people sometimes use it unconsciously, but there is at present no
tendency in the literary language to use it consciously, hence it
is never found in careful speech. Compare 44 II 5 C (4th par.),
43 II B a (4th par.), and 44 I a (last par.). This a should not be
confounded with the a which is the reduced form of the old prefix
of the perfect participle corresponding to G e r m a n ge-, once found
in literary English, n o w surviving only in certain South English
dialects: 'I've a zin (better written a-zin = seen) a young chap
make a vool ov hisself avore' (Maxwell Gray, Ribstone Pippins, 8).
In older English, the have of the dependent perfect infinitive was
sometimes suppressed: ' I would have sworn the puling girl Would
willingly [have] accepted H a m m o n ' s love' (Dekker, Shoemaker's
474 FUNCTIONS OF THE INFINITIVE 49 4 C (1) a

Holiday, III, 2). This suppression of have has become a charac-

teristic feature of our popular speech: 'If S m o k y could only
[have] knowed, there'd [have] been a lot of suffering which he
wouldn't [have] had to've went through' (Will James, Smoky
the Cowhorse, Ch. IV).
With auxiliaries that point to the future the perfect infinitive
represents the action as completed at a point of time in the future:
'I shall have completed it before you return.' 'He will have com-
pleted it before you return.' 'If things goright,they should have
completed the work b y tomorrow evening.'
4. Functions of the Infinitive. In order that the student m a y
get a clear view of the entire field of the present usefulness of
the simple infinitive and the form with to or for . . . to, an out-
line of their different functions is given below along with refer-
ences which refer to sections where these functions are discussed.
F r o m a close study of these references it will become evident that
the infinitive is an amazing tangle of the old and the new, now
with its modern function or form, n o w with the function or form
of an earlier period. A s the infinitive often competes with the
gerund, it ought to be studied in connection with the gerund, as
presented in 50 4.
T h e infinitive is n o w used as:
A. Subject, usually with to or for . . . to: ' To err is human.'
' It is better for you to go.' Sometimes with its simple form: ' [it is]
Better bend than break.' See 4 I d, 21 e (9th par.).
B. Predicate, usually with to:
(1) Normal F o r m :
a. After a copula: 'To do good is to be happy.' See 7 D 1 a.
b. After passive verbs: 'He was m a d e to shut the door.' See
7 D 1 6.
(2) Modal Form:
After the copula with the modal force described in 7 D 2: 'This
story is not to be repeated.' 'He is soon to be married.'
In the abridged attributive relative clause there is of course
no copula before the predicate infinitive: 'Here is the m a n who
is to be sent,' but 'Here is the m a n to be sent.' ' I have m u c h to do'
(= that I am to do). Compare 23 II 11 and 7 D 2.
(3) After a copula to express purpose. See 7 D 3.
(4) In the nominative absolute construction. See 17 3 A d
(3rd par.) and B (2nd par.).
C. Object:
(1) With its simple form:
a. After: do; the modal auxiliaries may, can, shall, etc.;
the future tense auxiliaries will and shall; often also dare and
 49 4 C (1) a FUNCTIONS OF THE INFINITIVE 475

need; in older English, sometimes ought and note. Explanations

and examples are given below.
Dare is not only treated as a c o m m o n verb with the Zo-infinitive
after it, but often also, w h e n not standing in the form of a present
participle or in a compound tense, is used, like a modal auxiliary,
with a simple infinitive after it, especially in the negative and
interrogative forms of statement and in the n o w rare old past
tense form durst and the n e w past subjunctive form dare, which
after the analogy of must (old past subjunctive) is n o w often
employed where the context makes the thought clear.
Similarly, need is frequently still, as in older English, treated as
a c o m m o n verb with a Zo-infinitive after it; indeed regularly so in
positive indicative form; usually also in negative statements and
questions in its newer periphrastic form with do; or, on the other
hand, w h e n not standing in the form of the present participle,
or in a compound tense, or in the form with do, it m a y be used as
a modal auxiliary with the simple infinitive after it w h e n negatived,
qualified, used in a question, and w h e n after the analogy of must
it takes the past subjunctive form need, which is n o w often em-
ployed where the context makes the thought clear.
Examples: ' W h y don't you work hard?' 'I do work hard.'
T will do it,' i.e., 'I will the doing of it.' 'I must do it.' 'He
shall do it.' 'I shall do it.' 'He will do it.' 'He lay flat on his
face, not daring to look (not simple look) up.' 'He has never dared
to say (not simple say) it.' ' W h o dare set (or dares to set) a limit
to woman's tenderness?' 'Didn't he dare do it?' or 'Didn't he
dare to do it?' 'He dare not (or does not dare to) tell the truth.'
'He felt that he didn't dare venture (or didn't dare to venture, or
dared not venture, or dared not to venture, or dare past subjunctive
not venture) upon the subject.' 'You k n o w you daren't (past
subjunctive) have given (more commonly would not have dared to
give) the order to charge the bridge if you hadn't seen us on the
other side' (George Bernard Shaw, The Man of Destiny). 'Her
spirit failed her a little. She daren't (past subjunctive; or dared
not, or didn't dare to) climb after him in the dark.' (Mrs. H . Ward,
David Grieve). 'He durst (usually dared) not deny it.' 'If I durst
(usually dared, or dared to) speak, I should have something inter-
esting to say.' 'Not needing to hurry (not hurry), I walked along
leisurely.' 'He has never needed to hurry (not hurry) more than
now.' 'He needs to hurry,' but 'He need not hurry,' or 'He doesn't
need to hurry.' 'He didn't need to hurry.' 'Need he hurry?' or
'Does he need to hurry?' 'What more needs to be (nowmore com-
monly need be) said?' (Draper, History of the Intellectual Develop-
ment of Europe). 'He only need inquire (or needs to inquire) of the
476 FUNCTIONS OF THE INFINITIVE 49 4 C (1) a

porter.' 'That is all that need be (or needs to be) said.' 'The
waiter was told that he need (past subjunctive) not stay' (or did
not need to stay). 'He had a good hour on his hands before he
need (past subjunctive) go back' (A. Marshall, Anthony Dare,
Ch. X I ) . 'He hesitated for a moment. Need (past subjunctive)
he go?' (or Did he need to go?) 'Had he done his duty in that re-
spect, Lydia need (past subjunctive) not have been indebted to
her uncle' (Austen, Pride and Prejudice, 274). T h e formal proof
that dare and need are felt as past subjunctives is that they can
stand after a past indicative: 'He felt he dare (like the past sub-
junctive must) not reply.' 'I told him that he need (like must)
not wait longer.' Compare 44 I a.
Ought, by reason of the similarity of its meaning to that of
should, was, in older English, sometimes drawn into this group
of verbs which take after them a simple infinitive: 'Y owjZe
hue m y nei3bor' (Pecock, Folewer, p. 91, about A.D. 1453). Ought
is the past subjunctive of owe, as explained in 43 I A (next to last
par.). T h e original meaning of owe is have, possess; later, the idea
of having went over into that of having to do as a duty, i.e., ought.
Under the influence of the verb have, which is related to it in
meaning, there was in the oldest examples of owe or ought with
the infinitive a Zo before the infinitive, and later, after a long
competition with the simple infinitive, this usage became estab-
lished: 'I ought to love m y neighbor.' Ought n o w usually takes to
after it even when combined with modal auxiliaries:' W e should be
sorry to see English critics suggesting that they ought to or could
have acted otherwise' (Fowler, Modern English Usage) or 'could
or ought to have acted otherwise' (i6.).
In early M o d e r n English, note ( = ne wot; see Accidence,
57 4 A e) was often drawn into this group b y reason of its meaning.
Wot meant know, but in connection with an infinitive the meaning
know how to often went over into 6e able to, can. This development,
however, took place only where the form was negative and the
context clearly referred to past time. Here note, though a present
tense form, had the force of couldn't, pointing to the past: 'Ere
long so weake of limbe and sicke of love H e woxe that lenger he
note stand upright' (Spenser, The Faerie Queene, IV, XII, xx,
A.D. 1596) = 'Ere long he became so weak of limb and sick of
love that he couldn't stand upright any longer.' Similarly, in our
o w n time ought (44 I a), must (44 I a), dare, need, though else-
where felt as present tense forms, often point to the past when the
context clearly refers to past time. T h e explanation is, that these
verbal forms are felt as past subjunctives. Compare second para-
graph above this, also 44 I a (2nd par.).
 49 4 C (1) d FUNCTIONS OF THE INFINITIVE 477

In older English, the dependent infinitive after do was some-

times attracted to the form of the past tense after a past tense:
'He dyd made to rayne fourty dayes' (Caxton, A.D. 1483, Oxford
Dictionary under Do, 25 d). This is still c o m m o n in popular South-
ern American English: 'I done tole you 'bout ole M r . Benjermin
R a m ' (Joel Chandler Harris, Nights with Uncle Remus, p. 297). A
similar attraction took place in older English after a past participle.
See E (3rd par.). Compare 6 A d, p. 23.
b. T h e simple infinitive is used also after had as good, had better,
had best, had (or would) rather, etc.: 'A m a n had as good go to
court without a cravat as [he had] appear in print without a
preface.' 'I had better go.' 'Had we not best go and ask?' 'I
had rather wait a day.' In older English, the Zo-infinitive was
sometimes used here: 'He knew not whether he had best to run
or to stand his ground' (Richardson, Clarissa, III, 209), n o w
always run or stand his ground. In older English, an impersonal
construction was m u c h used here: 'Me (dative) were as lief, liever,
better, etc., to go,' n o w 'It were as good, better (etc., but no lo
as lief, liever) for me to go.' T h e impersonal construction came in
contact with the personal construction, 'I had as lief,' 'I had liever
(no longer in use), 'I had as good, better,' etc., and began to blend
with it: 'I were better to be married' (Shakespeare, As You Like
It, III, in, 91), n o w 'I had better be married.' 'I were (now had)
as good haue a quartane feauer follow m e now, for I shal ne'r
bee rid of him' (Ben Jonson, Euery Man out of His Humour, II,
in, A.D. 1600). M u c h less frequently did the personal construc-
tion blend with the impersonal: 'Nat longe tyme after that this
Grisild W a s wedded, she a doughter hath ybore, Al had Mr lever
have born a knave child' (Chaucer, The Clerkes Tale, 386), n o w
'although she had rather have born a male child.' T h e blended
constructions have disappeared. Compare 43 I B (4th par.) and
44 I (10th par.).
After had the have of the perfect infinitive is sometimes sup-
pressed: 'The country finds itself faced with arrears of legislation
which for its peace and comfort had far better [have] been spread
over the previous years.' T h e have should not be dropped here,
for it obscures the construction. T h e had been might be taken
for a past perfect tense. T h e suppression of have was once more
common than now. Compare 3 b (next to last par.), p. 473.
c. With its simple form after a few other verbs, but here only
as an objective predicate: 'I heard him say it.' See 15 III 2 B.
d. After the one preposition to, as explained in 1, p. 456: 'Hunger
drove him to steal food' = to the stealing of food. 'She persuaded,
induced, got him to do it' 'I hired him to do it.' Historically the
478 FUNCTIONS OF THE INFINITIVE 49 4 E

infinitive here is a verbal noun, object of the preposition to. To

and the infinitive together form a prepositional object, i.e., an
indispensable complement of the verb. Although the infinitive
here is still a verbal noun, object of the preposition to, it has also
the force of a verb, for it takes an object in the accusative case.
C o m p a r e 24 I V a.
This prepositional object construction is c o m m o n also after
adjectives and participles: ' H e is ready to go, eager to go, eager
for you to go.' 'The question is difficult to answer.' 'The room is
difficult to heat.' ' H e is hard to approach, to understand, to cook
for, to get along with.' 'He is easy to understand, to get along with
'He is sure to come.' 'You would be sure to dislike him.' 'He is
unfit to work, slow to sympathize with others.' 'It was sad to
listen to.' 'It is a calamity hard to bear' (or to be borne). 'I a m
ready to be shaved.' ' H e is worthy to be thus honored.' 'He is
inclined to take offense easily.'
After verbs and participles the gerund competes here with the
infinitive. See 50 4 c dd (2nd par.).
(2) After other verbs usually with to: 'I wish to go.' Often
in connection with an objective predicate: 'I find it difficult to
do that,' i.e., 'Ifindthe doing of that difficult.' 'I felt it useless
to say anything further.' Here anticipatory it points to the fol-
lowing infinitive.
T h e infinitive as object has a widefieldof usefulness in abridged
clauses: ' H e begged to go, begged m e (accusative) to go.' T
told him (dative) to do it.' 'I planned for him to go.' For a full
description of these objective clauses and their development see
24 III d.
T h e older simple form of the infinitive, still preserved in
(1) a, b, c, w a s also in part still preserved here in early Modern
English in archaic, poetic language, where after a few verbs, es-
pecially begrin, older usage lingered on for a while longer: 'Then
gan she wail and weepe' (Spenser, The Faerie Queene, Book I,
II, v n ) , n o w 'Then she began Zo wail and weep.' Sometimes still:
'The sunshine went out of his soul with a thrill, T h eflesh'neath
his armor 'gan shrink and crawl' (J. R. Lowell, The Vision of Sir
Launfal, I, V ) . Other survivals of older usage here are given
in 24 III d.
D. As an Adjective Element Modifying a Noun. See 10 I 2
(next to last par.); 10 V I , 2,3; 23 I a; 23 II11; 50 4 d (3rd par.).
T h e prepositional form is always used here.
E . The Infinitive in Elliptical Constructions. T h e simple in-
finitive is m u c h used in elliptical constructions: 'I [should] ask
his pardon!' ' W h y [should w e ] not go at once?' In older English,
49 4 E FUNCTIONS OF THE INFINITIVE 479

the infinitive with to was m u c h used in such exclamations, and

this old usage lingers on: 'I Zo marry before m y brother, and
leave him with none to take care of him!' (Blackmore, Lorna Doone,
Ch. X X X ) . This construction, however, is not elliptical, but the
old loose infinitive form of expression, once c o m m o n and often
described elsewhere in this book, which could replace almost any
finite form of the verb. Compare 6, p. 481.
The infinitive is m u c h used in another elliptical exclamatory
construction, an unreal conditional sentence with the principal
proposition suppressed. Here the subordinate conditional clause
has the form of an abridged Zo-infinitive clause (3 a, 2nd par.,
p. 468) with the subject unexpressed, as the natural inference is
that the speaker is subject: 'Oh to be in England n o w that
April's there!' (Browning, Home-Thoughts from Abroad, I) =
'Oh h o w happy I should be, were I in England n o w that April's
there!'
Especially c o m m o n are the elliptical constructions after the
conjunctions but (= except), except, save, than. If the construc-
tion in the subordinate clause follows closely that in the principal
proposition, the verbs do, had (past subjunctive), will, would,
can, could in the subordinate clause are suppressed before their
dependent simple infinitives if they have already been expressed
in the principal proposition: 'She does nothing but [that she does]
laugh.' 'I'll do anything to show m y gratitude but (or except)
[that I do] marry the daughter.' 'All day he has done nothing but
work' (in older English, often worked, which w a s attracted to the
form of the participle under the influence of done). 'Since her
interview with him she has done little else than [that she does]
think about him.' 'You can't do better than [that you do] go.' 'I
had rather err with Plato than [that I had] be right with Horace.'
'I would rather (or sooner) die than [that I would] yield.' These
constructions arose in older English, and for some of them w e no
longer have a live feeling, so that today w e do not use some of the
fuller forms given in brackets. T h e construction with do arose
at a time w h e n the do-form of the verb was not differentiated in
meaning or function from the simple form, as described in 6 A d.
In 6uZ-constructions anything is sometimes omitted, often also
anything and do: ' It cannot be [anything] but a dishonor and dero-
gation to the author' (Milton, Areopagitica, 56). 'Under such
circumstances he could not [do anything] but fail.' 'I cannot
[do anything] but admire his courage.' 'I cannot [do anything]
but be gratified b y the assurance' (Thomas Jefferson, Writings,
IV, 180). T h e infinitive that follows but here is always without
to, for it is dependent upon a do understood, as explained in the
480 FUNCTIONS OF THE INFINITIVE 49 4 E

preceding paragraph. In this construction there is always the

idea present that something cannot be prevented. Instead of a
suppressed do after cannot or could not w e m a y employ an ex-
pressed verb, namely, choose: 'I could not choose but speak the
truth' (Mrs. Gaskell, A Dark Night's Work, C h . VI). There
ought to be a to here before the infinitive that follows but, for
the words form an abridged clause, which regularly requires a
to before the infinitive. In older English, w e sometimes find a
to here, as illustrated in 24 III d (next to last par.). But this
clause has the same meaning as the elliptical do-construction and
has been influenced b y it, so that to has dropped out. T h e verb
choose is not n o w so c o m m o n here as earlier in the period. It
is n o w usually replaced b y help: ' W e could not help but love each
other' (Hall Caine, The Christian, IV, C h . X V ) . 'The cause of
peace could not help but be advanced today' (Westminster Gazette,
N o . 9370). 'Their one aim is to push the British empire into a
corner where it cannot help butfighta foredoomed battle' (F. Brit-
ten Austin in The Saturday Evening Post, June 7, 1930, p. 165).
These are British examples. T h e construction is quite common
also in American English, especially in the language of every day:
'You can't help but notice the pride that owners everywhere express
for Essex' (advertisement of an auto in Saturday Evening Post,
July 12, 1930). Examples from our literature have already been
given in 24 III d (next to last par.). Several American gram-
marians have censured this construction without giving any
grounds whatever. It has long been employed b y good writers,
and is still supported by good usage. There is, however, another
construction the gerund without but which is n o w competing
with it and is gradually becoming the more c o m m o n form: 'I
cannot help feeling gratified by the assurance.' ' W e could not help
loving each other.'
Since w e do not have a vivid feeling for the constructions contain-
ing rather, illustrated on page 477, w e have come to feel that the
simple infinitive is to be used with rather, so that w e n o w some-
times find the simple infinitive with rather even though no word
has been previously used which could be supplied in thought
before it: 'Rather than disturb him she went for a light-box and his
cigar-case to his bedroom' (Thackeray, Pendennis, I, Ch. XVIII).
Similarly, after 'there is nothing to do but' and 'we have nothing to
do but' we often employ the simple infinitive, as it so often else-
where follows do but: "There is nothing to do (or w e have nothing
to do) but enjoy ourselves.' B u t w e often use also the Zo-infinitive
here, as w e feel the construction as an abridged infinitive clause,
as in the second paragraph on page 481: 'I a m sure w e in England
 49 6 USE OF INFINITIVE TO CARRY ON CONSTRUCTION 481

had nothing to do but tofightthe battle out' (Thackeray, The

Virginians, Ch. L X X X I V ) .
W e often suppress the governing noun before its dependent
Zo-infinitive if the noun has already been used in the principal
proposition: 'I have no choice but [the choice] to accept the fact.'
'He hath never spoken a word save [the word] to ask for his food'
(Scott, Kenilworth, Ch. I).
Except in the case just mentioned the Zo-infinitive constructions
after these conjunctions, i.e., but, except, save, than, are not ellipti
cal but abridged infinitive clauses of condition or exception (31 2)
or abridged comparative clauses (29 1 B b), where the subject of
the infinitive, as elsewhere, is usually not expressed but implied
in some word in the principal proposition: 'What was left to them
but to drink and get merry?' 'You ought to k n o w better than to
believe all the gossip you hear.' If the infinitive has a subject of
its o w n the subject is introduced by for: 'There was nothing n o w
but for him and the footman to get into the carriage.'
F. As an Adverbial Element, originally modifying the verb,
now along with its expressed or unexpressed subject and its ex-
pressed modifiers forming an adverbial clause. This important
construction is discussed in detail in 24 IV a; 27 5; 28 2 6; 28
5d; 29 1 A a 6 6 ; 29 1 A daa; 29 1 B b; 29 2 a; 30 6; 312; 32 2;
33 2. T h e prepositional form is always used here except in a few
set expressions in clauses of purpose and result. See 11 2; 28 5 d
(4th par.); 29 2 a (2nd par.); 33 2 (7th par.).
5. Repetition of 'To' with the Infinitive. W h e n there are
several infinitives with the same or similar construction, it is
common usage to employ to with thefirstinfinitive and understand
it with the next one or the following ones: 'I wished to finish
m y business and [to] get away' (Meredith Nicholson, The House of
a Thousand Candles, Ch. I). 'I hoped Zo draw him into the open
and [to] seZZZe with him' (ib., Ch. X I ) . 'I thought it better to take
the anthem myself than [to] give it to a junior, w h o would be sure
to make a mull of it' (Mrs. W o o d , The Channings, Ch. I, 4).
However, whenever the second or later infinitive becomes im-
portant by reason of a contrast or a wish to emphasize it in any
way, it becomes at once more natural to repeat the to: 'It was
better to laugh than to cry.' ' To be or not to be, that is the question
In involved constructions it is always desirable to repeat to to
make the grammatical relations and the thought clear.
6. Infinitive Used to Carry O n a Construction. In older Eng-
lish, it was not u n c o m m o n to put a to before an infinitive although
a preceding infinitive having the same construction was without
to: 'And bids you, in the bowels of the Lord, Deliver up the crown,
482 USE OF INFINITIVE TO CARRY ON CONSTRUCTION 49 6

and to take mercy on the poor souls' (Shakespeare, Henry the

Fifth, II, iv, 102). 'She tells m e here she'll wed the stranger
knight, or never more to view nor day nor night' (id., Pericles, II,
v, 17). T h e Zo-infinitive is m u c h used in older English, as in the
last two examples, to carry on a construction once begun and thus
avoid the repetition of verbal forms used in the construction. The
second and third propositions m a y even have a different subject,
in which case the subject of the infinitives carrying on the con-
struction is in the nominative: 'Heaven would that she these
gifts should have, A n d I to live and die her slave' (id., As You
Like It, III, n, 161). In the following example the Zo-infinitive
clause with an absolute nominative subject carries on the pre-
ceding concessive clause construction introduced by though: T
could then have look'd on h i m without the help of admiration,
though the catalogue of his endowments had been tabled by his
side and I to peruse him by items' (id., Cymbeline, I, v, 4) = I coul
study him by items.
T h e infinitive construction was sometimes used in the first
dependent clause, even after the conjunction that, which always
calls for afiniteverb: 'Iff all m y saide children decesse, I will
that the saide goodes to them bequethed to be bestowed in charitable
deades' (Lincoln Diocese Documents, p. 138, July 22, 1529).
 CHAPTER XXIV

THE GERUND
PAGE
ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT 483
VOICE AND TENSE 484
SUBJECT OP THE GERUND 485
COMPLETE OUTLINE OF THE FUNCTIONS OF THE GERUND 491
50 1. Origin and Development. The gerund was originally a
verbal noun in ~4ng (until about 1250 also with the form -ung).
Thus it differed from the present participle in meaning, which was
originally an adjective and until about the fourteenth century
had a different ending, namely, ende (or inde, ynde, ande), so
that the two suffixes were farther apart in form and meaning than
they are today. They have both in course of time acquired more
verbal force, but the gerund is still a noun and the present parti-
ciple is still an adjective. In Old English, the gerund was a fem-
inine noun with the inflection of a strong feminine, as described
in Accidence, 56 3 c. T h e gerund is still often a simple noun with-
out any of the characteristics of a verb except its verbal meaning.
The noun gerund always preserves its original transitive form
even where it has strong passive force, and is usually formally
distinguished b y a preceding adjective, descriptive or limiting,
and often also b y a following o/-genitive object: 'He has not
committed any act worthy of transportation or hanging' (active
form with passive force). 'Horsewhipping (passive force) would
be too good for such a scoundrel.' 'His forearms and clean-
shaven face were brown from prolonged tanning (passive force)
by the sun.' 'The candle is in need of snuffing' (passive force).
'The singing w a s good.' 'The shooting of birds (genitive object)
is forbidden.' A verbal gerund n o w rarely has an adjective before
it and takes after it an accusative, dative, or prepositional object
and adverbial modifiers of all kinds: 'Shooting birds (accusative
object) is useless.' 'It is fun shooting at a mark' (prepositional
object). 'It is dangerous playing recklessly withfire'(two adver-
bial modifiers).
As w e have seen above, the gerund was once felt only as a noun
and, like a verbal noun, took a genitive object, and still takes a
genitive object w h e n it is felt only as a noun. Where, however,
the verbal force is strong, it n o w takes regularly an accusative
483
484 VOICE AND T E N S E O F T H E GERUND BO 2

object, as in thefirstof the last three examples just given. The

accusative occurred only rarely in Old English, but became more
c o m m o n in Middle English. This development was facilitated by
the example of the present participle, which had the same form and
took an accusative object. It was facilitated also by the example
of the closely related infinitive, which, though originally a noun, had
acquired so m u c h verbal force that it took an accusative object, like
a verb. T h e natural influence of the infinitive upon the gerund was
greatly increased in older English b y the confounding of their forms.
T h e older infinitive in -n (49 1) and the gerund in -ing often had
in the spoken language the same form. However, in older English
literature, the original genitive object in its modern form with of
lingered long after the gerund, even where the verbal force was
strong, and in popular speech it still lingers: 'imployed onely in
casting up of earth and digging of trenches' (Thomas Dekker, The
Wonderfull Yeare, p. 32, A.D. 1603), n o w 'employed in casting up
earth and digging trenches.' ' W h o m I left [in, i.e., engaged in]
cooling of the air with sighs' (Shakespeare, The Tempest, I, II, 222),
n o w ' W h o m I left cooling the air with sighs.' 'He was by nature
unfortunate and was always a-missing (i.e., in missing) of every-
thing' (De Morgan, Joseph Vance, Ch. I), n o w in literary English
'was always missing everything.' A s can be seen by the present
form appended to the last two examples, the gerund has here
often been replaced b y the present participle. Compare 4 c dd,
p. 494. O n the other hand, where the gerund has an article or
other limiting adjective modifier before it and thus has the char-
acteristic mark of a noun, there is today a strong feeling that a
direct object should be in the genitive, just as nouns in general
take only a genitive object: 'the trusting of a secret to a woman.'
Earlier English, however, did not differentiate so carefully between
these two classes of gerunds, and this older usage which admitted
of an accusative after a gerund modified b y an article or other
limiting adjective still occasionally occurs: 'the trusting a secret
to a w o m a n ' (Meredith, Diana of the Crossways, Ch. X X X V ) .
2. Voice and Tense. A s the gerund in the sixteenth century
was felt as having strong verbal force, it began to appear with
forms for voice and tense, which have become established: 'So
m y heart, although dented at with the arrowes of thy burning
affections, shall alwayes keepe his (now its) hardnesse and be so
farre from being mollyfied that thou shalt not perceiue it moued'
(John Lyly, Euphues and His England, Works, II, p. 139,
A.D. 1580). ' In having known no travel in his youth' (Shakespeare,
The Two Gentlemen of Verona, I, in, 16, A.D. 1591-1595).
Passive force today usually requires passive form and an ap-
 50 3 SUBJECT OF THE GERUND 485

propriate tense, although in older English w e find here active

form and w e m a y even still use a present tense for past time,
as originally: 'A Shootynge Gloue is chiefiye for to saue a mannes
fyngers from hurtynge' (Roger Ascham, Toxophilus, B o o k II,
p. 4, A.D. 1545), now from being hurt. 'Shall w e send that foolish
carrion, Mistress Quickly, to him, and excuse his throwing (now
being thrown, or having been thrown) into the water?' (Shakespeare,
The Merry Wives of Windsor, III, in, 205). B y comparing these
older gerunds with the accompanying newer ones and the newer
ones in the following sentences w e m a y see h o w m u c h our lan-
guage has gained by the introduction of passive form for the ex-
pression of passive force: ' T h e fact of 6eingr backed by m y friends is
a great comfort' = 'The fact that I am backed by m y friends is a
great comfort.' 'The fact of his being (or having been) convicted
so promptly is gratifying' = ' T h e fact that he was convicted so
promptly is gratifying.' 'I have read of its being (or having been)
done before' = 'I have read that it has been done before.' 'After
having been so thoroughly punished he became more tractable'
= 'After he had been so thoroughly punished, he became more
tractable.' 'There is no hope of his being convicted' = 'There is
no hope that he will (or may) be convicted.'
The active forms n o w usually indicate tense, although the older
use of the present tense for past time occasionally occurs: 'His
having such poor health is against him' = 'The fact that he has
such poor health is against him.' 'There is a possibility of his
having arrived this morning' = 'There is a possibility that he
arrived this morning.' 'I have heard of his doing (or having done)
it before' = 'I have heard that he has done it before.' 'After
havingfinishedm y task I went to bed' = 'After I had finished
m y task, I went to bed.' 'There is no hope of his coming soon' =
'There is no hope that he will (or may) come soon.' 'There is
hope of hisfinishingit b y evening' = ' There is hope that he will
havefinishedit by evening.'
Thus the gerund, though having only two tenses, can express all
the time relations expressed b y the more complicatedfiniteverb.
Though it has no special forms to indicate mood, it can render
fairly accurately some of the relations expressed b y the subjunctive
forms of thefiniteverb. Its great simplicity in connection with
a fair degree of accuracy has m a d e it one of the favorite means
of English expression. It is the very embodiment of English
practicality.
3. Subject of the Gerund. Like a verb, a gerund m a y have a
subject, but, like other verbal nouns, its subject is in the genitive,
here, however, only the old subjective genitive in -s, or instead of
486 SUBJECT OF THE GERUND 60 3

the genitive the person implied in a possessive adjective, my, his,

etc., which were originally genitives of the personal pronouns and
are still often used as such, as illustrated in 10 II 2 D (last par.):
'I a m provoked at John's talking so rudely' (or 'at his talking so
rudely'). In older English, the Ais-genitive (10II1) was sometimes
used instead of the s-genitive: ' T h e governor and assistants met
at Boston to consider of the deputy his deserting his place' (Win-
throp, Journal, M a y 1, 1632). T h e development of the gerundial
construction is hampered at the present time by the lack of
s-genitive forms in current English and b y the lack of a clear
form for the possessive referring to a female. Her is either a
personal pronoun or a possessive adjective. M a n y c o m m o n sub-
stantive limiting adjectives, as this, these, those, any, several, a
two, three, etc., have no s-genitive. Here, of course, as the genitive
is impossible, w e have to use the accusative: ' W a s it thou who
didst tell the boy this foolishness of these being our arms?' (S. Weir
Mitchell, Hugh Wynne, Ch. VII). 'Some families m a y possibly
have m o v e d a w a y on account of the repeated failure of crops, but
I do not k n o w of any having done so.' There are also nouns that
have no genitive form. Here w e must have recourse to the ac-
cusative: 'I a m not surprised at young or old falling in love with
her' (Thackeray, Pendennis, I, 151). 'There is no hope of good
coming from it.' 'There is no expectation of the French with-
drawing their demands.' A clause used as a subject always has
accusative form, for it is not possible for a clause to indicate the
genitive relation by taking an 's: 'There is, however, a middle
class prejudice against the possibility of what is ornamental being
useful' (Cornhill Magazine, Sept., 1912).
Moreover, m a n y avoid, in the case of c o m m o n nouns, the geni-
tive singular as subject, for in most words the singular and the
plural here both end in -s, and thus sound alike to the ear, so
that, unless the connection makes the thought clear, the singular
is not heard as a singular: 'I don't approve of m y son's (often
replaced b y the accusative son to m a k e it clear that a singular
form is intended) doing that.' In the plural, the accusative is
usually employed to bring out clearly the plural idea: 'I don't
approve of cousins marrying' (Sir Harry Johnston, The Man Who
Did the Right Thing, Ch. III). 'A stout fox had been turned out
of Hartover copse within a few minutes of the hounds being put
in it' (A. Marshall, The Eldest Son, Ch. X X V I I I ) . Even where
there is a clear plural form w e avoid the genitive subject and
usually employ the accusative: 'She would have despised the
modern idea of women being equal to m e n ' (Mrs. Gaskell, Cran-
ford, Ch. II, p. 15). T h e genitive subject here is rather uncommon:
60 3 SUBJECT OF THE GERUND 487
' It does not atfirstappear easy to prove that m e n ought to like one
thing rather than another, and although this is granted generally
by men's speaking of " b a d " or "good" taste, yet,' etc. (Ruskin,
Modern Painters, Part III, Sec. I, Ch. III). In the case of nouns
denoting lifeless things or abstract ideas, m a n y avoid the genitive
as subject also in the singular, even where the connection makes
the thought clear, for in general they use the s-genitive very little
of lifeless things and abstract ideas. They employ the accusative
here as subject: ' W h e n a m a n goes back to look at the house of
his childhood, it has always shrunk: there is no instance of such
a house being as big as the picture in m e m o r y and imagination
call for' (Mark Twain, LeZZer Zo W. D. Howells, Aug. 22, 1887).
'It was a sweet consolation to the short time that I have left
to fall into such a society; no wonder then that I a m unhappy
at that consolation being withdrawn' (Horace Walpole, Letter to
Miss Mary Berry, Oct. 10, 1790). In circles strongly disposed
to use the genitive as subject of the gerund, however, w e not in-
frequently find it even in the case of nouns denoting lifeless things
provided, of course, that the connection makes the thought
clear, and the genitive is possible: 'On the permission's being
granted she left the room.'
Even though the connection should m a k e the thought clear
and there is a disposition to use the genitive as subject with the
names of lifeless things as well as with the names of living beings,
the genitive is not a good, ever ready instrument of thought, for it
cannot be used at all w h e n it is modified by a noun, phrase, or
clause, in which case w e must have recourse to the ever ready
accusative: 'On the permission to go being repeated she left the
room' (George Gissing, The Unclassed, p. 6). 'There is danger of
a woman's head being turned' (Meredith, Diana of the Crossways,
Ch. VI). 'Have you heard of Smith the carpenter being injured?'
'Have you heard of Smith, who used to be pitcher, being injured?'
' Did you ever hear of a man of good sense refusing such an offer ?'
'In spite of Clyde Fitch's play "Glad of It" having been a failure,
Howells had given a fair appreciative criticism of it in Harper's
Weekly' (Mildred Howells, William Dean Howells, p. 182). 'I
remember each one's (or each one) saying it,' but only 'I remember
each one of them saying it.' 'Harder than to give up was to be
given up, or to be the cause of some one you love giving up for you'
(Galsworthy, To Let, Part II, Ch. I X ) . 'I hate the thought of
any son of mine marrying badly' (Hardy, The Return of the Native,
p. 251). In this large category the genitive subject has entirely
disappeared. O u r feeling today is against the employment of a
modified genitive as subject of the gerund. There are no exceptions
488 SUBJECT OF THE GERUND 50 3

when the modifier is a noun, phrase, or clause. Our present

feeling is also against employing the genitive as subject when
followed b y an adjective. T h e only exception is the occasional
use of the old genitive of personal pronouns followed by all:
'Isn't it dreadful to think of their all (or them all) being wrong!'
(Sir Harry Johnston, The Man Who Did the Right Thing, Ch. II).
'I suffer at the idea of its all (or it all) being rendered useless per-
haps b y one fault' (Clyde Fitch, Letter, Sept. 20, 1905).
In a number of cases the subject of the gerund cannot for a
double reason be in the genitive it has no s-genitive form and
it is modified b y a noun or phrase: 'In this morning's letter I
have told you that, in the uncertainty of any of m y letters reaching
you, I must, until I k n o w they do, use m a n y repetitions' (Horace
Walpole, Letter to Miss Mary Berry, Dec. 17, 1790).
Furthermore, w e always use the accusative never a genitive
subject when the subject follows the gerund: ' H e would always
ignore the fact of there being a back-door to any house' (Mrs. Gas-
kell, Cranford, Ch. VIII).
W e regularly use the accusative as subject when the subject is
emphatic: 'She was proud of him doing it.' T h e emphasis often
comes from contrasting the subjects: ' W e seem to think nothing
of a boy smoking, but resent a girl smoking.' Contrasting subjects
is frequently associated with elliptical form. See next paragraph.
W h e n the gerund is understood in the second of two clauses
having a gerund in c o m m o n , the subject of the gerund is always
an accusative, never a genitive: 'I don't like the idea of melhod
being everything and individudlity [being] nothing.' W e employ
the elliptical construction w h e n w e desire to contrast the two
subjects. Compare the second paragraph below this, also 28 3 a
(5th par.).
S o m e writers often employ the accusative even where it is not
absolutely necessary to m a k e the thought clear, as in the case of
names and titles where the genitive could not be construed as a
plural: 'At Elizabeth Jane mentioning h o w greatly Lucetta had
been jeopardized, he exhibited an agitation different in kind no
less than in intensity from any she had seen in him before' (Hardy,
The Mayor of Casterbridge, Ch. X X I X ) . 'He gives an account
of the stormy scenes in the House of C o m m o n s , the Parliament
insisting upon the King withdrawing or altering his Declaration
of Indulgence before any m o n e y could be voted for carrying on
the war' (Lady Newton, Lyme Letters, Ch. V , A.D. 1925).
In one category the accusative has not become so well established
as in the others, namely, in personal pronouns. A s these pronouns
all have a genitive and all the genitives except your distinguish
60 3 SUBJECT OF THE GERUND 489

singular and plural, there has never been a strong need of the
accusative in this group. In older English, it occasionally occurs
in good authors: 'Take no displaysure at me so presuming'
(Caxton,fifteenthcentury). 'I would haue no m a n s honestye
empayred b y me tellynge' (Latimer, Seven Sermons, p. 160,
A.D. 1549). W e must still use the accusative w h e n w e desire to
describe rather than merely to state a fact, i.e., when w e desire
to represent something as proceeding or as being repeated. B u t
then the form in -4ng is a present participle, not a gerund: 'I
caught a glimpse of you (never your) looking on,' and similarly in
'Do not send any more of m y books home. I have a good deal
of pleasure in the thought of you looking on them' (Keats). 'I
couldn't think of him greeting (expressing repetition) people kindly
as he passes them on the street.' In non-descriptive language the
accusative is often employed in colloquial speech also as the sub-
ject of the gerund: ' W e were talking only the other day of you
going with us' (Victor Appleton, Tom Swift and His Submarine,
Ch. VII). In choice language w e employ here the possessive adjec-
tives my, your, etc., which are historically genitives of the pro-
nouns. But w e must have recourse to the accusative of the
pronoun where the expression is elliptical: 'There is danger of
you being dismissed as well as me [being dismissed].' W e employ
the elliptical construction when w e desire to contrast the two sub-
jects. Compare the fourth paragraph, p. 488.
In Old English, the subject of the gerund was always in the
genitive: 'He saet to b a m casere and hi swytie blySe wseron for
marlines gereordunge' (^Elfric, Lives of Saints, II, p. 258, 1. 629)
= 'He sat by the Emperor, and they were very cheerful on ac-
count of Martin's feasting with them.' In Middle English, the
genitive often lost its distinctive form, so that it could not be
distinguished from an accusative: 'For the quene comynge he
was fol glad' (Robert Brunne, Chron., 682, A.D. 1338). Quene
seems to be the indistinctive genitive that was in use at this
period. T h e construction resembles that in the sentence from
iElfric. B u t this is not at all sure, for comynge m a y be a present
participle. Just about this time the present participle in -and
had through phonetical development lost its old ending and had
become identical in form with the gerund. If comynge is a present
participle its subject quene is an accusative, object of the prepo-
sition for. In the literary language of the North the present parti-
ciple in -and was still in use at this time, so that w e canfindafter
prepositions clear examples of a present participle with an accusa-
tive subject: 'be stok nest be root growand es be heved with nek
followand' (Rolle, Pricke of Conscience, 676) = 'The stock growing
490 SUBJECT OF THE GERUND 60 3

next to the root was the head with the neck following.' After the
ending -4ng became established in the literary language as a
participial form as well as a gerundial, it w a s difficult to distin-
guish the two constructions after prepositions. W e still, however,
clearly feel the form in -4ng here as a present participle when it
has descriptive force, representing something as continuing or as
being repeated: 'It is dreadful to think of h i m lying out there in
his cold grave tonight.' 'From our veranda w e can enjoy the
beautiful sight of the waves beating on the shore.' B u t the present
participle does not always have descriptive force. It may, like a
gerund, refer to an act as a whole: 'I a m proud of him acting so
unselfishly' = 'I a m proud of him, as he acted so unselfishly.
Thus, after a preposition the form in -4ng became associated with
an accusative subject as well as with a genitive subject, and
participle and gerund became confounded here. A s the gerund
has always been more c o m m o n after a preposition than the
participle, w e usually feel the form in -ing here as a gerund, but
w e n o w use either a genitive or an accusative as its subject.
Similarly, in clauses that are the object of a verb, the gerundial
and the participial clause have been confounded. In 'I remember
his mother's saying it' saying is a gerund, as w e can see by its
genitive subject. In 'I remember his mother saying it' saying
was originally a present participle. Mother was the accusative
object of the verb remember and at the same time the subject of
the present participle saying. A s the gerundial and the participial
clause have been confounded, w e n o w usually feel the form in -4ng
as a gerund whether its subject is a genitive or an accusative.
However, where it has descriptive force, representing something aa
proceeding or as being repeated, w e feel it as a present participle:
'I see him (not his) coming up the road.' ' W e could see him (not
his) bowing graciously to the people as he drove along.' The
uniform use of the accusative here shows that the form in -ing
is a present participle. T h e participial construction is described
in 15 III 2 A. Compare 48 2 (4th par.).
Thus in choice language the accusative is found as subject of
the gerund or participle only in object clauses that are the object
of a preposition or a verb. In subject and predicate clauses the
gerund with a genitive subject is the usual construction in the
literary language, the accusative subject being confined to popular
speech: 'Does our (in popular speech us) singing in the room
above disturb you?' 'It was our (in popular speech us) coming
late that disturbed him.' T h e participial clause competes here
with the gerundial, but it is largely confined to colloquial speech:
'He saying (present participle) he is sorry alters the case,' or in
 50 4 FUNCTIONS OF THE GERUND 491
the literary language usually 'His saying (gerund) he is sorry
alters the case.' For a fuller description of the participial clause
see 17 3 B.
Often, however, the gerund has no subject of its own, as there
is elsewhere in the sentence a noun or pronoun which is felt not
only as performing its o w n proper function but as serving also
as the subject of the gerund: ' I a m going d o w n there this evening;
so you must excuse me for hurrying away.' '/ a m afraid of hurting
his feelings.' In older English, the subject of the gerund was
often expressed even though it was the same as some word in the
principal proposition: 'Since her (now suppressed) being at
Lambton she had heard that Miss Darcy w a s exceedingly proud'
(Jane Austen, Pride and Prejudice, III, Ch. II). T h e suppression
of the subject of the gerund is discussed in detail throughout the
Syntax where the different gerundial categories are described.
In such constructions the gerund should be distinguished from
the present participle. T h e gerund performs the function of a
noun; the present participle performs the function of an adjective:
'That set m e thinking' (present participle). 'That set m e to
thinking' (gerund). Compare 15 III 2 A. W h e n the subject of
the gerund is general or indefinite, it is often not expressed: 'It
is dangerous playing with explosives.'
4. Functions of the Gerund. In spite of the strong verbal
force of the gerund and its assumption of tense and voice forms,
it remains a noun. It can still stand in the sentence only where a
noun can stand, and it still always performs the function of a
noun. B u t as it n o w often has strong verbal force, it m a y have
accusative objects and adverbial modifiers. These modifiers usu-
ally follow the gerund, but sentence adverbs precede it: ' W h e n
he looked at her he usually ended b y smiling and sometimes by
suddenly laughing.' C o m p a r e 49 2 c, p. 465. O n account of the
importance of the gerundial construction it has been treated in
detail under the different categories throughout the Syntax. In
order that the student m a y get a clear view of the entirefieldof
its present usefulness, an outline of its different functions is given
on page 492, with references to paragraphs where these functions
are discussed. It often competes with the infinitive in certain cate-
gories, as described in the articles referred to in the following pages.
Attempts have been m a d e to prove that there is a differentiation
of meaning between gerund and infinitive where the two forms
compete with each other. It has been claimed that the gerund
is preferred in stating a general fact, while the infinitive is used
in referring to special circumstances of a particular individual act:
'Talking (in general) m e n d s no holes,' but 'To delay (in this
492 FUNCTIONS OF THE GERUND 50 4 c 66

special case) is dangerous.' Actual usage knows nothing of this

distinction: ' N o letter today! It has a bad air your forgetting
me so early' (Horace Walpole, Letter to Mary and Agnes Berry,
June 23, 1789). T h e reference here is not general, but to the
special case in hand. T h e writer might have used the infinitive
here: 'It has a bad air for you to forget me so early.' T h e gerund
is similarly used in 'It's (i.e., your pushing your scientific studies
is) far more important for us than getting the Vote' (Sir Harry
Johnston, Mrs. Warren's Daughter, Ch. XIII, p. 207), where the
speaker in referring to the special case in hand says that it is much
more important to w o m e n that Professor Rossiter, at this time
m e m b e r of the House of C o m m o n s , should return to his scientific
studies than that he should stay in politics to secure to women
the Vote. T h e speaker here might have said to get instead of
getting. In thefirstexample w e might use the infinitive: 'It
doesn't m e n d holes to talk.' In the second example w e might
employ the gerund: 'It is dangerous in this special case, your
delaying.' Thus w e often m a y use either the gerund or the in-
finitive. T h e y are usually competing constructions, although in
certain categories the one or the other form is preferred. In col-
loquial use the gerund is more likely to stand in thefirstposition
than is the infinitive. Except after to, as described in d, p. 495,
the gerund is alone used after prepositions. It is also often pre-
ferred in accusative clauses, as described in 24 III d. O n the
other hand, where modal force is to be conveyed, the infinitive is
usually employed, as described in 7 D 2, although this idea is in a
restricted sense found in the gerund, as described in 4 II C (3rd
par.). For the one point where the gerund and the infinitive are
differentiated in meaning, see c dd (3rd par.), p. 494.
T h e gerund is used as:
a. Subject: 'Seeing is believing.' See 4 I e, h; 4 II C ; 21 e.
b. Predicate: 'Seeing is believing.' See 7 E ; 22 c.
c. Object:
aa. Accusative object, object of a verb: ' I like getting up early.'
T h e Zo-infinitive competes here with the gerund. See 24 III d.
O n the other hand, the object of the adjective worth is always a
gerund: 'A thing worth doing at all is worth doing well.'
66. Dative object, object of an adverb or adjective, or indirect
object of a verb: 'He came near 6eina killed.' 'Next to being
married, a girl likes to be crossed in love a little n o w and then'
(Jane Austen). 'I don't feel like laughing today.' 'He is devot-
ing his time Zo improving (indirect object) bis garden.' T h e Old
English forms corresponding to the adverbs near and next to and
the adjective like governed the dative, so that w e might call the
60 4 c dd FUNCTIONS OF THE GERUND 493

noun or pronoun following these words a dative object. B u t as w e

now feel near, next to, like for the most part as prepositions, w e m a y
consider the object here as the object of a preposition, the prepo-
sition and object together forming a prepositional object. T h e
to and the indirect object represent an older dative, but w e n o w
often feel them as a prepositional object.
cc. Genitive object, object of a verb or an adjective: 'I con-
vinced him of his being able to do it.' 'I a m not sure of having
seen him.' This object m a y be classified also as a prepositional
object.
dd. With a preposition the gerund often forms a prepositional
clause, which is used as a prepositional object of a verb or adjective
or as a prepositional predicate (7 F ) after a copula: 'They set
about repairing the damage.' 'I a m afraid of their seeing it.' 'He
son had not written to herself to ask a fond mother's blessing for
that step which he was about taking' (Thackeray, Henry Esmond,
III, Ch. II). 'England seems about deserting him' (Carlyle,
Frederick the Great, I X ) . After about the prepositional infinitive
m a y be used instead of the gerund, but the constructions are not
the same, about before a gerund being a preposition but before the
infinitive being an adverb, for a prepositional infinitive cannot
now stand after a preposition: 'They set about (adverb) to repair
the damage.' 'He is about (adverb; see 7 F ) to take (more c o m m o n
than taking) the step.' 'England seems about (adverb; see 7 F ) Zo
desert (more c o m m o n than deserting) him.' There is sometimes a
difference of meaning between a gerund and an infinitive, but the
difference lies in the use of different prepositions rather than in the
verbal forms themselves: 'He is afraid of dying' that he shall
die. 'He is afraid to die' = He fears dying, literally, is afraid in
the direction of dying.
The gerund is m u c h used thus in prepositional clauses that
complete the meaning of a verb or an adjective. T h e gerund is
employed quite freely after all the prepositions except the one
preposition to. After to w e still often use the infinitive where to
is not a mere sign of the infinitive but a preposition indicating a
movement toward a person or thing: 'Hunger drove him to
steal' (or to stealing). 'I a m accustomed to do it this way' (or to
doing it this way). T h e gerund is often used here alongside of the
infinitive, as it is in general natural to employ a gerund after a
preposition. B u t often the gerund cannot be used here at all,
as the infinitive is still the favorite form after to. In adverbial
clauses after to the gerund is never used: 'He worked hard to get
(never to getting) through early.' O n the other hand, the gerund is
employed to m a k e it clear that the prepositional construction is
494 FUNCTIONS OF THE GERUND 60 4 c dd

a prepositional object, not an adverbial element: 'I a m looking

forward with pleasure to seeing you soon.' Compare 24 I V a.
T h e gerund after the preposition to or on, w h e n used in the
sense of entrance into a state of activity, has the same force as
the present participle w h e n used as predicate after an ingressive
or an effective point-action (38 2 a 66 and 38 2 6 ee) verb, such as
get, fall, burst out, set, which indicate entrance into a state of activ
ity. After ingressives: 'He fell again speculating' (pred. part.),
or to speculating (gerund), or in older English also to speculate.
'She burst out crying' (pred. part.), or in popular speech a-crying,
in older English, a literary form contracted from on crying (gerund).
'That set m e thinking' (objective pred. part.), or to thinking
(gerund), or as in older English: 'It w a s what put Cit's back up
so two years ago that set m e on thinking (gerund) it' (De Morgan,
The Old Madhouse, C h . X X V ) . After effectives: 'The machine
got running' (pred. part.), or to running (gerund). 'I got the
machine running' (objective pred. part.), or to running (gerund).
T h e infinitive can be used here instead of the gerund, but it is
differentiated in meaning from it. T h e infinitive represents the
activity merely as a result pure and simple, while the gerund
represents the resultant activity as proceeding steadily: 'I finally
got h i m to do it.' 'I soon got the machine to running.' Compare
38 2 b ee (last par.).
In the same w a y w e m a y use either the present participle or
the gerund to represent an action as continuing: 'There is a
n e w church building' (pred. part.), or in popular speech a-building,
from older literary English in or on building (gerund). Through
the suppression of the preposition here the old gerundial con-
struction has merged into the participial. That the preposition
has been suppressed here can be clearly seen in older literary
English, and still in popular speech b y the objective genitive
following the form in -4ng, which thus clearly shows that the
form in -ing is a gerund, not a present participle: 'as she was
[in] writing of it' (Shakespeare, As You Like It, IV, in, 10). 'She
fancied the bull was a-chasing of her' (Mrs. Alexander, For His
Sake, I, Ch. III). T h e history of these two constructions is given
in 47 a and 48 1 e.
Similarly, the predicate appositive participle competes with
the gerund after in: 'I wasn't long getting (or in getting) out of
the room.' ' W e must not be late getting (or in getting) home.'
Instead of construing the gerund as a prepositional object we
m a y often regard it as an accusative object, for the preposition
is n o w frequently felt as a part of the verb, verb and preposition
forming a compound, as becomes evident in the passive form of
60 4 d FUNCTIONS OF THE GERUND 495

statement, where the object here, just as any accusative object

of the active, m a y become the subject: (active) 'They often
laugh at m y doing it in this way,' but in the passive ' M y doing
it in this w a y has often been laughed at, but it has proved best
after all.'
d. As an Attributive Element. T h e gerund is c o m m o n here in
three grammatical relations, as an attributive genitive, as an
appositive noun, and as an attributive prepositional phrase.
A s an attributive genitive: 'the love of indulging self,' 'the fear
of losing his friendship,' 'the hope of John's coming soon,' 'the fear
of his wife's mother (accusative subject; see 3, p. 487) coming.'
The prepositional infinitive competes with the gerund here: 'It
is the best w a y to do it' (or of doing it). ' T h e y approach the subject
with the honest desire of getting (or to get) at the truth.' In the
last example either the infinitive after to or the gerund after of
can be used after the noun desire, but often the infinitive alone
can be employed w h e n the idea of desire, wish, demand, c o m m a n d ,
or modality (23 II 11, 2nd par.) is present: 'There is a strong
public demand for him to take the place,' not of his taking the place.
'She has a strict charge to avoid the subject.' ' H e received the order
to retreat.' 'He is the m a n to do it' = who should do it. 'That
is not the w a y to do it' = in which it should be done. In such
examples the to before the infinitive has its original meaning of
towards, in the direction of, as in the second paragraph below.
In the appositive relation w e m a y use the gerund in the ap-
positive genitive or as an appositive agreeing with its governing
noun in case: 'I n o w have the pleasant work of preparing boys
for college,' or 'I n o w have very pleasant work, preparing boys for
college.' T h e infinitive competes with the gerund here: 'I claim
the right to do it (or doing it, or of doing it) in my own way.' ' W h a t
right's he got telling (or to tell) me where I head in' (Sinclair Lewis,
Elmer Gantry, III, III). C o m p a r e 23 I a (next to last par.).
The gerund is c o m m o n also in attributive prepositional clauses:
'His joy on account of my (or John's) coming,' 'his sorrow on ac-
count of his wife's mother (accusative subject; see 3, p. 487) coming,'
'his disappointment over attaining so little.' After the one prepo-
sition to, however, w e still often prefer the infinitive where the to
is not a mere sign of the infinitive but a preposition with the
meaning of towards, in the direction of: 'a strong impulse, or
tendency, to do it,' 'an incentive to do it' (or to doing it), 'an ad-
ditional stimulus to do it' (or to doing it), 'a natural reluctance to
do it' (or to doing it), 'a disposition to exaggerate,' 'a strong tempta-
tion to do it.' B u t w h e n to has the clear meaning of against the
gerund is more c o m m o n : 'his opposition to my going,' 'many
496 FUNCTIONS OF THE GERUND 60 4 e

obstacles, or objections, to building now,' 'an aversion to shedding

blood' (or to shed blood). W h e n the infinitive has a subject of its
own, for must stand before it: 'That will be an additional induce-
ment for him to do it.' Compare c dd (2nd par.).
e. In Abridged Adverbial Clauses. This c o m m o n use is discussed
in detail in 27 5; 28 1 a; 28 3 a; 28 5 d (7th par.); 29 1 A a bb;
29 1 A c 66; 29 1 A d aa; 29 1 B 6; 30 6; 31 2; 32; 33 2.
 CHAPTER XXV
ADJECTIVES
PAGE
FUNCTIONS 497
CLASSES 497
INFLECTION O F DESCRIPTIVE ADJECTIVES 498
Positive 498
Comparison 499
Degrees of superiority 500
Relative comparison 500
Irregularities 501
Advantages of the analytic forms 504
Absolute comparison 506
Degrees of inferiority 508
INFLECTION A N D U S E O F LIMITING ADJECTIVES 508
Use of demonstrative adjectives 508
Use of the definite article 510
Use of the indefinite article 514
Use of the intensifying adjective, 'myself,' etc 515
S U B S T A N T I V E (I.E., P R O N O M I N A L ) U S E O F A D J E C T I V E S . . 518
ADJECTIVES A N D PARTICIPLES U S E D A S N O U N S 534
51 1. Functions. Adjectives and participles can be used pred-
icatively, attributively, appositively, and substantively. S o m e
adjectives and participles can be used also as nouns. T h e nomina-
tive predicate is discussed in 6 B a; 7 B a, c; 17 A a, 6, c, B , C ;
the objective predicate in 15 III 2 A ; the attributive adjective
in 10 I 1, 2, 3, 4; the appositive adjective in 10 I 1 and 1 a; the
predicate appositive adjective in 6 C ; 7 B 6; 20 3. Further details
with regard to attributive, predicate, and appositive adjectives
are given in the following pages, where also the substantive (i.e.,
pronominal) use and the use as nouns are discussed.
2. Classes. There are two classes of adjectives descriptive
and limiting. A descriptive adjective expresses either the kind
or the condition or sZaZe of the living being o^ lifeless thing spoken
of: a good boy; a bright dog; a tall tree; a sick boy; a lame dog.
The participles of verbs in adjective function are all descriptive
adjectives, since they indicate either an active or passive state:
running water; a dying soldier; a broken chair.
A limiting adjective, without expressing any idea of kind or
condition, limits the application of the idea expressed b y the
497
498 INFLECTION OF ADJECTIVES 62

noun to one or more individuals of the class, or to one or more

parts of the whole, i.e., it points out individuals or individual
parts: this hoy; that tree; my hat; these books; this part of t
country; other parts of the country. Limiting adjectives are
divided into classes. These classes are described in The Parts
of Speech, 10.

INFLECTION OF ADJECTIVES

INFLECTION OF DESCRIPTIVE ADJECTIVES

52. Inflection in the Positive. The entire loss of adject

inflection in the positive degree at the close of the Middle English
period gradually brought to the descriptive adjective a great ex-
tension of its boundaries. After the loss of adjective inflection
it became possible to place a noun, adverb, prepositional phrase,
or even a whole sentence before a noun to modify its meaning as
a descriptive adjective, for, since there is no longer an adjective
ending present, there is nothing here to call attention to a conflict
between the former and the present function of the modifying
word: the stone bridge; the down stroke; an up-to-date dictionary;
a go-ahead city. For fuller information see 10 I 2.
Although the loss of adjective inflection was, in general, an
advantage, it was at points a real loss, as can be seen in its use
as a noun, described in 58. W e now feel the disadvantage here
and are restoring inflection; of course, not by putting into use
again the old forms, but by employing modern means which we
understand, as described in 58.
At another point the loss of inflection was felt so keenly that
attempts to restore inflection began in the fourteenth century,
namely, in substantive function, i.e., when an attributive adjective
stands at some distance from its governing noun, apparently
alone, like a substantive, but in fact in relation to a noun, as in
'a black sheep and a white one.' The object of inflecting the
adjective is to bring it into relation to the governing noun. When
the adjective stands immediately before the noun we need no
ending to indicate its relation to the noun, but when we remove
it from the noun, we need a sign to relate it to the noun. In the
fourteenth century, one was placed after the adjective to perform
this function. Atfirstthis one had its original concrete meaning,
one, but, as we now can say 'the black sheep and the white ones'
it is evident that this one no longer denotes one, but has developed
into an adjective suffix with the same force as the Old English
adjective inflectional ending, namely, to bring the adjective into
53 COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES 499
relation to the governing noun. T h o u g h this one is separated from
the adjective in writing, it is suffixed immediately in the spoken
language and has the weak stress of a suffix. Similarly, other words
in the course of their development have assumed n e w functions.
Has, a verb originally denoting possession, is often also used as
the sign of the present perfect tense, as in 'He has gone.' Likewise
the preposition of often loses its prepositional force entirely and
merely serves as the sign of the genitive, as in 'the father of the
boy.' Grammarians do not usually call the one found after an
adjective in substantive function an adjective suffix; but they
should, for it is a simple fact, though not generally recognized.
Though the descriptive adjective is not so m u c h inflected as
formerly, it is still inflected in the comparative and the superlative
and often also in the positive in substantive function and when
used as a noun. T h e detailed description of present usage is
given below for the means of indicating comparison. T h e means
of indicating the substantive relation are described in 57. T h e
inflection of adjectives used as nouns is given in 58.

COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES

53. Degrees. There are three degrees the positive, the com-
parative, the superlative. T h e positive is the simple form of the
adjective: 'a strong man.' T h e comparative indicates that the
quality is found in the person or thing described in a higher
degree than in some other person or thing: 'the stronger of the
two men.' 'This tree is taller than that.' T h e superlative is
relatively the highest degree and often indicates that the quality
is found in the highest degree in the person or thing described:
'Mt. Everest is the highest mountain in the world.' Often, how-
ever, the superlative is used in a relative sense, indicating that
of the persons or things compared a certain person or thing pos-
sesses the quality in the highest degree, which need not be a very
high or the highest degree in general: 'John is the strongest of
these boys, but there are others in the school stronger than he.'
In general, comparison is characteristic of descriptive adjectives,
the comparative and the superlative indicating different degrees
of a quality. B u t a n u m b e r of limiting adjectives are compared.
Here the comparative and the superlative do not indicate differ-
ent degrees, but point out different individuals: the former; the
latter; thefirst;the ZasZ; the topmost round; the southernmost
island of the group. In the following discussion of comparison,
descriptive and limiting adjectives are, for convenience, treated
together.
500 RELATIVE COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES 54 1

54. Comparison to Denote Degrees of Superiority:

1. R E L A T I V E C O M P A R I S O N . In contrast to the older uniform
use of endings to construct the comparative and the superlative,
w e today with some adjectives employ the old terminational, or
synthetic, form in -er and -est; with others, influenced by our
fondness for analytic form, as described in 6, p. 504, w e prefer
comparison with more and most; with others w e fluctuate between
the old terminational, or synthetic, form and the n e w analytic form.
T h e wide use of the analytic form with more and most in modern
English is explained not only by its expressiveness, as described
in 6, p. 504, but also by its agreeableness of sound and its ease of
pronunciation in the case of long adjectives.
Monosyllables and a large number of dissyllables are compared
by means of the comparative ending -er and the superlative
ending -est: quick, quicker, quickest; sturdy, sturdier, sturdiest
While w e m a y thus compare with -er and -esZ a number of
dissyllables, especially those in -er, -le, -y, -ly, -ow, -some, such as
tender, bitter, clever, sober, able, noble, idle, holy, goodly, nar
some, wholesome, winsome, and some words accented upon the last
syllable, such as profound, remote, etc., and also others that cannot
be easily described, such as pleasant, cruel, quiet, etc., or in these
same words and m a n y others m a y use both the old form in -er
and -est and the newer analytic form with wore and most, as in
pleasanter or more pleasant, crueler or more cruel, serener or mo
serene, in m a n y others w e usually prefer comparison by means
of more and most, as in the case of earnest, eager, proper, famous,
comic, docile, fertile, hostile, certain, active, content, abject
and participles in -ed and -ing and adjectives in -ful and -ish,
as learned, strained, charming, useful, childish, etc.
A few monosyllables, like, real, right, wrong, and wan, which
do not naturally incline to comparison, are usually compared by
more and most w h e n they are compared, although the termina-
tional form occasionally occurs; in the case of like, however, only
in older English, and sometimes still in poetry and dialect, never
in colloquial or literary prose: ' I'm liker (now usually more like)
what I was than you to him' (Dryden, All for Love, I, 247,
A.D. 1678). 'Father is more like himself today.' 'The figures
of Spartacus, Montrose, Garibaldi, H a m p d e n , and John Nicholson
were more real to him than the people a m o n g w h o m he lived'
(Galsworthy, Freelands, C h . X ) . 'It is wrong to even think it;
it is more wrong to do it.'
Monosyllabic adjectives, however, are often compared by more
when the adjective is placed after the noun to give it more em-
phasis and at the same time impart descriptive (10 I 1) force:
 54 1 a IRREGULAR COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES 501

With classifying force' There never was akinder and juster man,' but
with descriptive force ' There never was a m a n more kind and just.'
In ordinary literary language, words of more than two syllables
are seldom compared otherwise than b y more and most: beautiful,
more beautiful, most beautiful.
a. Irregular Comparison:
Positive Comparative Superlative
bad, ill, evil worse, badder (in worst, baddest (in older Eng-
older English) lish)
far farther, further farthest, furthest
fore former foremost, first
good, well better best, bettermost
late later, latter latest, last, lattermost
little less, lesser least
much, m a n y more, or in older Eng- most
lish, m o or m o e
nigh nigher nighest, next
old older, elder oldest, eldest
after aftermost
east, eastern more eastern easternmost
end endmost
hind hinder hindmost, hindermost
inner inmost, innermost
low lower lowest, lowermost
north, northern more northern northmost, northernmost
nether nethermost
outer, utter outmost, outermost
utmost, uttermost
rear rearmost
south, southern m o r e southern southmost, southernmost
top topmost
under undermost
up upper uppermost, upmost
west, western m o r e western westernmost

In older English, mo or moe (Old English ma) was used instead

of more w h e n the reference was to number: 'Send out moe horses'
(Shakespeare, Macbeth, V , H I , 34).
In a few cases the variant forms indicate a differentiation of
meaning or function. T h e usual comparative and superlative of
old are older, oldest; always so in the predicate relation, but w e
may use elder, eldest in the attributive and the substantive (57 1)
relation and elder as a noun, especially of relationship and rank:
the elder brother; the eZder Pitt; I a m the elder; H e is m y elder
in service; the eldest brother, etc. 'He is an elder in the church.'
W e use farther and further with the same local and temporal
502 OLDER COMPARISON, PLEONASM, ETC. 64 1 a aa

meaning, but further has also the meanings additional, more ex-
tended, more:' T h e cabin stands on the farther (or further) side
of the brook.' 'I shall be back in three days at the farthest' (or
at the furthest). B u t : further details; without further delay.
'After a further search I found her.' 'Have you anything further
(= more) to say?' In adverbial function farther and further are
used indiscriminately: 'You m a y go farther (or further) and fare
worse.' There is, however, a decided tendency to employ further
to express the idea of additional, more extended action: 'I shall
be glad to discuss the matter further with you.'
LaZer and latter are n o w clearly differentiated in meaning.
T h e terminations in some of these forms, as Zesser, innermost,
etc., express the degree two or three times instead of once. Com-
pare aa below.
aa. Older Comparison, Pleonasm, Excess of Expression. In
older English, old was not the only adjective that might have a
change of vowel in the comparative and superlative. Once this
change, called mutation, was with certain words the rule. Later,
the tendency toward uniformity brought the vowel of the positive
into the comparative and superlative. In the early part of the
sixteenth century there are still two adjectives which have muta-
tion, but alongside of the old mutated form is the n e w unmutated,
both forms with exactly the same meaning: long, lenger or longer,
lengest or longest; old, elder or oZder, eZdesZ or oldest. Toward t
close of the century the old mutated forms of long disappeared,
while oZd kept both forms but n o w with differentiated meaning,
as described on page 501.
In older English, the comparative and superlative were formed
by means of suffixes, not only in the case of monosyllables but
also in the case of longer adjectives, often where it is not now usual:
'Nothing certainer' (Shakespeare, Much Ado About Nothing, V,
iv, 62); 'one of the beautifullest m e n in the world' (Thomas Fuller,
The Holy State and the Profane State, V, II, 362, A.D. 1642). Long
terminational comparatives and superlatives can still be heard in
popular speech, which here preserves older usage: beautifuler,
beautifulest, etc. This older usage still occurs also in emphatic and
excited colloquial speech, especially in the attributive relation:
'The machine was perfect as a watch w h e n w e took her apart the
other day; but w h e n she goes together again the 15th of January,
w e expect her to be perfecter than a watch' (Mark Twain, Letter
to Joseph T. Goodman, N o v . 29, 1889). 'There was no craftier or
crookeder director in the habitable world' (Sinclair Lewis, Arrow-
smith, Ch. X X X , IV). 'Joe Twichel was the delightedest old b6y
I ever saw when he read the words you had written in that book'
64 1 a aa OLDER COMPARISON, PLEONASM, ETC. 503

(Mark Twain, Letter to W. D. Howells, Dec. 18, 1874). 'Our baby

is the blessedest little bundle of sunshine Heaven ever sent into
this world.' 'It is the stupidest n6nsense!' T h e analytic forms
with more and most began to appear in the thirteenth century in
connection with participles, where they are still the most thor-
oughly established. This tendency to place the comparative and
superlative of an adverb before a participle had already begun
in Old English, where the forms swipor and swipost were used,
which were replaced b y more and most in the thirteenth century.
The participles as verbal forms could take adverbs before them
just asfiniteverbs do. T h e adverbs more and most were often
retained when the participles were used as adjectives, since more
and most as c o m m o n adverbs had more concrete force than the
endings -er and -est. This n e w usage spread to adjectives. It
was and still is absolutely necessary in the case of nouns, adverbs,
and prepositional phrases used as adjectives, as in 'He w a s more
knave than fool' and 'I was more in doubt about it than any of
them.' T h e general development in the direction of more and
most was facilitated by the strong English trend toward analytic
forms and was also furthered b y French influence.
The n e w analytic forms atfirstgained ground only slowly, not
becoming c o m m o n until the sixteenth century, then gradually
establishing themselves in the literary language alongside of the
terminational forms, as w e find them today.
The n e w analytic forms occur also in popular speech, but for
the most part only pleonastically alongside of the usual termina-
tional forms: a more abler m a n ; the most carelessest m a n . Such
double forms were once in use in the literary language: 'we will
grace his heels With the most boldest and best hearts of R o m e '
(Shakespeare, Julius Caesar, III, i, 120). In older literary Eng-
lish, w e often find double comparison in worser, which still survives
in popular speech. Double comparison still survives in the lit-
erary language in lesser, which replaces less in attributive and
substantive function in certain expressions, especially with ref-
erence to concrete things: in Zesser things; the lesser grammarians;
the lesser of two evils; but Zess with more abstract reference, as
in Zess degree; at a Zess depth; also to express amount, quantity,
and in adverbial use, as in ' H e has less m o n e y than I' and 'He
works less than I.'
W e no longer feel the double comparison in near (comparative
of nigh, but n o w felt as a positive with regular comparison, near,
nearer, nearest) and adjectives in -most (now confounded with
most, but in older English with the form mesZ, which consists of the
two superlative suffixes, -m and -est), as in foremost, hindmost,
504 DIFFERENT FORMS FOR DIFFERENT FUNCTIONS 54 1 c

inmost, utmost. F r o m the superlative foremost the comparative

former has been formed. In aftermost, hindermost, innermost,
nethermost, outermost, uppermost, uttermost, w e have a comparative
4- the two superlative suffixes -TO and -est.
While w e today in general avoid pleonastic comparison, w e do
not feel such forms as more perfect, most perfect, deader, deadest
more unique, etc., as pleonastic, since w e have in mind degrees of
approach to something perfect, dead, or unique.
S o m e w h a t similar to the pleonasm of older English was its
excess of expression in using the superlative of two, which still
survives in popular and colloquial speech, as in 'the smallest of
the two.' Sometimes in the literary language: 'They (i.e., the
two squirrels) seemed to vie with one another w h o should be
most bold' (Thoreau, Journal, XIII, p. 189).
6. Advantages of the Analytic Forms. It should be noticed that
in the old terminational form the sign of the degree is intimately
associated with the stem, so that it is a mere suffix and can never
be stressed. O n the other hand, in the analytic form the sign
of degree, more or most, is still an independent word and is often
stressed. There are here two parts, one indicating the degree, the
other the meaning. W e here, as in 6 A d (1), are fond of using
the analytic form, since b y means of it w e can better shade our
thought. W e stress the adjective w h e n w e desire to emphasize
the meaning, but stress the more or most w h e n w e desire to em-
phasize the idea of degree: 'She is more beautiful than her sister,'
but 'She is indeed beautiful, but her sister is still m6re beautiful.'
'Of the sisters M a r y is the most beautiful and Jane the most
be!6ved,' but 'The sisters are all beautiful, but M a r y is by far the
m6st beautiful.'
c. Different Form for Different Function. T h e different de-
grees have different forms w h e n used substantively (57 1), the
form with one being required in the positive, but not always nec-
essary in the comparative and superlative, as explained more at
length in 57 1 (next to last par.): 'This cord is strong' (predicate
adjective) or a strong one (used substantively). "This cord is
stronger' (predicate adjective), or in substantive use the stronger
or the stronger one, but always a stronger one. 'This cord is
strongest (predicate adjective) at this point,' but in substantive
use 'This cord is the strongest,' or the strongest one. 'The lake is
deepest (predicate adjective) at this point,' but in substantive use
'Of these lakes this one is the deepest,' or 'This lake is the deepest
one,' or simply the deepest.
In the predicate relation, instead of the adjective superlative,
the adverbial accusative (16 4 a) of the noun m a d e from the
 64 1 / COMPARISON OF OTHER PARTS OF SPEECH 505

adjective superlative preceded by the definite article is some-

times used here: 'I doubt whether the actions of which w e are
the very proudest will not surprise us, w h e n w e trace them, as w e
shall one day, to their source' (Thackeray, Pendennis, Ch. X X X I ) ,
instead of indeed proudest. 'The rooks settle where the trees are
thefinest'(Lytton, My Novel, I, Ch. V ) , instead offinest.'Of
these specimens m y friend is naturally the most proud' (J. Conrad,
A Set of Six), instead of most proud. ' It was, perhaps, at this time
that Mrs. Henry and I were the most uneasy' (R. L. Stevenson),
instead of most uneasy. This superlative is always used when
it is modified by a restrictive relative clause: 'On that day she
looked the happiest that I had ever seen her,' or often with sup-
pressed relative pronoun: 'Louise was sitting in a deep chair,
looking the happiest [that] I had ever seen her' (Mary Roberts
Rinehart, The Circular Staircase, C h . X X X I V ) . 'On that day
she looked the most beautiful that I had ever seen her.' A s
described in 16 5 a 66, this adverbial accusative is sometimes
used with verbs as the superlative of the adverb, hence it is
used also here in the predicate, just as adverbs in general are
often used in the predicate (7 F).
In the predicate instead of the simple superlative without the
or the adverbial accusative of the superlative with the, w e m a y
also use an adverbial phrase with at and the superlative modified
by a possessive adjective: 'The steps are at their steepest (or
steepest, or the steepest) just here' (F. M . Peard, Madame's Grand-
daughter, p. 74). 'She knew that she looked at her best in this
attire' (C. Garvice, Staunch as a Woman, p. 83). Similarly, as
objective predicate: 'Shefirstsaw the hill at its gayest when that
brief, brilliant hour before autumn bedecked Cosdon' (Phillpotts,
The Beacon, I, Ch. VI). 'In "Doctor Dick" w e have the author
at his most useful' (Literary World, April 19, 1895, p. 362).
d. Two Qualities of One Person or Thing Compared. In com-
paring two qualities of one person or thing w e usually employ
more: 'She is more proud than vain.' 'He is more shy than un-
social' However, in the case of a few monosyllables, long, wide,
thick, high, we still regularly employ the old simple comparative,
usually with full clause form in the subordinate clause: 'The
wall was in some places thicker than it was high.'
e. Comparative of Gradation. T o indicate that the quality
increases or decreases at a fairly even rate w e place ever before
the comparative, or w e repeat it: 'The road got ever worse (or
worse and worse) until there was none at all.'
/. Comparison of Other Parts of Speech Used as Adjectives. Here
we usually employ more and most: ' John is more in debt than I am.'
506 ABSOLUTE SUPERLATIVE 54 2 a

'She is more mother than wife.' 'Though the youngest among

them, she was more woman than they.' W h e r e w e feel a compara-
tive more as a pronoun than as an adjective w e say: 'Charles
was more of a gentleman than a king, and more of a wit than a
gentleman.' 'Smith is more of a teacher than his brother.'
g. Comparative of Limiting Adjectives Not Used in Predicate.
T h e comparative of limiting adjectives, inner, outer, former, latter
etc., cannot be used as a predicate followed b y than, since, accord-
ing to the second paragraph of 53, limiting adjectives do not
indicate degrees, but merely point out individuals. T h e compara-
tive older can, as a descriptive adjective, be used as a predicate;
but elder cannot be so used, for it is a limiting adjective: 'He
is older (not elder) than I,' but 'This is the elder brother.'
h. Comparison of Compounds. W e compare thefirstelement
of a compound where this is possible, usually employing the
terminational form, but if thefirstelement is a word that does
not admit of this form w e use more or TOOSZ: 'the biggest-chested
and longest-armed m a n I ever saw,' but 'This is the most up-Zo-
date book I know.' E v e n if thefirstelement admits of the ter-
minational form, w e employ more or most if thefirstelement has
fused with the other component so closely that it is not felt as a
separate element with a separate function: loeZZ-known; 6eZZer-
known; but the more well-to-do tradesmen.
Of course, w e compare the last component if it contains the
element capable of comparison, usually employing the form we
should use if it were an independent word: bloodthirstier, blood-
thirstiest; praiseworthiest, or most praiseworthy, etc.
2. A B S O L U T E COMPARISON:
a. Absolute Superlative. In all the preceding examples the
degrees express superiority in a relative sense, some person or
thing excelling all the members of a definite group in the possession
of a certain quality, while in fact the higher or highest degree here
m a y be a comparatively low degree: ' John is the taller of the two,
the tallest of them all, but he is notwithstanding quite small.'
W e m a y in the case of the superlative, quite commonly, express
superiority in an absolute sense, indicating a very high degree in
and of itself, not necessarily, however, the very highest.
In lively style, w e here often place unstressed most before the
stressed positive of the adjective or participle: (relative superla-
tive) ' It is the most lovelyflowerin the garden,' but in an absolute
sense: 'He has the most beautiful of gardens.' 'Everything about
the place tells of the most ddinly order, the most Exquisite cleanliness'
(Mrs. Gaskell, Life of Charlotte Bronte, C h . I). 'It was a most
magnificent exhibition of courage.' ' W e shall soon see George
 54 2 a ABSOLUTE SUPERLATIVE 507
and his most beautiful wife.' 'Most lovelyflowerseverywhere greet
the eye and most fragrant perfumesfillthe air.' W e can distinguish
only by the stress 'Most reputable (absolute superlative) writers
have n o w abandoned this claim' from 'ilfdsZ ( = the great majority
of) reputable writers have abandoned this claim.'
Instead of the usual absolute superlative with most, we some-
times in the case of adjectives which admit of the terminational
form employ the simple superlative, often drawling it out and
stressing it: 'Oh, he m a d e the ru-dest remark!' 'The letter did
not meet with the warmest reception.' 'I'm in the best of health.'
'She is in the best of company.' 'At all times her dress w a s of
the poorest.' 'Humphrey's ideas of time were always of the vaguest
order' (Florence Montgomery, Misunderstood, C h . III). 'The
letter was written in the kindest terms.' Besides such expressions
we find this form sometimes, especially in our o w n time, w h e n the
superlative is modified b y a limiting adjective, my, any, every,
each, no, some, certain, etc., or, on the other hand, sometimes w h e n
it is entirely unmodified, especially in the case of abstract and
plural nouns: 'my dearest darling'; 'any plainest m a n w h o reads
this' (Trollope, Framley Parsonage, C h . X I V ) ; 'so completely
did it fulfil every faintest hope'; 'there is no smallest doubt.' 'It
was perhaps on some darkest, muddiest afternoon of a London
February' (Times Literary Supplement, June 9, 1918). 'A stronger
lens reveals to you certain tiniest hairlets, which m a k e vortices
for these victims' (George Eliot, Middlemarch, I, Ch. VI). 'Mi-
chael and G u y left Oxford in the mellow time of an afternoon in
earliest August' (Compton Mackenzie, Sinister Street, p. 760)
T owed her deepest gratitude' (Elinor Glyn, Reflections of Am-
brosine, III, Ch. V ) . ' Our friendship ripened into closest intimacy.'
'From Sarliest times.'
T h e most c o m m o n w a y to express the absolute superlative is to
place before the positive of the adjective a simple adverb, such as
very, exceedingly, highly, absolutely, etc., or in colloquial speec
awfully, dreadfully, terribly, beastly, etc., sometimes without t
suffix -ly, as in the case of awful, even regularly so in the case of
real (16 4; widely used in America), mighty, jolly (British collo-
quial for very), devilish, damned, bloody (British), bally (British),
etc.: very cold weather; an exceedingly intricate problem; a highly
polished society. 'I a m awfully (sometimes awful) glad,' but after
a verb: 'I dread awfully (not awful) to go.' 'It's real cold.' 'I'm
jolly glad anyhow.' 'It's damned hot.' Also only too, simply too,
just too, and just are so used: ' I shall be dnly too glad if you accept
m y invitation.' ' It's simply too bdd of him!' ' It's just too awful!'
'It's just spUndid!' In older English, pure w a s used with the
 508 USE OF DEMONSTRATIVE ADJECTIVES 66 A

meaning of absolutely: 'It is pure easy to follow god and serue

h y m in tyme of tranquylite' (Caxton, Chad. Goddes Chyld, 89,
A.D. 1491). This usage is preserved in certain American dialects:
'Dey hides is pure tough' (Julia Peterkin, Scarlet Sister Mary).
Compare 16 2 a.
b. Absolute Comparative. T h e absolute comparative is not as
c o m m o n as the absolute superlative: the lower classes; the higher
classes; higher education; a 6eZZer-class cafe; the more complex
problems offife;'the mist, like a fleecy coverlet, hiding every
harsher outline' (H. Sutcliffe, Pam the Fiddler, Ch. I).
W e usually place here before the positive of the adjective a
simple adverb, such as tolerably, fairly, rather, etc.: a tolera
(or fairly, or rather) long walk; somewhat talkative, etc.
55. Comparison to Denote Degrees of Inferiority. Here we
uniformly employ less and least: wise, less wise, least wise.

INFLECTION AND USE OF LIMITING ADJECTIVES

56. Attributive limiting adjectives are inflected in the positive

only in the case of: this, these; that, those. These forms are also
used substantively. In substantive function that, those are now
often replaced by the one, the ones, comparatively recent forma-
tions but n o w widely used. M a n y limiting adjectives, such as
many, several, two, three, etc., have n o plural form, but contain
the plural idea in their meaning.
A number of limiting adjectives have a comparative and a
superlative form, as explained in 53 (2nd par.).
A. Use of Demonstrative Adjectives. Demonstrative limiting
adjectives point out persons or things either by gesture, or by
the situation, or b y an accompanying description.
B y gesture: 'These flowers bloom longer than those,' or in
popular speech where there is a great fondness for excess of ex-
pression: 'These hereflowersbloom lcnger'n those there' (or them
ttere). ' Those (in popular speech often them, or them there) flowers
are thefinest.'In older literary English, there is here the same
fondness for excess of expression as found in current colloquial
speech, only in different form, usually with a redundant same
after the demonstrative: 'Call that same Isabel here once again'
(Shakespeare, Measure for Measure, V , i, 270). In Middle Eng-
lish also here and there were used redundantly after a demonstra-
tive, as described above for popular speech, where older literary
usage survives. W h e r e the persons referred to are supposed to
be k n o w n and there is no need of identification, the demonstratives
are often employed unaccompanied b y a gesture and marked by
 56 A USE OF DEMONSTRATIVE ADJECTIVES 509

a peculiar tone of voice expressing praise or censure, pleasure or

displeasure: 'I a m coming soon to see that dear little grandson.'
'I hate that Johnson boy.' ' These inexperienced maids are always
breaking dishes.' 'I was attacked by one of those huge police dogs.'
These demonstratives that are charged with feeling have become
intimately associated with the lively double genitive (10 II 1 6):
'this broad land of ours,' 'that kind wife of yours.' 'I want you
to keep that old dog of yours at home.'
Where the persons and things referred to are not supposed to be
known, demonstratives unaccompanied by a gesture point them
out in a twofold way. They either have anaphoric force, i.e.,
point backward to some person or thing that precedes, as in 'In
this old castle there lived once a king w h o had an only child, a
daughter. The (or this) daughter w a s very beautiful.' Or they
have determinative force, i.e., they point forward to a following
remark which defines or describes some person or thing. T h e
determinative is often used substantively (57 1), i.e., as a pronoun,
preceded by an antecedent or followed by a limiting genitive,
prepositional phrase, adverb, or relative or participial clause: 'this
hat and thdt (not the one) of m y brother's'; 'this book and thdt
one (or n o w also quite commonly the one) upon the table in the
next room'; 'th6se books and those (or the ones) upon the table
in the next room,' 'this window and thdt one (or the one) upstairs';
'the"se windows and those (or the ones) upstairs'; 'th6se books and
thdse (or the ones) lying, or piled u p (or which are lying, or which
are piled up) upon the table in the next room'; 'thgse books and
those (or the ones) w e bought yesterday.' Instead of thdt one's
Milton in Paradise Lost, V, 808, employs whose, a survival of the
older determinative force of who: 'Vengeance is his or whdse he
sole appoints.'
The determinative is often used substantively (57 1), i.e., as a
pronoun, followed by a limiting noun or pronoun and also by a
relative clause which limits it as restricted by its limiting noun
or pronoun: ' I like those of your friends w h o m I have met.' There
is here a double restriction. Compare 23 II 6.
Also a number of indefinites are used as determinatives, es-
pecially one, ones, any, etc.: ' W h e n you buy a n e w pen, get one
with a sharper point' (or 'one that has a sharper point'). ' W h e n
you buy n e w pens, get ones with a sharper point' (or 'ones that
have a sharper point'). ' Y o u m a y have any of the books that you
m a y select.' Comparefirstparagraph, p. 510.
Of these forms that and those are either demonstratives proper
or determinatives; the one, the ones, one, ones are only determi-
natives.
510 USE OF THE DEFINITE ARTICLE 56 B

In loose colloquial speech there is a qualitative determinative,

like = that kind: 'pies like mother used to make.' 'I was go-
ing to bring some port wine like w e drink at school in our crowd
there' (Tarkington, The Magnificent Ambersons, Ch. III). 'When
a young gentleman marries, he can't expect to five in a house
like he was brought u p in' (A. Marshall, Anthony Dare, Ch. II).
Though c o m m o n , this like is confined to the one case that a rela-
tive clause with suppressed relative pronoun follows. In the
literary language w e use here such followed b y a relative clause
introduced b y the relative pronoun as, or w e employ Zifce that
followed by a relative clause, usually with suppressed relative
pronoun: 'pies such as mother used to make' (or like those mother
used to make). Elsewhere w e can use either such as that or Zifce that
as a qualitative determinative: ' a house such as that of m y father's'
(or ' like that of m y father's'); ' books such as those upon the table'
(or 'like those upon the table'). W h e r e the reference is indefinite,
one, ones are often used as a qualitative determinative instead
of such. For examples see next to last paragraph, p. 509, and
57 5 6 (3rd par.). In older English, such often loses the idea of qual-
ity entirely and has the force of this, that, these, those. This old
usage stillfingerswhere there is a somewhat indefinite reference
to a group of persons or things: 'It seems to have cooled the ardor
of such of the Bishops as (or those of the Bishops who) atfirsttended
to favor Sinn Fein as a means of smashing the Irish party' (London
Times, Educational Supplement, N o v . 18, 1918). There is a
tendency to differentiate those and such here b y employing such
where w e feel the reference as more indefinite. Compare Parts of
Speech 7 7 6 (last par.).
T h e determinative is often used as an adherent (10 I) adjective:
the hat of m y brother; the book upon the table; the window up-
stairs; the boys playing in the street; those people w h o never forget
an insult; such books as I have. In the singular, a is often used
as a qualitative determinative instead of such: ' W e need a m a n
that w e can trust.'
Also the pronouns he, they, or n o w more commonly those, are
used as determinatives, pointing to a following relative clause
introduced b y who (or in older English also that). For further
particulars and examples see 23 II 5 (2nd par. of Examples). He
and she also point to a following genitive of characteristic or a
prepositional phrase: 'she of (or with) the auburn hair.'
B. U s e of the Definite Article. T h e definite article the is the
weakened form of an old demonstrative n o w represented by that,
and true to its origin points to a definite person or thing. As
a demonstrative it has a twofold function: anaphoric the, pointing
56 B USE OF THE DEFINITE ARTICLE 511
backward to a person or thing already mentioned, as in 'There
lived once in this old castle a powerful king. The king had a
lovely daughter'; determinative the, pointing to a definite person
or thing, described usually by a following genitive, adverb, prepo-
sitional phrase, or relative clause: the hat of m y brother; the
tree yonder; the hat on the table; the hat which I hold in m y hand,
Of course, a person or thing which is single in kind needs no de-
scription: the king; the queen.
In oldest English, the definite article w a s little used with
nouns, not even with c o m m o n class nouns. All things living and
lifeless were conceived of as individuals, and were used without
the article, just as names of persons had no article. In set ex-
pressions there are m a n y survivals of this old usage: 'He is going
to bed, to school, to ruin, on foot, by water,' etc. Very early, howev
the old idea of individuality became m u c h restricted. M a n y
lifeless things were divided into classes, as trees,flowers,stones,
rivers, etc. There are usually m a n y individuals in a class; hence
in order to point to a definite individual within a class, the definite
article was placed before the noun, which w a s followed by a de-
scriptive genitive, etc., as illustrated above: the hat of m y brother;
the hat upon the table. Of course, where a person or thing is
single in kind within any definite group, circle, commonwealth,
etc., it needs no description: the king; the queen; the mayor;
the captain; the president; the army; the navy; the bridge (where
there is only one in the neighborhood); the school; the post office,
etc. Outside of such cases of evident uniqueness w e n o w stress
the the to m a r k a person or thing as unique: 'He is the pianist of
the day.' 'That is thS hotel of the city.'
The names of individuals within a family or a class at school
have remained without the article. W e still say: John, M a r y ,
etc. This is the old style of individualization. T h e definite
article before a noun also individualizes, but it is felt as individuali-
zation within a class. It is the n e w style of individualization.
The idea of a personal, inner individuality is what characterizes
the old style of individualization: God, m a n , w o m a n , and persons
in general: Gladstone, Lincoln, John, M a r y . B y vivid personi-
fication w e also say gold, silver, copper, honesty, chastity, beauty,
antiquity, death, spring, winter, diphtheria, rheumatism, consump-
tion, etc., feeling that they are things single in kind: 'Honesty
is the best policy.' B u t w h e n w e think of the concrete manifes-
tation of honesty w e feel these acts as m e m b e r s of a class and
hence employ the n e w style of individualization. 'The honesty
of these boys ought to be rewarded.' O n the other hand, the n e w
style of individualization often borders closely on that of the old:
512 USE OF THE DEFINITE ARTICLE 66 B

the King; the Queen; the D u k e ; the Savior, etc. Germans em-
ploy the n e w style for the members of the family: the John; the
Mary, etc., i.e., the John, the M a r y of their circle, individualiza-
tions within a class, a circle. In recent English, there is a slight
tendency in this direction: 'the old m a n ' or 'the governor' (= Fa-
ther); 'the dad' (Galsworthy, In Chancery, p. 57); 'the poor old
dad!' (id., The Man of Property, p. 41); 'the mother' (De Morgan,
The Old Madhouse, Ch. X X V I I ) ; 'the electrical surprise and grati-
tude and exaltation of the wife and the children' (Mark Twain,
Letter to Oliver Wendell Holmes, D e c , 1885); 'the wife' (Hutchin-
son, If Winter Comes, p. 321), etc.
In Old English, it was the rule to say 'the little John,' an in-
dividualization within a class, but in colloquial speech w e now
usually say 'little John' after the analogy of 'John.' This usage
is very c o m m o n where there is the warmth of interest or personal
feeling in the tone: 'Poor Tom is in trouble again.' 'Good Saint
Francis loved every created thing.' In more formal and dignified
literary language, however, the definite article is still the more
natural expression: 'the late M r . Byron Jones'; 'the elder Pliny.'
Similarly, older 'the king Arthur' has for the most part become
'King Arthur,' but older usage still not infrequently occurs: 'Tell
the Countess Shulski I wish to speak to her' (Elinor Glyn, The
Reason Why, Ch. I, 8). Of course, the article is usually employed
when the title is followed b y a prepositional phrase designating
a place, as the title is felt as an individualization within a class:
'the Earl of Derby,' but 'Lord Derby' as the words are felt as
a name. Wherever the idea of individuality or singleness in kind
is strong, w e today prefer the form without the article: January,
heaven, hell, etc. But the development here is quite uneven: God,
but the Lord, the devil; Parliament, Congress, but often the Congres
especially in the language of congressmen, senators, etc.; dropsy,
but the measles or simple measles; Mars (planet), but the moon,
the earth, the Hudson, the Cape of Good Hope; Genesis, but the Bible
T h e article is dropped in a numeration of things or particulars,
for here the idea of unit, sovereign individuality, separate item,
something single in kind, overshadows all other conceptions: 'He
studied the history of early dramatic efforts in church, university,
school, court.' Similarly, where the words come in pairs: 'He is
tired body and soul.' 'He works day and night.' 'He is happy in
shop and home.'
O n the other hand, the absence of the definite article is today
often felt as a contrast to its presence and hence indicates an
indefinite portion, amount, or extent: 'the dust on the veranda,'
but in an indefinite sense 'In these dry days w e see dust every-
66 B o DEFINITE ARTICLE WITH GENERALIZING FORCE 513

where.' T h e absence of the definite article often suggests the

general conception of class or kind with only a general character-
ization, while the definite article points to something definite,
a definite variety or a definite individual: 'I write with black
ink,' but ' the black ink that this firm makes.' ' She suffers m u c h
from headache,' but 'The headache that she had yesterday has
rendered her unfit for her duties.'
A noun is often without an article in the predicate w h e n the
noun does not designate a definite individual but something ab-
stract, such as an estate, rank, relationship, calling, or capacity
of any kind: 'This thesis for thesis and nothing more it at
present is would no doubt m a k e the basis of a very keen
discussion in any gathering of naval men.' 'He turned traitor.'
'He fell heir to a large estate.' 'Williams was son of an officer
in the service of the East India Company.' 'Of this society M r .
Smith is n o w president.' 'Mr. B o y d is Irishmanfirst,critic next.'
'German tribes deposed the last R o m a n emperor and proclaimed
their leader Odoaker king (objective predicate) of Rome.' Sim-
ilarly, in abridged clauses: 'Child though he was, consciousness
of self had come to him.' Predicate appositive: 'In this eventful
year Tennyson succeeded Wordsworth as poet laureate.'
Of course, a noun is also elsewhere without the article w h e n
the noun does not denote a definite individual but only an abstract
or general idea: 'He is doing all that mortal man can do.' 'Fully
a century has passed since mason's hand has touched it.' 'If
ever poet were a master of phrasing, he (Tennyson) was so.'
This usage is very old and hence still a favorite in poetry and choice
prose, but the indefiniteness usually present here leads to the
use of the indefinite article in plain prose.
a. D E F I N I T E A R T I C L E W I T H G E N E R A L I Z I N G F O R C E . T h e def-
inite article usually has individualizing force; but w h e n there is no
reference to a definite individual, it assumes generalizing force,
i.e., the representative idea becomes more prominent than the
conception of a sharp individualization, one individual representing
a whole class: 'The rat is larger than the mouse,' or also 'A rat
is larger than a mouse.' ' The child is father of the man.' 'He is a
lover of the beautiful.' T h e plural is also used where the plural
idea is prominent: ' The English are a vigorous people.' In a few
common words indicating individuals with highly developed per-
sonality the old style of individualization without the article is
used here: 'Man is mortal.' 'Woman is frail.' Also the plural
without the article can be used here, as an articleless plural lacks
definiteness and hence can be used with general force: 'Owls
cannot see well in the daytime.'
514 FORM AND USE OF THE INDEFINITE ARTICLE 56 C a

b. U S E O F T H E D E F I N I T E A R T I C L E I N D I R E C T A D D R E S S . Today,
proper names or c o m m o n class nouns used in direct address are
without the article: 'John, come here.' 'John, dear brother, I
want you to help me.' 'Smith, old boy, truest of friends, I come
again to you for counsel.' 'Little boy, what do you want?' In
older English, both c o m m o n and proper nouns were often used
with the definite article, since they were felt as individualizations
of the n e w style. This older usage has come d o w n almost to our
o w n day: 'The last of the R o m a n s , fare thee well!' (Shakespeare,
Julius Ccesar, V, in, 99). 'What ho! The Captain of the Guard!
Give the offenderfittingward' (Scott, Lady of the Lake, V, 26).
c. T h e definite article the is sometimes still for archaic effect
written ye, the y representing older thorn (b), hence pronounced
th: 'ye old town.'
C. F o r m and U s e of the Indefinite Article. T h e indefinite
article a or an, the reduced form of the numeral one, has preserved
the n of the original word only before a vowel sound: a boat;
a house; a union (yunyon); not a one (wun), but an apple; an
heir (with silent h).
There isfluctuationof usage before an initial h where the syl-
lable is unaccented. In the literary language of England it has
long been usual to place an here before the h: an historical char-
acter; an hotel, etc. A t the present time, however, this usage is
not universal in England. T h e British scholar H . W . Fowler in
his Modern English Usage even calls it pedantic. In America it is
usual to employ a here, although some follow the prevailing British
usage. T h e difference of usage here rests upon an older difference
of pronunciation. In America, Ireland, Scotland, and the extreme
northern part of England initial h has been preserved. In the
English dialects it has for the most part been lost, but in standard
English under the influence of the written language and Scotch
and Irish usage it has been restored. For a long time, however,
it was pronounced weakly or not at all in unaccented syllables,
which gave rise to the spelling an in 'an hist6rical character,' 'an
hotel,' etc. Older spelling, such as 'an hundred crowns' (Shake-
speare, Taming of the Shrew, V, 11, 128), 'an hill' (Matthew, V, 14),
shows that in early Modern English initial h was not always pro-
nounced in England even in accented syllables.
The indefinite article a, true to its origin, singles out one object,
action, or quality from a m o n g a number. It designates an in-
dividual in different ways:
a. It points to an individual person or thing withoutfixingits
identity: ' W e met an old m a n on our w a y here.' 'There is a
book lying on the table.'
 66 D USE OF INTENSIFYING MYSELF, HIMSELF, ETC. 515

6. In its more indefinite sense a is equal to any, designating

no individual in particular: 'There isn't a m a n in our community
in w h o m I have more confidence.'
c. Like the it often has generalizing force. See B a, p. 513.
d. It is used as a determinative with the force of such: 'It was
a sight that would m a k e angels rejoice.' 'He is a m a n that must
be treated kindly.'
e. Often with its original meaning: 'a foot long.' 'Wait a
minute.'
/. It sometimes represents older on, hence is the reduced form
of a preposition. This a occurs in adverbial expressions denoting
repetition: 'He goes to the city several times a year.' Compare
16 4 a (last par.).
g. It can stand before a proper n a m e in only two cases: (1) to
designate one m e m b e r of a family: 'There isn't n o w a single
Jones in our village, although it once seemed full of them'; (2) to
convert a proper n a m e into a c o m m o n class noun: 'He is a regular
Hercules.'
D. Use of Intensifying 'Myself,' 'Himself,' etc. In Old Eng-
lish, the simple limiting adjective self was used appositively after
nouns or pronouns to m a k e them more emphatic; in older periods
with either weak or strong inflection: 'He self a (weak nominative)
hit segb,' 'He himself says it.' T h e dative of a personal pronoun
was often in Old English placed between the governing noun or pro-
noun and self: 'He him (dative) self a (nominative) hit segb,' 'He
himself says it,' literally, ' H e says it himself, on his own account.'
The dative of interest (12 1 B 6) was inserted here to call especial
attention to the person involved in the act by personal interests.
W e now often employ a modern dative with for instead of the old
simple dative: 'Few a m o n g our statesmen have seen anything
of colonial life and colonial institutions for themselves' (London
Times), instead of themselves. 'She bade him, if he doubted her,
go see for himself (Kingsley, Westward Ho!).
In older inflected English, in such a sentence as 'He him (dative)
self a (nominative) hit segb,' the self used in connection with the
simple dative long continued to take the case required by the
construction, i.e., was nominative, dative, or accusative according
to the case of the noun or pronoun with which it stood in appo-
sition, but it w a s sometimes attracted into the dative, the case
of the him, her, or them that stood before it, both words thus
standing in the dative, indicating that they were felt as one, as
a compound. W e n o w regularly construe the two forms as a
compound, an appositive to the noun or pronoun to which it
refers. As, however, the original grammatical relations here are
516 USE OF INTENSIFYING MYSELF, HIMSELF, ETC. 66 D

no longer understood there have arisen two groups of compounds;

on the one hand, the group just described, the old simple dative
group himself, herself, themselves (until about A.D. 1550 them selfe
and after the analogy of these also itself; on the other hand,
a group of nine words of quite different formation replacing the
older type, myself, ourself (after the plural of majesty we and
editorial we = myself), ourselves, thyself, yourself, yourselves,
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries also itsself (now re-
placed b y itself), in dialect also hisself, theirselves, all nine af
the analogy of herself, in which her, although originally a dative,
was in the thirteenth century falsely construed as a possessive
adjective and self construed as a noun. Although these two groups
are of different form, they both perform the same function, serving
as intensifying adjectives. A H eleven compounds n o w have the
same function as the old simple adjective self, serving as apposi-
tives to the noun or pronoun to which they refer: ' I myself think
so,' or 'I think so myself.' ' W e think w e have hinted elsewhere
that M r . Benjamin Allen had a w a y of becoming sentimental after
brandy. T h e case is not a peculiar one as w e ourself can testify'
(Dickens, Pickwick, C h . X X X V I I I ) . ' W e ourselves think so,'
or ' W e think so ourselves.' 'I gave it to John himself.' 'I saw
John himself do it.' For sake of emphasis in lively style the in-
tensifying adjective often stands at the beginning of the sentence:
'Himself an artist in rhetoric, he (Thoreau) confounds thought
with style w h e n he attempts to speak of the latter' (James R.
Lowell, Literary Essays, I, p. 374). It often also stands within
the sentence before the word to which it refers where there is a
contrast to what precedes: 'He had always taken it for granted,
since he was eighteen, that she would marry him and from that age
herself she had tacitly accepted the position of hisfiancee'(Sir
Harry Johnston, The Man Who Did the Right Thing, Ch. IV, p. 48).
A s the intensifying adjective often emphasizes a personal pro-
noun and is thus closely associated with it, it has gradually ac-
quired the function of the personal pronoun in addition to its own,
so that since the eleventh century the personal pronoun often in
certain categories drops out as a useless form and the intensifying
adjective becomes an emphatic personal pronoun, especially in
the subject relation at the end of the sentence introducing an
abridged subordinate clause with thefiniteverb omitted: ' M y
boy played with several others w h o were of about the same age as
himself' (= he himself was). ' Did you ever k n o w a w o m a n pardon
another for being handsomer than herself?' ( = she herself was).
Quite often also at the end of a full independent proposition for
especial emphasis: 'The poor boy of w h o m I have just related
66 D USE OF INTENSIFYING MYSELF, HIMSELF, ETC. 517

was myself (= I myself). Frequently also at the beginning of a

full independent proposition, provided the logical subject is ex-
pressed in a preceding proposition: 'With a sudden rough move-
ment she all but snatched the child out of the other's arms and
herself saw to Sheila's comfort' (W. J. Locke, The Glory of Clemen-
tina, Ch. X I X ) . In the nominative absolute construction: 'But
he did want very m u c h to meet R o y Carrington, whose novel
"Gentlemen, T h e K i n g " everybody had read, himself included'
(A. Marshall, Anthony Dare, Ch. III). A s predicate: 'You are not
yourself today.' After like or a preposition: 'I a m a stranger
here like yourself.' 'It is satisfactory to them, if not to us' (or
ourselves). 'You can't do that by yourself.' A s object of a verb:
'Most people do not realize h o w closely the mute creatures of
God resemble ourselves in their pains and griefs.' In older English,
it was c o m m o n where it cannot n o w be used namely, at the
beginning of a sentence instead of a personal pronoun, pointing
back to some person already mentioned: 'But him selfe (now
simple he) was not satisfied therwith' (Bradford, History of
Plymouth Plantation, p. 363, A.D. 1630-1648). 'Himself (now
simple he) and Montmorin offered their resignation' (Thomas
Jefferson, Autobiography, p. 138). This elliptical construction is
now less c o m m o n than earlier in the period and grammarians often
oppose it, but it is old and still widely used. A feeling of modesty
often suggests its use instead of the pompous / myself, me myself:
'General Lee surrendered the A r m y of Northern Virginia this
afternoon on terms proposed by myself (U. S. Grant, Telegram
to E. M . Stanton, April 9, 1865). T h e censure of the grammarians
seems justified where the intensifying adjective is used instead of
an ordinary personal pronoun which, though stressed, is not im-
portant enough to take after it an intensifying adjective: 'There's
only myself and Louisa here' (Hugh Walpole, The Duchess of
Wrexe, Ch. XIII), instead of 'There are only Louisa and I here.'
'A few moments later Tommy and herself (instead of she and
Tommy) were speeding westward in a taxicab' ( W . J. Locke,
The Glory of Clementina, Ch. XXIII). A s in older English, the
intensifying adjective is still in popular Irish English used at the
beginning of a sentence instead of a personal pronoun, pointing
backward to some person already mentioned: ' M I L D R E D . Dear
me, what's the matter with Jack? B R I D G E T . Himself (= he)
is vexed about something' (Lennox Robinson, Harvest, Act II).
In commercial language simple self is often used instead of myself:
'Pay self or order T e n Pounds' (check). Sometimes also in collo-
quial speech: 'As both self and wife were fond of seeing life, w e
decided,' etc. (Sir John Astley, Fifty Years of My Life, II, 31).
518 USE OF THE SUFFIX ONE 57 I

A s described in 11 2 c, we sometimes still use the objective form

of the personal pronouns me, him, etc., as reflexive pronouns.
This was normal usage in Old English and long remained so. To
distinguish reflexive from personal pronouns and thus emphasize
the reflexive idea, intensifying self w a s in Old English often added
to the personal pronoun. These old intensive forms have become
the modern normal reflexive pronouns himself, herself, itself, them
selves (until about A.D. 1550 them selfe). This usage, once found
with all the reflexives, is n o w confined to these four words. As
early as the thirteenth century herself, which originally consisted
of her, the objective form of the personal pronoun she, and inten-
sifying self, was sometimes construed as being the possessive ad-
jective her and the noun self. This conception affected other
reflexive pronouns, so that w e n o w employ several reflexives of
this type: myself, thyself, ourself (after the plural of majesty and
editorial we = myself), ourselves, yourselves, instead of meself,
theeself, usself, usselves, youselves. In the seventeenth and eight
eenth centuries its self was in limited use, but is n o w replaced by
itself. In popular speech hisself, theirselves are c o m m o n forms.
T h e simple form self survives as a noun m a d e from the old
adjective self: 'a truth which purifies from self; 'love of self.'
'The next morning all the guests at the hotel except us (or our-
selves, or our two selves) went back.' 'Have you hurt your little
self?' 'Baby fell and hurt its dear little self.' 'I hope you are
your old self again.' ' Y o u must not blame anybody but your own
self.' ' A man's better self should lead him.' ' Sometimes one must
think of one's o w n self.' T h e compound forms are sometimes
needlessly used here instead of the simple form: 'Himself is the
only consideration with himself' (Meredith, The Egoist, 231),
instead of 'Self is the only consideration with him.'

THE SUBSTANTIVE FUNCTION OF ADJECTIVES

57 1. Use of the Suffix 'One.' The adjective is used sub-
stantively w h e n it stands alone like a substantive. The adjec-
tive used substantively, however, differs from a real substantive in
that it is not used independently, but always refers to a preceding
or following noun. T h e adjective used substantively sometimes
has after it the suffix one (by some improperly called 'prop-word')
to indicate that it refers to a preceding or following noun; some-
times it has no formal sign to indicate such a relation, the context
alone suggesting it.
Pointing backward: 'a white sheep and a black one'; 'white
sheep and black ones'; ' this book and that one lying upon the table.'
57 1 USE OF THE SUFFIX ONE 519
'Here are two fine pencils. Y o u m a y have either' (or either one).
'Here are twofinepencils. Y o u m a y have both.' ' Of these apples
you m a y select any two.'
Pointing forward: 'each (or each one) of the books which I hold
in m y hand'; 'to every (now each) of the ministers one (heifer)
and the rest to the poor' (Winthrop, Journal, July, 1634); 'prom-
issing to them and every (nowfoeryone) of them rewards' (Sfingsby,
Diary, 420, A.D. 1658); 'every one (or in older English, simple
every) of the books upon the table'; 'either (or eiifAer one) of
these two books'; 'neither (or neither one) of these two books';
'either (either one, or more accurately any one) of these three books'
'either (either one, or m u c h more commonly any one) of these twelve
books'; 'none of the books,' with singular or plural meaning, more
commonly the latter, while with reference to one w e usually say
'not one of the books'; 'some of the boys' with plural meaning,
but 'I don't k n o w which one of them, but some one of them did it.'
T don't k n o w which of the hats is mine.'
In American English and also the English of England, it is
c o m m o n to say: 'All three boys have a good record at school, but
I do not k n o w which one's is the best.' 'Here are the books.
Which one is (or which ones are) yours?' 'Here are some new
books. Y o u m a y have whichever one (or whichever ones) you
select.' 'Which (or which one) of these books is yours?' 'Which
of these books are yours?' But, especially in American English,
where the reference becomes more general or indefinite, there is a
strong tendency both in colloquial speech and the literary lan-
guage to employ what one(s) or whatever one(s) in referring back-
ward: 'Our teacher is a stickler for dates but in examinations w e
never k n o w what ones he will spring on us.' 'About the middle
of the eighteenth century it (i.e., the French Academy) altered
the spelling of five thousand words. Perhaps it would be juster
to say that it indicated, in the case of a number of these, what one
should be adopted of several forms which were then in use' (Louns-
bury, English Spelling, Ch. I, 51). 'I have m a d e some bad blun-
ders in m y life, and I m a y yet m a k e still worse ones; but I have
the consolation that whatever ones I shall m a k e I shall have the
sympathy of m y wife.'
In general, the substantive relation is usually indicated by
the accompanying one, but all, many, few, enough, both, and the
cardinals two, three, etc., never take one. T h e use of one here is a
modern innovation that has not yet become established with all
adjectives. In older English, the adjective was inflected, so that
the ending of the adjective in the substantive use was sufficient
to indicate that the adjective had a relation to a preceding or
520 USE OF THE SUFFIX ONE 67 1

following noun. In Middle English, the inflection of the adjective

was so reduced that it frequently had no ending at all. This
often left the descriptive adjective in substantive use without
any sign indicating its relation to a preceding or following noun:
'a knight a worthy and an able,' n o w a worthy one and an able one,
or simply a worthy and able one. T h e feeling of the lack of a clear
sign for the substantive relation led in the fourteenth century to
the use of one. In certain British dialects, as in Scotch English,
the old substantive form without one is still used: 'He is a fine
lad and a clever' (George Macdonald, Robert Falconer, Ch. V ) .
Also in certain American dialects, as in the mountains of Kentucky:
'A rude race they were, but a strong' (Lucy Furman, The Quare
Women, p. 53).
Grammarians call this one a prop-word, but this term is a bad
one, for one is here not a word at all. It is a suffix to indicate the
substantive relation. Of course, one was originally a limiting
adjective meaning one, referring backward or forward to a noun
indicating some concrete thing, as can still be seen in our hesitation
to use it where the noun to which the substantive form of the
adjective refers is not a single object but a coherent mass or a
group of individuals massed together, or, on the other hand,
something abstract: 'I like bathing in salt water better than in
fresh.' 'Efficiently trained troops should not befilledup with
the partially trained.' 'He has no books other than English.'
'I judge of his public conduct by his private.' 'His religion is the
Mohammedan.' But, in general, w e n o w add one to an adjective
in order to indicate the substantive relation, so that one assumes
an abstract meaning and becomes a suffix. A s a suffix, one is
unstressed and should not be confounded with stressed one,
which is a numeral, although it often has outwardly the form of
the suffix w h e n it follows the limiting adjectives any, some, no,
this, that, my, etc.: ' Y o u can have any one (or two, three) of thes
apples.' 'She might rescue from the mire some one struggling
soul.' 'In no one instance was he your partner in any of these
transactions.' 'He doesn't get so m u c h pleasure from his many
acres as w e get from this one' (or our one). However, in 'I want
ivery one of you to come' one in spite of its accent is not numeral
one but the suffix of every. A s can be seen in the third paragraph
of this article, every 6ne represents older bvery. T h e double stress
here is a c o m m o n feature of emphatic language in English. W e
find the same double stress in ' I want the candid opinion of each
one of you.' 'I don't k n o w which one of them, but some one of
them did it.'
Since any other part of speech or a group of words is in English
57 1 USE OF THE SUFFIX ONE 521

often used as an adjective, as described in 10 I 2, one m a y be

added as a suffix to any other part of speech or to a group of words
that has the force of an adjective used substantively, pointing
back to some preceding noun: 'You can easily get another
secretary. Another time you shall have a man one, as you originally
wanted to' (C. H a d d o n Chambers, The Tyranny of Tears, Act II).
' O n a side line was a little train that reminded Peter of the Treliss
(town) to Truro (town) one' (Hugh Walpole, Fortitude, p. 57).
'This time it (i.e., the n e w idea) was an awfully better than usual
one' (De Morgan, The Old Madhouse, Ch. II). T h e substantive
form of 'as beautiful a sight as' is 'as beautiful a one as': 'The
sight was as beautiful a one as I have ever seen.' But w e say,
'The sight was one as beautiful as I have ever seen,' corresponding
to 'a sight as beautiful as I have ever seen.' A s a genitive is often
felt as an adjective, it often takes one in the substantive relation:
'The higher course is a two years' one' (London Times, Educational
Supplement, Aug. 8, 1918).
One was introduced m u c h later with limiting than with de-
scriptive adjectives, and with the former class it has not yet in
many cases become established, since three of the limiting ad-
jectives, these, those, others, have distinct plural form; a number
of others, two, three, many, all, several, certain, etc., have distin
plural meaning, so that the thought thus through form or meaning
becomes clear; others are accompanied by a gesture which in-
dicates the situation; others are limited by a genitive or a relative
clause which shows the thought, for an attributive genitive or
relative clause can modify only a noun or an adjective used sub-
stantively: 'these books and those,' rarely those ones, but in popular
speech often 'these here books and those ones' (or thosen, or
them there ones); 'those books and these,' rarely these ones, but in
popular speech often 'them there books and these ones' (or thesen,
or these here ones); 'these books and others upon m y table'; 'these
books and two upon m y table'; ' this chair and that' (accompanied
by gesture); ' m y book and that of m y brother'; 'each of the
books'; 'which (or which one) of the books?' One, however, is
employed w h e n it is needed to indicate clearly the thought:
'any one (quite distinct in meaning from any one) of the books,'
to bring out clearly the singular idea in contrast to the plural idea
in 'any of the books' and the idea of an indefinite amount in
'[I don't want] any of your nonsense'; 'this book and thdt one
(or the one) upon the table,' to show that that indicates an indi-
vidual, but 'this sugar and that upon the table,' to indicate a mass;
'this pencil and thdt one (or the one) in m y pocket,' to express the
idea of an individual, but 'The pain of her mind had been m u c h
522 USE OF THE SUFFIX ONE 67 1

beyond that in her head,' to refer to an abstract conception;

'these books and those (or the 6nes) upon the table,' because the
plural form those brings out clearly the idea of a number of indi-
viduals. ' This butter is better than that (mass) w e got last week,
but it will probably not prove as good as what (indefinite mass)
w e shall get next week.' ' M y father is a m a n of few affections,
but what (indefinite number) he has are very strong' (Mrs. Gaskell,
Wives and Daughters, Ch. XVIII). 'Which (indefinite number)
of the books are the most interesting?' In connection with same
and such we m a y use one or ones to bring out the idea of a concrete
thing or distinct concrete things, but avoid these forms when
the idea is abstract or indefinite: 'Her dress was the same (or the
same one) she wore last week.' 'His shoes were the same (or
the same ones) he wore last week,' but 'His condition remains the
same.' 'His objections remain the same.' 'His cell was such (or
such a one) as a convict would n o w disdain to inhabit,' but ' His
kindness was such that I could not withstand it.'
There are several other categories of limiting adjectives in which
one is only slowly gaining ground. In the case of the ordinals we
often avoid one, since ordinals of themselves clearly indicate a
relation to a preceding noun or pronoun: 'William is the second
scholar of the class and Henry the third.' 'He is the second on the
list.' Similarly, in expressions where the situation suggests that
the substantive adjective stands in relation to a noun, especially
in the case of two things that are closely associated: 'The right
hand is clean and so is the left.' 'The southern dialect is more
tenacious of these forms than the northern.' Sometimes here even
in the case of descriptive adjectives: 'Only two balls the red
and the white are used.' Similarly, in contrasts where persons
and things of two different kinds are brought into close relations
by w a y of contrast w e usually avoid one: 'He could not bring
himself to tackle n e w books, and the old had lost the potency of
their appeal' (G. Cannan, Round the Corner, Ch. X X I I ) . The
use of one here would often weaken the expression.
In popular speech the personal pronouns are often used as
adjectives, possessive adjectives, as described in 5 a, p. 528. Hence
it is only natural that as limiting adjectives they are used also
substantively with the one-forms, the one-forms of thefirstand
second persons often serving as personal pronouns: 'Did you uns
sleep good last night?' (American Speech, II, p. 345). Them +
ones becomes a demonstrative pronoun: 'these books and them
there ones.'
T h e one-form is, in general, quite firmly established in the case
of descriptive adjectives, since it is here needed to indicate sub-
57 2 PURE PRONOUN AND SUBSTANTIVE ADJECTIVE 523

stantive function. Examples are given on page 518. There are,

however, certain limitations to the use of one here. It is still not
necessary in case of reference to abstract nouns or nouns denoting
a mass, as illustrated on page 520.
The comparative and the superlative of descriptive adjectives
often do not need one, since in connection with the definite article,
the degree ending, and the context they become in large measure
limiting adjectives; i.e., they do not merely describe persons and
things but assign to them a definite place and thus m a r k them so
clearly as individuals that one is not necessary to indicate the
grammatical relation: ' Which of the two brothers did it?'
'The younger' (or 'The younger one'). But in 'the younger of the
two brothers,' 'the youngest of the brothers' one is not usually
felt as necessary. One, however, is now, in contrast to older usage,
felt b y most people as indispensable after the indefinite article,
since the reference is not clear and definite: 'This cord will not
do; I need a stronger one.' 'I a m not looking for a room today.
I have just found a most comfortable one.'
The suffix one has come to stay because it is useful, but no
one feels it as elegant. In choice language w e try to avoid it.
Hence w e say 'mingling playful with pathetic thoughts' rather
than 'mingling playful thoughts with pathetic ones.' W e not
infrequently repeat a preceding noun rather than employ one:
'An Oxford m a n will differ all his life from a Cambridge man'
(The New Statesman, N o . 152, 512a).
2. Difference of Nature between a Pure Pronoun and a Sub-
stantive F o r m of an Adjective. A form that is used only as a
pronoun is a mere substitute for the n a m e of a person or thing.
In the case of I and you the pronoun in connection with the
situation indicates the person. T h e pronouns he, she, it, they
are mere substitutes for nouns that have already been mentioned.
The interrogative who is used instead of a noun, since the speaker
does not k n o w the person and inquires after him. Nobody, some-
body, nothing, something are mere substitutes for the names of
persons and things so vaguely conceived that no names can be
given.
Similarly, forms that are still often used as attributive de-
scriptive or limiting adjectives become pronouns in the sub-
stantive relation, for they are here mere convenient substitutes for
nouns or nouns modified b y an adjective: 'the black sheep and
the white one' (= white sheep); 'these books and those (= those
books) on the table.' B u t the substantive forms of descriptive
and limiting adjectives differ from pure pronouns such as you,
I, he, she, etc., in one important point. They not only perform
524 SUBSTANTIVE FORMS OF ADJECTIVES AS PRONOUNS 57 3

the pronominal function, but they describe or point out, i.e., they
have meaning, while the pure pronouns, meaningless and colorless,
are mere conventional symbols standing for persons or things.
These substantive forms differ from pure pronouns also in that
they are freely modified by adherent (10 I) adjectives, betray-
ing thus their substantive origin, their relation to some noun
understood: 'quaint old houses and beautiful new ones'; 'these
books and all those'; 'these books and many more' (a few more);
'somefiftyof them'; 'John, Fred, and some others'; 'some few
of us,' etc.
3. T h e Substantive F o r m s of Limiting Adjectives Used as
Pronouns. A number of limiting adjectives when used in the
substantive relation become pronouns, referring like a pronoun to a
preceding noun or to a following modifying o/-genitive, preposi-
tional phrase, or a relative clause. T h e reference is sometimes
definite, sometimes more or less indefinite. W h e n the reference
is intentionally entirely general and indefinite, the indefinite pro-
noun stands alone without referring to anything that precedes or
follows, thus indicating a person or thing in only a vague way.
With definite reference, this, these, that, those, such and such a
one, the former, the latter, both, either, neither, thefirst(one),
second (one), each (now often replacing older every) or each one,
every one (or earlier in the period simple every), two, three, half,
etc.: 'Work and play are both necessary to health; this (or the
latter) gives us rest, and that (or the former) gives us energy.'
'Dogs are more faithful animals than cats; these (or the latter)
attach themselves to places, and those (or the former) to persons.'
'Hand m e the books on the table and those on the window.' 'You
m a y have these books, but give m e those you hold in your hand.'
'Associate with such as will improve your manners.' 'Oh! it was
hard that such a one should be chosen.' 'John and Henry, you
shouldn't quarrel. It isn't either's book.' 'John and Henry are
not working hard. Neither's record at school (or the record of
neither of them at school) is creditable.' 'There are in this Isle
two and twentie Bishops, which are as it wer superentendaunts
ouer the church, appoynting godlye and learned Ministers in euery
(now each) of their Seas,' etc. (John Lyly, Euphues' Glasse for
Europe, Works, II, p. 192). 'Each (or each one) of us has his
just claims.' 'I want every one (in older English, simple every) of
you to come.' 'Every (now every one) of this happy number That
have (now has) endur'd shrewd days and nights with us shall
share the good of our returned fortune' (Shakespeare, As You
Like It, V , iv, 178). 'Half of the cake is gone.' 'Half of the
cakes are gone.' 'The cake was cut in half, or in two (both
67 3 SUBSTANTIVE FORMS OF ADJECTIVES AS PRONOUNS 525

forms limiting adjectives used as plural pronouns), or into halves'

(plural noun). 'He has a whole apple but I haven't even half a
one.' Compare Parts of Speech, 7 7 6, and Accidence, 42 6.
With indefinite reference, aZZ (singular and plural), none, this
one and that, or this one and that one, any (plural), anyone (or
earlier in the period simple any), any (= any amount), everyone,
some (= a fair amount, and some people, earlier in the period also
with the meaning of someone), someone (or earlier in the period
simple some), many a one, such (5 6, p. 530), such and such a one,
one, no one, another, others, much, etc. Examples: 'AZZ is not
gold that glitters.' 'I haven't any of your patience.' 'A woman's
injured honor, no more than a man's, can be repaired by any
(now anyone) but him thatfirstwronged it' (Wycherley, Country
Wife, V, IV, 100). 'Everyone knows better than that.' 'I should
like to have some of your patience.' ' W h e n a great aim miscarrieth,
the blame must be laid on some' (now someone) (Thomas Fuller,
Holy War, II, 45). 'Some agree with m e , some do not.' 'There is
much to learn.' 'If you want to k n o w w h o such and such a one is
(or such and such are), ask Jones.' ' H e is always ordering m e about
and telling m e to do such and such.' T w o neuter singulars, none
and other, are treated in 5 6 and c, pp. 532-534. Compare Parts
of Speech, 7 7 c, and Accidence, 42 c.
The accusative singular of neuters, such as all, some, any, much,
none, a little, is m u c h used adverbially. See 16 4 a.
Four limiting adjectives which, what, whichever, whatever
are used as indefinite relative pronouns (23 II, 2, 3): 'Here are
two hats, but I don't k n o w which one is mine.' 'Here are some
new books. I don't k n o w which ones to select.' 'By quoting
(we will not say whence from what one of her poems) a few
verses' (Poe, Works, 565). 'Here are a number of books on
the subject. Y o u m a y take whichever one (or ones) you like.'
'My father will approve these plans and whatever ones we m a y
make in the future.' Which and whichever have an s-genitive:
'All three boys have a good record. I don't know which one's
is the best, but whichever one's is declared the best, it will not be
much better than that of the others.' Compare 5 a (close of 2nd
par.), p. 527. W h e n the reference is to an indefinite mass or number
what and which do not take the one-form. See 1, p. 522. For
fuller treatment of these forms see 1 (4th par.), p. 519; 23 II, 2, 3;
Accidence, 38 6.
The substantive forms of the interrogative adjectives which
and what are used as interrogative pronouns: 'Here are several
interesting books. Which one (or which ones) do you want?' 'The
three sisters all have a good record. Which one's is the best?'
526 SUBSTANTIVE FORMS OF POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVES 67 5 a

'The principal has requested us to propose some themes for future

discussion. What ones are you going to suggest?' For fuller treat-
ment see Parts of Speech, 7 6, and Accidence, 41.
4. The Substantive Forms of Limiting Adjectives Used as
Nouns. The substantive forms of certain limiting adjectives are
also used as nouns: ' I have spent m y all.' Other examples are
given below under 5 and in 58 (last par.).
5. Special Substantive Forms and Their Use as Pronouns and
Nouns:
a. S U B S T A N T I V E F O R M S O F POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVES. The sub-
stantive forms of the possessive adjectives my, thy (in current
American Quaker speech often thee; see p. 528), our, your, her, a
their are mine, thine, ours, yours, hers, and theirs: 'My
serious' but 'The fault is mine.' 'This is our house' but 'This
house is ours' and 'His house is larger than ours [is].' 'Their
house is large' but 'This house is theirs.' His is used both as
an attributive and a substantive form: 'It is his book' and 'The
book is his.' His was also the usual form for things until the
close of the sixteenth century, when its (in older English, often
with the apostrophe, it's) began to replace it here: 'Ye are the
salt of the earth: but if the salt have lost his (now iZs) savor,' etc.
(Matthew, V, 13). This old usagefingeredon until the close of
the seventeenth century. The new form its developed out of the
old possessive it, which arose in the fourteenth century in the
western Midland dialects and later about 1600 became common
elsewhere. About this time its new genitive form its came into
use, which by reason of its distinctive genitive ending soon gained
favor and supplanted older it and the still older his. The older
form it occurs in the Bible of 1611, and in the original editions of
Shakespeare: 'of it own accord' (Leviticus, X X V , 5, in the editi
of 1611, in the edition of 1660 changed to Us). Its wasfirstused
as an adjective, as in 'The salt has lost iZs savor,' and is now also
sometimes used substantively: 'The children's health is poor
except the baby's and its is perfect.' ' W o m e n take to a thing, any-
thing, and go (= let them go) deep enough, and they're its; they
never, never will get away from it' (A. S. M . Hutchinson, This
Freedom, p. 253).
W e call these forms today adjectives, but they were originally
the genitives of the personal pronouns /, thou, he, etc., most
commonly a possessive genitive, but also often used in other
functions of the genitive. W e can often still feel the old genitive
force: 'his (subjective genitive) love of his (possessive genitive)
children'; 'my (objective genitive) punishment' (punishment of
me). In the case of the double (10 II 1 6) genitive the form is
67 5 a SUBSTANTIVE FORMS OF POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVES 527

still always a genitive: 'that patient wife of yours.' In the

predicate where the subject is not a noun but an indefinite pro-
noun, the form can be only the genitive of the pronoun: 'I don't
want what is yours or anybody else's.' W h e r e a noun is subject,
the predicate m a y be regarded either as a substantive adjective
form or the genitive of a personal pronoun: 'This hat is mine.'
But in such a sentence as ' Yours is the greater treason, for yours
is the treason of friendship' yours cannot possibly be construed
as the genitive of the pronoun, for it is the subject of the sentence.
It would be impossible to construe the construction as elliptical,
as in 'John's is the greater treason, for Ziis is the treason of friend-
ship,' where w e might supply the noun treason after John's and
his. T h e fact that w e cannot supply a noun after yours, mine,
hers shows plainly that the old possessive genitive in all these
cases has become a substantive adjective form, or w e m a y call it
a possessive pronoun, for in fact, according to 2, p. 523, the sub-
stantive form of an adjective is a pronoun. B u t it should be
clearly understood that this pronoun is not the genitive of the old
personal pronoun, but the nominative of the n e w pronoun, formed
from the substantive form of the possessive adjective. Likewise
the possessive genitive of any noun or pronoun which, unaccom-
panied immediately b y a governing noun, points backward or
forward to a preceding or following governing noun, becomes
a substantive possessive adjective, or, in other words, a posses-
sive pronoun, for w e do not n o w here place a noun immediately
after it: ' M y hand is larger than John's.' 'Mary's is a sad fate.'
Compare 5 c, p. 10. E v e n the genitive of the substantive form
of an adjective used as a pronoun can be employed as a posses-
sive pronoun in the nominative or the accusative: 'Both boys
have a good record, but the younger one's is a little better.' 'All
three boys have a good record. I don't k n o w which one's is the
best, but whichever one's is declared the best, it will not be m u c h
better than that of the others.' 'Both John and William have
a good record. I regard the latter's as a little better.' Although
possessive pronouns are freely employed in literary English, they
are little used in Irish English: ' W h o is this book belonging to?'
'It's belonging to m e , Teacher' (Mary H a y d e n and Marcus
Hartog, The Irish Dialect of English) = 'Whose book is this?'
'It is mine, Teacher.' There are no possessive pronouns in
Gaelic; hence in the early M o d e r n English period w h e n the Irish
people were struggling to acquire English, they naturally avoided
this construction, so that it did not become well established in
Ireland.
In older English, mine and thine were used both attributively
528 SUBSTANTIVE FORMS OF POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVES 57 5 a

and substantively. In the twelfth century, they began in attribu-

tive function to lose their -n before consonants: 'min (mine)
arm,' but 'mi (my) fot' (foot). This phonetic distinction dis-
appeared about 1700, so that my, thy were used before vowels as
well as consonants, thus becoming the regular attributive forms:
my arm, my foot. A s the old forms mine, thine had remained in
constant use in substantive function, the differentiation just de-
scribed became established, i.e., my, thy in attributive, mine, thine
in substantive, function. T h e old attributive use of mine, however,
still lingers in the language of affection: 'sister mine,' etc. The
old forms in -r her, our, their were originally felt as the
genitives of the personal pronouns she, we, they, as can still be felt
in ' W e m o u r n their (objective genitive) loss' ( = 'the loss of them').
About 1300 an -s was added to these forms to m a k e the genitive
form more distinctive, her, our, their becoming hers, ours, theirs
A s the old forms, however, continued to be used alongside of the
new, they finally about 1550 became differentiated in function,
as described on page 526. His and its, both originally genitives,
are n o w the only forms which still perform both attributive and
substantive functions. In the dialects in the south of England
and in the Midland, also here and there in America among un-
educated people, w e find instead of the substantive forms his,
hers, ours, yours, theirs the forms hisn, hern, own, yourn, theirn
where an n characterizes the substantive forms after the analogy
of -n in the substantive forms mine and thine. In these sections
and circles w e find also the substantive form whosen instead of
whose: ' If it ain't hisn, then whosen is it?' In America sometimes
also thisn, thatn, thesen, thosen: ' Thisn is better'n thatn.' ' These
are better 'n thosen.' O n the other hand, in the attributive relation
certain British and American dialects employ a personal pronoun
instead of a possessive adjective: 'at us (= our) o w n fireside'
(Lancashire); 'arter we horses' (Gepp, Essex Dialect Dictionary,
p. 131) = after our horses. 'He roll he (= his) eyeballs 'roun'' (Joel
Chandler Harris, Nights with Uncle Remus, p. 69). 'Look, Mar-
garet, thee's (4 II H , last par., and 811 h) tearing the skirt of thee
dress' (American Speech, Jan., 1926, p. 118). Similarly, who for
whose: 'SCIPIO. "I been to de trial." V O I C E . "Who trial?'"
(Edward C. L. A d a m s , Congaree Sketches, p. 4).
In the seventeenth century arose the usage of suffixing one to
the possessive adjectives to form possessive pronouns. This
development has never been strong, and is for the most part
confined to British English: ' W h e n a w o m a n is old . . . but
my one! She's not old' (Trollope, The Duke's Children, 3, 163).
This form, however, becomes indispensable w h e n the possessive
57 5 o SUBSTANTIVE FORMS OF POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVES 529

pronoun is modified by a genitive: 'leaning back in his one of

the two Chippendale armchairs in which they sat' (Juh'ana Ewing,
Jackanapes, 26).
In older English, and sometimes still, when two possessive ad-
jectives or a possessive adjective and a genitive are connected
by and and together modify a noun, thefirstpossessive adjective
has the substantive form: 'I bought them both the same day,
mine and your ticket' (Sydney Smith, Moral Philosophy, 209,
A.D. 1804-1806), n o w usually 'your and my ticket' (or sometimes
tickets) or more commonly and more clearly 'your ticket and
mine'; 'mine and her souls' (Browning, Cristina, VI), n o w usually
'my and her soul' (or sometimes souls) or more commonly and
more clearly' my soul and hers'; ' mine and my husband's fortunes'
(Middleton-Rowley, The Spanish Gipsie, III, 11, 125, A.D. 1661),
now usually 'my and my husband's fortune'(or sometimes for-
tunes), or more commonly and more clearly 'my husband's fortune
and mine.' Sometimes the substantive form cannot be used here
at all: 'her and my mutual dislike.' Compare 10 I 4.
The substantive forms are also used as nouns, indicating a
family, a friend, a circle of friends, property, personal belongings
or deserts, a letter, etc: 'Do no harm to mine, and mine will do
no harm to you.' 'He and his are all well.' ' Yours truly' (at the
close of a letter). 'He doesn't seem to k n o w the distinction be-
tween mine and thine.' 'Everything of wine is at your disposal.'
'Well, little Miss Stuck-up, you got yours at last, didn't you?'
(Floyd Dell, The Mad Ideal, II, Ch. V ) = 'got what was com-
ing to you.' 'I have just received yours (= your letter) of the
eighteenth.'
The idea of possession in the possessive adjectives is often
emphasized by adding the adjective own, both in the attributive
and the substantive relation: 'It is my own book.' 'The book is
my own,' where my is attributive and own the substantive form.
'It had a value all its own.'
In connection with a verb, own preceded by a possessive adjec-
tive often emphasizes the idea of independent action on the part
of the subject: 'She makes her own dresses' = 'She makes her
dresses herself.' 'He rolls his own' (cigarettes). In the predi-
cate after a copula, own preceded by a possessive adjective often
emphasizes the idea of independence on the part of the subject:
T a m my own master.'
Own preceded by a possessive must often be used instead of a
simple possessive to m a k e it clear that the reference is to the
subject, not to some noun standing near the possessive: 'He
seems to love his brother's son more than his own.'
530 SUBSTANTIVE FORMS OF ONE, NO 57 5 h

Own preceded by a possessive adjective is often used as a noun:

'I have a house of my own.' ' M a y I have it for my very own?'
'I can do what I will with my own.' 'He is coming into his own.'
'He is holding his own.' 'In a period of hard struggle it adds to
our strength to feel that our own believe in us.' 'She has a will
of her own.' 'He had reasons of his own for doing it.'
6. S U B S T A N T I V E F O R M S O F ' O N E , ' 'No.' One is used attribu-
tively or substantively without change of form; of course, usually
only in the singular: 'I have only one apple.' ' H o w m a n y apples
have you?' 'I have only one.' Often unstressed with indefinite
force, referring to a noun preceded by the indefinite article: 'Take
an apple.' 'I already have one.' One is used not only with
reference to a noun but also often with reference to a noun and
its modifying descriptive adjective: 'It's m y town. It could
be a mighty good town. It's going to become one' (Oemler,
Slippy McGee, C h . VI). Attributive one often has pronounced
indefinite force: 'I m e t him one night, on one occasion.'
In the substantive relation, indefinite reference is in the singular
expressed by one when it is desired to refer back to a noun that
has just been mentioned, but such is sometimes still as in older
usage employed here: 'He is a friend, and I treat him as one.'
'Two or three low broad steps led to a platform in front of the
altar, or what resembled such' (Scott, Aunt Margaret's Mirror, II),
or n o w more commonly one. A s indefinite one cannot refer back
to an abstract noun or any other noun that does not denote an
individual, person or thing, it is here usually replaced by it, this,
or such: 'I offer you m y cooperation if this will help you.' Sim-
ilarly, as indefinite one usually has no plural, it is replaced here
by they, these, or such: 'I should like to find other examples if
they are to be had.' 'To call for more facts and experiments, if
such are possible' (Geike in Nature, Sept. 19, 1889).
W h e n the reference is not to an individual or individuals in-
dicated by a preceding noun, but to the idea of specific character
or capacity, such is the usual pronoun: 'It is needless to demon-
strate that a poem is such only inasmuch as it intensely excites by
elevating the soul' (Poe, Philosophy of Composition, p. 4). 'A
heroic poem, truly such' (Dryden, Mneid, Dedication). 'He is
a m e m b e r of this organization, and as such he deserves a hearing.'
But one(s) m a y be employed here w h e n the form is used deter-
minatively (58 A ) , pointing to a following clause or phrase: 'Why
not plain white for the walls and no curtains at all, until you can
get ones (or such as) you really do like?' (Mackenzie, Guy and
Pauline, p. 57). 'It is a matter of c o m m o n notoriety that the
habitual drinker, even one who (= such a one as) drinks in modera-
57 5 6 SUBSTANTIVE FORMS OF ONE, NO 531

tion, desires to buy his liquor a drink at a time' (The Christian

Science Monitor, March 29, 1930). Compare 56 A (5th par.)
and Parts of Speech, 7 7 c (3rd par.).
Provided the word is unstressed, the indefinite substantive form
drops out in the predicate relation after the copula 6e, regularly
in the plural, often also in the singular: 'They are members, and
we are too.' 'He is a member, and I a m too' (or 'I a m one too').
But 'They have been friends to us, and such w e want to be to
them.'
Indefinite one is also used as an absolute indefinite pronoun,
i.e., without reference to a noun that has been previously men-
tioned, usually with a genitive in -s; 'He died in 1859, leaving
his property to one A n n D u n c a n ' (i.e., to a certain one, namely,
A n n Duncan, the n a m e standing in apposition with one). 'He
looked like one [who was] dead.' 'One must do one's duty.' T h e
reflexive form is either one's self or oneself, the former, the older
form, after the analogy of a man's better self, one's own self, mysel
(56 D, last and next to last parr.), the latter, the newer form, after
the analogy of himself (56 D , next to last par.), both forms in com-
m o n use in America, while in England the newer form is probably
more c o m m o n than the older: ' O n e should not praise one's self' (or
oneself). Both one's self and oneself, however, are comparativel
recent formations, which do not occur in Shakespeare. In older
English, himself was used here.
The nominative, genitive, dative, accusative corresponding to
indefinite one in present-day English are one, one's, one, one,
but the older forms he, his, him, him still linger on: 'One never
realizes one's blessings while one enjoys them.' 'One hates one's
enemies and loves one's friends.' 'In life one only notices what
interests one' (but in Galsworthy's Patrician, p. 48, w e find here
him as in older English). 'Vulgar habit that is people have nowa-
days of asking one, after one has given them an idea, whether one
is serious or not' (Oscar Wilde, A Woman of No Importance,
Act I). B u t he, his, him correspond to the numeral one, to one
. . . another, and to no one, someone, everyone, anyone: 'One of
these m e n hates his enemies.' 'One hates his enemies and another
forgives his.' 'If someone (or anyone) should lose his purse, he
should apply to the Lost Property Office.' Similarly, the reflexive
object one's self, or oneself, corresponds to the indefinite subject
one, while himself corresponds to the numeral one, to one . . .
another, and to no one, someone, everyone, anyone: 'One cannot
interest one's self in everything,' but 'One of the boys fell and
hurt himself and 'No one can interest himself in everything.'
W e often, however, hear himself instead of one's self or oneself,
532 SUBSTANTIVE FORMS OF ONE, NO 67 5 6

as in older English: 'One might fall and hurt himself.' In careless

expression w e often find here even in good authors a plural form
corresponding to one: 'As though one went to tea with a w o m a n
for the sake of talking about the very things you ( = one) have
been doing all day' (Mrs. W a r d , Sir George Tressady, I, Ch. V).
' One must be on their (= one's) guard against bargains that are
worthless' (Rev. E . J. Hardy, How to Be Happy Though Married,
Ch. XII, 128).
T h e substantive form of attributive no is none: 'Lend m e your
pencil.' 'I have none,' or 'I haven't any.' 'Of all the crimes
committed by Englishmen none is so hideous as this.' 'None of
the books is (or are)fitto read,' or to convey emphasis w e replace
none in the singular by not one but retain it in the plural: 'Not
one of the books isfitto read,' but 'None of the books arefitto
read.' ' I have no fear, if you have none.' ' Where are the apples?'
'There are none.' 'Give m e another pen!' 'I have no other,'
where no is attributive and other the substantive form. In answer
to the question 'Have you four-bladed knives?' it was once
c o m m o n to say ' W e have no such,' where no is attributive and
such the substantive form. Today the answer in rather choice
language is ' W e have none such,' where none is the substantive
form and such a predicate adjective, none such thus having the
force of none that are of that kind. T h e more c o m m o n answer is
' W e haven't any of that kind' (or sort).
In older English, emphatic not a one is often used instead of
not one, and this older usage survives in colloquial speech: 'There's
not a one of them but in his house I keep a servant fee'd' (Shake-
speare, Macbeth, III, iv, 131). After the analogy of not a boy,
etc., w e say not a one: 'There isn'Z a boy absent, no, not a one.'
Similarly, never a one is still sometimes used instead of never one:
'I have sung m a n y songs, But nfoer a one so gay' (Tennyson,
Poet's Song, 19). In popular speech, in England and America,
the contraction nary (i.e., ne'er a from never a) is common, often
with a repetition of a, as it is not felt in the contraction: 'Ask
others for a loan. You'll get nary one (or nary a one, or nary red
[cent], or nary a red) from me.'
T h e two forms no and none come from the Old English singular
form nan = ne + an, i.e., not one, ne being the old negative and
an the form corresponding to modern one. In Old English, the
form nan was used both attributively and substantively; in
attributive function standing either before a noun beginning with
a vowel or one beginning with a consonant. Later, as in the case
of the possessives in a, there arose two attributive forms, no
before consonants, as in no good, and none before a vowel, as in
57 5 c SUBSTANTIVE FORMS OF OTHER 533

to none effect (More, Utopia, 87). Later, about 1600, no became

established as the attributive form in all positions, i.e., before a
vowel or a consonant, while none remained in the substantive
relation, the differentiation described on the preceding page. Older
usage still lingers on before other: ' O n these terms it shall be, and
upon none others' (Allen, The Woman Who Did, 57), n o w usually
no others, as explained on page 532.
The form none is used in older English, and sometimes still in
choice language, also as an indefinite pronoun referring to one per-
son. Today it is more c o m m o n to use no one for one person and
none for more than one: 'No one (or nobody) gave him anything.'
'None are so deaf as those that will not hear.'
None is used also as a neuter pronoun with the force of not
any: 'It is none of m y business.' 'None of your cheek, please!'
'None of your tricks!' Just as the adverbial accusative of the
neuter pronoun nought has developed into the negative not, so
has the adverbial accusative of the neuter pronoun none developed
the force of a negative with m u c h the same meaning as an emphatic
not: ' I a m none the less obliged to you.' ' I was none too sure of it.'
c. S U B S T A N T I V E F O R M S O F ' O T H E R . ' T h e form remains un-
changed in the singular and takes -s in the plural, or to emphasize
the idea of individual units the form with one or ones m a y be
used: 'this book and the other, another, one other, no other'; 't
book and two others, the others, several others'; 'these books and
others.' 'These apples are larger and more beautiful than the
other ones.' In older English, there was in the simple form no
plural ending as a result of the disappearance of the ending which
originally was found here: 'Some seeds fell by the wayside. . . .
But other fell into good ground' (Matthew, XIII, 4-8). This old
plural without an ending is still often found alongside of the more
common n e w plural others when the noun or pronoun to which it
refers follows it: 'many others (or other) of the m e n and w o m e n I
met last night,' but always 'this book and others of the same kind,'
since the noun to which it refers precedes it. T h e old endingless
form is still, however, the rule before than wherever the noun to
which it refers follows it, for it is here used not substantively but
attributively: 'I have never heard other than laudable things said
of him.' The other before than is also often not a substantive form
but an ordinary predicate adjective: 'These precepts lighted her
to conclusions [which were] quite other than those at which he
had arrived himself.' 'I would not have m y boys other (objective
predicate) than they are.'
In appositive function w e often use after pronouns the adverb
else instead of other: w h o eZse; somebody eZse; anybody eZse;
534 ADJECTIVES AND PARTICIPLES USED AS NOUNS 58

no one else; nothing else, etc.; genitive: w h o eZse's (or whose

eZse); somebody eZse's; anybody else's; no one eZse's. Thus eZse
here n o w usually forms a compound with the preceding pronoun.
Compare Accidence, 40 and 41.
Other is used also as a pronoun: 'He and another, no other';
'they and two others, no others.' 'The thief was no (or in choice
language still sometimes none) other than his o w n son.' 'They
rode for miles in silence, each knowing what was passing in the
other's mind.' 'What understanding of others' pains she had!'
'Nor could his private friends do other (anything else) than mourn-
fully acquiesce.' 'He spoke n o more and no other (once more
c o m m o n , n o w usually replaced b y nothing else) than he felt'
(A. Hope, Rupert of Hentzau, 153). T h e accusative of the pro-
noun other was once used adverbially with the force of otherwise
and this older usage still fingers. Compare Accidence, 42 c (4th
par. from end).
W h e n other refers to a plural subject, it is used in connection
with each or one to indicate a reciprocal relation, each other (with
reference to two, or often two or more), one another (sometimes
with reference to two, usually, however, to more than two):
'These two never weary of each other,' or in genitive form 'each
other's company.' 'The three gentlemen looked at one another
with blank faces,' or in genitive form 'The three never weary of
one another's company.'

ADJECTIVES AND PARTICIPLES

USED AS NOUNS
58. In English more easily than in most languages a word can
be converted, i.e., m a d e into another part of speech. This usually
takes place without any modification whatever, except, of course,
the necessary change of inflection. T h u s the noun eye is converted
into a verb by merely giving it verbal inflection: 'They eyed the
prisoners with curiosity.' A s adjectives are n o w always unin-
flected, the conversion of nouns, adverbs, phrases, and sentences
into adjectives is very easy. Compare 10 I 2. O n the other hand,
the conversion of adjectives into nouns is more difficult and ir-
regular. In Old English, adjectives, converted into nouns, often
retained their old adjective form. In m a n y cases this old usage
survived even after the adjective endings had disappeared; in
other cases the loss of the adjective endings brought about new
forms of expression. T h e breakdown of the adjective inflection
at the close of the Middle English period forced the English people,
w h o are fond of short-cuts in language, to do something contrary
 58 ADJECTIVES AND PARTICIPLES USED AS NOUNS 535

to their nature to go a roundabout w a y to express themselves.

If w e n o w say the good it can only m e a n that which is good, but in
older English, according to the form of article, it could m e a n the
good man, the good woman, the good thing. W e n o w regularly use
man, woman, and thing here, but there are numerous individual
survivals of the older use of the simple adjective where the situa-
tion of itself without the help of the form of article or adjective
makes the thought clear. Of persons: the deceased; the dear
departed; m y intended; the accused; the condemned; a lover
clasping his fairest; m y dearest (in direct address), etc. In a few
cases a modern genitive form has been created: the Almighty's
strong arm; her betrothed's sudden death, etc. A number have
a genitive singular in -s and a plural in -s, since they have become
established as regular nouns: a savage, genitive a savage's, plural
savages. Similarly, native, equal, superior, private, male, three
year-old, grown-up, Christian, criminal, etc. 'She is such a silly!
'They are such sillies!'
Alongside of modern plurals here in -s are a number of older
plurals without an ending, which are the reduced forms of still
older inflected forms: m y own (i.e., m y kindred); the rich; the
poor; the really (adverb) poor; the seriously (adverb) wounded;
the worst (adverb) wounded; the living and the dead; the blind;
our wounded; 2000 homeless poor; a n e w host of workless walking
the streets; four other accused; 2000 killed and wounded; rich
and poor; old and young; big and little. These nouns usually have
no case ending throughout the plural, taking the modern forms of
inflection: the wounded; gave food and drink to the wounded;
the friends of the wounded. T h e s-genitive is rare: 'Always just
the pausing of folks for the bit of offhand chat and then the
hurrying away to their o w n dinner bells and their own's voices,
calling' (Fannie Hurst, 'White Apes,' in Forum for March, 1924,
p. 290).
These nouns without an ending in the plural have been pre-
served because in the competition between the old and the n e w
plural in older English they became differentiated in meaning.
They acquired collective force: 'The poor of our city,' but 'the
two poor men entering the gate'; ' the state of the heathen and their
hope of salvation,' but 'Smith and Jones are regular heathens.'
O n account of the lack of a plural ending the old uninflected plural,
however, is usually ambiguous, so that w e often cannot use it
at all. W e m a y say 'the poor of the South,' but w e must say 'the
blacks (or the black people) of the South,' for the black n o w suggests
a singular idea since it is sometimes used in the singular, thus
now being felt as a noun: '"Fetch a light," she said to the black
536 ADJECTIVES AND PARTICIPLES USED AS NOUNS 58

who opened for us' (S. Weir Mitchell, Hugh Wynne, Ch. X X V I I ) .
W e say also 'the whites of the South.' T h e old form is thus in
quite limited use. A pastor might say to his congregation 'I urge
old and young,' but he could not say 'I desire to meet after our
service the young.' H e would say the young people. But we
say 'a picture of a willow-wren feeding its young' (or young ones).
In a broad sense the young is used also of h u m a n beings: 'Men
rode up every minute and joined us, while from each village the
adventurous young ran afoot to enter our ranks' (T. E. Lawrence,
Revolt in the Desert, p. 303).
Since the names of some peoples have been m a d e from adjectives,
as the English, the French, the old uninflected adjective plural has
become productive here, and is n o w used with m a n y names of
peoples: the Swiss (in older English Swisses), Portuguese (in
older English Portugueses), Japanese, Chinese, etc. W e sometimes
use the same form for the singular just as w e use 'the deceased'
for the singular, but w e avoid these singulars since w e feel these
forms as plurals and prefer to say 'a Portuguese gentleman, lady,'
etc. In Chinaman, plural Chinamen or Chinese, we have, for
singular and plural, forms which m a y become established. The
singular Chinee, a back-formation from the plural Chinese, is
c o m m o n in a derogatory sense. W e usually say 'three, four
Chinamen,' but '10,000 Chinese, the Chinese' (not the Chinamen,
although in a narrow sense w e m a y say ' the Chinamen sitting on
the bench yonder'). T h e uninflected plural is especially common
with the names of uncivilized or less civilized peoples: the Iro-
quois, Navaho, Hupa, Ojibwa, Omaha, Blackfoot, Duala, Bantu,
Swahili, etc. Here the same form is freely used also as a singular:
a Blackfoot, etc. W e say the English, French or Englishmen, French-
men, but in the singular only Englishman, Frenchman. M a n y
other words, however, m a y assume the new, more serviceable,
type with the genitive singular and the plural in -s; a German,
a German's, the Germans; an American, an American's, the
Americans; a Zulu, a Zulu's, the Zulus; and even m a n y of those
given above with uninflected plural: an Omaha, an Omaha's,
the Omahas. T h e plural of Blackfoot is often Blackfeet.
In some cases w e m a k e nouns out of the substantive form (57 1),
i.e., the one-form: the Crucified One; the Evil One. 'He is a
queer one.' M y dear ones; our ZiZfZe ones; m y loved ones; the
great ones of earth, etc.
In a few cases nouns m a d e from adjectives m a y drop the article
as in older English: ' M y good lady m a d e m e proud as proud can
be' (Richardson, Pamela, III, 241). 'Eleven years old does this
sort of thing very easily' (De Morgan, Joseph Vance, Ch. X V ) .
58 ADJECTIVES AND PARTICIPLES USED AS NOUNS 537

'Sweet Seventeen is given to day-dreams.' 'Slow and steady wins

the race.' 'For 'tis the eternal law Thatfirstin beauty should be
first in might' (Keats, Hyperion, II, 228). 'First come, first
served.' 'First come,firstin.' In plain prose an article is usually
placed before the noun: 'He is strong for an eleven-year-old.' 'I
was thefirstone served.' ' W e were thefirstones served.'
Nouns m a d e from adjectives often denote lifeless things, usually
with a meaning more or less general or indefinite. They are
usually preceded by the definite article or some other limiting
adjective: the present (= the present time); the beautiful; the sub
lime. 'You ask the impossible.' 'He did his best' A s such forms,
though n o w employed as nouns, were originally adjectives, they
still are often, like adjectives, modified b y adverbs: the genuinely
lovable; the relatively unknown, etc. There are still m a n y neuter
nouns m a d e from adjectives, but in older English, the tendency
to use them was stronger than today. A number of these nouns
have since been replaced b y other words: 'Let m e enjoy m y
private' (Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, III, II, 99), n o w privacy.
'Whereat a sudden paZe (now paleness) . . . Usurps her cheeks'
(id., Venus and Adonis, 589).
While the neuter nouns m a d e from adjectives n o w usually have
the definite article or some other limiting adjective before them,
we still not infrequently find the older articleless form, especially
in the case of two adjectives connected b y and: 'I can spy
already a strain of hard and headstrong in him' (Tennyson).
'That is good, but there is 6eZZer to follow.' 'There is worse
ahead.'
The modified or unmodified form has become fixed in m a n y
set expressions: in the dark; after dark; through thick and thin;
from grave to gay; to keep to the right; to go to the bad; to go from
bad to worse; to m a k e short of long; the long and the short of it;
before long. 'After frequent interchange of foul and fair' (Tenny-
son, Enoch Arden, 529). 'The police came u p to see fair between
both sides' (London Daily News, M a r c h 11, 1891).
A large number of neuters have become concrete nouns: Ger-
man; Luther's German; the German of the present time; m y
German; a daily (paper), plural dailies; a weekly, plural weeklies;
the white of an egg, the whites of eggs. 'What is the good of
lying?' 'It is no good trying to conceal it,' but the plural goods
has a m u c h more concrete meaning. A large number are em-
ployed only in the plural: greens, woolens, tights, necessaries, mov
ables, valuables, the Rockies, etc.
Most of the adjectives used as nouns in the examples given
above are descriptive adjectives, but also some limiting adjectives
538 ADJECTIVES AND PARTICIPLES USED AS NOUNS 58

are used as nouns: 'He has lost his all.' 'He and his (57 5 a)
are all well.' 'I wrote you the details in m y last' (= last letter).
'He was successful from thefirst'(= the beginning). Proper
adjectives are limiting adjectives. They can, of course, be used
also as nouns: a German; a German's; the Germans, etc. The use
of these adjectives as nouns is treated on page 536.
 CHAPTER XXVI

NUMBER IN NOUNS
PAGE
COLLECTIVE N O U N S 539
PLUKAL U S E D AS SINGULAR 540
PLURAL N O U N S W I T H F O R M OP SINGULAR 541
N A M E S OF MATERIALS 542
ABSTRACT N O U N S 543
N O U N S WITHOUT A SINGULAR 543
PLURAL OF 'KIND,' 'SORT,' ' M A N N E R ' 544
PLURAL OF TITLES 547
59. There is often a conflict between form and meaning. A
singular form is often plural in meaning and a plural often singular.
A form that is a plural in one generation may be interpreted as a
singular by the next. Thus there arise certain difficulties in the
use of the plural. Some of the more common or more peculiar are
treated here.
1. Collective Nouns. While in general the singular denotes
one and the plural more than one, in certain cases the opposite
may be true, namely, that one denotes many and many one. A
group of persons or things may be felt as a unit, a whole: the
gentry; the army; the navy; the cavalry; the infantry; the p
the public; fruit; poultry; a dozen; a score; a myriad; th
worthiness of the English craft, etc. 'Poultry is high here.' For
the number of the verb see 8 I 1 d. In spite of the singular form
here the idea of a plurality, a number of individuals, is so strong
that we not infrequentlyfindbefore these collective nouns a limit-
ing adjective plural in form or meaning: 'the hostile feelings with
which the child regarded all these offspring of her own heart and
mind' (Hawthorne, The Scarlet Letter, 104); 'many gentry' (Bar
The Little Minister, 268); 'eighty clergy' (Caine, The Christ
p. 266); '80,000 cattle.' 'Some few infantry were doubling out
the defence position' (T. E. Lawrence, Revolt in the Desert, p. 2
'About a dozen fruit are setting, of which at least half will ripen
Such nouns when used as subject quite commonly require a plural
verb, as in the last two examples. See also 8 I 1 d.
With a number of words there are two forms, a singular to ex-
press the idea of oneness, a distinct type, and a plural to indicate
different individuals or varieties within a group or type: 'an abun-
539
540 PLURAL NOUNS AS SINGULAR 69 2

dance of good fruit, of good grain,' but 'the fruits and grains o
Europe'; 'peasant folk, gentlefolk,' but more commonly folks
where the idea of individuals is prominent: 'young folks, old
folks.' 'It is bedtime for folks w h o want to get up early in the
morning.' 'His folks are rich.' ' W h y should I expose myself to
the shot of the enemy?' but ' T w o shots hit the mast.' ' W e have
just enough shell for one more attack' (Sir Ian Hamilton, Gallipoli
Diary, p. 340), but ' T w o more shells exploded not far away.'
'The one half of his brain,' but 'He blew out his brains' and 'Per-
haps I haven't brains (intellectual powers) enough to understand
metaphysics.' T o indicate the idea of separate units w e often use
another word in plural form in connection with the collective
noun: 'our cattle,' but 'forty head of cattle'; 'the furniture of ou
room,' but 'three pieces of furniture.' In a few cases the collective
singular is used also as a plural: 'the English people' (collective
singular) and ' M a n y good people (plural) believe this.' 'The
cannon (collective singular) were still thundering at intervals'
(J. T. Trowbridge, The Drummer Boy, Ch. X X I I I ) and 'she did
not seem aware of the gallant figure standing between the two
little bright brass cannon' (plural) (Tarkington, Mirthful Haven,
Ch. I). Sometimes the plural expresses a part of a whole, hence
has less extensive meaning than the singular: 'She has gray hairs'
indicating a smaller number than 'She has gray hair.'
Of course, a collective noun can always take plural form to in-
dicate different groups of the same kind: 'the army of France,'
but 'the armies of Europe'; 'the English people,' but 'the peoples
of Europe.'
2. Plural Used as Singular. A number of individual things
expressed by the plural form of the noun m a y acquire a oneness
of meaning, so that in spite of the plural form w e use the noun
as a singular: pains (8 I 2 / ) ; means (8 1 2 / ) ; news ( 8 1 2 / ) ;
tidings ( 8 1 2 / ) ; amends (a singular or a plural); barracks (some-
times a singular, usually a plural); Zinfcs (sometimes a singular,
usually a plural); stamina (Latin plural used as a singular); odds
(used as a singular in the meaning of difference; elsewhere a plural;
see 8 1 2 / ) ; works (usually a plural, but often, especially in Eng-
land, a singular in a gasworks, an ironworks, etc., where Americans
often prefer plant, as it can form a plural: a gas plant, gas plants,
etc.); smallpox (for smallpocks, the singular still preserved in
pockmarks); measles; mumps; lazybones; sobersides; gallows;
innings, the usual British singular and plural, but in America the
singular is inning and the plural innings except in such figurative
expressions as "The Democrats n o w have their innings' (singular)
and 'It is your innings (singular = opportunity) now'; a bellows
59 3 PLURAL NOUNS WITH FORM OF SINGULAR 541

(or more commonly a pair of bellows); the bellows (plural, some-

times singular: 'The bellows need sometimes needs mend-
ing '); two bellows (or more commonly two pairs of bellows); a rather
uncomfortable ten minutes; another two weeks; everyfiveminutes;
everyfivemiles. 'Their (i.e., the rivers') confluence was above the
town a good two miles' (Owen Wister, The Virginian, Ch. X X X V ) .
W e say 'desirous of seeing another United States than that of today'
and feel the n a m e of our country often as singular in m a n y other
expressions, while in others the plural idea is more natural to us,
as in these United States, etc. T h e names of sciences in -ics (the
singular form in -4c still found in arithmetic, magic, music, rhetoric)
as in mathematics (comprising the various branches of this subject),
physics, etc., are, in spite of their plural form, n o w usually felt as
singulars; while the names of practical matters, as gymnastics,
athletics, politics, tactics, etc., are n o w usually felt as plurals. S
8 1 2 / . In older English, a number of plurals could be treated as
singulars preceded by much w h e n the idea of quantity or mass was
present: 'much (now many) goods' (Luke, XII, 19); 'much (now
many) people' (AcZs, X I , 26). Older 'Much oats is grown here' is
now replaced by 'Large quantities of (or in colloquial speech lots of)
oats are grown here.' O n the other hand, there are a number of old
plurals n o w regarded as singulars. W e treat such plurals as Des
Moines, Athens, Brussels, etc., as singulars, since w e do not feel
them as plurals; but certain other proper names w e treat as plurals,
since w e still feel the plural form: 'Kew Gardens, which have be-
come famous throughout the world' (Ferrars, Rambles through
London Streets, p. 83).
3. Plural N o u n s with F o r m of Singular. T h e Old English plural
of neuters had a form like the singular, as still preserved in 'one
sheep, two sheep.' Shakespeare still sometimes used the old plural
horse: 'I did hear T h e galloping of Ziorse' (Macbeth, IV, i, 140),
now horses. T h e old plural horse survives only in the sense of
cavalry: ' the enemy's horse.' W h e n the n e w plural in -s came into
use the old plural lingered for a while andfinallybecame in a n u m -
ber of cases differentiated in meaning, so that this type has been
preserved and has even become productive, influencing other
words. T h e plural in -s is applied to words taken separately; the
one that takes no plural ending, in accordance with its apparently
singular form, is, in a few expressions, once more numerous, in-
vested with collective force to express weight and measure, es-
pecially in British English and in popular American English: 15
pound; a few ton; a few hundredweight (in universal use) of coal;
five 6race of birds; ten gross (in universal use) of buttons; a gross =
twelve dozen (thought of as a mass; in this sense in universal use);
542 NAMES OF MATERIALS 69 4 a

often forty head of poultry, cattle; ten yoke of oxen; three score a
ten; a couple of year (dialect in mountains of Kentucky). W e
often hear 'He is not more thanfivefoot ten.' 'I should say that
three pound ten were plenty.' In older English, the plural pair was
used in the literary language, but today the literary plural is
pairs, the form pair surviving as plural only in colloquial and
popular speech. In older English, the plural sail (= ship) was
c o m m o n : 'afleetof thirty sail' ( H u m e , History, III, p. 448).
O n the other hand, in the case of gregarious animals, where the
idea of separate individuals is not pronounced, the plurals without
-s are still c o m m o n , even increasing. W e n o w regularly say ' a herd
of deer'; 'two carp'; 'two perch'; 'a string offish';'a boatload of
fish'; 'I caught sixfish.'Vermin is n o w used so m u c h as a plural
that it has become rare as a singular. T h e singular form is widely
employed by hunters of g a m e also as a plural: to hunt pig (but to
raise pigs); kill duck (but raise ducks); a jungle abandoned to
water fowl (but the fowls have gone to roost). 'I shot two elk and
some antelope' (Theodore Roosevelt, Letter to Henry Cabot Lodge,
June 19, 1886). 'There was plenty of lion about this camp, but
few buffalo' (Mary Hastings Bradley, Caravans and Cannibals, IX,
A.D. 1925). 'Very soon the little dog treed a flock of partridge'
(E. T. Seton, Rolf in the Woods, Ch. X X X I ) . In older English,
the idea of separate individuals was still firm in a number of cases:
'five loaves and t w ofishes'(Matthew, X I V , 17). ' W e ate the
carps' (Swift). 'A dish of trouts' (Macaulay, History of England,
I, Ch. III). W e still say crabs, lobsters, oysters, eels, sharks, wh
etc. Usage here is very capricious.
T h e plural without -s, so c o m m o n in nouns representing animal
life, is sometimes found also in nouns representing plant life, as
also here the idea of separate individuals is sometimes not pro-
nounced : ' T h e crowd had destroyed m y pleasure in Azrak, and I
went off d o w n the valley to our remote Ain el Essad, and lay there
all day in m y old lair a m o n g the tamarisk' (T. E . Lawrence, Revolt
in the Desert, p. 268). 'In spring and early summer, daffodils,
primroses, bluebells, honeysuckle, cowslips, are seen on every side'
(Calendar of Historic and Important Events, A.D. 1930, p. 41).
T h e noun ski often has the same form for the plural when the
plural idea is not prominent: ' W e traveled on ski,' but 'Two
broken skis were lying on the ground.'
4. N a m e s of Materials. N a m e s of materials do not from their
very nature admit of a plural in the usual sense: wine, gold, copper,
silver, etc.
a. T h e plural is often used to indicate different species, varieties,
or grades of the same thing: French wines, Rhine wines, etc. An-
69 6 NOUNS WITHOUT A SINGULAR 543
other word in plural form is often used in connection with the
material to indicate different varieties: different teas or sorts of tea.
6. T h e plural often denotes definite portions of the material:
'He washed his hair' (mass), but 'The very hairs of your head are
numbered.' ' M y father is sowing turnip-seed (in mass) in the
garden,' but' There are 100 seeds in this packet.' ' W e are carrying
afineline (or stock) of linens.' ' Silks and satins put out the kitchen
fire' (proverb). A glass (drinking utensil), plural glasses; a copper
(coin), plural coppers; iron (for ironing), plural irons, etc.
5. Abstract Nouns. Abstract nouns do not admit of a plural
as a rule: beauty; the beautiful; liberty; disease, etc.
a. They have a plural w h e n they assume concrete force by
representing concrete objects, or b y indicating a n u m b e r of kinds
or distinct actions or concrete manifestations: writing (in the ab-
stract) without a plural; writing in the sense of book, work, plural
writings; thus also beauties (of nature); liberties; diseases. ' Hop
suspicions are entertained.' In words likefilings,sweepings, we
have plurals indicating the concrete results of the abstract actions
filing, sweeping.
6. T h e plural of abstract nouns sometimes expresses a part of a
whole, hence has less extensive meaning than the singular: 'truth
broader than truths.' 'There are a n u m b e r of pronounced suc-
cesses to his credit, but he has not as yet attained to full success.'
'She possessed certain perfectly definite beauties, like her hair'
(Edwin Balmer, The Breath of Scandal, C h . II). 'No, it wasn't
their manners that bewildered m e , but their manner' (Lewis
Browne, The American Magazine, Jan., 1929, p. 7). 'The facts in
the case are clear,' but 'In our scientific libraries are vast stores
of fact.'
Sometimes both singular and plural have abstract force but
different shades of abstract meaning: 'He had nerve but no nerves'
(Walter Noble Burns, The Saga of Billy the Kid, C h . V ) = 'He
had physical courage but no nervousness.'
c. A number of abstract nouns cannot form a plural in the usual
way, but with the help of another noun in plural form can convey
the idea of a number of concrete manifestations of the abstract
idea: gratitude, expressions of gratitude; fortune, pieces, or strok
of fortune; death, deaths, or cases of death.
6. N o u n s without a Singular. S o m e words occur only in the
plural since the things represented are never simple in their make-
up, so that the plural idea is uppermost in our minds: the Alps,
annals, ashes (from the furnace, stove), athletics, bellows, billiard
the Cyclades, the Dardanelles, dregs, eaves ( 8 1 2 / ) , entrails, good
lees, the Netherlands, nuptials, oats, obsequies, pincers, proceeds,
544 PLURAL OF KIND, SORT, MANNER 59 7

Pyrenees, riches, scales (for weighing), scissors, shears, specta

(eyeglasses), stocks (timbers on which a ship rests during construc-
tion), suds, tweezers, tongs, trousers, victuals, vitals, etc. T h e
contents is the usual form of the word, as in the contents of a purse,
a drawer, a barrel, a book. But the singular is sometimes used in
abstract meanings, holding capacity, substance as opposed to form,
sum of inner qualities: ' Gaugers glance at a barrel to tell its con-
tent.' 'In this course on English literature w e shall turn our atten-
tion, not only to structure, but also to the content of what is read.'
' M a n y judge a book b y its ethical content.' Usually w e say, 'the
scissors, pincers, etc., are on the table,' but the singular form of the
verb is sometimes used where the tool is thought of as a unit:
'There is a scissors, pincers, etc., on the table,' or in careful lan-
guage m u c h more commonly 'There is a pair of scissors, pincers,
etc., on the table.'
7. Plural of 'Kind,' 'Sort,' 'Manner.' W h e n the reference is
to more kinds than one, w e employ the plural here: 'There are
m a n y kinds of apples.' In older English, manner often seemingly
had no distinctively plural form. In certain expressions it seem-
ingly still has a plural like the singular: ' W e played all manner of
games.' T h e explanation is that all here retains the old meaning
of every, so that this example really means ' W e played every kind
of game.' Thus the form manner here is really a singular.
W h e r e the reference is to only one kind, w e often hear the singu-
lar form kind after the plural limiting adjectives these, those:
'these kind of apples' = 'apples of this kind.' In all such expres-
sions kind has the force of a genitive dependent upon a governing
noun. A t the close of the Old English period the genitive was still
always used here. T h e genitive form employed was cynnes, the
Old English equivalent of of kind, but as an s-genitive it always
stood before the governing noun: 'alles cynnes deor' = 'animals
of every kind.' Later cynnes lost its genitive ending, becoming
kin: 'al kin deer' = 'animals of every kind.' T h e loss of the geni-
tive ending obscured the grammatical relations. A t this point of
the development kin was replaced by kind. T h e n e w form was
construed as the governing noun, and there was placed after it a
dependent o/-genitive: 'al kynde offisshis'(Matthew, XIII, 48,
Purvey ed., A.D. 1388) = 'every kind of fish.' This construction
has become established in the language. Today, however, we
prefer to place the dependent genitive in the generic singular in-
stead of the plural, as in this example from the fourteenth century:
'this kind of shoe,' 'this kind of boy.' 'What kind of cherry tree
flourishes best in this region?' ' W h a t kinds of cherryflourishbest
in this region?' B u t the old plural is still used where the idea of
59 7 PLURAL OF KIND, SORT, MANNER 545
number is prominent: 'Our hills are covered with this kind of
trees.' ' W h a t kind of trees are those?' ' H o w do you like this kind
of people ?' Though the n e w construction became established in
the literary language of the Middle English period, the feeling for
the older was not lost. M a n y felt kind as an adjective element
modifying the following noun. Its predecessor kin was such an
adjective element. M a n y felt kind as assuming the function of
kin. They were not disturbed by the of that followed kind in the
new construction. They even accepted the of and joined it to
kind, treating kind of as a compound adjective. This is a blending
of the old kin construction with the n e w kind of construction.
W h e n kind of, sort of, etc., came to be felt as attributive adjectives
standing before a noun, it followed as a matter of course that the
inflected demonstrative before them was regulated in number by
the governing noun, also the verb if the governing noun was sub-
ject: ' This kind of man annoys me,' but' These kind of men annoy
me.' In both examples the reference is to only one kind: 'a m a n
of this kind,'' m e n of this kind.' In older English, this construction
is used also where the reference is to more kinds than one: 'To
some kind (now kinds) of m e n Their graces serve them but as ene-
mies' (Shakespeare, A s You Like It, II, m , 10). W h e r e the refer-
ence is to only one kind, the construction of kind of as an adjective
has always had a wider currency than where the reference is to
different kinds. In early M o d e r n English, it was still commonly
used by good authors: 'these kind of people' (Sir Philip Sidney,
Trewnesse of the Christian Religion, Ch. I, A.D. 1587) = 'people of
this kind'; 'these kind of knaves' (Shakespeare, King Lear, II, u,
107) = 'knaves of this kind.' A t the present time this construc-
tion is still used in England in colloquial speech: 'these ingenious
sort of m e n ' (H. G. Wells, Twelve Stories and a Dream, p. 116).
In America it is n o w largely confined to popular speech.
Preceded by a the expression kind of expresses a certain approach
to something: 'He is a kind of stockbroker.' 'I feel a kind of
sympathy for him.' This kind of is often used in colloquial speech
as an adverb with the force of 'to a certain extent': 'I kind of ex-
pect it.' Sort of has the same meaning: 'If I were you, I would
hunt him u p and sort of get in touch with him.' T h e attributive
genitive of a kind has quite a different meaning. It expresses con-
tempt: ' W e had coffee of a kind.'
In choice language the original genitive construction discussed on
page 544 is still well preserved, now, of course, in its modern form
with of following its governing noun, since with names of things w e
no longer freely use an s-genitive before the governing noun; 'an
apple of this kind'; 'apples of this kind'; 'people of this kind.'
546 PLURAL OF KIND, SORT, MANNER 69 7

This literary construction, however, still seems a little strange to

us, since the word-order is different from the old familiar word-
order. This has led to such expressions as 'this kind of people';
'this kind of apples.' This type of expression preserves the old
order, but w h e n the noun becomes subject w e see by the singular
form of the verb that the construction is not the old type, but a
curious mixture of the old and the new: 'Apples of this kind are
highly prized,' or with the old word-order 'This kind of apples is
highly prized.' T h e latter type of expression has been in use for
centuries. In the second paragraph (p. 544) the history of the con-
struction is given and an example is cited from the fourteenth
century. Sort has followed the same pattern: ' I k n o w that sorte of
m e n ryght well' (Daus, Sleidan's Commentarii, 63, A.D. 1560). As
can be seen, however, by the example from Shakespeare's King
Lear, given on page 545, the use of the plural form those or these
here before sorte would not have been contrary to the literary stand-
ard of that time. Both forms that and those were in use, with
the verb in the singular or plural if the noun was subject. In British
speech the three types are still used: ' M e n of that sort are highly
prized.' ' Those sort of m e n are highly prized.' ' That sort of m e n
is highly prized.' In America the second type is avoided.
Where there is a reference to more than one in the dependent
genitive, w e now, as mentioned on page 544, prefer the generic sin-
gular, with its abstract general force, to the concrete plural, which,
however, in older English was the usual form: 'They do not seem
to be the kind (sort) of horse (or horses) to stand m u c h knocking
about.' 'An apple-tree on Luther Burbank's Sebastopol Farm,
where, w h e n this picture was taken, 526 varieties of apple were
ripening' (The Saturday Evening Post, April 24, 1926, p. 29).
Where the abstract idea is prominent, w e do not use the plural at
all, as an abstract idea demands singular form: 'You are the kind
(sort) of man I want.' 'He is a kind of fool.' For m a n y centuries
there has been a tendency here in the singular to place the in-
definite article a before the noun following kind of, sort of, and in
older English also manner of to give it abstract general force:
'Cokodrilles (crocodiles), bat is, a manner of a long serpent'
(Mandeville, Travels, fourteenth century, M S . Cotton, A.D. 1410-
1420); 'a kind of a knave' (Shakespeare, The Two Gentlemen of
Verona, III, I, 262); 'a very good sort of a fellow' (Fielding,
Tom Jones). This usage is still c o m m o n in colloquial speech, but
it has not become established in the literary language.
In Middle English, manner, like kin, w a s employed as an un-
inflected genitive preceding the governing noun. This usage still
lingered in early M o d e r n English: 'to give notice that no man-
 69 8 a PLURAL OF TITLES 547
ner person H a v e any time recourse unto the princess' (Shake-
speare, Richard the Third, III, v, 108). Gradually manner was re-
placed by manner of and had the meaning and the constructions of
kind of, which have been described on page 546. In modern usage
manner of has been largely replaced by kind of, sort of. T h e words
manner, type, and class, similar to kind in meaning and hence in-
fluenced by it, have in the singular the same construction when the
dependent genitive has abstract force: 'It enabled him to show
what manner of m a n he was' (Macaulay, History, III, Ch. V ) .
Where the reference is to more than one and the plural idea is
strong, m a n y still employ plural form here: ' M a r y and A n n repre-
sent the new type of girls' (or girl). T h e abstract singular is very
c o m m o n here in recent literature. 'It would be easy to multiply
examples of this type of town' (H. W . C. Davis, Medieval Europe,
p. 220). ' The usual type of successful teacher is one whose main
interest is the children, not the subject' (Sir Walter Raleigh,
Letter to J. C. Dent, Oct. 29,1921). ' T h e real facts are little known
to either type of theorist' (Arthur Ruhl in New York Herald Tribune
July 8,1928). ' His rebels show hardly a trace of the arrogant self-
sufficiency which makes that class of person objectionable' (Athe-
nwum, 23/12,1915). 'Selling for the most part standardized goods,
both firms appealed to the same class of customer' (E. Phillips
Oppenheim, A Minor Hero, A.D. 1925).
8. Plural of Titles. W h e n a proper n a m e with the title is
put into the plural the rules are as follows:
a. T h e plural of M r . is Messrs. (mesarz): 'Messrs. Smith and
Brown'; 'the two M r . Smiths,' or still, in accordance with older
usage, 'the two Messrs. Smith'; 'Messrs. Smith's works'; 'Mr.
Paul [Smith] and M r . John Smith,' or '.Messrs. Paul [Smith] and
John Smith.' Similarly, 'Master Smith'; 'the two young Master
Smiths,' or still, as in older usage, 'the two young Masters Smith.'
The title Mr. was originally the same word as Master, serving at
first as one of its abbreviations. B y the close of the seventeenth
century master and Mr. had become differentiated in pronunci-
ation, form, and meaning. Master, as in 'Master of Arts,' is still
used as a title, representing a certain degree of learning. In older
English, it had a m u c h wider meaning, being used of a m a n of high
social rank or considerable learning. O n the other hand, it is used
of young m e n , w h o are not old enough to be addressed as Mr.
In the case of brother and sister w e m a y say: 'the Smiths,' or
'the Smith brothers,' or 'the brothers Smith,' but on a sign with-
out the article 'Smith Brothers'; 'the Smith sisters.' Likewise
in the case of other titles of males: 'the two Drs. Brown' or 'the
two Dr. Browns.' B u t if there are two or more names, the title
548 PLURAL OF TITLES 59 8 c

is always plural: 'Drs. William Smith and Henry Brown'; 'Pro-

fessors Smith and Brown'; '[the] Captains Smith and Brown.'
6. In the case of the title Mrs. the name assumes the plural:
'the two Mrs. Smiths,' in contrast to 'the two Misses Smith.'
But 'Mr. and Mrs. Smith.' In the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries Mrs. was used not only with its present force, but also
with the force of our present Miss. The form Miss itself originated
in the seventeenth century, and only slowly became differentiated
from Mrs. Both Mrs. and Miss are abbreviations of Mistress.
Before the present differentiation was effected, Mrs. was often
used to an elderly maiden lady and Miss to a young unmarried
woman.
c. In the case of the title Miss we m a y still, in accordance with
older usage, say 'the Misses Woodhouse'; 'the Misses Wood-
house's little orchard' (Margaret Deland, John Ward, Preacher,
Ch. I); especially so in the formal language of invitations, also in
business language, as in 'The Misses Smith & Company' (on a
sign); also when different Christian names or other titles stand
before the name, as in 'the Misses Mary and Ann Brown,' or when
the name is followed by others, as in 'the Misses Smith, Brown,
and Read'; but elsewhere, just as common or perhaps more so,
the newer usage 'the Miss Woodhouses'; 'the Miss Woodhouses'
little orchard'; 'both the pretty Miss Gibbses' (Ethel Sidgwick,
A Lady of Leisure, p. 465); 'the two youngest Miss Fawns'
(Trollope, Eustace Diamonds, I, 24). W e should say' the numerous
Mrs. and Miss Grundys' rather than 'the numerous Mrs. and
Misses Grundy' to avoid the plural of Mrs., which is not in use.
W e should also say Mrs. Smith and the Miss Smiths, not Mrs. and
the Miss Smiths, for it is inaccurate.
 CHAPTER XXVII

GENDER
PAGE
NATURAL GENDER 549
Means of indicating it 549
GRAMMATICAL G E N D E R A N D G E N D E R OF ANIMATION . . 553
60. The necessities of life require us still in a large number o
cases to indicate sex, but in the literary language there is a marked
and growing disinclination to do this with reference to m a n or
beast. In loose colloquial speech, on the other hand, there is a
strong tendency to throw off this reserve and go to the other
extreme, so that even lifeless things are freely but capriciously
endowed with sex. This same inclination is seen also in higher
diction, but there is more moderation and more consistency in the
use of genders.
1. Natural Gender. In English, gender is the distinction of
words into masculine, feminine, and neuter. Our nouns follow
natural gender. N a m e s of male beings are masculine: man,
father, uncle, boy, etc. T h e names of female beings are feminine:
woman, mother, aunt, girl, etc. T h e names of inanimate things are
neuter: house, tree, street, whiteness, etc. Thus natural gender is
grammatical classification of words according to the sex or sex-
lessness of the persons and things referred to. Sex is denoted by
nouns, pronouns, and possessive adjectives in the following ways:
a. T h e male and the female are in m a n y cases denoted by a
different word: m a n , w o m a n ; salesman, saleswoman; foreman,
forewoman; horseman, horsewoman; laundryman, laundry-
woman; gentleman, lady; Sir, M a d a m ; Lord, Lady; father,
mother; papa, m a m a ; dad or daddy, m u m or m u m m y ; grand-
father, grandpa, granddad, grandmother, grandma, granny;
brother, sister; bridegroom, bride; husband, hubby, wife, wifie;
uncle, aunt; nephew, niece; m o n k , nun; king, queen; earl, count,
countess; bachelor, old maid or spinster (the -ster originally a
feminine suffix, but n o w usually masculine: youngster, teamster,
etc.), or n o w often bachelor girl; wizard, witch; boy, girl or maid,
maiden; milkboy, milkmaid; cash boy, cash girl; lad, lass; torn,
tabby; dog, bitch or slut; cock or rooster, hen; gander, goose;
drake, duck; fox, vixen; sire, d a m ; buck, doe; hart or stag, hind;
ram or wether, ewe; bull, cow; bullock or steer, heifer; stallion,
mare; colt,filly,etc.
549
550 NATURAL GENDER 60 1 e

S o m e feminine nouns, as duck, goose, and m a n y masculine, as

dog, horse, teacher, editor, are often used to denote either sex where
there is no desire to be accurate. Such nouns are said to be of
c o m m o n gender.
There are a number of words that apply only to females without
a corresponding word for males: frump, dowd, slattern, termagant,
virago, minx, hussy, prude, dowager, etc. O n the other hand,
there are a number of words which apply only to males: dude, fop,
masher, bruiser, ruffian, etc.
6. T h e male and the female are in m a n y cases distinguished by
placing before the noun an adjective or more commonly a noun or
pronoun used as an adjective where, however, the two forms
are in some cases written together, since they are felt as forming a
compound: w o m a n friend, w o m a n friends (in popular speech lady
friend, lady friends); m a n friend, m e n friends (in popular speech,
gentleman friend, gentlemen friends); boy friend, boy friends;
girl friend, girl friends; w o m a n servant, w o m e n servants; women
students; manservant, menservants; w o m a n doctor (or lady
doctor), w o m e n doctors (or lady doctors); w o m a n clerk (or lady
clerk); w o m e n voters; w o m a n witness (or lady witness); girl cash-
ier, girl cashiers; stag party, hen party; hen bird (or lady bird);
cock pheasant, cock pigeon, cock robin, cock sparrow, but guinea
cock, peacock, turkey cock; hen pheasant, hen pigeon; jenny
robin, hen sparrow, but guinea hen, peahen, turkey hen (also a
hen turkey); buck rabbit, doe rabbit; dog fox; she bear, he bear;
tomcat, torn lion, she cat or tabby cat; billy goat, she goat, nanny
goat; he ass, jackass, jenny ass; cow rhinoceros; heifer calf or cow
calf, bull calf; the fair singer; fair readers; female (or better
w o m a n ) novelist; female cat, female dog; bulldog, female bulldog.
c. T h e female is distinguished in a number of cases by adding
-ess to the masculine form: god, goddess; count, countess; vis-
count, viscountess; duke, duchess; peer, peeress; emperor, em-
press; prince, princess; marquis, marchioness; baron, baroness;
ambassador, ambassadress; Lord Mayor, Lady Mayoress (in Eng-
land); abbot, abbess; prior, prioress; actor, actress; adulterer,
adulteress; adventurer, adventuress; ancestor, ancestress; bene-
factor, benefactress; caterer, cateress; enchanter, enchantress;
founder, foundress; giant, giantess; governess; heir, heiress;
host, hostess; hunter, huntress; inheritor, inheritress or inher-
itrix; Jew, Jewess; launderer, laundress; leopard, leopardess;
lion, lioness; master, mistress; murderer, murderess; Negro,
Negress; ogre, ogress; panther, pantheress; patron, patroness;
poet, poetess; priest, priestess; procurer, procuress; prophet,
prophetess; proprietor, proprietress; protector, protectress;
60 1 d NATURAL GENDER INDICATED BY PRONOUNS 551

shepherd, shepherdess; Quaker, Quakeress; songster, songstress;

seamstress; sorcerer, sorceress; servitor, servitress; steward,
stewardess; tempter, temptress; tiger, tigress; traitor, traitress;
votary, votaress; waiter, waitress; warder, wardress. Other suf-
fixes are used in a few words: hero, heroine; administrator, admin-
istratrix; aviator or more commonly flyer, aviatrix; executor,
executrix or executress; testator, testatrix; sultan, sultana; czar,
czarina; Joseph, Josephine; Francis, Frances, etc.
The ending in -ess was once more c o m m o n . There is a deroga-
tory touch in it which makes it unsuitable w h e n w e desire to show
respect, but on the other hand appropriate when w e speak slight'
ingly. Rather than use it w e go a roundabout way: 'wife of the
ambassador,' 'wife of the pastor,' etc.; ' w o m a n doctor,' 'lady
doctor,' ' w o m a n student,' etc. If w e stress the idea contained in
the stem of the word, w e use the masculine form for females:
'Dr. Louise Jones.' 'George Eliot is a great author, writer.' 'She
is an able editor, teacher,' etc. T h e forms in -ess have become es-
tablished in certain titles and a few other words given above, but
even some of these are avoided.
Widower is formed by adding -er to the feminine form.
d. T h e male and the female are often distinguished only by a
possessive adjective or a pronoun that refers back to the noun:
'The speaker, doctor, teacher, etc., shook her head as she heard
these words.' It is n o w usual to treat animals as neuter, since the
idea of personality is not prominent and the idea of sex doesn't
seem important to us, but w e not infrequently regard them as
masculine, employing masculine pronouns and possessives without
regard to sex: 'The camel is inestimable for long desert journeys,
for he has strong powers of endurance.' 'If you want to kill a
tortoise, wait until he puts out his head.' 'Probably w e have no
other familiar bird keyed up to the same degree of intensity as the
house wren. He seems to be the one bird whose cup of life is always
overflowing' (John Burroughs, Field and Study, Ch. IV). In con-
tradistinction to other animal life there is a tendency to regard
birds as feminine, especially in the case of swallow, dove, sparrow,
lark, thrush, etc.; sometimes also other little animals and insects,
as woZe, 6ee, etc.: ' H o w winsome is the swallow! H o w tender and
pleasing all her notes! Is it boyhood that she brings back to us old
m e n w h o were farm boys in our youth?' (John Burroughs, FieZd
and Study, Ch. XIII, II). 'Like a skilful surgeon, the wasp knows
just what to do, knows in what part of the head to insert her sting
to produce the desired effect' (i6., Ch. XIII, III). But, for the
most part, the masculine prevails if w e do not choose to employ
the neuter. Of course, the feminine pronoun occurs with reference
552 NATURAL GENDER INDICATED BY PRONOUNS 60 1 A

to all kinds of animal life where the idea of a female animal

naturally suggests itself: 'The cat looked from one sister to the
other, blinking; then with a sudden magnificent spring leaped
onto Agnes's lap and coiled herself u p there' (Mrs. Ward, Robert
Elsmere, I, 124). It is quite probable that Burroughs' use of the
feminine gender in the examples quoted above rests upon the con-
ception of sex, for he is an accurate observer. T h e wasp is referred
to as a female because only the female wasp has a sting. The bee
is often referred to as a female because it is the female bee that is
so often seen gathering sweets from the flowers. Compare 23II7.
T h e masculine pronoun and possessive adjective are usually
employed for persons without regard to sex wherever the ante-
cedent has a general indefinite meaning and hence doesn't indicate
sex and the situation doesn't require an accurate discrimination:
'Everybody is to do just as he likes.' Often, however, the natural
feeling here that he is one-sided prompts us to use both he and she,
his and her: 'Everybody is to do as he or she likes.' 'Each of us
must lead his or her o w n life.' In choice English, however, this
accuracy is often quite out of place, since the idea of the oneness
of m a n and w o m a n is present to our feeling: 'Breathes there the
man, with soul so dead W h o never to himself hath said, This is m y
own, m y native land!' not 'Breathes there the m a n or the woman,'
etc. ' W h o is a neighbor, he w h o shows love, or he w h o shows it
not?' (French, Parables). In popular speech, as in the older lit-
erary language, they is m u c h used, as it is inclusive in gender:
'Everybody is to do just as they like.'
With reference to a baby or little child w e often use the mascu-
line pronoun he or the feminine form she according to sex when we
happen to think of personality or sex, but usually when w e speak
of a little child or a small insect w e do not think of personality or
sex, and hence with reference to either child or insect employ the
neuter pronoun it and the possessive adjective its: 'She had to
pass our door where stood Mrs. T o d d and the baby. It stretched
out its little arms to her.' 'Something flew on to m y neck and I
soon felt it crawling downward.' Similarly, w e find it with refer-
ence to a person that has been presented to us in only shadowy
outlines which do not afford a clear idea of the personality: 'The
street was empty but for a solitary figure sitting on a post with
its legs dangling, its hands in its trousers-pockets' (Du Maurier,
Trilby, I, 241). This it, thus closely associated with the idea of the
lack of personality, is often used disparagingly of persons, similarly
also that and what: 'Would you like to marry Malcolm? Fancy
being owned by that! Fancy seeing iZ every day!' (Elinor Glyn,
Vicissitudes of Evangeline, p. 127). 'Well [she is] the sort that
 60 2 GRAMMATICAL GENDER AND GENDER OF ANIMATION 553

takes up with impossible people you really never k n o w What

you m a y meet in Agnes Hyde's rooms' (Mrs. Cecily Sidgwick,
The Severins, Ch. X V I ) . It is also used in kindly humor: 'It's a
wise nephew that knows iZs o w n aunt' (W. W . Jacobs, The Casta-
ways, Ch. V ) , where the speaker claims superiority of knowledge
and humorously looks down on the person addressed for not know-
ing his o w n aunt better. This iZs is also in a playful humorous tone
used for your: 'There, run along and put its ( = your) pretty
things on for the theater!' (Pinero, Sweet Lavender, Act II).
O n the other hand, it, like the relative which (23 II 7, 4th par.),
is used to indicate estate, rank, dignity: 'She is a queen and looks
it.' Likewise itself: 'The Gaul asserted itself in a shrug, a for
of expression rare in him' (Meredith Nicholson, Lady Larkspur,
Ch. I). The author is here speaking of an old French servant in an
American home, but the reference is not to the m a n but to the
Gallic trait of his shrug, which hadn't entirely disappeared in spite
of his long American experiences.
2. Grammatical Gender and Gender of Animation. In Old
English, as in modern German, there are three grammatical gen-
ders. Of nouns denoting inanimate objects one large group was
masculine, one large group feminine, a third large group neuter,
i.e., neither masculine nor feminine. T h e original idea of this
grammatical gender was that of personification. In the earlier
stages of language development the imagination played a m u c h
bigger r61e than it does today. In the Indo-European period m a n y
inanimate things, such as the sun, the moon, the earth, the sky,
the sea, the stars, shrubs, plants,flowers,trees,rivers,winds,
water,fire,actions, processes, etc., were conceived as animate be-
ings, while other things were conceived as inanimate. T h e ani-
mate was distinguished from the inanimate by the form, but the
animate was not distinguished as to sex, i.e., masculine and femi-
nine nouns and pronouns did not have different endings in the
names of either living beings or personified things. This older order
of things survives in who and what. Here as in Indo-European the
animate stands in contrast to the inanimate, but there is no distinc-
tion of sex. Certain pronouns early developed distinctive forms for
sex. Although adjectives originally derived their inflection from
that of nouns, they gradually in m a n y languages developed dis-
tinctive forms for the three genders. N o u n s went m u c h slower in
developing distinctive forms for the three genders, but distinctive
forms appeared in m a n y words. Even in the period of the first
records of the older languages the original conception of grammati-
cal gender based upon personification had in large measure faded
away. T h e inherited gender of nouns representing inanimate
554 GRAMMATICAL GENDER AND GENDER OF ANIMATION 60 2

things had become a matter of form or meaning, i.e., the nouns

were masculine, feminine, or neuter according to their form or
their meaning.
T h e use of grammatical gender in Old English was not so foolish
as it might atfirstseem to a modern English or American boy or
girl w h o is beginning to study Old English. After adjective in-
flection had disappeared in Middle English, it was soon discovered
that something valuable had been lost. T h e inflection of the ad-
jective so that it always agreed with the noun in gender and case
kept the adjective in close relations with its governing noun. After
the distinctive endings of adjective and noun had disappeared
there was nothing to bring the adjective into relation to its gov-
erning noun when it stood at some distance from it in substantive
function. It became necessary to insert one or ones here to relate
the adjective to its governing noun, as described in 57 1: 'a black
sheep and a white one,' 'black sheep and while ones.' Here one,
ones took the place of the old endings that indicated gender and
case. Thus the employment of different genders here binding ad-
jectives to their governing nouns was useful, only unnecessarily
complicated. W e all k n o w h o w colorless our one, ones are. They
are mere abstract signs to relate adjective to noun and have noth-
ing whatever to do with gender. T h e gender endings of Old Eng-
lish used here have seemingly more color than our one, ones, but
in reality they were not m u c h less abstract. They were, like our
one, ones, mere formal devices to relate adjective to noun, only
more complicated.
After the gender endings had been dropped there was nothing
that brought lifeless things into relation to sex, nothing in the form
of noun or adjective to guide the m e m o r y when it became neces-
sary to refer to the noun by means of a personal pronoun, which still
retained its distinctive forms. T h e old usage of associating lifeless
things with sex had to be abandoned in the literary language, and
it here gradually became established to refer to lifeless things by a
neuter pronoun as being the most natural course under the circum-
stances, thus avoiding inconsistency and caprice. This new de-
velopment, however, was not entirely new. E v e n in Old English,
there was a strong tendency to use the personal pronouns in ac-
cordance with natural sex or sexlessness. T h e selection of a mascu-
line or feminine personal pronoun in harmony with the sex was quite
c o m m o n when the reference was to a neuter noun denoting a living
being. This strong sense of sex in the Old English period helped
develop the idea of sexlessness, so that a neuter personal pronoun
was sometimes used w h e n the reference was to a masculine or femi-
nine noun denoting a lifeless thing. Later, at the close of the Old
60 2 GENDER OF ANIMATION 555
English period in the North, at the beginning of the thirteenth
century in the Midland, and the end of the fourteenth in the South-
east, when article and descriptive adjective had lost their distinc-
tive endings for gender and case, grammatical gender could no
longer be distinguished and was replaced by natural gender, which
even in Old English was in use with personal pronouns, and n o w
after the disappearance of distinctive forms for grammatical
gender in article and descriptive adjective came to be the pre-
dominating conception of gender in our language.
The n e w usage did not come in all at once, but appeared at first
alongside of the old historic grammatical gender, at last gradually
supplanting it in the normal form of expression. But the old habit
of giving lifeless things sex, still c o m m o n in our playful moods,
never died out entirely. In moments of vivid feeling the old as-
sociation of sex with lifeless things reappeared, no longer, however,
influenced by the form of noun and adjective, but entirely under
the sway of psychological forces, the mind assigning the gender
under the influence of the conceptions suggested by the gram-
matical gender of Latin and French words, as in the case of rivers,
lakes, and mountains, which became masculine as in Latin; as in
the case of the vices, which became masculine after the analogy
of Old French vice; and the virtues, feminine after the analogy of
Old French vertu; and the word ship, feminine after the analogy
of Old French nief. In this n e w reign of psychological influences,
however, the mind is often swayed b y mere caprice. Thus, the
grammatical gender of older English has become in modern Eng-
lish the gender of our animated moods; hence w e call it here the
gender of animation.
Although the gender of animation n o w rests upon a psychological
basis, while, in Old English, grammatical gender was closely as-
sociated with the form and inflection of nouns, the inner nature of
Old English and modern usage is exactly the same both rest
upon a mild personification of lifeless things, not a vivid one born
of the imagination. Both are a lively form of speech that has re-
sulted from associating things with sex in a mere formal w a y for
thousands of years; a long step removed from concrete expression,
which has at last been attained in modern scientific English, where
usually natural gender has full sway. If w e have banished this
mild form of fancy from our scientific language, w e still feel its
charm in our poetry and colloquial speech. In our ordinary liter-
ary language w e often use sun as a masculine: ' T h e sun was shining
in all his splendid beauty,' etc. (Dickens); but, of course, at any
time w e m a y lapse into scientific English again and say: 'The sun
performs one revolution about iZs o w n axis in about 25 days,' etc.
556 GENDER OF ANIMATION 60 2

W e sometimes in choice prose m a k e the earth, the world, and the

moon feminine, but m a y at any m o m e n t become scientific again
and treat them as neuter nouns. W e are inclined to m a k e church,
university, state, and especially ship feminine. With a good deal of
persistency w e say of a ship: ' She behaves well, she minds her rud-
der, she swims like a duck,' but lapsing into a scientific m o o d m a y
say: 'The boat was attacked by a constantfirefrom both banks
as it drifted along.' In higher diction, where w e employ grammati-
cal gender more freely than in the ordinary literary language, we
are often inclined to treat as masculine mountains,rivers,the
ocean, time, day, death, love, anger, discord, despair, war, murder,
law, etc.; as feminine spring, nature, the soul, night, darkness,
cities, countries, arts, sciences, liberty, charity, victory, mercy,
religion. In our playful moods w e have a great fondness for the
feminine: 'That helps the blood to draw the wart and pretty soon
off she comes' (Mark Twain, Tom Sawyer); but the masculine is
not unknown here: '"You are provided with the needful imple-
m e n t a book, sir?" "Bought him at a sale," said Boffin'
(Dickens, Our Mutual Friend). In American English, there has
been for a long while a steady trend toward the feminine in collo-
quial and popular speech, so that here the feminine is now the
favorite form. T h e masculine is n o w rather u n c o m m o n except in
quaint dialect where older usage is still preserved, as in Maristan
Chapman's The Happy Mountain, where the hero's 'fiddle' is
treated as masculine throughout the book. T h e feminine is the
usual form even where the masculine is employed in higher diction:
'Sun, she rise up en shine hot' (Joel Chandler Harris, Nights with
Uncle Remus, p. 34). 'I've s w u m the Colorado where she runs
down clost to Hell' (Mulford, Bar, 10, 115). T h e feminine here is
characteristic also of Irish and northern British dialects, which
through Irish and northern British immigrants into our country
m a y have influenced our American development.
 CHAPTER XXVIII

PRONOUNS
61. A pronoun, as indicated by its literal meaning standing for a
noun, is usually a mere substitute for some person or thing sug-
gested by the situation, as in the case of I, we, you, or by a gesture,
as in the case of this, that: ' This (or that) is a photograph of m y
wife'; or is a substitute for some person or thing already men-
tioned, as in the case of he, she, it, they. A s in these cases, the refer-
ence is usually definite, but a number of pronouns contain only an
indefinite reference, as in the case of many, some, somebody, none,
nobody, etc. In the case of the interrogatives who, etc., a pronoun
is used instead of a noun, as the speaker does not k n o w the fact
and inquires after the person or thing in question.
In a series /, for politeness' sake, is put last: 'John, Fred, and
I arrived at the same time.' ' You and I had better go.'
a. Agreement. A pronoun as a mere substitute for a noun agrees
with its antecedent in gender, number, and person wherever there
is a distinctive form to indicate these conceptions, but, of course, it
takes a case form in accordance with the grammatical function it
performs in the proposition in which it stands: 'Your sisZer bor-
rowed m y dictionary yesterday. J m e t her this morning and she
gave it back to me.' W h e n the reference is to the indefinite
pronoun one the proper pronoun is one, not he: 'It offends one to
be told one (not he) is not wanted.' See 57 5 6 (6th par.).
W h e n a pronoun refers to two or more antecedents of different
persons, thefirstperson has precedence over the second and third,
and the second person precedence over the third: 'You and I di-
vided it between us.' 'You and he divided it between you.'
Where a pronoun or possessive adjective refers to a word plural
in meaning, but in form being an indefinite pronoun in the singular
or a singular noun modified b y an indefinite limiting adjective, it
was once c o m m o n to indicate the plural idea by the form of the
following pronoun or possessive adjective, but it is n o w usual to
put the pronoun or possessive adjective into the singular in ac-
cordance with the singular form of the antecedent: 'Nobody
knows what it is to lose a friend, till they have (now he has) lost
him' (Fielding). 'If the part deserve any comment, every con-
sidering Christian will m a k e it themselves (now himself) as they go'
(now he goes) (Defoe). 'I do not m e a n that I think anyone to
557
558 CASE OF THE PREDICATE PRONOUN 61 6

blame for taking due care of their (now his) health' (Addison).
Older usage, however, still occasionally occurs: 'Everybody is dis-
contented with their (instead of his) lot in life' (Beaconsfield).
This older literary usage survives in loose colloquial and popular
speech: 'Everybody has their (instead of his) faults.' 'It is the
duty of each student to interest themselves (instead of himself) in
athletics.'
If there is a reference to your Majesty, her Grace, etc., usage re-
quires the repetition of the full title or the use of you, your, he, his,
etc., instead of the grammatically correct it, its: ' Your Majesty
can do as your Majesty will with your Majesty's ships,' or ' Your
Majesty can do as you will with your ships' (Fowler, Modern Eng-
lish Usage). 'His (Her) Majesty can do as he (she) wul with his
(her) ships.' 'Her Grace s u m m o n e d her chef.'
T h e antecedent is sometimes not a noun or pronoun, but the
idea contained in a group of words or a single noun or adjective.
See 7 C ; 23 II 6 (6th par.).
S o m e pronouns (relatives, interrogatives, etc.) perform not only
the function of a pronoun but also that of a conjunction, linking
the clause in which they stand to a preceding word or clause. See
Conjunctive Pronouns in Index.
For the agreement of the relative pronoun with its antecedent
see 23 II 8 a, 6, c, d; 21 c.
6. Case of the Predicate Pronoun. This subject is discussed in
7 C a.
 CHAPTER XXIX
PREPOSITIONS
PAGE
NATURE 559
FUNCTIONS 559
O B J E C T O F T H E PREPOSITION 559
Noun or pronoun 559
Adverb serving as noun or pronoun 560
Clause 560
LIST O F PREPOSITIONS 562
OMISSION O F PREPOSITIONS 566
PREPOSITION A T E N D O F S E N T E N C E 566
PREPOSITIONAL A D V E R B S 569
F U N C T I O N S O F T H E PREPOSITIONAL P H R A S E O R C L A U S E 570
, 62. Very closely allied in nature to adverbs are prepositions
1 which, like adverbs,JhmtJheJforce_of_thejverb as to some circum-
) stance of place, time, manner, degree, cause, condition, exception,
concession, purpose, means. But a preposition and an adverb
, differ in this, that the latter limits the force of the verb in and of
itself, while the former requires the assistance of a dependent noun
or some other word: 'Mary is in' (adverb), but 'Mary is in
(preposition) the house.' A preposition is closely related also to a
subordinating conjunction. It often stands before an abridged
clause as a sign of its subordination to the principal verb. See
20 3 (next to last par.).
A preposition and its object perform various functions. They
modify a verb and thus serve as an adverbial element: 'I wrote
the letter with care.' Where they stand in a very close relation to
the verb, forming its necessary complement, they serve as an object,
a prepositional object(14): 'He is shooting at a mark.' They often
serve as the object of an adjective or a participle, forming its nec-
essary complement: 'He is fond of music' 'He is given Zo exag-
geration.' After a noun they form an adjective element: ' the book
upon the table.' After a linking verb they serve as a predicate ad-
jective: 'The country is at peace.' For a fuller statement of the
functions of the preposition and its object see 7, p. 570, and the
articles there referred to.
The usual object of the preposition is a noun or a pronoun, the
noun or pronoun forming with the preposition a prepositional
phrase: 'He plays with my brother or with me.' If the object of
559
560 CONVERSION OF ADJECTIVES INTO PREPOSITIONS 62

the preposition is an adverb or some other part of speech or a clause,

it serves here as a noun or a pronoun: 'after today' (an adverb
serving as a noun). 'I saw him a year ago, but since then (an
adverb serving as a demonstrative pronoun) w e haven't met.' 'I
m e t him a year ago, since when (an adverb serving as a relative pro-
noun; see 23 II6, next to last par.) I haven't seen anything of him.'
W h e n the object of the preposition is a clause, w e call preposition
and clause a prepositional clause: 'He is thankful for what I have
done for him.'
In 'A rat ran out from under the stable' from was originally a
preposition governing the prepositional phrase under the stable, but
w e n o w feel from under as a compound preposition in which under
indicates a position and from a m o v e m e n t from that position.
Similarly, in into and onto thefirstcomponent indicates a position
and the second a motion into that position. Originally, simple in
and on were used with a following dative noun to indicate rest in a
position and with a following accusative noun to indicate a motion
toward a position. After adjectives and nouns lost their distinctive
endings it became necessary to add to to in and on to bring out the
idea of motion toward a position, while simple in and on were re-
tained to indicate rest in a position.
W e often bring a predicate adjective or participle and the prepo-
sition that usually accompanies it into relation to a verb of com-
plete predication and thus convert adjective and preposition into
a compound preposition. W e often indicate the prepositional
function of the n e w compound b y giving the adjective adverbial
form by the addition of the suffix -ly: 'The science has a specula-
tive interest which is irrespective of all practical considerations'
(Buckle, Civilization, III, V , 416), but 'He values them irrespec-
tively of the practical conveniences which their triumph m a y ob-
tain for him' (Matthew Arnold, Essay in Criticism, V, 192).
'His actions are inconsistent with his professions,' but 'He acts
inconsistently with his professions.' In m a n y of these compounds,
however, the adjective form remains unchanged, or the unchanged
form is used alongside of the adverbial: 'I shall speak to him rela-
tive to the matter.' 'This course will be pursued regardless of con-
sequences.' ' T h e company, previous (or previously) to his majesty's
arrival, were all assembled.' 'They will be chosen irrespective of
age.' ' This was owing (adjective) Zo bad luck,' but' Owing to (prep-
osition) drought the crops are suffering' (or 'the crops are short').
This process is going on all the time. A s can be seen in the last
example, a participle or an adjective becomes detached from nouns
and is often for convenience attached to a verb or a statement as a
whole. Grammarians would often arrest this useful development.
62 DEVELOPMENT OF PREPOSITIONS 561
The Concise Oxford Dictionary recommends, 'The difficulty is due
(adjective) to ignorance,' but condemns as 'incorrect': 'I came
late due to (preposition) an accident.' T h e preposition due to is not
more incorrect than the preposition owing to, which is approved by
the same dictionary, but it is not as yet so thoroughly established
in the language. Compare 17 4 (4th par.).
As a preposition usually stands 6e/ore the dependent word it is
called a preposition (Latin 'prae' 6e/ore and 'positio' position).
Where several prepositions connect different words with a c o m m o n
dependent word or object, the object need be expressed only once,
standing after the last preposition: ' I do not think a m a n isfitto
do good work in our American democracy unless he is able to have
a genuine fellow-feeling for, understanding of, and sympathy with
his fellow-Americans' (Theodore Roosevelt, An Autobiography,
Ch. III). In English, however, w e often detach the preposition
from the noun or pronoun and place it at the end of the proposition
or clause, as described in 4, p. 566.
The preposition n o w brings a noun or some other word into
relation with a verb, noun, adjective, etc.: 'Mary works in the
house.' Here in brings house into relation with the verb works.
Originally, however, in w a s an adverb modifying the verb works.
The idea n o w conveyed b y in the house was at this early period ex-
pressed by house in the old locative case. T h e adverb in with the
meaning inside expressed the same idea as the old locative case,
but expressed it more concretely, hence more forcibly. Gradually
in came into a closer relation with house, so that it became more
intimately associated with house than with the verb and thus de-
veloped into a preposition, and since its force was stronger than the
old locative, the latter gradually disappeared as superfluous. Thus
we lost an old case form, but the prepositions in, inside, within, out-
side, on, at, by, under, etc., which took its place, more than m a d e up
for the loss, because they have more andfinershades of meaning.
In the same w a y the old instrumental case, denoting association,
instrument, and cause, has been displaced by the prepositions
with, by, through, by means of, on account of, etc. Similarly, the ol
ablative case, denoting separation, has been displaced by the
prepositions from, out of, etc. T h e old simple dative, denoting a
direction toward, has been in large measure replaced by the prepo-
sitions to, toward, at, etc. Compare 12 2. After the disappearance
of the locative, instrumental, and ablative, the dative and accusa-
tive forms for a long while served as the sign of subordination to
the n e w prepositions, as the prepositions had to govern some case
to indicate the relation between preposition and dependent noun.
The prepositions themselves indicated the relation between the
562 LIST OF PREPOSITIONS 62 1

dependent noun or other word and the verb or the governing

noun or adjective. A s there is n o w no distinction of form between
dative and accusative, w e m a y say that all prepositions govern
the accusative.
T h e loss of the old case forms and the development of preposi-
tions brought us n e w and considerably improved means of ex-
pression. A s w e feel the possibilities of this construction, w e are
constantly forming n e w prepositions for fuller or more convenient
expression of our thought. W e form them not only from adverbs
but also from nouns and present participles: 6eside (i.e., by the
side of), alongside of or alongside, instead (i.e., in the place) o
account of, during, pending, regarding, etc. A perfect participle
occurs in past and as compared with. There is a tendency, as in
thefirsttwo examples, to suppress parts of the prepositional phrase
as unnecessary to the thought. For the origin of the use of parti-
ciples here see 17 3 A c, 4.
1. List of Prepositions.
The most c o m m o n are:

abaft antecedent to
aboard, on board of, or simply anterior to
on board apart from
about apropos of
above around
abreast of, abreast with as against (= against)
according to as between (= between)
across as compared with (29 1 A c aa)
adown (poetic for down) as distinct (or distinguished)
afore (now replaced b y before) from
after as far as ('I traveled with him
against (in older English also as far as Chicago'; see 29 1
again) B 6, 2nd par.)
agreeably to as far back as
ahead of as for (29 1 A c oa)
along, alongst (once widely used, as opposed to
but n o w obsolete) as to (29 1 A c aa)
along of (now replaced by on as touching (now replaced by
account of) touching)
along with aside (now replaced by beside)
alongside of, or alongside aside from (American)
amid, amidst (in poetry mid, aslant
midst) astern of
among, or amongst astride of
anent at
 62 1 LIST OF EPOSITIONS 563

at the cost of down

at the hands of d o w n at
at the instance of d o w n to
at the peril of due to (62, 5th par.)
at the point of during
at theriskof
athwart east of, to the east (or eastward)
atop of
ere
back of (from at the back of), exclusive of
colloquial for behind
bating (31 2, 4th par.) face to face with
because of failing (31 2)
before farther than (29 1 B 6, 2nd par.)
behind for
below for fear of
beneath for lack of
beside for the behoof of
besides for the benefit of
between for the ends of
betwixt for the purpose of (33 2)
beyond for the sake of
for want of
beyond the reach of
fore (now replaced by before)
by
forth (now replaced by from
by dint of
out of)
by (the) help of
by means of from above
by order of from among
by reason of from behind
by the aid of from below
from beneath
by virtue of
by w a y of from between
from beyond
from forth (obsolete)
care of (in addresses; = in care
from in front of
of)
from lack of
concerning (17 4)
from off
concurrently with
from out of, from out
conditionally on
from over
conformably to
from under
contrary to
counter to hand in hand with

despite in
differently from in accordance with
564 LIST OF PREPOSITIONS 62 1

in addition to in return for

in advance of in search of
in agreement with in spite of
in back of ( = back of), popular in support of (33 2)
American, after the analogy in the case of ( = as regards;
of in front of 29 1 A c aa)
in behalf of ( = in the interest in the event of
of) in the matter of
in between in the middle of
in care of (or in addresses care of) in the midst of
in case of ( = in the event of) in the n a m e of
in c o m m o n with in the presence of
in company with in the room (or place) of
in comparison with (or to) in the teeth of
in compliance with in the w a y of
in conflict with in token of
in conformity with in under, popular for under
in consequence of ('The dog ran in under the
in consideration of barn.')
in contrast with (or to) in view of ( = considering)
in course of including (17 4)
in default of inclusive of
in defiance of inconsistently with
in disregard of independently of (28 3 a)
in (the) face of inside of, or inside
in favor of instead of
in front of into
in fulfilment of irrespective of
in lieu of
in obedience to less (8 I 2 e)
in opposition to like (28 2, 6th par., 50 4 c 66)
in place of long of ( = along of; both now
in point of replaced b y on account of)
in preference to
mid, midst, see amid
in process of
midmost of, midmost
in proportion to
minus (8 I 2 e)
in pursuance of
in quest of near (40 4 c 66)
in re or re (legal term; = con- next door to
cerning) next room to
in recognition of next to (40 4 c 66)
in regard to (or of) north of, to the north (or
in relation to northward) of
in respect to (or of) notwithstanding
62 1 LIST OF PREPOSITIONS 565
of (o' in o'clock, etc.) re, see in re
off (in popular speech off of) regarding (17 4, 4th par.)
on account of regardless of (28 3 a)
on behalf of (= in the n a m e of) relative to
on board of, on board respecting
on pain of round
on the face of round about
on the occasion of
on the part of short of
on the point of side by side with
on the pretense of since
on the score of so far as (29 1 A c 66)
on the side of, (on) both sides so far from (28 3 a)
(of); (on) each side (of), (on) south of, to the south (or south-
either side (of), (on) the other ward) of
side (of), (on) that side (of), subject to
(on) this side (of), always subsequently) to
with of before a pronoun; suitably to
(on) both sides of it, (on) each
thanks to
side of her
through
on the strength of
through lack of
on the top of, or on top of
throughout
on top of, or on the top of
till
onto, or on to
to
opposite to, or opposite
to and fro
out of, or less commonly out
to the order of
out of regard for (or to)
touching (17 4)
outside of, or outside
toward or towards
over
over against under
over and above under cover of
overthwart under pain of
owing to (17 4, 4th par.) underneath
until
past
unto
pending
up
per
up against
plus
up and d o w n
preferably to, or in preference to up at
preliminary to up till
preparatory to up to
previous (ly) to upon
prior to
pursuant to via
566 PREPOSITION AT END OF SENTENCE 62 4

west of, to the west (or west- with the exception of

ward) of with the intention (or object) of
with, sometimes withal x with the purpose of
with a view to with the view (or intention) of
with an eye to within
with reference (or respect) to, within reach of
or sometimes in respect to without
with regard to (29 1 A c aa) without regard to (28 3 a)

Some of the old forms listed above, as afore, along of, survive i
popular speech.
a. T h e preposition onto, or less properly on to, corresponds
closely to into. A s it indicates motion toward the upper surface
of something, it differs distinctly from on or upon: 'The boys
jumped onto the ice and played on it until sundown.' T h e use of
onto or on to ought not to be discouraged, as is done by many
grammarians, but strongly encouraged, for it enables us to express
ourselves more accurately.
Onto should be distinguished from on to, where on belongs to
the verb: ' W e must struggle on to victory.' Similarly, in to: 'We
went in to dinner.'
2. Contraction of ' O n ' to 'A.' T h e preposition on is often
contracted to a: athwart, abreast, aslant, asleep, aglow, aflame,
fire or afire, on shore or ashore, on board or aboard, on top of or
atop, etc. Except in established set expressions, like these, this
usage is characteristic of popular speech. See 50 4 c dd (4th
par.).
3. Omission of Prepositions. Prepositions are often omitted
in colloquial speech in set expressions since they are lightly stressed
and of little importance to the thought: 'He must never treat you
[in] that way again.' In such expressions the element as a whole is
felt as an adverb, or an adverbial accusative, so that the preposi-
tion really has no function any more and drops out. Compare
16 4 a (9th par.). In the same w a y of often drops out of many
prepositions, as in inside instead of inside of. T h e m o m e n t that
such a group of words as a whole is felt as a preposition, of ceases
to have a function and naturally drops out as superfluous.
4. Preposition at E n d of Sentence. T h e preposition often seems
to stand at the end of the sentence or clause: 'I have lost the pen
I write with.' According to 19 3 (3rd par.) this is a sentence con-
taining a primitive type of relative clause in which there is no rela-
tive pronoun, since in this old type the subordination is indicated
1
Found only at the end of a relative clause: 'Such eyes and ears as
Nature had been pleased to endow m e withal' (Lowell, Democracy, 6).
 62 4 PREPOSITION AT END OF SENTENCE 567
by simply placing the dependent clause alongside the principal
proposition and suppressing the personal pronoun, thus indicating
that the person or thing in question is to be supplied from the pre-
ceding proposition: 'I have lost the pen: / write with [it].' In
this old type of expression the, the weakened form of the demonstra-
tive that, not only modifies pen, but also b y virtue of its old demon-
strative force serves as a determinative (56 A ) , pointing as with an
indexfingerto the following explanatory clause. In this old type
there are often two determinatives, one before the governing noun
and another after it, the two determinatives pointing as with two
indexfingersto the following explanatory clause: 'I have lost the
pen that (= that one:) I write with [it].' 'He should read such
books as ( = that kind:) we all approve of [them].' T h e suppres-
sion of the personal pronoun here causes us to look to what pre-
cedes for the connection and thus marks the clause as dependent.
In spite of the fact that w e n o w feel that and as, not as determina-
tives, but as relative pronouns, w e still retain here the old sentence
structure. Similarly, in relative clauses with which, who, what,
which have developed out of determinative constructions, as de-
scribed in 23 II1,2,3: ' the pen which I write with.' ' Lord Hubert
Dacey whom she ran across on the Casino steps' (Edith Wharton,
House of Mirth). 'It all depended on what one w a s accustomed
to.' Also in relative clauses where there is no relative expressed:
'That is nothing Zo joke about' = about which one should joke.
Where, however, the relative clause expresses manner, cause, place,
or time, so that the relative pronoun is not vividly felt as an ob-
ject, the relative which is expressed, and the preposition stands
before it, or the relative that is employed, and the preposition is
suppressed as unimportant, especially w h e n the same preposition is
used in the same construction in the principal proposition; some-
times also the relative pronoun is suppressed: 'By the sharp tones
in which he spoke of his brig it was plain to both of us that he was
in deadly earnest.' 'I wish you would only see things in the light
that we see them' (or in which we see them). 'He took him for his
model for the very reason that (or for which) he ought to have
shunned his example.' ' T h e y n o w find themselves in the same pre-
dicament that (or in which) we once found ourselves' (or that we once
found ourselves in). 'I was getting ready to leave on the very day
he came' (or on which he came).
We also retain the old determinative structure after the subor-
dinating conjunctions as and than: 'The case is as sad as I've ever
heard of,' where originally the two as's were felt as pointing for-
ward, like two indexfingers,to the following explanatory clause.
'He writes with a worse pen than I write with,' originally 'He writes
568 PREPOSITION AT END OF SENTENCE 62 4

with a worse pen, then (modern form of than) I write with [a bad
one].'
Thus for m a n y centuries the position of a preposition at or near
the end of a proposition has been one of the outstanding features
of our language. It is so natural to put the preposition at the end
that w e have extended this usage beyond its original boundaries.
The prepositional dative follows the analogy of other prepositional
constructions, so that to or for often stands at the end of the rela-
tive clause: 'That is the m a n (that) I gave it to' (or did it for). In
the case of an emphatic prepositional object w e often for the sake
of greater emphasis put the object word, phrase, or clause
into thefirstplace and put, as so often elsewhere, the preposition
after the verb at the end, for w e hesitate to begin the sentence with
an unstressed preposition: 'Where does he come from?' 'Well,
where that rolling-pin's got to is a mystery' (Compton Mackenzie,
The A Itar Steps, Ch. Ill). ' Which pen did you write with ?' ' Wha
is he writing with?' 'What is he up to?' ' Who (instead of the cor-
rect whom; see 11 2 e) does this dreadful place belong to?' (Mrs.
H . Ward, Robert Elsmere, II, 141), or 'To whom does this dreadful
place belong?' 'How many scrapes has he gotten into?' also in
indirect form: ' I asked him how many scrapes he had gotten into.'
'They (instead of the correct them; w e n o w use those here) who
have saluted her (i.e., poetry) on the by and n o w and then tendred
their visits she hath done m u c h for' (Ben Jonson, Discoveries, p. 27,
A.D. 1641). 'These reports Inglesant does not seem to have paid
much attention to' (J. H . Shorthouse, John Inglesant, Ch. I).
'What I have commenced I a m prepared to go on with.'
Similar to these prepositions that stand at the end of a proposi-
tion are the prepositional adverbs that often stand at the end of a
proposition because of the suppression of a governing noun or pro-
noun, which is omitted since it is suggested by a preceding noun
or by the situation: 'I threw the ball at the wall, but I threw too
high and it went over.' ' John drew the heavy sled up the hill, then
he and M a r y rode down.' ' W e soon reached the park and strolled
through.' Prepositional adverbs n o w usually have the same form
as the prepositions that stand before a noun, but in older English,
they often had a different form and, except in relative clauses, are
sometimes still distinguished in the case of out, in, and on in con-
nection with verbs denoting motion from or toward: 'He came out
of (preposition) the house' and 'This is the house (that) he came
out of (preposition), but 'He is n o w in the house but will soon
come out' (prepositional adverb). 'From m y window I saw him
come into the house' and 'This is the house (that) I saw him go
into,' but 'Come in!' (spoken by someone from the window of a
62 5 PREPOSITIONAL ADVERBS 569

house to someone passing on the street). 'He jumped onto the car
just as it started' and 'This is the car (that) he jumped onto,' but
'Just as the car started he jumped on.' In older English, adverbial
form could even stand in a relative clause, where w e n o w use the
prepositional form: ' wo that she was inne' (Chaucer, The Man of
Lawe, 420), n o w 'the distress that she was in.' In older English, in
was the form for preposition, inne for adverb. In the earlier periods
when the sentence structure was m u c h more looselyfittedtogether
than today, there was a natural tendency to construe the preposi-
tion that stood at the end of the proposition without an accom-
panying governing noun as an adverb and give it adverbial form.
In the more compact sentence of our time, especially in relative
clauses, w e feel the reference to a preceding noun as indicating a
prepositional relation and give the word prepositional form. In
the relative clause w e feel this so distinctly that the word usually
loses the strong stress which characterizes adverbs: 'the fence that
he jumped over.' Compare 5 below.
In contrast to prepositional adverbs and all the prepositions
previously discussed all of which usually follow the verb are
prepositions which always precede the verb, forming with it a
compound: 'The river overflowed its banks.' 'A great principle
wnderlies this plan.' 'Water permeates the ground.' A s the ob-
ject of the preposition always follows the verb, it is n o w felt as the
object of the compound verb. W h e r e the preposition is no longer
used outside of these compounds, as in the case of 6e- (= over,
upon), it is called a prefix: 'to bemoan (= m o a n over) one's fate,'
'befriend (= bestow friendly deeds upon) one,' etc., but with priva-
tive force in behead.
5. Prepositional Adverbs. In older English, certain adverbs
had also prepositional force, so that they were not only stressed
as adverbs but governed a case like a preposition: ' G o d him c o m
to,' n o w 'God came to him.' In Old English, as in this example,
the prepositional adverb might follow its object. T h e prepositional
force of such forms has so overshadowed the adverbial that they
now regularly stand before the noun which they govern. N o t in-
frequently, however, w e feel their adverbial force so clearly that
we still stress them: 'He stood bravely by m y brother.' 'It be-
comes necessary to look into this matter.' 'I looked straight 61
him.' 'The ball went clear 6ver the house without striking it.'
'The child wants in' (adv.; see 6 A a, 3rd par., p. 21), but 'Bel-
gium wants in (prepositional adv.) this protective arrangement'
(Chicago Tribune, Nov. 10, 1919, p. 8). In poetry these preposi-
tional adverbs not only have their distinctive stress but still, as
in older English, m a y stand after their object: 'Soft went the
570 FUNCTIONS OF PREPOSITIONAL PHRASE OR CLAUSE 62 7 A

music the soft air along' (Keats, Lamia, II, 199). Sometimes in
plain prose: 'I have read the letter through.' 'I want to think
the matter over.' 'Let us pass the matter 6#.' A s described in
the last paragraph on page 568, stressed prepositional adverbs
still often stand at the end of a proposition where the depend-
ent pronoun has been suppressed, as it is suggested by a preced-
ing noun.
6. Fluctuation. With certain words usage fluctuates without
a difference of meaning: T h u s w e say different from or Zo, averse to
or less commonly from: ' It is a different sort of life to (or perhaps
more commonly from) what she's been accustomed to' (George
Eliot, Silas Marner, Ch. I X ) .
In older English, 6eside and besides were not differentiated in
sense, being two forms with the same meanings alongside of,
in addition to, other than. N o w , 6eside has thefirstmeaning and
besides the others.
7. Functions of the Prepositional Phrase or Clause. It is used
with the force of:
a. A predicate adjective. For examples see 7 F. In the ex-
amples referred to, the object of the preposition is a noun, but it
can, of course, be also a pronoun. It is sometimes an it that is
explained only b y the situation or context: 'There was nothing
for it ( = feasible) but to grin and bear it.' 'I a m glad that I a m
out of it' 'Their team was not in it' (colloquial for outclassed, had
no chance to win).
b. A n attributive adherent (10 I) adjective: 'an up-to-date
dictionary.' See 10 I 2. A n attributive appositive adjective.
For examples see 10 IV, 10 I V a.
c. A n object of a verb or an adjective. For examples see 14,
24 IV. In the examples referred to, the object of the preposition
is^a noun, but it can be, of course, also a pronoun. It is sometimes
an it that is explained only b y the situation or context: 'He goes
aZ itright.''I a m sick of it.'
d. A prepositional phrase is very often used as an adverb: 'He
is working in the garden' (place). 'He arrived in the evening'
(time). 'He wrote the letter with care' (manner proper). 'In my
opinion (manner, here a sentence adverb; see 16 2 a, 6th par.) they
are wise.' 'He is lacking in initiative' (manner, specification; see
28 1 a). 'She passed m e on the street without speaking to me'
(attendant circumstance). 'He worked himself to death' (result).
'He is taller by two inches' (degree). 'He m a y be dead for all
I know' (restriction). 'He was beheaded for treason' (cause).
'Without him (condition) I should be helpless.' 'His wife clings
to him with all his faults' (concession). 'John works for grades'
62 7 d FUNCTIONS OF PREPOSITIONAL PHRASE OR CLAUSE 571

(purpose). 'He cut the grass with a lawn mower' (means). 'The
trees were trimmed by the gardener' (agency). Compare Index
under Prepositional Phrase. In these examples the object of the
preposition is a noun, but it can be, of course, also a pronoun. It
is sometimes an it that is explained only by the situation or con-
text: 'He is always putting his foot in it.' 'He is trying tofieout
of it.' 'He was hard put to it for an answer.' 'He m a d e a clean
breast of it.' ' W e had a bad time of it.' 'Step on it!' (slang).
Instead of a noun or pronoun w e sometimes employ a prepositional
phrase as object of the preposition: ' M a n y place-names do not go
back to before the Norman conquest' (W. J. Sedgefield, Introductio
to the Survey of English Place-Names). ' I'llfloghim to within an
inch of his life.' In both examples the prepositional phrase is a
noun, object of the preposition to.
A prepositional clause is sometimes used adverbially: 'Say,
can't you get that husband of yours to come right back from
wherever he is?' (Hichens, Ambition, Ch. X X V I I ) . Compare 16 1,
24 IV, 25 1.
 CHAPTER X X X

GROUPS AND GROUP-WORDS

63. Just as a word has syllables, just so has a sentence groups
of words, and just as a word has one syllable more strongly stressed
than the others, just so has one word in a group a stress stronger
than the others. Group stress, usually in normal groups, rests
upon the last m e m b e r of the group. A group of a noun and its
modifiers: 'the little b6y'; 'a white h6rse'; 'a black berry';
'John's hat'; 'the book upon the table.' A verb and its modi-
fiers: 'He came fn'; 'he went out'; 'he stdod dp'; 'he writes
beautifully'; 'he came with a friend'; 'he wrote a letter.' A verb
and its subject: 'This soap floats'; 'the sun is rising.' But, of
course, the subject is often more important than the verb and re-
ceives a stronger stress: 'Look yonder where the dead Uaves lie.'
In a normal modern group the chief stress rests upon the last word;
the secondary stress occurs near the beginning of the group. In
such groups the force is usually descriptive.
In Old English, things were quite different. T h e chief stress
was often upon thefirstword of a group: 'He in came.' 'Heup
stood,' etc. In the course of the Old English period a great change
took place. T h e heavily stressed word that stood at the beginning
of a group took a position at the end of the group: 'He up stood'
became' H e stdod up.' ' H e a letter wrote' became' H e wrote a lette
The old stress has been kept though the word-order has changed.
The old word-order and stress are still preserved in group-words,
described below. T h e object of the n e w development is evident.
The heavily stressed word was withheld for a m o m e n t to create the
feeling of suspense and thus render the word more prominent. It
is only a matter of course that groups in which thefirstmember
was not heavily stressed did not participate in this change of word-
order. There are three classes of such groups. T h efirstmember
is a genitive with secondary stress: Jdhn's hdt. T h efirstmember
is an adjective with secondary stress: the little hdt. T h efirstm e m -
ber is an adverb with secondary stress: to uplift, undergo, dver-
come, dutstrip. Though these classes of groups did not suffer a
change of word-order, they are in perfect harmony with the large
class of groups that did suffer a change of word-order. In all of
them the heavily stressed m e m b e r stands in the last place. More-
572
 63 GROUPS AND GROUP-WORDS 573
over, they all have a pronounced descriptive character. T h e
change of word-order in the one group brought it into harmony
with the three others and established the general character for
the normal English group.
In marked contrast to these normal groups are a very large
number of old groups which represent an older type of English
expression. This type originated in the prehistoric period at a
time when inflection was still unknown. A s there were no inflec-
tional forms the grammatical relations of the members of the group
could only be conveyed by the establishment of afixedword-order:
the modifying m e m b e r always precedes. T h efirstm e m b e r is an
uninflected subjective genitive: 'earthquake = the quaking of
the earth.' T h efirstm e m b e r is an uninflected possessive genitive:
'wagon-wheel = wheel of a wagon'; 'treVtdp = top of a tree.'
Thefirstm e m b e r has the force of a genitive of origin: 'firelight =
light from thefireplace.'T h efirstm e m b e r is an adverb: fncdming;
6utgding; f6rthcoming; d6wnfall. T h efirstm e m b e r has the force
of a prepositional phrase: 'st6rm-tossed = tossed by the storm';
'a starlit heaven = heaven lit up by the stars'; 't6othplck = a pick
for the teeth'; 'sleeping-car = a car for sleeping'; 'drinking-water
= water for drinking'; 'ironing board = a board for ironing,' etc.
'Let your next car be purolator equipped' (advertisement) =
'equipped with a purolator.' T h efirstm e m b e r is an object: sh6e-
maker; h6use-cleaning; pl6asure-16ving; epoch-making. W e often
call such groups compounds, but they are not compounds in
the sense in which goodbye (a contracted form of God be with
you) is a compound. T h e syntactical relations of the different
members of the group are just as clear as in a modern group,
although there are no inflectional forms to indicate these relations.
The fixed word-order here takes the place of inflection. They
differ from modern groups, however, in that they have a peculiar
oneness of meaning which resembles the oneness of meaning found
in a word. They have the general characteristics of a group of
words but also the oneness of meaning found in a word, hence w e
call them group-words. They have two other features that dis-
tinguish them from modern groups they have the chief stress
upon thefirstm e m b e r of the group and most of them have a pro-
nounced classifying or distinguishing force: (with classifying
force) water-power, steam-pdwer; headache, backache; (with
distinguishing force) Jacksonville, Louisville. Though the group-
word construction in all its functions is a survival of prehistoric
usage, it is still, as can be seen by the numerous examples given
above, playing an important r61e in the life of our time. It is a
particular favorite in the headlines of our daily newspapers:
 574 GROUPS AND GROUP-WORDS 63

IOWA BATTLES WISCONSIN T O D A Y FOR BlG TEN

LEAD (Chicago Tribune, Nov. 17, 1928).
This old type of expression w a s so useful that our ancestors re-
tained it and improved it by introducing inflectional features into
it: bfrd's-nest; wasp's-nest; a child's vdice; a w6man's hand; a
mother's love; chfldren-lover; children's language; printers'
errors; lfce-destroyer; savings bank; backwoodsman, etc. W e
m a y call these formations younger group-words in contrast to the
old group-words. They differ only in inflectional form from the
older formations; the typical features of stress and meaning are
exactly the same in the older and the younger group. T h e influ-
ence of these old types of expression is still very powerful. W h e n
w e form n e w group-words w e still usually give them the form of one
of these two old types: men's shdes; w 6 m e n voters; w6man's
college; tie flip; lockout. T h efirstthree of these examples are in
harmony with the spirit of the old type of expression. T h e last
two examples have the form of the old type, but they don't have
its spirit. They are decidedly descriptive. W e often feel this in
forming group-words with descriptive force and hence give them
modern form in harmony with their meaning: the w a y 6ut; the
w a y fn; the ride h 6 m e ; yellow fever; N e w Y6rk; Harper's
Ferry, etc.
O n the other hand, old group-words have in very m a n y cases
been influenced by modern groups. Old English group-words of
the type of stdnbrycg (stone bridge) are often as useful in modern
life as in early times, as, for instance, w h e n w e desire to classify
or distinguish, as in stone bridges, iron bridges, etc., or not an iron
bridge but a stone bridge; but they are often in open conflict with
our modern feeling w h e n w e describe, hence w e have to give them
modern form: a bridge of dressed stone, a stone bridge. T h e last
example represents one of the most characteristic changes that
have taken place in modern English. T h e expression a stone
bridge is formed after the analogy of a white bridge. T h e adjective
with secondary stress stands before the strongly stressed noun
describing it. Similarly, w e n o w construe stone, originally a noun,
as an adjective and give it the secondary stress of an adjective,
although it was once more strongly stressed than the noun that
forms the second m e m b e r of the group. Thus w e have used old
material for our modern construction, but have given it modern
form. O n the other hand, w e often use an adjective, adverb, or
genitive in -s with classifying or distinguishing force, but, of course,
w e place the stress as in an old group, i.e., upon thefirstmember:
a blackberry; the White Hduse; Newcastle; the red book not the
fy&wn one; dll-wdol; near beer (i.e., almost beer); 'Trusts and
63 GROUPS AND GROUP-WORDS 575

Ntar-Trusts' (heading of an editorial in Saturday Evening Post,

July 21,1928); Pittsburg; Johnstdwn, etc. Compare 101 2,10II1.
In old compounds and group-words thefirstcomponent is often
a modern descriptive group: 'a dirty clothes basket' = 'dirty
clothes + basket'; 'a new and second-hand bookseller' = 'new
and second-hand b6ok + seller'; 'a practical joker' = 'practical
j6ke + -er.'
 INDEX
The references are to sections and subsections. The contraction syn.
stands for syntax, i.e., the grammatical construction required.

A, an, indefinite article, form and use, agreement, 28 5; proportionate

66 C; a qualitative determinative, agreement, 29 1 A 6.
66 A (next to last par.). According to, prep., 62 1.
A-, contraction of on, 7 F (4th par.), Accordingly, coord, conj., 19 1 e.
62 2, 47 a (2nd par.), 50 4 c dd (3rd Accusative:
par.). Form and position, 11 1.
A-, ingressive prefix, 38 2 a dd. Meaning and use, 11 2.
A-, old prefix of past part., 49 3 & Metonymic object, 11 2 a.
(3rd par.). Reflexive object, 11 2 c.
'A,' contraction of have, see Had 'a.' Reciprocal object, 11 2 d.
Abaft, prep., 62 1. Interrogative and relative whom
Ablative case, 62 (7th par.). as object, 11 2 e.
Aboard, prep., 62 1. Object of an adjective, 11 2 g.
About, pred. adv., 7 F; adv. after Dative and accusative, 15 I.
verbs: 'They set about to repair Accusative of the person and geni-
the damage'; prep., 62 1; in prep- tive of the thing, 15 II.
ositional clauses, 7 F, 60 4 c dd; Double accusative: accusative of
effective particle, 38 2 6 aa. the person and accusative of
Above, prep., 62 1. the thing, 15 III 1; accusative
Abreast, pred. adv., 7 F, 62 1; prep., of the direct object and an ob-
62 1. jective predicate, 15 III 2.
Abridged clauses, 20 3, 21 e, 23 I a, Accusative of the person or thing
23 II 11, 24 III d, 24 IV a, 26 a, and a prepositional phrase, 15
27 5, 28 1 a, 28 2 6, 28 3 a, 28 5 d, IV.
29 1 A a 66, 29 1 A c 66, 29 1 A d Adverbial accusative, 16 4 a.
aa, 29 1 B 6, 29 2 a, 30 6, 31 2, 32 Accusative clause, 24.
2, 33 2, 34. After a verb, 24 III; in the form
Absent, reflex, verb, 46 (4th par.). of a question, 24 III c; abridg-
Absolute: ment, 24 III d.
Nominative: in adverbial clauses, After a preposition, 24 IV; abridg-
17 3 A ; in subject clauses, 17 3 ment, 24 III d.
B; in predicate clauses, 17 3 C; Accustomed, 38 4 (next to last par.).
in appositive clauses, 17 3 D. .Across, prep., 62 1; effective par-
Participles, 17 4. ticle, 38 2 6 aa.
Superlative, 54 2 a, 16 5 6. Act, with passive force, 46 (7th par.).
Comparative, 54 2 6. Actional passive, 47 a.
Use of transitive verbs, 46. Active voice, 46; intransitive form
Abstract nouns, 59 5. with reflexive force, 46 (4th par.);
Acause, sub. conj. for because, 30. active form with passive meaning,
Accent, see Stress. 46 (7th par.).
Accept, syn., 13 3. Adapt, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
According as, sub. conj. of: alternate577Address, nominative of, 17 2.
578 INDEX

Adherent adjectives and participles, unclear genitive forms, 10

10 I, 10 I 1. II 2 B e.
Adjective clauses: Subjective genitive, 10II 2 C.
Attributive substantive clause, 23 Objective genitive, 10 II 2 D.
I; abridgment, 23 I o. Genitive of material or compo-
Attributive relative clause: sition, 10 II 2 E.
Original nature of the clause, 23 Descriptive genitive: genitive
II. of characteristic, 10 II 2 F
Older forms of the clause, 23 II a; genitive of measure, 10
(4th par.). II 2 F 6.
Descriptive and restrictive rela- Appositive genitive, 10II 2 G.
tive clauses, 23 II 6. Partitive genitive, 10 II 2 H;
Complex relative clause, 23 II genitive of gradation, 10 II
6 a. 2 He.
Personality and form in the use Apposition:
of relative pronouns, 23 II 7. Apposition proper, 10 III 1;
Case of the relative pronoun and loose apposition, 10 III 1 A;
its agreement with its anteced- close apposition, 10 III 1 B.
ent, 23 II 8. Improper apposition, 10 III 2.
False attraction, 23 II 8 d. Prepositional phrase, 10 IV.
Position and repetition of the Infinitive, 10 V.
relative pronoun, 23 II 9. Adverb, 10 VI.
Personal pronoun instead of a Clause, 10 VII.
relative, 23 II 9 a. Adjectives:
Independent proposition instead Functions, 51 1.
of a relative, 23 II 9 b. Classes, 51 2.
Asyndetic relative construction, Position and stress, 10 11.
23 II 10: hypotactic clause, Repetition of limiting adjectives,
23 II 10 o; paratactic clause, 1013.
23 II 10 6. Nouns, adverbs, phrases, and sen-
Abridgment of relative clause, tences used as adjectives, 10 I 2,
23 II 11. 7 B o aa.
Adjective modifiers: Adjectives and participles used as
Adherent and appositive adjective nouns, 58.
and participle, 10 I. Adjectives used as pronouns, 57
Position and stress, 10 I 1. 2,3.
Nouns, adverbs, phrases, and Inflection of descriptive adjectives,
sentences used as adjectives, 52.
1012. Inflection and use of limiting ad-
Repetition of Umiting adjective, jectives, 56.
10 13. Substantive form of adjectives, 52
N o u n modified by two posses- (3rd par.), 57.
sive adjectives connected by Comparison, 53-55.
and, 10 I 4. Older comparison, pleonasm, ex-
Logical relations of the adjective cess of expression, 54 1 a aa.
to its governing noun, 10 I 5, Advantages of analytic form,
Attributive genitive, 10 II. 54 1 b.
Form, position, and stress, 10II1. Different form for different func-
Position of genitive among other tion, 54 1 c.
attributive modifiers, 10II1 c. T w o qualities of one person or
Categories, 10 II 2. thing compared, 54 1 A.
Genitive of origin, 10 II 2 A. Comparison of other parts of
Possessive genitive, 10 II 2 B; speech used as adjectives, 54
group genitive, 10 II 2 B d; If.
 INDEX 579
Comparison of compounds, 54 Clause of means, 34; abridgment,
1 h. 34.
Absolute superlative, 54 2 a. Adverbial genitive, 16 4 a.
Absolute comparative, 64 2 6. Adverbial modifiers, form and func-
Adjunct, 9 2. tion, 16 1.
Admit, syn., 13 3. Adverbial prepositional clause, 16 1,
Admitting that, absolute part., 32 2. 62 7 d.
AAown, prep., 62 1. Adverbial prepositional phrase, 16 1,
Adverbial accusative, 16 4 o. 17 3 A 6, c, d, e, f, 28 1 a, 28 2 (6th
Adverbial clauses, 25, 26-34. par.), 28 3 a, 28 5 d (next to last
Clause of place, 26; abridgment, par.), 29 1 A c aa, 29 1 A d aa,
26 a. 30 6, 31 2 (9th par.), 32 2 (next to
Clause of time, 27; abridgment, last par.), 33 2.
27 5. Adverbs:
Clause of manner, 28. Form and function, 16 1.
Manner proper, 28 1; abridg- Position and stress, 16 2.
ment, 28 1 a. Sentence adverb, 28 2 a; with
Comparison, 28 2; abridgment, the force of the subjunctive,
28 2 6. 43 I A (2nd par.), 44 I (last
Attendant circumstance, 28 3; par.).
abridgment, 28 3 a. Distinguishing adverb, 28 2 b.
Alternative agreement, 28 4. Position of only, 28 2 c.
Manner clause of modal result Position of not, 28 2 d.
and pure result, 28 5; replaced Contraction of not, 28 2 e.
by other constructions, 28 Negatives, 16 3.
5 a, 6; abridgment, 28 5 d. Double negation, 16 3 a.
Clause of degree, 29. Rhetorical question instead of a
Comparison: negative statement, 16 3 6.
Positive clause, expressing a Form of simple adverbs, 16 4.
degree equal to that of the Genitive, dative, and accusative
principal proposition: used adverbially, 16 4 a.
A simple comparison, 29 1 This and that used adverbially,
A a; abridgment, 29 1 A 16 4 6.
o 66. Adverbial use of the, 16 4 c.
Proportionate agreement, Comparison of adverbs, 16 5 a aa,
29 1 A 6. 66.
Restriction, 29 1 A c; Absolute superlative, 16 5 6.
abridgment, 29 1 A c 66. Adverbs used as:
Extent, 29 1 A d; abridg- Adherent adjectives, 10 I 2.
ment, 29 1 A d aa. Appositive adjectives, 10 VI.
Comparative clause, 29 1 B. Predicate adjectives, 7 F.
Degree clause of modal result, Nouns and pronouns, 62 (3rd
29 2; abridgment, 29 2 a. par.), 16 1 (5th and 6th parr.),
Clause of cause, 30. 23 II 5.
Origin, 30 a; abridgment, 30 b. Conjunctions: subordinating,
Clause of condition or exception, 31. see Conjunctive adverbs; co-
Replaced by other constructions, ordinating, 19 2.
31 1; abridgment, 31 2. First component of compounds,
Clause of concession, 32. 16 1 (3rd par.).
Replaced by other constructions, Adversative, coord, conj., 19 1 c; sub.
32 1; abridgment, 32 2. conj., 27 4, 32.
Clause of purpose, 33. Afoot, 7 F, 62 1 o.
Replaced by other constructions, Afore, prep., 62 1; sub. conj., 27,
33 1; abridgment, 33 2. 27 3 (7th par.).
580 INDEX

After, prep., 10 IV a, 62 1; sub. conj. Although, sub. conj., 32.

of time, 10 I V a, 27, 27 3 (next to Amends, 59 2.
last par.); imparting the idea of Amid or amidst, prep., 62 1.
a habitual act, 38 1 (3rd par. from Amn't, 16 2 e.
end); adj. compar., 54 1 a. Among or amongst, prep., 16 4 a, 62 1.
After all, coord, conj., 19 1 c; = sub. An or a, indefinite article, form and
concessive clause, 32 2 (next to use of, 56 C.
last par.). An, sub. conj.: = whether, if, 24 III;
Aftermost, 54 1 a, 54 1 a aa. = if, 31, 32; = than, 29 1 B.
Afterward(s), 16 4 a. Analytic form, advantages of, 6 A
Again, coord, conj., 19 1 o c; sub. d (1), (2); 54 1 b.
conj., 27, 27 3 (next to last par.); Anaphoric force of demonstratives,
prep., 62 1. 66 A, B.
Against, prep., 62 1; sub. conj., 27 3 And, coord, conj., 19, 19 1 a; sub.
(next to last par.). conj.: = whether, if, 24 III; = if
Agent in the passive voice expressed 31, 32; = than, 29 1 B.
by by and of, 11 2 /. Andas well, coord, conj., 19 2 o.
Agreeably to, prep., 62 1. And which, 23 II 6 c.
Agreement of: And who, 23 II 6 c.
Predicate and subject in: number, And yet, coord, conj., 19 1 c.
8 I; person, 8 II, 21 c, 23 II 3; Anent, prep., 62 1.
gender, 8 III; case, 8 IV. Annalistic present tense, 37 1 d.
Appositive with governing noun Anon as, sub. conj., 27.
or pronoun, 10 III 1 A, B, Another from instead of another than,
10 III 1 A a. 29 16.
Pronoun with antecedent, 61 a, Answer, syn., 15 I 1.
57 5 b (6th par.), 23 II 8. An't, 16 2 e.
Ah, interj., 17 1. Antecedent, 61 a, 23 II 8; the ante-
Ahead of, prep., 62 1. cedent not a noun or pronoun, but
Aim, syn., 24 III d (9th par.). the idea contained in a group of
Ain't, 16 2 e. words or a single noun or adjective,
Al, sub. conj., 32. 7 C, 23 II 6 (6th par.).
Alas, interj., 17 1. Antecedent to, prep., 62 1.
Albe, sub. conj., 32. Antelope, pi., 69 3.
Albeit, sub. conj., 32. Anterior to, prep., 62 1.
AU, uninflected limiting adj., 57 1 Anticipatory: subject it and there,
(5th par.); used as predicate 4 II C ; object it, 11 2 6.
appositive, 6 C ; used as pronoun, A number (of), 8 I 1 d.
67 3; used as noun, 58 (last par.); Any, adj., in substantive function,
used as adverb, 16 4 a. 57 1, 3; any one, 57 1 (6th par.);
AU the same, coord, conj., 19 1 c. dny 6ne, 57 1 (8th par.); any,
AU too, 16 2 c. much used as an adverb, especially
Allow, syn., 13 3. in American speech, 16 4 o (5th
Ally, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1. par.).
Alms, 8 1 2 / . Anybody else's, 57 5 c (2nd par.).
Alone, distinguishing adv., 16 2 6. Anywheres for anywhere, 16 4 a.
Along, alongst, prep., 62 1. Apart from, prep., 62 1; with gerund,
Along of, prep., 62 1. 28 3 a.
Along with, prep., 62 1. Apart from the fact that, sub. conj.,
Alongside of, prep., 62 1. 28 3.
Also, distinguishing adv., 16 2 6; Apostrophe with the genitive, 10
coord, conj., 19 1. III.
Alternative agreement, clause of, Apparently, adv. with subjunctive
28 4. force, 44 I (last par.).
 INDEX 581
Appear, copula, 6 B; with subjunc- 28 5 (3rd par. from end);
tive force, 44 I (last par.). 28 5 d; pure result, 28 5
Apply, intrans. or reflex., 46 (5th (next to last par.), 28 5 d.
par.). Degree clause of comparison,
Appositional type of sentence, 6 B a. 29 1 A a, 29 1 A a 66.
Appositive: Proportionate agreement, 29
Adjectives and participles, 10 I 1. 1 A 6.
Nouns and pronouns, 10 III 1 A a, Restriction or extent, 29 1
6, B, 10 II 2 G (4th par.), A c, d.
10 II 2 H 6. In comparative clause with
Genitive, 10 II 2 G. the force of than, 29 1 B.
Adverbs, 10 VI. Degree clause of modal result,
Prepositional phrases, 10 IV. 29 2, 29 2 a.
Clauses, 10 III 1 A 6, 10 VII, 23 I. Cause, 30, 30 a.
Infinitives, 10 V. Cause and manner, 30 a (6th
Gerunds, 60 4 d (3rd par.). par.).
Predicate appositive, 6 C. Purpose, 33.
Approve, syn., 13 3. As against, prep., 62 1.
Apropos of, prep., 62 1. As also, coord, conj., 19 1 a.
A quarter, syn., 6 C. As between, prep., 62 1.
Around, prep., 62 1. As compared with, prep., 62 1.
Article, definite, 56 B; indefinite, As distinct (or distinguished) from,
66 C; repetition of, 10 I 3. prep., 62 1.
As: As far as, sub. conj., 29 1 A c; prep.,
Original meaning, 27 2, 23 II (3rd 62 1, 24 IV, 29 1 A d aa, 291 B b.
par.), 25. As far as that, sub. conj., 29 1 A d.
Present functions: As far back as, prep., 62 1.
Used before predicate comple- As fast as, sub. conj., 29 1 A d.
ment, 7 A 6 (3). As for, prep., 62 1, 29 1 A c aa.
Before objective predicate, 16 As if or as though, 28 2 a.
III 2 A. As it were, 28 2 o.
Before appositives, 10 III 1 A As long as, sub. conj. of: time, 27;
(4th par.), 6 C, 7 A 6 (3). cause, 30; extent, 29 1 A d.
Relative pronoun, 23 II (3rd As often as, sub. conj. of time, 27,
par.), 23 II 5, 27 2 (3rd par.), 27 2 (5th par.).
29 1 A c aa. As opposed to, prep., 62 1.
Coordinating conjunction, 19 1 a, As regards, 29 1 A c.
/ As soon as, sub. conj., 27.
Subordinating conjunction for As soon as ever, sub. conj., 27.
that in substantive clauses, 21, As that, sub. conj. of: manner clause
24 III. of modal result, 28 5 (3rd par.
Subordinating conjunction used from end); degree clause of simple
to introduce a predicate clause, comparison, 29 1 A a (last par.);
22. degree clause of modal result,
Widely used in adverbial clauses, 29 2; cause = as, 30.
25. As though, see As if.
Place, 26. As to, prep., 62 1, 29 1 A c aa.
Time, 27, 27 2. As touching, prep., 62 1.
Manner proper, 28 1. As well as, coord, conj., 19 1 a,
Manner clause of comparison, 8116.
28 2, 28 2 a. As which, 23 II 6 6.
Attendant circumstance, 28 3. As who, 23 II 6 6.
Alternative agreement, 28 4. Ashore, 7 F, 62 2.
Manner clause of modal result, Aside, prep., 62 1.
582 INDEX

Ask, with two accusatives, 15 III 1. perfect and the past perfect,
Aslant, prep., 62 1, 62 2. 37 3.
Aspect: ShaU and will to form the future
Durative, 38 1. and the future perfect, 37 5 a,
Point-action aspects: ingressive, 37 6.
38 2 a; effective, 38 2 6. Passive auxiliaries, 47 a.
Terminate, 38 3. Used to form the subjunctive, 42,
Iterative, 38 4. 43-44.
Aspect in popular Scotch and Used to form the imperative, 45 2,
Irish, 38 5. 3,4.
Assuming, absolute part., 31 2 (4th Stressed to emphasize the idea of
par.), 32 2. actuality or modality, 6 A d (1),
Astern of, prep., 62 1. 38 1 (4th and 5th parr.).
Astride of, prep., 62 1. With causative force, 46 (next to
Asyndetic relative construction, 23 II last par.).
10. Aviatrix, 60 1 c.
Hypotactic clause, 23 II 10 a. Avoid, syn., 24 III d (next to last
Paratactic clause, 23 II 10 6. par.).
At, prep., 62 1; prep, adv., 62 5. Away, compound, 7 F; ingressive
At least, distinguishing adv., 16 2 b. particle, 38 2 a dd; effective parti-
At the cost of, prep., 62 1. cle, 38 2 6 aa.
At the hands of, prep., 62 1.
At the instance of, prep., 62 1. Back of, prep., 62 1.
At the peril of, prep., 62 1. Backward(s), 16 4 a.
At the point of, prep., 62 1. Bad, badly, comparison of, 64 1 a,
At the risk of, prep., 62 1. 16 5 a. 'I feel bad' (not badly;
At the same time that, sub. conj. of: see 7 B a), but 'I wanted it badly
time, 27; attendant circumstance, (not bad; see 16 4, 4th par.)
38 3; with adversative force, 27 4. enough.' Bad used as noun, 58
At times at times, coord, conj., (3rd par. from end).
19 1 o. Badder, compar., 64 1 a.
Athletics, 59 2. Bah, interj., 17 1.
Athwart, prep., 62 1, 62 2. Bake, with passive force, 46 (7th
Atop, prep., 62 1, 62 2. par.).
Attendant circumstance, clause of, Bally, adv., 54 2 a (last par.).
28 3; abridgment, 28 3 a. Bang, copula, 6 B.
Attraction, infinitive attracted to the Banish, with two accusatives, 15
form of a past tense or participle, III 1, 15 III 1 a.
6 A d, 49 4 C (1) a (last par.), 49 Bantu, pi. of, 58 (4th par.).
4 E (3rd par.). Barracks, pi., 59 2.
Attributive adjective clauses, see Barring, absolute part., 31 2.
Adjective clauses. Bask, syn., 46 (4th par.).
Attributive adjective modifiers, 10; Bathe, syn., 46 (4th par.).
see also Adjective modifiers. Bating, prep., 62 1, 31 2.
Attributive genitive, 10 II. Be, copula, 6 B, 7 A, B, C, 7 D 1;
Attributive prepositional clause, 10 modal auxiliary, 7 D 2, 43 I A
IV o. (3rd and 6th parr.), 44II5 A a (last
Attributive prepositional phrase, 10 par.); with durative force in the pro-
gressive form, 38 1, 47 o (2nd par.);
TV. with ingressive force, 38 2 o ee, ff,
Attributive substantive clause, 23 I; hh, 38 3 (2nd par.), 47 6; with effec-
abridgment, 23 I a. tive force, 38 2 6 ee (last par.), 38 2 6
Auxiliaries: gg, hh; with future force, 37 1 e;
Do, 6 A d. 6e for have in the perfect tense
Have and be to form the present
 INDEX 583
active, 37 3 d; passive auxiliary, Blush, copula, 6 B, 7 A d.
47 a, 6. Both, syn., 6 C.
Be-, 62 4 (last par.). Both and, coord, conj., 19 1 a.
Bear, reflex., 46 (4th par.). Bother: Don't bother answering this,
Beat: I beat him jumping, 28 1 a. 28 1 a.
Beauty, beauties, meaning, 59 5 6. Botheration, interj., 17 1.
Because, sub. conj. of: cause, 30, Brace, pi. of, 69 3.
30 a (7th par.); purpose, 33; Brains, pi., 59 1.
introducing subject clause, 21; in- Bravo, interj., 17 1.
troducing predicate clause, 22. Break, copula, 6 B ; intrans., 46 (3rd
Because that, sub. conj. of cause, 30. par.); with passive force, 46 (7th
Become, copula, 6 B, 38 2 a 66, par.).
38 2 6 ee. Break out, with ingressive force, 38
Before, prep., 10 IV a, 62 1; sub. 2 a aa.
conj., 10IVa, 21,27,273 (7th par.). Bring, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
Beg, syn., 24 III d. Buck, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 d.
Begin, with ingressive force, 38 2 a aa. Buffalo, pi. of, 69 3.
Behave, syn., 46 (4th par.). Bulk, copula, 6 B, 7 B a.
Behind, prep., 62 1. Bull, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 6.
Behold, syn., 15 III 2 B. Burn, copula, 6 B ; causative, 46 (3rd
Believe, syn., 7 A o (1), 12 1, 24 III, par. from end).
24 III d. Burst out, with ingressive force, 38
Bellows, 69 2. 2 a aa.
Below, prep., 62 1. Busy, reflex, verb, 46 (4th par.);
Beneath, prep., 62 1. adj., busy getting the family into
Beside, prep., 62 1, 6. trouble, 28 1 a.
Besides, prep., 62 1, 6. But:
Besides that, sub. conj., 28 3. Coordinating conjunction, 19 1 c.
Bestir, reflex., 46 (4th par.). Subordinating conjunction in:
Bet, syn., 12 1 B a. Subject clause, 21.
Betake, reflex., 46 (4th par.). Accusative clause, 24 III.
Bethink, reflex., 46 (4th par.). Clause of time, 27, 27 3 (last
Betroth, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1. par.).
Better, compar., 54 1 a, 16 5 a; m e Clause of attendant circum-
were better (or / were better) to go, stance, 28 3.
49 4 C 1 6. Manner clause of pure result,
Bettermost, superl., 54 1 a. 28 5 (7th par.).
Between, prep., 62 1. Comparative clause, 29 1 B
Betwixt, prep., 62 1. (last par.).
Beyond, prep., 62 1. Degree clause of modal result,
Beyond that, sub. conj., 31. 29 2.
Beyond the reach of, prep., 62 1. Clause of condition or exception,
Bid, syn., 16 III 2 B. 31, 31 2; here often felt as a
Billy, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 6. preposition, 31.
Bit, a bit, 16 4 a. Elliptical clause, 49 4 E.
Black, noun, pi. of, 58 (3rd par.). Relative pronoun, 23 II 5.
Blackfoot, noun, pi. of, 68 (4th par.). Adverb = only, 31 (last par.); pleo-
Blending, 4 II C (4th par.), 10 II nastic but, 16 3 a, 31 (last par.).
2 H c, 20 3 (5th par.), 24 III c, 31 But if, sub. conj., 31.
(near end), 49 4 C (1) 6, 59 7 (2nd But that or but what, sub. conj. or rel.
par.). pron. = But. See But. For the
Bloody, adv., 54 2 a (last par.). origin of but what see 23 II 4,
Blow, copula, 6 B ; with passive force, 23 II 5 (2nd par.). But that is
46 (7th par.). used also in purpose clauses, 33.
584 INDEX

But then, coord, conj., 19 1 c. Classifying stress of: adjectives,

But which, 23 II 6 c. 10 I 1; genitives, 10 II 1 (next
Buy, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1. to last par.).
By, prep., 62 1; used with a passive Clause, subordinate: grammatical
verb to denote the agent, 11 2 /; function, 20 1; position, 20 2;
prep, adv., 62 5; sub. conj., 24 IV abridgment, 20 3.
(7th par.), 27. Subject clause, 21.
By dint of, prep., 62 1. Position and stress, 21 6.
By (the) help of, prep., 62 1. Emphasis and attraction, 21 c.
By how much by so much, 29 1 A 6. Abridgment, 21 d.
By means of, prep., 62 1. Predicate clause, 22.
By order of, prep., 62 1. Position and stress, 22 a.
By reason of, prep., 62 1. Abridgment, 22 c.
By reason that, sub. conj., 30. Adjective clause:
By that, sub. conj.: of time, 27; of Attributive substantive clause,
cause, 30. 23 I; abridgment, 23 I a.
By the fact that, sub. conj. of means, Attributive adjective clause, i.e.,
34. relative clause. See Attribu-
By then that, sub. conj., 27. tive relative clause under Ad-
By virtue of, prep., 62 1. jective clauses.
By way of, prep., 62 1. Object clause:
Genitive clause, 24 I; abridg-
Call, syn., 15 III 2, 15 III 2 A a. ment, 24 I a.
Can, 49 4 C (1) a; modal auxiliary, Dative clause, 24 II; abridg-
441. ment, 24 II a.
Cannon, pi. of, 59 1. Accusative clause, 24 III;
Can't help but feel that, etc., 24 III d abridgment, 24 III d.
(next to last par.), 49 4 E (4th Prepositional clause, 24 IV;
par.). abridgment, 24 IV a.
Care of, prep., 62 1. Adverbial clause, 25.
Case, see Nominative, Accusative, Place, 26; abridgment, 26 a.
Dative, Genitive. Time, 27; abridgment, 27 5.
Catch, copula, 6 B, 7 F; with in- Manner with its various forms
gressive force, 38 2 a cc; with and their abridgments, 28.
effective force, 38 2 6 ee, hh; with Degree with its various forms
passive force, 46 (7th par.). and their abridgments, 29.
Causal clause, 30; abridgment, 30 6; Cause, 30; abridgment, 30 6.
causal conjunctions, 30 a. Condition or exception, 31; re-
Causative auxiliaries, 46 (next to placed by other constructions,
past par.). 31 1; abridgment, 31 2.
Causatives, 46 (the two parr, preced- Concession, 32; replaced by
ing the last one). other constructions, 32 1;
Cause, clause of, 30; abridgment, abridgment, 32 2.
30 6. Purpose, 33; replaced by other
Cause, syn., 24 III d; with dat. and constructions, 33 1; abridg-
ace, 16 I 1. ment, 33 2.
Cause why, sub. conj., 30. Means and its abridgment, 34.
Cease, with effective foree, 38 2 b cc. Clergy, pi., 59 1.
Chance, copula, 6 B, 7 D 1 o. Co-, 16 1 (3rd par.).
Characteristic, genitive of, 10II2 F a. Cock, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 6.
Chinamen, Chinese, Chinee, 68 (4th Cognate accusative, 11 2 (3rd par.).
par.). Collective nouns, 55 1; agreement of
Choose, syn., 24 III d (next to last verbs with, S l i d .
par.), 49 E. Come, copula, 6 B, 7 B a, 38 2 6 ee;
 INDEX 585
full verb, syn., 16 4 a (next to last Conceive, syn., 13 3.
par.). Concerning, prep., 62 1, 17 4 (4th
Come to, am coining to, with effective par.).
force, 38 2 6 ee; with modal force, Concessive clause, 32.
43 I A (4th par. from end), 43 II Replaced by other constructions,
Be. 32 1; abridgment, 32 2.
C o m m a n d , see Imperative. Concord, see Agreement.
Commence, copula, 6 B; with ingres- Concurrently with, prep., 62 1.
sive force, 38 2 a aa. Conditional clause, 31.
C o m m o n case, or c o m m o n form, 3. M o o d and tense in, 44II 5 A, B, C.
C o m m o n gender, 60 1 a. Replaced by other constructions,
Communicate, reflex., with passive 31 1; abridgment, 31 2.
force, 46 (9th par.). Conditionally (that), sub. conj., 31.
Comparative: Conditionally on, prep., 62 1.
Of adjectives, relative compara- Conduct, reflex., 46 (4th par,).
Conformably to, prep., 62 1.
tive, 54 1 a, 6, c, d, e, f, g, h, 55;
different form for different func- Conjunctions:
tion, 64 1 c; comparatives not Coordinating, 19 1.
followed by than, 54 1 g; double Subordinating, 21, 22, 23 I, II 5,
comparative, 54 1 a aa; absolute 24 I, II, III, IV, 25, 26, 27, 28,
comparative, 64 2 6. 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34.
Of adverbs, 16 5 a. Conjunctive:
Comparative clause, 29 1 B ; abridg- Adjectives, introducing a subordi-
ment, 29 1 B 6. nate clause, usually called rela-
Comparison: tive adjectives, 23 II 2 (5th
Of adjectives characteristic of de- par.), 23 II 3 (2nd par.), 21,
scriptive adjectives but found 24 III.
also with a number of limiting Pronouns:
adjectives, 53; present forms of In coordinated propositions, 19 2.
comparison, 64-55; older com- Introducing a subordinate clause:
parison, pleonasm, and excess of in attributive relative clauses,
expression, 54 1 a aa. 23 II 5; in substantive clauses,
Of adverbs, 16 5 a aa, 66. introduced by indefinite rela-
Comparison, clause of, 28 2; abridg- tive pronouns or interrogative
ment, 28 2 6. pronouns, 21 (1st, 2nd, and 4th
Complement, predicate, 7. parr.), 24 III.
Complete: predicate, 6 A ; subject, 4. Adverbs:
Complete predication, verbs of, 6 A. In coordinated propositions, 19 2.
Complex: sentence, 18, 20; subject Introducing a subordinate clause:
clause, 21 (last par.); predicate in substantive clauses intro-
clause, 22 6; object clause, 24 III duced by indefinite relative
(last par.); relative clause, 23 II adverbs or interrogative ad-
6 a. verbs, 21 (1st, 2nd, and 4th
Comport, reflex., 46 (4th par.). parr.), 24 III; in attributive
Compose, reflex., 46 (4th par.). relative clauses used as rela-
Composition, genitive of, 10 II 2 E. tive pronouns, 23 II 5.
Compound: adjectives, 10 I 2, 16 1 Consecrate, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
(3rd par.), 16 4 a (4th par. from Consecutive clause, see Result
end); nouns, 10 II 1 (10th and clauses.
11th parr.); verbs, 16 1 (3rd par.), Consequently, coord, conj., 19 1 e.
62 4 (last par.); compounds in Consider, syn., 7 A 6 (2), 15 II 2 A.
general, 63. Considered, part, in absolute nom.
Compound sentence, 19 1. construction, 17 3 A c.
Conceding, absolute part., 32 2. Considering, absolute part., 31 2.
586 INDEX

Content, contents, 59 6. Definite article, use of, 66 B.

Continue, copula, 6 B ; with durative Degree in adjectives and adverbs,
force, 38 1. see Comparison.
Contraction of: compound sentence, Degree, clause of, 29.
19 1; not, 16 2 e. Comparison:
Contrary to, prep., 62 1. Positive clause:
Conversely, coord, conj., 19 1 c. Simple comparison, 29 1 A a;
Conversion, 58. abridgment, 29 1 A a 6b.
Convey, reflex., 46 (4th and 8th parr.). Proportionate agreement, 29
Coordinating: conjunctions, 19 1; 1 A 6.
pronouns and adverbs, 19 2. Restriction, 29 1 A c; abridg-
Copulas, 6 B ; often with such con- ment, 29 1 A c 66.
crete force that to be must be Extent, 29 1 A d; abridgment,
added to indicate that they are 29 1 A d aa.
copulas, 7 A a (1) (3rd par.); Comparative clause, 29 1 B.
often in other meanings with their Result, 29 2; abridgment, 29 2 a.
original concrete force, 6 B (2nd Deliberative question, see Ques-
par.). tions.
Copulative conjunctions, 19 1 a. Demean, reflex., 46 (4th par.).
Correlative conjunctions: coordi- Demonstrative adjectives: inflection
nating, 19 1 a; subordinating, 29 and use, 56, 56 A ; charged with
1 A 6, 32 (last par.). feeling, 56 A ; with anaphoric
Cos, sub, conj. for because, 30. force, 56 A, B ; with determinative
Counter to, prep., 62 1. force, 56 A, B.
Cow, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 6. Deny, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
Cross, reciprocal verb without use of Depart, syn., 11 2.
reciprocal pronoun, 11 2 d, 46 Dependent, see Subordinate.
(5th par.). Deport, reflex., 46 (4th par.).
Cut, with passive force, 46 (7th Derive, with passive force, 46 (7th
par.). par.).
Cut out, with effective force, 38 2 6 dd. Descriptive:
Cut up, copula, 6 B. Adjectives: defined, 51 2; used as
Czar, czarina, 60 1 c. nouns, 58.
Damned, adv., 54 2 a (last par.). Genitive, 10 II 2 F.
Dangling participles, 17 4. Relative clause, 23 II 6.
Danish origin, 16 3 (6th par.); Desire, syn., 24 III, 24 III d.
Danish influence, 23 II. Desirous of, 13 3 (4th par.).
Dare, syn., 49 4 C (1) a. Despite, prep., 62 1.
Dative case: original meaning, 12 2; Despite that, sub. conj., 32.
form and use, 12 1; indirect object, Determinative: adjectives and pro-
11 1, 15 I 1; dative of reference, nouns, 56 A, B, 23 II, 23 II 10 a;
12 1 B a; dative of interest, 12 1 adverbs, 25, 27 2.
B 6; ethical dative, 12 1 B e ; ad- Develop, intrans. or reflex., 46 (4th
verbial dative, 16 4 a. par.); passive force, 46 (7th par.).
Dead, deader, deadest, 64 1 a aa. Devote, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
Dear me, interj., 17 1. Different from or different to, 62 6.
Debar, with two accusatives, 15 III 1, Different than, 29 1 B.
15 III 1 a. Differently from, prep., 62 1.
Declarative sentence, 2; word-order Direct: address, 17 2; object, 11 1,
of declarative sentence sometimes 15 I 1, 2, 15 II, 15 III 1, 2, 15 IV;
used in questions, 35 2 (3rd par.). discourse, 44 II 3 a.
Declension, see Inflection. Directly, sub. conj., 27 3 (5th par.).
Dedicate, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1. Dis~, 16 1 (3rd par.).
Disjunctive conjunctions, 19 1 b.
 INDEX 587
Dismiss, with two accusatives, 15 Each other, reciprocal pron., 67 5 e.
III 1, 15 III 1 a. Eager for, 14.
Dissolve, with passive force, 46 (7th Early, adv., 16 4 (4th par.); com-
par.). parison of, 16 5 a.
Distinguishing: adjective stress, 10 East, eastern, comparison of, 64 1 a.
I 1; genitive stress, 10 II 1 (next East of, prep., 62 1.
to last par.); adverbs, 16 2 6. Easy, adv., 16 4 (4th par.); com-
Do, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1; used parison of, 16 5 a.
to prevent a repetition, 6 A c; Eat, copula, 6 B.
used as an auxiliary, 6 A d, 45 2; Eaves, 8 1 2 / .
with effective force, 38 2 6 cc; 1 Editorial we, 4 II E.
have (or am) done packing, 38 2 6 cc; Ee = you, 4 II H (2nd par.).
causative auxiliary, 46 (next to Effective aspect, 38 2 6.
last par.). E.g., coord, conj., 19 1 /.
Doe, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 6. Either, number of verb with, 8 I 1 e.
Dog, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 a, 6. Either: not (or never) not (or nor)
Done: Done told you about that, 6 A d , . . . either, 19 1 a.
49 4 C (1) a (last par.); 'Will you Either or, coord, conj., 19 1 b.
ever be done getting m e into Elder, eldest, 54 1 a; elder cannot take
trouble?', 28 1 a; 'I have (or a m ) than after it, 54 1 g.
done packing,' 38 2 6 cc. Ellipsis: in infinitive clause, 49 4 E ;
Don't, 8 I 1 h, Note (next to last in clause of exception, 31 (5th par.
par.), 16 2 /. and 3rd par. from end); in com-
Double: comparison, 64 1 a aa; parative clause, 29 1 B, 29 1 B a;
negation, 16 3 a; genitive, 10II1 6. in clauses of comparison, 28 2 (4th
Double, intrans. or reflex., 46 (4th par.), 29 1 A a.
par.). Elliptical clause different from the
Doubt, with reflex, dat., 12 1 B 6 (next abridged clause, 20 3 a.
to last par.); conjunctions used Else: no one but he, or else than he,
after doubt, 24 III; doubt not but, or other than he, or besides him, 31
with infinitive, 24 III d (6th par.). (3rd par. from end); other often re-
Down, prep., 62 1; prep, adv., 62 4 placed by else after pronouns, 57
(next to last par.); adv. with in- 5 c (2nd par.); disjunctive adv.,
gressive force, 38 2 a dd; adv. 19 1 b.
with effective force, 38 2 6 aa; Emotive sentence, 2.
adj., 7 F. Emphatic: subject, 3 a, 4 II C, 36 1
Down at, prep., 62 1. (5th and 6th parr.); verb, 4 II C
Down to, prep., 62 1. (last two parr.), 6 A d (1), (2), 36 2,
Dozen, pi. of, 10 2 H 6, 59 3. 46 2 a, b; word in the predicate
Dread, with reflex, dat., 12 1 B b. other than a finite verb, 35 1;
Drench, causative, 46 (4th par. from adjective stress, 10 1 1 ; 'the,' 66 B
end). (2nd par.).
Dress, intrans. or reflex., 46 (4th Enable, syn., 24 III d.
par.). End, comparison, 64 1 a.
Drop, causative, 46 (3rd par. from Endmost, superl., 64 1 a.
end). English: Middle, period from A.D.
Duck, pi., 59 3. 1150 to A.D. 1500; Modern, period
Due to, prep., 62 (5th par.), 62 1. from A.D. 1500 to the present day;
Durative, aspect, 38 1. Old, period down to A.D. 1150;
During, prep., 62 1; origin, 17 3 A c; popular, Preface, p. vi.
sub. conj., 27. English, pi. noun, 68 (4th par.).
Each, each one, 67 1, 3; number of Enough, sentence adv., 16 2 a (next
verb with, 8 I 1 e, 61 a. to last par.).
Entreat, syn., 24 III.
 588 INDEX

Entreaty, h o w expressed, 46 2 6. Extent, clause of, 29 1 A d; abridg-

Envy, syn., 15 III 1. ment, 29 1 A d aa.
-er, iterative suffix, 38 4; masculine
suffix, 60 I c. Face to face, prep., 62 1.
Ere, prep., 62 1; sub. conj., 27, 27 3 Fact, facts, meaning, 69 5 b.
(7th par.); with subjunctive, 43 Fail, syn., 24 III d (next to last par.).
II B e . Failing, prep., 62 1, 31 2.
Especially, distinguishing adv., 16 2 b. Fair, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 6.
-ess, suffix indicating a female, 60 I c. Fall, copula, 6 B, 7 B a; with ingres-
Establish, reflex., 46 (9th par.). sive force, 38 2 a 66; causative, 46
Ethical dative, 12 1 B c. (3rd par. from end).
Even, coord, conj., 19 1 a; sentence Far, comparison of, 16 5 a aa, 54 1 a.
adv., 16 2 a; distinguishing adv., Farther, compar., 54 1 a, 16 5 a aa.
16 2 b. Farther than, prep., 62 1, 29 1 B 6
Even if, sub. conj., 32. (2nd par.).
Even though, sub. conj., 32. Fear, with reflex, dat., 12 1 B 6 (next
Eventually, adv. with subjunctive to last par.).
force, 43 I A (4th par. from end). Feel, copula, 6 B, 7 A a (1), 7 A e,
Ever = in the world, or on earth, 16 7 B a, 7 B a aa; trans, verb, syn.,
2 a (last par.). 15 III 2 B ; intrans. with genitive
Every, every one, 57 1, 3; with sing. object, 13 3; with passive force,
verb, 8 I 1 e, 61 a. 46 (7th par.); intrans. or reflex.,
Everybody, with sing, verb, 8 I 1 e, 46 (5th par.).
61a. Fell, causative, 46 (4th par. from
Everyone, 57 3; with sing, verb, end).
8 I 1 e, 61 a. Feminine gender: in nouns, 60 1 a,
Everywhere that, sub. conj., 26, 27 3 b, c; in pronouns and possessive
(5th par.). adjectives, 60 1 d; in grammatical
Exactly, distinguishing adv., 16 2 6. gender and the genitive of anima-
Except, except that, sub. conj., 31, tion, 60 2.
31 2; origin, 17 3 A c; except in Figure, syn., 7 A b (3).
elliptical clauses, 49 4 E ; except Fill, intrans., 46 (4th par.).
felt as a prep., 31; often felt also Final clause, see Purpose clause.
as an imperative, 31, 31 1 d aa; Find, syn., 15 III 2 B.
never used with a negative, 31 2 Finish, with passive force, 46 (7th
(4th par.). par.); with effective force, 38 2
Except as, sub. conj., 29 1 A b. b cc.
Excepting, absolute part., 31 (5th Finite verb, one limited by person,
par.), 31 2 (4th par.). number, and mood, and having
Exception, clause of, 31. more tenses than the infinite
Excess of expression, 54 1 a aa, 56 A forms (participle, infinitive, and
(2nd par.). gerund); predicate afiniteverb,
Exclamation, see Interjection. 6 A ; omission of, 6 A a.
Exclamatory sentence, 2. First,firstly,coord, conj., 19 1 a.
Exclusive of, prep., 62 1. Flame, copula, 6 B.
Excuse, with two accusatives, 15 III Flash, copula, 6 B ; causative, 46
1, 15 III 1 a. (3rd par. from end).
Executrix, 60 1 c. Flee, syn., 11 2.
Exhaust, reflex., 46 (4th par.). Flush, copula, 6 B.
Exhortation, subjunctive of, see Fly, copula, 6 B ; causative, 46 (3rd
Volitive subjunctive. par. from end).
Expect, syn., 24 III, 24 III d. Folk, pi. of, 59 1.
Expel, with two accusatives, 16 III 1. Foot, noun, pi. of, 69 3; verb, foot it,
Explain, with dat. and ace, 16 I 1. 1 1 2 b.
 INDEX 589
For, prep., 62 1; introducing a pred- Forth, prep., 62 1.
icate complement, 7 A c, 7 B c; Forward(s), 16 4 a.
introducing an objective predicate, Fowl, pi., 59 3.
15 III 2 A (2nd par.); introducing Frances, Francis, 60 1 c.
as conjunction a coordinate propo- French, pi. noun, 58 (4th par.).
sition, 191 d, 30 a (next to last par.); From, prep., 62 1; dative sign, 12 1
introducing a subordinate clause, B b, 14 (last par.).
30,33; dative sign, 12 1 B 6,14 (last From above, prep., 62 1.
par.); for -\- noun (or pronoun) From among, prep., 62 1.
used as subject of an infinitive, 49 From behind, prep., 62 1.
2 a; for to before an infinitive with From beneath, prep., 62 1.
the force of simple to, 21 e (8th par.). From between, prep., 62 1.
For all that, sub. conj. of concession, From beyond, prep,, 62 1.
32; coord, conj., 19 1 c. From forth, prep., 62 1.
For as little as, sub. conj. of conces-From lack of, prep., 62 1.
sion, 32. From, off, prep., 62 1.
For as much as, sub. conj. of cause, From out, from out of, prep., 62 1.
30. From over, prep., 62 1.
For because, sub. conj. of cause, 30; From under, prep., 62 1.
sub. conj. of purpose, 33. Fruit, collective noun, 69 1.
For cause that, sub. conj., 30. Fruitful of,TBa (4th par.).
For example, coord, conj., 19 1 /. Further, compar., 64 1 a, 16 5 a;
For fear of, prep., 62 1. coord, conj., 19 1 a.
For fear that, sub. conj. in clause of: Furthermore, coord, conj., 19 1 a.
cause, 30; purpose, 33. Future perfect tense: form and use,
For instance, coord, conj., 19 1 /. 37 6; a modern form, 37 6 (3rd
For lack of, prep., 62 1. par.); often replaced by other
For that, sub. conj. of: cause, 30; forms, 37 6 (3rd and 4th parr.).
purpose, 33; introducing subject Future tense: form of in the literary
clause, 21; for formation see 24 IV language and in colloquial speech,
(3rd par.). 37 5 a; different uses of the future
For that reason, coord, conj., 19 1 e. tense, 37 5.
For the behoof of, prep., 62 1. Future time, different means of ex-
For the benefit of, prep., 62 1. pressing, 37 1 e, 37 5 a.
For the ends of, prep., 62 1. Gallop, causative, 46 (3rd par. from
For the purpose of, prep., 62 1. end).
For the purpose that, sub. conj., 33. Gallows, 59 2.
For the reason that, sub. conj., 30. Gasworks, a, 69 2.
For the sake of, prep., 62 1. Gee whillikers, interj., 17 1.
For want of, prep., 62 1. Gender:
For why, sub. conj. of cause, 30. Natural, 60 1; list of nouns with
Forbear, syn., 24 III d (next to last gender forms, 60 1 a, b, c; gender
par.). indicated by pronouns, 60 1 d.
Forbid, syn., 15 III 1 (2nd par.). Grammatical gender and the gen-
Fore, adj., comparison of, 64 1 a; der of animation, 60 2.
prep., 62 1; sub. conj., 27, 27 3 Genitive: original meaning of, 13 3;
(7th par.). original function of, 13 1; form of
Foremost, superl., 54 1 a. with verbs, 13 2; present form of
Foreseen that, sub. conj., 31. attributive genitive, 10 II 1; older
Forgetful of, 13 3 (4th par.), 7 B a Zws-genitive, /ser-genitive, their-
(4th par.). genitive, 10 II 1 (4th and 5th
Forgive, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1. parr.); stress of genitive, 10 II 1
Former, compar., 54 1 a, 64 1 a aa. (the two parr, preceding last one);
Forsomuch as, sub. conj., 30.
590 INDEX

g-genitive associated with the con- As object, 50 4 c.

ception of life, 10 II 1 a; double Accusative object, 50 4 c aa.
genitive, 10 II 1 b; position of Dative object, 60 4 c bb.
genitive among other attributive Genitive object, 50 4 c cc.
modifiers, 10 II 1 c. Prepositional object, 50 4 c dd.
Outline of functions: As attributive element, 50 4 d.
Predicate genitive, 7 A e. In abridged adverbial clauses,
Attributive categories, 10 II 2. 27 5, 28 1 a, 28 3 a, 28 5 d (7th
Genitive of origin, 10 II 2 A ; par.), 29 1 A a bb, 29 1 A e 6b,
two names connected by 29 1 A d aa, 29 1 B b, 30 b, 31
and, 10 II 2 A b. 2, 32 2, 33 2.
Possessive genitive, 10 II 2 B. Get, copula, 6 B, 7 A a (1), 7 A d,
Adverbs inflected like nouns, 7 B a; trans, verb, syn., 15 III 2 A,
10 2 B a. 24 I V a, 49 4 C (1) d; with ingres-
Inflection of proper nouns sive force, 38 2 abb; with effective
connected by and, 10 2 B force, 38 2 b dd, ee, 50 4 c dd; have
6. got with force of present tense,
Omission of governing noun, 37 3 b; get as passive auxiliary,
10 2 B c. 47 a, b; used in a peculiar passive
Group genitive, 10II 2 B d. construction, 16 III 2 B (6th par.);
Unclear old genitive 10 II 2 get by, with effective force, 38 2 6
Be. aa; get there, with effective force,
Subjective genitive, 10 II 2 C. 38 2 b aa.
Objective genitive, 10 II 2 D. Gif, sub. conj., 31.
Genitive of material or composi- Gin, sub. conj., 31.
tion, 10 II 2 E. Girl, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 b.
Descriptive genitive, 10 II 2 F. Give, with gen. object, 13 3; with
Genitive of characteristic, 10 dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
II 2 F a. Given that, sub. conj., 31; origin,
Genitive of measure, 10 II 2 17 3 A c.
Fb. Go, copula, 6 B ; am (is) going to,
with future force, 37 1 e (2nd par.);
Appositive genitive, 10 II 2 G.
to express immediateness, 37 1 e
Partitive genitive, 10 II 2 H .
(2nd par.); with ingressive force,
Nature, 10 II 2 H a.
38 2 a bb; with effective force,
Replaced by the appositional
38 2 b ee; with modal force, 43 I A
construction, 10 II 2 H b.
(3rd and 6th parr.); 'go it rather
Appositional construction re-
strong,' 11 2 b; 'go full speed,' 16
placed by the partitive gen-
4 a (next to last par.).
itive, 10 II 2 H 6.
Go on, with durative force, 38 1 a.
Blending, 10 2 H c.
Good, adj., comparison of, 54 1 a;
Genitive of gradation, 10 II
adv., 16 5 a aa; noun, 58 (next to
2Hd. last par.).
Genitive as object of verbs and Goody, interj., 17 1.
adjectives, 13 1, 2, 3. Got in have got, with the force of a
Adverbial genitive, 16 4 a. present tense, 37 3 b.
Gentry, pi., 59 1. Grace, her, 61 a.
Gerund: origin and development, Gradation, genitive of, 10 II 2 H A.
60 1; voice and tense, 60 2; sub- Graduate, with passive force, 46 (7th
ject of the gerund, 50 3; differ- par.).
entiation between infinitive and Grant, syn., 24 III d.
gerund, 50 4. Granted, past part, used as predicate
Functions: in the absolute nom. construction,
As subject, 50 4 a. 17 3 Ac,/.
As predicate, 50 4 6.
 INDEX 591
Granted that, sub. conj., 31, 32; par.); syn., 15 III 2 B ; 'have it
origin, 17 3 A c. out with someone,' 11 2 b; 'rumor
Granting, absolute part., 17 4, 31 2, has it that,' etc., 11 2 b; 'have it
32 2. your own way,' 16 4 a (next to last
Greedy for, 14. par.).
Gross, pi. of, 59 3. He, pers. pron., 61; determinative,
Groups of words, 63. 66 A (last par.); adj. indicating
Group-words, 63. sex, 60 1 b; poss. adj., 67 5 a (3rd
Grow, copula, 6 B, 7 A d; with ingres- par.).
sive force, 38 2 a bb; with effective Head, pi. of, 59 3.
force, 38 2 b ee; causative, 46 (3rd Hear, syn., 15 III 2 B ; 15 III 1 (3rd
par. from end). par.), 15 III 1 a.
Grown-up, noun, 68. Heifer, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 b.
Guarantee, with dat. and ace, 16 I 1. Help, syn., 15 III 2 B, 24 III d (next
Gymnastics, 69 2. to last par.); not more than I can
help, 16 3 a.
Had, tense auxiliary, 37 3; past sub-
Hen, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 b.
junctive with dependent infinitive,
Hence, coord, conj., 19 1 e.
43 I B, 44 I (10th par.), 49 4 C
Her, pron. and adj., 67 5 a; used as
(l)b.
sign of genitive, 10 II 1.
Had 'a' or had of, 49 3 b (3rd par.).
Her, reflex, pron., 11 2 c.
Had as soon, had rather, had better,
Hern, 57 5 a (3rd par.).
had as lief, 43 I B (2nd par.), 44 I
Hero, heroine, 60 1 c.
(10th par.), 49 4 C (1) b.
Hers, poss. pron., 57 5 a.
Had like to have forgotten, 49 3 a (7th
Herself, reflex, pron., 11 2 c, 56 D
par.).
(next to last par.); pers. pron.,
Had of, see Had 'a.'
66 D (3rd par.); intensifying adj.,
Hain't, 16 2 e.
Hair, hairs, meaning, 69 1, 4 b.
66 D.
Half, adj., used as predicate apposi- Hev, 8 I 1 h, Note (next to last par.).
tive, 6 0; pron., as in 'cut a cake HiAe, syn., 46 (4th par ).
in half,' 67 3 (2nd par.); noun, High: higher and more highly differ-
used in the ace as an adv., as in entiated, 16 4; high church, adj.,
'go halves,' 16 4 a (next to last par.). 7 B a aa (last par.).
Hand, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1. Him, reflex, pron., 11 2 c.
Hand in hand with, prep., 62 1. Himself, reflex, pron., 11 2 c, 56 D
Hang, with passive force, 46 (7th (next to last par.); pers. pron.,
par.). 66 D (3rd par.); intensifying adj.,
Happen, copula, 6 B, 7 D 1 a. 56 D.
Hard, adverbs hard and hardly differ- Hind, comparison of, 54 1 a.
entiated, 16 4. Hinder, compar., 54 1 a.
Hardly when, 27, 27 3 (last par.). Hinder, verb, syn., 24 III d (next to
Hatch, with passive force, 46 (7th last par.).
par.). Hindermost, superl., 54 1 a, 54 1 a aa.
Hate, syn., 24 III d. Hire, intrans., 46 (4th par.).
Have, tense auxiliary, 37 3; have got, His, pron. and adj., 57 5 a; used as
with the force of the present tense, sign of genitive, 10 II 1, 60 3;
37 3 b; modal auxiliary, 43 I A; = its, 57 5 a.
causative auxiliary, 46 (next to Hisn, 57 5 a (3rd par.).
last par.); an auxiliary expressing Hisself, 66 D.
a suffering or experiencing, 16 III Historical present tense, 37 1 d.
2 B (1st and 5th parr.); used in a Hit, syn., 15 III 1.
peculiar passive construction, 15 Hold, copula, 6 B, 7 B a.
III 2 B (4th par.), 15 I 2 a (last Home, adv. ace, 16 4 a (7th par.):
locative, 16 4 a (7th par.).
592 INDEX

Hoof, verb, hoof it, 11 2 b. rect discourse, 44 II 3 a (next to

Hope, syn., 13 3 (2nd par.), 14, 24 last par.).
III d (3rd par.); hoped to have left Impersonal subject, it, 4 II B.
them in perfect safety, 49 3 a (5thIn, prep., 62 1; prep, adv., 62 4
par.). (next to last par.), 62 5; with
Horse, pi., 69 3; collective noun, 59 3. ingressive force, 38 2 a aa, dd.
Hortatory subjunctive, see Volitive In- 16 1 (3rd par.).
subjunctive. In accordance with, prep., 62 1.
How, indef. rel. adv., 21 (2nd par.), In addition to, prep., 62 1.
24 IV; interrog. rel. adv., 21 (2nd In addition to the fact that, sub. conj.,
par.); sub. conj. = that, 24 III, 28 3.
24 IV; adv. conj., 28 1; in indirect In advance of, prep., 62 1.
exclamations, 21. In agreement with, prep., 62 1.
Howbeit, coord, conj., 19 1 c; sub. In back of, prep., 62 1.
conj., 32. In behalf of, prep., 62 1.
However, coord, conj., 19 1 c; sub. In between, prep., 62 1.
conj., 32 (8th par.); = how ever, In care of, prep., 62 1.
16 2 a (last par.). In case, sub. conj., 31.
Howsomdever, howsumever, coord. In case of, prep., 62 1.
conj., 19 1 c. In common with, prep., 62 1.
Hundred, pi. of, 10 II 2 H 6. In company with, prep., 62 1.
Hundredweight, pi. of, 59 3. In comparison to, prep., 62 1.
Hurt, reflex, with passive force, 46 In comparison with, prep., 62 1.
(9th par.). In compliance with, prep., 62 1.
Hypotactic asyndetic relative clause, In conflict with, prep., 62 1.
23 II 10 a. In conformity with, prep., 62 1.
Hypotaxis, 19 3 (2nd, 3rd, 4th parr.). In consequence of, prep., 62 1
In consideration of, prep., 62 1.
/, pron., in a series put last for polite-
ness' sake, 61 (2nd par.). In contrast with, prep., 62 1.
I.e., coord, conj., 19 1 /. In course of, prep., 62 1.
//, sub. conj. in adverbial clauses, 27, In default of, prep., 62 1.
31,32,28 2 a; = whether, 21,24 III. In defiance of, prep., 62 1.
If or = whether or, in conces- In degree as, sub. conj., 29 1 A b.
sive clauses, 32; in substantive In disregard of, prep., 62 1.
clauses, 24 III. In (the) face of, prep., 62 1.
// that, if so be that, if case be that,Inif favor of, prep., 62 1.
so be as, sub. conj. = if, 31. In front of, prep., 62 1.
Ignorant of, 7 B a. In fulfilment of, prep., 62 1.
Ill, illy, comparison of, 16 5 a aa. In lieu of, prep., 62 1.
I'll, contraction of J will, 37 5 a. In obedience to, prep., 62 1.
Illative conjunctions, 19 1 e. In opposition to, prep., 62 1.
Im-, 16 1 (3rd par.). In order that, sub. conj., 33; in order
Imagine, syn., 24 III d. to, 33 2.
Immediately, sub. conj., 27, 27 3 (5th In place of, prep., 62 1.
par.). In point of, prep., 62 1.
Imperative mood: old simple form, In preference to, prep., 62 1.
46 1; used in wishes, 45 1; modern In process of, prep., 62 1.
do-form, 45 2; subjunctive forms, In proportion as, sub. conj., 29 1 A b.
46 3; compound forms containing In proportion to, prep., 62 1.
a modal or a tense auxiliary, 45 4; In pursuance of, prep., 62 1.
elliptical forms, 45 5; tenses of the In quest of, prep., 62 1.
imperative, 45 6; passive form, 45 In re, prep., 62 1.
7; replaced by other forms in indi- In recognition of, prep., 62 1.
In regard (that), sub. conj., 30,
 INDEX 593
In regard to, prep., 62 1. Indicative mood, meaning of, 40.
In relation to, prep., 62 1. Indirect c o m m a n d , 44 II 3 a (next to
In respect of, prep., 62 1. last par.).
In return for, prep., 62 1. Indirect discourse, 44 II 3 a, b;
In search of, prep., 62 1. m o o d in, 44 II 3 a.
In so far as, sub. conj., 29 I A c. Indirect object, 11 1 (2nd par.),
In spite of, prep., 62 1. 15 I 2; becomes subject of the
In spite of the fact that, sub. conj., 32. verb in the passive, 15 I 2 a.
In support of, prep., 62 1. Indirect questions, 23 II1 (last par.),
In that, sub. conj., 28 1, 30. 23 I; m o o d in, 44 II 3.
In the case of, prep., 62 1. Infantry, pi., 59 1.
In the event of, prep., 62 1. Infinite forms of the verb, those not
In the event that, sub. conj., 31. limited by person, number, and
In the hope that, sub. conj., 33. mood, and having fewer tenses
In the matter of, prep., 62 1. than the finite verb; treated at
In the meantime, coord, conj., 19 1 C. length in, 48-50.
In the middle of, prep., 62 1. Infinitive, origin, 49 1; the fo-form,
In the midst of, prep., 62 1. 49 2 a; younger for . . . fo-form,
In the name of, prep., 62 1. 49 2 a; older for . . .fo-form,49
In the presence of, prep., 62 1. 2 a; subject of the infinitive, 49 2 a,
In the room (or place) of, 62 1. 24 III d, 24 I V a, 21 e, 30 6 (last
In the teeth of, prep., 62 1. par.), 29 1 B 6, 31 2 (5th par.),
In the way of, prep., 62 1. 33 2; elliptical form of the infini-
In to, 62 1 a. tive construction, 49 2 6; origin
In token of, prep., 62 1. and development of the split infin-
In under, prep., 62 1. itive, 49 2 c; tenses and voices of
In view of, prep., 62 1. the infinitive, 49 3; governing verb
In what degree in that degree, cor- a full verb, 49 3 a; use of the per-
relative conj., 29 1 A b. fect infinitive with modal and
In what manner, sub. conj., 28 1. tense auxiliaries, 49 3 a; present
Inasmuch as, sub. conj. of: cause, infinitive with active form but
30, 30 a (last par.); extent, 29 1 with passive force, 7 D 2, 15 III
Ad. 2 B (6th par.), 24 I V a, 46 (next
Including, prep., 62 1; origin, 17 4 to last par.), 49 3; repetition of to
(4th par.). with the infinitive, 49 5; infinitive
Inclusive of, prep., 62 1. used to carry on a construction,
Incomplete predication, verb of, 49 6; infinitive used in indirect
6B. discourse corresponding to an im-
Inconsistently with, prep., 62 1. perative in direct discourse, 44 II
Indefinite article, form and use, 56 B. 3 a (next to last par.).
Indefinite pronouns used adverbially, Outline of functions, 49 4.
16 4 a. Subject, usually with to, but
Indefinite relative adjectives, see sometimes with simple form,
Relative. 49 4 A.
Indefinite relative adverbs, see Rela- Predicate, usually with to, 49 4
tive. B.
Indefinite relative pronouns, see Rel- Normal form: after a copula,
ative. 49 4 B (1) a; after passive
Indefinite subject, agreement of verb verbs, 49 4 B (1) b.
with, 8 I 1 e, 61 a. Modal form, 49 4 B (2); after
Independently of, prep., 62 1; with the copula to express pur-
gerund, 28 3 a. pose or result, 49 4 B (3);
Independently of the fact thai, sub. in the nominative absolute
conj., 28 3. construction, 49 4 B (4).
594 INDEX

Infinitive (cont.): as emphatic personal pronouns,

Object, 49 4 C. 56 D.
With its simple form: after Interjections, 17 1.
the modal auxiliaries, the Intermittent action, h o w expressed,
tense auxiliaries shall and 38 1 a.
will, and the auxiliary-like Interrogative:
verbs dare and need, 49 4 C Pronouns, used in:
(1) a; after had better, had Direct questions: 'Who did it?'
rather, had as soon, etc., 'What do you want?' See
49 4 C (1) b; after the list Questions. For use of whom
of verbs in 15 III 2 B ; after as object, see 11 2 e.
the preposition to, 49 4 C Indirect questions (23 II 1, last
(l)d. par.): 'I asked him who did
With to after other verbs, 49 4 it.' 'I asked him what he
C (2); with the force of a wanted.' See Questions.
subjunctive, 24 III d, 4A II Adjectives, used in:
3 a (next to last par.), 49 3. Direct questions: 'What book
As an adjective element modify- did you buy?' 'Which book
ing a noun, always with to, do you want?' See Questions.
49 4 D. Indirect questions: 'I asked him
In elliptical constructions, some- what book he bought.' T
times with to, more commonly asked him which book he
with simple form, 49 4 E ; wanted.' See Questions.
after but, except, save, than, Sentences, 2; word-order in, 3 a
49 4 E. (2nd par.), 4 II C (next to
As an adverbial element, usually last par.), 35 2; do-form in, 6
with to, but sometimes with A d, (1), (2), 35 2.
simple form, 49 4 F. Into, prep., 62 (4th par.), 62 1; prep.
Inflection of the parts of speech, adv., 62 5.
treated in Accidence. Intoxicate, reflex., 46 (4th par.).
Inflectional prepositions, 14 (last par.). Intransitive verbs with reflexive or
-ing, suffix of both gerund and passive force, 46 (4th and 7th parr.).
present participle, so that they are Introduce, with dat. and ace, 16 I 1.
sometimes hard to distinguish, Inverted order of words, 35 1.
48 1 e. Irish English, 4 II C (3rd par. from
Ingressive aspect, 28 2 a. end), 6 B a (last par.), 12 1 B 6
Inner, compar., 54 1 a. (2nd par.), 17 3 B (2nd par.), 19 3
Innermost, inmost, superl., 54 1 a, (5th par.), 21 e (7thpar.), 37 3 c, 37
54 1 a aa. 5 a (pp. 370, 371), 38 5, 66 D (3rd
Innings, sing, and pi., 69 2. par.), 57 5 a (2nd par.).
Inside of, prep., 62 1. Ironworks, a, 69 2.
Insomuch as, sub. conj., 29 2, 30. Iroquois, pi. of, 68 (4th par.).
Insomuch that, sub. conj., 29 2. Irregular comparison of: adjectives,
Instantly, adv.: 'The explosion fol- 54 1 a; adverbs, 16 5 a aa.
lowed instantly'; sub. conj., 27, Irrespective of, prep., 62 1.
27 3 (5th par.). 7'se = I shall, 37 5 a.
Instead of, prep., 62 1, 28 3 a; sub. It: situation it as subject, 4 II A;
conj., 28 3. as predicate, 7 C (last par.), 21 6
Instead of that, sub. conj., 28 3. (2nd par.), 21 e (10th par.);
Instrumental case, 62 (7th par.), 16 = point of perfection, 7 C (last
4 c. par.); impersonal it as subject,
Intended to have written you a line, 4 II B ; anticipatory it as subject,
49 3 a (4th par.). introducing an emphatic subject,
Intensifying adjectives, 56 D ; used 4 II C ; introducing an emphatic
 INDEX 595
predicate, 4 II C, 21 b, c, 22 a; Lazybones, 69 2.
used as a complement of transitive -le, iterative suffix, 38 4.
and intransitive verbs, 11 2 b, Leap, causative, 46 (3rd par. from
38 2 b dd; after prepositions, 62 7 a, end).
c, d; after prepositions often = it- Learn, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1 a.
self, 11 2 c; introducing an object Leave, modal auxiliary, 43 1 A ; with
clause, 11 2 6; as an object point- effective force, 38 2 6, cc; syn.,
ing back to something preceding, 15 III 2 B.
11 2 b (3rd par.); referring to Leave off, with effective force, 38 2
persons, 60 1 d (3rd par.); an old 6 cc.
genitive, 57 5 a. Lenger, lengest, old compar. and
Iterative aspect, 38 4. superl., 54 1 a aa.
Its, poss. adj. and pron., 57 5 a; it's,Less and least, compar. and superl.,
67 5 a. 54 1 a; used in the comparison of
Itself, its self, reflex, pron., 56 D (4th adjectives and adverbs, 65, 16 5 a;
par.); intensifying adj., 56 D. less used as coord, conj., 19 1 a;
prep., 8 I 2 e, 62 1.
Jenny, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 6. Less than, adv., 8 15.
Jingle, causative, 46 (3rd par. from Lesser, double compar., 64 1 a, 64 1
end). a aa.
Jolly, jollity, adv., 16 4. Lest, sub. conj. introducing subject
Joseph, Josephine, 60 1 c. clause, 21; an attributive sub-
Judging, absolute part., 31 2. stantive clause, 23 I (next to last
Jumping geraniums, interj., 17 1. par.); accusative clause, 24 III;
Just, distinguishing adv., 16 2 6. clause of cause, 30; clause of pur-
pose, 33.
Keep, copula, 6 B, 7 B a; with dura- Let, modal auxiliary, 43 I A, 43 II A,
tive force, 38 1. 43 II B a, 45 3; syn., 15 III 2 B ;
Keep on, with durative force, 38 1. causative auxiliary, 46 (next to
Kind, pi. of, 69 7. last par.); let blood, 15 I 2 a (2nd
Kind of, adj., 59 7 (2nd par.); adv., par.).
69 7 (3rd par.); of a kind, 59 7 (3rd Let alone, coord, conj., 19 1 a.
par.). Let us say, coord, conj., 19 1 /.
Kind of a, 59 7 (5th par.). Lie, copula, 6 B.
Kiss, syn., 15 III 1,15 III 1 a; recip- Lie down, with reflex, dat., 12 1 B b
rocal or intrans., 46 (5th par.). (next to last par.).
Know, syn., 15 III 2 B, 24 III, 24 Lief, liefer, adj., adv., 43 I B, 49 4 C
Hid. (1)6.
Lift, intrans., 46 (4th par.).
Lady, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 6. Light in, with ingressive force, 38 2
Lady Mayoress, 60 1 c. a dd.
Last, superb, 54 1 a, 16 5 a aa. Like, adj. governing the dat., 11 2 g;
Late, adj., comparison of, 54 1 a; predicate appositive, 7 A 6 (3);
adv., late and lately, differentiated, had like to have forgotten, 49 3 a
16 4. (7th par.); adv., 28 2 (5th par.);
Later, compar., 16 5 a aa, 54 1 a; sentence adv., 16 2 a (6th par.);
coord, conj., 19 1 a. coord, conj., 19 1 /; sub. conj.
Latermost, superl., 54 1 a. 28 2 (5th par.); prep., 15 III 2 A
Latter, compar., 54 1 a. (last par.), 24 II, 28 2 (last par.),
Lay, causative, 46 (4th par. from 60 4 c 56, 62 1; qualitative deter-
end; used absolutely, 46 (2nd minative, 66 A (7th par.); verb,
par.). 12 1 A (last par.), 24 III d.
Lay off, with effective force, 38 2 6 aa. Like as, sub. conj., 28 2; = as if,
28 2 a.
 596 INDEX

Liked to have forgotten, 49 3 a (7th Alternative agreement, 28 4.

par.). Manner clause of modal result and
Limiting adjectives: defined, 61 2; clause of pure result, 28 5;
inflection of, 56; use of demon- abridgment, 28 5 d; result clause
strative and determinative adjec- replaced by other constructions,
tives, 56 A, B, 23 II 10 a; form 28 5 b, c.
and use of the indefinite article, Manner, pi. of, 69 7; manner, man-
66 C; use of intensifying adjectives, ners, meaning, 69 5 b.
66 D. Manner of, like kind of, 59 7 (last
Linking verbs, 6 B. par.).
Links, 59 2. Many, comparison of, 54 1 a.
Listen to, syn., 15 III 2 B. March, causative, 46 (3rd par. from
Little, adj., comparison of, 54 1 a; end).
adv. ace, 16 4 a; comparison of, Masculine gender: in nouns, 60 1 A a,
16 5 a aa. 6, c; in pronouns and possessive
Live, copula, 6 B, 7 A a (1), 7 B a; adjectives, 60 1 A d; in grammat-
trans., 11 2 (3rd par.). ical gender and the gender of
Locative case, 62 (7th par.), 16 4 a animation, 60 2.
(7th par.). Master, title, 59 8 a.
Lock, with passive force, 46 (7th Material, genitive of, 10 II 2 E.
par.). Mathematics, 59 2.
Long, noun, 58 (3rd par. from end); Matter: ' There's something the matter
pred. adj., long (in) getting out of with his spine.' See TBaaa (next
the room, 60 4 c dd (next to last to last par.).
par.). May, modal auxiliary, 41 (3rd par.),
Long for, syn., 14. 43 I A, B, 43 II A, B a, 44 I,
Long of, prep., 62 1. 44 II 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 B (3rd par.), 7.
Look, copula, 7 B a; trans, verb, 11 Me, reflex, dat., 12 1 B b (3rd par.);
2, 7 A a (1); full intrans., 28 2 a. nom., 7 C a; in exclamations, 17 2.
Look at, syn., 15 III 2 B. Me thinks, 4 II B (last par.).
Look-adhere, 45 1 a. Means, clause of, 34; abridgment, 34.
Looking at, absolute part., 31 2. Means, pi. used as sing., 59 2.
Loom, copula, 6 B, 7 B a. Meant to have written you a line, 49 3 a
Lord it over others, 11 2 6. (4th par.).
Lot, a lot, lots, 16 4 a (4th par.). Meanwhile, coord, conj., 19 1 c.
Loud, loudly, adv., 16 4. Measles, 59 2.
Low, lowly, adv., 16 4; comparison, Measure, genitive of, 10 II 2 F b.
54 1 a. Meet, reciprocal verb used without
Lowermost, superl., 54 1 a. reciprocal pronoun, 11 2 d, 46 (5th
-ly, adv. suffix, 16 4. par.).
Majesty, your, his, 61 a. Mention, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
Make, copula, 6 B ; causative auxil- Merely, distinguishing adv., 16 2 6.
iary, 46 (next to last par.); syn., -west, superl. suffix, 54 1 a aa (5th
15 III 2 B ; intrans., 46 (4th par.); par.).
with dat. and ace, 15 I 1. Metonymic object, 11 2 a.
Man, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 b. Mid, midst, prep., 62 1.
Manner, clause of, 28. Middle English, period from A.D. 1150
Manner proper, 28 1; abridgment, to A.D. 1500.
28 la. Midmost of, midmost, prep., 62 1.
Comparison, 28 2; abridgment, Might, see May.
28 2 6. Mine, see My.
Attendant circumstance, 28 3; Minus, prep., 8 I 2 e, 62 1.
abridgment, 28 3 a. Mis-, 16 1 (3rd par.).
Miss, title, 59 8 6, c.
 INDEX 597
Miss, verb, syn., 24 III d (next to ATeed, used as a modal auxiliary, 49
last par.). 4 C 1 a, 43 I A (2nd par.).
Mo or ilfoe, compar. adj., 64 1 a. Negatives, 16 3; double negation,
Modal: auxiliaries, 42; infinitive, 16 3 a; position of negative, 16
7D2. 2 d; contractions of not, 16 2 e;
Modern English, period from A.D. origin of not, 16 2 d; negative
1500 to the present day. statement often replaced by rhe-
Modesty: plural of, 4 II E ; in a torical question, 16 3 b.
series I for modesty's or polite- Negro, or popular southern Ameri-
ness' sake stands last, 61 (2nd can English, Preface (p. vii), 6 A
par.); myself used for I or me, A, 8 I 1 h, Note, 16 2 e, 10 II l(8th
56 D (3rd par.). par.), 37 3 b, d.
Mood, 39; indicative, 40; subjunc- Neither, with sing, or pi. verb, 8 I
tive, 41-44; imperative, 45. le.
More, compar., 16 5 a aa, 64 1 a; com- Neither nor, coord, conj., 19 1 a;
par. sign, 16 5 a, 54 1, 54 1 a, b, with sing, or pi. verb after nor,
d, f, h, 54 2 b. 8 I 2 c, 8 II 3; neither sometimes
More than, adv., 8 15. felt here as a pronoun, 8 II 3 (last
Moreover, coord, conj., 19 1 a. par.).
Moreover that, sub. conj., 28 3. Nether, nethermost, 54 1 a, 54 1 a aa.
Most, superl., 165 aaa, 64 1 a; superl. Neuter: gender, 60 1; pronoun and
sign, 16 5 a, 54 1 a, b, d, /, h, 64 possessive adjective it, its, 67 5 a;
2 a. uses of it, see It.
-most, superl. suffix, 54 1 a aa. Never so = ever so, 32 (10th Example).
Mr., title, 59 8 a. Nevertheless, coord, conj., 19 1 c.
Mrs., title, 69 8 b, c. News, 59 2.
Much, comparison of, 16 5 a aa, 64 Next, superl., 54 1 a, 16 5 a aa; governs
1 a; adv. ace, 16 4 a. the dative, 11 2 g; prep., 60 4ebb,
Much less, coord, conj., 19 1 a. 62 1.
Mumps, 59 2. Next door to, prep., 62 1.
Must, modal auxiliary, 43 I A, 44 I a, Next room to, prep., 62 1.
45 4 e. Nigh, comparison, 54 1 a, 54 1 a aa.
Mutation, 54 1 a aa. No, with the force of a sentence, 16 3;
My, mine, pron. and adj., 57 5 a. with the force of the sentence ad-
My wife, she's been well trained, 3 a.verb not, 16 3; an attributive
Myself, reflex, pron., 11 2 c, 66 D limiting adjective, 16 3; a noun,
(next to last par.); pers. pron., 16 3; no + gerund with the force
56 D (3rd par.); intensifying adj., of a negative command, 45 5.
66 D. No good, see No use.
Namely, coord, conj., 19 1 /. No matter, 32 1 abb.
Nary = never a, 67 5 b (8th par.). No other = nothing else, 57 5 c.
Nath(e)less, 19 1 c. No sooner but, 29 1 B, 27 3 (last
Nay, 16 3. par.).
Ne = not, 16 2 d; = nor, 19 1 a. No sooner than, 27, 27 3 (last par.).
Near, governing the dat., 11 2 g; No use, as in 'It's no use talking' is
adv. near and nearly, differenti- now felt as a compound adjective
ated, 16 4; comparison of adj. though once a predicate genitive.
near, 64 1 a aa; adv. near, 16 5 a See 7 A e. In 'It's no gooA talking'
aa; prep., 24 II, 60 4 c bb, 62 1. no gooA has the same meaning, but
Near beer, 63 (next to last par.). historically good is a predicate
Near-trust, 63 (next to last par.). nominative noun made from the
Necessarily, adv., with subjunctive adjective. See 68 (next to last
force, 43 I A (2nd par.). par.).
Nobody, with sing, verb, 8 I 1 e, 61 a.
598 INDEX

Nominative: Now or now that, sub. conj., 27, 27 3

As subject, 3. (5th par.), 30.
As case of direct address, 17 2. Nowhere that, sub. conj., 26, 27 3 (5th
Used absolutely: par.).
In adverbial clauses, 17 3 A. Nowheres instead of nowhere, 16 4 a.
In subject clauses, 17 3 B. Number, in nouns, 59; in adjectives,
In predicate clauses, 17 3 C. 52, 67 1, 67 5 b, c; in pronouns,
In appositive clauses, 17 3 D. 57 3, 67 5 b; in verbs, 8 I; sing.
None, sing, or pi., 8 I 1 e, 67 5 b (7th used as pi., 8 I 1 h, Note.
par.), 67 3; neuter pron., 57 5 b Number of, a, 8 I 1 d.
(last par.); with the force of an
emphatic not, 57 5 b (last par.); O, interj., 17 1.
adv. ace, 16 4 a (5th par.). O' = of, 62 1.
None other = no other, 57 5 c. Oats, sing, and pi., 59 2.
None the less, coord, conj., 19 1 c. Object:
Nor, coord, conj., 19 1 a; sub. conj. Direct, 11 1, 15 11, 2; metonymic,
= than, 29 1 B. 1 1 2 a.
North, northern, comparison of, 64 1 a. Indirect, 11 1, 16 I 1, 2.
Not, originally an adverbial accusa- Accusative object of: verbs, 11 1,
tive (16 4 a) of nought, 57 5 6 (last 1511, 2,15 II, 15 III 1, 2,15IV;
par.); n o w a sentence adverb of adjectives, 11 2 g; prepositions,
negation with the stress and posi- 14.
tion of a sentence adverb, 16 2 d; Dative object of: verbs, 12 1 A,
contractions of with a preceding 15 I 1, 2; adjectives, 12 1 A,
auxiliary, 16 2 e. 11 2 g; nouns, 12 1 A; sentence,
Not a one, 67 5 6 (8th par.). i.e., sentence dative, 12 1 B a,
Not . . . eithei or, number of verb b, c.
with, 8 I 2 c. Genitive, 13 1, 2, 3.
Not more than I can help, 16 3 a. Prepositional, 14; difference be-
Not no more, 19 1 a. tween prepositional object and
Not so soon, but, 27 (2nd par.). adverbial phrase, 14 a, 24 IV,
Not that but because (or simple 24 IV a.
but), 30. A noun clause, as object of: verbs,
Not that not (or not but that, or not 241, II, III; prepositions, 24IV,
but what) but because (or simple 24 IV a.
but), 30. Object clause:
Not to mention, coord, conj., 19 1 a. Genitive clause, 24 I.
Not to say, 31 2 (5th par.). Dative clause, 24 II.
Not to say anything of, coord, conj., Accusative clause, object of verbs,
19 1 a. 24 III.
Prepositional clause, 24 IV.
Not yet fully that, 27 (2nd par.).
Objective genitive, 10 II 2 D.
Not yet fully when, 27 (2nd par.).
Objective predicate complement:
Note = couldn't, 49 4 C (1) a.
A n accusative, 7 A a (1) (4th par.),
Nothing so much as that, 29 1 A d.
15 III 2.
Notice, syn., 16 III 2 B.
A genitive, 7 A e (next to last par.),
Notwithstanding, prep., 62 1; origin,
15 III 2 A.
17 3 A c; coord, conj., 19 1 c.
A prepositional phrase, 15 III 2 A.
Notwithstanding that, sub. conj., 32.
A n infinitive, 15 III 2 B.
Noun clause, see Substantive clause.
Obliged, am to, with subjunctive
Nouns: used as predicate adjectives,
force, 43 I A (end of 2nd par.).
7 B aa; adherent adjectives, 1012;
Observe, syn., 15 III 2 B.
imperatives, 45 5; number in
Odds, 69 2; it is odds but or that, 21.
nouns, 59; gender in nouns, 60.
Of, prep., 62 1; in older English used
No(u)ther nor, coord, conj., 19 1 a.
 INDEX 599
with a passive verb to denote the One:
agent, 11 2 /; = have, see Had 'a.' Numeral adjective, 67 5 6, 57 1
0/-genitive, 10 II 1. (6th par.).
Off, prep, 62 1; adv. with ingressive Indefinite pronoun, 57 5 6, 7 C;
force, 38 2 a Ad; adv. with effec- corresponding possessive is one's,
tive force, 38 2 6 aa. not his, 67 5 6; used as a quali-
Off and on, 38 1 a. tative determinative, 56 A (5th
Off of, prep., 62 1. par.), 67 5 6 (3rd par.); a one =
Offspring, pi. of, 59 1. one, 57 1 (7th par.), 67 5 6 (8th
Oh, interj., 17 1; Oh, my dear! 17 1. par.).
Old, adj., comparison of, 54 1 a; With the force of I, 4 II D.
noun, 58 (1st and 6th parr.). Often an adjective ending, 62, 57 1.
Old English, period d o w n to A.D. One another, reciprocal pron., 67 5 c.
1150. One's self, oneself, 57 5 6.
Old Norse, 16 3 (6th par.). Only, sentence adv. and distinguish-
Omission of: subject, 5; verb or ing adv., 16 2 c; coord, conj.,
part of verb-phrase, 6 A a; for 19 1 c; sub. conj., 31.
omission of relative pronoun see Only that, sub. conj., 31.
Relative pronouns; omission of re- Only too, 16 2 c.
flexive and reciprocal pronouns, 11 Onto, prep., 62 1, 62 1 a.
2 c, d; omission of preposition, 24 Onward(s), 16 4 a.
IV (4th par.), 23 I (4th par.), 62 3. Open, reflex, or intrans., 46 (5th par.).
On, prep., 62 1; dative sign, 12 1 6; Opposite to, adj., 11 2 g; prep., 62 1;
prep, adv., 62 5; adv. expressing adj. governing the dat., 11 2 g.
duration, 38 1. Optative subjunctive, 43.
On account of, prep., 62 1. In principal propositions, 43 I.
On and on, expressing duration, Volitive, 43 I A.
38 1 a. Subjunctive of wish, 43 I B.
On behalf of, prep., 62 1. Subjunctive of logical reasoning,
On board (of), prep., 62 1. 43 I C.
On condition that, sub. conj., 31. Subjunctive of plan, 43 I D.
On lesse, sub. conj., 31. In subordinate clauses, 43 II.
On pain of, prep., 62 1. Action conceded, 43 II A.
On purpose to, 33 2. Action desired, 43 II B.
On that account, coord, conj., 19 1 e. Or, coord, conj., 19 16,/; = otherwise,
On the contrary, coord, conj., 19 1 c. 19 1 6, 31 1 d 66; or or, coord.
On the face of, prep., 62 1. conj., 19 1 6.
On the ground that, sub. conj., 30. Or whether or, sub. conj., 32.
On the occasion of, prep., 62 1. Order, verb, syn., 24 III A.
On the one hand on the other hand, Order of words, see Word-order.
coord, conj., 19 1 a. Origin, genitive of, 10 II 2 A.
On the other hand, coord, conj., 19 1 c. Other, inflection, 67 5 c; used ad-
On the part of, prep., 62 1. verbially with the force of other-
On the point of, prep., 62 1. wise, 57 5 c.
On the pretense of, prep., 62 1. Otherwise, adv. of manner: ' W e
On the score of, prep., 62 1. could not have acted otherwise';
On the (this, that, each) side of, prep.,disjunctive adv., 19 1 6; adj., 7 F,
62 1. Parts of Speech, 8 (next to last
On the strength of, prep., 62 1. par.).
On to, 62 1 a. Ouch, interj., 17 1.
On top of, prep., 62 1. Ought, 43 I A (next to last par.),
Once, adv.: 'I met him once'; sub. 44 I a, 49 4 C (1) a.
conj. of time, 27 3; of cause, 30; Our, ours, pron. and adj., 67 5 a.
of condition, 31. Own, 57 5 a (3rd par.).
600 INDEX

Ourself, ourselves, reflex, pron., 11 2Particularly,

c, distinguishing adv., 16
56 D (next to last par.); reciprocal 2 6.
pron., 11 2 d; pers. pron., 66 D Partitive genitive, 1 0 I I 2 H ; nature,
(3rd par.); intensifying adj., 66 D. 10 II 2 H a; partitive genitive
Out, ingressive particle, 38 2 a dd; replaced by the appositional con-
effective particle, 38 2 b aa; prep. struction, 10 II 2 H 6; blending
adv., 62 4 (next to last par.). in the partitive construction, 10
Out of, prep., 62 1. II 2 H c; genitive of gradation,
Out of regard for, prep., 62 1. 10 II 2 H d.
Outer, compar., 54 1 a. Partly partly, coord, conj., 19 1 a.
Outermost, superl., 54 1 a, 64 1 a aa. Passive voice:
Outside of, prep., 62 1. Actional forms, 47 a, 15 I 2 a (last
Over, prep., 62 1; prep, adv., 62 4 par.), 15 III 2 B (5th par.);
(next to last par.), 62 5; effective older forms of present perfect
particle, 38 2 b aa. tense, 37 3, 47 a (1st par.); dif-
Over against, prep., 62 1. ferent progressive forms, 47 a;
Over and above, prep., 62 1. active form with passive force,
Overeat, intrans. or reflex., 46 (4th 46 (7th and 8th parr.), 15 III 2
par.). B (6th par.), 38 2 6 cc; uses of
Overhear, syn., 15 III 2 B. the passive voice, 11 2 /; uses
Oversleep, intrans. or reflex., 46 (4th of the cases of nouns in the
par.). passive form of statement, 112/,
Overthwart, prep., 62 1. 15 I 2 a, 15 II 6, 15 III 1 a,
Owe, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1. 15 III 2 A a, 15 III 2 B a, 15 IV
Owing to, prep., 62 1; origin, 17 4 a, 15 V a.
(4th par.). Statal form, 47 6.
Own, 57 5 a (last four parr.), 68 (2nd Past, prep., 62 1.
par.). Past perfect tense: origin, 37 3; its
present use, 37 3.
Pains, 69 2.
Past tense, use of, 37 2.
Paint, syn., 10 I 2 (end of 1st par.).
Pay, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
Pair, pi. of, 59 3.
Peel, with passive force, 46 (7th
Pale = paleness, 68 (6th par.).
par.).
Paratactic asyndetic relative con-
Pending, prep., 62 1; origin, 17 3 A c.
struction, 23 II 10 6.
People, pi., 59 1.
Parataxis, 19 3.
Per, prep., 62 1.
Parcel post, 10 I 2.
Perceive, syn., 15 III 2 B.
Pardon, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
Perch, pi., 69 3.
Participle:
Perfect, more perfect, most perfect, 54
Functions other than those with
1 a aa.
the force of a finite verb:
Perfect participle, 48.
Adjective with some verbal
Periphrastic do-form, 6 A d.
force, 48 1 a.
Perjure, reflex., 46 (4th par.).
Noun, 48 1 b.
Permit, syn., 24 III d.
Adverb, 48 1 c.
Permutation, 45 1 (2nd par.).
Pure adjective, 48 1 d.
Person: use of the different pro-
Used with more verbal than
nominal forms for the second
adjective force, 48 1 e.
person, 4 II H ; in a series the
Functions with the force of a
pronoun for thefirstperson stands
finite verb, 48 2.
last, 61 (2nd par.); form of the
Voices, 48 2 a.
verb where the subjects are of
Tenses, 48 2 b.
different persons, 8 II; with ref-
Subject of the participle, 48 2 c.
erence to antecedents of different
Complete outline of functions, 48 3.
persons the first person has the
 INDEX 601
precedence over the second and Objects, 11 1, 15 I 1, 2, 16 III 1, 2,
third, 61 a (2nd par.). 35 1.
Personal pronouns: agreement with Adjectives, 10 I 1.
antecedent, 61 a; use of gender Prepositions, 62 (6th par.), 62 4.
forms, 60 1 d. Possessive adjectives, 67 5 a; noun
Persuade, syn., 24 IV a. modified by two possessive ad-
Physics, 59 2. jectives connected by anA, 10 I 4.
Pig, pi., 69 3. Possessive genitive: meaning and
Pincers, 59 6. use, 10 II 2 B ; use where two
Pique, reflex., 46 (4th par.). persons are joined together in
Pitch in, with ingressive force, 38 ownership, 10 II 2 B 6; omission
2 add. of governing noun, 10 II 2 B c;
Place: clause of, 26; its abridgment, group genitive, 10 II 2 B d; un-
26 a. clear old genitive forms, 10 II 2
Play, with passive force, 46 (7th Be.
par.); with dat. and ace, 15 III 1. Potential subjunctive, 44.
Please, verb, syn., 12 1 A (last par.); In principal propositions, 44 I.
sentence adv., 16 2 a (6th par.). In subordinate clauses:
Pleonasm and excess of expression: In subject clauses, 44 II 1.
in the comparison of adjectives In predicate clauses, 44 II 2.
and adverbs, 54 1 a aa; with nega- In object clauses, 44 II 3.
tives, 16 3 a. In adjective clauses:
Plume, reflex., 46 (4th par.). In relative clause, 44 II 4 a.
Plural number in: In attributive substantive
Nouns, 59; nouns m a d e from clause, 44 II 4 b.
adjectives and participles, 68; In conditional sentences:
plural of the names of foreign In a practical condition, 44
peoples and our native Indian 115 A.
tribes, 58 (4th par.). In a theoretical condition, 44
Pronouns: use of editorial we, II 5 B.
4 II E ; plural of modesty, 4 II In a condition contrary to
E ; plural of majesty, 4 II F; fact, 44 II 5 C.
we you, 4 II G ; indefinite In elliptical conditional sen-
singular forms with plural mean- tences, 44 II 5 D.
ing but followed by the singular In clauses of manner, 44 II 6.
form of the verb, 8 I 1 e, 61 a. In clauses of modal and pure
Plus, prep., 62 1. result, 44 II 7.
Point-action aspects, 38 2. In comparative clauses, 44 II 8.
Ingressive aspect, 38 2 a. In clauses of extent, 44 II 9.
Effective aspect, 38 2 6. In causal clauses, 44 II 10.
Politics, 59 2. Poultry, pi., 69 1.
Pooh, interj., 17 1. Pound, pi., 69 3.
Popular English, Preface (p. vi); pop- Precisely, distinguishing adv., 16 2 6.
ular Southern American English, Predicate:
see Negro English. A finite verb of complete predica-
Portuguese, pi. of, 68 (4th par.). tion, 6 A.
Position of: Part of predicate omitted, 6 A a.
Subject, 3 a, 4 II C, 35 1. Finite verb replaced by a noun,
Verb, 4 II C (last two parr.), 6 Ab.
6 A d (1), (2), 35 1, 2; position Use of do to avoid the repetition
of verbs in questions, 4 II C of a verb, 6 A c.
(next to last par.), 6 A d (2), 36 Do-form, 6 A d.
2 (next to last par.). Verb of incomplete predication +
Adverbs, 16 2, 35 1. a complement, 6 B.
602 INDEX

Predicate (cant.): A n attributive appositional adjec-

Appositional type of sentence, tive, 10 IV, 62 7 b.
6Ba. A n object of a verb or an adjective,
Predicate appositive, 6 C. 14.
Predicate clause, 22. A n adverb, 16 1,17 3 A b, c, d, e, f,
Predicate complement: 28 1 a. 28 3 a, 28 5 d, 29 1 A caa,
Noun or pronoun: 29 2 a, 30 b, 31 2, 32 2, 33 2,
In the nominative, 7 A a; but 62 7 d.
in the accusative if predicated A noun, 62 7 d.
of an accusative, 7 A a (1) Prepositions: nature of, 62; func-
(4th par.). tions of, 62, 62 7; origin of, 62 (7th
Introduced by as, 7 A b. par.), 17 3 A c, 17 4; position of,
Introduced by for, 7 A c. 62 (6th par.), 62 4; list of, 62 1;
After intransitive copulas con- onto, 62 1 a; contraction of on to
taining the idea of growth, a-, 62 2; omission of prepositions,
development, change, 7 A d. 62 3, 24 IV (4th par.), 23 I (4th
A predicate genitive, 7 A e. par.); forming a compound with
A n adjective or participle, 7 B a; verbs, 62 4 (last par.); used as
predicate adjective often used nouns, 4 1 / .
instead of afiniteverb, 7 B a Present participle:
(4th par.); a predicate noun Functions other than those with
with the force of an adjective, the force of afiniteverb:
7 B a aa. Used as an adjective with more
Pronoun or adverb so, 7 C. or less verbal force, 48 1 a.
Case of a predicate pronoun, Used as a noun, 48 1 6.
7 Co. Used as an adverb, 48 1 c.
Infinitive: Used with more verbal than
Normal form, 7 D 1. adjective force, 48 1 e; diffi-
Modal form, 7 D 2. cult to distinguish from the
Form to express purpose, 7 D 3. gerund, 48 1 e.
Gerund, 7 E. Functions with the force of a finite
Adverb or prepositional phrase, verb, 48 2; time relations ex-
pressed by present participle,
7F.
48 2 (next to last par.); some-
Preferably to, prep., 62 1.
times with active form and
Prefixes, 16 1 (3rd par.), 62 4 (last
passive force, 48 2 (3rd par.);
par.).
subject of present participle,
Preliminary to, prep., 62 1.
48 2 c.
Preparatory to, prep., 62 1.
Present perfect tense: formation of,
Prepositional adverb, 62 5.
37 3; uses of, 37 3 (last par.), 37
Prepositional clause:
3 a; present perfect tense in popu-
Modifying verb or adjective: with
lar Irish English, 37 3 c; use of
the force of a prepositional
present perfect to express a habit-
object, 24 IV; with adverbial
ual act, 38 1 (3rd par. from end).
force, 16 1, 24 IV, 25 1, 62 7 d.
Present tense, uses of, 37 1.
Attributive clause, 10 IV a, 23 I
Prevent, syn., 24 III d (next to last
(4th par.).
par.).
Predicate clause, 7 F, 50 4 c dd.
Previously) to, prep., 62 1.
Prepositional infinitive, see Infinitive.
Pride, reflex., 46 (4th par.).
Prepositional object, 14.
Principal, 9 3.
Prepositional phrase, 62 (3rd par.);
Printer's (or printers') errors, 10 II 2
with the force of:
A predicate adjective, 7 F, 62 7 a. Fa.
A n attributive adherent adjective, Prior to, prep., 62 1.
10 I 2, 62 7 b. Private = privacy, 68 (6th par.).
 INDEX 603
Progressive form of the verb, uses Pure absolutely, 16 2 a, 54 2 a
of, 38 1, 2 a ee, hh, 38 2 b hh; use (last par.).
of copula with, 38 1 (2nd par.); Purpose clause, 33; replaced by
the two passive forms used at first other constructions, 33 1; abridg-
without differentiation of meaning ment, 33 2.
but now usually differentiated, 47 a. Pursuant to, prep., 62 1.
Prohibition, how expressed, 45 2 6. Put up, intrans., 46 (4th par.).
Promise, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
Pronouns: their use to indicate sex, Qua, 7 A b (3).
60 1 A; to denote lack of personal- Qualify, intrans. or reflex., 46 (5th
ity, 60 1 A (3rd par.); to denote par.).
state, rank, dignity, 60 1 d (last Quarter, 'The fleet did not have a
par.); use of certain pronouns as _ quarter the number of boats it
subject, 4 II; general meaning and should have had,' 6 C (3rd par.
use of pronouns, 61; agreement from end).
with their antecedent, 61 a; with Questions: nature of, 23 II 1 (last
reference to antecedents of differ- par.); indirect, 23 II 1 (last par.),
ent persons the first person has 21 (2nd par.); deliberative, 23 II1
precedence over the second and (last par.), 23 I; indirect deliber-
third, 61 a (2nd par.); proper ative. 23 I; speculative, 23 II 1
pronoun when the antecedent is (last par.), 23 I, 21 (3rd par.);
the indefinite pronoun one, 61 a; indirect speculative, 23 I; rhetor-
antecedent not a noun or pronoun ical, 23 II 1 (last par.), 16 3 b;
but the idea contained in a group indirect rhetorical, 23 I; question
of words or a single noun or adjec- form to present a topic for discus-
tive, 7 C, 23 II 6 (6th par.); case sion, 24 III c; order of words in
of the predicate pronoun, 7 C a; a question, 3 a (2nd par.), 4 II c
pronouns used adverbially, 16 4 a (next to last par.), 35 2; do-form
(4th par.); used as coordinating in questions, 6 A d (1), (2); ques-
conjunctions, 19 2; relative pro- tions with the force of a polite voli-
nouns used to introduce a subor- tive subjunctive, 43 I A (last par.).
dinate adjective clause, 23 II 8, Quit, verb with effective force, 38 2
23 II 5; reflexive pronouns, 11 2 c; 6 cc and dd.
omission of reflexive pronouns, Quite = entirely, 16 2 a; = truly, 16
11 2 c; reciprocal pronouns, 11 2 A; 2 a, 16 2 b; = positively, 16 2 a.
omission of reciprocal pronouns, Quite a few, 16 2 6.
11 2 d; relative pronouns, see Quite a little, 16 2 6.
Relative pronouns; indefinite rela- Quotation, 44 II 3 a (last par.).
tive pronouns, see Relative; differ- Raise, causative, 46 (4th par. from
ence of nature between a pure end).
pronoun and the substantive form Rank, copula, 6 B.
of an adjective, 67 2; limiting Rank of words, 9 3.
adjectives used as pronouns, 67 3. Rather, compar. of adv., 16 5 a aa;
Prop word, 57 1. sentence adv. = somewhat, 16 2 a;
Proportionate agreement: clause of, with adversative force, serving at
29 1 A b; abridgment, 29 1 A b. the same time as a sentence adverb
Prove, copula, 6 B, 7 B a; reflex, or and as an adversative coordinating
intrans., 46 (5th par.). conjunction, 16 2 a (6th par.),
Pro-verb, 6 A c. 19 2 c.
Provided (that), sub. conj., 31; origin,Rather than, with simple infinitive,
17 3 A c. 29 1 B 6 (last par.), 49 E (5th par.).
Provided only, sub. conj., 31. Re, prep., 62 1.
Providing (that), sub. conj., 31, 31 2. Re-, 16 1 (3rd par.)
Provocative of,7Ba (4th par.).
604 INDEX

Read, with passive force, 46 (7th par). opment of relative pronouns,

Real, adverbs real and really differen- 23 II; full Ust, 23 II 5; de-
tiated, 16 4; adverb employed to scriptive and restrictive rela-
form the absolute superlative of tive clauses, 23 II 6; person-
the adjective, 54 2 a (last par.). ality and form, 23 II 7; case
Bear, causative, 46 (4th par. from of relative and its agreement
end); intrans. or reflex., 46 (4th with its antecedent, 23 II 8 a,
par.); adj., comparison, 54 1 a. 6, c, d, 21 c; position and repe-
Rearmost, superl., 54 1 a. tition of the relative pronoun,
Reciprocal pronouns, 11 2 d; omis- 23 II 9; personal pronoun
sion of, 11 2 d. instead of a relative, 23 II
Recollect, with genitive object, 13 3 9 a; independent proposition
(2nd par.). instead of relative clause, 23
Reflexive pronouns, 11 2 c, 57 5 6 (5th II 9 6; abridgment of relative
par.); omission of, 11 2 c. clause, 23 II 11. The relative
Refund, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1. clause introduced by a relative
Refuse, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1. pronoun is often replaced by
Regard, 7 A 6 (2), 15 III 2 A. an asyndetic relative construc-
Regarding, prep., 62 1. tion, i.e., a relative clause
Regardless of, prep., 62 1. without a relative pronoun.
Relative: There are two classes: hypo-
Adjectives: tactic, 23 II 10 a; paratactic,
A relative adjective in connec- 23 II 10 b.
tion with a governing noun, The indefinite relative pronouns
the relative pointing back to who, whoever, what, whatever,
a preceding definite anteced- which do not refer back to an
ent: ' W e traveled together antecedent, but, like other
as far as Paris, at which place relative pronouns, bind the
we parted company/ See clause in which they stand to
23 II 3 (last par.). the principal proposition: 'I
A n indefinite adjective introduc- know who did it.' 'I saw
ing a substantive clause and at what he did.' Compare 21
the same time binding it to the (2nd, 3rd, 4th parr.), 23 I,
principal proposition, hence 24 III (3rd par.). Origin and
called a relative adjective: development of indefinite rel-
'I told him which w a y he ative pronouns, 23 II 1, 2, 3.
should go.' 'You m a y have Adverbs, when, where, why, how,
whichever book you choose.' etc., introducing a subordinate
1
1 gave him what money I had clause and at the same time
with me.' 'I shall give him binding it to the principal propo-
whatever help I can.' C o m - sition, hence called relative
pare 21, 23 I, 24 III. The adverbs or conjunctions: 'I was
substantive forms of these there when he came' 'I know
adjectives are used as pro- when he is coming.' 'I know
nouns. See 23 II 2 (6th par.) why he did it.' 'I saw how he
and 23 II 3 (3rd par.). did it.' Compare 21 (2nd, 3rd,
Pronouns: and 4th parr.), 23 I, 24 III (3rd
The pronouns who, that, which, par.), 26 (last par.), 27 1, 27 3
etc., which refer back to a (5th par.). W h e n these ad-
definite antecedent: ' The man verbial forms point to a preced-
who just came in is m y ing noun or pronoun in the man-
brother.' 'The book which I ner of a relative pronoun they
hold in m y hand is an English cease to be adverbs and become
grammar.' Origin and devel- relative pronouns. See 23 II 5.
 INDEX 605
Clause, see Attributive relative -s, used as verbal ending, 8 1 1 h, Note.
clause under Adjective clauses. Sail, pi. of, 59 3.
Relative to, prep., 62 1. Sail in, with ingressive force, 38 2 a
Remain, copula, 6 B, 7 A a (1), 7 B a; dd.
with durative force, 38 1. Same age, same size, etc., compound
Remember, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1; adj., 7 A e.
reflexive, 12 1 B b (last par.); with Save, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
genitive object, 13 3 (2nd par.). Save, saving, saving that, sub. conj.,
Remit, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1. 31.
Rent, with passive force, 46 (7th Say, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1;
par.). first person of verb with subject
Repent, reflex., 12 1 B 6 (last par.); suppressed, 6 6; an imperative
with dat., 12 1 B 6 (last par.). often used instead of a conditional
Report, syn., 24 III A. clause, 31 1 A aa; coord, conj., 19
Reported speech, see Indirect dis- 1 /; in indirect discourse followed
course. by an infinitive that corresponds
Represent, syn., 24 III d. to an imperative in direct dis-
Repute, syn., 15 III 2 A a. course, 44 II 3 a (next to last
Request, syn., 24 III d. par.).
Respecting, prep., 62 1. Scarce, scarcely, 16 4, 16 2 a (7th
Rest, copula, 6 B, 7 B a; intrans. or par.).
reflex., 46 (4th par.). Scarcely when, 27, 27 3 (last par.);
Restriction, clause of, 29 1 A c; scarcely (or scarce) but, 27 3
abridgment, 29 1 A c 66. (last par.).
Restriction, double, 23 II 6, 66 A Scissors, 59 6.
(4th par.). Score, pi. of, 69 3.
Restrictive relative clause, 23 II 6. Scotch, 6 A d, 16 3, 16 4 a (5th par.),
Result clauses: 37 5 a (pp. 370, 371), 38 5, 47 a
Manner clause of modal result and (5th par.), 57 1 (5th par.).
clause of pure result, 28 5; See, syn., 16 III 2 B, 43 II B a.
abridgment, 28 5 A; result clause Seed, pi. of, 59 4 b.
replaced by other constructions, Seeing, absolute part., 17 4, 30 b
28 5 a, b, c. (3rd par.).
Degree clause of modal result, Seem, copula, 6 B, 7 A a (1), 7 B a,
29 2; abridgment, 29 2 a. 7 D 1 a; with subjunctive force,
Retained: dative and accusative, 44 I (last par.); a full verb, 28 2 a.
15 I 2 a; phrase, 15 III 2 A a. Seen, part, in absolute nom. con-
Reveal, dat. and ace, 15 I 1; with struction, 17 3 A c.
accusative and infinitive, 24 III d. Self, noun, 56 D (last par.); used in-
Rhetorical question, 23 II 1 (last stead of himself, herself, 11 2 c (4th
par.), 16 3 6. par.).
Riches, 8 1 2 / . Sell, with passive force, 46 (7th par.);
Right, rightly, adv., 16 4. with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
Ring, copula, 6 B, 7 B a. Send, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
Rise, copula, 6 B, 7 A a (1); causa- Sentence: defined, 2; essential ele-
tive, 46 (10th and 11th parr.). ments of, 2; sentences lacking the
Rough, verb, rough it, 11 2 6. one or the other or both of the
Round, prep., 62 1. essential elements, 2 a; kinds of
Round about, prep., 62 1. sentences, 2; classes of sentences,
Run, copula, 6 B, 7 B a; with ingres- 18; functions of the sentence, 2;
sive force, 38 2 a 66; causative, 46 sentence adverb, 16 2 a.
(3rd par. from end); 'ran her Separate, intrans. with reciprocal
fingers c o m b fashion through her force, 46 (5th par.).
hair,' 16 4 a (next to last par.), Sequence of tenses, 36,
606 INDEX

Set, intrans., 46 (4th par.); causative, Sit down, with reflex, dat., 12 1 B 6
46 (4th par. from end). (next to last par.).
Set about, 38 2 a aa, 50 4 d dd. Sith or syth, sub. conj., 27 3 (6th
Set in, 38 2 a aa. par.), 30.
Shall, should: use in the future tense, Sithen, sub. conj., 27 3 (6th par.), 30.
37 5 a; use in the indirect dis- Sithens, sub. conj., 27 3 (6thpar.), 30.
course in the third person, corre- Ski, pi., 59 3 (last par.).
sponding to shall in thefirstperson Small town, adj., 7 B a aa (last par.).
in the direct discourse, 44 II 3 a; Smallpox, 59 2.
modal auxiliary, 37 5 a, 43 I A, D, Smell, copula, 6 B, 7 B a; with geni-
II B a, 6, c, e, /; 44 I, II 1, 3, 4 a, tive object, 13 3 (3rd par.).
5 A, B, 45 4 d. Smoke, noun, used instead of a finite
Shares, adv. ace in 'go shares,' 16 4 averb: ' W e had a quiet smoke,'
(next to last par.). 6 A 6.
She, pers. pron., 61; determinative, So:
56 A (last par.); adj. indicating sex, Coordinating conjunction, 19 1 e.
60 1 6; poss. adj., 57 5 a (3rd par.). Subordinating conjunction of: pure
Shears, 59 6. result, 28 5 (6thpar.); condition,
Shell, pi. of, 59 1. 31; concession, 32; purpose, 33.
Shine, copula, 6 B, 7 B a. Used as a pronoun, 7 C, 11 2 b.
Short, noun, 58 (3rd par. from end). So as, sub. conj. of: comparison,
Short of, prep., 62 1. 28 2; manner clause of pure result,
Shot, pi. of, 59 1. 28 5 (next to last par.), 28 5 d (3rd
Should, see Shall. par.); extent, 29 1 A A; degree
Should rather, 37 5 a (p. 368). clause of modal result, 29 2; con-
Show, copula, 6 B, 7 B a; with in- dition, 31; purpose, 33, 33 2.
gressive force, 38 2 a gg; with dat. So as that, sub. conj., 28 5 (next to
and ace, 15 I 1; with objective last par.).
genitive, 15 III, 2 A. So as to, 28 5 d, 33 2.
Show off, intrans. or reflex., 46 (4th So be as, sub. conj., 31.
par.). So be it, sub. conj., 31.
Show up, with ingressive force, So far as, sub. conj. 29,1 A c; prep.,
38 2 a dd. 62 1, 29 1 A c 66.
Side: on each (either, this, that) side So far as that, sub. conj., 29 1 A A.
of, prep., 62 1; side by side with,So far from, prep., 62 1, 28 3 a (4th
prep., 62 1. par.).
Sight, a long (or darn) sight, 16 4 aSo far that, 29 2 (11th Example).
(4th par.). So long as, sub. conj. of: condition,
Simply, distinguishing adv., 16 2 6. 31; restriction, 29 1 A c; time, 27.
Sin, sub. conj., 27 3 (6th par.), 30. So much, 16 4 b.
Since, prep., 62 (3rd par.), 62 1; sub. So much so that, sub. conj., 29 2.
conj. of: time, 10 IV a, 27, 27 3 So much the + comparative by how
(6th par.); cause, 30, 30 a (8th much the + comparative, 29 1 A 6.
par.); introducing subject clause, So often as, sub. conj., 27.
21, 21 c (last par.); adv.: 'The So only, sub. conj. of condition, 31.
tree has since been cut down'; So that, sub. conj. of: manner clause
= ago: 'The Colonel was long of pure result, 28 5 (6th par.);
since quite too old and feeble for clause of purpose, 33.
command.' So to, 28 5 d, 33 2.
Sing, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1. So to speak, 31 2.
Sink, intrans. and causative, 46 (3rd Solely, distinguishing adv., 16 2 6.
par. from end). Some, m u c h used as an adverb,
Sit, copula, 6 B, 7 B a; intrans. and especially in American speech,
causative, 46 (3rd par. from end). 16 4 a (5th par.).
 INDEX 607
Someone such a one, 23 II 5 (2nd 38 2 b cc; with objective predicate,
par. of Examples). 15 III 2 A.
Sometimes sometimes, coord, conj., Stress:
19 la. In groups containing an adjective,
Somewheres, instead of somewhere, 10 I 1.
16 4 a. In groups containing a genitive,
Soon: as soon = as readily, 43 I B. 10 II 1, 10 II 2 A, B, C, D, E,
Soon as, sub. conj., 25 2 (2nd par.), F, G, H.
27. In groups containing a dative and
Sooner = rather, 43 I B. an accusative, 11 1, 15 I 2.
Sort of, adj., 59 7. Of adverbs, 16 2, 16 2 a.
Sound, copula, 6 B, 7 A a (1), 7 In verb-phrases 6 A A (1), (2).
Ba. Descriptive stress, 10 I 1, 10 II 1
South, southern, comparison of, 54 1 a. (next to last par.).
South of, prep., 62 1. Distinguishing stress, 1011,10II1
Specification: adverbial phrase of, (next to last par.)
13 3, 62 7 d, 28 1 a; closely related Classifying stress, 10 I 1, 10 II 1
in meaning to the attributive ob- (next to last par.).
jective genitive (10II 2 D, 4th par.) Emphatic stress, 10 I 1.
and the partitive genitive (10 II 2 In group-words, or compounds,
Ha). 63.
Speculative question, 23 II 1 (last Strike, copula, 6 B; full verb, syn.,
par.), 21 (3rd par.), 23 I. 15 III 1, 15 III 1 a.
Split, with passive force, 46 (7th Subject: case and position, 3, 35 1,
par.). 24 III d (4th par.); often incor-
Split infinitive, 49 2 c. rectly in the accusative instead of
Spread, intrans. or reflex., 46 (4th the nominative, 7 C a, 29 1 A a aa,
par.). 29 1 B a, 31 (5th par.); complete
Spring, copula, 6 B, 7 B a; causative, subject, 4; forms of the subject,
46 (3rd par. from end); spring a 4 I; use of pronominal subjects:
leak, 15 III 2 B b. situation it, 4 II A ; impersonal it
Stag, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 6. and there, 4 II B; anticipatory it,
Stamina, 59 2. 4 II C; pronouns used as general
Stand, copula, 6, 7 B a; with effec- or indefinite subject, 4 II D; edi-
tive force, 38 2 6 ee; passive auxil- torial we, 4 II E ; we, plural of
iary, 47 6; causative, 46 (3rd par. majesty, 4II F; we = you, 4II G;
from end). omission of subject, 5.
Start, with ingressive force, 38 2 a aa; Subject accusative, 7 A a (1) (4th
with objective predicate, 16 III 2 par.), 15 III 2, 20 3 (last par.),
A; start in, start out, 38 2 a aa. 38 1 (2nd par.).
Starve, intrans., trans., reflex., 46 Subject clause, 21; position and
(3rd par. from end). stress, 21 6; emphasis and attrac-
Statal passive, 47 6. tion, 21 c; abridgment, 27 e.
Stay, copula, 6 B, 7 B a; causative, Subject to, prep., 62 1.
46 (3rd par. from end). Subject word, 3.
Steer, with passive force, 46 (7th Subjective genitive, 10 II 2 C.
par.). Subjunct, 9 2.
-ster, m a s e and fern, suffix, 60 1 a. Subjunctive mood: basic idea of, 41;
Still, coord, conj., 19 1 c. differentiation of meaning between
Still less, coord, conj., 19 1 a. the present and the past tense, 41
Still more, coord, conj., 19 1 a. (3rd par.); past tense now used to
Stone's throw, 10 II 2 F 6. point to the present or the future,
Stop, with effective-durative force, but once employed to refer to the
38 2 6 aa; with effective force, past, 41 (4th par.); old and new
608 INDEX

subjunctive forms, 42; classifica- In clauses of extent, 44 II 9.

tion of the meanings, 41, 43-44. In causal clauses, 44 II 10.
Optative subjunctive: Subordinate clauses: function, 20 1,
In principal propositions: voli- 28 5 d (8th par.); classes, 20 1;
tive, 43 I A ; subjunctive of position, 20 2; abridgment, 20 3.
wish, 43 I B ; subjunctive of Subordinate elements of a sentence, 9.
logical reasoning, 43 I C ; Subordinating conjunctions, 21, 22,
subjunctive of plan, 43 I D. 23 I, 23 II 5, 24 I, 24 II, 24 III,
In subordinate clauses: action 24 IV, 25, 26, 27, 27 1, 2, 3, 4, 28 1,
conceded, 43 II A ; action 2, 3, 4, 5, 29 1 A a, b, c, B, 2, 30,
desired: 31, 32, 33, 34.
In object, subject, attributive Subsequently) to, prep., 62 1.
substantive clauses after Substantive (or noun) clauses:
verbs or nouns of advising, Subject clause, 21; abridgment,
beseeching, warning, wish- 21 e.
ing, demanding, etc., 43 II Predicate clause, 22; abridgment,
Bd. 22 b.
In adverbial clauses of pur- Attributive substantive clause, 23
pose, 43 II B 6. I; abridgment, 23 I a.
In temporal clauses after Genitive clause, 24 I; abridgment,
until, till, when, whenever, 24 I a.
before, ere, 43 II B c. Dative clause, 24 II; abridgment,
In formally independent clause 24 II a.
with the force of a subordi- Accusative clause, 24 III; abridg-
nate wfeen-clause, 43 II B d. ment, 24 III d.
In relative clauses, 43 II B e. Appositive clause, 10 III 1 A b,
In adverbial clauses of modal 23 1.
result, 43 II B /. Clause used as object of the prepo-
In clauses of condition, 43 II sition in prepositional clauses:
B g, 44 II 5 A a, b, 44 II 5 'He believes in what he preaches.'
Co, See Prepositional clause.
Substantive function of adjectives,
Potential subjunctive:
57 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.
In principal propositions, 44 I;
Success, successes, meaning, 59 5 b.
adverbs often used with the
Such, such a one, 23 II 5 (2nd par. of
force of the potential subjunc-
Examples), 56 A, 57 3 (2nd par.).
tive, 44 I (last par.).
Such as, coord, conj., 19 1 /.
In subordinate clauses:
Suitably to, prep., 62 1.
In subject clauses, 44 II 1.
Sultan, sultana, 60 1 c.
In predicate clauses, 44 II 2.
Superlative degree of:
In object clauses, 44 II 3.
Adjectives, relative superlative,
In adjective clauses: relative
54 1; different form for differ-
clauses, 44 II 4 a; attribu-
ent function, 54 1 c; adverbial
tive substantive clauses, 44
accusative form, 64 1 c; superla-
II 4 b.
tive of compounds, 64 1 h;
In conditional sentences: prac-
double superlative, 54 1 a aa;
tical condition, 44 II 5 A ;
absolute superlative, 54 2 a.
theoretical condition, 44 II
Adverbs, 16 5 a; adverbial accusa-
5 B ; condition contrary to
tive form, 16 5 abb; absolute
fact, 44 II 5 C.
superlative, 16 5 b.
In clauses of manner, 44 II 6.
Suppose, imperative of, with its object
In clauses of modal and pure
used instead of a conditional clause,
result, 44 II 7.
311 d aa; verb, syn., 7 A a (1) (4th
In comparative clauses, 44
par.), 24 III d (2nd par.).
118.
 INDEX 609
Supposing, absolute part., 31 2 (4th 23 II 6 (3rd par. from end); =
par.), 45 3 (next to last par.). what, 23 II 10 a (last par.); =
Sure, adv. = surely, 16 4 (3rd par. he who, 23 II 10 a (last par.);
from end). = those who, 23 10 a (last par.);
Sure thing = surely, 16 4 a (next to = in which, for which, on which,
last par.). etc., 62 4.
Swim, intrans. and trans., 46 (3rd A subordinating conjunction in-
par. from end). troducing:
Swiss, pi. of, 58 (4th par.). A subject clause, 21, 21 c (last
Syn, sub. conj., 27 3 (6th par.), 30. par.); differentiated in mean-
Synthetic form, 54 1. ing from since, 21 c (last par.);
Syth, see Sith. omitted, 21 a.
A predicate clause, 22.
Tabby, adj. indicating sex,(60 1 b.
An attributive substantive
Tactics, 59 2.
clause, 23 I.
Take, copula, 6 B ; full verb, syn.,
A genitive clause, 24 I.
15 III 1, 24 III d; with ingressive
A n accusative clause, 24 III;
force, 38 2 a 6b, cc.
omitted, 24 III 6.
Taste, copula, 6 B, 7 B a; with geni-
A prepositional clause, 24 IV;
tive object, 13 3.
omitted, 24 IV (2nd par.).
Teach, with dat. and ace, infinitive,
A clause of time, 27.
or clause, 16 I 1, 24 III d.
A clause of manner proper, 28 1.
Telegraph, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
A clause of attendant circum-
Telephone, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
stance, 28 3.
Tell, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.
A manner clause of modal result
Temporal clause, see Clause of time.
and a clause of pure result,
Tenses, see Present tense, Past tense,
28 5.
etc.; sequence of tenses, 36.
A degree clause of modal result,
Terminate aspect, 38 3.
29 2.
-th, use as verbal ending, 811 h, Note.
A clause of cause, 30.
Tha (old English pa), 27 1.
A clause of purpose, 33.
Than, sub. conj. in compar. clauses,
Used to avoid the repetition of
29 1, 31; origin, 27 3 (last par.);
a preceding conjunction, 27
'than whom,' 23 II 5 (1st par. of
(2nd par.).
Examples); 'taller than me,' 29 1
That . . . he, old relative construc-
B a; sub. conj. of time, 27 1, 27 3
tion = simple that, 23II (5th par.).
(last par.); adv., 27 3 (last par.).
That is, coord, conj., 19 1 /.
Thanks to, prep., 62 1.
That much, 16 4 6.
That, used as:
That which, 23 II 5.
A demonstrative: inflection and
Thatn, 57 5 a (3rd par.).
use, 56, 56 A; used as an adjec-
The, definite article, use of, 56 B ;
tive, 56 A; used as a determina-
stressed, 56 B (2nd par.); adv.,
tive, 56 A, 23 II, 23 II 10 a (last
16 4 c.
par.), 26 (last three parr.), 27 1
The + comparative by how much
(2nd par.); with the force of
+ comparative, correlative conj.,
such, 28 5 (4th par.), 29 2 (3rd
29 1 A 6.
par.); charged with feeling, 56 A
The the, correlative conj., 29 1 A 6.
(2nd par.); used as a pronoun,
The which = which, 23 II 5, 6 (3rd
61, 57 3; used disparagingly of
and 6th parr.).
persons, 60 1 d; used as an
The who = who, 23II 5, 6 (4th par.).
adverb, 16 4 6.
Thee, pron., 4 II H ; adj., 57 5 a (3rd
A relative pronoun, 23 II; used
par.).
to refer to the thought con-
Their, theirs, pron. and adj., 57 5 a;
tained in a preceding adjective,
used as sign of genitive, 10 II 1.
610 INDEX

Theirn, 67 5 a (3rd par.). as a pronoun, 61, 57 3; used as an

Them or them there = those, 56 A ; adverb, 16 4 b.
them there ones, 57 1 (10th par.). This much, 16 4 b.
Themselves, reflex, pron., 11 2 c, Thisn, 67 5 a (3rd par.).
56 D (next to last par.); reciprocal Tho, sub. conj. of time, 27 1.
pron., 11 2 d; pers. pron., 56 D Thof = though, 32.
(3rd par.); intensifying adj., 56 D. Thorough, adv., 16 4.
Then, coord, conj., 19 1 a, e; sub. Those = some, 23 II 5 (Examples, p.
conj., 27 1, 27 3 (last par.), 29 1 B ; 221, quotation from Hughes, Tom
adj., 10 I 2; pron., 62 (3rd par.). Brown's School-Days); = such or so
Thence, coord, conj., 19 1 e. great, 29 2 (3rd par.).
Thence that, rel. pron., 23 II 5. Those who, 23 II 5 (2nd par. of Ex-
There, adv.: 'There is no one there'; amples).
with effective force, 38 2 b aa; Thosen, 57 5 a (3rd par.).
compounds with there, 16 1 (next Thou, use of, 4 II H .
to last par.); anticipatory subject, Though, coord, adversative conj., 19
4 II C; sub. conj., 26; rel. pron., 1 c; sub. conj. of concession, 32;
23 II 5 (1st par. and near end of = if, 31, 28 2 a.
Examples). Thought to have written you a line, 49
There as, sub. conj. of place, 26; rel. 3 a (4th par.).
pron., 23 II 5 (1st par. and near Thousand, pi. of, 10 II 2 H b.
end of Examples). Through, prep., 62 1; prep, adv.,
There that, sub. conj., 26; rel. pron., 62 5; effective particle, 38 2 6 aa;
23 II 5. adv., 16 4; pred. adj.: 'Are you
Therefor, adv., 19 1 e. through asking questions?' see 28
Therefore, coord, conj., 19 1 e. 1 a.
Thesen, 57 5 a (3rd par.). Through lack of, prep., 62 1.
They, pers. pron., 61; referring to Throughout, prep., 62 1.
an antecedent singular in form, Throw, with dat. and ace, 15 11.
61 a (3rd par.); inclusive in gender, Thus much, 16 4 b.
60 1 d (2nd par.); indefinite pron., Thy, thine, pron. and adj., 57 5 a.
4 II D ; determinative, 56 A (last Thyself, reflex, pron., 11 2 c, 56 D
par.), 23 II 5 (2nd par. of Ex- (next to last par.); pers. pron.,
amples); poss. adj., 57 5 a (3rd 56 D (3rd par.); intensifying adj.,
par.). 56 D.
They that, they who, 23 II 5 (2nd par. Tidings, 59 2.
of Examples). Till, prep., 62 1; sub. conj.: of time,
Thider as, sub. conj., 26 (3rd par. 27,27 3 (next to last and last parr.);
from end). introducing subject clause, 21, 21 c
Thider that, sub. conj., 26 (3rd par. (last par.); introducing clause of
from end). result, 28 5 a; introducing clause
Thine, see Thy. of purpose, 33.
Thing, with adjective force, 7 B a aa Tilt: ' ran full till,' 16 4 a (next to last
(last par.); with adverbial force, par.).
16 4 a (3rd par. from end and next Time, clause of, 27; abridgment,
to last par.). 27 5.
Think, verb, syn., 24 III, 24 III d; I Titles, pi. of, 59 8.
think, sentence adv., 16 2 a (6th To, prep., 62 1.
par.). To, before the infinitive, 49 4 A, B,
Thirst for, 14. C (2), D, E, F; omitted before the
Thirsty for, 14. infinitive, 3 d, 49 4 A, C (1) a, b,
This, a demonstrative: inflection, 56; c,d.
used as an adjective, 66 A ; charged To and fro, prep., 62 1.
with feeling, 66 A (2nd par.); used To say nothing of, coord, conj., 19 1 a.
 INDEX 611

To such a degree that, sub. conj., 29 2. Unique, more unique, most unique,
To such an extent as, sub. conj., 29 54 1 a aa.
1 Ad. Unless, sub. conj., 31; = except when,
7"o such an extent that, sub. conj., 29 2. 31 (5th par.).
To the degree that, sub. conj., 2811 A d.Unless that, sub. conj., 33.
To the end that, sub. conj., 33. Until, prep., 62 1; sub. conj., 27;
To the intent that, sub. conj., 33. imparting the idea of a habitual
To the order of, prep., 62 1. act, 38 1 (3rd par. from end). See
To wit, coord, conj., 19 1 /. also Till.
To within, prep., 62 7 d. Unto, prep., 62 1.
Tom, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 d. Up, prep., 62 1; ingressive and effec-
Tongs, 59 6. tive particle, 38 2 a dd, 6 aa; pred.
Too, coord, conj., 19 1 a; distinguish- adj., 7 F; comparison, 54 1 a.
ing adv., 16 2 6; before participles, Up against, prep., 62 1.
16 5 b (last par.). Up and Aown, prep., 62 1.
Too + adjective (or adverb) + Jo- Up at, prep., 62 1.
infinitive, 29 2 a (next to last par.). Up till, prep., 62 1.
Top, topmost, 54 1 a. Up to, prep., 62 1, 7 F (2nd par.).
Touch, reciprocal verb without use Upon, prep., 62 1.
of reciprocal pronoun, 11 2 d. Upper, uppermost, upmost, 64 1 a, 54
Touching, prep., 62 1; origin, 17 4 1 a aa.
(4th par.). Upset, with passive force, 46 (7th
Toward, prep., 62 1. par.).
Trace, with passive force, 46 (7th Us, used as nominative, 7 C a.
par.). Use, verb, iterative, 38 4; noun, syn.,
Transitive verbs: usually of the same 4 II C (3rd par.).
form as intransitives but some- Utmost, superl., 54 1 a.
times different, 46 (10th par.); Uttermost, superl., 64 1 a, 54 1 a aa.
the active form used absolutely Varieties of apple, 59 7.
or with reflexive, intransitive, or Verb:
passive force, 46. Tenses and their uses, 36-38.
-trix, suffix indicating a female, 601 c. Aspects, 38.
Truth, truths, meaning, 59 5 6. Mood, 39; indicative, 40; sub-
Turn, copula, 6 B, 7 A a (1), 7 A d, junctive, 41-44; imperative, 45;
7 B a, 7 B a aa; intrans., 46 (4th voice, 46.
par.). Personal ending s, history of, 8 I
Turn out, copula, 6 B, 7 A a (1), 1 h, Note; lacking in dialect,
7Ba. 8 I 1 h, Note (next to last par.).
Tweezers, 59 6. Verb-phrase, 6 A.
Twine, intrans. or reflex., 46 (4th Verbal phrase, 16 2 a (1st par.),
par.). 24 IV.
Two-trouser suit, 10 I 2 (3rd par. Vermin, 59 3.
from end). Very, used to form the absolute super-
Ultimately, adv. with subjunctive lative of adjectives and adverbs,
force, 43 I A (4th par. from end). 54 2 a (last par.), 16 5 6; before
Un-, 16 1 (3rd par.). participles, 16 5 6 (last par.).
Under, prep., 62 1; adj., comparison Via, prep., 62 1.
of, 54 1 a; effective particle, 38 Viz., coord, conj., 19 If.
2 6 aa. Vocative, 17 2.
Under cover of, prep., 62 1. Voice:
Under pain of, prep., 62 1. Active: intransitive, often with
Undermost, superl,, 54 1 a. reflexive or passive force, 46
Underneath, prep., 62 1. (4th-8th par.); a transitive
612 INDEX

causative, sometimes differing in stantive clauses, 10 III 1 A 6,

form from the corresponding in- 21, 24 III, 24 IV; origin
transitive, 46 (10th par.); causa- and development, 23 II 2;
tive and intransitive, usually omitted in the literary lan-
with the same form, 46 (3rd par. guage but expressed in popular
from end). speech, 5 d; repeated, 24 IV
Passive forms of expression: (5th par.); used disparagingly
actional passive with a literary of persons, 60 1 d (3rd par.).
and a colloquial form, 47 a (1st Relative pronoun, sometimes
and next to last parr.), 47 6; with an indefinite antecedent,
other passive forms, 47 a (last 23 II 2; in popular speech
par.); two progressive actional pointing back to a definite
passive forms, 47 a; statal pas- antecedent, 28 II 5.
sive, 47 6. Relative adjective, 23 II 2 (5th
Volitive subjunctive, 43 I A, II B, par.); m u c h used in substan-
44 II 5 A a. tive clauses, 21, 24 III, 24IV;
difference of meaning here
Wages, sing, or pi., 8 I 1 c, 2 f. between what and which, 23
Wait, with genitive object, 13 3. II 3 (2nd par.); what used in
Walk, causative, 46 (3rd par. from adverbial clauses of manner
end). proper, 28 1; what time used
Walk forth, with a reflex, dat. object, as adverbial conjunction of
12 1 B 6 (next to last par.). time, 27, 27 3 (3rd par.); used
Want, syn., 24 III 6, d; I want in, as an indefinite relative pro-
6 A a (3rd par.); want = must, noun, 23 II 2 (6th par.), 57 1
43 I A (2nd par.). (4th par.), 57 3 (next to last
Warded to have seen you, 49 3 a (5th par.).
par.). Interrogative:
Was ready to have struck, 49 3 a (7th Pronoun: in direct questions,
par.). 23 II 2 (7th par.); in indirect
Was to have dined with its, 49 3 a (10th questions, 23 II 2 (7th par.);
par.). m u c h used here in substantive
Wash, with passive force, 46 (7th clauses, 21, 23 I, 24 III.
par.). Adjective, 23 II 2 (7th par.);
Wax, copula, 6 B, 7 B a. m u c h used in substantive
We, editorial, 4 II E ; plural of clauses, 21, 23 I, 24 III, 24 IV;
majesty, 4II F; we = you, 4II G; the substantive forms of the
we uns, 67 1 (4th par. from end). adjective used as pronouns,
Wear, with passive force, 46 (7th 57 3 (last par.).
par.); copula, 6 B. Pronoun used in the accusative
Well, adv.: 'He plays well,' 16 4; as an adverb, 16 4 a (4th
adj., 7 B a; comparison of adver- par.).
bial and adjective well, 16 5 a aa, Substantive forms what one(s)
54 1 a. used as interrogative or
Weorpan, Old English, passive aux- indefinite relative pronouns,
iliary, 47 b. 23 II 2 (6th par.), 57 1 (4th
West, western, comparison of, 54 1 a. par.), 57 3 (last two parr.).
West of, to the west (or westward) of, What a, in exclamations: direct, 23
prep., 62 1. II 2 (7th par.); indirect, 23 II 2
What: (5th par.), 23 I (3rd par.); 24 IV
Indefinite: (1st par.).
Relative pronoun, usually with- What between and, 19 1 a.
out an antecedent, 23 II 2 What of and, 19 1 a.
(4th par.); m u c h used in sub- What with and what with, 19 1 a.
 INDEX 613
Whatever: rel. adv.: 'I do not k n o w whence
Indefinite relative: it comes'; interrog. adv. in indi-
Pronoun, 23 II 2; m u c h used in rect (23 II 1, last par.) questions:
substantive clauses, 21, 23 I, 'I asked him whence it came'; rel.
24 III, 24 IV; also in adver- pron., 23 II 5.
bial concessive clauses, 32 (8th Whencesoever, sub. conj., 26.
par.). Whenever, sub. conj. of time or con-
Adjective, 23 II 2 (2nd par.); cession, 27 (1st and last parr.).
m u c h used in substantive Whensoever, sub. conj., 27, 27 1.
clauses, 23 I, 24 III, 24 IV; Where:
in adverbia1 clauses of manner Subordinating conjunction of:
proper, 28 1; in attributive place, 26; cause, 30; with ad-
adjective clauses, 23 II 6 (5th versative force, 27 4.
and last parr.). Indefinite relative adverb: 'I do
Substantive (57 1) forms not know where he fives.' M u c h
whatever one(s) used as in- used in substantive clauses, 21,
definite relative pronouns, 23 22, 23 I, 24 III, 24 IV; = a
II 2 (6th par.), 57 1 (4th par.), noun + in which, 24 III (Ex-
57 3 (next to last par.). amples, p. 245, quotation from
Adverb, 16 4 a (4th par.); = What Shakespeare's Julius Cwsar). In
in the world f 16 2 a (last par.). older English used after to, see,
Whatso, 23 II 2, 32 (8th par.). behold where we n o w employ there
Whatsoever, 23 II 2, 32 (8th par.). or here: ' See where (now there or
When: here) she comes' (Shakespeare,
Subordinating conjunction of: The Two Gentlemen of Verona,
time, 20 1 (3rd par.), 27 1, 27 3 V, i, 7).
(last par.); cause, 30; condition, Interrogative adverb m : direct
31; concession, 32; with ad- (23 II 1, last par.) questions:
versative force, 27 4. 'Where do you live?'; indirect
Indefinite relative adverb: 'I do (23 II 1, last par.) questions:
not k n o w when he is coming.' 'He asked m e where I five.'
M u c h used in substantive M u c h used in substantive
clauses, 21, 22, 23 I, 24 III, clauses, 21, 23 I, 23 III.
24 IV; = a case in which, 24 III Relative pronoun, 23 II 5.
(Examples, p. 245, quotation Compounds with where-, 16 1
from Shakespeare's Measure for (next to last par.).
Measure). Wherefrom, interrog. pron. gov-
Interrogative adverb, used in: erned by the preposition from:
direct (23 II 1, last par.) ques- ' Where did you come from f' sub.
tions: 'When will you return?' conj. of time, 26.
M u c h used in substantive Whereas, sub. conj. of place, 26 (last
clauses, 21, 23 I, 24 III; indirect par.); with adversative force, 27 4;
(23 II 1, last par.) questions: 'I sub. conj. of cause, 30, 30 a (last
asked him when he would return.' par.); rel. pron., 23 II 5 (1st par.
M u c h used in substantive and near end of Examples).
clauses, 21, 23 I, 24 III. Whereby, rel. pron., 23 II 5.
Relative pronoun, 23 II 5, 23 II 6 Whereupon, rel. pron., 23 II 6 (next
(next to last par.). to last par.).
When as, sub. conj. of: time, 27 1 Wherever, sub. conj. of place or con-
(last par.); cause, 30; with ad- cession, 26 (1st par. and 1st par
versative force, 27 4. after Examples).
When that, sub. conj. of time, 27 1 Whether, indef. rel. adv., m u c h used
(last par.). in substantive clauses, 21, 23 I,
Whence, sub. conj. of place, 26; indef. 24 III, 24 IV; interrog. rel. adv.,
614 INDEX

much used in substantive clauses, 21, 24 III, 24 IV; used as

21, 23 I, 24 III; pronoun = which interrogative pronoun, 23 II 3
of the two, 19 1 6. (3rd par.).
Whether or, coord, conj., 19 1 6. Substantive (67 1) forms which
Whether or whether, indef. rel. one(s) much used as interrog-
adv., much used in substantive ative or indefinite relative pro-
clauses, 21, 23 I, 24 III, 24 IV; nouns, 23 II 3 (3rd par.);
interrog. rel. adv., m u c h used in referring to both persons or
substantive clauses, 21, 23 I, 24 things, 23 II 3 (3rd par.).
III; used in concessive clauses, 32. Which . . . it, old relative construc-
Which: tion = simple which, 23 II (5th
With definite reference: par.).
Relative pronoun with definite Which that, rel. pron., 13 II 3,
antecedent: 'I have read the Whichever, indef. rel. adj. and pron.
book which you gave me.' with the same meaning as is found
Compare 23 II 3. Used refer- in which, only a little more indefi-
ring to a preceding statement nite; with the functions of which
or adjective or to a following so far as described under Which;
statement or adjective, 23II 6 moreover, used in adverbial con-
(5th par.); referring to per- cessive clauses, 32 (8th par.).
sons, 23 II 3 (1st and 3rd While, sub. conj. of time, 27, 27 3
parr.). (4th par.); origin, 27 3; = until,
Relative adjective, standing be- 27 3 (4th par.); with adversative
fore its governing noun, at force, 27 4; attendant circum-
the same time pointing back stance, 28 3; condition, 31; con-
to a definite antecedent: 'We cession, 32; rel. pron., 23 II 5; =
traveled together as far as and, 20 1 (3rd par.).
Paris, at which place we parted While as, sub. conj. of time, 27 3 (4th
company.' Compare 23 II 3 par.); with adversative force,
(last par.). 27 4.
Indefinite relative adjective, with- While that, sub. conj. of time, 27 3
out reference to an antecedent: (4th par.); with adversative force,
'I do not know which book he 27 4.
took.' See 23 II 3 (2nd par.). Whilom, 16 4 a.
This indefinite relative adjective Whilst, 27, 27 4, 28 3, 16 4 a.
is much used in substantive White, noun, pi. of, 58 (3rd and next
clauses, 21, 23 I, 24 III, 24 IV; to last parr.).
substantive (67 1) forms of this Whither:
adjective often used as indefinite Subordinating conjunction of place,
relative pronouns, 23 II 3 (3rd 26.
par.); referring to both persons Indefinite relative adverb: 'It is
and things, 23 II 3 (3rd par.). plain whither your argument
Interrogative adjective: tends.' M u c h used in substan-
In direct (23 II 1, last par.) tive clauses, 21, 23 I, 24 III, 24
questions: 'Which road did IV.
you take?' Used also as inter- Interrogative adverb in: direct
rogative pronoun, 23 II 3 (3rd (23 II 1, last par.) questions:
par.); referring to both per- 'Whither are we drifting?'; in-
sons and things, 23 II 3 (3rd direct (23 II 1, last par.) ques-
par.). tions: 'He often asks m e
In indirect (23 II 1, last par.) whither we are drifting.' Used
questions: 'He asked m e in substantive clauses, 21, 24 III
which road I took.' M u c h 24 IV.
used in substantive clauses, Relative pronoun, 23 II 5.
 INDEX 615
Who (whose, whom): With, prep., 62 1.
Definite relative pronoun with ref- With a view to, prep., 62 1.
erence to a definite antecedent: With an eye to, prep., 62 1.
'The boy who just came in is m y With reference (or respect) to, prep.,
brother'; n o w less commonly 62 1.
used than formerly when the With (or in) regard to, prep., 62 1.
antecedent is indefinite he, she, With the exception of, prep., 62 1.
they, 23 II 1 (6th par.); refer- With the intention of, prep., 62 1.
ring to persons, 23 II 1 (3rd With the purpose of, prep., 62 1.
par.); in older English referring With the view of, prep., 62 1.
sometimes to things, 23 II 7 Withal, coord, conj., 19 1 a, c; prep.,
(3rd par.); origin and develop- 62 1.
ment of who, 23 II 1. Within, prep., 62 1.
Indefinite relative pronoun, 23 II1 Within reach of, prep., 62 1.
(5th par.); m u c h used in sub- Without, prep., 62 1, 28 3 a (3rd par.),
stantive clauses, 21, 23 I, 24 III, 28 5 d (7th par.), 31 2 (next to last
24 IV. par.); sub. conj. of: attendant
Interrogative pronoun: in direct circumstance, 28 3; manner clause
(23 II 1, last par.) questions: of pure result, 28 5 (7th par.); con-
'Who did it?'; who = whose, 57 dition, 31.
5 a (3rd par.); in indirect (23 II Without regard to, prep., 62 1.
1, last par.) questions: 'He Without that, sub. conj., 28 3, 28 3 a,
asked who did it.' 28 5 (7th par.).
Determinative pronoun: whose = Woman, adj. indicating sex, 60 1 b.
that one's, 56 A (3rd par.). Wonder, intrans.: ' I shouldn't wonder
Who . . . he, old relative construc- if he would come at any moment';
tion = simple who, 23II (5th par.). with prep, object: 'I shall never
Whoever, indef. rel. pron. with the cease to wonder at it'; with prep.
meaning found in indefinite who, suppressed when a clause follows,
only more indefinite; used in 24 IV (4th par.); trans. = I should
substantive clauses, 21, 23 I, 24 like to know, with a clause as ob-
III, 24 IV; frequent in adverbial ject, 24 III (Examples, p. 245).
concessive clauses, 32 (8th par.); Wont, used to express the iterative
sometimes employed in attribu- idea, 38 4 (4th par.).
tive adjective clauses, 23 II 6 (5th Won't, 37 5 a.
par.); = who in the world? 16 2 a Word-order:
(last par.). Position of verb:
Whosen, 57 5 a (3rd par.). Verb in second place: normal
Whoso, whosoever, 23 II 1 (4th par.). order: 'The boy loves his dog.'
Why, indef. rel. and interrog. adv., Compare 35 1, 35 1 a. In-
with the functions described for verted order: 'Bitterly did
when under When; rel. pron., 23 we repent our decision.' See
115. 35 1 for fuller description.
Will, use in the future tense, 37 5 a; Verb in the first place, 35 2.
use in indirect discourse, 44 II 3 a; See also Emphatic verb.
modal auxiliary, 37 5 a, 43 I A, Position of adjective, 10 I 1.
II B a, 44 I; iterative auxiliary, Position of the genitive, 10 II 1,
38 4 (next to last par.). 10 II 1 c.
Winterkill, with passive force, 46 (7th Position of the dative and the
par.). accusative object, 11 1, 15 I 2.
Wish, verb, syn., 24 III d; with dat. Position of adverbs, 16 2; of sen-
and ace, 15 I 1; for the means of tence adverbs, 16 2 a; of not,
expressing wishing and willing in 16 2 d; of distinguishing ad-
English see 43 I and II. verbs, 16 2 b.
616 INDEX

Word-order (cont.): Write, with dat. and ace, 15 I 1.

Position of the subject of the Wrong, wrongly, adv., 16 4.
infinitive, 24 III d (4th par.), Wunst = once, 16 4 a.
15 III 2 B (3rd par.).
Work, copula, 6 B. Ye, 4 II H.
Work out, with passive force, 46 (7th Ye = the, 56 B c.
par.). Yearn, syn., 13 3 (2nd and 5th parr.),
Works, a, a singular, 69 2. 14.
Worse, compar. of adv. and adj., Yes, a complete sentence, 2 a.
16 5 a aa, 64 1 a; noun, 58 (3rd Yet, coord, conj., 19 1 c.
par. from end). Yield, with dat. and ace, 16 I 1.
Worth, adj., syn., 11 2 g, 24 III d Yoke, pi. of, 69 3.
(last par.), 60 4 c aa. You, substitute for thou, 4 II H ;
Worth, copula, 6 B (last par.); in indef. pron., 4 il D.
Old English in the form of wear an Y6u all, used as pi. of you, 4 II H
used as passive auxiliary, 47 b. (4th par.).
Worthy, adj., syn., 11 2 g. You together, used as pi. of you, 4II H
Would, auxiliary to express future (4th par.).
time, 37 5 a (12th par.); modal You uns, 4 II H (4th par.), 67 1 (10th
auxiliary, 37 5 a (12th and 15th par.).
parr.), 43 I B, 43 II B a, 44 I, Young, noun, pi. of, 58 (3rd par.).
44 II 3, 44 II 4 a, 44 II 5 B, C. Your, yours, pron. and adj., 57 5 a.
Would better, 43 I B (4th par.), 44 I Yourn, 57 5 a (3rd par.).
(10th par.). Yourself, yourselves, reflex, pron., 11
Would rather, 43 I B (4th par.). 2 c, 56 D (next to last par.); pers.
Would sooner, would as soon, 43 I B pron., 66 D (3rd par.); intensify-
(4th par.). ing adj., 56 D.
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C975S HUC
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Syntax

C3 2934 00041 0300

C975s
CUEME, George Oliver, 1860-
Syntaac.