SECURITY SITUATION IN

THE
RWENZORI REGION

A PRESENTATION TO TOORO
PEOPLES
CONFERENCE

BY

Brig Gen. Ronnie Balya ndc,

Director General-Internal Security
Organization, Chairman-Joint Intelligence
Committee, Secretary-National Security
Council.

December 2016
1

TABLE OF CONTENTS
1.0 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

2.0 AN OVERVIEW OF THE SECURITY SITUATION IN THE

RWENZORI
REGION

3.0 THE ROLE OF TRADITIONAL OR CULTURAL INSTITUTIONS IN

UGANDA

4.0 SITUATING THE CURRENT SPELL OF CONFLICT IN THE REGION

14

5.0 IMPLICATIONS OF THE CONFLICT TO THE REGION

6.0 INTERVENTIONS TO END THE CONFLICT
7.0 RECOMMENDATIONS/WAY FORWARD

26

25

24

1.0 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

First of all, I thank you for inviting me to this great Tooro
Peoples Conference; it is a great privilege and honour.
As government we appreciate and will continue to
support the good work the various Institutions, groups
and individuals are doing in the Community,
particularly promoting unity, development, peace and
security.
The centrality of security in the development process
needs to be appreciated. Security and development are
mutually reinforcing and interlinked. Development
without security is not sustainable, and security without
development is not durable.
Therefore, unresolved conflict particularly if violent can
instantly disrupt or reverse years of development
efforts, diverting resources that could be used for
improving the quality of life, thereby undermining the
development of the community.
The
partnership
between
institutions,
groups,
individuals and government to ensure harmony and
development in the Country and region should be
emphasized.
In all this, I must emphasize that pragmatic and
visionary leadership in a region like ours is very critical
if we are to move it to the next level of progress.
Therefore, as leaders in this Region of Rwenzori, we
must have a shared vision of the future of this Country.
We must be focused. The Government promotes
purposeful leadership, not just earning a salary and
caring about your family.

We are there to serve the community we are their

servants not their bosses. Even Jesus once said I came
to serve, not to be served.
We must be good listeners to understand all issues of
public concern, and work with government Ministries,
Departments and Agencies to address those concerns.
A good leader should have all the three important
factors in life;
1.
2.
3.

OBUNTU Humane (caring about other peoples

welfare and problems)
ABANTU (Mass support - friends and followers)
EBINTU Property/Projects; - Followers learn from
you how to develop and get out of poverty.

Therefore to be a complete leader one must have all

the three above.
Many leaders in Uganda and elsewhere have EBINTU
(property) but lack OBUNTU (Humane) and ABANTU
(Friends and followers).
Leadership in modern times encourages consensus,
cooperation and collaboration as opposed to
competition, conflict or coercion.
As leaders we should endeavour to promote the
collaborative spirit which produces mutual harmony
and respect, rather than the competitive environment
because we have a common goal. Humility is the key to
consensus building as opposed to egocentrism and
arrogance which are a roadblock to consensus.
4

As leaders we must be pragmatic (look at the larger

picture) not parochial (inward looking). We should work
with all manner of people, not only those who think like
you, talk your language or look like you. Promote
diversity, it brings strength.
There should be
should be able to
our subordinates
listen to all sides
good judgment.

no discrimination/segregation. We
counsel, educate, train and mentor
and followers. In case of dispute,
without bias or prejudice to make

Adhering to the principles and ethics of good

leadership, will make us remain relevant to this
Countrys stability and development.
AN
OVERVIEW
OF
THE
SECURITY
SITUATION IN THE RWENZORI REGION

2.0

The security situation in the region is generally calm.

The situation in Kasese District in particular is steadily
normalizing.
To fully grasp the security situation in this region, one
needs to also understand and appreciate the larger
picture about strategic national threats in the country.
Like in many other regions in the Country, specific
threats in this region include among others;
The threat of terrorism especially posed by the
ADF
and
negative
forces
in demonstrations.
the E/DRC.
disobedience
and
violent
3 Civil other
1
2

LandDistricts
conflicts
a (Bafuruki
growing
cultural
intolerance/
sectarianism.
Vs
the
indigenous
especially
in Tooro
and Bakonjo
vs
minority
groups
in and
Kasese,
Bundibugyo
and
Ntoroko
etc)

Rivalries between and among Cultural Institutions

5

1
2
3
4
5
6

Rapid environmental degradation

Rivalries among politicians
Youth unemployment
Poverty
Food insecurity and
Inadequacies in social service delivery

Threat posed by ADF remnants and negative

forces in the DRC
ADF remnants are still active in the E/DRC. They are
working with some negative forces with the aim of
destabilizing Uganda. In case of any infiltration and
attacks, the Rwenzori region will be the first to be
affected given our proximity to the almost stateless and
volatile E/DRC.
Unresolved land conflicts
These are common in Tooro especially between the
Bafuruki and the indigenous. The influx of migrants and
consequent acquisition of land in many parts of Tooro is
causing uneasiness among the indigenous, some of
whom fear losing political control over their areas to the
Bafuruki. This is fuelling negative ethnic sentiments,
sectarianism and cultural intolerance among our
people.
In Kasese, the Bakonjo are pitted against the Basogora
and Banyabindi; in Bundibugyo we have Bamba Vs
Bakonjo etc.
Rivalries between and among Cultural
Institutions
Almost all our cultural institutions in this region are
currently riddled by infighting among royals leading to
fragmentation among the keen followers and
supporters of the various institutions. All is not well in
Obukama bwa Tooro, Obusinga

bwa Rwenzururu(OBR), Obudingiya bwa Bwamba(OBB)

etc. Besides, these cultural Institutions are also
undermining one another especially over territory and
loyalty.
This does not augur well for the development and
progress of our region.
Rapid environmental degradation
This is affecting the whole region. The degradation
includes deforestation, desertification, increased soil
erosion, deteriorating range lands, melting glaciers on
the Rwenzoris , destructive storms, falling water tables,
rivers running dry, collapsing fisheries, rising pollutants
and wastes and emerging new tropical diseases etc.
These negatively impact our Wildlife, Plants, Animals
and micro-organisms and eventually our tourism
industry.
Youth unemployment
Uganda is one of the countries with the youngest
population who are dependants, after Niger in Africa.
From available statistics, every year about 400,000
youth are released into the job market after graduating
to a market that has about 90,000 jobs.
This means that the rest of the youth who have
graduated will have no jobs because the job market is
small.
The same statistics indicate that the total fertility rate
is 6 children per woman leading to an annual
population growth of 3.4% while the national
unemployment rate is at 3.2% per annum and

specifically for the youth it is at 22.3% per year.

7

What all this means is that our labour market (job

creation) is very small compared to the fast growing
population. Unemployed youth amidst poverty and food
insecurity are easily lured into acts of breaking the law
and causing insecurity in the region and the Country at
large
through
vices
like
thuggery,
civil
disobedience/defiance and rebellion.
Therefore, in summary, there are three major issues
bringing disharmony in this region. These are;
1.
2.
3.
3.0

Competition over scarce resources especially land

Political authority/leadership
Tribal Supremacy (cultural domination)
THE ROLE OF TRADITIONAL OR CULTURAL
INSTITUTIONS IN UGANDA

Prior to independence, different communities that came

to be called Uganda had reached different levels of
socio-cultural organization. By the time colonial rule
was established, traditional leadership in Uganda could
be categorized under three broad types: monarchies,
clan councils and paramount chiefs.
The only traditional monarchies of national significance
were those of Buganda, Ankole, Bunyoro Kitara and
Tooro. The Kyabazinga of Busoga had also gained
prominence as the accepted traditional head of Busoga.
The main characteristics of the monarchies included
the king being the traditional ruler over all the small
chiefdoms either created by him or conquered. Kingship
was hereditary in a

sense that the rights of succession were limited to the

royal clan or family lineage. The kings sphere of
influence depended on the unity of his people and his
ability to organise militarily so as to defend his
kingdom, conquer and retain the conquered territories.
In many non-kingdom areas, the political authority
evolved around the clan system levels headed by clan
heads and paramount chiefs e.g. Busoga, Acholi, West
Nile, Kigezi and Karamoja. These leaders had both
political and cultural significance.
Initially, paramount chiefs were rare in African
traditions. However, through successful ventures in
leading expeditions, battles and wars, they could be
recognized as paramount chiefs first by the military
warriors and gradually by society. These clan system
types of Cultural Institutions were largely important in
preserving peoples customs and traditions.
The four monarchs and the Kyabazinga influenced the
course of national politics leading to independence
because they were privileged to negotiate directly with
the colonial government. They also had some high level
of political power and control over territory. However,
these kingdoms were abolished after the 1966 crisis by
the UPC Government.
The NRM Government restored the traditional rulers
under the Traditional Rulers (Restitution of assets and
properties) Act, 1993.

During consultations to review the 1967 Constitution,

the issue of traditional leaders did not feature
prominently in all areas and other kingdoms except in
Buganda where the issue was discussed widely.
Those who supported the inclusion of traditional leaders
in the
Constitution argued that it was the peoples
fundamental right to culture. The other groups wanted
the traditional rulers left out of the new Constitution
because they believed they had outlived their
usefulness and relevance in a modern state.
After consideration of the Constitutional Review
Commission Report, the Constituent Assembly provided
for inclusion of the institution of traditional or cultural
leaders in the 1995 Constitution of the Republic of
Uganda.
It

should

be

noted

that

Uganda

has

sixty

five
rd

indigenous communities as stipulated in the 3

Schedule of the 1995 Constitution of Uganda as
amended. Some of these communities have traditional
or cultural institutions as custodians of their culture.
These cultural Institutions were restored to enhance
harmony, unity and cohesion within and among
communities.
It should be further noted that all the sixty five tribes in
Uganda have good people and bad people. Your tribe or
religion does not necessarily qualify you to be a good
person. It is your actions not words.
All these tribes and religions have common challenges

like poverty, unemployment etc. Our people want

solutions to these problems and not dividing them.
10

Therefore, tribal and religious utterances and agitation

which divide the people are dangerous and should be
fought and defeated like we have done to other vices.
Currently, Government provides privileges and benefits
to fourteen (14) traditional or cultural institutions.
These are; Obukama bwa Tooro , Obukama bwa
Bunyoro Kitara, Obwa Kabaka bwa Buganda, Ker Alur,
Ker Kwaro Acholi, Obusinga bwa Rwenzururu, Obwa
Kyabazinga bwa Busoga, Iteso Cultural Union, Tieng
Adhola, Inzu ya Masaba, Obwa Kamuswaga bwa Kooki,
Obukama bwa Buruuli, Te Kwaro Lango and
Obudhingiya bwa Bamba.
Others will be considered after they have been
recognized and gazetted by Government in areas which
wish to have them in accordance with the law.
LAWS GOVERNING THE INSTITUTION OF
TRADITIONAL OR CULTURAL LEADERS IN
UGANDA

3.1

The traditional or cultural leaders are guided by;

The Constitution of the Republic of Uganda
which provides as follows;

1.

Cultural and customary values that are

consistent with the fundamental human rights and
freedoms, human dignity and democracy and with
the Constitution of Uganda may be developed and
incorporated in all aspects of Ugandan life.
(National Objectives and Directive Principles of
State Policy, Objective XXIV)

11

The State and citizens to preserve and

promote public property and Ugandas heritage
(Objective XXV).

Regional Assemblies under the Regional tier

system of governance to handle cultural matters
relating to the traditional or cultural leaders, clan
leaders, clan and sub clan leadership, cultural and
traditional practices and cultural institutions by
establishing specialized committees for them.(The
Constitution (Amendment) (No. 2) Act, 2005)

Guarantees every person a right to belong to,

among others a cultural institution in community
with others. (Article 37)

The existence in any area of Uganda of the

institution of traditional or cultural leaders in
accordance with the culture, customs and
traditional or wishes and aspirations of the people
to whom it applies. (Article 246)

2.

The Institution of
Leaders Act 2011

Traditional

or

Cultural

The Act provides for; the existence of traditional or

cultural leaders in any area of Uganda in accordance
with the Constitution, the privileges and benefits of
traditional or cultural leaders, the resolution of issues
relating to traditional or cultural leaders and for related
matters.

12

The Traditional Rulers (Restitution of Assets and

Properties) Act 1993
The Act restored to traditional rulers assets and
properties previously owned by them or connected with
or attached to their offices but which were confiscated
by the state.

3.2

THE
FUNCTIONS
OF
CULTURAL INSTITUTIONS

TRADITIONAL

OR

The functions of the traditional and cultural leaders are

provided for in the institution of traditional or cultural
leaders Act in section 9 on Roles of Traditional or
Cultural leaders.
1.

Section 9(a) states that a traditional or cultural

leader shall promote and preserve the
cultural values, norms and practices which
enhance the dignity and wellbeing of the
people where he or she is recognized as
such.

2.

Section 9(b) which states promote the

development, preservation and enrichment
of all the people in the community where he
or she is recognized as such

What this means is that Traditional and Cultural

Institutions are very vital in supporting Government to
enhance the wellbeing of our people especially in
fighting the threats, challenges and obstacles that
stand in the way to achieve our National Development
Plan Goals, as enshrined in Vision 2040.

13

4.0

SITUATING THE CURRENT

CONFLICT IN THE REGION

SPELL

OF

The precursor to the current conflict in the Rwenzori

region is rooted in the protracted discussions the
Central Government got engaged in over whether to
recognise Obusinga bwa Rwenzururu as a Cultural
Institution or not.
This discussion divided leaders in the region into two
camps i.e. those supporting the Institution and those
against the Institution.
Those against the institution argued that recognizing
the Obusinga would spark off conflicts in the region
since there was no unanimous support for it in the
whole region save for the Bakonjo population.
They also argued that there were various claimants to
the Obusinga who were contesting the title of Prince
Wesley Mumbere as the rightful claimant.
Despite all this, in 2009 the Government recognized
Charles Wesley Mumbere as the King (Omusinga) of the
Obusinga bwa Rwenzururu Kingdom. This did not
please mainly the Basongora and Banyabindi in Kasese
as well as the Bamba/Babwisi in Bundibugyo District.
This prompted the Basongora, Banyabindi and
Bamba/Babwisi to start demanding for their own
cultural identity claiming that Rwenzururu Kingdom
never existed before; hence they could not be
conscripted to be loyal to it.
In a bid to enforce the authority of the new King
(Charles Wesley Mumbere) over the entire region
(Kasese, Bundibugyo and Ntoroko) some Bakonjo
radical elements started claiming

14

supremacy over other ethnic groups. For instance, they

wanted Lukonjo to be taught in all primary schools. This
sparked off a feeling of cultural subjugation among
other ethnic groups in the region.
The pre-colonial history of the Rwenzori region
indicates that the area of Kasese, Bundibugyo and
Ntoroko was occupied by various ethnic groups such as
the Bakonjo, Bamba/Babwisi, Basongora, Batuku and
Banyabindi among others. These groups used to live
harmoniously and even intermarried despite cultural
differences.
The area was later put under the rule of Tooro Kingdom
around 1830. When the British came, their Colonial
Government used mostly Tooro allies to consolidate
colonial control over the area. They also created
various National Parks and forest reserves in the region
which reduced the land accessible to the local
inhabitants for cultivation and grazing cattle.
The non-Batooro especially the Bakonjo and Bamba
always felt marginalized by the Tooro Kingdom to the
extent of starting a rebellion against the Tooro Kingdom
hegemony. This officially sparked off the Rwenzururu
th

rebellion on 30 June 1962 by the Bakonjo and Bamba

under the leadership of Mukirane, Kawamara and
Mupalya.
Their struggle was largely a struggle for identity and
recognition i.e. political, legal, social and cultural
recognition.
In a bid to cater for the interests of these groups, late
President Idi Amin created Rwenzori and Semuliki
Districts in 1974. These were later renamed Kasese and
Bundibugyo Districts after the fall of Idi Amin in 1979.

15

The peaceful co-existence of the Bakonjo, Bamba,

Babwisi, Basongora and Banyabindi was shattered
when Government decided to recognize the contentious
Obusinga Bwa Rwenzururu as a legally existing cultural
Institution covering the Rwenzori/Semuliki area.
The minority groups in this area perceived this as a
Bakonjo Kingdom since the Rwenzururu Kingdom had
never existed in their history. Hence, the Bamba started
agitating for their own identity under the Obudingiya
Bwa Bwamba (OBB) and the Basongora attempted to
crown their own King (late Rwigi IV, Rutakirwa
Agutamba Kabumba Ivan Bwebale) in 2012.
th

Similarly, 0n 5 July 2014, the Banyabindi attempted to

recognize one Mugisa Elisha Ateenyi as their cultural
leader which sparked off attacks by some Bakonjo
Youth.
Besides, the Basongora and Banyabindi in Kasese also
started demanding land redistribution and separate
District from Kasese District. These incidents became a
precursor to the consequent violent ethnic clashes that
have happened in the area of recent.
STRUCTURAL AND PROXIMATE CAUSES OF
THE CONFLICT
(a) Competition for scarce resources especially
land
Scarcity of resources is a known cause of conflict
globally. The Rwenzori Region has not been an
exception. For instance, in Kasese District tensions
remain high between the Basongora Cattle keepers, the
Banyabindi and Bakonjo cultivators over land in
Rwehingo and Muhokya despite Government attempts

to resolve it.
16

The Banyabindi also continue to complain of

selective
Government distribution of land to Basongora and
Bakonjo and yet they have been displaced for over 50
years since their land was allegedly grabbed by
Bakonjo during the Rwenzururu rebellion. The areas
they say were grabbed include; Kisinga, Kitojo
Kitswamba, Muhokya, Kilembe, Mahango, Kyarumba
and Munkunyu.
On the other hand, sections of Bakonjo are not happy
with the way Government allocated land between them
and the Basongora in Rwehingo, and Bukangara
villages in Munkunyu Sub county and that of Ibuga
prisons and Bigando Army land in Kitswamba Sub
county and Hima Town Council respectively.
Whereas the Basongora claim most of their land was
turned into a National Park and hence deserved more,
the Bakonjo claim the Government favoured the
Basongora in the allocation process (Ratio; 3:1 Acres for
Basongora cattle keepers, and Bakonjo cultivators
respectively).
(b) Desire to Control Natural Resources
Sections of radical Bakonjo through Obusinga bwa
Rwenzururu want to control Natural resources such as
the Queen Elizabeth National Park, Hima Cement
factory, Lake Katwe and Kilembe Mines despite these
being national resources. They also want a share of
proceeds from oil, gas and other resources in
prospected areas in the District. They have apparently
picked inspiration from Bunyoro Kingdom which was
granted shares in the Oil and Gas discovered in their
area.

The discovery of oil blocks in Ntoroko District has also

propelled a rush for land in the District by rich individuals
and companies
17

from Kampala hence exacerbating tension in the area

over fear of potential land grabbing.
(c) Alleged marginalization of minorities
The Basongora and Banyabindi accuse the Bakonjo of
dominating the politics in Kasese District, hence
marginalizing them in terms of jobs and services
accessibility. This has prompted them to ask for
separate Districts.
th

In reaction to this demand, on 26

October 2010,
Kasese District Council passed a Resolution to create 03
Districts (Rwenzori, Bwera/Rubiriha and the main
Kasese). This move was however undermined by
conservative Bakonjo who deemed it as a ploy to
weaken the powers of the Omusinga.
In Bundibugyo District, a similar scenario exists. The
Bakonjo in the District have continued to demand a
separate District for Bughendera County despite the
area being upgraded to a Constituency. They claim that
they cannot easily access jobs because they are
marginalized
and
segregated
against
by
the
Bamba/Babwisi who are the majority in the District.
Similarly, the Batuku Cattle keepers in Ntoroko District
have continued to complain of being marginalized.
They claim they are stopped from grazing their cattle in
Semuliki National Park and yet other cattle keepers are
allowed to do so. As a result, they want part of the Park
to be degazzetted for human settlement.
(d) The quest to establish Yiira Republic
Some radical elements in the Obusinga Bwa
Rwenzururu (OBR) have been mobilizing the Bakonjo

and Banande in the DRC in preparation for the creation

of such a republic that would cover
18

parts of Uganda and the DRC. It is anticipated by its

promoters that the Omusinga wa Rwenzururu would be
the overall leader of such a state.
This dream was high jacked by opportunistic politicians
who wanted political capital and they started raising
false hopes for the Bakonjo that, they are about to
realize it and hence be independent as a tribe. This has
radicalized some of them especially the Bakonjo Youth.
(e) Discontent among Rwenzururu Veterans
Since 1962, Rwenzururu Veterans have been engaging
Government on issues that affect them and have
remained unresolved. For example, on four separate
th
nd
th
occasions; 15 August 1962, 22 May 1968, 17 July
th
2003 and 26
July 2011, the Veterans wrote
memoranda to Government about their grievances
some of which have not been handled.
Besides, other Veterans (NRA, UPDF, LDUs and
Vigilantees)
also
continue
to
complain
of
marginalization by Government for failure to pay their
Kasiimo, gratuity and other terminal benefits.
Hence, these groups are easily mobilised by negative
elements into antagonists of Government.
(6)

Cultural differences and fears of

tribal supremacy

This dates back to the time when Tooro Kingdom was

controlling Kasese and Bundibugyo areas. The Bakonjo
and Bamba perceived the Batooro as oppressors. The
Batooro rulers forced these tribes to speak Rutooro and
teach it in schools to the exclusion of other languages.
19

With the Rwenzururu rebellion, these tribes were happy

to be independent of Tooro. However, shortly, their
cultural differences also emerged. The Bakonjo are
largely cultivators, the Basongora Cattle Keepers and
the Bamba cultivators. Each group also has its own
dialect, cultural norms and values.
With the installation of King Mumbere as the Omusinga,
there were protests about the existence of Rwenzururu
Kingdom as a Cultural Institution covering Bamba,
Basongora and Banyabindi who claimed to have
different cultures and beliefs. They perceived the
institution as an attempt by the Bakonjo to decimate
their cultures.
TRIGGERS/IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT
The conflict in Rwenzori therefore has not erupted out
of a vacuum. Numerous intertwining factors have
contributed to it. In addition to the underlying causes,
there are triggering factors. The most critical are;
1)

Creation of other Cultural Institutions in the

region especially the Obudingiya bwa Bwamba
th
(OBB). On 30 May 2014, Lt Col (Rtd) Martin Kamiya
was crowned as the Omudhingiya of the Bamba.
In the same vein, the Basongora and Banyabindi
started planning to crown their own. For instance;

th

On 13 June 2014, the Basongora Community

held a fund raising drive at Hima Town Council
aimed at facilitating the construction of a shrine
at their proposed kingdom headquarters in Hima
Town Council.

th

On 5
July 2014, the Banyabindi using their
association called the Banyabindi Cultural &
Development

2
0

Trust (BACDET) run media announcements

on Messiah FM calling upon their members to
attend the
th

Banyabindi Cultural Day on 5 July 2014 at

Mukinyabindi
near
Muhokya
Sub
county
Headquarters to commemorate those killed and
displaced during the Rwenzururu wars and also
push for recognition of one Mugisa Elisha Ateenyi
as their cultural leader. However, the OBR
mobilised the Bakonjo to disrupt the function.

As a result, big sections of the Bakonjo were

infuriated and started hatching plans to
undermine other cultural groups especially the
Bamba.
This is largely what led to the Bamba-Bakonjo
th
Clashes on 5
July 2014. Also, Basongora
families were attacked in Bigando, Kasese
District.
b) Stopping the Omusinga from visiting places
within the sub region without informing other
cultural leaders which triggered off various ethnic
th
clashes in the region. For instance, on 30 June
2013, the Omusinga was blocked from visiting
Bundibugyo to celebrate the
Rwenzururu peace day.
th

Earlier on 27 May 2014, Bakonjo Youth had been

blocked from renovating Rwenzururu shrines/sites
at Kirindi in Bundibugyo in preparation for the
peace day.
These actions angered Rwenzururu kingdom
loyalists who started hatching counter measures
th
resulting in the 5 July 2014 attacks.

3)

Establishment of militias under cover of

Royal Guards who can easily be manipulated for
political ends.
21

For instance, in Kasese, the Esyomango and OBR

Royal Guards and Kirumira Muthima group
have been involved in perpetuating violence
against those perceived to be disloyal to the
Omusinga in the name of defending the cultural
Institution.
d) Indoctrination and Superstition: There has
been ongoing indoctrination of youth that if they
are cleansed by witchdoctors and wear certain
talisman/fetishes they cannot be killed by bullets.
They have been incited against minority tribes and
Government agents.
This coupled with political manipulation of the
cultural institutions and propaganda by politicians
opposed to the ruling Government have made
conflict in the region almost inevitable.
5)

Dissatisfaction with election results in Bundibugyo

and Kasese Districts: Recent ethnic clashes were
sparked off by dissatisfaction with the election
results for the LC V Chairperson for Bundibugyo
District and those of LC III Chairperson for Hima
Town Council in Kasese District.
In Bundibugyo District, Mr. Ronald Mutegheki who
won the elections is perceived as a pro Obusinga
bwa Rwenzururu although he is a Mwamba. The
Obudingiya bwa Bwamba had supported Jolly
Tibemanya and his loss resulted into clashes
between
the
Bamba/Babwisi
especially
in
Bughendera County where the Bakonjo were
accused of voting for Ronald Mutegheki.
In Hima Town Council, Kasese District, a non

Mukonjo, Mr. John Musana Katuura won the LCIII

Chair against a Mukonjo Mr. Tom Wa Bukombi. This
infuriated the
22

Bakonjo Community resulting into death, arson and

destruction of property of those perceived to have
voted a non Mukonjo.
6)

Attempts to avenge the killing of some Bakonjo in

Bundibugyo in the July 2014 clashes. Since the July
2014 clashes, some Bakonjo radical elements have
been looking for an opportunity to revenge on the
Bamba. They took advantage of the contested LCV
elections to execute their plan.

7)

Persistent
provocative
statements
(pointing
fingers) by the Banyabindi against the Bakonjo
alleging that the Bakonjo killed 630 of their people
during the Rwenzururu rebellion.

8)

Involvement
of
Cultural
Institutions
in
partisan/divisive politics. Although the Constitution
bars cultural Institutions from participating in
partisan politics, the OBR and OBB played active
roles in identifying candidates, mobilizing support
for them and witch hunting those who did not fall
in line with their wishes. For instance;

In Bundibugyo District, the OBB supported

Mr. Jolly Tibemanya while the OBR backed Mr.
Ronald Mutegheki for the LCV seat.
2
In Kasese
District,
Omusinga
Wesley
Mumbere
openly
identified
with
Presidential
candidate
and
allegedly
a
message to all
his followers
to vote
the thesentFDC
key (FDC).
The defeat of their favoured candidates infuriated
them leading to clashes between supporters of
the different candidates.
23

9)

Individual grievances of the Omusinga Wesley

Mumbere. The OBR and the Omusinga in particular
has his own personal grievances which he wants
settled. Government sometimes delays to settle
them resulting into misunderstandings between
the two. The key issues include;

Delayed settlement of the Royal family from

Bulemba in Ihandiro Sub county in the Mountains
to an area of their interest.

Delayed attention by Government to the Welfare

of the King especially financial support.

Delayed granting of the request to turn land in

the Rwenzori National Park in Ihandiro Sub
county where his late father is buried into a
cultural site.
4
Scholarship to his daughter, Christabell Furaha
3

The King to be allowed to freely visit all places

in the Sub region without informing other
cultural leaders in their respective areas.
10) Recent establishment of camps by OBR Royal
guards/militia and consequent disruption of social
and economic order especially in Kasese and
Kabarole Districts.
5.0

1.

IMPLICATIONS OF THE CONFLICT TO THE

REGION
Conflict hampers development. Development is
only possible in a peaceful environment where
people are free
to engage in profitable economic activities for
self
24

sustenance. Persistent conflict in the region has

undermined this.
2.

With several tourist attractions, the region has

been a hub of tourism. However with unending
conflicts many visitors tend to avoid the area
where ethnic tension and likelihood of violence
cannot easily be predicted.

3.

If the current impasse is not mutually resolved,

rights of the minority groups in the region will
remain a contentious issue. This is likely to spur
more
ethnically
inspired
dissent
for
self
determination.

4.

Negative forces in the Eastern DRC especially the

ADF are likely to take advantage of the conflicts to
infiltrate the country and create networks among
the disgruntled groups in the region.

6.0

INTERVENTIONS TO END THE CONFLICT

Government has on many occasions attempted to
investigate the root causes of conflict in the region
and propose solutions. For instance;

H.E. the President has been a frequent visitor

to the region in a bid to seek a solution to the
problems in the region. He has also met various
delegations comprising elders and opinion leaders
from the region with whom he has discussed the
matter and way forward.

Government instituted the Kajura Commission

that studied the situation and produced a report with
various solutions.

3The

Prime Minister, the CDF, IGP, DG ISO and CMI

have held various meetings with key stake holders in

the region
25

in an effort to look for a lasting solution to the

conflicts in the region.
1Government

efforts have been supplemented by

various interventions by Religious leaders, CSOs and
NGOs.

7.0 RECOMMENDATIONS/WAY FORWARD

In view of the persistent conflict in the region and
steps taken by the various stake holders to address
the situation, the following is proposed;
(1)

Continuous civic education for political and cultural

leaders from the Bamba, Bakonjo and other
communities. Some leaders promote ethnic hatred,
make careless and reckless utterances that can
easily lead to genocide like it happened in Rwanda
in 1994, where about one million people were
massacred because of incitement by some selfish
leaders.
These should be sensitized that government and
the law allowed communities which want to have
cultural institutions to have them, and people are
not compelled to belong to them. It is optional not
compulsory.
Cultural institutions are not like the old political
Kingdoms which had; political power/executive
power, legislative power, Judicial Power and
controlled territories. That power/authority is now
vested in elected leaders like the President,
Ministers,
Members
of
Parliament,
Local
Government leaders and other appointed Public
Servants.

(2)

The Ministry of Culture should put in place

guidelines for the cultural leaders indicating their

role and functions to avoid

themselves and with political

clashes

among

26

authorities. Cultural Institutions were put there to

promote culture, heritage, language, good morals
and sensitize our people to engage in production
for good income to get out of poverty.
For example, should a Cultural Institution have a
Minister for Defense and other Cabinet slots not
related to culture without creating animosity with
those of Central Government? Cultural Institutions
should not be allowed to meddle in partisan politics
of whatever form.
(3)

All the sixty five ethnic communities in the

Constitution that make up Uganda are equal before
the Supreme law of the land and no tribe should
ever try to impose its culture, customs, traditions
and language on another tribe however small it is.
Minority rights must be respected as provided for
in our Constitution and international law.

(4)

Objectively address the legitimate concerns among

communities by involving political, security and
cultural leaders to address all concerns that bring
disharmony in this region before they explode;
12345-

Basongora Vs Bakonjo
Banyabindi Vs Bakonjo
Bamba Vs Bakonjo
Batooro Vs Bafuruki/Bakiga
Batooro Vs Bakonjo

Therefore, there is need to hold regular Regional

consultative meetings like this one involving
political, security and cultural leaders to address all
concerns that bring disharmony in this region.

27

(5)

Leaders, groups and individuals involved in the

promotion of violence and conflicts should be held
accountable.

(6)

Demobilise and disband militias for cultural

Institutions in the region. Security should be left in
the hands of Security Agencies especially the
Police and UPDF.

(7)

Sensitization of the population about the

importance of forests and National Parks should be
vigorously undertaken by UWA and NFA.

(8)

Government should make land registration easy

and accessible so that the locals can acquire titles
for their land.

FOR GOD AND MY COUNTRY

I THANK YOU

28