Society for Comparative Studies in Society and History

On the Colonization of Amerindian Languages and Memories: Renaissance Theories of Writing

and the Discontinuity of the Classical Tradition
Author(s): Walter D. Mignolo
Source: Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 34, No. 2 (Apr., 1992), pp. 301-330
Published by: Cambridge University Press
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On the Colonization of Amerindian
Languages and Memories:
Renaissance Theories of Writing
and the Discontinuity of the
Classical Tradition
WALTER D. MIGNOLO
The Universityof Michigan

When George Balandierproposedhis theoreticalapproachto a colonial situa-

tion, the colonization of language was not an issue that piqued the interestof
scholars in history, sociology, economics, or anthropology,which were the
primary disciplines targeted in his article. When some fifteen years later
Michel Foucaultunderlinedthe social and historical significance of language
("l'enonce") and discursive formation,the colonizationof languagewas still
not an issue to those attentive to the archaeology of knowledge. Such an
archaeology, founded on the paradigmaticexample generally understoodas
the Westerntradition,overlooked the case history in which an archaeologyof
discursive formationwould have led to the very root of the massive coloniza-
tion of language which began in the sixteenth centurywith the expansion of
the Spanish and Portugueseempires. EdwardSaid went one step furtherthan
Foucaultby departingfrom his notion of discursiveformationto confrontthe
West's construction of the East and in doing so opened up the doors to
understandingthe role of discourse in colonial situations. In the late 1950s
EdmundoO'Gormanopened the doors to deconstructingthe discursiveforma-
tion he identified as the invention of America, which he described as the
emergence of the idea of America in the Europeanconsciousness and which
can be perceived today as similar to what Said identified and described as
Orientalism. In fact, O'Gorman's argumentshows that the image of a new

A first version of this paperwas presentedat the workshopon "The Colonizationof Languages,
Verbal and Visual," organized by Nancy Farriss, John Fought, and John Lucy at the Latin
American CulturesProgramand the EthnohistoryProgramof the Universityof Pennsylvania,in
December 1989. I am indebted to Jose Rabasa and Peter Stallybrassfor their observations as
formal discussants of the paper. In writing a final version for publication, I benefited from the
critical comments of the anonymousreadersas well as from the encouragementand suggestions
of Raymond Grew.
0010-4175/92/2620-5713 $5.00 ? 1992 Society for ComparativeStudy of Society and History

301

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302 WALTER D. MIGNOLO

continentdiscoveredone happyday in Octoberof 1492 is, indeed, an ideolog-

ical constructionpresupposingthat America was an already existing entity
awaiting discovery.'
The common denominatorof all the precedingexamples, which serves as a
point of departurefor my reflectionsupon the colonizationof language, is the
convergenceof the geographical,religious, and economicalexpansionof the
West towardthe end of the fifteenth and duringthe sixteenthcenturies2with
the ideology of the letter built aroundalphabeticwriting and printingtech-
nology.3 Scholars in the human sciences have previously made convincing
argumentsthat linking a form of writing with an economic structureand
political design, not the inventionof alphabeticwriting, has proven the more
fruitful model for tracing the great divide between literate and oral cultures
and in accountingfor the consequencesof literacy.4Thus, I would like to put
forth the question of the colonization of language within the specific context
of Europeanexpansion aroundthe globe and the emergence of comparative
ethnology.5My efforts here are devotedto understandingthe Europeanphilo-
1 George Balandier "La situationcoloniale. Approchetheorique,"Cahiers internationauxde
sociologie, xi (1951), 44-79; George W. Stocking, Jr., ed., Colonial Situations. Essays on the
Contextualizationof EthnographicKnowledge (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press,
1991), especially Talal Asad's article, "Fromthe History of Colonial Anthropologyto the An-
thropologyof WesternHegemony" (pp. 314-24), from which I could have benefittedhad I not
readthat book and that articleafteralreadyfinishingthis article;Michel Foucault,L'archeologie
du savoir (Paris:Gallimard,1969); EdwardSaid, Orientalism(New York:Vintage Books, 1978);
EdmundoO'Gorman,TheInventionof America.An Inquiryinto the HistoricalNature of theNew
Worldand the Meaning of Its History (Bloomington:IndianaUniversity Press, 1961); Y. E.
Mudimbe, The Invention of Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988). A thesis
similar to the one advancedby O'Gormanhas been recently proposed in Mexico by Leopoldo
Zea, Discurso desde la marginaci6ny la barbarie(Barcelona:Anthropos,1988);and in Egypt by
Samir Amin, Eurocentrism(New York:Monthly Review Press, 1989).
2 Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System.Capitalist Economy in the Sixteenth
Century, 1:346-58 (New York:Academe Press, 1974).
3 Roy Harris, The Origin of Writing(LaSalle, Ill.: Open Court, 1986); ElizabethEisenstein,
The Printing Press as an Agent of Change. Communicationand Cultural Transformationin
Early-ModernEurope (New York:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1979); Colin Clair,A History of
EuropeanPrinting (New York, 1976); WalterD. Mignolo, "Literacyand Colonization:The New
World Experience,"Hispanic Issues, 4 (1989), 51-96; and "Nebrijain the New WorldtThe
Discontinuityof the Classical Traditionand the Colonizationof Native Languages,"L'Homme(a
special issue devoted to La re-decouvertede l'Amerique),in RevueFrancaise d'Anthropologie,
no. 122-24 (avril-decembre 1992), xxxii, 187-209.
4 RuthFinnegan,Literacyand Orality. Studies in the Technologyof Communication(London:
Blackwell, 1988); Brian V. Street, Literacy in Theory and Practice (Cambridge:Cambridge
UniversityPress, 1984) and "Literacyand Social Change:The Significanceof Social Contextin
the Developmentof LiteracyPrograms,"in D. Wagner,ed., TheFuture of Literacy in a Chang-
ing World, 1:48-64 (Oxford:PergamonPress, 1987).
5 Sylvia Winter, "Ethno or Socio Poetics," AlcheringalEthnopoetics:A First International
Symposium,M. Benamou and J. Rothemberg,eds., 78-94 (Boston, 1976); Michael T. Ryan,
"AssimilatingNew Worldsin the Sixteenthand SeventeenthCenturies,"ComparativeStudies in
Society and History, 23:4 (1981), 519-38; JohannesFabian, Time and the Other, How An-
thropologyMakes its Object, 105-43 (New York:ColumbiaUniversity Press, 1983); Anthony
Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man. The AmericanIndian and the Origins of ComparativeEth-
nology (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press, 1982).

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 THE COLONIZATION OF AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES 303

sophical backgroundwhich inspired Spanish missionariesand men of letters

to spreadWesternliteracy in the colonies. I am interested,briefly, in under-
standingthe philosophy of languagesbehind the Spaniards'intellectualdeci-
sion to write grammarsof Amerindianlanguages and to write histories of
Amerindianmemories as well as in the discontinuityof the classical tradition
(implied in the spreadof Westernliteracy)manifestedin numerousand varied
acts of resistance.
O'Gorman'scontributionis a useful startingpoint to frame the complicity
between the Renaissance philosophy of language, historiographicalwriting,
and the idea of the book in the invention of America. This ideological net-
work, in which writinggrammarsof Amerindianlanguagesand writinghisto-
ries of Amerindianmemories were grounded, is complex indeed. Unfortu-
nately,the foundationson which Europeanmen of lettersbuilt their paradigm
of the civilizing process prevented them from understandingnetworks of
similar complexity within the Amerindiancultures.Thus, the encountersbe-
tween people with different approachesto language, writing, and recording
the past led to the suppressionof Amerindianwritingsystems andthe transfor-
mationof their speaking and writinghabits as well as to the disseminationof
ideas among the Europeanreadingpublic thatAmerindianswere less civilized
because they lacked letters, did not have history, and had painted books
dictatedby the devil. This image was certainlya regionalone which acquired
a universalvalue in the eyes of Europe.I will concludeby showing, however,
thatthe Spaniards'effortto introducealphabeticwritingand to write histories
of Amerindianmemories spawnedthe appropriationof Westernwritingtech-
nology and acts of resistancewhich disruptedthe expansionof Westernliter-
acy, produceda break in the continuityof the classical tradition,and showed
the limits of any attemptto universalizeregional perspectives.

WRITING GRAMMARS OF AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES

I define the colonizationof languageas the organizationor arrangement(from

the Latin colere, to cultivateor design) of languages. And by languageI refer
to speech as well as to any set of signs governedby norms and conventions.
This reminderis necessary when dealing with colonial situationsafter 1492,
for the ideology of the letter established itself among Europeanintellectuals
(letrados) duringthis period, invertingthe supremacyof the oral set forth in
Plato's Phaedrus and disqualifying, by the same token, the relevance of
nonalphabeticwritings. I shall focus, then, on two interrelatedsystems of
human interactions:the oral (a system of coded sounds activatingthe tongue
and the ear) and the written (a system of coded graphicor visible signs acti-
vatine the hand and the eves).6 This distinction allows me to snecifv further
6 Ruth Finnegan, Literacy and Orality, 139-74; Walter D. Mignolo, "(Re)modeling the
Letter:Literacy and Literaturebetween Semiotics and LiteraryStudies," M. Anderson and F.
Merrell, eds., On Semiotic Modelling, 357-95 (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1991).

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 304 WALTER D. MIGNOLO

that by colonization of language I mean the actions taken and strategies

employed by missionaries and men of letters to (re)organize Amerindian
speech by writing grammars,Amerindianwriting systems by introducingthe
Latin alphabet,and Amerindianmemoriesby implantingRenaissancediscur-
sive genres conceived in the experienceof alphabeticwriting.7It is obvious,8
but often forgotten, that the sophisticatedgeneric classificationcommon to a
Europeanletrado in the sixteenth and seventeenthcenturies had little to do
with discursive typologies of human communities outside of the classical
tradition(see section entitled, "The Discontinuityof the Classical Tradition,"
below).9 In examining the colonization of language from this perspective I
will also take into accountthe underlyingphilosophythatjustified the actions
taken by missionariesand men of letters in colonizing differentareas of the
so-called New World.Althoughthe missionarieswere active in writinggram-
mars and in programmingthe process of conversion, the men of letters were
active in writing laws for the administrationof the new possessions and in
figuring out how to write histories of Amerindianmemories.
Writinggrammarswas one importantset of actions and strategieswhich the
Spaniardsemployed to (re)organizeand (re)arrangethe languages of native
communities. The significance of the process is still perhapslittle understood,
althoughquite well known.10For, what is at stake when languagesystems in
which the distancebetween the oral and the writtenis considerablylargerthan
the one existing in languageswith alphabeticor syllabic writingsystems begin
to be organizedaccordingto the rules made explicit for languageswith a long
alphabetic written tradition?In grammarafter grammarof Amerindianlan-
guages written during the sixteenth and seventeenthcenturies, the authors

7 BernardWeinberg,History of Literary Criticism in the Italian Renaissance (Chicago: Chi-

cago UniversityPress, 1961); Antonio GarcfaBerrio, Formaci6nde la teoria literaria moderna,
RenacimientoEuropeo (Madrid:Planeta, 1977).
8 For the meaning and semanticchanges of the word litteratuslletrado,from the Middle Ages
through the Renaissance, see Michael T. Clanchy, From Memory to WrittenRecord. England
1066-1307 (London, 1979); Aron Gurevich, "PopularCultureand Medieval Latin Literature
from Caesariusof Arles to Caesaius of Heisterbach,"in his Medieval Popular Culture (Cam-
bridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1988); Luis Gil Fernandez,Panorama Social del Human-
ismo Espafiol (1500-1800) (Madrid:Alambra, 1981).
9 Genevieve Calame-Griaule,Ethnologie et language. La parole chez les Dogon, 104-85
(Paris: Gallimard, 1965); Gary Gossen, "ChamulaGenres of Verbal Behavior," Journal of
American Folklore, 84 (1971), 147-67; Raymond Firth, "Speech-Makingand Authority in
Tikopia," in Political Language and Oratory in TraditionalSociety, M. Bloch, ed., 29-44
(London: Academe Press, 1975); Walter D. Mignolo, "Que clases the textos son generos?
Fundamentosde tipologfa textual,"Acta Poetica, 4-5 (1982-83), 25-51.
10 The politics of languagein Mexico has been studiedby Shirley Brice-Heat,La politica del
lenguaje en Mexico: de la colonia a la naci6n (Mexico: Secreteria de Educacione Instituto
Nacional Indigenista, 1972) and by Gonzalo Aguirre Beltran, Lenguas verndculas. Su uso v
desuso en la ensefianza: la experiencia de Mexico (Mexico: La Casa Chata, 1983). Ascension
Le6n-Portillahas tracedthe history of the grammarsof the Nahuatllanguagewrittenin Mexico:
Tepuztlahcuilolli.Impresos en Ndhuatl. Historia y bibliografia (Mexico: UniversidadNacional
de Mexico, 1988).

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 THE COLONIZATION OF AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES 305

took for grantedthat Latin was a universal linguistic system which could be
used to supply the explicit structurefor those languages whose grammarhad
not yet been written. Such a conviction was so strongthat Domingo de Santo
Tomas (1499-1570), for instance, wrote in the prologue to his grammarof
Quechuathat this language "is so in agreementwith Latinand Castilianin its
structurethatit looks almost like a premonition[prediction]thatthe Spaniards
will possess it" ("tan conforme a la latina y espaniolay en el arte y artificio
della, que no parece sino que fue un pronosticoque los espaniolesla habiande
poseer"). "IThus, we should clearly understandthat the significance of writ-
ing grammarsof primordiallyspoken languagesin colonizing those languages
to secure the classical traditionis that they are not only re-arrangedbut also
possessed and assimilated. Such an observationdoes not deny the good inten-
tions and the outstandingcontributionsof the grammarians,such as Domingo
de Santo Tomasin Peru, Alonso de Molina (d. 1585), and HoracioCarochi(d.
1662) in Mexico, to preserve and understandthat which they also helped to
suppress.'2 It merely points towardthe philosophy of language and the civi-
lizing ideology founded in their own constructionof the classical legacy to
justify the colonization of Amerindianlanguages and memories. When Car-
ochi noted, for instance, thatNahuatllacked seven letters, he was actingunder
the assumption that the Latin alphabet was a universal model to represent
linguistic sounds, and when it so happenedthat a non-Westernlanguage(like
the Nahuatl) did not have all the sounds that can be representedby the
universal(Roman) alphabet,the language was at fault.13 It should be added,
however, that my emphasis is neitheron the aftermathof writtengrammarin
the Amerindianpopulationnor on the question of whetherwriting grammars
of Amerindianlanguages devouredand supplantedthe implicit grammarsof
the native speakers. I am concerned with the philosophy and ideology of
writing which supportedthe decision made by missionariesand men of letters
to write grammarsof Amerindianlanguages that assumed the grammarof
Latin was the universal model to follow.
I am referringto a particularkind of possession and assimilation.It differs
from what is also, in fact, colonization, possession, and the continuity of

II Grammatica o Arte de la lengua general de los Indios de los revnos del Peru (Quito:
InstitutoHistorico Dominicano, 1947).
12 Alonso de Molina, Arte de la lengua Mexicana v Castellana (M6xico: En Casa di Antonio

de Espinosa, 1571); Horacio Carochi, Arte de la lengua mexicana con la declaraci6n de los
adverbios della (Mexico: Ivan Ruyz, 1640).
13 Carochi, Arte de la leugua mexicana, ch. 1. Readers not acquaintedwith the history of
writing and with Amerindianwriting systems would profit from consultingW. Senner,ed., The
Origins of Writing (Lincoln, Neb.: Nebraska University Press, 1989). See particularly,Rex
Wallace, "The Origins and Development of the Latin Alphabet," 121-36, and Floyd G.
Laounsbury"The Ancient Writingof Middle America," 203-38. For the Peruvianquipu as a
writing system, see M. Ascher and R. Ascher, Code of the Quipu.A Studyin Media, Mathemat-
ics, and Culture (Ann Arbor, MI: Michigan University Press, 1981).

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306 WALTER D. MIGNOLO

languages and traditions in the expansion of Amerindian cultures before the

Spanish invasion. Acosta, among many others, reported that:
At the same time that the rulersof Mexico and Cuzco were conqueringlands, they
were also introducingtheir language, because althoughthere was and still is a great
diversity of languages among differentcommunities, the courtly language of Cuzco
[Quechua]has been expandingfor over five thousandleagues, and so should also have
been expandedthe language of Mexico [Nahuatl].14
Acosta was certainly not interested in exploring the implications of the
colonization of language but, rather, in looking for the short cuts and advan-
tages in the process of conversion. His observation is useful, nevertheless,
because it helps us to understand the imposition of languages during territorial
expansion in pre-Columbian times by comparing it with the imposition of
Castilian and the possession of Amerindian languages during territorial expan-
sion in the context of the modem world system. In the second case, both
alphabetical writing and printing allowed the Spanish missionaries and
letrados not only to possess Amerindian languages by writing their grammars
and then reproduce and distribute them in printed form, but the missionaries
and letrados were also instrumental in suppressing the Amerindian's own
writing systems and in imposing the Castilian language and the Roman
alphabet. 15
The action of writing grammars of Amerindian languages was connected to
the Spanish colonization in a well-known anecdote. In it, Queen Isabella, who
was born in the year printing was invented, received the first Castilian gram-
mar from Elio Antonio de Nebrija, who published one of the first grammars of
any modem European language in the same year in which Columbus made
Europeans aware of people and lands on this earth unknown to them. The way
in which Nebrija (or rather the Bishop of Avila) told the Queen that grammars
were necessary for the consolidation of kingdoms has often been mentioned
and celebrated:
Now, Your Majesty, let me come to the last advantagethat you shall gain from my
grammar.For the purpose, recall the time when I presentedyou with a draft of this
book earlier this year in Salamanca. At this time, you asked me what end such a
grammarcould possibly serve. Upon this, the Bishop of Avila interruptedto answerin
my stead. Whathe said was this: "Soon YourMajestywill have placed her yoke upon
many barbarianswho speak outlandishtongues. By this, your victory, these people
shall standin a new need; the need for the laws the victor owes to the vanquished,and

14 Jose de Acosta. Historia natural v moral de las Indias (1590), vol. vi, ch. 20 (Mexico:

Fondo de CulturaEconomica, 1962).

15 The processes of transformationand ultimate obliterationof Amerindianwriting systems
have been studiedby Birgit Scharlauand MarkMunzel, Qellqay. MundllicheKulturund Schrift-
tradition bei Indianern Lateinamerikas,97-155, 171-220 (Frankfurt:Campus Verlag, 1986);
and by Serge Gruzinski,La colonisationde l'imaginaire. Societe'sindigenes et occidentalisation
dans le Mexique espagnol, XVIe-XVIIIesieele (Paris:Gallimard, 1988).

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 THE COLONIZATION OF AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES 307

the need for the language we shall bring with us." My grammarshall serve to impart
them the Castilian tongue, as we have used grammarto teach Latin to our young.'6

The concise and powerful argument advanced in the introductory notes to

his Gramatica are well known and are not necessary to detail here. 17 One of
the remarkable features of Nebrija's argument, however, was his claim that a
pact existed between "armas y letras" at the precise moment when the King-
dom of Castile was becoming a modem state ruled by men of letters. The
flourishing of the arts, especially the art of languages or grammatica, was
rhetorically emphasized by Nebrija, who contrasted the image of a new begin-
ning with the ruins left by the enemies of the Christian faith:
Now that the Churchhas been purified, and we are thus reconciledto God, now that
the enemies of the Faithhave been subduedby our arms, now thatjust laws are being
enforced, enabling us all to live as equals, what else remainsbut the flowering of the
peaceful arts. And among the arts, foremostare those of language, which sets us apart
from the wild animals;language, which is the uniquedistinctionof man, the means for
the kind of understandingwhich can be surpassedonly by contemplation.18
It comes as no surprise that Queen Isabella was striving to understand what
uses a grammar of a vernacular language could possibly have. Although she
was aware of the prestige that a grammar, a form restricted until then to the
languages in the Scriptures (Hebrew, Greek, and Latin), would bring to her
tongue, she had not yet made the connection that colonization would create
between language and power. To think about such issues was the task of the
humanist(litteratus) and man of letters (jurisperitus)ratherthan for women
of arms. Nebrija was very familiar with Lorenzo Valla's reevaluation of letters
in order to save the Roman Empire from total ruin. 9 He is credited with the
introduction of humanist ideas in Spain, and as a humanist, Nebrija knew that
the power of a unified language, through its grammar, lay in teaching it to
barbarians, as well as controlling their languages by writing their grammars.
Nebrija was able to persuade Queen Isabella that her destiny was not only to
conquer but also to civilize. The expression "to civilize," rather than "to

16 "Prologue," Gramdticade la lengua castellana (Salamanca, 1492; rpt., London: Oxford

University Press, 1926).

17 Eugenio Ascensio, "La lengua compafieradel imperio:historiade una idea de Nebrijaen

Espafiay Portugal,"Revistade Filologia Espaniola,43 (1960), 399-413; FranciscoRico, Nebrija

contra los bdrbaros.El cdnon de gramdticosnefastos en las polemicas del humanismo(Salaman-
ca: Universidadde Salamanca, 1978); Victor Garciade la Concha, ed., Nebrijay la introducci6n
del renacimientoen Espania(Salamanca:Universidadde Salamanca, 1981).
18 Nebrija, "Prologue," Gramdticade la lengua castellana.
19 Lorenzo Valla, "In sex libros Elegantiarumpreafatio,"Prosatori Latini del Quattrocento.

A cura di E. Garin (Milano:Mondatori, 1952); OttavioBesomi e MariagneliRegoliosi, Lorenzo

Valla e l'umanesimo italiano. Atti del convegno iternationalistudi umanistici(Padova:Editrici
Antenore, 1986). Franco Gaeta, Lorenzo Valla: filologia e storia nell'umanesimo italiano
(Napoli: Nelle sede del Instituto, 1955).

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308 WALTER D. MIGNOLO

colonize," serves to representthe programand motivationsof the sixteenth-

century men of letters.
In orderto understandNebrija'sstrategyit is necessaryto understandthat
his argumentrested on a philosophyof languagewhose roots could be traced
back to Saint Augustineand the mergingof Platonicand Christiantraditionto
solve the problemof a unified languageneeded to counteractthe pluralityof
existing tongues and also to Valla's (1406-57) Latinae linguae elegantiarum
libri sex, writtento save ChristianRome from linguisticand culturalilliteracy
(barbarus).In Spain, some forty years after Nebrijacomposed his grammar,
Luis Vives (familiar with Saint Augustine's work and responsible for the
criticaledition of his worksorchestratedby DesiderioErasmus),was delineat-
ing la questione de la lingua in terms of the contrastbetween the primordial
language spoken by Adam and the event that initiatedlinguistic diversity,the
Tower of Babel.20
Saint Augustine's strong belief in one original language comes from the
evidence of the Scripturesand also from his Platonic theoreticalframework.
As a Neoplatonicand a Christian,Saint Augustine, in his readingof the Holy
Book, assumed that the metaphysicalprinciples of an original unity could
account for the pluralityand multiplicityof things. The original unified lan-
guage, according to Saint Augustine, need not and could not be named be-
cause it was not necessary to distinguish it from other human languages. It
could be called humanlanguageor humanlocution.2' However, not even one
unified humanlanguagewas enough to keep humanbeings, who attemptedto
build a tower to reach heaven, happy and to restrainthem from transgressing
the law. The subsequentdivision of languagescaused the division of people
and communitiesinto seventy-twoparts, with each identifiedby a particular
name. At this point it became necessary to find a name for the primordial
language in order to distinguish it from the rest. Saint Augustine had good
reason to believe that the original (primordial)language was Hebrew.
AlthoughVives was acquaintedwith SaintAugustineand was developinga
philosophy of language that would be used, directly or indirectly, by the
missionaries colonizing native languages,22Nebrijawas somehow rewriting
the programthat Valla outlined in the preface to his Linguae latinae elegan-
tiorum(Valla 1952). Vallarealizedthatthe goal of rebuildingan empirecould
be achievedby letters, not arms. By contrastingthe Latinof his ancestorswith
the expansionof the Roman Empireand by underscoringthe strengthof that
20 Luis Vives, De tradendisdisciplines (1533?), vol. 4:299-300 (London:CambridgeUniver-

sity Press, 1913).

21 De civitate Dei, Book XVI, ch. 11, in Saint Augustine, The City of God, Eva Mathews

Sanford, trans. (Cambridge:HarvardUniversity Press).

22 See for instance Vazquezde Espinosa's narrative(1620), in which he "naturally"harmo-

nized the history of Amerindianlanguages with the confusion of tongues after Babel and the
migrationof the ten tribes of Israel to the New World(Compendioy descripci6n de las Indias
Occidentales, III:14 [Madrid:Atlas 1969]).

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 THE COLONIZATION OF AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES 309

language as a unifying force over the geographicalconquests, Valla foresaw

that Rome would recover its lost power, and as a consequence, he predicted
the centralrole that Italy would play in the future. Certainly,it was difficult
for Nebrija, in 1492, to anticipatemuch about the futurecolonization of the
New Worldand the Philippines.23It should have been clear to him, however,
that Castile had an opportunityto take the place of the Roman Empire. If the
prefaceto his GramaticaCastellanawas indeed a rewritingof Valla'spreface,
the historical conditions had changed:While Valla was attemptingto save a
previouslyestablishedempirefrom furtherdecadence, Nebrijawas predicting
the constructionof a new one.
There are other issues deserving comparison. Valla's fight against the bar-
barians,his belief thatthe historyof civilization is the historyof language(in
anticipationof Vico), and the strong connections he perceived between lan-
guage and empire are issues which Nebrija repeated over and over again.
There are, however, some significantdifferences:Nebrijavisualized the cen-
ter of the empire in Castile instead of Italy and envisioned Castilian as the
language of the empire instead of Latin. Thus, it naturallyfollows that both
the grammarsand histories of the native Amerindianlanguageswere written
mainly in Castilian;however, these grammarswere modelled after Nebrija's
Latin (not Castilian) grammarand the histories were modelled after classical
historiography.24From these differences came the tension between Latin as
the language of learningand Castilianas the languageof politics and conver-
sion. The time had arrived, then, to move from writing the grammarsof
native languages to writing the histories of native memories.

WRITING HISTORIES OF AMERINDIAN MEMORIES:

WRITTEN NARRATIVES, BOOKS AND TRUTH

The first histories of the Amerindianculturesknown in Europewere written

by membersof the culturethat introducedWesternliteracyto the natives.25 In

23 For the influence of Nebrijain

writinggrammarsof Tagalog, see Vicente Rafael, Contract-
ing Colonialism (Ithaca:Cornell University Press, 1988).
24 It has been taken for grantedamong
Nahuatlspecialists that Nebrija's Castiliangrammar
was the model followed to write the grammarsof Amerindianlanguages. See, for instance,
FrancesKarttunen,"NahuatlLiteracy,"in G. A. Collier, R. Rosaldo, and J. D. Wirth, eds., The
Inca and Aztec States: 1400-1800, 396 (New York:Academic Press, 1982); Ascensi6n Le6n-
Portilla, Tepuztlahcuilolli.Impresos en Ndhuatl. Historia y bibliograffa, 6 (Mexico: UNAM,
1988). The same beliefs have been expressed about the Tagalog language in the Philippinesby
Vicente Rafael, in ContractingColonialism. Translationand ChristianConversion in Tagalog
Society underEarly SpanishRule, 23-54 (Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress, 1984). I have argued,
elsewhere (WalterD. Mignolo, "Nebrija in the New World:The Question of the Letter, the
Discontinuityof the Classical Traditionand the Colonizationof Native Languages,"L'Homme,
no. 122-24 (avril-decembre 1992), xxxii, 187-209), that the Latin ratherthan the Castilian
grammarserved as a model. But, more important,the two ideological programsarticulatedby
Nebrija in each grammarshould be taken into account when dealing with the colonization of
native languages.
25 WalterD. Mignolo, "Cartas,cr6nicas y relaciones del
descubrimientoy de la conquista,"

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3IO WALTER D. MIGNOLO

the process, the Amerindianforms of recordingthe past and transmittingit to

futuregenerationssufferedthe consequences of literacy because they had to
learna new form of writingand readingand becausetheirhistorieswere being
narrated(perhaps without their knowledge) by those who were introducing
the alphabet.26Spanish historiographersacted in the belief that the alphabet
was a necessary condition of historiographicalwriting. They recognized that
the Amerindianshad the means to recordthe past (eitherby oral narratives,in
pictoideographicwritingor by means of the quipu), althoughthe missionaries
and men of lettersdid not acknowledgethatit was the Amerindianequivalent
to historiographicalwriting.
Once it was concluded that the Amerindiansdid not have historiography,
Spanish chroniclers appointed themselves to write and put into a coherent
form the narrativesthat, accordingto their perception,Amerindianstold in a
thoroughlyincoherentmanner.27When a situationsuch as this, in which the
act of writing the history of a community means both suppressingand mis-
trusting the voices of a subjected community, arises, we are witnessing an
example of the colonization of discursive types. History in the sense of nar-
rative discourse about the past was a well-establisheddiscursive as well as a
narrativeform in the EuropeanRenaissance.The case seems similarto thatof
writing grammars.Writtengrammarstook the place of the natives' implicit
organizationof languages, and writing histories took the place of natives'
explicit recordingof the past. Granted, these discursive practicesmight not
have had a decisive influence within the Amerindianpopulation;but they
certainly were influentialwith those who held the power and made political
decisions regardingthe economic, political, pedagogical, and religious man-
agementof the New World.Thus, colonizationdoes not necessarilymean that
the Western grammarsof Amerindian languages and Western histories of
Amerindianmemories devouredtheir languages and their memories by forc-
ing them to radically change their linguistic and social habits. It means,
basically, that the written grammarsand histories took the place of Amerin-
dian descriptionsof their own linguistic interactionsas well as their recording
of theirown past. In the case of writtengrammars,an implicitknowledge was
ignored;in the case of narrativehistories, an explicit knowledge (the knowl-
Luis Ifiigo Madrigal,coordinator,Historia de la literaturaHispanoamericana.Epoca Colonial,
57-125 (Madrid:CATEDRA, 1982), and "El metatextohistoriograficoy la historiograffaindi-
ana," Modern Language Notes, 96 (1981), 358-402.
26 Birgit Scharlau and Mark Munzel, Quellqay. Mundliche Kultur und Schrittraditionbei
IndianernLateinamerikas(Frankfurt:CampusVerlag 1986); WalterD. Mignolo, "Literacyand
Colonization:The New WorldExperience,"Hispanic Issues, 4 (1989), 51-96.
27 Although this statementcould be nuanced, there is a long traditionfrom JuanRam6n Pane
(1493) to Fray Juan de Torquemada(1615), via Jose de Acosta (1590), in which this belief is
clearly expressed. See WalterD. Mignolo, "ZurFrageder Schiftlichkeitin der Legitimationder
Conquista," in Der eroberte Kontinent. Historische Realitat, Rechifertigungund literarische
Darstellung der KolonisationAmerikas, K. Kohut, hrsq., 86-102 (Frankfurt:VervuertVerlag,
1991).

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 THE COLONIZATION OF AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES 3II

edge organized and transmittedin Amerindian oral and pictographic nar-

ratives) was rewritten.We can approachthese issues from two differentper-
spectives: the alphabetand the idea of the book and writing history.
Writing histories of non-Westernhuman communities was one way of
colonizing native memories. Genres (or discursivetypes), like grammars,are
implicit in the discursive knowledge of the speakers. Among the Aztecs (or
Mexica, as they called themselves), the categorizationof discursive types
(oral and written)seems to have been quite sophisticatedindeed.28However,
Spanishhistoriansand missionariesdid not pay them much attention,perhaps
because they had their own renaissancetheories of writing(poetry and rheto-
ric) and because the genre theories in the Renaissance were based on the
Greco-Romantraditionsand on the experience of alphabeticwriting. What-
ever went beyond or against its coherence was ignored. Today, changing
perspectives in cognitive theories, in philosophy of language,29as well as in
the empirical evidence about discursive categorization in Mesoamerica,30
make it possible to explore this issue in more detail and to remove the (false)
image that the continuity of the classical traditioncould have contributedto
the improvementof non-Westerncultures.This belief, which was more clear-
ly articulatedduring the French and English colonization of the nineteenth
century,31was no less obvious at the time of the Spanish and Christian
expansion.
The conception of historical writing in the sixteenth centurywas not only
closely related to the alphabetbut also to the materialityand the idea of the
book. I would like to consider, in this regard, two interrelatedaspects: the
colonization of writing (alphabetization)and the colonizationof sign carriers
(the Westernbook as an organizer of knowledge). The book in sixteenth-
centuryEurope,both as an object and as a system of representation,was taken
for grantedand used as a referencepoint to interpretother sign carriersand
systems of representationsas well as to collect and organize the information
gatheredfrom membersof culturewith differentsign carriersand systems of
28 Miguel Leon-Portilla, Toltecayotl. Aspectos de la cultura ndhuatl
(Mexico City: UNAM,
1982); M. S. Edmonson and P. Andrews, eds., Literatures. SupplementHandbook of Middle
AmericanIndians, vol. 3 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1955).
29 JeromeS. Bruner, "Going beyond the InformationGiven," Beyond the InformationGiven,
218-39 (New York:N. N. Norton, 1973); EleanorRosch, "Principleof Categorization,"in E.
Rosch and B. Lloyd, eds., Cognition and Categorization, 28-49 (New York:ErlbaumAssoci-
ates, 1978); M. M. Bakhtin, "The Problemof Speech Genres," in Speech Genresand OtherLate
Essays, VemnW. McGee, trans., 60-102 (Austin: University of Texas, 1986); W. D. Mignolo,
"Semiosis, Coherenceand Universes of Meaning," in M. E. Conte, J. S. Petofi, and E. Sozer,
eds., Text and Discourse Connectedness,483-505 (Philadelphia:John Benjamin, 1989).
30 Munro S. Edmonson and PatriciaAndrews, Literatures. Supplementto the Handbook of
MiddleAmericanIndians, vol. 3 (Austin:Universityof TexasPress, 1985); Miguel Le6n-Portilla,
Toltecdyotl.Aspectos de la cultura ndhuatl, 72-100 (Mexico: UNAM, 1982).
31 Martine Loutfi, Litteratureet colonialisme (Paris: Mouton, 1971); Michael Adas, "Ma-
chines as the Measure of Men," Science, Technologyand Ideologies of WesternDominance,
133-198 (Ithaca:Cornell University Press, 1989).

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3I2 WALTER D. MIGNOLO

representationattached to them.32 For instance, the ideology built around

amoxtli and vuh in Mesoamericancultures was suppressedby the ideology
built aroundthe book in Westerncultures. The similaritythat the book, vuh,
and amoxtli-all terms which are derived from names which in Latin, Maya,
and Nahuatland which referto the barkof differentkindsof trees from which
a solid surface for writing purposeswas prepared-shared in the values and
functions in their respective cultures was erased by the valorizationof the
Westernbook over the amoxtli and vuh.33However, missionarieswere not in
a position to distinguishthe materialityof culturalartifactsand humaninterac-
tions from the descriptionsand the meaningattributedto them. The following
two examples might help in understandingthatthe colonizationnot only took
place at the level of materialityof cultures(for example, burningAmerindian
books) but also at the level of descriptionand attributionof meaningin which
Amerindiandescriptions of their own social practices and culturalartifacts
were replaced by the Spaniards'.
The peninsularFranciscanin the YucatanPeninsula, Diego de Landa, and
the Mexican-bornFranciscan,Diego Valades(b. 1533), aretwo helpful exam-
ples in understandingthe relevance of the alphabet in the colonization of
Amerindianlanguages and the concept of the book in the colonization of
Amerindianmemories.34Two of the most well-knownperformancesof Diego
de Landa in the YucatanPeninsula were burningthe Maya's written records
(vuh) and his attemptto translateMayan hieroglyphs into the letters of the
Roman alphabet(see Plate 1). He was less botheredby writtensigns inscribed
on stone, perhapsbecause for him writingis inscribedin books (or on manu-
script paper) but not on the materialsurface of an animal skin or carved on
stones, which was perhaps closer to design and sculpture. Although book
burningdid not only occur in the colonization of the New World,translating
hieroglyphs into alphabetic units was one of the first efforts to colonize
Amerindianlanguages and memories and followed the arrival of Pedro de
Gante in Mexico and the beginning of the alphabetizationcampaign. Landa's
assumptionthat hieroglyphswere a form of alphabeticwriting has been and
still is taken for granted. I am not trying to discredit Landa'sperceptionof
signs, which in the Maya system representedclasses of sounds, but ratherto

32 Manuel GarciaPelayo, "Las culturasdel libro," Revista de Occidente, 24-25 (1965), 46-
69; T. C. Skeat, Early Christian Book-Production:Papyri and Manuscripts, vol. 2 of The
Cambridge History of the Bible, G. N. Lampe, ed., 54-79 (London: CambridgeUniversity
Press, 1969); JohannesPedersen, TheArabicBook (Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1984).
33 Ram6n ArzapaloMarin, "The IndianBook in Colonial Yucatan,"and WalterD. Mignolo,
"Signs and Their Transmission:The Questionof the Book in the New World,"in Proceedings of
the Conference "TheBook in the Americas," M. Mathes and N. Fiering, eds. (Virginia Univer-
sity Press, forthcoming).
34 Diego de Landa,Relaci6n de las cosas de Yucatan(1566), A. M. Tozzertrans.(Cambridge:
CambridgeUniversityPress, 1941) and his Diego Valades,RethoricaChristiana(1579) (Spanish
translation.Mexico: UNAM, 1989).

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PLATE 1. Diego de Landa's effort to translate Maya hieroglyphs into alphabetic writing is
shown here. Although it has been acceptedthatthe Mayashad inventedgraphicsigns to represent
sounds, it does not necessarily follow that the Maya writing system was moving toward the
alphabet nor that each Maya glyph could have been reduced to a letter of the Latin alphabet
(Diego de Landa, Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan[toward 1566]).

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PLATE 2. Diego Valades (RhetoricaChris- ) B)r
t(
.

tiana, Perugia, 1579) followed Ludovico

Dolce's example (Dialogo nel qual si E
ragiona del modo de accrescere a conservar m X
la memoria, Venice, 1562) and adaptedthe
Latin alphabet to images of the Mexica
world that best fit the image of the letter.
I- I [ 't5il
Thus, while in the Western culture a "C"
remindsa personof a hornor a horse shoe, it
is not clear-and Valad6sdoes not mention
it-what is the connection between the C T 7 7 -IV
and the bird he associates to it, replacingthe O ;
horn and the horseshoe. What Valades indi- - I
cates, however, is that the prestige of the
alphabetwas suggested as a mnemonictech-
nique to replace equally valid methods of
memorizationpracticedwith excellentre- _ [S 7
sults among the Mexica before the conquest.

PLATE3. This facsimile edition of the Codex Borbonicusshows the accordionform of Mexica
"books.' If Motolinias' classificationof five kinds of books in ancientMexico is followed, the
Borbonicus belongs to two differentkinds:the first partis devotedto the baptismof the children
(tonalamati, a calendarand religious almanac);the second partrecordsthe festivals of the 365-
day native year (D. Robertson,MexicanManuscriptPainting of the Early Colonial Period. The
MetropolitanSchool [New Haven, 1959]). The emphasis on "books" was, however, a Spanish
obsession, as the Mexica (as well as the Maya)not only wroteon objectssimilarto Westernbooks
but also on solid surfaces, such as stones or animalskins, and consequentlythatwritingdoes not
necessarily imply a book. The Borbonicusin the form we know it today is consideredby some as
a pre-conquestcodex, althoughnot all specialists in the field agree with this dating.

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PLATE 4. The Codex Tudelais clearly post-conquest.Bound in the form of a Medieval Codex
or Westernbook, it was writtentoward 1550 and shows the tension between Mexica pictography
and Spanish alphabeticwriting, with the latterused to describe the meaningof the former.This
codex is a telling example thatthe Spanishsystem was replacingMexica writingsystems and sign
carriers.

/,&r /41720 '401V

dlIam antr
vomas
(ttwelve sp

t~~~~~6' S- *4*I&JU.
.s9aJi.iM...... ..dex, a manuscriptin threevolumes(twelve
'r| | X t p iaasixe^
,.eiIm& books or chapters),in which the Franciscan,
de Sahag6n, organizedall the in-
-' :.3 !IEi : rF.,w
S*Bernardino
g,1,fltaz~d t1 , formationhe gatheredabout Mexica culture
and history from approximately 1558 to
p|&a hai.sb%*^sk 1578. The page shows the similarities be-
jme..: 6auy,ned, tween Sahagun's report and WesternMedi-
* ep, Ewis4ntsaIt eval manuscripts. Furthermore, Mexica
peausscimh
r knowledge was reorganized in Sahaguin's
sm4kamppSsM impressive work following the model pro-
_a r:fngwmmuMfld 4ff vided by early encyclopedic compilations,
406sm,e6aa
wit4tCM suchas thoseby Plinythe Elder(firstcen-
tury) and the FranciscanBartholomaeusAn-
60-
p8= 'ONW,00glicus
; (first half of the thirteenthcentury).
gS s * !. .s ,'uIthl*lf.yuegaaq.fga
w ss S i i
fttlu6q iatft
~scaihuic*n
)CfldA,
kysep4caceaM

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PLATE 6. The first "page"of the CodexSelden, a genealogicalMixtec codex. It is believed that
codices of this kind, called in Miextec naandeyeor tonindeje,functionedas a scriptto remember
what was told in an oral narrative(namesof the person, birthdate,marriageanddeath, conquests,
and so forth). The Selden should be "read" from bottom to top, in zig-zag fashion or
boustrophedon, following the path indicated by the diacritical red lines. The first scene was
describedas follows: "In the day 2 House, of the year 4 (or 5) Reed, the Sun " I Death" and the
planetVenus, "1 Movement"descendedfrom the sky and threwa dartwhich madean opening in
the Hill of Jade and Gold; from that crevices was born the lord 11 Water"(Alfonso Caso,
Interpretaciondel Codice Selden (Sociedad Mexicana de Antropologia)[Mexico: 1964]). We
should keep in mind that this writteninterpretationby a scholarfrom our time is a simulacrumof
what could have been the oral narrativeof a memberof the Mixtec community "narrating"the
story told in the painting.

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 THE COLONIZATION OF AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES 313

underscorehis conception of the history of writing. The very act of looking

for correspondencesbetween signs representingideas and signs standingfor
classes of sounds seems to indicate not only a conceptionof writing which is
clearly evolutionarybut also the assumptionthatthe best form of writingis to
representspeech in letter form. The problem, however, is not with Landa's
perspective but rather with the tenacity of those beliefs, which are often
expressed today in the explicit assumptionthat any system of graphic signs
which could be used as an alternativeto oral discourse could be considered
true writing.
The second example, an early version of the mnemonic technique for
learningthe alphabetassembledby Diego Valades(1579), illustratesthe agen-
cy of letters and books in the colonizationof Mexican languages. This exam-
ple, althoughless spectacular,has a dramatismsimilarto the one exemplified
by Landa'saxiom in the YucatanPeninsula(Plate 2). The dramacomes from
the inability of Valades, who was born in Mexico (in 1533) and educatedin
Spanish institutions,to perceive what the introductionof the alphabetand of
renaissancerhetoricwas doing to Amerindiancultures.Althoughhis Christian
rhetoric(1579) has been praised as the first to pay attentionto the Mexican
traditionand he is regardedas a patrioticexample of a successful Mexican
who published his book in Italy, his rhetoricdid contributeto the Spanish
colonization of Amerindianlanguages, a fact not often mentioned.In a chap-
ter devoted to different forms of exercising memory (a common strategy
among rhetoricians),Valades developed a theory of Roman letters based on
the sounds and their arbitrarilyprojectedgraphicimage. In the first case, the
images of the letters were formed by the sounds of the voice and were
illustratedwith proper names. For instance, A from Antonio; B from Bar-
tolome, and so forth. The obvious graphicnatureof every letterwas the image
of the letter according to the figure it was supposed to resemble. Valades
developed a translation of the graphic images of the letters he found in
Ludovico Dolce's treatise35aboutmethodsof increasingmnemoniccapacities
into figures common to the Aztec world (Plate 2). These were in place and
actively used just a few decades before Valadeswas born.
My goal in this articleis not to measurethe consequencesof such a strategy
when it is imposed on a person who has to exchange his oral mnemonic
devices for graphic ones or when members of the colonized culture have to
rearrangethe flow of sound in their speech and accommodatethemselves to
the word as well as some twenty graphic signs.36 I am more interestedin
exploringthe philosophy of writing (at least in the first two generations)after

35 Dialogo nel qual si ragiona del modo de accrescere a conservarmemoria(Venice:Gabriel

Giolito di Ferrari, 1562).
36 For this process of transformation,see Serge Gruzinski, "Peintureet ecriture," in La
colonization de l'imaginaire. Societes indigenes et occidentalisationdans le Mexique espagnol,
XVIe-XVIIe siecle, 15-100 (Paris: Gallimard, 1988).

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314 WALTER D. MIGNOLO

the spreadof Westernliteracyand the act of writingthe historyof people who

had been declaredto be withouthistory.In this regardtwo aspects deserve to
be accentuated.
First, the colonization of writtenlanguagesconsisted precisely of an alter-
native perceptionand organizationof speech and graphic signs which con-
flicted with or replacedthose alreadyin place. The outcome of this complex
process would be the adaptationof the new writing and genres system by
members of the colonized cultures (for example, Garcilaso de la Vega, in
Peru;Fernandode Alva Ixtlilx6chitlin Mexico); the use of alphabeticwriting
transgressingor ignoring the orthographicrules and subordinatingthe more
familiarway of picturewriting (for example, the exceptionalcase of Guaman
Poma de Ayala, in Peru);and, finally, those texts which we cannottalk about
eitherbecause they had not been writtenor becausethey are still buriedin the
archives and we do not yet know about them.
Second, writing is more likely to be successfully colonized than speech.
Although all the forms of traditionalAmerindianwritings completely disap-
peared and were replaced by alphabeticwriting, the colonization of speech
was not equally successful. Even today hundredsof communities in Latin
America still live according to the world view inherited from their pre-
Columbian ancestors, and millions of people still speak Amerindian lan-
guages, bearingwitness to the fact that the colonizationof graphiclanguages
(which are an extension of the hands) was more successful thanthe coloniza-
tion of verbal languages (which are inscribedin the body).
The alphabetdid not by chancebecome so naturallylinkedto the idea of the
book that they were both part of a larger ideological system in which the
possibility of writing in somethingnot a manuscriptcodex or a printedbook
(for instance, writing in clay tablets, deer skin, or scroll) was either not
consideredor was regardedas an activity of the remotepast. The complicity
between the materialityof writing and the ideology of the book could be
illustratedby the dialogue between the first twelve Franciscanfriarsarriving
in Mexico after the fall of Tenochtitlan(1523) and the representativesof the
Aztec nobility. Toward the end of the sixteenth century the Franciscan,
Geronimo de Mendieta, offered a brief summaryof this dialogue. After the
friars informed the Aztec representativesof their goals and explained the
Christiandoctrineto them, the principales readilyacceptedwhat the friartold
them. The Coloquios y Doctrina Christiana in Sahaguin'sversion (1565)
indicates that Mendietagave an accuratereportof what happened.However,
when the text is read in the Naihuatlversion or in recenttranslationsofferedin
Spanish or in English, a totally differentpicture emerges. Much of the dif-
ference is related to the idea of writing and to the authorityattributedto the
Book by the Franciscanfriars.37

37 Fray Ger6nimo de Mendieta. Historia Eclesidstica Indiana (1595; rpt., Mexico: UNAM
1971); Bernardinode Sahagun, Coloquios y Doctrina Christiana (The Coloquios of 1524),

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 THE COLONIZATION OF AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES 315

The dialogue, whose writtenpieces Sahaguincollected and wrote in 1565,

took place in 1524, perhaps over a period of several days or weeks. The
temporalaspect of the scene of speaking is not clear in the written version.
Roughly, the situationis reportedas follows. After hearingthe explanationof
the ChristianDoctrine, the Aztec principalesasked the Franciscanswhether
they had to abandontheir own gods and traditions.To the affirmativereply of
the friars, the Aztecs asked for a reason. The friarsansweredthat everything
they needed to know was writtenin the Divine Book. This simple answer is
indicative of the extent to which the Franciscanfriars were prisonersof the
tyrannyof the alphabetand the idea of the book, for they had alreadyforgot-
ten the oral traditionof what they trustedas the Divine Book. Nor could they
make sense of the answer providedby the Aztec principalesabout their own
gods and semiotic authoritiesequivalent to the ChristianBook.
Let me disclose some facts I have in mind at this point. Over forty years
ago, ErnstRobertCurtius38called our attentionto the numberand the signifi-
cance of the images that differentculturesconstructto representtheir ideas
about writing and about the book. He began his survey-as one would sus-
pect-with the Greeks, noting that they did not have any idea of the sacred-
ness of the book, as there is no privileged priestly cast of scribes. The well-
known disparagement of writing in Plato's dialogue is a complementary
example for understandingthat the attitudestowardwriting and the book in
ancient Greece were not exactly as the Renaissance men of letters thought
they were. It is also well-known, in fact, that in the last part of Plato's
Phaedrus, Socratesattemptsto convince Phaedrusthatwritingis not an aid to
memory and learning. On the contrary,Socrates argues, writing can only
"awaken reminiscences" without replacing the true discourse lying in the
psyche of the wise man which must be transmittedthroughoral interactions.
It should be emphasizedthat Socrates was mainly concernedwith writing,
as the very concept of the book we have today was totally alien to the Greeks.
It should also be rememberedthat Socrates was mainly concernedwith writ-
ing in its relationshipto knowledge and its transmissionbut not to the book.
The difficulties we have today in imaginingsuch a situationare due to the fact
that for us writing, knowledge, and book have become part of the same
process and are seen as similar material objects used to store and transmit
knowledge. However, when writing was still an activity performedon pa-
pyrus, without the shape of what later on in the second centuryof the Chris-
tian era would become the medievalcodex, it would have been impossible for
a letteredGreek to build arounda roll of papyrusscratchedon withoutpunc-
tuation the same idea built by medieval and renaissanceintellectuals around

Miguel Le6n-Portilla, ed. and trans. (1565; rpt., Mexico: UNAM, 1986); Jorge Klor de Alva,
trans., "The Aztec-Spanish Dialogues, 1524," Alcheringa, 4:2 (1980), 5-192.
38 EuropeanLiteratureand the LatinMiddleAges, W. R. Trask,trans. (1948; rpt., Princeton,
1973).

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3I6 WALTER D. MIGNOLO

an object made of bound paper, illuminated and arrangedwith increasing

conventions and instructionsfor positioning the graphicsigns on a page.
It is difficult today, as it was alreadyfor a letteredperson in the sixteenth
century,to rememberthat in Greece it was impossible to imagine knowledge
or informationorganizedin a single volume, insteadof severalrolls made of
skin or of Egyptian papyrus. Whether the later divisions of a narrative(or
book) into chapters (or books) derived from a set of rolls conforming to a
thematicunit or roll is beyond our purposehere. However, if one thinksof the
rich vocabularyassociated with graphic semiotic interactionsinheritedfrom
the Greeks and if one also remembersthat the idea of the sacred book was
alien to them, for they were more concernedwith writingthan with books, it
could be concluded that the roll or biblos cannot be translatedas book and
made part of its history without imposing the currentmeaning of book upon
biblos. Also, one cannot make biblos an antecedent of the book without
understandingthe meaning(or the idea) associatedwith thatobject. The ideas
associated with biblos in ancient Greece were perhaps closer to the ideas
associated with amoxtli in ancient Mexico (Plate 3). Spaniardsdisregarded
this differenceand translatedboth biblos and amoxtli as book. Nevertheless,
although they were proud of placing themselves in the Greco-Romantradi-
tion, they simultaneously destroyed the Mesoamerican amoxtli and vuh,
which they believed were books writtenby the devil.39
Certainly the destructionof Mesoamericanbooks because they were dic-
tated by the devil and the use of the written Holy Book as a proof that
Amerindianswere wrong in their beliefs were just two ways in which we can
relate writing, the Roman alphabet, and the book to the colonization of
languages (Plate 4). Between the act of writing and the object called book as
sign carrierand containerof knowledge lay a thirdparty:genres or discursive
types. Historicalnarrativesare neitherthe sign nor the book, just as writingis
not only the act of inscribinggraphicmarkson solid surfaces40and speech is
not only the production of sound waves. Speaking and writing imply the

39 Biblos was the name used in Greece to designatethe innerbarkof a reed;Greekscalled the
reed, pdpyros. It has been suggested that by the fifth centuryB.C. thatbiblion denoted not books
but tabularmanuals, notes on a single sheet, with basic indicationsfor deliveringan oral speech.
See George A. Kennedy, "The EarliestRhetoricalHandbooks,"AmericanJournalof Philology,
80 (1959), 169-78.
40 I am limiting my description of writing to the available knowledge of the time. The
etymology of words indicating writing in various languages refers to an imagery related to
scratchingand, in Latin, to plowing. Latin also has an analogy between text and textile which is
apt when looking at the Andean quipu as a kind of writing. Of course, when the materialityof
social practices changes, the conceptualization attached to them also changes. Data banks,
computers, word processors, and the like are forcing us to review our concepts of library,books,
and writing. See, for instance, WalterD. Mignolo, "Signs and TheirTransmission:The Question
of the Book in the New World," The Book in The Americas, N. Fiering and M. Mathes, eds.
(Charlottesville:forthcoming);MarkPoster, "Foucaultand Data Bases," Discourse. Theoretical
Studies in Media and Culture, 12:2 (1990), 110-27.

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 THE COLONIZATION OF AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES 317

productionof sound waves and graphicmarksaccordingto a set of rules and

cognitive frames. The first have been called grammars and the second,
genres. Spaniardsnot only wrote grammarsfor native Amerindianlanguages,
but they also used their own discursive genres to write down the Amerindian
memories and their own books (Plate 5) to replace Amerindianamoxtli and
vuh (Plate 6).
Where does the questionof writinghistoryas a discursivegenre fit into the
previous scenario? The Renaissance philosophy of language was not just
concernedwith writing. It was also concernedwith speech (when the question
was the origin and the diversity of languages); with the syntactic and logic
structureof the sentence (when the issues were mattersof grammarand logic);
and with the structureof discourse (when the question was the disciplines of
the trivium and, later, the inclusion of poetica and historica in the realm of
grammar, rhetorica, and dialectica or logic). Writingbegan to be an issue
with the Renaissance celebration of the letter4l and with the encounterbe-
tween cultureswith differentwriting systems. Thus, when the Jesuit, Jose de
Acosta, worked in Peru towardthe end of the sixteenth centuryand wrote a
letterto ask his colleague, Antonio Tovar,in Mexico how was it possible that
the Indians could have history if they did not have writing (he meant alpha-
betic writing)and how was it possible thatthey could speakwith such admira-
ble figures of speech if they did not have rhetoric, Acosta was not implying
that the lack of letters meant a lack of intelligence (for Acosta was not a
Franciscanand was not on the side of de Gante). He believed, however, in the
chain of writing systems within a hierarchyof humancultures accordingto
their written achievements.42
Between the early years of the sixteenthcentury,in which de Ganteequated
the lack of letterswith a lack of enlightenment,and the final years of the same
century,when Acosta did not deny the Amerindians'intelligence (althoughhe
still did not regardthem as equals), the connectionsbetweenthe lack of letters
and barbarismwas articulatedin the mid-sixteenthcenturyby the Dominican,
Bartolomede las Casas, in his Apologe'ticahistoria sumaria.43According to

41 See Antonio de Nebrija,Introductioneslatinae (Salamanca, 1481); Gramdticade la lengua

castellana (Salamanca, 1482);Reglas de orthografiaen la lengua castellana (Alcala de Henares,
1517); WalterD. Mignolo, "Nebrijain the New World:The Questionsof the Letter,the Discon-
tinuity of the Classical Tradition, and the Colonization of the Native Languages," L'Homme
(Paris, October 1992).
42 There is enough evidence to think that language was always one element upon which
communities built a sense of identity by distinguishingthemselves from the others who did not
speak their language well. In ancientMexico, as well as in ancientGreece, this was certainlythe
case. The difference between ancient Mexico and Greece, on the one hand, and the European
renaissance,on the other, is that the formerput the accent on speech, while the latteron writing.
43 Acosta's letter and Tovar's answer have been reprintedby JoaquinGarcia Icazbalceta, in
Don Fray Juan de Zumarraga,Primer Obispo y Arzobispode Me'xico,vol. 2: 263-7 (Mexico:
Andrade and Morales, 1881); the fourth kind of barbarianswere defined by Las Casas in the
epilogue of his Apologe'ticaHistoria Sumaria (1555?; rpt., Mexico: UNAM, 1967).

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3I8 WALTER D. MIGNOLO

Las Casas, the term barbarianreferredto three differentculturaltypes: The

first alludedto humanbeings who had lost controlof themselves, their minds
overwhelmedby theirpassion;the second, to those who used a certaintype of
language;and the third, to those who were literallybarbariansbecause of the
regions they inhabitedand because they were not governed by laws and did
not havejustice. I am obviously interestedin the second type of barbarians,in
which Adam's primordiallanguage and Babel's confusion of tongues were
used this time not to explain the origin of language or to justify the most
perfect (Valla's Latin and Nebrija's Castilian) but to distinguish them from
those who were civilized. We should ponder both de Gante's dictum and
Acosta's question, in relation to las Casas' definition.
It is not surprisingthatlanguagewas, on the one hand, equatedwith speech
or tongues (in Romance Languages lingua, lengua, linguaggio, lenguaje,
langue, language) and, on the other, was recognized as one (if not the)
specific featurethatdistinguishedhumanbeings from animalsand was instru-
mental in developing and in organizingsocial life. Such beliefs were under-
standable, not necessarily because the influence of platonic philosophy of
language discreditedwriting, but because that philosophy was based on the
experience of a civilization whose oral means of learningwas threatenedby
the introductionof writing.44Although speech was linked to the differences
between human beings and animals and this link was fundamentalto the
constructionof the idea of humanes, writingwas so recent for Socrates (just
as it is still so recent in the history of humancivilizations, even now), that in
Greece the very idea of languagewas still associatedwith speech and not with
writing. The ideological shift from the spoken to the writtenin the construc-
tion of knowledge and the transmissionof learning took a definitive shape
duringthe EuropeanRenaissanceand played a fundamentalrole in construct-
ing the difference this time not between human and non-humanbut, rather,
between the barbariansand those who were civilized. In las Casas'sworld, all
knowledge (scientia) was textually dependent. It was thereforeunderstand-
able that he and his sixteenth-centuryfellows employed a distinction which
conflated knowledge and the use of the letters of the alphabetto distinguish
between barbarianand civilized people, while ancient Greeks and ancient
Mexicansdistinguishedbarbariansby theirway of speaking, not by their way
of writing. Las Casas and his fellows also establishedthe meaningof letrados
(the letteredones) as a social role attachedto andrepresentinglearning.45The
44 Erick Havelock, Preface to Plato (Boston: Havelock Press, 1963), and his The Literate
Revolution in Greece and its Cultural Consequences (Princeton:Princeton University Press,
1982). JacquesDerrida'sgrammatologicalreflections (De la grammatologie[Paris:Editions de
Minuit, 1967]), which are difficult to ignore without alarmingthe eruditesin critical theory,did
not take into accountthe tension and conflict between the oral and the writtenin Plato's philoso-
phy of language or the inversion of Platonic philosophy by the Renaissance philosophy of
language.
45 Accordingto NorbertElias (The CivilizingProcess [1968, in German](New York:Urizen
Books, 1978, in English), "The concept of civilite'acquiredits meaningfor Westernsociety at a

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 THE COLONIZATION OF AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES 319

ability to create a system of writing, as well as the access to the power and
knowledge that such a system conferred,was the ultimatetoken of the superi-
ority of civilized over barbarianpeople.46
The preceding discussion should contributeto our understandingof why
historiansof the Indies of the first centuryshowed such a strong concern for
the ways by which the Amerindianspreservedtheir memories. This concern
was not of course neutral but was formulatedby those who, in the act of
framingthe question, "How can the Amerindianshave history if they do not
have writing," were describing the very idea of the activity they were per-
forming:to write history as a linear narrativein which the chain of words (a
concept difficult to imagine in a nonalphabeticwriting system) was one and
the same with the chain of events.47
Such an idea of history would have been very difficult to understandfor
people who were not acquaintedwith alphabeticwriting and did not know
exactly how a flow of sounds could be brokenup into words, much less how
to relate sequences of words with sequences of events. The tlamatinime, for
instance, who were used to reading (or looking at paintings, as far as the
Mexica conceptualizationgoes) from bottom to top and in a boustrophedon
pattern, may have had some difficulties in translatingthe relationshipsbe-
tween words and events, because they departedfrom theirown experienceof
telling stories by looking at the paintingsof pictographicwrittencodices. The
currentWesternconcept of literacy,generallydefined as the capacity to read
and write, makes one forget that the concept of reading associated with
alphabeticwriting is not necessarily applicableto nonalphabeticsystems of

time when chivalrous society and the unity of the Catholic churchwere disintegrating.It is the
incarnationof a society which, as a specific stage in the formation of Westernmanners or
'civilization,' was no less importantthanthe feudal society before it. The concept of civilite, too,
is an expression and symbol of a social formationembracingthe most diverse nationalities, in
which, as in the Church,a common languageis spoken, first Italianandthen increasinglyFrench.
These languages take over the function earlierperformedby Latin. They manifest the unity of
Europeand at the same time the new social formationwhich forms its backbone,court society"
(vol. 1, p. 53). The New Worldexperience broughtnot only speech but also writing into the
dividing line between those who were either civilized or barbarian.
46 For the semanticfield associatedwith litteratuslilliteratusin the Middle Ages, see Michael
T. Clanchy, From Memory to WrittenRecord. England 1066-1307 (London:EdwardArnold,
1979); in the Spanishrenaissance,Luis Gil Fernmndez, PanoramaSocial del HumanismoEspaniol
(1500-1800) (Madrid:Alamdra, 1981); Aron Gurevich, "PopularCultureand Medieval Latin
Literaturefrom Caesarius of Arles to Caesarius of Heisterbach,"Medieval Popular Culture:
Problems of Belief and Perception, 1-59 (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press, 1988).
47 When discussing the conditions of truthfulness, the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century

theoreticianof historiographyaccentuatedthe need to match the truthof the narrativewith the

truthof the things (or events) themselves. Fromthe belief thatthe truthis both in the narrativeand
in the events, it followed that history was made of both words and events. See W. D. Mignolo,
"El metatextohistoriograficoy la historiografiaIndiana,"ModernLanguageNotes, 94 (1981),
359-402, and his "Historia, relaciones y tlatoll6tl: los Preceptos historiales de Fuentes y
Guzmany las Historiasde Indias,"Filologia, 11:2 (1986), 153-78. For a theoreticaldiscussion
about the conventionsof fictionality and truthfulnessand their relationwith narrativegenres and
discursive configurations,see W. D. Mignolo, "Dominios borrososy dominios te6ricos:ensayo
de elucidaci6n conceptual,"Filologia, XX (1985), 20-40.

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320 WALTER D. MIGNOLO

interactions.The verb to read did not exist in Naihuatl.TranslatingAmoxitoa

as "readinga book," might allow it to be understoodby a literate Western
person, but that translationdoes not renderits actualmeaning. Amoxitoa is a
compoundword whose roots areamoxtli, a tree on the lake of Mexico, and by
extension, the barkof a tree on which graphicmarkswere inscribed;and toa,
which means to narrateor to tell a story.One can surmisethatthose who were
trainedto readthe books would be looking at the picturewhile telling the story
orally. Thus, the main issue here is that there are differentways of discerning
(one meaningof the verb to read)and telling storiesthatreportthe outcome of
the discerning act.
I understandthat inverting the process of conceiving history would have
been difficult, if not impossible, for the Spaniards.However,they and not the
Mexican intelligentsiaposed the question. Humanismand renaissancewere
concepts literally from a differenthistory, which is why the Spaniardseither
complained about the lack of coherence in Amerindianoral narrativesor
simply ignored the patternsin which the Amerindianscast their own. The
philosophy of language with which missionaries and men of letters were
armedextended itself from grammarto complex genres and allowed them to
conclude that if Amerindiansdid not have similar kinds of writing and a
similar philosophy of language, they would not be able to produce clear
accounts of their own past: History was the way to do it, and history was a
matterof alphabeticwrittennarratives.This conclusion was a sufficientcon-
dition for the missionaries and men of letters to become the self-appointed
chroniclersthe Amerindiansapparentlydid not have.48
Let me offer some specific examples to supportthe previousdiscussion and
to illustratethe naturallink, among Europeanintellectuals,of letters, history
and books. In the beginning of his book, Historia General y Natural de las
Indias (1535),49Oviedo emphasizedthatfromthe momentof his arrivalin the
Indies he was concerned with finding out how the Indians recalled their
origins and the things (las cosas) of their ancestors. He observed that on the
island of Santo Domingo, their songs, called areytos, constitutedtheir books
or memories. Almost a centurylater, the Inka, Garcilasode la Vega, whose
work reflects the tension between the organizationand transmissionof the
culture of his ancestors and the ideas of writing and of the book of the
EuropeanRenaissance, asked his uncle about his knowledge of the origin of

48 The Europeanconcepts of historiographicalwriting in connection with the history of the

Indies were laid out in Walter D. Mignolo, "El metatexto historiograficoy la historiograffa
indiana," Modern Language Notes, 96 (1981), 358-402; for Spanish historiographyof the
period, see S. MonteroDiaz, "La doctrinade la Historiaen los tratadistasespafiolesdel siglo de
Oro," Hispania, 4 (1941), 3-39; in Italy, see E. Maffei, I trattatidell' arte storica dal Rinasci-
mento al secolo XVII (Napoles, 1897), and Giorgio Spini, "I trattatistidell'arte storica nella
Contrariformaitaliana," Contributialla storia del Concilio di trento e della Contrariforma
(Florence:Vallechi, 1948).
49 Oviedo, Historia General y Natural de las Indias (1535), Book I, ch. 1.

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 THE COLONIZATION OF AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES 321

the Inkakings.50 Garcilasoasked, specifically,how the Inkascould remember

past events if they did not have writing. Garcilasofurtherspecified his own
question by telling his uncle that in Castile, as well as other nearbynations,
there were Divine as well as human histories and, consequently, Castilians
knew how many years had passed since God createdHeaven and Hell: They
knew everything about the transformationsof one empire into another and
abouttheir own kingdoms. They knew all this, concludedGarcilaso, because
they had books. The question was finally formulatedmore or less as follows:
Since you (the Inkas) do not have books, what memoriesdo you have of your
past? A beautiful example, indeed, of diatopicalhermeneuticsin which the
narrativefirst person avoids identifying itself with either they or you. The
identificationoccurs, however, not in the pronominalform but in the natural
complicity between the object (the book) and the actions (recordingthe past).
A few decades before Garcilaso, Acosta steppedforwardto take a position
in the debate as to whetherthe Amerindianlacked intelligence. He supported
his persuasive arguments that Amerindians were intelligent human beings
with examples of what the Amerindianshad achieved. One of his primary
examples was the Mexican calendarand theircomplex and sophisticatedways
of keeping time records. However, in the sixth book of his Historia naturaly
moral de las Indias (1590),51 Acosta changed directionand instead began to
talk about what the Mexicans lacked. It is not surprisingthatthe first thing he
mentioned was the fact that nobody had discovered that "the Indians make
use of letters." In the sixth througheleventh chaptersof this book, Acosta
developed a theory of writing based on a philosophy of language which he
freely admittedwas influenced by Aristotle.
Acosta believed that letters were invented to signify the words we pro-
nounce and that words are immediatesignals of the concepts and thoughtsof
man (he was, of course, referringto human beings). Both letters and voice
were createdin orderto understandthings:voice for those who could commu-
nicate directly in the same space; letters for those who could not be present
and those who, in the future, would be able to read what had been written.
Acosta emphasizedthat signals or signs producedto signify otherthan words
could not truly be called letters even though they could be written:A painted
image of the sun is not a cluster of written letters depicting the sun but a
painting. Based on this assumption, Acosta made two inferences:first, man
(humanbeings) has threedifferentways of recordingmemories:by lettersand
by writing (whose primaryexamples are the Greeks, Latinsand Hebrews)and
by painting (whose primaryexamples Acosta found in almost every known
civilization) and by ciphers and characters;second, none of the civilizations
of the Indies used letters but did employ both images and figures.

50 De la Vega, Comentariosreales de los Incas (1609), I, XV.

51 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias (1590), Book VI.

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322 WALTER D. MIGNOLO

It was only naturalthat Tovar's report about the ways the Aztecs kept
memories of their past and on their elegant ways of speaking surprised
Acosta. This is the context in which Acosta's questionto Tovarrunsparallelto
Garcilaso's question to his uncle: How could the Indians, asked Acosta,
preservetheirmemoriesof so many variedthings for such a long time without
writing (by which he meant alphabetic writing)? How could they, insisted
Acosta, have such wonderfulspeeches ("arengay oraciones")if they did not
have rhetoric (by which he meant the set or written norms which governed
oral discourse)? Tovar, who was in Mexico and familiar with the art of
memory practiced by the Aztecs, attemptedan explanationof how both re-
membering the past and rememberinglong sentences could have worked
withoutthe help of letters. He agreed, however, with Acosta's concernsabout
the Aztecs' lack of writing. In his letterto Acosta, Tovarsaid thateven if they
had differenttypes of figures and characterswhich they used to write things
("escribir las cosas"), their figures and charactersare not as sufficient as our
writing. Tovarwent on to say that Mexicans had figures and hieroglyphsby
means of which they paintedthings. And for those things they could not paint,
because they did not have an image, they combined differentcharactersto
convey as much as they could or wantedto. Fromwhat we know today about
Nahuatl writing, Tovar seems to refer to pictographic representation(of
things, persons, gods, etc.) and ideographicalglyphs (representingmeta-
physical concepts, such as movement, day, night, and so forth). But, of
course, this was not enough to be called writing.52
The renaissancetheoryof writingheld by Spanishmen of lettersand its role
in shaping historiographicalpracticesin the New Worldshould become clear
from these examples. Its applicationto Amerindiancultureand its connection

52 The question, again, is what should be called writing; and, further,whether "writing" in
the past and in non-Westerncultures should be called that which resembles what Westerners
understandby writing, as in the opinion, for instance, of WalterOng, Oralitvand Literacy. The
Technologizingof the Word (London, 1982). We could construe a theoreticaldefinition or de-
scriptionof acceptancefor writing any kind of graphicsystem which establish some kind of link
with speech (PiotrMichalowski, "EarlyMesopotamianCommunicativeSystems:Art, Literature,
and Writing,"InvestigatingArtisticEnvironmentsin the AncientNear East, Ann C. Gunter,ed.,
53-69 (Washington,D.C.: Smithsonian, 1990), althoughsuch a definitionmay not tell us much
about how people conceived graphicinteractionsin differenttimes and cultures. The etymology
of writing, in severallanguages, is relatedto carving. In Greekgrdfeinmeant "to carve." In Latin
scribere indicateda physical action of inscribinggraphicmarksin solid surfaces and was meta-
phorically related to plowing. In Mesoamerica, however, the words referringto writing under-
lined the colors of the inks used and, therefore,the accent was on painting:tlacuilo, in Nahuatl,
referredto the scribe and it meant, literally, "behind the painting" (tla = behind and cuilo-
painting). For a description of Mesoamericanwriting systems, see Hans Prem and Berthold
Riese, "AutochthonousAmerican Writing Systems: The Aztec and Maya Examples," in F.
Coulmas and K. Ehlich, eds., Writingin Focus (New York:Mouton, 1983). We could certainly
bring J. Derrida into the discussion, but it would take us too far to discuss the underlying
presuppositionof alphabeticwriting in his discussion. After all, in his fundamentalwork on the
subject (De la grammatologie [Paris:Editions de Minuit, 1967]), Derridaremainedwithin the
confines of the Greco-Romantraditionof alphabeticwriting.

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 THE COLONIZATION OF AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES 323

with their philosophy of history elicited Acosta's typology of writing and the
complicity between writing and history. The marriagebetween history and
alphabeticalwriting meant that anybody could keep recordsof the past, but
history could only be written with letters. What was the foundationfor this
conception of writing history? What was the philosophyof history that made
such a connection with writing?Within the legacy of ImperialRome, works
such as the Ad Herennium, De Oratore, and Institutione Oratoria were com-
monly known as the basic rhetoricaltreatises for any humanisticeducation.
They imposed and transmittedthe idea that history is narrationand that
narrationis the central part of constructinga text, the dispositio. It is also a
well-known fact that Quintilian in the Institutione Oratoria distinguished
threekinds of narrations: fabula, a tragicand epic form which was the furthest
removedfrom truth;argumentum,a feigned narrativeappliedto comedy; and,
finally, historia, a narrativeconsideredto be the trueaccountof past events.53
The complicity between history and alphabeticwriting comes from a culture
whose learned members were able to write sophisticatedtreatises (rhetoric)
about oral discourses (oratory).They laid the groundworkfor the conception
of the writing of history in terms of the fundamentalsof oratorialdiscourses,
all of which was a by-productof the imposition and growing relevance of
alphabeticwriting as the main learningdevice. Later,the worksof Cicero and
Quintilian, as basic treatises of humanistic education, shaped the minds of
those who would write histories of the New World.54

THE DISCONTINUITY OF THE CLASSICAL TRADITION:

OCCIDENTALIZATION AND RESISTING COMMUNITIES

A turningpoint took place when the same treatiseswere also employed in the
New Worldto educatethe native elites. The historyof educationin the New
Worldshows that the colonizationof languagesfollowed the pathsat the level
of culturalliteracy.56 The few Amerindianseducatedin the New Worldand in

53 Quintilian, Institutione Oratoria, Book II, ch. V, in Quintilian, Institutionoratoire, text

etabli et traduitpar J. Cousin (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1977).
54 Ignacio Osorio Romero, Colegios y profesores Jesuitas que enseniaronLatin en Nueva
Espafia (1521-1767) (Mexico: UNAM, 1979); T6picos sobre Ciceron en Mexico (Mexico:
UNAM, 1976); La ensenanza del Latin a los indios (Mexico: UNAM, 1990).
55 See Pilar Gonzalbo Aizpurui,Historia de la educacion en la epoca colonial. El mundo
indigena (Mexico: El Colegio de Mexico, 1990). Ignacio Osorio Romero,La ensenanzadel latin
a los indios (Mexico: UNAM, 1990).
56 There is another dimension of literacy and resistance illustratedby the documentation
relatedto testaments,land litigations, and other forms of legal disputeswhich would cause a long
detourin my argumentif integratedinto it (see, however, F. Karttunen,"Nahuatlliteracy,"G. A.
Collier, R. Rosaldo, and J. D. Wirth, eds., The Inca and Aztec States: 1400-1800 (New York:
Academic Press, 1982); A. Anderson, F. Berdan, and J. Lockhart,Beyond the Codices. The
Nahua View of Colonial Mexico (Berkeley:CaliforniaUniversityPress, 1976). I am limiting my
examples to the philosophy of writing (and thereforeto the sphereof high culture)and the frame
that it provided for writing grammarsof Amerindianlanguages and histories of Amerindian
cultures, ratherthan to the consequences manifestedin particularcases in which Spanish gram-

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324 WALTER D. MIGNOLO

Spanish Colleges (such as Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco) integratedthe renais-

sance philosophy of language and historiographicalconceptionsin their writ-
ing of Amerindianhistory (for example, Ixtlilxochitl, Tezozomoc, Muno6n
Chimalpain)and had to negotiatethe conflict between the forces of their own
traditions(both in the content of their memories as well as in their ways of
remembering and transmittingthem) with the rhetorical (for example, the
trivium)educationthey received in Castilianinstitutions.The tension between
the past which Amerindianhistoriansneeded to remember,fix, and transmit
conflicted with the models of writing and writing history which used a tradi-
tion which was not their own. These tensions were manifested in historical
writings in the native languages: Chimalpain or Tezozomoc writing in
Nahuatl;Ixtlilxochitlwritingin Spanishwhile in Mexico; Garcilasode la Vega
writing in Spanish while in Spain after leaving Peru, when he was sixteen
years old; Guaman Poma de Ayala writing in a broken Spanish and using
drawings more than alphabeticwriting, when addressingPhilip III from the
Viceroyalty of Peru.s7 The variationsbetween the languagein which writing
is performedand the place of the performancesketch the scene of writing for
those few Amerindianswho could use the pen and the ink and whose written
compositions would eventuallyreach the printingpress. Of all the namesjust
mentioned, only Garcilaso de la Vega was able to see the writing underhis
name in printedform. The rest had a limited circulationin manuscriptform
and were printed between the late nineteenthand early twentieth centuries.
The effort to colonize Amerindianlanguages and Amerindianmemories
required the introductionof a tool (alphabetic writing) and of discursive
frames (renaissancesystem of genres). However, the spreadof Westem liter-
acy did not develop as smoothly as the first educators tended to believe.
Westem systems of writing and discursive genres were adaptedand used by
the Amerindiansto sustaintheir own culturaltraditions.Alternativehistories,
either collective enterprises,such as the Popol Vuhand the Books of Chilam
Balam (both written down toward the mid-sixteenthcentury) in the Mayan
Peninsula, or individual enterprises, such as Muno6nChimalpain or Ixtlil-
xochitl in Mexico (both written in the first decades of the seventeenth cen-
tury), punctuate,on the one hand, the plurilingualand multiculturalcharacter

marians and historians could have been transformedby interculturalexperiences. At the same
time, I am limiting my examples of resistanceto the sphere of interactionsframedby members
and representativesof Spanish literate culture. I hope that my argumentdoes not convince the
readerthat I am celebrating,while I also hope the readerwill understandthatcriticalexamination
of phenomena in high culture is not less relevantthan exploring popularones.
57 See the masterfulsummaryby EnriqueFlorescano, "La reconstrucci6nhist6ricaelaborada
por la nobleza indfgenay sus descendientes mestizos," La memoria v el olvido. Segundo Sim-
posio de Historia de las Mentalidades, 11-20 (Mexico: InstitutoNacional di Anthropologiae
Historio, 1985), and Andres Lira Gonzalez, "Letradosy analfabetasen los pueblos de Indiosde
la ciudad de Mexico: la historia como alegato para sobrevivir en la sociedad polftica," La
memoria y el olvido, 61-74.

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 THE COLONIZATION OF AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES 325

of colonial situationsand, on the other, illustratehow such writtenpractices

collided with the Renaissance philosophy of language and writing held by
missionariesand men of letters. It is in this coalition that the discontinuityof
the classical tradition can be located and the fracturedsymbolic world of
colonial situations analyzed.58
Open resistanceor resistancethroughadaptationwas the counterpartof the
colonization of language and memories, for not every step taken towardthe
alphabetizationof the natives resulted in the desired effects. Three examples
illustratethe unexpectedconsequences (from the missionaries'perspective)of
literacy and the discontinuity of the classical tradition:the one reportedby
Mendieta (Historia eclesiastica Indiana, 1597) took place in Mexico; the
second, reportedby FrayFranciscoXimenez, happenedin the YucatanPenin-
sula; the third, in colonial Peru',comparesGarcilasode la Vega(son of an Inka
mother and a Castilian father who lived in Spain since he was sixteen) with
Guaman Poma de Ayala (an Inka intellectual who never left Perui),both
intellectually active between approximately1580 and 1615.
At the very beginningof the literacycampaignin Mexico, a few years after
the arrivalof the twelve Franciscanfriars and their dialogue with the Aztec
principalesmentionedpreviously,Pedro de Gante, a key figure in the educa-
tion of the Amerindians,reportedon the actions takenand the effortsmade by
the Franciscanfriarswhen they arrivedat Mexico with the mission of convert-
ing the barbariansto Christianity.De Gante's letter, addressedto Philip II
during 1558, more than thirty years later, underscoredthe friars' efforts to
learn the native languages and commentedon the difficulties involved in the
task, since the natives were "people withoutwriting, withoutletters, without
written charactersand without any kind of enlightenment."Values, as we
know, supportactions and orient strategies. Pedro de Gante also reportedin
detail how they proceeded in orderto transmitthe "letter"to those who did
not possess it:
All thattime approximatelyone thousandchildrenwere gatheredtogether,and we kept
them locked up day and night in our house, and they were forbiddenany conversation
with their fathers and even less with their mothers, with the only exception of those
who served them and broughtthem food; and the reasonfor this was so thatthey might
neglect their excessive idolatries and their excessive sacrifices, from which the devil
had secured countless souls.59
58 European intellectuals and political leaders are becoming aware of the challenge of a
multiethnic world to the classical tradition. British prime minister MargaretThatcher, in her
Burgherspeech, invoked the common experience rooted in the Europeanclassical traditionand
celebrated the story of how Europeanexplored, colonized, and (without apologies) civilized
much of the world, as a venture of talent, skill, and courage (quoted by Yasmin Alibhai in
"CommunityWhitewash,"The Guardian,January23, 1989). Lucy R. Lippardprovidesa telling
example of the perpetuationof fracturedsymbolic worlds in colonial situations in her Mixed
Blessings. New Art in a MulticulturalAmerica (New York:Pantheon, 1990).
59 JoaquinGarcia Icazbalceta, Nueva coleccion de documentospara la historia de Mexico.
Codice Franciscano. Siglo XVI (Mexico: PorruaHnos., 1941), 204.

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326 WALTER D. MIGNOLO

The paragraphshows that alphabeticletters were not instilled without vio-

lence. The violence, however, was not located in the act of assembling and
incarceratingthe youngstersday and night but, rather,in the act of forbidding
the childrenconversationswith their parents,particularlywith their mothers.
In a primarilyoral society, in which virtuallyall knowledge is transmittedby
means of conversation,the preservationof oral contact was contradictoryto
the effort to teach how to read and write. Thus, forbiddingconversations
between the children and their mothers meant, basically, deprivingthem of
the living culture imbeddedin their language and preservedand transmitted
throughspeech. The colonizationof languagetook place at several levels. At
one level was the introductionof the letter:not only the skill of reading and
writingbut of readingand writingthe text writtenby those who were teaching
how to read and write. The philosophy of language underlyingthe mission-
aries' belief was promptedby the connectionsthey perceivedbetweenthe lack
of lettersand the lack of enlightenment.Consequently,in the chain of writing
that the Renaissance men of letters fabricatedfor themselves, alphabetical
writing was, on the one hand, the most perfect of them all and superiorto
Chinese and Mesoamericanwriting systems; and, on the other, it was related
to the constructionof the otheras barbarian.In this picture,the lack of letters
was a condition sufficient to equate the illiterate with the uncivilized or
barbarian.
Mendieta'searly historyof the Franciscanin Mexico expandson Pedro de
Gante's anecdote. According to de Gante's letter to Philip II, not all the
children said to have been locked up in the monasterieswere from noble
families. The Mexica noble families naturallyhad no reasonto trustthe friars'
intentionsand motives. Thus, insteadof sendingtheirown children,they sent
the children of their vassals. Mendieta made a point of reportingthat those
who were dishonest with the friars sufferedconsequences, for as the vassals
learned how to read and write they ended up overrulingtheir own superiors
("aquellos hijos de gente plebeya siendo alli doctrinadoen la ley de Dios y en
saber leer y escribir, salieron hombres habiles, y vinieron despues a ser
alcaldes y gobernadores,y mandara sus senores" [III:xv]). Resistance was
the naturalreactionof Amerindiancommunities, althoughSpanishhistorians
presenteda rosy pictureof easy conversion. The process also resulted in the
discontinuityof the classical tradition,for the Greco-Romanlegacy was either
rejected or transformedand adaptedto the Amerindiantraditions.This was
illustratedin the well-known Codice Badianus, an Amerindianherbalbook,
written for medicinal purposes in Naihuatland translatedinto Latin, toward
1550, by two Mexicans from the Colegio Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco.60 The
coexistence of Nahuatlwith Latin implied, at the same time, the coexistence
of classical Latin with the Amerindianmedical legacy.

60 The Franciscansfoundedthe Colegio SantaCruzde Tlatelolco in 1536 and devotedit to the

educationof the young and noble Mexica.

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 THE COLONIZATION OF AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES 327

The native books from the YucatanPeninsula, such as the severalBooks of

Chilam Balam or the Popol Vuh from the highlands of Guatemala, among
others, could be explainedwithin the context of unexpectedconsequences.61
There is enough evidence to believe thatthe former,which were writtenin the
Yucatec language and in Europeanscript, were transcriptionsin alphabetic
writings of the old hieroglyphic (or painted) codices. Historians of the
YucatanPeninsula62had reactions to native writing systems and books sim-
ilar to those of the historians of the Aztec civilization. They reported, for
instance, that the natives would read from these books in their assembly:
Some were readto the rhythmof the drums;otherswere sung; and still others
were enacted. There is also evidence thatthese books as we know them today
were not compiled before the seventeenthor the eighteenthcenturies.Conse-
quently, what today is considered an encyclopediaor mixtureof genres pre-
sumably existed before compilation in a single unit as a diversity of genres
common to pictographicwriting (bookkeeping,time reckoning)withoutpar-
allel in oral genres. The colonizationof genres in this case was not successful.
As time went on, the same Europeanscript that the friars were so eager to
transmitfor more effective Christianizingof the natives was used by them
to stabilize their past; to adapt themselves to the present;to transmittheir
own traditionsto future generations;and, in sum, to resist the colonization
of language and memory.63ArzaipaloMarinadvancedthe hypothesisthat the
Books of ChilamBalam had been compiled as an adaptationand transforma-
tion of "reportoriode los tiempos," a general and encyclopedic compilation
of miscellaneous knowledge, very popularin Europeanrenaissanceand well
known in the viceroyalty of New Spain.64Examples, such as the Popol Vuh
and the Books of ChilamBalam, have always been problematicfor historians
of LatinAmericanideas and culture.Normally,they are aligned in the history
of the pre-ColumbianNew World. This allows for a healthy preservationof
the classical tradition,as they occupy a distinguishedplace before the intro-

61 Mercedesde la Garza, "Pr6logo,"LiteraturaMava (Caracas, 1980); MunroS. Edmonson

and VictoriaBricker, "YucatecanMaya Literature,"in Literatures.Supplementto the Handbook
of Middle AmericanIndians, 44-63 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985).
62 Diego de Landa, Relaci6n de las cosas de Yucatdn(circa 1566); Sanchez de Aguilar,
"Informecontraidolorumcultoresdel obispadode Yucatan"(1639), Anales 1:6(1892), 13-122;
Avendainoy Loyola, "Relaci6nde las dos entradasque hice a laconversi6nde los gentiles ytzaes
y cehaches" (Chicago, Manuscriptat the Newberry Library, 1696); Diego L6pez Cogolludo,
Hfistoriade Yucatdn(1688) (Campeche, 1954).
63 Alfred Tozzer, Maya Grammarwith Bibliographyand Appraisementof the WorksNoted
(Cambridge:Peabody Museum, 1921), vol. ix; Ralph L. Roys, The Book of Chilam Balam of
Chumavel(Washington:CarnegieInstitution,1933); Mercedesde la Garza,ed., LiteraturaMaya
(Caracas:Biblioteca Ayacucho, 1980); Dennis Tedlock, trans., "Introduction"and "Commen-
tary,Popol Vuh.The DefinitiveEditionof the MayanBook of the Dawn of Life and the Glories of
Gods and Kings, 23-66 (New York:Simon and Schuster,Inc., 1985). AdrianChavez, trans., Pop
Wuj.LibroDel Tiempo.Poema Mito-HistoricoKi-che [in Spanish](Buenos Aires: Edicionesdel
Sol, 1987).
64 "The Indian Book in Colonial Yucatan,"The Book in the Americas, N. Fiering and M.
Mathes, eds. (Charlottesville,forthcoming).

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328 WALTER D. MIGNOLO

duction of the Greco-Romanlegacy. However, as we have seen, these books

arenot pre-Columbianbut colonial;and as such, theirvery fracturedexistence
illustrates,once again, acts of resistanceand the discontinuityof the classical
traditionin the process of spreadingWesternliteracy.
Finally,the recentlypublishednarrativeof RigobertaMenchuibears witness
that acts of resistanceand the discontinuityof the classical traditionare more
than curious examples of a distant past. Her recent narrativeof the life and
deeds of a Quiche community is a clear example of the unwrittenhistory of
resistanceand the continuingcoexistence of the Westernlegacy with Amerin-
dian traditions. Education, as illustratedby the example of Pedro de Gante
mentionedabove, is a case in point. The foundationof schools, colleges, and
universitiesthroughwhich the process of Occidentalizationwas anchoredwas
not enough to eradicatethe non-Westerntraditionsof Amerindiancommu-
nities. In her recent narrative,Rigoberta reportsthat there are several mo-
ments, in raising a child, in which the adults talk to him or her about the
importanceof their tradition. Here is Menchu's reportof the day the child
turns ten years old:
They[theelders]tellthem[thechildren]thatthey[thechildren]willbe youngmenand
womenandthatone daytheywill be fathersandmothers.Thisis actuallywhenthey
tell thechildthathe mustneverabusehis dignity,in thesamewayhis ancestorsnever
abusedtheirdignity.It'salso whentheyremindthemthatourancestorsweredishon-
oredby the WhiteMan,by colonization.Buttheydon'ttell themthe way thatit is
writtendownin books,becausethe majorityof Indianscan'treador write,anddon't
evenknowthattheyhavetheirowntexts.No, theylearnit throughoralrecommenda-
tions, the way it has beenhandeddownthroughthe generations.Theyare told the
Spaniards dishonored ourancestors'finestsons,andthemosthumbleof them.Andit
is to honorthesehumblepeoplethatwe mustkeepoursecrets.Andno-oneexceptwe
Indiansmustknow.65
Today, narrativessuch as RigobertaMenchu's help us understandsimilar
instances of the past. In colonial Peru, Garcilasode la Vega was the perfect
example of the adaptationto Westernliteracy (in order to criticize it); but
GuamanPoma epitomizes the use of alphabeticwriting in orderto resist the
literacy of the colonizer.66In fact, althoughGarcilasowas able to write as a
Castilian native speaker, to learn and apply Europeanconceptualizationof
writing history, and to adjust himself to the social role correspondingto
writing activities (that is, as a letrado), GuamanPoma resisted every single
instance of integrationor adaptation.One result was that Garcilasoquickly
65 RigobertaMenchu and Burgos Debray,I Rigoberta Menchu ... an Indian Womanfrom
Guatemala, 13 (London: Verso, 1984).
66 Jos6 Rabasa, "Porquesoy indio . . . ," in Loci of Enunciationsand ImaginaryConstruc-
tions: CulturalStudies inlabout LatinAmerica (Special issue of Poetics Today),W. D. Mignolo,
ed. (forthcoming).RobertoGonzalez-Echevarria,"The Law of the Letter:Garcilaso's Comen-
tarios and the Origin of Latin American Narrative,"The YaleJournal of Criticism, 1:1 (1987),
107-31; Rolena Adomo, Guaman Poma. Writingand Resistance in Colonial Peru (Austin:
Universityof Texas Press, 1986).

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 THE COLONIZATION OF AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES 329

became the representativevoice of the Inkas, but GuamanPoma was forgotten

or registered in the history of historiographyas a moment of shame for the
Castilian language and culture. In his coronica to King Philip III, Guaman
Poma expressed his acute dissatisfactionthrougha counter-proposalfor the
administrationand governmentof Peruthatused alphabeticalwritingtogether
with pictorial representation.He was able to commingle the literacy of his
own ancestorswith Westernliteracy,to make himself understoodby his others
without losing his own identity.AlthoughGuamanPoma's writing illustrates
resistanceto colonization, his exclusion from the history of Latin American
culture during at least four and a half centuries is an apparentexample of
colonizationof writingand of genres. Perhapsthe "chroniclesof the impossi-
ble"67 are simultaneouslynarrativesof resistance.All these are telling exam-
ples, if not proof, of the discontinuity of the classical traditionduring the
process of colonization. They are all rooted in the tensionsbetween a Renais-
sance philosophyof writingunderlyingthe actionstakenby Spanisheducators
and the Amerindianresistance to the assimilationof Westernsemiotic prac-
tices. Fromthe early Franciscanexperiencereportedby Mendietato the more
recent narrativeof Rigoberta Menchui,the colonization of language, which
was paralleledwith acts of resistanceand the effortto maintainthe continuity
of the classical legacy, was constantlyhauntedby the emergenceof resisting
communities and the vital force of their own Amerindiantraditions.

CONCLUSION

Colonial situations, as I suggested at the beginning, are largely shaped by

semiotic interactionsand by their culturalproductions. I have attemptedto
show some relevant aspects of this process by looking at the philosophy of
writing underlying Spanish intellectuals' beliefs and the courses of action
taken to civilize the natives. I have shown that the process was far from
successful and was not accomplishedsmoothly.Acts of resistanceat the level
of semiotic interactionshave resultedin a discontinuityof the Greco-Roman
legacy in which the efforts to spreadWesternliteracy were grounded. More
specifically, my argumentmoved throughthe following steps.
First, the philosophy of language underlyingNebrija'sbelief that a gram-
mar of the Castilianlanguage was a necessary conditionfor the expansionof
the Spanish kingdom was anchored in a strong belief in the superiorityof
alphabeticwriting. Second, the philosophy of language underlyingthe mis-
sionaries'belief that lacking alphabeticalwritingwas synonymouswith lack-
ing enlightenmentand that, in the chain of writing, alphabeticalwriting was
the most perfect kind and superior to Chinese and Mesoamericanwriting

67 FrankSalom6n, "Chroniclesof the Impossible:Notes on

Three PeruvianIndigenousHisto-
rians," From Oral to WrittenExpression: Native Andean Chronicles of the Early Colonial
Period, R. Adorno,ed. (Syracuse:SyracuseUniversityForeignand ComparativeStudies, 1982).

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330 WALTER D. MIGNOLO

systems was a necessary consequence of the Renaissancephilosophy, which

celebratedalphabeticwriting. Third, the philosophy of writing and the con-
cept of the book underlyingthe missionaries'belief thatthey were authorized
to colonize native language by writinggrammarsfor the natives and to colo-
nize native discursivepracticesby writingthe historiesof the natives was the
constructionof a culturalliteracy which went hand in hand with the Renais-
sance philosophy of writing language and writing. Fourth,the philosophy of
language and of writtenpractices underlyingAmerindianresistance and op-
position to the colonizationprocess was, on the one hand, a naturalreactionto
the effortto spreadWesternliteracyas well as a symptomof the discontinuity
of the Greco-Romanlegacy.
I hope to have convincedthe readerthatthe theoreticalapproachto colonial
situations advanced almost forty years ago by Balandierwould benefit not
only from social sciences but also from the contributionsof disciplines cen-
tered on language and from the perspectivethat the humanitiescan bring to
hard-coresocial scientists.

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