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    Maisonneuve & Larose

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    Emre Satıcı
    This article discusses the ongoing debate around the role of ghazā, or holy war, in the early Ottoman state. While some see the Ottomans as motivated primarily by ghazā ideology, others argue their focus was more on territorial expansion and booty. The author argues this question should be reformulated by examining ghazā through the interests of different groups, as the practice was contested. Ghazā did not belong to a homogeneous group, but was advocated for different reasons. Broadening historical sources and understanding the cultural contexts around Ottoman frontiers could provide a more productive way to approach this debate.

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    Maisonneuve & Larose

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    Emre Satıcı
    30 views32 pages
    This article discusses the ongoing debate around the role of ghazā, or holy war, in the early Ottoman state. While some see the Ottomans as motivated primarily by ghazā ideology, others argue their focus was more on territorial expansion and booty. The author argues this question should be reformulated by examining ghazā through the interests of different groups, as the practice was contested. Ghazā did not belong to a homogeneous group, but was advocated for different reasons. Broadening historical sources and understanding the cultural contexts around Ottoman frontiers could provide a more productive way to approach this debate.

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    This article discusses the ongoing debate around the role of ghazā, or holy war, in the early Ottoman state. While some see the Ottomans as motivated primarily by ghazā ideology, others argue their focus was more on territorial expansion and booty. The author argues this question should be reformulated by examining ghazā through the interests of different groups, as the practice was contested. Ghazā did not belong to a homogeneous group, but was advocated for different reasons. Broadening historical sources and understanding the cultural contexts around Ottoman frontiers could provide a more productive way to approach this debate.

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    © All Rights Reserved
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    30 views32 pages

    Maisonneuve & Larose

    Uploaded by

    Emre Satıcı
    This article discusses the ongoing debate around the role of ghazā, or holy war, in the early Ottoman state. While some see the Ottomans as motivated primarily by ghazā ideology, others argue their focus was more on territorial expansion and booty. The author argues this question should be reformulated by examining ghazā through the interests of different groups, as the practice was contested. Ghazā did not belong to a homogeneous group, but was advocated for different reasons. Broadening historical sources and understanding the cultural contexts around Ottoman frontiers could provide a more productive way to approach this debate.

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    of 32

    Maisonneuve & Larose

    Contested Territory: Ottoman Holy War in Comparative Context


    Author(s): Linda T. Darling
    Source: Studia Islamica, No. 91 (2000), pp. 133-163
    Published by: Maisonneuve & Larose
    Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1596272
    Accessed: 08-02-2016 21:04 UTC
    REFERENCES
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    Studia
    2000
    Islamica,

    Contested Territory: OttomanHoly


    War in Comparative Context
    ThequestionofthenatureoftheearlyOttoman
    oncethought
    to
    conquests,
    have been exhausted(if not resolved),has been dramatically
    reopenedin
    recenttimes.A pairofpapersgivenattheopeningandclosingsessionsofthe
    1998 Congresson theEconomicand Social Historyof theOttoman
    Empire
    viewson theroleofholywarinthefoundation
    oftheOttovoicedcontrasting
    of thesepapersreflects
    a recrudescence
    of
    man state.(') The presentation
    inthewell-known
    thesis"
    of
    Paul
    the
    controversial
    interest
    Wittek,
    pro"ghdzf
    anddriving
    forceofthe
    positionthatghazd,or"holywar,"was thefoundation
    tojih&d,thisinterest
    state.(2)Although
    ghazdis notidentical
    earlyOttoman
    withpublicanxietyoverextremist
    is probablynotunconnected
    groupslike
    IslamicJihadorwiththespateofpublications
    onjihadsincetheIranianrevoofWittek's
    thesishas generated
    a search
    lutionof 1979.(3) The reassessment
    ofsources
    fornewsourceson theearlyOttoman
    periodanda reinterpretation
    ofwestern
    Anatoliainthelatethirteenth
    alreadyknownforthecultural
    history
    ofthesenewsources,
    has
    andfourteenth
    centuries.
    Theinvestigation
    however,
    thequestionoftheplaceofghazdintheearlyOttoman
    statebuthas
    notsettled
    morepositionson itsmeaningfortheearlyOttomans
    and
    simplyintroduced
    oftheirempire.
    itsrolein thedevelopment
    thatitis timetorethink
    thewaythe
    Thisongoing
    lackofresolution
    suggests
    be answered.
    andthestrategies
    is structured
    bywhichitmight
    Despite
    question
    a nearabsenceofdirectevidencefortheroleofghazdinearlyOttoman
    expehasprimarily
    beenposedwithin
    thenarthequestion
    ofOttoman
    rience,
    ghazad
    inwestern
    Anatolia(one
    oftheculture
    oftheTurkish
    rowcontext
    principalities
    theregion).Thistacticmight
    wouldsoon dominate
    of which,theOttoman,
    Turofthehistoriography
    oftheinfant
    as a product
    havebeenunderstandable
    (1) Halil Inalcik, "New Researches on Osman Gazi," and Heath Lowry, "The Nature of the Early Ottoman State as Reflected in the 14thCenturyHistory of Bursa," given at the opening lecture and the final panel
    of the VIII. Uluslararast Tiirkiye'ninSosyal ve Ekonomik Tarihi Kongresi, Bursa, Turkey,June 18-21, 1998.
    I am grateful to the participants in the History Department Brown Bag at the University of Arizona for
    helping to clarifythe ideas in this paper.
    (2) Paul Wittek, The Rise of the Ottoman Empire (London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1938).
    (3) Expressions of this anxiety in English include, on the academic level, Samuel P. Huntington,"The
    Clash of Civilizations?" Foreign Affairs72 (1993): 22-49; and on the popular level Karen Armstrong,Holy
    War (London: Macmillan, 1988).

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    LINDA T. DARLING

    of themature
    kishrepublic,
    butin factit emergedmuchlaterin thecontext
    andnon-or
    of
    a
    of
    Turkish
    number
    nationalist
    development
    historiographies,
    The Ottoman
    even anti-Turkish,
    and of increasedacademicspecialization.
    didnottakeplacein a vacuum,andtheOttomans
    didnot
    however,
    conquest,
    ariseinwestern
    Anatoliauntouched
    ofthepastandtheproblems
    bythecultures
    ofthelandsthrough
    whichtheymoved.Researchers
    mustbroaden
    thescopeof
    the
    of
    western
    Anatolia
    and
    Turkish
    sourcesin
    investigation problem
    beyond
    orderto see itsfulldimensions,
    letalonetoresolveit.
    This papersurveyssome of thedirections
    in whichthatcontextualizationmightbe extendedandproposesa moreproductive
    formulation
    ofthe
    theearlyOttomanstatewas a ghazi~
    question.Ratherthanaskingwhether
    stateor not,or seekingto identify
    some kindof foundational
    essence,it
    takesa potentially
    morefruitful
    theOttomanstateas a propath,defining
    ductof contestation
    amonggroupswithdifferent
    agendasand different
    and
    conceptsof therelevanceand value of ghazdfortheirown interests
    goals. Most studentsof Ottomanorigins,whetheror nottheyconsidered
    elementin thestate,havesoughtto define
    "theghdzis"to be thedominant
    theirroleas a groupvis-a-visothergroupsin thedevelopment
    ofOttoman
    of a
    institutions,
    ideas, and activities.But ghaza was not the property
    homogeneousgroup;people advocatedor engagedin it fromdifferent
    and fordifferent
    reasons.The coexistenceof suchconflicting
    standpoints
    interests
    can be attested,
    noton theOttomanfrontier
    alone,buton frontiers
    aroundthe Muslimworldwhereghazd was practicedand forcenturies
    thedebateaboutOttoman
    priorto theOttomanconquest.Consequently,
    in termsof theinterests
    thatwereat stake
    originsshouldbe reformulated
    in theestablishment
    ofthenew stateof Osmanand in thepursuitofghazd
    cannotbe fullyaccomplishedin this
    byitsmembers.Such a reformulation
    shortspace, butthisessay seeks to providea basis on whichit can take
    of oursourceson ghazdand theinterplace by examiningtheproduction
    eststheyrepresent
    or portray.
    The debateto thispointhas centeredaroundthemeaningof theterm
    to thesituations
    and personnelof theOttoman
    ghazdand itsapplicability
    frontier.
    Wittek'sthesis,thatthe foundersof the Ottomanstatewere a
    warriors(ghdzis)motivated
    groupof frontier
    by an ideologyof holywar
    was putforthto counterpreviousassertionsthattheearlyOtto(ghaz.),
    mans
    weresimplyunlettered
    Turkishtribesmen
    whosestateoweditscohesion and growthto traditions
    of imperialgovernment
    and sedentarized
    borrowedfromtheByzantinesor theSaljfiqs.(4) Since Witbureaucracy
    tek'stime,however,boththetribalorganization
    oftheOttomansandtheir

    thattheByzantines
    werebehindOttoman
    see Herbert
    TheFoundaA. Gibbons,
    (4) Fortheposition
    greatness
    tionoftheOttoman
    fortheSaljtiqsseeM. FuadK6pruilii,
    Press,1916);fortheargument
    Empire(Oxford:
    Clarendon
    Les origines
    de l'empire
    ottoman
    (Paris:E. de Boccard,1935);trans.GaryLeiser,TheOriginsoftheOttoman
    of New YorkPress,1992).Vryonis's
    formulation
    embracesbothinfluences,
    Empire(Albany:StateUniversity
    theroleoftheOttoman
    Turksinthefoundation
    oftheir
    ownstatetoconquest
    anddestruction
    reducing
    (see Speros
    Dumbarton
    OaksPapers23-24[1969-70]:249-308).
    Jr.,"TheByzantine
    Forms,"
    Vryonis,
    LegacyandOttoman

    134

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    CONTESTED

    TERRITORY:

    OTTOMAN HOLY WAR IN COMPARATIVE

    CONTEXT

    in holywarhave beenquestioned.Laterscholarssharea cerengagement


    tain skepticismtowardclaims by fifteenth-century
    Ottomanchroniclers
    thattheconquestsof theirforebears
    weremotivated
    by religiousdevotion
    and zeal forthefaith.(5)The heterogeneous
    natureofOttomanarmiesand
    alliances,mixingChristianswithMuslimsand oftendirectedagainstcotheirfocus on booty and territorial
    religionists,
    expansionratherthan
    and elementsof unorthodoxy
    or even shamanismin Ottoman
    conversion,
    oftheearly
    religiouspracticeargueagainstliteralreadingsoftheportrayal
    Ottomansas Islamicholywarriors.The construction
    of theOttomansas
    ghdzisis now oftenconsideredto be a lateroverlay,whilethechroniclers'
    inaccuraciesandobviouslytendential
    reconstructions
    call attention
    totheir
    own personalagendasas well as theirlack of reliableinformation
    on the
    timesoftheirancestors.Atthesametime,conflicting
    versionsoftheOttomans' tribaloriginspresentedin the chroniclesraise doubtsabout their
    have been resolvedin different
    validity.These contradictions
    ways.The
    of tribalism
    made by Lindnerdemandsa rejectionof ghdzi
    interpretation
    ideologyand orthodoxIslam in favorof an Islam heavilyinfluencedby
    laterrepudiated,
    and an organization
    CentralAsian shamanisttraditions,
    thatregardedbureaucratic
    traditions
    as alien and corrupt.
    (6) On theother
    oftribalorganization
    hand,Inalcikconsidersthatthedisruption
    bymigrabandsmade a space in whicha
    tionand servicein Byzantinemercenary
    mechanismfor
    ghdzfideologycould act as a unitingforceand recruiting
    peopleof tribaloriginwhowereno longertriballyorganized.(7)
    theprevailing
    towardtheOttomanchronicles
    Morerecently,
    skepticism
    twoauthorsto tryto determine
    whatcan be reliablyascertaihas motivated
    ned aboutOttomanoriginsand ghdziideologiesfromothersources.Colin
    Imber'sarticlesdeconstructing
    historical
    incidents
    and mythological
    narraof
    tivesin thechronicles
    clearedtheway fora minimalist
    politicalhistory
    verifiable
    fromcontemtheearlyOttomansincorporating
    onlyinformation
    is basedin parton detailedstudyof thechronicles
    and theirantecedents;
    see espe(5) This skepticism
    ofOttoman
    andV. L. M6nage,"TheBeginnings
    ciallyHalil Inalcik,"TheRise ofOttomanHistoriography,"
    on
    inHistoriansoftheMiddleEast,ed. BernardLewis andP. M. Holt,HistoricalWritings
    Historiography,"
    thePeoples of Asia, 4 (London:OxfordUniversity
    Press,1962). For recentworkin thesame vein,see
    StudiesinOttoman
    HistoryinHonourofProfessorV.L. Mdnage,ed. ColinHeywoodandColinImber(Istanbul: Isis Press,1994).
    (6) RudiPaul Lindner,Nomadsand Ottomansin MedievalAnatolia,Uralicand AltaicSeries,no 144
    is shared
    forInnerAsianStudies,1983);thisviewpoint
    ResearchInstitute
    IndianaUniversity
    (Bloomington:
    by Gyula Kildy-Nagy,"The Holy War (jihdd) in theFirstCenturiesof theOttomanEmpire,"Harvard
    UkrainianStudies3-4 (1979-80): 467-73; and RonaldC. Jennings,
    "Some Thoughtson theGazi-Thesis,"
    in "Stimulus
    and
    76 (1986): 151-61.RudiPaul Lindner,
    WienerZeitschriftfiir
    die Kundedes Morgenlandes
    in EarlyOttomanHistory,"
    GreekOrthodoxTheologicalReview27 (1982): 207-24,describes
    Justification
    thana stimulus
    to conquest.
    afterthefactrather
    as a justification
    ghazdt
    oftheOttoman
    JournalofTurkish
    State,"International
    (7) Halil Inalcik,"TheQuestionoftheEmergence
    due to Mongoladvancesto
    servicewithpopulation
    Studies2 (1980): 71-79;he combinesmercenary
    pressure
    band
    westward
    However,itshouldbe notedthatwhatInalcikcallsa warrior
    expansion.
    explaintheOttomans'
    with
    a "newtribe,"thatis, a mobilepoliticalorganization
    is exactlywhatLindnercalls a tribe,in particular
    in whichleadership
    wenttothemostsuccessful
    warleader(RudiPaul Lindrecruitment
    notbasedon kinship
    24 [1982]:700).
    StudiesinSocietyandHistory
    ner,"WhatWas a NomadicTribe?"Comparative

    135

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    LINDAT. DARLING

    sources.(8)On thatbasis,authentic
    evidenceidentifying
    porarynon-Turkish
    the earlyOttomansas ghdzi'sis almostnonexistent
    (the Byzantines,for
    example,neverseem to have noticeda ghazi identification
    amongtheir
    Ottomanallies/opponents),
    and whatlittleevidencethereis can be explained awayas laterinterpolations.
    Imber'snegativemoveof breakingdown
    thetraditional
    narrative
    ofOttoman
    evidencewas
    originsbasedon chronicle
    followedby thepositiveone of reconstructing
    an OttomanEmpireresemfromtheIslamicempiresof thepast.
    blingthatof Kopriiliiin itsderivation
    In place of theimperialadministration
    of theSaljiqs, however,Imbersees
    thesharr'aas theformative
    impulseoftheOttomanstate.His studyoflegal
    manualssupportsan argument
    thattheOttomansfromthefirstconducted
    theirwarfare
    andorganizedtheirterritories
    in accordancewiththestrictures
    of Islamiclaw, theportrayal
    of unorthodox
    tribalghdzison thewarpath
    a
    reconstruction.
    of
    (9) In hisview,thepursuit
    beingpurely fifteenth-century
    theOttomansultansas Musghazdas mandated
    bytheshard'alegitimated
    limrulers,andchroniclers
    to accountforanoma"adjusted"theirnarratives
    lies andto maketheOttomans
    heirsto theSaljiqs as ghdzileadersandthus
    Imber
    justifytheirtakeoverof Muslimlandsin Anatoliaas well.Although
    admitsthattheportrayals
    of ghazd in epic poetryand in the chronicles
    appealedto different
    groupsin Ottomansociety,he does notaccordthetensionbetweenthemanyformative
    role.
    CemalKafadar'sstudyofwestern
    Anatolianliterary
    sourcesleadshimto
    of approach.He argues
    quitea different
    positiondespitea certainsimilarity
    thatalthough
    hardevidenceforOttoman
    identification
    as ghdzisin theearly
    thinand can be arguedaway,expansionof thefieldof
    yearsis extremely
    as a whole bringsout an
    inquiryto the westernAnatolianprincipalities
    entirepost-Saljfiq
    tradition
    andliterature
    ofghdziactivity.
    (10) Late twelfthandthirteenth-century
    Turkishleadersroutinely
    considered
    tobe
    themselves
    and used thetitleof ghdzt,and wereceleengagedin ghazd,weregranted
    bratedas suchin songand storyas well as inscriptions
    and letters.
    In that
    theOttomansmaybe regardedas havingalmostbeenrequiredto
    context,
    iftheywereto attract
    engagein ghdztwarfare
    supportfortheirexpansion.
    But whatdid thetermghizi'meanto thosewho used it?Theyconsidered

    Osmanlh
    (8) Colin Imber,"Paul Wittek's'De la d6faited'Ankara la prise de Constantinople',"
    5 (1986): 65-81; "The OttomanDynasticMyth,"Turcica19 (1987): 7-27; "The Legendof
    Arastlrmalanr
    OsmanGazi,"in TheOttoman
    Emirate(1300-1389),ed. ElizabethZachariadou(Rethymnon:
    CreteUniverin Studiesin OttomanHistoryand Law (Istanbul:Isis Press,1996; citations
    sityPress,1993); all reprinted
    arefromthisedition);"CanonandApocrypha
    in EarlyOttomanHistory,"
    in Studiesin Ottoman
    Historyin
    HonourofProfessorV. L. Manage,117-38;TheOttoman
    Empire,1300-1481(Istanbul:Isis Press,1990).
    (9) Colin Imber,Ebu's-su'ud:The IslamicLegal Tradition(Edinburgh:
    Press,
    Edinburgh
    University
    1997),p. 73; idem,"Paul Wittek's'De la d6faited'Ankara',"
    pp. 294-301;idem,"The OttomanDynastic
    Myth,"pp. 305-9.
    State(Berkeley:University
    (10) CemalKafadar,BetweenTwoWorlds:TheConstruction
    oftheOttoman
    of CaliforniaPress,1995). The need to expandthecontextin whichOttomanoriginsare consideredwas
    andWittekalreadyin theearlytwentieth
    butinsteadof broadening,
    since
    pointedoutby Kopruilii
    century,
    thattimethecontexthas drastically
    narrowed
    Rise,pp. 17-19).
    (Kiprtilii,Origins,pp. 89-90;Wittek,

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    CONTESTED TERRITORY: OTTOMAN HOLY WAR IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT

    themselves
    good Muslims,notholdersof tribalbeliefsoutsidetheIslamic
    as holywarin anypurist
    mainstream,
    yettheydidnotsee theirghiztactivity
    sense.Ghazdwas notjihddanddidnotadheretojihdd'slegalnorms;rather,
    in whichpeopleofanyfaithororigincouldjoin,thoughit
    itwas an activity
    benefitted
    theIslamicstateas well as thewarriorsthemselves.
    Anatolian
    centuries
    the
    of
    the
    twelfth
    and
    thirteenth
    depictghdziwarriors,
    epicpoems
    mainagentsofconquest,as livingforbattleandbooty,gloryandgirls.The
    withnonforIslamdidnotprecludecooperation
    andintermarriage
    struggle
    or this-worldly
    motivations;
    Muslims,religioussyncretism,
    ghazd was
    inclusiveratherthanexclusive,aimingat theattachment
    of newterritories
    andnewadherents
    meansprovedsuccessful,
    whether
    violentor
    bywhatever
    chronicles
    written
    members
    of the
    pacific.("11)Fifteenth-century
    mainlyby
    in
    the
    warfare
    of
    the
    more
    exclusive
    reinterpreted
    early
    days
    'ulamd'
    ghdiizt
    termsas holywarforthefaithpursuedbynomadsuncorrupted
    bycivilization. This reinterpretation
    was addressedto fifteenth-century
    problems:
    explainingTimfir's
    breakupof theempireby theloss of an originalMuslim/tribal
    the reconstituted
    purity,legitimizing
    post-Timurid
    empireby
    itsrulerswithCentralAsiannomadicroyalty,
    orcriticizing
    theimpelinking
    rialrecruitment
    and taxationpoliciesof MehmedtheConqueror.Tensions
    betweenthesesourcesreflecttensionsin Ottomansocietybetweengroups
    forthespoilsandcreditofconquest,andthatcontention
    became
    contending
    a significant
    aspectofOttomanexperience.
    to
    AlthoughKafadarcriticizedviews expressedin the introduction
    Imber'sminimalist
    (12) he didnotuse theampleevidencein Imber's
    history,
    hisownconstruction
    oftheOttomans'
    textwhichsupports
    ghdziexperience.
    His call for an expansionof the contextin which the early Ottoman
    didnotgo beyondthestrictly
    Turkishfield;
    conquestsshouldbe considered
    itdidnotincludea consideration
    inparticular,
    oftheOttomans'
    non-Turkish
    allies or enemies,despitean interesting
    analysisof borderepics and the
    of borderwarfare.
    conditions
    scholars,however,
    Accordingto borderlands
    one defining
    characteristic
    of bordersocietyis thatthegroupsfacingeach
    otheracrossthebordertendtoresembleeachothermorestrongly
    thanthey
    do thehinterland
    societiesof whichtheyare theextensions.(13) A consioftheotherarmiesinthefieldis thusnotirrelevant.
    deration
    nar(14)Imber's
    evidencethatthecontextin
    rative,likeearlierhistories,
    providesabundant
    (11) As Halil Inalcik had earlier stated, "Holy War was intended not to destroybut to subdue the infidel
    world" and to redirectits profitstoward the Muslims (The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age, 1300-1600,
    trans.Norman Itzkowitz and Colin Imber [London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973; rpt.New Rochelle, NY:
    Caratzas, 1990; rpt.London: Phoenix/OrionBooks Ltd., 1994], p. 7).
    (12) Kafadar, Between Two Worlds, p. 164, n. 31; see Imber, The Ottoman Empire, pp. 12-13.
    (13) Oscar Martinez, Border People (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1994), pp. 18-20; Michael
    Baud and Willem van Schendel, "Toward a Comparative History of Borderlands," Journal of World History
    8 (1997): 216, 221-22. Wittek made this point earlier (Rise, pp. 18, 20).
    (14) Comparison of the Normans and the Turks in the medieval Mediterraneanbrings out some startling
    similarities; see Michel Balivet, "Normands et Turcs en M6diterran6e m6di6vale: Deux adversaires 'sym6triques'?" Turcica 30 (1998): 309-29.

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    LINDA T. DARLING

    whichtheOttomansestablishedtheirstatewas thatof thelaterCrusades.


    The impactof theCrusades,although
    it did notalterthelegal definition
    of
    affected
    thecultureoftheeasternMediterranean,
    jihdd,strongly
    generating
    a twelfth-century
    theoriginalMuslimconquests
    literature
    thatromanticized
    as a Muslimholycity.(15)Subsequenteventstarand theroleofJerusalem
    nishedthisauraofholywar,andbythefourteenth
    itexistedonlyin
    century
    to be drawnuponforotherpurposes.A Muslimcommentator
    of
    memory,
    theearlytwelfth
    theCrusadeofhistime
    couldconvincingly
    century
    portray
    as ajihdd, (16) buttheCrusaderattackon Christian
    in 1204,
    Constantinople
    warfare
    on theMuslimside,madeholywara morecomlikeSunni-Isma'fli
    plexconceptforlaterparticipants.
    The Ottoman
    conqueststookplace in a lullbetweentwomajorcrusading
    mountedfora varietyof less
    phases,duringa periodof minorexpeditions
    warofreligiousideologytolegitimize
    motives.(17) The deployment
    worthy
    fareand territorial
    acquisitionhad become a standardtacticamongthe
    and Muslim,of thethirteenthpeoplesof themanysmallstates,Christian
    the
    theFrankish
    Balkansandwestern
    Crusaders,
    Anatolia,including
    century
    Venetians,Serbs,Bulgariansand Catalans,the Byzantines,and several
    booty,and power,all of theabove
    groupsof Turks.In pursuitof territory,
    werepreparedto attackco-religionists,
    ally withformerenemies,or hire
    warriorsfromany background
    at all. (18) The Ottomans'emergencetook
    as well as Muslimsengagedin warplace in a contextin whichChristians
    fareoftenmotivated
    and,as Kafadarputit,
    by greed,self-aggrandizement,
    for"ourteam,"butlegitimated
    victory
    bycalls tofaithandholywar.Thisis
    forthefaithon eitherside,but
    notto saythattherewereno sincerewarriors
    ofmotiveimpliedbytermslike"the
    is
    thattheuniformity
    ghlzis" illusory.
    ofWar,"in JustWarand Jihad:Historical
    (15) FredM. Donner,"TheSourcesofIslamicConceptions
    on Warand Peace on Western
    and IslamicTraditions,
    ed. JohnKelsayand
    and Theoretical
    Perspectives
    JamesTurnerJohnson
    (New York:GreenwoodPress,1991),pp. 53-54; Hadia Dajani-Shakeel,"Al-Quds:
    inTheMeetingofTwoWorlds:CulturalExchange
    Jerusalem
    intheConsciousness
    oftheCounter-Crusader,"
    BornVerzSir
    betweenEast and WestduringthePeriodoftheCrusades,ed. ValdimirP. Goss andChristine
    stein,Studiesin MedievalCulture,21 (Kalamazoo:MedievalInstitute
    Publications,
    1986),pp. 201-21;see
    musulmans
    aux
    also EmmanuelSivan,L'Islamet la croisade:Idiologie et propagandedans les rdactions
    etd'Orient,
    croisades(Paris:Libraired'Amerique
    1969).
    al-Jihad(1105); citedby RobertIrwin,"Islamand theCrusades,
    (16) 'Ali b. Tahiral-Sfilam"i,
    Kitdcb
    1096-1699,"in The OxfordIllustrated
    (Oxford:Oxford
    HistoryoftheCrusades,ed. Jonathan
    Riley-Smith
    Press,1995),p. 225.
    University
    (17) Aziz SuryalAtiya,TheCrusadein theLaterMiddleAges(London:Methuen,1938),p. 282.
    Societiesand Crusadingin theLate MiddleAges,"
    (18) For examplessee NormanHousley,"Frontier
    HistoricalReview10 (1995): 107-8;ElizabethZachariadou,"HolyWarintheAegeanduring
    Mediterranean
    inLatinsand GreeksintheEasternMediterranean
    theFourteenth
    after1204(London:FrankCass,
    Century,"
    inAnatolia,Byzantium,
    and
    1989),p. 214; Halil Inalcik,"TheRise oftheTurcomanMaritime
    Principalities
    9 (1985): 179-211;rpt.in TheMiddleEast and theBalkansunder
    theCrusades,"Byzantinische
    Forschungen
    IndianaUniversity
    TurkishStudies,
    theOttomanEmpire:Essays on Economyand Society(Bloomington:
    andwestern
    ofMuslim,Byzantine,
    1993),pp. 312-13.The intermingling
    Europeanpeoplesandstatesin the
    easternMediterranean
    emergesvividlyfromJ.M. Hussey,"TheLaterMacedonians,theComneniand the
    CamMedievalHistory,
    ed. J.M. Hussey,vol. 4, pt. 1 (Cambridge:
    Angeli,1025-1204,"in TheCambridge
    Press),1966),pp. 232-39.
    bridgeUniversity

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    CONTESTED TERRITORY: OTTOMAN HOLY WAR IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT

    We cannotsay thattheOttomanswerenotghcdzs,anymorethanthatthe
    FourthCrusadewas nota crusade,butwe cannotassumethatghazi meant
    thesamethingto all participants.
    The battlesandmaneuverings
    oftheCrusades arefamiliar
    butcloserstudyofthecultureof crusading
    warground,
    farein theeasternMediterranean
    in thelatethirteenth
    and earlyfourteenth
    centuries
    Ottomanoriginsconsiderably.
    mightilluminate
    The borderepics studiedby Kafadarsuggestanotherexpansionof the
    contextin whichghazdshouldbe interpreted,
    thatis, an expansionof the
    timescale. The warfaredepictedin theseepics is usuallynotgrandbattles
    butdesultory
    frontier
    close andoftenfriendly
    interactions
    raidinginvolving
    with"enemy"warriors
    andmuchborder-crossing
    indiby theprotagonists,
    of a cross-border
    cationsof thedevelopment
    societyovera longperiodof
    time.The Byzantinefrontier,
    as we know,had been a featureof Islamic
    anditis unlikely
    thatthecustomsandtrasocietyalmostsinceitsbeginning,
    ditionsoftheborderwerecompletely
    overturned
    bytheSaljfiqinvasions.In
    of epic tales and themesfromArabicthrough
    Persian
    fact,thecirculation
    and Turkishliteratures
    indicatesa highlevel of continuity
    in attitudes
    and
    Thisshouldnotbe surprising,
    sinceevena cursory
    examination
    of
    practices.
    thefrontiers
    in thetenthto twelfth
    centuries
    a highlevel of
    demonstrates
    in personnel,
    notonlyovertimebutoverspace,as ghazismoved
    continuity
    fromone Islamicfrontier
    to another.
    mustbe
    Thus,Ottomanghdziactivity
    in the contextof the historyof ghaza in the largerIslamic
    investigated
    world.Kafadarpointsto the need forsuch an expansionof the context
    butconfineshimselfstrictly
    to Turkishsources.Materialforsucha quest,
    however,can be gleanedfromsourcesquestionedby Kafadarfortheir
    Turkishbackground
    alone.
    Two typesof sourcesusedby Kafadar,frontier
    narratives
    andcatechetical works,circulatedin late Saljiq-earlyOttomantimesbutembodiedthe
    in theformsof epic poetry
    of an earlierera.Frontier
    traditions
    narratives,
    and hagiography,
    containelementstraceableto earlierfrontier
    epics and
    saints'tales in Arabic and Persian(e.g., the Abamuslimndma,
    exploits
    to AbfiMuslim,the'Abbisid-propagandist-turned-folk-hero
    attributed
    on
    theCentralAsian frontier,
    and theBattdlnama,
    thestoryof SayyidBattal
    frontier
    warfare).
    (19) Such
    Arab/Byzantine
    Ghizi,a heroofseventh-century
    of conceptsand
    narratives
    indicatethepresenceon theOttomanfrontier
    and conveyedthrough
    approachesdevelopedin thosedistantsettings
    song
    and story.These poemscloselyresembleepic poetryfromotherfrontier
    milieux,suchas thepoemsoftheByzantineDigenisAkritesor theSpanish
    oforaltransmission
    andre-creation
    Cid,andtheyhada longhistory
    bystothe
    warriors
    themselvesbeforebeingstabilizedin
    rytellers
    ghazi
    among
    form.In themghazBis portrayed
    as an ongoingactivity
    written
    of raiding
    Abi-Muslim,Le 'porte-hache'du Khorassandans la traditiondpiqueturco(19) Irene M61ikoff,
    iranienne(Paris: A. Maisonneuve,1962); idem,ed., La geste de MelikDanigmend,2 vols. (Paris: A.
    Maisonneuve,1960).

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    LINDAT. DARLING

    and small-scaleconqueststarring
    individuals
    whosepersonalqualitiesand
    arethefocusofattention;
    experiences
    religiousloyaltiesaremoreimportant
    thanreligiousbeliefs,and ethical,honorable,
    courageousbehavioris more
    importantstill. (20)

    is ofa verydifferent
    The secondtypeofworkhavingearlierantecedents
    nature:thecatechism
    ('ilm-ihal)orarticlesoffaith(aqd'id),givingrulesfor
    of ghazi and
    religiousbehavior,in some instancesincludingdefinitions
    jihid andrulesforbehavioron ghaza. (21) Producedby "ulam8'forthepurthistypeof textalso has a longhistory,
    as exemplified
    pose of instruction,
    Anatoliancatechism
    bytheresearchofSinasiTekinon a fourteenth-century
    a sectionon therulesofghazd,as opposedtojihid ingeneral.(22)
    containing
    The oldestTurkishantecedent
    Tekinfoundforhis Anatoliantextwas a
    of a tenth-century
    catechismby thefamoustheologianAbfialtranslation
    even
    Laythal-Samarqandi(d. 983); therulesthemselvesare presumably
    older. Samarqandi'stextprovedso popularthatit circulatedwidelyin
    Arabic,Persian,and Turkishversions.(23) Tekin notesthatanothertext
    inthetwelfth
    cenwritten
    therulesofghazd,a Persiancatechism
    containing
    also appearedin severalearlyAnatolian
    turybyanother
    Samarqandiauthor,
    centuries
    AnaTurkishtranslations,
    andthatin thefourteenth
    and fifteenth
    tolianTurkish'ulamd'suchas Molla Hiisrevcomposedsimilartextsoftheir
    ofinsown.ThepresenceofthesetextsinAnatoliaimplieseithera tradition
    in therulesofghazi emanating
    fromtheCentralAsianfrontier
    and
    truction
    or a migration
    of
    transferred
    to theAnatolianfrontier
    by literate
    migrants,
    fromSamarqandtoAnatolia,wheretheyengagedinthecodifiintellectuals
    cationof theghazd.These worksmake a distinction
    betweenghazi and
    jihdd: in themjih&d,a dutyincumbent
    uponall Muslims,refersto defense
    of Muslimcitiesagainstinvasionby "infidel"armies,whileghazi, a duty
    thatmaybe discharged
    by a sufficient
    portionof theMuslimcommunity,
    refersto invasionof "infidel"
    landsbyMuslimsauthorized
    bythecaliphor
    to defenseof far-distant
    of
    Muslim
    The
    rulesin them(24)
    parts
    territory.
    selvesstrongly
    to imposea modicumof controlovera
    suggestan attempt
    chaoticsituation;
    theyseekto regulatethemakingofwar,peace,andtruce,
    (20) Kafadar,BetweenTwo Worlds,
    pp. 62-77.
    (21) Ibid.,p. 64.
    (22) Sinasi Tekin,"XIV iinciiYiizyllaait birilm-iHal: Risileti'l-Islam,"WienerZeitschrift
    far die
    Kundedes Morgenlandes76 (1986): 279-92; idem,"XIV. YiizylldaYazllmlqGazilikTarikasl'Gaziligin
    Metnive Gazi/CihadKavramlarl
    Yollar' AdllbirEskiAnadoluTiirkgesi
    JournalofTurkish
    StuHakklnda,"
    dies 13 (1989): 139-204.
    Kavramlarl
    Hakkmnda,"
    (23) Tekin,"GazW/Cihad
    p. 139 andn. 3.
    "infidel"
    wheretheapplicablerulesare
    (24) In theseworksAnatoliaappearstobe stillconsidered
    territory
    thoseofghazt(ibid.,p. 143;see also ClaudeCahen,"La premibre
    [second
    p6ntration
    turqueen Asie-mineure
    et OriensChristianus
    moiti6du XIe s.]," Byzantion18 [1946-48]:64-65; rpt.in Turcobyzantina
    [London:
    Variorum
    a
    to
    of
    the
    that
    For
    list
    of
    considered
    be
    and
    what
    Diral-Islaim
    1974],I).
    Reprints,
    "provinces"
    part
    statusinvolved,
    see Fadl-Allah
    b. RiizbihinIsfahini,
    MuslimConductofState,basedupontheSulik-ul-Mulak,
    trans.
    Aslam(Lahore,University
    ofIslamPress,1974),p. 459. Likemostworksonjihad,thiswork
    Muhammad
    anddefensive
    butwithout
    betweenoffensive
    warfare,
    distinguishes
    usingthetermghazd(p. 464).

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    CONTESTED TERRITORY: OTTOMAN HOLY WAR IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT

    thedivisionofbootyandtheconsumption
    ofperishables,
    thecommission
    of
    orsubthesale ofarmsto theenemy,andtheofferofconversion
    atrocities,
    missionto thoseaboutto be attacked.
    The circulation
    of thesetwoverydifferent
    typesofworkson theAnatorevealsthe existenceof divergent
    interests
    and worldviews
    lian frontier
    withinthebordercontext.(25) Whilefrontier
    works
    epics and catechetical
    ofghazi, theyembodiedvastly
    ostensibly
    operatedfromthesamedefinition
    individualheroismthattookadvandifferent
    impulses.The epic celebrated
    ofbordersocietytomakefriends,
    and
    converts,
    tageoftheboundarylessness
    and
    enemy,extolledthebondsofcomradeship
    marriages
    amongtheputative
    the acquisitionand generousdisposalof personalwealth,and in general
    embodiedtheromanticand individualistic
    aspectsof borderwarfare.The
    on theotherhand,soughtpreciselyto setcontrols
    on thefluidity
    catechism,
    of bordersociety,to imposeboundaries
    betweenwarriors
    identified
    primaand to interpose
    thestate
    rilyas Muslimsand theirunbelieving
    opponents,
    anditsdemandsintothecollectionofwealthandthedisposition
    ofthespoils
    andbetweenthe
    ofcampaign.The tensionbetweenthesepowerful
    interests,
    borderwarriors
    and 'ulamd'whoembodiedthem,is farolderthantheOttoin thefirstcentury
    manstate;thekillingof thecaliph'Uthm&n
    of thehijra
    (26)Kafadarnoted
    alreadyinvolveda conflictbetweenthesame interests.
    thistensionin theOttomanchroniclesof thelate fifteenth
    which
    century,
    to reinterpret
    Ottomanoriginsto suitthedemandsof contending
    attempted
    itappearsalreadyin theprocess
    forcesinpost-1453society.Here,however,
    ofcomposition
    oftheearlyAnatoliansourceson ghazd.
    sourceswere not written
    down in Turkish
    Althoughthesecontrasting
    untilthefourteenth
    or later,theircirculation
    in written
    Persianand,
    century
    we maypresume,oralTurkishversionsduringtheformative
    periodof the
    of thestate.
    Ottomanstatepointsto a tensionlyingat theveryfoundations
    oftribalor sedenRatherthanbeinga creationoftheghdzisorthe"ulamd',
    of theGreeksor theTurks,theOttomanstatewas a
    tarysocialformations,
    ofthecoincidenceanddivergence
    oftheinterests
    ofall thesegroups
    product
    andmore.Atheart,thenascentOttomanstatein Anatoliawas contested
    terIn placeofassessingthesuccessorfailureofthestatebyitscloseness
    ritory.
    to or distancefroman originalessenceof whatevernature,we can better
    conceptualizeOttomanoriginsand subsequentups and downsin termsof
    interests
    andthebalanceofpowers.Thisis not
    conflict
    anditsmanagement,
    forOttomanists,
    as a consideration
    ofthehistoriography
    on
    a newprocedure
    role(Wittek,
    Rise,
    (25) Wittekand Imberbothnoticedthistensionbutdid notaccordit anyformative
    pp. 294-95; idem,"The OttomanDynasticMyth,
    p. 18; Imber,"Paul Wittek's'De la d6faited'Ankara',"
    of approachreflected
    theseparatesocial spheresin
    p. 306); forKopriilii(as forKafadar)thedifferences
    andheterodox
    whichtheywereexpressed,
    andhe drewattention
    Sofi
    onlyto thetensionbetweenorthodox
    orders(Kdpriilii,
    Origins,pp. 88-98,103-6).
    al-Tabari,TheHistoryofal-Tabar, vol. 15: TheCrisisoftheEarly
    (26) AbfiJa'farMuhammadb. Jarir
    ofNew YorkPress,1990),pp. 221-22.
    Caliphate,trans.R. StephenHumphreys
    (Albany:StateUniversity

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    LINDAT. DARLING

    would
    theTanzimator on MehmedII's reforms
    in thelatefifteenth
    century
    show,butit needsto be appliedto thequestionof thenatureof theearly
    andgroupscompeted
    Ottomanstate.Withrespectto theghazd,individuals
    itsrole,andreapitsrewards.
    fortherighttodefineitsparameters,
    determine
    of
    all had a stakein theprosecution
    Rulers,"ulam8',and borderwarriors
    evenatodds.Othergroups
    sometimes
    ghazd,buttheirstakesweredifferent,
    orpeasants,perhaps)couldbe seenas havinga stakeinthelimi(Christians
    tationor elimination
    ofghaziactivity.
    The verymeaningofghaza mustbe
    seenas contested
    betweenconquerors
    whoperhapswantedto acquirereliandpower,"ulamd'whopergioussanctionandprestige
    alongwithterritory
    relihapswantedtobringtheconquestsunderreligiouscontrolandestablish
    saintswhoperhapswantedto spreadtheirfaithor liveup
    giousinstitutions,
    injustification
    to itsdemands,andsoldierswhowereperhapsnotinterested
    orfaithbutin bootyandglory.
    ororganization
    This bringsus to a thirdinterest
    frontier,
    operativeon thepre-Ottoman
    thatofthedistant
    central
    butclaiming
    state,locatedinthehinterland
    authority
    in theborderland.
    centralstates"attempting
    to
    The identity
    of the"distant
    variedovertime,but
    controland directtheactivity
    of thefrontier
    warriors
    and capabilities,
    or lack thereof,
    also helpedshapethefinal
    theirinterests
    Ottomanproduct.Amongthetypesof sourcesexaminedso far,thecentral
    in a textcontaining
    thesamerulesofghazdas thecatestateis represented
    Bahr al-Favi'id, citedby
    chismsbutin a different
    genre.The anonymous
    is a mirror
    for
    Tekinas an antecedent
    forthefourteenth-century
    catechisms,
    princesproducedin Aleppo around1160 underNfr al-D"inZang"i(11461174),a ghdztand fighter
    againsttheCrusaders.(27) The book was comofexistingsources,including
    bothmanualsofreligious
    piledfroma variety
    oftheporforprinces.In fact,theresemblance
    practiceandearliermirrors
    worksdiscustionon ghaz8tothecorresponding
    sectionofthecatechetical
    thespeculation
    thatSamarqandi's
    textwas amongthose
    sed aboveprompts
    availabletoitsauthorinthewestern
    century.
    Saljfiqlandsinthemid-twelfth
    But in additionto therulesof ghaz8,thebookincludesadviceto kingsto
    and dispense
    pray,consultthe'ulamd',protecttheirdomainsand treasury,
    tradifromthePerso-Islamic
    justicein opencourt;thesevalues,stemming
    tionof theGreatSaljfiqsof Iraq and Iran,are enforced
    by storiesof pious
    menand rulesforroyalgrants,
    thelivesof caliphsand thewondersof the
    world.(28) The text,despiteits dependenceon thecatechisms,
    depictsa
    inwhichghazdis onlyoneamongseveralwaysinwhichtheroyal
    viewpoint
    timeandtreasure
    mightbe spent.
    member
    ofthe"ulamd',
    The authorofthisbookwas an anonymous
    quite
    possiblyone of thosewhomNfiral-D'inbroughtin fromPersia and the
    east to stafftheSunnfschoolsand courtshe builtin Syriain thetwelfth
    and
    (27) The Sea of Precious Virtues (Bahr al-Favt'id): A Medieval Islamic Mirrorfor Princes,
    trans,
    ed. Julie Scott Meisami (Salt Lake City: Universityof Utah Press, 1991); rules of ghazd on pp. 27-32.
    (28) Ibid., pp. 147, 215, 299, 301, 324.

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    CONTESTED TERRITORY: OTTOMAN HOLY WAR IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT

    forprinceswritten
    forSal(29)His workwas amongseveralmirrors
    century.
    and
    rulers
    in
    the
    of
    wake
    al-Ghazili's
    contemporary
    Nasthat
    jiq
    al-Mulak,
    worksthatsoughtto reconcilethe Perso-Arabictradition
    of statewith
    Islamicnormsmorefullythanin earlierperiodswhentheyhad beenregardedas alternatives.
    Ratherthanchoosingbetweentherolesofroyalautocrat,
    aficionado,
    justjudge,cultured
    piousdevotee,andzealousgh&zi,rulersnow
    triedto combinethem,an endeavorthatgainedpoignancyaftertheend of
    the caliphate.If the borderepics and hagiographies
    placed the personal
    rewardsofghazd(material
    orspiritual)
    aboveitscommunal
    andthe
    benefits,
    catechetical
    workstriedto harnessindividualheroismby theconstraints
    of
    forprincessoughtto deploytheapprovalobtainedthrough
    law,themirrors
    andgloryoftherulerandthestate.
    ghazdto enhancethelegitimacy
    In Anatolia,
    a number
    ofbooksofadvicetokingswerewritten
    byrefugees
    fromtheeastwhofledfromtheSaljiq breakup
    andtheMongolinvasions
    and
    to theRim Saljiq courtin theearly-to-mid
    thirteenth
    men
    migrated
    century,
    suchas thesecretary
    Yahy&b. S&'adb. Ahmad,theStfiNajmal-DinRizi,and
    the "dlimSirij al-Din Urmawi.(30)These authors,
    withothersof
    together
    well as artists,
    orthodox
    and
    architects,
    easternorigin--as
    poets,andmystics
    themostfamousofwhomis ofcourseJalalal-DinRfimi--created
    antinomian,
    an Anatolian
    Turkish
    culture
    thathadcloseconnections
    withthatofnorthern
    andnortheastern
    Iran.Theroutefromtheeast,moreopenthanthesouthward
    roadto Syriawhichwas closedbytheCrusaders,
    had beentraversed
    by the
    andbeforethatbyghdzisfromtheCentralAsianfrontier.
    Saljiiqsthemselves,
    The workofeasternrefugees
    andmigrants
    thesuggestion
    of the
    strengthens
    worksthata prominent
    sourceforthirteenth
    andfourepicsandcatechetical
    Anatolian
    ideasaboutghazawas theIranianfrontier
    ofan earteenth-century
    lierperiod.An investigation
    ofthatregionis thusin order.
    In contrast
    totherelatively
    staticArab/Byzantine
    theIranian/Cenfrontier,
    tralAsianfrontier
    in theearlycenturies
    was a creativematrix
    forthewhole
    Islamicworld.It was, of course,thehotbedof the'Abbfsidrevolution
    and
    thehomeof mostof thosewho shapedthatdynasty's
    outlookand policies,
    members
    ofthedynasty
    itsmostimporitself,suchas al-Ma'mfin,
    including
    tantservants,
    suchas theBarmidkids,
    and thetroopsthatwereitsmainstay,
    bothKhurfsanians
    andTurks.The northeastern
    frontier
    was also thehomeof
    and it was therethatthelinkbetweentheSilfisand the
    developingSOifism,
    Nurad-Din: ungrandprincemusulman
    de Syrieau tempsdes Croisades(511-569
    (29) NikitaElissdeff,
    3 vols.(Damascus:Institut
    h./1118-1174),
    Frangaisde Damas, 1967),2:461-62; citedinSea ofPreciousVirsee NikitaEliss6eff,
    tues;p. x and n. 27. For Niiral-Din'sconstructions
    de Niirad-Din,"
    "Les monuments
    BulletindEtudesOrientales13 (1949-51):5-43;idem,"La titulature
    de NOir
    ad-Dind'apris
    ses inscriptions,"
    Bulletin
    Orientales14 (1952-54): 155-96.
    d'Etudes
    (30) C.-H. de Fouch6cour,"Haddtyeq
    al-Siyar,un Miroirdes Princesde la cour de Qonya au VIIXIII sidcle,"StudiaIranica 1 (1972): 219-28;Najmal-DinRazi, ThePathofGod's Bondsmen
    fromOrigin
    to Return,trans.HamidAlgar(Delmar,NY: CaravanBooks, 1982); on Urmawisee Ann K. S. Lambton,
    of
    andInjusticefromthe5th/lIthCentury
    tothe8th/14th
    inPersia:The
    "Changing
    Concepts Justice
    Century
    StudiaIslamica68 (1988): 27-60;Louise Marlow,"Kings,Prophets
    and
    Saljuq Empireand theIlkhanate,"
    the Ulama' in MediaevalIslamicAdviceLiterature,"
    StudiaIslamica81 (1995): 101-20.

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    LINDA T. DARLING

    sourcesaretoofewto shedlightonthe
    ghaziswas forged,
    although
    surviving
    mainoppotheMuslimwarriors'
    centuries,
    process.(31) In theeighthtotenth
    nentswerethepaganTurksof thesteppe,butTurksalso livedwithinthe
    bothas
    on theIslamicsideinincreasing
    Islamicfrontier
    andfought
    numbers,
    oftheUmayyad,
    members
    warriors
    andas official
    'Abbfsid,and
    independent
    werecooks).
    Samanidarmies(somewereofnoblestatus;others,
    interestingly,
    In theprocessmanybecameMuslimsand someachievedhighoffice.(32) In
    of theregionghazisappearas volunteers
    thechronicles
    (10,000,20,000,or
    Samanidand Ghaznavidarmieson cam30,000in number)accompanying
    as defenders
    of citiessuchas Samarqand
    paignsagainstpaganopponents,
    and Bukhirain theabsenceof government
    troops,and as robberor rebel
    was modeledon thatofnomadicwarbands.(33) The styleofborderwarfare
    battlesand
    thanset-piece
    andraidsrather
    fare,whosetacticswereincursions
    of Ghdziwas givento numerous
    territorial
    (34) The title
    princes
    occupation.
    Samarofghdziexpeditions.
    andgeneralsin command
    (35) Atthesametime,
    slavemarket,
    commercial
    center,
    papermanufacturing
    qandwas an important
    andsomeghazismaywellhaveengagedat
    andhomeof scholarship,
    center,
    timesin occupations
    otherthanfighting.
    (36)
    of OklahomaPress,
    (Norman:University
    (31) RichardN. Frye,Bukhara:TheMedievalAchievement
    thattheribats
    or frontier
    fortresses
    exchanged
    1965),pp. 115-17.It musthave been in thetenthcentury
    oftheribats
    was
    thecommunalSfifism
    character
    fora religiousone. In theeleventhcentury,
    theirmilitary
    On theconquestand IslamizationofCenshaykhs(EI2, s.v. "Saldjfikids").
    by
    spreadwestward
    Khurasmni
    in AspectsofAltaic
    tralAsia see Devin DeWeese, "YasavianLegendson theIslamizationof Turkistan,"
    CivilizationIII, ed. Denis Sinor (Bloomington:Research Institutefor Inner Asian Studies, 1990),
    pp. 1-19.
    Studies2 (1978): 85-96;Richard
    (32) DanielPipes,"TurksinEarlyMuslimService,"JournalofTurkish
    attheTimeoftheArabConquest,"MusN. FryewithA. M. Sayili,"TheTurksin KhurasanandTransoxania
    limWorld35 (1945): 308-15;rpt.in RichardN. Frye,IslamicIran and CentralAsia (7th-12th
    Centuries)
    (London:Variorum
    1979),XIII; FukuzoAmabe,TheEmergenceofthe "Abbasid
    Autocracy:The
    Reprints,
    'AbbasidArmy,Khurdsdnand Adharbayjdn
    Press,1995), pp. 130-33.Inalcik
    (Kyoto:KyotoUniversity
    onthesubsequent
    oftheAnatolianTurks:HalilInalofthisbackground
    development
    pointsouttheinfluence
    cik,"Islamin theOttomanEmpire,"CulturaTurcica5-7 (1968-70): 19-29;rpt.in Essaysin OttomanHistory(Istanbul:Eren,1998),pp. 229-45.
    DowntotheMonTurkestan
    toBayhaqi,Ibnal-Athir,
    andGardizi,citedinW. Barthold,
    (33) According
    of the
    gol Invasion,3rded. (London:Luzac, 1968),pp. 215, 242, 287, 295, 345. For a similardescription
    ghdzisof Sicilysee RobertS. Lopez, "TheNormanConquestof Sicily,"in A HistoryoftheCrusades,ed.
    of WisconsinPress,1969-),1: 58-61.BothKipriiliuand
    KennethM. Setton,6 vols. (Madison:University
    or corporations,
    mass of gh&zisbut of ghaziorganizations
    Wittekspeak notjust of an undifferentiated
    organizations,
    topicsthatareoutsidethescopeofthispaper.Members
    linkingthemwithakhisandfutawwa
    andintheabsence
    otherthanwarfare
    full-time
    oftheseorganizations,
    ghdzis,possessedno meansofsupport
    orbandits(Kiprtilii,Origins,p. 89) or,in an urbansetting,
    ofghaziraidingbecamemercenaries
    ayydrs(C.
    BSOAS 31 [1968]: 538; rpt.in idem,TheMedievalHistoryof
    E. Bosworth,
    "TheArmiesof theSaffarids,"
    and CentralAsia [London:Variorum
    Iran,Afghanistan
    1977],XVII).
    Reprints,
    inA HistoryoftheCrusades,ed. Setton,1:
    (34) ClaudeCahen,"TheTurkishInvasion:The Selchtikids,"
    138.
    calledaloftheSaljQiqdynasty,
    whomlaterhistorians
    founder
    (35) ThisincludedSaljfiq,theeponymous
    and the
    Malik al-Ghazi(IbrahimKafesoglu,A Historyof theSeljuks:IbrahimKafesoglu'sInterpretation
    IllinoisUniversity
    trans.GaryLeiser[Carbondale:Southern
    Press,1988],p. 25 and
    Resulting
    Controversy,
    n. 55).
    Barthold,
    Turkestan,
    (36) EI2, s.v. "Samarkand;"
    pp. 237, 256.

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    CONTESTED TERRITORY: OTTOMAN HOLY WAR IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT

    of thedistant'Abbasidstate
    On theCentralAsianfrontier,
    theinterests
    wererepresented
    by theSaminids(874-999). Theywerein chargeof the
    ghazd,buttheircourtalso became,as we know,thecenterforthedevelopmentofPerso-Islamic
    culture.
    The mostoutstanding
    productofthatculture,
    Firdawsf'sShadhndma,
    is preciselya storyof tensionbetweenthecentral
    stateandthewarrior
    to the
    hero,a themethatmusthavebeenquitefamiliar
    influential
    region'srulersand warriors.(37) Abfial-Laythal-Samarqandf's
    the'ulamd"sattempt
    tocontainthepractices
    ofghdzi
    catechism,
    embodying
    warfarewithina legal framework,
    had appearednotlongearlier.We thus
    of interests
    findthesameconstellation
    thatwerepresentin Anatoliareprein thetenthcentury.
    sentedon theCentralAsian frontier
    At thatmoment,
    thisfrontier
    was on thepointof closing,as theconversion
    of mostof the
    steppeTurksto Islamhad causedtheghdzisto lose theiremployment
    (perhaps explainingtheirappearanceas robbers).The Saminidsbeganto send
    and about the same time the
    expeditionssouthwardinto Afghanistan,
    broke
    the
    northwest
    frontier,
    Byzantines
    through
    takingAleppo,Tarsus,and
    Antiochduringthe960s. (38) In thesecondhalfofthetenthcentury,
    ghdzis
    leftCentralAsia in largenumbers
    tojoin thefighting
    in thesouthandwest.
    We havereports
    of thehavoccausedin Rayyas ghdzisheadingforAnatoin 966. (39) Soon afterward,
    in the
    lia passed through
    Saminid territories
    northeast
    weretakenoverby theMuslimKarakhinidsfromtheeast,and
    in Transoxiana.
    therewas no longera frontier
    The sponsorship
    of ghazd into India by the TurkishGhaznavidsof
    SeveralGhaz(999-1161)attracted
    Afghanistan
    manyghazisfromthenorth.
    navidrulersborethetitleof Ghaz, as did someof theGhilridrulerswho
    succeededthem.(40)It is unclearhowthistitlewas bestowedorbywhom;in
    latertimesitwas either
    conferred
    bythe'ulamd'on theleaderofan officially
    or
    forraidsintonon-Muslim
    self-awarded
    proclaimed
    territory.
    (41) The
    ghazd
    (37) See Dick Davis, Epic and Sedition: The Case of Ferdowsi's Shdhndmeh(Fayetteville: Universityof
    Arkansas Press, 1992), p. 20.
    (38) For details see Mark Whittow, The Making of Byzantium,600-1025 (Berkeley: Universityof California Press, 1996), pp. 310-37.
    (39) CliffordE. Bosworth, "Military Organisation under the Biyids of Persia and Iraq," Oriens 18-19
    (1965-66): 157, fromthe chroniclers Miskawayh and Ibn al-Jawzi. The Bfiyids,regardingthese ghdzis as a
    Samanid invasion, defeated them and threwthem out (idem, The Ghaznavids: Their Empire in Afghanistan
    and Eastern Iran, 994-1040 [Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1963; 2nd ed. Beirut: Librairie du
    Liban, 1973], p. 167). Similar troubles arose in Baghdad in 971-72, according to Ibn al-Athir,instigatedby
    people arriving"fromeverywhere" in response to a call forghazd (Kiprtilii, Origins, p. 90).
    (40) Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, pp. 33, 114; the thirdsultan Mas' id (1030-1041) had plans to wage holy
    war in Anatolia as well as India (Bayhaqi, cited in Bosworth, "The Imperial Policy of the Early Ghaznavids,"
    Islamic Studies 1 [1962]: 57, 73; rpt. in idem, The Medieval History of Iran, Afghanistanand Central Asia
    [London: Variorum Reprints, 1977], XI); see also 'Abdu-l-Q~dir ibn-i-MulfikShih al-Badioni, Muntakhabut-Tawarikh,vol. 1, trans. George S. A. Ranking (Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1848; rpt.Patna: Academica Asiatica, 1973), pp. 64, 74-75.
    (41) Hamd Allih Mustawfi Qazwini, The Ta'rikh-i-Guzida or "Select History", abridged trans. Edward
    G. Browne (Leiden: E. J. Brill; London: Luzac, 1913), p. 161; Babur Mirza, "Baburnama," in A Centuryof
    Princes: Sources on Timurid History and Art, trans. W. M. Thackston (Cambridge: Aga Khan Program for
    Islamic Architecture,1989), p. 250.

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    LINDA T. DARLING

    ghazi activityof the Ghaznavidsand Ghfiridsis knownmainlyfrom


    in contemporary
    references
    andlaterchronicles,
    buttoa largeextentitmust
    have continuedtheghazi traditions
    of the CentralAsian frontier,
    just as
    of its
    Ghaznavidimperialgovernment
    maintained
    theSamanidtraditions
    of theghazi ideologycan be seen in the Chahar
    origin.The importance
    whichputghazivalorbeforejustice
    Maqala byNizamiArficiSamarqandi,
    andorderin thepraisesof theGhfirid
    princeto whomitwas addressed.(42)
    tothehistory
    of 'Utbi,theGhaznavidghazaentailedthesubmisAccording
    sion of non-Muslims
    to Muslimrule,theincorporation
    of theirterritories
    ofidolatry
    intothelandsof Islam,andtheofficialrenunciation
    by conquebutmassconversion
    was nota central
    issueevenforIndiantroops
    redrulers,
    servingin theGhaznavidarmies.(43) Besides theGhaznavids'own slave
    troops,thearmyincluded"varioustribesofTurks,Khiljis,andHindusand
    andtheGozz (sic) troops,"anda forceofArabsis also mentioned.
    Afghans,
    fromCentralAsia; on one occasion"nearly
    In addition,
    therewerewarriors
    thousandmenhad come fromtheplainsof Mawarannahr,
    through
    twenty
    zeal forIslam,and theysat downwaitingthetimefortheSultan'smovetheshoutof theholy
    theirnumerousswords,and uttering
    ments,striking
    war,'God is great!"'(4)
    oftheghazis;they
    do notportray
    theculture
    Thechronicles
    unfortunately
    of battles,butculturalinformation
    is confinedto
    givedetaileddescriptions
    theGhaznavidregimeas
    therulersandtheircourts.'Utbi'shistory
    presents
    an amalgamof Islamicorthodoxy,
    andmiracles,drinking
    astrology
    parties,
    of intrigue.
    andbureaucratic
    administration,
    Bayhaqi'ssimplyas a snakepit
    however,so on the
    (45) As on theAnatolianand CentralAsian frontiers,
    in epic form.The
    of theghziis was preserved
    Indianfrontier
    thetradition
    was the"Princeof Martyrs,"
    heroof thistradition
    Salir Mas'id, "nephew"
    oftheGhaznavidSultanMahmQfid
    andgeneral(sipahsalar)ofa ghazfarmy.
    in
    the
    eleventh
    buttheregionof Mas'fid's
    early
    reigned
    century,
    Mahmfid
    exploitswas notactuallyconqueredbytheMuslimsuntiltheearlythirteenth
    so itis notclearwhothisMas'fidreallywas. By thelatethirteenth
    century,
    AmirKhusrawcouldsee his tomb
    however,thepoetand traveler
    century,
    it was a popularpilgrimage
    site
    in Bahraich,and in thefourteenth
    century
    visitedby Ibn Batfita,who recordedthetaleshe was toldof themartyr's
    (42) EdwardG. Browne,"TheChah.rMaqala ("FourDiscourses")ofNidhmi-i-'ArfidPi-i-Samarqandi,"
    JournaloftheRoyalAsiaticSociety(1899): 619-20.
    trans.JamesReynolds(London:OrientalTranslation
    Fund,1858),pp.
    (43) al-'Utbi,TheKitab-i-Yamini,
    "ThePoliticaland DynasticHistoryoftheIranianWorld(A.D. 1000283, 322, 326, 362; C. E. Bosworth,
    HistoryofIran,ed. RichardN. Frye,7 vols.(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity
    1217),"in TheCambridge
    Press,1975),5: 177-80.
    (44) 'Utbi,pp. 363, 335-36,333,450.
    (45) On Bayhaqisee MarilynRobinsonWaldman,Towarda TheoryofHistoricalNarrative:A Case
    Press,1980); JulieScottMei(Columbus:Ohio StateUniversity
    Studyin Perso-lslamicate
    Historiography
    sami,"DynasticHistoryand Ideals of Kingshipin Bayhaqi'sTarikh-iMas'udi,"Edebiyat,n.s. 3 (1989):
    57-78.

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    CONTESTED TERRITORY: OTTOMAN HOLY WAR IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT

    deeds.(46)The legendof SalarMas'id, whowas giventhetitle


    miraculous
    theMir'7tGhdziMiydn,survivesin an earlyseventeenth-century
    rendition,
    ofMas'id" by'Abd al-RalhmnChishti.(47) According
    i Mas'isd or "Mirror
    thiswork,besidesquotingfromextanthistories,
    toitsauthor,
    containsinforworkof repute"but
    mationwhichhad "notfounda place in anyhistorical
    was extracted
    he graciously
    froma veryold bookwiththeaid of "directions
    and "verified
    receivedfromthespiritof thedeparted"
    by oralcommunicaas
    tionswiththeauthor'sspiritual
    visitors."
    functioned
    (48)Theseassertions
    andspiritual
    to itsaccuracyon boththehistorical
    levels.
    testimony
    thework'slaterdateofcomposition,
    andthefactthattheghdzis'
    Although
    wereidolators
    rather
    thanpeopleoftheBook,separateitfromthe
    opponents
    ithasseveralthings
    incommonwiththem.One
    Anatolian
    frontier
    narratives,
    is a certain
    lackofreligious
    itsself-conscious
    orthodoxy
    "despite
    religio-politicalcorrectness";
    tothistext,"thePrinceofMartyrs
    was most
    (49) according
    miraclesand
    spotlessin bodyand mind"and "freefromsin";he performed
    exhibited
    andhisgoalwas "toconvert
    unbelievers
    tothe
    supernatural
    insight;
    one God andtheMusulminfaith.If theyadoptourcreed,well andgood.If
    is a connecnot,we putthemto thesword."(50)Relatedto thisunorthodoxy
    tionwitha Stfimilieu:GhiziMiyanwas portrayed
    as an asceticandspiritual
    moreover
    tookpainsto
    hero,andhis tombbecamea shrine.His biographer
    linktheexploitsofMas'id to thelatercareeroftheSilfisaintMu'in al-Din
    Chishtithrough
    the device of clarifying
    the separationbetweenthe two.
    Another
    is a willingness
    to cooperateand allywithinfidels;after
    similarity
    ofthegarrison
    toraise
    Delhi,SalfrMas'ildordersthecommander
    conquering
    mostlikelynon-Muslim,
    "from
    and
    troops,
    amongthepeopleofthecountry,"
    on theirthrones
    confirms
    rulerswhosubmitto himwithout
    their
    demanding
    Yet anotherlikenessis a fascination
    conversion.
    withtheworldlypursuits
    of thehuntand thecollectionof booty.(51) None of theseacts,clearly,was
    considered
    inconsistent
    witha ghizi lifestyle
    eitherbytheoriginators
    of the
    legendsorbythelateraudienceforthisversion.
    Whilethepublication
    ofthesetalesin theseventeenth
    century
    mayhave
    been meantas a contribution
    to thediscourseon syncretism
    thatfollowed
    (46) IqtidarHusainSiddiqui,"A Note on theDargahof Salar Mas'ud in Bahraichin theLightof the
    StandardHistoricalSources,"in MuslimShrinesin India: TheirCharacter,Historyand Significance,
    ed.
    W. Troll(Delhi: OxfordUniversity
    Christian
    Press,1989),pp. 45-47; see also TahirMahmood,"TheDarandReality,"in ibid.,pp. 24-43.
    gahofSayyidSalarMas'ud Ghaziin Bahraich:Legend,Tradition
    (47) 'Abdu-rRahminChishti,"Mirit-iMas'iidi,"partialEnglishtranslation
    by R. B. Chapman,in The
    ed. H. M. ElliotandJohnDowson(London:Triibner
    & Co.,
    HistoryofIndiaas ToldbyIts OwnHistorians,
    to scholarlyattention
    1869;rpt.New York,AMS Press,1966),2: 513-49.This workwas brought
    by C. E.
    Iran 6 (1968): 41-42;rpt.in
    "TheDevelopment
    ofPersianCultureundertheEarlyGhaznavids,"
    Bosworth,
    and CentralAsia (London:VariorumReprints,1977),
    idem,The MedievalHistoryof Iran,Afghanistan
    XVIII.
    (48) Chishti,pp. 513-14.
    totheDadnishmandnama
    (49) Thisphraseis Kafadar's,referring
    (BetweenTwoWorlds,p. 66).
    (50) Chishti,pp. 520, 522, 525, 530.
    (51) Ibid.,pp. 548-49;532-34;530, 538, 541.

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    LINDA T. DARLING

    thereligiousinnovations
    of theMughalemperorAkbar(1556-1605),their
    rolein earliertimescan be seenas embodying
    a call to faithand conquest
    withtheacknowledged
    thatcontrasted
    andbureaudramatically
    corruption
    craticintrigue
    of theGhaznavidcentralstate.This tensionresemblesthat
    seen on theAnatolianfrontier
    in theabsenceof thelaw-bound
    butdiffers
    of
    the
    'ulamd',
    we notedabovetheexistenceof a legal
    orthodoxy
    although
    ofghazdin Samarqandthatwas transferred
    to theAnatolianfrontradition
    in theIndiansourcesmeanthat"ulamd'
    tier.Does itslackofrepresentation
    fromCentralAsia didnotgo to Ghaznaor forsomereasonplayeda lesser
    role in Ghaznavidand Ghirid society?Or are therestill undiscovered
    sourcesto be foundon theghazdin India?
    A majorinfluence
    on theghdzttradition
    of NorthIndiawas theMongol
    in 1220 withtheMongols'pursuitof theKhwarazmincursions,
    beginning
    shahto theIndusvalley.The ghdzisof theDelhi Sultanateturnedfromthe
    andin somechronicles
    thetermghazdcame
    conquestofIndiatoitsdefense,
    to referonlyto warfare
    againstthepaganMongols,in whichMuslimsand
    Hindusbothparticipated.
    describedall Mongollea(52)Thehistorian
    Jfizjani
    ders as "accursed"and saw theirirruption
    as a sign of the end of the
    IndianMuslimrulers;Sultan
    world.(5) Ghazd againstthemlegitimated
    al-DinTughluq(earlierknownas GhdztMalik)wonthetitle
    GhdziGhiyath
    of Ghdziby his successfuldefenseagainsttheMongols,and FirfizShih's
    his rightto rule.(54)
    defenseof Delhi froma Mongolraid demonstrated
    NorthIndianusage,defining
    as
    defensive
    warfare
    rather
    thanoffenghazd
    sivewarandraiding,
    was thustheoppositeofthatdevelopedon theAnatoTherewerewesterners,
    however,amongthe Indianfrontier
    lian frontier.
    oftheDelhi Sultanatewere
    severalof thegeneralsandgovernors
    warriors;
    Rimis orAnatolianTurks,andtroopsweresentfromthecourtofthecaliph
    in Baghdad.(55)In fact,fighters
    camefromall overtheMuslimworld,parfromCentralAsia,Afghanistan,
    andIranas thoseregionsfellunder
    ticularly
    in theDelhi Sultans'successful
    to participate
    to
    Mongolcontrol,
    opposition
    theMongols.The understanding
    of ghazdtin India mustsurelyhave been
    of the migrating
    warriorsas well as by
    affectedby the ghdzitraditions
    So far,however,
    thetopichas scarcelybeen
    India'shistorical
    circumstances.
    studied;a recentbookalludingtotheghazdin Indiawas forcedto fallback
    on researchon theOttomanghazd.(56)One indicationof a shiftin alignon holywar"and "attending
    to theprosments,however,is that"carrying
    Tabakat-iNasiri,trans.H. G. Raverty,
    2 vols. (London:
    (52) See, forexample,Minhaj-iSiraj Jfizjani,
    Gilbert& Rivington,
    1881-97;rpt.Osnabriick:
    BiblioVerlag,1991),2: 1007,1009,1039,1053,1117,1123,
    1135.
    (53) Ibid.,2: 935.
    3:
    FirozShahi,"in TheHistoryofIndiaas ToldbyIts OwnHistorians,
    (54) Zia al-DinBarani,"T~rikh-i
    tohave
    FirozShahi,"ibid.,3: 278. In thismilieu,GhAziappearssometimes
    226; Shams-iSiraj'Afif,"Tirikh-i
    beenusedas a propername.
    (55) Jiizjini,2: 724, 752, 787, 1117.
    of
    (56) RichardM. Eaton,TheRise ofIslamand theBengalFrontier,
    1204-1760(Berkeley:University
    California
    Press,1993),pp. 71-77.

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    CONTESTED TERRITORY: OTTOMAN HOLY WAR IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT

    no
    is, ghazdtand good administration--were
    perityof the peasants"--that
    inpraisesof
    as contrasting
    impulsesbutwerelinkedtogether
    longertreated
    afterthestartoftheMongolinvasion.(57)
    goodrulerswritten
    as well,changesovertimein theway ghazd
    On theAnatolianfrontier
    was depictedcan be relatedto changesin thebalanceof forcescontending
    The Anatolianfrontier
    was forMuslimsthearchetypal
    siteof
    foritscontrol.
    thatoftheleaderofthepilgrimage
    ghazd;thestatusofitsleaderapproached
    therelargelyshapedtheofficialIslamiclegaldefitoMecca,andconditions
    nitionsof ghazd. (58) The Muslimforcesneverbecame large enoughto
    thanpermaensurea successfuloffensive
    war,andperpetual
    raidingrather
    combat.Thisnecessity
    the
    nentconquestbecamethegoaloffrontier
    brought
    of ghazw as camelghazd closer to the originalpre-Islamicdefinition
    economicactivity
    raiding,a redistributive
    governedby an elaborateset of
    rules.(59) Aftertheabandonment
    oftheinitialUmayyadpolicyofuniversal
    fron(754-775)established
    jihad,the'Abbisid caliphal-Manstir
    permanent
    tiers(thughi2r)
    theUmayyad
    againstthe Byzantinesand institutionalized
    of moreor less annualsummerraidsby combinations
    of caliphal
    pattern
    led by princesof theroyalhouse.(60)
    volunteers,
    troopsand miscellaneous
    fromtheeastwereprominent
    andgovernamongbothvolunteers
    Emigrants
    The official
    menttroopsfromtheearliestperiodof thefrontier's
    history.
    fromKhurisin; further
    'Abbisid armyconsistedlargelyof eastemrners
    to be sentat intervals
    to
    easternforces,led by 'Abbisid princes,continued
    reinforce
    thewesternfrontier.
    Bothcaliphaltroopsand volunteers
    counted
    Turksamongtheirnumbers.(61) Hiriinal-Rash"id
    createdwhatbecamethe
    frontier's
    "classical"organization
    andreorganizing
    theinstitubyexpanding
    He also beganto lead expeditions
    in personandbecame
    tionsofal-Manstir.
    thefirst"ghdzi-caliph,"
    onewhofought
    notonlyas theleaderoftheMuslim
    butas a ghdziin his ownright.(62) In so doing,he was clearly
    community
    (57) Jiizjani, 1: 665, 676, 698.
    (58) J. F. Haldon and Hugh Kennedy, "The Arab-Byzantine Frontierin the Eighth and Ninth Centuries:
    Military Organixation and Society in the Borderlands," Zbornik Radova Byzantoloskog Instituta 19 (1980):
    106, 115.
    (59) John Walter Jandora, Militarism in Arab Society: An Historiographical and Bibliographical
    Sourcebook (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1997), pp. 4-5; EI2, s.v. "Ghazw." On the relationship of
    Islamic definitionsof ghazd to pre-Islamic Arabian raiding practices and theiradaptation by Muhammad to
    warfareagainst the enemies of Islam, see Donner, p. 35.
    (60) For Umayyadjihdd policies and summerraids see Khalid Yahya Blankinship, The End of the Jihad
    State: The Reign of Hisham Ibn 'Abd al-Malik and the Collapse of the Umayyads (Albany: SUNY Press,
    1994); on the 'Abbaisids see Michael Bonner, Aristocratic Violence and Holy War: Studies in the Jihad and
    the Arab-Byzantine Frontier (New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1996).
    (61) Bonner, Aristocratic Violence, pp. 53, 66; C. E. Bosworth, "The City of Tarsus and the Arab-Byzantine Frontiersin Early and Middle 'Abbasid Times," Oriens 33 (1992): 272, rpt.in The Arabs, Byzantiumand
    Iran: Studies in Early Islamic History and Culture (Aldershot: Variorum, 1996), XIV. For the numbers of
    Turks see Peter von Sivers, "Taxes and Trade in the 'Abbisid Thughir, 750-962/133-351," Journal of the
    Economic and Social History of the Orient 25 (1982): 86.
    (62) Bonner, Aristocratic Violence, pp. 99-106; the termwas introducedby C. E. Bosworth in his introduction to The History of al-Tabarf, vol. 30, The "Abbasid Caliphate in Equilibrium (New York: SUNY
    Press, 1989), p. xvii.

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    LINDAT. DARLING

    "playingto an audiencewhichincludedreligiousscholars,"whomhe cultihisreign.(63) Hairfin's


    vatedthroughout
    presenceon campaigntiedtheAnatolianghazdmorecloselyto thecentralstate,and thestateto the'ulamd',
    thanwas thecase in CentralAsia orIndia.
    The 'ulamd'werean activeforceon theByzantinefrontier
    duringthe
    In contrast
    'Abbasidperiod,andmostwerefighters
    as well as intellectuals.
    to thetheologicalferment
    of theCentralAsian frontier,
    however,Islamic
    intellectual
    on theAnatolianbordercentered
    on law and historical
    activity
    at thetimeof alprecedent;earlybooks on thelaw of war werewritten
    In theeighthcentury
    thefrontier
    of thefrontier.
    Mansir'sreestablishment
    al-Fazaliof Kufa,"sdhib
    suchas Abfi
    was hometo fighter-thinkers
    Ish.q whoseworkon maghdzf
    sunnawa-ghazw"and authorof a Kitdibal-Siyar,
    was continuedby Hanbalilegists;'Abdallahb. al-Mubirakal-Khurasani,
    theneedsofthevolunteer
    authorofa Kitdbal-Jihdd
    groups;and
    addressing
    Ibrahimb. Adhamal-Balkhf,
    thefamousascetic,frontier
    ghdzi,andheroof
    oftherulesofjihddduringtheearlyninth
    centhefaith.(64)Thecodification
    ofjihdd developed
    intoIslamiclaw thedefensivedefinition
    turyenshrined
    on the Anatolian frontier(65). The stabilized frontierbecame a permanent

    of institutions
    of
    featureof Muslimsocietyand led to the development
    forcommercial
    accommodation
    suchas theamdnorsafe-conduct,
    providing
    of frontier
    contactwiththeputativeenemy,and theribdt,thecombination
    andtenth
    centuries
    fortress,
    hostel,andreligiousretreat.
    (66) In thelateninth
    and prosperous,
    the townsof the borderregionbecame well-established
    an activecommercial
    andintellectual
    lifeas well as servingas
    maintaining
    bases forghdzfexpeditions.
    (67) It has beenarguedthatbecauseof'Abbasid
    ofa warrior
    theurbanmerthedevelopment
    aristocracy,
    policiespreventing
    cantileclasses,fromwhichthe 'ulamd'rose,dominatedtheranksof the
    withtheofficialgovernment
    warfare
    volunteers
    sharingthetaskoffrontier
    of
    the
    forces
    This
    frontier
    omitstherabbleandrob(68)
    description
    troops.
    ofghdzigroupsin theeast;robberbaronsandcondottieri
    berscharacteristic
    werenot consideredghdzisas theywereelsewhere,although
    apparently
    were knownto claim the title.(69) It also seems
    beggarsand tricksters
    frontier?
    irenic;werethereno tensionson theArab/Byzantine
    remarkably
    Violence,p. 105.
    (63) Bonner,Aristocratic
    of thesefrontier
    see ibid.,pp. 109-34;and idem,
    intellectuals
    (64) Ibid.,pp. 68, 108. For biographies
    theEarlyDevelopment
    Studia
    "Some Observations
    of Jihadon theArab-Byzantine
    Frontier,"
    Concerning
    Islamica75 (1992): 5-31.
    definition
    Violence,pp. 40, 131.The defensive
    (65) Bonner,Aristocratic
    ofjihtdmayhavebeena temon latergenerations.
    influence
    within
    an overalloffensive
    butithashadconsiderable
    porary
    strategy
    purpose,
    and theArabs:War and Peace betweenTwo WorldCivilizations,"
    (66) C. E. Bosworth,"Byzantium
    andIran(AlderJournalofOrientalandAfrican
    Studies3-4(1991-92):5, 9-11;rpt.inTheArabs,Byzantium
    shot:Variorum,
    1996),XIII.
    Violence,pp. 150-51.
    (67) Bonner,Aristocratic
    (68) Ibid.,pp. 8, 137.Bonnerconcludes(ibid.,p. 156) thatduringtheCrusades,theZangidsand Ayyfibidswerefinallyable to createan alliancebetweentheprofessional
    andmerchant
    classes.
    military
    andtheArabs,"p. 12.
    Violence,pp. 48-49,154; Bosworth,
    (69) Bonner,Aristocratic
    "Byzantium

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    CONTESTED TERRITORY: OTTOMAN HOLY WAR IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT

    frontier
    ThemainfaultlinesontheArab-Byzantine
    appearinthechronicles
    forauthority
    betweencaliphsand theirmajorcommanders
    or
    as struggles
    these
    strugglesfor controlover taxation.(70) Scholarshave interpreted
    eitheras competition
    and
    amonggovernment
    troops,volunteers,
    struggles
    forrevenueanditsmaximization
    intheformofspoilsof
    merchants
    (whether
    orelse as competition
    war,commercial
    gains,ortaxrevenues),
    amongactual
    orwould-bepoliticalleadersforthelegitimacy
    granted
    bytheexerciseofborder functions
    suchas leadershipof ghazdand redemption
    of captives.(71)
    whichfrontier
    tookin other
    However,in viewofthedirections
    development
    timesandplaces,thesefaultlinesacquirea new significance.
    The financial
    conflict
    betweenthemilitary-fiscal
    interests
    of thestateandthecommercial
    of themerchants,
    interests
    foreshadows
    thetension
    'ulamd',and volunteers
    betweenthevaluesofthecentralstateandthevolunteers
    on theGhaznavids'
    Indianfrontier.
    in emphasisbetweenFazali'slegal
    Likewise,thedifferences
    and historicalinterests
    and al-Balkhi'sasceticismand individualheroism,
    as frontier
    are later
    intellectuals,
    despitethesemen'scommonclassification
    in the differing
    reflected
    attitudes
    towardboundary-marking
    and control
    exhibited
    and theAnatolianghdzfis'
    folk
    by theSaljiiq 'ulamd"scatechisms
    andtheSamarqandi
    robbersof
    epicsorbytheAbQial-Laythal-Samarqandis
    the CentralAsian frontier.
    The epic of Delhemma(Dhat al-Himma,"the
    stout-hearted
    theeagerghazis
    contrasts
    frontier)
    lady"oftheArab/Byzantine
    witha qddhwhorepresents
    thelackluster,
    eventraitorous
    forces,
    government
    in collusionwiththe Byzantines.(72) The inclusiveness
    of the
    apparently
    Ottomanand Indian ghdztsis matchedby the heterogeneity
    of the
    whereslaves,renegades,
    and volunteers
    fromeach
    frontier,
    Arab/Byzantine
    sidefilledtheranksoftheother,
    andbaronsalikewerebilingualin
    brigands
    ArabicandGreek,andgoods,ideas,horses,andwomencrossedtheborderin
    bothdirections.
    (73) The tensionin medievalIslamic societybetweenthe
    Once
    "ulamd'and thecentralstateis too well knownto requirecomment.
    of the state,the
    again,polarizationamong(at least) the representatives
    can be identified
    in thefrontier
    context.
    'ulamd',andthewarriors
    theborderregionitselfbecamea bone
    Moreover,in thetenthcentury
    of contention,
    as the ghazd became a legitimating
    device not only for
    individualcaliphsbutforentireregimes.The Fatimids(909-1171),seeing
    how theirsuccessin thenavalghazdvalidatedtheirindependent
    caliphate,
    triedto gaincontrolof theAnatolianborderarea as well.The Hamdanids
    theirseizureofnorthern
    there
    (905-1004)justified
    Syriaandtheirautonomy
    (70) Peter von Sivers, "Military,Merchants and Nomads: The Social Evolution of the Syrian Cities and
    Countryside During the Classical Period, 780-969/164-358," Der Islam 56 (1979): 222.
    (71) Iderni,"Taxes and Trade," 73, 80, 90; Bonner, Aristocratic Violence, 153-54.
    (72) This contrast may go back to the original version of the story,as it forms the basic plot structure
    (Marius Canard, "Delhemma, 6pop6e arabe des guerres arabo-byzantines,"Byzantion 10 [1935]: 285).
    (73) Idem, "Les relations politiques et sociales entreByzance et les Arabes," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 18
    (1964): 45-46; rpt.in idem, Byzance et les musulmans du Proche Orient (London: Variorum Reprints, 1973),
    XIX.

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    LINDA T. DARLING

    in
    counterattack
    bytheirsuccessesinholywar.(74) The powerful
    Byzantine
    the960s, whichbrokethefrontier
    andcapturedseveralof themajorcities,
    temporarilyintensified"the spiritof militantjihdd."

    (75)

    The Byzantines'

    goal, however,was controlratherthanreconquest;once havingreestabliin thefrontier


    to see Aleppo
    shedtheirpreeminence
    region,theypreferred
    as thecapitalofan independent
    buffer
    zoneruledbyArabtribalpolitiesthat
    becameByzantineprot6g6s,
    receivingByzantinemilitary
    supportagainst
    the stilldangerous
    theirmajoropponents.(76) Duringthe next
    F.timids,
    hundred
    of stability
    years,theretumrn
    alongtheborderfavoredraidingover
    over politicalones, encouragingthe
    conquestand commercialinterests
    centralstatesofthehinterlands
    toturntheirattention
    awayfromthefrontier
    of the
    area once again.On thefrontier
    itselfwe can see theroutinization
    in the worksof 'ulamd'such as Abfi'Amr 'Uthman
    dominantinterests
    al-Tarslsi,an "dlimofTarsus,whocompileda handbookon theprocedures
    of the summerraids of the ghdzis,the summonsto arms,the ribdtsof
    the fighters,
    the lives of the 'ulamd',the revenuesof the tithesand the
    andthewallsthatdefended
    thatoutpostofthe
    endowments
    theybenefitted,
    Dar al-Islam,or Muhammadb. 'Umar,whosefatherhad been a faqih of
    in Creteforthejihdd,butwhobecametheauthorof a
    al-Andalusstationed
    bookon chartering
    merchant
    ships.(77)
    This comfortable
    balancewas upsetin thesecondhalfof theeleventh
    TurksandCrusaders,
    bothofwhich
    bythearrivaloftwonewforces,
    century
    hadholywaron theirminds.Theirinvasionscreateda newconfiguration
    of
    and renewedtheabilityof holywarto
    statesin theeasternMediterranean
    theirrulers.Theoldborderregionofnorthemrn
    legitimate
    Syriabecamea new
    focalpointofcontention
    betweenCrusaderstatesandghdziprinceslikeNfir
    atleasttheconsciousanduncontested
    head
    al-D'inZang"i("ifnotthecreator,
    andheroofan enormous
    ofMuslimardor"),whosecapitalofAleppo
    rebirth
    (74) HamiltonA. R. Gibb,"TheCaliphateand theArabStates,"inA HistoryoftheCrusades,ed. Setton,1: 88.
    "TheCityofTarsus,"pp. 283-84.The fierysermonpreachedbythekhatibIbnNubataon
    (75) Bosworth,
    theByzantine
    arrivalsurvives;
    see MariusCanard,ed.,Sayfal Daula: Recueilde textesrelatifs l'~mirSayfal
    Daula le Hamdanideavecanotations,
    cartesetplans,(Algiers:EditionsJulesCarbonel,1934),pp. 167-73;also
    forthejihad
    thatpreachedat thetakingof Aleppo(ibid.,pp. 155-60)andone preachedto rouseenthusiasm
    (ibid.,pp. 129-32;Frenchtrans.inA. A. Vasiliev,ByzanceetlesArabes,vol.2, La DynastieMacidoine[867de Philologieet d'Histoire
    Orien959], ed. HenriG6goireandMariusCanard[Brussels:Iditionsde l'Institut
    taleset Slaves,1950],pp. 292-94);see also selectionsin AdamMez, TheRenaissanceofIslam,trans.SalahuddinKhudaBakhshandD. S. Margoliouth
    (London:Luzac andCo., 1957),pp. 319-25.
    (76) Claude Cahen,La Syriedu norda l'dpoquedes Croisadeset la principautd
    franqued'Antioche
    (Paris: Paul Geuthner,1940), p. 177; PieterSmoor,Kings and Bedouinsin the Palace of Aleppo as
    inMa'arrf'sWorks(Manchester:
    ofManchester,
    Reflected
    1985),pp. 31, 183-88;MariusCanard,
    University
    de France,1953);
    Histoirede la dynastie
    des H'amdanidesde Jaziraetde Syrie(Paris:Pressesuniversitaires
    andEl-RisalahPublishing
    House,
    SuhaylZakkar,TheEmirateofAleppo,1004-1094(Beirut:Dar al-Amanah
    1971).
    andtheLastYearsofArabRule
    "AbfiAmrUthmanAl-Tarssi'sSiyaral-Thughar
    (77) C. E. Bosworth,
    in Tarsus(Fourth/Tenth
    "RaidandTradein the
    Graeco-Arabica
    5 (1983): 183-95;V. Christides,
    Century),"
    A TreatisebyMuhammadbn. Umar,theFaqih fromOccupiedMoslemCrete,and
    EasternMediterranean:
    theRhodianSea Law, Two ParallelTexts,"Graeco-Arabica
    5 (1983): 63-102.

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    CONTESTED TERRITORY: OTTOMAN HOLY WAR IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT

    as partof theHolyLand andthegatewaytoholywar.(78) In


    was redefined
    theSyriaoftheZangids(1128-1174)andAyyibids(1171-1250),itwas the
    in ghazdas a legitimizing
    andorganizing
    forcethatappeared
    state'sinterest
    as rulersmaneuvered
    centralcontroloverthe
    mostprominently,
    to maintain
    manifested
    holywar and directit wheretheypleased.A different
    pattern
    itselfin Anatolia,wheretheunexpecteddefeatof theByzantinearmyin
    1071byTurkishtribalforcesandtheirinvasionofthepeninsulaallowedthe
    of nomadicraidersand antinomian
    over
    interests
    ghidzisto predominate
    thoseofthecentralstate.(79) Saljfq princeswereunabletoexertfullcontrol,
    and the balance shiftedaway fromthe 'ulamd"s rule-boundapproach
    to ghazdtowardtheheroicand themystical.The fortified
    frontier
    withits
    ruleson a well-known
    schedulegave way
    accordingto established
    fighting
    to theunpredictable
    who were
    sweepsof nomadicbandsled by chieftains
    indifferent
    to,or anxiousto escapefrom,theimperialhandoftheSaljfqs.
    The chieflyfamilyof the Dinishmands,whose titleof Malik was
    bestowedbythecaliphfortheirzeal in ghazd,mostprominently
    represented
    theraidinginterests
    ofthenomads.(80) Thattitlewas firstheldby thethird
    thegrandson
    oftheconqueror,
    andwas projected
    Muhammad,
    Dinishmand,
    backwardontohis ancestorsby the myth-makers.
    (81) The legendof the
    Danishmands
    linkedthemwiththefrontier
    capitalofMeliteneandwiththe
    heroof theArab/Byzantine
    Ghizi. The old border
    frontier,
    Sayyid
    Batt.l
    acrossreligious,cultural,
    culturecontinuedin theghcidzis'
    easy intercourse
    lifein thefrontier
    boundariesand in theactivecommercial
    and linguistic
    fullofcharity
    andjustrulers,
    for
    region.The Saljfiqswereknownas tolerant
    theinvadingforces,
    theirChristian
    century
    subjects.(82) Duringthetwelfth
    fewin number,
    wereinterspersed
    Byzantine
    amongtheremaining
    relatively
    villagers,and pastoralnomadicgroups.(83)
    populationas urbangarrisons,
    withtheirnew subjectsand may have been of
    They easily intermingled
    (78) Forthequotationsee Cahen,La Syriedu nord,p. 374; Cahensees theghazaas theformintowhich
    on thefrontier,
    butitmightbe theotherwayaround,the
    the"Sunnitewar"oftheSaljfiqswas transformed
    ofAlepposee thetableofcontents
    to Ibnalofghaza.Forthenewdefinition
    "Sunnitewar"as an extension
    in David Morray,An Ayyubid
    Notableand His World:Ibn al-'Adimand
    'Adim'sbiographical
    dictionary
    oftheCruAleppo(Leiden:E. J.Brill,1994),p. 202. On theriseofNOral-Dinandhistakingup thegauntlet
    saderssee HamiltonA. R. Gibb,"TheCareerofNfiral-Din,"inA HistoryoftheCrusades,ed. Setton,1: 513witha Message: Propagation
    of Jihadunder
    27; on his devotiontojihad see YasserTabbaa, "Monuments
    Nfiral-Din(1146-1174),"inMeetingofTwoWorlds,pp. 223-40.
    see F. Taeschner,"TheTurksand
    (79) Cahen,"TheTurkishInvasion,"pp. 144, 147-48.Fora summary
    in The CambridgeMedievalHistory,vol. 4,
    theByzantineEmpireto theEnd of theThirteenth
    Century,"
    pt. 1,pp. 737-52.
    (80) Cahen,"La premiere
    p6n6tration
    turque,"
    pp. 59-60;EI2, s.v. "SaldjOkids."
    as wellas theAyyfibids,
    also seemtohaveusedtheterm
    Geste,p. 104.TheDanishmands,
    (81) M61ikoff,
    father
    was calledAmirGhazi,Saladin'sson was al-ZahirGhizi, and
    as a propername;Muhammad's
    ghdzf
    therewas an AyyObid
    princessnamedGhaziya.
    StudiaIslamica 1
    (82) Osman Turan,"Les souverainsseldjoukideset leurssujetsnon-musulmans,"
    (1953): 69-72,76.
    Jr.,TheDeclineofMedievalHellenisminAsia Minorand theProcessofIslamiza(83) SperosVryonis,
    of CaliforniaPress, 1971),
    tionfromtheElevenththroughthe Fifteenth
    Century(Berkeley:University
    pp. 170, 180-85.

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    LINDAT. DARLING

    rathermixedoriginsthemselves;a poem on the Saljfiqforcesattacking


    Cairosaysthattheyincluded"Armenians,
    ArabsandEdomites,Greeksand
    Germans,Paphlagoniansand Turks."(84) Withtime,continuedmigration
    alteredtheethnicbalance;Turkscontinued
    to moveintoAnatoliaand the
    farto thewest.In
    relocatedmuchoftheirAnatolianpopulation
    Byzantines
    easternAnatolia,westernIran,and the Caucasus,Muslimand Christian

    royal familiesfreelyintermarried.
    (85)

    A strugglebetweenghdztand raidinginterests,patronizedby the


    Danishmandsand others,and thoseof the Saljhq scions who soughtto
    controltheghdziactivityin Anatolia,to establisha centralizedstate,and
    to makealliancesandborderagreements
    withtheByzantines,
    occupiedthe
    nexthundred
    ruler
    moves
    Arslan's
    years.The twelfth-century
    Saljfiq
    KIhi
    towardsubjectingthe Danishmandsand accommodating
    theByzantines
    rousedthedisapprovalof thegreatghdzi,Nir al-DinZangi,and attempts
    to mollifyNir al-D"inled to a rupture
    betweenSaljfiqsandByzantines.(86)
    The Saljfiqsat lastdefeatedboththeDanishmandsand theByzantinesin
    theghdzisto an imperial
    1176, afterwhichtheyworkedto subordinate
    statemodeledon thatof theGreatSaljfiqsof Iraq. The influenceon the
    and literary
    cultureis apparentin
    Rim Saljfiqsof Perso-Islamicstatecraft
    thecourthistories,advice literature,
    and scribalmanualscreatedby the
    of Islamiccivilizationwho flockedor fledto thecourtat
    representatives
    influence
    came
    (87) Byzantine
    Konya,mostlyduringthethirteenth
    century.
    servicetorulers,
    conversion,
    through
    exchangesofpersonnelbymarriage,
    and thetakingof refuge;it is evidencedin partby thereconsolidation
    of
    theRfimSaljfiqstatebyKai-KhusrawI (1204-1211),eightyearsa refugee
    at theByzantinecourt,afterwhosetimetheSaljiqs bequeathedtheirrealm
    his ownfather
    had followed
    undivided,
    although
    previoussultansincluding
    thesteppetradition
    of parcelingit out amongtheirheirs.(88)The eclecticismof thisstateis well illustrated
    by thewalls of Konya,its capital,
    whichweredecoratedwithreusedinscriptions,
    reliefs,and ancientstatues
    thathad been lootedfromtheByzantines"withtheswordof Khusraw,"
    as well as with quotationsfromthe Qur'an and the Sha^hndma,
    thus

    (84) JosephHa-Kohen,quotedbyTaefKamalEl-Azhari,TheSaljaksofSyriaduringtheCrusades,463549 A. H./1070-1154


    A. D. (Berlin:Klaus SchwarzVerlag,1997),p. 45.
    Comnenis,"
    (85) Kafesoglu,p. 97; HaldonandKennedy,
    p. 85; V. Minorsky,
    "KhaqaniandAndronicus
    in Iranica: Twenty
    Articles(Hertford:
    StephenAustinand Sons, 1964),p. 127; MichelBalivet,"TheLongLived RelationsbetweenChristians
    and Moslemsin CentralAnatolia:Dervishes,Papadhes,and Country
    16 (1991): 321,n. 19.
    Folk,"Byzantinische
    Forschungen
    Lilie, "Twelfth-Century
    (86) Cahen,"The Turksin Iran and Anatolia,"pp. 676-79; Ralph-Johannes
    andTurkishStates,"Byzantinische
    16 (1991): 37-39.Ironically,
    theeponymous
    SalByzantine
    Forschungen
    to
    jiiq himselfis reported have engagedin ghaza and to have been awardedthetitleof al-Malikal-Ghazi
    A HistoryoftheSeljuks,trans.anded. GaryLeiser[Carbondale:Southern
    IllinoisUni(IbrahimKafesoglu,
    Press,1988],p. 25).
    versity
    (87) EI2, s.v.
    "Saldj.kids."
    Decline ofMedievalHellenism,pp. 223-44; Cahen,"The Turksin Iranand Anatolia,"
    (88) Vryonis,
    p. 681. The realmwas dividedagainbytheMongolsas partoftheirpacification
    policy.

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    CONTESTED TERRITORY: OTTOMAN HOLY WAR IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT

    theghazdagainsttheByzantinesto thelegendary
    heritageof
    assimilating
    theSasaniansand thePerso-Islamicstatetradition.
    (89)
    centuries
    also saw a rapprochement
    The latetwelfth
    and earlythirteenth
    betweenthe Rim Saljiiq stateand the 'ulamd',withgreaternumbersof
    of 'ulamid'interests
    'ulamti'servingthestateand increasedofficialsupport
    The
    at
    the
    suchas madrasa-building.
    (90)
    'ulamd'
    Saljfiqcourtseemto have
    succeededinaccommodating
    themselves
    toa government
    theyviewedas less
    and moreorthodox
    thanthatof theGhaznavids.The adherenceof
    corrupt
    Anatolian
    rulerstotheCaliphal-N&sir'sffutuwwa
    embodied
    thirteenth-century
    to theofficial
    ofSunniIslamas wellas their
    theirconnection
    representatives
    commitment
    to the chivalricethosof the ghdzis.At the same time,the
    construction
    ofSifi lodgesandshrines
    ofsaints'livesandStifi
    andthewriting
    handbooks
    ofthemystical
    impulse,in which
    suggesta certaindomestication
    role.(91) Commercial
    sultanicpatronage
    interests
    were
    playedan important
    also attendedto, as the statepursuedthe revenuesof trade,miningand
    resourceexploitation,
    capturingseaportsand buildingcaravanseraisto
    trade.A survey
    inAnatoliainthetwelfth
    ofPersianworkswritten
    to
    promote
    thissedentarizing
    fourteenth
    centuries
    reflects
    trend:at firstworksof poetry
    therest,butlatercatechismsand literary
    and Stifismoutnumbered
    works
    becamemorenumerous,
    accompanied
    byworksonscienceandgovernment.
    (92)
    The arrivaloftheMongolsdiminished
    theactivity
    of theSaljiq rulers,
    who
    becameMongolvassals,butculturalpatronage
    to flowfromthe
    continued
    bureaucrats
    and greatamfrs.(93) Eventually,
    in the
    Mongoladministration
    tradition
    Perso-Islamic
    of itsown on Anatolian
    beganto have an influence
    tojudgebythewriting
    andcopyingofadministrative
    manuals.Thus,
    culture,
    Anatolia
    saw
    the
    of
    andthe
    'ulama',
    warriors,
    thirteenth-century
    incorporation
    centralstateintoa single,perhapsuneasy,whole.
    The vacuumof authority
    on thewesternfrontier
    leftby theByzantine
    in 1261 made thearea attractive
    return
    to Constantinople
    to rebels,tribal
    groups,andurbanelements
    fleeingtheMongols,especiallyfromtheregion
    oftheDanishmands
    whereMongolcontrolandtaxationintensified
    withthe
    of therevoltof 1277. (94)On thefrontier,
    antinomian
    attitudes
    suppression
    "TheSeljuksofRumandtheAntique,"
    (89) ScottRedford,
    Muqarnas10 (1993): 153-55.
    DeclineofMedievalHellenism,
    Cahen,"TheTurksin
    (90) Vryonis,
    pp. 352-55;EI2, s.v. "SaldjfOkids";
    IranandAnatolia,"pp. 677-80;idem,Pre-Ottoman
    (London:SidgwickandJackson,1968),pp. 249Turkey
    ofconstruction
    53. Thisflurry
    was madepossiblein partby a significant
    Anatolia.
    growthin tradethrough
    workbyEthelSara Wolperpursuesthistheme(personalconversation).
    (91) Forthcoming
    Mecmuast
    Eserler,"Tiirkiyat
    (92) AhmetAteg,"HicriVI-VIII. (XII-XIV.) AslrlardaAnadolu'daFarsga
    AnadoluBeylikleri
    7-8, pt. 2 (1945): 94-135; i. HakklUzunganlh,
    Karakoyunlu
    ve Akkoyunlu,
    Devletleri
    (Ankara:TtirkTarihKurumuBaslmevi,1937),pp. 209-11.
    inThirteenth
    Journal
    Anatolia,"
    (93) HowardCrane,"Noteson Saldjiq Architectural
    Patronage
    Century
    oftheEconomicand Social HistoryoftheOrient36 (1993): 22.
    The il-XanidMint'sExploitation
    oftheRfim-Saljiqid
    (94) A. PeterMartinez,
    Imperialism:
    "Bullionistic
    Ottomanicum
    13 (1993-1994): 172. An Ottomanorigin
    Currency,
    654-695H./1256-1296
    A.D.," Archivum
    in northern
    woulddo muchto explaintheirmixture
    of
    Anatolia,thoughnotsupported
    by thechronicles,
    tribalism
    andurbanism,
    andantinomianism,
    institutions.
    orthodoxy
    MongolandPerso-Islamic

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    LINDA T. DARLING

    could flourishside by side withmore orthodoximpulses,as indeed theydid


    even in more centralpartsof Anatolia. Like the initialAnatolian conquests,
    the later thirteenth-century
    border raids on the Byzantines were pursued
    withoutthe help and sometimeswithoutthe sanction of official Saljfiq or

    forsuchactivitywere
    moments
    Mongolsources.(95) The mostopportune
    timeswhenexisting
    politieswerein fluxandthecentralstatewas tooweak
    to controlnomadactivity,
    as was thecase after1277.(96) In thelastdecades
    Anatolianoteda
    ofthethirteenth
    chroniclers
    ofwestern
    Byzantine
    century,
    massive increasein pastoralnomads whose raids capturedbooty and
    offtheland.(97) Thisraiding
    anddrovetheagricultural
    population
    prisoners
    intoAnatoliaat gaining
    was as successfulas theearlyTurkishincursions
    theirdominancein the
    forthenomadicelementsand ensuring
    pastureland
    borderregion,anditcouldas easilybe dignified
    bythetitleofghazd.
    In contrast
    to earliertimes,however,whenSaljfiqsultans(liketheearly
    to
    Islamiccaliphsor theSamanidamfrs)hadbeenable aftertheincursions
    the tribalchiefsor ghazi leadersof the newly
    controland incorporate
    inthelatethirteenth
    conqueredlandsandgivetheirraidingofficialsanction,
    to
    thedemandsof MongolsuzerainsturnedtheSaljfiqs'attentions
    century
    theirpower
    theeast,constrained
    theirabilityto act,and finallyeliminated
    Since the Mongols themselveswere unwillingor unable to
    altogether.
    thenew acquisitionswerenotfully
    controlthewesternAnatolianfrontier,
    intoa centralized
    state.The chronicles
    showOsmanandother
    incorporated
    and local officialsratherthanwith
    leaderstreating
    withtekfurs
    frontier
    of any
    theabsencefromtheborderland
    imperialByzantine
    representatives;
    centralstateactivity--Mongol,
    or
    striking.
    Saljhq, Byzantine--is
    (98) It was
    leftto theconquerors
    themselves
    to fillthevacuumat thetop.
    In theendeavorto governwhattheyhad conquered,it is unlikelythat
    Turkishrulersin theborderland
    or
    spurnedanyofthegoverning
    techniques
    follegitimating
    ideologiesavailableto themthatcouldrallytheirdisparate
    than
    lowers,amongwhomnomadsandghdztsformeda greater
    percentage
    inAsia
    andIslamization
    Jr.,"Nomadization
    (95) Cahen,"La premiere
    p6n6tration,"
    p. 65; SperoVryonis,
    Oaks Papers29 (1975): 45; rptinByzantina
    Studieson Byzantium,
    Minor,"Dumbarton
    kafMetabyzantina:
    2 vols. (Malibu,CA: UndenaPublications,
    1981),2: IV. This was truedespitethe
    Seljuks,and Ottomans,
    ofMongolinvestiture
    leaderssuchas AliBey ofDenizliandthepresenceofMonacquisition
    byTuirkmen
    Anatolia(Cahen,Pre-Ottoman
    gol troopsthroughout
    Turkey,
    pp. 280, 283).
    whentheSaljuiqstatewas strongitwas able toexertcontroloverghdzfactivity
    andput
    (96) In contrast,
    downnomaduprisings
    suchas thatofBaba Rasil in 1240(Vryonis,
    "Nomadization
    andIslamization,"
    p. 47);
    on thisrevoltsee A. Yasar Ocak,La rdvolte
    de Baba Resulou la formation
    de l'hMtdrodoxie
    musulmane
    en
    TarihKurumu,1989).
    Anatolieau XIIF sitcle(Ankara:Tiurk
    and Islamization,"
    (97) Vryonis,"Nomadization
    Turkey,
    p. 318; Inalcik,
    p. 48-57;Cahen,Pre-Ottoman
    oftheOttomanState,"pp.73-74.Someofthesenomadswereprobably
    dis"TheQuestionoftheEmergence
    whoturnedto pastoralism
    forsurvivalin theabserceofeffective
    foragriculprotection
    placedByzantines
    inAnatolia,"Byzantinische
    ture(KeithHopwood,"NomadsorBandits:The Pastoralist/Sedentarist
    Interface
    16 [1991]: 185).
    Forschungen
    et 16gendesdes premiers
    Turcica28 (1996): 73.
    Ottomans,"
    (98) ElizabethA. Zachariadou,"Histoires
    The Saljfiqrulerwas fullyoccupiedin attempting
    leaderclosestto himin Denizli
    to controlthefrontier
    (Cahen,Pre-Ottoman
    Turkey,
    p. 279).

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    CONTESTED TERRITORY: OTTOMAN HOLY WAR IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT

    underthesettledSaljiq state.Consequently,
    creatingnew politicalentities
    in theborderregionmeant,amongotherthings,
    developingformsoflegititowardtheghdziand tribalelementsthanSaljiq
    macythattiltedfarther
    claimshad done,whilestillmakingroomfor 'ulamd',former
    legitimacy
    of thePerso-Islamic
    statetradition.
    Byzantinesubjects,andrepresentatives
    As an ideology,ghazcwas flexibleenoughtobe represented
    as an orthodox
    Islamicactivity
    the'ulamd',an unorthodox
    activity
    to/by
    to/byantinomian
    and a politicalactivityto/by
    Sifis, an economicactivityto/bytribesmen,
    and inclusive
    aspiringrulers.As such,it mayhavebeenthemostpowerful
    more so than
    unifyingdevice available to conquerorson the frontier,
    tribalism,
    origin,religion,
    language,or culture.
    Amongtheseborderchiefs,it was the Ottomanswho were the most
    successfulin the long run at transforming
    themselvesinto sultansand
    an imperialstate.Tryingto decide whether
    establishing
    ghazd was "the"
    elementin thatstateis a singularly
    foundational
    futileexercise.The lackof
    directevidencemeansthatwe mayneverknowwhether
    Osmanhimself
    was
    theleaderof a ghdziband,thechiefof a nomadictribe,theson of a Saljia peasant,or all of theabove.We mayneverbe able to assess
    qid officer,
    hisdegreeofIslamicorthodoxy
    orhislevelofreligiouszeal. The arguments
    builton thescrapsof evidencethatremainto us appearto be based more
    on theamountoffaiththeirauthors
    thananything
    chooseto placein thefifchroniclers
    andtheirselectionamonginterpretations
    ofclues
    teenth-century
    thatcouldpointin severaldirections.
    But how muchdoes it reallymatter?KnowingOsman'scorrectlabel
    wouldsignificantly
    increaseourunderstanding
    of Ottomanhistory
    onlyif
    we assume an organictheoryof nationhood(as the seed, so the tree).
    Instead, we must acknowledgethe agency of statebuildersover the
    whilerecognizingthepowerof tradition
    to legitimizetheir
    generations,
    and mobilize theirfollowers.If Osman grew up in the
    statebuilding
    in thedecades after1261, thenwe know
    westernAnatolianborderlands
    thathe attainedadulthoodin a regionand a periodwhencentralstate
    was recedingand local leadersof all typeswereleftto maintain
    authority
    themselvesand theirfollowerswithonlytheirown resources.In anyone
    area theseresourcesprobablyincludedintactnomadictribesand nomads
    andbrigands,
    whosetribalaffiliations
    had beenbroken,warriors
    local villagers (Byzantineor Turkish),pastoralists(Turkishor Byzantine)and
    urbanrefugeesfromdisturbed
    areasfarther
    east,convertsand "renegades"
    fromtheByzantine,Catalan,Venetian,and othereasternMediterranean
    statesandlaterfromtheless successfulTurkishprincipalities,
    unemployed
    losersin Mongolpoliticalstruggles,
    andintellectuals,
    Saljiq functionaries
    and more. There were also people who straddledthese categories;it
    has been suggested,forexample,thatOsman in his youthled the stillnomadicwingof a bodyof Turkswho werein theprocessof sedentariza157

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    LINDAT. DARLING

    tion.(99) A mobilebandof thistypemaywell have includedTurksfrom


    othergroupsand perhapssome adventurous
    Byzantines,makingit difficultto definethenatureofOsman'sleadership,
    especiallysinceitchanged
    overtime.Resourcesavailableto himalso includedadvantagesof locafor conquest,sources of wealth,and ideologies of
    tion, opportunities
    includingtheideologyof ghazc. Whatwe needto discoveris
    legitimacy,
    therolestheseresourcesplayedat different
    pointsin thecreationof the
    wereat
    and ultimately
    theOttomanEmpire,whichinterests
    principalities
    stakein the variousactionsof Osman and his peers,and whichgroups
    fromtheoutcomesand becameable to shape thedirectionof
    benefitted
    of itspast.
    theirstateand thememory
    as belongingto
    It wouldbe a mistaketo visualizethesevariedinterests
    half
    exclusivegroupsofpeople.Duringthefirst
    andmutually
    homogeneous
    for
    some
    of
    the
    same
    individuals
    ofthefourteenth
    probacentury, example,
    and
    timesas nomadicraiders,
    mercenaries,
    Byzantine
    blyservedatdifferent
    theirinterests
    doubtlesschangedto some degree,butnot
    ghdziwarriors;
    withtheirchangesof occupation.The existenceof conquests
    completely,
    mightindicatethepresenceofthe'ulami' and
    organizedon shar'fprinciples
    or itmightsimplymeanthatshar'iprintheinfluence
    of 'ulam6'concerns,
    sharedbyMiddleEastern
    cipleswerepartof thenormalconquesttradition
    Osman'soriginalfollowersmay
    rulersno matterwhattheirpredilections.
    ofOttoman
    havebeenmostly
    Muslims,butitwas notlongbeforea majority
    thismusthaveaffecoftroopswereChristian;
    subjectsanda certainnumber
    of ghaz6 as muchas mercenary
    servicewiththe
    ted the understanding
    It wouldbe moreusefulto inquirehowrulersdeployedthetraByzantines.
    ditionsandresourcesattheirdisposalintheseever-changing
    circumstances,
    and how thesemoves werejustifiedby laterhistorianswritingin very
    different
    contexts
    foraudienceswithverydifferent
    priorities.
    ofOttomanorigins,
    butit
    Thisis nottheplaceto begina reinterpretation
    ofinterests
    intoaccountmay
    can be suggested
    howtakingthiscontestation
    affectourassessment
    ofthesources,drawingourattention
    notonlyto their
    contents
    butto thetimeandmanneroftheircomposition.
    Forexample,the
    whichdrewon a fundof AnatolianoralnarlegendofMalikDinishmand,
    rative,on theonehand,andon theothertheromanceofSayyidBattal,writtenin thelateeleventhor earlytwelfth
    was itselfputintowriting
    century,
    fortheSaljfiqSultain
    'Izz al-DinKaikavusII (1246-1259)notlongafterthe
    notonly
    arrivaloftheMongols.Itscomposition
    atthatpointintimetestifies
    andtheSaljfiqsbutalso
    to a partialreconciliation
    betweentheDinishmands
    to thefactthateven at thesophisticated
    courtof Konya,subjectionto the
    Mongolscreatedan audiencefortheghdzitradition,
    depictedas a holywar
    carriedon by tribalforceswhose simplefaith,thoughscarcelyorthodox,
    (99) Haldon and Kennedy, p. 101; Keith Hopwood, "Low-Level Diplomacy between Byzantines and
    Ottoman Turks: The Case of Bithynia," in Byzantine Diplomacy, ed. JonathanShepard and Simon Franklin
    (Aldershot: Variorum, 1992), p. 152.

    158

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    CONTESTED TERRITORY: OTTOMAN HOLY WAR IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT

    was strongly
    felt.('") Such faithpermitted,
    evenencouraged,
    alliancewith
    local Christianpowersto fightthepagan enemy,whose presenceon the
    ofAnatolia
    peninsulawas themostimportant
    challengefacingthewarriors
    in thesecondhalfofthethirteenth
    and saints'lives
    century.
    Epic narratives
    andtheethostheyembodiedwerewell-known
    in thirteenth-century
    Anatoandnomadiccirclesbutamongeducatedcity-dwellers
    lia,notonlyin ghdczi
    as well.Side by side withorthodox
    of ghazdin theworks
    legal definitions
    ofthe'ulamdi',
    thereexisteda coherent
    as a romantic
    and
    imageoftheghdczi
    heroicfigureofthepastthatdoubtlessservedas a modelforaspiring
    raiders
    andwarriors
    butcouldalso provideinspiration
    forsubjugated
    courtiers
    and
    andperhapsfor'ulamd'as well.The sameimagelivedon intothefifrulers,
    teenthcentury
    in thehistory
    of Ashikpashazade,
    and in all thesesettings
    it
    embodiedan elementof resistance
    to an encroaching
    authority.
    (10') Rather
    thanbeinga pureexpression
    of a group'sethos,then,in each case it was a
    ofrepresentations
    ofthatethosforparticular
    deployment
    purposes.
    In thislight,Ottomanclaimsto delegationbytheSaljiqs takeon a new
    meaning:notonlyweretheSaljfiqstheonlyones who could authorizea
    ghazd againsttheByzantinesin the absenceof thecaliph,butalso their
    had priority
    overanyMongolclaims.(102) This priority
    was cerauthority
    tainlyrecognizedby Bayazid I, who deployedit (unsuccessfully)
    against
    Timur'sattempt
    to restoreMongolsuzerainty
    in 1402. (103) Fourteenth-centuryMongolfinancemanualsindicatethattheMongolsat thattimestill
    considered
    thewestern
    Anatolianstates,including
    Orhan's,as theirownborderprincipalities
    (ucdt),althoughtheydid notseemto expectanyrevenue
    fromthem.('104) Claims of Saljiq authorization
    wouldhave supported
    an
    Ottoman
    resistance
    to Mongoldomination,
    a resistance
    hintedatbythefact
    thatin theearliestsectionsoftheOttomanchronicles
    Osman'sgreatest
    hosis directed
    notagainsttheByzantines
    butagainstthe"Tatars,"
    a people
    tility
    whodidnotfollowtheetiquette
    ofghazdc
    as itwas understood
    on bothsides
    oftheByzantine/Turkish
    divide.(105)TheTatarsweretroopsoftheMongols,
    Geste,pp. 56-60,162.
    (100) M61ikoff,
    (101) Was italso one ofthesourcesfortheimageoftheBalkanhaiduk?
    claimsto investiture
    tribal
    (102) Real or fictitious
    by theSaljfiqsor Mongols,usefulin legitimizing
    leaderson thefrontier,
    to Saljfiqand Mongolclaimsof suzerainty
    corresponded
    (and,potentially,
    revenue)
    in theborderregion(see Cahen,Pre-Ottoman
    Turkey,
    pp. 313-14).
    hiscampaignin Anatolia,see
    (103) EI2, s.v. "BayazidI." On thelogicofTimur'scampaigns,
    including
    BeatriceForbesManz, "Temiirand theProblemof a Conqueror'sLegacy,"Journalof theRoyalAsiatic
    Society,ser.3, vol. 8 (1998): 23-26.
    (104) "AbdAllahb. Muhammadb. Kiyaal-Mazandarfini,
    Risdla-yiFalakiyya,ed. WaltherHinz (Wiesbaden:FranzSteiner,1952),p. 162; AhmetZeki VelidiTogan,"MogollarDevrindeAnadolu'nun
    Iktisadi
    in
    Vaziyeti,"TiirkHukukveIktisatTarihiMecmuast1 (1931): 33; trans.GaryLeiser,"EconomicConditions
    Anatoliain theMongolPeriod,"AnnalesIslamologiques25 (1991): 233. The financerecordsdatefromafter
    thedisappearance
    of theSaljfiqs;priorto 1307,however,theinterposition
    of some Saljfiqauthority
    in the
    borderlands
    was probably
    recognizedbytheMongols(see AhmetZeki VelidiTogan,Umumf
    TiirkTarihine
    Giris[Istanbul:IsmailAkgiinMatbaasl,1946],pp. 237-38).
    of Ahmedi'shistorical
    (105) Kafadar,BetweenTwo Worlds,p. 85. At thebeginning
    epic,thefaithand
    of theMongols(Ahmedi,"Dastanve
    justiceof theOttomansarejuxtaposedto theunbeliefand oppression
    vol. 1 (Istanbul:Tiirkiye
    Al-Osman,"in
    Tarihleri,
    Baslmevi,1949),pp. 6-7).
    Osmanlh
    Tevr~ih-i

    159

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    LINDAT. DARLING

    whosestatewas notevennominally
    Muslimin Osman'searlyyears.It was
    a primetargetforghazd and a significant
    factorin western
    consequently
    Anatolian
    seemtohaveavoideddwelling
    however,
    politics.Thechroniclers,
    on theMongolpresence,perhapsin orderto emphasizetheSaljfilq
    connechashada distorting
    effect
    on ourunderstanding
    of
    tion,andthissuppression
    Ottomanorigins,
    on theByzantine
    frontier
    to theneglect
    focusingattention
    ofthelargerAnatoliancontext.
    OsmanandOrhanmayhavebeenghdzisin thesenseof
    Parenthetically,
    theepic narratives,
    butwhether
    is a
    theywereawardedthetitleof Ghdczi
    different
    question.HardevidencethatbothOsmanandOrhanreceivedthis
    titleis limitedto an inscription
    on a 1337mosquecallingOrhan"Ghdizi
    son
    of Ghdzi,"butit has been arguedthatthisinscription
    was notoriginalbut
    was partofa laterrestoration
    ofthemosque.(106) As we haveseen,thetitle
    of Ghdziwas generallybestowedon themostprominent
    leaderof ghazd;
    the protocolsurrounding
    its use has not been clarified.Correspondence
    manualsprescribedtheproperuse of theterm,and inscriptions
    in other
    westernAnatolianprincipalities
    indicatethatit was borne,in different
    forms,by therulersof Aydln,MehmedBey (1310-1334) and UmurBey
    (1334-1348),andbyrulersin Germiyan,
    Sinope,Karaman,Menteshe,and
    Manisa. (1'07)In thefirsthalfof thefourteenth
    therulersof Aydln
    century
    werethemostactiveghdzileadersin thewest,carrying
    theghazdintothe
    Aegean with theirnaval forces. ('108)Only after 1354, when the Ottomans

    establishedtheir beachhead at Gallipoli and began their European


    leadersin ghazc. The titleof
    conquests,did theybecometheundisputed
    in
    announced
    the prominenceof a ruler's
    inscriptions
    building
    Ghdzf
    and legitimated
    hisrule;thus,if the1337inscription
    is authentic,
    leadership
    itrepresents
    a claimbyOrhanparalleltothatofUmurBey.Itsinauthenticity
    Orhan'sclaimtothetitle,as he mayhavereceived
    byitselfwouldnotdisprove
    itonlyafterUmurBey'sdeathin 1348.DuringthereignofMuradI (13621389), however,the Ottomanswere clearlythe most prominent
    ghdzt
    leaders;itis also possiblethatitwas Muradwhowas firstawardedthetitle
    of Ghdziand that,as in the case of the Danishmands,because of their
    successthefirsttwoOttomanrulerslaterreceivedthetitleby
    descendants'
    meanthatthey
    courtesy.('09) Theirlack of thetitlewouldnotnecessarily
    (106) Sinasi Tekin, "TiUrkDiunyaslnda Gazc ve Cihdd Kavramlan Uzerine Dutiinceler, II: Gazf Teriminin Anadolu ile Akdeniz B61gesinde Itibinnl Yeniden Kazanmasl," Tarih ve Toplum 19, no. 110 (Subat
    1993): 73-80.
    (107) Feridun M. Emecen, "Gazaya Dair: XIV. Yiizyll Kaynaklarl Araslnda Bir Gezinti," in Prof Dr.
    Hakki Dursun Yildiz Armag~an (Ankara: TiurkTarih Kurumu Baslmavi, 1995), pp. 195-96; Paul Wittek,
    "Deux chapitres de l'histoiredes Turcs de Roum," Byzantion 11 (1936): 305 and n. 3; Kafadar, Between Two
    Worlds, pp. 76-77.
    Enverf) (Paris: Presses universitairesde
    (108) Irene Milikoff, Le Destan d'Umar Pacha
    (Diistarndtme-i
    France, 1954), p. 45.
    (109) Bayazi~d I, despite his conquests, his defeat of the Crusaders, and his attempton Constantinople,
    was apparently never granted the title of Ghadzi.This in itself would suggest that the title was usually
    conferredex post facto, as an acknowledgement of a career of ghdzi-like deeds.

    160

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    CONTESTED TERRITORY: OTTOMAN HOLY WAR IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT

    was notrecowerenotengagedin ghazd,butonlythattheirpreeminence


    century.
    gnizeduntilafterthemiddleof thefourteenth
    The mid-fourteenth
    centuryseems in generalto have been a turning
    of
    pointin thecultureof ghazd;it was then,in thecontestedprincipality
    Eretna,thatthelegendofMalikDinishmandreceiveditssecondredaction,
    Sifi veneer.(10) A numberof saints'
    whichgave it a "mystico-religious"
    werealso produced
    lives,catecheticalworks,and othertypesof literature
    at thistime,as variouselementsof thecomplexAnatoliansocietyfound
    in theuse of theterm
    finedistinctions
    voice. By theend of thecentury,
    ofOttoman
    have
    become
    irrelevant.
    The
    earliest
    seem
    to
    compilation
    ghazi
    history(finishedin 1402, alreadya centuryafterthe events)labeled the
    ofmarone ofghazd,seennotas theactivity
    wholeperiodoftheOttomans
    of a powerfulruler,a conqueringstate.
    ginalnomadsbutas thefunction
    has beenunderThis "history",
    partofAhmedf's
    epic poemIskandarnima,
    stood by some scholarsas depicting"the"ghdzitendencyin the early
    Ottomanstate(an antinomian
    ghazd accordingto Wittek,a shar'i ghaza
    accordingto Imber).('")
    In contrast,Pil Fodor sees the poem not as a depictionbut as an
    an effortto supportOttomanlegitimacyafterthe defeatby
    instrument,
    (112)But withwhatweapons?The ostensiblemessageof thepoem,
    Timfir.
    of theOttoas analyzedby Fodor,Imber,and others,is thelegitimization
    mans throughtheirsupportof ghazd, the one criterionon whichtheir
    wereclearlybetterthanTimur's.This messageis conveyed
    qualifications
    mainlythroughthe poem's language,but its structure
    conveysanother
    messageas well. Its linkingoftheOttomanswiththelegendof Alexander
    theGreatandtherulersofpre-IslamicIran,as wellas itspanegyric
    nature,
    of courtpoetrybestexempliplace thepoemsquarelywithinthetradition
    in prose,thehistoriesofJuvayni
    fiedbyFirdawsi'sShdhndma;
    andRashid
    al-Din servedthesame function
    fortheIlkhanidsof Iran.The dedicatees
    of suchworksweregreatconquerorsturnedPerso-Islamicemperors,
    like
    GhazanKhan,or Mahmid of Ghazna(althoughthelatterdid not
    Hitlegti,
    coulddo forhim).AlreadyduringtheMonappreciatewhattheShdhndma
    thatIslamigol period,theShahndmahad receiveda Silfiinterpretation
    cized theancientwisdomof thepre-IslamicIranianpastand appliedit to
    the Ilkhanidrulers.(113) Ahmedf'sIskandarndmafollowedthistradition,
    emphasizingtherole of themysticalteacherHlzlr,Iskandar/Alexander's
    Geste,pp. 61-62.
    (110) M61ikoff,
    (111) Wittek,Rise,pp. 14; Imber,"The OttomanDynasticMyth,"pp. 308-9. Impliedis a critiqueof
    BayazidI forhisadoptionofByzantinemoresandhis failureagainstTimur.
    Dasitanas a SourceofEarlyOttomanHistory,"
    ActaOrientaliaHungarica
    (112) Pil Fodor,"Ahmed~i's
    38 (1984): 50-51.
    "Le Shah-ndme,
    (113) AssadullahSourenMelikian-Chirvani,
    la gnose soufieet le pouvoirmongol,"
    Journalasiatique 272 (1984): 312-15; RobertHillenbrand,
    "The IskandarCycle in the GreatMongol
    in TheProblematics
    ofPower:Easternand Western
    Representations
    ofAlexandertheGreat,ed.
    Sihnarma,"
    M. Bridgesand J.Ch. Biirgel(Bern:PeterLang,1996),p. 220.

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    LINDA T. DARLING

    searchforspiritual
    andhisrelationship
    to previoussovereigns
    ofthe
    truth,
    world.(114)
    The originalversionofthepoem,lackingthesectionon Ottoman
    history,
    was probably
    in 1390fora Germiyanid
    completed
    princeduringthereignof
    B&yazidI, who subsequently
    gained controlof Germiyanand became
    Ahmedi'spatron.B&yaz"id
    was thefirstOttoman
    rulertobe recognized
    as an
    andto developan imperialadministration
    in thePerso-Islamic
    traemperor
    dition.Previously
    theOttomans
    werenotfamedas goodrulers,piousmen,
    or patronsof thearts;conquestwas theironlyoutstanding
    accomplishment
    of the associationwithAlexander).Only in
    (thus the appropriateness
    of Ottomanbureaucrats
    and stateservants
    B&yazid'stimedid theinterests
    firstbeginto outweighthoseof theconquerorsand raiders.Ahmediwas
    surelyawarethatBayazidclaimeddescentfromAlexanderandpossesseda
    set of tapestries
    Alexander'slife.("5) Even thoughtherevised
    portraying
    versionof theIskandarndma
    withtheOttomanhistoryattachedwas not
    untilafterthedefeatbyTimurandso was givento Bayazfd'sson,
    presented
    thepoemsupported
    ambitions
    atthesame
    byitsstructure
    Bayazid'simperial
    timethatit critiqued
    his failureto attainthem.Ratherthanbeingsimplya
    oftheghdzispirit,
    celebration
    howeverdefined,
    itwas an attempt
    toharness
    thatspiritto a regularized
    Perso-Islamic
    regime.
    In contrast,
    theprosehistories
    ofthefifteenth
    assumedan opposicentury
    tionbetween
    ruleandportrayed
    theearlyOttoman
    rulers
    as
    ghazdandimperial
    on one sideortheotherofthatdivide.("6) Ghazdbecamea political
    standing
    football
    overbydifferent
    toscorewithit;itcould
    struggled
    groupswhosought
    ortocritique
    tosupport
    thecentral
    Theveryattackof
    be usedeither
    authority.
    Timurlegitimized
    andperpetuated
    theuse ofghdziideologythrough
    muchof
    thefifteenth
    sinceevenTimursaw theirghdziroleas reasonenough
    century,
    notto obliterate
    theOttomans
    Inalcikand M6nageshowedthat
    completely.
    usedstockimagesofpurenomadsandnobleghdzistocritique
    Ashikpashazade
    theimperialtendencies
    of MehmedII and thecorruption
    of the'ulamrd'
    and
    andthatthiscritique
    was drivenbythegradualpoliticalsubordibureaucrats,
    nationof theghuizwarriors
    andnomadsto thecentralized
    state.As Kafadar
    whowrotethenextgeneration
    ofhistories
    hadan interest
    argues,the'ulamrd'
    inrepresenting
    incompliance
    withtheshart'a,and
    ghazdas anordered
    activity
    in ghazdas a Sunniactivity
    as Imberargues,thestatehada growing
    interest
    versions
    ofIslamlikethatoftheSafavis.We recognize
    opposedto "heretical"
    thecoexistence
    ofconflicting
    in ghazain thefifteenth
    interests
    when
    century
    thoseinterests
    wereattachedto identifiable
    political
    groupswithdiffering
    agendas.
    ValuesinAhmad'Ts
    (114) CarolineSawyer,"SwordofConquest,Dove oftheSoul: PoliticalandSpiritual
    in ibid.,pp. 135-38,141.
    Iskandarnanma,"
    (115) Kafadar,BetweenTwoWorlds,
    p. 94; Hillenbrand,
    pp. 222-23.IftheOttomansectionofthepoem
    was largelycomposedbeforethebattlewithTimur,it mayevenhavebeenintended
    to celebrateBlyazid's
    thevictory
    at Kosovo,thedefeatoftheCrusaders,
    andtheattackon Constantinople.
    ghizfachievements:
    et legendes,"pp. 60-61,andthesourcescitedthere.
    (116) See Zachariadou,"Histoires

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    CONTESTED TERRITORY: OTTOMAN HOLY WAR IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT

    of a state,however,is a different
    The foundation
    story;subsequent
    itsexistenceas somehownecessary,
    have a needto understand
    generations
    theinevitable
    and theirresistible
    forproductof the"genius"ofitsfounder
    of itsfirstgeneration.
    wardmomentum
    Theyquarrelonlyovertheprecise
    in whichtheinitial
    geniusand theexactdirection
    qualityof thefounder's
    momentum
    pointed.The decisionwhethertheoriginalOttomanswereor
    of theirentire
    to governtheinterpretation
    werenotghdzis,then,is thought
    and to givetheirstatea specificmeaningfromthefirst.
    history
    subsequent
    buttheexamination
    ofother
    Notonlyis theevidenceinconclusive,
    however,
    frontiers
    also showshow diversewerethemotivesof thosewho interested
    themselvesin ghazd. Even Ahmedi'spoem reflectsa contestamong
    theideologiesof warriors,
    'ulamd',and thecentralstate.Analyzingthese
    contextwill yielda morecomplexviewof the
    ideologiesin a comparative
    under
    natureof theearlyOttomanstate,a clearerpictureof theconditions
    ofthesources.
    whichitwas founded,
    and a morenuancedunderstanding
    LindaT. DARLING
    ofArizona,U.S.A.)
    (University

    163

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