An Introduction To The Grammar of Sumeri PDF
An Introduction To The Grammar of Sumeri PDF
An Introduction To The Grammar of Sumeri PDF
----
ELTE Faculty of Humanities
of
form writing.
It is written for undergraduate students and structured for a semester-long
SUMERIAN
course: the order of the topics is determined by didactic considerations,
with the focus on syntactic analysis and evidence. It explains the function-
ing of Sumerian grammar in 16 lessons, illustrated with more than 500 fully
glossed examples. Each lesson ends with a series of tasks; a solution key to
selected exercises can be found at the end of the volume. Above all, this is
the first Sumerian textbook that introduces and utilizes the online assyrio-
logical resources available on the internet.
An Introduction to the Grammar of Sumerian has been written on the as-
sumption that after decades of grammatical research it has become possible
now to teach a general framework of Sumerian grammar that may function
as the basis of further, more intensive and elaborate studies.
a
a
Gbor Zlyomi
Gbor Zlyomi
----
AN INTRODUCTION
TO THE GRAMMAR
OF SUMERIAN
Gbor Zlyomi
Budapest, 2017
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www.eotvoskiado.hu
Executive publisher: the Dean of the Faculty of Humanities of Etvs Lornd University
Editorial manager: dm Gaborjk
Project manager: Jlia Sndor
Layout: Tibor Anders
Cover: Ildik Csele Kmotrik
Printed by: Komromi Nyomda s Kiad Kft.
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CONTENTS
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CONTENTS
LESSON 5
PRONOUNS, ADVERBS, AND NUMERALS ..........................................................................61
5.1 Pronouns ................................................................................................................61
5.2 Adverbs of manner and the adverbiative ............................................................68
5.3 Numerals ................................................................................................................70
Further readings ..........................................................................................................74
Exercises........................................................................................................................74
LESSON 6
THE VERBAL TEMPLATE......................................................................................................77
6.1 The general structure of the finite verbal form..................................................77
6.2 The prefixes of S1115 ..........................................................................................78
6.3 The adverbial prefixes ..........................................................................................79
6.4 The prefixes of S15 ..............................................................................................82
6.5 Observations on the functioning of the finite verbal form ..............................83
Further readings ..........................................................................................................87
Exercises........................................................................................................................88
LESSON 7
NON-FINITE VERBAL FORMS AND RELATIVE CLAUSES ..................................................91
7.1 Non-finite verbal forms ........................................................................................91
7.2 The subordinator suffix (Slot 15)..........................................................................94
7.3 Relative clauses ......................................................................................................96
7.4 Non-finite verbal forms expressing a purpose ................................................100
7.5 Non-finite verbal forms as adverbial clauses of time ......................................102
Further readings ........................................................................................................104
Exercises......................................................................................................................104
LESSON 8
NON-VERBAL PREDICATION AND OTHER USES OF THE COPULA..................................107
8.1 Copular clauses ....................................................................................................107
8.2 Non-verbal predicates without a copula ..........................................................112
8.3 Copular biclausal constructions ........................................................................114
8.4 The copula functioning as standard marker ....................................................116
8.5 The copula functioning as focus marker ..........................................................117
Further readings ........................................................................................................119
Exercises......................................................................................................................119
LESSON 9
VERBAL TENSE....................................................................................................................123
9.1 The formal marking of the tenses ......................................................................123
9.2 The preterite ........................................................................................................126
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CONTENTS
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CONTENTS
LESSON 15
CONSTRUCTIONS INVOLVING AN EXTRA VERBAL PARTICIPANT ............................223
15.1 The causative construction ..............................................................................223
15.2 The compound verbs..........................................................................................226
15.3 The external possession construction ............................................................228
15.4 The dative promotion ........................................................................................230
Further readings ........................................................................................................232
Exercises......................................................................................................................233
LESSON 16
NEGATION AND MODALITY ..............................................................................................237
16.1 The negative particle ........................................................................................237
16.2 Modality ..............................................................................................................239
Further readings ........................................................................................................249
Exercises......................................................................................................................249
INDEX OF QUOTED SUMERIAN TEXTS ............................................................................255
REFERENCES........................................................................................................................263
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FOREWORD
This textbook is the edited version of the teaching material used during my
Sumerian classes. Its first version was prepared by Szilvia Jka-Svegjrt in
2012, while I was on sabbatical leave, and she kindly took over my classes. I am
most grateful to Szilvia for her incentive, and for her help in preparing this
version, especially the first lesson of the book. I also thank to Melinda
Hagymssy, who helped me in writing several of the exercises and provided
important feedback on earlier versions of this work. I am grateful to my
students (Fruzsina Nmeth, Balzs Kiss, and Gerg Vajda), who visited my
Sumerian grammar classes in the academic year of 2015/2016 and 2016/2017,
for their help in improving this book.
This book is not intended to be acomprehensive grammar of Sumerian. For
that purpose, one should study Bram Jagersmas magnificent work (2010). My
experience as ateacher has been that for students of Sumerian, it is intimi-
dating and frustrating to have to face so much uncertainties and vagueness
when starting to learn Sumerian. One simply cannot see the forest for the trees
because of that. I remember my first year as astudent, when I had to read the
Cylinders of Gudea together with advanced students; it took me months to
figure out the basics. I had to rely on perplexing reference books without any
didactic intention.
The present book attempts to present the forest first. Problems and
uncertainties are left out or are mentioned only in the Further readings sections,
descriptions are shortened on purpose; it pretends that Sumerian is alanguage
whose basic grammatical rules may be learnt during the fourteen or so weeks
of a semester. It has been made on the assumption that after decades of
grammatical research it has become possible now to teach ageneral framework
of Sumerian grammar that may function as the basis of further, more intensive
and elaborate studies.
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LESSON 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Sources
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LESSON 1
The status of the 2nd millennium BCE texts is also ambiguous, as the most
important corpus from this period is that of the literary compositions used as
educational tools or in cultic praxis during the Old Babylonian period (ca. 2014-
1595 BCE). The scribes are certainly no native speakers of Sumerian, and this
results in grammatical irregularities, at least compared to the 3rd millennium
corpus (see also section 1.4 below). However, many morphological features of
the language can first be noted during this period because of the excessive study
of the language and reproduction of its written sources.
Descriptive grammars of the Sumerian language, for this reason, are based
mainly on the corpus from the second half of the 3rd millennium. The preceding
periods include the archaic texts from Ur (ca. 2800 BCE) and the Fara period
(ca. 2600 BCE). Both corpora include several genres, administrative, legal, lexical
and even literary texts. Their orthography is, however, defective and thus no
appropriate object of grammatical research. The relevant corpora of Sumerian
texts, which the present grammar is manly based on, are as follows:
Old Sumerian period (ca. 2470-2340 BCE)
Old Akkadian period (ca. 2340-2200 BCE)
Neo-Sumerian period
Lagash II period (ca. 2200-2113 BCE)
Ur III period (ca. 2112-2004 BCE)
The corpus of texts written in Sumerian is substantial both in its size and in its
variety. The number of Sumerian texts must be over one hundred thousand,
which include an immense quantity of economic and administrative documents,
alarge corpus of literary texts, lexical texts (word- and sign lists), royal and
monumental inscriptions, letters, legal texts, mathematical texts, and even
grammatical texts. Unfortunately, only avery small portion of this relatively
vast corpus may be used for linguistic description, because about 90% of the
written sources consist of administrative records.
The Sumerian script used in the second part of the 3rd millennium BCE is
a mixed logographic-phonographic system. It includes two types of signs:
logograms, i.e., word signs representing aword on the level of meaning; and
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Introduction
2 This term is used by Jagersma (2010: 15) instead of the well-established term syllabogram.
He points out that this term is more appropriate, since the rendering of phoneme sequences is
intended and not that of syllables.
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LESSON 1
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Introduction
1.3 Dialects
As every language, spoken Sumerian too must have had several different local
and temporal varieties. We, however, know, the language only from written
sources, and consequently most of these variations went lost forever. We have
access only to awritten, formal version of Sumerian whose traits and history
may be very different from the traits and history of the vernacular. Yet, it is
also possible that the traits of the local dialects are reflected in local scribal
traditions in the Old Sumerian and Old Akkadian periods. During the second
half of the 3rd millennium BCE two main traditions can be distinguished, the
Northern (Nippur, Adab, Isin) and the Southern Sumerian (Lagash, Umma, Ur,
Uruk) dialects.
In the Old Sumerian period, only ahandful of differences among the two
dialects can be detected: the vowel harmony of the verbal prefixes in the
southern cities (see Lesson 2 section 2.2. below), the use of the finite-marker
prefix /a(l)/ in apassive sense in the north Babylonian cities (see Lesson 11,
section 11.1. below), and the use of the comitative case in the function of the
terminative in the 25th century, for example. During the Old Akkadian period,
most of these distinctive features disappear, only the distinctive passive
markers are retained. Additionally, anew dialectal difference emerges, namely
the voiceless aspirated affricate /tsh/ the /dr/ phoneme in the earlier
literature becomes /r/ in Southern but /d/ in Northern Sumerian (see Lesson
2, section 2.1 below)
By the end of the 3rd millennium BCE, with the rise of the Ur III dynasty,
the local traditions are not reflected in the written language any more. The
Sumerian language was standardised in aform related to Southern Sumerian
and this written variety also spread in the northern area of Sumer (cf. Drehem
sources). The only place where texts with the features of the Northern dialect
or with mixed features come from was Nippur. The proof that the
standardisation of Sumerian only occurred on the level of the written language
is provided by the Old Babylonian Sumerian which preserved many features of
Northern Sumerian. As the centre of power moved to the north, this is also
reflected in the formal, written language.
A unique variety of Sumerian which should also be mentioned here is
asociolect known under the Sumerian term emesal (meaning probably fine
tongue). The emesal dialect is characterised by phonological alteration and
by limited lexical substitution, that is, the morphological and syntactical rules
of Sumerian remain intact, the difference only appears on the level of the
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LESSON 1
phonology and the lexicon. The elements of the emesal dialect are usually
mixed with standard Sumerian. It is not possible to know at what date or in
which region emesal first emerged, but it is supposed to be aform of spoken
Sumerian, specifically awomens dialect. By the early 2nd millennium, the
period in which it is first recorded in writing, the emesal dialect had already
become restricted to certain religious and poetic genres and contexts, also
including the literary representation of womens speech.
Sumerian was only one of the main languages used by amultilingual society.
The other major language was East-Semitic, and from about the 24th century
onwards one of the dialects of East Semitic, Akkadian. Contact between the two
languages is thought to have begun at least as early as the beginning of writing
at the turn of the 4th to the 3rd millennium BCE. The presumably widespread
bilingualism resulted in similarities between the two languages on the level of
lexicon, phonology, morphology and syntax. Many of the shared features are
already present in the languages when they become accessible to us in the
middle of the 3rd millennium BCE. We cannot therefore know if the assumed
shared traits are the result of the long-term language contact of alinguistic
area or the result of unilateral diffusions with changing directions.
Whatever the relationship between the two languages in earlier times was,
it is reasonable to assume that from about the 24th century onwards Akkadian
became the dominant language with aresulting asymmetrical bilingualism in
which knowledge of Akkadian may have proved practical in more and more
contexts. The reduction of Proto-Semitic gutturals in Akkadian at around this
time may point to arelatively large Sumerian speaking population changing to
Akkadian, and in the subsequent centuries only interferences from Akkadian
on Sumerian are attested and never the other way around. The dominance of
Akkadian eventually led to the replacement of Sumerian by Akkadian as the
vernacular. It can be assumed that by the end of the Old Babylonian period
Sumerian was no longer acquired as afirst language, and that already during
the Old Babylonian period most of the users of written Sumerian were native
speakers of Akkadian or other languages. The appearance of the long,
sophisticatedly organised AkkadianSumerian verbal paradigms, the so called
Old Babylonian Grammatical Texts (Black 1991), which analyse Sumerian in
terms of Akkadian categories, also imply the second language status of Sumerian.
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Introduction
At the beginning of the 2nd millennium several genres, such as letters, legal
records, administrative documents disappear gradually. Sumerian becomes
restricted to more formal registers, like royal inscriptions (usually bilingual in
Sumerian and Akkadian), and literary texts. After the Old Babylonian period
Sumerian remained to be taught and learnt only for the purposes of the cultic,
literary and scholarly tradition.
Starting from around the end of the 3rd millennium, Sumerian undergoes
an Akkadization which must relate to the change in its sociolinguistic status.
Its sound system becomes more like that of Akkadian: e.g., the unaspirated
voiceless consonants become voiced in most environments. Grammatical
distinctions of Sumerian are no longer maintained consistently or are replaced
because of a mismatch between Sumerian and Akkadian distinctions: e.g.,
human and non-human pronominal forms are often used erroneously; the use
of the locative1, locative2, and locative3 cases becomes promiscuous. Several
structural interferences from Akkadian can be observed (see Zlyomi 2005b and
2014): e.g., the correspondence between case-markers and verbal prefixes
disappear, and the nominal case-markers are influenced by the corresponding
Akkadian idioms; Sumerian develops morphological causativity.
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LESSON 1
When the cuneiform script was deciphered in the early 19th century, three
languages written in cuneiform were discovered: Akkadian, Persian and
Elamite. Only after understanding the Akkadian texts better did scholars
become aware of the existence of texts written in another different language.
The royal library in Nineveh provided many bilingual sources, mainly lexical
lists and literary texts with Akkadian translations which contributed to the
decipherment of the Sumerian script and language.
The first systematic attempt at the linguistic description of Sumerian was
realised by Arno Poebel in his Grundzuge der sumerischen Grammatik in 1923. His
research was based on the written evidence available at the time. Adam
Falkensteins two volume Grammatik der Sprache Gudeas von Lagash, published in
1949 and 1950, attempted to elaborate the grammar of ahomogenous group of
texts from the Lagash II period. In the following decades, the written evidence
of Sumerian increased and so did the need of aSumerian grammar considering
the recently published material. In 1984 Marie-Louise Thomsen published The
Sumerian Language, atextbook still in use nowadays. The third edition published
in 2001 has only an appendix with the literature published after 1984, but the
main text is the same.
A further important publication is Pascal Attingers Elments de linguistique
sumrienne from 1993, acomprehensive study of the grammatical and semantic
properties of asingle verb, which however contains along section describing the
3 The morphemic glossing follows the conventions of The Leipzig Glossing rules
(http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/resources/glossing-rules.php).
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Introduction
A longer and more technical introduction to the study of Sumerian is Black and
Zlyomi 2007 (an even longer version of this paper is available online at various
places:
http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/edition2/pdf/diachronsum.pdf or
http://www.hebraisztika.hu/attachments/00000129.pdf). On Sumerians the
most up-to-date summary is Cooper 2013 (available online at
http://krieger2.jhu.edu/neareast/pdf/jcooper/Sumer_Sumerisch_RLA_13_2012.pdf,
which is in English in spite of its German title).
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LESSON 1
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Introduction
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LESSON 2
PHONOLOGY
The transliteration system used for Sumerian is based on its sound system in
the 2nd millennium BCE, which differs significantly from the sound system of
the 3rd millennium, and whose reconstruction itself is based on aby now partly
overhauled understanding of Akkadian phonology. In Table 2.1 below each
consonant is represented in square brackets by their reconstructed
pronunciation in the 3rd millennium (using the symbols of the International
Phonetic Alphabet), followed in curly brackets by the letter with which they
are normally transliterated, called graphonemes.
Graphonemes are phonemic units distinguished by the writing system.
Their values ultimately reflect their use in an Akkadian context and depend on
our understanding of Akkadian phonetics.
One may ask if it were not better to use different systems for transliterating
Sumerian texts from different periods. One could argue, for example, that the
verbal form mu-na-du should be be transliterated as mu-na-tshu if it occurs
in ainscription of Ur-Nanshe from the 25th c. BCE. There are several arguments
against such aproposal. First, this would entail that any time anew proposal
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LESSON 2
Stops (except for the glottal stop) and affricates had two series in the 3rd
millennium BCE. Both were pronounced voiceless, their distinctive feature
being aspiration. Around the 2000 BCE, the plain voiceless stops underwent
sound change: they became voiced in most environments. The aspirated
voiceless stops retained their old pronunciation. At the same time the plain
voiceless affricate ([ts]) underwent the same change as the plain voiceless stops:
it became a voiced affricate ([dz]) in most environments. The voiceless
aspirated affricate ([tsh]) disappeared from the language by the end of the 3rd
millennium: it merged with [] or [t] before avowel, while it was lost word-
finally and before aconsonant.
A phoneme /h/ can be reconstructed only in acouple of words, like */haj/
house (later e = /e/) or /hit/ river (later id = /id/). Both this phoneme
and the glottal stop // were lost during the second half of the 3rd millennium
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Phonology
BCE. The phoneme /j/ gradually disappeared by around 2000 BCE, syllable final
/aj/ became // (e.g., */aj/ water > //).
Note that the consonant transliterated with the graphoneme {r} was atap
[], aconsonant produced with avery short closure, and not atrill. The voiceless
aspirated affricate ([tsh]) appears in the earlier literature as the /dr/-phoneme.
The writing system indicates the existence of four vowels. Vowel length was
probably phonemic but as the writing system did not indicate vowel length
systematically, this assumption is partly based on circumstantial evidence like,
e.g., Sumerian loanwords into Akkadian.
Table 2.2: The vowels
FRONT BACK
HIGH {i} {u}
LOW {e} {a}
4 Q-numbers and P-numbers refer to the catalogue-numbers of the Cuneiform Digital Library
Initiative Project (http://www.cdli.ucla.edu). Q-numbers refer to compositions, P-numbers to
manuscripts. In the morphemic segmentation of the finite verbal forms subscript S + number
refers to the verbal slots discussed in detail in Lesson 6 below.
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LESSON 2
The ventive prefix followed by a3rd ps. sg. non-human composite locative2
or locative3 prefix (see Lesson 14, section 14.3 and 14.4). The graphoneme {e}
is written with the sign ME as in ex. (3) below; the graphoneme {i} is written
with the sign MI as in ex. (4) below.
(3) En-metena 1 2:5 (RIME 1.9.5.1) (Lagash, 25th c.) (Q001103)
e-me-sar-sar
S1i-S4m-S5b-S10i-S11n-S12sar~sar-S14
FIN-VEN-3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.H.A-write~PL-3.SG.P
The 3rd ps. sg. non-human composite locative2 or locative3 prefix (see
Lesson 14, section 14.3 and 14.4 below). The graphoneme {e} is written with the
sign BI (= be) as in ex. (5) below; the graphoneme {i} is written with the sign
NE (= bi) as in ex. (6) below.
(5) Iri-kagina 1 4:8 (RIME 1.9.9.1) (Lagash, 24th c.) (P222607)
be-ar-re-e
S5b-S10i-S11n-S12ar-S14e
3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.H.A-place-3.PL
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Phonology
The locative1, and 3rd ps. sg. human composite locative2 or locative3 prefix
(see Lesson 14, section 14.2, 14.3 and 14.4 below). The graphoneme {e} is written
with the sign NI (= ne) as in ex. (9) below; the graphoneme {i} is written also
with the sign NI (=ni) as in ex. (10) below.6
(9) En-metena 23 18 (RIME 1.9.5.23) (Lagash, 25th c.) (P222530)
e-ne-pad-da-a
S2i-S6nn-S10i-S11n-S12pad-S14-S15a-a
FIN-3.SG.H-L2-3.SG.H.A-find-3.SG.P-SUB-L1
The signs used to write the graphoneme {i} remained in use after the vowel
harmony disappeared.
Based on the writing system used to record Sumerian in the first part of the
2nd millennium BCE, Sumerian appears to have only four vowels; i.e., the
writing system distinguishes four vowels, see Table 2.2 above. There exist,
however, data which suggest that the writing system used in the 2nd
millennium BCE may not have reflected the number of vowels in the middle of
the 3rd millennium BCE adequately.
Table 2.3 below shows the correspondences between the vowel of the verbal
prefixes and the vowel of the stems as reflected in our transliteration system
in texts form around the middle of the 3rd millennium BCE from places which
exhibit vowel harmony. It is based on data collected by Keetman (2014: 144
149). The table shows, for example, that all the verbal stems transliterated with
6 Note that both the high and the low forms were written with the same grapheme, but it is
assumed in this textbook that the high and the low forms were pronounced differently.
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LESSON 2
The problem occurs with the stems transliterated with {u} or {e} graphonemes.
Some of them occur with the low, some with high prefixes. The data in
Table 2.3 suggests that the vowels written as {u} and {e} might have had ahigh
and low variant in Sumerian, making the number of vowels 6, asuggestion
already put forward by Poebel (1931: 6). Keetman (2005) goes further and he
does not consider it impossible that the Sumerian vowel system consists of 7
or 9 vowels.
Table 2.4 below shows apossible interpretation of Poebels suggestion, using
the symbols of the International Phonetic Alphabet. It shows that, for example,
the graphoneme {u} may correspond in fact both to alow back vowel [] and
ahigh back vowel [u].
{e} = [e]
HIGH {i} = [i] {i} = [i]
{u}= [u]
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Phonology
libir < Akk. lab(ir)um to be old, niir < Akk. ngirum herald, silim < Akk.
al(i)mum to be healthy.
There also exist words which are attested both in forms with two similar
and with two different vowels: a-gu vs. ugu skull, a-ne vs. e-ne he, a-lu
vs. hu-lu to be afraid, u-ub vs. i-ub brick-mold.
The last two groups of the words involved suggest that it is the vowel of the
first syllable that assimilates to the vowel of the second one, which may well
be due to the stress on the last syllable of the words, see the next subsection.
Sumerian syllables may have the structure CV, (VC), or CVC. It is likely that
before the glottal stop // was lost, all words began with a consonant and
consequently VC type syllables did not exist. Word initial consonant clusters
were not tolerated.
Sumerian had astress-accent, and Sumerian words were probably stressed
on the last syllable.
Further readings
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LESSON 2
Exercises
2.1 Consider the data below on the correspondences between stops in Sumerian and
Akkadian in loanwords in the 3rd mill. BCE. Then fill out Table 3.5, mark the feature
that applies to the group of graphonemes in the left with a+. Try to explain based
on the features why Akkadian borrowed the Sumerian words the way it did.
Table 2.5
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Phonology
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LESSON 2
2.3 Which of the listed stems would be used with the verbal prefixes in periods and
places that exhibit vowel harmony?
a) {e} (TERM): tud, gi, al, ug, pad
b) {mi} (VEN-3.NH-LOC2/3): gi, gur, sar, bala, tud
c) {ne} (LOC13): dug, al, du, gi, tar, gul
d) {i} (FIN): dim, tu, gi, sa, sig
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LESSON 3
THE NOMINAL TEMPLATE
AND THE NON-ADVERBIAL CASES
This lesson first describes the general structure of the Sumerian noun phrase.
In its second part, it explains the use of the ergative and the absolutive cases,
which encode the Agent, the Subject, and the Patient, the primary syntactic
functions in Sumerian. In the concluding part of the lesson, the main
characteristics of the two adnominal cases, the genitive and the equative, are
discussed.
The Sumerian noun phrase consists of five structural positions, see Table 3.1
below. P1 and P2 may be occupied by avariety of structural units. P3 may be
filled either with anoun phrase in the genitive or with an enclitic possessive
pronoun. The possessive pronoun in P3 and the elements occurring in P4 and
P5 are enclitics, i.e., affixes being added to phrases but not to lexical heads.
1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
HEAD MODIFIER POSSESSOR PLURAL-MARKER CASE-MARKER
In ex. (11) the human dative case-marker attaches directly to the head of the
noun phrase. In ex. (12), however, it follows the genitive case-marker of the
noun phrase in P3.
(11) Gudea Statue B 7:24 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232275)
dnin-ir-su-ra
P1ninirsuk=P5ra
P1DN=P5DAT.H
for the god Ningirsu
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LESSON 3
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anoun phrase in the genitive case or with an enclitic possessive pronoun, see
table 3.2. below. The enclitic possessive pronoun is therefore apronoun that
stands for anoun phrase in the genitive case. Note that the 3rd ps. sg. non-
human enclitic =/be/ may also be used with aplural reference.
P4 may be filled only with the plural-marker =/en/. This enclitic is used only
with noun phrases whose head belongs to the human class, but its use is not
obligatory. The exact conditions of its use are unclear. Its meaning may involve
individualising. The plural marker is not used with human head nouns modified
with numerals or functioning as the subject of acopular clause. The plurality
of noun phrases whose head belongs to the non-human class is usually not
overtly marked.
Both human and non-human head nouns may undergo full reduplication;
human head nouns with the plural marker may also be reduplicated, see ex.
(16) below. The function of this morphological process is certainly to mark some
sort of plurality; its exact meaning is, however, unclear, but often involves
anotion of totality, as in ex. (16) below:
(16) En-metena 1 1:13 (RIME 1.9.5.1) (Lagash, 25th c.) (Q001103)
den-lil, lugal kur-kur-ra,
P1enlil P1lugal P3[P1kur~kur=P5ak]
P1 DN P1 king P3[P1land~PL=P5GEN]
ab-ba diir-diir-re-ne-ke
P1 abba P3[P1diir~diir=P4en=P5ak]=P5e
P1father P3[P1god~PL=P4PL= P5GEN]=P5ERG
Enlil, the king of all lands, the father of all gods
The nominal slot P5 accommodates the case-markers. Nine enclitic case-
markers may be distinguished in Sumerian: =//, =/e/, =/()a/, =/ra/, =/ta/,
=/da/, =/e/, =/ak/, =/gen/. The case-markers are enclitics that function to
distinguish cases. In Sumerian cases are distinguished, however, not solely by
nominal case-markers, the verbal affixes also play an essential role in the
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LESSON 3
NOMINAL CASE-MARKER
CASE VERBAL AFFIX
human non-human
adverbial cases
dative =/ra/ =/e/ /a/ (S7)
comitative =/da/ =/da/ /da/ (S8)
ablative =/ta/ /ta/ (S9)
terminative =/e/ =/e/ /i/ (S9)
locative1 =/()a/ /ni/ (S10)
locative2 =/ra/ =/()a/ /i/ or /e/ (S10)
locative3 =/ra/ =/e/ /i/ or /e/ (S10)
adnominal cases
genitive =/ak/ =/ak/
equative =/gen/ =/gen/
The twelve cases may be classified into three groups: i) ergative and absolutive,
encoders of Agent, Subject and Patient, the primary syntactic functions;
ii) adverbial cases; iii) adnominal cases. The uses of the adverbial cases will be
discussed in detail in Lessons 1214 below. The absolutive, the ergative, and the
adnominal cases are discussed in the remaining part of this lesson.
Several scholars assume the existence of an adverbiative case. Instead of the
adverbiative case which signals a grammatical relationship between two
words this textbook proposes a derivative morpheme, which turns an
expression into an adverb of manner. It will be discussed in Lesson 5, section 5.2.
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The ergative and the absolutive encode the Agent, the Subject, and the Patient,
the three primary syntactic functions. The ergative case-marker is the enclitic
=/e/; the absolutive case is signalled with the lack of any case-marker, i.e., with
aso-called null-morpheme, indicated in the morphemic glosses of this textbook
as =//.
In ex. (17) below the subject of the transitive verb, the Agent (henceforth,
A), is in the ergative case. The object of the transitive verb, the Patient
(henceforth, P), is in the absolutive.
(17) Gudea Cyl. A 22:9 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
ensi-ke e mu-du
P1ensik=P5e P1e=P5 S4mu-S11n-S12du-S14
P1 ruler= P5 ERG P1 house= P5 ABS VEN -3.SG.H.A.-build-3.SG.P
The ruler has built the temple.
In addition to P, the absolutive may also denote the Subject (henceforth, S), the
subject of an intransitive verb. In ex. (18) below, the subject of the intransitive
verb kur to enter, the god Nin-geshzida, is in the absolutive case.
(18) Gudea Statue E 8:1115 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232278)
diir-ra-ne, dnin-e-zid-da, mu-na-da-kur-kur
The absolutive case may thus encode both S and P, while the ergative encodes
the A. Languages in which Ais encoded with acase different from the one that
encodes both S and P are called ergative. Ergative languages are distinguished
from accusative languages, in which it is the Aand S that are encoded similarly
with acase called nominative case, while the P is encoded with adifferent case
called accusative. Table 3.4 below illustrates the difference between ergative
and accusative languages:
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LESSON 3
Tab. 3.4
A S P
ERGATIVE ergative absolutive
ACCUSATIVE nominative accusative
The genitive case usually relates two nominals within anoun phrase. The noun
phrase in the genitive, the possessor, occupies P3 of the noun phrase whose
head is the possessum. The main function of the genitive is to denote the
possessor.
Its basic form is =/ak/, but it rarely appears in this phonetic shape: the /a/
of the genitive case-marker usually contracts with apreceding avowel; and in
word-final position the /k/ of the /ak/ is probably lost. When the /a/ of the
enclitic contracts with apreceding short vowel, the result is as arule an //,
see, e.g., exx. (19) and (20) below. When it contracts with apreceding long vowel
then the result is the preceding long vowel, see, e.g., ex. (13) above and ex. (21)
below, in which the contraction with the last vowel of the plural marker /en/
results in //. The contraction is, however, reflected by the writing only when
the preceding morpheme is written with aphonographic sign. If it is written
with aword sign, see ex. (22) below, then nothing may be noticed.
(19) Gudea Statue B 8:24 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232275)
kisal dnin-ir-su lugal-a-ka
P1 kisal [
P3 P1 ninirsuk P1lugal=P3u=P5ak]=P5a
P1courtyard P3[P1DN P1king=P31.SG.POSS=P5GEN]=P5L1
in the courtyard of Ningirsu, my lord
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If the /k/ of the genitive case-marker is at the end of aclosed syllable, then the
writing does not reflect its presence; one may infer its occurrence only from
the form of the morpheme that follows. When the human dative case-marker
=/ra/ is preceded by an open syllable, it undergoes apocope and is reduced to
/r/; and the syllable closing /r/ of the resulting closed syllable /CVr/ will not
be written until the end of the 3rd millennium BCE, see ex. (23) below. In ex.
(24) the dative case-marker has the unreduced form =/ra/ because of the
preceding closed syllable. As the word eninnu ends in avowel, the syllable must
be closed because of the presence of agenitive case-marker =/ak/.
(23) Gudea 72 12 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (Q000924)
dnin-ubur, nin-a-ne
P1ninubur P1nin=P3ane=P5ra
P1 DN P1lady=P33.SG.H.POSS=P5DAT.H
for Ninshubur, his lady
(24) En-ana-tum I 19 12 (Lagash, 25 th c.) (P222490)
dnin-ir-su, e-ninnu-ra
P1 ningirsuk P3[P1eninnu=P5ak]=P5ra
P1DN P3[P1TN=P5GEN]=P5DAT.H
for Ningirsu in the temple E-ninnu
The next lesson, Lesson 4 discusses in detail the various constructions in which
noun phrases in the genitive are used.
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LESSON 3
In Sumerian, however, the equative and similative constructions are the same,
neither of them contains aparameter marker, and the standard marker is the
equative enclitic =/gen/ in both. They may be distinguished only on the basis
of their meaning.
Ex. (25) below is apersonal name containing an equative construction. The
goddess Bau functions as standard, and the standard marker is the equative
enclitic.
(25) CTNMC 4 5:19 (Lagash, 24th c.) (P247619)
dba-u -gen -a-ba-sag
2 7 9
P1 bau= P5 gen P1 aba=P5 S2i-S12sag-S14
P1 DN= P5 EQU P1who= P5ABS FIN-fine-3.SG.S
Who-is-as-kind-as-the-goddess-Bau?
Exx. (26) and (27) below are similative constructions; the standards of the
comparison, the new moon in the former, and a bull in the latter, are case-
marked with the enclitic =/gen/:
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mu-dab-il
S4mu-S6n-S7da-S11b-S12il-S14
VEN-3.SG.H-COM-3.SG.NH.A-raise-3.SG.P
Ur raised its head to the sky like abull because of him.
Constructions with the enclitic copula may also be used in asimilative function,
see Lesson 8, section 8.4 below.
Note that the two adnominal cases discussed in this lesson differ in their
syntactic behaviour. The genitive relates two nominals within anoun phrase,
i.e., possessor and possessum form one single noun phrase. The noun phrase in
the equative, however, constitutes aseparate noun phrase, outside the noun
phrase with which it compares.
Further readings
On the case system of Sumerian see Zlyomi 2010, who argues that cases should
not be distinguished solely based on the form of their case-markers; the
distribution of the case-marked words should also be taken into consideration.
The 3rd ps. possessive enclitics =/ane/ and =/be/ are assumed to be =/ani/
and =/bi/ in the earlier literature. This textbook follows Jagersma (2010: 214
217), who, based on their writings, argues convincingly that their last vowel is
in fact /e/.
The syntax of noun phrases with the equative enclitic is discussed in
Svegjrt 2011. For atypological study of equative and similative constructions
in the languages of Europe, see Haspelmath and Buchholz 1998.
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LESSON 3
Exercises
3.1 Look up the words used in the examples of this lesson in Foxvogs (2016b) or Volks
(2012) glossary, and learn them.
3.2 Provide amorphemic segmentation and glosses to the noun phrases below based
on the transliterations and translations provided. The grammatical function of the
noun phrases is indicated in brackets.
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c) biluda diir=en=ak=e
rite =L3.NH
d) diir galgal- laga=ak=en=e
big~PL-TL =ERG
e) e=u=
f) namtil=ane=
g) kisura ninirsuk=ak=e
border DN =L3.NH
h) en aratta=ak=e
lord GN =ERG
i) zapag=zu=
cry
j) nu girin-=a
bed pure-TL=L2.NH
k) a dug-=
water sweet-TL
l) mesalim lugal ki=ak=e
PN GN =ERG
3.4 The following noun phrases consist of the same morphemes, but in adifferent
order. What is the consequence of these differences on the meaning of the noun
phrases? Please translate them!
a)
1. P1a-zu P3[P1e=P3ane=P4en=P5ak]=P5
2. P1a-zu P3[P1e=P3ane=P5ak]=P4en =P5
b)
1. P1ane P2libir- P3[P1e=P3u=P5ak]=P5
2. P1ane P3[P1e P2libir-=P3u=P5ak]=P5
3.5 There is something wrong with the following examples, except for one. Please,
identify the problem in each case.
a) P1e P3[P1diir P2gal-=P5ak]=P4en=P5
the temples of the great god
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LESSON 3
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of aword, follow the link to the text, then either place the cursor over the word in
question, or click on the word Proofing on the left side of the page.
3.9 Transliterate the text of Ur-Nanshe 26 (RIME 1.9.1.26) (Lagash, 25th c.) (P222380)
(a handcopy of the text can be found at http://cdli.ucla.edu/P222380) with the
help of Volks sign list (2012). Translate the text with the help of Foxvogs glossary
(2016b). Gloss all the words of the text (except for the verbal form) in the way it is
done in this textbook. Then go to the ETCSRI edition of the text (http://oracc.
museum.upenn.edu/etcsri/Q001042), click on the proofing link on the left side
of the page, and compare your glosses with ETCSRIs glossing. Which grammatical
elements are not written in the orthography of this early text?
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LESSON 4
GENITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS
The genitive construction in ex. (28) is of the most familiar type both in terms
of its meaning and construction: it expresses possession and the possessor, the
noun phrase in the genitive case, occupies P3 of the noun phrase whose head is
the possessum.
(28) Iri-kagina 1 4:9 (Lagash, 24th. c) (Q001124)
gud diir-re-ne-ke
P1gud P3[P1diir=P4en=P5ak]=P5e
P1 ox P3[P1god=P4PL=P5GEN]=P5ERG
The oxen of the gods
There exist, however, other types of genitive constructions which differ from
this common type. This lesson describes the most important characteristics of
three atypical genitive constructions. In modifying genitive constructions, the
noun phrase in the genitive functions as the modifier of the head, which also
affect its syntactic behaviour: it occupies P2 but not P3 of the noun phrase. In
left-dislocated genitive constructions the possessor occupies aposition before the
noun phrase whose head is the possessum. In genitive constructions with suspended
cliticization only the last of the coordinate genitive constructions is case-marked.
In these constructions, the relation between the head and the noun phrase in
the genitive is not possession, rather, the noun phrase in the genitive functions
as the modifier of the head. Accordingly, the noun phrase in the genitive stands
in P2 of the noun phrase whose head it modifies;8 and apossessor, see ex. (29),
apossessive pronominal enclitic, see exx. (30), (31) and (35), or amodifying
8 Adnominal ablatives functioning as modifiers may also stand in P2, see Lesson 13, section 13.1
below.
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LESSON 4
non-finite verbal form, see ex. (32), may therefore only stand after its genitive
case-marker.
(29) Iri-kagina 1 4:1011 (Lagash, 24th. c) (Q001124)
ki um-ma, ensi2-ka
P1 ki [
P2 P1 um=P5 ak] P3[P1ensik=P5ak]=P5
P1place P2[P1onion=P5GEN] P3[P1ruler=P5GEN]=P5ABS
the onion-plot of the ruler
(30) Gudea Cyl. B 10:1 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
sipad ane-ka-ne
P1 sipad P2[P1ane=P5ak]=P3ane=P5
P1herder P2[P1donkey=P5GEN]=P33.SG.H.POSS=P5ABS
his donkey herder
(31) Gudea Cyl. A 10:27 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
ki banur-ra-u10
P1 ki P2[P1banur=P5ak]=P3u=P5e
P1place P2[P1table=P5GEN]=P31.SG.POSS=P5L3.NH
at my dining place
(32) VS 14, 162 obv. 3:2 (Lagash, 24th c.) (P020173)
4 usan mar gibil
4 P1 usan P2[P1mar=P5ak] P2gibil-=P5
4 P1whip P2[P1wagon=P5GEN] P2new-TL=P5ABS
4 new wagon whips
If ex. (29) were altered by placing the possessor ensik=ak between the word
um onion and its genitive case-marker, as in possessive genitive
constructions, then it would have adifferent meaning as illustrated in the
following hypothetical example:
(33)
P1*ki P3[P1um P3[P1ensik=P5ak]=P5ak]=P5
P1 place [
P3 P1 onion P3[P1ruler=P5GEN]=P5GEN]=P5ABS
the place of the rulers onion
Functionally modifying genitive constructions compensate for the lack of
derivational affixes deriving adjectives from nouns.
Modifying genitives have two main subtypes: i) non-referential genitives
and ii) locative genitives.
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Genitive constructions
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LESSON 4
kalam-ma mu-ri
P1 kalam= P5 a S4mu-S10n-S12ri-S14
P1 land= P5 L 1 VEN-L1.SYN-settle-3.SG.S
The temples great awesomeness settles upon the Land
The left-dislocated possessor and the possessum may be separated by another
noun phrase:
(37) Gudea Cyl. A 17:17 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
e-a den-ki-ke e-ur-be
e=
P1 P5 ak P1 enkik=P5 e P1eur=P3be=P5e
P1temple=P5GEN P1DN=P5ERG P1plan=P33.SG.NH.POSS=P5L3.NH
si mu-na-sa
si=
P1 P5 S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12sa-S14
P1horn=P5ABS VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-equal-3.SG.P
Enki put right the design of the temple for him.
The left-dislocated possessor may be the possessor of another genitive con-
structions possessor. The non-left-dislocated version of genitive construction
in (38) would look like this: lu ag enlil=ak=ak.
(38) Gudea Cyl. A 17:11 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
den-lil-la lu ag-ga-na-kam
P1 enlil=P5 ak P1 lu P3[P1ag=P3ane=P5ak]=P5=am-
P1DN=P5GEN P1man P3[P1heart= P33.SG.H.POSS=P5GEN]=P5ABS=COP-3.SG.S
He is aman of Enlils heart.
The possessum of the left-dislocated possessor may be the participant of
arelative clause, in this case the left dislocated possessor may stand in front of the
relative clauses head noun:
(39) Gudea Statue B 8:3942 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232275)
gu-de-a, ensi, lagaki-ka,
P1gudea P1ensik P3[P1laga=P5ak]=P5ak
P1PN P1ruler P3[P1GN=P5GEN]=P5GEN
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Genitive constructions
lu inim-ne ib-kur-a
P1 lu [
P2 P1 inim=P3 ane=P5 S2i-S11b-S12kur-S14e-S15a]=P5
P1man P2[P1word=P33.SG.H.POSS=P5ABS FIN-3.SG.NH.P-change-3.SG.A-SUB]=P5ABS
the man who changes the orders of Gudea, the ruler of Lagash
In the following example the possessum of the left-dislocated possessor e=ak
(house=GEN) is itself a left-dislocated possessor. This doubly left-dislocated
genitive construction may be derived from an underlying double genitive
construction in two steps as is shown in a)c) below.
(40) Gudea Cyl. A 6:12 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
e-a du-ba mul kug-ba,
e=
P1 P5 ak P1 du=P3 be=P5 ak P1mul P2kug=P3be=P5a
P1house=P5GEN P1building=P33.SG.NH.POSS=P5GEN P1star P2holy=P33.SG.NH.POSS=P5L2.NH
gu ma-ra-a-de
P1 gu=P5 S4ma-S6r-S7a-S10e-S11n-S12de-S14e
P1voice=P5ABS VEN-2.SG-DAT-L2-pour-3.SG.A
She will announce to you the holy stars of the building of the house.
c) P1e=P5ak P1du=P3be=P5ak
P1house=P5GEN P1building=P33.SG.NH.POSS=P5GEN
P1mul P2kug=P3be=P5a
P1star P2holy=P33.SG.NH.POSS=P5L2.NH
In Sumerian, the order of the words preceding the verb is determined by the
information structure of the clause. Information structure is understood as
a phenomenon of information packaging that responds to the immediate
communicative needs of interlocutors (Krifka 2007:13). The left-dislocated
genitive functions to move the possessor into a sentence-initial position,
thereby making the possessor the topic of the clause, because of which the
clause will be construed as being about the possessor, i.e., the clause will express
information which is relevant to and which increases the listener or readers
knowledge of this constituent.
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LESSON 4
ab-ba diir-diir-re-ne-ke
P1 abba P3[P1diir~diir=P4en=P5ak]=P5e
P1father P3[P1god~PL=P4PL= P5GEN]=P5ERG
Enlil, the king of all lands, the father of all gods
One could argue that in constructions like ex. (41) above, the three units of the
appositive construction are considered as asingle unit from a syntactic point
of view, consequently the ergative case-marker of the case governed by the
verb attaches to its very end. The same happens in ex. (42) below, where the
appositive construction nammane, ensik laga=ak Nam-mahne, the ruler
of Lagash functions as the possessor of the possessum namtil life, well-being.
The appositive construction is regarded as one unit, the genitive case-marker
governed by the head of the noun phrase therefore attaches to the end of its
second unit.
(42) Nam-mahne 7 36 (RIME 3/1.12.7) (Lagash, 21st c.) (Q000932)
nam-til, nam-ma-ne, ensi, lagaki-ka-e
P1namtil P3[P1nammane P1ensik P3[P1laga=P5ak]=P5ak]=P5e
P1 life [
P3 P1 PN P1 ruler P3[P1GN=P5GEN]=P5GEN]=P5TERM
for the well-being of Nam-mahne, ruler of Laga
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Genitive constructions
(43) Iri-kagina 5 obv. 1:1213 (RIME 1.9.9.5 ) (Lagash, 24th c.) (P222618)
barag den-lil-la, barag dutu-ka
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LESSON 4
Further readings
Exercises
4.1 Look up the new words used in the examples of this lesson in Foxvogs (2016b) or
Volks (2012) glossary, and learn them.
4.2 Study the examples of this lesson carefully and make yourself familiar with their
grammatical analysis.
4.3 Go to the ETCSRI corpus (http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/etcsri/corpus) and write
N5=GEN (without the quotation marks) in the Search Oracc box. Find and make
a list of the graphemes that may be used to write the genitive case-marker
depending on the morpheme or phoneme before and/or after the case-marker! Try
to find differences depending on the provenience or period of the texts! If you are
uncertain about the morphological make-up of aword, follow the link to the text,
then either place the cursor over the word in question, or click on the word
Proofing on the left side of the page.
4.4 Translate the following expressions into Sumerian. Provide morphemic
segmentation and glossing to them, use bracketing, as well. All expressions are
assumed to be in the absolutive.
a) the true son of the king (zid- = true-TL)
b) the true sons of the mighty king (ma- = mighty-TL)
c) the true sons of the mighty kings
d) the true sons of the mighty king of the land
e) the true sons of the mighty king of all the lands
f) the true sons of the mighty kings of all the lands
g) the shepherd of his donkeys
h) the shepherd of his mothers donkeys
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Genitive constructions
4.5 Translate the following expressions into Sumerian, and then left-dislocate the
underlined expressions. Provide morphemic segmentation and glossing to them,
use bracketing, as well. All expressions are assumed to be in the absolutive.
4.7 Transform the constructions of exx. (43)(45) into constructions without suspended
cliticization. You must produce only the morphemic segmentation and glossing
(2nd and 3rd line of the examples).
4.8 In Lesson 3, section 3.1 above, ex. (46) (= ex. [14]) was used to demonstrate the
structure of the Sumerian nominal template. Relabel its brackets now based on
what you have learnt in this lesson about modifying genitive constructions.
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LESSON 4
4.9 Please use the enclitic possessive pronouns, the plural-marker, the ergative,
absolutive, or genitive case-marker, and the Sumerian translation of the words
listed below to create the nominal constructions defined by the position of their
constituents. Provide morphemic segmentation and glossing to them, use
bracketing, as well. Use your creativity, more than one solutions are possible. Note
that one of the constructions is erroneous.
Words: temple, child, king, great, kind, mighty, mother, city, shepherd, donkey,
god, man, true, heart, Enlil, Girsu
a) P1 P2 P4 P5
b) P1 P2 P3 [P1 P3 P5] P4 P5
c) P1 P3[P1 P5] P5
d) P1 P2[P1 P5] P3 P5
e) P1 P3 P5 P5
f) P1 P5 P1 P3 P5
g) P1 P4 P5 P1 P3 P5
h) P1 P5 P1 P3 [P1 P3 P5] P5
4.10 Transliterate the text Gudea 18 (RIME 3/1.1.7.18, ex. 2) (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232472)
(Volk 2012 no. 6) (a photo of the text can be found at http://cdli.ucla.edu/P232472)
with the help of Volks sign list (2012). Translate the text. Gloss all the words of
the text (except for the verbal form) in the way it is done in this textbook. Then go
to the ETCSRI edition of the text (http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/etcsri/
Q000896), click on the proofing link on the left side of the page, and compare
your glosses with ETCSRIs glossing. Compare the orthography of this text with
that of Ur-Nanshe 26 treated in the exercises of the previous lesson. What are the
differences?
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LESSON 5
PRONOUNS, ADVERBS, AND NUMERALS
This lesson focuses on the closed word class of pronouns: the independent
personal, the interrogative, the indefinite, the reflexive, and the demonstrative
pronouns. The enclitic possessive pronoun is discussed in Lesson 3 above. The
second part of the lesson describes the adverbs of manner and the forms and
function of the adverbiative enclitic. The lesson concludes with asection on
numerals in Sumerian with an emphasis on the syntax of the numeral
expressions.
5.1 Pronouns
Independent personal pronouns are used as arule only when their referents
function either as contrastive topic or as focus. In ex. (48) below the first
pronoun (/ze/ you) is in focus, i.e., it expresses an exhaustive identification,
as the English translation also indicates. The second pronoun (/e/ I)
expresses acontrast to the other participant.
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LESSON 5
Both as contrastive topic and as focus the pronouns in ex. (48) may also have
been marked with prosodic prominence; in contrast, the verbal pronominal
affixes are always unaccented.
(48) Enmerkar and En-suhgir-ana 278 (ETCSL 1.8.2.4)
sig-ta igi-nim-e en gal-be za-e-me-en
sig=ta iginim=e en gal=be= ze==me-en
low=ABL upper=TERM lord big=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS 2.SG.PR=ABS=COP-2.SG.S
e-e us-sa-zu-me-en
e= us-a=zu==me-en
1.SG.PR=ABS follow-PT=2.SG.POSS=ABS=COP-1.SG.S
(For the people) from the south to the highlands, their great lord is you (and no
one else). As for me, I am indeed only second one to you.
Table 5.1. below shows the forms of the independent pronouns. The 1st and 2nd
ps. pl. forms are supplied with various periphrastic constructions. Note that
the 3rd ps. forms belong to those which are attested both in forms with two
similar and with two different vowels (see Lesson 2, section 2.2. above); the
former is the form used in the 3rd millennium BCE.
The interrogative pronouns behave like nouns, and accordingly they take case-
markers. The human interrogative pronoun is formed from the stem /aba/,
while the non-human from the stem /ana/. The stem /me(n)/ is used only with
adverbial cases.
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The pronoun /name/ some, any is used as an indefinite modifier, most often
in negative clauses as in exx. (51)(53) below:
(51) The Cursing of Agade 160 (ETCSL 2.1.5)
ni na-me a-be la-ba-ra-e
P1ni P2name=P5 a=be=ta nu-ba-ta-e-
P1 thing P2 some= P5 ABS arm=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABL NEG-MID-ABL-leave-3.SG.S
Nothing escaped their clutches.
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LESSON 5
The reflexive pronouns behave like nouns, and accordingly they take case-
markers. The reflexive pronouns are formed from the stem /ni(te)/ with the
addition of apossessive enclitic. As arule, the allomorph /ni/ occurs before
aconsonant, while /nite/ occurs before avowel. The 1st and 2nd ps. pl. forms
are not attested.
Table 5.2: The reflexive pronouns
The form /nite/ may also be written as ne-te-, see ex. (56) below, or as
mete(TE+ME)-, see ex. (57) below in the 3rd millennium BCE. The pronoun may
occur without apossessive enclitic when used as the object of acompound verb,
see ex. (483) in Lesson 16 below.
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The reflexive pronoun is used when the Aor the S of averb is coreferent
with one of the other participants of the verb; except for the participant in the
dative, in which case the middle prefix /ba/- is used, see Lesson 11, section 11.4
below:
(55) TMH NF 1-2, 53 obv. 8 (Ur, 21st c.) (P134365)
ni-te-ne-ne ba-ra-an-sa-a
nite=anen= S5ba-S9ta-S11n-S12sa-S14e
self=3.PL.POSS=ABS MID-ABL-3.SG.H.A-barter-3.PL
They sold themselves.
(56) NWHCM 2009.174 obv. 1416 (Umma, 23th c.) (P480080)
ne-te-ni-ta, kar-da-iki-e, ba-en
nete=ane=ta kardai=e ba-en-
self=3.SG.H.POSS=ABL GN=TERM MID-go-3.SG.S
He left on his own for Kardahi.
The reflexive pronoun may function as the emphatic form of the possessive
enclitic, occupying P3 of the noun phrase:
(57) E-ana-tum 3 3:1516 (RIME 1.9.3.3) (Lagash, 25th c) (Q001067)
iri mete-na, u e-na-zig
P1iri P3nite=ane=P5a u= S1a-S2i-S6nn-S7a-S10n-S12zig-S14
P1 city P3 self=3.SG .H.POSS =P5 L 1 hand=ABS MOD -FIN-3.SG.H-DAT-L1.SYN-rise-3.SG.S
May there be arevolt against him in his own city!
A comparison of exx. (57) and (58) shows that when the reflexive pronoun
functions as possessor, it emphasizes that the possessum belongs to aparticular
person.
(58) En-metena 1 6:2629 (RIME 1.9.5.1) (Lagash, 25th c.) (Q001103)
nam-lu-lu iri-na, u u-na-zig,
namlulu=e iri=ane=a u= S1u-S6nn-S7a-S10n-S12zig-S14
people=ERG city=3.SG.H.POSS=L1 hand=ABS ANT-3.SG.H-DAT-L1.SYN-rise-3.SG.S
ag iri-na-ka, a-ne-gaz-ze(AB.A.GE)
ag iri=ane=ak=a S1a-S10ni-S11n-S12gaz-S14e
heart city=3.SG.H.POSS=GEN=L1 MOD-L1-3.SG.H.P-kill-3.SG.A
After there has been arevolt against him in his city, may the people kill him in
the middle of his city!
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LESSON 5
Demonstrative pronouns
mu-be
mu=be==am-
name=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
Of this levee Who-is-like-the-god-Nanna? is its name.
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LESSON 5
In actual texts, however, the pronoun =/be/ often appears rather to have the
meaning this, see, e.g., ex. (59) above or ex. (106) below. It is also often used
as aquasi-definite article, and it is likely to be the source of the 3rd ps. sg. non-
human possessive enclitic. The pronoun /ur/ is frequently attested with the
equative case-marker as in ex. (67) below.
(67) Gudea Statue B 6:777:3 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232275)
e ur-gen dim-ma, ensi dili-e,
e ur=gen dim-a= ensi dili=e
house DEM=EQU make-PT=ABS ruler single=ERG
dnin-ir-su-ra, nu-na-du,
ninirsuk=ra S1nu-S2i-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12du-S14
DN=DAT.H NEG-FIN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-build-3.SG.P
No ruler ever built atemple fashioned like this for Ningirsu.
There are two ways to form adverbs of manner in Sumerian: i) With the
adverbiative enclitic =/e/; ii) with the enclitic =/be/. First we discuss the
adverbiative in detail as its exact classification is controversial.
The basic form of the adverbiative enclitic is =/e/. In many contexts, the
enclitic of the adverbiative and the terminative case-marker are written with
the same grapheme, E, which may be read either as e or e, consequently
the adverbiative and the terminative cases are not always easy to tell apart in
practice. It is the easiest to distinguish them after words ending in aconsonant.
In ex. (68) below the spelling clearly shows that the form of the adverbiative is
=/e/, in contrast to the terminative in ex. (69) whose basic form is =/e/.
(68) Gudea Cyl. A 24:8 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
e2 lugal-na zid-de3-e2 mu-du3
e lugal=ane=ak= zid-=e S4mu-S11n-S12du-S14
house king=3.SG.H.POSS=GEN=ABS right-TL=ADV VEN-3.SG.H.A-build-3.SG.P
He built his masters temple in the appropriate manner.
(69) Gudea Statue B 3:89 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232275)
gu-de-a, sipad zid-e kalam-ma
gudea= sipad zid-=e kalam=a
PN=ABS shepherd right-TL=TERM land=L1
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ba-ni-pad-da-a
S5ba-S10ni-S11n-S12pad-S14-S15a-a
MID-L1-3.SG.H.A-find-3.SG.P-SUB-L1
(when Ningirsu) chose Gudea for (being) the true shepherd of the Land for
himself, .
After aword ending in avowel the terminative case-marker =/e/ reduces to
//; the adverbiative and the terminative are therefore difficult to distinguish
in this morphological environment, see Attinger (1993: 253), who offers alist
of morphological criteria to be used to distinguish between them.
The /e/ of the adverbiative enclitic may contract with last vowel of the word
it attaches to, and the syllable closing // is often not written as the contrast
between the orthography in ex. (70) and ex. (71) demonstrates.
(70) Gudea Statue B 6:76 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232275)
gil-sa im-mi-ak
gilsa=e S2i-S4m-S5b-S10i-S11n-S12ak-S14
treasure=ADV FIN-VEN-3.SG.NH-L3-3.SG.H.A-act-3.SG.P
(After building the E-ninnu for Ningirsu, Gudea, ruler of Lagash,) donated (the
booty) to it for ever. = lit. (He) made (the Eninnu) treat (the booty) in the manner
of atreasure.
(71) Ur-Namma 19 2:56 (Ur, 21st c.) (Q000946)
urimki-e gil-sa-a, e-mi-ak
urim=e gilsa=e S1a-S2i-S4m-S5b-S10i-S11n-S12ak-S14
GN=L3.NH treasure=ADV MOD-FIN-VEN-3.SG.NH-L3-3.SG.H.A-act-3.SG.P
He donated indeed (the drained swamp) to Urim for ever. = lit. He made indeed
Urim treat (the drained swamp) in the manner of atreasure.
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LESSON 5
5.3 Numerals
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the other numbers are probably compound numerals which are either additive
or multiplicative, or both.
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LESSON 5
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LESSON 5
Further readings
Exercises
5.1 Look up the new words used in the examples of this lesson in Foxvogs (2016b) or
Volks (2012) glossary, and learn them.
5.2 Study the examples of this lesson carefully and make yourself familiar with their
grammatical analysis.
5.3 Provide the missing parts of the morphemic glossings in the following examples.
a) mu dumu-ne 3-am ba-gub-ba-e
mu S[dumu=ane=] PC[3=]=am- S5ba-S12gub-S14-S15a=ak=e
name MID-stand-3.SG.S-SUB=GEN=TERM
Lit. Because his sons that are three (in number) were on duty.
b) a-ba-am ema bi2-in-du8
2
aba==am- ma=e S5b-S10i-S11n-S12du-S14
boat=L3.NH 3.SG.NH-L3-3.SG.H.A-caulk-3SG.P
Who caulked the boat?
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LESSON 5
5.6 Transliterate the text Ur-Namma 33 (RIME 3/2.1.1.33, ex. 01) (Ur, 21st c.) (P226641)
(a copy of the text can be found at http://cdli.ucla.edu/P226641) with the help of
Volks sign list (2012). Translate the text with the help of either Volks (2012) or
Foxvogs glossary (2016b). The text is no. 1 in Volks (2012) chrestomathy. Assign
morphemic segmentation and glossing to all words, except for the finite verb. Then
go to the ETCSRI edition of the text (http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/etcsri/
Q000953), click on the proofing link on the left side of the page, and compare
your glosses with ETCSRIs glossing.
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LESSON 6
THE VERBAL TEMPLATE
The finite verbal form is the most important constituent of the clause in
Sumerian. In addition to the modality, voice, tense, and direction of the verbal
event, it may also indicate the syntactic function of up to four of the verbal par-
ticipants, even when no noun phrase or independent pronoun is present in
the clause. This lesson gives an overview of the structure and functioning
of the Sumerian finite verb. The detailed description of the functions of the
morphemes it may consist of can be found in the subsequent lessons of the text-
book.
Finite verbal forms in Sumerian are distinguished by the large number of affixes
that can be attached to averbal stem. These affixes and the verbal stem may be
arranged into 15 structural positions or slots on distributional grounds. There
are eleven slots before the stem, which itself fills slot 12 (henceforth, S12) and
there are three slots after the stem. Unlike in German or English, where only
the subject is cross-referenced with an affix on the verbal form, Sumerian verbal
forms may cross-reference up to four participants of the verb. Table 6.1. below
gives an overview of the affixes functions.
The finite verb is almost always the last constituent of the clause; only in
literary texts may aconstituent stand behind it.
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LESSON 6
Slot 1 Modal prefix (a), negative particle, prefix of anteriority, stem (in imperative forms)
Slot 2 Finite-marker prefix, modal prefixes (all the other)
Slot 3 Coordinator prefix
Slot 4 Ventive (cislocative) prefix
Middle prefix or the 3.SG.NH pronominal prefix /b/ (specifying the person,
Slot 5
gender and number of the first in the sequence of adverbial prefixes)
Initial Pronominal Prefix (= IPP) (specifying the person, gender and number
Slot 6
of the first in the sequence of adverbial prefixes)
Slot 7 Adverbial I: dative prefix
Slot 8 Adverbial II: comitative prefix
Slot 9 Adverbial III: ablative or terminative prefix
Slot 10 Adverbial IV: locative1, locative2, or locative3 prefix
Final Pronominal Prefix (= FPP) (referring to A or P, depending on the tense,
Slot 11
or locative3)
Slot 12 stem
Slot 13 present-future marker (in intransitive verbs)
Slot 14 pronominal suffix (referring A, S, or P depending on the tense)
Slot 15 subordinator
S11 and S14 contain pronominal affixes which may cross-reference the Agent,
the Subject, and the Patient of the finite verb. The syntactic function of these
verbal participants is mainly indicated by the position of the affixes that cross-
reference them; so, e.g., in the present-future conjugation the pronominal suffix
in S14 cross-references Aand S, while the final pronominal prefix in S11 cross-
references P. S12 contains the verbal stem. S13 contains the present-future
marker suffix /ed/, which occurs in the intransitive present-future forms. The
morphemes of S11S14 are involved in the expression of the grammatical
categories of verbal tense and verbal plurality. The detailed description of their
functioning is the subject of Lessons 8 and 9.
S15 contains the subordinator suffix /a/. It changes the clause of the finite
verb into a subordinate clause, which may then function as a relative or
acomplement clause. The subordinator suffix is discussed in Lesson 7.
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The relationship between the noun phrase in the dative and the composite
adverbial prefix is schematized in Table 6.2. It shows that the function of the
dative adverbial prefix /a/ corresponds to the function of the dative case-
marker =/ra/, both serve to identify the syntactic function of the verbal
participant.
Table 6.2
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LESSON 6
for example, the locative2 prefix in S10 (in bold) occurs as asimple prefix,
because it is preceded by acomposite dative prefix.
It follows from the above description that the dative prefix occurs always as
a composite prefix, as its slot (S7) is the nearest to the slot of the initial
pronominal prefix (S6). Other adverbial prefixes may have either composite or
simple form depending on the structure of the prefix-chain: only the first of
the adverbial prefixes of a finite verb may be composite preceded by
apronominal prefix, every subsequent adverbial prefix is simple and refers to
a 3rd ps. non-human verbal participant. Or, conversely, only a composite
adverbial prefix containing ahuman initial pronominal prefix can refer to a3rd
ps. human participant.
The pronominal prefix of a composite adverbial prefix is as a rule
amorpheme in S6. There exist, however, three exceptions to this rule:
i) There is no initial pronominal prefix in S6 cross-referencing a3rd ps. sg.
non-human verbal participant, but a/b/ prefix in S5, which may diachronically
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be related to the middle prefix, is used in this function. The mutually exclusive
distribution of the middle prefix of S5 and the 3rd ps. sg. non-human
pronominal prefix /b/ has the consequence that no composite adverbial prefix
with a 3rd ps. sg. non-human reference may occur in a verbal form with
amiddle prefix. So, in ex. (89) below, the comitative with ahuman reference
may occur in acomposite form, as its 3rd ps. sg. human pronominal prefix
occupies S6, but in ex. (90) below the locative2 with anon-human reference
must occur in asimple form because of the presence of the middle prefix. The
mutually exclusive distribution of the middle prefix and the 3rd ps. sg. non-
human pronominal prefix explains that forms like *ba-ba-um [ba-b-a-um-:
MID-3.SG.NH-DAT-give-3.SG.S], approx. was given to it are grammatically
incorrect and are not attested.
ii) If the composite form of adative, locative2, or locative3 (i.e., of cases that
may indicate motion towards adestination) refers to a1st ps. sg. participant,
then the pronominal element is not the 1st ps. sg form of the initial pronominal
prefix in S6, but the ventive prefix in S4. In ex. (92) below, the ventive prefix in
S4 precedes the dative prefix in S6, and the two morphemes form acomposite
adverbial prefix with a1st ps. sg. reference.
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LESSON 6
iii) The locative1 prefix /ni/ in S10 has no composite form, only simple form:
it always occurs without apronominal prefix, and always cross-references a3rd
ps. non-human participant.
The adverbial cases and their verbal markers are discussed in detail in Lessons
1214. The ventive prefix in S4, the 3rd ps. sg. non-human pronominal prefix
in S5, and the initial pronominal prefixes in S6 are discussed in Lesson 11.
The structure and functioning of the adverbial prefixes impose restrictions
on their co-occurrences. Some of these restrictions will be discussed in later
lessons. The restriction on the co-occurrence of the composite 3rd ps. sg. human
dative prefix and the simple locative2 or locative3 prefix in transitive preterite
verbal forms will be discussed in Lesson 14, sections 14.3 and 14.4. Co-occurrence
restrictions circumvented by changing one of the incompatible adverbial
prefixes into adative prefix will be discussed in Lesson 15, section 15.4.
The first slot of the finite verbal form contains the prefix of negation and the
modal prefix /a/-. Their function is discussed in the last lesson of the textbook,
Lesson 16. The prefix of anteriority of S1 is involved in indicating the relative
time of the verbal event in Sumerian, it is discussed in Lesson 9, section 9.2.
S2 may contain all the modal prefixes, except for /a/-, and the finite
prefixes. The modal prefixes will be treated in Lesson 16, section 16.2 below,
together with the prefix /a/-.
The finite-marker prefix has acomplicated history that is obscured by the
phenomenon that in many morphological environments it went lost. In the
Sumerian texts we know, in many verbal forms it only indicates that the verbal
form functions as the predicate of the clause and not as amodifier of anoun.
The coordinator prefix in S3 functions as aclause coordinator. The main
function of the ventive or cislocative prefix in S4 is to indicate amotion towards
adeictic centre that may be the location of the speech event or one of the
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speech act participants, the speaker or the addressee. The middle prefix in S5
indicates that the verbal action or state affects the grammatical subject or his
interests. The prefixes of S25, except for the modal prefixes, are discussed in
Lesson 11.
e-na-ta-ni-e
S2i-S6nn-S7a-S9ta-S10ni-S11n-S12e-S14
FIN-3.SG.H-DAT-ABL-L1-3.SG.H.A-leave-3.SG.P
(For Ningirsu, his master who loves him, En-metena) extended it (= the boundary
levee) from the Idnun canal until Mubikura.
(95) En-metena 1 6:1516 (RIME 1.9.5.1) (Lagash, 25th c.) (Q001103)
a-agaag tum-de, am-ta-bala-e-da
aag= tum-ed=e S2a-S4m-S5b-S9ta-S10e-S12bala-S13ed-S14-S15a
field=ABS bring-PF=DAT.NH FIN-VEN-3.SG.NH-ABL-L2-cross-PF-3.SG.S-SUB
who crosses (the boundary levees) to take away fields
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LESSON 6
As expected, it is not the case either that all morphemes occur with the same
frequency. An examination of the relative frequency of the morphemes of slots
110 (Zlyomi 2013) resulted in Chart 6.1 below.9
The chart shows that in the corpus of the royal inscriptions the most frequently
used verbal prefix among the prefixes of slots 1-10 is the ventive in S4. Among
the 2135 finite verbal forms 1415 contained aventive prefix, which is 66 % of
all finite verbal forms in the corpus.
263 finite verbal forms contained amodal or negative prefix in S1 (= 12 %).
Among the 263 forms, 59 were negated forms with the prefix /nu/-.
The most frequent prefix among the adverbial prefixes was the dative in
S7: 979 (= 46 %) finite verbal forms of the corpus contained adative prefix. The
second most frequent were the various locative prefixes in S10: 453 (= 21 %).
Another study (Zlyomi 2013b) examined the co-occurrences of the
adverbial prefixes based on 2138 finite verbal forms available at ETCSRI on 3
August 2013. Table 6.3 below shows the findings of the study in detail.
The study found that among the 2138 finite verbal forms in the corpus, 1529
(72 %) contained asingle adverbial prefix, 138 (6.45 %) contained two, and only
3 (0.14 %) contained three prefixes. It concluded that Sumerian finite verbal
forms in this corpus typically contain only one adverbial prefix. If they contain
two, then one of them is the dative in the great majority of occurrences. Finite
verbal forms with three adverbial prefixes (see, e.g., ex. [94] above) are
extremely rare. Chart 6.2 below visualize the data of Table 6.2.
9 The examination was based on the 2135 morphologically analyzed finite verbal forms which
were available at the website of Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Royal Inscriptions
(http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/etcsri) on 1 August 2013.
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DAT 3 9 13 80 10 0 2
COM 0 0 8 5 0 2
ABL 0 2 3 0 0
TERM 0 0 0 0
L1 0 0 1
L2 0 0
L3(V10) 0
L3(V11)
Chart 6.2
The two peaks of the chart indicate that in this corpus averbal form with two
adverbial prefixes typically contains an adverbial prefix that specifies the
location of the verbal event, and the dative, which cross-references the
beneficiary; note that this corpus contains a great number of votive
inscriptions. If the verbal form contains athird adverbial prefix, then as arule
it refers not to the location of the event but has some other function, as in ex.
(96) below, where the ablative basically functions to modify the meaning of the
verb similarly to the verbal prefixes in German, e.g, herauskommen.
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LESSON 6
The verbal participants of the finite verb are cross-referenced with the
adverbial prefixes and the pronominal affixes of S11 and S14. There is, however,
no one-to-one correspondence between the verbal affixes and the case-marked
noun phrases of the clause. Two types of discrepancies may be distinguished:
i) The noun phrase in an adverbial case is not cross-referenced with any adverbial
prefix
The co-occurrence between the noun phrase in the dative, the comitative, and
the locative cases (used in alocal meaning) is quite strict. Anoun phrase in any
of these cases occurs as arule together with acorresponding adverbial prefix
in the verbal prefix-chain (unless the structure of the prefix-chain obstructs its
presence, see Lesson 14, sections 14.3 and 14.4 below). In case of the ablative
and terminative the co-occurrence is much less strict. Noun phrases in the
ablative or terminative may quite often occur without a corresponding
adverbial prefix, see Lesson 13 below. This is obviously a semantic issue;
adetailed examination of the phenomenon is needed.
Starting from around the end of the 3rd millennium BCE the correspon-
dence between noun phrases and adverbial prefixes is often lost: the nominal
case-markers are influenced by the corresponding Akkadian idioms but the
original adverbial prefix is preserved, see, e.g., ex. (308) in Lesson 12 below.
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Further readings
The rule that only the first of the adverbial prefixes of afinite verb may be
preceded by apronominal prefix, i.e., that afinite verb may only contain one
composite adverbial prefix, was explicitly formulated by Joachim Krecher (1985:
1331) for the first time; see also Attinger 1993: 206 (134 R1). The consequences
of Krechers rule are discussed in Zlyomi 1999: 220224.
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LESSON 6
On the anaphoric use of the adverbial prefixes and the pronominal affixes
of S11 and S14, see Zlyomi 2010: 580583.
Exercises
6.1 Look up the new words used in the examples of this lesson in Foxvogs (2016b) or
Volks (2012) glossary, and learn them.
6.2 Study the examples of this lesson carefully and make yourself familiar with their
grammatical analysis.
6.3 Identify the slots in the following prefix chains. Find all the adverbial prefixes and
decide whether they are composite or simple.
a) S4mu-S6n-S8da-S12ak-S14e
b) S1a-S2i-S6m-S7a-S11b-S12um-S14e
c) S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S9ta-S12e-S14
d) S2i-S6n-S8da-S11n-S12tuku-S14
e) S2i-S10n-S12gu-S14en
f) S5ba-S9i-S11n-S12nu-S14
g) S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S10ni-S11n-S12du-S14
h) S2a-S6r-S7a-S12gig-S14
i) S1a-S4mu-S6-S8da-S11n-S12gub-S14
j) S4mu-S10ni-S11n-S12il-S14
k) S4mu-S6n-S9i-S11n-S12bar-S14
6.4 Assign the glossed morphemes to slots and try to translate the verbal forms based
on the glosses.
a) FIN-VEN-3.SG.NH-DAT-give-3.SG.A
b) VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.NH.P-speak.PF-3.SG.A
c) ANT-VEN-3.SG.NH-DAT-3.SG.NH.A-give-3.SG.P
d) FIN-3.SG.NH-ABL-3.SG.H.A-place-3.SG.P
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e) VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-L1-3.SG.H.A-build-3.SG.P
f) ANT-VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-COM-L1-enter-2.SG.S
6.5 Try to pair the verbal forms with the matching translations. You do not have to
know the meaning of the stem, just concentrate on the slots and the information
hidden in the glosses.
6.6 Transliterate the text Ur-Namma 4 (RIME 3/2.1.1.4, ex. 01) (Ur, 21st c.) (P226639)
(a copy of the text can be found at http://cdli.ucla.edu/P226639) with the help of
Volks sign list (2012). Translate the text with the help of either Volks (2012) or
Foxvogs glossary (2016b). The text is no. 3 in Volks (2012) chrestomathy. Assign
morphemic segmentation and glossing to all words. Then go to the ETCSRI edition
of the text (http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/etcsri/Q000936), click on the
proofing link on the left side of the page, and compare your glosses with ETCSRIs
glossing.
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LESSON 6
6.7 Transliterate the text Gudea 64 (RIME 3/1.1.7.64, ex. 01) (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P234557)
(a copy of the text can be found at http://cdli.ucla.edu/P234557) with the help of
Volks sign list (2012). Translate the text with the help of either Volks (2012) or
Foxvogs glossary (2016b). The text is no. 4 in Volks (2012) chrestomathy. Assign
morphemic segmentation and glossing to all words. Then go to the ETCSRI edition
of the text (http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/etcsri/Q000921), click on the
proofing link on the left side of the page, and compare your glosses with ETCSRIs
glossing.
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LESSON 7
NON-FINITE VERBAL FORMS
AND RELATIVE CLAUSES
The first section of this lesson discusses the forms and functions of the non-
finite verbal forms. It is followed by asection on the subordinator suffix, which
transforms the clause of averb into asubordinate clause. The subject of the
third section is the relative clause, which may be formed either from anon-
finite verbal form or from asubordinate clause with afinite verb in Sumerian.
The lesson concludes with two sections on constructions involving non-finite
verbal forms. The first functions as apurpose clause, the second as atemporal
clause.
PTSTEM-
(stem-TL) tenseless non-finite verbal form
PTSTEM-a
(stem-PT) preterite non-finite verbal form
PFSTEM-ed
(stem-PF) present-future non-finite verbal form
The first two forms use the preterite stem, while the third form uses the
present-future stem of the verb, supposing the verb has one. In all three forms
the stem may undergo aplural-reduplication, see, e.g. ex. (118) below. Non-
finite verbal forms can only be prefixed with the negative prefix /nu/-. The
opposition between the preterite and the present-future is maintained only
with verbs expressing an action. Non-finite verbal forms expressing astate
always use the preterite form.
Future forms often express modal meanings. This is also true about the
present-future non-finite verbal form which may express the modal meaning
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LESSON 7
of necessity, obligation, see e.g., ex. (99) below, ability or inability, see, e.g., ex.
(119) below:
(99) NG 209 obv. 2:1617 (Lagash, 21st c.) (P134582)
nam-erim2-be, ku5-ru-dam
namerim=be= kur-ed==am-
oath=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS cut-PF=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
This is to be taken an oath about.
The preterite and the present-future non-finite verbal form consist of the verbal
stem and asuffix which is the marker of tense. The tenseless non-finite verbal
form consists only of the verbal stem without any material suffix, indicating
iconically that it is aform which expresses the verbal state or action without
any temporal reference point as permanent and essential. The expression lugal
gabari nu-tuku means, for example, a king who has no rival. The use of
apreterite non-finite verbal form nu-tuku-a would refer to aking who until
agiven point of time has not had or at agiven point of time does not have
arival.
Sumerian is alanguage without adistinguishable word class of adjectives.
Adjectival concepts are expressed with non-finite verbal stems or with
structures like the modifying genitive construction, see Lesson 4, section 4.1
above.
Verbal stems with an adjectival meaning (e.g., dugud heavy, tur small,
sukud high, dug3 sweet) occur most frequently as tenseless non-finite
verbal forms. They occur in fewer contexts than averb expressing an action.
This is, however, the consequence of their meaning which affects in which
grammatical forms they can occur, but does not justify the postulation of
aseparate word class of adjectives in Sumerian.
Tenseless non-finite verbal forms are one of the main sources of compound
nouns. The following compound nouns are based on headless tenseless non-
finite verbal forms: dub-sar scribe < dub sar (dub= sar- : tablet=ABS
write-TL) he who writes tablets, ku-dim goldsmith < ku dim (kug=
dim- : metal=ABS fashione-TL) he who fashions metal.
Adjective-like compound constructions are normally based on tenseless
non-finite verbal forms: usu tuku (usu= tuku- : power=ABS have-TL)
powerful, igi al2 (igi= al- : eye=ABS exist-TL) wise.
Compound verbs with nominal parts that derive from non-finite verbal
forms also use tenseless non-finite verbal forms: u-tag dug to decorate
< u= tag-= : hand=ABS touch=TL=ABS to do hand touching, see also ex. (175)
below in Lesson 9, section 9.3.
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Sumerian non-finite verbal forms can function both as verbal adjectives and
as verbal nouns. Unlike in many other languages, these two functions are not
distinguished morphologically in Sumerian. Used as averbal adjective they
modify ahead noun in P2 of anoun phrase, or form apredicate with the copula,
see, e.g., ex. (99) above, exx. (100) and (131) below.
(100) BM 106451 7 (Umma, 21st c.) (P200743)
lu-am
lu-==am-
false-TL=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
(Lu-Suena declared:) This is false!
Used as averbal noun, they function as nouns that take cases. In ex. (101) below
the present-future non-finite form of the verb du to build, together with its
object, e house, temple, functions as averbal noun. It is the left-dislocated
possessor of the word ikim sign, and consequently is in the genitive.
(101) Gudea Cyl. A 9:9 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
e-gu du-da
e=u= du-ed=ak
house=1.SG.POSS=ABS build-PF=GEN
ikim-be ga-ra-ab-um
ikim=be= S2ga-S6r-S7a-S11b-S12um
sign=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS MOD-2.SG-DAT-3.SG.NH.P-give
I promise to give you the ominous sign concerning the building of my temple.
In ex. (102) below again the present-future non-finite form of the verb du to
build, together with its object, e house, temple, functions as averbal noun.
Here, however, it functions as anon-finite complement clause of the verb to
say, and is in the locative2 case.
(102) Gudea Cyl. A 4:20 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
e-a-ne du-da ma-an-dug
e=ane= du-ed=a S4m-S7a-S11n-S12dug-S14
house=3.SG.H.POSS=ABS build-PF=L2.NH VEN-DAT-3.SG.H.A-speak-3.SG.P
He ordered me to build his temple.
In ex. (103) below the preterite non-finite form of the verb sa to barter,
together with its object sa slave, functions as a verbal noun. It is the
possessor of the expression lu inim-ma witness, and consequently is in the
genitive.
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LESSON 7
The last structural position of the finite verb, S15, accommodates the
subordinator suffix -/a/. Although it attaches to the verb as the last
constituent of the clause, it affects in fact not the verb but the clause. It
transforms the clause of the verb into asubordinate clause which may then
function either as acomplement clause, having the properties of anoun and
taking acase, or as arelative clause, occupying P2, the position of the modifier
in anoun phrase. The finite relative clauses are discussed in section 7.3 of this
lesson.
Exx. (104) and (105) below are examples of subordinate clauses functioning
as complement clauses. In both examples the subordinate clauses function as
possessors. In ex. (104) the subordinate clause is aleft-dislocated possessor,
while in ex. (105) the subordinate clause occupies P3 of the noun phrase whose
head is the expression lu inim-ma witness. Note the functional and
structural similarity between the constructions in ex. (103) and ex. (105): in the
former the possessor is anon-finite verbal form used as averbal noun, in the
latter the possessor is asubordinate clause used as acomplement clause.
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nu-na-a-a-a, dnin-ir-su-da,iri-ka-gi-na-ke,
ur-dnane-ra ba-na-gid-da-me
ur-nanek=ra S5ba-S6nn-S7a-S12gid-S14-S15a=ak]==me-e
PN=DAT.H MID-3.SG.H-DAT-long-3.SG.S-SUB=GEN]=ABS-COP-3.PL.S
They were the witnesses that the garden was measured out for Ur-Nanshe.
Causal subordination may be expressed with a construction involving
asubordinate finite clause used as acomplement clause: P1bar P3[complement
clause]=ak=P5a (outside [complement clause]=GEN=L2.NH) or P1mu
P3[complement clause]=ak=P5e (name [complement clause]=GEN=TERM)
because of as in ex. (106) below (with bar), and in ex. (231) (with mu) in
Lesson 11, section 11.4 below.
(106) En-metena 1 2:27 (RIME 1.9.5.1) (Lagash, 25th c.) (Q001103)
bar e-be nu-da-su-su-da-ka
bar e=be= S1nu-S2i-S5b-S8da-S12su~su-S13ed-S14-S15a=ak=a
outside grain=DEM=ABS NEG-FIN-3.SG.NH-COM-repay~PF-PF-3.SG.S-SUB=GEN=L2.NH
As this (amount of) barley cannot not be repaid, .
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LESSON 7
A relative clause states something about ahead noun which is coreferent with
one of the participants in the relative clause. In Sumerian, ahead noun may be
modified by two varieties of relative clauses: clauses containing afinite verb
and clauses containing a non-finite verb. In both cases the relative clause
follows the noun. In the following, the first type will be referred to as afinite
relative clause and the second type as anon-finite relative clause.
In finite relative clauses, the finite verb of the clause is suffixed as arule
with the subordinator suffix -/()a/ in S15, and the subordinate clause occupies
the modifier position of the noun phrase (= P2) whose head (= P1) is the
relativized noun, as in exx. (107)-(110), and (112) below. In non-finite relative
clauses, the verbal form is anon-finite verbal form: in exx. (114), (115), and
(118) atenseless, in exx. (111), (113), (116) and (117) apreterite, and in ex. (119)
apresent-future non-finite verb. The non-finite relative clause also occupies
the modifier position of the noun phrase whose head is the relativized noun.
The Aof the non-finite verbal form may be expressed either by anoun
phrase in the ergative case preceding the verbal form as in ex. (117), or by
anoun phrase in the genitive case, as the possessor of the relativized noun as
in exx. (113) and (116). The former construction is often called as the
mesanepada-construction in the literature after the personal name me-an-
ne-pad-da (me an=e pad-a : young.man DN=ERG find-PT young man chosen
by An).
Less frequently the possessor of the relativized noun expresses the indirect
object of the verb as in ex. (118) below, which is aheadless non-finite relative
clause.
Note that in finite relative clauses the syntactic function of the head noun
within the relative clause is marked in Sumerian not with arelative pronoun
but with apronominal affix of the finite verb. In ex. (107) below, for example,
the head noun gur-gur kug lu-a gurgur vessel of purified silver functions
as the source from which the god consumes the oil. This syntactic function is
indicated merely by the composite ablative prefix S5b-S9ta in the verbal prefix-
chain of the subordinate finite verb. The relative clause occupies P2 of the noun
phrase, whose head is gur-gur kug lu-a, the relativized noun. The case-
marker in P5 marks the syntactic function of the whole noun phrase in the main
clause.
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mu-na-dim
S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12dim-S14
VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-create-3.SG.P
(For the god Ningirsu, En-metena) fashioned agurgur vessel of purified silver,
from which Ningirsu consumes the monthly oil (offering).
(108) En-ana-tum I 18 2:37 (RIME 1.9.4.18) (Lagash, 25th c.) (Q001086)
u-ni-al-dugud, kindagal, nam-nu-banda3 e-ag-ga,
P1 unialdugud P1 kindagal P2 [namnubanda eag=ak=
P1 PN P1 chief.barber P2 [overseership inner.room= GEN=ABS
10 This noun phrase is the first in a sequence of noun phrases standing in apposition to each
other. Only the last of these noun phrases is case-marked with the genitive, which is to be
understood as the case-marker of all noun phrases in the sequence.
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LESSON 7
sa sig ba-i-ar
sa sig-= S5ba-S9i-S12n-S13ar-S14
head low-TL=ABS MID-TERM-3.SG.H.A-place-3.SG.P
Lit. He set alow head to the words that Nanshe told him = He accepted what
Nanshe told him.
(113) Gudea Cyl. A 12:14-15 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
inim dug-ga dnin-ir-su-ka-e,
11 This Old Babylonian literary letter is published by Kleinerman and Gadotti (2013: 154162).
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LESSON 7
12 This noun phrase is the first in asequence of noun phrases standing in apposition to each
other. Only the last of these noun phrases is case-marked with the terminative, which is to be
understood as the case-marker of all noun phrases in the sequence.
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LESSON 7
eg ad-de ba-ub
eg= ad-ed=e S5b-S7a-S11n-S12ub-S14
brick=ABS dry-PF-DAT.NH 3.SG.NH-DAT-3.SG.H.A-fall-3.SG.P
He shook the brick mould and left the brick to dry
A special construction involving both the preterite and the present-future non-
finite verbal form is used as asubordinate temporal clause. This construction
was referred to as pronominal conjugation in earlier literature.
Table 7.1
PTSTEM-a=u10=ne PFSTEM-ed-a=u10=ne
1.SG
(stem-PT=1.SG.POSS=L4) (stem-PF-SUB=1.SG.POSS=L4)
PTSTEM-a=zu=ne PFSTEM-ed-a=zu=ne
2.SG
(stem-PT=2.SG.POSS=L4) (stem-PF-SUB=2.SG.POSS=L4)
PTSTEM-a=ane=e PFSTEM-ed-a=ane-e
3.SG HUMAN
(stem-PT=3.SG.H.POSS=L3.NH) (stem-PF-SUB=3.SG.H.POSS=L3.NH)
PTSTEM-a=be=e PFSTEM-ed-a=be=e
3.SG NON-HUMAN
(stem-PT=3.SG.NH.POSS=L3.NH) (stem-PF-SUB=3.SG.NH.POSS=L3.NH)
PTSTEM-a=anen=e PFSTEM-ed-a=anene=e
3.PL
(stem-PT=3.PL.POSS=L3.NH) (stem-PF-SUB=3.PL.POSS=L3.NH)
1st and 2nd person plural forms are not attested. The morphological analyis of
these forms is controversial. Being verbal nouns these forms too should be case-
marked with acase. The table above assumes that the 1st and 2nd ps. forms are
case-marked with an enclitic =/ne/, which might be an archaic marker of the
locative, the nominal equivalence of the locative1 verbal prefix /ni/, surviving
only in marginal, non-productive contexts. The 3rd ps. forms are analysed as
being case-marked with the non-human locative3 =/e/.
The use of the subordinator suffix /()a/ with the present-future forms is
unexpected. It may represent asecondary development on the analogy of the
preterite forms starting with a reanalysis of the most frequent 3rd ps. sg.
present-future forms like ku-ku-da-ne (= ku~ku-ed=ane=e) at his entering
as ku~ku-ed-a=ane=e. The preterite forms express anteriority, see ex. (127)
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below, while the present-future forms express simultaneity, see ex. (128) below,
with the verbal event of the main clause.
(127) Lugalbanda in the mountain cave 241 (ETCSL 1.8.2.1)
nu-a-zu-ne u i-mu-e-da-nu
nu-a=zu=ne u= S2a-S4mu-S6e-S7da-S12nu-S14ed-S16
lie-PT=2.SG.POSS=L4 people=ABS MOD-VEN-2.SG-COM-lie-PF-3.SG.S
When you have lain down, the people lie down with you.
(128) Nam-mahne 6 2:25 (RIME 3/1.1.12.6) (Lagash, 21st c.) (P234696)
dlamma tar-sir-sir-ra, kisal dba-u-ka ku(REC56)-ku(REC56)-da-ne,
lamma tarsirsir=ak= kisal bau=ak=a ku~ku-ed-a=ane=e
spirit GN=GEN=ABS courtyard DN=GEN=L1 enter~PF-PF-SUB-3.SG.H.POSS=L3.NH
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LESSON 7
Further readings
Exercises
7.1 Look up the new words used in the examples of this lesson in Foxvogs (2016b) or
Volks (2012) glossary, and learn them.
7.2 Study the examples of this lesson carefully and make yourself familiar with their
grammatical analysis.
7.3 Add morphological segmentation and glossing to the excerpt from a votive
inscription of Lugal-zagesi below. Translate the text with the help of Foxvogs
(2016b) glossary. Pay special attention to the genitive constructions used in this
text, and find the constructions where the text uses suspended cliticization. Then
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i3 lugal-zag-ge-si i 20 dutu
7.4 Transliterate the text Shu-Suen 12 (RIME 3/2.1.4.12, ex. 2) (Ur, 21st c.) (P226510)
(a copy and aphoto of the text can be found at http://cdli.ucla. edu/P226510) with
the help of Volks sign list (2012). Add morphological segmentation and glossing to
the text. Translate the text with the help of Foxvogs (2016b) glossary. Then go to
the ETCSRI edition of the text (http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/etcsri/Q000996),
click on the proofing link on the left side of the page, and compare your glosses
with ETCSRIs glossing. Identify and list the non-finite verbal forms. Can you notice
something about the orthography of the text?
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LESSON 8
NON-VERBAL PREDICATION
AND OTHER USES OF THE COPULA
In Sumerian there exist two kinds of non-verbal predicates. The more common
type is the one in which the predicate contains averbal copula. If the S of the
non-verbal predicate is in the 3rd ps. sg. then the non-verbal predicate may
occur without acopula in certain contexts. This lesson describes both kinds of
non-verbal predicates, and the various other uses of the copula.
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LESSON 8
As other stative verbs in Sumerian, the copula too has only apreterite and
no present-future form. Both the independent and the enclitic copula are
suffixed with the set of pronominal suffixes that are coreferential with the
participant in the absolutive case in preterite tense verbal forms (called Set B
in Table 9.1, in Lesson 9, section 9.1. below). The final /e/ of the copula and the
initial /e/ of the pronominal suffixes are contracted to asingle vowel, which
may have been long.
SINGULAR PLURAL
In the 3rd ps. sg., the enclitic copula uses aspecial stem, the stem /am/ instead
of /me/. The 3rd ps. sg. enclitic copula is written as am(AN) until around 24th
c. BCE, and later as am(A.AN).
If anoun phrase ends in avowel, the vowel of the 3rd ps. sg. enclitic copula
/am/ contracts with the vowel. The contraction is, however, reflected by the
writing only when the preceding morpheme is written with aphonographic
sign as in ex. (133) below. In ex. (134) the enclitic copula follows aword sign,
the copula and the preceding word most probably contracted to /esim/, yet
the writing does not reflect the contraction. In asimilar example, ex. (135),
where the preceding morpheme is written with a phonographic sign, the
contraction is reflected also by the writing.
(133) BM 106540 obv. 3 (Umma, 21st c.) (P200724)
nin-u-um
PC[nin=u=]=am-
PC[sister=1.SG.POSS=ABS]=COP-3.SG.S
She is my sister.
(134) Gudea Statue B 7:54 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232275)
naesi-am
PC[esi=]=am-
PC[diorit=ABS]=COP-3.SG.S
(The statue) is of diorite.
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mu-ne e-en-na-nam
PC[mu=ane=] S1a-S12i-S12nanam-S14
PC [name=3.SG .H.POSS =ABS ] MOD-FIN-COP-3.SG.S
Now the name of the lord of Arattas minister was minister Ansiga-ria.
(138) BIN 8, 345 obv. 7:6 (Lagash, 24th c.) (P221476)
dba-u-na-nam
PC[bau=ak]=nanam-
PC[DN=GEN]=COP-3.SG.S
She/he belongs to Bau.
The S of acopular clause is in the absolutive case. The copula agrees in person
and number with the S. The S of acopular clause may be expressed in three ways:
i) both as an overt lexical noun phrase and by apronominal suffix on the copula,
see, e.g., ex. (132) above; ii) solely by the pronominal suffix on the copula, see,
e.g., ex. (133) above; or iii) both as an independent pronoun and by apronominal
suffix on the copula, see, e.g., ex. (144) below.
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LESSON 8
urimki-ma-gen-nam
PC[urim=ak=gen]=am-
PC[GN=GEN=EQU]=COP-3.SG.S
The wages for walking on cloth and line are as those of Urim.
The independent and the enclitic copula have acomplementary distribution. The
independent form of the copula is used i) when the meaning of the predicate
requires the use of averbal prefix other than the finite-marker prefix (this verbal
prefix is amodal prefix in S1 in ex. [143], while it is the coordinator prefix in S3
in ex. [144]); ii) in subordinate copula clauses, which may be acomplement clause
as in ex. (145), or a relative clause as in ex. (146). In morphosyntactic
environments different to i) and ii), the enclitic copula is used. The enclitic copula
thus occurs in place of anot subordinate independent copula whose prefix-chain
consists exclusively of a finite-marker prefix. It may have come into being
through the syncopation of the finite-marker prefix /i/-. As it often happens, the
original, i.e., the independent form was retained in subordinate contexts.
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e in-ga-me-en
S[e=] S2i-S3nga-S12me-S14en
S [1.SG .PR =ABS ] FIN-COOR-COP-1.SG.S
As for all evil, their scourge and stick are also me.
(145) NG 212 obv. 2:4 (Umma, 21st c.) (P142272)
arad dara i-me-a
PC[arad ara=ak=] S2i-S12me-S14-S15a=ak
PC [slave GN= GEN =ABS ] FIN-COP-3.SG.S-SUB=GEN
(Lugalazida is to take the assertory oath) that he (= Lugalitida) is aslave of the
god Shara.
(146) ASJ 4, p. 141, no. 6 obv. 2 (Drehem, 21st c.) (P102167)
ud tur5-ra i3-me-a
ud PC [tur-a=] S2i-S12me-S14-S15a=a
day PC[ill-PT=ABS] FIN-COP-3.SG.S-SUB=L1
When he was ill.
Non-verbal predicates may be negated in two ways: i) The negative equivalent
of acopular clause with a3rd ps. sg. S and an enclitic copula is negated solely
with the negative particle /nu/- and the negative clause contains no copula;
ii) if the S is not in the 3rd ps. sg. and/or the copula is not enclitic, then the clause
is negated with an independent copula prefixed with the negation prefix /nu/-.
In ex. (147) below the first clause is negated with the particle /nu/-, while
the second is negated with an independent copula prefixed with the negation
particle /nu/-; see also exx. (507) and (508) below in Lesson 16, exercise 16.3.
(147) Gudea Statue B 7:4950 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232275)
alan-e, u kug nu
S [alan=e=] u PC [kug=] nu
S[statue=DEM=ABS] and PC[silver=ABS] NEG
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LESSON 8
za-gin nu-ga-am
PC[zagin=] S1nu- S2i-S3nga-S12me-S14
PC [lapis.lazuli=ABS ] NEG-FIN-COOR-COP-3.SG.S
This statue is of neither silver nor lapis lazuli.
The affirmative equivalent of the first clause would contain the 3rd ps. sg. form
of the enclitic copula (*kug==am- : silver=ABS=COP-3.SG.S), while the affirmative
equivalent of the second clause would contain an independent copula because
of the presence of acoordinator prefix in S3 (*S2i-S3nga-S12me-S14 : FIN-COOR-
COP-3.SG.S). The difference in the way the two clauses are negated in ex. (147) is
thus conditioned by the form of the copula in the corresponding affirmative
clauses.
Non-verbal predicates may be used to express arange of semantic relations.
In English, for example, the same verb, the verb to be, is used to express
identity, attribution, possession, benefaction, and location. In Sumerian, only
the first four of the semantic relations mentioned are expressed with the
copular verb me to be, while for location adifferent verb, the verb al to
exist somewhere, is used.
If the S is in the 3rd ps. sg., then the non-verbal predicate may occur without
acopula in certain grammatical environments. There are four grammatical
environments in which the non-verbal predicate is attested to omit the copula:
i) copular clauses functioning as proper names (names of persons, statues etc.)
in which the S is an overt lexical noun; ii) seal inscriptions; iii) the negated
counterpart of copular clauses in which the S is in the 3rd ps. sg. and the copula
is enclitic (see the previous subsection above); iv) interrogative clauses.
In proper names consisting of anon-verbal predicate the copula may be
omitted if the S of the clause is an overt lexical noun, as in exx. (148) and (149)
below. If the S is not an overt lexical noun, then the copula is present, as shown
by ex. (150) below.
(148) UET 2, 338 rev. 2:2 (Ur, 28th c.) (P005925)
ama-etin
S[ama=] PC[etin=]
S[mother=ABS] PC[wine=ABS]
The-mother-is-wine
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PC[utu=ak]=am-
PC[DN=GEN]=COP-3.SG.S
He-is-Utus
In seal inscriptions ending with the your slave formula, which functions as
the predicate, the copula never occurs, as in ex. (151) below.
(151) Shulgi 86 (RIME 3/2.1.2.86) (unknown, 21st c.) (P226941)
ba-qar-tum, dumu-munus lugal, dul-gi-i-li, arad-zu
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LESSON 8
izi-a bi-si-si
izi=a S5b-S10i-S11n-S12si~si-S14
fire=L2.NH 3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.H.A-fill~PL-3.SG.P
Lit. The juniper is the pure plant of the mountains; he (= Gudea) put it onto the
fire.
= He put juniper, (which is) the pure plant of the mountains, onto the fire.
In relative clauses of non-copular verbs, the relative clause is syntactically
subordinate, formally marked with the subordinator suffix -/a/, as in ex. (154)
below.
(154) Gudea Cyl. A 7:1112 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
inim dnane-e mu-na-dug4-ga-a,
P1inim P2[nane=e S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12dug-S14-S15a]=P5e
P1 word P2 [DN= ERG VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-speak-3.SG.P-SUB]=P5TERM
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sa sig ba-i-ar
sa sig-= S5ba-S9i-S12n-S13ar-S14
head low-TL=ABS MID-TERM-3.SG.H.A-place-3.SG.P
Lit. He set alow head to the words that Nanshe told him = He accepted what
Nanshe told him.
Copular clauses may also be used in similar constructions. In ex. (155) below
the head of the copular relative clause (ab cow) is the possessor of the
predicate complement of the copular clause. The copular clause is subordinated,
formally marked with the subordination suffix in S15, and consequently the
copula uses its independent form.
(155) NG 137 obv. 7 (Umma, 21st c.) (P131782)
ab a-bar-tur mu-be i-me-a
P1ab P2[S[abartur=] PC[mu=be=] S3i-S12me-S14-S14a]=P5
P1 cow [
P2 S [PN=ABS ] PC [name=3.SG .NH.POSS =ABS ] FIN-COP-3.SG.S-SUB]=ABS
the cow whose name is Shabar-tur
Subordinate copular relative clauses like ex. (155) may, however, be formed
only if the relativized constituent is different from the S of the copular clause.
Subordinate copular relative clauses in which the relativized constituent is the
S of the copular clause do not exist in Sumerian; they are substituted by
biclausal constructions like ex. (153) above. To put it simply, the sentence John,
who is asailor, built ahouse may only be said in Sumerian as John is asailor;
he built a house. In constructions like ex. (153) above, the copular clause
functions as paratactic, i.e., syntactically non-subordinate, copular relative
clause; its predicate functions only to provide some additional information
about the shared participant.
In Lesson 5 (section 5.1) above it was mentioned that only participants
functioning as identificational focus or contrastive topic are referred to by
independent pronouns. Because of this rule, appositional constructions with
apronominal head, e.g., I, the shepherd, do not exist in Sumerian: ex. (156)
below would be ungrammatical in Sumerian, acopular biclausal construction
is used instead, see ex. (157) below.
(156)
*e-e sipad-e e mu-du
e sipad=e e= S4mu-S11-S12du-S14
1.SG.PR shepherd=ERG house=ABS VEN-1.SG.A-build-3.SG.P
I, the shepherd, have built the temple.
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In some of its occurrences the 3rd ps. sg. enclitic copula =/am-/ lends itself
easily to atranslation with the preposition like:
(158) Iddin-Dagan A172 (ETCSL 2.5.3.1)
lugal diir-am ag-be-a mu-un-da-an-til
lugal= diir==am- ag=be=a S4mu-S6n-S7da-S10n-S12til-S14
king=ABS god=ABS=COP-3.SG.S heart=3.SG.NH.POSS=L1 VEN-3.SG-COM-L1.SYN-live-3.SG.S
Lit. The king is agod; he lives with her in it. = The king, (who is) agod, lives
with her in it. = The king lives with her (= the goddess Ninegala) in it like agod.
The ancient scribes already recognized this usage. In agrammatical text from
the first millennium BCE (NGBT IX l. 270-271 in MSL 4: 175), the enclitic copula
is equated with the Akkadian preposition kma like.
It was discussed in Lesson 3 above that in similative constructions, which
express sameness of manner, and equative constructions, which express
sameness of extent, the standard marker is as a rule the equative enclitic
=/gen/. In ex. (158) above, which in essence is asimilative construction, the
predicate complement with the copula appears to be interpreted as the
standard with its marker.
Ex. (158) may be considered acopular biclausal construction (see the second
translation given to it above). There exists, however, examples which may be
not be construed as consisting of acopular and anon-copular clause.
In ex. (159) below the constituent ag enlil=ak the heart of the god Enlil
is in the ergative case, the case required by the transitive verb of the second
clause. Should this constituent still function as the S of the copular clause the
heart of the god Enlil is the river Tigris, then it would be in the absolutive case.
Consequently, this example is not biclausal, the morpheme =/am/ functions in
it truly as astandard marker (= STM), but not as the predicate of acopular clause.
In other words, the original enclitic copula changed its function and became
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ag enlil=ak=e idigna=am
heart DN=GEN=ERG WN=STM
a dug-ga nam-de
a dug-= S2na-S4m-S11b-S12de-S14
water sweet-PT=ABS MOD-VEN-3.SG.NH.A-bring-3.SG.P
The heart of the god Enlil brought sweet water like the river Tigris.
The use of =/am/ as standard marker appears to be restricted to literary texts,
suggesting that it belonged to a higher register; and it is used as standard
marker only in similative constructions.
In copular clauses, the constituent next to the copula is mostly the predicate
complement. The order of the predicate complement and the S may, however,
sometimes be inverted, as in the second clause of ex. (160) below.
(160) Gudea Cyl. A 3:6 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
ama nu-tuku-me
PC [ama nu-tuku-]=me-en
PC[mother NEG-have-TL]=COP-1.SG.S
ama-u ze-me
PC [ama-u=] S[ze=]=me-en
PC[mother=1.SG.POSS=ABS] S[2.SG.PR=ABS]=COP-2.SG.S
I am someone who has no mother, my mother is you (and no one else).
Copular clauses with an inverted word order do not predicate aproperty about
a referential S. Such clauses do something fundamentally different; they
exhaustively identify the referent of adescription by naming it. So, in ex. (160)
the description my mother is identified as you (and no one else). The S next
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LESSON 8
to the copula functions thus as the identificational focus of the copular clause,
i.e., [i]t indicates that the focus denotation is the only one that leads to atrue
proposition (Krifka 2007: 33). Copular clauses like the second one in ex. (160)
are called specificational in linguistics.
Ex. (161) below is a copular biclausal construction in which the initial
copular clause is specificational. The shared participant is I, which is referred
to by apronominal suffix in S14 of the finite verb in the second clause.
Copular biclausal constructions in which the copular clause is
specificational are to be translated and interpreted as cleft clauses. The
constituent next to the copula, see exx. (161) and (162), or asubconstituent of
the constituent next to the copula, see ex. (163) below, functions as the
identificational focus of the clause.
(161) Hoe and Plough 147 (ETCSL 5.3.1)
e26-e-me-en mu-sar-ra a bi-ib-sig-sig-ge-en
S [e=]=me-en musar=a a= S5b-S10i-S11b-S12sig~sig-S14en
S[1.SG.PR=ABS]=COP-1.SG.S plot=L2.NH water=ABS 3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.NH.P-put~PL-1.SG.A
It is me who puts water in all the plots.
(162) Gudea Cyl. A 13:2 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
siki udu gan-na-kam
S [siki udu gan-=ak=]=am-
S[wool sheep bear-TL=GEN=ABS]=COP-3.SG.S
u-a mi-ni-ar-ar
u=a S4mu-S10ni-S11n-S12ar~ar-S14
hand=L1 VEN-L1-3.SG.H.A-put~PL-3.SG.P
(He undid the tongue of the goad and the whip;) it was wool from lamb-bearing
sheep that he placed instead in all hands.
In ex. (163) below the constituent next to the copula is the noun phrase
udu=u= (sheep=1.SG.POSS=ABS) my sheep. From the context, however, it is
clear, that the focus is in fact its subconstituent, the enclitic possessive pronoun
=/u/ my, as Turam-ili intends to defend himself against accusations that he
has given someone elses sheep to Sulalum.
(163) NG 138 rev. 7 (Umma, 21st c.) (P200731)
udu-u-um su-la-lum-ra in-na-um
S [udu=u=]=am- sulalum=ra S2i-S6nn-S7a-S11-S12um-S14
S[sheep=1.SG.POSS=ABS]=COP-3.SG.S PN=DAT.H FIN-3.SG.H-DAT-1.SG.A-give-3.SG.P
(Turam-ili declared:) I gave MY sheep to Sulalum.
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Further readings
For adetailed description of all uses of the copula in Sumerian see now Zlyomi
2014c.
For similative and equative constructions in Sumerian see Svegjrt 2011.
Exercises
8.1 Look up the new words used in the examples of this lesson in Foxvogs (2016b) or
Volks (2012) glossary, and learn them.
8.2 Study the examples of this lesson carefully and make yourself familiar with their
grammatical analysis.
8.3 Translate with the help of Foxvogs (2016b) or Volks (2012) glossary, and assign
morphemic segmentation and glossing to the following examples.
a) iriki-ba, du-dsuen, diir-be-em
b) da-du makim-be-em
c) (S = you)
dnin-lil-la i-li ag-ga-na-me-en
d) (S = you)
en za-e-me-en lugal za-e-me-en
e) (A = he)
mer-ra-ga-i-ir, dumu nibruki-kam,
ur-sag-ga, a-mu-na-um-mu
f) (A of the finite clause = I)
sipad-me e mu-du
g) (A of the finite clause = it [= the Eninnu temple])
dutu-am an-ag-ge im-si
h) (A of the finite clause = he [= king Shulgi])
eme zid-dam kurun kug mu-un-il
i) (A of the finite clause = I)
ab-ba-kal-la ur-me-ra e-e-me a-na-um
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LESSON 8
8.4 Translate the following clauses into Sumerian. Provide only the morphemic
segmentation and glossing.
a) At that time Gudea was the ruler of Lagash.
b) As for Ningirsu, the ruler is aman of his heart.
c) I, the king, built the great temple of my mighty gods.
d) Who are you?
e) Ningirsu was the mighty god of Gudea, ruler of Lagash.
f) The ruler of Lagash is you.
g) They are the seven royal judges.
h) She was kind.
i) She is not my wife.
j) You are not the king of Ur.
k) He is not the king of Ur.
l) They are not the citizen of Ur either.
m) Of his temple, Ningirsu is its god.
n) Like adonkey, he carried gold.
8.5 Analyse and translate the following excerpt from aliterary text with the help of
Foxvogs (2016b) or Volks (2012) glossary. Add the missing morphemic glossing to
the lines. Explain the use of the various kinds of copular clauses and of the
independent pronouns.
(164) Enmerkar and En-suhgir-ana 276280 (ETCSL 1.8.2.4)
za-e-me-en en ki a
S [ze=]=me-en PC [en ki= aj-
dinana-me-en
inanak=ak=]=me-en
dili-zu-ne ma-me-en
dili=zu=ne PC[ma-=]=me-en
dinana-ke ur kug-ga-ne-e zid-de-e
inanak=e ur kug=ane=e zid-=e
mu-un-pad-de-en ki a2-a2-ne-me-en
S4mu-S11n-S12pad-S14en PC[ki= a-=ane=]=me-en
sig-ta igi-nim-e en gal-be za-e-me-en
sig=ta iginim=e PC[en gal=be=] S[ze=]=me-en
e26-e us-sa-zu-me-en,
S[e=] PC[us-a=zu=]=me-en
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e gal za-e-me-en
PC[e gal-=] S[ze=]=me-en
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LESSON 9
VERBAL TENSE
This lesson describes the formal means used to distinguish the preterite and
present-future tense in Sumerian. It also discusses the prefix of anteriority /u/
in S1, because of the prefixs role in expressing the relative time of the verbal
event in Sumerian.
In the indicative mood Sumerian finite verbal forms distinguish two verbal tenses:
present-future (= PF) and preterite (PT). Sumerian has arelative tense system:
the verbal form called here the present-future denotes actions that are not ante-
rior, but simultaneous or posterior, relative to agiven reference point. The verbal
form called the preterite denotes actions anterior relative to agiven reference
point. The opposition between the present-future and the preterite is neutralized
in verbal forms denoting permanent states, as verbs used in astative meaning
always use the preterite tense. The terms present-future and preterite are kept
here as convenient labels used for referring to the two tenses of Sumerian.
Formally the two tenses are distinguished either i) solely by agreement
patterns involving the affixes in S11 and S14, or ii) by acombination of i) with
either or both of the following grammatical devices: a) the form of the verbal
stem in S12, or b) the suffix -/ed/, amarker of present-future, in S13.
In exx. (165) and (166) the same verb um to give is in preterite and
present-future, respectively. In (165) the Ais expressed with apronominal prefix
in S11, while in (166) it is expressed by apronominal suffix in S14. Both the
preterite and the present-future verbal forms use the same simple stem um.
(165) The victory of Utu-hegal 29 (ETCSL 2.1.6)
gu-ti-umki den-lil-le ma-an-um
gutium= enlil=e S4m-S7a-S11n-S12um-S14
GN=ABS DN=ERG VEN-DAT-3.SG.H.A-give-3.SG.P
The god Enlil has given Gutium to me.
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Verbal tense
the suppletive stem /e/). In ex. (171) both the agreement pattern and the use
of the suppletive stem signals the present-future tense.
(170) Iri-kagina 1 8:1012 (RIME 1.9.9.1) (Lagash, 24th c.) (P222607)
inim lugal-ne, dnin-ir-su-ke
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LESSON 9
Table 9.1
SLOT 11 SLOT 14
In the preterite S and P, the verbal participants in the absolutive, are cross-
referenced with the suffixes of Set B in S14. In other words, both the S of
intransitive verbal forms and the P of transitive verbal forms are cross-
referenced by the same set of pronominal suffixes in S14 in the preterite.
The agreement pattern of the transitive preterite forms is complex. The
singular Ais cross-referenced by the singular forms of the final pronominal
prefix in S11. The plural Ais cross-referenced by adiscontinuous construction
involving the use of two affixes: the singular forms of the FPP in S11 and the
plural forms of Set B in S14. The verbal form in ex. (172) below is, for example,
a3rd ps. pl. transitive preterite. It contains a3rd ps. sg. human FPP in S11 (/n/),
and a3rd ps. pl. pronominal suffix in S14 (-/e/). These two affixes together
cross-reference the 3rd ps. pl. A. One could say that the FPP in S11 agrees in
gender and person, while the suffix in S14 agrees in number and person with
the Agent. Note that in these plural transitive verbal forms no affix cross-
references the P.
(172) NG 99 rev. 1:34 (Lagash, 21st c.) (P111162)
i-bi-la du-du-ke-ne, ka-ga-ne-ne-a ba-ni-gi-in-e
ibila dudu=ak=ene=e kag=anen=a S5ba-S10ni-S11n-S12gin-S14e
heir PN=GEN=PL=ERG mouth=3.PL.H.POSS=L1 MID-L1-3.SG.H.A-confirm-3.PL
The heirs of Dudu confirmed this in their account (lit. in their mouths).
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LESSON 9
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Verbal tense
The present-future tense is also signalled by the form of the verbal stem
with some of the verbs. In particular, Sumerian verbs can be grouped into four
classes according to their form in the present-future:
i) Verbs belonging to the REGULAR CLASS use the same stem both in the
present-future and preterite. The great majority of the verbs belongs to this
class.
ii) Verbs belonging to the REDUPLICATING CLASS use areduplicated stem in
the present-future. If the stem ends with aconsonant, then the consonant is
either omitted in the reduplicated form, e.g.: ar PT/ar/ : a-a PF/a~a/
to put, na PT/na/ : na-na PF/na~na/ to drink, kur PT/kur/ : ku-ku
PF/ku~ku/ to enter; or it is preserved only in the first syllable: al PT/al/ :
al-a PF/al~a/ to distribute, te-en PT/ten/ : te-en-te PF/ten~te/ to cool
off. If the monosyllabic stem ends with a vowel, then the whole stem is
reduplicated, e.g.: gi PT/gi/ : gi-gi PF/gi~gi/ to return; mu2 PT/mu/ : mu-
mu PF/mu~mu/ to grow. Some bisyllabic verbs form their present-future
stem by areduplication of the first syllable with an accompanying voicing of
the consonant: tuku PT/tuku/ : du-du PF/du~du/ to have; taka PT/taka/
: da-da PF/da~da/ to leave.
iii) Verbs belonging to the EXTENDING CLASS use a stem extended with
aconsonant in the present-future: e PT/e/ : ed2 PF/ed/ to go out, te PT/te/
or ti PT/ti/ : te PF/te/ or ti PF/ti/ to approach. The presence of the
stem-final consonant is shown by the orthography only if there is an affix after
the stem.
iv) Verbs belonging to THE SUPPLETIVE CLASS use an entirely different stem
in the present-future, e.g.: dug PT/dug/ (sg.), e PT/e/ (pl.) : e PF/e/ (sg. and pl.)
to speak. See also Table 11.1 in Lesson 11 below for more verbs with
asuppletive stem; the form of these verbs also depends on the plurality of their
participant in the absolutive.
In the Sumerian texts we have at our disposal, preterite verbal forms out-
number present-future forms greatly. Only the preterite may be used with
stative verbs, and this is the most often used tense in texts narrating past
events.
In ex. (176) below the present-future is used to express an action that will
take place in the future, posterior relative to the present of the text. The
present-future is also used to express future events in the protasis part of curse
formulas see, e.g., ex. (60) in Lesson 5, and exx. (168) and (169) above.
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LESSON 9
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Verbal tense
ninirsuk=e S2a-S5b-S9ta-S12gu-S14e-S15a]=P5
DN=ERG FIN-3.SG.NH-ABL-eat-3.SG.A-SUB]=P5ABS
mu-na-dim
S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12dim-S14
VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-create-3.SG.P
(For the god Ningirsu, En-metena) fashioned agurgur vessel of purified silver,
from which Ningirsu consumes the monthly oil (offering).
In addition to the formal means of the previous subsection, the prefix /u/ of
S1 is also involved in indicating the relative time of the verbal event in
Sumerian. It denotes anteriority relative to the event of afollowing clause. If
the verb of the following clause is in the present-future, it denotes anteriority
in the future, while if it is in the preterite, it denotes anteriority in the past.
Verbal forms with the prefix /u/ are as arule in the preterite.
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LESSON 9
The prefix assimilates to the vowel of the next syllable only if it forms an
open syllable, see ex. (184) and the first verbal form in ex. (185) below. If it forms
aclosed syllable, /uC/, then it does not assimilate. Its behaviour gives further
support to the assumption that the 3rd ps. sg. human IPP is /nn/, if followed
by avowel. The different vowels of the prefix of anteriority in exx. (183) and
(184), /u/ vs. /i/, may easily be explained if one assumes that the grapheme NI
represents /nni/ in the former, but /ni/ in the latter.
(182) Iri-kagina 3 2:1618 (Lagash, 24th c.) (P222610)
lu dam u-taka, kug gi 5-am,
lu=e dam= S1u-S11n-S12taka-S14 kug gi 5==am-
man=ERG wife=ABS ANT-3.SG.H.A-leave-3.SG.P silver unit 5=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
ensi-ke, ba-de
ensik=e S5ba-S11n-S12de-S14
ruler=ERG MID-3.SG.H.A-bring-3.SG.P
If aman divorced (his) wife, the ruler received 5 shekels of silver for himself.
(183) En-metena 1 6:2123 (RIME 1.9.5.1) (Lagash, 25th c.) (Q001103)
dnin-ir-su-ke, sa-u-gal-ne, u-ni-u
ninirsuk=e saugal=ane= S2u-S6nn-S10i-S11n-S12u-S14
DN=ERG battle.net=3.SG.H.POSS=ABS ANT-3.SG.H-L2-3.SG.H.A-cover-3.SG.P
After Ningirsu had thrown hisbattle-net on him (= the Ummaite), .
(184) Iri-kagina 1 7:1721 (RIME 1.9.9.1) (Lagash, 24th c.) (P222607)
RU-lugal-ke, sa aag-ga-na-ka, pu i-ni-du,
RUlugalak=e sa aag=ane=ak=a pu= S1u-S10ni-S11n-S12du-S14
attendant=ERG head field=3.SG.H.POSS=GEN=L1 well=ABS ANT-L1-3.SG.H.A-build-3.SG.P
After an attendant had built hiswell in the front part of his field ()
(185) Amar-Suena 9 3233 (RIME 3/2.1.3.9) (Ur, 21st c.) (Q000984)
lu2 e2 a-ba-sumun, u3-un-du3
lu e= u-
S1 S5 ba-S12 sumun-S14 S1u-S11n-S12du-S14
man house=ABS ANT-MID-old-3.SG.S ANT-3.SG.H.A-build-3.SG.P
The man, who, after the temple has become dilapidated, rebuilds it, .
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Verbal tense
Further readings
The most important article on the forms of the present-future stem is Krecher
1995. Apart of the sumerological literature refers to the preterite and present-
future tenses of Sumerian with the ancient Akkadian terms as am (quick)
and mar (slow) respectively, see Black 1991: 99119 on these ancient terms.
Jagersma (2010, especially 359380) posits asystem of aspects in Sumerian,
instead of asystem of tenses; he distinguishes aperfective and an imperfective
aspect. The classical account of the various stems used in present-future is
Edzard 1976. On the use of the tenses in Sumerian, see Streck 1998. On the use
of 3rd ps. sg. non-human prefix /b/ in S11 with aplural reference, see Waetzoldt
1992.
On split-ergativity in general and in Sumerian, see Woods 2000: 314319.
The origin of split-ergativity in the Sumerian verbal system is the subject of
two papers. Interestingly their main conclusions are somehow contradictory.
Coghill and Deutscher (2002) argue that the ergative pattern of the preterite
arose in Sumerian when apassive structure was reanalysed as active-transitive
as it happened in many other languages. Schulze and Sallaberger (2007)
conclude that the present-future pattern derives from the grammaticalization
of the antipassive as an accusative construction (163) as it happened in many
other languages. The complexity of the issue is indicated by the fact that both
articles needed two authors, an assyriologist and alinguist.
On the function of the prefix of anteriority and on its possible Semitic origin,
see Civil 2008.
Exercises
9.1 Look up the new words used in the examples of this lesson in Foxvogs (2016b) or
Volks (2012) glossary, and learn them.
9.2 Study the examples of this lesson carefully and make yourself familiar with their
grammatical analysis.
9.3 Change the present-future forms into preterite, and the preterite forms into
present-future. You must produce only the morphemic segmentation and glossing
(2nd and 3rd line of the examples).
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LESSON 9
a) mu-ak-ke
S4mu-S10n-S12ak-S14e
VEN-L1.SYN-act-3.SG.A
b) ma-ra-ab-mu-mu
S4mu-S6r-S7a-S11b-S12mu~mu-S14e
VEN-2.SG-DAT-3.SG.NH.P-grow~PF-3.SG.A
c) i-ni-gi
S2i-S6nn-S10i-S11n-S12gi-S14
FIN-3.SG.H-L2-3.SG.A-return-3.SG.P
d) ma-ra-du-e
S4mu-S6r-S7a-S12du-S14e
VEN-2.SG-DAT-build-3.SG.A
e) ma-an-um
S4m-S7a-S11n-S12um-S14
VEN-DAT-3.SG.H.A-give-3.SG.P
g) ba-ni-gi-in-e
S5ba-S10ni-S11n-S12gin-S14e
MID-L1-3.SG.H.A-confirm-3.PL
h) be-ar-re-e
S5b-S10i-S11n-S12ar-S14e
3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.H.A-place-3.PL
i) gu ma-si-si-ne
gu= S4m-S7a-S12si~si-S14en
neck=ABS VEN-DAT-fill~PF-3.PL.A
j) mu-na-dim
S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12dim-S14
VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-create-3.SG.P
k) sizkur mu-na-be
sizkur= S4mu-S6nn-S6a-S11b-S12e-S14e
prayer=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.NH.P-speak.PF-3.SG.A
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Verbal tense
9.5 Translate the text Lugal-kigine-dudu 1 (RIME 1.14.14.01) (Uruk, 24th c.) (Q001368)
with the help of Volks (2012) or Foxvogs (2016b) glossary. Add morphological
segmentation and glossing to the text. Then go to the ETCSRI edition of the text
(http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/etcsri/Q001368), click on the proofing link on
the left side of the page, and compare your glosses with ETCSRIs glossing.
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LESSON 10
VERBAL PLURALITY
The alternation of the verbal stem has two main functions in Sumerian: i) to
signal the present-future tense; ii) to signal verbal number. The former was
discussed in the previous lesson. This lesson describes the formal means used
to signal verbal number in Sumerian.
kalam hu-mu-ge-en-ge-en
kalam= S1a-S4mu-S11-S12gen~gen-S14
land=ABS MOD-VEN-1.SG.A-firm~PL-3.SG.P
I subdued the foreign lands completely, I secured the land fully.
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LESSON 10
(187) Iri-kagina 5 obv. 4:14 (RIME 1.9.9.5) (Lagash, 24th c.) (P222618)
kug za-gin-be, ba-ta-ke-ke,
kug zagin=be= S5ba-S9ta-S11n-S12ke~ke-S14
precious.metal lapis.lazuli=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS MID-ABL-3.SG.H.A-bind~PL-3.SG.P
alan-be, i3-gul-gul
alan=be= S1i-S11n-S12gul~gul-S14
statute=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS FIN-3.SG.H.A-destroy~PL-3.SG.P
(He set fire to the temple of the goddess Gatumdug,) collected all its precious
metal and lapis lazuli from it for himself, and destroyed all its statues.
(188) En-metena 1 2:45 (RIME 1.9.5.1) (Lagash, 25th c.) (Q001103)
eg-ba na-ru-a, e-me-sar-sar
eg=be=a narua= S1i-S4m-S5b-S10i-S11n-S12sar~sar-S14
dike=DEM=L2.NH stela=ABS FIN-VEN-3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.A-write~PL-3.SG.P
He set up inscribed stelae all over along that dike.
(189) En-metena 23 2930 (RIME 1.9.5.23) (Lagash, 25th c.) (P222530)
kisal dlugal-urubki-ka-ke,
kisal lugalurubak=ak=e
courtyard DN=GEN=L3.NH
sa i-mi-dug-dug
sa-= S2i-S4m-S5b-S10i-S11n-S12dug~dug-S14
equal-TL=ABS FIN-VEN-3.SG.NH-L3-3.SG.H.A-do~PL-3.SG.P
He assigned (precious metals, lapis lazuli, 20 oxen, and 20 sheep) to Lugal-
Urubas courtyard as aregular offering.
(190) Lugal-zagesi 1 2:2629 (RIME 1.14.20.1) (Uruk, 24th c.) (Q001379)
ud-ba, unugki-ge, giri-zal-a, ud mu-da-zal-zal-le
ud=be=a unug=e girizal=a ud= S4mu-S6n-S7da-S10n-S12zal~zal-S14e
day=DEM=L1 GN=ERG joy=L1 day=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-COM-L1.SYN-pass~PL-3.SG.A
At that time, while Uruk passed each and every day in joy because of him, .
The second type of verbal number, the participant number relates to the
number of participants involved. As in other languages displaying this
grammatical category, participant number operates on an ergative basis in
Sumerian as well: the alternation of the verbal stem reflects the plurality of the
participant in the absolutive, i.e., either that of S or that of P.
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Verbal plurality
Table 10.1
SINGULAR PLURAL
VERB
PT PF PT PF
The most often used writings of the stems of Table 10.1 are: a) en; b) du; c) e-re;
d) su/sub; e) gub; f) su/sug, u; g) tu; h) dur; i) durun, durun(KU.KU);
j) ti/til; k) lu/lug, lug(LUL); l) se/sig, se, ze; m) u; n) ug, ug,
ug(U.U); o) tum; p) de, di(TI) (in Garshana); q) tum; r) la, la,
la-(e/a).
As exx. (191)(194) below show there is atendency that when the partici-
pant in the absolutive functions as S, then the verb shows a3rd ps. pl. agreement,
see exx. (191) and (193) below. When the participant in the absolutive functions
as P, then it is cross-referenced with 3rd ps. sg. pronominal suffix in S14, see
exx. (192) and (194). In the former examples, therefore, plurality is signalled by
both the verbal stem and the pronominal suffix; in the latter examples,
however, only by the verbal stem.
(191) NWHCM 2009.174 obv. 910 (Umma, 23th c.) (P480080)
ummaki-a, ki-a i-durun(KU.KU)-ne-e
umma=a ki=u=a S2i-S5b-S10(i>)-S12durun-S14e
GN=L2.NH place=1.SG.POSS=L2.NH FIN-3.SG.NH-L2.SYN-sit.PL-3.PL.S
They are staying with me (lit. at my place) in Umma.
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LESSON 10
There exist some examples mainly from the 3rd millennium BCE, in which the
plurality of the participant in the absolutive (P or S) apparently is signalled by
an /en/ suffix. The suffix -/en/ appears to be the vestige of an older,
supplanted grammatical system. The traces of this system may also be detected
in the plural stem of tu to sit: /durun/ < */dur-en/; and probably in the 1st
and 2nd ps. pl. suffixes of S14: -/enden/ < */en-den/, -/enzen/ < */en-zen/.
All examples involve the verb kur to enter, bring in, except for the last
example, ex. (197), which comes from aliterary text dated to the first part of
the 2nd millennium BCE.
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Verbal plurality
(197) The Death of Gilgamesh, Me Turan Version Segment F 168 (ETCSL 1.8.1.3)
e2 nin-a-ta nin me-i-du-un
e nin=ak=ta nin= S4mu-S6e-S9i-S12du-en-S14
house sister=GEN=ABL sister=ABS VEN-2.SG-TERM-go-PL-3.SG.S
From the sisters house the sisters will come to you.
Further reading
The linguistic description of this lesson is informed by Mithun 1988 and Corbett
2000.
Verbal plurality and full reduplication of the preterite stem is discussed by
Edzard 1971: 226232. B. Tanoss unpublished dissertation (2012) is the most
comprehensive work on verbal plurality in Sumerian. He also published along
article on the semantics of verbal plurality (2014).
The two most important articles about the forms of the suppletive verbal
stems are Krecher 1967/8 and Steinkeller 1979.
Since almost all forms of the verb to bring are written with the sign DU,
the reading and interpretation of its various forms remained an unsolved
problem. The breakthrough in this issue was made by Walther Sallaberger
(2005), mainly with the help of the Garshana texts in which the form /de/ is
written not with the DU sign (= de) but with the TI (= di). Meyer-Laurin (2010)
examined the 3rd millennium BCE occurrences of the verb in detail, using
Sallabergers insights as astarting point.
This textbook assumes that the various forms of the verb to bring depend
on whether the P of the verb is countable or mass noun. Sallaberger assumes
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LESSON 10
that the form of the verb depends on whether the P can move on his/its own
(persons, herd animals, boats) (kann sich selbst bewegen [Personen,
Herdentiere, Boote] or must be carried (muss getragen werden) (2005:
573). Meyer-Laurin assumes that we have in fact two lexemes: tum to lead
(geleiten) and de / tum to deliver (liefern) (2010: 11) until the end of
the 3rd millennium BCE. In my view, the distinction between countable and
mass nouns explains better that the plural form /la/ may not be used with
things which must be carried or delivered. As amatter of fact, none of the
accounts of the various forms of the verb to bring may explain all
occurrences, especially when 2nd millennium examples are also taken into
consideration.
For the plural suffix -/en/, see Jagersma 2010: 322323. For atypologically
similar language in which an affix does not show person agreement, but which
indicates the plurality of participants, object or subject, depending on the case
frame of the verb, see Sandawe, a language spoken in Central Tansania
(Kieling 2002).
Exercises
10.1 Look up the new words used in the examples of this lesson in Foxvogs (2016b) or
Volks (2012) glossary, and learn them.
10.2 Study the examples of this lesson carefully and make yourself familiar with their
grammatical analysis.
10.3 Go to the ETCSRI corpus (http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/etcsri/corpus) and
write V12=STEM-RDP (without the quotation marks) in the Search Oracc box.
Select at least 10 verbal forms and try to explain the meaning of the plural
reduplication.
10.4 Go to the ETCSRI corpus (http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/etcsri/corpus) and
write V12=STEM-PL (without the quotation marks) in the Search Oracc box. Pair
the plural stems with the singular stems.
10.5 Create the plural or singular version of the following examples. You must produce
only the morphemic segmentation and glossing (2nd and 3rd line of the examples).
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Verbal plurality
en ninirsuk=ra S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S8da-S12ug-S14e
lord DN=DAT.H VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-COM-stand.PL-3.PL.S
(Baus septuplets) stepped forward to lord Ninirsu one by one with friendly
entreaties on behalf of Gudea.
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LESSON 10
10.6 Transliterate the text FaoS 19, Gir32 (Lagash, 23rd c.) (P213570) with the help of
Volks sign list (2012). A copy of the text can be found at http://cdli.ucla.
edu/P213570. Translate the text with the help of Volks (2012) or Foxvogs (2016b)
glossary.
10.7 Add morphemic segmentation and glossing to the following text, and translate it
with the help of Volks (2012) or Foxvogs glossary (2016b). Westenholz (2014: 131)
assumes that e-ma in obv. l. 6 means prison.
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LESSON 11
THE PREFIXES OF SLOTS 26
This lesson describes the function of the morphemes that may occupy S26 of
the finite verbal from. The grammatical functions expressed by the finite-marker
prefixes in S2, by the ventive in S4, and by the prefix /ba/- in S5 are controversial
in Sumerology. The reason for this is that they express functions that are not
easily recoverable from the entirely written corpus of an ancient extinct lan-
guage. The finite-marker prefixes are the vestige of an obsolete system expressing
adifference in verbal tense and adifference between dynamic and stative verbs.
The ventive is an allative deictic morpheme, and the prefix /ba/- is amarker of
middle voice. The prefix /nga/- in S3 functions as clause coordinator. The lesson
concludes with the description of the final pronominal prefixes in S6 that func-
tion as the pronominal part of the composite adverbial prefixes.
The modal prefixes, except for the prefix /a/-, also occupy S2: they cannot
co-occur with afinite marker. They will, however, be discussed in Lesson 16,
section 16.2, not in this lesson.
This prefix has two allomorphs: i) /i/ and ii) /a(l)/-; and the second allomorph
has again two allomorphs: a) /al/- when there is no other prefix between it and
the verbal stem, see ex. (203) below; b) /a/- in all other environments, see, e.g.,
ex. (206) below. The /i/- prefix assimilates to the vowel of the following syllable
with respect to vowel height around the middle of the 3rd millennium BCE, see
Lesson 2, section 2.2. above.
In verbal forms containing amorpheme in any of S311 the occurrence of
the finite-marker prefix is constrained by arule which is clearly phonological
by nature: it occurs only in verbal forms that would start with aconsonant
cluster without the finite-marker prefix. In ex. (198) below, for example, the
verbal form would start with ageminated consonant, /mm/, without the finite-
marker. The verbal form in ex. (199) has no finite-marker, and its starts with
asingle consonant.
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LESSON 11
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The phonological nature of the rule that predicts the presence of the finite-
marker suggests that the system we know is the outcome of alinguistic change
that resulted in the disappearance of the finite marker in many
morphophonological environments. In verbal forms containing amorpheme in
any of S311, the finite-marker is preserved only in environments where its
disappearance would result in aconsonant cluster at the beginning of aword,
which is, however, not allowed by the rules of Sumerian phonotactics.
Our texts consequently only preserved the remnants of an old system in
which the prefix /i/- and /a(l)/- had a complementary distribution and
probably occurred in all finite verbal forms. In this system, the finite-marker
/i/- was used in preterite verbal forms expressing an action. Verbal forms
expressing astate, see exx. (203) and (204), astate resulting from aprevious
action, see ex. (205), or present-future verbal forms expressing an action, see
exx. (206), (207) below, were prefixed with /a(l)/-.
(203) CUSAS 26, 45 rev. 1:3 (unknown, 23rd c.) (P427623)
inim-be al-til
inim=be= S2al-S12til-S14
word=DEM=ABS FIN-complete-3.SG.S
This case is finished.
(204) E-ana-tum 1 obv. 4:2022 (RIME 1.9.3.1) (Lagash, 25th c. BCE) (P222399)
e-an-na, dinana, eb-gal-ka-ka a-tum
eana inanak ebgal=ak=ak=a S2a-S5b-S10(i>)-S12tum-S14
TN DN TN=GEN=GEN=L2.NH FIN-3.SG.NH-L2-worthy-3.SG.S
He is worthy of the E-ana of Inana of the Ebgal
(205) En-ana-tum I 18 2:37 (RIME 1.9.4.18) (Lagash, 25th c.) (Q001086)
u-ni-al-dugud, kindagal, nam-nu-banda3 e2-ag4-ga,
P1 unialdugud kindagal namnubanda eag=ak=
P1 PN chief.barber overseership inner.room= GEN=ABS
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LESSON 11
mu-na-dim
S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12dim-S14
VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-create-3.SG.P
(For the god Ningirsu, En-metena) fashioned agurgur vessel of purified silver,
from which Ningirsu consumes the monthly oil (offering).
This reconstructed original system almost completely disintegrated in the
Sumerian used in the South (preserved mainly in texts from Lagash) by the end
of the 3rd millennium BCE. Here the the prefix /i/- replaced the prefix /a(l)/-
in almost all verbal forms, except for the imperative, see ex. (208), and ex. (392)
in Lesson 14, section 14.3, exx. (481) and (482) in Lesson 16, section 16.2 below.
(208) NG 208 obv. 1:17 (Lagash, 21st c.) (P135750)
kiib-u zi-ra-ab
kiib=u= S1zir-S2a-S11b
seal=1.SG.POSS=ABS break-FIN-3.SG.NH.P
Destroy my sealed tablet!
In the North (preserved mainly in texts from Nippur and Adab) the original
distribution and functions of the two finite-marker prefixes remained more or
less intact; and the verbal forms with the prefix /a(l)/- acquired even an
additional function compared to texts from the South: the finite-marker prefix
/a(l)/- came to be used as amarker of passive verbal forms, see ex. (209) below,
corresponding to verbal forms with the middle prefix /ba/- in Sumerian in the
South, see section 11.3 below.
(209) OSP 2, 58 34 (Nippur, 23rd c.) (P216212)
den-lil-le-ma-ba-ra, an-na-la
enlilemaba=ra S2a-S6nn-S7a-S12la-S14
PN=DAT.H FIN-3.SG.H-DAT-weigh-3.SG.S
(16 shekels of silver, (which is) the value of the corve obligation,) were paid to
Enlile-maba.
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Exx. (210) and (211) below show that passive forms expressed with the
middle marker /ba/- in Ur, may be expressed with the finite-marker /a(l)/- in
Nippur.
(210) MS 4096 rev. 6 (Ur, 21st c.) (P253193)
igi-be-e mu lugal ba-pad
igi=be=e mu lugal=ak= S5ba-S12pad-S14
face=3.SG.NH.POSS=TERM name king=GEN=ABS MID-call-3.SG.S
The promissory oath was sworn before them.
(211) MVN 3, 330 obv. 9 (Nippur, 21st c.) (P113890)
mu lugal-be al-pad
mu lugal=ak=be= al-pad-
name king=GEN=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS FIN-call-3.SG.S
The promissory oath concerning it was sworn.
The old function of the /a(l)/- finite-marker to mark present-future forms was
apparently also known to the Nippurian compilers of the so called Old
Babylonian Grammatical texts, which date to the first part of the 2nd
millennium BCE. In OBGT VII (MSL 4 8889), for example, which is an Akkadian-
Sumerian paradigm of the verb en = alkum, to go, the present-future
Akkadian verbal forms are translated with present-future Sumerian verbal
forms containing the finite-marker /a(l)/-:
(212) OBGT VII 3133 (= A24189) (Nippur)
31. al-du i-il-lak
32. al-du-un a-al-lak
33. al-du-un tal-lak
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13 The pronominal use is secondary, developed from its function to indicate amotion towards
the location of the speech event, see Mithun 1996 for similar developments in other languages.
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Since the ventive indicates amovement towards the place of the speech event,
it may also be used to indicate amovement to aperson in the 3rd ps., if his or
her location is construed as here by the speaker, i.e., the scribe. In ex. (221)
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below the scribe uses the ventive with the verb to bring, whose destination
is Barag-namtara, the wife of the ruler. The verbal form used to describe the
opposite transaction in ex. (222) does not contain the ventive.
(221) Nik 1, 300 obv. 2:2rev. 1:2 (Lagash, 24th c.) (P222069)
ur-e-mu, gal dam-gar e-mi-ke, barag-nam-tar-ra [dam]
uremuak gal- damgar emi=ak=e baragnamtara dam
PN gal-TL merchant GN=GEN=ERG PN spouse
lugal-an-da, ensi, lagaki-ka-ra, mu-na-de
lugalanda ensik laga=ak=ak=ra S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12de-S14
PN ruler GN=GEN=GEN=DAT.H VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-bring-3.SG.P
Ur-Emusha, the chief merchant of the Emi, brought (various cosmetics) to Barag-
namtara, spouse of Lugal-Anda, ruler of Lagash.
(222) Nik 1, 300 rev. 2:33:4 (Lagash, 24th c.) (P222069)
ur-e-mu-ra, barag-nam-tar-ra, dam lugal-an-da
uremuak=ra baragnamtara dam lugalanda
PN=DAT.H PN spouse PN
ensi, lagaki-ka-ke, e-na-la
ensik laga=ak=ak=e S2i-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12la-S14
ruler GN=GEN=GEN=ERG FIN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-weigh-3.S.G.P
Barag-namtara, spouse of Lugal-Anda, ruler of Lagash, payed (with acertain
amount of wool) to Ur-Emusha.
One should not assume that the scribe and the wife of the ruler stay at the same
location, rather it is akind of subjective alignment between the two that is
expressed using the ventive. Here one of the two participants of the transaction
is identified as belonging to here from the point of view of the scribe.
In the trial records from the end of the 3rd millennium BCE the expression
to come forward as witness is regularly used with ventive, indicating that the
witness occurs at the trial, construed as here by the scribe who wrote the
text, see e.g., ex. (223) below.
(223) BPOA 1, 382 obv. 7 rev. 2 (Umma, 21st c.) (P339042)
mda-a-ga, mgeme-danan, mnin-en-sag
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LESSON 11
Apparently, the use of the ventive divides the deictic space into ahere
and athere in Sumerian, and the association with the here may be based
not only on considerations of physical proximity. When the ventive refers to
neither the speaker nor the addressee, but to a3rd ps. participant, then its use
seems to be extended metaphorically to function as an emphatetic deictic
element. Linguistic empathy is described as the speakers attitude with respect
to who, among speech event participants (the speaker and the hearer) and the
participants of an event or state that he describes, the speaker takes sides with.
(Kuno 1978: 174).
This use of the ventive is alogical extension of its basic deictic function to
refer to ahere-ness, or hither-ness: its use therefore may imply emotional
closeness, an evaluative or subjective alignment between the writer or narrator
and the participant(s) of an event he describes.
It is expected that in texts of an administrative nature the allative deictic
use of the ventive is the typical. In literary texts, however, its more metaphoric,
emphatetic use may also play arole. In exx. (224) and (225) below, for example,
the reference to here-ness is more intangible than in an administrative text,
but still understandable, as the movement here is directed towards Gudea and
the main temple in Girsu respectively, the leader and the symbol of the political
community the scribe must have belonged to.
(224) Gudea Cyl. A 15:10 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
gu-de-a iri-ne ir-suki-e gu mu-na-si-si
gudea=ra iri=ane irsu=e gu= S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S12si~si-S14e
PN=DAT.H city=3.SG.H.POSS GN=TERM neck=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-fill~PF-3.SG.A
(Magan and Meluhha) gathered for Gudea at his city Girsu.
(225) Gudea Cyl. A 9:18 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
mu-be-e an-zag-ta
mu=be=e anzag=ta
name=3.SG.NH.POSS=DAT.NH horizon=ABL
kur-kur-re gu im-ma-si-si
kur~kur=e gu= S2i-S4m-S5b-S7a-S12si~si-S14e
mountain~PL=ERG neck=ABS FIN-VEN-3.SG.NH-DAT-fill~PF-3.SG.A
In response to its fame all lands will gather from as far as heavens borders.
But then we also have numerous examples where no movement is involved and
the use of the ventive may only express some kind of alliance or involvement
with participants of the verbal event as in the examples below.
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LESSON 11
(230) Iri-kagina 5 obv. 4:14 (RIME 1.9.9.5) (Lagash, 24th c.) (P222618)
kug za-gin-be, ba-ta-ke-ke,
kug zagin=be= S5ba-S9ta-S11n-S12ke~ke-S14
precious.metal lapis.lazuli=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS MID-ABL-3.SG.H.A-bind~PL-3.SG.P
alan-be, i3-gul-gul
alan=be= S1i-S11n-S12gul~gul-S14
statute=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS FIN-3.SG.H.A-destroy~PL-3.SG.P
(He set fire on the temple of the goddess Gatumdug,) collected all its precious
metal and lapis lazuli from it for himself, and destroyed all its statues.
Slot 5 accommodates the prefix /ba/-, which functions as the marker of middle
voice in Sumerian. Its basic function is to mark that the verbal action or state
affects, mentally or physically, the grammatical subject (A or S) or his interests.
The middle marker may occur with the verb i) to signal the inherently
middle semantic of the verb; or ii) to add the property of subject affectedness
to averb that is not inherently middle, so that the event will be construed as
affecting the subject.
Spontaneous events belong to the inherently middle semantic verbs. In
these verbal events the grammatical subject exercises little control or volition,
it is, however, highly affected by the event as in exx. (231)(232) and (234)
(235). Ex. (233) demonstrates that when the verb u is used in the meaning to
kill, then the /ba/- prefix does not occur.
(231) NG 80 1314 (Lagash, 21st c.) (P111313)
mu lu-gi-gun-na e gu-li gudu ba-u,
mu lugigunak e guli gudu=ak= S5ba-S12u-S14
name PN brother PN priest=GEN=ABS MID-die-3.SG.S
i-bi-la nu-u-tuku-a-e
ibila= S1nu-S2i-S11n-S12tuku-S14-S15a=ak=e
heir=ABS NEG-FIN-3.SG.H.A-have-3.SG.S-SUB=GEN=TERM
Because Lu-giguna, the brother of Guli, the priest, died, and had no heir, .
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ud ma magan= S5ba-S12su-S14-S15a=be=a
day boat GN=ABS MID-sink-3.SG.S-SUB=3.SG.NH.POSS=L1
When the Magan boat sank, .
(236) OIP 115, 126 rev. 5 (Drehem, 21st c.) (P123715)
iti-ta ud 8 ba-ra-zal
itid=ta ud 8= S5ba-S9ta-S12zal-S14
month=ABL day 8=ABS MID-ABL-pass-3.SG.S
8 days elapsed from the month.
Verbs of grooming, exx. (237), (238), and (239b), and verbs of motion without
a change in the location, ex. (239a), (240), and (241), also belong to the
inherently middle verbs.
(237) Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld 206 (ETCSL 1.8.1.4)
tug dan-dan-na-ne im-ma-an-mu
tug dan~dan-a=ane= S2i-S4m-S5ba-S11n-S12mu-S14
cloth clean~PL-PT=3.SG.H.POSS=ABS FIN-VEN-MID-3.SG.H.A-dress-3.SG.P
He put on his cleanest garments.
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LESSON 11
alan-be, i3-gul-gul
alan=be= S1i-S11n-S12gul~gul-S14
statute=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS FIN-3.SG.H.A-destroy~PL-3.SG.P
(He set fire to the temple of the goddess Gatumdug,) collected all its precious
metal and lapis lazuli from it for himself, and destroyed all its statues.
(248) Gudea Cyl. A 2:24 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
ensi-ke da-tum-dug-e ki-nu-a-ne ba-gub
ensik=e atumdug=e kinu=ane= S5ba-S11n-S12gub-S14
ruler=ERG DN=TERM bed=3.SG.H.POSS=ABS MID-3.SG.H.A-stand-3.SG.P
The ruler set up his bed for himself near to Gatumdug.
(249) Iri-kagina 3 2:1618 (RIME 1.9.9.3) (Lagash, 24th c.) (P222610)
lu dam u-taka, kug gi 5-am,
lu=e dam= u- n-
S1 S11 S12 taka- S14 kug gi 5==am-
man=ERG wife=ABS ANT-3.SG.H.A-leave-3.SG.P silver unit 5=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
ensi-ke, ba-de
ensik=e S5ba-S11n-S12de-S14
ruler=ERG MID-3.SG.H.A-bring-3.SG.P
If aman divorced (his) wife, the ruler took 5 shekels of silver for himself.
(250) Gudea Statue E 9:912 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232278)
ki-gub-ba-be, lu nu-zi-zi,
kiguba=be= lu=e S1nu-S2i-S12zi~zi-S14e
pedestal=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS man=ERG NEG-FIN-rise~PF-3.SG.A
sa-dug-be, lu la-ba-ni-la-e
sadug=be= lu=e S1nu-S5ba-S10ni-S11b-S12lal-S14e
offering=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS man=ERG NEG-MID-L1-3.SG.NH.P-small-3.SG.A
No one should lift its (= the statue of Gudea) pedestal, no one should curtail its
regular offerings for his own benefit!
As in several other languages the middle marker is also used in verbs with
a passive meaning, where the grammatical subject is by definition the
participant affected by the verbal event. The middle marker does not directly
express passive meaning; rather, the semantic function or functions it encodes
happen to be compatible with the meaning of the passive (Klaiman 1991: 84).
Exx. (251) and (252) show the active and passive, i.e., middle, version of the
same year name. In the middle version, the Ais left unmentioned.
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LESSON 11
namely, he likes it. In contrast, in exx. (257) and (258) the divine approval affects
the participant in the terminative.
(256) Gudea Cyl. A 13:18 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
ka-al-be-e igi zid ba-i-bar
kalak=be=e igi zid-= S5ba-S9i-S11n-S12bar-S14
trench=3.SG.NH.POSS=TERM face right-TL=ABS MID-TERM-3.SG.H.A-direct-3.SG.P
He (= Gudea) looked at the clay pit with satisfaction.
(257) Gudea Cyl. A 1:3 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
den-lil-e en dnin-ir-su-e
enlil=e en ninirsuk=e
DN=ERG lord DN=TERM
igi zid mu-i-bar
igi zid-= S4mu-S6n-S9i-S11n-S12bar-S14
face right-TL=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-TERM-3.SG.H.A-direct-3.SG.P
The god Enlil looked at lord Ningirsu with approval.
(258) Gudea Statue B 3:67 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232275)
ud dnin-ir-su-ke, iri-ne-e
ud ninirsuk=e iri=ane=e
day DN=ERG city=3.SG.H.POSS=TERM
igi zid im-i-bar-ra
igi zid-= S2i-S4m-S5b-S9i-S11n-S12bar-S14-S15a
face right-TL=ABS FIN-VEN-3.SG.NH-TERM-3.SG.H.A-direct-3.SG.P-SUB
When Ningirsu had looked favourably upon his city,
S5 also accommodates apronominal prefix /b/ that functions as the 3rd ps.
non-human pronominal prefix before the adverbial prefixes of S710. It may
occur only when S5 is not used by amiddle prefix /ba/-. For the writings and
functioning of the 3rd ps. non-human pronominal prefix of S5, see the lessons
on the adverbial cases, Lesson 1214 below.
The initial pronominal prefix (= IPP) occupies S6 of the finite verbal form. The
IPP functions as the pronominal prefix of the composite adverbial prefixes in
S710. It specifies the person, gender, and number of the referent of the first
prefix in the sequence of the adverbial prefixes, see Lesson 6 section 6.3 above.
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Before the dative, the locative2, and the locative3 prefix an allomorph of
the ventive prefix in S4 functions as the 1st ps. sg. pronominal prefix.
SINGULAR PLURAL
The 3rd ps. sg. prefix refers only to human participants. Non-human partici-
pants are referred to by the prefix /b/ in S5. The allomorph /nn/ occurs before
avowel, while /n/ occurs before aconsonant.
The 2nd ps. sg. prefix has two allomorphs: i) /r/ before avowel; ii) /e/ before
aconsonant. In texts from the 3rd millennium BCE the /e/ contracts with the
preceding vowel and lengthens it, whereas in texts from the 2nd millennium
BCE the contraction results in an //.
The exact form of the 1st ps. sg. IPP is uncertain, but its existence can be
inferred from the form of the preceding prefixes.
Instead of /en/, adiscontinuous construction -S6r-S7a/S10i--S12stem-
S14enzen (= -2.SG-DAT/L2--stem-2.PL) is also attested in literary texts from the
first part of the 2nd millennium BCE, referring to a2nd ps. pl. participant.15
This construction apparently follows the pattern of 3rd ps. pl. forms of the
preterite conjugation, see Lesson 9, section 9.2 above.
For the writings and functioning of the initial pronominal prefixes, see the
lessons on the adverbial cases, Lesson 1214 below.
Further readings
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LESSON 11
Exercises
11.1 Look up the new words used in the examples of this lesson in Foxvogs (2016b) or
Volks (2012) glossary, and learn them.
11.2 Study the examples of this lesson carefully and make yourself familiar with their
grammatical analysis.
11.3 Try to create the passive version of the following Sumerian clauses by leaving out
the A, adding the /ba/- prefix, and transforming the verbal form. You must
produce only the morphemic segmentation and glossing (2nd and 3rd line of the
examples). Note that two verbal forms are impossible to form, i.e., the prefix /ba/-
prefix and one of their prefixes are incompatible!
a) en-me-er-kara-ra den-ki-ke etug mu-na-an-um
enmerkar=ra enkik=e etug= S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12um-S14
PN=DAT.H DN=ERG ear=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-give-3.SG.P
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e) e ud-de ma-ra-du-e
e= ud=e S4ma-S6r-S7a-S12du-S14e
house=ABS day=ERG VEN-2.SG-DAT-build-3.SG.A
f) ensi-ke e mu-du
ensik=e e= S4mu-S11n-S12du-S14
ruler=ERG house VEN-3.SG.H.A.-build-3.SG.P
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LESSON 12
THE DATIVE AND THE COMITATIVE CASE
This lesson describes the verbal and nominal marking of the dative and the
comitative together with their most important uses. We start with the dative
case.
The verbal prefix of the dative case is /a/. The form of the nominal case-marker
depends on the grammatical gender of the participant: human verbal
participants are case-marked with the enclitic =/ra/; while non-human verbal
participants are case-marked with the enclitic =/e/. When the human case-
marker is preceded by an open syllable, then the enclitic =/ra/ may be reduced
to /r/; and the syllable closing /r/ of the resulting closed syllable /CVr/ will
not be written until the end of the 3rd millennium BCE, see, e.g., exx. (269) and
(272) below.
The co-occurrence of the noun phrase with adative case-marker and the
dative prefix is very strict: anoun phrase in the dative always occurs together
with acorresponding dative prefix in the verbal prefix-chain.
In the verbal prefix-chain the dative is always cross-referenced by
acomposite adverbial prefix, as its slot (S7) is the nearest to the IPP. The 1st ps.
sg. pronominal prefix is expressed by an allomorph of the ventive prefix in S4,
and the composite prefix is written as arule with the grapheme MA, see, e.g.,
ex. (265) below. The 2nd ps. sg. pronominal prefix is the IPP /r/ in S6, and the
composite prefix is written as arule with the grapheme RA, see, e.g., ex. (266)
below. The 3rd ps. sg. human pronominal prefix is the IPP /nn/ in S6, and the
composite prefix is written as arule with the grapheme NA, see, e.g., ex. (274)
below. The 3rd ps. sg. non-human prefix is expressed with the prefix /b/ in S5.
The 3rd ps. sg. non-human composite prefix is written as a rule with the
grapheme BA, see, e.g., ex. (278) below. When, however, preceded by aventive
prefix, the /b/ of the 3rd ps. sg. non-human composite prefix assimilates to /m/,
and then it is written as arule with the grapheme MA, see, e.g., ex. (261) below.
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LESSON 12
The 1st ps. pl. pronominal prefix is the IPP /m/ in S6, and the composite
prefix is written as arule with the grapheme ME, see, e.g., ex. (259) below. The
3rd ps. pl. pronominal prefix is the IPP /nn/ in S6, and the composite prefix
is written as arule with the grapheme NE, see, e.g., ex. (272) below. Both in 1st
and 3rd ps. pl. the long vowel of the IPP and the dative prefix are fused to an
//.
When followed by asimple locative2 prefix /e/ in the verbal prefix-chain,
the dative and the locative2 are fused to // in the 2nd millennium BCE, see ex.
(277) below.
The three most important functions of the dative case are to denote the
indirect object, the beneficiary, or the goal of the verbal event. With verbs of
giving the dative denotes the recipient of the verb:
(259) FaoS 19, Gir23 obv. 7rev. 1 (Lagash, 23rd c.) (P217056)
lugal-ka, e-me-um-mu
lugalka=e S1a-S6m-S7a-S12um-S14e
PN=ERG MOD-1.PL-DAT-give-3.SG.A
May Lugalka hand it over to us!
(260) Iri-kagina 5 obv. 1:13 (RIME 1.9.9.5) (Lagash, 24th c.) (P222618)
lu2 ummaki-ke, e-ki-sur(ERIN)-ra-ke, izi ba-um
lu umma=ak=e ekisurak=e izi= S5b-S7a-S11n-S12um-S14
man GN=GEN=ERG TN=DAT.NH fire=ABS 3.SG.NH-DAT-3.SG.H.A-give-3.SG.P
The Ummaite set fire (lit. give fire) to the Ekisura.
(261) Gudea Cyl. A 11:24 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
kalam-e zi-ag-al u-ma-um
kalam=e ziagal= S1u-S4m-S5b-S7a-S11b-S12um-S14
land=DAT.NH vigour=ABS ANT-VEN-3.SG.NH-DAT-3.SG.NH.A-give-3.SG.P
This will give vigour to the Land, .
(262) Enmerkar and the lord of Aratta 420 (ETCSL 1.8.2.3)
en-me-er-kara-ra den-ki-ke etug mu-na-an-um
enmerkara=ra enkik=e etug= S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12um-S14
PN=DAT.H DN=ERG ear=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-give-3.SG.P
Enki gave wisdom to Enmerkara.
With verbs of speaking the dative denotes the addressee of the verb:
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sizkur mu-na-be
sizkur= S4mu-S6nn-S6a-S11b-S12e-S14e
prayer=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.NH.P-speak.PF-3.SG.A
He went to holy Gatumdug and prayed to her.
(264) Gudea Cyl. A 2:13 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
ur-sa ma-a-dug
ursa= S4m-S7a-S11e-S12dug-S14
hero=ABS VEN-DAT-2.SG.A-speak-3.SG.P
Hero, you have commanded me.
(265) Gudea Cyl. A 4:20 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
e-a-ne du-da ma-an-dug
e=ane= du-ed=a S4m-S7a-S11n-S12dug-S14
house=3.SG.H.POSS=ABS build-PF=L2.NH VEN-DAT-3.SG.H.A-speak-3.SG.P
He ordered me to build his temple.
(266) Gudea Cyl. A 5: 18 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
e e-ninnu-na du-ba
e eninnu=ane=ak du=be=a
shrine TN=3SG.H.POSS=GEN build=3.SG.NH.POSS=L2.NH
za-ra ma-ra-an-dug
za=ra S4ma-S6r-S7a-S11n-S12dug-S14
you=DAT.H VEN-2.SG-DAT-3.SG.H.A-speak-3.SG.P
He spoke to you about the building of his shrine, the E-ninnu.
(267) The victory of Utu-hegal 28 (ETCSL 2.1.6)
dumu iri-na-ke-ne gu mu-ne-de-e
dumu iri=ane=ak=en=ra gu= S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S12de-S14e
child city=3.SG.H.POSS=GEN=PL=DAT.H voice=ABS VEN-3.PL-DAT-pour-3.SG.A
He addressed aspeech to the citizens of his city: .
(268) Inanas descent to the netherworld 332 (ETCSL 1.4.1)
gal-la-ne kug dinana-ra gu mu-na-de-e
galla=en=e kug inana=ra gu= S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S12de-S14e
demon=PL=ERG holy DN=DAT.H voice=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-pour-3.SG.A
The demons say to holy Inana: .
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The dative may denote the participant affected by the event either benefactively or
adversatively, for the latter, see ex. (273) below:
(269) Gudea 2 18 (RIME 3/1.1.7.2) (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P431937)
dba-u, dumu an-na, nin-a-ne, gu-de-a, ensi
bau dumu an=ak nin=ane=ra gudea ensik
DN child DN=GEN lady=3.SG.H.POSS=DAT.H RN ruler
lagaki-ke, e iri-kug-ga-ka-ne, mu-na-du
laga=ak=e e irikug=ak=ane= S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12du-S14
GN=GEN=ERG house GN=GEN=3.SG.H.POSS=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-build-3.SG.P
For Bau, the child of An, his lady, Gudea, ruler of Lagash, built her temple in Iri-kug.
(270) Gudea Statue A 2:12 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232274)
dub-en kug-ga-ne, mu-na-dim
duben kug==ane= S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12dim-S14
treasury.chest holy=TL=3.SG.H.POSS=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-create-3.SG.P
He (= Gudea) manufactured her holy treasury chest for her (= Inana).
(271) Gudea Cyl. B 2:21 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
dnin-ir-su e-zu mu-ra-du
ninirsuk= e=zu= S4mu-S6r-S7a-S11-S12du-S14
DN=ABS house=2.SG.POSS=ABS VEN-2.SG-DAT-1.SG.A-build-3.SG.P
Ningirsu, I have built you your temple!
(272) Gudea Statue I 3:46 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232282)
diir gal-gal lagaki-ke-ne,
diir gal~gal= laga=ak=en=ra
god great~PL=TL GN=GEN=PL=DAT.H
e-ne-ne, mu-ne-du
e=anen= S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12du-S14
house=3.PL.POSS=ABS VEN-3.PL-DAT-3.SG.H.A-build-3.SG.P
He built all the great gods of Lagash their temples.
(273) NG 51 rev. 3 (Umma, 21st c. BCE) (P131780)
lu inim-ma sa sa-a-e mu-ne-ra-e
lu inim=ak sa= sa-a=ak=e S4mu-S6nn-S8a-S9ta-S12e-S14
man word=GEN head=ABS buy-PT=GEN=TERM VEN-3.PL-DAT-ABL-leave-3.SG.S
(Two persons) came forward as witnesses against them that the slave had been
bought.
With verbs of motion the dative denotes the goal of the motion without, however,
implying contact:
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LESSON 12
Both the nominal case-marker and the verbal prefix of the comitative case are
/da/, written as arule by the grapheme DA. When the nominal case-marker is
preceded by an open syllable, then the enclitic =/da/ may be reduced to /d/,
in which case the comitative case-marker is often not present graphemically,
especially in 3rd millennium BCE. When followed by alocative1 prefix /ni/ in
the verbal prefix-chain, the comitative prefix may assimilate to /di/, and then
it is written as arule with the grapheme DI (= TI), see, e.g., ex. (294) below.
When followed by asimple locative2 prefix /e/ in the verbal prefix-chain, the
comitative and the locative2 are fused to /d/ in the 2nd millennium BCE, see
ex. (292) below. When followed by aprefix /b/ in S11, the closed syllable /dab/
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is written with the grapheme DAB (= URUDU) in the 3rd millennium, see, e.g.,
ex. (291) below.
The co-occurrence of the noun phrase with acomitative case-marker and
the comitative prefix is very strict: anoun phrase in the comitative almost
always occurs together with acorresponding comitative prefix in the verbal
prefix-chain.
In the verbal prefix-chain, the participant in the comitative may be cross-
referenced either by acomposite or by asimple adverbial prefix, for the latter
see, e.g., ex. (285) below. The simple prefix always cross-references a3rd ps. sg.
non-human participant. The 1st ps. sg. pronominal prefix is the IPP // in S6,
see, e.g., exx. (287) and (310) below. The 2nd ps. sg. pronominal prefix is the IPP
/e/, see, e.g., exx. (290) and (298) below. The 3rd ps. sg. human pronominal
prefix is the IPP /n/ in S6, see, e.g., exx. (286) and (315) below. The 3rd ps. sg.
non-human prefix is expressed with the prefix /b/ in S5, see, e.g., ex. (289)
below.
The 1st ps. pl. pronominal prefix is the IPP /m/ in S6, see, e.g., ex. (307)
below. The 3rd ps. pl. composite prefix is written as arule with the grapheme
PI, which is assumed to have areading neda and is used for writing -/S6nn-
S8da/-, see, e.g., ex. (309) below.
The comitative in its basic function marks the participant that accompanies
another participant in averbal event. The accompanying participant may be
another human or god with the ability to act on his own, see, e.g., ex. (283); an
object, see ex. (285); an abstract entity, see, e.g., ex. (288); or even an action
expressed by anon-finite verbal noun, see ex. (289) below.
(283) En-metena 1 1:3942 (RIME 1.9.5.1) (Lagash, 25th c.) (Q001103)
en-a-kal-le, ensi ummaki-da ki e-da-sur
enakale ensik umma=ak=da ki= S2i-S6n-S8da-S11n-S12sur-S14
PN ruler GN=GEN=COM place=ABS FIN-3.SG.H-COM-3.SG.H.A-press-3.SG.P
(E-ana-tum) marked out the boundary together with Enakale, ruler of Umma.
(284) Inana B 30 (ETCSL 4.07.2)
dikur-da eg(KALI) mu-da-an-gi-gi-in
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u daal a-mu-dab-dug
u daal= S1a-S4mu-S6e-S8da-S11b-S12dug-S14
hand wide=ABS MOD-VEN-2.SG-COM-3.SG.NH.A-do-3.SG.P
Under you the people do spread as abundantly as grass.
(292) Ur-Ninurta D 33 (ETCSL 2.5.6.4)
u u-sal-la hu-mu-un-de-nu
u= usal-a S2hu-S4mu-S6n-S8da-S10e-S12nu-S14
people=ABS meadow=L2.NH MOD-VEN-3.SG.H-COM-L2-lie-3.SG.S
May the people rest on the meadows under his rule!
The comitative may denote one of the acting participants in a naturally
reciprocal verbal event:
(293) En-metena 1 1:2527 (RIME 1.9.5.1) (Lagash, 25th c.) (Q001103)
ummaki-da, dam-a-ra, e-da-ak
umma=da damhara= S2i-S6b-S8da-S11n-S12ak-S14
GN=COM battle=ABS FIN-3.SG.NH-COM-3.SG.H.A-make-3.SG.P
(Ningirsu) made abattle with Umma.
(294) Gudea Cyl. A 22:1213 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
den-ki-da e-an-gur-ra-ka, ag mu-di-ni-ib-ku-u
enki=da eangurak=a ag= S4mu-S6n-S8da-S10ni-S11b-S12kuu-S14e
DN=COM TN=L1 heart=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-COM-L1-3.SG.NH.P-be.tired-3.SG.A
(Its abzu foundation pegs, big mooring stakes, he drove into the ground so deep,)
they could take counsel with the god Enki in the E-engurak.
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kur-kur-re sa e-dab-sig
kur~kur=e sa= S2i-S6n-S8da-S11b-S12sig-S14
land~PL=ERG head=ABS FIN-3.SG.H-COM-3.SG.NH.A-beat-3.SG.P
All the lands trembled before Eanatum, called by name by Ningirsu.
The comitative may express alocation next to, at, or by someone or something:
(300) Gudea Cyl. A 22:20 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
ear-ur-be uru gal-gen lagaki-da
arur=be= uru gal-=gen laga=da
weapon=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS standard big-TL=EQU GN=COM
im-da-sig
S2i- S5m-S5b-S8da-S11n-S12sig-S14
FIN-VEN-3.SG.NH-COM-3.SG.H.A-place-3.SG.P
He embedded its Shar-ur weapon beside Lagash like abig standard.
(301) DP 117 obv. 6:45 (Lagash, 24th c.) (P220767)
lugal-keki-da, e-da-se
lugalke=da S2i-S6n-S8da-S12se-S14e
PN=COM FIN-3.SG.H-COM-live.PL-3.PL.S
They live by Lugal-Ke.
(302) DP 117 obv. 6:78 (Lagash, 24th c.) (P220767)
lugal-e-ni-e, e-da-se
lugalenie=da S2i-S6n-S8da-S12se-S14e
PN=COM FIN-3.SG.H-COM-live.PL-3.PL.S
They live by Lugalenie.
With the verb tuku to have the comitative denotes the participant who owes
something to someone. This use of the comitative originates in the local
meaning near to, at of the comitative: X has something which is at Y = Y
owes something to X.
(303) Nik 1, 297 2:24 (Lagash, 24th c.) (P222066)
sag-sag-da, igal-si, e-da-tuku
sagsag=da igalsi=e S2i- S6n-S8da-S11n-S12tuku-S14
PN=COM PN=ERG FIN-3.SG.H-COM-3.SG.H.A-have-3.SG.P
Sagsag owes this (= some wool) to Gishgalsi.
(304) MAD 4, 17 rev. 58 (Umma, 23rd c.) (P215179)
8 siki ma-na, ama-e-e, barag-nita-da
8 siki mana= amae=e baragnita=da
8 wool unit=ABS PN=ERG PN=COM
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ud-be-ta, i-da-tuku-am
ud=be=ta S2i- S6n-S8da-S11n-S12tuku-S14-S15a==am-
day=DEM=ABL FIN-3.SG.H-COM-3.SG.H.A-have-3.SG.P-SUB=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
Barag-nita owed 8 mina wool to Ama-e from earlier.
(305) TSU 12 obv. 14 (Nippur, 21st c.) (P135183)
11 udu bar-al, ur-egigir-da,
11 udu baral= urgigir=da
11 sheep hairy=ABS PN=COM
arad-e, i-da-tuku-am
arad=e S2i-S6n-S8da-S11n-S12tuku-S14-S15a==am-
PN=ERG FIN-3.SG.H-COM-3.SG.H.A-have-3.SG.P-SUB=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
It was the case that Urgigir owed 11 hairy sheep to Arad.
(306) NATN 571 obv. 7 (Nippur, 21st c.) (P121269)
kug nu-mu-da-a-tuku
kug= S1nu-S4mu-S6-S8da-S11e-S12tuku-S14
silver=ABS NEG-VEN-1.SG-COM-2.SG.A-have-3.SG.P
I do not owe you silver.; lit. You do not have silver with me.
(307) NATN 626 obv. 6 (Nippur, 21st c.) (P121324)
me-da-tuku-a
S6m-S8da-S11n-S12tuku-S14-S15a=
1.PL-COM-3.SG.H.A-have-3.SG.P-SUB=ABS
(all the silver what) we owe him.; lit. he has with us.
In ex. (308) below the locative2 case-marker of the debtor (Nagamu) probably
reflects the influence of the corresponding Akkadian idiom i to have, which
construes the debtor with the preposition eli on, over. Note that the verbal
form retained the original comitative prefix.
(308) NRVN 1, 65 obv. 14 (Nippur, 21st c.) (P122278)
64 gu-la gi izi
64 gula gi izi=
64 sheaf reed fire=ABS
ur-dnusku-ke, na-ga-mu-ur, an-da-tuku
urnuskuk-e nagamu=ra S2a-S6n-S8da-S11n-S12tuku-S14
PN=ERG PN=L2.H FIN-3.SG.H-COM-3.SG.H.A-have-3.SG.P
Nagamu owes 64 sheaf of reed for burning to Ur-Nusku.
With the verb al to be somewhere the comitative denotes the participant that
possesses something. This use of the comitative originates in the local meaning
near to, at of the comitative: Something is at X = X possesses something.
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LESSON 12
With the verb za to be away, to run away the comitative denotes the
participant from whom someone runs away.
(315) ECTJ 50 14 (Nippur, 23rd c.) (P020464)
mlugal-a-zid-da, arad lugal-ki-gal-la, ensi-da, in-da-za
lugalazida arad lugalkigal=ak= ensik=da S2i-S6n-S8da-S12za-S14
PN servant PN=GEN=ABS ruler=COM FIN-3.SG.H-COM-flee-3.SG.S
Lugal-azida, the servant of Lugal-kigal, ran away from the ruler.
Further readings
For both cases one may consult the corresponding sections of Gragg 1973, Balke
2006, and Jagersma 2010, whose descriptions, however, differ in their approach
to cases in Sumerian. The approach of the present textbooks author is
explained in Zlyomi 2010.
The comitative prefix expressing ability is discussed in detail by Gragg 1973:
5355.
Exercises
12.1 Look up the new words used in the examples of this lesson in Foxvogs (2016b) or
Volks (2012) glossary, and learn them.
12.2 Study the examples of this lesson carefully and make yourself familiar with their
grammatical analysis.
12.3 Compare exx. (301) and (302) above. How could you explain the graphemic
presence of the comitative in the former and its absence in the latter?
12.4 Go to the ETCSRI corpus (http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/etcsri/corpus) and
write N3=ani.N5=ra (without the quotation marks) in the Search Oracc box. What
orthographic change can be recognized? Can you identify the ruler under which
the change started?
12.5 Transliterate the text Gudea 4 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232332) (Volk 2012 no. 10)
(a copy of the text can be found at http://cdli.ucla.edu/P232332) with the help of
Volks sign list (2012). Translate the text with the help of either Volks (2012)
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LESSON 13
THE ABLATIVE AND THE TERMINATIVE CASE
Both the nominal case-marker and the verbal prefix of the ablative case are
/ta/, written as arule by the grapheme TA. Between two vowels the /t/ of the
verbal prefix may have been rhotacised to atap [], and then the prefix was
written with the grapheme RA as in exx. (321) and (326) below.
The co-occurrence of the noun phrase with an ablative case-marker and the
ablative prefix is rather loose: adverbially used verbal participants in the
ablative may occur regularly without any corresponding prefix in the verbal
prefix-chain, see, e.g., exx. (316) and (322) below. The ablative prefix may also
occur without cross-referencing any verbal participant; in this case the prefixs
function is to modify the meaning of the verb, as in ex. (321) below.
The ablative as arule is used only with non-human verbal participants;
human participants may be referred to with the circumfixal construction ki
PN=ak=ta (place PN=GEN=ABL), see ex. (322) below. In the verbal prefix-chain the
participant in the ablative may be cross-referenced either by acomposite or by
asimple adverbial prefix, for the latter see, e.g., ex. (330) below. The 3rd ps. sg.
non-human pronominal prefix is expressed with the prefix /b/. When S5 is
occupied by the middle prefix /ba/-, then the pronominal prefix /b/ may not
be used and the ablative prefix occurs in its simple form without apronominal
prefix, see, e.g., ex. (318) below.
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The adverbial ablative may also denote the participant that functions as the
tool or instrument with which an action is carried out as in exx. (328)(330)
below.
(328) JCS 10, 28 no. 5 obv. 6 (Drehem, 21st c.) (P111899)
1 udu niga lugal-e iri-ta in-gaz
1 udu niga= lugal=e iri=ta S2i-S11n-S12gaz-S14
1 sheep fattened king=ERG dagger=ABL FIN-3.SG.H.A-kill-3.SG.P
One fattened sheep killed by the king with adagger.
(329) En-metena 1 1:812 (RIME 1.9.5.1) (Lagash, 25th c.) (Q001103)
me-salim, lugal kiki-ke, inim ditaran-na-ta,
mesalim lugal ki=ak=e inim itaran=ak=ta
RN king GN=GEN=ERG word DN=GEN=ABL
e-gana be-ra,
egana= S5b-S10i-S11n-S12ra-S14
measuring.line=ABS 3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.H.A-hit-3.SG.P
ki-ba na bi-du
ki-be-a na= S5b-S10i-S11n-S12du-S14
ki=DEM=L2.NH stone=ABS 3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.H.A-build-3.SG.P
By the order of the god Ishtaran, Mesalim, king of Kish, laid the measuring line
on it, and set up astela on that place.
(330) E-ana-tum 1 obv. 16:17 (RIME 1.9.3.1) (Lagash, 25th c. BCE) (P222399)
nam e-na-ta-kud
nam= S2i-S6nn-S8a-S9ta-S11n-S12kud-S14
fate=ABS FIN-3.SG.H-DAT-ABL-3.SG.H.A-cut-3.SG.P
(E-ana-tum gave the great battle-net of Enlil to the Ummaite, and) let him swear
apromissory oath by it.16
In ex. (331) below the adverbial ablative is used in the meaning apart from, in
addition.
(331) E-ana-tum 5 6:25 (RIME 1.9.3.5) (Lagash, 25th c.) (P222400)
nam-ensi, lagaki-ta, nam-lugal kiki,
namensik laga=ak=ta namlugal ki=ak=
rulership GN=GEN=ABL kingship GN=GEN=ABS
16 On the causative interpretation of this example, see Lesson 15, section 15.4 below.
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mu-na-ta-um
S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S9ta-S11n-S12um-S14
VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-ABL-3.SG.H.A-give-3.SG.P
In addition to the rulership of Lagash, she also gave him the kingship of Kish.
The ablative may also be used in atemporal sense: noun phrases in the ablative
answer the question since when? as in exx. (332) and (333) below.
(332) TCS 1, 148 obv. 6 (Umma, 21st c.) (P141927)
mu du-dsuen lugal-ta
mu usuen lugal=ta
year RN king=ABL
Since the year: u-Suen (became) king
(333) Nik 1, 156 rev. 1:4 (Lagash, 24th c.) (P221925)
eir gurum-ma-ta
eir gurum=ak=ta
back inspection=GEN=ABL
After stock-taking
When used as an adnominal ablative, the noun phrase in the ablative is in an
attributive relation to another noun, i.e., it functions as its modifier. The most
common function of the adnominal ablative is to denote the origin or location
of an entity.
The noun phrase in the ablative may relate syntactically to the modified
noun in three different ways:
i) the noun phrase in the ablative may be part of the noun phrase whose head
is the modified noun. In ex. (334), it occupies P2 of the noun phrase whose head
it modifies, and is followed by a possessive pronominal enclitic in P3 and
a case-marker in P5. In ex. (344), the noun phrase kug-babbar 8 gi-ta
functions as the modifier of ar, and is followed by acase-marker in P5. In ex.
(347), it occupies P2 of anoun phrase that itself functions as the possessor of
another noun phrase. The analysis of exx. (335) and (336) is corroborated by
the verbal form in ex. (335). Here the finite verb is in the 3rd ps. pl., which
indicates that Dudu with his wife and child(ren) function together as the
subject of the verb.
ii) the noun phrase in the ablative is outside the noun phrase whose head it
modifies. In exx. (337)(340) the noun phrase in the ablative is unlikely to be
part of the noun phrase whose head it modifies. Syntactically it is aseparate
noun phrase that nevertheless functions as the attribute of the noun phrase in
the ergative in exx. (337), (338), and (340), and in the locative2 in ex. (339).
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LESSON 13
iii) Both the noun phrase in the ablative and the noun phrase whose head it
modifies function as separate arguments of the same verb. Consequently, the
noun phrase in the ablative has double case-markers: the inner, ablative case-
marker signifies its function as amodifier, the outer case-marker signifies its
function as averbal argument. In ex. (343) each of the women of former days is
characterized by having married two men; the former noun phrase functions
as the Aof the verb, signalled by the ergative case-marker, while the latter
functions as the patient of the verb signalled by the absolutive. In ex. (342) each
of the ten bulls is to be replaced with two cows (signalled by the ablative); and
the cows are also in the absolutive as the S of the non-finite verbal form.
(334) Gudea Cyl. A 2:23 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
dnane nin diir sirara-ta-u,
P1 nane P1 nin P1diir P2[sirara=ta]=P3u=P5e
P1DN P1sister P1god P2[GN=ABL]=P31.SG.POSS=P5ERG
ag-be a-ma-pad-de
ag=be= S1a-S4m-S8a-S12pad-S14e
heart=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS MOD-VEN-DAT-find-3.SG.A
May my Nanshe, the sister, the goddess from Sirara, reveal its meaning to me!
(335) DP 224 obv. 6:59 (Lagash, 24th c.) (P220874)
du-du, saa, dam dumu-ne-ta,
P1dudu P1saa P2[dam dumu=ane=ta]=e
P1 PN P1 official P2[wife child=3.SG.H.POSS=ABL]=ERG
e ki-sal-la-ka, i-gu-ne
e kisal=ak=a S2i-S10n-S12gu-S14en
house GN=GEN=L1 FIN-L1.SYN-eat-3.PL.A
Dudu, the temple administrator, together with his wife and child(ren), will
consume them in the temple of Kisal.
(336) VS 27, 47 rev. 1:1 (Lagash, 24th c.) (P020363)
[u]-niin 119 u sila-be-ta
uniin 119 P1u P2[sila=be=ta]=P5
total 119 P1ewe P2[lamb=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABL]=P5ABS
ud ma-be-ta
P1ud P2[ma=be=ta]=P5
P1 goat P2[kid=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABL]=P5ABS
Total: 119 ewes together with their lambs, and goats with their kids
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P1atumdug P1nin=P3ane=P5e
P1 DN P1lady=P33.SG.H.POSS=P5ERG
inim e-eb2-gi4
inim= S1a-S2i-S5b-S10(i>)-S12gi-S14
word=ABS MOD-FIN-3.SG.NH-L2.SYN-return-3.SG.S
May his regular offering in the temple of Ningirsu be withdrawn!
(340) Gudea Cyl. A 16:1516 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
hur-sa uruda-ke ki-ma-ta,
P1 hursa P3 [uruda=ak]=P5 e P1kima=P5ta
P1mountain P3[copper=GEN]=P5ERG P1GN=P5ABL
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LESSON 13
ni-be mu-na-ab-pad
ni=be= S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11b-S12pad-S14
self=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.NH.A-find-3.SG.P
The copper mountain in Kimash revealed itself to him.
The adnominal ablative may have a distributive use: the expression in the
ablative then denotes an attribute that characterizes each individual member
of aset, as in exx. (341)(344) below. In ex. (341) each package is characterized
by containing 15 bundles; in ex. (342) each bull of agroup of 10 bulls is to be
replaced with two cows; and in ex. (343) each woman is said to have married
two men. In ex. (344) each of the persons mentioned received 2 rings, and each
ring is of 8 shekels of silver.
(341) SA 149 12 (Umma, 21st c.) (P128727)
720 sa gi, gu-kilib-ba 15 sa-ta
720 sa gi=ak P1gukilib=P5a 15 P1sa=P5ta
720 bundle reed=GEN P1package=P5L1 15 P1bundle=P5ABL
720 bundles of reed, in each packages (there are) 15 bundles.
(342) AUCT 1, 181 12 (Drehem, 21st. c.) (P103027)
10 gud niga, ab 2-ta ki-ba a-a
10 gud niga P2[P1ab P22=P5ta=P5 ki=be=a a~a-ed]=P5
10 ox fat P2[P1cow P22=P5ABL=P5ABS place=3.SG.NH.POSS=L2.NH put~PF-PF]=P5ABS
Ten fattened bulls: to be replaced with 2 cows each
(343) Iri-kagina 3 3:2022 (RIME 1.9.9.3) (Lagash, 24th c.) (P222610)
munus ud-be-ta-ke-ne, nita 2-ta,
P1munus P3[ud=be=ta=ak]=P4en=P5e P1nita P22=P5ta=P5
P1 woman P3 [day=DEM =ABL =GEN ]=P4 PL=P5ERG P1man P22=P5ABL=P5ABS
i-tuku-am
S2i-S11n-S12tuku-S14-S15a==am-
FIN-3.SG.H.A-have-3.SG.P-SUB=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
The women of old days married two men each.
(344) AUCT 1, 942 obv. 58 (Drehem, 21st c.) (P103787)
2 ar kug-babbar 8 gi-ta-ta,
2 P1ar P2[kugbabbar 8 gi=ta]=P5ta
2 P1ring P2[silver 8 unit=ABL]=P5ABL
dul-gi-nu-ri nar munus, ba-la-la dumu a-ga-lum,
ulginuri nar munus balala dumu agalum
PN singer woman PN child PN
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ud ma-ri-tum mu-ni-kur-re-a
ud maritum= S4mu-S10ni-S11n-S12kur-S14e-S15a-a
day instrument=ABS VEN-L1-3.SG.H.A-enter-3.PL-SUB-L1
Each person 2 silver rings of eight shekels of silver each: ulgi-nuri, female
singer, and Balala, son of Agalum: when they brought in the maritum-instrument.
The nominal case-marker of the terminative is /e/ written the sign E. The
verbal prefix is /i/, written with the sign I.
Around the middle of the 3rd millennium BCE the vowel of the terminative
prefix /i/ assimilated to the vowel of the following syllable in respect of
vowel height (the so-called vowel harmony of the literature). The high
form was written with the grapheme I, transliterated as i-; while the low form
was written with grapheme E, transliterated as e-, see, e.g., ex. (356) below.
When the nominal case-marker is preceded by an open syllable, then the
enclitic =/e/ may be reduced to //, in which case the terminative case-marker
is often not present graphemically, especially in the 3rd millennium BCE, see,
e.g., ex. (358) below.
The co-occurrence of the noun phrase with aterminative case-marker and
the terminative prefix is rather loose: adverbially used verbal participants in
the terminative often occur without any corresponding prefix in the verbal
prefix-chain, see, e.g., exx. (348) and (375) below.
The terminative may be used with both human and non-human verbal
participants. In the verbal prefix-chain the participant in the terminative may
be cross-referenced either by acomposite or by asimple adverbial prefix, for
the latter see, e.g., ex. (356) below. The simple prefix always cross-references
a3rd ps. sg. non-human participant.
The 1st ps. sg. pronominal prefix is the IPP // in S6, see, e.g., ex. (373)
below. The 2nd ps. sg. pronominal prefix is the IPP /e/ in S6, see, e.g., ex. (372)
below.
The 3rd ps. sg. human pronominal is expressed with the prefix /n/ in S6.
The 3rd ps. sg. non-human pronominal prefix is expressed with the prefix /b/
in S5 of the verbal template. When S5 is occupied by the middle prefix /ba/-,
then the pronominal prefix /b/ may not be used and the terminative prefix
occurs in its simple form without apronominal prefix, see, e.g., ex. (377) below.
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LESSON 13
The 3rd ps. pl. human pronominal prefix is the IPP /nn/ in S6, see, ex. (351)
below.
The basic function of the terminative is to denote the destination or goal of
the verbal event.
(345) En-ana-tum I 2 rev. 4:105:2 (RIME 1.9.4.2) (Lagash, 24th c.) (P222496)
eg ki-sur-ra, dnin-ir-su-ka-e, mu-gaz
eg kisura=ak ninirsuk=ak=e S4mu-S11n-S12gaz-S14-
dyke border DN=GEN=TERM VEN-3.SG.H.A-kill-3.SG.P
(En-ana-tum) drove (Urluma, ruler of Umma) back until the border canal of
Ningirsu.
(346) Gudea Cyl. A 2:5 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
iri-ne niinki-e id-niinki-du-a
iri=ane niin=e idniindua=a
city=3.SG.H.POSS GN=TERM WN=L1
ma mu-ni-ri
ma= S4mu-S10ni-S11n-S12ri-S14
boat=ABS VEN-L1-3.SG.H.A-impose-3.SG.P
He directed the boat on the canal Id-Niin-dua towards her city Niin.
(347) Gudea Cyl. A 4:5 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
ensi-ke kisal diir sirara-ta-ka
ensik=e P1 kisal [
P3 P1 diir P2[sirara=ta]=P5ak]=P5a
ruler=ERG P1courtyard P3[P1god P2[GN=ABL]= P5GEN]=P5L1
sa an-e mi-ni-il
sa= an=e S4mu-S10ni-S11n-S12il-S14
head=ABS sky=TERM VEN-L1-3.SG.H.A-raise-3.SG.P
The ruler raised his head high (lit., towards the sky) in the courtyard of the
goddess from Sirara.
(348) Gudea Cyl. A 15:10 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
gu-de-a iri-ne ir-suki-e gu mu-na-si-si
gudea=ra iri=ane irsu=e gu= S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S12si~si-S14e
PN=DAT city=3.SG.H.POSS GN=TERM neck=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-fill~PF-3.SG.A
(Magan and Meluhha) gathered for Gudea at his city Girsu.
(349) Gudea Cyl. B 5:45 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
ur-sa e-a-na ku-ku-da-ne,
ursa= e=ane=a ku~ku-ed-a=ane=e
hero=ABS house=3.SG.H.POSS=L1 enter~PF-PF-SUB-3.SG.H.POSS=L3.NH
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ud me-e gu aar-am
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LESSON 13
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(358) E-ana-tum 1 obv. 4:2023 (RIME 1.9.3.1) (Lagash, 25th c.) (P222399)
e-an-na, dinana, eb-gal-ka-ka a-tum,
eana inanak ebgal=ak=ak=a S2a-S5b-S10(i>)S12tum-S14
TN DN TN=GEN=GEN=L2.NH FIN-3.SG.NH-L2.SYN-worthy.of-3.SG.S
mu mu-ne-e
mu=e S4mu-S6nn-S10i-S11n-S12e-S14
name=TERM VEN-3.SG.H-L2-3.SG.H.A-call-3.SG.P
(Inana) named (lit. called as name) him (= E-ana-tum) He is worthy of the E-
ana of Inana of the Ebgal.
(359) Ishme-Dagan 7 17 (RIME 4.1.4.7) (Isin, 20th c.) (Q001951)
di-me-dda-gan, lugal ki-en-gi ki-uri-ra, ud den-lil-le, dnin-urta,
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LESSON 13
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enlil=e en ninirsuk=e
DN=ERG lord DN=TERM
igi zid mu-i-bar
igi zid-= S4mu-S6n-S9i-S11n-S12bar-S14
face right-TL=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-TERM-3.SG.H.A-direct-3.SG.P
Enlil looked at lord Ningirsu with approval.
(371) Gudea Statue B 3:67 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232275)
ud dnin-ir-su-ke, iri-ne-e
ud ninirsuk=e iri=ane=e
day DN=ERG city=3.SG.H.POSS=TERM
igi zid im-i-bar-ra
igi zid-= S2i-S4m-S5b-S9i-S11n-S12bar-S14-S15a
face right-TL=ABS FIN-VEN-3.SG.NH-TERM-3.SG.H.A-direct-3.SG.P-SUB
When Ningirsu had looked favourably upon his city, .
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LESSON 13
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Further readings
For both cases one may consult the corresponding sections of Gragg 1973, Balke
2006, and Jagersma 2010, whose descriptions, however, differ in their approach
to cases in Sumerian. The approach of the present textbooks author is
explained in Zlyomi 2010.
The constructions used with the compound verb igi bar are discussed in
Zlyomi 2007b. This study also discusses the changes in these constructions on
the influence of Akkadian.
The interpretation of ex. (338) above and the function of the adnominal
ablative are discussed in Bauer 2005.
On the different constructions used with the adnominal ablative, see
Svegjrt 2011: 3132, who convincingly argues in connection with the equative
case that anoun phrase in an adnominal case may not be part of the noun phrase
whose head it modifies.
Exercises
13.1 Look up the new words used in the examples of this lesson in Foxvogs (2016b) or
Volks (2012) glossary, and learn them.
13.2 Study the examples of this lesson carefully and make yourself familiar with their
grammatical analysis.
13.3 Transliterate the text of NG 1 (Lagash, 21st c.) (P111896) (a handcopy of the text
can be found at http://cdli.ucla.edu/P111896) with the help of Volks sign list
(2012), the text is no. 32 in Volks (2012) chrestomathy. Translate the text with the
help of either Volks (2012) or Foxvogs glossary (2016b). Assign morphemic
segmentation and glossing to the verbal forms.
13.4 Transliterate the text of NG 69 (Umma, 21st c.) (P101688) (a handcopy of the text
can be found at http://cdli.ucla.edu/P101688) with the help of Volks sign list
(2012). Translate the text with the help of either Volks (2012) or Foxvogs glossary
(2016b). Assign morphemic segmentation and glossing to the verbal forms.
13.5 Transliterate the text VS 14, 35 (Lagash, 24th c.) (P020049) with the help of Volks
sign list (2012). Acopy and photo of the text can be found at http://cdli.ucla.
edu/P020049. The text is no. 42 in Volks (2012) chrestomathy. Translate the text
with the help of Volks (2012) or Foxvogs (2016b) glossary. For the numerical
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LESSON 13
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LESSON 14
THE LOCATIVE CASES
Slot 10 of the verbal prefix-chain is the last of the slots containing an adverbial
prefix. It may be filled with the verbal marker of either of three cases: locative1
locative2, and locative3. This lesson describes the verbal and nominal marking
of these three cases together with their most important uses.
The verbal marking of the adverbial cases of S10 shows a variety of forms
depending on the morphological environment. These forms can be classified
into various groups based on i) whether the prefixes have a simple or
acomposite form and ii) whether S11 is empty.
There may be several reasons why S11 is empty: i) the verbal form is
intransitive, see. e.g., ex. (403) below; ii) in atransitive present-future verbal
form no prefix cross-references the non-human P, see, e.g., ex. (416) below;
iii) in verbal forms containing the modal-prefix /ga/- no prefix cross-references
the non-human P, see, e.g. ex. (423) below; or iv) in imperative forms no prefix
cross-references the non-human P, see, e.g., ex. (413) below.
For asummary of the forms of the verbal markers of the three locative cases
see Table 14.1 below; for the detailed description of the various forms listed in
this table see the subsections on the respective cases below (note that Table
14.1 lists only attested forms). For asummary of their nominal markers and
functions, see Table 14.2 below.
Table 14.1 below shows that there are important differences among the
verbal markings of the locative cases. The locative1 is only cross-referenced by
simple prefixes. The locative3 has no syncopated and simple forms; when S11
is not used for cross-referencing another verbal participant, it is cross-
referenced by afinal pronominal prefix in S11, see section 14.4 below for the
details.
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LESSON 14
L1 /ni/a)
S10 S10/n/
b)
(L1) (L1.SYN)
L2 S4 /mu/-S10/e/c) S4 /mu/-S10/e/h)
(VEN-L2) (VEN-L2)
S6 /r/-S10/i/d) S6 /r/-S10/i/ S6/?/-S10//i)
(2.SG-L2) (2.SG-L2) (2.SG-L2.SYN)
/b/-S10/i/f)
S5 S5/b/-S10/i/ S5/b/-S10//
k)
/e/m)
S10
(3.SG.NH-L2) (3.SG.NH-L2) (3.SG.NH-L2.SYN) (L2)
/nn/-S10/e/g) S6 /nn/-S10/e/l)
S6
(3.PL-L2) (3.PL-L2)
L3 S4 /mu/-S10/e/n) //s)
S11
(VEN-L3) (1.SG)
S6 /r/-S10/i/o) S11//t)
(2.SG-L3) (2.SG)
S6 /nn/-S10/i/p)
(3.SG.H-L3)
/b/-S10/i/q)
S5 S11/b/u)
(3.SG.NH-L3) (3.SG.NH)
S6 /nn/-S10/e/r)
(3.PL-L3)
[a) exx. (378), (380), (381); (382), (383a), (384), (439); b) exx. (379), (383b), (385);
c) ex. (405), (410); d) ex. (392); e) exx. (167), (389), (393), (395), (401), (408),
(411b); f) exx. (168), (386), (390), (402), (404), (409), (412), (424); g) ex. (396);
h) exx. (394), (413); i) ex. (407); j) ex. (388), (417), (418); k) exx. (391), (397),
(411a), (415), (420); l) ex. (416); m) exx. (169), (398a), (399), (400), (403), (414),
(419), (422), (423); n) (433); o) ex. (406), (440); p) exx. (426), (434), (441); q) exx.
(427), (430), (435), (442), (445), (446); r) ex. (443); s) ex. (425); t) ex. (438); u) exx.
(429); (432), (436), (437), (439), (444)]
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The locative2 and locative3 both differ from the locative1 in implying
movement to or location outside an entity; the locative1 implies movement into
or location inside an entity. The difference between the locative2 and Locative3
encodes adifference in relative orientation: both patterns imply proximity and
contact from outside, but the locative2 implies horizontal direct contact (= above),
while the locative3 implies anon-horizontal direct contact (= beside). The local
meanings of the three locative cases of S10 are summarized in Table 14.2 below:
The locative1 is used only with non-human verbal participants. The locative1
prefix /ni/ has no composite form, only asimple form: it always occurs without
apronominal prefix, and always refers to a3rd ps. non-human participant. The
nominal case-marker of the locative1 is =/a/.
If S11 contains no morpheme and consequently the locative1 prefix forms
an open unstressed syllable, then the vowel of the prefix /ni/ becomes synco-
pated, and the prefix is reduced to /n/. Instructive about this phenomenon are
the two forms of the same verb in ex. (383) below: the first verbal form is
transitive, S11 is filled with the morpheme /n/ and the locative1 prefix has the
form /ni/; the second verbal form is intransitive in which S11 is empty, and the
locative1 prefix has the syncopated form /n/. The prefix /ni/, the non-synco-
pated form of the locative1 prefix, is written as arule with the grapheme NI.
The syncopation of the locative1 prefix results in the compensatory
lengthening of the finite marker, indicated by plene-writing from the end of
the 3rd millennium BCE, see ex. (379) below.
The vowel of the locative1 prefix /ni/ assimilates to the vowel of the
following syllable in respect to vowel height (the so-called vowel harmony of
the literature) around the middle of the 3rd millennium BCE. Both forms were
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LESSON 14
written with the grapheme NI, but it is assumed in this textbook that the high
and the low forms were /ni/ and /ne/ respectively, reflected by the
transliteration ni- and ne-.
In its basic function the locative1 indicates alocation inside something, see,
e.g., ex. (335) above, exx. (378) and (379) below; or a movement inside
something, see exx. (380)(382) below. The location may also be within an
abstract entity like astatement, as in ex. (383) below.
(378) En-metena 1 6:2829 (RIME 1.9.5.1) (Lagash, 25th c.) (Q001103)
ag iri-na-ka, a-ne-gaz-ze(AB.A.GE)
ag iri=ane=ak=a S1a-S10ni-S11n-S12gaz-S14e
heart city=3.SG.H.POSS=GEN=L1 MOD-L1-3.SG.H.P-kill-3.SG.A
May (the people) kill him in the middle of his city!
(379) MVN 3, 363 rev. 35 (Drehem, 21st c.) (P113923)
kiib ur-dul-pa-e-ka, bee ur-dba-u-ka
kiib urulpaek=ak bee urbauk=a
seal PN=GEN basket PN=L1
i-in-al-la-ta, tur-re-dam
i- n-
S2 S10 S11 al- -
S14 S15 a=ta tur-ed==am-
FIN-L1.SYN-exist-3.SG.S-SUB=ABL small-PF=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
These (various animals) are to be subtracted from the sealed tablet of Ur-Shulpae
that is in the basket of Ur-Bau.
The locative1 may be the very first prefix of averbal form. Illuminating about
this phenomenon are the two forms of the same verb in exx. (380) and (381)
below: both forms are transitive and must contain alocative prefix, ex. (381)
differs only in the presence of aventive prefix.
Verbal forms like the one in ex. (380) were earlier transliterated as i-ar
(S2i-S11n-S12ar-S14 = FIN-3.SG.H.A-place-3.SG.P). Verbal forms like the one in ex.
(382), however, suggest that the form should start with aprefix /ni/: because
of the vowel harmony, aform like S2i-S11n-S12ar-S14 would be written as e-
ar around the middle of 3rd millennium BCE. In the context of ex. (382) the
graphemes NI GAR may therefore only be transliterated as ne-ar (S10ni-S11n-
S12ar-S14 = L1-3.SG.H.A-put-3.SG.P), but not as i-ar.
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LESSON 14
The locative2 may be used both with human and non-human verbal
participants. In the verbal prefix-chain the participant in the locative2 may be
cross-referenced either by acomposite or by asimple adverbial prefix. The form
of the nominal case-marker of the locative2 depends on the grammatical gender
of the participant: human verbal participants are case-marked with the enclitic
=/ra/; while non-human verbal participants are case-marked with the enclitic
=/a/.
The locative2 prefix has two allomorphs: i) /i/ after aconsonant; ii) /e/ after
avowel.
In the 1st ps. sg. composite form the 1st ps. sg. pronominal prefix is
expressed by the /mu/ allomorph of the ventive prefix in S4, see, e.g., ex. (405)
below. The 2nd ps. sg. pronominal prefix is the IPP /r/ in S6, see, e.g., ex. (406)
below.
The 3rd ps. sg. human pronominal prefix is the IPP /nn/ in S6, and the
composite prefix is written as arule with the grapheme NI, see, e.g., ex. (389)
below. However, around the middle of the 3rd millennium BCE the vowel of the
composite locative2 prefix /nni/ assimilates to the vowel of the following
syllable in respect to vowel height (the so-called vowel harmony of the
literature). Both the high and the low forms were written with the grapheme
NI, but it is assumed in this textbook that the high and the low forms were
/ni/ and /ne/ respectively, reflected by the transliteration ni- and ne-; for the
latter, see, e.g., ex. (395) below.
The 3rd ps. sg. non-human prefix is expressed with the prefix /b/ in S5, and
the composite prefix is written as arule with the grapheme NE, transliterated
as bi-, see, e.g., ex. (402) below. However, around the middle of the 3rd
millennium BCE the vowel of the composite locative2 prefix /bi/ assimilates to
the vowel of the following syllable in respect of vowel height (the so-called
vowel harmony of the literature). The high form was written with the
grapheme NE, transliterated as bi-; while the low form was written with
grapheme BI, transliterated as be-, see, e.g., ex. (404) below.
The 3rd ps. pl. human pronominal prefix is the IPP /nn/ in S6, see, e.g.,
ex. (396) below.
If S11 contains no morpheme and consequently the composite locative2
prefix forms an open unstressed syllable, then the vowel /i/ of the 2nd ps. sg,
3rd sg. human, and 3rd ps. sg. non-human locative2 prefix becomes syncopated.
The 3rd ps. sg. human composite prefix is reduced to /n/, see ex. (388) below.
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The 3rd ps. sg. non-human composite prefix is reduced to /b/, see, e.g., exx.
(391) and (397) below. In case of the 2nd ps. sg composite prefix, it may not be
decided on the basis of the attested forms which allomorph of the 2nd ps. sg.
IPP is used; thus, in Table 14.1 and in ex. (407) below aquestion mark indicates
the uncertainty of the form.
The syncopation of the locative2 prefix results in the compensatory
lengthening of the finite marker, indicated by plene-writing from the end of
the 3rd millennium BCE, see ex. (397) below. Compare this example with ex.
(429) below. In ex. (429) a3rd ps. sg. non-human locative3 is cross-referenced
by the final pronominal prefix /b/ in S11. Here no syncopation took place,
consequently there is no lengthening of the finite marker either.
The simple locative2 prefix always cross-references a3rd ps. sg. non-human
participant. If S11 contains no morpheme, then the simple prefix /e/ contracts
with the preceding vowel and lengthens it in the 3rd millennium BCE, see, e.g.,
ex. (403) below, whereas in texts from the 2nd millennium BCE the contraction
results in an //, see exx. (399) and (400) below.
It is unclear what happens with the simple locative2 prefix, when S11 is
filled with a morpheme, as the orthography as a rule does not suggest its
presence. The problem can be demonstrated by acomparison between exx.
(386) and (387). Both sentences are about the building of atemple on aritually
clean place, and contain atransitive preterite verbal form. Ex. (387) differs in
the presence of aparticipant in the dative. Consequently, asimple locative2
prefix should occur in the verbal form, yet nothing indicates in the writing of
the verbal form that there is an /e/ between the dative prefix and the FPP. Since
verbal forms like the one in ex. (387), do not change to *mu-ne-du (S4mu-S6nn-
S7a-S10e-S11n-S12du-S14 = VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-L2-3.SG.H.A-build-3.SG.P) in the 2nd
millennium BCE, one cannot but assume that the simple locative2 prefix /e/ is
not present in these forms.
In its basic function the locative2 indicates alocation above or on top of
someone or something, or amovement to the top of someone or something:
(386) Gudea Statue B 4:79 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232275)
e dnin-ir-su-ka, eridugki-gen,
e ningirsuk=ak= eridug=gen
house DN=GEN=ABS GN=EQU
ki sikil-la bi-du
ki sikil==a S5b-S10i-S11n-S12du-S14
place pure=TL=L2.NH 3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.H.A-build-3.SG.P
He (= Gudea) has built the temple of Ningirsu in aplace as pure as Eridu.
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17 The composite L2 prefix agrees in person and number with the possessor of the neck, acase
of external possession, see Lesson 15 below.
18 The composite L2 prefix agrees in person and number with the possessor of the neck, acase
of external possession, see Lesson 15 below.
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(414) MVN 15, 218 obv. 4rev. 1 (Umma, 21st c.) (P131033)
ur-dendur-sa-ga!, e-na
urendursa=ak e=ane=a
PN=GEN grain=3.SG.H.POSS=L2.NH
u a-mu-na-a-ba-re
u= S1a-S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S10e-S12bar-S14e
hand=ABS MOD-VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-L2-open-3.SG.A
May he release Ur-Hendursagas grain for him!
(415) TCS 1, 72 obv. 6 (unknown, 21st c.) (P145657)
ane-ba u e-eb-bar-e
ane=be=a u= S1a-S2i-S5b-S10(i>)-S12bar-S14e
donkey=DEM=L2.NH hand=ABS MOD-FIN-3.SG.NH-L2.SYN-open-3.SG.A
May this donkey be released!
(416) TCS 1, 240 rev. 3 (Lagash, 21st c.) (P145739)
u a-mu-ne-bar-re
u= S1a-S4mu-S6nn-S10e-S12bar-S14e
hand=ABS MOD-VEN-3.PL-L2-open-3.SG.A
May he release them!
With the verb du to hold on, to detain the locative2 denotes the participant
detained:
(417) MVN 6, 1 obv. 45 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P217677)
ur-lum-ma-ra, lu ba-ra-ba-du
urlummak=ra lu= S2bara-S5ba-S6n-S10(i>)-S12du-S14
PN=L2.H person=ABS MOD-MID-3.SG.H-L2.SYN-hold-3.SG.S
Definitely no one detained Ur-Lumma.
(418) TCS 1, 48 obv. 3rev. 2 (Lagash, 21st. c) (P145641)
ur-dnane dumu-dab lu-dna-ru-a-ka-ra,
urnane dumudab lunaruak=ak=ra
PN worker PN=GEN=L2.H
e-giri-e, na-ba-du
egiri=e S2nan-S5ba-S6n-S10(i>)-S12du-S13ed-S14
nose.rope=ADV MOD-MID-3.SG.H-L2.SYN-hold-PF-3.SG.S
He should not detain Ur-Nanshe, the worker of Lu-Narua by (lit. in the manner
of) anose-rope.
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sadug=ane=a e ninirsuk=ak=ta
offering=3.SG.NH.POSS=L2.NH house DN=GEN=ABL
inim e-eb-gi
inim= S1a-S2i-S5b-S10(i>)-S12gi-S14
word=ABS MOD-FIN-3.SG.NH-L2.SYN-return-3.SG.S
May his regular offering in the temple of Ningirsu be withdrawn!
With verbs of speaking the locative2 denotes the participant about which
someone speaks, see also exx. (265) and (266) above:
(421) BM 24108 obv. 3rev. 1 (Lagash, 21st c.) (P145596)
ma-gu-la-ra, 1(ge) e gur,
magula=ra 60 e gur=
PN=DAT.H 60 barley unit=ABS
um-mu-da, e-na-dug
um-ed-a S1a-S2i-S6nn-S7a-S11-S12dug-S14
give-PF-L2.NH MOD-FIN-3.SG.H-DAT-1.SG.A-speak-3.SG.P
I did tell him to give 60 gurs of barley to Mash-gula!
(422) Gudea Cyl. A 6:12 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)
e-a du-ba mul kug-ba,
e=ak du=be=ak mul kug=be=a
house=GEN building=3.SG.NH.POSS=GEN star holy=3.SG.NH.POSs=L2.NH
gu ma-ra-a-de
gu= S4mu-S6r-S7a-S10e- S12de-S14e
voice=ABS VEN-2.SG-DAT-L2-pour-3.SG.A
She (= goddess Nisaba) will announce to you the holy stars auguring the building
of the temple.
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la-da bi-dug
la-ed=a S5b-S10i-S11n-S12dug-S14
weight-PF=L2.NH 3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.H.A-speak-3.SG.P
He said that if he paid it back (by the agreed time, it would be all right); if he did
not, he would pay 3 shekels of silver.
The locative3 may used both with human and non-human verbal participants.
The form of the nominal case-marker of the locative3 depends on the
grammatical gender of the participant: human verbal participants are case-
marked with the enclitic =/ra/; while non-human verbal participants are
case-marked with the enclitic =/e/.
The verbal marking of the locative3 differs in one important respect from
the verbal marking of the locative1 and locative2: when the IPP in S11 is not
used for cross-referencing another verbal participant, then locative3 is cross-
referenced not by asyncopated composite prefix, but by afinal pronominal
prefix in S11.
Similarly to the locative2 prefix, the locative3 prefix in S10 probably also
has two allomorphs: i) /i/ after aconsonant; ii) /e/ after avowel, for the latter,
see ex. (443) below.
In the 1st ps. sg. composite form the 1st ps. sg. pronominal prefix is
expressed by the /mu/ allomorph of the ventive prefix in S4, see, e.g., ex. (433)
below. In the 2nd ps. sg. composite form of the locative3 prefix, the pronominal
prefix is the IPP /r/ in S6, see, e.g., ex. (440) below.
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LESSON 14
The 3rd ps. sg. human pronominal prefix is the IPP /nn/ in S6, and the
composite prefix is written as arule with the grapheme NI, see ex. (426) and
(441) below. However, around the middle of the 3rd millennium BCE the vowel
of the composite locative2 prefix /nni/ assimilates to the vowel of the following
syllable in respect of vowel height (the so-called vowel harmony of the
literature). Both the high and the low forms were written with the
grapheme NI, but it is assumed in this textbook that the high and the low
forms were /ni/ and /ne/ respectively, reflected by the transliteration ni- and
ne-; for the latter, see, ex. (434) below.
The 3rd ps. sg. non-human prefix is expressed with the prefix /b/ in S5, and
the composite prefix is written as arule with the grapheme NE, transliterated
as bi-, see, e.g., ex. (430) below. However, around the middle of the 3rd
millennium BCE the vowel of the composite locative3 prefix /bi/ assimilates to
the vowel of the following syllable in respect of vowel height (the so-called
vowel harmony of the literature). The high form was written with the
grapheme NE, transliterated as bi-; while the low form was written with
grapheme BI, transliterated as be-, see, ex. (446) below.
The 3rd ps. pl. human pronominal prefix is the IPP /nn/ in S6, see, e.g.,
ex. (443) below.
When S11 is filled with amorpheme and the verbal form contains another
adverbial prefix, then no locative3 prefix may occur in the prefix-chain. We
have a number of contrasting examples ([427] vs. [428] and [430] vs. [431]
below), which differ only in the presence of adative prefix. In the forms with
the dative, the orthography does not indicate the presence of asimple locative3
prefix. The locative3 may therefore only be cross-referenced by acomposite
adverbial prefix or by afinal pronominal prefix in S11, but not by asimple
adverbial prefix in the verbal prefix-chain.
In its basic function the locative3 indicates alocation next to someone or
something, or amovement to someone or something. The verb us to be next
to is construed always with the locative3, see exx. (425)(430) below.
(425) Gudea Cyl. A 3:11 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (ETCSL 2.1.7)19
za-u mu-us
zag=u=e S4mu-S11-S12us-S14
side=1.SG.POSS=L3.NH VEN-1.SG.L3-be.next-3.SG.S
It attaches to my side.
19 The L3 prefix agrees in person and number with the possessor of the side, acase of external
possession, see Lesson 15 below.
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LESSON 14
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Further readings
For the cases of S10 one may consult the corresponding sections of Gragg 1973,
Balke 2006, and Jagersma 2010, whose descriptions, however, differ in their
approach to cases in Sumerian; and in fact, none of them assume the existence
of three locative cases. The approach of the present textbooks author is
explained in Zlyomi 2010.
The most important paper is Jagersma 2006 on the verbal marking of the
locative3; note, however, that he discusses it under the name oblique object.
Acritical discussion of Jagersmas oblique object is Zlyomi 2014b.
Zlyomi 2014 discusses in detail the system of local cases in Sumerian and
its changes under the influence of Akkadian in the first part of the 2nd
millennium BCE.
Exercises
14.1 Look up the new words used in the examples of this lesson in Foxvogs (2016b) or
Volks (2012) glossary, and learn them.
14.2 Study the examples of this lesson carefully and make yourself familiar with their
grammatical analysis.
14.3 Transliterate the text of NG 99 obv. 2:15rev. 1:31 (Lagash, 21st c.) (P111162) (a
handcopy of the text can be found at http://cdli.ucla.edu/P111162) with the help
of Volks sign list (2012), the text is no. 38 in Volks (2012) chrestomathy. Translate
the text with the help of either Volks (2012) or Foxvogs glossary (2016b). Assign
morphemic segmentation and glossing to the verbal forms.
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LESSON 14
14.4 Transliterate the text of NG 17 (Lagash, 21st c.) (P110828) with the help of Volks
sign list (2012). Acopy of the text can be found in Volks (2012) chrestomathy; the
text is no. 37 in the chrestomathy. Translate the text with the help of either Volks
(2012) or Foxvogs glossary (2016b). Assign morphemic segmentation and glossing
to the verbal forms.
14.5 Transliterate the text VS 14, 94 (Lagash, 24th c.) (P020109) with the help of Volks
sign list (2012). Acopy and photo of the text can be found at http://cdli.ucla.
edu/P020109. The text is no. 44 in Volks (2012) chrestomathy. Translate the text
with the help of Volks (2012) or Foxvogs (2016b) glossary. For the numerical
expressions used in them you may consult ORACCs preliminary description of
metrological expressions (http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/doc/downloads/
numref.pdf), or Powells entry in the Reallexikon der Assyriologie (198790).
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LESSON 15
CONSTRUCTIONS INVOLVING
AN EXTRA VERBAL PARTICIPANT
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LESSON 15
INTRANSITIVE CAUSATIVE
A
S P
Ex. (447) below is ahypothetical intransitive clause that may form the basis of
the actual ex. (448). In ex. (447) the person I is the verbal participant who
steps on abed. In ex. (448) the same person does the actual stepping, but the
clause has an additional verbal participant, the goddess Inana, who causes me
to step on the bed. The causer functions as the Aof ex. (448) and is marked
accordingly in S11 with a3rd ps. sg. human FPP. The S of ex. (447) functions as
the P in ex. (448). Since in the preterite the pronominal suffix in S14 cross-
references the participant in the absolutive, both the S in ex. (447) and the P in
ex. (448) is cross-referenced with the same morpheme. In other words, the two
verbal forms in exx. (447) and (448) differ only in the presence of afurther
verbal participant, the causer; and no other morpheme indicates its causative
meaning.
(447) *enu gi-rin-na e-ib-gub-en
nu girin-=a S1a-S2i-S5b-S10(i>)-S12gub-S14en
bed flowery-TL=L2.NH MOD-FIN-3.SG.NH-L2.SYN-stand-1.SG.S
I indeed stepped onto the flowery bed.
(448) Ishme-Dagan A105 (ETCSL 2.5.4.01)
enu gi-rin-na he-bi-in-gub-en
nu girin-=a S1a-S5b-S10i-S11n-S12gub-S14en
bed flowery-TL=L2.NH MOD-3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.H.A-stand-1.SG.P
She (= Inana) indeed made me step onto the flowery bed.
In causatives of transitive verbs, the underlying Awill be marked with the
locative3 case:
Table 15.2
TRANSITIVE CAUSATIVE
A
A L3
P P
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In ex. (449) the predicate is the transitive form of the verb gu to eat: the
overseers (= the eaters) function as the A, the consumed bread (= the food)
as the P. In ex. (450) the eaters, the people, the participants who does the
actual eating, are in the locative3 case. The function of Ais taken over by the
causer, here Shulgi, who makes the people eat (and drink). The two verbal forms
in exx. (449) and (450) differ only in the presence of afurther verbal participant,
the causer; and no other morpheme indicates its causative meaning. In contrast
to the causative of intransitive verbs, however, one of the participants of the
underlying transitive form cannot retain its original case in the causative form:
the eater, the causee, i.e., the underlying A, will become an adverbial
participant in the locative3.
(449) CUSAS 3, 385 obv. 6 (Garshana, 21st c.) (P323799)
5 sila ninda ugula lu-u-a-e-ne ib-gu
5 sila ninda= ugula luua=en=e S2i-S11b-S12gu-S14
5 measure bread=ABS overseer hireling=PL=ERG FIN-3.SG.NH.A-eat-3.SG.P
Five liters of bread: the overseers of the hirelings consumed it.
(450) Shulgi H Segment D 19 (ETCSL 2.4.2.08)
u-e u nir-al a-bi-ib-gu-e
u=e u niral-= S1a-S5b-S10i-S11b-S12gu-S14e
people=L3.NH food fine-TL=ABS MOD-3.SG.NH-L3-3.SG.NH.P-eat-3.SG.A
a dug a-bi-na-na
a dug-= S1a-S5b-S10i-S11b-S12na~na-S14e
water sweet-TL=ABS MOD-3.SG.NH-L3-3.SG.NH.P-drink~PF-3.SG.A
May he (= Shulgi) make the people eat fine food, may he make them drink sweet
water!
The causer may be missing from the clause, and then verbal form is the passive
form of acausative, as in ex. (451) below. In this example the middle prefix
indicates that the verbal participant cross-referenced in S11 functions as
acausee, someone who was made to eat by an unspecified A, the causer. This
example may be contrasted with ex. (452), in which the Ais also unspecified,
but here the missing participant must be interpreted as the eater.
In other words, both exx. (451) and (452) are passive verbal forms (signalled
by the presence of the middle prefix), but the former is the passive of
acausative (similar to ex. [450]), signalled by the presence of the /b/ in S11;
while the latter is the passive of atransitive form (similar to ex. [449]), signalled
by the emptiness of S11.
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LESSON 15
A compound verb is the combination of averb and anoun phrase where the
noun phrase is non-referential and consequently forms asemantic unit with
the verb. The combination of igi eye and bar to direct, for example, is used
in the meaning to look at, literally to eye-direct. Here the word igi eye
does not refer to an existing entity; rather, it modifies the meaning of the verb.
The syntactic function of the noun phrase is typically P, but occasionally the
noun phrase may be aparticipant in the locative3 case.
Functionally these constructions compensate for the lack of derivational
affixes deriving verbs from nouns. Two verbs, dug to do and ak to act, are
used especially often as light verbs, i.e., as the verbal part of compound verbs
functioning as verbalizers: inim word and dug means, for example, to say,
and nam-lugal kingship and ak means to rule as aking.
The meaning of the compound verbs often requires another verbal
participant which is affected by the verbal action. This participant functions as
akind of semantic object in addition to the grammatical object. The case of
this semantic object varies; it appears to depend idiosyncratically on the verb.
The locative3 (e.g., igi eye du open = to look) and the locative2 (e.g.,
inim word ar to place = to claim) are the cases most often attested in
this use, but there are compound verbs also with the dative (ki place a
to measure (?) = to love), the terminative (igi eye bar to direct = to
look at), and the comitative (a arm a to measure (?) = to instruct).
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Here are some instances involving compound verbs, but the reader may find
many more examples in the previous lessons on adverbial cases.
(453) Enmerkar and the lord of Aratta 554 (ETCSL 1.8.2.3)
en arattaki-ke gig-e igi bi-in-du
en aratta=ak=e gig=e igi= S5b-S10i-S11n-S12du-S14
lord GN=GEN=ERG wheat=L3.NH eye=ABS 3.SG.NH-L3-3.SG.H.A-open-3.SG.P
The lord of Aratta looked at the wheat.
(454) Utu-hegal 1 68 (RIME 2.13.6.1) (Uruk, 22nd c.) (Q000876)
ki-sur-ra lagaki-ka, lu urim-ka-ke,
kisura laga=ak=a lu urim=ak=e
territory GN=GEN=L2.NH person GN=GEN=ERG
inim bi-ar
inim= S5b-S10i-S11n-S12ar-
word=ABS 3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.H.A-place-3.SG.P
The man from Urim raised aclaim on the territory of Lagash.
(455) Iri-kagina 14p 12 (RIME 1.9.9.14p) (Lagash, 24th c.) (P222652)
dba-u barag iri-kug-ga-ka tum-ma
enlil=e en ninirsuk=e
DN=ERG lord DN=TERM
igi zid mu-i-bar
igi zid-= S4mu-S6n-S9i-S11n-S12bar-S14
face right-TL=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-TERM-3.SG.H.A-direct-3.SG.P
The god Enlil looked at lord Ningirsu with approval (lit. with true eyes).
(457) Shulgi G 8 (ETCSL 2.4.2.07)
den-lil-da a-ba a mu-da-an-a
enlil=da aba=e a= S4mu-S6n-S8da-S11n-S12a-S14
DN=COM who=ERG arm=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-COM-3.SG.H.A-measure-3.SG.P
Whoever instructed divine Enlil?
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In ex. (459) below the possessor is present in the sentence only as a3rd ps. sg.
human possessive enclitic attached to the word iri, not as a separate
constituent. The composite locative2 prefix of the verbal form shows agreement
not with the grammatically non-human inalienable possessum (= iri foot),
but with its human possessor.
(459) Lugal-zagesi 1 1:4445 (RIME 1.14.20.1) (Uruk, 24th c.) (Q001379)
kur-kur iri-na, e-ne-seg-ga-a
kur~kur= iri=ane=a S2i-S6nn-S10i-S11n-S12seg-S14-S15a-a
land~PL=ABS foot=3.SG.H.POSS=L2.NH FIN-3.SG.H-L2-3.SG.H.A-place-3.SG.P-SUB-L1
(when) he (= Enlil) made all the countries serve him (= Lugalzagesi) (lit. threw
all the countries to his feet).
In ex. (460) below the copula shows agreement with the 2nd ps. sg. possessor,
not with the grammatically non-human inalienable possessum igi face. The
possessor is present in the sentence only as a2nd ps. sg. human possessive
enclitic attached to the word igi.
(460) Iddin-Dagan D 30 (ETCSL 2.5.3.4)
igi-zu hu-me-en
igi=zu= hu-==me-en
face=2.SG.POSS=ABS awesome-TL=ABS=COP-2.SG.S
Your face is awesome.
In ex. (461) below the inalienable possessum (= kag mouth) is in the locative1
case. On analogy with the constructions in exx. (458) and (459) above, its human
possessor should be cross-referenced with a1st ps. sg. locative1 prefix in the
verbal form. The locative1 prefix, however, may only cross-reference a3rd ps.
non-human verbal participant, there exist no 1st ps. sg. composite locative1
prefix. Consequently, the 1st ps. sg. possessor of kag mouth cannot but be
cross-referenced with adifferent prefix, namely with adative prefix in the
verbal form. The use of the dative is probably due to its function to denote the
participant affected by the verbal activity.
(461) Ishme-Dagan A90 (ETCSL 2.5.4.01)
dutu ni-si-sa inim gi-na,
utu=e nisisa inim gin-a=
DN=ERG justice word firm-PT=ABS
ka-a a-ma-ni-in-ar
kag=u=a S1a-S4m-S7a-S10ni-S11n-S12ar-S14
mouth=1.SG.POSS=L1 MOD-VEN-DAT-L1-3.SG.H.A-place-3.SG.P
The god Utu put justice and reliable words in my mouth.
Utu legte mir Gerechtigkeit und zuverlssige Worte in den Mund.
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LESSON 15
The German translation of ex. (461) is shown here to demonstrate how easily
the sentence may be translated into German, which itself knows external
possession: Die Mutter wusch dem Kind die Haare = The mother washed the
childs hair.
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LESSON 15
lu ummaki-ke e-an-na-tum-ra
lu umma=ak=e eanatum=ra
person GN=GEN=ERG PN=DAT.H
nam mu-na-ku-re
nam= S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S12kud-S14e
fate=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-cut-3.SG.A
E-ana-tum gave the great battle-net of Enlil to the Ummaite, and let him swear
apromissory oath by it, (and) the Ummaite swore the (following) promissory oath
for E-ana-tum: (Here follows the actual swearing in the text.)
Further readings
In the first part of the 2nd millennium BCE, the verbal prefixes cross-
referencing the underlying A(i.e., the causee) in causatives of transitive verbs
will be reinterpreted as causative markers, the detailed description of this
development can be found in Zlyomi 2005b: 347353.
The definition of compound verbs is controversial in Sumerology. Agood
reading to start with is Attingers description in Attinger 1993: 178182. Zlyomi
1996 reviews Attingers book and discusses his definition. Attinger 2004 uses
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Exercises
15.1 Look up the new words used in the examples of this lesson in Foxvogs (2016b) or
Volks (2012) glossary, and learn them.
15.2 Study the examples of this lesson carefully and make yourself familiar with their
grammatical analysis.
15.3 Try to reconstruct the underlying transitive clause of the following actual examples
of causative constructions. You must produce only the morphemic segmentation
and glossing (2nd and 3rd line of the examples).
(467) Ishme-Dagan 7 17 (RIME 4.1.4.7) (Isin, 20th c.) (Q001951)
di-me-dda-gan, lugal ki-en-gi ki-uri-ra, ud den-lil2-le, dnin-urta,
imedagan lugal kengir kiuri=ak=ra ud enlil=e ninurta
PN king GN GN=GEN=L3.H day DN=ERG DN
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LESSON 15
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d) e-e im-ma-en
e=e S2i-S4m-S5b-S7a-S12en-S14
house=DAT.NH FIN-VEN-3.SG.NH-DAT-go-3.SG.S
e) damar-dsuenlugal-e ur-bi-lum mu-ul
amarsuenak lugal=e urbilum= S4mu-S11n-S12ul-S14
PN king=ERG GN=ABS VEN-3.SG.H.A-raid-3.SG.P
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LESSON 15
15.7 Transliterate the text of NG 205 obv. 115 (Lagash, 21st c.) (P111164) (a handcopy
of the text can be found at http://cdli.ucla.edu/P111164) with the help of Volks
sign list (2012). Translate the text with the help of Foxvogs glossary (2016b). Assign
morphemic segmentation and glossing to the verbal forms.
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LESSON 16
NEGATION AND MODALITY
The modal prefixes of the finite verbal form may occur either in S1 or S2. The
prefix /a/- and the other modal prefixes differ in respect of whether they may
co-occur with the finite-marker prefix. The prefix /a/- may be followed by
afinite-marker, the other modal prefixes may not. Consequently, this textbook
assumes that /a/- occurs in S1, while all the other modal prefixes occupy S2
and are in complementary distribution with the finite-marker. S1 also
accommodates the negative particle. This lesson describes the most important
uses of these morphemes, together with the imperative form of the verb, in
which the verbal stem moves into S1 of the prefix-chain.
Indicative verbal forms are negated with the particle /nu/- prefixed to the
verbal form. It is also used with non-finite verbal forms, see ex. (474) below. In
finite verbal forms that would start with afinite-marker without the negative
particle, the particle /nu/ is followed by afinite-marker. Its /u/ contracts with
it, resulting in //, which, however, is not always indicated in the writing as in
ex. (472).
The vowel of the prefixed particle may occasionally assimilate to the vowel
of the next syllable. Before a syllable /ba/- or /bi/- the prefixed particle
changes to /la/- and /li/- respectively, see, e.g., ex. (476) below; but the writing
may not reflect this sound change, see ex. (475) below.
(472) BM 24108 rev. 23 (Lagash, 21st c.) (P145596)
a-na-a-am, nu-u-na-um
ana=e=am- S1nu-S2i-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12um-S14
what=TERM=COP-3.SG.S NEG-FIN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-give-3.SG.P
Why did he not give it to him?
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LESSON 16
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za-gin nu-ga-am
PC[zagin=] S1nu-S2i-S3nga-S12me-S14
PC [lapis.lazuli=ABS ] NEG-FIN-COOR-COP-3.SG.S
This statue is of neither silver nor lapis lazuli.
The affirmative equivalent of the first clause would contain the 3rd ps. sg. form
of the enclitic copula (*kug==am- : silver=ABS=COP-3.SG.S), while the affirmative
equivalent of the second clause would contain an independent copula because
of the presence of acoordinator prefix in S3 (*S2i-S3nga-S12me-S14 : FIN-COOR-
COP-3.SG.S). The difference in the way the two clauses are negated in ex. (477) is
conditioned thus by the form of the copula in the corresponding affirmative
clauses.
16.2 Modality
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LESSON 16
Table 16.1
EPISTEMIC DEONTIC
+ - + -
weak strong weak strong
/a/- /na(n)/- /bara/- /ga/-, /a/-, imperative /na(n)/- /bara/-
/nu/-
/na/-
/i/-
Table 16.2 shows the correspondences between affirmative and negative forms:
Table 16.2
EPISTEMIC DEONTIC
+ - + -
/a/- (certain) /bara/- /ga/- /bara/-
/a/- (possible) /na(n)/- imperative /na(n)/-
/a/- (precative) /na(n)/-
The imperative
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21 For arare exception that uses apresent-future stem in atext from the first part of the 2nd
millennium BCE, see ex. (50) above in Lesson, section 5.1.
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LESSON 16
kur-ra ga-am-mi-ib-gu-ul
kur=a S2ga-S4m- S6b-S10i-S11b-S12gul
foreign.land=L2.NH MOD-VEN-3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.NH.P-destroy
Whatever has been destroyed in the homeland, I will destroy in the foreign
country.
The prefix /ga/- may not be used with stative verbs. Thus, forms like *ga-me-
en do not exist; instead, the modal-prefix /a/- is used with the copula:
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The prefix /a/-, written with the grapheme HA, can be used as amarker of
both epistemic and deontic modality. In finite verbal forms that would start
with afinite-marker without the prefix /a/-, the prefix is followed by afinite-
marker. The vowel of the prefix then contracts with the finite marker /i/-, the
contracted form, //-, is written as arule with the grapheme HE. The prefix
/a/- may also assimilate to the vowel of afollowing syllable, see, exx. (490)
and (497) below.
As an epistemic marker, /a/- can have aweak meaning: it is possible
that , or astrong meaning: it is acertainty/necessity that . When it
expresses epistemic possibility, then transitive verbs usually use the present-
future tense, while when it expresses epistemic certainty, then the verb uses
as arule the preterite tense. An epistemic /a/- in its weak meaning is negated
with the modal prefix /na(n)/-, see, ex. (489) below; in its strong meaning with
the prefix /bara/-, see, e.g., ex. (502) below.
Clauses with a verbal form prefixed with /a/- expressing epistemic
possibility are often to be translated as conditionals, like in exx. (488) and (489)
below. In ex. (489), for example, the interpretations if he strikes with it and
if he breaks it derive from the epistemic meanings he may strike with it,
and he may break it respectively.
(488) Lugalbanda and the Anzud bird 106 (ETCSL 1.8.2.2)
diir e-me-en
diir= S1a-S2i-S12me-S14en
god=ABS MOD-FIN-COP-2.SG.S
if you are agod, .
(489) The Axe of Nergal 911 (ETCSL 5.7.3)
e-sag-ge a-ne na-an-ku-u,
S1 a- i-
S2 S12 sag-S14 e a=ane= S2nan-S12kuu-S13ed-S14
MOD-FIN-hit-3.SG.A arm=3.SG.H.POSS=ABS MOD-be.tired-PF-3.SG.S
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LESSON 16
e-eb-ta-ku-e, ga-mu-na-ab-silim
S1 a- i- b-
S2 S5 S9 ta-S12 ku- S14 e S2ga-S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11b-S12silim
MOD-FIN-3.SG.NH-ABL-break-3.SG.A MOD-VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.NH.P-heal
If he strikes with it (= the axe), his arm cannot get tired; if he breaks it, I will
repair it for him.
As adeontic marker, the prefix /a/- expresses arealizable wish, arequest, or
an advice. Transitive action verbs prefixed with adeontic /a/- use the present-
future tense.
(490) FaoS 19, Gir23 obv. 7rev. 1 (Lagash, 23rd c.) (P217056)
lugal-ka, e-me-um-mu
lugalka=e S1a-S6m-S7a-S12um-S14e
PN=ERG MOD-1.PL-DAT-give-3.SG.A
May Lugalka hand it over to us!
(491) TCS 1, 61 36 (Nippur, 21st c.) (P134662)
mer-ra-ga-i-ir, dumu nibruki-kam,
ur-sag-ga, a-mu-na-um-mu
ursaga=ra S1a-S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11n-S12um-S14e
PN=DAT.H MOD-VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.P-give-3.SG.A
(Tell Ea-bani:) He must hand over Erra-gashir, (who is) acitizen of Nippur, to
Ursaga!
(492) Shulgi H Segment D 19 (ETCSL 2.4.2.08)
u-e u nir-al a-bi-ib-gu-e
u=e u niral-= S1a-S5b-S10i-S11b-S12gu-S14e
people=L3.NH food fine-TL=ABS MOD-3.SG.NH-L3-3.SG.NH.P-eat-3.SG.A
a dug a-bi-na-na
a dug-= S1a-S5b-S10i-S11b-S12na~na-S14e
water sweet-TL=ABS MOD-3.SG.NH-L3-3.SG.NH.P-drink~PF-3.SG.A
May he (= Shulgi) make the people eat fine food, may he make them drink sweet
water!
As amarker of deontic modality expressing arealizable wish, /a/- can be
contrasted with the prefix /nu/- which expresses an unrealizable wish: in ex.
(493) below, Inana mourns the dead king Ur-Namma, and she knows that her
wish may not be fulfilled.
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e-e ba-ra-ku-ku-de-en
e= S2bara-S10n-S12ku~ku-S13ed-S14en
1.SG.PR=ABS MOD-L1.SYN-enter~PF-PF-1.SG.S
If only my shepherd could enter before me in it in his prime I will certainly
not enter it (= E-ana temple) otherwise!
A special feature of the verbal forms prefixed with /a/- is that intransitive
and stative verbs always use the preterite tense in whatever function, epistemic
or deontic, the prefix is used. Both ex. (494), an intransitive verb, and ex. (495),
passive of atransitive, use the preterite form of verb, and they have deontic
meaning.
(494) Gudea Statue C 4:1 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232276)
nam-til3-la-ne e-sud
namtil=ane= S1a-S2i-S12sud-S14
life=3.SG.H.POSS=ABS MOD-FIN-long-3.SG.S
May his (= Gudea) life be long!
(495) Gudea Statue B 9:67 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232275)
gu-gen7, ud-ne-na e-gaz
gu=gen ud=nn=a S1a-S3i-S12gaz-S14
bull=EQU day=DEM=L1 MOD-FIN-kill-3.SG.S
May he be slaughtered like an ox on the very day!
When in the sequence of two clauses both use amodal form of the verb, then
the second clause may often be translated as apurpose clause, as in exx. (496)
and (497) below. A similar construction is also attested in Akkadian (see
Huehnergard 1997: 147 [16.4]), so this construction may be another example of
mutual influence between the two languages.
(496) Letter from Kug-Nanna to the god Ninshubur Segment B 6 (ETCSL 3.3.39)
ag ib-ba-zu ga-ab-u-e
ag ib-a=zu= ?22
S2ga-S11b-S12u-S14en
heart angry-PT-2.SG.POSS=ABS MOD-3.SG.NH.P-pacify-1.SG.A
22 See Attinger 1993: 292 ( 190C) for similar irregular forms attested starting from the Old
Babylonian period.
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LESSON 16
ur-zu e-bur-e
ur=zu= ?
S1a-S2i-S12bur-S13ed -S14
liver=2.SG.POSS=ABS MOD-FIN-release-PF-3.SG.S
Let me soothe your angry heart, so that your spirit will be assuaged.
(497) Ninurta G 6668 (ETCSL 4.27.07)
kug ama dnane dug-ga-na-ab
ba-ra-ba-za-de-en!
S2bara-S5ba-S12zah-S13ed-S14en
MOD-MID-run.away-PF-1.SG.S
I will serve in your house, I will go out of it, but I will not run away!
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LESSON 16
as arule with verbs in the present-future. The negative modal prefix /na(n)/-
has two basic functions. Firstly, it is the negative counterpart of the imperative:
(503) The instructions of Shuruppak 154 (ETCSL 5.6.1)
[kar]-kid na-an-sa10-sa10-an
karkid= S2na-S11n-S12sa~sa-S14en
prostitute=ABS MOD-3.SG.H.P-buy~PF-2.SG.A
Do not buy aprostitute!
These two prefixes also occupy S2 of the verbal prefix-chain, they are in
complementary distribution with the finite-marker prefix. The meaning of the
prefix /na/- and /i/- are difficult to determine. Both prefixes appear to
express affirmative epistemic modality. Between the two, the prefix /na/- is
known better. It occurs often in the mythical opening passages of narrative
texts, but also in contexts where it expresses strong epistemic certainty, as in
ex. (505) below.
(505) Gudea Statue B 6:777:4 (Lagash, 22nd c.) (P232275)
e ur-gen dim-ma, ensi dili-e,
e ur=gen dim-a= ensi dili=e
house DEM=EQU make-PT=ABS ruler single=ERG
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Further readings
Exercises
16.1 Look up the new words used in the examples of this lesson in Foxvogs (2016b) or
Volks (2012) glossary, and learn them.
16.2 Study the examples of this lesson carefully and make yourself familiar with their
grammatical analysis.
16.3 Compare the examples below! Why does ex. (506) use the negated form of an
independent copula; and why do the other two examples use only the /nu/
particle without acopula?
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LESSON 16
sadug=ane=a e ninirsuk=ak=ta
offering=3.SG.NH.POSS=L2.NH house DN=GEN=ABL
inim e-eb-gi
inim= S1a-S2i-S5b-S10(i>)-S12gi-S14
word=ABS MOD-FIN-3.SG.NH-L2.SYN-return-3.SG.S
May his regular offering in the temple of Ningirsu be withdrawn!
16.6 Negate the following modal forms!
a) iri mete-na, u e-na-zig
iri nite=ane=a u= S1a-S2i-S6nn-S7a-S10n-S12zig-S14
city self=3.SG.H.POSS=L1 hand=ABS MOD-FIN-3.SG.H-DAT-L1.SYN-rise-3.SG.S
May there be arevolt against him in his own city!
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kur-ra ga-am-mi-ib-gu-ul
kur=a S2ga-S4m-S5b-S10i-S11b-S12gul
foreign.land=L2.NH MOD-VEN-3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.NH.P-destroy
Whatever has been destroyed in the homeland, I shall destroy in the foreign
lands!
16.7 Look up the context of the following two exx. on the ETCSL website! Compare the
use of the modal forms in them! Try to explain their use based on what you have
learnt in this lesson.
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LESSON 16
16.8 Add morphemic segmentation and glossing to the following letter-orders, and
translate them with the help of Volks (2012) or Foxvogs glossary (2016b). For
the numerical expression used in them you may consult ORACCs preliminary
description of metrological expressions (http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/doc/
downloads/numref.pdf), or Powells entry in the Reallexikon der Assyriologie (1987
1990).
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LESSON 16
16.10 Transliterate the text of FaoS 19, Um5 (unknown, 23rd c.) (P215523) (a handcopy
of the text can be found at http://cdli.ucla.edu/P215523) with the help of Volks
sign list (2012). Translate the text with the help of Volks (2012) or Foxvogs
glossary (2016b). Assign morphemic segmentation and glossing to the verbal
forms.
254
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255
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256
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257
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5:17...................................................... 217 I
5:4547................................................ 194 Ibbi-Suen B Segment A 37 ............................104
6:76........................................................ 69 Iddin-Dagan
6:777:3................................................. 68 A 172..........................................................116
6:777:4............................................... 248 B
7:21-23 ................................................ 124 53 ....................................................... 171
7:24.........................................................37 56 ............................................... 171, 210
7:30........................................................ 72 D 30............................................................229
7:4950 ................................ 111, 150, 239 Inana B 30...................................................... 173
7:54...................................................... 108 Inanas descent to the netherworld
8:67.................................................... 184 308 ............................................................ 158
8:1920................................................ 124 332 ............................................................ 169
8:24........................................................ 42 Iri-kagina
8:3942.................................................. 54 1
9:67 .............................................. 67, 245 3:18...................................................38, 60
Statue C 4:8 ..........................................................30
4:1 ........................................................245 4:9 ..........................................................51
4:13-16 ................................................ 248 4:1011...................................................52
Statue D 7:1721.................................................132
2:13-3:2 ............................................... 231 8:1012.................................................125
5:47.................................................... 211 12:2328.................................................95
Statue E 3
2:12.......................................................98 2:1618 ................................ 72, 132, 160
4:14........................................................ 99 3:2022 .............................................. 190
8:1115.................................................. 41 5
9:912 .......................................... 160, 238 obv. 1:13............................................ 168
Statue F obv. 1:89............................................ 211
1:122:1............................................... 189 obv. 1:1213.......................................... 57
3:67.....................................................208 obv. 4:14............................ 138, 156, 159
Statue G 14f 1 .......................................................... 209
2:910.................................................. 217 14p 12 ............................................. 172, 227
Statue H.....................................................181 14q 12 ..................................................... 195
3:15.................................................... 189 Ishme-Dagan
Statue I 7 17.................................................. 195, 233
3:46.................................................... 170 A
Statue R 90 ........................................................229
1:6-7............................................. 218, 231 103....................................................... 198
105........................................................224
H J 1718 ...................................................... 176
Hoe and Plough 147...................................... 118
How grain came to Sumer 15 ...................... 242 J
HSS 3 42 rev. 2:1.............................................193 JCS 10, 28 no. 5 obv. 6 ................................... 186
258
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L N
LEM Nabi-Enlil to Iter-pisha 1 ............................... 98
87 ..............................................................253 Nam-mahne
178 7 ......................................................... 196 6
180 ............................................................ 252 2:25.................................................... 103
Letter from Ishbi-Erra to Ibbi-Suen 25......... 70 2:6 ........................................................125
Letter from Kug-Nanna to the god Ninubur 7 36 ............................................................56
Segment B 6 ..............................................245 11 9 ........................................................... 113
Lipit-Eshtar D 6............................................. 219 Nanna C Segment B 16 ................................. 219
Lugalbanda and the Anzud bird 106... 111, 243 NATN
Lugalbanda in the mountain cave ...... 103, 109 571
59 ..............................................................109 obv. 12rev. 1 ..................................... 242
241 ............................................................ 103 obv. 7................................................... 178
Lugal-kigine-dudu 626 obv. 6 ................................................ 178
1 ..............................................................135 Nebraska 19 rev. 22 ...................................... 179
1 614 ........................................................130 NG
Lugal-zagesi 1 ..............................................................199
1:335 ....................................................... 105 11 obv. 1314 ..............................................95
1:4445 ..................................................... 229 17 ..............................................................222
2:2122 ....................................................... 57 20 obv. 7 ....................................................241
2:2629 ..................................................... 138 32 obv. 3 ....................................................250
2:2632 ..................................................... 130 41 obv. 58 ................................................161
2:3032 ....................................................... 45 51 rev. 3.......................................94, 170, 184
3:2426 ..................................................... 175 69 ..............................................................199
3:2728 ..................................................... 218 80 1314 ....................................................156
3:3233 ..................................................... 211 99
3:3536 ..................................................... 243 obv. 2:15rev. 1:31 ............................. 221
rev. 1:35 ............................................ 205
M rev. 1:34 ............................................ 126
MAD 4, 17 rev. 58 ........................................ 177 117 rev. 4................................................... 73
MS 4096 rev. 6 ............................................... 149 120b rev. 910.................................. 140, 193
MVN 11, 168 rev. 8................................ 179, 238 132 rev. 1.................................................. 179
MVN 15, 218 obv. 4rev. 1 ........................... 213 137 obv. 7 ................................................. 115
MVN 22, 71 obv. 8 ..........................................103 138 obv. 5 ................................................. 156
MVN 3 ............................................................ 146 138 rev. 7...................................................118
1 obv. 3:4 ...................................................220 190 obv. 1:6 ...............................................127
36 obv. 3:27 .....................................146, 220 190 obv. 2:12 ............................................ 159
330 obv. 9 ................................................. 149 194 31 ...................................................... 210
363 rev. 35.............................................. 204 202 rev. 9.................................................. 218
MVN 6 205
1 obv. 45. ........................................213, 247 obv. 1:24............................................ 210
293 rev. 3:9................................................ 72 obv. 115..............................................236
429 ............................................................ 252 208 obv. 1:17 .................................... 148, 241
MVN 9, 85 obv. 56 ........................................209 209 obv. 2:1617 ........................................ 92
259
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212 Sargon
obv. 1:2................................................ 211 1 3841 ..................................................... 150
obv. 2:4................................................ 111 11 3637 ................................................... 197
214 obv. 1:8 .............................................. 110 16 1213 ................................................... 212
215 obv. 1:5 .................................................99 SAT 1 189 rev. 2 .............................................185
Nik 1 Shulgi
156 rev. 1:4............................................... 187 86 ..............................................................113
297 2:24 .................................................. 177 2046 1-3 .................................................... 38
300 A
obv. 2:2rev. 1:2 ................................. 153 23 ........................................................172
rev. 2:33:4 ..........................................153 7071....................................................247
Ninazu A 26 ....................................................230 91 ........................................................137
Ninurta G 6668 .................................... 208, 246 C 9 ......................................................111, 150
Nisaba 8, 365 rev. 7......................................... 81 D
Nisaba 15 219 ....................................... 161, 210, 242
873 360....................................................... 219
obv. 79............................................... 152 384....................................................... 211
obv. 1012........................................... 152 F 30 ........................................................... 212
NRVN 1 G 8 .............................................................227
65 obv. 14 ............................................... 178 H Segment D 19 ....................... 220, 225, 244
115 rev. 34.............................................. 215 P Segment C 25 ........................................ 231
NWHCM 2009.174 R 2 ............................................................. 198
obv. 910 .................................................. 139 Shu-Suen
obv. 1416 .......................................... 65, 159 1 4:44-46 ................................................... 109
12 ..............................................................105
O 12 78 ....................................................... 150
OBGT VII 3133 ............................................. 149 SNAT
OIP 115, 126 rev. 5................................. 157, 185 125 obv. 47 ............................................. 193
OIP 121........................................................... 226 535 15 ..................................................... 101
54 obv. 3 ............................................220, 226 535 13 ......................................................... 64
470 11 ........................................................197
OSP 2, 58 34 ..................................................148 T
TCS 1 ................................................................ 64
P 48 obv. 3rev. 2.........................................213
Proverbs collection 2 + 6 Segment D 23 ....... 63 56 rev. 5.....................................................197
61 36 ........................................................244
R 68 rev. 3.......................................................64
Rimush 18 2022 ..................................... 66, 147 72 obv. 6 ....................................................213
RTC 19.............................................................165 128 ............................................................ 253
RTC 380 rev. 2 ............................................... 174 131 36 ....................................................... 72
142 ............................................................ 253
S 142 rev. 4.................................................. 241
SA 149 12 ..................................................... 190 148 obv. 6 ................................................. 187
SACT 1, 154 obv. 6......................................... 184 177 rev. 2.................................................. 110
229 rev. 34.............................................. 214
260
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261
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REFERENCES
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REFERENCES
Zlyomi, G. (2014), The competition between the enclitics /a/ and /e/ in
Sumerian, in H. Neumann et al. eds., Krieg und Frieden im Alten Vorderasien
(AOAT 401). Mnster: Ugarit Verlag, 909919.
Zlyomi, G. (2014b), Some remarks on the oblique object in Jagersmas
Descriptive Sumerian Grammar, N.A.B.U., no. 2.
Zlyomi, G. (2014c), Copular Clauses and Focus Marking in Sumerian. Warsaw
Berlin: De Gruyter Open.
Zlyomi, G. (forthcoming), How to let someone swear an oath by abattle net
in Sumerian, in T. Bcs et al. (eds.), Across the Mediterranean Along the Nile.
Studies in Ancient Egypt, Nubia, and Late Antiquity Dedicated to Lszl
Trk on the Occasion of His 75th Birthday. Budapest.
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2.1
In Sumerian both series of stops were pronounced voiceless, their distinctive feature
being aspiration. Consequently, both series were heard as voiceless by Akkadian
native speakers. In Akkadian, all three series of stops were pronounced without
aspiration. Consequently, all three series were heard as sounds without aspiration
by Sumerian native speakers.
2.2
Sumerian words were stressed on the last syllable. In group a) of the Sumerian loan
words into Akkadian, the last consonant of the original Sumerian word becomes
geminated in Akkadian, making the penultimate syllable of the Akkadian word heavy.
The stress on the last syllable of the original Sumerian word may thus also be retained
in the Akkadian word. In group b) of the Sumerian loan words, the syllable structure of
the Akkadian word did not have to be adapted, as the loaned Sumerian words long last
vowel made the penultimate syllable heavy without any change.
2.3
a) {e} (TERM): al, pad
b) {mi} (VEN-3NH-LOC2/3): gi, gur, tud
c) {ne} (LOC13): al, tar
d) {i} (FIN): dim, tu, gi, sig
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3.2
a) arad nin-a-na-ke
arad nin=ane=ak=e
servant lady=3.SG.H.POSS=GEN=ERG
b) iri-ne
iri=ane=e
city=3.SG.H.POSS=ERG
c) nin diir-re-e-ne
nin diir=en=ak=
lady god=PL=GEN=ABS
d) lugal-u
lugal=u=e
king=1.SG.POSS=ERG
e) nam-til e-a-ne-ne
namtil e=anen=ak=
life brother=3.PL.POSS=ABS
f) ni u-a
ni u=u=ak=
thing hand=1.SG.POSS=GEN=ABS
g) arad-zu
arad=zu=
servant=2.SG.POSS=ABS
h) inim diir-re-ne
inim diir=en=ak=
word god=PL=GEN=ABS
i) e iri nam-lugal-a-ka
e iri namlugal=u=ak=ak=
house city kingship=1.SG.POSS=GEN=GEN=ABS
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3.3
a) P1lugalazida P1arad P3[P1lugalkigal=P5ak]=P5
P1 PN P1slave P3[P1PN=P5GEN]=P5ABS
Lugal-azida, the slave of Lugal-kigal
b) P1namlugal P3[P1ki=P5ak]=P5
P1kingship P3[P1GN=P5GEN]=P5ABS
the kingship of Kish
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c) P1biluda P3[P1diir=P4en=P5ak]=P5e
P1rite P3[P1god=P4PL=P5GEN]=P5L3.NH
the rites of the gods
d) P1diir P2galgal- P3[P1laga=P5ak]=P4en=P5e
P1 god P2 big~PL- TL P3[P1GN=P5GEN]=P4PL=P5ERG
the great gods of Lagash
e) P1e=P3u=P5
P1e=P31.SG.POSS=P5ABS
my temple
f) P1namtil=P3ane=P5
P1life=P33.SG.H.POSS=P5ABS
his life
g) P1kisura P3[P1ninirsuk=P5ak]=P5e
P1border P3[P1DN=P5GEN]=P5L3.NH
to Ningirsus border
h) P1en P3[P1aratta=P5ak]=P5e
P1lord P3[P1GN=P5GEN]=P5ERG
the lord of Aratta
i) P1zapag=P3zu=P5
P1cry=P32.SG.POSS=P5ABS
your cry
j) P1nu P2girin-=P5a
P1 bed P2pure-TL=P5L2.NH
onto the flowery bed
k) P1a P2dug-=P5
P1 water P2sweet-TL=P5ABS
sweet water
l) P1mesalim P1lugal P3ki=P5ak=P5e
P1 PN P1king P3GN=P5GEN=P5ERG
Mesalim, king of Kish
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3.4
a) 1. The doctor of his brothers
2. The doctors of his brother
b) 1. The old donkey of my brother
2. The donkey of my old brother
3.5
a) the plural-marker is not used with non-human nouns
b) it should be: P1azu P2zid- P3[P1lugal=P5ak]=P4en=P5
c) the case-marker is missing at the end of the noun phrase
d) the case-marker is missing at the end of the noun phrase
e) the plural-marker is not used with non-human nouns
f)
g) it should be: P1geme P2libir- P3[P1damgar=P5ak]=P5
4.4
a) P1dumu P2zid- P3[P1lugal=P5ak]=P4en=P5
P1child P2true-TL P3[P1king=P5GEN]=P4PL=P5ABS
g) P1sipad P3[P1ane=P3ane=P5ak]=P5
P1shepherd P3[P1donkey=P33.SG.H.POSS=P5GEN]=P5ABS
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4.5
a) P1dubsar P3[P1lugal=P5ak]=P5
P1scribe P3[P1king=P5GEN]=P5ABS
P1lugal=P5ak P1dubsar=P3ane=P5
P1king=P5GEN P1scribe=P33.SG.H.POSS=P5ABS
b) P1dumu P3[P1dam=P3u=P5ak]=P4en=P5
P1child P3[P1spouse=P31.S.G.POSS=P5GEN]=P4PL=P5ABS
P1 dam=P3 u= P5ak P1dumu=P3ane=P4en=P5
P1spouse=P31.S.G.POSS=P5GEN P1child=P33.SG.H.POSS=P4PL=P5ABS
e) P1kisal P3[P1lugal=P3u=P5ak]=P5
P1 courtyard P3[P1king=P31.S.G.POSS=P5GEN]=P5ABS
P1lugal=P3u=P5ak P1kisal=P3ane=P5
P1 king=P3 1. S .G .POSS =P5 GEN P1courtyard=P33.SG.H.POSS=P5ABS
f) P1lugal P3[P1kur~kur=P5ak]=P5
P1king P3[P1land~PL=P5GEN]=P5ABS
P1 kur~kur= P5ak P1lugal=P3be=P5
P1 land~PL=P5GEN P1king=P33.SG.N.H.POSS=P5ABS
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g) P1ane P3[P1ursa=P5ak]=P5
P1donkey P3[P1hero=P5GEN]=P5ABS
P1ursa=P5ak P1ane=P3ane=P5
P1hero=P5GEN P1donkey=P33.SG.H.POSS=P5ABS
h) P1abba P3[P1diir~digir=P4en=P5ak]=P5
P1father P3[P1god~PL=P4PL=P5GEN]=P5ABS
P1diir~digir=P4en=P5ak P1abba=P3anen=P5
P1god~PL=P4PL=P5GEN P1father=P33.PL.POSS=P5ABS
i) P1namtil P3[P1e=P3u=P4en=P5ak]=P5
P1life P3[P1brother=P31.SG.POSS=P4PL=P5GEN]=P5ABS
P1e=P3u=P4en=P5ak P1namtil P3anen=P5
P1brother=P31.SG.POSS=P4PL=P5GEN P1life=P33.PL.POSS=P5ABS
j) P1tug P3[P1sipad=P5ak]=P5
P1garment P3[P1shepherd=P5GEN]=P5ABS
P1sipad=P5ak P1tug=P3ane=P5
P1shepherd=P5GEN P1garment=P33.SG.H.POSS=P5ABS
4.6
The sentences b), e), i). Look for anoun phrase whose last case-marker is the genitive.
4.7
P1barag P3[P1enlil=P5ak]=P5a P1barag P3[P1utu=P5ak]=P5a
P1 dais [
P3 P1 DN= P5 GEN ]=P5 L 2. NH P1 dais P3[P1DN=P5GEN]=P5L2.NH
[P1barag~barag P3[P1kiengir=P5ak] P1ensik P3[P1kur~kur=P5ak]=P5
[P1dais~PL P3[P1GN=P5GEN] P1ruler P3[P1land~PL=P5GEN]=P5ABS
or
P1barag~barag P3[P1kiengir=P5ak]=P5 P1ensik P3[P1kur~kur=P5ak]=P5
P1dais~PL P3[P1GN=P5GEN]=P5ABS P1ruler P3[P1land~PL=P5GEN]=P5ABS
4.8
sipad udu siki-ka-ke-ne
P1sipad P2[P1udu P2[P1siki=P5ak]=P5ak]=P4en=P5e
P1 shepherd [
P2 P1 sheep P2[P1wool=P5GEN]=P5GEN]=P4PL=P5ERG
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c) P1ama P3[P1iri=P5ak]=P5
P1mother P3[P1city=P5GEN]=P5ABS
d) P1sipad P2[P1ane=P5ak]=P3u=P5
P1shepherd P2[P1donkey=P5GEN]=P31.SG.POSS=P5ABS
e) erroneous
f) P1e=P5ak P1iri=P3be=P5
P1temple=P5GEN P1city=P33.SG.NH.POSS=P5ABS
g) P1dumu=P4en=P5ak P1lugal=P3anen=P5e
P1child=P4PL=P5GEN P1king=P33.PL=P5ERG
5.3
a) mu dumu-ne 3-am ba-gub-ba-e
mu S[dumu=ane=] PC [3=]=am- S5ba-S12gub-S14-S15a=ak=e
name S[child=3.SG.H.POSS=ABS] PC[3=ABS]=COP-3.SG.S MID-stand-3.SG.S-SUB=GEN=TERM
b) a-ba-am ema bi2-in-du8
2
aba==am- ma=e S5b-S10i-S11n-S12du-S14
who=ABS=COP-3.SG.S boat=L3.NH 3.SG.NH-L3-3.SG.H.A-caulk-3.SG.P
c) za-gen a-ba an-ga-kalag
za=gen aba= S2a-S3nga-S12kalag-S14
2.SG.PR=EQU who=ABS FIN-COOR-strong-3.SG.S
a-ba an-ga-an-da-sa2
aba= S2a-S3nga-S6n-S8da-S12sa-S14
who=ABS FIN-COOR-3.SG.H-COM-equal-3SG.S
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e) a-ba-am za-e-me-en
aba==am- ze==me-en
who=ABS=COP-3.SG.S 2.SG.PR=ABS=COP-2.SG.S
5.4
a) 5 gi kug-sig-am,
5 gi kugsig==am-
5 unit gold=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
b) ensi iri 2-na-ke
ensik iri 2=ak=e
ruler city 2=GEN=ERG
c) e-e or e-be
e=e= e=be=
house=DEM=ABS house=DEM=ABS
d) eg-ba
eg=be=ak
canal=DEM=GEN
e) ag iri ni-te-ne-ne-ka,
ag iri nite=anen=ak=a
heart city self=3.PL.POSS=GEN=L1
f) me-a
me=a
wh=L1
g) a-na-a
ana=e
what=TERM
h) kug-babbar na-me nu-mu-da-a-tuku
kugbabbar name= nu-mu--da-e-tuku-
silver some=ABS NEG-VEN-1.SG-COM-2.SG.A-have-3.SG.P
i) a-ba-am lu-ne-e
aba==am- lu=n=
who=ABS=COP-3.SG.S person=DEM=ABS
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k) e ama-na ul-la-be
e ama=ane=ak= ul-a=be
house mother=3.SG.H.POSS=GEN=ABS hurry-PT=3.SG.NH.POSS
mu-du
mu-n-du-
ven-3.SG.H.A-build-3.SG.P
l) dumu lugal-la 3-am3
dumu lugal=ak= 3==am-
child king=GEN=ABS 3=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
m) e 3-kam-ma-ka
e 3-kamak=a
house 3-ORD=L1
6.3
a) S4 VEN- S6 IPP-S8 COM- S12 STEM-S14 pronominal suffix (composite comitative)
b) S1MOD-S2FIN-S6IPP-S7DAT-S11FPP-S12STEM-S14pronominal suffix (composite dative)
c) S4VEN-S6IPP-S7DAT-S9ABL-S12STEM-S14pronominal suffix (composite dative, simple
ablative)
d) S2 FIN- S6IPP-S8COM-S11FPP-S12STEM-S14pronominal suffix (composite comitative)
e) S2FIN-S10L1-S12STEM-S14pronominal suffix (simple locative1)
f) S5MID-S9TERM-S11FPP-S12STEM-S14pronominal suffix (simple terminative)
g) S4VEN-S6IPP-S7DAT-S10L1-S11FPP-S12STEM-S14pronominal suffix (composite dative,
simple locative1)
h) S2FIN-S6IPP-S7DAT-S12STEM-S14pronominal suffix (composite dative)
i) S1MOD-S4VEN-S6IPP-S8COM-S11FPP-S12STEM-S14pronominal suffix (composite
comitative)
j) S4 VEN- S10L1-S11FPP-S12STEM-S14pronominal suffix (simple locative1)
k) S4VEN-S6IPP-S9TERM-S11FPP-S12STEM-S14pronominal suffix (composite terminative)
6.4
a) S2FIN-S4VEN-S53.SG.NH-S7DAT-S12give-S143.SG.A
She will give it to it.
b) S4VEN-S63.SG.H-S7DAT-S113.SG.NH.P-S12speak.PF-S143.SG.A
He says to him: .
c) S1ANT-S4VEN-S53.SG.NH-S7DAT-S113.SG.NH.A-S12give-S143.SG.P
After she had given to it, .
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d) S2FIN-S53.SG.NH-S9ABL-S113.SG.H.A-S12place-S143.SG.P
She supplied them from it.
e) S4VEN-S63.SG.H-S7DAT-S10L1-S113.SG.H.A-S12build-S143.SG.P
He built it in it for her.
f) S1ANT-S4VEN-S63.SG.H-S7DAT-S8COM-S10L1-S12enter-S142.SG.S
After you had entered to her into it with them.
6.5
S2na-S11n-S12sa~sa-S14en
Do not buy her!
S1a-S2i-S12til-S14
May it come to an end!
S1u-S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S8da-S10n-S12kur-S14en
After you had entered to her into it with them, .
S2a-S5b-S9ta-S11n-S12gu-S14-S15a
From which he consumed it.
S1u-S6nn-S10i-S11n-S12u-S14
After he had thrown it on him, ....
S2i-S3nga-S11n-S12sig-S14
He also demolished it.
S2i-S6nn-S9i-S11n-S12sa-S14
He bought her from them (lit. bartered for them).
S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S8da-S12ug-S14e
They stepped forward to him with .
S1u-S11n-S12taka-S14
After he left her, .
S2nan-S12kuu-S13ed-S14
It cannot be tired.
8.3
a) iriki-ba, du-dsuen, diir-be-em
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b) da-du makim-be-em
dadu= makim=be==am-
PN=ABS commissioner=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
Dadu was its commissioner.
c) dnin-lil-lai-li ag-ga-na-me-en
ninlil=ak ili ag=ane=ak==me-en
DN=GEN delight heart=3.SG.H.POSS=GEN=ABS=COP-2.SG.S
As for Ninlil, you are the delight of her heart.
d) en za-e-me-en lugal za-e-me-en
en= ze==me-en lugal= ze==me-en
lord=ABS 2.SG.PR=ABS=COP-2.SG.S king=ABS 2.SG.PR=ABS=COP-2.SG.S
The lord is you, the king is you.
e) mer-ra-ga-i-ir,
dumu nibruki-kam,
erragair= dumu nibru=ak==am-
PN=ABS child GN=GEN=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
ur-sag-ga, a-mu-na-um-mu
ursaga=ra a-mu-nn-a-n-um-e
PN=DAT.H MOD-VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.P-give-3.SG.A
May he hand over Erra-gashir, (who is) acitizen of Nippur, to Ursaga!
f) sipad-me e mu-du
sipad==me-en e= mu--du-
shepherd=ABS=COP-1.SG.S house=ABS VEN-1.SG.A-build-3.SG.P
I, the shepherd, have built the temple.
g) dutu-am an-ag-ge im-si
utu=am anag=e i-m-b-si-
DN=STM heaven=L3.NH FIN-VEN-3.SG.NH.L3-fill-3.SG.S
It fills the midst of the heavens like the god Utu.
h) eme zid-dam kurun kug mu-un-il
me zid-=am kurun kug-= mu-n-il-
tree true-TL=STM fruit holy-TL=ABS VEN-3.SG.H.A-bear-3.SG.P
He bears holy fruits like atrue mesh-tree.
i) ab-ba-kal-la ur-me-ra e-e-me
abbakala= urme=ra e==me-en
PN=ABS PN=DAT.H 1.SG.PR=ABS=COP-1.SG.S
a-na-um
a-nn-a--um-
MOD-3.SG.H-DAT-1.SG.A-give-3.SG.P
It is me who gave Abba-kala to Ur-mesh!
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8.4
a) ud=be=a gudea= ensik laga=ak==am-
day=DEM=L1 PN=ABS ruler GN=GEN=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
b) ninirsuk=ak ensik= lu ag=ane=ak==am-
DN=GEN ruler=ABS person heart=3.SG.H.POSS=GEN=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
c) lugal==me-en e gal- diir ma-=u=en=ak=
king=ABS=COP-1.SG.S house great-TL god mighty-TL=1.SG.POSS=PL=GEN=ABS
mu--du-
VEN-1.SG.A-build-3.SG.P
d) aba==am- ze=-me-en
who=ABS=COP-3.SG.S 2.SG.PR=ABS=COP-2.SG.S
e) ninirsuk= diir ma- gudea ensik laga=ak=ak==am-
DN=ABS god mighty-TL PN ruler GN=GEN=GEN=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
f) ensik laga=ak= ze=-me-en
ruler GN=GEN=ABS 2.SG.PR=ABS=COP-2.SG.S
g) dikud lugal=ak 7=be==me-e
judge king=GEN 7=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS=COP-3.PL.S
h) sag-a==am-
kind-PT=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
i) dam=u= nu
spouse=1.SG.POSS=ABS NEG
j) lugal urim=ak= nu-i-me-en
king GN=GEN=ABS NEG-FIN-COP-2.SG.S
k) lugal urim=ak= nu
king GN=GEN=ABS NEG
l) dumu urim=ak= nu-i-nga-me-e
child GN=GEN=ABS NEG-FIN-COOR-COP-3.PL.S
m) e=ane=ak ningirsuk= diir=be==am-
house=3.SG.H.POSS=GEN DN=ABS god=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
n) ane=am kugsig= mu-n-il-
donkey=STM gold=ABS VEN-3.SG.H.A-bear-3.SG.P
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8.5
For an analysis of this passage, see Zlyomi 2014c: 5254 (the open access book is
available at http://www.degruyter.com/view/product/447760).
9.3
a) mu-ni-n-ak-
VEN-L1-3.SG.H.A-act-3.SG.P
b) mu-r-a-n/b-mu-
VEN-2.SG-DAT-3.SG.H.A/3.SG.NH.A-grow-3.SG.P
c) i-nn-i-b-gi~gi-
FIN-3.SG.H-L2-3.SG.NH.P-return~PF-3.SG.A
or
i-n-(i>)-gi~gi-
FIN-3.SG.H-L2.SYN-return~PF-3.SG.A
d) mu-r-a-n-du-
VEN-2.SG-DAT-3.SG.H.A-build-3.SG.P
e) m-a-b-um-e
VEN-DAT-3.SG.NH.P-give-3.SG.A
g) ba-ni-b-gin-en
MID-L1-3.SG.NH.P-confirm-3.PL.A
or
ba-n-gin-en
MID-L1.SYN-confirm-3.PL.A
h) b-i-b-a~a-en
3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.NH.P-place~PF-3.PL.A
or
i-b-(i>)-a~a-en
FIN-3.SG.NH-L2.SYN-place~PF-3.PL.A
i) gu= m-a-n-sig-e
neck=ABS VEN-DAT-3.SG.H.A-fil-3.PL
j) mu-nn-a-b-dim-e
VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.NH.P-create-3.SG.A
k) sizkur= mu-nn-a-n-dug-
prayer=ABS VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-speak-3.SG.P
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10.5
a) kug atumdug=ra mu-nn-a-ere-e
holy DN=DAT.H VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-go.PL-3.PL.S
d) gud=be= nu-mu-n-da-n-la-
ox=DEM=ABSNEG-VEN-3.SG.H-COM-3.SG.H.A-bring.PL-3.SG.P
e) lugalke=da i-n-da-til-
PN=COM FIN-3.SG.H-COM-live-3.SG.S
g) inim=be=a a-mu--da-n-sug-e
word=DEM=L1 MOD-VEN-1.SG-COM-L1.SYN-stand.PL-3.PL.S
h) en ninirsuk=ra mu-nn-a-da-gub-
lord DN=DAT.H VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-COM-stand-3.SG.S
10.7
mdnin-mug-an-dul, arad mug-ge-[si], mur-dnin-mug
ninmugandul arad mugesi=ak urninmugak
PN servant PN=GEN PN
dumu mug-ge-si, e-ma-a e-se-am
dumu mugesi=ak= ema=a S2i-S10n-S12se-S14e?-S15a==am-23
child PN=GEN=ABS prison=L1 FIN-L1.SYN-live.PL=3.PL.S?-SUB=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
nin-tur ama mug-ge-si-ke ba-la-e
nintur ama mugesi=ak=e S5ba-S12la-S14e
PN mother PN=GEN=ERG MID-bring.PL-3.SG.A
23 See Zlyomi 2014c: 154169 (esp. ex. 349 on p. 157) for similar constructions, in which the
enclitic copula is attached to asubordinate clause.
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It was (the case) that Ninmug-andul, the servant of Mugesi (and) Ur-Ninmuga, son of
Mugesi, were detained (lit. lived in aprison). Nintur, the mother of Mugesi, will take
them out. Ur-Nintura, the chief cupbearer was its (= the legal cases) commissioner.24
11.3
a) enmerkar=ra etug= i-m-ba-nn-a-um-
PN=DAT.H ear=ABS FIN-VEN-mid-3.SG.H-DAT-give-3.SG.S
b) ag iri=ane=ak=a a-ba-n-gaz-
heart city=3.SG.H.POSS=GEN=L1 MOD-MID-L1.SYN-kill-3.SG.S
c) saugal=ane= u-ba-n-(i>)-u-
battle.net=3.SG.H.POSS=ABS ANT-MID-3.SG.H-L2.SYN-cover-3.SG.S
d)
e) e= i-m-ba-r-a-du-ed-
house=ABS FIN-VEN-MID-2.SG-DAT-build-PF-3.SG.S
f) e= i-m-ba-du-
house FIN-VEN-MID-3.SG.S
g)
11.5
The two verbal forms differ only in the grammatical gender of the participant in the
dative. This results in adifferent allomorph of the ventive prefix (/mu/ vs. /m/); and
the latter allomorph of the ventive in turn requires the presence of the finite-marker.
12.3
In the first example the personal name ends with aclosed syllable, the form of the
comitative enclitic is therefore =/da/. In the second example the personal name ends
in avowel, the form of the comitative enclitic is therefore =/d/, the short /a/ drops.
The writing of this =/d/ would require aVC sign, AD, which is not used.
24 Westenholzs (2014: 131) commentary to this text is worth quoting: I assume that Ninmug-
andul and Ur-Ninmug had gone out on abinge, made some mischief, and were detained; and
it took the venerable grandmother to take them out.
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15.3
imedagan lugal kengir kiuri=ak=e ud ninurta
PN king GN GN=GEN=ERG day DN
ursa kalag=ane= makim=e mu-n-tuku-S14-S15a=a
hero strong=3.SG.H.POSS=ABS deputy=TERM VEN-3.SG.H.A-have-3.SG.P-SUB=L1
u ar-=e
people numerous-TL=ERG
us zid-= a-i-b-dab-e
path right-TL=ABS MOD-FIN-3.SG.NH.P-take-3.SG.A
gud i udu i= e=e i-b-dab-
ox fat sheep fat=ABS temple=ERG FIN-3.SG.NH.A-receive-3.SG.P
15.4
a) ninirsuk=e
DN=ERG
lu inim=ak sa sa-a=ak=e mu-nn-a-ta-n-e-
man word=GEN head buy-PT=GEN=TERM VEN-3.PL-DAT-ABL-3.SG.H.A-leave-3.SG.P
b) ninirsuk=e ensik=ra e= mu-nn-i-n-du-
DN=ERG ruler=L3.H house VEN-3.SG.H-L3-3.SG.H.A.-build-3.SG.P
c) ninirsuk=e e=da lugal= S2i-m-b-da-n-ul-
DN=ERG house=COM owner=ABS FIN-VEN-3.SG.NH-COM-3.SG.H.A-rejoice-3.SG.P
15.5
The example demonstrates the phenomenon called external possession. The word dnin-
hur-sa is in the human locative2. It is cross-referenced by acomposite locative2 prefix
in the verbal prefix-chain. Ninhursag is the inalienable semantic possessor of the word
dub knee in the clause. It is, however, not in P3 of the noun phrase whose head is
dub knee. It is aseparate constituent and occupies asentence-initial position; P3 of
dub knee is filled by aresumptive pronominal enclitic that agrees in person, gender,
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and number with the possessor (=ane : 3.SG.H.POSS). Both the semantic possessor (dnin-
hur-sa) and the inalienable possessum (dub) are in the locative2 case. The composite
locative2 prefix of the verbal form shows agreement with the human possessor, not
with the possessum.
15.6
The dative prefix apparently precedes the 3rd ps. sg. IPP. The example may indicate
that the pronominal use of the ventive developed progressively.
16.3
The negative equivalent of acopular clause with a3rd ps. sg. S and an enclitic copula is
negated solely with the negative particle /nu/- and the negative clause contains no
copula. The first example is in the 1st ps. sg., so it has to be negated with anegated
form of the independent copula.
16.4
Before the syllable /ba/- the prefixed negative particle /nu/- changes to /la/-.
16.5
The modal prefix /a/- has adeontic meaning expressing awish. The verbal form is
intransitive, S11 contains no FPP. Consequently, the composite 3rd. ps. sg. non-human
locative2 prefix becomes syncopated. Intransitive and stative verbs prefixed with /a/-
always use the preterite tense in whatever function, epistemic or deontic, the prefix is
used.
16.6
a) iri mete-na, u na-na-zi-zi
iri nite=ane=a u= S2nan-S6nn-S7a-S10n-S12zi~zi-S13ed-S14
city self=3.SG.H.POSS=L1 hand=ABS MOD-3.SG.H-DAT-L1.SYN-rise-PF-3.SG.S
May there be no revolt against him in his own city!:
b) arza-a mul an kug-ba
arza=u=ak mul an kug=be=a
regulation=1.SG.POSS=GEN star sky holy=3.SG.NH.POSs=L2.NH
gu ba-ra-mu-ra-a-de-e
gu= S2bara-S4mu-S6r-S7a-S10e-S12de-S14en
voice=ABS MOD-VEN-2.SG-DAT-L2-pour-1.SG.A
I will not tell you the pure stars of heaven indicating my regulations!
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16.7
In the first clause of the first example the 1st ps. speaker expresses his intention to
duck down his head. His second clause is anegated imperative. In the first clause of the
second example, the speaker expresses epistemic certainty. His second clause is negated
epistemic certainty.
16.8
a) a-bu-bu, u-na-a-dug,
abubu=ra S1u-S6nn-S7a-S11e-S12dug-S14
PN=DAT.H ANT-3.SG.H-DAT-2.SG.A-speak-3.SG.P
1(ban) ziz, lu-dikur-ra, a-mu-na-ab-um-mu,
1 ziz= luikur=ra S1a-S4mu-S6nn-S7a-S11b-S12um-S14e
1 emmer=ABS PN=DAT.H MOD-VEN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.NH.P-give-3.SG.A
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kiib-ba-ne-ta, ga-ab-ta-tur
kiib=ane=ta S2ga-S5b-S9ta-S12tur
tablet=3.SG.H.POSS=ABL MOD-3.SG.NH-ABL-small
Please tell Habubu: He should give 10 litres of emmer wheat to Lu-Ishkur! I will
deduct it from his tablet.
b) ur-dara u-na-a-dug, 1/2(di) gi kug-babbar
urara=ra S1u-S6nn-S7a-S11e-S12dug-S14 1/2 gi kugbabbar=
PN=DAT.H ANT-3.SG.H-DAT-2.SG.A-speak-3.SG.P 1/2 unit silver=ABS
e-zid-u, a-na-ab-um-mu
ezidu=ra S1a-S2i-S6nn-S7a-S11b-S12um-S14e
PN=DAT.H MOD-FIN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.NH.P-give-3.SG.A
na-mi-gur-re, a-ma-ru-kam
S2nan-S4m-S5b-S10i-S11b-S12gur-S14e amaru=ak==am-
MOD-VEN-3.SG.NH-L2-3.SG.NH.P-return-3.SG.A flood=GEN=ABS=COP-3.SG.S
a-ba e-u-ge
aba= e=u=gen
who=ABS brother=1.SG.POSS=EQU
Please tell Lugal-gugal: He should give 660 kilograms of fodder reed to Dingir-
sukkal! He should not bring this up again! It is urgent! Who is like my brother?
d) lu-dara, u-na-a-dug,
luarak=ra S1u-S6nn-S7a-S11e-S12dug-S14
PN=DAT.H ANT-3.SG.H-DAT-2.SG.A-speak-3.SG.P
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tukum-bi e nu-ra-tug-ga,
tukumbi e= S1nu-S6r-S7a-S11n-S12tuku-S14-S15a==am-
if wood=ABS NEG-2.SG-DAT-3.SG.H.A-have-3.SG.P-SUB=ABS-COP=3.SG.S
e-a-ne gul-a
e=ane= S1gul-S2a
house=3.SG.H.POSS=ABS destroy-FIN
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Please tell Lugal-ezen: No one may issue sesame oil to Amar-shuba, the maltster,
and Lu-Ninshuburka. This is the order of the chief temple administrator! Should
anyone not heed you, destroy his house!
g) na-ne, u-na-a-dug, ma-gu-la-ra
nane=ra u-
S1 S6 nn- a- e-
S7 S11 S12 dug- S14 magula=ra
PN=DAT.H ANT-3.SG.H-DAT-2.SG.A-speak-3.SG.P PN=DAT.H
inim-be na-ba-ab-gur-re
inim=be= S2nan-S5ba-S11b-S12gur-S14e
word=DEM=ABS MOD-VEN-MID-3.SG.NH.P-return-3.SG.A
Please tell Nane: I did tell him to give 18,000 liters of barley to Mash-gula! Why
did he not give it to him? He must give it to him! He should not bring up this issue
again!
16.9
me-sag-e na-be-a, al-la-u
mesag=e S2na-S11b-S12e-S14e-S15a= allau=ra
PN=ERG MOD-3.SG.NH.P-speak.PF-3.SG.A-SUB=ABS PN=DAT.H
u-na-dug, a-ag 4(bur) gana
u-
S1 S6 nn- a- e-
S7 S11 S12 dug- S14 aag 4 gana=
ANT-3.SG.H-DAT-2.SG.A-speak-3.SG.P field 4 field=ABS
a-ma-ab-um-mu arad-u-ne
S1a-S4m-S7a-S11b-S12um-S14e arad=u=en=e
MOD-VEN-DAT-3.SG.NH.P-give-3.SG.A servant=1.SG.POSS=PL=ERG
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e-uru-ne
S1a-S2i-S12uru-S14en
MOD-FIN-plough-3.PL.A
ma-be da ga-na-ab-ri
ma=be= da=a? S2ga-S6nn-S7a-S11b-S12ri
?
goat=3.SG.NH.POSS=ABS side=L2.NH MOD-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.NH.P-place
Please tell Allagu, this is what Mesag says: He should give me aland with an
area of 4 bur, so that my servants can plough it. I will lead its goat (i.e. the goat
due because of renting the field) to him!
16.10
ur-dutu-ke, na-be-a, e-e-u
urutuk=e S2na-S11b-S12e-S14e-S15a= eeu=ra
PN=ERG MOD-3.SG.NH.P-speak.PF-3.SG.A-SUB=ABS PN=DAT.H
293
----
----
ELTE Faculty of Humanities
of
form writing.
It is written for undergraduate students and structured for a semester-long
SUMERIAN
course: the order of the topics is determined by didactic considerations,
with the focus on syntactic analysis and evidence. It explains the function-
ing of Sumerian grammar in 16 lessons, illustrated with more than 500 fully
glossed examples. Each lesson ends with a series of tasks; a solution key to
selected exercises can be found at the end of the volume. Above all, this is
the first Sumerian textbook that introduces and utilizes the online assyrio-
logical resources available on the internet.
An Introduction to the Grammar of Sumerian has been written on the as-
sumption that after decades of grammatical research it has become possible
now to teach a general framework of Sumerian grammar that may function
as the basis of further, more intensive and elaborate studies.
a
a
Gbor Zlyomi
Gbor Zlyomi
----