Forgotten Women: Domestic Violence, Poverty and South Asian Women With No Recourse To Public Funds

forgottenwomen 10/3/08 2:58 pm Page 1
Forgotten Women:
Domestic Violence, Poverty and South
Asian Women with No Recourse to Public
Funds
Research Report
Sundari Anitha
with
Priya Chopra, Waheeda Farouk,
Qamar Haq and Saliya Khan
March 2008
Contact:
Saheli
PO Box 44, S.D.O., Manchester M20 4BJ
Tel: 0161-945 4187
E-mail: [email protected]
Copyright Saheli 2008
2 Forgotten women: Domestic Violence, Poverty and South Asian Women with No Recourse to Public Funds
Foreword
The women in the pages which follow are originally from South Asia. Their marriages to men
settled in Britain broke down because of domestic violence within the so-called probationary
period of two years. As a result, they and their children face a stark choice: deportation to
their country of origin where, because they were sent back in disgrace, they would be subject
to further violence and abuse; remaining in the UK, homeless, destitute and in danger of
sexual abuse and exploitation; or, of course, they could return to the abusers they left in the
first place.
The report focuses on women who have approached agencies in the North West and Yorkshire
regions of England and who were interviewed between January and June 2007. However, its
findings are of national relevance; the experiences reflect those of women throughout the UK.
Also, immigration rules such as NRPF create an inherent power imbalance in every relationship
where one partner is a UK citizen and the other is not.
The experiences documented here are familiar to frontline workers at black, asian and minority
ethnic womens refuges. Women and children facing NRPF, often deeply traumatised by
domestic violence, regularly arrive at these refuges after being turned away by a number of
other agencies. Too often refuges are forced to turn women away because they do not have
the funds to house them.
Why is this happening? And why is it happening under a government which has declared itself
committed to combating violence against women? Why is so much money, time and energy
spent on profiling and punishing perpetrators of Honour killings and so little on
strengthening the courageous but often extremely vulnerable women who confront these
forms of violence? These are the questions we are left with as we read through Forgotten
Women
Forgotten Women leaves us wondering also about the notion of human rights: what does
it include if not basic safety and the resources essential for survival?
Amrit Wilson
Chair of Imkaan
Forgotten women: Domestic Violence, Poverty and South Asian Women with No Recourse to Public Funds 3
I was hiding in the park. A woman found me there and

called the police. The policewoman could not
understand me, but she was very nice to me... They got
someone who could speak Urdu and I stayed at the
police station for a few hours. Then they took me to
social people (social services), who are helping me. I
don't know about my future but I am safe, I am alive
and he is not hurting me anymore.
I think it is very difficult for Asian women to find

information and support. The community still blames the
woman. She is expected to put up with anything her
husband does. We have to ring so many agencies. Some
refuges don't have space. Many who do, don't take
women like me. I have had to ring many people and
they all gave different information. There are no leaflets
or guidelines available.
Acknowledgements
The women who participated in this study must remain anonymous, but it is their
courageous testimony and their generosity with their time that has made this
report possible.
We would like to thank the following people who each contributed in their unique way to
make this research complete.
Our special thanks to the steering group members and advisory group members for their
advice, support and contructive criticism which has informed every stage of this research.
Finally Saheli would like to acknowledge the signficant contribution that Oxfam GB has made
in funding this research. Additional funding was provided by CSIP North West and the
University of Huddersfield. The Manchester Partnership has supported Saheli in launching and
disseminating the report.
Research Support Team
Sajida Anam Saheli Project Worker

Manju Kaushal Saheli Project Worker
Project Advisory Group Members
Amrit Wilson Chair, Imkaan Asian Womens Project and Author of Dreams,
Questions, Struggles: South Asian Women in Britain, (Pluto Press,
2006)
Nimisha Patel Consultant Clinical Psychologist, Medical Foundation for the Care of
Victims of Torture and senior lecturer in clinical psychology at the
University of East London.
Valerie Bryson Professor of Politics, University of Huddersfield
Steering Group Members
Manjeet Singh Regional Race Equality Lead, Care Services Improvement

(Chair of steering Partnership (CSIP) North West
group)
Kirit Patel Race Equality Programme Coordinator, UK Poverty Oxfam
Shabana Baig Saheli Management Committee
Joyce Watson Imkaan
Qurab Ahmed Saheli Management Committee
Sabrina Sohota Saheli Management Committee
Specific Support
Azra Assaf Saheli Management Committee

Sumanta Roy Imkaan
Gita Patel Imkaan
Ila Patel Asha Projects
Jatinder Chana Asha Projects
Nupur Verma GP, South London
Sarah Khalil Domestic Violence Coordinator Manchester City Council
Leena Kumarappan Administrator Saheli
Ruth Barnes Administrator Saheli
Sugra Akbar Finance Officer Saheli
Pam Whittle CMWA Central Manchester Womens Aid
Val Nuttle CMWA Central Manchester Womens Aid
Brenda Davies NMWA North Manchester Womens Aid
Helen Perry SMWA South Manchester Womens Aid
Nadia Ahmed Univeristy of Central Lancashire
Zulekha Ahmed Apna Haq
Satinder Pal The Refuge Project
Bill Davies Manchester Social Services, NRPF Team Manager
Contents
Executive Summary 9
1. Introduction 17
1.1 Structure of report 18
2. Research Methods 19
2.1 Community engagement 19
2.2 Data collection and analysis 19
2.3 Ethical considerations 20
2.4 Limitations 21
3. Background and current debates 22

3.1 Domestic violence and the experiences of South Asian women in the UK 22
3.2 Domestic violence and women with NRPF 23
3.2.1 Legislative responses to domestic violence 24
3.2.2 The law governing Local Authority response to women with NRPF 25
3.2.3 Availing the Domestic Violence Concession:
The Theory and the Reality 27
3.2.4 Mapping the extent of the problem 28
4. Demographic characteristics 31
4.1 North West and Yorkshire regions of England 31
4.2 The interview sample 31
5. Surviving domestic violence: those seven months were like seven

centuries for me 35
5.1 Domestic Violence and NRPF: Womens Experiences within the abusive
relationships 35
5.1.1 Asymmetries of power 35
5.1.2 Enforced labour 37
5.1.3 Forced marriage: the overlooked aspect of the overseas dimension 38
5.1.4 Sexual abuse 39

5. 2 Against the odds: overcoming barriers to disclosure 41
5. 3 Informal networks of support: reaching out to family, friends, neighbours 42
5.4 Mapping womens pathways out of the abusive relationship 44
6. Mind the Gap: Womens Experience of Service Provision 50

6.1 Statutory and voluntary sector response to the problem of domestic
violence and NRPF 50
6.1.1 Obstetric services: health visitors and midwives 51
6.1.2 Accident & Emergency services 52
6.1.3 General Practitioners 53
6.1.4 Police 55
6.1.5 Social Services 56
6.1.6 Womens refuges: generic provision 59
6.1.7 Womens refuges and outreach services: specialist provision 59
6.1.8 Law Centres and Citizen Advice Bureaus 61
6.1.9 Other community organisations 62
6.2 The process of leaving: womens realities versus assumptions of the
Domestic Violence Rule 62
7. Destitution as state policy: poverty and deprivation among

women with NRPF 65
7.1 Income poverty: I have nothing, but at least I am alive 65
7.2 Accommodation: quality, safety and security of tenure 68
7.3 Social Isolation 72
7.4 Physical and mental health 73
7.5 Proposal to retrieve costs of supporting women with NRPF from
sponsors: the way forward? 77
7.6 Neither safety nor justice: the deportation of women with NRPF 80
8. Conclusions and Recommendations 82

8.1 Change in law 82
8.2 Improving service provision 83
Conclusions 84
References 85
Appendix 94
Executive Summary
Forgotten Women:
Domestic Violence, Poverty and South Asian Women

with No Recourse to Public Funds.
Introduction
This report documents research findings relevant to understanding the experiences of South
Asian women who have survived domestic violence and who have No Recourse to Public Funds
(NRPF), the forgotten women.
This study was sponsored by Oxfam GB, with additional contributions from Care Services
Improvement Partnership North West (CSIP NW) and the University of Huddersfield. The
research was undertaken by Saheli, a specialist South Asian Domestic Violence Project based
in Manchester, working with women with No Recourse to Public Funds in crisis and needing
refuge. The overall aim of the study was to contribute to policy-making and service provision
for such women.
The Two Year Rule and No Recourse to Public Funds

Women who come to the UK to join their husbands/fiancs are subject to a two year
probationary period of residency, also known as the two year rule. If their marriage breaks
down during this period they no longer have the right to remain in the UK and face
deportation back to their country of origin. However, if domestic violence is the cause of
marital breakdown and they are able to provide requisite evidence of this, they can apply for
Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR). Until such a decision is reached, they have No Recourse to
Public Funds (NRPF), making benefits and public housing such as refuges inaccessible to them.
This means that women facing domestic violence within the two year period or more, if their
sponsor has not renewed their visa, face a stark choice between living with life-threatening
ongoing violence or facing destitution if they leave, and deportation if they are unable to meet
the stringent evidential requirements. The impact of the NRPF clause is not merely on women
who seek to leave the abusive relationship; the very existence of this clause effects all women
in this situation by reinforcing gendered inequalities.
Key Findings
1. Patterns of abuse
South Asian women with NRPF face domestic violence and exploitation enforced by threats of
destitution or being sent back home should they leave their abusers.
Other characteristics of abuse faced by the women with NRPF include:
Sexual abuse
A high proportion of women reported sexual abuse by the partner, or/ as well as by other
family members who exploited the lack of support for the woman within the family and the
absence of any viable means to leave the relationship.
Forced domestic and in some cases non-domestic labour
Exploitation of domestic labour was in most cases accompanied by a denial of the womens
most basic needs. This included starvation, imprisonment, denial of warm clothes and
inadequate sleeping arrangements, and a denial of access to phone or any unsupervised
contact with outsiders.
Neglect, violence and eventual abandonment
Where men have felt that emotional pressure exerted by their family was the basis of the
marriage, the women have reported neglect of their basic needs, abuse and eventually
abandonment.
Continuing exploitation and sexual abuse on escape from a violent relationship
Where women had managed to leave the abusive relationship and due to NRPF and the
absence of public funding, were forced to live with strangers, relatives and friends, they have
reported further exploitation of their labour and vulnerability to sexual abuse.
2. Destitution, poverty and deprivation

The poverty and destitution faced by women who participated in this study is attributable to
the immigration policy which makes it harder for the women who do manage to leave abusive
relationships to recover from the abuse, to access services and further exposes them to further
risks of abuse and exploitation.
Income poverty
Based on the most commonly used threshold of poverty - a household income that is 60% or
less of the average household income in that year - all the women in this study who had NRPF
and had left the abusive relationship were living in dire poverty and deprivation, struggling to
meet basic needs such as adequate food, warm clothing, travel expenses and medicines. Many
women who received no support from their Local Authority were facing destitution and were
living on the charity of friends, family members or strangers who had taken them in, making
them extremely vulnerable to further exploitation and abuse.
Accommodation: quality, safety and security of tenure
Due to the difficulties of accessing women who were not receiving any support from services,
women in publicly-funded accommodation are overrepresented here, though evidence
gathered from eight specialist refuges by Saheli and Imkaan indicates that the vast majority of
women with NRPF are refused accommodation by refuges due to lack of funds.
Just under a third of women who had left the abusive relationship were in private
accommodation, while two-thirds were living in social housing, funded by Local Authorities,
by refuges through their own reserves and in one case by NASS. Single women faced greatest
insecurity regarding their accommodation - eight single women had moved between four and
eight times in the last year, and two women had lived for short periods in a park and on the
rooftop of a mosque. Women staying with friends, family members or strangers did not have
access to a bedroom for their sole use, were on call as domestic workers with no private
space to retreat to, were sleeping in living room or sharing the bedroom with the children in
the family. Women expressed greatest concerns for their safety where they were not in a
refuge.
3. Social Isolation
Social isolation was evident not only whilst the women were still in the abusive relationship,
but also when they had left the relationship. In their attempts to seek help from informal
sources of support, to whom nineteen women first made the disclosure, women reported that
they did not always reveal all of their circumstances but tested out the reaction to limited
disclosures to ascertain who may be supportive. The initial responses they received were
variable and included blaming the women for the abuse. Some women managed to find the
support they needed from relatives, friends and in one case a neighbour, but many simply did
not have the opportunity to talk to anyone because of the control that was exercised over every
aspect of their lives, and the fear that any attempt to seek help would be noticed and would
result in further abuse.
Nearly 50% of the women who had left the abusive relationship had no contact with family
or friends in the two weeks prior to the interview and faced extreme isolation due to a range
of reasons including the lack of any informal sources of support in the UK, being disowned by
family for leaving the marriage, fear of being traced, and lack of sufficient funds to visit friends
or speak to family in the subcontinent. This isolation was compounded for women who had
no access to specialist services that were able to meet their language needs.
4. Psychological and physical health

Initially upon leaving the abusive relationship the women reported some improvement in their
physical and psychological health. However, they reported that over time they experienced
severe and ongoing health problems which they attributed to the abuse they had suffered.
These included suicidal thoughts, suicide attempts, extreme fears, anxiety and panic attacks,
depression, eating and sleeping difficulties. Most women did not have access to specialist
mental health services, and of the women who were not receiving any support from Local
Authorities two-thirds did not have access to GPs.
5. The trap of the Domestic Violence Rule

The Domestic Violence Rule requires that women be able to prove that they have experienced
domestic violence by contacting agencies before they leave the abusive relationship, often at
great risk to themselves. However, our research shows that a third of the women simply did
not have the opportunity to talk to anyone while they were within the abusive relationship
because of the control that was exercised over every aspect of their lives and the fear of further
violence. It was only after they left that many women were able to talk fully about what had
happened to them both to their family and friends, and to service providers. Their contact
with services after they have left the abusive relationship is viewed as suspect for the purpose
of providing evidence of the abuse. This research also shows that many women who do
manage to contact services at an earlier stage find that services do not always enable full
disclosures, record them accurately or provide effective help that enables women to leave. Not
surprisingly, only a small minority of women who have successfully managed to leave are able
to provide the evidence required, with requirements from existing policy simply being at odds
with the reality of their experiences.
6. Inconsistent and variable nature of service provision and

service responses to women with NRPF
Contrary to the stereotypes of South Asian women being unwilling to approach welfare
services, this research indicates that South Asian women with NRPF do make repeated
attempts to contact services despite the additional and significant barriers they face in doing
so. However, it took most women several contacts with services to receive the help they
needed and many women had not yet received such help despite several attempts to access
support. Twenty eight women had contacted an average of four services each, some of whom
did so after they left the abusive relationship. These service contacts do not include repeated
contacts of the same services.
Experiences of services were highly variable. Obstetric services, specialist domestic violence
services, community mental health services, Law Centres and Citizens Advice Bureaus received
positive evaluations while a majority of the women remained dissatisfied with Accident and
Emergency services, GPs, the police and Social Services. These evaluations were based on
whether the agencies were effective in enabling disclosure, recording disclosure, validating
womens experiences and offering advice, information and referrals that helped women to
eventually leave the abusive relationship.
Accident & Emergency (A&E) services
Of the six women who contacted A&E for injuries following domestic violence, five women
reported failure to pursue alternative explanations for the violence given by the perpetrator(s)
and no attempt to see the women on their own.
General Practitioners (GPs)
Two-thirds of the women who contacted their GP for help with the physical and mental impact
of the abuse reported dissatisfaction due to a failure to deal with the causes of their
symptoms, failure to take womens disclosures seriously and poor mechanisms for referrals,
while a third of the women made positive evaluations of the service they received.
Police
Just over one-third of the women reported instances of good police practice, but the majority
of women reported dissatisfaction with the service they received. The nature of their
assessments depended on whether womens disclosures were taken seriously, a pro-arrest
policy was followed, and the safety of the women prioritised by informing them about their
options and making contact with services on their behalf.
Local Authority policies and practice
Almost 50% of the 23 women who contacted social services, particularly single women, did
not receive any support despite repeated efforts to seek help five women in this situation
were destitute and one woman was forced to remain in the abusive relationship due to the
lack of support. Under a quarter of the women, mostly women with children, received support
from their Local Authority when they first contacted them, while seven women had to move
from one Local Authority to another till they received the support they needed.
Examples of good practice existed in a few Local Authorities, particularly Manchester, where
women made positive evaluations of the service. Nevertheless, practice remained inconsistent
and variable across the region. For example, two women reported that their Local Authority
offered to take their children into care, and two women who were housed in Bed & Breakfast
accommodation (B & B) with their children had nothing to eat for several days in one case
the social worker visited regularly with nappies and baby milk for the baby while the mother
starved. Some women housed in emergency accommodation were exposed to further
violence, for example by being housed in a B & B near the abusive family home.
Obstetric services
A majority of the women reported positive experiences including pro-active questioning,

pursuing with their enquiries when women offered partial disclosures, offering reassurances
about the help available, and finding a refuge space for them. Even where women were
unable to act on the advice given, these measures increased their confidence in the services,
enabling fuller disclosures later.
Generic refuges
South Asian women housed in mainstream refuges reported a sense of relief at having escaped
what was experienced as life-threatening situations, yet they were unable to communicate
with anyone and experienced overwhelming isolation and confusion about their options due
to language barriers and the absence of culturally-sensitive and effective support that met their
needs.
Specialist refuges and outreach services
Women who were accommodated in specialist refuges had the most positive evaluations of
the services they received and women also expressed high levels of satisfaction with specialist
outreach services. The reasons included offering reassurances about confidentiality, enabling
disclosures, advocacy and support in accessible languages, enabling access to other services
and overcoming social isolation.
Law Centres and Citizens Advice Bureaus
Most women reported satisfaction with these services, particularly with the South Manchester
Law Centre.
Community Organisations
Positive evaluations of community organisations included that of Roby, a community mental

health service based in Manchester.
Given the highly variable and inconsistent service response, womens ability to leave abusive
relationships seemed constrained by the lack of support by statutory services. Additionally, the
fact that evidence under the Domestic Violence Rule requires a successful service contact
which records the abuse, in effect, penalises women for the ineffectiveness of service response
to their situation.
Recommendations
This study highlights the need for many changes, while some may be longer-term changes
requiring a change in the law, other changes may be made more immediately. The following
section specifies some key recommendations.
1. Changes in law
1.1 The 'no recourse' requirement under the Two Year Rule reinforces gender inequalities
for all women in a marriage, and not just those seeking to leave an abusive relationship,
and needs to be abolished.
1.2 At the very least, all survivors of domestic violence should receive welfare benefits and
safe housing under the Housing Act 1996 to enable women to leave the abusive
relationship and to prevent them from facing poverty, destitution and further abuse and
exploitation after they leave.
1.3 The proposal to support women with public funds and reclaim the funds from their
sponsor raises concerns including fear of retaliatory violence to women, their children
and to relatives in the subcontinent. Such a move would be ineffective and it obscures
the responsibility of the state to protect womens human rights.
1.4 The current treatment of overstayers needs to be reconsidered, as the nature of

domestic violence and the failure to renew visas can itself be part of the abuse and
control that women experience.
1.5 A wider range of evidence including personal statements and witness testimonies needs
to be permissible under the Domestic Violence Rule.
1.6 Applications for Indefinite Leave to Remain need to be fast-tracked for women
experiencing domestic violence.
1.7 The Domestic Violence Rule should be extended to all survivors of domestic violence who
are subject to immigration control.
2. Improving service provision
2.1 There is an urgent need for national guidelines on social service obligations to women
with NRPF. Whilst examples of good practice exist, they need to be emulated across the
country.
2.2 Social services need to house women with NRPF in refuges, with the option of specialist
refuges, in order to enable them to access the support they need.
2.3 There is an urgent need for publicity about these provisions to enable women to leave
abusive relationships.
2.4 Social services need to reach a decision within twenty-four hours of an application for
support to prevent women from returning to the abusive relationship, giving them an
option to leave the relationship.
2.5 Compulsory, regular and continuous training on the nature of domestic violence and the
issue of NRPF is needed for all frontline staff.
2.6 Routine screening and recording of domestic violence by health services is essential.
2.7 There is a need for better information about services, the prioritising of the womens
safety, a pro-arrest policy and appropriate referrals by police, the provision of accessible
advice and information by legal services.
2.8 Adequate Legal Aid is essential to enable women to access their rights and legal
support.
2.9 Information about services needs to be provided through leaflets and posters in everyday
and accessible spaces in the UK and in British High Commissions in the subcontinent.
2.10 Specialist domestic violence services are crucial for South Asian women with NRPF, as are
outreach services that are accessible to women who remain trapped in the abusive
family home.
2.11 The impact of the abuse on womens mental health needs to be addressed through the
provision of accessible mental health services in women-only spaces.
Conclusions
While domestic violence exists across all communities, the policy of NRPF and the existence of
the Two Year Rule reinforce patriarchal structures within which such violence against women
takes place, as well as effectively penalising women who resist this violence by seeking to leave
the abusive relationship. In the absence of effective service responses to women with NRPF,
existing legislation in principle, offers an opportunity to exit for some women, but in practice
existing policy makes it extremely difficult for most women to avail this opportunity. Specialist
domestic violence services, often under-funded and struggling to survive the current shifts in
domestic violence service provision, are often risking financial viability to support such women.
Women forced to live with ongoing severe violence in the UK, women who have managed to
leave but are facing destitution and a struggle for survival in the UK, and women deported to
face further violence are three faces of a state policy that urgently needs reform to extend to
migrant women the basic rights that most resident women take for granted.
The policy of NRPF allows the government to apply double standards in its approach to
domestic violence, allowing some women the right to protection but not others. The NRPF rule
represents a major and serious obstacle to accessing services and justice for a very vulnerable
group of minority and migrant women. It underpins the reasons why South Asian women with
unresolved status are unable to leave violent relationships or face destitution, if they do.
Whilst this study provides significant insights into the experiences of one group of women,
there remains a need for further research into the needs and experiences of women still living
within the abusive relationships; and of other groups of Black and minority ethnic women with
NRPF including marriage migrants, partners of students and workers, migrant domestic
workers, asylum seekers and refugees, overstayers and illegal entrants.
Chapter 1
Introduction
Women who come to the UK to join their fiancs or husbands after marrying are subject to a
two year probationary period of residency, also known as the two year rule. Through
marriage, these women acquire their immigration status from their spouses residency or
citizenship rights. If their marriage breaks down during this period, they no longer have the
right to remain in Britain and face deportation back to their country of origin. However, if
domestic violence is the cause of marital breakdown and they are able to provide requisite
evidence, they can apply for Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR). Womens groups have long
expressed the concern that the evidential requirements are narrowly defined and do not reflect
the nature of domestic violence and the service response to Black and minority ethnic women.
Moreover, until a decision is reached on their application for ILR, women are also not eligible
to any public funds like benefits or social housing, making refuges inaccessible to them. This
means that women facing domestic violence within the two year period or more, if their
husband has not renewed their visa, face a stark choice between living with life-threatening
ongoing violence or facing destitution if they leave, and deportation if they are unable to meet
the stringent evidential requirements.
Women with No Recourse to Public Funds (henceforth NRPF) are the forgotten women within
our society, experiencing ongoing life-threatening violence due to the threat of deportation
and the lack of viable options and facing destitution, extreme poverty and exclusion from
mainstream service provision because of their immigration status when they do manage to
leave the abusive relationship. For women with NRPF, the abuse that they experience within
the patriarchal structure of their communities is reinforced by state policies which have a
punitive effect on immigrant women who resist the violence inflicted upon them.
While refuges and organisations working with Black and minority ethnic women have long
been aware of the difficulties facing women with NRPF who have contacted them, to date
there has been little detailed research documenting the experiences of women in this situation.
This study was commissioned by Saheli, a specialist domestic violence service based in
Manchester, with the aim of documenting the experiences of South Asian women with NRPF
within the abusive relationships, their service pathways during and after the process of leaving
the abusive relationship and the poverty and deprivation faced by women who have managed
to leave, in order to inform policy changes. The study has been sponsored by Oxfam GB, with
additional contributions from CSIP NIMHE and the University of Huddersfield. Saheli has also
worked closely with other organisations like Oxfam GB, Imkaan, CSIP NIMHE, Womens Aid
refuges in Manchester, Roshni (Sheffield) Asian Womens Resource Centre and Apna Haq
Project. This study builds on and contributes to findings of projects by other agencies such as
Imkaan, Southall Black Sisters, Amnesty International and Manchester Metropolitan University.
This collaborative work addressing the intersections between poverty, violence against women,
race and the immigration policy of the state draws attention to the interlocking dimensions of
disadvantage and discrimination faced by South Asian women with NRPF.
1.1 Structure of the report

Chapter 2 summarises the methods used in the study and ethical considerations.
Chapter 3 examines current debates on the issue of violence against Black and minority ethnic
women, seeks to map the number of women facing domestic violence who are affected by
NRPF and the legislative responses to this problem.
Chapter 4 provides demographic information about the geographical context within which
the research was conducted and the demographic characteristics of the sample.
Chapter 5 recounts womens experiences within their marriage which are shaped by their
status as recent migrants, the state policy of NRPF and the patriarchal structures within South
Asian communities. It also explores womens experiences of contacting both informal and
formal sources of support to disclose the abuse they have faced and to seek help.
Chapter 6 examines womens experience of service provision and maps womens journeys
through services to assess the quality of service provision that this group of women receive.
Chapter 7 documents the poverty and deprivation that is faced by women with NRPF when
they leave the abusive relationship by focusing on womens income, quality of their
accommodation, social networks and their physical and mental health. It also presents
womens views on the proposal to support them through public funds and retrieve these funds
from sponsors, and explores the consequences of deporting survivors of domestic violence
who fail to meet the evidence required to prove domestic violence.
Chapter 8 presents the recommendations and conclusions based on the experiences of

women and of domestic violence services who participated in this study.
Chapter 2
Research Methods
2.1. Community Engagement

The research team consisted of a principal researcher, one worker from Saheli who acted as
the support worker, the co-ordinator of Saheli and three ex-service users of Saheli who were
the community researchers. Two of the community researchers were themselves women with
NRPF when they left their abusive spouses. In addition, the research was guided by a Steering
Group, acting in an advisory capacity.
This study was conducted using the model of community engagement within the tradition of
action research. Action research can be defined as a participatory, democratic process
concerned with developing practical knowledge in the pursuit of worthwhile human
purposes (Reason & Bradbury, 2001:1). The aim of the study was to gain an understanding
of the needs and experiences of South Asian women with NRPF, work towards a change in the
policies and to make the process of the research an empowering one for all its participants.
Much of the recent research that has been conducted on domestic violence in the UK has been
from a feminist perspective that has sought to enhance disclosure of abuse, enable more
inclusive and equal research relationships by bridging the distance between the so-called
experts and non-experts - the researcher and the researched -and redressing the power
imbalance between them (Kelly, 1988; Yllo, 1988; Koss, 1993). The model of community
engagement used in this research was one where the researchers who had experienced the
problem under study were working with specialist domestic violence service providers.
The need for adequate support in order to enable service user involvement in action research
has been frequently emphasised by researchers (e.g. Hanley, 2005). In this study, the
community researchers were supported through the provision of training on qualitative
research methods, on the problem of domestic violence, and on service provision in the UK for
survivors of domestic violence and NRPF. Community researchers were also provided regular
supervision and support during fieldwork. The multi-agency steering group, including service
providers and representatives from relevant statutory and voluntary sectors, was also
instrumental in guiding the research, and ensuring that the needs of community researchers
were considered.
2.2 Data Collection and analysis

A combination of qualitative and quantitative methods was used to explore the experiences of
women and to map the extent of the problem. Semi-structured qualitative interviews were
conducted with 30 South Asian women who had experienced domestic violence and had
NRPF. Most of the research was conducted in North West England, particularly Manchester,
with a few additional interviews in the Yorkshire region of England. Eight specialist refuges for
South Asian women which are based in England also completed a questionnaire to document
the numbers of South Asian women with NRPF who had contacted their agency to access their
domestic violence services, the nature of the service response to their needs and their
experiences of working with statutory services in supporting women with NRPF.
Twenty out of the thirty women interviewed were accessed through refuges, domestic violence
services and social services, and therefore had made a prior disclosure of domestic violence and
had left the abusive relationship. Community researchers also used word-of-mouth and
snowballing techniques to access ten women who were living with family, friends or strangers,
most of whom had left the abusive family home.
Microsoft Excel was used to analyse the quantitative data, while the qualitative data was
analysed using NVivo. Womens experiences have been conveyed in their own voices wherever
possible, and a coding system used to conceal their identity.
2.3 Ethical Considerations

Addressing ethical and safety issues in conducting research on domestic violence was
considered essential to ensure minimal safety standards. These issues included ensuring
complete privacy during the interview, protecting confidentiality, providing information and
referrals to the participants, providing specialist training and support for the interviewers who
may have found the entire process distressing, particularly if they are survivors of abuse (see
Ellsberg, & Heise, 1999; Fontes, 2004). While it is not possible to completely resolve all the
ethical dilemmas that can arise in conducting research on such a sensitive subject, steps were
put in place to identify such concerns should they arise and address them throughout the
various stages of this research.
As domestic violence services were often facilitating access to respondents, care was taken to
guard against any risk of coercion to participate in the study (Campbell & Dienemann, 2001).
The research participants were informed verbally and in writing of the full terms of their
consent. These included information about the measures to respect confidentiality and
preserve the anonymity of individuals and the organisations they accessed, as well as
information about the limits of confidentiality. They were also given contact details of the
research team so that they could add to their responses subsequent to the interview or clarify
matters at a later date, if they wished to do so. Women were informed of their right to refuse
to participate, to withdraw from the research at any point and assured that this would not
have any impact on any present or future access to services.
Some women who were living in supported accommodation did indeed refuse to participate
or negotiated the basis of their participation. Some women requested that no tape recorders
be used, the presence of an advocate and some declined to answer questions where they were
concerned that their responses might enable the perpetrators to identify them. Fontes (2004)
discusses the fear about confidentiality and safety that women might understandably have in
the context of their experience of abuse, and the possibility that despite these fears, some
women may not feel able to withhold consent. While the refusal by a majority of women to
tape-record the interview somewhat hampered the quality of the data obtained, at the same
time it also indicated that the participants were able to set the terms on which they took part
in the research, and did not feel pressurised to stray beyond their comfort zones.
Ellsberg et al. (2001) discuss how participation in research can lead to further violence, and
this was particularly relevant for the two women who were still living in the abusive
relationship. Apart from careful planning to ensure safety and privacy during the interview
itself, their stories have been carefully edited to ensure that no identifying details are present.
Fontes (2004) also discusses the ethics of soliciting participation from refuges for fear of
possible clash between the research aims and that of securing the well-being of the clients. In
this case, the service provided to the participants was under constant threat of being
withdrawn due to lack of resources, and many others in their situation were unable to access
any such support due to the immigration law. This study was therefore perceived by the
womens advocates as well as the participants as one possible way of contributing to a change
in the law. Despite their distress at recalling the traumatic events, women urged researchers to
tell their story and to take their voices to policy-makers so that the silence on their plight could
be broken. When one of the community researchers was told that her application for ILR had
been turned down and that she could be deported, she continued working on this project so
that others might not be in the same situation as me. Fortunately, the decision was
overturned on appeal.
Listening to women recount traumatic experiences can be distressing, and this process took all
of us involved in the study through terrains that were distressingly familiar yet new; distanced
yet too close for comfort. This was particularly so where participants were still in abusive
relationships or were facing destitution since they had no source of financial support. Ellsberg
and Heise (2002) and Fontes (2004) point out the impact this can have on researchers own
sense of well-being as well as on the quality of the research. The provision of an information
pack enabled some participants to find out about the service provision and those who had no
source of income were signposted to Sahelis recently established emergency fund for women
with NRPF. For two women who participated in this study, this was their first source of
information and contact with services, and an immediate benefit of participating in this
research. Being able to provide this information also benefited the researchers, as they felt
there was at least something they could do that could potentially make a difference to the
participants immediate lives.
2.4 Limitations
This study focuses on the experiences of South Asian women with NRPF in North West and
Yorkshire regions of England. Given the paucity of research on this problem, the findings will
be relevant to other groups of women in other parts of the UK. However, there remains an
urgent need for further research on this subject so that the particular experiences of women
from different communities can be documented, including the experiences of women with
NRPF who are not marriage migrants.
Previous research indicates that only a small percentage of women with NRPF who need a safe
space are able to access it (Imkaan, 2003; Imkaan, 2008). Due to time and funding constraints,
statutory and voluntary services were used to facilitate access to the participants for this study,
contributing to the overrepresentation in this studys sample of women in receipt of support.
The experiences of women who do not receive such support and who are most vulnerable and
face destitution following their exit from the abusive relationship needs to be explored further.
Another limitation of the studys sample was that only two of the thirty women who
participated in this study were still living within their abusive family home. By mapping the
experiences of women before they left the abusive relationship, it is possible to gain some
understanding of the needs and experiences of women with NRPF who are still living within
the abusive relationship. However, not all women manage to make a successful contact with
services and to leave the abusive family home. There is a need for further study over a longer
period of time in order to access more women in this situation.
Chapter 3
Background and current debates
The Home Office defines domestic violence as any incident of threatening behaviour, violence
or abuse between adults who are or have been in a relationship together, or between family
members.1 These definitions include physical, emotional, financial, sexual abuse as well as
culturally specific forms of domestic abuse like forced marriage, honour killings and dowry
attacks. Figures show that it occurs regardless of age, race, sexuality and class but consists
mainly of violence by men against women.2
1 in 3 women in the UK have experienced domestic violence at some time in their

lives (Mooney, 1994).
12% of women have been victims of domestic violence in the past year (Mooney,1994)
Until very recently, the relationship between the perpetrator and the victim was defined as
partners, ex-partners or intimate family members. Following critiques by Black and minority
ethnic womens organisations and research findings, this definition was expanded to include
violence by family members in general, with some organisations like Asha Projects, Southall
Black Sisters and Womens Aid including family-type relationships within the scope of this
definition.
3.1 Domestic violence and the experiences of South Asian

women in the UK
Early feminist perspectives on domestic violence have been criticised for their essentialism in
viewing gender as the only explanatory factor. For example, Mama (1990) highlighted the
additional implications of race and ethnicity in conditioning the experience of domestic
violence and its impact, arguing that the fear of racist responses could act as barriers
preventing Black and minority ethnic women from accessing services or speaking out about
the domestic violence that they experienced. Though evidence indicates that violence against
women is present across all communities and classes (Krug et al., 2002), the specific forms it
takes, the often varying service responses to women from different communities and to
different forms of violence against women and consequently, the impact of domestic violence
can vary.
Recognising difference among women does not preclude the possibility of a feminist analysis
which reflects on the commonality of womens experiences of oppression, while taking
account of how the various intersections of social inequality including race, immigration status
and class converge to create qualitatively different matrix of domination (Collins, 2000) for
women of colour (Crenshaw, 1991; Raj and Silverman 2002; Cline, 2003). Patel (2000) and
1 http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/crime-victims/reducing-crime/domestic-violence/
2 http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/crime-victims/reducing-crime/domestic-violence/ /
Wilson (2006) draw attention to the difficulties faced by women in negotiating cultural-
religious identity in the context of their belongingness within immigrant communities.
Additionally, Wilson points to the failure of the British state to recognise the plurality of Black
and minority ethnic communities within the policy of multiculturalism which identifies male
religious figureheads as community spokespersons. Womens experience of domestic violence
and their responses to it are conditioned by their gender as well as the social construction of
other identities and the nature of state responses to this problem.
Research indicates that domestic violence is under-reported by women from South Asian
communities for a number of reasons such as stigma, lack of adequate provision for non-
English speakers, lack of awareness of services and mistrust of police or social services among
recent migrants (Womens Asylum News, 2002). For a range of reasons, including extreme
isolation and feelings of shame and guilt, South Asian women find it harder to leave situations
of domestic violence and perceive greater pressures to reconcile with abusive family members
(Rai and Thiara, 1997; Shah-Kazemi, 2001; Gill, 2004).
While the barriers that South Asian women face in speaking about the abuse they experience
have been rightly highlighted, the focus has often been on the women themselves and on their
culture, rather than an inadequacy in service response. In a research conducted for the Fawcett
Society, evidence was gathered about the support and services available to women facing
domestic violence. This study shows that on average, a woman facing domestic violence has
to make 11 contacts with agencies before getting the help she needs however, this rises to
17 if she is from Black and minority ethnic communities (Brittain et al., 2005). Put together,
the barriers which women have to overcome in contacting services and the service responses
which seem to be biased against Black and minority ethnic women increase their risk of
experiencing continuing violence in their home.
3.2 Domestic violence and women with No Recourse to Public

Funds
No Recourse to Public Funds (NRPF) is a condition attached to the visa which stipulates that
the person entering the UK does not have a right to claim any welfare benefits like Income
Support, Disability Living Allowance, Incapacity Benefit and Job Seekers Allowance, council
housing or facilities funded by public funds, including refuges. This section explores how the
law and its implementation has a disproportionate impact on Black and minority ethnic
women and children facing domestic violence and creates an additional vulnerability that
resident women do not have to contend with.
Where the immigration status of women is dependent on their husband, the power
imbalances within a marriage are further weighed against women by state laws. For women
facing domestic violence, the choices are stark. Leaving an abusive relationship can mean
deportation, and this threat is a powerful tool in the hands of the abusers. Due to the stigma
associated with the break-up of the marriage and the blame that is attached to the women
for leaving the relationship, women are often disowned by their families and have no means
of making a safe living in their home country as a divorcee or a single woman. Given the well-
founded fear of violence and persecution if deported, many women perceive themselves as
having no alternatives and remain trapped in the abusive relationship.
There are several categories of women who are affected by NRPF. These include spouses of
students or workers, spouses of settled partners, those who become overstayers by staying
in the UK beyond the limited leave granted to them in their visa and those who enter the UK
in breach of immigration laws, classified as illegal entrants. The majority of the cases that
have come to the attention of womens groups or services represent spouses of settled
partners.
3.2.1 Legislative responses to domestic violence

While international migration to the UK has a long history, asylum and immigration have come
to be reconstituted as a problem by successive governments and by populist political
discourse over the last few decades (Schuster and Solomos, 2004). Successive legislation has
closed immigration routes into the UK and revoked rights previously available to asylum
seekers (Schuster, 2003) to the detriment of Black and minority ethnic women experiencing
domestic violence (Imkaan, 2003; Joshi, 2003; Gill and Sharma, 2006). The primary purpose
rule, the probationary period and the NRPF are all part of the measures introduced to prevent
marriage from becoming a means of settlement in the UK.
The Primary Purpose Rule was interpreted in a racist manner, with the focus of immigration
control being on countries from the Indian subcontinent and all marriages between their
citizens and UK residents was viewed as suspect (Sachdeva, 1993). Following a long campaign
by Black and minority ethnic womens groups like Southall Black Sisters through the 1980s and
1990s, the Primary Purpose Rule was abolished in 1997 and the impact of domestic violence
on recent marriage migrants was recognised under the Immigration Rules 2002 (Domestic
Violence Concession). Under this rule, a woman could apply for ILR even if she was not living
with her husband or partner if she could prove that the relationship broke down as a
consequence of domestic violence.
However, this concession was only available to marriage migrants, not to women who had
accompanied a spouse on a student or workers visa, to categories of overstayers other than
marriage migrants or to illegal entrants. It was a historic concession and an important
theoretical step whereby womens experience of violence was the basis of a re-examination of
immigration law, which has traditionally been framed with little regard to gendered realities.
However, in order to prove that domestic violence had occurred, women had to provide
evidence on one of the following a court conviction; a police caution; an injunction order, a
non-molestation order or a protection order against the abuser.
Domestic violence is underreported across all cultures and classes, but this is even more so by
Black and minority ethnic women due to factors discussed earlier (Mama, 1990; Womens
Asylum News, 2002; Gill, 2004). Research indicates that only in a minority of cases are police
contacted about the abuse (Yearnshire, 1997), and even in these cases rates of positive action
such as a caution, arrest or conviction remain dismally low (Kelly, 1999; Grace, 1995; Hester,
2003) and inconsistent (Hanmer and Griffiths, 2001; Hester, 2003). The evidential
requirements set out in the Domestic Violence Concession simply did not reflect any
understanding of the nature of domestic violence or the criminal justice response to it.
Following further campaigning by womens groups, the evidence required was extended in
April 2003. If none of the previously required evidence was available, two of the following
were now deemed as acceptable proof of domestic violence:
A medical report from a hospital doctor;
A letter from a GP;
An undertaking given to a court that the perpetrator of the violence will not approach
the applicant who is the victim of violence;
A police report, a letter from a social services department, a letter of support or report
from a womens refuge, or other service provider recognised by the Home Office.
While this was a victory for campaigners, in reality, the evidence required still relies on a
successful contact with services which are expected to record the disclosure. Research indicates
that Black and minority ethnic women have to make several more contacts with services in
order to receive the help they need (Brittain et al., 2005). The presumption that such evidence
is easily available takes little account of the reality of service delivery for a Black and minority
ethnic woman who has managed to contact them, and is even less cognisant of the particular
constraints including language barriers and lack of knowledge of service provision that recent
migrants face.
The situation is even more tenuous for women who become overstayers when their abusive
partner refuses or neglects to apply for ILR as a means of exercising control over the women
through threats of deportation. In theory, their situation is recognised by the Home Office but
previous research (Imkaan, 2003; Lewis, 2004: 6) indicates that in practice, the processing of
their application is made an even more arduous due to the lack of legal representation and the
length of time taken to reach a decision. All this has meant that these women continue to
suffer needlessly (Imkaan, 2003). With the recent increase in the cost of applying for ILR, many
more women may find that their abusive families are reluctant to regularise their status.
Rights granted with one hand were also taken away with the other when the one year rule
was extended to two years in 2003, seemingly in order to appease populist right-wing
discourse on immigration. Since this extension of the probationary period, women in this
situation are also more likely to have children and to face being unable to support themselves
and their children if they leave the abusive relationship (Imkaan, 2003). This places women in
a vulnerable situation for a longer period and suggests that the goal of immigration control
has retained priority over justice for women.
3.2.2 The law governing Local Authority response to women

with NRPF
Despite its limitations, the Domestic Violence Concession has theoretically opened a door for
some categories of women with NRPF to leave abusive relationships. However, to leave an
abusive marriage requires access to affordable accommodation and adequate means of
sustaining oneself. Outlined below, is the provision that is currently available in an interface of
immigration, community care and human rights legislation. Local Authority duty to support a
person can arise where the person is subject to immigration control, has NRPF and is destitute
plus.3
The test for Local Authorities in assessing whether someone is destitute-plus is whether an
individuals need is merely because of a lack of accommodation and subsistence, or is made
more acute by circumstances such as ill health, disability, because the case involves a child, or
it involves a potential breach of human rights law. The key issue is whether there is an
imminent risk of significant harm if support is not provided, which would only be suffered as
a result of the additional circumstance of ill health, disability or other vulnerability (NRPF
Network, 2007).
3 From 6th December 2000, those subject to immigration control are no longer eligible for assistance if their need stems from destitution alone
or the consequences of destitution.
Provisions under section 21 of the National Assistance Act 1948
Under section 21 of the National Assistance Act 1948, Local Authorities have been given a
power to assist persons aged 18 and over who by reason of age, illness, disability or any other
circumstances are in need of care and attention which is not otherwise available to them.
This support includes living expenses and a place in a residential accommodation and the
support that comes with it.
Provisions under section 47 of NHS and Community Care Act 1990
Local Authorities are obliged to conduct an assessment to determine eligibility for section 21
support under section 47 of the NHS and Community Care Act 1990. A refusal to provide
support following the assessment can be challenged through judicial review.
Provisions under section 17 of the Children Act 1989
Local Authorities have a statutory power under the section 17 of the Children Act 1989 to
ensure that children who would otherwise be destitute are being adequately fed, housed and
cared for. Section 17 states that the Local Authority has a legal duty:
(a) to safeguard and promote the welfare of children within their area who are in need; and
(b) so far as is consistent with that duty, to promote the upbringing of such children by their
families.
(Children Act 1989, Part III Section 17)
Additionally, section 20 also states that:
(1) Every Local Authority shall provide accommodation for any child in need within their area
who appears to them to require accommodation as a result of ...
(c) the person who has been caring for him being prevented (whether or not permanently,
and for whatever reason) from providing him with suitable accommodation or care.
(Children Act 1989, Part III Section 20)
Provisions under section 4 of the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999
Section 4 of the Immigration and Asylum Act (also known as hard case support) can also be
used to access support for women with NRPF and is funded by National Asylum Support
Service (NASS4). This support is available to asylum seekers at the end of the process who are
destitute and who fulfil one other criteria who are taking all reasonable steps to leave the
UK; are unable to travel for a medical reason; have no safe route home; or who need to be
supported to avoid a breach of their human rights, mostly where they are making a fresh
claim. Support under section 4 is very difficult to obtain, and it provides a room in a shared
accommodation and vouchers for 35 a week which can only be spent at selected
supermarkets.
4 Now known as the Border and Immigration Agency.
Provisions under section 117 of the Mental Health Act 1995
Section 117 of the Mental Health Act 1995 Act requires health and Local Authorities, in
conjunction with voluntary agencies, to provide aftercare for patients who have been detained
on the longer term sections of the Mental Health Act 1983 (Sections 3, 37, 47 or 48) until they
are satisfied that this is no longer necessary. The essential elements of the aftercare are a
systematic assessment of health and social care needs, an agreed care plan, an allocation of a
key worker and regular reviews of the patient's progress.
Provisions under section 54 and schedule 3 of Nationality, Immigration and

Asylum Act 2002
Where an individual is ineligible for Local Authority support due to their immigration status,
the Local Authority is obliged to provide support to avoid a breach of their human rights under
Article 3 (prohibition on torture or inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment) and
Article 8 (respect for private and family life) of the European Convention of Human Rights.
3.2.3 Availing the Domestic Violence Concession: The Theory and

the Reality
An examination of how this legislation has been implemented by Local Authorities and NASS
highlights how despite the existence of legislation, service responses can impede Black and
minority ethnic women from availing the Domestic Violence Concession to leave an abusive
relationship. In the absence of binding guidelines, Local Authority interpretation of their
obligations or their use of the power granted to them remains inconsistent and widely
variable. In February 2006, a letter was issued by the Home Office to Local Authorities to
highlight the issue of women with NRPF facing domestic violence and to draw attention to the
fact that such women may have specific need for care and attention which could make them
eligible for assistance under relevant legislation. However, it simply conveyed information
regarding the existing guidelines, leaving the interpretation open to each Local Authority,
thereby failing to bring about any change in practice.
In 2002, a survivor of domestic violence with NRPF challenged her Local Authority which had
decided not to support her and won the case, but lost on appeal in 2004 (R (Khan) v
Oxfordshire County Council and Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (CA)). The claimant, a
Pakistani national, had been granted leave to enter the UK to live with her husband, a UK
national. She suffered repeated violence, which included being strangled and stabbed, and
was abducted twice after fleeing violence. She applied to the Local Authority for assistance and
having assessed her needs, they decided that she did not qualify under s.21, 1948 National
Assistance Act. Her lawyers argued that she required support in order to be able to protect
herself from further violence. The High Court held that the Local Authority had failed to
consider whether the fact that the claimant was a victim of domestic violence could make her
needs more acute so that her homelessness did not arise solely from destitution. On appeal,
the judges at the Court of Appeal found that she could adequately protect herself by applying
for injunctions or pursuing a criminal prosecution, thus paying little heed to the difficulty of
obtaining and enforcing an injunction in the absence of a safe and confidential place to stay
in. However, this case law did uphold that the test of being in need of care and attention not
solely due to destitution is capable of including the effects of domestic violence.
Section 21 remains one of the few options that are available for single women. However, as
the above case demonstrates, the eligibility bar is set too high even for women who face
severe, persistent and life threatening violence. The criteria of destitute plus is interpreted very
narrowly by most Local Authorities such that the impact of domestic violence and the threat
of ongoing violence is not taken into account unless the woman is able to demonstrate a need
arising from a physical disability or clinically diagnosed severe mental health issue (Imkaan,
2008).
Under section 17 of the Children Act, the interpretation of the degree of vulnerability is also
left to individual Local Authorities who are free to make their own assessment on the basis of
broad guidelines. Despite the amendment in 2002 which extended the definition of
significant harm within the Children Act 1989 to include impairment suffered from seeing
or hearing the ill-treatment of another, in practice, the agenda of restricting the allocation of
funding to recent migrants often prevails over the duty to protect children. Research indicates
that some Local Authorities do give support under this section to the mother and child(ren),
while others offer to take the child into care or are unwilling to provide any support unless
subject to a judicial review (Imkaan, 2008; Amnesty International, 2008).
Research also demonstrates that Section 4 support is difficult to obtain and is unsuitable for
survivors of domestic violence for various reasons including the isolation that can result from
dispersal, the lack of support and the risk of being traced by the perpetrator when placed in
dispersal accommodation (Imkaan, 2008).
Only a small percentage of the women with NRPF manage to find a space in refuges. Excluded
from all services, such women find that abuse and oppression from their family has been
replaced by abuse of their rights by the state, whose policies are forcing them to choose
between facing destitution or severe and ongoing violence. The Domestic Violence Rule
reflects the Labour governments preoccupation with a negative concept of freedom, as this
legislation opens a theoretical opportunity to exit a life-threatening situation, yet in the
absence of any meaningful changes in the benefits system there is no engagement with the
socio-economic context that enables the actual exercise of this opportunity.
3.2.4 Mapping the extent of the problem

Southall Black Sisters surveys between 1999 and 2003 indicate that the situation of women
with NRPF facing domestic violence affects 600 women a year (Southall Black Sisters &
Womens Resource Centre, 2006: 4). Given that these figures primarily represent the women
who have contacted services against all the odds, the real figures of women with NRPF who
face domestic violence are likely to be much higher. While this problem affects several
categories of women, it remains very difficult to document even the number of women who
enter the UK and/or who are present in the UK in a given year under these categories. However,
there do exist statistics on the number of wives and fiances granted entry into the UK for a
probationary period, the category that most women who have sought help from womens
groups fall under.
forgottenwomen difficult2:58
10/3/08 to document
pm Page 29even the number of women who enter the UK and/or who are
present in the UK in a given year under these categories. However, there do exist
statistics on the number of wives and fiances granted entry into the UK for a
probationary period, the category that most women who have sought help from
womens groups fall under.
12000
11310
11500
11000
10500
10000
9500
9000
8500
8000
7500
7000
6500
5680
6000
5500
5000
4500
4000 3445
3220
3500
2670
3000
2500
2000
1500 860
1000
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as
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ia
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Figure 1: Wives and fiances granted entry into the UK for the probationary period in 2005;
Figure 1: Wives
compiled from and fiances
statistics ongranted entry into
immigration the UK
control for the
(Home probationary
Office, 2006).5 period in 2005; compiled
from statistics on immigration control (Home Office, 2006).5
In 2005, a total of 27,285 women came to the UK for the probationary period on the basis of
In 2005,
their a totalorofengagement.
marriage 27,285 women came atosignificant
Of these, the UK for the probationary
number period on
were from Pakistan, the
India,
Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.
basis of their marriage or engagement. Of these, a significant number were from
Pakistan, India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.
6000
5200
5000
4000 3510
3000
1850
2000
1000 750
0
Bangladesh India Pakistan Sri Lanka
Figure 2: Wives and fiances from south Asia granted entry into the UK for the probationary
Figure 2: Wives and fiances from south Asia granted entry into the UK for the probationary period in
5period in 2005; compiled from statistics on immigration control (Home Office, 2006).
South
2005; Asia has
compiled frombeen defined
statistics here (Figurecontrol
on immigration 1 and (Home
2) as Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and Sri
Office, 2006).
Lanka as statistics are not available separately for other countries in South Asia (Home Office,
2006).
Analysis of separate domestic violence prevalence studies have consistently found
5 South Asia has been defined here (Figure 1 and 2) as Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka as statistics are not available separately for other
countries in South Asia (Home Office, 2006).
that between 1 in 3 and 1 in 4 women experience domestic violence over their

lifetimes and between 6-12% of women suffer domestic violence in a given year
(Mooney, 1994; Council of Europe, 2002). Given these statistics, it is unlikely that of
the 27,285 women who came into the UK in 2005, only a few hundred will
experience abuse in any given year. The real figures are more likely to be in the
Analysis of separate domestic violence prevalence studies have consistently found that
between 1 in 3 and 1 in 4 women experience domestic violence over their lifetimes and
between 6-12% of women suffer domestic violence in a given year (Mooney, 1994; Council of
Europe, 2002). Given these statistics, it is unlikely that of the 27,285 women who came into
the UK in 2005, only a few hundred will experience abuse in any given year. The real figures
are more likely to be in the region of 3000 to 5000 women in any given year, given that the
probationary period is of two years; and these figures only represent marriage migrants.
Only a small percentage of women facing domestic violence seek to leave the abusive
relationship at any point, and this is also the case for women with NRPF. During the period 18
December 2002 (when Domestic Violence Concession came into effect) to 30 September
2007, a total of 3144 applications were made for ILR on the basis of this concession, of which
1043 applications were granted and 2101 refused (Domestic Violence Entry Clearances, 2007).
An examination of the number of women contacting refuges for a space indicates that a total
of 251 women contacted 8 refuges for a space in a year, of whom only 9 were accommodated
(Imkaan, 2003).
As part of this study, as outlined earlier, questionnaires were sent to specialist refuges catering
to South Asian women in order to get an insight into the number of women with NRPF who
are being referred to them, and to gain some understanding of the support available to this
group of women. In the year leading up to April 2007, on average, 182 referrals had been
made to the eight specialist refuges in England who responded to the questionnaire used in
this study, of whom 16 women had been accommodated, with their stays ranging from one
night (having been 'moved on' immediately) to two years. Of these 16 women who were
accommodated, 11 were housed by two refuges who received rent and living expenses from
their Local Authorities.
Though only a small percentage of recent marriage migrants contact services for help about
the abuse they are facing, being barred from receiving public funds does not only affect
women who are facing domestic violence but effects all women because this provision, by its
very existence, further reinforces gender inequalities that exist in most relationships. The
following chapters examine the impact of this immigration policy on womens status within
the relationship, on service responses to the problem of domestic violence among recent
marriage migrants, and on those women who manage to leave against the odds.
Chapter 4
Demographic characteristics
4.1 North West and Yorkshire regions of England

According to the 2001 census, the North West region has a total population of 6.7 million.
Across the region as a whole, there are nearly a quarter of a million Asian people, ranking it
behind only London (over 850,000) and the West Midlands (almost 400,000) among all
English regions. In Blackburn, one in five residents are of either Indian or Pakistani descent,
while Manchester, Oldham and Preston all have South Asian populations either close to, or
exceeding, 10% of all residents (Commission for Racial Equality, undated a).
Yorkshire and The Humber ranks fifth of the nine English regions in terms of its proportion of
ethnic minority residents. About one in 12 people living in the region are from ethnic groups
other than White British, the vast majority of whom are concentrated in urban areas. For
example, while the three major cities of Leeds, Sheffield and Bradford account for just a third
of the region's total population, they are home to 65% of all Asians and 70% of all Black
people (Commission for Racial Equality, undated b).
Manchester, where Saheli is based, is Britain's third most diverse city after London and
Birmingham. South Asians are the most populous ethnic minority group in the city, making up
9% of its total population. One in eight of all Pakistanis living in England - and one in twelve
of all Bangladeshis - live in the Greater Manchester area. Of its South Asian residents, Pakistanis
are in a majority, followed by Indian and Bangladeshi (Commission for Racial Equality, undated
a). Manchester is the regional capital of the North West of England, and the UKs largest
economic region outside London. However, despite its veneer of success, Manchester is a city
of contrasts. Manchester also has some of the highest concentrations of crime, poor health
and poor housing in the country with 27 of its 33 wards among the most deprived 10%
nationally. It is in this context of multiple deprivation that Saheli provides its services.
4.2 The interview sample

This section outlines some of the demographic characteristics of the thirty women who
participated in this study. It is important to note that this may not be representative of all
women with NRPF who come from different communities and come under categories other
than that of marriage migrants. However, it provides an insight into some of the issues facing
South Asian women with NRPF.
Age
Age group Number of women

18-24 5
25-34 21
35-44 3
45-54 1
55-above 0
The greatest proportion of women were under thirty-four years old, however four out of the
thirty women were above this age. Older women, for whom this might be their second
marriage, or women who married comparatively later may face additional pressures to make
the marriage work hence service providers must ensure that they consider the needs of such
women, who also might have children from earlier marriage living with them.
Ethnicity
Ethnicity Number of women

Bangladeshi 1
Indian 3
Pakistani 25
Other 1
While women of Pakistani origin are overrepresented in this sample, this can be attributed to
the demographic profile of the cities where this research was conducted in the North West
and Yorkshire. For instance, clients contacting a specialist domestic violence service in London,
Newham Asian Womens Project, have a somewhat different ethnic profile (Gill & Sharma,
2006: 194-5).
Religion/faith
Religion Number of women

Christian 1
Hindu 1
Muslim 26
Sikh 2
As in the case of the ethnicity of our sample (see above), the overrepresentation of Muslim
women here also corresponds to the demographic profile of the region where these interviews
were conducted.
Date of entry in the UK
Date of entry Number of women

Did not want it disclosed 4 (included overstayers)
2002 1 (overstayer)
Jan 2003 1 (overstayer)
June 2003 1 (overstayer)
July-Dec 2004 2 (1 of them an overstayer)
Jan-June 2005 6
July-Dec 2005 5
Jan-June 2006 6
July-Dec 2006 3
Jan-Mar 2007 1
While a majority of women had entered the UK since July 2004 less than two and half years
before the interviews commenced a few women had entered the UK far earlier and were
categorised as overstayers.
Languages (spoken)
English Urdu Punjabi Hindi Marathi Sylheti

Basic 8 1
Intermediate 12 1 1
Fluent 2 24 17 2 1
While twelve women could speak English at an intermediate level, only two women in this
sample were fluent in spoken English. Interpretation services are crucial to enabling women
with NRPF to access services.
Languages (written)
English Urdu Punjabi Hindi Marathi Bengali Arabic

Basic 6 2 2 1 1
Inter-mediate 9 1
Fluent 4 20 4 2 1
Similarly, only four women were fluent in written English and nine had intermediate levels of
comprehension, which has implications for accessing written information such as leaflets and
posters and understanding immigration documents.
Disability
Disability Number of women
Yes 1
No 29
For women with disability who are facing domestic violence, there are additional implications
which service providers need to understand and take pro-active steps to meet, and in the case
of some women, their disability can be a consequence of the abuse they have faced. Very few
refuges in the UK, including specialist refuges, are able to meet the needs of disabled women.
Marital status
Marital status Number of women

Married 2
Separated 27
Divorced 1
Most women who participated in this study had left the abusive relationship, which reflects
the difficulty of reaching women who remain in abusive relationships and speaking to them
safely.
Children
Number of children Number of women
0 18 (1 of whom was pregnant)
1 10
2 1
3 0
4 1
The majority of women were single, the category of women for whom the avenues of support
are minimal. However, for the twelve women who had children, the process of leaving may
become more difficult due to the fear of destitution and fear of being separated from their
children.
Who are the children living with?

Number of children living with:
Mother 14
Father 1
Mothers family 1
Fathers family 0
While most women had managed to leave with their children, two women were forced to live
apart from their children.
Employment status
Employment status Number of women

Full time employment 1
Part time employment 1
Voluntary work 1
Student 1
Not permitted to work (overstayers/ asylum
6
seekers at end of the process)
Unemployed 20
Of the twenty women who were unemployed, eleven women had child(ren) under the age of
five while one was six months pregnant. For women with young children, employment may
not be an option because of the in-affordability of suitable childcare. Other barriers to
employability include language barriers and for many women who have left abusive
relationships, recovering their physical and mental health can take a long time.
Chapter 5
Surviving domestic violence:
those seven months were like

seven centuries for me
For South Asian women with NRPF, apart from the overlapping dimensions of gender and
culture, the state policy on immigration in the UK also shapes their experience of oppression
and makes it harder for them to resist it and to leave the abusive relationship. The existence
of the NRPF clause impacts not only on women who seek to leave the abusive relationship
and face destitution, poverty or deportation, but by reinforcing gendered inequalities the
clause also impacts on all women in this situation. The following sections examine the
experiences of South Asian women with NRPF during the course of the abusive relationship,
the patterns of abuse inflicted on them and the process of leaving the relationship.
5.1 Domestic Violence and NRPF: Womens Experiences within

the Abusive Relationships
South Asian women with NRPF face intensified forms of domestic violence as well as specific
patterns of abuse. These can be attributed to the imbalance of power between the
perpetrators and the women, an imbalance created by their status as recent marriage
migrants, and particularly by the immigration laws which leave them with very few viable
alternatives, thus reinforcing the patriarchal structures within their communities. This study
documents several co-existing and overlapping patterns of abuse which seem to be specific to
or intensified in the case of women with NRPF.
5.1.1 Asymmetries of power

Cultural practices like dowry and the preference for sons within South Asian communities are
indicators of the patriarchal structures within which women are undervalued. It is these same
norms that dictate the relationship between the families of the bride and the groom during
negotiations for a marriage and thereafter. The asymmetries in the relative status of the two
families that are played out in marriages in the subcontinent are further strengthened and
bolstered by the immigration status of the groom in marriages where the bride is from the
subcontinent and the groom from the UK.
For many families in the subcontinent, getting their daughter married to a resident of the UK
is seen as a positive move, and the myth of a prosperous life in the west prevails amongst
many communities in the subcontinent. Punjabi women who participated in this study
indicated that their families had paid a hefty dowry to secure the marriage, and this put
enormous pressure on the women to make the marriage work. Reports indicate a growing
problem of women who are married by non-resident Indians for a huge dowry and then
abandoned, with some recent estimates putting the figures at 15,000 women (Sharma, 2007),
mostly in Northern Indian states of Punjab and Haryana.
In some cases, the women who participated in this study had come from poor families, they
were older than the perceived marriageable age or were widows, and therefore considered
to have very few options. In these cases too, the marriage was seen by their family as fortuitous
and this placed enormous pressures on the women who were aware that once their families
had managed to release themselves of what they saw as a burden, they would not have a
place in their parental home if the marriage broke down.
P: There is a big age difference between my husband and me. I am from a very
poor family in Pakistan. My husband had been married before with grown up
children. He came to Pakistan and our families arranged the marriage. He got
me here and he hurt me all the time My body is still in a lot of pain. My
husband's family have been very bad shouting, screaming and making me
wash clothes by hand for all the family. I was not allowed to talk to my family.
One day, when we went to visit another family, I ran away, I just couldn't take it
any more.
Occasionally, it seems that the woman is indeed chosen for her vulnerability and perceived
lack of options. Exploiting the gender inequalities, their socio-economic status and the
desperate situation faced by women who are not able to afford dowries to get married within
the subcontinent, men living in the UK are able to marry younger women and assert
themselves within their relationship at very little cost to themselves and in the knowledge that
there exists very little recourse for the women trapped in this situation, as in the two cases
recounted by women below.
Q: My first husband passed away when my daughter was very young. I did not
want to get married again but my family persuaded me to marry him. They
kept saying, He'll look after you, your daughter will go to her house, what will
you do in your old age? My husband knows my situation. When we came to
England, initially he took me out, introduced me to his friends. Slowly he started
to get angry all the time. He was obsessed with cleaning. If the house became a
little dirty or if anything was out of place, he started to get angry. First I did not
know what to do - I cleaned and cleaned the whole day, but he started
becoming very cruel and abusive towards me. He took away my dignity, my
izzat and did bad things with me (euphemism for sexual abuse), and left me
with nothing.
I: I have been brought up in an orphanage my parents died when I was very

young. I have a friend who supported me to get married. We saw an
advertisement in a newspaper in India. My husband was much older than me. I
was trying to start a new life in the UK when I came here. One day I found out
that he was already married and had children. He was not living with them and
he did not tell me all this before our marriage - he was still married to his other
wife... I challenged him and ever since that day, his attitude towards me
changed. He became very suspicious of me and started to behave strangely he
stopped giving me money. He stopped me from seeing anyone and he would
take the phone when he left home so I could not ring anyone, lock the outside
door so I could not go out. He wanted to control me all the time, with mental
torture and physical abuse.
5.1.2 Enforced labour

To a lesser or greater extent, gendered distribution of household labour is a feature of a majority
of relationships in all communities, and research shows that women still undertake a
disproportionate amount of work in the home, even when they are also in paid employment. A
recent study of leisure time and spending power in British households (Carvel, 2007) found that
women put more hard work into a relationship than their male partners and draw fewer benefits.
Single women in the study spent an average of ten hours a week on housework and single men
seven hours. But as soon as men and women became a couple, the women's housework quota
jumped to fifteen hours a week, while the male contribution slumped to five hours. According
to this research, women work harder but obtain only 40% of the couple's leisure time and
spending on themselves. These inequalities are particularly magnified for women who have little
power to negotiate a fairer division of labour. Several women who participated in this study
indicated that their position within the family was that of bonded labour.
R: My in-laws only wanted a servant for the family. They belong to a big
family and whenever the family visited, I had to cook for all of them. My
husband always listened to his family I wanted to get an education, to go to
college but he was totally against it. Whenever I tried to talk about my rights he
would start hitting me. My husband did not treat me like a wife. I was just there
to do domestic work.
The experiences of women in this situation is very similar to that of Migrant Domestic Workers,
most of whom are women living and working within their employers homes, and often
subjected to severe forms of abuse and exploitation of their labour due to their insecure
immigration status.6 Imprisonment, denial of basic needs such as food, warm clothes, any
privacy, a bedroom or even a bed, and the denial of labour-saving devices as washing
machines and vacuum cleaners to do the housework are common experiences for both these
groups of women (Roberts, 2006). Indeed, several women who participated in this study felt
that the primary purpose of their marriage had been to acquire a domestic servant, unpaid
labour for the family business or a carer for members of the family, and in some cases for the
extended family as well.
H: I come from a poor family in Pakistan. We are four sisters we dont have a
brother. My family was very happy when the proposal came, so I married him.
But once here, I soon came to know that they only wanted a servant for their
house thats why they chose me. I was busy the whole day doing housework
and when my sister-in-law used to come to her house from work at five o'clock,
she would ring her parents for me. So I always had to go her house, make food
for her family, do some cleaning and come back to my home at night to make
food for my in-laws family. That was my routine.
After one and half years I gave birth to my baby, but he (my husband) was not
happy with that because he was expecting a boy. He does not like my daughter
his family hates her too They used to shout at me all the time, my husband
hit me all the time several times when I had my baby in my arms. My visa had
expired but he and his family were not ready to apply for indefinite leave for me.
His mother always said, Deport her with her baby.
6 Families returning from abroad may come to the UK accompanied by one or more Migrant Domestic workers (MDWs) who must have spent at
least one year in the employment of the person(s) they accompany, and are currently granted a domestic workers visa and have NRPF. Though
the patterns of abuse faced by MDWs are similar to domestic violence, and it also occurs within the home, in a family-type relationship, this is not
always recognised by agencies working with survivors of domestic violence (Kalayaan, 2001).
In this case, her husband and his extended family felt that they would no longer be able to
exploit her domestic labour due to her childcare responsibilities for a female, and thereby an
unwanted child. They then threatened to get rid of her by utilising the immigration law. Several
women mentioned that the threat of deportation was a part of the array of abuse used to
control and exploit them.
5.1.3 Forced marriage: the overlooked aspect of the overseas

dimension
While many women who participated in this study spoke about domestic violence from the
entire family as well as the exploitation of their labour by the extended family, some women
indicated that one of the underlying factors behind the abuse was that the marriage had not
been contracted willingly by the men. Forced marriage has been defined in policy documents
as a marriage that is contracted without the valid consent of one of the parties, on the basis
of coercion or duress, physical or emotional (Home Office, 2000).
E: After coming here, all my dreams were ruined because the situation I was
facing was totally different from what I had expected. When I came here my
husband told me that he did not like me, his marriage was a forced marriage.
He totally refused to have any relationship with me. He told me that he had a
girlfriend and he loved her but his parents didnt want him to marry her. He said,
You are my parents choice, so stay with them. He left the house on the very
day that I came here. He always used to tell his parents that I was not his
responsibility. He did not bother when his parents abused me in front of him.
Z: My husband visited India and the families arranged the marriage. When I
came to the UK, my husband, mother-in-law and sisters-in-law came to pick me
up from the airport. When we arrived home, my husband left and didn't come
back for a couple of days. He stayed out late and sometimes didn't come back
home for many days. I was very scared to challenge him There was no
communication with my husband, anything that had to be said to him was
always through my mother-in-law.
Later on I found out that my husband had a house of his own and that's where
he used to spend all of his time. I suffered abuse since I came into this country.
There was no physical relationship with my husband at allthis led to further
abuse as my mother-in-law felt it was all my fault. She never allowed me to
speak to anyone. She always accompanied me to any medical appointments, to
the shops. I lived in constant fear of my mother-in-law and sisters-in-law.
The law on forced marriage in the UK is gender neutral in its understanding of coercion and
disregards the differing contexts that create and shape duress for men and women, as well as
the consequences of being forced into a marriage. In the case of women with NRPF, where
women recounted abandonment and abuse as a consequence of a forced marriage of the
men, the men did not seem to face any of the implications associated with such a marriage.
They managed to continue their relationships with other women which their families had tried
to end through the marriage, benefited from the domestic labour provided by the women and
in some cases also secured a dowry from her family. Though the legal discourse casts such men
as victims of forced marriage, the men and their families continue to draw benefits from the
marriage with no comeback for the abuse perpetrated by them while it is the woman who
faces exploitation, abuse and the lack of any viable alternatives.
S: When I came here my husband did not come to receive me. He came home
after three days and did not want to have anything to do with me. My in-laws
sent me to work in a factory, but they used to take all my money away. This was
my life. One day, I received a call on my husband's mobile. It was a girl who said
she was my husband's wife and she asked me go away from their life... When I
questioned him, he told me that he did not want any relationship with me. I
complained about it all to my in-laws but that night my husband beat me up
very badly and told me that if I complained again, nobody would recognise me.
My mother-in-law was always asking me why I was not becoming pregnant.
They wanted a grandchild but I could not say anything to themMy in-laws and
husband hit me all the time.
The experience of women with NRPF indicates the problems in the working of a gender neutral
law where in reality, the experience of violence is gendered. Forced marriages may be rendered
void in civil proceedings for nullity, if duress is established (Section 12c of the Matrimonial
Causes Act, 1973). However, for women with NRPF who have faced neglect, exploitation,
abuse and abandonment within the context of what has been defined as the forced marriage
of the men, such a remedy would do little to address their problem. Would a marriage
conducted on the basis of deceit, the consequent exploitation of domestic labour and
abandonment be considered domestic violence in itself, if not directly perpetrated by the
husband, then by his family? If the law is invoked and marriage nullified, women in this
situation may face stigma, they may be blamed for not making the marriage work and may
no longer have a place in their parental home if deported. In such cases, the legal option of
exit for men by annulment does not leave women with many options.
The governments initiatives on forced marriage has almost exclusively been centred on the
overseas dimension of this problem, that is, the immigration of a male spouse from South Asia
as a consequence of forced marriage of women resident in the UK, and their interventions are
focused on immigration control (Dustin and Phillips, 2004; Wilson, 2006). However, many
women we spoke to were also victims of forced marriage, because their husband had
married them due to pressure from his family, and once they had come to the UK, neglected,
abused, or simply abandoned them with his family showing a complete disinterest in their
welfare or safety. Service responses need to take into account the needs of all women facing
domestic violence, not solely those whose problems sit conveniently within the government
agenda of immigration control.
5.1.4 Sexual abuse

The extent of sexual abuse within the institution of marriage has only recently been recognised.
Kelly (1988) explored how women experienced attitudes such as persuasion, pressure and
coercion as a continuum that exists within a dynamic of power imbalance between the couple
such that the woman is not free to exercise true consent. A survey of 1000 women in city
centres in North of England found that 1 in 8 women reported having been raped by their
husbands or partners, of whom 91% did not report it to the police (Painter, 1991). For women
with NRPF, their vulnerability to sexual abuse is even greater, because the perpetrators are
aware of the minimal options available to them due to the immigration law.
U: When I first came, I heard my husband shouting at his parents he told

them not to tell anyone that I was his wife. My husband has a girlfriend. She
often came to the house and when she was in his room I was not allowed to go
there. He was even abusing me sexually. He expected to have sex whenever he
wanted, he did not care about my wishes. He forced me and hit me during sex.
My in-laws treated me like a slave, and my husband did not support me. When I
came here, they told me that a three year old child was now my responsibility.
My mother-in-law took me to work in a factory and there the owner of the
factory did something wrong with me (abused me). I told my mother-in-law
everything but she did not take any notice. I was not allowed to go anywhere
on my own and not allowed to talk to my parents. I have no friends or relatives
here.
The fear of street crime among women and the construction of stranger danger by the media
draws attention away from what is likely to be the most unsafe space for women their home.
Feminists have argued that the prevalence of violence against women in society, the ever-
present threat of sexual violence and the consequent fear of crime among women benefits all
men in that women seek the protection of one known man against all strangers (Hanmer and
Saunders, 1984; Stanko, 1992). For many women in this study, it was this fear of being
deported to the subcontinent as divorced or separated women, which made leaving the
relationship a very difficult decision to take. Women who are thought to have shamed their
own family by leaving an abusive relationship are also specifically targeted for sexual abuse in
parts of the subcontinent.
For women who were perceived to have no protection from their husbands even while they
lived within the abusive family, an additional dimension of the abuse they endured was sexual
abuse perpetrated by known men, particularly their husbands relatives.
J: I came to this country through an arranged marriage, but I soon found out
that my husband had an English girlfriend. He married me just to please his
parents. My relationship with my husband was very bad. My brother-in-law
started to trouble me in a bad way. I want to tell everyone that women from
Pakistan are taken for a ride and their families are misled like mine. People only
talk about how good the UK is, they don't tell you about the difficulties women
could face if they get married to frauds like my husband.
T: He stayed with me in Pakistan for a few weeks and he was very happy with
me. He was very normal. But when I came here he was very changed. He only
spent two nights with me. My sister-in-law told me that he had a girlfriend and
four kids My husband told me that he did not care about me. My mother-in-
law always used to hit me my sister-in-law also supported her. They were
always taunting me. My mother-in-law did not allow me to take a shower. When
they went out, they locked me in the house, I was not allowed to go outside. I
was very upset and scared - they took my passport, I had no money.
I have a brother-in-law who then started abusing me sexually. I spent seven

months in this house and I can't remember a single day when I was happy there.
These seven months were like seven centuries for me.
Of the thirty women who participated in this study, sixteen women reported sexual abuse,
which in many cases, was perpetrated by relatives other than the husband. While sexual abuse
takes place in all communities and cultures, these figures indicate that the unequal power
relations fostered by the immigration law - the lack of recourses available to the woman, her
lack of informal support networks in the UK, fear of being deported and the fear of her familys
reaction to the breakdown of the marriage all place the woman in a highly vulnerable
situation which is being exploited by male relatives and other known men.
The responses of the women interviewed for this research ranged from anger, helplessness,
fear and shame. For some women, this was the first time they had disclosed this abuse. Their
reticence in speaking about it stemmed from their understanding of dominant moral codes
within their community and outside, which seldom blamed men for their abuse. Feelings of
shame and degradation, as well as the fear that their experiences of sexual abuse within their
family would not be believed also prevented some women from talking about it. Some women
did not feel able to disclose the abuse they faced, or seek to redress the sense of anger and
injustice they felt by exposing their perpetrator for fear of the shame this would bring upon
themselves. The women who did break the silence and told their husband or other members
of his family were disbelieved and faced further violence. Wilson (2006: 35-40) examines how
a combination of factors such as patriarchal notions of honour, the idea that womens
sexuality is dangerous and the power inequalities between women and their abusers often
makes womens individual battles against such oppression a lonely struggle.
5.2 Against the odds: Overcoming barriers to disclosure

Despite these enormous constraints, the women who participated in this study had struggled
to survive, with most managing to leave their abusive relationships. The two participants who
were still living with their partners were prevented from making the decision to leave their
abusive relationships because of the lack of provision for women with NRPF, but they were
actively gathering information, assessing their options and seeking both informal and formal
sources of support.
Both women who had managed to disclose the abuse and to seek help while they were in the
abusive relationship, as well as those who had not managed to do so until after they had left
their family home, reported a combination of factors such as fear of further violence, lack of
opportunity to talk to someone because of control exercised over them and concerns about
own familys reaction. There were also additional factors that were related to their immigration
status or their status as recent migrants such as the absence of any contacts within the UK,
the fear of being deported and the fear of being arrested.
Many women had a well-founded fear of further violence to themselves and one woman
feared violence to her family back in the subcontinent a fear that in her case stemmed from
the power differentials between the two families.
S: They always threatened me, If we hear that you complained to someone you
will be no more. They also said, If you tell anyone, we not spare your family (in
the subcontinent). So I was very scared.
As documented before, most women also reported that their husband and/or his family
monitored their movements and exercised close control over them to minimise the possibility
of a disclosure and in some cases kept them imprisoned in their own homes. This included
being present whenever the womans family telephoned or not allowing the woman to talk to
her family. Many women who had recently arrived in the UK had no relatives or friends in
Britain, and hence could not seek help. Other women who were allowed to talk to their family
and had the opportunity to disclose the abuse were afraid of their own familys reaction,
feared a lack of support or indeed further threats from their family. Within the patriarchal
structure that shapes family relations within many South Asian communities, while sons carry
on the family name, daughters are seen to belong to their husbands family. Once married,
a daughter is only welcome in the marital home as a visitor.
Y: I could never leave because it would have affected my family in Pakistan it is

considered a disgrace there. Also my husband's relatives did the same to my
sister who now lives in Pakistan. It would have been hard for my mother if I had
left as well. I had no support from the community in Pakistan.
Their status as newly-arrived marriage migrants, often unable to speak English and unaware
of the laws in the UK also contributed to their vulnerability, as the perpetrators threatened
them with deportation, or even arrest if they disclosed the violence or approached the police.
V: I was not able to say anything because he said, If you tell anyone they won't
believe you, even the police will not believe you - they listen to their citizens not
to you, they will arrest you for complaining and deport you.
A: He told me several times that he had told everyone I was mad no one
would listen to me. If I contacted the police, they could consider me mad and
arrest me.
From the womens perspectives, these threats seemed very real police in the subcontinent
seldom take reports of domestic violence seriously. Research in India has documented how
men have used the directives of the Mental Health Act, 1987 and the Lunacy Act, 1912 in
collusion with mental health professionals to declare women mentally unfit (Patel, 2003)
and consign them to mental asylums or debar them from property rights. In the case of the
UK too, Wilson (2006) has documented how South Asian womens voices remain unheard
within mental health services in the UK. Recent marriage migrants have no means of knowing
the law in the UK and the workings of the health service or police their abusers are able to
exploit these gaps in their knowledge to enforce their silence through threats.
5.3 Informal networks of support: reaching out to family,

friends, neighbours
In mapping the experiences of women as they left the abusive relationship, this study sought
to explore the role of informal sources of support, and to explore the pathways towards
accessing services. For recent migrants possibly unaware of service provision in the UK,
informal sources of support can play a crucial role in informing them of what is available.
Nineteen out of the thirty women who participated in this study had disclosed the abuse they
were experiencing to their family, friends or both and sought support and advice. Women who
had managed to leave the abusive relationship are overrepresented in the sample we
interviewed (28 out of 30). Even then, eleven women were unable to discuss their abuse with
any informal sources of support. It could be argued that the extent of non-disclosure would
be much higher among women with NRPF who are still living within the abusive relationship.
Women were asked if they had talked about the abuse to their family, friends, neighbours or
strangers, and what their response had been. Ten women had discussed the abuse with their
family member(s), four with friends only and four had disclosed to friends and family
members, while one woman managed to speak to a neighbour. Many women had at least one
trusted friend or family member whom they attempted to speak to when the abuse had
become unbearable. Even then, women did not always reveal all of their circumstances but
tested out the reaction to limited disclosures to ascertain who their allies were.
P: I didn't speak to anyone initially. Then I spoke to a friend about not having a
physical relationship with my husband, at which she told me that I must try
harder. I then spoke to a couple who were family friends and they sympathised
with me and told me that they already knew. They said they would support me.
It still took a while to talk to my own parents because I was scared of letting
them down.
I: I was very scared. My husband had threatened to kill me if I talked about this
to anyone. In this country I only knew his friends. I tried once or twice but they
all said he was a nice man, you need to settle down its a new marriage, these
things happen. Then I spoke to my friend in India. She told me to be very careful
and to get help. I was then able to talk to my doctor who gave me phone
number for an Asian (specialist) refuge.
Women facing domestic violence often encounter responses to their disclosure of the abuse
which suggest that their sense of hurt and injustice, anger at the way they are being treated,
their feelings about the relationship and its problems are exaggerated or imaginary. This
attitude is often exhibited both from the perpetrator(s) and often their own family and other
relatives if they attempt to seek their help: the women themselves were found wanting, their
behaviour scrutinised and they are told to adjust, to compromise and to sacrifice to
preserve the relationship, and thereby, the honour of the family (Wilson, 2006: 34-35; Anitha
et al., 2008).
F: I have spoken to my family back home. They say you are not the only one it is
happening to - stop complaining. My friend here is very supportive she told
me that I have the right to say no (to sex).
E: My sister is in the UK. She came to my house and when I got a chance I told
her about all this, but she said, Don't worry, everything will be fine with the
passage of time. Maybe your circumstances will change if you become
pregnant. I had told her that there was no such relationship between us (my
husband and me). But she always said, Be patient.
Within South Asian communities, the notion of family honour is tied to the womans ability to
remain constrained within and uphold the patriarchal norms that govern social relationships.
In this context, it is the disclosure of abuse and leaving an abusive relationship that is seen as
stigmatising to the family both the husbands and the womans own family rather than
the abuse itself. In this study, we found that women who had the opportunity to disclose
abuse and a safe way to do so often tried to talk about what was happening to them with
one person after another, till they found the support they needed. Some women who had
relatives in the UK did find support from them, if not accommodation and financial help, then
advice about which services to contact. For others, the support of their family in the
subcontinent was valued, yet it did not always extend to taking them back because of the
stigma attached to a divorced or a separated woman.
T: When I got a chance I rang my sister in Pakistan and told her everything but
she said she couldnt do anything to help me. She is living with her in-laws so
she told me that it would not be good for her if her in-laws found out about all
these things. She was helpless. But later she talked to one of her friends who is
in the UK and asked her to help me. So I then spoke to her friend - I didn't
know her before and she helped me to leave.
For many women, the only people they knew in the UK were their husbands family or friends.
Most women were reticent about talking to them, as they were fearful of being disbelieved or
of their disclosure reaching their abusers. Two women who were being sexually abused by a
family member tried to stop the abuse by disclosing it to their husband or other family
members. However, as such abuse often took place because of the power inequities within the
marriage and within the context of ongoing domestic abuse, these disclosures were met with
disbelief and further abuse. However, four women reported having supporters among their
husbands family and friends who advised them about services or helped them to leave,
sometimes secretly, as they were fearful of the consequences for themselves if found out.
R: My sister-in-law supports me when I discuss all these things with her. She
knows everything, so she took me in her home and I stayed there for two
months. She supports me a lot because she knows that what her family was
doing is wrong.
K: My mother-in-law's friend knows about all this, and she has told me several
times that I should leave that house.
Eleven women simply did not have the opportunity to talk to anyone for much of the time they
were abused because of the control that was exercised over every aspect of their lives, and the
fear that any attempt to seek help would be noticed and would result in further abuse. These
fears seemed well-founded, and many women did everything possible to survive and
continued to assess their options until an alternative presented itself.
X: They (my husband and his family) used to follow me all the time, watch what
I did, who I spoke to. I was often held prisoner in the house. I could not say
anything to my family in Pakistan as my in-laws would not let me talk to them
on my own. I could not share anything with them. I felt as if my mind would
blow up - I couldnt think, I couldnt fight anymore. I was seriously depressedI
had no one. Finally I told my cousin and he informed the social services.
M: My mother-in-law kept a lot of control over me, so I couldn't discuss it (the

abuse) with anyone. Anyway, if I had told anyone, they would have told me to
put up with it. They may have rejected me, disowned me. So I didn't answer
back, was too scared to ask anyone (for help) in case she found out. I coped by
remaining silent, by putting up with everything to avoid any more trouble.
Finally when I got the chance I told a cousin who advised me about what to do.
Womens experience of seeking support from informal networks was variable. However, many
of them had managed, often through sustained efforts to seek help and sometimes
fortuitously, to find sources of support. However, for a significant minority of women, that
opportunity never presented itself for a number of reasons. There still remains an enormous
gap in documenting the voices of women who still remain trapped in abusive relationships, as
the experience of those who managed to escape may not entirely reflect the reality of those
who are unable to do so.
5.4 Mapping womens pathways out of the abusive relationship

Most participants in this study were those women who had managed to leave the abusive
relationship, despite many constraints. We asked them how they had come to make the
decision to leave - when they had first thought about leaving, and what made them finally
leave and who, if anyone, had helped them to leave. We also asked them to tell us about the
three biggest issues they faced when making the decision to leave. To the women who were
still living in the abusive relationship, we asked whether they had ever thought about leaving,
and if so, what were the factors that prevented them from making the decision to leave.
While some women managed to contact services and make a planned departure from the
abusive husband and/ or family, a majority of women had thought about leaving but had not
made a definite plan to do so. Their decision to leave was sudden, following a change in their
circumstances for the worst or when an unexpected opportunity presented itself. Six of the
twenty-eight women who had escaped the abusive relationship did not make the decision to
leave because of the lack of a viable alternative, but were thrown out of their marital home in
the context of ongoing and escalating domestic violence, and an additional factor in three
cases was where the men cited emotional pressure as the basis of the marriage.
B: I didn't choose to leave I would have been deported, I didnt want to bring
shame on my parents but they (my husband and his family) kicked me out.
In these cases where the men were pressurised into the marriage to end their relationship with
women whom the family disapproved of, once their disinterest in the marriage was beyond
doubt, their family had no place for the woman. In one case where the purpose of the
marriage was the exploitation of domestic labour, the woman was thrown out of the family
home when heavily pregnant, probably because her childcare responsibilities were seen as an
obstacle to her domestic labour.
AA: I was ironing, when I was asked to pack my things. I asked why. My
husband said, "Just pack, I'm taking you away - if you dont, I'll throw you out
right now." I contacted my uncle and he intervened by taking me in his house. I
was told I could return, but he didn't take me back. I then gave birth to a son.
All this happened within a month.
Two women were actually sent back to Pakistan, but their families arranged for them to return,
knowing fully well that they no longer had a place at their in-laws home. What happened to
their daughters seemed no longer of concern to them.
V: I never left my home but after a few days my husband sent me home
(Pakistan) I came back here again because my parents sent me back with a
relative. but after coming back here, I did not know where to go.
U: I wanted to leave my in-laws home but I was afraid of my family. It was not
easy decision to make because I was also scared that if the government did not
support me, as my in-laws had always said, then what would happen? When I
finally told my aunt here about my situation, my mother-in-law was scared that if
I lived here I would lodge a complaint about them in the police station, but in
Pakistan, I wont be able to. She took my passport and left me there. But my
parents would not accept me there. So I had to come back.
For some women, the decision to leave was taken following deterioration in what was already
an intolerable situation of ongoing, severe abuse. For some women this last straw came when
they became fearful for the safety of their children.
L: I kept trying to make my marriage work. I tried everything possible to

please my in-laws but I failed But when my daughter was born, they became
very abusive. My daughter was only three months old when they hit me and
even slapped her. I then went to neighbour's house and they rang the police.
DD: I was forced to marry for the second time by my family. I was scared of
having a step-father for my daughter. The abuse started on our wedding night.
The sexual abuse was intolerable. When I became pregnant, he wanted me to
abort our child. We had many arguments because of this. I was so scared I didn't
know anything about the law in the UK. He hid my immigration documents. I
suffered like this for XXX (over a year). But then I didnt like the way he started
looking at my daughter. So I left him.
For some women, the abuse and the extraction of forced labour by their husband and in-laws
were compounded by sexual abuse by male members of the family who exploited the
womans powerlessness within the family. This was the point at which a few women decided
to leave.
T: When my brother-in-law started misbehaving with me (euphemism for sexual

abuse), I thought my honour is not safe here, so I decided to leave. It was not
an easy decision I could go to my sisters friend, but I knew very well that she
could not support me for very long where would I go after that?
J: My brother-in-law started to get very bad. My husband did not care and he
and his family did not support me. When things became very bad, I spoke to
my aunt. She helped me to get out. I was very worried about my izzat. I did
not know what my family would say, I did not want to become burden on them.
I had no money and nowhere to go to.
Nine women made contact with a family member or friend who housed them, at least for the
next few days. A further nine women contacted services and made a planned departure into
supported accommodation. Ten women, particularly single women who had not managed to
access any means of support, left with nowhere to go to.
P: First when my husband began shouting at me and hitting me, I thought I had
done something wrong, that I was not a good wife. But I did everything -
cooking, cleaning, looking after the family. When he was angry he really scared
me then he forced me - I have seen very bad things. I can't talk about it. I told
his family but they were very scared too. I did not know what to do, who to talk
to. Whenever it was his time to come home I would try to hide, or be very nice,
but nothing helped. When they went out one day and stopped - he went to
drop something off - I just opened the car door and hid behind a tree. It was a
big park. The police found me there and took me to these people in social
services.
It was a few days before a passer-by noticed her in the park and informed the police. She lived
in utter destitution for those few days with no shelter, no warm clothes, no food and terrified
of being found by her abusers. Women in this situation were taking an enormous risk leaving
with nowhere to go to, with no one who knew them in the UK, unable to speak English and
unaware that domestic violence services existed in this country and there were possible sources
of support, however difficult to access. Their strength and courage in the face of a hostile
family, community and state is remarkable.
When conducting this research, we came across women who had lived on the street, on the
roofs of public buildings, and in other desperate situations. It was very disturbing to talk to
women who have been driven to such stark choices by the immigration policies of the state.
For the community researchers, it brought back memories of times when they had faced
similarly dire alternatives, but having come through them, they could offer little more than
comfort and hope to the women. The promise of a campaign arising out of this research over
the next few months and years was indeed empowering, but could be of little immediate help
to women who could not even be sure about what course their lives would take over the next
few hours and days.
Women who had a relative, a friend, a relatives friend or any other known person - a link that
was at times highly tenuous - had an initial place of relative safety to go to. The welcome they
received on arrival varied; very few women were secure in the knowledge that they could stay
indefinitely. For most of them, this was a temporary accommodation, until a viable
arrangement could be made elsewhere. This was particularly so where they were staying with
women friends or relatives who were themselves subject to constraints from their in-laws and
had little power within the household to take in a houseguest.
Some women managed to contact services and received advice and information which
enabled them to leave the abusive relationship. In these cases, this access to services was
facilitated by a supportive family member or friend who acted as their advocate prior to their
planned departure or at the point of their departure. It was mostly women with children who
were supported by the statutory agencies to leave the abusive relationship.
H: I was now a mother and started thinking about my baby. I was so worried -
what if the same happened to my baby? I didnt want that. So I decided to leave
my home. One day when I got a chance I took my baby and went to my aunt's
house. She was nice and kind to me - she called a social worker for me.
A: I was scared of leaving I thought he would hurt me or even kill me if I tried

to leave. I didn't tell the doctor or anyone else. Where could I take my children? I
didn't want to embarrass my parents. One day, when he was trying to strangle
me, my son called the police, I then decided that I couldn't take it any more.
Deciding to leave is very difficult for many women who survive domestic violence, and many
women make several attempts to leave, often only to return, before they feel able to leave
forever (Dobash & Dobash 1992; Mullender, 1996). Women with NRPF who are enduring
domestic violence and are grappling with the decision to leave not only have all the difficulties
that women face making this decision, they are also constrained by the lack of
accommodation and funds in the short term, and the threat of deportation in the longer term.
Against these odds, women who do leave are truly survivors, but they constitute a minority of
women facing this situation.
K: Yes I have thought of leaving many times, I have tried to leave twice
before. Although my in-laws interrupt and protect me, I am always worried I
don't know what is going to upset him, I cannot deal with his anger. He has
become very violent and I worry about my safety. I am trying to find out what
my options are if I leave him.
I: I have tried to leave many times before but have nowhere to go to.
What was common in all the stories told by the women was the rapid escalation in the scale
and the forms of abuse. While some women were thrown out of the marital home after facing
months of abuse, others left when an opportunity presented itself, and there were some
women who managed to plan their departure as best as they could by contacting services and
availing the support that exists mostly in the case of women with children. For many women,
it was only after they left that they found themselves able to talk fully about what had
happened to them both to their family and friends, and to service providers. However,
existing policy does not take into account the diversity of womens experiences as they struggle
to survive a life- threatening situation what is expected of women facing domestic violence
simply does not match what really happens to them.
The Domestic Violence Rule requires that women be able to prove that they have experienced
domestic violence by contacting agencies before they leave the abusive relationship. These
agencies are also expected to be able to provide letters of support on the basis of their records.
This study shows that more than a third of the women who managed to leave did not contact
service providers while they are within the abusive relationship, and yet others do so only at
the point of departure or some time later, if at all. Not surprisingly, only a small number of
women who have contacted the agencies while they lived in the family home, often at great
risk to themselves, would be in a position to provide the kind of evidence that the Home Office
requires. This evidence too, will only be available if the service the women contacted
understood them and recorded their disclosure. The next section explores womens
experiences of contacting services, both before and after they have left the abusive
relationship.
CASE STUDY
I was very happy about my marriage and had beautiful dreams for my future. But when I
came here, on the very first day I waited for my husband the whole night but he was with his
girlfriend. I heard the whole story of his relationship from my sister-in-law the next day. When
I complained about this to my in-laws, they said, He is young, he can do what he wants. He
did not want to get married. They said they had married him to me because they wanted
someone to look after them and their home. We don't want kids from you, they said.
My in-laws never used to let me go outside. When my father-in-law saw that my husband was
mostly out, he started some shameless thing with me. Whenever he crossed my path, he
would touch me on my back. I was very shocked at what was happening, I was so scared
because I knew what he wanted to do with me. I was a few months pregnant at that time but
he has no shame.
I was living with his family and his six year old son. My in-laws always used to wind him up
about me that I was his stepmother. So he would always abuse me verbally and he kicked
me even when I was pregnant. This used to happen nearly everyday. Later, my husband beat
me up several times especially when I gave birth to baby girl.
I never discussed my problems with anyone. I was too scared to tell my mother-in-law or my
husband about my father-in-law. Not with my own family, because I was not allowed to take
telephone calls. When my parents rang me, my in-laws would say that I was not at home.
In this situation I always begged to my god to give me death, I didnt want to live anymore.
But after giving birth to my baby, I got the strength - I wanted to live for my baby, I wanted
to fight for her rights, she is the only hope of my life. Because of my father- in-law and when
my in-laws turned against my baby - they refused to bring milk and nappies for her - then I
decided to leave that house. I had no place to go to, no money for food and no friend or
relative or any other person who knew me.
I tried several refuges, but they would find out that I am on no recourse and they refused to
take me. When I got the place here (specialist refuge), I thanked my God that now we had a
roof on the heads. We feel secure here. I had no money for food before but after coming here
I have had no worries about food and clothes for us. This service provides me everything. Over
the last few months, I have learnt how to manage everything by myself.
Chapter 6
Mind the Gap: Womens
Experience of Service Provision
This section explores the experiences of women with NRPF when they contacted services for
advice and support for the domestic violence they had faced. The study indicates the South
Asian women with NRPF do make repeated attempts to contact services, despite the additional
and significant barriers they face in doing so. The response they received from services when
they did manage to get this far were crucial in determining whether they and their child(ren)
could escape and begin a life free from violence.
6.1 Statutory and voluntary sector response to the problem of

domestic violence and NRPF
Twenty-eight women had contacted an average of four services each to receive help about the
domestic violence they had faced. These service contacts did not include repeated contacts of
the same services. For example, one woman had monthly contacts with her GP for over a year
and another had called the police to her home five times in four months. Two women had not
contacted any services at the time of the interview. It took most women several contacts with
services to receive the help they needed and many women had not yet received such help
despite several attempts to access support.
Several women recounted the difficulty they faced in accessing information about their
situation.
G: I wanted information about women in my situation, but I could not find it.
There should be posters or cards because different people tell you different
things.
F: I think there should be some leaflets to advise young girls about their rights in
the UK if their marriage breaks down. Can you get national insurance number?
Can you register with a doctor? Where can you get help once you are in the
UK? You are completely at the mercy of your husband and in-laws. I have not
seen anything anywhere. I thought once I have got (spouse) visa I have the same
rights everyone else. Then (after I left) for a long time I thought I was an illegal
because my case worker said I must file my case papers.
Almost all contacts with the police, Accident & Emergency and obstetric services took place
while women were within the abusive relationship. The womens contacts with other services
were when they were exploring their options, often at the point of departure from the family
home, or some time after they had left the abusive relationship.
6.1.1 Obstetric services: health visitors and midwives

Eight women had been in contact with obstetric services for help regarding the domestic
violence they were facing, of whom six women reported positive experiences including pro-
active questioning; pursuance with their enquiries when women offered partial disclosures;
offering reassurances about the help available; and finding a refuge space for them. Even
where women were unable to act on the advice given, these measures increased their
confidence in the services, enabling fuller disclosures later.
For many women who may find it difficult to access domestic violence services due the control
exercised over them, obstetric services can be a crucial point of access to other services.
Womens contact with midwives during the stay in hospital after the birth of their child may
well be the only unfettered access they have to services. Research has consistently found that
pregnancy is often the time when domestic violence begins or intensifies (Mezey and Bewley,
1997; Taft, 2002; Burch and Gallup, 2004). Some South Asian women face enormous pressure
to give birth to a male child, and this often puts additional stress on the woman during her
pregnancy. In the states of Punjab and Haryana in India, sex selection and the abortion to
prevent the birth of girls carries on unabated despite the practice being outlawed in 1994 and
the ratio of female births relative to male continues to decline. Recent evidence shows this to
be the case among Indian-born mothers in the UK as well (Dubuc and Coleman, 2007). The
birth of a daughter can lead to increase in the scale of the abuse, and for women with NRPF,
threats of deportation.
A CASE STUDY
N, an eighteen year old South Asian woman, came to Saheli straight from the hospital with a
three week old baby. She could only speak basic English, enough to explain to the nurses on
the maternity ward that she would be killed if she returned to her husbands home, as she had
given birth to a daughter instead of a son. The various bruises on her body were witness to
the abuse she had experienced in first year of her marriage.
She did not have any documents with her. Saheli staff took her in and after initial investigation
found out that she had NRPF. Saheli were given a donation by Womens Aid Last Resort Fund
for four weeks, they had some money from fundraising to initially support N and were hopeful
that they would get money from Social Services as the N had a child. However, Saheli faced a
three year battle before social services agreed to support Ns child during which Saheli
depleted all its reserves. With the support of the Law Centre N fought her case and eventually
obtained Indefinite Leave to Remain in the UK.
This study has indicated that far from being passive victims, women make repeated attempts
to disclose the abuse both to informal networks of support and to services. Women often
make partial disclosures to service providers about their circumstances, resort to constrained
help-seeking without naming the problem, test service responses and confidentiality (Dobash
et al., 1985; Mullender, 1996).
D: When I told my health visitor a little bit about my situation, she helped me to
approach social services.
CC: When I went to vaccinate my child, the health visitor saw the bruises on my
face and asked to me about it. She was very good she listened to me, she was
kind. Later, I told her everything and she helped me to leave.
Where service providers can respond to initial attempts to disclose domestic violence in a non-
judgemental way, validate the womans experiences and advocate safety, women often make
fuller disclosures over time (Pahl, 1985; Kelly, 1988: 159-195; Hoff, 1990; Mullender, 1996).
In research conducted by Worms (2004), only two out of fifteen Primary Care Trusts in the
Thames Valley region had any form of routine screening, which had been started as part of
health visitor checks. With the extension of the probationary period from one year to two
years, more women with NRPF are likely to become mothers, making obstetric services a crucial
source of information and referral. Obstetric services need to make routine enquiries about
domestic violence to all women research indicates that where health services do this,
detection of domestic violence increases (Ramsey et al., 2002). Women who are recent
marriage migrants may be unaware of service provision and law in the UK, and might not
know that domestic violence is constructed as a social problem here, with policy responses
to it and provision of support for women and children, however minimal they are for women
with NRPF.
6.1.2 Accident & Emergency services (A&E)

Six out of the thirty women who participated in this study had accessed A&E for treatment
following domestic violence, of whom five women were accompanied by the perpetrator(s)
who explained away their injuries to the A&E staff. Only one woman who was accompanied
by a relative at the point of departure from her abusive partner reported a positive experience.
B: He (my husband) once grabbed my hair and pulled my neck back, I couldn't
move my neck. At the hospital, my mother-in-law told them that I had fallen
down the stairs.
J: My brothers-in-law beat me badly I thought I was going to die. I broke my

nose and was bleeding heavily. At the hospital they said I had fallen down in the
bathroom.
The women interviewed indicated that no attempt had been made to question the injuries or
to pursue the explanation given despite research which indicates that a high percentage of
women attending the emergency department are survivors of domestic violence. Despite
excluding potential participants who had a companion who refused to leave, who were too
ill/injured, who could not speak English or who were unwilling to be interviewed (all of which
seems to exclude high-risk groups of women), recent studies indicate a high prevalence of
domestic violence among women attending an A&E departments in the UK (Boyle and Todd,
2003; Sethi et al., 2004; Boyle et al., 2006), as elsewhere (Roberts et al., 1996; Steen and
Hunskaar, 2004).
Research also indicates high levels of patient acceptance for routine screening for domestic
violence in the A&E setting (Sethi et al., 2004; Hurley et al., 2005). However, A&E staff seldom
have adequate training on domestic violence, including training on making routine enquiries
about domestic violence and dealing with the presence of partner or other family members
when domestic violence is suspected (Makower et al., 1995; Taket, 2004). Womens groups
have long made the case that A&E departments need to do more than plaster over broken
bones and stitch up cuts when they suspect domestic violence. Presence of counsellors, an
active referral policy, links to womens refuges and presence of multilingual posters and leaflets
could indicate a commitment to addressing the causes and not just the symptoms of domestic
violence.
6.1.3 General Practitioners (GPs)

Nine women contacted GPs, often several times, for help in dealing with mental and physical
impact of the abuse. The majority of the women reported dissatisfaction with the service due
to a failure to deal with the causes of their symptoms, failure to take womens disclosures
seriously and poor mechanisms for referrals, while three women made positive evaluations of
the service they received.
Research indicates that among services, GPs are often the first port of call for women who are
experiencing domestic violence (Dobash et al., 1985: 148). On the basis of interviews with 50
women in a refuge, Pahl (1979: 120-1) found that 32 had talked to their GP about the abuse.
An American study of the use of the health service by domestic violence survivors found that
18% go to a physician in the first year of abuse, 56% in the second year and 31% during the
third year (Refuge, undated).
Women who fall within the two-year probationary period are entitled to some health care
services despite having no entitlement to public funds. Entitlement to primary care depends
on a person being 'ordinarily resident' in the UK. Ordinarily resident' is taken to mean that the
person intends to be in the UK (legally) for over six months, which includes spouses within the
probationary period (Southall Black Sisters and Womens Resource Centre, 2006:42). However,
one woman reported that her nearest surgery had turned her away even though she was
within her probationary period.
E: I contacted them (GPs surgery) once, when my in-laws kicked me out of the
house. I was not happy with them because when I went to register with the GP,
my sister told the receptionist that I didnt have indefinite leave. She totally
refused to register me with the GP - so for me, seeing a doctor is not free.
In this case, despite a clear entitlement, she was turned away possibly due to ignorance and/or
racist attitudes where the receptionist did not attempt to find out about the womans
circumstances or to clarify the law. In any case, GPs have the discretion to register excluded
groups as NHS patients as stated in the 2007 Department of Health Table of Entitlement to
NHS Treatment.
Most of the nine women who managed to see their GP sought treatment for symptoms such
as sleeping difficulties, weight loss and head aches, without mentioning what they perceived
was the source of their ill-health ongoing and severe abuse. Research indicates that most
women do not mention the possibility of domestic violence directly when they first seek help
from health services (Pahl, 1979 and 1985; Mehta and Dandrea, 1988; Strube, 1988;
Mullender, 1996). Research demonstrates that when women seek help, they do so in a
tentative and ambivalent manner, filtered through shame, self-blame, concerns about
exposing their private problems to strangers, fear associated with the consequences if they are
found out, and concerns about the nature of the response they might receive (Dobash and
Dobash, 1992: 232).
H: I saw my GP several times for health problems - sleeping difficulties but did
not really talk about what was happening at home.
DD: I couldn't describe the sexual abuse as I was too embarrassed. I started
getting headaches and taking paracetamol. Eventually I told the doctor a bit
about what was happening at home. He said, Don't think about it. But I say,
How can I not think about it?
Though GPs response to physical injuries may have improved following several guidelines for
General Practitioners and a greater awareness of some issues surrounding domestic violence,
the situation continues with regard to mental health problems caused by the experience of
domestic violence (Humphreys and Thiara, 2003; Wilson, 2006: 111-127; Anitha et al., 2008).
This research indicates that GPs continue to treat the symptoms of mental ill-health but do not
always pursue the causes. In failing to ask questions about the origins of womens symptoms,
some GPs can be seen at best as incompetent and at the worst as colluding with the
continuing concealment of domestic violence.
For three women, contact with their GP was a positive experience. This was mostly where their
symptoms had been taken seriously, their experiences were validated, advice and information
about domestic violence services was given and they were offered ongoing emotional support.
C: I saw my GP several times my health was going down day by dayI was
losing weight. He was very nice to me. One day I told him everything. Then he
told me that I was being sexually abused. He contacted social services for me. I
also have his number and he still helps me.
I: I went to the doctor a few times. He was always very helpful and I was
eventually able to talk to him about everything. He gave me the contact of
Hosla. When my husband was away, I rang the outreach worker at Hosla and
through them found out about social services, CAB and the Law Centre.
In both these cases, the women made fuller disclosures following positive evaluations about
the service made over several visits. For women who contact their GP but do not feel able to
discuss the abuse they are facing, routine screening can be highly effective in eliciting
disclosures and also in conveying to women that the surgery takes domestic violence seriously.
Research indicates that intensive intervention to improve routine screening for domestic
violence which involved skills training for providers and environmental orchestration (posters
in clinical areas, domestic violence questions on health questionnaires) resulted in a 1.3-fold
increase in case-finding (Thompson et al., 2000). There is also evidence that pro-active
screening can also enable earlier intervention and that the majority of women would have
welcomed being asked, even if they were unable to follow the referrals through at that point
in time (Worms, 2004).
Research has highlighted the concerns physicians express regarding routine screening for
domestic violence (Sugg & Inui, 1992). However, in a pilot study conducted at GPs surgeries
by Westmarland et al. (2004), 83% of women attending the surgery said that they would not
feel offended if their GP asked them about domestic violence, a finding confirmed by other
studies (Bacchus et al., 2002; Richardson et al., 2002; Taket et al., 2004). It was the GPs who
generally expressed more concerns about asking about domestic violence than the patients
actually had (Westmarland et al., 2004). A commitment to address violence against women
and training towards this end can bring about attitudinal changes among GPs, dispel myths
about domestic violence and address some of the barriers to routine enquiry that have been
identified in health studies, for example, difficulties in framing questions or seeing the patient
alone, recording information, confidentiality and lack of awareness of support services
(Waalen et al., 2000; Protheroe et al., 2001; Watts, 2002; MacVean et al., 2003; Taket et al.,
2004).
Availability of interpretation facilities will also make an enormous difference to women who
may not speak English. For a woman with NRPF, recording domestic violence is crucial not only
to refer her to services and to provide information and support but also if she does leave, she
needs to provide evidence of domestic violence to secure her ILR. Hence any suspicion needs
to be recorded and pro-actively pursued.
6.1.4 Police
Twenty-two women contacted police, often several times, for help with the violence they were
facing. Eight women reported instances of good police practice, but the majority of women
reported dissatisfaction with the service they received. The nature of their assessments
depended on whether womens disclosures were taken seriously, a pro-arrest policy followed
and the safety of the women prioritised by informing them about their options and making
contact with services on their behalf.
Despite changes to policies which were meant to signal a move away from earlier attitudes
that regarded domestic violence as less of a crime than assaults on strangers (HOC 19/2000),
research indicates that the practice of different police forces varies widely with regard to
domestic violence (Grace, l995; Plotnikoff and Woolfson, l998; Buzawa and Buzawa, 1990;
Hanmer and Griffiths, 2001). Accordingly, womens experience of contacting the police varies
widely, depending on police attitudes, understanding of domestic violence, response to the
woman and action with regard to the perpetrator(s).
Where womens experience of domestic violence was taken seriously, a pro-arrest policy
followed and the safety of the women was prioritised by informing them about their options
and making contact with services on their behalf, the women reported positive experiences of
the police.
M: I called them two times. They were quick in responding. They checked my
passport, then they also gave me advice about services. Later when I left home
they took me to a refuge.
P: I was hiding in the park. A woman found me there and called the police. The
policewoman could not understand me, but she was very nice to me... They got
someone who could speak Urdu and I stayed at the police station for a few
hours. Then they took me to social people (social services), who are helping me.
I don't know about my future but I am safe, I am alive and he is not hurting me
anymore.
Five women made repeated attempts to seek help from the police (one of whom called them
five times in four months when she feared for her life), before they received the help they
needed. An articulate advocate who could argue on behalf of the woman, and a previous
criminal record or an ongoing investigation against the abuser seemed to improve the
response they received from the police on subsequent call-outs.
I: The police were very good this time. I was not aware but there was already a
police case going on against my husband. They managed to get my passport
from my husband.
G: My brother took me to the police station and they contacted the social
services. The police listened to us and the social services were very helpful. I was
taken to A&E. The refuge people registered me with doctors. I think it helped
that my brother was there to support me. I don't know what I would have done
if I was alone.
For many women, calling the police was often the first time they had addressed the issue of
domestic violence explicitly and directly to an agency. Failure to validate the womens
experience, absence of systematic and consistent recording of domestic violence incidents,
poor or no evidence-gathering techniques at the scene of crime, failure to take action against
the abuser(s), failure to address the language barriers faced by many South Asian women, and
above all, no attempt to prioritise womens safety by connecting them to other services
contributed to poor perceptions of police response to the problem of domestic violence.
E: When my in laws kicked me out of the house I contacted them once. I told
them my whole story - that I had been beaten several times but they not take
any action.
U: Police did not really support me because when I first called them they didnt
take action in time but when my in-laws contacted them making up
complaints about me, they responded quickly.
G: When I went to police station I came back they did not understand me. I
was too scared. They should have someone who can translate for you.
Not renewing womens visa is a part of the larger pattern of control exercised by the
perpetrator(s) due to which women often become inadvertent over-stayers. Previous research
demonstrates how women in this situation have found the courage to call the police when
faced with a life-threatening situation, but instead of prioritising the safety of the woman and
acting against the abuser, the police have questioned her regarding her immigration status,
and even arrested her (Gill and Sharma, 2006; Imkaan, 2008). In some cases, womens
immigration status, rather than the need to ensure womens safety seems to dictate police
response to domestic violence.
R: I called the police I am not satisfied with the police because I think when
we call the police the first thing they should do is to give the victim a safe place.
But they didn't find out any place for me or do anything for me because of my
(immigration) status. I really didn't know what was going on.
Only a small percentage of women facing domestic violence report it to the police research
indicates that on average, a woman will be assaulted by her partner or ex-partner 35 times
before actually reporting it to the police (Yearnshire, 1997: 45). Despite this, call-outs to police
were very high compared to other services, probably because there is a higher level of
awareness about police, even among recent migrants. Other than A&E, police were also the
service that was most often contacted by women while they were living within the abusive
relationship and are hence uniquely placed to offer advice, information and referrals that could
make it possible for the women to leave.
6.1.5 Social Services

Twenty three women reported contacting social services, of whom five women had received
the help they needed at their first contact and seven women had received support after
repeated attempts, often at different Local Authorities as they moved from place to place.
Eleven women, of whom the majority were single women, did not receive any support despite
repeated attempts to seek help. Five women in this situation were destitute and one woman
was forced to remain in the abusive relationship due to the lack of support.
Women interviewed for this study accessed the social services through a number of routes
which included referrals or signposting from their GP, the police, midwives and health visitors,
Law Centre, Citizens Advice Bureau, Domestic Violence Helpline and through direct contact
with social services after they had heard about them through their informal networks. As in
the case of contacts with the police, these numbers are very high because they are from a
sample of women where most have managed to leave the abusive relationship. The majority
of women remained dissatisfied with the social service response to their problem, though
there were a few exceptions.
Some social services did seem to put humanitarian concerns above the need to appear tough
on immigrants. Experiences of women in a few Local Authorities in the North West, particularly
Manchester, suggests that where existing laws were interpreted by the Local Authorities with
a view to enabling access rather than as a means to exclude people, they can be an instrument
of justice. Both single women and women with children reported positive experiences with
some Local Authorities, particularly Manchester.
P: They (Manchester social services) brought me food and took me to a B&B.

The women from social services were good - I see them twice a week,
sometimes three times. I am satisfied.
V: One of my friends told me about the Law Centre and from there I found out
about social services. I contacted them a few months back. I am satisfied with
them because they arranged this accommodation for me. They also arranged a
solicitor in the Law Centre who is dealing with my case. I also receive money
every two weeks. I feel safe now.
However, the majority of women reported lack of effective support from social services across
the region. The response women received also depended on whether they had children or
were single women, with single women reporting minimal levels of support, if any. Some
women with children were also refused support from social services in the first instance, and
only received a positive assessment after repeated attempts at accessing support. As
documented elsewhere (Imkaan, 2008), some Local Authorities appear reluctant to commit
funds to this group of women, and are even willing to separate the family rather than support
the mother and child(ren). The fear of such a response is enough to force some women to stay
in the abusive relationship.
DD: I didn't leave because of my daughter. I was told by my husband that she
could be taken away by the social services if I ever left with her.
Eleven women did not receive any support, despite repeated contacts with social services,
often at different Local Authorities as they moved from place to place seeking safety and
shelter among friends, relatives and even strangers. Since they were not living in supported
accommodation, they did not have regular access to services and information about their
rights and the workings of the Domestic Violence Rule. Such women were destitute and highly
vulnerable to exploitation.
E: My sister helped me to find out about the services. When my in-laws kicked
me out of the house, I contacted these services - police, a GP who refused to
register me, and the social services who refused to do anything. I went to social
services office again later, but here again I faced the same situation because of
my (immigration) status. They refused to do anything for me.
Even where women with children did manage to receive support, mostly under section 17 of
the Children Act, this was often far from adequate. This was because the support was
sometimes entirely geared towards the childrens needs, with no effort to ensure that even the
most basic needs of the mother were met; some social workers had little understanding of the
issues facing women with NRPF; and the level of advocacy and support structures fell far short
of what is routinely available in a womens refuge.
H: I am not happy with any services, because I had no indefinite leave, so they
first refused to help me. Then, after the birth of my child, a social worker
arranged a place in a B&B where I spent the whole day inside because it's near
my in-laws house, and they were all English men there. I had no money,
nothing to eat for myself. She (my social worker) only provided milk and nappies
for my baby. I spent two weeks without eating anything and she always used to
say, Why don't you want to go to Pakistan. I was so scared at what she said - I
didn't want to go back.
D: The social services were not good because they arranged a B&B in very bad
place where they were all are white men. At that time I was so scared I
spent seven days without eating, but they did not arrange any food for me. They
totally refused to do so and said that they could not do anything for me without
my indefinite leave.
Where women are being supported by social services, there is an urgent need to engage with
specialist domestic violence outreach services so that women can discuss their circumstances
with trained workers who can speak their language. Even where womens immediate housing
needs are being met, lack of awareness of their rights and of what is happening can lead to
an uncertainty and sense of powerlessness that can be traumatic. For a few women, this
uncertainty was compounded by remarks from social workers that not only showed a lack of
empathy with survivors, but also an ignorance of the immigration laws.
H: My baby is British, so everybody told me that she can stay forever in this
country. But everyone, especially my social worker, told me that I could be
deported at any time.
Such messages echo the threats women have been subjected to by their abusers, and to hear
agencies reinforce them can be profoundly disempowering for the women.
One woman received support under section 4 of the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999. While
this support enabled her to stay on and make a fresh claim for asylum, the provision under
section 4 is at a minimal level and comes with no other support. The quality of
accommodation provided to people on section 4 support is frequently of a very poor standard
and NASS has few mechanisms in place to monitor and enforce quality accommodation
(Martin, 2006:7). For women escaping domestic violence who do not have access to a safe
and confidential accommodation where support is provided, the requirement to shop at the
same place every time, and one that is a big supermarket, may further jeopardise their safety.
Women in this situation are mindful of being traced and often shop at smaller, less frequented
places to minimise detection, which is not possible with the voucher scheme.
Despite some isolated examples of good practice by Local Authorities, practice remains
inconsistent and variable, and womens access to safe spaces such as refuges remains limited.
Womens ability to leave abusive relationships and live a life free of exploitation and destitution
depends on which Local Authority they approach. When refused support, few women have
the resources to mount a legal challenge to the decision made by the Local Authority. This
inconsistency in Local Authority practice leaves women extremely vulnerable to discriminatory

practice among service providers in some Local Authorities who operate a blanket policy of
putting the needs of immigrants last (Imkaan, 2008).
6.1.6 Womens refuges: generic provision

Ten women received support from Local Authorities and had been housed in refuges, or were
being supported through the refuge in-house funds such as reserves. They reported more
positive experiences, particularly so in the case of specialist refuges.
While accommodation and support offered under section 21 of the NAA and section 17 of the
Children Act is good practice within the current legislative framework, it still falls far short of
what is offered by refuges. The refuge movement arose out of an understanding of the needs
of women surviving domestic violence, including the very real threat of post-separation
violence (Kirkwood, 1993; Jaffe et al., 2003; Saunders and Barron, 2003; Saunders, 2004) as
well as the long term effects of domestic violence (Mooney 1994; Kirkwood, 1993; Humphreys
and Thiara, 2003). Refuge provision which is geared towards safety, support and
empowerment receives the best evaluation from survivors of domestic violence (Kelly and
Humphreys, 2001; Mullender and Hague, 2001).
Where women were housed in refuges by social services, women reported feeling safe and
supported. However, for women who could not speak any English, the support available in a
generic refuge, and the benefits of sharing a space with other women who were also survivors
of domestic violence remained inaccessible.
H: They arranged a place in a (generic) refuge. I faced lots of problems here.

Nobody understood me, I was not registered with any health service.
6.1.7 Womens refuges and outreach services: specialist

provision
Research indicates that that women who have experienced abuse from multiple family
members, who have NRPF, who speak no English, whose children are abducted, who are new
to the country, all present with complex issues (Menjivar and Salcido, 2002) because of which
many South Asian women require high levels of support and over a longer period of time
(Wilson, 2006). For recent marriage migrants who may not speak much English and may not
be aware of the services available or of their rights, being able to speak to a support worker
in their own language can be lifeline (Rai and Thiara, 1997; Thiara and Hussain, 2005; Thiara,
2005).
When I managed to escape from my husband I had no idea of life outside and
didn't know how to shop, how the currency worked, how to get to the children'
s school, how to use public transport, and how to communicate in English. I
was completely helpless. (CRP VAWI Asian project user, Parmar et al., 2005: 7)
Women in this situation often do not have any informal support systems in UK, and of the
women who do have family and friends here, few receive any support from them because of
the stigma and blame attached to leaving a marriage. For the few women whose families in
the subcontinent are supportive, financial constraints mean that the ongoing emotional
support required cannot be adequately provided by the occasional telephone conversation.

Being able to talk to other women about their experiences can be crucial to the process of
recovery, to overcoming their isolation and to coming to the understanding that the abuse was
not their fault.
H: If a woman is facing domestic violence, they should arrange a place in an

Asian (specialist) refuge. when you are depressed, thats when you definitely
want someone who understands your problems, with whom you can share
everything. At that time you are so alone, so you need company - please don't
arrange a B&B and don't put us in English (generic) refuges either.
For the same reasons, outreach services can also provide the support that can enable women
to leave abusive relationships and enhance womens safety while they remain in the abusive
relationship. Language barriers often prevent many women from understanding all the
information given to them in English and women who participated in this study have also
reported that they often receive mixed messages from different agencies because of
inadequate training on the legal position of and services available for women with NRPF. In this
situation, specialist outreach services can play a crucial role in filling this information gap.
K: My sister and I went to find out about what support was available from a
women's group. They gave us the contact of Saheli in Manchester and Roshni in
Sheffield. I rang Saheli to check if anything was available in XXX (my city) and
what my options were if I was to leave home. They gave me a lot of support
and contacts. They also sent us a resource pack and told me about my position.
Despite evidence from previous research on the role of specialist outreach services (Rai and
Thiara, 1997; Thiara and Hussain, 2005; Thiara, 2005), refuges report that they are facing cuts
to their outreach projects, which are already overstretched. For example, Hosla, which is based
in Manchester routinely receives enquiries from women based in other cities in the region
because of a lack of such provision in their communities. One refuge based in the South East,
where the demand for these services is high because of the demography of the local
population reported,
Our Local Authority has cut this service (outreach) and it seems that the funding
for it has been siphoned into a generic floating support scheme across the
borough.
Womens refuges, which maintain themselves on the rentals paid through the benefit system
for residents, can rarely afford to accommodate women with NRPF. Most women are being
turned away because of lack of funds (Imkaan, 2003). Though the support costs of women
with NRPF are covered under Supporting People, rents are not, and refuges also have to find
living expenses for women with NRPF who are housed with them. This gap in the support
systems means that the refuges catering to women from Black and minority ethnic
communities end up bearing the majority of the financial burden of supporting these women
(Imkaan, 2003).
Given the time it takes to make an application for ILR and get a decision, often following an
appeal, women with NRPF end up staying in refuges for a long period. The refuges which do
accept women with NRPF and maintain them out of their own reserves find that this severely
compromises their financial viability. One specialist refuge which responded to our
questionnaire reported:
The cost of living expenses and staff time for one woman we accommodated
accumulated to around 30,000 as she had been with us for 18 months we
just could not sustain this.
As the stay of women with NRPF can be categorised as a void, this can have further negative
impact on their performance indicators under Supporting People. Another specialist refuge
based in the South East had been accommodating women with NRPF before Supporting
People was implemented, but is finding that this is no longer possible, both because of the
difficulty of raising funds and because both their SP team and their housing associations have
disallowed it, reinforcing the policy of their Local Authority to not support women with NRPF
unless subjected to a judicial review. However, not many women with NRPF or their advocates
have access to a solicitor to take this step. The manager of one specialist refuge which has
accommodated women with NRPF, but is finding it increasingly difficult to do so commented:
I believe that the agencies in this area have not been challenged enough. If
we had the money we would take on the services of a good solicitor to
challenge social services. Without the knowledge or money to fund such a
project we are finding that we are having to turn down women even if the
space is available.
Specialist services which are already under-funded reported facing mergers and cuts due to the
shifting priorities under Local Area Agreements. These refuges bear a disproportionate burden
in the absence of effective statutory service response. Despite the constraints under which they
operate, they have remained the one service that received entirely positive evaluations from the
participants in this study.
6.1.8 Law Centres and Citizens Advice Bureaus (CAB)

Fourteen women in this study accessed the Law Centres for advice and information and to
make their application for ILR under the Domestic Violence Rule, and six women contacted the
CAB. Many women who had contacted these services had done so as part of the support they
had been receiving from the specialist domestic violence services or the social services. Most
women reported positive experiences of South Manchester Law Centre in particular.
G: I went to the local library with a girl who works with me in a factory, the lady
there gave me the address of the Law Centre. I have gone to see them a few
times. They were very good and took time to listen to me. They told me about
different projects which could help me. They are helping me to prepare my case
with the immigration people (Home Office), and they got letters of support for
me. I am satisfied with their support.
However, many women reported that it took them a long time, during which they were
actively seeking advice, to find out about Law Centres. During this time two women were
exploited by unscrupulous lawyers or agents who offered them help with their ILR
application, but did nothing.
G: Before I found out about the Law Centre, I had gone to see a lawyer who
charged 200 which I had to borrow from my brothers. They did not do
anything for me. The lawyer at this Law Centre is very helpful.
Not only is legal advice necessary to enable women to make an application for ILR under the
Domestic Violence Rule, but a refusal by social services to make an assessment or to support
women can also be challenged through a judicial review. Indeed, some Local Authorities
undertake not to support any women with NRPF unless subject to a judicial review (Imkaan,
2008). Given this, accessible legal services and adequate Legal aid is crucial to enable women
with NRPF to access their rights.
6.1.9 Other community organisations

Five women also reported positive experience of community groups, particularly where the
worker was able to speak in their language and could act as an advocate to help them
negotiate their access to unfamiliar services. Two women reported positive experiences of such
support and advocacy from Roby, a community mental health project based in Manchester.
T: I went to Roby two or three times. They arranged everything for me - they
contacted social services and found this accommodation for me, they registered
me with a GP and they also took me to a solicitor who supports me in getting
my indefinite (leave).
6.2 The process of leaving: womens realities versus assumptions

of the Domestic Violence Rule
All but two participants in this study had left abusive relationships, a majority of whom had a
successful contact with an agency just prior to their departure or at a later date. This has huge
implications for the kind of evidence that they will be able to provide, as discussed elsewhere.
Two women had not yet contacted services, and others had contacted them anonymously - in
this research women have described obtaining information in this way from CAB, Hosla and
from Domestic Violence Helpline.
J: I have not used any service yet. My aunt has been ringing everywhere. The
Citizen's Advice Bureau were good and gave her the contact number for Law
Centre, Social Services and Saheli. I'm going to go to the Law Centre to sort
my situation soon.
Even for women who have contacted services while they are living in the abusive relationship,
the trajectory is not straightforward. Contacting services does not necessarily mean that these
services will listen to the women, understand what they are trying to convey, offer assurances
about confidentiality, take pro-active measures which encourage and enable women to make
complete disclosures, record it and offer them the support they need to leave the abusive
relationship.
Despite repeated contact with services, many women remained uncertain about their rights,
particularly right to work, their entitlement to health services, and the provisions of the
Domestic Violence Rule. This was particularly so for women who were not in supported
accommodation or women who were being housed by social services in places other than
refuges and had little or no contact with workers who could speak their language. Several
women reported that they had received conflicting information from different services they
had approached.
Q: There is lot of conflicting information available at various places. Some

women are told they can work and some women are told they can't.
K: I think it is very difficult for Asian women to find information and support.
The community still blames the woman. She is expected to put up with anything
her husband does. We have to ring so many agencies. Some refuges don't have
space. Many who do, don't take women like me. I have had to ring many people
and they all gave different information. There are no leaflets or guidelines
available.
In the absence of support from specialist domestic violence services which can cater to their
language needs, women are less likely to make a successful case for ILR under the Domestic
Violence Rule because of the inability to provide the evidence required as well as due to a lack
of awareness of this concession.
Where women have not disclosed the abuse to agencies while they were living within the
relationship and have done so after they have left the family home, the Home Office often
treats their disclosure with suspicion, particularly if there is a delay in contacting agencies. The
assumption in Domestic Violence Rule that evidence of domestic violence is readily available
in the form of contacts with agencies does not reflect womens experiences. Almost all the
women who participated in this study were unaware of the existence of the Domestic
Violence Rule and its evidence requirements when they left the abusive relationship.
This study indicates that despite barriers, women with NRPF do attempt to access services to
find the help they need to leave the abusive relationship, often repeatedly. However, the
effectiveness of services in validating their experiences, recording it, and meeting their needs
remains highly variable and inconsistent. Womens ability to leave abusive relationships is
constrained by the lack of support by statutory services; additionally, the fact that evidence
under the Domestic Violence Rule requires a successful service contact which records the abuse
penalises women for the ineffectiveness of services.
CASE STUDY
When I first came to this country I was very happy because I had married late in my late
thirties - due to some family problems. For the first few weeks he seemed normal but after that
he showed his true self. He used to get angry and lose his temper very quickly. Later on he
started abusing me physically.
I was living alone with him but his son and daughter-in-law started to come to our house all
the time. Every night I had to cook for them. Both of them were working. I had to look after
my sister-in-law's child during the day. After doing domestic work I also had to help my
husband with his shop. I used to get very tired and when I was like that, I refused to sleep with
him. First he abused me verbally but after that he started abusing me physically and sexually.
He forced me and physically hurt meHe tortured me during our physical condition (sex). He
was always doing wrong things things that I did not want to do.
I have no friends or relatives here so I just had to cope by myself - I was scared of my familys
reaction in Pakistan. They would have been very angry if I had left home. So there was not
much I could do. I was so stressed that I went into a depression. I was very scared of him
because he always forced me to have sex and whenever I refused he used to hit me. He always
locked me up in the home Things became worse and I started thinking about harming
myself, of killing myself. Somehow instead of that I built up my courage and when I got a
chance, I ran away.
I had nowhere to go, and when someone called the social services, the first thing they did was
to arrange a temporary place in an English (generic) refuge. Here I felt safe. I filed my case for
indefinite stay through the Law Centre. I applied for legal aid which was accepted. Now I am
waiting for the Home Office to decide. From the English refuge, I shifted into an Asian
(specialist) refuge because I had some language problems and at that time I needed company.
This service (specialist refuge) helped me in sorting out my finances. As I am a single woman
so whatever I receive every week, I spend all of it because when I left my house, I had nothing.
So I need to buy so many things for myself. Its difficult, but I am managing. This is a safe place
for me. I have so many Asian women to talk to and share my problems with. I have no worries
about paying rent or any bills ... I am living independently and whenever I want help, my
support worker is there to help me. I can sleep well after such a long time. I eat everything
very happily, nobody is here to shout at me, so definitely my health is improving day by day in
this relaxing atmosphere.
Chapter 7
Destitution as state policy:
poverty and deprivation among
women with NRPF
This section explores the experiences of women and children who have left the abusive
relationships both those who have managed to access publicly funded housing and the
support that often goes with that and those who live with family, friends and strangers as they
await the outcome of their case or while they find out about the options available to them.
Based on the most commonly-used threshold of poverty - a household income that is 60% or
less of the average household income in that year - all women with NRPF who had left the
abusive relationship were living in dire poverty and deprivation and were often struggling to
afford basic necessities like adequate food, warm clothing, travel expenses and medicines.
Women who had no source of income were facing destitution and were forced to accept
whatever support was available, making them extremely vulnerable to further exploitation and
abuse. Women existing on the brink of survival faced great levels of insecurity and fear which
further prevented access to services.
7.1 Income poverty: I have nothing, but at least I am alive

As noted above, the most commonly-used definition of poverty in the UK is a household
income that is 60% or less of the average (median) household income in that year. These sums
of money are measured after income tax, council tax and housing costs have been deducted,
where housing costs include rents, mortgage interest, buildings insurance and water charges.
The sum of money left over is therefore what the household has available to spend on
everything else it needs, from food and heating to travel and entertainment (New Policy
Institute, 2007). The latest year for which data is available is 2004/05. In that year, the 60%
threshold was worth 101 per week for a single adult, 113 for a single parent with a baby
aged 0-1, 134 for a single parent with a child aged 2-4 and 172 for a single parent with
two children aged 2 and 5 (Hirsch, 2006: 16).7
The research participants were asked questions which gave them the opportunity to make a
subjective assessment about their financial circumstances, and questions about their exact
income and expenses on housing, in order to compare their circumstances with the
commonly-used barometer of poverty.
When asked about how they would describe their financial situation, none of the twenty-eight
women who had left the abusive relationship described themselves as financially secure/very
comfortable, while only two described themselves as financially comfortable. Thirteen
women described themselves as just getting by/ managing, twelve as struggling to meet
basic needs and two women reported that they could not meet basic needs/in debt.
All of the 28 women who had left the abusive relationship were well below the poverty
7 Ready reckoner: start with 183 for a couple or 101 for a lone parent, then add for each child: 13 age 0-1; 33 age 2-4; 38 age 5-7; 42
age 8-10; 48 age 11-12; 51 age 13-15; 70 aged 16-18 and still in full-time education (Hirsch, 2006: 16).
threshold even the women who described themselves as financially comfortable. However,
compared to the financial deprivation that many women faced within their relationship a few
women who were receiving financial support indicated that their financial circumstances had
indeed improved.
T: I just get by and manage with 35 a week, but I am happy because I had
nothing before.
Almost all women indicated that they had experienced financial abuse within their
relationship, including being deprived of food and warm clothing. Whatever their
circumstances were in relation to their immediate past, most women who had left the abusive
relationship faced extreme financial difficulties and their accounts indicate dire poverty and
deprivation. For most women, abuse by their family had been replaced by deprivation and
destitution sanctioned by the state policy. The money available through section 17, Children
Act and the Community Care (section 21) is lesser than the lowest rate of benefits, so even the
women who had managed to receive support were finding it difficult to make ends meet.
S: There is so little money, everything costs so much. In fact, with this money I
am struggling to meet my basic needs because whenever I want to meet my
friend, it (travel) costs a lot of money so it is hard to manage
P: My husband used to give me very little money for just two weeks and then he
would always ask me why I needed more. And here last week they gave me
35. Im just getting by. I was poor in Pakistan but here I have been even
poorer. When I left home, I didnt even think about what I would do about
money, I just wanted to be alive.
One woman on NASS support received vouchers which could only be spent at the local
supermarket. Research indicates the disempowering nature of vouchers which stigmatise and
humiliate people, and do not provide value for money (Martin, 2006).
Women living with relatives, friends or with strangers who had offered them a place were
completely dependent on them and were existing on the brink of survival.
N: I know that if I do their housework, I'm guaranteed food and a roof over my
head. I do voluntary work at a church. I ask them for some money from time to
time. They are helpful I may get a few pounds a week or nothing.
Y: I am struggling to meet my basic needs I have no income. I am living with

friends. These people give me a space to stay and food.
Women who were well enough, could speak English and were able to find a job were in a
better position, and were able to secure a modicum of financial security. Two women, both of
whom were employed, paid a rent of 120 and 150 a month each for a room in a family
home, and did some housework for the family.
I: Im just getting by, managing. I have got a job on a part-time basis and am
able to manage. Before this I was really struggling as my husband gave me little
money. When I feel better I'm going to try and work full-time.
However, employment did not remain an immediate option for many women because of their
childcare responsibilities, the impact of the abuse they had faced on their mental and physical
health, lack of safe options (as many women were afraid to venture out) and language
barriers. However, where women felt safe and supported, they attempted to enrol in English
classes or volunteer as a step towards independent living. While women in refuges often
managed to access such opportunities, others did not.
U: Women in my situation should be allowed to get an education. We should

have this right. I want to make my future but when I applied for an English
course they refused to enrol me and said that your stay in this country is very
short. So, they said, I couldnt apply for any course.
With the current lack of political commitment to meeting these needs of immigrants and the
hysteria generated by right-wing press which has led to cutbacks in funding for ESOL classes,
the women with NRPF face further barriers in entering the labour market.
Women with NRPF and Poverty: some findings

Using the most common measure for poverty, all the women with NRPF who had left
the abusive relationship were living in extreme poverty.
11 single women, all of whom were being supported by social services or refuges, were
living on between 25 and 35 a week while the poverty threshold for single adults is
101 per week.
Five single women who were not in receipt of any support were living on nothing, and
relying on the charity of others for food and shelter, often in return for doing domestic
labour in their homes.
2 women who were employed were living on between 40 and 70 a week.
Women who were living with their children were also living on far below the threshold.
4 women (with one child each) were living on under 60 a week, while other women
with between one and two children were living on between 80 and 100. In one case,
a family, a woman and 4 children, housed in a refuge struggled to survive on 55 per
week their poverty threshold would be 266.
Given the poverty faced by many women with NRPF, we asked if in the past year, they had
sought any financial assistance like crisis fund or the Last Resort Fund (now discontinued)
from the voluntary or statutory sector, charity or faith group. Only two women had applied for
and obtained funds, both with the help of a support worker or advocate. This reflects the very
few means of support available for women in this situation as well as the limited access
women have to advocates who can pursue these dwindling options on their behalf. Since the
start of this research, another source of funding, Saheli Crisis Fund had become available for
this group of women.8 These limited funds are managed by Saheli, Manchester and had been
provided by Oxfam, and are available to women with NRPF who are facing destitution and
have no other means of support. Women who were contacted for this research were directed
to this source of emergency funding.
8 This fund has since been depleted. The proceeds from the sale of this report will be going towards this fund, which will consider applications once
again when there are sufficient reserves.
7.2 Accommodation: quality, safety and security of tenure

Due to the difficulties of accessing women who were not receiving any support from services,
women in publicly-funded accommodation were overrepresented in this study, although
evidence gathered by Saheli and Imkaan, on specialist refuges, indicates that the vast majority
of women with NRPF are refused accommodation by refuges due to lack of funds.
Out of thirty women who participated in this study, ten women were in private
accommodation including two women who were still in the abusive family home. Twenty
women were living in social housing, funded by Local Authorities, by refuges through their
own reserves and in one case by NASS. Of these, ten women were in refuges, 4 were being
accommodated in a communal house by one social service in the Greater Manchester region,
2 women with child(ren) were accommodated in an exclusive flat, 3 were in emergency
accommodation and one in NASS-funded accommodation
All the women who were housed by social services, NASS or refuges had a bedroom for their
sole use or shared it with their child/ren. One woman in a refuge shared her room with her
four children. Of the women who lived with their family or friends most did not have the use
of a bedroom for their sole use.
All women were asked to describe the quality of their present accommodation. While most
women were relieved to have a place to live in, women living with relatives, friends and
strangers or in emergency accommodation were most likely to describe their living
arrangements as less than adequate.
E: Im not happy because the furniture is very old and not in good condition.
Carpets are very dirty and unhygienic. There is no central heating in this house.
Its very cold.
N: Its very difficult as I am pregnant and I don't keep well either. It is really hard
to stay here (with friends) for a further six months.
P: There is not much here (B&B) but I feel lucky to have a roof over my head
and the fact that I am alive.
Women living in refuges, particularly specialist refuges, were most likely to indicate higher
levels of satisfaction with the services they were receiving and their accommodation in general.
Previous research has also documented that women value the availability of support from
trained workers, the validation of their experiences, the empowerment model within which
refuges work, the opportunity to talk about their experiences with other women and in the
case of specialist services, the provision of culturally-sensitive support in appropriate
languages, intensive advocacy and support over a prolonged period of time and often English
classes (Kelly and Humphreys, 2001; Mullender and Hague, 2001; Thiara, 2005).
D: Very good. Because when my husband kicked me out of his house with my
baby, I had no place to go to. I had no relatives, no friends here who could help
me or support me. We now feel secure I had no money for food before but
after coming here I have had no worries about myself and my baby This
service (specialist refuge) provides me everything.
F: (it is) the nearest thing to home.
Apart from the quality of their accommodation, we also asked women who had left the
abusive relationship about the security of their tenure, as this can have significant impact on
their ability to recover from the abuse and move towards independent living. In the last year,
two women had moved once, eleven women had moved twice, another eleven women had
made three or four moves while four women moved between five and eight times.
Women who had moved once or twice tended to have children and were hence able to access
support with greater ease compared to single women. Women with children sometimes stayed
with a friend or family for a short period before they were moved into emergency
accommodation, to a refuge or a flat with the support of social services, or occasionally
managed to make a planned move to such accommodation as they left home. However, there
were a few cases where women with children had to move from place to place while they
awaited a favourable response from different Local Authorities, as local response varies widely.
In such cases, finding somewhere to stay was even harder where the woman had a small baby
to care for, and her caring responsibilities also prevented her from working.
AA: After moving from my in-laws place, I went to my uncles, then went back
home but was sent back here. I was then put up at a B &B and since then I have
been here in a one bedroom flat (where she is being accommodated by social
services with her baby).
Single women find it hardest to access support from the Local Authorities and often struggle
to find somewhere to live. Seven women in this situation had managed to find a place with a
relative, friend or stranger while nine women were being supported by the social services or
by specialist refuges from their own reserves.
B: I moved from one friends house to another I lived in 5 places like this.
When no one could have me, I went to Oldham Crisis Centre, and they found
me a place to stay. From there I went to Saheli.
T: First I moved in with my sister's friend. I lived there just for two months when
she refused to support me and took a rented flat for me. I had my parents
jewellery with me, so I sold it and paid rent and when that finished, someone
told me about Roby and I went there - they helped arrange this accommodation
(in communal house provided by one social service in the Greater Manchester
region) for me.
Eight single women had lived in four or more places in the last year, with two women who
had lived in 7 and 8 places as they sought to find safety. Many single women were reliant on
the charity of others, even strangers, which placed them in a highly vulnerable situation.
N: My husband had me thrown out of the house I was scared as I didn't know
about the laws in this country - I was not even registered with a doctor I
stayed with an aunt but her husband tried to sexually abuse me. I fled from
there and ended up with a friend. I've moved from place to place. I have no
connection with my family now I need my family, but they won't support me.
Women whose accommodation and food is provided by the family for whom they provide
domestic labour, are hardly in a position to negotiate better terms of work, days off or some
privacy. Kalayaan has documented the abuse faced by Migrant Domestic Workers (Roberts,
2006); women with NRPF are vulnerable to similar exploitation and abuse because of the state
policies which remain blind to gender based violence.
S: First I went to a refuge then they said you have no visa, so you can't stay
here anymore, so I came to this city to live in my friends house. After that I
went to an unknown womans house where I did housework, then I went to
another friends house. Then after that I went to social services office and they
found a place for me.
G: When I left home I stayed with a friend but she could not keep me in her
house for long. I looked around for somewhere to stay, but everything was very
expensive. I couldnt afford it. My friend I found this family who gave me a room
in their house cheaply and I do cooking and cleaning for them. I do not trust
people at all. When they find out about my situation they try to take advantage.
More than one woman reported being told by social workers to go back to the abusive partner
or go home while they were meant to be supporting her. In one case, a woman felt that she
had been forced to return to the abusive relationship with her baby. She eventually left again,
and this time managed to access support in a refuge.
F: I have stayed in several places - more than six or seven. The social people
(social workers) forced me to go back but it did not work.
We also asked women who participated in this study about their security of tenure and feelings
about their future. Women who were living with relatives and friends faced the greatest
uncertainty about their future accommodation.
J: My aunt is with her in-laws. They are very supportive but I will need to
move soon she can't keep me for long, so I'm going to my uncles house.
Women who were being supported through public funds reported some sense of security in
the knowledge that they had a place to stay till a decision was made on their application.
However, the threat of deportation was ever-present, and previous studies indicate that the
stringent evidence demanded under Domestic Violence Rule means that many women are
unable to meet the criteria and are deported to face stigma, financial uncertainty and often
threats to their life (Gill and Sharma, 2006).
X: I am very worried about the case I could be deported. What will happen in
the future?
I: I'm depressed and very moody because of everything that has happened to
me. I worry - what if I don't get indefinite stay, or they take away this house,
where will I go? I get upset and cry a lot at night. I feel emotionally drained. I
don't feel like meeting anyone and want to be alone. I'm lucky to be safe and
alive but I miss my country and people, my food. Some days are good but other
days I cry for no reason.
Some women who had been thrown out of their in-laws house felt relatively safer because
they did not expect their husband or his family to attempt to trace them, but for women who
had left the abusive relationship, the fear of being found was ever-present, and many women
curtailed their movements to avoid being located. Where women were living with friends,
relatives or strangers, their perceptions about their safety also depended on a combination of
factors like their assessment of their spouses or in-laws future behaviour, the likelihood of
being located and the extent to which they could trust the family they were living with.
G: I feel safe because these people are good. I pay my rent on time and the
factory is not far from here. They are Asian people and I have not had any
problem so far.
O: Not that safe but I am OK (staying with friends). I don't venture out because
I'm scared of being seen.
Their fears are not unfounded, as research indicates that the process of leaving and immediately
afterwards is the most dangerous period for women escaping from an abusive relationship
(Browne, 1987; Campbell, 1992). Women who were living with their abusive family, those who
were housed in emergency accommodation like B&Bs or hotels reported the greatest level of fear
for their safety, as did some women who were living with family or friends.
L: No, I dont feel safe here (B&B) it is all strange. I am very scared for myself
and my daughter very unhappy. Everything has gone wrong, Ive faced so
many problems in a foreign country. I don't want my sisters-in-law and
mother-in-law to find me. These people don't understand what I am saying. I
feel safe when the police and social services are there. I pray to my Babaji (god)
please help me; keep me and my daughter safe.
P: I am worried that my husband will be looking for me. I cry all the time, Im
very scared. I don't know what will happen, I get scared thinking about what my
husband will do to me if he finds me or if someone tells him I'm here. But pray
to Allah that he does not find me here. I feel safe when my worker is here. I
keep to my room (B&B).
D: The social services first refused to support me because I had no status. Then
they arranged a room in a B&B in very dirty and bad place where I was the only
woman and all others were English men. But my in-laws found out about me so
they arranged another B&B for me and my child. Then I went to a refuge
Women who were in refuges were most likely to say they felt safe, as did some women who
were living in the communal house provided by one social service in the Greater Manchester
region, particularly if this was not in the same town as their husband or in-laws. At the time
of this study, one social service in the Greater Manchester region had begun to house single
women with NRPF in a house. Women in this situation felt safer here than in a B&B or hotel,
as the panic alarms provided to them gave them a sense of security. However, in the absence
of a worker based here, this still remains a less supportive and less empowering alternative to
a refuge. This was even more so for women who were living in flats on their own without any
support near them. Given the evidence about post-separation violence, support is crucial in
this period while a woman is trying to re-establish her life.
T: I think this is good because at least I am secure here (in a communal house
provided by Local Authority for women with NRPF). Nobody can touch me here.
We have safety alarms and panic buttons for our safety.
U: Yes. I am safe because we have security alarms. And this place (communal
house) is far from my in-laws house.
Refuges in UK have over three decades of experience in creating a safe and empowering
women-only space for survivors of domestic violence, and women who were staying in refuges
pointed to these aspects of the service they received when they accessed their safety.
Confidentiality, women-only spaces, availability of support and empowerment featured in their
evaluation.
Q: I feel very safe. The rules are strict and there are only women here.
K: I did not understand what they meant by confidentiality. I was so worried

about talking at first but they (Saheli) would not even talk about (my) case to my
sister. This was very reassuring. After that, I felt much better and safer. If women
would understand about this confidentiality, they will have less fear.
7.3 Social isolation

In this study women were asked how often they had managed to spend time with their family
and/or friends in the two weeks prior to the interview, and whether this was their usual pattern
of socialising. This was to establish what informal support systems existed for them in the
difficult period following separation. It is often assumed that leaving an abusive relationship is
an end of all troubles. However, research has demonstrated that the period following exit from
the abusive relationship, while one of intense relief at having made the move, can also be
particularly fraught as women often struggle to recover from the effects of the abuse, deal
with the risk of post-separation violence, adjust to life in a refuge or in a new place and for
some women and deal with often ambivalent feelings about the relationship (Hoff, 1990;
Kirkwood, 1993; Hyden, 1999; Dugan, 2000).
Thirteen women who had left the abusive relationship had no contact with any informal
sources of support in the UK, while two women who were living in their family home were
being denied such contact by the perpetrators. Four women managed to maintain contact
with their family or friends who offered support to them, while eleven women socialised with
those they lived with relatives, friends or other residents.
Research has documented the control imposed on women by their abusive partners and his
family, which is aimed at cutting them off from possible sources of support (Browne, 1987).
Two women who were still living within the abusive relationship recounted the impact of
isolation and unrelenting control exercised by the perpetrator(s).
K: I often spend time with my sisters-in-law and mother-in-law. If my husband

rings or comes home early, he is OK. But when I was with friends he used to ask
so many questions I don't go anywhere alone now. I am very, very stressed. I
feel someone is controlling my movements all the time, as if I am in a prison. I
have lost all confidence in myself. I don't feel like dressing up or going out. I am
in a lot of fear, I feel depressed. I don't recognise my husband any more. I have
tried to convince him but he does not trust me.
The control exercised over all aspects of their social life had a profound adverse impact on
womens mental health while they lived with the perpetrators, and for many women, their
loneliness did not end following their exit from the abusive home. Many women not only had
to cope with the effects of abuse from multiple members of their marital family, but were also
struggling to come to terms with rejection from their birth family who often blamed them for
the breakdown of the marriage.
M: When you have your dreams broken and lose everything, you feel bad. I've
lost everything. I've spent nights crying. All my relationships have changed.
even my family in Pakistan don't behave the same now. I am just about
managing.
S: My family doesn't want to meet me or talk to me because they don't want to

support me. They said, You have taken this step (of leaving the marital home),
so you cope in this situation by yourself. They totally refused to help me.
Women who had no informal networks of support in the UK experienced overwhelming

isolation and despair as well as uncertainty about their future. The situation was worst for
women who were still in the marital home or housed in emergency accommodation and for
women who had no access to specialist services where they could communicate in their own
language.
I: I have had no friends, few acquaintances. After the last incident, I have been
very scared. I have only spoken to an outreach worker one or two times in the
last few weeks. ... So much has happened to me since I came to this country. I
feel very depressed and all alone.
P: Social services came to help me after police told them about my situation. I
spoke to my family in Pakistan to let them know I was alive and that I would
rather die than go back to that man the people from social services are
looking for a place for me to live (currently in a B&B). I am able to speak in
Urdu to you, and to people from Hosla. There is no one else here for me.
Having access to someone who could validate their experiences and offer non-judgemental
support was crucial to womens recovery from the abuse, and women who had such support
from family or friends valued it highly. While some women received emotional support as well
as practical assistance and advocacy from their relatives or friends including help in contacting
services, others were concerned that they were putting their female relatives and friends,
particularly those who were living with their in-laws, in difficulties due to their presence.
J: I have been in my aunts house. She has been helping me and supporting me
by contacting services. ... (they) are helping me financially but I know this is
temporary. I don't want to be burden on their family.
Living in a refuge and adjusting to the rules and to aspects of a communal life can be daunting
and difficult. However, women who were housed in a specialist refuge or with other South
Asian women in the communal house drew upon the support of other residents who had
similar experiences as them, and described the strength such friendships gave them.
F: My family is abroad, but my friends here are very supportive. They have
experienced similar things, they live in a refuge with me.
U: I live with my friends in the same house provided by social services. I feel very
comfortable when I am with them.
C: My family are all in Pakistan. I live alone here (in a refuge). Nobody interferes
with me. I eat what I want. I sleep when I want. I have nice company, we go
outside for meals together our workers arrange that for us. I am feeling so
relaxed and secure.
While the period following exit is a difficult one for all women as they adjust to their changed
circumstances, for women with NRPF, the difficulties are multiplied as they struggle to find a
safe place to live in, funds to survive on and apply for their ILR in the UK. Support at this time
can be vital to validate womens experiences, to deal with any feelings of self-blame that they
might have entertained, promote a sense of well being and to the recovery of their self-esteem.
7.4 Physical and mental health

The impact of domestic violence on physical and mental health has been well documented,
and this effect continues long after the end of the abuse. We asked women to describe their
physical and mental health over the past six months on a sliding scale from very good to very
bad. Twenty eight women participated in this study had endured physical violence and sixteen
women had been subjected to sexual abuse, of whom six women sought treatment from A&E
as a result of the violence they faced. The impact of ongoing and persistent abuse, including
starvation, on the health can be severe, and many women indicated that they were struggling
to cope with the effects of the abuse on their physical health.
R: Its bad. Before all this my health was good but because of not eating and
sleeping properly my health has gone down. Bad, because the whole situation I
had suffered still hurts my body.
P: Bad. The social woman took me to a doctor. I have lots of marks on my body
and pain.
However, for most women who had left the abusive relationship, their physical health had
improved over time. This was particularly so for women who were being supported by social
services or by a refuge and had some financial security to meet their basic needs as well as that
of their children.
S: Look for yourself, my health is good compared to my previous days. At that

time I was not looking well. Not at all.
H: Good. Here my health is becoming better every day because I am satisfied I

am eating well, I am sleeping well I have no worries about myself or my baby.
Nobody is here to taunt me. Nobody hits me. I give attention to my baby. I love
her and when she smiles I forget everything.
While their physical health improved over time, for most women who participated in this
study, the effects of the abuse they had endured on their mental health was severe and long-
lasting. Research has shown that health effects of domestic violence include low self esteem,
anxiety and depression (Mooney 1994; Kirkwood, 1993; Campbell et al., 1995; Cascardi et al.,
1999; Golding 1999; Humphreys and Thiara, 2003), both in the short term and long after
women have managed to leave violent relationships (Kirkwood, 1993). This link has only
recently been highlighted in the Department of Health consultation document on women and
mental health which reports that at least 50% of women users of mental health services have
experienced domestic violence (Department of Health, 2003) compared to one third of women
in the general population (Mooney, 1994). We asked women to tell us about their mental
health over the past six months, and while a few women received the support they needed
and reported an improvement in their mental health, a majority of women recounted
experiencing a range of mental health problems.
Five women reported significant improvement in their mental health due to the end of the
abusive relationship, and the availability of adequate support over a period of time which
enabled them to regain their self-esteem. These responses were from women who were
receiving financial support and were in secure accommodation three in refuges, one in a flat
provided by social services and one in the communal house provided by one social service in
the Greater Manchester region.
H: Its good. I think if you are free of worries and tensions, your mental health is
good. I am so happy and satisfied so I think my mental health is good - I have
no depression now.
C: Good. It is not easy to forget my past, but living in this relaxed atmosphere I
am no longer stressed.
Three women had accessed their GPs for help with their mental health problems and had been
prescribed medication, but had not been offered any specialist mental health support to
address the psychological impact of the violence they had faced.
T: I was so depressed that when I registered with the GP he gave me anti-

depression tablets. I have been taking them for six months but now he has said
that I don't need these anymore. I do feel better but all those things are still in
my mind it hurts me so much. I am always thinking about my past so I can't
sleep properly. I always think, why has this happened to me? It makes me
mentally ill.
M: I have been taking medicines for one year for depression and have been
taking sleeping pills. I still think of the past and that brings me down.
Given the impact of domestic violence on mental health, the particularly severe forms of abuse
faced by women with NRPF and the ongoing uncertainties about their immigration status, the
need for such support is even more acute for this group of women. However, only three
women had managed to access counselling. One woman accessed such support through a
specialist refuge and two women received help from a community mental health service, Roby,
in a context where the link between mental health problems and domestic violence had been
recognised.
A: I am not too worried now I feel much better mentally. I still feel low
sometimes, but counselling has helped me a lot.
However, the majority of the women had not received the support they needed and reported
a range of mental health problems including depression, stress, suicidal thoughts, suicide
attempts, eating and sleeping difficulties and extreme fear, all directly attributed by them to
the abuse they had faced.
U: Its bad - I am not getting proper sleep. Im very stressed. whenever I want
to do anything the first thing that comes to my mind is that I can't do it
because I have lost my confidence. I always have lots of thoughts in my mind,
lots of fears about what happened in the past and now about my future.
P: My mind is all confused and I can't stop thinking. I get very bad dreams and
keep awake. I just want to lock myself in a room and cry for a long, long time.
The additional consequences of domestic violence for Black and minority ethnic women,
particularly South Asian women in the UK has been documented in several studies and
includes high levels of self-harm and suicide (Raleigh, 1996; Yazdani and Marshall, 1998;
Husain et al., 2006; Wilson, 2006). Many women reported feeling suicidal and a few women
had attempted to kill themselves.
V: Because of suffering domestic violence my health has gone down. I have

difficulty eating and have stomach problems. My mental health is very bad
because I can't forget all those incidents belonging to my past. I am very
emotionally hurt lots of times I think of killing myself I feel so depressed.
S: When I remember all those things, I get very upset I often think of killing
myself when that happens. I have sleeping and eating problems, so I can't think
properly. I am always tense, I have lots of bad thoughts in my mind. My past
hurts me badly.
O: I never used to talk to anyone. I'd burst out crying all the time. I'm much
better than before, but I still get upset because of the past. I feel suicidal. I feel I
need to escape from my past. I think, if I wasn't alive what difference would it
make? I go for a walk in the park and ask the tree I question my whole life. I
can't sleep - past memories won't leave me. This triggers migraine and I get
worse. I look okay from outside, but no one knows how I am suffering on the
inside.
Psychologists have found parallels between the effects of domestic violence on women and
the impact of torture and imprisonment on hostages (Graham et al., 1988). The emotional
impact of domestic violence has also been documented to lead to the development of Post
Traumatic Stress Disorder (Barnett and LaViolette 1993; Cascardi et al., 1999; Golding 1999).
While this research usefully draws attention to very different societal attitudes and responses
to survivors of a hostage situation or war and those of domestic violence, there is also a trend
towards the medicalisation and depoliticisation of womens experiences. For women with
NRPF, state policies result in continuing trauma and risk of further violence or even death if
deported. The effects of domestic violence, living in a new country, absence of informal
networks of support, and in the case of some women, no support from services added to these
uncertainties about their future. In the absence of specialist domestic violence advocates able
to speak their language, many women remained uncertain about the progress of their
application for ILR and this left many women extremely fearful about their future. In such
circumstances, women who participated in this study were in desperate need of support, both
practical support from domestic violence services to secure their future, as well as emotional
support from specialist mental health services.
E: I still have lots of worries about my job, about my accommodation, about my

future and the main reason is that it is not so easy to forget my past. The
violence I had faced is still in my mind. I want to get rid of all those memories
but it is not easy. Whenever I remember my past I start crying because I had
faced hate from all my in-laws, especially my ex-husband.
However, for women who were living with family, friends and strangers or within the abusive
relationship, their mental health needs were least likely to be recognised or met. Given that
the GP is often the first port of call for women who face domestic violence or mental health
problems as a consequence of domestic violence (Dobash et al., 1985: 148), it is significant
that of the ten women who were not in social housing, seven were not registered with a GP,
or were registered at the practice near their marital home and could not access it. One woman
did not know about the existence of this service, since there is no such provision in her country
of origin, and her husband had not registered her with a GP.
G: When I left home I did not want anyone to find me. I don't have any papers
with me. I have not needed to go to a doctor.
R: It is difficult for me because I have no one to support me and this area is

totally new for me. So I am still not registered with a GP.
Q: My husband did not take me to see the doctor. I thought I would have to
pay. In Pakistan, doctors take a lot of money. Once I tried to speak to the
woman next door, but she did not understand me. Someone should speak to us
when we go to get the visa tell us what our rights are. In Pakistan we are
very scared but at least there are people you can talk to.
Another problem for women with NRPF is that they have to pay for their prescription charges
unlike other people who receive benefits this is often the case even for women who receive
support from social services under section 17 or section 21, and for women who are being
supported by a refuge. While some social services in the Greater Manchester region provide
additional support to enable women with NRPF to access such medical expenses, the practice
remains inconsistent and variable across the region. Where this support can be made available,
it is only accessible for women who are already in receipt of Local Authority support. Given the
extreme poverty faced by most women with NRPF who do not receive Local Authority support,
going to the GP was often not a viable option even for women who were registered with a
GP.
O: When I was with my husband I needed the inhaler, but I had to bin it
because he thought I was pretending I needed it. Now I know the whereabouts
of a GP but I cant go because I have to pay, so I look for cheap medicines so I
can survive.
M: I haven't been to a doctor for a few months now. I can't afford the
medicines
A review of entitlement to free NHS care for foreign nationals undertaken by the Department
of Health, Enforcing our Rules (Home Office, 2007), suggests that primary care will be brought
into line with existing secondary care regulations. Groups considered to be not lawfully
resident in the UK have been liable for National Health Service (NHS) hospital charges since
2004. Women with NRPF are struggling to meet their basic health needs under existing regime
and it is likely that any further reduction in the provision will deny basic healthcare to a very
vulnerable group of women and entrench discrimination in the NHS (Medact, 2007).
7.5 Proposal to retrieve costs of supporting women with NRPF

from sponsors: the way forward?
Given the destitution women with NRPF face if they manage to leave the abusive relationship
and the lack of viable options which prevents many women from leaving, there is an urgent
need to make funds available so that women can truly avail the Domestic Violence
Concession. Following the criminal justice white paper, Justice for All (Home Office, 2002),
the government consultation paper Safety and Justice (Home Office, 2003) outlined a range
of measures towards developing a national strategy on domestic violence. These proposals
were addressed in the Domestic Violence Crime and Victims Act 2004.
However, the legislation contradicts the Governments commitment to protecting all victims of
domestic violence, as expressed in Safety and Justice. Despite intensive campaigning by
womens groups like Imkaan, Southall Black Sisters and Womens Aid, this legislation makes
no provision to enable a woman with insecure immigration status to access public funds such
as benefits or social housing. In a continuation of Conservative government policy, controlling
the migration of certain groups into Britain has been at the heart of Labour governments
policies and beliefs since 1997 (Schuster and Solomos, 2004), one that overrides concerns
about the rights of survivors of domestic violence.
In this context of the governments reluctance to commit any funds to women with insecure
immigration status, there is a proposal by Southall Black Sisters and some other organisations
that public funds should be made available to women with NRPF and that the government
should retrieve these funds from sponsors (partner/ his family) provided there is no further risk
of harm to the victim or her family (Southall Black Sisters, undated). In this study, the
participants were asked for their opinions on these proposals, as well as on whether they
would be willing for the government to claim these funds from their sponsor, and the impact
this proposal would have on their particular situation.
While eight women welcomed these proposals as it would lift them out of the destitution they
were facing, twenty-two women expressed concerns about the risk this would entail for them,
their children and sometimes their families in South Asia.
A: No, this would be too dangerous for me. No way.
O: My husband would torture me if I took the money. He'd say, "Why are you
taking this money when we're not together?" He will say, Get it from your
parents, but they don't accept me anymore, so why will they finance me?
K: No. My sister is married into same familyit will make life very difficult for
her.
In the context of the escalation of violence during the post-separation period, some women
were extremely fearful of being traced and did not want anything to do with the perpetrators.
Even women who were in safe spaces and confident about not being traced were concerned
that this proposal might jeopardise the welfare and safety of their family members in the UK
and in the subcontinent. There were others who could see the possible merit of these
proposals in offering a way forward for women who were able to utilise this provision and
welcomed these proposals in theory, but maintained that this would not work for them.
AA: I agree with this proposal. But my husband will get angry I might as well
forget it because it will affect my family. It will cause lots of problems for me and
my family.
Q: My husband should pay for causing me all the misery. But how can there be
no risk? He will try and harm me here...
For some women, their willingness to consider this proposal depended on their ability to opt
out at no further cost to them. However, in the case of Child Support Agency (CSA), survivors
of domestic violence have long expressed the concern that they are pressurised to disclose
contact details of the father despite their fears of further violence (BBC Online Network, 1999;
Carrington, 2000). Despite the existence of a clause that theoretically enables survivors of
domestic violence to withhold information without any fear of penalty, reports from agencies
working with single mothers as well as findings from American studies indicate that these
exemptions are not publicised, are inconsistently applied and definitions of good cause varies
across the country (Roberts, 1997; Turetsky, 1997; Seltzer et al., 1998; Carrington 2000;
Roberts, 2000), an issue on which there has been very little research in the UK. Women who
cannot prove good cause to agencies (which have so far displayed little understanding of the
nature of domestic violence) are liable to have their benefits cut. For women with children,
research findings indicate that contacts are still routinely awarded by courts to fathers despite
a history of violence to the mother, and in disregard of the definition of harm which now
includes the notion of harm done to a child from seeing the abuse of a loved one (Humphreys
and Harrison, 2003; Saunders and Barron, 2003). Contact remains a dangerous time for
women and children (Jaffe et al., 2003; Saunders, 2004), and some women with children
remain wary of retaliatory violence if they pursue child support.
AA: I dont think so. Because if this happens, my child will suffer - my in-laws
will make trouble for us. I am afraid to go back to Pakistan as my life and child's
will suffer at hands of my family too. I am afraid of how my husband will react.
He could start stalking me.
X: I am alone, I also have mental health problems. I don't want this to happen.
They will not give the money. They will trouble my family back home. It will not
work - they will haunt me even more. If they find me and my daughter we will
not have a life. They will have more reason to hate us, to kill us.
Eight women welcomed the proposals without any reservations as it would enable them to
access refuges and to begin a new life. Using religious arguments, or the guarantee that the
sponsor gave when applying for a visa that he would support them without recourse to public
funds or citing a fathers duties towards his child, these women argued that their husband was
indeed responsible for their well-being and should be held accountable.
D: I am 100% agreed. We married British citizens they treat us like animals

and whenever we refuse to accept this violence they start threatening us that we
are not allowed to stay in this country anymore if we have a child, they never
bother about them. If they sponsored us from Pakistan, we are their
responsibility Yes, the government must claim funds from our sponsor or in-
laws when we are on no recourse. We cannot get a place in a refuge very easily,
we are not eligible for public funds, not allowed to register with GP who else
is responsible for our situation?
H: In my case I have a baby. He is responsible for supporting his baby whether

he likes her or not. I have faced very bad days because of this no recourse.
I had to spend two weeks without eating anything. I had nothing to wear. I am
still his legal wife, then why did I have to suffer those bad days? according to
our religion too, he is responsible to take on mine and his babys responsibilities.
These women also felt that their husband and/or his family had not faced any consequences
for subjecting them to the abuse, and felt that if they knew they would have to pay, this might
act as a deterrent.
G: I think husbands would think twice before ruining someone's life if they knew
they had to pay if they left their wife. At present they have nothing to lose.
There remains the question of the effectiveness of any such policy that seeks to recover funds
from the sponsor. The CSA has been notoriously ineffective in recovering funds from absentee
fathers and only managed to collect 1.85 for every 1 spent on administration. This has been
far from a cost-effective way and has left thousands of women to face poverty as they wait for
payments going back several years. In the case of women with NRPF, given that all the
sponsors have a history of abuse, they are even more likely to be recalcitrant, making the
recovery of the debt even more arduous. It is also argued that allowing the CSA to collect the
funds will take the decision out of the hands of the woman, therefore making reprisals from
the perpetrators less likely however, women who opt to recover the funds from the sponsor
will still have to declare the contact details of the perpetrators. It is unlikely that these matters
of small print will deter persistent abusers who will no doubt feel aggrieved at being held
accountable for their actions.
It is indeed a matter of concern that the perpetrators are not held accountable for their
criminal actions. This is an issue that affects most survivors of domestic violence and conviction
rates have remained extremely low over the years. However, this is due to a combination of
factors like ineffective policing, sentencing policies and the inability of agencies to empower
women and support them such that they are able to pursue their abusers without any fear. For
domestic violence service providers, the priority must remain women and childrens safety and
wellbeing where ensuring this safety alongside appropriate responses from the criminal
justice system enables women to prosecute successfully, this can be seen as a just outcome.
However, pressurising immigrant women to compromise their safety and that of their children,
in order to access services that are available as a matter of right to resident women, cannot be
considered a just or a safe way forward. This proposal also obscures the states responsibility
to protect womens rights.
7.6 Neither safety nor justice: the deportation of women with

NRPF
In this study, women were also asked about the consequences for them, if they could not meet
the stringent evidential requirement of the Domestic Violence Rule and if they were deported.
Most women were extremely anxious about their case and were experiencing severe stress and
depression. If deported, women who had been disowned by their family had nowhere to go
to. As a divorcee living alone, they could see no prospect of having a safe and independent
life, except in the UK.
R: No one accepts me in my family anymore. my parents have said, you are

married and when you just left your marital home you died for us.
O: I would rather I was killed and buried in the UK than return to Pakistan.
People will say things. Again, I will say kill me and bury me here - I don't want to
go back as no one is there for me now.
Even for women who could go to their family home, the prospect of being deported filled
them with dread at the thought of the stigma this would entail for their family.
Z: If I lose this case, my life will be ruined and so will my parent's life. I'd rather
just die here in this country than go back.
Y: I would have no future. I would be considered a disgrace by people. My

community in Pakistan is very narrow-minded, they will make it difficult for me. I
will not get a job or have any future. I will have to spend my entire life
combating society and living at my mother's with no money. My family is not
very secure financially so they cannot support me I want to rebuild my life but
can only do that in the UK as I wont be allowed to do so in Pakistan.
Some women were fearful that their family or their husbands family would be able to locate
them and would harm them or even kill them. Honour killings are common in the regions of
the subcontinent where women who participated in this study come from (Hassan, 1995;
Amnesty International, 1999; Hariharan, 2004). While on the one hand, the labour
government has declared its intention to take this form of violence against women in the UK
seriously, it is at the same time returning immigrant women back to face violence or death for
breaching the patriarchal moral code of their community by leaving an abusive relationship.
P: I think my father and brothers will kill me. Or my husband will make sure I am
killed. I am too scared even to think what they will do. I am the bad one, the
izzat (honour) of my family has gone because of me.
N: They (my parents) said, Thank god you are in the UK. If you were in Pakistan
we would have cut you up in so many pieces no one would be able to count
your pieces. You are dead for us. I tried to commit suicide. I need them. I need
my family, but they won't help me.
For South Asian women with NRPF, their suffering endures beyond the end of the abuse.
Women with insecure immigration status often live in fear of their lives due to the lack of safe
spaces like refuges, face isolation, destitution and the threat of deportation that looms over
them because of state policies. Research has noted how Black and minority ethnic womens
lives, already circumscribed by the actions of their abusers, are thus further limited by the
response of the state (Batsleer, 2002). Participants in this study commented:
Q: Women in my situation who are facing this violence should not be treated
like illegal citizens. We have come here through marriage and should be told
about our rights and should have our own rights not just through our husband.
V: I think instead of giving two years visa, if the government give us indefinite
leave straight away, so we have equal rights on everythingour problems will be
solved. And I think a lot of the violence will stop.
Immigrant women deserve the same protection that is available to other resident women, and
the same opportunity to survive the abuse and to make a new life for themselves and their
children.
Chapter 8
Conclusions and
Recommendations
This study highlights the need for many changes, while some may be longer-term changes
requiring a change in the law, other changes may be made more immediately. The following
section specifies some key recommendations.
8.1. Changes in law

The 'no recourse' requirement under the Two Year Rule reinforces gender inequalities
for all women in a marriage, and not just those seeking to leave an abusive relationship,
and needs to be abolished.
At the very least, all survivors of domestic violence should receive welfare benefits and
safe housing under the Housing Act 1996 to enable more women to leave the abusive
relationship and to prevent them from facing poverty, destitution and further abuse and
exploitation after they leave.
The proposal to support women with public funds and reclaim the funds from their
sponsor raises concerns including fear of retaliatory violence to women, their children
and to relatives in the subcontinent. Such a move would be ineffective and it obscures
the responsibility of the State to protect womens human rights.
The current treatment of overstayers needs to be reconsidered, as the nature of

domestic violence and the failure to renew visa can itself be part of the abuse and
control women experience.
A wider range of evidence including personal statements and witness testimonies needs
to be permissible under the Domestic Violence Rule because many women are unable to
make a successful contact with services which record their disclosure.
Applications for Indefinite Leave to Remain need to be fast-tracked for women

experiencing domestic violence to enable them to access the full range of benefits that
ILR will entitle them to, as well as reducing the burden currently faced by specialist
refuges in supporting women with NRPF.
The Domestic Violence Rule should be extended to all survivors of domestic violence who
are subject to immigration control (for example, to address the needs of other categories
of women who remain trapped within abusive relationships due to NRPF, such as
spouses of workers and spouses of students).
8.2 Improving service provision

There is an urgent need for national guidelines on social service obligations to women
with NRPF. Whilst examples of good practice exist they need to be emulated across the
country.
Social services need to house women with NRPF in refuges, with the option of specialist
refuges, in order to enable them to access the support they need.
There is an urgent need for publicity about these provisions to enable women to leave
abusive relationships.
Social services need to reach a decision within twenty-four hours of an application for
support to prevent women from returning to the abusive relationship, giving them an
option to leave the relationship.
Compulsory, regular and continuous training on the nature of domestic violence and the
issue of NRPF is needed for all frontline staff.
Routine screening and recording of domestic violence by health services is essential.
Also necessary are better information about services, the prioritising of the womens
safety, a pro-arrest policy and appropriate referrals by police, the provision of accessible
advice and information by legal services.
Adequate Legal Aid is essential to enable women to access their rights and legal support
Information about services needs to be provided through leaflets and posters in everyday
and accessible spaces in the UK and in British High Commissions in the subcontinent.
Specialist domestic violence services are crucial for South Asian women with NRPF, as are
outreach services that are accessible to women who remain trapped in the abusive
family home.
The impact of the abuse on womens mental health needs to be addressed through the
provision of accessible mental health services, addressing womens language needs, in
women-only spaces.
Conclusions
While domestic violence exists across all communities, the policy of NRPF and the existence of
the Two Year Rule reinforce patriarchal structures within which such violence against women
takes place, as well as effectively penalise women who resist this violence by seeking to leave
the abusive relationship. In the absence of effective service responses to women with NRPF,
existing legislation in principle, offers an opportunity to exit for some women, but in practice
existing policy makes it extremely difficult for most women to avail this opportunity. Specialist
domestic violence services, often under-funded and struggling to survive the current shifts in
domestic violence service provision, are often risking financial viability to support such women.
Women forced to live with ongoing severe violence in the UK, women who have managed to
leave but are facing destitution and a struggle for survival in the UK, and women deported to
face further violence are three faces of a state policy that urgently needs reform to extend to
migrant women the basic rights that most resident women take for granted.
The policy of NRPF allows the government to apply double standards in its approach to
domestic violence, allowing some women the right to protection but not others. The NRPF rule
represents a major and serious obstacle to accessing services and justice for a very vulnerable
group of minority and migrant women. It underpins the reasons why South Asian women with
unresolved status are unable to leave violent relationships or face destitution, if they do.
Whilst this study provides significant insights into the experiences of one group of women,
there remains a need for further research into the needs and experiences of women still living
within the abusive relationships; and of other groups of Black and minority ethnic women with
NRPF including marriage migrants, partners of students and workers, migrant domestic
workers, asylum seekers and refugees, overstayers and illegal entrants.
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Appendix
Questionnaire for participant women
SECTION 1
CORE QUESTIONS
Please tick boxes as appropriate
1) What age group do you belong to?
18 24 [ ]
25 34 [ ]
35 44 [ ]
45 54 [ ]
55 above [ ]
2) What is your ethnicity?
Pakistani [ ]
Indian [ ]
Bangladeshi [ ]
Sri Lankan [ ]
Other [ ]
3) What is your nationality?
4) Date and place of arrival in UK.
5) What area are you living in now?
6) Which languages do you speak?
Basic:
Intermediate:
Fluent:
7) Which languages do you read/write?
Basic:
Intermediate:
Fluent:
8) Religion/ faith/ belief
None [ ]
Buddhist [ ]
Christian [ ]
Hindu [ ]
Jewish [ ]
Muslim [ ]
Sikh [ ]
Other (give detail please)
9) What is your sexuality
Bisexual [ ]
Heterosexual [ ]
Lesbian/ Gay [ ]
10) Do you have any disabilities (If yes please state what)
Yes [ ]
No [ ]
11) What is you Marital Status
Married [ ]
Civil Partnership [ ]
Co habiting [ ]
Separated [ ]
Divorced [ ]
Single [ ]
Widowed [ ]
12) Do you have any children or are you expecting any? If so, how many children do you
have, and what is their age/ sex?
13) (if yes to previous question) Who do your do your children live with?
With me [ ]
With my husband/partner [ ]
With my family [ ]
With my husbands family [ ]
Other (specify) [ ]
15) Employment status
Full time employment [ ]
Part time employment [ ]
Retired [ ]
Student [ ]
Voluntary work [ ]
Not permitted to work [ ]
Unemployed [ ]
Other [ ]
SECTION 2
EXPERIENCES
1) We would like to know about your experiences when you first came to this country
following marriage. What were the circumstances of your marriage?
(Follow up questions/ prompts include: Where exactly are your family from and are
they financially secure/very comfortable? Did you have any family/friends here? How
did the marriage come about? What were your feelings about it?)
2) Can you tell us about your relationship with your partner and with his family when
you first came here?
(Follow up questions/ prompts include: Who were the members of your household?
Could you tell us about your daily life?)
3) What does the term Domestic Violence mean to you?

(What is your understanding of domestic violence?)
4) Have you experienced domestic violence?
Yes [ ]
No [ ]
5) Have you experienced any of the following?

Please tick all relevant boxes
Physical abuse [ ]
Verbal abuse [ ]
Financial abuse [ ]
Mental abuse [ ]
Emotional abuse [ ]
Sexual abuse [ ]
Isolation [ ]
Controlling partner [ ]
Controlling family [ ]
6) Could you tell us a bit more about what you have experienced?
(How long has this been happening for? How often did you suffer any of the above?
by whom?)
7) Have you ever discussed your experiences with your family/ friends, strangers,
neighbours or any one else?
If yes, with whom (here or back in your country), and how did they respond to your
concerns?
If no, then why not? Could you tell us a bit about why you did you not want to/ feel
able to talk to anyone about what you have experienced? How do you cope with your
situation?
8) Do you still live in your marital home?
If no, when did you first think about leaving? When did you finally leave (get
approximate dates)? Could you tell us about the three biggest issues you faced when
you made the decision to leave?
If yes, Have you ever thought about leaving your marital home because of the
domestic violence? What are the things that make it hard for you to take the decision
to leave?
9) We would like to know if you manage to spend time with your family and friends
regularly. In the last two weeks, how often have you managed to spend time with
your family or friends? Is this your usual pattern of socialising?
SECTION 3
SERVICE PROVISION & AWARENESS
1) Could you tell us what you understand about your and your childrens rights in these
areas:
Immigration:
Benefits (social security)
Housing
Employment
Access to health services
Legal services/ right to legal advice, legal aid
2) Do you know of or have you used any of the following services to seek advice/help
about the domestic violence you have faced:
Know of know of Dont know
Not used used not used
GP [ ] [ ] [ ]
Mental health services,

eg. Counselling. Specify which: [ ] [ ] [ ]
Midwives, health visitor [ ] [ ] [ ]
A&E [ ] [ ] [ ]
Social Services [ ] [ ] [ ]
Law centre [ ] [ ] [ ]
Asian womens organisations like Saheli [ ] [ ] [ ]
Generic womens organisations

(like domestic violence helpline, etc. specify which)
Religious organisations/ Faith groups [ ] [ ] [ ]
Community Organisation [ ] [ ] [ ]
Citizens Advice Bureau [ ] [ ] [ ]
Police [ ] [ ] [ ]
Samaritians [ ] [ ] [ ]
Other (specify which) [ ] [ ] [ ]
3.) FOR EACH OF THE SERVICES CONTACTED, SEEK THIS INFORMATION
a) How did you find out about this service?
b) When/ over what period did you contact this service, and how many times?
c) What advice/ help were you provided? Were you satisfied with this service (for both
yes and no, get reasons)
4.) What, if anything, stops you from approaching a service for help or advice about the
domestic violence you have faced/ are facing?
Not aware of service [ ]
Language barriers [ ]
Lack of child care provision [ ]
Lack of public transport [ ]
Lack of confidence [ ]
Location of service provided [ ]
Family pressure [ ]
Community pressure [ ]
Fears about breach of confidentiality [ ]
Fear of stigma [ ]
Fear of further violence to oneself [ ]
Fear of further violence to ones children [ ]
Lack of money [ ]
Other (please explain)
5.) Where would you like more information about services in your area displayed or made
available to you?
GP [ ]
Dentist [ ]
Community Centre [ ]
Library [ ]
School [ ]
Web [ ]
Buses/ Public transport [ ]
Local or street posters [ ]
Workplace [ ]
Other (please state) [ ]
6) In your opinion, what are the three most important things that the service providers
could do, which would most help you and other women in your situation?
SECTION 4:
ISSUES AROUND POVERTY AND DEPRIVATION
INCOME:
1) How would you describe yourself over the last six months and please explain why:
Financially very comfortable/secure [ ]
Comfortable [ ]
Just getting by/ managing [ ]
Struggling to meet basic needs [ ]
Cannot meet basic needs/ in debt [ ]
2) What is your approximate income from all sources per week:
Under 60 [ ]
Between 60-100 [ ]
Between 100-150 [ ]
Between 150-200 [ ]
Between 200-300 [ ]
Between 300-400 [ ]
Above 400 [ ]
3) Do you pay any money for rent, council tax and water rates? If so, how much per
week?
4) In the past year, have you sought any financial assistance from the voluntary or
statutory sector, charity or faith group (example: crisis fund, last resort fund, etc)? If
so, from whom? How much money did you receive?
ACCOMMODATION
5) Could you tell us about the place where you live? Is it
In your marital home (nuclear family) [ ]
In your marital home (extended family) [ ]
With your (birth) family [ ]
With friends [ ]
In rented accommodation [ ]
In a refuge [ ]
In a B&B [ ]
Emergency accommodation [ ]
Am homeless [ ]
Other (please specify) [ ]
6) Could you tell us a bit about your accommodation?
-How many people (children and adults) live in this accommodation?
-How many rooms (include kitchen, living room, bathroom and bedrooms) are there in
your current accommodation?
-Do you have a bedroom for your sole use? If not, who do you share it with?
7) How would you describe your accommodation, and why?
Very good [ ]
Good [ ]
Adequate [ ]
Bad [ ]
Very bad [ ]
8) In the last one year, how many places have you lived in?
(If more than one, please find out the reason for the moves)
9) Do you think you will stay in your present house for the next 6 months?
(Why/ why not?)
10) Do you feel safe in your current accommodation, and please give reasons for your
answer?
HEALTH
11) How would you describe your physical health over the past six months, and please tell
us why you chose this option.
Very good [ ]
Good [ ]
Average [ ]
Bad [ ]
Very bad [ ]
12) Have you experienced any of the following recently (during last 6 months)?
Please tick all relevant boxes
Extreme anger [ ]
Memory loss [ ]
Suicidal thoughts [ ]
Suicidal attempts [ ]
Depression [ ]
Anxiety [ ]
Extreme fears [ ]
Stress [ ]
Eating problems [ ]
Sleeping problems [ ]
Panic attacks [ ]
Self harm [ ]
Other problems that affect your emotional well being.

(please describe)
13) How would you describe your mental health over the past six months, and please tell
us why you chose this option.
Very good [ ]
Good [ ]
Average [ ]
Bad [ ]
Very bad [ ]
14) Are you registered with a GP? Where?

(If no, why not?)
15) How easy do you find it to access health services (get reasons for the answer)?
Very easy [ ]
Easy [ ]
Neither easy nor difficult [ ]
Difficult [ ]
Very Difficult [ ]
16) There is a proposal by some organisations that public funds should be made available
to women with no recourse and that the Government should retrieve these funds from
sponsors (partner/ his family) provided there is no further risk of harm to the victim or
her family. Do you agree or disagree with these proposals, and why?
17) Would you be willing for the government to claim these funds from your sponsor?
What impact would these proposals have on your situation?
18)
a) What will happen, if you are deported?

(Phrase this question depending upon her circumstances)
or
b) If you are currently pursuing legal case, could you tell us what will happen if you lose
your case and get deported? What will be the consequences be for you and your
family?
19) Is there any other information that you would like to add?

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forgottenwomen 10/3/08 2:58 pm Page 1

PO Box 44, S.D.O., Manchester M20 4BJ

Tel: 0161-945 4187

Copyright Saheli 2008

I was hiding in the park. A woman found me there and

I think it is very difficult for Asian women to find

Research Support Team

Sajida Anam Saheli Project Worker

Project Advisory Group Members

Steering Group Members

Manjeet Singh Regional Race Equality Lead, Care Services Improvement

Azra Assaf Saheli Management Committee

3. Background and current debates 22

5. Surviving domestic violence: those seven months were like seven

5.1.4 Sexual abuse 39

6. Mind the Gap: Womens Experience of Service Provision 50

7. Destitution as state policy: poverty and deprivation among

8. Conclusions and Recommendations 82

Domestic Violence, Poverty and South Asian Women

The Two Year Rule and No Recourse to Public Funds

Other characteristics of abuse faced by the women with NRPF include:

Forced domestic and in some cases non-domestic labour

Neglect, violence and eventual abandonment

Continuing exploitation and sexual abuse on escape from a violent relationship

2. Destitution, poverty and deprivation

Accommodation: quality, safety and security of tenure

4. Psychological and physical health

5. The trap of the Domestic Violence Rule

6. Inconsistent and variable nature of service provision and

Accident & Emergency (A&E) services

General Practitioners (GPs)

Local Authority policies and practice

A majority of the women reported positive experiences including pro-active questioning,

Specialist refuges and outreach services

Law Centres and Citizens Advice Bureaus

Positive evaluations of community organisations included that of Roby, a community mental

1.4 The current treatment of overstayers needs to be reconsidered, as the nature of

2. Improving service provision

1.1 Structure of the report

Chapter 8 presents the recommendations and conclusions based on the experiences of

2.1. Community Engagement

2.2 Data Collection and analysis

2.3 Ethical Considerations

1 in 3 women in the UK have experienced domestic violence at some time in their

3.1 Domestic violence and the experiences of South Asian

3.2 Domestic violence and women with No Recourse to Public

3.2.1 Legislative responses to domestic violence

A medical report from a hospital doctor;

A letter from a GP;

the applicant who is the victim of violence;

3.2.2 The law governing Local Authority response to women

Provisions under section 21 of the National Assistance Act 1948

Provisions under section 47 of NHS and Community Care Act 1990

Provisions under section 17 of the Children Act 1989

(Children Act 1989, Part III Section 17)

Additionally, section 20 also states that:

(Children Act 1989, Part III Section 20)

Provisions under section 4 of the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999

4 Now known as the Border and Immigration Agency.