Rural - Urban Interaction A Study of Burdwan Town and Surrounding Rural Areas
Rural - Urban Interaction A Study of Burdwan Town and Surrounding Rural Areas
Rural - Urban Interaction A Study of Burdwan Town and Surrounding Rural Areas
Gopa Samanta
Reader
Department of Geography
The University of Burdwan
Burdwan
Lecturer in Geography
Mankar College
Mankar, Burdwan
~untala
Lahiri-Dutt
Ph.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to express my sincerest gratitude to my supervisor, Dr Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt.
Reader, the Department of Geography, The University of Burdwan, whose intellectual
companionship and lectures about our native town and surrounding region helped me to
identify and develop the research problem. The study was done under her supervision and I
was able to complete it within the stipulated time only due to her help.
Profuse thanks are also due to Dr A. Biswas (now of Visva Bharati, Shantiniketan)
and Dr N. Prasad of Burdwan University for providing valuable criticism and substantive
suggestions in the preparation of this thesis. Much help, stimulation and intellectual pleasure
was derived from other teachers. research scholars, students and non-teaching employees of
the Geography Department ofthe University.
I am thankful to Dr Hsamish Main, of the Staffordshire University, U.K .. for his
lecture and valuable suggestions regarding the rural-urban linkages and reciprocity. I also
thank Dr Mrs Barbara Harriss-White of International Development Centre, Oxford
University. U.K .. for her seminar lecture and informal discussions on market centres in
Tamilnadu and West Bengal. I thank Dr Biplab Dasgupta, former Director. Centre for Urban
Economic Studies (CUES). Calcutta University, for giving me the opportunity to attend the
seminars and \vorkshops on market centres in India and other urban issues at the CUES.
I am grateful to Dr Banshi Mukherjee of Burdwan Medical College, Dr Pabitra Giri.
Director. CUES. Calcutta University. and Dr Prasanta Kumar Jana for their helpful assistance
and valuable suggestions regarding the application of statistical techniques in the research
work. I am also thankful to the members of my family for patiently tolerating my odd work
schedules during this period. My loving thanks go to my mother and elder brother without
whose inspiration this thesis would not have materialized.
Field survey and primary data collection formed a major section of my research work.
In this respect 1 am thankful to my students especially to Uttarn, Mahuya, Enakshi, Sreeparna
and Kanchan for their co-operation during field surveys.
I also wish to thank the various otlicials in the institutions and organizations with
whom I have come into contact during the course of field work and data collection. They are
too many but mention must be made of the helping and friendly persons of the Census
OJlice, Calcutta; Zilla Parishad. Burdwan: Oflice of the Collector, Burdwan; Additional
District Magistrate, Burdwan: District Fnginecr, Burdwan; Officials of the Municipalities of
Burdwan. Guskara and Mcmari, and Block Development Offices of Khandaghosh. Burdwan1 and IL Jamalpur. Galsi-11, Memari-1 and IJ. Monteswar, Ausgram-1, Raina-! and Bhatar.
Dated
!5 .Ob. ROO!
Burdwan
~opo..
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JCJ./Yll0-}1
Gopa Samanta
PREFACE
In our school texts, a description of Indian economy would invariably begin with
explicit statements of its ruraL agricultural nature. Yet. all around us we could sense changes
in that rural economy, and the variable transformation of social and economic space through
the impact of unseen forces. The traditional distinction between rural and urban no longer
remains valid. The millenia-old subsistence economy of India is now changing to give rise to
more and more, larger and larger villages, which stood somewhere in the middle of the ruralurban continuum.
This may have been due to the fact that we belong to the post-green revolution
Burdwan where the full impact of the high yielding variety of seeds and the Damodar Valley
Corporation (DVC) canals was felt on the rural scenario. Therefore, identifYing our study
region while remaining faithful to the empirical tradition of Geography was easy enough for
us.
Burdwan, the headquarter of the district of the same name, is a flourishing town of
about 2.5 lakh population (as per 1991 census: -rough 2001 projection
3.25 lakhs). In
recent decades it has experienced rapid growth mainly through the expansion of its
commercial base though its various agro-processing industries to serve the surrounding
I
countryside. We took up for our study eleven rural development blocks, two among which
are called Burdwan-1 and Burdwan-ll and nine have common boundaries with Burdwan
Police Station (P.S.).
Burdwan town, located in the midst of an agriculturally prosperous, near isomorphic
region, has developed a close relationship with the smaller settlements around it. These
centres located within a radius of 40 kilometres from Burdwan, encircle the town and are also
very well connected to this central urban focus. Together, they form a complete economic
region characterized by significant amount of functional coherence.
The work taken up here could best be defined, in a nutshell, as an 'urban study of a
specific region'. Our present enquiry into the spatial relationships of a medium-sized urban
centre and its even smaller satellites would hopefully provide a major foundation stone in
developing a greater understanding into the nature of rural-urban interaction in the context of
the third world, and would help to reveal that the myth of rural-urban disjunction is not valid
in its classical form any longer.
migrant would be absorbed in an urban context - to examine if they have originated from
surrounding rural areas or not.
The ninth chapter deals with the various linkages between the two sectors- physicaL
social, economic, technological, service, population movement and political - and the roles
they have played in integrating the region. These linkages have been crucial in helping the
rural areas shed their shroud of isolation and connecting them to the urban centres.
The last chapter concludes the study. It identifies the gaps still existing between the
rural and urban in Burdwan region, and suggests ways and means that could be explored by
decision-makers for planning of either or both.
CONTENTS
Page No.
CHAmll
amea1m1Y
1.1.
1.2.
1.3.
1.4.
1.5.
1.6.
1.7.
1.8.
CIAmlll
THEUCIGRIIIID
2.1.
2.2.
2.3.
2.4.
Introduction
Third World Urbanization
Patterns, Processes and Rect::nt Trends of Urbanization
2.3.1. India
2.3.2. West Bengal
2.3.3. Burdwan District
Review of Literature on Rural-Urban Interaction
2.4.1. Theories of Rural-Urban Interaction
Lipton and Urban Bias
Rondinelli: Secondary Cities and the Diffusion of Urbanization
Stohr and Taylor: bottom-up development
2.4.2. Empirical Studies on Rural-Urban Interaction
CHAmllll
RIRAI.DmliPMEIIT IIIIIRIWIIIIEIIIII
3.1.
3.2.
3.3.
3.4.
Introduction
The Notion of Rural Development: A Review
Background of Rural Development
3.3.1. Mughal Period
3.3 .2. British Period
3.3.3. The Contribution of Burdwan 'Raj Family'
3.3.4. The Role of the Damodar Valley Corporation (D.Y.C.)
3.3.5. Intensive Agricultural District Programme (JADP)
Land reforms and Panchayati Raj
3.4.1. The Case for West Bengal
Role of The Left Front Government
Operation Barga
Distribution of Ceiling Surplus Land
1-12
1
2
3
4
6
7
8
9
10
11
13-41
13
13
18
18
21
27
30
32
33
34
35
36
42-90
42
42
44
44
46
49
51
54
55
57
58
59
60
Panchayati Raj
3.4.2. Land Reforms in the Region
3.5.
Agricultural Development
3.5.1. West Bengal
3.5.2. Burdwan District
3.5.3. The Region
3.6.
Poverty Alleviation
3.6.1. Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP)
3.6.2. Training of Rural Youth for SelfEmployment (TRYSEM)
3.6.3. Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas (DWCRA)
3.6.4. Swarnajayanti Gram Swarozgar Yojana (SGSY)
3.7.
Infrastructural Development
3.7.1. Transport
3.7.2. Irrigation
3.7.3. Electrification
3.7.4. Market
3.8.
CDmiiV
IEGIIIW SICII-ECIIIIMIC CHARACHIISnCS
4.1.
4.2.
4.3.
4.4.
4.5.
4.6.
4.7.
Introduction
Data and Methodology
Female-Male Ratio (FMR)
Levels of Literacy
Caste Composition of Population
4.5.1. Distribution of Scheduled Caste Population
4.5.2. Distribution of Scheduled Tribe Population
Levels of Work Participation
Sectoral Employment
4. 7.1. Levels of Primary Sector Employment
4.7.2. Levels of Secondary Sector Employment
4.7.3. Levels ofTertiary Sector Employment
4.8.
Status of Women
4.8.1. Levels of Female Literacy
4.8.2. Levels of Female Work Participation
4.9.
Summary
CIAml V
IIITU-IEIIIIW PAmiiiS IF DEVEliPMEO
5.1.
5.2.
Introduction
Methodology
5.3.
5.4.
5.5.
5.6.
Data Base
Variables
Factor Solution
Spatial Pattern of the Lcvelbof Development
5.6.1. Dimension I: Levels of Overall Development
5.6.2. Dimension II: Levels of Health Infrastructure
62
63
65
65
67
69
71
73
75
77
80
81
82
83
85
86
88
90
91-121
91
91
94
96
99
101
102
105
106
108
110
112
113
115
118
121
122-133
122
123
124
124
126
127
127
130
II
5.7.
Cllmlll
liiiE IIUACES AI I IIIII. MUm CEmES
6.1.
6.2.
6.3.
Introduction
Some Conceptual Considerations
Large Villages
6.4.
6.5.
l.ocation
Distribution Pattern: Methodology
Spatial Pattern of Distribution
6.3.3. Density Characteristics
Spatial Pattern of Population Density
Density Distribution
Growth in density ( 1981-'91)
6.3.4. Functional Characteristics
Spatial Pattern of Occupation Characteristics
Rural Transformation
6.3.5. Social Characteristics
Social Backwardness
Literacy Status
Status of Women
Female Literacy
Female Work Participation Rate
6.3.6. Overall Development
6.3.7. Growth Potential
Methodology ofGravity Model
Pattern of Growth Potential
Rural Market Centres
6.4.1. Role of Rural Market Centres in Integrating Rural with Urban
6.4.2. Rural Market Centres ofthe Region
Summary
CUPTU VII
131
132
134-168
134
134
136
136
141
141
141
142
145
145
147
148
149
150
151
152
153
154
156
156
157
158
160
160
161
163
164
165
168
169-196
IEIIIIAI.IIIIII FICI
7.1.
7.2.
Introduction
Role ofBurdwan Town as a Regional Urban Focus
7.2.1. Geographical Location
7.2.2. Historical Antecedent
7.2.3. Development of the Town Under Royal Patronage
7.2.4. The Changing Urban Foci of Burdwan
7.2.5. Growth of Rurdwan
7 .2.6. Present Demographic Character
Population Density Pattern
Density Gradient
Female-Male Ratio (FMR)
169
170
170
170
172
174
176
178
178
179
183
lll
7.4.
CIAml VIII
TIE IIFIIIW. SECTII IF THE 111111 ECIIIIMY
8.1.
8.2.
Introduction
Some Conceptual Issues
8.2.1. The Informal Sector of Economy
8.2.2. Third World Urbanization and the Informal Sector of Urban Economy
8.3.
8.4.
8.5.
8.6.
Summary
CIAPnR II
BIIAl-111111 UIIIASES
9.1.
9.2.
Introduction
Rural-Urban Linkages
9.2.1. Physical Linkages
Road Networks
Railway Networks
River and Water Transport Networks
9.2.2. Economic Linkages
Market Patterns
Raw Material and Consumption Goods Flows
Consumption and Shopping Patterns
Capital and Income Flows
184
186
190
192
194
196
197-215
197
197
197
199
199
200
201
202
202
202
203
204
205
205
206
206
207
208
208
209
209
210
21 1
212
215
216-256
216
217
219
219
228
230
231
231
233
236
237
lV
9.3.
CIAmll
lllllll AIEAD
10.1.
10.2.
I 0.3.
10.4.
10.5.
Introductory
Fin dings
Thinking About Burdwan
Development of Infrastructure
Transport
Rural Market Centres
Education
Health
Conclusion
References
239
239
241
241
244
245
245
246
248
249
251
251
253
256
257-266
257
257
259
262
262
263
264
265
265
267-289
LIST OF TABLES
Page No.
Table 2.1
19
Table 2.2
24
Table 2.3
25
Table 2.4
26
Table 2.5
26
Table 2.6
28
Table 2.7
30
Table 3.1
Progress of Land Rdorm in The Region and The District upto June 1999
64
Table 3.2
Expansion of Net cropped, Net Irrigation Areas and the Area Sown
More than once (1910-'11 to 1990-'91)
67
Table 3.3
68
Table 3.4
70
Table 3.5
71
Table 3.6
83
Table 3.7
84
Table 3.8
86
Table 3.9
87
Table 3.10
88
Table 3.11
89
Table 4.1
Table 4.2
Table 4.3
Table 4.4
Table 4.5
Table 4.6
95
98
101
103
105
108
Table 4.7
110
Table 4.8
112
Table 4.9
116
Table 4.10
119
Table 5.1
The EigenValues and\ the Total Percentage Variance Explained by Each of 126
the Three Factors
Table 5.2
127
Table 5.3
128
Table 5.4
130
VI
131
131
Table 5.7
132
Table 6.1
13 7
Table 6.2
139
Table 6.3
141
Table 6.4
143
Table 6.5
14 7
Table 6.6
148
Table 6.7
150
Table 6.8
151
Table 6.9
154
Table 6.10
155
Table 6.11
\57
Table 6.12
158
Table 6.13
I 59
Table 6.14
161
Table 6.15
167
Table 7.1
177
Table 7.2
183
Table 7.3
185
Table 8.1
203
Table 8.2
203
Table 8.3
204
Table 8.4
204
Table 8.5
205
Table 8.6
Income Distribution
206
Table 8.7
206
Table 8.8
207
Table 8.9
208
Table 8.10
208
Table 8.11
209
Table 8.12
Level of Iiteracy
2 10
Table 8.13
211
Table 8.14
212
Table 5.5
- Table 5.6
Vll
Table 8.15
Nature of Residence
213
Table 8.16
Types of Migration
213
Table 8.17
214
Table 8.18
Inter-District Migration
214
Table 9.1
218
Table 9.2
Routes and Buses Operated in the Region by Private Bus Associations, 1998
Table 9.3
222
222
Table 9.4
223
Table 9.5
224
Table 9.6
247
Table 9.7
248
Table 9.8
Public Health Services in the Rural Areas of the Region, 1996- '97
250
Table 9.9
254
VII!
LIST OF FIGURES
Page No.
Figure 1.1
Location Map
Figure 4.1
93
Figure 4.2
97
Figure 4.3
Literacy Levels
100
Figure 4.4
l02a
Figure 4.5
104
Figure 4.6
107
Figure 4.7
109
Figure 4.8
Ill
Figure 4.9
114
Figure 4.10
117
Figure 4.11
120
Figure 5.1
Levels ofDevelopment
129
Figure 6.1
140
Figure 6.2
144
Figure 6.3
146
Figure 6.4
162
Figure 6.5
166
Figure 7.1
175
Figure 7.2
180
Figure 7.3
188
Figure 9.1
220
Figure 9.2
226
Figure 9.3
229
Figure 9.4
243
Figure 9.5
255
IX
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY
1.1.
Towns and cities have always fascinated writers and researchers all over the world.
There is a great divergence regarding the points of view from which they are looked at since
the scholars themselves come from various disciplines, as also the tact that the urban
phenomena in their totality are incomprehensible to any single discipline. Thus, while
studying the urban phenomena, academicians, planners, administrators and others choose to
deal with only some particular aspect of the multi-faceted complexity. In India too, urban
centres of various sizes have attracted the attention of scholars since ancient times. At the
same time, there has been a distinct stream of opinion against urban centres.
The anti-urban bias has a ;long history whether in America (Delafons, 1969) or in
Britain (Glass, 1955). At the same time, there have been philosophers like Aristotle who
believed that to develop human faculties and raise himself above the level of barbarism to
live well instead of merely living, man has to form an actual physical city. As Collingwood
and Myres ( 1936) wrote while describing the contrast between the Greco-Roman and the
British concepts of the town, 'Man's body and animal existence might be satisfied by the
country; his spiritual needs could only be satisfied by the town.'
Perceptions of rural-urban differences in the third world, however, are not as sharp as
the ones mentioned here. There are still a lot of rural ingredients mixed in the urban society
and economy. This is due to entirely different historical forces operating in the third world.
Here, the 'Cities of Peasants' (Roberts, 1979) present quite a different picture where the
conventional western folk-urban contrasts are not validated. This is particularly true of the
comparatively smaller towns, larger villages and market centres than the metropolitan cities.
These settlements lying midway in the rural-urban continuum are neither rural nor
urban in the western sense of the terms. Therefore, they have been described as 'rurban'
(Misra, 1978). Bengal, that part of India to receive the British 'modem' influence fully, had
its primate city in Calcutta. Still, Sinha (1965) has mentioned how the impact of urbanism on
interior Bengal generally tended to create 'rural towns' since nineteenth century Bengal.
They were mainly centres of country trade and regional administration. Such centres grew up
to serve local needs as well as for S(:rving as collection and distribution outposts for Calcutta.
The Census oflndia, in its report of 1911, pointed out the difficulty of distinguishing
between an overgrown village and a small town. 'The main point of difference' remarks the
report, 'lies in the occupations of the people, for a town is a centre of trade or at lea-;t ha-;
shops catering for the wants of the inhabitants and of the surrounding villages or it is a place
where the majority of the residents are engaged in non-agricultural pursuits. In the villages,
however, the majority is devoted to agriculture. As a rule, the village is purely residential and
shops are few and far between ....... '.
After a span of nearly ninety years, the basic difference between the large rural
settlements and small market towns of West Bengal still remains in their occupational
composition. In our study area there are a large number of villages whose population cross
the minimum threshold of 5,000 designated by the Indian Census. In many cases their
densities of population also exceed the minimum value of 400 per square kilometre. Again,
there are small market centres and towns where the tertiary sector comprises well over 80 per
cent of the total workers (Lahiri, 1986). Rural-urban interaction, therefore, constitutes a very
interesting subject matter especially in those regions where recent agricultural developments
have modified the sectoral power equations significantly.
The rural-urban continuum may have two expressions. First, is the physical area
around an urban centre where the rural landuse is gradually yielding to give rise to built-up
area. The second, more abstract meaning, implies a conceivable, hypothetical scale with rural
at its one end and urban on the other. In this research, we have used the term mostly in this
second, abstract sense, though because of my training as a geographer, the spatial
manifestation has been considered too.
1.2.
context of a rather small city and its surrounding areas. The research problem may be put in
the form of a series of interrelated, but simple, questions:
what are the social and economic characteristics of settlements that are located
midway along this continuum ?
what kind of role do the rural market centres play in integrating rural and urban
economics of the region?
what is the pattern of the level of development of the rural counterpart of the
Burdwan town and how
far
centre?
what are the linkages that have developed between an agriculturally prosperous
region and its central to\\ln ?
how far does the informal sector of Burdwan's economy bear the characteristics
ofthird world urban informal sector, and how far does this sector of the economy
ret1ect the close ties between the rural and urban areas of the region?
In the ideal situation. a town exists because of the countryside and within it. There is
a give-and-take relationship between the town and its surrounding rural areas, which enable
the continued existence and growth of the town.
lt is the process of interaction that helps to spread the impulse of urbanization around
the town itself and turns the fringe areas into urbanized peripheries.
Towns exist depending on the supply of different household materials produced in the
countryside. On the other hand, the surrounding countryside receives the facilities or supply
of finished products besides the various services. The urban centre also acts as a centralized
labour market providing opportunities and attracting the possible rural migrant.
Towns, small or large, must have complementary regions. As the town grows in area
and population, the size of this region is enlarged. Further areas become added to the
complementary region with the development of transportation links. A reciprocal relationship
develops between the town and its surrounding areas.
A thriving rural-urban interaction gives rise to 'satellite' market centres of an urban
area. Initially such centres develop
a')
degree of linkage with the nearest urban centre. These settlements represent a twilight zone
in the rural-urban continuum where the urban traits gradually dissolve into more rural ones.
The research problems identified by us relate to this zone - both conceptually and in the real
physical sense.
1.3.
urbanization process in the third world. It is now more or less accepted that many urban
theories formed in the context of developed North do not apply to the ground realities of the
less developed South. One primary reason is that the historical experience of the countries of
Asia. Africa and Latin America has been considerably different from the western world.
However, a common agreement is yet to emerge even among the experts of third
world urbanization. The rural-urban disjunction and the dominance of metropolitan cities are
characteristics that have been extensively debated by the scholars. Still, the area that has not
been studied extensively and in detail at the micro-level is that of rural-urban interaction in
the locaL small town context.
Our objective of the present study is to enquire the linkages between the rural and
urban sectors of the economy in the context of an agriculturally prosperous area and to reveal
how they have led to the formation of multifaceted functional, regional relationships to
produce a complete regional identity. This region is in no way a uniform entity; we have
discussed in detail the intra-regional diversities with regard to rural development. Through
our study, we have tried to establish the importance of various kinds of interactions that exist
between the town and its surrounding region. Finally, our objective is to demolish and
invalidate the generalizing myth of rural-urban disjunction in third world countries through
the micro-level study of a small town and its surrounding region.
1.4.
(1919, p.7) stated' .... the one thing that is first, last and always geography and nothing else.
is the study of areas in their compositeness and complexity, that is regional geography'. This
statement was made at the height of dominance of regional concept, and much time has
passed since it. Also, geography has undergone major upheavals in its intellectual history;
upheavals that discourage us now to reiterate Fenneman's I 919 quote with some degree of
fmality. Still, we feel the geographical tradition of 'specific' studies have much to commend.
Even if such studies do not lead to theory-formulation, the insights gained into a problem
through a region-oriented study can lead to a valuable understanding of theories and models.
This research however, is not exactly a 'regional study', in this sense as it does not
intend to gather encyclopaedic or descriptive knowledge of the area chosen. The well-defined
spatial unit studied here is not a 'uniform' region in the conventional sense ofthe term.
We have selected eleven rural development blocks in the eastern part of Burdwan
District. Burdwan town is located at the centre and acts as the regional urban focus for it
(Figure 1.1 ).
LOCATION MAP
BURDWAN DISTRICT
26.
N
rz~
Study Area
10
tm
sa 130' E
23
JON
Burdwon Town
B~
~c
_ _ _ _ _ _ L ____ _
Ftgure No
J.l
There are several rural market centres (Galsi, Nar~ Banpas, Sehara, Saktigarh,
Satgachhia, Monteswar, Kusumgram, Sura, Palla, Shyamsundar, Bhatar, and Raina) having
close physical and economic links with Burdwan. These centres, nearly encircling the main
town, are all located within a radius of 40 kilometres from Burdwan, and are quite wellconnected to it. Together, the eleven development blocks comprise a total area of 2,821
square kilometre. and form our study region identified on the basis of functional coherence,
economic unity and broad similarities in agricultural development.
Located in the eastern part of Burdwan district in the lower part of West Bengal (from
1
2258 N to 23"33 N latitudes, and from 8733 E to 8815 1E longitudes), the region forms a
part of the agriculturally prosperous near-flat plain of Ganga. The Damodar river flows
through the region from the west and takes a southward bend after Burdwan town.
1.4.1. Physical Environment
The physical environment of the region is more or less uniform. Burdwan region
belongs to the 11at alluvial plain of lower Damodar valley region with very insignificant relief
variation. The area is drained by the river Damodar and three other smaller streams - Kunur.
Khari and Banka. The general elevation of the region varies from 40 to 13 metres above
mean sea level with a slight slope from northwest to southeast.
The region enjoys a typical tropical monsoon climate. The average annual rainfall
varies between 140 and 160 centimetres, and this heavy rainfall is highly concentrated in
summer months. The maximum average temperature is attained in April and the highest
maximum ever recorded was in May. Summer temperatures are quite high, varying between
26C and 42C. The lowest temperature is attained in the month of January. The winter
temperature varies between 9C and l5C.
Geologically the region is almost entirely covered by a relatively thin blanket of
Holocene alluvium. The sandy loam and clay loam soils of the region provided suitable land
for agriculture which has been utilized for millenia for intensive and efficient rice cultivation.
The region has very little of its natural vegetal cover left due to the extension of cultivation
and settlement. Only small patches of secondary growth of forest are still to be found in
Ausgram-1 (2.237 hectares). Memari-11 (330 hectares), Jamalpur (240 hectares) and Bhatar
( 130 hectares) blocks. Three blocks (Mcmari-L Raina-1 and Monteswar) are totally devoid
of any forest. The forest areas of the rest tour blocks like Burdwan-I and II, Galsi-II and
Khandaghosh vary between I 5 to 40 hectares, that is, very negligible in the practical sense.
again merged into the functional region of the higher order urban centre, Burdwan with a
high degree of economic
1.5.
coherenc(~.
1.6.
Methodology
This dissertation is based on the empirical study of a specific regional unit where we
have tested the models and theories of urbanization as conceptualized by scholars of both the
developed and developing world. We collected data through intensive field surveys since
1994. Data collation continued well into 1999 with cartographical work and report-writing in
successton.
The steps followed in the study can be organized in the following manner:
Identification of Research
Problen~
....
Literature Survey
./
./
-......
~
[
Presentation
1.7.
as separate issues (Potter, 1985; Harriss, 1982; Gilbert and Gugler, 1982; Roberts, 1979). But
there has until recently been a dearth of material published on the wider interactions and
linkages between urban and rural areas (Unwin, 1989). Studies of interactions between urban
and rural areas have much usefulness, particularly in the context of a third world country.
ii)
iii)
rural-urban
linkage
and
its multifaceted
aspects
like
transportation,
pattern of rural market centres linking rural with urban and developing a
regular hierarchy of marketing system;
v)
vi)
From this study on above lines planners can derive a large amount of information
currently existing untapped at the ground level on infrastructure and linkages. We have also
tried to identify the gaps in the rural-urban linkages. Removing these gaps planners may be
able to develop a micro-level plan for the region. The analyses of transportation linkages and
their limitations will be useful in planning micro-level development by providing the
10
1.8.
denotes the conditions existing in the time immediately succeeding the IADP years and can
be suitably used as a starting point of recent history. However, we have often looked into
th{~
and the 1971 census reports provided us with mouza level maps of the region to demarcate
the gram panchayat boundaries. The transport map of the region was collected from the
office of District Engineer, Zilla Parishad, Burdwan. Municipal ward maps (pertaining to
difh~rent
Data related to linkages were also collected from official sources especially those on
bus service and telecommunications.. Data related to bus service (number of routes, number
of buses, number of trips) were collected from the office of Regional Transport Authority
and the Central Bus Terminus (Tinkonia) of Burdwan. The Subdivisional Telephone
II
Exchange, Burdwan, provided us with the location of sub-exchanges and their coresponding
number of connections in difterent areas of the region.
Other data sources on different aspects of the study are the Bureau of Applied
Economics and Statistics, District Planning Cell, Zilla Parisad, District Agricultural Office
etc.
A series of interviews wert: taken with different officials and resource persons from
the Regional Transport Office, Zilla Parishad and Municipality in the context of linkages and
levels of development.
Note
I keeping aside semantic discussions, these two words will be used interchangeably without any implied
difference.
12
CHAPTER II
THEBACKGRIIND
2.1.
Introduction
Third world urbani?..ation process is different from that of the developed world in
many ways. These intricacies need a closer look to understand our study and put it in context.
In this chapter we will briefly discuss the third world urbanization process as examined by
previous scholars. We will also look into the patterns, processes and recent trends of
urbanization in India, West Bengal and Burdwan District based on existing literature and
available census data.
Finally, in this chapter we will make a survey of literature problematizing rural-urban
interaction in third world countries. The objective is to provide the conceptual background of
our research. The aim is to establish that whereas the conventional literature on third world
urbanization has explored the existence and causes of rural-urban disjunction, more recent
literature looks at the third world urban phenomena in more innovative ways. This chapter,
therefore. will prepare us for and lead into our study of rural-urban interaction in Burdwan
town and surrounding rural areas.
2.2.
area~.
supply and distribution system. haphazard development of services in the urban and rural
settlements, and ill-conceived development strategies and policies. Poorly conceived
planning policies in tum tend to disrupt and distort the evolution of the whole system of
13
underdeveloped countries today is the same process although greatly separated in time and
place' (Reissman, 1964 ). The adherents of this view believe that the third world urbanization
is only a repetition of the western experience and the process especially of Western Europe
and North America in the nineteenth century although in a radically ditTerent framework
(Dickenson. et a/., 1983). Herbert and Thomas (1982) while discussing along this line of
thought have shown that many third world countries have still remained relatively
'unurbanized', and there are great differences even among them. He also believes that while
all countries show some trend towards increasing urbanization, it is important to note that the
process has no global inevitability'.
It is now generally recognized that the historical process of urbanization in the
In the period following the World War ll, third world countries grew so rapidly that,
between 1940 and 1975 their urban populations double~ and in some countries half or more
of the population is now living in towns of20,000 and more. Moreover, this urban population
is concentrated in a few large urban centres having high rates of growth, intense poverty and
sharply contrasting 'traditional' and 'modern' lifestyles coexisting together. These large
cities often with a population of one million or over, are increasing faster in size than the
smaller cities. The largest of them - the super-cities of five million or more - are growing
fastest of all (Dickenson, et a!., 1983 ).
Urbanization - wherever it takes place - implies a process of social and economic
transformation reflecting an occupational change from agriculture to manufacturing and then
to tertiary or the service sector. As more people begin to live in urban centres, agriculture
becomes a less direct source of livelihood, functions become more specialized, and a
territorial division of labour takes place increasingly. In a survey of forty countries, Gibbs
and Browing (1966) have shown fairly close correlations between an index of urbanization
(expressed as a percentage of population in metropolitan areas), and the dimensions of the
division of labour in terms of industrial diversification. technological development and the
territorial dispersion of the somces of consumer goods imported. Specialization and
interdependence are thus products of industrialization and leads to patterns of urbanization
which are distinguished from one another.
The growth of third world cities is much faster 'than the expansion of manufacturing
employment, resulting in a direct shift out of agriculture into services' (Moore, 1966). Due to
this peculiar tertiary nature of the urban economy, it has been termed hyper-urbanization
(Safa, 1982), over-urbanization (Sovani, 1964) and even pseudo-urbanization (McGee,
1971 ). According to Mountjoy ( 1978) the flood of migration into the to\Vns does not bear any
relationship to expanding economies and opportunities: under-employment in the village is
being exchanged for unemployment in the towns.
Employment in third world cities, in addition, is heavily reliant on petty services and
manufacturing on a small scale- what has been variously called the 'bazaar economy', the
informal sector or the lower circuit (Dickenson eta/., 1983). This has largely been caused by
unchecked population growth. rurall-urban migration and weak non-industrialized economies
or capital-intensive industries unable to absorb an ever-growing labour supply. Therefore.
employment in the third world cities tor the rapidly expanding labour force hinges upon the
absorptive capacity of small industries with high labour requirements but low productivity.
Manufacturing activities such as shoemaking, traditional and modem handicrafts, metal work
15
and machinery repatr; trade, especially selling or hawking of food and clothing in
makeshift/temporary markets and on streets; services including domestic service, shoeshining, rickshaw-pulling, car wa<>hing; and casual labour of all kinds. The cities are
structurally weak and, because of their inadequate economic bases, are more 'formal' than
junctional' entities. Consequently, they often tend to be parasitic on the rural societies
within which they are placed.
However, according to Castells ( 1977), the problems of hyper-urbanization in third
world cities are not causes but symptoms of' dependent' or 'peripheral' capitalism. The late
entry of these countries into the global capitalist economy led to their dependence on
advanced industrial societies for
~capital,
started during the colonial period and has led to the increasing penetration of capitalism in
the third world in a later period. The prevailing economic structure was destroyed and
brought in fundamental changes in the modes of production.
Some third world scholars are not willing to accept that over-urbanization exists in
their countries. For example Bose (1978) suggests that these countries in the late twentieth
century are comparable to weste:m societies at similar stages of development. He also
believes that urbanization is an essential element in the process of economic growth and
social change in south and Southeast Asia. This view looks at the third world cities as
'beach-heads' centres for modernimtion which act as catalysts for economic growth, centres
from which the benefits of modernization flow outwards to revitalize the stagnating
agricultural sector (McGee, 1971 ). In the same line of thought, Noble and Dutt ( 1978) argue
that the process of urbanization will trigger off a transformation process of the traditional
rural, agricultural economies and turn them into modern, urban industrialized economies.
Berry (1973) views the cities of the third world as 'main centres of social and political
change' and explains their rapid growth by the attraction of rural poor to this new form of
centrality. This, however, is explicitly a matter of ideological orientation.
Barke and O'Hare ( 1984) with a positive outlook towards third world urbanization
explains the advantageous role of towns and cities in the development of the economies of
these countries in the following way:
I. economically. towns provide the market and exchange centres which are
3. socially, the mixing of people in the urban centres exposes them to a diversity of
ideas :md stimuli. These may be important in the change of attitudes, beliefs and
values, which constitute a part of the modernization process.
Many of the initial criticisms of third world urban development appear to be criticism
of excessive primacy. At the same time, it was beginning to be noted that while the primate
city still dominated third world urban scenario, not all urban development is necessarily
centred in the largest city (Barke and O'Hare, 1984). Smaller intermediate centres in the vast
rural areas have beneficial and positive effects on the region's development. They possess
economies of scale for serving the needs of the population in their, albeit smaller, regions.
Such intermediate and smaller urban centres develop through the perfurmance of commercial
and administrative functions and contribute positively to the development of both these
centres and their hinterlands.
Differences of opinion stilll exist among scholars regarding the role of the urban
centres in the development of the third world countries. However, there ts consensus
regarding the remarkable demographic changes that characterize urbanization in the third
world countries (I Ierbert and Thomas, 1982). These countries, in general, are now
experiencing an unprecedented rate of population growth. There has been little change in the
relative rural-urban ratios and thus the continuing increase of rural population has masked the
relative impact of urban growth. This is because there is not yet a sharp difference between
the rates of natural increase in rural and urban areas of these countries. Thus urbanization in
the third world is to be viewed within the demographic framework of the countries
concerned.
This vtew, however, is debatable as the report of the UNESCO seminar on
Urbanization in Asia and the Far East clearly stated that economic pressure or 'push' from
the countryside rather than the demand for labour by developing economic activity in the
towns and cities, that is, their 'pull' spurs on the urbanization process in the region. Seen
from this point of view, the rapid urbanization ofthird world countries is attributable to large
scale rural-urban migration, almost a mass exodus, from the poverty-stricken rural areas.
Whether these rural migrants are evenly absorbed in the labour markets or swell the ranks of
the unemployed is another matter. The UNESCO seminar report also noted that the recent
rapid rate of urbanization in Asian countries docs not speak of a corresponding growth of
industry in towns and cities. Instead, it stands for a shift of people from low-productive
agricultural employment to yet another section marked by low-productive urban employment
such as handicraft production, retail trading, domestic services etc. Designating this process
17
of direct shift out of agriculture into services as 'tertiarization'. MeGee (1971) traces its
origin to capital-intensive industriali71ltion of these countries.
Although towns and cities of the third world have always got more attention both
from the academicians and planning decision-making authorities (see Alam and Gopi, 1976;
Cohen. 1979), the time is not yet ripe for the formulation of a theory. Discreet subtypes often
seem to exist within the third world itself, and there is an immense variety of urban types. In
1960, Sjoberg commented that 'much of what has been written on the subject is the product
of premature generalization based on limited observation of the western experience'. This
comment no longer holds true. ln recent years, there has been intense scrutiny of the urban
process of the third world countries and many of the older notions that used to be held as
sacred have now been demolished.
2.3.
discussion of the patterns, processes and recent trends of urbanization in India West Bengal
and Burdwan district. This analysis will provide the broader context to understand the nature
of interaction between rural and urban areas of the study region. The terms 'process of
urbanization indicate here the transformation of rural areas, societies and economies into
urban. By pattern' we mean both the spatial and temporal dimensions ofurbani71ltion in the
context of the third world. We have also made a distinction between the rate of urbanization
be.
and the level of urbanization. Following Bose (1974) it cank said that the former indicates
percentage decadal increase or decrease in the urban population, the latter signifies
percentage decadal increase or decrease in the proportion of urban population to the total
population. In discussing the recent trends, we have used census data pertaining to the year
1901 onwards. However, we have given special emphasis on the data since 1951 as they
reveal the post-independence and post-industrial urban trends.
2.3.1
India
Like several other developing countries, India is undergoing massive urbanization. In
the first 40 years of this century, lthe proportion of urban population was less than 12 per
cent. The proportion has steadily increased from 17.29 per cent in 1951 to 25.72 per cent in
1991 (Table 2.1 ). In 1991 the urban population of India was just over a quarter of the total
population. However, in absolute numbers, India's urban population is very high, that is, 217
18
million. According to some scholars (Mohan, 1996; Drakakis-Smith, 1987 etc.) Indian urban
experience is repeating the same historical trajectory followed by Europe and North America.
Drakakis-Smith, ( 1987) attributed the recent growth of large urban centres to the shifting of
production tacilities to developing countries like India by multinational conglomerates
resulting in a new international division of labour.
r~
o-
"
'
. --
--
Urban pop. a.
% of total pop.
Decada/ growth of
urban pop. (%)
1901
1,827
238.40
25.85
10.84
1911
1,815
252.09
25.94
10.29
0.35
1921
1,949
251.32
28.09
11.18
8.27
1931
2,072
278.98
33.46
11.99
19.12
1941
2.250
318.66
44.15
I3.86
31.97
I95I
2.843
361.09
62.44
I 7.29
41.42
196I
2,365
439.23
78.94
17.97
26.41
1971
2,590
548.16
I 09.11
19.91
38.23
1981
3,378
683.33
159.46
23.34
46.14
1981
3,768
844.32
217.18
25.72
36.19
The number ofurban agglomerations and towns has more than doubled in India since
the beginning of this century (from I ,827 in 1901 to 3, 768 in 1991 ). Among these urban
centres the highest growth rate is found in the class I cities (Misra, 1998). The total urban
population in 1901 was 25.85 million only, which has increased 8 times by 1991 (Table 2. I).
From the decadal growth rate of urban population between 190 I and 1991 it is clear
that urban growth in India has acce:lerated after the independence in 194 7. Up to 1931 the
decadal growth rate was below 20 per cent. In 1941 the growth rate increased to 31.97 per
cent. Later on, it started to fluctuate between 26.41 per cent in 1961 and 46.14 per cent in
1981.
The pattern of urbanization in India has also changed considerably smce the
beginning of the 20 1h century. This changing pattern and recent trends are highlighted in the
size-class distribution of towns (fable 2.2). The relative proportions of class L class II. class
III and class IV towns in the total urban centres of India have increased considerably. The
proportion of class I towns has increased more than 6 times from 1.33 per cent in 1901 to
19
8.20 per cent in 1991. The proportion of class II towns has increased nearly 4 times from
2.37 per cent in 1901 to 9.45 per cent in 1991. The class 111 towns have experienced increase
of about three and half times. The proportion of class IV towns has increased from 21.59 per
cent to 3 1.4 5 per cent.
About 65 per cent of the total urban population of India is concentrated in these class
I towns. Again within class I cities, 23 cities with a million or more population claim 51 per
cent ofthe population. This indicates a high concentration of urban population in large cities.
This has further aggravated the urban-rural divide (Misra, 1998).
On the other hand, the relative significance of smaller towns in the Indian urban
scenario has decreased considerably. Both the number and the proportion of class V and class
VI towns have lessened between I 90 I and 1991. The proportion of class V town has declined
from 41.08 per cent in 1901 to 20.09 per cent in 1991. Again the proportion of class VI town
has declined five times from 26.45 pt:r cent to 5.13 per cent during the same period.
From the size-class distribution of towns a few remarkable trends of Indian
urbanization can be highlighted. These are as follows:
1. the shares of all categories oftowns except class III between 1901 and 1991 have
20
established urban corridors (Roy, 1993). These urban corridors are strongly interacting linear
urban developmt"'rts and have grown up along strategic transportation links having a higher
level of infrastructure (Dutt and Parai, 1999).
The economic basis of Indian urbanization is also interesting in nature. Nearly half
(47.50 per cent) of the towns of India are based on agriculture. Even though they contain
only 15.85 per cent of the total urban population, they forman important link between rural
areas and large cities (Dikshit, 1997). The number of industrial towns and service towns are
the same in 1991. However, the proportion of urban population in industrial town is nearly
double the proportion of service towns (Misra, 1998). Primary activities are dominant in the
towns of size class III to V. On the other hand, industrial functions are concentrated in class I
towns, although the percentage of towns dominated by this function is more in class III and
IV categories.
Contemporary urbanization in India is marked by slowing down of the rate of
urbanization and the declining growth rate of metropolitan cities. Declining rate of n.rral to
urban migration in the last decade ( 1981 to 1991) is one of the main reasons of slower rate of
urbanization. Bose (1993) has attributed this lessening flow of rural to urban migration to the
.rur.al development programmes under the five-year plans improving the economic condition
in rural areas. Whatever the reason behind the declining trend of India's urbanization, it is a
good one indeed . This trend can check the 'million cities' (Misra, 1978) from becoming
'super conurbations' (Dutt, 1993) in near future. These million cities, later termed
'metropolitan agglomerations' by Misra (1998), occupy a special place and perform a
remarkable role in Indian urbani2'.ation (Dikshit, 1997). They are more connected to the
economic trends and processes in the advanced capitalist world than their respective rural
hinterlands (Gugler, 1996; Diddee and Rangaswamy, 1993). These cities have accentuated
the disparities in regional economic development of the country (Patil, 1998) and intensified
the rural-urban dichotomy in India. However, the economic reforms and structural changes
that the Indian economy is undergoing will have significant impacts on Indian urbanization
(Badsha, 1996). What role the emerging information technology will play in reshaping Indian
urban patterns and reduce rural-urban divides is yet to be seen. Till now physical linkages of
various kinds, especially roads, have affected a more tangible and positive impa
. B. \:J. "LTR'R. -. .
----------. -
2.3.2. West Bengat
\';..--d.~~~.
s- ~. 'C)'S
! ) . p - '\
The history of urbanization in West Bengal dates back to ancient period when urban
life was primarily restricted to the few seats of Royalty. Such royal seats of ancient urban
21
growth were Gangaridai mentioned by Ptolemy. However, better known are the later ports
and trading centres of Tamralipti and Saptagram in lower Bengal. During the medieval
period. developing inter-regional trade and human movements contributed much to the
expansion and growth of urban ce:ntres (Sarkar, 1998).
The base of modern urbanization in West Bengal, however, was initiated by the
colonial powers especially the British, with the introduction of capitalistic mode of
production (Munshi, 1968). During the colonial period, centres of collection and distribution,
mining and plantation. civil lines. transport nodes, periodic/permanent market places, forts,
centres of administration, cantonments, railways colonies etc. formed the general embryonic
nuclei of towns in West Bengal (Sarkar, 1989). In this period, towns were the foci of
modernization suited to the colonial interest; they accentuated the internal spatial
heterogeneity and could hardly provide stimuli for national development.
In pre-independence West Bengal, urbanization pattern that gradually developed can
be called unicentred. Calcutta was by far the topmost urban centre, the only giant of an urban
centre among dwarf-sized towns spread around in districts as their headquarters, the
metropolitan seat of colonial administration, and the centre of international trade. The
permanent settlement system of land tenure, introduced by the British, led to the
concentration of agricultural surplus in hands of absentee zamindars residing in Calcutta.
Subsequently, industrial growth based primarily on export oriented jute industry took place
around Calcutta. In the late colonial phase, urban growth and industrial growth were
synonymous in West Bengal (Sarkar. 1995). With the colonial legacy urbanization in West
Bengal has become truly 'enclave type' (Zevelyov, 1989) showing very little structural
change in income distribution and occupational pattern (Mills and Becker, 1986).
The historical perspective suggests that in the pre-independence period the
urbanization process in West Bengal was determined largely by the exogenous factors rather
than being a part of the endogenous development of the region (Dasgupta, 2000). This has
resulted in an excessive concentration of the urban population in Calcutta-Hooghly and
Asansol-Durgapur industrial belts. These two major urban complexes continued to account
for the Lion's share of new and high-growth towns (Dasgupta, 1988).
Sarkar ( 1998) has identified four distinct phases of the 20th century urbanization
process in West Bengal. These are:
1. period of slow but steady urbanization ( 1901-'31 );
2. period of fast urbanization ( 1931-'51 );
3. period of sustained urhani7.ation (1951-'71); and
4. period of rapid urbanization ( 1971 onwards).
!!
In the period, 190 I~' 31 the areas around Calcutta with expanding road and rail
networks and a few coal mining areas began to attract people and bloomed into large towns.
Their urban economy was steadily improving through the opening up of coal mines, iron and
brass foundries, oil mills, paper mills, potteries, sugar factories, tanneries and tea plantations.
The period between 1931-' 51 was one of huge urban growth due to the factors of massive
rural push, lure of city life as the rural-urban amenity gap increased, agricultural
deterioration, and above all the partition of india leading to an influx of refugees. Since 1951,
that is, during the planned development ofboth agriculture and industry, urbanization process
in the state received a boost. The period of 1971 onward also experienced rapid urbanization
especially due to the proliferation of new urban centres based on mainly tertiary activities
and rapid transformation of rural landscapes around existing towns and cities into urban ones.
At the time of independence West Bengal was well advanced in urbanization
compared to India as a whole (Giri, 1998). However, at that time urbanization in the state
was highly concentrated in the Calc:utta region, while the interior districts had very low levels
of urbanization (Giri, 1988). After independence large-scale immigration from neighbouring
states especially Bangladesh, plarmed development of agriculture and industry together
brought remarkable changes in the urbanization pattern of the state.
In 1951, shortly after independence, the level of urbanization in West Bengal was
23.88 per cent, which gradually increa<>ed to 27.39 per cent in 1991. Although the state
maintained a higher level of urbanization than all India average, the decreasing gap between
the two indicates a slackening of the rate of urbanization in West Bengal (Table 2.2). In 1951
the rate ofurbanization was 2.38 percent which increased to 3.48 per cent in 1991. However.
during the same period, all India rate of urbanization increased from 3.93 to 10.20 per cent
(Table 2.2). The increasing gap between the rates of urbanization of West Bengal and India
again supports that urbanin1tion rate in West Bengal has been decreasing. In 1951 West
Bengal had a lcvd of urbanization (23.88 per cent) which was fourth in rank preceded by
Maharashtra, Gujrat and Tamilnadu. By 1991, the state was relegated to the sixth position
(27.39 per cent) because of its relatively slower rate of urbanization. However, this slower
rateofurbanization in West Bengal since 1951 can be explained partly by lower rate ofruralurban migration within the state and partly by relative industrial stagnation since 1960's
(Giri, 1998). The rate of urbanization in West Bengal since 1951 has not only become slower
but also unsteady and fluctuating (Table 2.2).
23
Year
-------------
1951
---
----
---
f!_a_{e_of u,.~a_niz(ltjon
West Bengal
All India
1961
24.45
17.97
2.38
3.93
1971
24.75
20.22
1.23
12.52
1981
26.47
23.34
6.95
15.43
1991
27.39
25.72
3.48
10.20
Dasgupta (2000) has divided the state West Bengal into four regions on the basis of
the level ofurbanization:
111
metropolis:
region II containiing only one district. Burdwan, with a high level of urbanization
and industrialization:
region IV located on the western part of the state covering tive districts.
24
Districts
Percentage of
urban population
Calcutta
100
Ranh
North 24-Parganas
51.22
Howrah
49.57
Burdwan
35.08
Hooghly
31.18
South 24-Parganas
30.80
Darjeeling
30.46
Nadia
22.63
Jalpaiguri
16.36
West Dinajpur
13.33
10
Murshidabad
10.42
\\
Midnapur
9.85
12
Purulia
9.44
13
Birbhum
8.98
14
Bankura
8.28
15
Coochbchar
7.80
\6
Maida
7.07
17
West Bengal
27.39
Another feature of urbanization m West Bengal in the la<>t three decades is the
growing importance of the large urban centres, mostly urban agglomerations. consisting. of a
number of adjacent urban units. The share of urban population living in class-1 cities has
increased from 75.12 per cent in 1951 to 81.71 per cent in 1991 (Table 2.4). On the other
hand. low proportions of urban population live in class IV (2.59 per cent), class V ( 1.35 per
cent) and class VI (0. I 1 per cent) towns (Table 2.4 ). The proportions of urban population of
class II and class III towns an: 6.58 per cent and 7.66 per cent respectivdy. The wide gap
between the proportion of urban population of class I (81.71 per cent) and class II towns
(6.58 per cent) indicates a high degree of urban primacy which is an import<mt characteristic
ofthird world urbanization.
25
1951
1961
1971
/981
75.12
72.14
74.02
77.04
1991
8 I. 71
II
5.29
7.91
10.40
10.74
6.58
III
9.38
11.12
9.02
7.45
7.66
IV
7.44
5.52
4.13
3.57
2.59
2.18
3.08
1.76
1.04
1.35
0.59
0.23
0.07
0.16
VI
-
- --- ----- - - - -
--
-~-----------
100
100
Total
100
0.11
---------
-----~--------~
100
100
Like many other less developed countries, urbanization in West Bengal is more
related to tertiary sector development. In the urban workforce of West Bengal the tertiary
sector's share moved in the range of 61 per cent (1951) and 52 per cent ( 1981) wherea.'> the
share of the secondary sector varies in the range of 41.06 per cent (1981) and 34.78 per cent
( 1991) (Table 2.5). However, both the shares of secondary and tertiary sector in the urban
workforce arc fluctuating since 1951. On the other hand, the share of primary sector has
gradually increased from 4.28 per cent in 1951 to 8.22 per cent in 1991 (Table 2.5). Though
the share of the secondary sector in the urban workforce was less than that of the tertiary
sector in all the decades, the rate of urbanization in West Bengal was closely associated with
the change in the proportion of workforce engaged in manufacturing as well as secondary
sector (Giri, 1998). Therefore, it can be said that the tertiary sector may be an important
component of the urban economy in Wet Bengal but, the leading role in the urbanization
process is still played by the manufacturing sector.
--
-- -
--
'
....- .
.,
--~
.. - -
....
'
--'
- .. -
-----~
---
1961
1971
1981
1991
4.28
3.37
5.64
669
8.22
Secondary
34.99
39.35
38.32
41.06
34.78
Tertiary
60.73
57.28
56.04
52.25
57.00
100
100
100
100
Sectors
Primary
1951
Total
"".- ....
-~-
--~
-~
100
-~r.
- -
26
in the level of urbanization exists within the district. The western part is more urbanized
whereas the eastern portions of the district are either non-urbanized or poorly urbanized
(Lahiri. 1984). As for example. Raniganj coal belt in the western part has a level of
urbanization of 68.26 per cent whereas the level of urbanization of our study region in the
eastern part is only 15.33 per cent. Another difference also exists in the growth and
functional nature between the towns located in the eastern agricultural tract and those of the
western industrial belt (Lahiri, 1985a). The small and medium sized towns within the regions
of agrarian prosperity register only moderate but persisting growth rates. Located in the
agricultural parts of the region, these towns have large percentages of their working
population in tertiary activities. The negligible percentage of the workforce of such towns
engaged in secondary activities is made up of tiny informal units using low technology
(Lahiri. 1986). On the other hand, urban centres of the western part are based on mining and
industrial activities. This difference can be attributed to the physical character of land and to
the nature of predominant economy ofthe regions.
Year
Number of urban
centres
Total urban
population
1901
86,728
1911
94,186
8.60
1921
95,741
1.65
1931
129,888
35.67
1941
10
223,160
71.81
1951
13
326,099
46.13
1961
16
539.426
65.42
1971
19
885,274
64.11
1981
47
1,346,385
52.09
58
2,060,773
53.06
1991
---- - .
~--
_.-
- -
...
The above table graphically shows the rates of urban population growth in Burdwan
district between 1901 and 1991. Up to 1921 the rate of urban population increase was lower.
that is. much below 10 per cent. In 1931 the rate increased to 35.67 per cent. Since 1941
onwards the growth of urban population has become rapid thus marking 1941 as the major
divide in the growth of urban population in the district.
28
Among the towns and cities of West Bengal Durgapur occupies the third rank in size.
Other urban centres of the district with relatively higher ranks are Asansol, Burdwan and
Burnpur occupying seventh, eighth and twelfth ranks respectively (as per 1991 census). All
other towns/cities occupying ranks in between these are located in the Calcutta Metropolitan
District.
The urban system within the district has gradually changed to give rise to Durgapur as
the largest city. The predominantly agricultural-rural economy of the district centred on
Burdwan town in the east has shifted to an industrial-urban one, with the focus of
urbanization showing a distinct move towards the west. Apart from Durgapur, many other
towns of western Burdwan, such as Asansol, Burnpur, Chittaranjan, Kulti and Dishergarh haw
emerged as important urban centres.
Between 190 I and 1921 there were only six urban centres in the district, of which
Burdwan ranked first. The other centres were Raniganj, Asansol, Kalna, Katwa and Dainhat.
In 1941, the number of centres increased to ten with Kulti, Burnpur, Ondal and Barakar as
the new additions. It is also observed that between 1921 and 1941 Asansol has rapidly grown
in size, although Burdwan has remained the top ranking town.
The year 1961 saw an increase in the number of urban centres to 16. Of the six new
additions, Durgapur, Chittranjan, Niamatpur, Ukhra, Memari and Guskara, the first four were
in the western part of the district. Further, Asansol has emerged as the first ranking city with
Burdwan slipping to the second position. Thus 1961 marks the beginning of the rapid
urbanization phase in the western part of the district.
In 1971 Durgapur, which appeared as a town only in 1961 census, had moved far
ahead of the rest of the urban centres of the district. Asansol was relegated to the second
place whilst Burdwan moved down to third. This census year also saw the number of urban
centres increase to 19.
In 1981, the number of urban centres increased to 4 7 and of the 10 largest towns in
the district, seven were located in the western part and only three, Burdwan, Kalna and
Katwa were in the eastern part. Further, most of the new urban centres that have come up,
such as Kenda, Pariharpur etc. too are located in the western part of the district. Therefore,
the rank-size distribution of 1981 shows a clear change in the urban focus to the western part
of Burdwan district where mining-industrial activities arc located.
As per 1991 census, the number of urban centres of Burdwan district has increased to
58, most of which are located in the western part. The rapid economic changes of the mining
29
area and the emergence of an industrial-urban economy in the western part had led to the
growth of several large towns close to each other (Lahiri-Dutt. 200 I).
Besides this spatial concentration the uneven distribution of urban units into different
size classes may be viewed also from the point ofthe distribution of urban population among
different size-classes of cities. The following table (Table 2. 7) reveals the distribution pattern
of urban units among different size classes. The highest concentration of urban units is found
in class V and class IV categories.
Year
Total urban
population
~--
Category of towns
I
II
III
IV
VI
VII
1901
86,728
1911
94.186
1921
95,741
1931
129.888
1941
223.160
1951
326,099
1961
539,426
1971
10
13
16
885,274
19
1981
1,346,385
13
20
47
1991
2.060.773
14
25
58
From the above discussion it is quite clear that the pattern of urbanizaion in Burdwan
district is characterized by dichotomous nature between its eastern and western parts.
Urbanization in the western part is related to mining and industrialization. Most of the urban
centres of the district are concentrated here to form a continuously urbanized sprawling
region (Durgapur-Asansol industrial belt). On the other hand. the scattered urban centres of
the eastern parts have developed due to the accumulation of agricultural surplus over a long
period oftime since the 191h century.
2.4.
urban migration. there has until recently been a dearth of material published on wider
30
interactions and linkages between urban and rural areas (Unwin, 1989b). To date, most
development theory and practice have focussed on either 'urban' or 'rural' issues with little
consideration of the interrelations between the two (Tacoli, I 998). The hulk of research has
been devoted to the analysis of urban and rural development as separate issues (for urban
examples see Potter, 1985; Chambers, 1983; O'Connor, 1983; Gilbert and Gugler, 1982;
Harriss, 1982; Roberts, I 978. Rural examples are given in chapter III). However, since 1980
there is a growing awareness of the importance of rural-urban relationships especially due to
the dissatisfaction with urban-based centralized models of 'development' like 'growth pole'
(Dixon, 1987). Several empirical studies of third world countries have shown that the
linkages between urban centres and the countryside including movement of people, goods,
capital and other social transactions, play an important role in processes of social, economic
and cultural change in both rural and urban areas (Tacoli, 1998).
In spite of a growing interest on rural-urban relationships, empirical studies on
different aspects of rural-urban interaction have not been able to exert considerable impact on
development policy and
pra<~tice
reflected in the prevailing division of policies along spatial and sectoral lines. Whereas urban
planners concentrate on urban nodes, with little attention to agricultural and rural-led
development, rural development planners define rural areas as consisting only of villages and
agricultural land and exclude urban centres from this landscape (Tacoli, 1999). Spatial
policies like regional development planning have traditionally been an important tool of the
planners of the developing world. Sectoral developments give high priority to rural and
agricultural development in order to reduce rural poverty as well as rural to urban migration
to large cities and to encourage balanced development of urban centres and countryside.
However, long experiences in developing countries show that these sectoral development
policies have failed to reduce the dichotomy in development between rural and urban areas
due to the lack of recognition of the complexity of rural-urban interactions that involve
spatial as well as sectoral dimensions. As a consequence, the integration of rural and urban
areas through interactions and linkages have gained importance in the processes of change
and as a corollary a vast array of literature has emerged on rural-urban interactions in the
context of developing countries in recent years.
In this review of literature on rural-urban interaction we discuss in the first section the
theories of rural-urban interaction, and highlight the empirical studies on different aspects of
rural-urban interaction in the second section.
31
Three basic and interrelated ideas have dominated much of the literature on ruralurban interaction in development planning since the late 1950s: the growth pole concept, the
distinction between top-down and bottom-up development, and the conceptualization of
cities as being either parasitic or generative (Unwin, 1989b).
The concept of growth pole conceived by F. Perroux and later reworked as the
concept of growth centre by J.R. Boudeville is based on the idea that by investing heavily in
capital intensive industries in the large urban centres, a government can stimulate economic
growth that will spread outward to generate regional development. This concept expects that
the emphasis on urban initiatives will in tum generate rural development at both regional and
local scale (Hansen, 1981; Parr, I 973; Thomas, 1972). The principle of growth pole concept
as observed by Rondinelli (1985) is that the free operation of market forces would create
'ripple' or 'trickle down' effects that would stimulate economic growth throughout the
region. Investment in the urban industrial sector would enhance spontaneous and sustained
growth of agricultural and commercial activities, influencing the economic fortunes of
surrounding areas. Stohr and Taylor (1981) have related the growth pole concept to top down
planning. Development here is driven by external demand and innovation impulses, and that
from a few dynamic sectoral or geographical clusters development would, either in a
spontaneous or induced way trickle down to the rest of the system (Stohr and Taylor, I 981 ).
The experience of the adoption of growth pole policies of development in Latin
American and African countries has shown that the beneficial 'trickle down' influences have
on the whole failed to materialize (Conroy, 1973; Santos, 1975). In some cases they have
increased the inequality between the core and the periphery, and between urban and rural
areas (Unwin, I 989b).
The concept of top down development is the most prevalent concept of development
especially in developing countries. This concept holds the view that development will spread
through trickle down effects from certain nodes, that is, urban centres or centres of
investment to the surrounding areas. The growth pole concept of development is also based
on top down approach. However, the main characteristic of growth pole concept is the
planning of concentrated and centralized pattern of investment. The top down planning
a<;
perceived by Rondinelli ( 1983) can also be done through the creation of 'a deconcentrated,
articulated <md integrated system of cities' which provides potential access to markets for
people living in any part of the country or region.
32
Lipton's (1977) theory of urban bias is based on the concept that the rural poor arc
dominated and exploited by powerful urban interests. In his view, the most important class
conflict in the developing countries of the world today is between the rural classes and the
urban classes. This is so because the rural sector contains most of the poverty and most of the
low cost sources of potential advance but the urban sector contains most of the articulateness,
organization and power. Lipton argues that urban people arc able to direct a disproportionate
share of resources towards their own interests and away from the rural population. He also
asserts that inequalities within rural areas also owe much to the urban-biased nature of
development policy (Lipton, 1982).
33
socia~
that satisfy basic human needs in rural areas are distributed from urban centres. It is the
concentration of Rondinelli's approach on linkages and in particular on linkages both
between rural areas and small cities, and on those between smaller and larger cities, that
makes it of such interest in any consideration of rural-urban interact ion.
In Rondinelli's (1983) approach the development of 'secondary cities' relieves
pressure on the largest city and reduces regional inequalities. Diffusion of the benefits of
urbanization takes place uniformly over any region through these secondary cities. It also
34
stimulates rural economies through the provision of services, facilities and markets for
agricultural products as well as absorbs surplus labour from labour-efficient agricultural
sector.
Rondinelli has been criticized on the ground that there is no real evidence that the
classical rank-size distribution does indeed provide the context for 'successful development'.
Rondinelli's view that it is the urban settlement structure, rather than the underlying mode of
production, which is of particular significance in influencing the equitable distribution of
resources has also been questioned. His approach has also been criticized on the grounds that
low rural consumption is caused by social inequality and low incomes rather than by difficult
access to supply (Hardoy and Satterthwaite, 1986; Morris, 1997; Pedersen, 1997; Simon,
1992).
Southall (1988) supported Rondinelli's model of development and argued that small
towns contribute to rural impoverishment as they are 'vanguards of exploitation' of the rural
poor by external forces which according to the case, may be colonial powers, multinational
enterprises, central national government, local administrator and elite. However, Rondinelli's
classification of linkages in spatial development provides a broad framework for the
consideration of rural-urban interaction.
rural areas need to be given a higher degree of self-determination so that the flow
of political power becomes less directly urban to rural in nature;
national pricing policies should be introduced which offer terms of trade more
suitable to agricultural and other rural products;
35
How do different people and classes benefit from different types of ruralurban interaction, and consequently how the flows or linkages between the
two types of area related to broader social and economic transformations? and
ii)
The issue of rural-urban interaction received a momentum since the 1980s following
the failure of various developmental strategies especially in third world countries. A number
of empirical studies highlighting different aspects of rural-urban interaction in specific areas
of third world countries have come into focus recently.
Unwin (1989b) considers Preston's (1975) Rural-urban and inter-settlement
ana~ytical
36
38
Potts and Mutambirwa ( 1998) analyze how the strength of rural-urban interactions
and the interdependence between the two does not allow the impact of structural adjustment
programmes to be geographically defined despite the policy's strategic aim to decrease
imbalances and income gaps between rural and urban areas. Chant ( 1998) discusses the
importance of differences in migration flows and shows how gender and household
organization have an important influence on the rural-urban linkages in the form of
movement towards the cities.
Kamete ( 1998) describes different types of interactions between a small town and its
surrounding rural area in Zimbabwe, focussing on flows of goods and livelihood channels.
He shows that the direction of these flows are far more complex than usually thought and that
rural and urban populations have developed mutually beneficial survival strategies in the face
of debilitating economic reforms. Kelly ( 1998) highlights a relatively neglected aspect of
rural-urban interaction, that is, political dimension in the context of land conversion process
in Manila's extended metropolitan region in Philippines.
Besides researchers, policy-makers have also paid considerable attention to the study
ofrural-urban linkages in rec1~nt years (see UNDP/UNCHS, 1995; Gaile, 1992; Evans, 1990).
This renewed interest to the rural-urban linkage is associated with the increasing prevalence
of market-based development strategies and their emphasis on export-oriented agricultural
production which rely on efficient economic linkages connecting producers with external
markets (Tacoli, 1998). Evans (1990) has studied the changing nature of rural-urban linkages
with structural transformation. Gaile ( 1992) has analyzed the potential of improving ruralurban linkages through small town market-based development. The immense importance of
rural-urban linkages in rural development has been outlined by the UNDPIUNCHS (1995).
From the above literature on empirical studies of rural-urban interaction it is found
that in many areas of third world countries there is much interaction between rural and urban
areas. This studies together helps us to challenge the traditional notions of rural-urban
disjunction in third world countries.
In India the study of rural-urban interaction has been done mostly in the form of
urban impac:t/inf1uence, migration, hinterland/umland and sectoral linkages. Up to the 1970s,
delimitation of hinterland or umland and the rural-urban relationship within the hinterland
areas of cities dominated the studies of rural-urban interaction in India (Dixit, 1977; Krishnan
and Agarwal, 1970; Misra, 1977; Singh, 1956; Bradneck, 1974: Alam, 1965 etc.). Most of
these studies were based on large city regions. Delimitation of hinterlands rather than
interrelationship between the city and surrounding region was emphasized in these studies.
39
However, Sundaram and Tyagi ( 1972) studied the overall rural-urban interaction in the
context of an urban village. Singh ( 1975) has studied the impact of rural development
strategies on the changing pattern of rural-urban relations.
Urban influence on surrounding rural areas was also studied in India (Prasad and
Mahato, 1989, 1990a; Singh, 1980). In these studies the approach was one way that is of
urban centres on rural areas. The reciprocity/interaction in the form of two-way traffic was
not highlighted in these studi<::s.
Sectoral linkages between rural and urban areas also dominate the literature on ruralurban interaction in India. Basu and Kashyap ( 1992) have studied rural-urban employment
linkages in different agro-climatic regions of India. Harriss (1987, 1989a) has studied
linkages between agriculture and non-farm economy, especially industry, in the context of
South India. Shaw (1990) has studied industrial linkages in the Thane-Belapur industrial
region in Maharashtra. In this study she highlighted the complex interdependencies between
large scale, small scale and informal sector industries. In another study on industrial linkage
in Dhampur area of Bijnor district in Uttar Pradesh, Pathak (1993) identified strong backward
and forward linkages between small towns and their neighbouring countryside. The
relationship between rural-urban linkages and the behaviour of the labour market has been
studied by Krishnan ( 1990a, 1990b, 1990c) in different districts in India.
Roychoudhuri (1993) has studied rural-urban linkages in the form of migration. Jain
( 1989) studied the rural-urban relationship in the context of local government structure. He
emphasized the problems of disparate government structure for urban and rural areas in their
integration.
However, m the decade of 1990s, rural urban interaction in its totality has
received considerable attention by different scholars in India. Shafi ( 1988) studied
different aspects and prospects of rural-urban
interface
in India.
Rural-urban
interdependencies in India with particular reference to small and medium towns have
been studied by Kundu ( 1992). Moreover, the studies on rural-urban interaction in India
prove that this interaction is better developed in case of small and medium towns rather
than large and metropolitan urban centres. Therefore, we place our study in this context.
40
Notes
I. These countries are designated variously as backward', 'underdeveloped', 'undeveloped', 'less developed',
'developing' or 'solllh' (Dickenson, eta/., 1983). The tenn 'Third World' was first used in france in the 1950's
and by the early 1960's formed part of a threefold division of the world on principally political and economic
grounds. The term 'south' has come into use particularly since the publication of North South: A Programme
for Survival. Report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues, more generally
known as Brandt Report.
We have used the term 'Third World' though the 'Second World' of centrally planned, socialist economies have
virtually ceased to exist today except in tiny patches. The word is used to acknowledge the commonality of
historical experience and the economic reality of the less affluent countries mostly located in Asia, Africa and
Latin America. Many of these countries have become independent from colonial powers since the World War
II.
41
CHAPTER Ill
RURAl DEVElOPMENT IN BURDWAN REGION
3.1.
Introduction
Burdwan's agricultural prosperity goes back to historical times. Located on a rich
alluvial plain, the region was always agriculturally better off than the rest of Bengal. Part of
the rural prosperity also came from village-based small crafts and industries as well as from
the riverbome trade along the Damodar, Ajay and Bhagirathi-Hooghly.
This chapter looks into historical evidences of rural prosperity and tries to reconstruct
the various periods on the basis of secondary sources.
The objective ofthe chapter is to examine how much ofthe present prosperity can be
traced back to the historical times, or is to attributed to the recent reforms and various
government plans for rural and agricultural development.
3.2.
independence, the government had started to develop its rural economy and society with the
help of a succession of programmes of agricultural development and poverty alleviation. It
will be pertinent to discuss the very definition of rural development and its characteristic
elements with reference to India at the outset.
There is a vast array of literature on the concept of rural development as there is no
universally accepted defmition of it. Lele (1975) defined rural development as 'improving
living standards of the masses of the low-income population residing in rural areas'.
According to Chambers ( 1983) rural development is a strategy to enable a specific group of
people, poor rural women and men, to gain for themselves and their children more of what
they want and need. Turner and Hulme ( 1997) mentioned that all sorts of development either
rural or urban must have five dimensions namely economic, sociaL political, cultural and
ecological.
According to Kar (1998b), 'in India the term "rural development" is often used to
defme a government-aided strategy to enable a specific group of people - poor rural men and
women- to gain for themselves and their children, more of what they want and need'. The
42
process of rural development, therefore, involves the entire gamut of change by which a
social system moves towards: an all-round 'better' quality of life.
Todaro (1977) identified three aspects of rural development. According to him 'it
encompasses: 1. improvements in levels of living , including employment, education, health
and nutrition, housing and variety of social services; 2. decreasing inequality in the
distribution of rural incomes and in rural-urban balances in incomes and economic
opportunities; and 3. the capacity of rural sector to sustain and accelerate the pace of these
improvement'.
The concept of rural development has acquired a wider connotation in India through
the integrated rural development. The term 'integration' has much broader implications than
the spatial and functional linkages referred to in the literature in regional economics
(Parthasarathy, 1981). C. Subrahmanyam, the former Finance Minister, viewed it (1977) as a
'systematic scientific and integrated use of all our natural resources and as part of this
process enabling every person to engage himself in a productive and socially useful
occupation and earn an income that would meet at least the basic needs'. Anker ( 1973)
defined integrated rural development as 'strategies, policies and programmes for the
development of rural areas and the promotion of activities carried out in such areas
(agriculture, forestry, fishery, rural crafts and industries, the building of the social and
economic infrastructure) with the ultimate aim of achieving a fuller utilization of available
physical and human resourc<;:s, and thus higher incomes and better living conditions for the
rural population as a whole, particularly the rural poor, and effective participation of the
latter in the development process'.
Sen (1973) identified twin aspects of integrated rural development - functional and
spatial. According to him, 'integration refers to the appropriate location of social and
economic activities over a physical space for the balanced development of a region'.
Integrated rural development calls for greater flow of resources into rural areas
decreasing
inequalities
in
rural-urban
imbalance
income
and
socio-economic
43
3. a system of quotas and reservations by which the production units of the poor are
sought to be protected against unhealthy competition of large scale industry;
4. consumption transfers through a network of public distribution system;
small units;
6. redistribution of wealth, particularly land in favour of the poorer people in the
rural sector and;
From the brief discussion on rural development and its different aspects we have
selected four critical elements of rural development as relevant for our study region. These
are land reforms, agricultural development, poverty alleviation and infrastructural
development. To analyze the role of these elements in the development of rural areas of the
region, we shall focus our discussion of rural development on these four elements. For a
better understanding, we shall start with the historical background of rural development.
3.3.
We have also examined the Raj family's contribution in rural development. Finally, the role
of D.V.C and the IADP programme have been separately studied because of their
tremendous role in maintaining agricultural prosperity of the region.
44
was totally under the control of zamindars, mahajans. marchants and large and rich farmers
Uotdars).
Land revenue in Mughal period was between one-third and half of the production.
However, even the most oppressive rulers with the help of local zamindars tried to maintain
good relations with the farmer in order to improve agricultural productivity. Land revenue
was collected either in cash or in crops. Under the Mughal rulers there were mainly three
methods of revenue assessment - estimation, measurement, and contract or revenue funning.
The machinery of revenue collection in Burdwan under the Mughals consisted of
several layers of intermediarie:s, bearing different names and designations. lbese are Rajahs,
Talukdars, Zamindars, Jagirdars, Chaudhuries etc. According to Irfan Habib, the imperial
territory wa5 divided into two distinct parts - khalisa and jagir. In khalisa, the assessment
and collection of revenue was made directly by government officers, while lands in jagir
were assigned to persons designated as jagirdars (Bhattacharyya, 1979).
Up to the period of Akbar Burdwan retained its agricultural prosperity because of the
favourable land revenue system of Mughal rulers. Sher Shah was the first ruler of Mughal
period to plan the land survey. During his regime, Burdwan was under Su/emanabad. one of
the revenue regions (subah) of Bengal. Except the western part, the whole district was
agriculturally prosperous. Another important favourable factor, besides the fertility of the
land, behind the development of agriculture during this period was the right of fu.rmer to selL
mortgage and transfer the land after the timely payment of revenue. Akbar planned to collect
the revenue directly from the farmers. He divided the Bengal subah into nineteen revenue
regions called sarkars. Burdwan district was then under three sarkars, the western part under
sarkar Madaran, the middle portion under sarkar Sarifabad and the eastern part under sarkar
Sulemanabad.
From the period of Emperor Jahangir, the condition of peasants and agriculture
started to deteriorate. He introduced a new system called a/at magha by which the collection
of revenue directly from farmer stopped. To collect the revenue a class of local zamindars
emerged. They started to exploit the farmers, which affected badly the agricultural
production ultimately.
Aurangzeb divided the Bengal suhah into thirteen chuck/as among which chuck/a
Burdwan was a famous one because of its highest amount of revenue. The highest rate of
revenue collection of Akbar became the lowest rate of collection in the period of Sultan
Aurangzeb and Prince Shah Shuja. Even in the period of Aurangzeb and his successors, both
the Bengal and the Mughal rult~rs favoured Burdwan. In each chuckla diwan was the chief in45
charge of revenue. Only the zamindar of Burdwan had the right of collection and deposit
revenue directly from farmer to the government without any intermediaries. The district's
agricultural economy could prosper to a significant extent because of this favourable attitude
ofMughal rulers to the zamindar ofBurdwan.
tht~
Burdwan and its rich trade began to prosper once agam. The distinct patronage of the
Government was of course a major factor since it entered the market as the single biggest
purchaser.
Of all the ancient districts of Bengal Burdwan alone survived, economically, the
plunder of early British rule. The East India company's fiscal policy was incompatible with
the old zamindari system (B~merjee, 1980). The company's policy was to appropriate an ever
larger share ofthe zamindari revenue. As a result of this policy both zamindars and the Raja
of Burdwan faced inextricable difficulties and a series of conflicts arose between them and
the East India company (Guha and Mitra, 1956). But the zamindars ofBurdwan unlike those
of the other districts, survived with an amazing degree of resilience and was able to make the
changeover from the old zamindari system to the new order introduced by Lord Cornwallis
(regulation 1 of 1793 commonly known as permanent settlement) with but a few cuts and
scratches.
The permanent settlement act affected the agricultural economy in mostly negative
ways. It was the cause of a great flux creating a new pattern of proprietorship at the cost of
old and traditional tenurial system. As a result, estates changed hands from one group of
zamindars to another. At the same time, this gave landed property a wider base by an ample
distribution within the land-owning class itself and by absorbing the capital which might
otherwise have flown into non-agrarian channels (Bhattacharyya, 1985). Permanent
settlement initiated a process ofsubinfeudation unlike leading to the development ofEnglishtype capitalist furmers or the tenants shaping themselves similar to Frenchfermiers. It created
a sprawling class of landed gentry earning farm revenue by virtue of tenancy rights. While
other zamindars also played the same game, the Burdwan raj initiated the process, almost
perfected the structure before others could even collectively conceive and, therefore, the
Burdwan raj model of subinfeudation under permanent settlement has been described as sui
generis, the best specimen, the leading species of what developed to be a large genus
(Bhattacharyya, 1985). Under the Burdwan raj model, hierarchical layers, there were only a
few layers, and the model was very defmitive. Eventually, the East India Company had to
legalize, through Regulation VIII of 1819, the creation of intermediary formations as layers.
Diffi~rentiation
patnidar and further under-tenure holders as also the peasant (ryot) set into various layers of
under-ryots began from the day of the Settlement and went on continuously. This possibility
was ingrained within the Settlement Regulations and it became real from the early days as
the Zamindars were not given enough time or capital to invest. Pressures of high land-tax
47
from the beginning left no option other than sub-letting, quick and immediate. The process
was slower in the later years, but throughout the 19th century the economic structure of rural
Burdwan was in continuous evolution and the land-revenue relationships were in constant
flux (Bhattacharyya, 1985). Major changes took place in this time: a rise in the production,
prices and exports of food grains; in the rentals; in production, prices and exports of each
crops; tenancy legislation; coal mines; railways expansion and growth of the market in
general; expansion and growth of the market centres; and decay of river borne trade and a set
of settlements along it with the rise of railways.
Another aspect of agriculture, constituting irrigation and embankment to combat the
drought and flood situations respectively was seriously affected during the British Period.
Burdwan had its own natural overspill channels from the Damodar. Since the historic past,
Burdwan had an indigenous system of irrigation and flood control. This system consisted of
an interdependent network of small dams and overflow channels to combine the double
purpose of protection against f1ood and irrigation by the rich silt-bearing floodwater itself.
The old zamindars of the district used to maintain low embankments along the river course
as a personal responsibility to protect the loss of agricultural production of farmers. But
during the British period these embankment works began to be seriously neglected as an
indirect result of permanent st:ttlement. The old zamindari system was also committed to the
charge of irrigation works. The fiscal demands of the government of the then zamindars were
moderate enough to permit them to spend on these social responsibilities to increase tillage
and enhance agricultural production in a way of competition among them. But the British
rule in Bengal with its higher pressure of revenue and through the creation of intermediaries
destroyed such old and traditional systems.
Due to the negligence of British rulers of old system of irrigation and embankment
the accumulation of silt completely blocked up the mouth of old channels of the Damodar.
They did not take any action to clear up the passage by excavating the mouth of the old
Damodar. As a result, a series of floods started to hit the district. Another important step of
the British was to stop the breaches in the so-called zamindari banks to arrest flood. English
rulers missed the point that many of these breaches actually served as safety valves
conducting the accumulated pressure of a rising f1ood into the overflow channels. Therefore,
the stopping of breaches was the final blow (Willcocks, 1930) which definitely killed
overflow irrigation in Burdwan as well as Bengal. The threat of inundation hung over the
district every year when the rivers rose in spate (Guha and Mitra, 1956).
48
In spite of all the problems set by the British rulers, it is clear from Bukanon
Hamilton's description of 1822 that Burdwan was first in agricultural production in all over
India just preceeding Tanjore of Madras (Halder quoted in Choudhuri, 1990).
The rent act of 1859 was the initiation of land related law to preserve the interests of
peasantry. In this law there was clear cut distinction between the right of zamindar and
peasantry regarding revenue collection (Ray and Palit, 1986). The issue of patta to the
peasants became a must for the zamindars to protect farmers from displacement. 'Ibis law
totally banned any kind of increase in revenue (Dawn, 1992).
Another positive step of the British in the development of agriculture of the district
was the survey and records of the ownership of all the agricultural and non-agricultural land
under the supervision ofK.A.L. Hill between 1927 and 1931.
The agricultural economy of the district again started to regain its lost prosperity
since the beginning of 19th century with the help of limited welfare approach of British like
rent act of 1859, survey and records of the ownership of land etc.
parganas. The Mughal emperor Aurangzeb awarded him the firman of zamindari and the
title of Chowdhury in 1694. He used to help the peasants during famines by providing them
with work.
During the regime of Kirti Chand Rai (1702-'40) the revenue settlement of 1722
ensured that the Burdwan chuck/a expanded over a larger area and attained a higher level of
prosperity than before (Ray, 1979). He was a man of adventurous spirit and great valour
(Hunter, 1868, Reprinted in 1996). He was also famous for his kindness to his ryots. To
combat famines he excavated several large dighis (water storage tanks) all over the Burdwan
region. During his time, Burdwan became famous for the production of rice, sugar cane,
49
cotton and indigo. Kirti Chand achieved the title of 'Raja' from the Mughal ruler of Delhi
because of his large and prosperous zamindari. He was also able to maintain a good
relationship with the then ruler of Bengal, Murshid Kuli Khan.
Raja Chitrasen Ra~ the son ofKirti ChandRa~ was in charge ofBurdwan chuck/a for
a period of four years (1740-'44). He tried to develop the agricultural economy of the region
by keeping good relation with both the Mughal rulers and the peasants. However, during his
regime Burdwan fuced serious political-economic crisis and lost its prosperity due to the
repeated invasion of bargis ( Choudhur~ 1991 ). He tried to obtain help from the Mughal
rulers to combat these attacks. He was a kind-hearted raja and shared with his subjects the
pains inflicted by the Maratha raiders.
Maharaja Tilak Chand Rai (1744-'70), his successor, was another famous Raja of
Burdwan during whose regime Burdwan region experienced its last welfare attitude of the
Raj family. As we have seen the resultant prosperity under feudal rule was to suffer greatly
later on during the colonial mle under the permanent settlement. Tilak Chand received the
title 'Maharajadhiraj' from Mughal ruler Ahmmad Shah in 1753. He initially tried to prevent
the East India Company from expanding its trade and consequent encroachment over the
administration and revenue collection by banning their trade centres in Burdwan chuckla. As
a consequence, he had to fight a direct war with the Company in 1760. However. he was
defeated completely by Major White of the East India Company. The Company then divided
the zamindari to increase the revenue continuously, which was beyond the capacity of the
Raja to collect. In the last part ofthe 18th century Burdwan lost much of its prosperity due to
the combined effects of the famine of 1770, the dual administration of Nawab and the East
India Company, and the revenue law of the company.
After Tilak Chand Rai, the Rajas of Burdwan, did not really care any more for the
economic condition of the pt;:asants of the region. The permanent settlement multiplied the
misery of the peasants. Maharaja Tcj Chand Rai (1770-1832) developed the intricate patni
system for the collection of revenue, which ultimately destroyed the agricultural economy of
the region. Maharajadhiraj Mahatab Chand (1832-'79) divided his entire zamindari in the
hands of several patnidars and dar-patnidars, which increased the exploitation and misery of
poor peasants to an unbearable level.
The enactment of the Patni Taluk sales act helped the British by facilitating the
transfer to the hand from patnidars to themselves. Ibe immediate effect of the transfer of the
district to the British thus resulted in the further impoverishment to the ryots and the near
ruin of the most powerful and influential authority of Burdwan, Raj family. As a result of the
50
powerlessness of the Burdwan Raj family, the district could not recover its past economic
prosperity throughout the 19th century. Traditional systems of irrigation gradually broke
down
a<;
gradually decayed as road and especially rail transport took ofT; older village-based industries
and prosperous rural economy began to stagnate as patnidars' and darpatnidars' only
interest became revenue colkction and not the maintenance of agricultural prosperity.
The Damodar, flowing through the region, has played a vital role in the development
of agricultural economy of the region. Since the remote past, people of Burdwan tried to tune
their agricultural economy with the successful utilization of the water resources ofDamodar.
There was an integrated system of overflow irrigation during the flood (Willcocks, 1930)
through inundation channels. Floods occurred every eight to ten years and the river also used
to deposit very rich silt enhancing the natural fertility of the soil used for cultivation. Low
embankments and breaches along the riversides were regularly maintained by local landlords
to protect the crops from floods. But all these ancient, time tested methods of irrigation and
flood control collapsed entirely due to the negligence of English rulers, the invasion of
bargis, and the lack of concern of local landlords, since the latter part of the 18th century. The
kilometres long Main canal, the Branch canal connecting Damodar with the Eden canal at
Kanchannagar and the Duistributory canals of 342 kilometres together commanding an area
of I ,68,83 7 acres. The major part of its command area belongs to our study region.
The agricultural economy of the region received a significant thrust with the inception
of Damodar Valley Corporation (a multipurpose river valley project) immediately after
independence. An American Engineer's (Mr. Voorduin of TVA) brainchild D.V.C came
formally into existence on the 7th July, 1948 through the formation of the D. V.C Act. The
barrage on the Damodar at Durgapur and a vast network of new canals, under whose direct
command area our study region belongs, were constructed between 1952-' 55 creating
immense opportunities for the development of agriculture. Among the multiple objectives of
the project, flood control and irrigation received top priority.
In West Bengal, the D.V.C command area (3,770 sq. miles) sprawls over four
districts namely Burdwan, Hooghly, Bankura and Midnapur. About 57.64 per cent of the
total command area, that is. 2,173 sq. miles belongs to the jurisdiction of Burdwan district.
Our study region with an area of2,821.05 square kilometre falls entirely within the command
area ofD.V.C, especially the Durgapur barrage. The region has a total canal network of 879
kilometre. The canal network of the region includes both old systems of Eden Canal and
Damodar Canal and the new D.V .C canal system as the old systems have been merged in the
D.V.C irrigation network. The canal density of the region is 0.32 kilometre per square
kilometre, higher than many other parts of the country.
The D.V.C canal system is effective in providing water to the distant fields of the
region because of the siting of canals on high lands. In considering irrigation efficiency we
can make a comparative analysis of the old (Eden and Damodar canals) and the new canal
systems. The choice of canal site in the old system was more efficient than the new D.V.C
canal system. From the standpoint of the proportion of farms benefited by irrigation, the old
system is in a little better position (Basu and Mukherjee, 1963).
Besides, there are some inherent problems faced by cultivators while taking the
irrigation fucility ofthe D.V.C. Time lag between the availability of water and its utilization
is a problem which is due to some physical and technical difliculties. The problem is more
acute in the new system than the old one. The D.V.C has not been able to supply water more
regularly on account of certain technical and administrative difficulties. Basu and Mukherjee
(1963) in th~ir study ofthe irrigation benefits of the D.V.C observed that about 50 per cent
farms of the old zone and two-thirds that of the new zone suffered from irregular supply of
irrigation water.
52
A specific drawback of the D.V.C is the lack of developing integrated network of link
channels to carry water to every field. This link channel method was considered to be
superior to the traditional overflow method since it can avoid pao;sing of water continuously
over the fields adjacent to the canals carrying fertilizers to the distant fields and can pay
attention to the individual Jfields (Basu and Mukherjee, 1963). The construction of link
channels was the responsibility of West Bengal Government in association with the ryots.
Effective link channels can only be cut with the help of ground level knowledge of furmers.
Mutual understanding and co-operative spirit of peasants to solve the problems - such as
choosing the fields over whkh channels should pass, who will contribute the land necessary
for cutting the channel and at whose interest -are necessary to evolve a system for plot to
plot distribution of canal water. Sometimes farmers themselves pose the problem by illegal
obstruction of the water midway between the canals and the fields.
In spite of all the problems, the impact of the D.V.C irrigation network on the
agricultural economy of the region is beyond any doubt. The production and productivity of
agriculture of the region have improved dramatically since the implementation of the
irrigation projects undertaken by the D.V.C. Among different crops of the region most
remarkable improvement has been achieved by paddy, which generates larger income of the
farmers. The higher income has increased the demand for both producer and consumer
goods. Associated economic activities like agro-processing (husking units and rice mills),
trade and transport have developed in the region in association with the agricultural
development bringing economic prosperity to the region.
Another important aspect of rural development of the region is the dichotomy in
irrigation and flood control system between North and South Damodar region. In our study
region two blocks namely Khandaghosh and Raina-1 belong to the relatively neglected South
Damodar or right bank area. Since the historic past right bank area has been neglected by the
administrators. For a long pt::riod up to the middle of 19th century the embankments were
maintained on both left and right banks of the river. Between 1843 and 1863 embankments
were breached every year at one place or another resulting in heavy economic loss. In order
to relieve stress on the left bank and to make its strength adequate to withstand the onslaught
of the turbulent stream, British rulers removed the embankment on the right bank for a length
of about 32 kilometres in 1863. Later on, in 1889 a further length of 16 kilometres was
removed from the same embankment. As a result, instead of North Damodar, South Damodar
region began to be affected by flood regularly (Choudhuri, 1991). Again in pre-independence
period irrigation system developed in North Damodar region with the Eden and Damodar
53
Canal whereas no such attempt was taken to develop drainage in South Damodar region.
Before the advent ofthe D.V.C canals, the South Damodar region was entirely deprived of
irrigation facilities. Because of the long neglect the agricultural-cum-rural economy of the
right bank region has remained more backward than the left bank region. In our study region,
the two blocks located in South Damodar region have an average productivity index of 153
against the index of 189 ofthe blocks located in the left bank region.
(Police Station) or village level, the thana level societies are attached to two zonal societies
located in Burdwan and Memari. The entire region is thus covered by these societies. ln
addition, there are co-operative banks providing agricultural credit as well as rural cooperative credit societies and grameen (rural) branches of nationalized banks.
Still the co-operative societies could not make much progress in the matter of outright
purchase and sale of paddy or rice (Kar, 1998a). Presently, the co-operative societies are
experiencing a lot of difficulties in handling perishable goods like potato. The cold storages
of the region are inadequate to store the large amounts of potatoes (7 ,4 78 million tonnes in
1996-'97) produced in the region. As a consequence, several tons of potatoes were dumped as
garbage and farmers did not get the opportunity to keep their product in cold storages
because of the remarkably high production of 1997. This led to a high amount of loss in
potato production, which ultimately affected the production of the region in the following
year.
3.4.
55
inequality and social injustic:e and enhances agricultural production (Mukhopadhyay, 1994).
On the other hand, agrarian reform is an integrated programme that aims at reorganizing the
institutional framework of agriculture in order to facilitate social and economic progress. It
includes the redistribution of land, adjustment to tenancy conditions, regulation of rents and
wages, institution of farm credit systems, co-operative organization and agricultural
education. Agrarian reform is limited without the support of successful land reforms.
The importance of 1changes in the agrarian structure through redistributive land
reforms as a significant aspe:ct of rural development was realised in India since long before
the independence. In pre-independence period significant anti-feudal and anti-imperialist
movements took place in different isolated parts of the country through the active
participation of hundreds of peasants between 1936 and 1947. The All India Kishan Sabha
and its various units played a significant role in directing these movements. Among these
movements the Tebhaga movement of Bengal, fought in 1946-'47 was a significant one
focussing on the two-thirds crop demand of the sharecroppers. The West Bengal Bargadar
Act of 1950 was the major outcome of this struggle (Surjeet, 1992).
Immediately after independence the Congress government took necessary steps to
change tht:: agrarian structure through several land reform measures. According to
Mukhopadhyay (1994) land reforms was a ideological compulsion for the post-independence
ruling elite not only because it had made a commitment of 'land to the tillers' to the Indian
peasantry in the days of the anti-colonial struggles, but also because it was an important precondition for a total restructuring of the national economy. A series of bills and amendments
were passed to remove the constraints posed by the agrarian structure on agricultural
productivity. All the land reform measures taken up by the Government of India can be
categorized under the following heads (Surjeet, 1992):
abolition of intermediaries (viz. Zamindars, Jagirdars etc.) between the state and
the ryot (tiller of the land);
fixation of ceiling on holdings and distribution of surplus land among the landless
agricultural labourers and other rural poor; and
consolidation ofholdings.
In spite of recognizing the need of land reform and passing several laws to implement
it during the early years of planning, the all India scenario of agrarian structure did not
56
change remarkably because of the lack of initiative to actually implement the land reform
measures (Konar, 1978). Still, some notable successes were achieved especially in respect of
abolition of intermediaries and ceiling on land holding in some states especially in West
Bengal and Kerala.
B{~ngal
successful implementation of agricultural land reform measures. In West Bengal, the land
reform measures have a long history since 1859 when the Bengal Tenancy Act was passed. In
pre-independence period the anti-feudal movement was also quite strong in comparison to
other states. In post-independence period a series of acts were passed on different aspects of
land refonns. According to Ghosh (1986), the important acts among them in chronological
order are as follows:
Of the several govermnents in power since independence, the two United Front
governments (1967 -'68 and 1969-'70) took enthusiastic measures to implement land reforms
in spite of limitations imposed by the Constitution of India. These United Front governments
while enacting several legislations and implementing other measures to meet the immediate
problems of peasantry, involved the kishan (peasant) and their organizations in a massive
way in the implementation of land reforms (Konar, 1976). Most notable advance was made
on the question of acquiring the surplus land after imposing land ceiling and the distribution
of it. In 1969 about 2.3 lakh acres of land were distributed by the United Front government to
about 2.38 lakh landless and land-poor peasants (Dey and Jana, 1997). Dwing the period
57
1967-'70, more than one-fourth of the total surplus land distributed all over India belonged to
the state of West Bengal (37:5 thousand hectares out of I 255.8 thousand hectares in India).
formulation and passing of a land reform (amendment) bill plugging the loopholes
in the earlier acts;
The role of LFG has been assessed by different scholars and observers which
essentially cover a wide spectrum. In assessing the rural development policy of LFG, Lieten
(I996) mentioned 'In its rural development policy, the LFG since I977 has focussed on three
interrelated types of intervention: modification of the relations of production and the forces
of production, reconstitution of the political power structure through the revival of the
panchayat bodies, elected along party lines, and playing its political cards expediently so as
to maintain a stable and orderly regime for a period unsurpassed in Indian history. After
approximatdy two decades, :md four consecutive panchayat elections, the direction of that
intervention contains important lessons for development policy' (Lieten, I 996; p. 222). He
also observe:s 'The revitalisation and democratisation of the panchayat system was one of the
first initiatives taken by the LFG after it was voted into office in I 977. More consequentially,
the LFG coordinated the constitution of the new panchayats with a massive campaign of land
distribution and tenancy reforms. The axiom informing the pleas for land reforms, in addition
to considerations of social justice and efficiency, has been the strategic necessity of breaking
58
Operation Barga
The most successful component of land reforms implemented by the Left Front
government in West Bengal were tenancy reforms and the redistribution of land. Operation
Barga (recording of the names of bargadars or sharecroppers). a programme of tenancy
reform was launched in October 1978. The programme achieved the dimension of a
movement in the countryside within a few months of its launching with the active support of
different peasant's organizations. Ghosh ( 1986) observed that there were six peasant's
organizations supported by different political parties, who actively participated in the
implementation of Operation Barga in West Bengal. Quick recording of the names of
bargadars, preventing the eviction and granting legal rights to cultivate land were considered
to be major incentives for the marginal and small peasants to raise production (Sanyal,
Biswas and Bardhan, 1998). David Grigg (1978) has explained the reason behind this.
According to him, the farmers who own the land is more likely to adopt new methods than
the farmer who has to give half of his harvest to the landlords and much of the rest to the
local money-lenders.
Under this programme, about 12 lakh bargadars were recorded in West Bengal till
December, 1984. In districtwise performance Burdwan ranked third with the recording of
1.04 lakh bargadars after Midnapur (2.11 lakh) and 24-Paraganas ( 1.64 lakh) up to this
period. The West Bengal figure of recorded bargadars increased to 13.94 lakh in 1988 (out
of which 5.84 lakh belonged to the scheduled caste and scheduled tribe communities). By
1990, the names of 14.5 lakh sharecroppers were registered in the land records (Lieten,
59
1992). This registration created new rights for tenants like rent payments and access to credit
from formal banking sectors (Ramachandran, 1997). The provision for institutional credit to
the sharecroppers gave these small operators access to technological inputs. With the
removal of tenurial insecurity the small operators started taking viable production decisions
(Sanyal, Biswas and Bardhan, 1998). In some areas (for example the eastern part ofBurdwan
district and Hooghly), the cropping pattern of even small farms changed from labourintensive subsistence crops to commercial crops in response to market forces. Boyce ( 1987),
however, observes that broadly the smaller farms' cropping pattern stilll favours valuable
labour intensive crops in West Bengal.
In studying the effects of tenancy reforms on aspect of production, Ghatak (1995)
observes that Operation Barga had a significant positive effect on the rate of expansion of
boro (winter rice) cultivation as well as output, adoption of HYV seeds and investment in
private irrigation. In another similar study in the Midnapur district for the year 1986-'87,
Bhaumik ( 1993) found that registered or recorded tenants were better off than unrecorded
tenants in terms of the share of output retained by the tenant. He also observes that the
tenants in West Bengal have begun to challenge the age-old exploitative character of tenancy
relationship.
labourers between 1979-'80 and 1992-'93 was highest in West Bengal, that is, 280 per cent
among all the states of India (Rawal and Swaminathan, 1998). Another important effort of
West Bengal government is supporting the assignees of surplus land and share croppers with
provision fi)r loans, inputs, bullocks through widely expanding network of commercial banks
in rural areas.
According to a number of scholars (Kar, 1998a; Tornquist, 1991; Baruah, 1990;
Westergaard, 1986 etc.) the land reforms in West Bengal is incomplete. Baruah (1990)
mentioned that land reforms in West Bengal, instead of being a programme capable of
bringing about a regime of viable peasant proprietorship, has amounted to the de facto
abandonment ofthe concern with viability. He further claims that the allocation of tiny plots
was done not with view to creating viable farms, but to large number of landless a limited
amount of economic security and survival capability. Westergaard (1986) made the argument
that in its focus on land reforms, the LFG has not paid sufficient attention to technological
changes and has not tackled the problems of a stagnant agricuhure. Tornquist observes 'the
communist emphasized the struggle for political power while immediate popular efforts to
develop production would have to wait' (1991, p. 69). Harriss believes there has not been
brought about 'any really significant change' in the agrarian structure (1993, p. 1246).
However, Kar (1998a) has noted that land reforms in West Bengal, though
experienced remarkable initial success, have failed to achieve the desired targets because of
the inability to provide non-land inputs to poor peasants who are the major beneficiaries of
this programme. Such non-land inputs are as follows.
l. Irrigation water - Inspite of constructing the D.V.C canals, the government has
failed to supply cheap irrigation water to the farmers of the region. The use of
ground water is beyond the reach of poor peasants as it costs high. Therefore, a
considerable proportion of land in the hands of small and marginal peasants cannot
3. Financing
To achieve maximum benefit of land reforms all these loopholes should be mended
with more initiative to providing non-land inputs to the small and marginal farmers.
Panchayati Raj
Besides land reforms, West Bengal experienced another important socio-political
change in its rural landscape during the left front rule. This is the reorganization and revitalization of democratic institutions of local governance at three levels - gram panchayat
or GP at the: village level, the panchayat samiti at the block level and the Zilla Parishad at
the district leveL With this reorganization, a new system of democratic and decentralized
planning and administration was established. Panchayati Reg system attempts not only
political decentralization but e:nsures the representation of poor and underemployed sections
ofthe society in local institutions (Alagh, 1994). The ruling LFG has played a significant role
63
>
-"-
. ~
..
,.
.... --
Vesting of
ceiling surplus
land (acres)
Blocks
Number
ofpatta
holders
Number of
recorded
bargadars
I. Burdwan- I
2,747.36
699.12
224.8
4,356
3.038
2. Burdwan - II
2,761.62
574.18
144.58
5,814
3.866
3. Bhatar
8,533.31
953.57
153.74
14,289
6.823
4. Memari- I
2,179.84
192.47
124.56
8,070
4.798
5. Mernari- II
2,780.85
63.93
9.82
3.665
1 L053
6. Khandaghosh
4,537.86
980.11
49.60
10,243
7.450
7. Jamalpur
2,568.62
595.22
52.03
5,273
8,349
8. Aus gram - I
10,223 ..53
I ,135.96
175.44
9,487
3.736
9. Galsi- II
4,285.28
1,230.85
127.94
8.891
3.047
10. Raina- I
3,310.38
654.88
5.18
7,234
4.809
11. Monteswar
5,884.08
492.01
121.87
12,071
3.942
49,812.73
7,572.30
1,189.56
89,393
60,911
1,86,480. 41
.. -
31,319.34
5,081.92
1,91,059
1,28,000
--~------
Region (Total)
Burdwan District
----
----
-----
---- -
Source: District Land Revenue Department Burdv>an
-
-Y
'""'"._--
"'
Table 3.1 clearly states the progress of ditTerent aspects of land reform both in the
region as well as the district up to June, 1999. About 1.86 lakh acres of ceiling surplus land
have been
vt~sted
in the district of which 49.81 thousand acres belong to our region. These
ceiling surplus lands have been distributed among 1.91 lakh and 89.39 thousand beneficiaries
in the district and the region respectively. The amounts of total vested non-agricultural land
in the district and in the region stands to 31,319.34 acres and 7,572.30 acres respectively up
to June'99. According to the survey done by District Land Revenue Department, about 16
per cent of the total vested non-agricultural land was found fit for agriculture. The conversion
ofthis non-agricultural land into agricultural one can be a positive step in the present time of
fast reducing agricultural land because of the rapidly expanding urban areas.
64
The beneficiaries of the distribution of ceiling surplus land have been provided with
patta (the legal recognition of land-ownership). But the recording of patta-holders is yet to
be complete. The recording of patta-holders ha<> been done for 57.98 per cent of the pattaholders in the district. The achievement is slightly higher in the region with 59.81 per cent of
patta holders recording their names in the government register. The recording of bargadars
has also been done efficiently in the district (1.28 lakh up to June, 1999). Up to June'99 there
are 60,911 bargadar in the region who have recorded their names in the government register.
Memari-II block has the largest number (II ,053) of recorded bargadars besides the lowest
(3,038) in Burdwan- I block (Table 3.1 ).
Liet,~n
has done a village level study in Memari blocks of the region in 1996. In his
study he observes that agricultural labourers and poor peasants have gained form the
measures of land reforms and the consequent improvement in agrarian production. He noted
a fair improvement in the economic conditions of landless population and poor peasants in
Memari. He credited implementation of land reforms and efficient functioning of panchayat
institutions for this improvement of poor people's socio-economic condition.
3.5.
Agricultural Development
Rural development can never be isolated from agricultural development especially in
a country like India. This is true of our region as well, with its geographical advantages and
long history of agricultural prosperity. Burdwan received in full measure all the postindependence initiatives for agricultural development - DVC canals, IADP and the 'new'
technology package, and land reforms. These have undoubtedly transformed much of the
rural scenario by breaking the isolation of sleepy villages with farmers toiling for
subsistence.
Let us now take a brief look at the emerging agricultural situation in the state of West
Bengal and in Burdwan.
performance in West Bengal, James Boyce estimated that the growth rate of agricultural
output between 1950 and 1980 was only 1. 74 per cent per annum (Boyce, 1987). The cause
of such low growth rate of production wa<; studied by the Reserve Bank of India ( 1984)
which identified the chief constraints (behind low production) as the lack of adequate and
controlled supply of water, inadequacy in the supply of fertilizers, modern varieties of seeds.
electricity, credit facilities and infrastructure for market. A noteworthy change occurred in
the 1980s in both the production and productivity of all crops specially rice and potato, which
marks the end of 'agrarian impasse' in West Bengal (Saggar and Raghavan, 1989). However,
there is a debate regarding the various effects of institutional reform as factors explaining this
agricultural take off in West Bengal (Gazdar and Sengupta, 1999). Both Sen and Sengupta
( 1995) and Banerjee and Ghatak (1995) find some evidence of a positive correlation between
tenancy refi:>rm and agricultural growth. Lieten ( 1996, p. 78) observes that the agricultural
productivity in West Bengal started to climb sharply only after the ascent ofLFG in 1977.
Between 1981 and 1991, rates of growth of agricultural production increased in all
the eastern states and among them West Bengal grew fastest (Dun Ray, 1994). The
compound annual growth rate of food grain production between 1981-'82 and 1991-'92 in
West Bengal was 6.5 which was much higher than the all-India average that is 2.7 (Saha and
Swaminathan, 1994). This unprecedented rate of growth of food crops was chiefly due to the
increase in both the production and productivity of rice specially boro. Traditionally, the
aman crop has been the most important of the three rice growing seasons (aus, aman and
bora) in terms of output and acreage. Over time, the bora crop has grown in significance and
the production of total rice produced in the bora season doubled during the 1980s. The
exponential growth rates of bora crop between 1977-'78 and 1993-'94 in West Bengal were
8.37, 9.38 artd 2.86 per cent JX~r annum in area, production and productivity respectively.
John Harriss (1992, 1993) argues that the remarkable growth of agricultural
production in the 1980s was based on an expansion of irrigation by private shallow tube well.
Between 1976-'77 and 1985-'86 the total increase in net irrigated area in West Bengal was
74.0 per cent against the all-India average of 19.7 per cent. In this expansion of irrigation the
area irrigated by tubewells dming the same period increased by as much as 575.4 per cent in
West Bengal as compared to about 59.7 per cent in India (Rawal and Swaminathan, 1998).
The role of land reforms measures in accelerating agricultural production was also immense
in West Bengal in the last two decades (Sanyal, Biswas and Bardhan. 1998). The measures
intensified state intervention in defining property rights in a more meaningful manner, thus
narrowing the gap between ownership and operation and widening the access of the small
66
cultivators to technology and other inputs. Since the small and marginal cultivators constitute
the largest share of the total holdings, the land reforms were extremely significant from the
point of view of growth in production and productivity in recent times (Mukherjee and
SanyaL 1997). Several studies (Rawal, 1997; Sengupta and Gazdar, 1996) have shown that
the institutional changes
hav~~
Table 3.2: Expansion of Net cropped, Net Irrigated Areas and the
Area Sown More than once (1910-'ll to 1990-'91)
Year
1910-'11
343.72
N.A
1930-'31
221.58
N.A
N.A
85.71
1950-'51
470.8:5
131.06
27.72
1970-'71
458.89
322.59
107.40
348.15
345.42
1990-'91
464.49
--
- -
Table 3.2 clearly expl.ains the trend of areal expansion under different aspects of
agriculture and irrigation in the decades of20th century (1910-'11 to 1990-'91). The increase
in the district's net irrigated area has been quite high in the post-independence period.
Between 1950-'51 and 1970-'71, the net irrigated area increased at the rate of about 10.000
hectare per annum. This expansion of irrigation facility is chiefly due to the development of
canal irrigatiion under the D. V.C. The rate of expansion decreased to 1,200 hectares per
67
annum between 1970-'71 and 1990-'91. However, if we consider the gross irrigated area
(total of irrigated areas during kharif, rabi and summer seasons), as 693.57 thousand
hectares, then the rate of expansion becomes nearly double ( 19,000 hectares per annum) of
the previous two decades and the total credit goes to the development of deep and shallow
tubewells. Most of the tubewell irrigation, again, is owned privately by individual farmers,
and the government's role is insignificant. Therefore, the recent irrigation development is not
only non-canalized, it is also in the private domain as against the 1960s.
However, in response to the expansion of irrigation, the net-cropped area of the
district has increased from 343.72 thousand hectares in 191 0-'11 to 464.49 thousand hectares
in 1990-'91. The most remarkable increase is also found in the areal expansion of double and
multiple cropping ( 12,000 hectares per annum) which is a consequence of expansion of
irrigation during rabi and summer seasons.
Yield (Kg/hectare!))
65-'66
80-'81
96-'97
65-'66
80-'81
96-'97
65-'66
80-'81
96-'97
Rice
456.4
493.0
626.2
657.3
708.8
1.741.4
1.514
1,438
2.781
Aus
23.6
23.8
32.4
27.5
43.5
79.9
I ,059
1,824
2,470
A man
429.9
435.3
423.8
626.2
585.0
1.082.1
1,382
1,344
2.553
Boro
2.9
33.9
170.0
3.6
80.3
579.4
1.390
2,371
3.407
Wheat
3.8
8.3
4.4
2.9
17.6
I 0.4
760
2,118
2.347
Oil Seeds
3.6
54.6
40.3
1.5
4 I. I
35.3
417
753
876
Potato
16.2
26.1
41.1
192.2
548.7
1,243.2
12,779
20,993
30,233
No~r
we can analyze the developmental trend of agriculture in the district with the
help of the data on the increase in area, production and yield of some selected crops of the
region (Table 3.3). Rice is the predominant crop of the district which is cultivated intensively
in three seasons (kharif, rabi, summer). Therefore, we shall analyze the trend of three types
of rice (aus, aman, boro) individually besides the total of them. Potato crop is gaining
importance in the region besides the decreasing trend of wheat and oil seeds. So, we shall
analyze production of these three crops too.
The temporal trend of areal expansion, production and yield for the selected crops is
analyzed for a period of 30 years (1965-'66 to 1996-'97). Between 1965-'66 and 1996-'97,
68
rice producing area has increased by 37.20 per cent whereas the production has increased by
165 per cent. Therefore, a remarkable increase (1,267 kilograms/hectare) has taken place in
the productivity of rice (Table 3.3). While, aman yields have increa<;ed with improved seeds
and fertilizer use, it is the dry season boro paddy cultivation enable by shallow tube wells
which has been the real base for the rapid growth in foodgrain production in the district in the
1980s and ,early 1990s (Webster, 1999).
Among the three rice: crops remarkable increase in area and production has occurred
in case of boro. During the period of 30 years, the production of boro has increased by 576
thousand tonnes on the areal expansion of 167 thousand hectares. The productivity of boro
(3,407 kilograms/hectare) is also highest among the three rice crops. Therefore, a very high
rate of growth of boro production has made a significant contribution to the growth in rice
production in Burdwan
(Sanya~
their importance in the agricultural economy of the district which is clear from the very slow
growth of their both area and production. However, the yield is high for both the crops.
Potato is another important crop of the region which is characterized by the very high
rate of increase in both the production (18 per cent per annum) and productivity (582
kilograms/hectare per annum). A phenomenal rise in productivity from 1982- 83 induced the
cultivators to grow potato more on the lands previously not used for this crop. At present
Burdwan occupies the second position among the states of West Bengal in the production of
potato.
In a nutshell it can be said that agricultural development of the district has progressed
much due to the IADP programme in the 1960s, adoption of new technology in the 1970s,
successful land reforms in
th(~
late 1970s and early 1980s, and lastly the expansion of private
irrigation by deep, shallow and submersible tubewells in the late 1980s and early 1990s
together.
of private shallow and submersible pumps has made extensive cultivation of horo crop
possible. As a result, rice production ofthe region increased to a large extent. At present. the
region has a cropping intensity of 183 per cent which is much higher than the district average
of 163 per cent. Food crops like rice, potato. wheaL oil seeds etc. are predominant!!
cultivated in the region. Among the different food crops. rice is the most significant one
because of its major share in the production scenario of the region.
Pro~uc.tiOJ!
Pr~ductiv_ity
in
~ilogram/hectare)
1996-'97
1986-'87
Area
Production
Productivity
Area
Production
Productivity
Rice
252.71
755.43
2,555.79
3,116.0
8,874
2,850.3
Aus
12.86
22.02
1'751.35
208.8
5,21.5
2.531.2
Aman
180.34
565.06
3.101.21
1.945.8
5,103.1
2.697.2
Boro
59.51
168.35
2,814.81
961.4
3.249.4
3.322.5
Table 3.4 explains the agricultural performance of the main crop. that is. rice in the
region over a period of ten years ( 1986-'87 to 1996-'97). Both the area and production of rice
have increased spectacularly over the last ten years. The gross area of rice cultivation has
become 3.116.0 thousand hectares in 1996-'97 from 252.71 thousand hectares in 1986-'87.
As a consequence of areal increase the production of rice has increased from 755.43 million
tonnes in 1986-'87 to 8.874 million tonnes in 1996-'97. The productivity of rice has also
increased by 295 kilograms per hectare during this period.
Now we can analyze the blockwise pattern of production in the region (Table 3.5). In
the production of rice. aman has the major share (5.1 03.1 million tonnes) followed by boro
(3,239.4 million tonnes) and aus (521.5 million tonnes). Among the eleven blocks in the
region Monteswar, Burdwan and Memari-Il occupy first, second and third rank in the
production ofrice. (Table 3.5)
70
--
--------
_______
-~~~---
.,.,._
....
~-
Q-
--
Burdwan
1,311.8
58.2
762.3
491.3
443.2
53.7
Ausgram-I
423.5
8.5
340.5
74.5
53.2
0.4
17.6
866
59.6
481.7
324.7
145.5
3.5
9.8
Memari-I
561.6
84.8
268.0
208.8
1,473.0
10.9
Memari-IT
1,088.2
97.8
517.0
473.4
873.8
0.8
20.0
Jamalpur
584.9
165.5
314.6
104.8
3,764.5
2.3
42.5
Raina-I
862.5
657.1
205.4
105.7
0.8
7.1
Khandoghosh
848.7
34.5
521.8
292.4
363.2
0.2
4.9
Gals i-II
702.6
559.1
143.5
119.6
0.3
9.6
1,614.2
12.6
681.0
920.6
127.0
10.7
521.5
5,103.1
3,239.4
7,467.9
8.3
186.8
Bhatar
Monteswar
Region
8,864
, ..
-
,.
---- - ------ -- .. -
Source: District Statistical Handbook. Bureau of Applied Economics and Statistics
"-
- . . . . ~--- ~ . . . . - .
---~
~w
Potato, with an annual production of 7467.9 million tonnes, has become the second
most important crop in the region. Wheat production in the region has been replaced with the
increase in the cultivation of potato. Only 8.3 million tonnes of wheat are produced in the
region annually (1996-'97). Oil seed production too is very limited (186.8 million tonnes) in
the region with slightly higher level of production in Burdwan, Jamalpur and Memari-II
blocks than the others. In the production of potato Jamal pur block is the highest contributor
with 50.41 per cent ofthe n::gion's production. Memari-I and Memari-II block occupy the
second and third ranks in the production of potato in the region.
3.6.
Poverty Alleviation
Poverty appears to be the most conspicuous characteristic of rural India. It forms the
subject matter of core concern in several studies and reports in India especially since 1970s
(Minhas, 1970; Dandekar and Rath, 1971; Lal, 1973a; Mellor, 1976; Chakraborty, 1987:
Singh, 1994; Kumar and Yadav, 1994; Rao. 1994: Eswaran and KotwaL 1994 etc.) being
treated as a major cause and effect of many crucial problems.
In the early years of planning in India, rural development was viewed from an
integrated perspective in which the objective of agricultural development was interwined
71
with the goals of poverty eradication and reduction of social and economic inequalities. In
the first five-year plan the major thrust was on the programmes of agricultural development
with a view that a sustained process of agricultural growth could lead to a decline in the
incidence of rural poverty through significant changes in the product and labour markets in
favour of the poor (Ghosh, 1998). The Intensive Agricultural District Programme (IADP)
was introduced in Burdwan in 1960s when it was selected as one of the sixteen IADP
districts in India.
After a period of 10 to 15 years it was realized that the programmes of agricultural
development have failed to make a sizeable dent on poverty. The rise in farm employment
has been very slow in relation to the growth of agricultural output in the period leading to the
insufficient percolation of benefits to the poor from agricultural growth (Rao, 1994). To
improve the situation, priority was given to the strategy popularly called 'direct attack' on
poverty through beneficiary-oriented programmes. Thus a clear dichotomy was established
between programmes of agricultural development and those for poverty alleviation since the
mid-sixties especially with the launching of the new technology in agriculture.
Adoption of this new technology in agriculture has helped to aggravate the social and
economic inequalities leading to the marginalization of people, centrali?11tion of decisionmaking process and human suffering (Sharma and Malhotra, 1977). The new HYV seedfertilizer-irrigation-pesticides-improved implements package was only adopted by large and
rich literate farmers because of its higher level of knowledge requirement and high capital
investment (Eswaran and Kotwal, 1994). Therefore, full benefits oftechnological progress in
agriculture were only gained by rich farmers who became wealthier. On the other hand, the
poor and illiterate small and marginal farmers have continued with the traditional techniques
for longer periods of time, because it took longer for them to familiarize with the workings of
the new technology. Poorer farmers were less willing to adopt new technology also because
it was perceived by them to be more risky. A crop failure with a new, capital-intensive and
unfamiliar technology may be devastating to a poor peasant, while it would merely be a
temporary and minor setback for a rich farmer (Eswaran and Kotwal, 1994). Higher amount
of capital investment was thus another important fuctor inhibiting poorer farmers to adopt the
new technokgy.
Thus owing to the insufficient percolation of benefits to the poor from agricultural
growth and to the prevalence of widespread poverty in rural areas. a number of poverty
alleviation programmes were launched since the late seventies through centrally-sponsored
schemes. These poverty alleviation programmes can be put into two categories - wage
72
Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas (DWCRA) provide productive assets
and employment to the poor for enabling them to attain permanently higher incomes and a
better standard of living. The: self-employment programmes assume greater significance for
they alone can provide income to the rural poor on a sustainable basis.
In Burdwan. the District Rural Development Agency (DRDA) is the central authority
to implement all sorts of rural development programmes especially those meant for poverty
alleviation all over the district. The DRDA started functioning since 1981. According to the
1991 census 43.46 per cent ofthe total rural households in the district are below the poverty
line. Following the central government guidelines numerous poverty alleviation schemes
have been adopted and imple:mented by the DRDA to reduce the percentage of households
living below poverty line (BPL). Here we shall analyze a few important schemes, their
progress and roles in the reduction of rural poverty in the district as well as in the region.
3.6.1. Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP)
IRDP, introduced in 1978, is the single largest scheme for providing direct assistance
to the rural poor and is meant for the poorest among the poor. Under this scheme. those
living below the defmed poverty line in rural areas are identified and given assistance for
acquisition of productive assets of appropriate skills for self-employment. which in turn
should generate enough income to enable the beneficiaries to rise above the poverty line
(Eighth Five Year Plan, Yo I. II). The small and marginal farmers, scheduled castes and tribes
(backward class population) rural artisans, landless agricultural and non-agricultural workers
and unemployed young people mostly constitute the target groups of IRDP. The DRDA has
introduced numerous schemes including 45 principal schemes and 82 subsidiary assistance
schemes under IRDP. There are separate schemes tor craftsmen, landless labourers, small
and marginal farmers (farmers owning up to 1.25 acres of irrigated land), women and
children, recorded barKadars and patta-holders, physically handicapped, scheduled ca~tes
and schedulc~d tribes and other sections of population with annual income up to Rs. 11,000
(as per the VIII plan). DRDA is running all these schemes successfully all over the district
73
with the help of a wide network of panchayat samitis, gram panchayats and several other
government departments like Animal Resource, Agriculture, Irrigation, Fishery, Small and
Cottage industry and so on. The latest addition in the long list of IRDP schemes is the
scheme for land purchase which is an important step in eradicating poverty. Here the
objective is not the mere purchase of land. The fulfilment of the objectives of any land-based
IRDP scheme is the main concern.
lnspite of the successful implementation of lRDP programmes during the last 20
years, the overall progress is much below the desired level. According to a recent report
prepared by Deepa Narayan, Giovanna Prennushi and others on behalf of Reserve Bank, the
rate of poverty reduction in India has dramatically slowed down in the last decade. The
fmdings of different evaluation studies of IRDP, programmes done by independent research
institutions also suggest that the IRDP was quite successful in terms of providing incremental
income to poor families. However, its operational deficiency could not yield the expected
resuhs (Kuriyan, 1989) and the number of households able to cross the poverty line was
relatively small (Kumar, 1994). Gaiha (1991) suggests that in general the incremental
incomes are not large enough to enable the poor to cross the poverty thresholds.
Swaminathan ( 1990) claimed that in terms of allocation of resources, there is a significantly
higher degree of leakage to persons outside the target group. The experience in the
implementation of this programme has shown that provision of assets in itself cannot
guarantee income unless the asset matches with the traditional skill and other endowments of
the household on the one hand and demand, supply, and infrastructural characteristics of the
area on the other (Alagh, 1994). Greater attention
wil~
selection of viable schemes, meeting the credit and raw material requirements and marketing
needs of the beneficiaries.
In Burdwan district, the main factors lying beneath the relatively higher level of
progress of IRDP programmes in comparison to other districts are: higher level of literacy,
higher level of awareness and information of different development schemes extended by
Continuing Education Centres, a well-organized panchayat system and relatively developed
banking infrastructure including 22 banks with its 254 branches involved in IRDP. During
the period of 1980 to 1998 about 3,81, 946 beneficiaries from 61.43 per cent of families lying
blow poverty line have been assisted by the different schemes under IRDP in the whole
district among which 70,611 (21.41 per cent) are women. On the other hand, out of the total
beneficiary families from diflerent IRDP schemes, the percentages of scheduled caste and
scheduled tribe families are 52.72 and 8.10 respectively (out of a proportional representation
74
of 27.44 and 6.22 per cent respectively in the total population of the district). Average
'
government investment per family has steadily increased from only Rs, 2,330 in 1980-'81 to
Rs. 12,700 in 1997-'98 (DRDA, 1998).
However, in spite of the success of IRDP schemes it should be mentioned that the
DRDA has never achieved their annual target of development projects since its introduction
in 1980 in the district. A huge number of cases remain pending for disbursement with the
banks each year. ln the year of 1996-'97 the number ofundisbursed cases were 9,538 which
increased to 9,882 in 1997-'98. The major causes behind the slow progress ofiRDP schemes
in the district as outlined by DRDA are as follows:
L ._
include wage employment for the trained beneficiaries (Kumar and Yadav, 1994 ). As a
75
supplementary training programme of IRDP, TRYSEM has an initial target to train at least
40 youths per block of
th(~
76
lack of initiative of the panchayats to encourage rural youth to join this training.
Poor people of the rural areas of the region are not properly informed about the
opportunities through this training programme;
each training centre is rWl by the candidates from several panchayat samitis. The
list of candidates could not reach the training centres due to the lack of coordination among the panchayat samitis.
lack of care and initiative of the panchayats to recommend the name of the
TRYSEM trained persons to help them avail ofiRDP schemes; and
inf~mt
mortality (GOI,
1996). As Burdwan district is comparatively advanced, it was not chosen for DWCRA
projects at that time.
DWCRA aims at income generation for women living below poverty line through
group economic activities. Apart from the economic objectives, DWCRA encompasses
health and educational aspects of women and children. They aim to bring about a sense of
common awareness and oneness of purpose, thereby minimising the opportunity for
exploitation. No individual enterprise is entertained under the programme of DWCRA. By
their very nature, health and education are community endeavours. In emphasizing the need
to build up women organizations at the grass root level, DWCRA hopes to integrate women
into the cow1try's development process. The development of awareness of environment and
society, and knowledge of the laws for women among the poor women is another important
77
aspect of DWCRA. The basic objectives of DWCRA can be outlined as follow (GOWB,
1997):
to organize rural poor women in order to improve the quality of life of the women
and children lying below poverty line:
to make the rural women aware of the legal assistance specially meant for
women;
to improve the economic condition of poor women by enhancing their skill and
extending self-employment schemes; and
The DWCRA scheme,. in spite of its early introduction in West Bengal (in 1983-'84 in
the districts of Bankura and Purulia), was launched in Burdwan as late as 1991-'92. In the
initial stage only 10 rural blocks of the district were arbitrarily selected to extend this
scheme. Khandaghosh, Raina-I, Jamalpur, Memari-1 and Ausgram-I blocks of our study
region are among those 10 blocks chosen in the district. In the year of 1997- '98 the
programme covered 24 blocks of the district including the 11 blocks covering the entire study
region. The total number of DWCRA groups formed in the district up to 1997-'98 is 260
including 3,524 women. According to a survey done by the DRDA in 1996 on 117 DWCRA
groups, 46 per cent, six per cent and seven per cent of the total DWCRA members are from
scheduled caste, scheduled tribe and rural craftsmen families. Among these 260 DWCRA
groups 82 have been trained by the TRYSEM programme to develop their skill. The
construction ofworkshed for the DWCRA groups is complete for 63 groups (DRDA, 1996).
In our study region 99 DWCRA groups have been formed with a number of 1,424
members. The highest number of groups, that is, 18 is found in both Raina-1 and Jarnalpur
blocks. Ausgram-1 and Khandaghosh blocks have 16 and 15 number of groups respectively.
The rest seven blocks have on an average four or five groups due to their late introduction of
DWCRA programme. The types of activities running successfully by the different DWCRA
groups are kantha stich, poultry farming, bidi (indigenous cigarette) making, mushroom
cultivation, jute-based fancy product-making, bamboo works, weaving, puffed rice making,
and making of paper bags and other handicrafts. Each and every group is consisted of at least
10 to 15
me~mbers
living in the same village and having same socio-economic status. The
gram sebilw (a female employee of the block office) motivates the rural poor women to form
78
a group and start making a thrift fund through their limited capacities of saving. The leader of
the group is elected by the members of that group. After creating a substantial thrift fund they
get the revolving fund ofRs. 15,000 from the DRDA and start the chosen economic activity.
The other sources of capital necessary for the activities of the group are matching grant from
DRDA (the same amount of self-deposit fund), bank loan and the government grant. The
selection of activity is done by either the gram sebika or the project officer of Women
Development (P.O., W.D), DRDA through discussions with the group members on raw
material availability, skill of the member, financing, marketing and other infrastructure.
In spite of its initial success the progress of the DWCRA scheme in the district of
Burdwan is still far from satisfactory. Though the number of DWCRA groups formed is
rising steadily, the DRDA has never been able to achieve the target. The chief problems
associated with the DWCRA schemes are lack of initiative among the panchayat members to
motivate rural poor women to form groups, lack of marketing infrastructure, lack of
workshed, lack of cohesion among members of the groups, inability to identify activities that
could generate sustained incomes, and above all of all non-viable fund. According to the
1996 report of DRDA., about 20 per cent of the total groups have become non-operational.
There are aL'io records of members leaving the group.
For providing marketing infrastructure to the consumer products of DWCRA groups.
a shop called 'Sathi' has been started in 'Spandan' complex of Burdwan town. However,
marketing infrastructure for pt:rishable food items like milk produced by the DWCRA groups
is yet to develop. Lack of access road especially in the rainy season is another severe
problem restricting their connection to the market faced by some DWCRA groups.
Therefore, further attention should be paid to the development of infrastructure under the
IRDP. The causes of groups becoming defunct and withdrawal of membership should be
analyzed to check such trend. The integration of DWCRA with associated schemes like
IRDP and TRYSEM should lx: improved further.
In the absence of requisite integration and co-ordination among the different
governmental agencies engaged in poverty alleviation with their different and often
conflicting objectives, there is a lot of unnecessary overlapping, duplication and wastage of
resources (Singh, 1986). Moreover, the expected increase in assets formation through poverty
alleviation programmes did not materialize due to various leakages and inefficiencies in the
execution of these programmes (Rao, 1994). However, despite these inefficiencies, the
contribution of poverty alleviation programmes such as IRDP, DWCRA, TRYSEM etc. to
the observed reduction in poverty in Burdwan region has been more or less significant.
79
80
Therefore, SGSY considers that the selection of key activities must be on the basis of an
assured market.
The survey of the market opportunities should be done both in rural and urban areas.
Rural haats (periodic markets) can also play a significant role. In the urban areas, consumer
tastes and demands are more changeable and elastic than rural. An analysis of the urban
markets would reveal the consumer preferences and the potential for the rural enterpreneurs.
in genera~ there can be a good potential for value-added items such as cleaned and packaged
food items, processed fruit and vegetables etc. in urban areas. The provision of marketing
infrastructure in urban areas can go a long way in enabling the rural poor to market their
goods in Burdwan. In addition, it can strengthen rural-urban linkage thus giving the urban
centre and its surrounding rural areas a nature of well-integrated functional region.
3.7.
Infrastructural Development
The development of infrastructure is an essential component of rural development.
81
can analyzt: the level and role of some infrastructure in the development of rural areas of our
study region.
3.7.1. Transport
Transport network for rural development is constituted of three elements waterways, road networks and railway lines. Among these three, road network plays the most
significant role in agriculture as well as in rural development. ln fuct, the farmers of a region
with good infrastructural fu(:ilities may be in a better position to utilize their limited land
resources than those of region where infrastructure is inadequate (Ram, 1994). The role of
transport infrastructure in agricultural development has increased several times especially
after the introduction ofHYV technology in the 1960s (Bajpai, 1984).
Our study region has :a well-integrated road network. The road density of the region is
0.24 kilometre and 0.25 kilometre per square kilometre for surfaced and unsurfaced roads
respectively. The region has an average bus route of 7 per each rural development block
(Table 3.6) -quite a high figure for India. The Eastern Railway main line passes through the
central part of the region in an east-west direction, and the Damodar river, major waterway in
the past, still provides ferry services at 27 points (Table 3.6) across it over the region. The
Ajay river also provides ferry service at two places in Ausgram and Monteswar blocks.
Owing to the physical uniformity of the plain, a high density of population, relative
agricultural prosperity and such other factors, Burdwan has gradually become well-connected
by buses with other parts of the state. Among these highways, the singlemost important is the
G.T. road running from southeast to northwest across the region. The arterial roads of the
region have formed a radial pattern with the Burdwan town at a nodal point providing ideal
urban market for agricultural surplus. To serve the numerous villages located in between the
arterial roads, an integrated system of town bus network has been developed recently. This
town bus network \\-ith 28 routes and 41 buses is operating efficiently to provide a significant
infrastructure for development of the rural counterpart of the region (Samanta and LahiriDutt, 1996) .
82
""-
""
Name of
block
-~
~-
-~ ~--
"""~--
---~---
~----~ ------~-
-~-------
Ausgram-I
16
68
0.07
0.29
Galsi-11
69
99
0.33
0.47
Khandaghosh
88
62
0.34
0.24
Raina-I
65
63
0.25
0.25
Jamal pur
51
119
0.19
0.45
12
Memari-1
70
55
0.34
0.27
Memari-11
70
51
0.41
0.30
Burdwan-I
103
23
0.43
0.10
Burdwan-II
10
23
0.06
0.13
Bhatar
59
25
0.07
0.06
10
Monteswar
48
61
0.16
0.20
649
649
0.24
0.25
Region
--
----
-,-----~
--~-~-----
29
Table 3.6 gives the detailed blockwise transportation infrastructure of the region.
Among the eleven rural development blocks, Burdwan-1 has the highest (0.43 kilometre per
square kilometre) and Burdwan-II has the lowest (0.07 kilometre per square kilometre)
density of surfaced road. The density of surfaced road of the other nine blocks varies between
0.07 and 0.41 kilometre per square kilometre. On the other hand, Galsi-II block has the
highest (0.47 kilometre per square kilometre) and Bhatar block ha<> the lowest (0.06
kilometre per square kilometre) density of unsurfaced roads. The rest nine blocks have an
unsurfaced road density varying between 0.10 and 0.45 kilometre per square kilometre of
area.
3.7.2. Irrigation
Irrigation is a significant aspect of rural infrastructure as it has become the prime
factor of the development of agriculture with the introduction of new technology. The
productivity of any crop now directly depends on the availability of irrigation water at the
right time.
83
-~-~->-v.,-..~---
Blocks
...
-,..-~-~~~""
_., ..
....,.~-~~-<>-,.-~-.~----~-~-"'-~
'" --
---r"~--
"
----~
Kharif
Rabi
Summer
Canal
Tank
Ausgram-1
76.31
26.67
19.51
93.84
1.35
Gals i-II
94.54
40.12
58.15
90.86
0.43
Khandaghosh
91.10
32.01
26.19
73.81
1.21
Raina-!
90.77
48.46
6.92
78.06
Jamalpur
80.99
74.28
78.71
Memari-1
85.58
34.60
Memari-11
85.25
River lift
irrigation
Deep
tube-well
SRW
4.81
0.20
8.51
0.44
2.79
21.75
0.59
0.58
2.59
18.18
66.86
1.02
1.73
2.71
27.68
44.08
89.69
0.65
0.15
0.58
8.93
33.38
33.87
80.86
1.05
0.75
0.97
16.37
92.92
46.73
60.07
75.25
0.53
0.50
0.62
23.10
93.82
36.46
32.18
89.31
1.31
0.22
9.16
84.82
41.86
30.77
54.74
0.42
1.90
3.21
39.73
79.33
0.81
0.92
Burdwan-1
Burdwan-ll
Bhatar
Monteswar
------
Region
----
-------
87.61
41.46
--------
39.05
&;~iCC:-oistric:ist.itiS!icai-i1~<fuOOCs~;ca;~ff.:Wiied-&o~~;~;Ic;sam1siatisti~ ~--
1.54
--- -
---
17.82
..
The above table gives a detailed picture of the public irrigation infrastructure existing
in the region. About 87.61 per cent, 41.46 per cent and 39.05 per cent ofthe net-cropped area
are irrigated during khar!f. rabi and summer seasons respectively. Galsi-II block has the
highest level (94.54 per cent) of irrigation in kharif season and Jamalpur has the highest level
of irrigation for both rabi (74.28 per cent) and summer (78. 71 per cent) crops. In other blocks
84
irrigation for rabi crop varie:s between 26.67 and 48.46 per cent of the net cropped area
whereas irrigation for summer crop varies between 6.92 and 60.07 per cent of the net
cropped area.
Among the different sources of public irrigation, canal network occupies the prime
position with 79.33 per cent of the total irrigated area in the region. Tank and river lift
irrigation have lost significance and provide only 0.81 and 0.92 percent oftotal irrigated area
respectively. Deep tube well irrigates only 1.54 per cent of the irrigated area whereas the
share of SRW becomes 17.82 per cent. At the block level, share of canal irrigation varies
between 54 . 74 and 93.84 per cent. From the percentage share of different sources irrigation
(Table 3.7) it is quite clear that the public irrigation infrastructure of the region is still
dominated by canal irrigation .
Besides the public irrigation infrastructure, numerous shallow and submersible pumps
have developed in the region under private enterpreneurship. This trend of using
underground water has developed to a large extent specially in the 1980s. This huge
extension of private irrigation has resulted in a remarkable increase in the rice production and
productivity.
However, this extension of private irrigation has developed a water monopoly of
submersible owners who either sell water or take others' (mainly small and marginal
farmers) plots of land in the command area on a thika contract. Webster thinks this
'waterlordism creeps onwards, increasingly affecting the distribution of benefits occurring
from higher agricultural production and eroding small producer's basis of that success of
which the LFG is justifiably so proud' ( 1999, p. 350).
3.7.3. Electrification
The importance of electrification as a significant infrastructure of rural development
was not given much priority in the early years of planning. During the first three plans the
programmes of rural electrification were severely neglected (Ram, 1994). In the year 1966,
the National Development Council reviewed the role of rural electrification and directed the
rural electrification programmes should be oriented towards providing electric power to
pumpsets with a view to assisting the programmes for augmenting agricultural production
(Daya , 1971 ). Since then, rmal electrification has acted as a catalyst in helping the farmers
to adopt more HYV seeds to intensify the cropping pattern and also to shift towards cashearning crops (Surupa, 1989).
85
Ausgram-1
58
Number of villages
electrified
42
Galsi-11
73
73
100
Khandaghosh
106
103
97
Raina-I
1I I
11 1
100
Jamalpur
121
118
98
Memari-1
114
114
100
Memari-11
103
101
98
148
141
95
Bhatar
104
104
100
Monteswar
136
136
100
1,074
1,043
97
Blocks
Burdwan-I
Burdwan-Il
Region (Total)
Number of villages
72
The above table describes the level of rural electrification in the region as very high
(97 per cent of villages). This can be considered as an important factor in the rural
development of the region. Among the eleven rural development blocks of the region five are
totally electrified and five are 95 to 98 per cent electrified. The only exception is Ausgram-I
of which 72 per cent villages are electrified.
A high level of rural electrification has opened up immense facilities for the
development of minor irrigation specially shallow and submersible private tube wells. With
the help of this extension of irrigation the agricultural production and productivity has
increased. Rural electrification has also facilitated the development of agro-processing units
like rice mills and cold storages and different trade and servicing activities which together
have accentuated the rural development ofthe region.
3.7.4. Market
The development of fitcilities for marketing the agricultural crops is an important
constituent of the rural infrastructure. With successful introduction of the 'new technology'
in agriculture, the farmer has recognized the importance of the market to sell their increased
surplus produce. Increased accessibility in the region has extended the marketability of
agricultural products to a large extent. However, the lack of marketing infrastructure for the
86
different products made by different DWCRA groups continues to remain a major hindrance
(GOI, 1999). Marketing infrastructures like marketing co-operatives, government institutions
to sell consumer goods is still very limited in the region.
Besides poorly developed public infrastructure, the region has quite a large number of
rural haats (periodic markets) and rural market centres which play significant roles in
providing marketing facilities in the region. Thirteen rural market centres (Galsi, Nari.
Satgachhia, Monteswar, Kusumgram, Saktigarh, Banpas, Seharabazar, Sura, Palla, Raina,
Bhatar, Shyarilsundar) are more or less distributed uniformly over the region (Figure 6.5),
and provide marketing infrastructure.
The periodic markets,. popularly called haats are also significant centres providing
numerous opportunities for marketing the rural products. The marketing efficiency of
periodic markets depends on its pattern of distribution in any region (Tamaskar, 1979;
Webber and Syamansk~ 1973 ). Rural periodic markets also play significant role to bridge the
wide gap between rural and urban economies by extending urban amenities into the rural one
(Eighmy. 1972).
Tabh~
Blocks
Number of total
periodic markets
Vegetable
market
Ausgram-1
Galsi-1
Khandaghosh
Raina-1
Jamal pur
Memari-I
Memari-II
Burdwan-1
Burdwan-II
Bhatar
Monteswar
13
12
Region
74
68
Cattle
market
Once a
week
Twice a
week
II
10
64
The Burdwan region has a total of74 periodic markets ofwhich 6 arc cattle haats and
the rest 68 are engaged in vegetable marketing (Table 3.9). Vegetable haats are usually held
87
twice a week with a few exception of once in a week. Cattle haats are usually held once in a
week. Besides vegetables and cattle nearly all sorts of local rural products and external
consumer goods are also sold in these periodic markets. These periodic markets often act as
centres of diffusion' as they provide al1 sorts of information related to village life (from new
job opportunities, opening for higher education, vocational courses, marriage contacts,
migration possibilities to local politics) to the villagers (Tamaskar, 1984) and thus play
important roles in rural-urban interaction.
- ----- --- . . .
.._ ....
-~
-~-----~~-~-~
"~
_,. .....
~
~~-
.,.
--~
- -
Health
centres
Number of
beds
Number of
doctors
Veterinary
centres
Family welfare
centres
Ausgram-I
0.64
5.33
1.07
0.21
4.26
Galsi-II
1.00
7.35
0.67
1.50
3.51
Khandaghosh
0.41
3.92
0.81
2.30
3.51
Raina-I
0.56
4.33
0.84
1.54
3.63
Jamal pur
0.47
4.06
0.76
0.57
3.59
Memari-1
0.24
2.40
0.60
1.32
3.84
Memari-II
0.67
5.53
0.67
2.35
4.19
Burdwan-1
0.41
3.17
0.69
2.48
2.76
Burdwan-II
0.51
2.71
0.68
1.19
3.39
Bhatar
0.57
7.79
0.95
0.76
3.61
Monteswar
0.43
4.01
0.54
1.30
3.47
0.54
4.55
0.75
1.41
3.62
Blocks
Region
---
.,,.,.,.
The above table gives a blockwise picture of the level of health facilities in the
region. The region has only one rural hospital located in Bhatar block. The average number
of health centres per 20,000 population is 0.54 in the region with the highest of 1.00 in Galsi-
88
II block. The average number of beds per 20,000 population is 4.55. The highest number of
beds, that is, 7.79 per 20,000 population is found in Bhatar block because ofthe existence of
the rural hospital there. Doctor-population ratio is 0.75 per 20,000 population on an average
in the region with a highest of 1.07 in Ausgram-I block. The levels of veterinary treatment
facilities are relatively higher in Khandaghosh, Memari-II and Burdwan-1 blocks (above 2
per 20,000 population) than the other blocks. The development of family welfare centres is
more or less uniform along the all blocks of the region with an average of 3.62 centres per
20,000 population.
The educational infrastructure, including 1,347 primary schools, 80 middle schools,
172 secondary schools, 38 higher secondary schools, 3 degree colleges, 68 public libraries
and 3,659 literacy centres, caters to the higher level educational attainment in the region.
Table 3.11: Educational Infrastructure oftbe Region, 1996-'97
(Number of institute per 20,000 population)
Middle
schools
Ausgram-I
18.74
1.70
2.13
0.21
50.48
1.07
Galsi-II
16.70
0.17
2.67
0.33
38.57
0.67
Khandaghosh
18.51
0.68
2.16
0.27
52.01
0.81
Raina-I
17.31
0.56
2.23
0.42
39.78
0.70
Jamalpur
15.29
1.23
1.79
0.57
39.91
0.94
Memari-I
12.59
0.36
1.92
0.24
43.03
0.84
Memari-II
20.12
0.67
3.02
0.50
58.17
0.67
Burdwan-I
14.89
1.10
2.48
0.69
34.88
0.41
Burdwan-II
11.01
1.02
1.36
0.51
65.71
1.02
Bhatar
15.78
0.95
2.00
0.48
38.58
0.95
Monteswar
18.65
1.95
1.52
0.65
37.40
0.87
0.95
2.12
0.44
45.32
0.81
Region
~
Higher
secondary
schools
Primary
schools
Blocks
___
_....
~-~
'~
-.
--
16.33
....,.__-,..~ ~
-~
........._
-~~-
... -
-~
,.
Secondary
schools
Literacy
centres
Public
libraries
~~
The average number of primary schools per 20,000 population is 16.33 in the region.
The highest level of primary education facility (20.12 primary schools per 20,000 population)
is found in Memari-II block and the lowest level (11.01 primary schools per 20.000
population) is found in Burdwan-II block. The average number of middle schools, secondary
schools and higher secondary schools per 20,000 population is 0.95, 2.12 and 0.44 in the
89
region (Table 3.11 ). Public libraries with an average of 0.81 per 20,000 population are also
an important element of educ:ational infrastructure of the region. Three degree colleges are
also located in rural areas ofMonteswar, Raina-! and Burdwan-II block besides four (three in
Burdwan and one in Guskara town) degree colleges of urban centres.
Mass literacy programme with an average 45.32 literacy centres per 20,000
population (Table 3.11) in the early 90s added an important dimension of the educational
infrastructure of the region. This programme has extended educational awareness among the
poor and illiterate folk of the: region to a large extent. At present post-literacy Continuing
Education Centres (CEC) ar~! efficiently running the literacy programme among the poor
nco-literates ofthe region. These CECs, besides providing educational facilities, also develop
general awareness about health and environment, various poverty alleviation programmes,
health and educational facilities for the poor and backward classes, legal assistance for the
women etc.
3.8.
Summary
In conclusion we can say that owing to favourable physical and historical factors rural
development in the region has raised to a high level. The agricultural economy of the region
has also been developed with the help of successful land reforms and adoption of technology
package. Poverty alleviation progranunes have been run quite successfully in alleviating the
lot of the rural poor and backward classes. Infrastructural developments, which form the very
basis of development of any region, have also taken place to a significant e:x.1ent. All these
aspects of d~!velopment together have brought economic prosperity to the rural areas of the
regiOn.
The development of rural areas has increased the need for market accessibility and
urban amenities among the rural people. The surplus generated from the rural economy has
also started lo flow towards urban areas. The rural-urban linkage in the region has become
strengthened following expanding rural-urban accessibility and consequent mobility of both
goods and people. Therefore, it can be said that the rural development of the region has led to
a higher degree of rural-urban interaction in the region.
90
CHAPTER IV
REGIONAl SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS
4.1.
Introduction
In the preceeding chapter we had discussed the different aspects of development such
whol(~
region has been the recipient in equal measure of the benefits of development.
Development often does not spread evenly over a region especially when an urban
centre acts as its focus. It is commonly assumed that the areas closer to the central urban
point will have, due to some sort of spread effect, a higher level of economic development
(Myrdal, 1957; Hirschman, 1958; Friedmann, 1966).
ln a micro-level study like ours, it is important to examine such spatial differences to
help us reach a better understanding of the urban centre's role in regional economy. If the
theories of core-periphery contrasts or rural-urban disjunction in third world are valid, then
the expected spatial pattern would reveal a distinct petering off of the values of the indicators
of development and/or an increase in the values of the indicators of backwardness.
In this chapter, we will try to map the spatial patterns created by some socioeconomic indicators of development/backwardness. The data used here is exclusively taken
from census oflndia reports and handbooks pertaining to the year 1991, the latest available
date.
4.2.
studied the regional pattem of econormc variables like work participation, level of
employment in primary, secondary and tertiary sectors of economy etc.
Next point to note ic; the level of spatial/administrative units to which the data
pertains. In the previous chapter, we have used block-level data collected from various
secondary sources as well as some official data. In this chapter we will go down to the gram
panchayat (village council) level. This calls for a little bit of explanation.
ln India, rural areas are administered by a complex system of local self-governments.
Article 40 of the Constitution of India directs the state to organize village panchayats as
'units of self government', based on the principle of democratic decentralization. The system
comprises three-tiers of local self-governments with gram panchayats for the village level,
panchayat samiti s at the blo<:k level, and the zilla parishads at the district level. Each tier is
organically linked to the next higher tier by indirect election.
The census data pertains to individual mouzas, which are revenue survey units set up
in the long process of cadastral mapping during 1857- 1930 by the colonial administration.
Each village can conogist of a part of, one full, or parts or the wholes of several
mouzas. Therefore, the bow1dary of a village is not necessarily cotem1inous with the
boundaries of one mouza.
This gives rise to the problem of data handling and manipulation. Since the Stateinitiated developmental efforts refer to administrative boundaries, we have chosen to use
gram panchayats - the lowest of the three-tier system of local self-government - as our unit
of study in this chapter (Figure 4.1 ). To enable us to do this, we had to adjust and match the
census data to gram panchayat boundaries. The base mouza-level map was collected from
1971 Census Handbook ofBurdwan District.
lnf01mation on gram panchayat boundaries was collected from block and panchayatlevel elected representatives and officials. Personal surveys to these offices and to the field
were made to fmd out the exact demarcation - which mouzas comprised which gram
panchayats - of the gram panchayat boundaries. It was surprising that neither the
government offices at various levels nor the elected representatives (or the political parties
they belonged to) had a map showing the boundaries. Therefore, we had to make such a map
from the scratch on the ba<>is of information gathered by us through surveys.
The methodology used here to show the patterns in the spatial distribution of different
socio-economic indicators is a simple one of isopleth. Isopleth is a line that represents a
quantity or t::numeration assumed to be constant, pertaining to certain areas through which it
passes, such as lines of equal density of population (Mackay, 1951 ). Here, following
92
23
23
ae
10 E
Monkhouse and Wilkinson (1952). we are using the term 'isopleth' in its broadest sense to
embrace all lines of quantity. We have also used the method of simple interpolation in
drawing the isopleth lines.
4.3.
but the measure was called 'sex ratio'. It is only in recent years it has come to be
acknowledged that 'sex ratio' is an inadequate measure, as it does not reflect gender
positions within society. Therefore, Female-Male Ratio (FMR) is now more widely used than
sex ratio to represent the proportion of women and men in society.
The Female-Male Ratio (FMR), measured in India as the number of female per
thousand males, is considered to be an important indicator in the socio-economic analysis of
any region. Franklin (1956) rightly observed that the ratio of females to males is an index of
economy of an area and is a useful tool for regional analysis. The balance of sexes affects the
social and
c~conomic
analysis of such measures as fundamental to the regional analysis as it influences the other
demographic elements significantly besides providing an additional means for analyzing the
regional landscape. Shryock ( 11976) has also recognized the profound effect of the proportion
of the two sexes upon the other demographic elements like population growth, occupational
structure, female labour participation etc.
In
FMR the number of females mcreases with the increase in the level of
development of any country. In contrast to the balanced FMR of the developed countries,
India is marked by an unbal<mced FMR (927 females per thousand males in 1991) with
strong regional variations. Another alarming feature of the FMR in India is its continuous
decline in the proportion of females since 1901. The FMR in India has practically declined
from 972 in 1901 to 927 in 199 I. If we assume as the census does, that a FMR of 950 or
above indicates a position of rdative equality, then every single state in the northern region is
below this ideal and every single southern state is above it (Basu, 1991 ). Even the state of
West Bengal with the higher status of women in terms of literacy and work-participation
among the northern states have a FMR of 917, much lower than the India average (927) in
1991.
Quite an array of studies (Bhutani, 1995; Chandna, 1986; Krishnan and Chandna,
1973; Siddiqi and Ahmad, 1971; Gosal, 1961 etc.) has been done to explain the various
94
factors underlying the unbalanced FMR of India and its regional variations. However, here
we are going to analyze the pattern of FMR in our study region in the context of both India
and West Bengal.
The rural areas of our study region have an average FMR of943 (as per 1991 census)
which is much higher than both the India and West Bengal average. It is also higher than the
average urban FMR of the region (904 in 1991 ). This rural-urban difference in FMR is a
universal phenomenon (Davis, 1951 ), but the rural-urban differential in FMR in the
developed countries is just the opposite of what prevails in the developing world. In
developed countries, males are more in number than the females in the countryside because
of the technology-oriented farming practices which are masculine an occupation whereas
females outnumber the males in urban areas (Chandna and Sidhu, 1979). ln the developing
countries like India the urban FMR is relatively lower than the rural one favouring male
because of the economically motivated and male-dominated rural-urban migration pattern.
Thus, the rural-urban differential in the FMR of our study region bears the characteristic of a
developing t:conomy.
Number of gram
panchayats
Percent of gram
panchayats
Above 990
0.90
960-990
16
14.41
930-960
76
68.47
900-930
16
14.41
Below 900
1.81
With the help of above table (Table 4.1) we can explain the distribution pattern of
FMR in the rural counterpart of our study region. The majority of gram panchayats (68.47
per cent) have a FMR varying between 930 and 960 which is fairly higher than both the
national and state averages. Higher level (960 to 990) ofFMR is found in 14.41 per cent of
gram panchayats. Only one gram panchayat in Aus gram block has a FMR of 1002 favouring
females. On the other hand, lower level of FMR (between 900 and 930) is noted in 14.41 per
cent of gram panchayats. Another two gram panchayats have very low level (below 900) of
FMR (Table 4.1).
95
To analyze the spatial pattern ofFMR over the entire rural area of the region we have
prepared an isopleth map showing FMR values (Figure 4.2). The highest level of FMR that
is, above 990, is noted in Guskara-11 gram panchayat of Ausgram-1 block. This high FMR is
associated with a higher level of literacy (51.86 per cent), higher level of female literacy
(43.10 per cent) and a relatively higher female work participation rate (11.53 per cent) in the
area. Relatively higher leve:l of FMR (From 930 to 960) is found in 16 gram panchayats
namely Berenda and Dignagar in Ausgram-1 block; Sankari-II in Kha.ndaghosh block;
Banpas and Eruar in Bhatar block; Panchra, Paratal-1 and Jarogram in Jarnalpur block;
Debipur and Daluaibazar in Memari-I block; Nabastha-I and Bohar-II in Memari-II block;
Natu in Raina-1 block; Bhuri and Sanko in Galsi-11 block; and Bandul-II in Burdwan-II
block. Some of these 16 panchayats are located near the Burdwan town whereas others are
located at a distance from the town. On the other hand, lower level ofFMR (between 900 and
930) is noted in 16 gram panchayats of which one is located in Ausgram-1 block, one in
Khandaghosh block, one in Bhatar block, one in Memari-11 block, three in Raina-1 block, two
in Galsi-II block, two in Burdwan-1 block, four in Burdwan-II block and one in Monteswar
block. Again, very low level of FMR (below 900) is found in Ausgram-I and Barapalasan
gram panchayats located in northwestern and eastern part of the region respectively. The rest
of the gram panchayats mentioned above have a FMR varying between 930 and 960 which
can be considered relatively higher in respect of national and state average.
No distinct pattern emerges from the spatial distribution ofFMR in the region (Figure
4.2). The high or low level of FMR is found scattered over the entire region without any
pattern of distribution on the map.
4.4.
Levels of Literacy
Literacy is considered as a fairly reliable index of socio-economic and cultural
advancement of any region (Kar, 1996; Chandna, 1986). As a matter of fact, the quality of
human population of any soc:iety can be judged through its educational attainment (Kar and
Sharma, 1994). Literacy plays a crucial role in eradicating poverty besides influencing
several demographic factors like fertility, mortality, mobility, occupations etc. The trends in
literacy are
l~onsidered
96
23'
30
1991
NUMBER
OF FEMALES
.Above 990
[!]9oo- 930
[l]Bdow 90
Figure No
-S..t
23
Before going to discuss the literacy pattern existing in the region we have to define
literacy. Here we are dealing entirely with the census data. The Indian Census has adopted
the definition of literacy from the Population Commission of United Nations ( 1949-'50)
which
US4:!S
literacy to mean the ability to both read and write a simple message with
understanding in any language (GosaL 1964). In our study region we have used the same
defmition of literacy, that is, the ability to both read and write with understanding. The
literacy mte is calculated by dividing the literate population with the total population of a
gram panchayat.
Our study region as a whole (taking both the rural and urban areas together) has a
literacy rate of 57.59 per cent, which is well above the national average of 52.11 according to
the 1991 census. The rural counterpart of the region also has a literacy rate (48.72 per cent)
much higher than the average literacy for rural India (44.69 per cent in 1991 ). However, the
urban literacy rate of the region is lower (60.56 per cent in 1991) than the urban literacy rate
of India, that is, 73.08 per
Ct~nt.
India, that is, 28.39 per cent is not applicable in the region. The rural-urban differential in the
region is only 8.87 per cent (in 1991) which indicates a high degree ofrural-urban linkage.
The higher the impact of urbanization on literacy, the lower the rural-urban differential
(Tripathi, 1993). In our study region too the higher impact of urban centres has lowered
down the mral-urban differential ill literacy.
Number ofgram
_panclt_ayats
14
Percent of gram
panchayats
12.62
50-55
23
20.72
45-50
38
34.23
40-45
31
27.93
Below 40
4.50
Table 4.2 clearly indicates the distribution pattern of literacy over the rural areas of
the region. The highest numbers of gram panchayats (34.23 per cent) have a moderate
literacy level between 45 and 50 per cent. Around 12.62 per cent of gram panchayats have a
literacy level well above 50 per cent, 5.41 per cent of which again have above 60 per cent of
literacy. On the other hand, 27.93 per cent of gram panchayats have a literacy level between
98
40 and 45 per cent. Very low level ofliteracy, that is, below 40 per cent is found in five gram
panchayats.
With the help of the isopleth map showing the zones of different literacy levels of the
region (Figure 4.3), we can explain the spatial pattern of literacy. Above 55 per cent of
literacy is found in 14 gram panchayats among which six gram panchayats namely Ukhrid in
Khandaghosh block, Nabastha-II in Memari-II block, Narugram, Shyarnsundar and Mugura
in Raina-! block and Rayan-ll in Burdwan-1 block have above 60 per cent of literacy. The
rest eight of these 14 gram panchayats namely Sagrai, Barabelun-II, Sehara, Raina, Palasan,
Barsul-II, Monteswar and Jamna (Figure 4.3) have literacy rates varying between 55 and 60
per cent. All the gram panchayats with higher degree of literacy are facilitated either by
nearness to urban centres or by high degrees of accessibility with the urban centres and better
levels of educational infrastmcture including schools and colleges. The literacy rate of 50 to
55 per cent is noted in 23 gram panchayats of which one is located in Ausgram-I block, two
in Khandaghosh block. three in Bhatar block, two in Jamalpur block. two in Memari-I block.
one in Memari-II block, two in Raina-1 block, two in Galsi-11 block, three in Burdwan-I
block, two in Burdwan-11 block and three in Monteswar block.
On the other hand, lower level of literacy ( 40 to 45 per cent) is found in thirty one
gram panchayats, the majority of which are located in Jamalpur (8), Galsi-II (3),
Khandaghosh (3), Ausgram-I (3), Bhatar (4) and Monteswar (4) blocks. Five gram
panchayats have a moderate level of literacy, that is, between 40 and 45 per cent occupying
major part of the region.
4.5.
Panday Committee, Wanchoo Committee etc to identify backward areas of India. A number
of indicators or measures have been outlined by these committees to identify the levels of
backwardness in the country. Some examples of such indicators are: (i) the percentage of
scheduled caste and scheduled tribe population, (ii) the ratio of population to the cultivated
land, (iii) the percentage ofthe working force in agriculture, (iv) the ratio of urban to rural
population, (v) availability of transport, communications, and other services, (vi) level of
99
10'E
LITERACY LEVELS
23.
JO'
1991
Z3
N
Pc:rcentage of Llterates
to Total Population
~Above
60
~55- 60
50- 55
04s- so
[1] Be Iow
23"
45
ssw'E
Figure No -lt.l
\00
literacy and so on (Chand and Puri, 1983 ). Among them, the percentage of scheduled caste
and scheduled tribe populations are the most significant social indicators of backwardness
(Taher, 1979; Taher, 1977). These are also used as indicators of backwardness under the
Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP).
Among the many indicators of backwardness. here we have taken only the percentage
of
schedul1~d
backwardnt~ss
indicator
caste and scheduled tribe to the total population to study the levels of
and their spatial patterns in the region. We could not use any economic
bt~cause
have dealt completely with census data. Therefore, with the help of census data on scheduled
caste and scheduled tribe population. we are analyzing the spatial pattern of the levels of
backwardness in the region.
caste population constitutes 33 per cent ofthe total population in the rural
areas of the region. This proportion is much higher than both the Indian (16.48 per cent) and
the West Bengal (23.62 per cent) averages. The urban centres of the region have a lower
proportion (22.49 per cent) of scheduled caste population than the rural areas. This high
proportion of scheduled caste population in the rural areas indicates the relative
backwardness of the region, in spite ofthe recent agricultural improvements.
Number of gram
panchayats
7
Percent of gram
panchayats
6 31
35-45
36
32.43
25-35
49
44.14
15-25
18
16.22
Below 15
0.90
The above table shows the classification of gram panchayats of the region according
to their scheduled caste population. The majority of the ~ram pandwyats (44.14 per cent)
have a scheduled caste population varying between 25 and 35 per cent of the total population.
About 35 to 45 per cent of scheduled caste population is found in 32.43 per cent of gram
panchayats. Very high level of scheduled caste population is found in seven gram
101
panchayats indicating very high level of backwardness. On the other hand, 16.22 per cent
gram panchayats have relatively lower proportion_ that is, 15 to 25 per cent of scheduled
caste population. Only one gram panchayat have low level of scheduled caste population,
that is, below 15 per cent.
With the help of figure 4.4 we can explain the spatial pattern of the distribution of
scheduled 1;;aste population over the region. Very high level of scheduled caste population,
that is, over 45 per cent, is found in Sasanga and Gopalbera gram panchayats in
Khandaghosh block, Daluaibazar-II and Nimo-II gram panchayats in Memari-1 block, Bhuri
and Gohagram gram panchayats in Galsi-II block, and Kurrnun-II gram panchayat in
Burdwan-Il block. About 35 to 45 per cent of scheduled caste population is noted in 36 gram
panchayats among which two are located in Ausgram-I block, four in Khandaghosh block,
six in Bhatar block, five in Jarnalpur block, one in Memari-I block, two in Memari-II block,
three in Raina-I block, four in Galsi-II block, four in Burdwan-I block and five in Burdwan-II
block. On the other hand, lower level of Scheduled Caste, that is, between 15 to 25 per cent is
found in 18 gram panchayats namely Sankari-1, Balgana, Amadpur, Barapalasan-1,
Barapalasan-II, Bijur-II, Bohar-1, Bohar-II, Satgachhia-II, Hijalna, Kusumgram, BhagraMulgram, Mamudpur-1, Mamudpur-Il, Putsuri, Piplan, Bamunpara and Jamma. Very low
level of scheduled caste population, that is, below 15 per cent is noted in Mamudpur-1 gram
panchayat of Monteswar block. The rest 49 panchayats have 25 to 35 per cent of scheduled
caste JXlpulation.
The spatial distribution reveals no distinct pattern in the region. However, it can be
said that in general the proportion of scheduled caste population decreases towards the north
and eastern part and increases towards the south, west and northwestern part from the central
urban focus (Burdwan town) of the region. These areas with a higher proportion of scheduled
caste JXlpulation are also area-; with less accessibility and lower levels of rural development.
102
35'E
23.
1991
23
SCHEDULED CASTE
TO TOTAL POPULATION
W}8Above 45
rzLZ7J 35 -
45
[ZZJ 25- 35
1(---.zl 15
LZ
- 25
)Below15
Figure
No -4.4
23.
--
---~.
-~---
~-
--~---~~------
--~~~~--
~-
......
25-35
2.70
15-25
24
21.62
5-15
40
36.04
Below 5
43
38.74
The scheduled tribe population is not uniformly distributed over the region. Majority
of the gram panchayats (38.74 per cent) has very low level (below five per cent) of
scheduled tribe population indicating a low level of backwardness. On the other hand, only
four gram panchayats have more than 25 per cent of scheduled tribe population. About 21.62
per cent of gram panchayats have between 15 to 25 per cent scheduled tribe population.
Another large share of panchayats (36.04 per cent) has lower levels of scheduled tribe
population, that is, between 5 to 15 per cent (Table 4.4).
The: spatial distribution of scheduled tribe population has created a distinct pattern in
the region. In general northwestern, southeastern and eastern part of the region have higher
concentration of scheduled tribe population (Figure 4.5). On the other hand, northern,
northeastern and southern part of the region have lower concentration of scheduled tribe
population. In Khandaghosh block all the gram panchayats have less than five per cent
scheduled tribe population except two (Sasanga and Sankari-11). Raina-1 block has also six
gram panchayats with less than five per cent scheduled tribe population and two (Natu and
Palasan) have slightly higher than this figure. Monteswar block also have ten gram
panchayats with less than five per cent, and three with more than five per cent of scheduled
tribe population. The major portions of Jamalpur, Memari-1 and Memari-11 blocks have 15 to
35 per cent scheduled tribe population. Galsi-11 block have four gram panchayats with less
than five p<~r cent and five gram panchayats have between five and ten per cent scheduled
tribe population. Major portions (six out of nine gram panchayats) of Burdwan-1 block have
5 to 15 per cent of scheduled tribe population. In Bhatar and Burdwan-11 block half of the
gram panchayats have less than five and the other half have 5 to 25 per cent of scheduled
tribe population. Ausgram-1 block have relatively higher proportion of scheduled tribe
population. Dignagar-II gram panchayat
scheduled tribe population, that is, 37 per cent, is also located in this block (Figure 4.5).
103
z3
Ce-nt of Scheduled
ribe
23'
N
to Total Population
Above 35
z~
~25- 35
t72]15 -
25
s -1s
0Below 5 eaw'E
Fiqure No. -lj,l)
104
4.6.
u~vels
of Work Participation
To understand the spatial pattern of the level of employment in the region we have
taken the data on census defined 'worker' category. Indian census defmed 'worker' as any
person whose main activity is participation in economically productive work either by his/her
physical or by his/her mental activity (Census of India, 1971). Since 1981 census, a new
classification ofworking population has been done as 'main worker' and 'marginal worker'.
Here we have taken the 'main worker' category of Census of India which can be defmed as
those workers who participate in economically active work for the major part of the year.
In general the level of work participation or employment of any region depends upon
a variety of demographic (birth rate, age structure, longevity, migration behaviour and
average size of the family), social (level of literacy and education, status of women, age at
marriage and general health standards) and economic (type of economy, availability of
employment opportunities and levels of income) factors (Chandna, 1986).
The average work participation rate of the region is 31.74 per cent of total population.
This figure is slightly lower than the national average of 34.10 per cent and higher than the
West Bengal average of30.23 per cent. The rural-urban differential in work participation rate
is of a lower magnitude (3.22 per cent only) in the region, indicating that the rural areas have
a thriving e:conomy. This higher proportion of rural work participation can be attributed to
the dominant agricultural economy of the region which provide job opportunities to the
uneducated and less skilled people including females against the masculine urban workforce
of higher skill. We, therefore, consider the higher level of rural work participation as a
significant third world characteristic.
Table 4.5: Levels of Work Participation, 1991
Percentage of workers to
total population
Above 60
Number of gram
panchayats
1
Percent of gram
Panchayats
0.90
50-60
0.00
40-50
4.50
30-40
75
67.57
Below 30
30
27.03
The majority of the gram panchayats (67.57 per cent) in the region have work
participation rate varying between 30 to 40 per cent. Another major section of gram
panchayats (27.03 per cent) have less than 30 per cent of work participation. On the other
105
hand, only five gram panchayats have 40 to 50 per cent of workers (Table 4.5). The highest
level of work participation, that is, above 60 per cent is noted in one gram panchayat.
The region has a very generalized pattern of work participation. Around 75 gram
panchayats cove:ring large areas of Memari-1, Memari-II, Galsi-II, Burdwan-1, Burdwan-IL
Jamalpur blocks, and parts of Khandaghosh, Raina-!, Bhatar and Ausgram-I blocks have
work participation rate between 30 and 40 per cent (Figure 4.6). In this wne surrounding
Burdwan town there are four gram panchayats with slightly lower level of work participation
namely Mahachanda (27.8 per C(:nt), Bagar-II (29.3 per cent), Rayan-I (29.6 per cent).
Ajhapur (24.3 p4::r cent) and two gram panchayats with higher level of work participation
namely Paratal-1 {42 per cent) and Nabastha-11 (61.1 per cent). The northwestern part of the
region covering Ausgram-I and Dignagar-II gram panchayats has relatively higher level of
work participation
Khandaghosh and Raina-I blocks and the northeastern part covering nine gram panchayats of
Monteswar and four gram panchayats of Bhatar blocks have relatively lower level of work
participation, that is, between 30 <md 40 per cent. From the spatial pattern of the level of
work participation it can be concluded that the rate of work participation gradually decreases
from the central areas around Burdwan town to the peripheries except the northwestern part
(Figure 4.6).
4.7.
Sectoral Employment
The traditional three-fold division of economic activities or occupation (primary,
secondary and tertiary), though simple, yet helps in having a broad idea about any region's
pattern of economy (Trewartha, 19:59). Therefore, to understand the nature of economy and
the level of occupational diversification (which together can be considered as important
economic indicators of the level of development), we have divided the working population of
the region into three categories of primary, secondary and tertiary workers.
Human societies have often been classified into primary, secondary and tertiary
civilizations on the basis of occupational composition (Chandna, 1986). For instance,
societies where Jess than 15 per cent of workers are in tertiary activities have been called as
'primary civilizations'. The rural economy of our study region is dominated by primary
activities with its 79.59 per cent primary workers, 5.69 per cent secondary workers and 14.76
per cent tertiary workers. On the other hand the urban economy of the region is characteri7,ed
by an overwhelming dominance of the tertiary sector (see Chapter 7).
106
87
35 E
23'
30'
1991
TO TOTAL POPULATION
H
WJj Above
2
{
1
60
fZU]so - 60
w4o- so
30-40
[ ] ] Below 30
'E
Fr gure No - "'
lOT
Number ofgram
. pQIIch_ayats
33
Percent of gram
panchayats
29.73
80 ~ 85
35
31.53
80
20
I 8.02
70~
75
7.2I
I5
I 3.5 I
--~--
75
Below 70
The spatial pattern of the distribution of primary workers is rather ill-defined over the
region. Still, it can be said that a lower level of primary workers is found in the gram
panchayats either near Burdwan town or at areas with high accessibility to Burdwan. In other
words, diversification of ec:onomy has taken place in accordance with the spread of
urbanization. The lower level of primary workers, that is, below 70 per cent is found in
Saraitikar <:md Rayan-1 gram panchayats of Burdwan-1 block; Barsul-1, Barsui-II and
Baikunthapur-I gram panchayats of Burdwan-II block; Monteswar and Kusumgram gram
panchayats of Monteswar block; Sehara and Raina gram panchayats of Raina-I block: Galsi
gram panchayat of Galsi-II block; Jamalpur-IJ gram panchayat of Jamalpur block;
Daluaibazar-II and Nimo-1 gram panchayats of Memari-I block; Sagrai gram panchayat of
Khandghosh block and Bhatar gram panchayat of Bhatar block (Figure 4. 7). All these areas
have relativ<::ly higher proportion of tertiary workers.
108
87
3~
1991
23"
-Above 85
WllJ
eo - es
[Cl]
75- 50
23
N
[[_]; 70- 75
3~ E
;lJ
L
&low 70 .
10 E
Figure No 4.7
109
The rest of the area has a higher proportion of primary workers gradually increasing
away from Burdwan town, that is, the central urban focus (Figure 4. 7). The lack of
developmc::nt of secondary and tertiary activities is the main factor behind this very high Ieve I
of occurrence of primary workers. In an agriculturally prosperous region like ours.
agricultural surplus has not been able to expand opportunities in other sectors of the
economy. This economic pattern is not healthy at all. Even after considerable development of
agriculture: of the region, diversification of economy is yet to develop. Yet, we find that rural
areas of the region are no longer as backward as they used to be three decades ago. This fact
is evidencc::d by the nascent expansion of the tertiary sector that will be discussed latter on in
this chapter.
~"-~"'"'"'"'---e-------.---.
,..._,_..,.#, -,
">
.r-
~.--
. - -
...
Percentage of secondary
workers to total workers
Above 20
Number of gram
panchayats
2
Percent of gram
panchayats
180
15-20
10- 15
8.11
5- 10
40
36.04
Below 5
60
54.05
The above table clearly explains the distribution pattern of secondary workers in the
region. Only two gram panchayats have considerably higher
secondar~
I~
above 20 per cent. About 10 to 15 per cent of secondary workers~ found in nine Arram
panchayats only. On the other hand, majority of gram panchayats constituting 54.05 per cent
have very low level, that is. below five per cent of secondary employment. Another large
number (40) of gram panchayats have five to ten per cent of secondary workers.
110
r Cent of Secondary
Workers to Total
BAbove 20
IZQ 1s10 -
15
LJ 5 -
10
Fi. ' /
LL .
l
8
35 'E
20
~_j
j Below
Ill
No distinct pattern emerges from the spatial distribution of secondary workers in the
region (Figure 4.8). The highest level of secondary employment, that is, above 20 per cent is
found in Baikunthapur-I and Barsul-II gram panchayats of Burdwan-II block because of a
high concentration of rice mills there. About 10 to 15 per cent of secondary workers is noted
in nine gram panchayats namely Sagrai in Khandaghosh block, Banpas in Bhatar block.
Jamalpur-I and Jamalpur-II in Jamalpur block, Daluaibaza.r-II in Memari-I block, Schara in
Raina-I block, Saraitikar in Burdwan-1 and Baikunthapur-II and Barsul-I in Burdwan-II
block.
About five to ten per cent of secondary workers is recorded from 40 gram panchayats
of which two are located in Ausgram-I block, one in Khandaghosh block, six in Bhatar block,
five in Jamalpur block, six in Memari-1 block, four in Memari-II block, two in Raina-1 block,
one in Galsi-11 block, four in Burdwan-I block, one in Burdwan-11 block and eight in
Monteswar block (Figure 4.8). The rest of the area including 60 gram panchayats have very
poor level, that is, below five: per cent of secondary workers.
4.7.3. LeYels of Tertiary Sector Employment
Whatever diversification of economy has taken place in the region is in the form of
tertiarizaion. In general, on an average the rural economy of the region has 14.76 per cent of
tertiary employment as against 55.45 per cent in urban areas.
Percentage of tertiary
workers
to total workers
------------- ----
--- -- --- -Above 25
----
~-
. ..
-.- -- . -
'~---
--
Number ofgram
_panc_h~yaJ_s
7
20-25
11
9.91
15-20
27
24.32
10- 15
40
36.04
~---.
Below 10
~A--
_ptlll_c~aya(s
6.31
26
-
---
23.42
---~--
-------
..
-----
--
-----
----
The: highest level, that is, above 25 per cent oftertiary employment is found in seven
(6.31 per cent) gram panchayats. Another 9.91 per cent of gram panchayats have also a
higher level (20 to 25 per cent) of tertiary employment. On the other hand. lower levels of
tertiary employment, that is, 10 to 15 per cent are noted in 40 gram panchayats (36.04 per
cent). Very low levels of tertiary employment, that is, below five per cent is found in 26
112
gram panchayats (23.42 per cent) of the regton. The rest 27 (24.32 per cent) gram
panchayats have I5 to 20 per c:ent of tertiary workers.
The spatial pattern (Figure 4. 9) indicates that a higher level of tertiary employment is
found in rural areas adjacent to Burdwan town. The highest level of tertiary employment, that
is, above 25 per cent is noted in seven gram panchayats namely Raina, Sagrai, DaluaibazarII, Nimo-I, Rayan-I, and Kusumgram. Tertiary employment is also higher, that is, 20- 25 per
cent in II gram panchayats like Kaiyor, Bhatar, Jamalpur-II, Daluaibazar-I, Satgachhia-I,
Sehara, Shyamsundar,
Gals~
of tertiary employment in these 18 (7+ 11) gram panchayats can be attributed to their higher
level of infrastructure including health and education, higher interaction with their nearest
urban centre (Memari and Burdwan), and the location of rural market centres in these
4.8.
Status of Women
The tt!rm 'status' simply denotes the relative position of persons in a social system or
subsystem which is distinguishable from that of others in its rights and obligations (ICSSR,
1975). The status of an individual occupies within a society depends upon the role she or he
performs within society and the appraisal given to the role by the society.
The lower status of women has been the main cause of the uneven distribution of
resources (Boserup, 1998). The status of women is again dependent on the type of economy
and the mode of production.
The developing countries of the world are usually characterized by a lower status of
women. The transition from the traditional to industrial mode of production specially in
developing economies breaks up family units into individual competing units. In this system
women have usually been left behind because of their lack of opportunities to develop new
skills in the new system of production (Mitra, 1979).
113
88 toE
Cent of Terttary
\Norkers to Total
BAbove 25
~ 20- 25
~lLJ15-
20
[._~ 10- 15
87. 35 E
[[~&low 10
ea"to E
""
Education and employment are the two most significant factors influencing status of
women in any society. While employment determines the level of food availability, nutrition
and the level of other essential needs, education determines the individual's a<>pirations, level
of technology used, productivity and vertical and horizontal mobility of the women (LahiriDutt and Ghosh, 1998).
'Employment' is usually defined in a very restricted sense by the modem industrial
society and considers only the economic role played by individuals. Therefore, the role and
contribution of women as family labour often gets overlooked or taken for granted. The
amount of direct contribution made by women in the formal economy allocates values to
women's work and marks their status in society (Agnihotri, 1995).
Then~
society. Among them the most important two are female literacy rate and female work
participation rate (ICSSR., 1975). Female-male ratio is also another social indicator of the
status of women (Miller, 1981) which we have discussed earlier in this chapter. Therefore, in
this section we are dealing with the female literacy rate and the female work participation
rate (based purely on census data) to identifY the spatial pattern of the status of women in our
study region .
responsible for the lower female literacy rate in the region. Economically, the appalling
poverty, predominantly agricultural economy offering little opportunities in other jobs, and
poor female work participation are the factors of lower level of female literacy in the region.
Above 50
45-50
12
10.81
40-45
30
27.03
35-40
41
36.94
Below 35
23
-----
_, ___
~_
Number of gram
panchayats
-----
-~---~-----
~--------
20.72
----~---
-------------
The above table (Table 4.9) explains the distribution pattern of female literacy level
in the rural part of the region. The highest level of female literacy, that is, above 50 per cent
is found in five gram panchayats only. Another 12 gram panchayats (10.81 per cent of total)
have relativdy higher levels of female literacy, that is, 45 to 50 per cent. Medium levels of
female literacy is noted in 30 gram panchayats (27.03 per cent) of the region. On the other
hand, lower level of female literacy, that is, 35 to 40 is found in highest number (41) of gram
panchayats. About 20.72 per cent of gram panchayats (23 in number) have lowest level of
female literacy, that is, below 35 per cent (Table 4.9).
No distinct pattern emerges from the spatial distribution of female literacy level in the
region. Above 50 per cent of female literacy rate is found in Ukhrid, Rayan-II, Mugura,
Narugram and Shyamsundar gram panchayats near Burdwan town (Figure 4.1 0). Twelve
gram panchayats of the region namely Sagrai, Hijalna, Schara, Raina, Palasan, Nimo-I,
Barapalasan-II, Monteswar, Jamna, Barabelun-II, Barsul-II and Kurmun-II have 45 to 50 per
cent of female literates. About 40 to 45 per cent of female literacy is found in 30 gram
panchayats of which two are located in Ausgram-1 block, two in Khandaghosh block, five in
Bhatar block, three in Jamalpur block, one in Memari-1 block, three in Memari-ll block, one
in Raina-1 block, two in Galsi-11 block, four in Burdwan-1 block, two in Burdwan-11 block
and five in Monteswar block. Another 41 and 23 gram panchayats with 35 to 40 per cent and
below 35 per cent level of female literacy respectively are haphazardly distributed over the
regiOn.
116
BURDWAN TOWN
1991
TE FEMALES
TO TOTAL ~H.. ALES
rlljAbove 50
23'
N
~45- 50
WJ 40-45
r=zJ 35 -
40
[!'] Below
35
10
,E
Ftgure No -1.4.10
111
Among the eleven blocks of the region, Raina-1 has the highest level of female
literacy (49.48 per cent, the second highest being is 40.55 per cent). This higher level of
female literacy in this block can be attributed to the higher concentration of educational
facilities including a degree college, which is oldest one (established in 1948) among the
rural colleges of the region.
118
~----~-
Number of gram
panchayats
-
--
Above 20
13
II. 71
15-20
27
24.32
10-15
20
18.02
5-10
29
26.13
Below 5
22
19.82
The above table (Table 4.1 0) explains the distribution pattern of female work
participation among the Ill gram panchayats of the region. The highest level of female
work participation is found in l3 (11.71 per cent) gram panchayats of the region. About 27
gram panchayats (24.32 per cent) have 15 to 20 per cent of economically active female
population. The level of I 0 to 15 per cent female labour participation is found in 29 gram
panchayats of the region. Lower level of female work participation that is five to ten per cent
is found in 29 gram panchayats. Very poor level of female work participation that is below
five per cent is noted in 22 gram panchayats of the region.
From the spatial distribution of female work participation (Figure 4.11) it is found
that the northeastern and southwestern parts of the region covering three gram panchayats of
Bhatar block, ten gram panchayats of Monteswar block in the northeast and six gram
panchayats of Khandaghosh block and three gram panchayats of Raina-! block in the
southwest have very poor level of female work participation, that is, below five per cent. On
the other rumd, highest level of female work participation, that is, above 20 per cent is found
in Ausgram-I, Dignagar-I and Dignagar-II gram panchayats in Ausgram-I block, Ajhapur,
Paratal-I, Paratal-II and Abujhati gram panchayats in Jamalpur block, Durgapur Kram
panchayat in Memari-I block, Nabastha-I gram panchayat in Memari-II block, Adra warn
panchayat in Galsi-II block, Baikunthapur-I, Baikunthapur-II and Bandui-II gram
panchayats in Burdwan-II block (Figure 4.11). Of these, Ausgram-I block has a notable
concentration of scheduled tribes such as Santhals. Female work participation among the
tribal communities in India has traditionally been rather high. About 15 to 20 per cent of
female lalxmr participation is noted in 27 gram panchayats of which two are located in
Bhatar block, five in Jamalpur block, six in Memari-I block, seven in Memari-II block. tive
in Galsi-II block and two in Burdwan-II block. The rest 20 gram panchayats with 10 to 15
119
~bove
--20- -
2 3"H
r'TA
~2~? ~5 -
20
10 -
15
s -
10
CJ
:-=Below 5
1~0
per cent female workers and 29 gram panchayats with 5 to 10 per cent female workers are
scattered over the entire region without any distinct pattern.
4.9
Summary
From the detailed analysis of different parameters of development at gram panchayat
level it is found that development has not taken place uniformly over the region. The gram
panchayats with higher levels of developments (in any parameter) are either facilitated by
higher levels of infrastructural development or by higher degrees of rural-urban interaction in
general sense. The spatial layout of different aspects of development do not lead to any
distinct pattern. Higher levels of development are found in a scattered manner in certain
gram panchayats well-connected to Burdwan town or other urban centres of the region. The
typical characteristic of rural-urban disjunction, that is, the petering off of the values of the
indicators of development and/or an increase in the values of backwardness is not seen in the
region. We can attribute this non-conformity to the recent changes in the rural sector ofthird
world countri,es like India. Finally, it can be said that this chapter on pattern of development
helps us to break the myth of the existence of rural-urban disjunction in the third world
countries.
121
CHAPTER V
INTRA-REGIONAl PATTERNS OF DMlOPMENT
5.1.
Introduction
Development can be defined as the condition of society in which all strata of
population
g~:t
and have ample access to inputs such as education, information, health and nutrition which
play a key role in enabling human beings to realise their development potential through
individual and collective effort (Rao, 1981 ).
Decentralized participatory planning has been adopted during the last two decades as
an instrument for rural development in West Bengal. Ghosh (1988) credited the stable Left
Front Government for promoting this kind ofplanning as a tool of economic development. A
number of scholars (e.g. Mukherjee and Mukhopadhyay, 1995; Rogaly, Harriss-White and
Bose, 1995; Lieten, 1992 etc.) have observed that the decentralized participatory planning
has positively affected the rural economy ofthe state by raising production and productivity
in agriculture . However, an opinion that is gradually gaining momentum in the last couple of
years is that this improved productivity is actually the result of higher, better, greater and
more technollogy-oriented inputs, and does not necessarily indicate better governance
(Webster, 1999; Gazdar and Sengupta, 1999; Williams, 1999 etc.).
A number of policies and programmes (see Chapter 3) have been launched in the
region under study to usher in economic growth with social justice. Besides the schemes
directly related to the enhancement of production and productivity, a number of programmes
are undertaken in the region to improve entitlement, capabilities and social opportunities. The
land reform measures, employment generation programmes etc. can be listed under the
entitlement related instruments. Mass literacy campaign. health for all drive etc. are
improving human capabilities and, finally, the development of infrastructure like roads and
rural electrification can expect to contribute towards better social opportunities (Banerjee and
Ray, 1998).
The various policies and programmes for the development of the rural part of the
region, if successfuL would significantly alter the socio-economic condition of the region.
Theretore. in this chapter we shall evaluate the contribution of all the development
programmes at the gram panchayat level (same units of study as the previous chapter). As
122
development cannot spread uniformly over a region, we shall try to analy7~ the spatial
pattern of tht~ level of development with the help of a number of socio-economic indicators at
the gram panchayat level. Gram panchayats are the lower most tier of the three-tier local
self-government system of administering decentralized planning, and we shall use them in
this chapter as the micro-level units of our analysis of the spatial pattern of the level of
development. In carrying out this exercise, however, we had to face major problems related
to the data and methodology of the analysis.
5.2.
Methodology
Choosing an appropriate methodology is a problem in dealing with a micro-level
analysis. The: framing of a widely acceptable development index is a serious problem faced
by social
scie~ntists.
Composite index is the most commonly used technique for analyzing the
were based on composite index method. A proforma of composite index for district level
development was suggested by the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) in the
year 1976 on the basis of information collected from 412 districts of India and the structure
was subsequently improved in the year 1985. Mukherjee (1995) addressed this problem of
constructing district development index ahd suggested a more or less similar weight
structure. Both of these indices dealt with the development at district level and stated nothing
explicitly and specifically about the basis of relative weight determination. Another set of
recent
studi1es (Sharma,
Tripathi,
Gupta and
Sharma,
1995;
Saravanabavan and
Shanmuganadan, 1995; Gosal and Krishnan, 1984 etc.) have also used different statistical
methods (composite index, concentration index, factor analysis and so on) to analyze the
level of development at state, district and block levels. None of these, however, have used
micro units like gram panchayats for their analysis. Therefore, our analysis at gram
panchayat level adds a relatively newer dimension in studies of developmental disparities.
Most of the earlier studies related to the levels of development have used the
composite index method. But the main drawback of this methodology lies in the basis of
relative weight determination which can lead to erroneous results. To overcome this problem,
we have used the statistical technique Principal Component Analysis (PCA) which is a
branch of well known multivariate technique of factor analysis. Three Principal Factors
123
5.3.
Data Base
A wide range of indicators can possibly be used in the analysis of disparities in
developmen1t of any region. Among them most are economic indicators like per capita
income, per capita bank deposits, per capita gross value of agricultural output, net sown area
per agricultural worker, per capita consumption from industry and mining etc. These arc
frequently used in macro level analyses of development. However, in our micro level
analysis we could not use most of the economic indicators owing to non-availability of
appropriate ;md reliable data. Up to the block level, data on different socio-economic aspects
are published by different organizations like Bereau of Applied Economics and Statistics. No
such data base has been developed yet at the gram panchayat level in West Bengal.
Therefore, we had to collect the data either by questionnaire survey at the gram panchayat
level or from the official records of different development blocks of the region. The data
related to the area and demographic characteristics like level of literacy, female male ratio
etc. were collected from the Census of India reports and district handbooks pertaining to the
year 1991, the latest available date. On the other hand, data related to the infrastructure were
collected from the block development offices and individual gram panchayats through
extensive fieldwork done in 1995-'96.
5.4.
Variables
The range of variables or indicators used in this analysis was constrained by the
availability of data. Whereas we would have liked to use many other criteria relevant to rural
development, our choice had to be limited within the data provided by individual gram
panchayat. After collecting the data from gram panchayats, we consulted a resource person
from the respective block level officials to verify the data and dropped those where any
discrepancies arose about the reliability of data. Therefore, the number of socio-economic
indicators finally used in the analysis declined to 29. These are as follows:
1. total area in square kilometre, 2. total population, 3. literacy rate, 4. work
participation rate, 5. female-male ratio, 6. female literacy rate, 7. female work participation
124
libraries), ht::alth (number of health centres, number of beds in health centres, number of
doctors in he:alth centres and number of private practitioners), child care (child immunization
centres), and banking (number of bank branches) facilities. All these contribute indirectly to
development in a significant way. In addition, we have also used indicators of diversification
of economy (number of husking units and rice mills), storage facility (number of cold
storages) and non-conventional energy use (number of bio-gas plant). Following Rondinelli
and Ruddle (1976) it can be said that the distribution of all these variables (especially
services and facilities) is crucial not only for promoting economic growth, but also in
creating sociial equity and in improving the quality of life in rural areas of developing
countries
5.5.
lik~:
India.
Factor Solution
The factor analysis in this study identified three major dimensions explaining a total
variance of more than 75 per cent. Among them the first principal component, which is the
linear combination corresponding to the largest number of variables, accounts for a large
proportion, that is, about 65.98 per cent of the variance in the sample. Therefore, the first
dimension of the analysis dealing with the 'level of overall development' plays a significant
role in the region's level of development. It explains all the variables except those related to
health infrastructure and secondary activities. The second dimension. that is, the 'level of
health infrastructure' explains 5.05 per cent of the total variance (Table 5.1 ). The third
dimension of the developmental level dealing with the 'level of secondary activities'
contributes 4.21 per cent of the total variance. Among these three dimensions, the first one is
the most significant with an eigen value of 19.13 against the second and third dimension with
their eigenvalues 1.46 and 1.22 respectively (Table 5.1 ).
Factor
Eigenvalues
% of variance
Cumulative %
19.13
65.98
65 98
II
1.46
5.05
71.03
Ill
1.22
4.21
75.24
126
5.6.
given higher priority to the first dimension, that is, the 'level of overall development' because
of its higher level counting of the total variance. Therefore, we shall represent the level of
development on the gram panchayat level map of the region with the help of choropleth
method.
IS
found in 11 gram panchayats (9.91 per cent) of the region (Table 5.2).
Number ofgram
Percent of gram
panchayats
1.80
Categories
Scores
Very high
Below -1.90
High
- 1. 5 1 to - 1. 90
Moderately high
- I. 11 to -1. 10
30
27.03
Moderate
-0.71 to -1.10
67
60.36
Moderately low
11
9.91
p~_chayats
0.90
Among the 11 rural development blocks only Jamalpur and Raina-1 have some of
their panchayats in the higher categories. The rest of the blocks including the major portion
of both Jamalpur and Raina-I blocks belong to the moderately high, moderate and moderately
low levels of development (Table 5.3). In the moderately high category the highest
contribution is of Raina-I block covering 50 per cent of its gram panchayats. Galsi-ll block
has the largest proportion (77. 78 per cent) of gram panchayats in the moderate category of
the level of development. On the other hand, the significant contribution in the category of
moderately low is of Ausgram-1 block with its 28.57 per cent of gram panchayats. Table 5.3
127
explains in detail the blockwise picture of the level of development and their respective
number of gram panchayats in different levels of development.
Table 5.3: Blockwise Picture of Levels of Overall Development
(Category-wise number and percentage ofgram panchayats in each block)
-------
Very high
Moderately high
Moderate
Moderately low
Ausgram-1
2(28.57)
3(42.86)
2(28.57)
Galsi-11
1(11.11)
7(77.78)
1(11.11)
Khandaghosh
3(30.00)
7(70.00)
4(50.00)
3(37.50)
2(15.39)
8(61.53)
Memari-I
2(20.00)
8(80.00)
Memari-II
1(11.11)
8(88.89)
Montes war
5(38.46)
5(38.46)
3(23.08)
Bhatar
4(28.57)
9(64.29)
1(07.14)
Burdwan-1
2(22.22)
5(55.56)
2(22.22)
4(44.44)
1(11.12)
Raina-I
Jamalpur
Burdwan-11
High
1(12.50)
2(15.39)
------------
----------
4(44.44)
--"'> ""'
"""A-
o>T
---R-"
.~
--
--
----
-----------------------------------
Blocks
--
1(07.69)
Now,, with the help of the choropleth map representing developmental scores of the
first principal component we can analyze the spatial pattern of the level of overall
development at individual gram panchayat level. Two gram panchayats in Jamalpur block
namely Jamalpur-1 and Paratal-1 have very high level of development in the region.
Seharabazar gram panchayat in Raina-1 block have achieved high level of development
(Figure 5.1 ). Moderately high level of development is noted in Ausgram-1 and Billagram
gram panchayats in Ausgram-1 block; Mahata, Banpas, Mahachanda and Bhatar gram
panchayats in Bhatar block; Baghasan, Monteswar, Kusumgram. Jamma and Majher gram
gram panchayats in Monteswar block; Durgapur and Daluaibazar-II gram panchayats in
Memari-1 block; Kuchut gram panchayat in Memari-Il block; Kurmun-1 and Saraitikar gram
LEVELS OF DEVELOPMENT
3()N
SCORES
23
Below & -1 9\
11 l<m.
LEVELS OF DEVELOPMENT
~Very
Htgh
-151--1 90
-1 11-... -1 50
o 71--1 10
Moderate
-o
Moderately
70&
above '
htgh
Moderately ''g"
cO"'f
8~
Guskara-II in Ausgram-1 block have moderately lower level of development (Figure 5.1 ).
The rest 67 gram panchayats of the region have attained moderate level of development.
5.6.2.
Dim.:~nsion
The second principal component of our analysis explains the disparity in the 'level of
health infrastructure' existing in the region. According to this component high and
moderately high level of health infrastructure is found only in one and five gram panchayats
respectively. About 22 gram panchayats (19.82 per cent) of the region have attained a
moderate level of health infrastructure. Moderately low and low level of health infrastructure
is found in 82 (73.87 per cent) and one gram panchayat respectively (Table 5.4).
Categories
Scores
Number of gram
panchayats
High
Percent of gram
panchayats
0_9
Moderately high
-4.01 to -2.00
4.51
Moderate
-2.01 to 0.00
22
19.82
Moderately low
0.01 to 2.00
82
73.87
Low
Above 2.00
0.9
Among the 11 rural development blocks only Bhatar has a high level of health
infrastructure because ofthe existence of a rural hospital there. Ausgram-1, Galsi-II, Raina-1,
Monteswar and Burdwan-1 blocks have moderately high level health infrastructure due to the
presence of several health centres with in-patient wards and permanent or resident doctors. In
the moderat~~ category of health infrastructure the highest share is of Jamalpur and
Monteswar block, four gram panchayats in each of which belong to this category.
Moderately low level health infrastructure is most prevalent category covering major parts of
all the eleven blocks in the region. Low level of health infrastructure is found in only one
gram panchayat of Raina-1 block. Table 5.5 explains in detail the blockwise distribution
pattern of gram panchayats in different levels of the development of health infrastructure in
the region.
130
Very high
Ausgram-1
Gals i-II
Moderately high
1(11.11)
2(22.22)
6(66.67)
2(20.00)
8(80.00)
Khandaghosh
Jamalpur
4(30.77)
9(69.23)
Memari-1
1(1 0.00)
9(90.00)
Memari-11
1(11.11)
8(88.89)
1(07.69)
4(30.77)
8(61.54)
I (II. II)
3(21.43)
10(71.43)
2(22.22)
6(66.67)
Montes war
Bhatar
1(07.14)
Burdwan-l
Burdwan-11
5.6.3.
Dimc~nsion
6(66.66)
3(33.33)
- ~-
<
1(12.50)
6(75.00)
1(12.50)
Raina- I
Moderately low
Moderate
6(85.71)
High
1(14.29)
--
.-.-,~--~ . . . . .
-.
r-
"
--'"
--
---~-~---"'
The third principal component of the analysis has explained the' level of secondary
activities'which is essentially a major dimension of development in rural areas as it expresses
the level of diversification of economy. In our study region more than half of the gram
panchayats (60 out of Ill) have moderately low level of secondary activities (Table 5.6).
Moderate level of secondary activities is found in 25 gram panchayats (22.52 per cent) of the
region. Both the low and moderately high levels of secondary activities are found in 10 gram
panchayats (9.01 per cent) each. About six gram panchayats of the region have reached high
level of secondary activities and these are usually associated with the concentration of agroprocessing units specially rice mills.
Scores
High
Number of gram
panchayats
Percent of gram
panchayats
Above 2.00
5.41
Moderately high
0.01 -2.00
10
9.01
Moderate
0.01 - 1.00
25
22.52
Moderately low
-1.01-0.00
60
54.05
Low
10
9.01
...
131
Table 5. 7 explains in detail the blockwise distribution pattern of the gram panchayats
among diff.erent categories of the level of secondary activities. Three blocks namely
Jamalpur, Memari-1 and Burdwan-11 with their three, one and two gram panchayats
respectively have attained a high level of secondary activities. Moderately high level of
development in this dimension is found in one panchayats each of Galsi-11, Khandaghosh,
Raina-I, Janmlpur, Bhatar and Burdwan-I blocks and two gram panchayats each in Memari-I
and Burdwan-11 blocks. All the blocks have a number of gram panchayats in both moderate
and moderately low categories of the level of secondary activities. Low levels of secondary
activities ar'e noted in one gram panchayat each of Ausgram-1, Galsi-II, Monteswar and
Burdwan-1 blocks and in two gram panchayats each of Khandaghosh, Raina-1 and Bhatar
blocks (Table 5. 7).
Table 5.7: Blockwise Pattern of the Levels of Secondary Activities
---~--"-
.-.-_r,
~--~--
..
- --- ----
-----
--~--
Moderately high
Moderate
1(14.29)
Moderately low
5(71.42)
Low
1(14.29)
Galsi-II
1(11.11)
1(11.11)
6(66.67)
1(11.11)
Khandaghosh
1(10.00)
1(10.00)
6(60.00)
2(20.00)
Raina-I
1(12.50)
2(25.00)
3(37.50)
2(25.00)
High
Ausgram-I
Jamalpur
3(23.08)
1(07.69)
3(23.08)
6(46.15)
Memari-I
1(10.00)
2(20.00)
5(50.00)
2(20.00)
Memari-II
3(33.33)
6(66.67)
Monteswar
2(15.39)
10(76.92)
1(07.69)
Bhatar
1(07.14)
2( 14.29)
9(64.28)
2( 14.29)
Burdwan-1
1(11.11)
2(22.22)
5(55.56)
1(11.11)
2(22.22)
3(33.34)
2(22.22)
Burdwan-II
5.7.
2(22.22)
Summary
In this chapter we have analyzed the level of socio-economic development of the
region at micro level unit of gram panchayats. This analysis basically has dealt with the rural
part of the region. But the urban centres ofthc region arc also passively included in the study
by their impact on the rural development. No rural area can develop in isolation without its
linkages or interactions with any urban centre. Diversification of the economy, which is an
132
essential component of rural development, takes place with the increasing interaction with
urban areas. We have seen in our analysis that the gram panchayats, which have attained a
relatively higher level of development, are also well connected to their nearest urban centres.
Therefore. we can say that the integration of rural and urban economy can bring more
prosperity to the rural areas of the region.
Social scientists can help the planners by providing them with a picture of the already
developed or existing situation of the area at the micro-level (Rao, 1981). Planning for rural
development at the micro level requires studies of the existing socio-economic level of
development and infrastructure for relatively small and homogenous units like block or gram
panchayat. Therefore, our analysis of the existing pattern of the level of development at the
gram panchayat level will provide micro-level data base and help future planning for the
region. The gaps in the level of development have also been highlighted in our study where
necessary steps should be taken to strengthen the economic development as well as ruralurban integration of the region.
In thiis study, we shall now focus on the large villages that have grown in the region
as a result of recent improvements in the rural economy. Their existence and growth, in fact
amplify the fmdings of this chapter, that the rural economy has indeed become more
diversified and that development has not followed any specific spatial pattern. Local factors
as well as ease of communication to Burdwan both have given rise to these large villages
who play a significant role in rural economy.
133
CHAPTER VI
lARGE VIllAGES AND RURAl MARKO CENTRES
6.1.
Introduction
One manifestation of rapid agricultural development in Burdwan region has been the
growth of sc::verallarge villages, which are not designated by the census as 'urban', but have
crossed the minimum population threshold. These are centres of accumulation of agricultural
surplus in a region where no major secondary sector has developed yet, but which has an
already thriving tertiary sector. It is difficult to understand rural-urban interaction in the
context of a developing country like India without a discussion of the large villages, hence
this chapter.
Burdwan, being an agriculturally prosperous district, has quite an array of large
villages. Some of these villages are growing at a relatively rapid rate than other villages or
even towns. Keeping in view the proliferation of large villages it was felt that a study on their
growth potentiality would throw some light on this little studied zone in the rural-urban
continuum.
This chapter focuses on the large villages and rural market centres around Burdwan
town, their growth, spatial pattern, growth potential, socio-economic characteristics, and their
occupational patterns. It also discusses the locational pattern of rural market centres and their
roles in the integration of rural and urban economies of the region.
In this study of large villages, the year 1971 has been taken as the base year and the
changes are examined over a time span oftwenty years (1971-'91) because ofthe fact that in
the region the large villages before 1971 were very few, that is, only eight. Moreover, 1971
also shows the situation existing in the region when it was poised for agricultural growth
after the introduction ofHYV seed fertilizer technology.
6.2.
overview, see Carter, 1972); yet, urban phenomena remain elusive. However, the census
authorities of every country adopted its own operational defmition, and the Indian census is
no exception.
134
From its very early days, the Census of India has made a clear distinction between
rural and urban places (Bose, 1973). The present defmition of 'urban', almost unchanged
since 1872, identify two distinct types of urban units:
1. places having a statutory notified area; and
2. places satisfying a minimum population criterion as well as criteria of density of
population and occupational thresholds.
Without these characteristics, therefore, a settlement would be called rural as per
Indian census.
Then: is an ongoing debate among scholars as to whether the urban can be really
separated from the rural world or whether there is a gradual change of forms from the rural to
the urban area. Many urban geographers emphasize the existence of a rural-urban continuum
while others claim that there is a rural-urban discontinuum (Bhattacharya, 1987).
The supporters of rural-urban continuum hypothesis try to establish that the process
of city growth is such that the surplus arising in small villages concentrates in large villages
and from larger villages into small towns, medium towns and then into cities. The surplus of
any settlemt:::nt is proportional to the non-agricultural population. This non-agricultural
population engaged in industrial or tertiary occupations introduce an element of urbanization
in the character of the settlement. Thus from the smallest village settlement to the largest
urban settlement there will be a gradual changes of occupation as well as services and
facilities.
In the above context we shall analyze whether the large villages of the regiOn
represent the twilight zone of rural-urban continuum where urban traits gradually dissolve
into rural ones and integrate the rural economy with the nearby urban economy. Rural
settlements
<~rossing
urban settlements are considered as 'large villages' in this study. Though the population size
of these settllements is large, they continue to depend mainly on the primary sector for the
sustenance of their economies. Moreover, since 1971, the large villages of our study area
have continued to remain rural as per the census definition and are yet to make the transition
to urban. Clearly, an inquiry into the nature of these large villages is critical for an
examination of rural-urban interaction.
Large villages are usually areas of surplus accumulation from the rural sector. But not
all large villages can develop as areas of re-investment in the form of 'rural market centres'
as well as 'mral growth centres'. In the literature on Indian growth centres, Harriss ( 1976)
feels there has been a manifestation of negative ideology against the villages a~ urban centres
135
tend to attract the attention of planners. According to Misra (1978) growth centres are towns
within specific size ranges, displaying potentialities for viable growth. Clearly, the large
villages are nearly invisible in planning literature. Therefore, in such a context, we shall
defme these overgrown rurban villages as 'market or service centres' but not as 'growth
centres' because of this defmitionallimitation. Some of the large villages develop into rural
market or st:rvice centres as these are located at places which are the most convenient from
the stand-point of the mobilization and re-investment of regional economic surplus
(Bhattacharya, 1987). Such places are not always evenly distributed throughout the region
and sometimes produce apparently isolated pockets. We intend to identify these convenient
locations.
The rural market centres play the role of local growth centres for the stretch of rural
surroundings as these generate livelihood sources as well as wealth. Their differences are
more notable because in the spatial and functional hierarchy of central places in a rural
region, grmvth centres are placed at a higher level than their rural surroundings. Rising rural
demand for production inputs and consumer goods leads to a dynamism in the commercial
bases of both urban and rural market centres; making each rural market centre 'virtually' a
centre for grain trade/procurement, supplier of agricultural implements/machinery and other
inputs, a commercial link with surrounding rural hinterland, and a formidable nodal point for
forging rural'-urban economic linkages (Chadha, 1996).
Market centres have been widely studied by geographers and economists but the
majority of these studies are on the urban market centres (see. Chadha, 1996; Harriss-White,
1996; Dixit, 1986, 1984; Berry, 1967; Mikshell, 1960 etc.). However, in India there is a vast
array of literature on rural market centres (see Sarap, 1991; Tiwari and Lal, 1986; Singh,
1982; Ghosh, 1982 etc. for a sample of such work). Similarly, large and overgrown villages
as well as rurban centres have been studied in great detail in India (see Samanta, 1996;
Prasad and Mahato, 1990, 1989; Agarwala, 1970; Ghuryc, 1963; Dubc, 1958) as viable
instruments for bringing rural-urban economic parity.
6.3.
Laq~e
Villages
136
occurrence of large villages in the eastern part of Burdwan district is predominantly due to its
agricultural prosperity in recent years. On the other hand, the western part of district with its
mining and industrial economy lacks large villages of the kind found in the eastern part and
has experienced a greater rate and extent of urban growth in recent decades (Lahiri-Dutt,
200 I). The western part of the district has only 15 large villages, but contains most of the
newborn towns and urban outgrowths of West Bengal (besides greater Calcutta region).
In 1971 the number of large villages of the study area was only 8 which increased up
to 21 in 1981 census. In 1991 census the number increased to 32 (Table 6.1). The percentage
increase in the number oflarge villages was higher in the decade of 1971-'81 (162.5 per cent)
than the 1981-'91 (52.38 per cent). This variation in the percentage increase ofthe number of
large villages can be negatively correlated with the population growth rate of Burdwan town
itself In the 1970s the growth rate of Burdwan town was 16.78 per cent whereas in the '80s
the rate stepped up to 39.3 per cent.
<"'--- -
~-~
Population
-~--
-~
~--
"' .-
----
1. Rayan
1971
7,070
1981
9,258
1991
12,412
1971-'81
30.95
1981-'91
34.07
2. Kurmun
5,965
6,205
7,194
4.02
15.94
3. Mandalgram
6,361
6,730
8,482
5.80
26.03
4. Oregram
6,500
8,334
II, 175
28.22
24.09
5. Eruar
5,944
6,633
8,007
11.59
20.72
6. Nasigram
7,788
6,956
7,608
-10.68
9.37
7. Barabeiun
7,350
8,739
9,220
18.90
5.50
8. Sanko
5,50I
6,I94
7,320
12.60
18.18
9. Saktigarh
5,741
6,849
30.07
10. Chanchai
6.129
8,398
37.02
11. Satgachhia
5,518
7,177
30.07
12. Bohar
6,232
7,690
23.40
13. Jaugram
6,095
8,161
33.89
14. Kulingrarn
5,237
6,443
23.03
15. Karnalpm
5,384
6,642
--~--
~--~--
---- -
~------
..
----
-- --
~----
.._._....,-
---
....
---
-----
---
23.37
-
-..,
-137
._
..
16. Banpas
5,766
6,471
12.23
17. Sehara
5,112
6,191
21.11
18. Galsi
6.344
8.560
34.93
19. Monteswar
6,162
7,122
15.58
20. Dignagar
5,738
7,113
23.96
21. Kusumgram
5,302
7,036
32.71
22. Nari
7,235
23. Palla
5,570
24. Barapalasan
5,587
25. Sura
5,602
26. Ajhapur
6,399
27. Ruppur
5,622
28. Khandaghosh
5,688
29. Berugram
5,348
30. Barnsor
5.632
31. Balgana
5,598
32. Satinandi
5,627
Average
15.35
23.58
From the relative analysis of the growth of Burdwan town and the percentage
increase of large villages in the last two decades, it can be said that the villages have grown
in size at a much higher rate than Burdwan town in the decade of 1970s. This situation can be
explained by the fact that in the decade of 1970s the adoption of new technology package
boosted agricultural production in the rural areas of the region. This situation somewhat
prohibited the movement of people from rural to urban areas. As a result, villages grew in
size with high rate of growth. On the other hand, in the decade of 1980s rural to urban
migration resulted in a high rate of growth of Burdwan town. As a result, during this period
the growth in the size of villages remained very low with only 16.78 per cent increase in the
number of large villages.
Coming to the point of growth rate of population in already existing large villages the
scenario becomes totally different. The average growth rate of the population of large
villages was 15.35 per cent in 1970s and 23.58 per cent in 1980s. These average population
138
growth rates of large villages are at per with the growth rate of the population of Burdwan
town.
To explain these contradictory figures of the increase in the number of large villages
and the population growth rate in them during the two decades of 1970s and 1980s we can
cite several possible reasons. In our study region, the adoption of new technology started in
the decade of 1970s. As a result, the smaller villages started to grow in size and the number
of large villages stepped up from 8 to 21 in 1981 with a growth rate of 162.5 per cent in their
number. During this time already existing large villages did not increase significantly in size
(growth
rate~
being I5.35 per cent) because of their very low frequency, less developed
infrastructure and marketing system. However, in the I980s large villages started to develop
their transportation, marketing and other infrastructures, which led to significant growth
(growth rate: being 23.58 per cent) with surplus agricultural products and capital to invest in
non-agriculture activities. This surplus came from the agricultural sector as profits begin to
accumulate as capital from technology-oriented agriculture. As a result, some of the large
villages developed into rural market centres due to their favourable location, greater
accessibility and better-developed infrastructure.
Frequency
Above I 0,000
8,000 - I 0,000
6,000 -- 8,000
I5
5,000 -- 6,000
The population size ofthe large villages in the region ranges from 5,348 to 12,412
(a~
per 1991 census). There are two large villages above I 0,000 size class. The size class of
8,000 to 10,000 has the frequency of six. The number of settlements in the size class of 6,000
to 8,000 is fifteen. The lowest size class of 5,000 to 6,000 has nine villages. Therefore, the
highest frequency of large villages is found in the size class of 6,000 to 8,000 (Table 6.2).
139
___
--
Unmetalled Road
Large v,J/oge
88
,10 E
{,.i
14 0
2 3"
6.3.2.
Loc~ttion
Location
The rural counterpart of the region is frequently dotted with several large villages.
Their size varies from 5.348 to over 12,000 (as per 1991 census). Most of these settlements
are located at favourable sites having a high degree of transportation linkage with the nearest
urban centn:: (Figure 6.1 ).
The 32 large villages of the region are distributed over eleven rural development
blocks in an uneven manner. The highest frequency of large villages (7) is found in Bhatar
block whereas the lowest frequency, that is, 1 is found in Burdwan-II, Raina-) and Ausgram-1
blocks (Table 6.3).
/99/
/98/
1971
Rayan, Kurmun
2. Burdwan -II
Saktigarh
Saktigarh
3. Memari- I
Chanchai
Chanchai, Palla.
Mandalgram,
Satgachhia, Bohar
Mandalgram, Satgachhia,
Bohar. Barapalasan.
5. Jamalpur
Jaugram.. Kulingram.
6. Khandaghosh
Kamal pur
Kamalpur. Khandaghosh.
Berugram.
Oregram, Eruar.
Nasigram. Barabelun.
Banpas.
Sehara
Schara
Galsi. Sanko.
10. Ausgram- I
Dignagar
Dig nagar
11. Monteswar
Monteswar.
Kusumgram.
Monteswar. Kusumgram.
1. Burdwan - I
4. Memari- II
7. Bhatar
Rayan, Kurmun
Mandai gram
Oregram, Eruar.
Nasi gram,
Barabelun.
8. Raina- I
9. Galsi- II
Sanko
square, Lorenz's curve, nearest neighbour analysis etc.) have been used by geographers to
examine the distribution pattern of settlements (Sarkar, 1991; Tamaskar, 1984; Singh, 1982;
Bhattacharya, 1973; Dacey, 1962; King, 1962 etc.). Among these we have selected the
nearest neighbour analysis developed by Clark and Evans (1954) to identify the pattern of
distribution of large villages. Countenho and Ramamurthy ( 1972) have also applied this
method to identifY the pattern of rural settlement in Maharashtra. This method considers the
location of individual points within a pattern in relation to others (Mahmood, 1986). lt is
based on the measurement of distance between each point and its nearest neighbouring point.
To standardize the result and thus to allow comparison between different point patterns, the
overall density of points in the area is taken into account in working out the nearest
neighbour index. One great advantage of using this technique noted by Davis (197 4) is its
size indifference to study units (blocks in this case).
The nearest neighbour index has been worked out more directly with the help of the
following formula:
Rn = cf_o
de
Where,
Spatial
Path:~rn
of Distribution
The figures of nearest neighbour index (Table 6.4) representing the spatial pattern of
distribution of large villages between 1981 and 1991 reveal a similar picture in some blocks
whereas quit{~ different in others. To clarifY the spatial pattern in detail the situation of both
the years of 1981 and 1991 are discussed separately.
142
Table 6.4: Nearest Neighbour Indices for Spatial Pattern of Large Villages, 1981-'91
~
Area
Blocks
(sq. km.)
Number of villages
1981
1991
1981
11.25
de
do
1991
7.00
1981
5.49
Rn =do/de
1991
4.49
1981
1991
1.56
2.05
Burdwan-1
242.4
Burdwan-11
182.3
Memari-1
203.4
Memari-11
230.5
6.83
3.50
4.39
3.79
1.56
0.92
Jamal pur
262.9
3.75
5.45
5.74
3.63
0.65
1.50
Khandoghosh
260.3
Bhatar
414.4
Raina-!
256.2
Galsi-11
210.4
Ausgram-1
235.8
Monteswar
305.4
1.54
4.66
7.17
0.74
5.05
3.75
7.35
5.04
4.55
3.85
1.62
1.31
8.00
6.33
5.13
4.18
1.56
1.51
3.75
3.75
6.16
6.16
0.61
0.61
Pattern of 1981
In 1981 the nearest neighbour index for the whole region was 1.18 indicating a
random pattern of distribution. However, looking in detail there are local variations with
nearest neighbour index varying between 0.61 and 2.05 (Table 6.4 ). From figure 6.2 it is
quite clear that the northeastern and southeastern parts of the study area, including the
development blocks of Monteswar and Jamalpur respectively represent a clustered pattern of
distribution. On the other hand, larger parts of the region incorporating the blocks of Bhatar,
Burdwan--1, Memari-II, Ausgram-1, Galsi-11, Khandaghosh, Raina-1 and parts of Memari-I
show uniform or open pattern of distribution. In between these two zones there is a zone
representing random pattern of distribution. This zone covers western and southern parts of
Monteswar, southern part ofMemari-I and northwestern part of Jamalpur block (Figure 6.2).
Therefore, it can be said in a nutshell that the spatial pattern of large villages in the
year 1981 was uniform or open in larger parts of the region with patches of exception
experiencing random and clustered pattern of distribution.
Pattern of 1991
In this year too the region
a~
large villages. However at the micro level the situation is quite different from that of 1981.
The nearest neighbour index of 1991 was 1.06, which is closer to 1.00 than that of
1.18 of 1981, thus indicating a greater tendency to randomness. Again the total variations of
143
ae
20 E
,.
NEAREST NEIGHBOUR
~
~
0
INDEX
>1 "75
1 50-1'75
1"25-1"50
rz:a
1 00-1"25
[?2j
0"75-1"00
c:::J
<o?s
a8'1ZO E
........
-------L,
B&'zolE
~
~
>1"50
1"25-1"50
~ 1'00-1"25
o?s-'oo
!2J
< 0 75
i="gure No - 6.<.
nearest neighbour index in 1991 (ranging between 0.61 to 1.56) are lesser than that of 1981
(varying between 0.61 to 2.05). In spite of that, the general spatial pattern has an overall
similarity with the picture of 1981. The clustered pattern of distribution is found in the
extreme eastern part covering larger parts of Monteswar, Memari-1 and Memari-11 blocks.
The eastern parts of Bhatar, Burdwan-11 and Jamalpur blocks represent random pattern of
distribution. The rest of the western part shows a uniform pattern of distribution. (Figure 6.2)
From the analysis of distribution pattern of large villages in two decades a clear
picture of temporal trend of the distribution pattern has emerged. There is a gradual shift
from openness or uniformity towards clustering in the distribution pattern. This trend points
to an improving rural infrastructural level and expanding linkages with the nearest urban
centre, that is, Burdwan, with certain sectors of the region.
6.3.3. Density Characteristics
The population density figures for the large villages are quite higl\ varying between
334 and 2,875 person per square kilometre. The average density of population of all the
villages taken together is 883 persons per square kilometre. Out of 32 villages a significant
number of 28 have crossed the urban density threshold, that is, 400 persons per square
kilometre (as per 1991 census).
Spatial Path~rn of Population Density
Then~
is much variation in the spatial pattern of population density over the region.
The highest level of density (well above 1,500 and 2,000 persons per square kilometre) is
found in a small circular zone near the central town, Burdwan. From this high density zone in
the central part, density decreases towards the peripheral areas. However, the rate of density
decline is not uniform in all directions from the central town. The density gradient from the
central urban focus is very high towards north, northwest and southwest. On the other hand, a
low gradient in density decrease is found in the direction of northeast. east, south and west
(Figure 6.3 ). These high density villages together form a linear arrangement along the main
transportation arteries of the region. The density decreases to 400 persons per square
kilometre in the northern, northwestern and southwestern parts of the region. But the density
is relatively higher in the eastern, and western parts of the region ranging between 800 to
LOOO persons per square kilometre (Figure 6.3). The large villages of the eastern and western
parts ofthe region are highly connected with Burdwan by both national highway (G.T. Road)
and Ea<;tern Railway Calcutta-Asansol main line (Figure 6.1 ). These communication facilities
145
a1
4o'E
23"
1991
z 3'
N
10 km
Figure
No -
G.J
have provided a high degree of linkage with the urban economy. As a result, diversification
of rural economy has taken place which is an important factor behind the high population
density of the large villages of the eastern and western part of the region. Therefore, from the
above analysis we can draw the inference that the expanding rural-urban linkage of the
region direcltly influences the population density oflarge villages.
Density Distribution
A wide range (334 to 2,876 persons per square kilometre) of population density
among the individual large villages of the region gives an interesting pattern of density
distribution. To identify the distribution pattern of density among 32 large villages of the
region we can divide the large villages into different density classes.
Persons/square
kilometre
Density
categories
Above 2.000
Shaktigarh
1.500 - 2,000
Very high
Palla
1,000 - 1,500
High
500- 1,000
Medium
18
Below 500
Low
Table 6.5 gives a clear pattern of distribution of large villages among different density
classes. The highest number of large villages, that is, 18 out of 32 (56.25 per cent) belong to
the medium density class of 500 to 1,000 persons per square kilometre. High level of density,
that is, 1.000 to 1,500 persons per square kilometre is found in 7 villages (21.88 per cent).
Only one village is found in very high and very very high category of density classes each.
On the other hand, low density of population. that is, below 500 persons per square kilometre
is found in 5 villages only.
This pattern of population density of large villages is directly related to the ruralurban linkage. The villages with extremely high and very high density of population
147
(Shaktigarh and Palla respectively) have high level of linkage with Burdwan town by both
railways and roadways. These two villages are situated at 10 minutes and 15 minutes time
distance from Burdwan town respectively. The 7 villages with high level of density are also
highly connected with Burdwan town (Figure 6.1 ). Therefore, it can be concluded that the
linkage with central urban focus, that is, Burdwan has a direct impact on the density of large
villages.
Growth
rate
Levels
Number
villages
Above 40
Very high
3.13
Nari
30-40
High
25.0
20 - 30
Medium
13
40.62
10-20
Low
25.0
Below 10
Very Low
6.25
Nasigram, Berabelun.
--~
-- -----
Table 6.6 clearly states the percentage distribution of large villages into diflerent
categories of growth in density. The highest percentage ( 40.62) of villages experienced
medium gro\\th in density. High and low levels of growth rate in density arc found in 25 per
cent ofvillages each. Only 6.25 per cent of villages experienced very low (below 10) gro\\th
rate in density. Again, on the other side, only 1 village has achieved very high growth rate in
148
density, that is, 193.15 per cent during the last decade. This exceptionally high growth rate of
Nari village is due to its proximity to Burdwan town. Its location at the eastern periphery of
the town has facilitated the very high growth in density.
6.3.4.
Fun~tional
Characteristics
The theory ofurban origin (Harvey, 1973) states that agricultural surplus accumulates
over space in specific locations which gradually increase in size to turn ultimately into urban
settlements. The large villages occupy that twilight zone in the rural-urban continuum where
a settlement stands poised before attaining all the urban attributes, particularly the urban
functions, to earn the designation of a full- fledged town (Agarwala, 1970).
Though some of these large villages are increasingly acquiring urban attributes like
physical appearance or morphology (such as metalled roads, concrete buildings etc.),
population size and density they continue to depend mainly on the primary sector for the
sustenance of their economy. This sector is still dominated by agriculture, and as a result our
large villages are quite distinctive from the 'urban villages' usually studied by Indian
Geographers (Sundaram and Tyagi, 1972). Therefore, the average percentage share of
workforce of these large villages in the primary sector is 71.26 per cent with a range varying
between 40.39 per cent (Nari) and 88.60 per cent (Balgana) according to the 1991 census. As
against the primary sector the average percentage share of secondary and tertiary sectors is
7.75 and 20.99 respectively. Therefore, on average large villages of the region are yet to
diversify their economies with significant proportions in secondary and tertiary activities.
Another important aspect of the economy of these large villages is their relatively
higher proportion of workforce in the tertiary sector than in the secondary sector. Whatever
diversification of the economy has taken place, it has occurred on the line of tertiary sector
especially in trade and commerce. On the other hand, the manufacturing sector of the
economy is still limited in scope in spite of the concentration of rice mills, mustard oil, rice
bran oil and chira (pressed rice) processing units in the region. A significant feature of the
rural economy, therefore, is the relative lack of industrial development.
The explanation of the non-development of secondary sector activities possibly lies in
the fact that the various land reform measures have been successful in the region. In addition,
the associated ceiling on land ownership have abolished the class of 'very rich' farmers from
the region. In spite of double and multiple cropping and the accumulation of capital
surpluses, the comparatively more atlluent farmers have not been able to invest their profit
amount on large manufacturing units. On the other hand, trade and commerce of the si7~
149
carried on in the region requires lesser installation capital or initial investment which
motivate the bigger farmers to invest their surplus capital into this sector. Trade and
commerce ofthese villages are basically ofthree kinds :
daily consumer goods including medicine, service and repairing, food items etc.:
In recent years there have been a proliferation of tiny manufacturing units producing
briquettes (as fuel for open ovens for domestic use), brick-kilns near urban peripheries, sawmilling, husking mills, oil-grinding units etc., as well as some large cold storages for storing
agricultural produce.
Spatial Pattern of Occupation Characteristics
Among the various economic characteristics, occupation
IS
Percentage
workforce
of
in Levels
. P!i'!!~aiY_!eC!o~
Above 80
Number of
Name of the villages
villages
Very high
11
70-80
High
60-70
50-60
Medium
Low
3
6
Percentage
of total
34.38
28.13
9.37
I 8.75
Table 6. 7 explains the pattern of primary sector occupation of the population of large
villages ofthe region. Very high level of primary sector occupation is found in 34.38 per cent
of large villages. High level, that is, between 70 and 80 per cent of primary work
participation rate is found in 28.13 per cent of large villages. Medium level of primary work
participation is experienced by 9.37 per cent of large villages. On the other hand, 28.12 per
cent of large villages have attained high level (above 50 per cent) of non-primary occupation
thus experie:ncing a rurban character.
Rural Transformation
Nine villages namely Palla, Sura, Banpas, Schara,
Gals~
Kusumgrarn, Monteswar,
Nari and Saktigarh with their high degree of non-primary functions have experienced
diversification of economy as well as transformation of rurality. The growth in non-farm
activities ofthe labour force ofthese large villages between 1971 and 1991 is 13.26 per cent
on an average (Table 6.8). Among them, three villages have experienced more than 20 per
cent of growth rate in non-farm activities. These are Nari, Palla and Kusumgram. About 10 to
20 per cent growth rate in non-farm activities is found in two villages, that is, Banpas and
Monteswar. Less than ten per cent growth is found in Sura and Galsi. On the other hand,
negative growth in non-farm activities is experienced by only two villages, Saktigarh and
Sehara (Table 6.8). Saktigarh has experienced negative growth (-6.32 per cent) in non-farm
activities (because of the decline of its cotton manufacturing mill). Sehara has also
experienced negligible proportion of negative growth (-0.76 per cent) in non-farm activities
(owing to increase in proportion of agricultural labourers, and the decline in the proportion of
other workers).
Table 6.8: Growth in Non-farm Activities of Rurban Villages 1971-'91
Nameofthe
villages
Kusumgram
Nari
Palla
Monteswar
Banpas
Galsi
Sura
Schara
Saktigarh
-~-
17.61
39.07
26.22
33.59
28.07
39.0
44.54
50.64
65.49
47.3
29.69
28.28
21.02
18.72
16.94
7.97
3.79
-0.76
-6.32
67.32
47.24
52.31
45.01
46.97
48.33
49.88
59. 17
151
From the occupational analysis it is clear that some of the large villages (9 out of 32)
of the region are experiencing diversification of economy and gradually absorbing the urban
nature with regard to employment characteristics. All these rurban centres are highly
connected with Burdwan town by means of railways and roadways. High degree of ruralurban linkage/interaction has facilitated the diversification of economy of these large
villages. Most of the people living in these villages pursue diverse economic activities,
working partly in villages and partly in nearby urban centres. Workers commuting daily to
nearby urban areas are a general phenomenon due to the better connectivity. These villages
are now in a state of rural-to-urban transition occupying the twilight zone in the rural-urban
continuum of the region.
Behind this diversification of economy the role of agricultural development of the
regton 1s beyond doubt. In a predominantly agrarian region, development of non-farm
economy is materially affected by the development of agricultural sector. Agriculture
supplies the financial resources necessary to the organization of non-farm activities. These
resources can be mobilized through the terms of trade, through the savings and investments
of both farmers and agricultural traders. Demand from the developed agricultural sector for
agricultural inputs stimulates non- farm activities. Agricultural growth also stimulates
increased demands by rural people for consumer-oriented services, such as improved health
and education, transport, communication and retail and personal services (Harriss, 1981 ).
Agricultural development and consequent rise in rural surplus and demand have facilitated
the rural transformation of the nine large villages of the region. This phenomena is still
considered exceptional in a country like India; it resembles what has happened in PunjabHaryana, or ~~venin pockets in Kerala, but certainly it is not a representative picture of either
rural West Bengal or rural India (Dasgupta, 2000).
152
of rural areas (Tripathi, 1993). The villages attaining an advanced stage in the process of
transformation have developed certain social characteristics which set them apart from their
'purely' rural counterparts. In other words, they have developed 'rurban' characteristics.
Increased transport facilities and expansion of road network and the resultant rural-urban
linkage have influenced these social characteristics.
Here we have used the term 'rurban' in the sense of having both rural and urban
characteristics, and have not implied any specific 'stage' in the process of urbanization as
identified by Misra (1978). Moreover, this 'rurban' is quite different from the
planned/unplanned rurban development in post-industrial societies, as the region is still
predominantly agricultural.
For the analysis of social characteristics of the large villages we have selected some
of the imp01iant indicators of social status of a settlement. These are, the concentration of
backward population, literacy and the status of women. By these parameters we shall try to
analyze the social status of the large villages of the region.
Social Backwardness
153
Above 60
45-60
High
30-45
Medium
10
31.25
15-30
Low
Nari, Saktigarh,
Mandalgram, Barapalasan,
Balgana,
15.63
Below 15
Very low
Kusumgram, Barnsor,
Kamal pur.
9.37
h_ack_wart/ population
Number
Name of the village
of vi!ll!ges
Chanchai, Palla. Jaugram,
4
Oregram
Kurmun, Satgachhia,
10
Sehara, Sanko, Satinandi,
Dignagar, Kulingram,
Ajhapur, Ruppur,
Khandaghosh
Percentage
Level of
backward ness
Very high
Percentage of
of total
12.5
31.25
From table 6.9 it is quite clear that majority of the large villages of the region have
high and medium level of social backwardness as 62.5 per cent of total population of these
villages have 30 to 60 per cent of backward population. Low level ofbackwardness is found
in 15.63 per cent of large villages. About 9.37 per cent of villages have very low level of
backwardness. On the other hand, very high level ofbackwardness is found in 12.5 per cent
of villages. It may be assumed that the villages with high concentration of backward
population will remain rural in character for a long time in spite of their large size and high
density of population and high rate of growth.
Literacy Sta1tus
Literacy is an essential component of social and economic development of any
settlement. With a very low level of literacy no settlement can be developed into a point of
prosperity as both the social and economic development go on side by side. People pay
attention to the education of their children after fulfillment of their basic necessities of food,
clothing and shelter. The rich agricultural economy ofthe region has geared up the economic
prosperity of the region, which again facilitates the social development in the form of literacy
154
and the status of women. The relatively high degree of rural-urban interaction also results in
higher level of literacy in rural areas (Tripathi, 1993).
The average literacy rate ofthese large villages is 48.05 per cent (as per 1991 census)
with a range: of 10.64 to 76.13 per cent. This literacy rate is higher than the regional rural
average, thalt is, 47.67 per cent but much lower than that ofBurdwan town, that is, 65.73 per
cent. The region also belongs to the district of Burdwan, which is a 'total literate' district as
per government description. An intensive mass literacy programme of the region has been
taken up by the administration in the decade of 90s. However, here we have dealt with the
1991 census data and the impact of mass literacy programme is yet to be found on this data.
Mass literacy programme of the region has developed the awareness of people to the
importance of education. We hope to fmd its full impact on the data of the census of2001.
Table 6.10: Literacy Status of Large Villages, 1991
Percentage of
literate to total
--------------
--
Level of
literacy
--------
Number of
large villages
Percentage
to total
---
Above 70
Very high
Kurmun
3.13
55-70
High
21.87
40-55
Medium
19
59.37
25-40
Low
12.5
Kamal pur
3.13
10-25
---- - ---- -----
Very low
-- __ ,_-
._.- --------
Source: Extractc-<l from 1991 district census handbo~~i~. B~~(i;-~-- -- -.- -----~---~--------
Table 6.10 explains the level of literacy of large villages of the region very clearly.
Very high and very low level of literacy is found in 3.13 per cent of large villages each.
Majority ofthe large villages (59.37 per cent) have attained medium level of literacy, that is,
40 to 55 per <~ent of total. Four villages have low level of literacy, that is, 25 to 40 per cent.
On the other hand high level of literacy is found in seven (21.87 per cent) large villages of
the region.
155
The large villages of the region are passmg through changes in both social and
economic circumstances. Changes in the level ofliteracy over a period of two decades (1971'91) also bear the same character. The average literacy rate of the large villages ofthe region
rose from 33.28 per cent in 1971 to 38.93 per cent in 1981 and to 48.08 per cent in 1991.
Therefore, it can be said that the large villages are experiencing a social transformation in
many ways through the expanded rural-urban interaction. A higher degree of accessibility to
the educational institutions of different rurban (Galsi, Sehara, Bhatar etc.) and urban centres
(Burdwan, Memari and Guskara) have facilitated to raise the literacy level of these large
villages. It is now common to see town buses transporting school-going children into the
urban centres from surrounding villages.
Status of Women
A high social status of women in a region indicates its level of advancement of rural
society. In rural India, a higher status of women indicates a better and increasing linkage with
the urban
arc~as,
as the urban contact always leaves some impact on the rural society. A
process of change and transformation is thus initiated in the stagnant, custom-bound rural
society. As the green revolution gets more and more solidified in the rural hinterland; each
town gets more and more integrated with the economic as well as social life of the people in
the countryside (Chadha, 1996). In our study region large villages are well connected to the
urban centres as well as rural service centres bearing the impact of urban society on the rural
one. To analyze whether there is any impact of increasing rural-urban interaction on the
social life of large villages, we shall study the status of women with the help of female
literacy and
fi~male
Female Literacy
The large villages of the region have an average female literacy rate of 38.65 per cent
which is higher than both the district average (37.84 per cent) and regional average (38.46
per cent) for rural region. But still it is far below the general literacy rate (48.05 per cent) of
the region and the female literacy rate of Burdwan town (59.06 per cent). For a detailed
analysis of female literacy we can divide large villages of the region into the following
classes.
156
Percentage of
female literate
to total female
Level of
female
literacy
Number of
large villages
Percentage
of total
Above 50
Very high
12.50
40-50
High
25.00
30-40
Medium
18
56.24
20-30
Low
Ajhapur
3.13
Less than 20
o<>~
,,,.....
'~
Kamal pur
Very low
oo'
~~---~
'0'.
Yo<o"o~-
<
000
",
'
,.,._
-~~-
_,
3.13
"'-'~'>
....,.~>
-~-
............. _
"T>'
Table 6.11 explains that there are wide variations of female literacy rates among the
large villages of the region with the range of 8.85 to 53. 94 per cent. Majority of the large
v[llages (56.24 per cent) have medium level of female literacy. Very high level of female
literacy, that is, well above 50 per cent is found in only 12.5 per cent of large villages.
Twenty five per cent of large villages have high level of female literacy, that is, 40 to 50 per
ct!nt. On the other hand, low (20 to 30 per cent) and very low (below 20 per cent) level of
female literacy are found in one village only. Therefore, it can be said that the large villages
of the region, though have low level of female literacy on an average, some of them (Nari,
Sura, Nasigram, and Monteswar) have progressed to a considerable state in this regard.
157
For example, the large villages of the region have higher female work participation rate
(I 0.82 per cent) than that of Burdwan town (6.85 per cent). However, the female work
participation rate in India is an important indicator of social development as economic selfsufficiency forms ilhe very basis of women's empowerment.
The large villages of the region represent a uniformly low level of female work
participation rate with a range of 2.33 to 25 per cent. Table 6.12 explains the detailed picture
of the level of work participation of large villages of the region.
Number of large
villages
Percentage to
total
Above 20
High
12.50
10-20
Medium
10
31.25
Below 10
Low
18
56.25
Percentage of.female
workers to total female
~-
~.
Most of the large villages (56.25 per cent) have low levels of female work
participation rate, that is, below 10 per cent. On the other hand, 12.5 per cent of large villages
have advanced to some extent in this regard with female literacy rate above 20 per cent. The
rest of the large villages (31.25 per cent) have female literacy rate ofl 0 to 20 per cent.
relationship is also found. About thirteen large villages (40.63 per cent) have female work
participation rate above the average (1 0.82 per cent). Among those eleven villages (Kurmun,
Chanchai, Palla, Satgachhia, Jaugrarn, Kulingram, Ajhapur, Ruppur, Oregram, Sanko, and
Dignagar) have backward population (scheduled castes and scheduled tribes) well above 45
per cent of the total population (Table 6.9). The rest two (Galsi and Bohar) have above 35 per
c:ent of backward population. Women of relatively wealthier, usually upper caste, families in
rural India do not work outside. Therefore, increased female work participation rate in rural
areas does not necessarily indicate prosperity. At the same time earning women usually have
better involvement and greater say in the decision-making of family affairs, which help to
raise the status of women in society (Lebra, Paulson and Everett, 1984). Following the latter
view, we have considered it an important indicator of social development in this development
index.
In this analysis the indices are worked out by composite scoring method (sum total of
standardized score of all indicators). The classification of large villages according to their
levels of development is given in the following table (Table. 6.13).
Development
index
Level of
development
Above4.0
Very high
Nar~
2.0-4.0
High
0-2.0
Medium
Kurmun, Chanchai,
Nasigram, Galsi (7)
-2.0-0
Low
Very low
Stagachhia,
Bobar,
Jaugrarn,
----------~----~~------
Table 6.13 dearly explains the pattern of the level of development oflarge villages in
the region. Three villages (Nari, Saktigarh and Sura) have very high level of development.
Palla, Kulingram, Banpas, Monteswar and Sehara have high levels of development. Seven
large villages of the: region have attained a medium level of development. On the other hand,
low and very low levels of development have taken place in ten and seven large villages
respectively.
159
. expressed m
. t he
mo de 1' 1s
+-
10
11owmg
. way I..1J = GMiMj
d".
lJ
Where,
Zipf examines this general statement for data relating to the movement of goods, the
flow ofbus, railway and airline passengers, and the number oftelephone calls between pairs
of cities in the United States and concludes that there is a close relation between expected
and actual interaction. But here we are concerned with the estimation of the total interaction
between a single place i and all other places, there being n places, by the simple summation.
PiPI
PiP2
PiPn
n PiPj . I
dil 6 + di2 6 + + din 6 = -; di/ J =
or, -n d"Pjh =
z lJ
This Vi, the total interaction per unit of population, is known as potential at area i.lhe
potential model becomes simpler as the value of b is taken as unity in the absence of any
160
justification for some other values, as has been assumed by many researchers in India and
abroad.
A map (Figure 6.4) has been prepared taking the growth potential values of large
villages (Table. 6.14) of the region. An interesting pattern of growth potential of large
villages has emerged around Burdwan town.
Values of gravity
potential
-- '-- -
--
Name of villages
Values of gravity
potential
1. Rayan
21,952.72
17. Khandaghosh
11,378.73
2. Kurmun
14,322.20
18. Berugram
10,947.22
3. Nari
20,417.40
19. Oregram
11,233.95
4. Saktigarh
16,261.38
20. Eruar
14,181.95
5. Chanchai
16,243.07
21. Nasigram
15,142.96
6. Palla
17,211.47
22. Banpas
13,118.58
7. Mandalgram
15,609.05
23. Bamsor
15,207.85
8. Satgachhia
13,757.15
24. Barabelun
15,561.11
9. Bohar
13,214.51
25. Balgana
15,824.59
1O.Barapalasan
14,554.24
26. Sehara
8,763.50
ll.Jaugram
15,518.77
27. Galsi
11,017.49
12.Kulingram
13,814.13
28. Sanko
12,882.57
13.Sura
8,894.44
29. Satinandi
13,917.39
14.Ajhapur
15,740.38
30. Dignagar
10,507.28
15.Ruppur
13,201.35
31. Monteswar
14,516.64
16.Kamalpur
12,741.84
32. Kusumgram
14,419.37
Th1~re
88"
30'N
Above 200
~~175- 200
~L,.q 150 - 175
16 km.
j..........,.'---'1
12 5 - 1 50
hL-----A
iOO - 12 5
Below 100 se
. km.
8
&7"
S'E
~igure No G.~
In dt~tailed analysis the map (Figure 6.4) shows that the trans-Damodar region suffers
with relativdy lower growth potential than the north Damodar region because of the lack of
quick and easy communication. Here the growth potential values of the large villages like
Sehara, Bemgram, Khandaghosh etc. are lower, in spite of their proximity to the main urban
centre ofthe area. On the contrary, higher growth potential values occur in the northeastern
and southeastern parts of the region. This higher growth potential can be attributed to the
well developed communication system specially to G.T. Road and Eastern Railway tracks.
Lower growth potential values are again found in the extreme northwestern part of the
region. The large villages of this area are also not well connected by roads or railways to
Burdwan (Fiigure 6.1 ).
From the above discussion it is quite clear that the pattern of growth potentials of
large villages are highly influenced by the existence of communication links with Burdwan
town. Thus the impact of Burdwan town in terms of rural-urban linkage is apparent on the
growth pote:ntial of its rural counterpart. A well-developed and rapid transport system
facilitates the growth potentiality of large villages. The villages that are located along the
main transport routes (the G.T. Road and Eastern Railways lines both running parallel to
each other from southeast to northwest) are larger and have a greater growth potential.
Now we can compare the theoretical pattern of growth potential with the pattern of
reality in the form of actual growth in the density of population (Figure 6.4) in the last decade
(1980s). From the comparison a fascinating similarity comes out between these two patterns.
The zone of high growth potentiality around Burdwan town coincides with the zone of high
growth in density of population. In accordance with the general declining trend of growth
potential away from Burdwan town, the growth in density of population also decreases.
Again, like the pattern of growth potential the growth in density of population d.e.<.TeAse.s with
increasing distance from Burdwan town not at the same rate in all direction. The directional
variation in the growth in density also matches the variation of growth potential very
effectively.
6.4.
linkages our study region is frequently dotted with rural market centres. Some of the-..se
.__
centres have developed from large villages into rural market centres because of their location
on transportation nodes and consequent diversification of economy. They fulfil an
163
intermediate~
role as the two market towns (Memari and Guskara) of the region cannot
successfully meet the rising rural demands of the region. According to Harris- White (1996)
changes in an agrarian structure and in agricultural productivity affects markets. and that
process has been well-articulated in Burdwan district, which is comparatively well-endowed
with market towns within the state of West Bengal. In our study region the functions of a
market town are often performed by large and overgrown villages whose number is fairly
large compared to the market towns.
In rural-urban interaction, both urban and rural market centres play a vital role. Rural
market centres provide the opportunity to the villagers to sell their products as well as to
generate surplus income for themselves. As a result, they play a role of two-way traffic
positively affecting both the rural and urban centres (Harris-White, 1996). Again. by
providing lirtkages between the regions of various sizes, they effectively integrate the regions
of various orders into national exchange system (Dixit, 1984).
Rural market centres are usually well-marked focal points at which econonuc
activities and processes tend to be more brisk. These are usually points through which the
larger economy and its forces enter the rural region or the points at which the resource base
supports a larger volume of activities compared to the general run of villages in the rural
region. (Sarap, 1991). These focal point settlements are distinguished from other villages by
their occupational diversification and consequent higher level of non-agricultural activities.
Intra-rural migration is also noted into these rural market centres.
Different sets of functions of these market centres exert strong influence on the
development of settlement. The characteristic function of the centres is commerce that, along
with other subsidiary activities, shape the market settlements. The market centres situated at
the heart of the rural settlements are generally the products of a surplus economy. They
become the nerve centre of an area for the collection and subsequent distribution of various
agricultural commodities and industrial products. The market centres originally come into
existence for serving the rural areas and thereafter establish lirtks with the urban centres
(Ghosh, 1982).
The diversified functions help the rural market centres to develop into growth centres
for the surrounding village, which are closely linked to the development of transportation. As
such. they become the service centres in the field of trade, transport. commerce, industry,
administration, education, health etc. Their functions also include a host of industries, like
164
the cycle and automobile reparrmg, smithy, potteries, wheat grinding, paddy husking,
jewellery works, production of agricultural implements etc. Among the other functions,
education takes an important place. Rural market centres usually have schools ranging from
the primary to the junior high and high school and in some cases even colleges providing
educational service to the surrounding rural areas, as they are located at transportation nodes.
Besides some government and semi-government offices, like telephone exchange, post
office, police posts, P. W.D. and marketing offices etc. are also found functioning in rural
market centres. For financing the small farmers, there are different banks, like the
nationalized banks, rural co-operative banks and so on.
The term 'growth centre' may be applied to the market centres situated at the nodal
points (Ghosh, 1982). In the hierarchy of rural settlements the market centre occupies the
highest
ordl~r
in its spatial and functional context. Such a market centre having specialized
ii)
a large village with at least 10 per cent of workforce engaged in trade and
commerce.
By this method we have identified 10 rural market centres which have developed
from small rural settlements into large market centres over a period of 20 years ( 1971-'91 ).
All the rural market centres have developed from small rural settlements of the region and
are located at nodal points of transportation routes (Figure 6.5). Therefore, we cannot ignore
the importance of rural-urban linkage in the development of these rural market centres. The
names and their respective percentage of workforce in non-agricultural occupations and a
especially in trade and commerce are given in the following table (Table 6.15).
165
;3
30 N
0
23
10 11.m
88
IQ t
16(,
Total
population
Den[,ity of
population/square
kilometer
Percentage of worken
in non-agricultural
occupation
Percentage of
workers in trade
and commerce
1 Galsi
8,560
975
46.97
14.29
2. Nari
7,235
1,499
67.32
19.82
3. Satgachhia
7,177
1,082
35.75
12.68
4. Monteswar
7,122
900
52.31
13.24
5. Kusumgram
7,036
650
47.30
20.29
6. Saktigarh
6,849
2,876
59.17
17.45
7. Banpas
6,471
922
45.01
10.40
8. Sehara
6,191
1,088
49.88
11.62
9. Sura
5,602
1,334
48.33
16.27
Name
10.Palla
.....---~-_,.__._...,_'"'
-~
~.,_..
5,570
_._ --
---~----~-"'""""'-.,
1,532
...
..,.-,._,_....--....---~---~--.
...
-.~-~-
-~-
-~-,..--.~
--
25.82
47.24
--~
_,....,
__
--
---
---r-
From the table 6.15 it is quite clear that the rural market centres have developed in
very large rural settlements with high density of population (more than 650 persons per
square kilometre). Very large size of population have provided the threshold rural demand
for the development of trading and commercial activities of a market centre. Moreover, the
locations ofthese rural market centres at nodal points have facilitated to raise the demand for
consumer goods from the surrounding rural region. Again their high degree of linkage with
Burdwan town (Figure 6.5) has played a very vital role as a collection point of agricultural
surplus from the rural market centres and the distributing point of consumer goods to these
rural market centres.
Among the rural market centres Nari has the highest level of non-agricultural workers
(Table 6.15). This is because of its location adjacent to Burdwan town and its near-urban
characteristics of landscape. It has recently become practically a part of the municipal
boundary ofBurdwan town. Its role as a rural market centre to the surrounding region is still
limited because of its location in the urban shadow. The other nine market centres perform
the role of service or growth centres very effectively for their surrounding region as these are
the products of surplus-generating prosperous agricultural economy. All the market centres
except Nari, Kusumgram and Palla have been seats of commercial activities since 1970s. But
Nari, Kusumgram and Palla have crossed the threshold to become rural market centres with
their growth of 14.7 per cent 17.48 per cent and 16.91 per cent in trade and commercial
activities between 1971 and 1991.
167
Exct::pt these large rural market centres there are a few lower order market centres in
the region. These market centres have not grown as rich and large rural settlement, but their
development has been facilitated by their location at transportation nodes and higher degree
of accessibility with Burdwan Town. Bhatar, Raina, and Shyamsundar are examples of such
relatively smaller rural market centres. The development of these market centres has also
been facilitated by larger rural settlements surrounding them. For example, Bhatar is
surrounded by large villages like Nasigram, Barabelun, Bamsor and Balgana (see Table 6.1
and Figure 6.1) and is well connected to these villages as well as Burdwan Town. Again,
Shyamsundar is located at the nodal point of four motorable roads connecting Burdwan town
on one side and a large number of rural settlements surrounding it on other sides. Raina is
another market centre, which is facilitated by higher degree of accessibility to the
surrountding region and agglomeration of health and educational infrastructures. It has also
been a famous market centre oftrans-Damodar region for a long period of time. In this way,
with the help of these rural market centres of different sizes, rural-urban linkages have been
strengthened. These rural market centres provide urban services as well as marketing
facilities of agricultural produce.
6.5.
Summary
From the analysis of large villages and rural market centres of the region it is quite
clear that these settlements lying midway in the rural-urban continuum play significant roles
in integrating the two ends. Many of these large settlements have developed some urban
infrastructures like piped water supply, street lighting etc. and also a notable concentration of
health, education and marketing infrastructures. The levels of development of the large
villages are relatively higher than the other smaller villages in the region.
Rural transformation as well as diversification of economy has started to be
experienced by the large villages which are well connected to Burdwan town by road or
railway network. Therefore, we noted that greater integration with the main urban centres
results in a higher level of development of villages. Rural market centres are placed at a
higher level of settlement hierarchy providing the market for agricultural produce of their
smaller hinterlands as well as infrastructural facilities for rural people. These small rurban
centres encircling Burdwan town has strengthened rural-urban interaction by linking the rural
economy of their respective hinterlands with Burdwan town.
After the detailed analysis of rural counterpart of the region now we can look into the
nature of urban centres with a special focus on Burdwan in the next chapter.
168
CHAPTER VII
REGIONAl URBAN FOCI
7.1.
Introduction
This chapter analyzes the nature and role ofthree important urban centres of the study
region- Bmdwan, Guskara and Memari. Ofthe three, Burdwan is the oldest and largest; it is
also located at a central point thereby conferring on it certain additional advantages as a
regional centre for collection and distribution of agricultural produce and for the
concentration of a large number of services tor the surrounding region. Consequently the
chapter gives greater attention to Burdwan and its role as a regional urban focus.
Burdwan to\\-n is located at the central point of our study region. This focal location
of the to\\-TI is an important geographical factor that has helped in developing the physical
linkages more or less uniformly with the surrounding rural areas. The historical development
of the to\\-TI is also closely linked with the development of rural economy of its surroundings.
The present prosperity ofBurdwan to\\-TI is related to the agricultural development of its rural
hinterland. The landuse pattern, density characteristics, occupational structure and social life
style of the to\\-TI bear a high degree of association with the rural economy. On the other
hand, the rruuketing infrastructure provided by the central to-wn has a significant impact on
the development of agricultural economy of the region. Its central location as an urban
market has made Burdwan accessible from all parts of the region thus enhancing the smooth
use of urban market to the farmers.
Therefore, we shall discuss Burdwan town in its historical context, its population growth, its
demographic characteristics and its present landuse in the context of Burdwan's role as a
regional urban focus. The objective is to understand how, imprinted on its land and
functional characteristics, its past and present urban roles for the regional rural economy have
attributed a distinctiveness to the town.
Two other, much smaller in terms of size and influence, urban centres are also
discussed in this chapter as they too play significant roles for their surrounding areas. We
expect that some light on Memari and Guskara will help us understand the urbanization
process operating in the region.
169
7.2.
Rol~e
7.2.1.
Geo:~raphical
Burdlwan is located in the midst of a rich alluvial plain on the left (north) bank of the
river Damodar and is the administrative centre of Burdwan district. The municipal town
1
occupying an area of 23.20 square kilometres extends between 23li N and 2315 N
latitudes and[ 87491 E and 8753 1 E longitudes. The Banka- at one time a spill channel of the
Damodar - 11ows from west to east through the central part of the town. lt was a navigable
river in the past, but has now become a municipal sewerage channel due to lack of
maintenance by the municipal authority. The town is surrounded by rural mouzas on east,
north and Wt:st and the river Damodar on the south.
Burdwan has been an important urban centre at vanous points m history. Its
locational advantages are obvious: at the margin of upland terrain of the plateau fringe of
Chotanagpur, along navigable rivers such as the Damodar and close enough to the Hooghly
(till about Mughal times the town was reachable from K.alna and Dainhat through river
channels), on the main road and rail lines, and in the middle of a prosperous agricultural
region. We will now see how with time the role of Burdwan has changed as the regional
economy prospered or declined relatively.
sovereign state had flourished in trade and commerce; it used to export fme cotton and other
textiles by inland and overseas water-routes to various countries of Europe and Southeast
Asia (Smith, 1961 ).
The whole district formed a part of Gupta Kindgom with Burdwan town as the centre
of activity (Sen and Chaudhury, 1973 ). Afterwards it came successively under small-time
tribal kings and chiefs, Gopachandra, Harsha and the Senas (Stewart, 1971). In the ancient
period, the urban focus of Burdwan was confined on the south of Banka nala (a lesser
drainage channel) along the banks of Damodar because of the flourishing river-borne trade
(Lahiri, 1994). This oldest part of Burdwan town is known as Kanchannagar. Kanchannagar
was the earliest nucleus or focal point for urban growth in Burdwan.
170
The 1town began to grow rapidly after the Mohammedan invasion in the latter part of
the 12th century. Particularly considerable physical extension of the town took place during
the Mughal period (Sen and Chaudhuri. 1973). The Muslim rulers set up various
administrative centres and military camps in the district. These centres later took the shape of
trading centres and market towns. Burdwan, the oldest among these urban centres began to
develop quit'e rapidly because of its locational advantages. (Lahiri, 1985). It became a major
centre of Af!~han power when Sher Afghan was ruling as a zamindar of Burdwan. Although,
the oldest nucleus was at Kanchannagar, the Muslim rulers preferred to settle on the north
bank of Banka na/a. Burdwan became more important when in 1576 A.D. Pir Baharam
Shakka, a nobleman from the court of Akbar, shifted his residence here (Mukherjee, 191 0).
Burdwan came to be a part of the Mughal empire in 1610 A.D. when Kutb-Uddin. the
foster-brother ofEmperor Jehangir, killed Sher Afgan. Meherunnissa, the wife ofSher Afgan
was sent to Delhi to later became the famous NurJahan. This event made Burdwan an
important point on the political horizon of India. Aurangzeb's Governor of Bengal, Sultan
Azam, also stayed for some time in Alamganj area of Burdwan town to suppress the Hindu
rebellion
(Stt~wart.
whole. Its importance also rose due to the establishment of Burdwan Raj (Mukherjee, 191 0).
So far Burdwan had mainly four focal points of urban growth, namely, Kanchannagar. Pir
Baharam, Alamganj and Khaja Anwar Berh - all of which were located on the banks of the
Banka nala.
After the battle of Plassey in 1757 A.D., the East India Company established many
kuthis (centres to organize trade locally) (Wilson, 1895). These centres stimulated further
urban development. Burdwan experienced a new stimulus for urban growth after a kuthi was
set up in the town. The company also set up an administrative centre near Radhanagar, north
of the Banka. Soon this new centre of Radhanagar got connected with the older parts of the
town through linear growth along Banka nata.
In the later part of the 18th century Burdwan became the administrative headquarter of
Burdwan district, which included the present district of Hooghly as well (Ganguly, 1987). In
this period, roads were constructed connecting Kalna and Katwa with Burdwan. This helped
the agricultural products to reach Burdwan easily. Gradually Burdwan emerged as an
important collecting centre of agricultural products of a large region.
In 1823, a flood of the Damodar forced the urban settlement to move northeastward
away from banks of the Damodar. This was helped when Maharaja Mahatab Chand
constructed the 'Mahatab Manjil' or the Rajbati (the palace) of Burdwan in the middle of the
171
town in the year 1832. This was the most important nucleus to be established in the whole
urban history of Burdwan. Soon new construction - both houses of local elite and businessrelated buildings were initiated around the Rajhati. New area<; such as Nutanganj, Borehat,
Bhatchhala were added in the urban areas. Barabazar and Tentultala Bazaar developed as
retail commercial centres. Nutanganj, Borehat and Alamganj also developed as centres for
wholesale trade of agricultural products. The area around the Rajbati still bears the ambience
of traditional commercial zones.
Another important nucleus developed in the south of Sadhanpur and Bajepratappur
after coming of the railways in the latter part of 1854. North of railway line along the Katwa
Road to Bajepratappur developed a railway colony, supported by small commercial
establishments (Gulla, 1989).
become an almost independent power; and the time was not far off when an ailing Delhi
would
furtht:~r
Burdwan town had gradually become a famous centre of activity (both administration
and trade) in the Mughal period, and got mentioned in both Akbarnarna and Ain-E-Akbari.
But the real development-cum-prosperity of the town was initiated in the period of Burdwan
raj that is from the latter part of the I ih century. Ghanashyam Rai was the pioneer among
the rajas who contributed highly to the development of Burdwan town. He dug a large tank,
172
named Shya.msayar to meet the crisis of water for the resident of Burdwan town. Krishnaram
Ra~
the son of Ghanashyam Rai excavated another large tank called Krishnasayar
surrounding which an ecological garden named 'Krishna Sayar Park' has recently been
developed by the Municipality.
water security in stressful times such as drought years. They now add to the tourist attraction
of the town too.
Kirti Chandra, the successor of Jagatram
Ra~
which is a part of present municipality area of Burdwan town. He also excavated the tank
Ranisayar in the name of his mother in the year of 1708. Kritichand Rai constructed a fort at
Talit in the northwestern periphery of the town to protect the town from Maratha invasion in
the year of 1742.
All these early developments of the town took place just for the town only. Before the
period of Tt!jchandra (1770-1832) no attempt was taken place by the rajas of Burdwan to
make it a regional urban focus by integrating it with the agricultural economy of the
surrounding region. Maharaj Tejchandra ftrst planned to develop the town as a regional scat
of trade and commerce at the heart of the prosperous agricultural hinterland (Chaudhuri,
1994 ). He developed a whole sale trade centre at Nutanganj area near his palace at Rajbati
where businessmen were fmanced by the royal exchequer with six month's interest-free loan
to carry on trade on various agro-products of the rural areas (Chaudhuri, 1994). To save the
town from the devastating floods ofDamodar, Tejchandra disconnected the Banka nala from
Damodar with the help of embankment (Choudhuri. 1994). He also made 23 roads in the
town (Dawn, 1992).
After the battle of Plassey, the East India Company established the office of the
collector and District Judge in the town of Burdwan. This step can be considered as the
beginning of the development of modem Burdwan town. The various administrative and
judiciary functions of the town turned it into a regional urban focus to which people from the
surrounding rural areas began to come on a daily basis. In the ftrst half of the 19th century the
educational and medical infrastructure of the town started to develop when Mohatab Chand
established one English School (C.M.S Higher Secondary School at present) and one health
centre in the town around 1834. He contributed highly to combat malaria in the region with
assured supply of medicine. The town began to beautifY itself from his period.
Burdwan was constituted a municipality with an area of 8. 75 sq. miles in 1865. In
1872, at the time of the ftrst official Indian Census, the total population of the municipality
was only 32,321. This was less than what was recorded in the previous census of 1814. The
173
main cause ofthis decline was the outbreak of famous 'Burdwan fever'. The construction of
water-purifying plant as a measure to combat the fever was taken up in 1881 by the
Maharaja ofBurdwan.
A1aharaja Vijay Chand ( 1902 - 1941 ), the successor of Aftab Chand, contributed a lot
in the development of medical and educational infrastructure of the town. He established the
technical school, medical school and the hostel, Vijay Chand Hospital. Harisabha Girls'
School, Raj College, Sahitya Parishad and so on. He also did beautification of the town with
the construction of Curzon Gate, Rarnnar Udyan (garden), Vijay Behar, Clock Tower, Vijay
Theatre and rennovation of Pirbaharam. After the construction of Vijay Toran popularly
known as Curzon Gate in 1904 the B.C. Road connecting Rajbati with Vijay Toran became
the busy commercial retail centre of the town because of its nearness to the railway station
and bus terminal of the town. People from the surrounding and even distant areas started to
use this urban market because of its high degree of accessibility and Burdwan town began to
take the
shap~
Maharaj Vijay Chand was also the first person in the raj family who realized the
necessity of the development of surrounding rural areas to make the Burdwan town a
prosperous regional urban focus. For the development of infrastructure like health, education,
drinking water and transport in the rural areas he established Union Board by elected
members of tax-paying class. After the abolition of the zamindari system in (1953 - '54)
Maharaja Uday Chand handed over all his landed property in the town to the Municipal
The focus of urban activities in Burdwan town has changed several times (LahiriDutt, 1994 ). Initially Kanchannagar (on the southwestern part of the town) was the main
focus of urban activities (Figure 7.1 ). The reason behind the growth of this focus was the
location of Kanchannagar on the bank of Damodar, which was the important means of
174
CHANGING
NUCLEUS
FOR URBAN
GROWT~
BURDWAN TOWN
23'
15'N
930A D
01960 AD
Q1500A D
0
Source :
H.m
87' 49'E
Figure No -1.1
175
communication of the then popular river-borne trade. Damodar was an important trade route
and Kanchannagar was an important node along it.
During the Mughal period Puratan Chawk area was developed
ao;;
area of the town. Later on, better off residences moved in the Radhanagar area near Vijay
Toran because of the establislunent of kuthis (centres for revenue collection) there.
The Raj family of Burdwan built their court and residential palace in the central part
of the city. At present this area is known as the Rajbati-Uttarphatak area and is occupied
mainly by non-bengalee business families relate to or brought in by the royal family. The
wholesale market of the town serving the whole region was developed by Maharaja
Tejchandra in Alamganj area near the Rajbati which is still the main centre of trading
activities of the town. With this development Kanchannagar started to lose its prosperity.
As railways were introduced in the later part of 1854, another important nucleus
developed in the northeastern part ofthe city. After the construction ofVijay Toran in 1903,
the intervening areas ofRajbati and Vijay Toran known as B.C. Road started to develop as a
busy
comm(~rcial
retail area supporting/servicing both the urban and rural consumers from
the surrounding areas. Later on, district administrative offices were developed on the eastern
side of Vijay Toran. The central bus terminus of the town was also constructed near the
Vijay Toran making it the most accessible point of the town from the rural surroundings. It
has remained the central business district (CBD) of the town till now. Some smaller centres
like Golapbag, Nilpur, College more, Sadarghat, Keshabganj Chatti, Bajepratappur etc. have
developed re:cently in the outside areas away from the CBD with the physical expansion of
the town.
176
-- ----.-.....--
---.,J~
-~
Decada/
variation
---
-~-
~ -~o-; -,.r~-
-----
Growth rate
-r
-~,.
""""'
Year
1901
30,522
191 1
35,921
5,399
17.69
6th
1921
34,616
-1,305
-3.63
5th
1931
39,618
5,002
14.45
5th
1941
1951
62,910
58.79
7th
75,376
23,292
12,466
19.82
9th
1961
1,07,881
32,505
43.12
8th
1971
1,43,318
35,437
32.85
lith
1981
1,67,364
24,049
16.78
12th
1991
2,45,079
77,715
46.44
8th
(%)
---... .. ---,--.-
___ J
Rank among
towns of W.B.
Total
population
--
--
- - --
4th
l:x~
explained both by the huge immigration from the rural surrounds followed by
the development of transport network, and the expanded economic activities of the town.
Immigration of refugees from erstwhile East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, due to partition of
the country, has also helped the population of the town to grow rapidly.
Howe:ver, the Table 7.1 also shows that in spite of the steady rise in the population,
Burdwan gradually lost its size rank among the urban centes of West Bengal. At the
beginning of the century it was the fourth largest urban centre in West Bengal just after
Calcutta, Howrah and Serampur. Since the decade of 30s, especially in the postindependence: period, Burdwan has been displaced gradually by the industrial towns like
Durgapur, Asansol, Bhatpara, Panihati etc. Ultimately in 1991 it became the eighth ranking
town of West Bengal. Thus, while it is true that the town has grown rapidly, it is also true
that it has not grown quite as rapidly as some other towns of the state. This is possible a good
sign, in view of the agricultural development experienced by its surrounding region. It is
possible that some of the surpluses were locally absorbed within the agricultural region to
give rise to large villages, rural market centres and smaller urban units.
177
Burdwan experienced rather fluctuating growth rates of population in the 20th century
(Table 7.1). 'Ibe highest rate of growth (58.79 percent) was experienced during the decade of
1931-'41. The growth rate wa-> also high, that is. well above 40 per cent in the decades of
1950s and 1980s. Below 20 per cent of growth rate was also noted in the decades of 1901'10, 1921-'30, 1941-'50 and 1971-'80. The town, though of very low level (3.63 per cent),
also experienced negative growth rate, in 191 Os. This negative growth of population took
place because of four consecutive floods of Damodar river in 1913, 1914, 1917 and 1918
causing heavy loss of lives and property in the town.
In a nutshell it can be said that Burdwan experienced very slow rate of growth up to
1931 and after that the growth rate increased but with high fluctuations between 16.78 per
cent and 58.79 per cent (Table 7.1). Such fluctuations can again be correlated with the
agricultural 1ortunes of the immediate hinterland of Burdwan. During the two decades of
1960s and 1970s, when the seed-fertilizer technology along with canalized irrigation raised
agricultural productivity manifold, then the growth ofBurdwan town slackened. Agricultural
growth reaches a peak and then became stagnant in 1980s, and Burdwan's population began
to grow rapidly.
comprising the population (P) is divided by the total area (GA). Here the unit of area is taken
without considering whether the area is devoted to residential uses. Densities difler in
residential, industrial and commercial land use zones, vary from city to city, and from one
point of time to another. It depends largely on the intensity of use. The intensity of usc of a
specific type changes for a variety of causes, including changes in lifestyles and living
preferences, changes in the means of production of urban enterprises. changes in the use of
urban space etc. (Reddy, 1989).
178
Density Gradient
The distribution of population within any city is complex when seen in detail, but it is
believed that in most urban settlements the population density declines with distance from
the central or inner parts ofthe cities to their peripheries (Johnson, 1972). The decline in
179
87' 49 E
87' 53[
DENSITY OF POPULATION
2~
15 N
BURDWAN TOWN
1991
t
N
23'
15 N
i;
0
/ .. 1
f:i ;
f
r
I
.
/~Above
25000
'//1._j
1
ezl120CXJ1-25000
/ .
LlJ 15001-20000
m 10001-1sooo
0
0
23'
12 N
87' 49 E
5001- 10000
5000 &. be low
87' 53.E
DENSITY GRADIENT
BURDWAN TOWN
25l
0
0
_o
1991
20
z
2:
::s:::
1_,.
(f)
0::
10
z
w
""'~
::;,
--~ .-~----------...--
"
"'
Km)
rsc
density usually follows a regular pattern. Colin Clark ( 1951) has shown that in a wide range
of cities, with a variety of locations and at different times in the past, population density
decreases at a constant rate with increasing distance from the city centre.
Although a variety of population density !unctions have since been tested (for
example see McDonald and Bowman, 1976; Zielinsk~ 1980) Clark ( 1951) had first provided
convincing
~empirical
exponential fashion with increasing distance from the central business district (CBD). That
is, if population density is plotted in a graph against distance from the CBD, the resulting
curve drops quite steeply at ftrst, and then more gradually (Cadwallader, 1985).
The gradient of density decline in any urban centre depends on the spatial pattern of
the intensity of landuse, which is usually less towards the peripheries. The intensity of
landuse is again dependent on the land values. Therefore, the density-decline profile
resembles the land value model quite strongly (Hartshorn, 1980). The most desirable and
hence most expensive sites for all urban land uses lie close to the city centre where maximum
accessibility is provided by converging transport routes. The further a site is from the city
centre, the lower is its land value because of higher transport cost. These lower land values
encourage lower intensity of use away from the centre and this lower intensity of use,
specially residential landuse, produces lower densities of population towards the peripheries
of cities (Johnson, 1981 ).
Most of the earlier works on the gradient of population density had been concerned
with the Western cities. Berry, Simmons and Tennant (1963) first made an attempt to
compare the density gradients found in Western and non-Western cities. According to their
view, while both types of city show a negative exponential relationship between density and
distance from the city centre, the manner in which their gradients have developed has been
different. In Western cities population density gradients become flatter over time (Newling,
1966; Mills and Ohetak, 1976) whereas in non- Western cities, the central density continues
to rise through time.
Now, in the context of the above theoretical discussion we can justify the densitydecline pattern of Burdwan town. In this study we have selected the geometric centre of
Burdwan town as the city centre because of its nearness to the busiest commercial centre of
the town that is, Vijay Toran (formerly called Curzon Gate) and B.C. Road area. In selecting
the city centres of India, Brush ( 1968) had suggested that the central point should be
identified by well-informed advice of the local officials, planning studies and resident
scholars, supplemented by field reconnaissance. There is no uniform criterion and, therefore,
181
the selection involved a subjective element (Reddy, 1989). Our selection of city centre is also
not free from subjectivity. Being born and brought up in the town we have identified the
geometric centre as the city centre ea<>ily because of its location near the commercial centre.
Like most of the non- Western urban centres Burdwan also represents a very steep
density gradient with a central area density of above 30,000 persons per square kilometre to
less than 5,000 persons per square kilometre in the peripheral areas (Figure 7.2). Hartshorn
(1980) justified that usually smaller cities are generally more compact than the larger
metropolitan areas thus having steeper density-decline gradients and greater population
densities at the city centre because of less specialized non-residential functions in the core
area. The CBD area ofBurdwan town is intensively used both for commercial and residential
uses, because ofwhich the density ofpopulation is much higher in the core areas. Household
density is also very high in this central part for its higher land values. The most prosperous
residential area of the town (Radhanagar) is also located near the city centre. All these factors
together helped to increase the central area density of the town. On the other hand, areal
expansion, reorganization of the municipal boundary and the development of low-density
residential areas by the immigrants from surrounding rural counterparts have helped the
density gradi<::nt to fall sharply towards the peripheral areas.
According to Berry and Horton ( 1970) in most of the urban centres both in developed
and underdeveloped countries, the density gradient varies considerably from the centre to
different direction. Detailed analysis of density gradient for the Burdwan town also
highlights that the gradient of density decline is not uniform in all direction from the central
part. From the density distribution map (Figure 7.2) it can be found that the peripheral
density is very low in the western part thus giving the density decline a steeper gradient. The
western periphery has low density because of the low importance of urban activities in the
southwest and the institutional use of land (University, Rural Technology Centre, Eco-park,
Science Centre, Water Works etc.). On the other hand, towards the eastern, southern and
northern peripheries the density gradient is gentler as these areas are occupied by residential
housing. Towards the northeast the rate of density decline is very low (Figure 7.2) because of
its busy commercial activities and multi-storied residential uses like housing colonies of the
Railways. Taking all the directions together the rate of density decline is very high in
Burdwan thus bearing the character of non- Western cities.
Anothc:r important aspect of the density gradient for Burdwan is its constancy. Over
the period from 1971 to 1991, the density gradient remained more or less unchanged with a
182
constant rat<;: of density decline from the centre to the periphery (Samanta. 1991 ). This is also
another important characteristics of non- Western urban centres.
Year
Male population
Female population
1901
19,413
15,609
804
1911
20,527
15,394
780
1921
19,583
15,033
768
1931
23,485
16,133
687
1941
38,050
24,860
653
1951
43,101
32,275
749
1961
60,286
47,595
790
1971
79,322
63,996
807
1981
88,677
78,687
887
1991
-------
1,28,651
~"
-~- --~----~~--------.-
...-----------
1,16,428
-~ ~---- ~-~~------
~------- --~
........
905
------------~----~-----
-----
From the above table it is quite clear that the female-male ratio of Burdwan town
experienced a declining trend from 1901 to 1941. In 1901 the ratio was 804 which decreased
steadily to 653 in 1941. During this period the general population growth rate was also very
low (Table 7.1).
predominantly of male workers. Most of them originated from the surrounding areas. In
183
general the residential environment of the town was also deteriorating during this period due
to the frequent occurrence of epidemic, malaria, influenza and also annual floods of the
Banka and the Damodar. As a consequence the immigration pattern was dominated by male
migrants pushing down the female-male ratio.
Since 1941 the female-male ratio experienced a steady rise due to the influx of
refugees with families after the partition. Later on, some improvements of residential
infrastructure especially of the transportation network of roads connecting Burdwan with its
hinterland made it the most accessible nodal point ofthe region. The tertiary sector workers
of both the town and its surrounding areas began to choose the Burdwan town as their place
of residence because of its amenities and the high degree of accessibility with both industrial
regions of Calcutta-Hooghly and Durgapur-Asansol belts as well as the surrounding rural
areas. The increasing female-male ratio from 653 in 1941 to 905 in 1991 essentially bears the
flourishing residential character of the town.
From the spatial pattern of female-male ratio (Sarnanta, 1991) it is also found that the
ratio is highest in the peripheral areas which gradually declines towards the central areas.
This feature also explains that the peripheral areas of the town are rapidly changing into
residential districts to accommodate the migrants from the surrounding rural areas. The
infrastructural gap between the town and its surrounding rural counterpart is facilitating the
development of residential blocks in the peripheral areas of the town. Sometimes, even the
rich farmers with productive agricultural land in villages prefer to keep a residence in the
town and cornmute to his place of work in villages. This fact is reflected in the census data,
helping to improve the female-male ratio. The improving FMR of Burdwan, therefore,
indicates a more intensive rural-urban linkage.
tht:~
largest agricultural trading centre of entire radh Bengal (western bank of the BhagirathiHooghly till the plateaus, roughly) besides providing numerous other services. The
distribution pattern of workforce among different sectors ofthe economy offers some idea of
the economic: bases and function of any urban centre. Though the relative importance of
different sectors of the economy has changed over time, the tertiary sector activities have
continued to remain the predominant functional base of Burdwan since 1961 (Table 7.3 ).
This is not umcommon for similar urban centres. Raza ( 1980) noted that tertiarization of
184
economy is the most outstanding feature of most of the present day third world cities. In this
section we have seen the changes in the proportion of workforce in primary, secondary and
tertiary sectors oYer the period of I 961 to 199 I. Work participation data was made available
from 196 I only, and hence we could not go back further in time.
Year
Primary
Secondary
Tertiary
1961
1.76
21.14
77.10
1971
11.07
19.69
69.34
I981
I 0.15
5.46
84.49
1991
7.28
2.25
90.67
From the above table we can analyze the changes in the relative importance of
different sectors of economy in providing the functional basis of the town. In 1961 the share
of primary sector was only I. 76 per cent which increased to 11.07 per cent in 1971 and then
again started to decline reaching 7.28 per cent in 1991. The increasing importance of primary
sector economy between 1961 and I 971 was mainly due to the physical expansion of
municipal lxmndaries that included rural stretches of peripheral land. Even now. the major
contribution to the primary sector of the town comes from the peripheral areas (Samanta.
1991 ). The secondary sector includes the workers in agro-processing units of rice, oil and
~hira
(pressed rice) mills. Not much expansion has taken place in this sector of the economy
~-.1961.
As a result, the secondary sector has lost its relative share of the workforce gradually
smce.
from 21.14 per cent in 1961 to only 2.25 per cent in 1991 (Table 7.3).
Tertiary sector economy in the form of trade and commerce, and services has now
come to dominate the functional bases of town. The relative importance of this sector has
continuously increased from 77.10 per cent in 1961 to as much as 90.6 7 per cent in 1991.
Trading of agricultural products especially rice from the prosperous rural hinterland is an
important activity of the town. There are several wholesale markets (such as Alamganj.
Bajepratappur etc.) in the town dealing with wholesale trading of agricultural produce. Retail
business of both consumer and capital goods is significantly flourishing with growmg
demand from both expanding urban and rural demands. Several multi-storied business
complexes have come up in the 90's along the main commercial
Road, and
tht~
thorought~ues
like B.C.
road connecting Vijay Toran to railway station via central bus terminus. These
complexes house a large number of shops dealing with various kinds of durable and non185
society, both spatial and temporal variations occur in respect of the quality or standards of
life of its resiidents (Timms, 1971). Review of the present literature reveals three possible
186
social patt1:::rns that have emerged during the history of urban civili?..ation. The socioeconomic indicators on a intra-urban scale, may: (a) be uniformly distributed; (b) have their
greatest concentration at the core; and (c) be spread out into the peripheral areas.
While the first case is almost a theoretical 'optimum' which have and will never exist
in reality, the second is viewed by some authors (Herbert and Thomas, 1982) to be a
transitional phase between a pre-industrial and a post-industrial economy. According to
them, in the early stages of city development rudimentary versions of most of the urban
services emerged near the city centre in order to serve the relatively compact urban area.
With continued urban growth there was a concomitant growth in the scale, degree of
specialization of range of services provided. The third case is found in the developed
countries of the world where the 'compact city' has become a matter of the past and people
have moved out of the central congested parts of the city. As a result, the outer parts of the
city are perceived to be qualitatively better than the inner parts.
Intra-urban distribution of social well being was for a long time considered as a
function of physical conditions. Cullingworth (1972), however, pointed out that identical
physical environments might be associated with quite different social conditions.
The quality of urban population is usually manifested through attributes which may
be presented numerically only with difficulty (Knox, 1975). 'Quality of life' studies are
usually done with the help of economic activities and their efficiency. In some cases social
and demographic indicators are also used.
In view of above discussion we have analyzed the spatial pattern of the quality of life
m Burdwan town. According to a prior study (Samanta, 1992) done with the help of
demographic parameters (backward population, agricultural
labourers, non-workers,
marginal workers and illiterates) indicating poor quality of life, there is a strong intra-urban
variation in the quality oflifc (Figure 7.3) with Burdwan.
The wide range of multivariate score values (+2.1 to -0.81) supports the existing
pattern of spatial variation in the quality of urban population in Burdwan. As all the socioeconomic parameters taken in this study are related to the poor quality of life, the positive
score values indicate poor quality of urban life whereas negative scores indicate good quality
on the other hand. We have identified urban people with better quality of life as 'privileged'
and those with poor quality as 'deprived'.
From the figure (Figure 7.3) it is clear that the quality of life is higher in the central
part ofthe tovm. On the other hand, peripheral areas have poor qualities of life. The highest
187
rs,'
'17'149 f
~-~-
- - - - - - - _ . . ..:.c
--------------~
-====-c-:-ccc:.c ---=-..:==:c--'Cc-_--_---=----~-=---~-=cc::..--c-...::
23"
15 N
SCORE
-
Above
a+
f.Z!.l1
+ 10
Km
0 to+lO Deprived
[Z]J o to- os
D- os
Privileged
23
to -1 0 Highly Pnvileged
12 N
Source:
51
Samanta, 1991
87" 53 E
Figure No - 7.3
199
degree of deprivation in the quality of life is found in areas like Kanchannagar, Udaypalli,
Rathtala which formed the oldest nuclei of the town in the southwestern part on the bank of
river Damodar. The area is far away fi-om the present nuclei. I ,ack of proper accessibility is
another factor limiting the quality of life in that area. Other deprived parts of the town arc
also found in the northeastern and southern peripheries. In these areas the low quality of life
is mainly due to the incidence of lower literacy, lower work participation rate. higher level of
backward population and marginal workers. On the other hand, people of central areas of the
town are privileged owing to higher literacy rate, high incidence of job opportunities and
lower occun~ence of agricultural labourers, backward population and marginal workers.
Intra-urban inequality is a common phenomenon in the present world. especially the
third world urban centres. Burdwan, being no exception, also represents the same picture. We
can justify whether from this spatial pattern of the quality of life emerges any core-periphery
pattern between the inner and outer parts of the city.
Before justifYing the spatial pattern of urban quality of life with core-periphery
model, let us explain both the model and the meaning of the terms 'core' and 'periphery' in the
context of a single urban centre. The core-periphery model is a generalization of spatial
structure of an economic system, based on the unequal distribution of power in economy and
society, consisting of two major components: a centre or core region and a periphery
(Goodball, 1987). Core-periphery relations were first observed by John Friedmann (1966),
with whom the core-periphery models is most closely associated, as the second stage
in a four-stage sequence of the development of the space economy. The 'core' is
defined as the area exhibiting the most intensive landuse characterized by the concentration
of consumer services, offices and entertainment facilities (Herbert and Thomas, 1982). The
periphery in contrast is less intensively developed and comprises a mixture of functions. The
differences are much more than those allowed by traditional CBD boundaries and often
comprise socio-economic characteristics of the people per se. In Burdwan the quality of
population is markedly different between the inner and outer parts. Privileged people inhabit
the core, whereas deprived people characterized the peripheral areas. Therefore, a strong
core-periphery pattern, the essential character of third world urban centres, exist in the
quality
oflifi~
from reality. However. while making policy prescriptions planners must pay considerable
attention to the deprived areas of a city. The planning process may be successful only if such
deprived areas are taken into consideration and given special attention in times pf planning.
7.3.
Guskara and Memari (Figure 6.5). They are medium sized towns placed at a lower level in
the urban hierarchy of the region. The census of India defmes towns with a size category
varying between 20,000 to less than 1,00,000 as medium towns (Singh and Krishnan, 1997).
Again the Government oflndia covers towns with a size range between 20,000 and 3,00,000
under its Integrated Development of Small and Medium Towns Programme (Wishwakarma
and Jha, 1983). Researchers (Diddee and Octania, 1993; Singh and Krishnan, 1997), for the
time being have taken the wide range of 20,000 to 3,00,000 population size to define
'medium towns' and the size of less than 20,000 as 'small towns' (Mallick, 1979). In 1991,
Guskara and Memari had population sizes of 26,995 and 20,690 respectively. Therefore. we
prefer to defiine Guskara and Memari as medium towns of the region as their present sizes are
well above 20,000.
In the study of rural-urban interaction these two medium towns deserve special
attention because of their crucial roles in integrating urban and rural areas of the region.
Whatever criteria or limits are to be taken, medium and small towns may always be
perceived as a linkage or bridge between an essentially rural-based society and space at the
lower end, and the urbanized space having big cities at the upper end (Bose, 1972). In this
way they play a significant role in controlling the flow in the settlement hierarchy, up and
down reciprocally (Singh and Singh, 1979). They serve as catalysts for the economic
integration b;!tween rural and urban areas besides performing the social role with providing
several servi<:es tor their surrounding areas (Singh and Krishnan, 1997). Planners and Policy
makers conceive medium towns 'as an instrument for quickening the rate of growth,
development and transformation' of any region (Singh and Singh, 1979, p. 23). They are also
treated as growth centres especially in the developing world (UNO, 1978, Sundaram, 1978).
Johnson ( 1972) highlighted that these smaller towns have greater potential capacity to utilize
rural manpower and elicit human creativity than the large urban centres.
K.R. Dikshit ( 1997) has identified large cities as 'problem areas' and medium towns
as 'growth centres of the future'. He has excellently explained the significant role of medium
190
towns in the integration of rural and urban areas played since the historic period. In his
words, medium towns usually occupy focal points in the vast rural hinterland. These toea!
points have a genuine symbiotic relationship with the countryside. They originated as central
places in the pre-industrial phase of economy and have largely retained their character as
weekly market places, administrative headquarters of a district or tehsil or as specialized
trade centres for certain commodities, with some high level medical and educational facilities
and a few financial institutions like banks and co-operative societies (Mishra, 1979).
However, basically they have remained centres of trade over the centuries. The modem
development of transport has made them more accessible and they have retained their
agricultural econorrtic base. They have at the same time grown in importance as regional
markets and have acquired new functions like industries. They also represent regional culture
and extend social interaction between the town and its surrounding rural region (Sinha,
1990).
Researchers and planners have identified medium towns as diversion centres to
decentralize urban development (Despande and Arunachalam, I 980). These settlements
would be facilitated to grow into 'service centres' which would service the rural hinterland
and would also act as 'growth poles' to diffuse development into rural areas (Benninger,
I 997). Wanmali ( 1988) suggested that the prevailing dichotomy in rural and urban
development in developing countries can be reduced through the spatial planning in which
the development of medium and small towns should get priority as service centres or growth
centres of the future. The Government of India introduced the Integrated Development of
Small and Medium Towns (IDSMT) programme in 1979-'80 to reduce the primacy of large
cities and develop small and medium towns for effective and balanced regional development.
It was hoped that dispersal of industries and other economic activities to medium towns will
partly redeem the overcrowding of large cities, and conform to the development of effective
nodes in the urban system that is more conductive to development (Dikshit, 1997). However,
the IDSMT did not prove to be very successful (GOI, 1988).
Rondinelli (1983) defmed medium towns as 'secondary cities'. He suggests that to
achieve widespread development, in both social and spatial terms, a geographically dispersed
pattern of investment should be devised. This, he argued, can be materialized through the
promotion of integrated system of secondary cities which provides potential access to
markets for people living in any part of the country or region (Rondinelli, I 983). Phadke
(1997) suggested that these medium towns would be multifunctional in character with
industry, trade and commerce and services at the core. Manufacturing activity would be
191
recogni7~d
as centres for
regional development and their proposed roles are as follows: they would be multifunctional
in character with industry, trade and commerce and services at the core. Manufacturing
activity would be primarily oriented to regional resource potentialities, raw materials or
skills. Agriculture would be the ubiquitous source of local raw material input. A few might be
based on external sources of raw materials but their final products might fmd a market in the
region. These would provide necessary inputs to regional economy and there would thus
develop spatial linkage between the town and the country ensuring their complementarity
(Phadke, 1997).
Thus, we find that small urban centres have generated a lively debate in the urban
literature in India. From the point of view action/planning, not much result has been achieved
in spite of various programmes (GOI, 1988). The larger cities continue to hog the limelight
of academic/administrative attention, while the vital roles played by smaller towns in
bringing the mral and urban closer continue to remain relatively unacknowledged.
7.3.1. Mem:ari
Memari, covering an area of 19.80 square kilometre, is an important medium-sized
market town located in the eastern part ofthe region. It is located 25 km east ofBurdwan and
is connected with Burdwan by both the Howrah-Burdwan main line of Eastern Railway and
the G.T. road (NH 2). The population size of 20,690 in 1991 has become 35 thousands
approximately by mid-90s (Konar, 1996).
has become an important centre of trade and commerce with the development of agriculture
in the region especially since 1960s. Since 1950s, the expansion of metalled road and
automobile transport took place between Calcutta on the east and Durgapur-Asansol
industrial belt on the west, putting Memari in a more advantageous position. The monopoly
of traders of this centre over railway transport began to be challenged by road transport and
the former began to lose its ground. The affluent peasants from the rich agricultural area of
Raina, Jamalpur and Memari police stations started to invest their surplus capital in
192
commercial! activities of consumer goods and trading activities of different agro-inputs and
agricultural products (rice, potato, jute etc.) by building trading centres and shops by the road
side.
With the development of irrigation (both O.V.C. canals and private shallow tube
wells) and storage facilities of agro-products, drastic improvement took place in potato
cultivation of the region by mid-fifties. The region's first cold storage was constructed in
Memari in the co-operative sector. Private capital rushed into potato cultivation, storage and
trading activities of the surrounding rural areas of which Memari became the nodal market.
The rush towards potato cultivation indicates the transformation of agricultural economy of
the region into cash-earning commercial one in which Memari played a significant role by
providing storage and marketing facilities. At present Memari-I block has 18 cold storages
(largest concentration in West Bengal) ofwhich nine are located within Memari town, itself.
Since 1960s small and medium sized manufacturing units started to develop in
Memari most of them being agro-processing in nature utilizing agricultural products of the
region as raw material. Agro processing units of the towns are composed of two modernized
rice mills, two bran oil mills, two chira mills and seven mustard oil mills. Small
manufacturing units employing 5 to 20 or more workers includes five screw factories, one
paper mill, five soap factories, four ice cream factories, six mustard crushers, six shaw mills,
one aluminium factory, four steel furniture factories, four elastic tape production centres, one
mosaic tiles factory, one coal briquette factory besides a good number of mechanical and
electrical workshops with lathe, drilling, welding and grinding developed as ancillary units.
Electification of railways put Memari in an even better position by reducing its travel
distance to two hours to reach Calcutta (state capital) and half an hour to Burdwan (district
headquarter). Various state and central government departments of administration including
the sub-divisional office of the D.V.C. were set up in Memari because of its improved
locational advantages. Hundreds of middle class people working in Calcutta, Burdwan,
Asansol, Durgapur and several other place on the Calcutta-Asansol section of the Eastern
Railway, started to choose Memari as their residence because of its high degree of
accessibility and urban municipal amenities. Besides railways, 35 bus routes originate from
or terminate here and more than 150 inter-district or inter-state buses ply through Memari at
present. People from lower middle class families selected Memari over Burdwan because of
its nearness to their village property, cheaper land value and lower cost of living than
Burdwan.
193
to shift their families to Memari simply for its better amenities including health, education
and communication facilities.
The
(~ducational
higher secondary schools, one high school and one high madrasa and eleven primary schools
which have together improved the literacy rate from 34.8 per cent in 1951 to 65 per cent in
1991. The setting up of the degree college has added a new dimension in the education
infrastructure ofMemari since 1980s.
Health infrastructure of Memari consists of a primary health centre with 100 beds and
eleven doctors posted there and around twenty private practitioners. The trading and
commercial activities of the town are supported by three commercial and three co-operative
banks. There: are two branch offices of Life Insurance Corporation and General Insurance
Corporation in Memari. Three cinema halls are also providing the entertainment facilities.
7.3.2. Guskara
Guskara is another lower order urban centre of the region functioning as a subsidiary
to Burdwan. It is located in the northwestern part of the region 32 kilometres away from
Burdwan (Figure 6. 5). Since 1961 it has been designated as a non-municipal town. The
municipality came into being in 1988. Situated on Burdwan-Sahebganj loop line of the
Eastern Railway, it is the headquarter of both Ausgram police station and Ausgram-I block.
Initially the municipality had nine wards, which have become 16 in number at present by
both areal expansion and ward-boundary reorganization.
Physiographically Guskara is located on a low-lying area and as a consequence
suffers from water-logging, flood and allied drainage related problems causing hardship to its
residents and its economy, greatly impeding its uniform growth. About 67 per cent of
Guskara's population is concentrated in 33 per cent of the municipality area. The Kunur river
passes through it and a kandor (narrow natural drainage lines) girdles its southeastern edge.
The Ajay riv1~ flows through 11 km north of Guskara which sometimes puts great trouble
194
during the rainy season by creating flood. Water bodies dot all over the town occupying 1.9
per cent of the total municipal area, and act as valuable storage ponds for monsoon rains.
In the historic past Guskara was part of the kingdom of the Sadgops (cattle-herders
turned cultivators) of Gopbhum. The construction of Burdwan-Sahebganj Loop line across
the Ajay river through Guskara around 1869 increased its locational importance. In the latter
part of the 20th century Guskara has grown as an urban market centre in the midst of a
predominantly agro-forest and animal-rich hinterland dominated by Scheduled Caste and
Scheduled Tribe communities comprising 33.67 per cent and 5.29 per cent of total population
respectively. The development of secondary sector in Guskara has been slow due to the
absence of processing units of its hinterland's produce. This takes away the incentive for
further increasing the production of such raw materials. Guskara's urban functions are still
based mainly on trade and service activities fulfilling its hinterland's requirements.
The secondary sector activities of the town are limited with only a few processing
industries. There are nine rice mills, twenty oil mills and three chira mills within the
municipality area. Being an important collection and distribution centre of potato, Guskara
has three cold storages. Rice trading is an important commercial activity of the town.
Commercialllanduse occupy 10 per cent of the built-up area of the municipality. Trading and
commercial activities comprise 18 per cent ofthe workforce occupying the second rank after
agricultural labourer (28 per cent) among the occupational categories of the urban workers.
Agricultural activities still dominate the economic scenario of the town employing 41
per cent of the workforce (cultivators 13 per cent and agricultural labourer 28 per cent) in it.
Collection, storage and distribution of agricultural products especially paddy and potato are
important activities thus giving Guskara an identity of market town. The service sector is also
another flourishing side of its economy providing educational, banking and commercial
infrastructure both for people of Guskara town as well as of the surrounding rural areas. This
sector comprises 14.68 per cent of the main workforce basically engaged in administration,
education, banking, communication and other service sector activities.
This higher level of infrastructural facilities of Guskara town has helped in the
development of a residential nature of the town. Nearly 40 per cent of the total area is used
for residential purposes besides 45 per cent lying still vacant. Residential buildings are
increasingly occupying the vacant areas. The educational facilities of the town consist of one
degree college, two higher secondary schools, four secondary schools and sixteen primary
schools. The (:stablishment of the degree college in the sixties was an important landmark in
the history of growth of the town. At present the college is running in two shifts (both
195
morning and day) catering to the increasing desire for higher studies of the people from
surrounding rural hinterland. Medical infrastructure is still limited with one block level
primary health centre set up in the public sector, and a few private practitioners and nursing
homes. Guskara has four bank branches providing fmancial services to the residents of both
the urban centre and rural surroundings.
To create an 'integrated system' with the surrounding rural areas through the
establishment of backward and forward linkages, an 'outline master plan' of Guskara has
been preparc::d in 1998 with the help of the Calcutta-based consultancy group, Society For
Holistic Approach To Planned Development (SHAPE). This master plan has outlined both
the municipality planning area for further extension of the town systematically, and influence
area for int<egrated development of rural-urban linkages. The influence area of the town
covers an area of 72,220 hectares including 21 gram panchayats of four rural development
blocks (Mongalkote, Bhatar, Ausgram- I and Ausgram- II) and a population of 3,02,392. On
the other hand, the smaller municipality planning area spreads over 43 rural mouzas,
covering fully or partly nine gram panchayats in Ausgram - I, Bhatar and Mongalkote
blocks.
7.4.
Summary
In conclusion, we note that there are more intensive and varied interaction between
the rural and urban sectors of the region under study. Our examination of Burdwan, Memari
and Guskara as individual urban nodes has proven that they serve different purposes for the
rural residents. Urban planners now should note these facts.
The development of Memari and Guskara as medium towns of the region should get
high priority because of their immense economic potentiality. Further improvements of their
infrastructurt: can pull some of the rural migrants to relieve the increasing population
pressure on Burdwan. The dominance of Burdwan town may be reduced with the
infrastructural development of such medium towns to lead to an even better rural-urban
interaction.
We shall re-focus our attention on Burdwan town and examine its informal sector in
search of tra<;es of rural-urban migration. For this, we have chosen the rickshaw-pullers of
Burdwan town.
196
CHAPTER VIII
THE INFORMAl SECTOR OF THE URBAN ECONOMY
8.1.
Introduction
The basic objective of this chapter is to examine and comprehend the nature of the
urban informal economy as it exists in Burdwan town. We hope to study the existence of
close rural-urban linkages in this sector. Burdwan will, of course, be viewed in the overall
urban context ofthe third world. Thus, we will try to see in what ways and to what extent the
rural-urban relationship of Burdwan corresponds to that existing in such less developed
countries.
We have tried to establish in the previous chapters (Chapters 4 and 7), that the
Burdwan region is experiencing an increasing expansion of the tertiary sector. This fact is
evident from census data on occupational structure of Burdwan town, the main market centre
of an agriculturally rich region. In this chapter a deeper look is taken into the nature of the
informal economy of Burdwan playing a dominant role besides the formal sector, and to
examine if this sector integrates the rural and urban economies of the region.
In other words, it can be said that the main thrust of this chapter will be on the role of
informal sector on the integration of rural and urban economies to give them the shape of a
functional region. The exercise will also help us to answer the following questions:
1. how far does the informal sector of Burdwan economy bear the characteristics of
third world urban informal sector ? and
2. how far does this sector of the economy reflect the close ties between the rural
and urban areas of the region?
8.2.
the informal sector from the formal one by defining the former as to be characterized by ease
of entry, reliance on indigenous resources. family ownership, labour intensiveness and
adapted technology. skill acquired outside the formal school system and unregulated market
(I.L.O., 1972). Apparently, it seems that this is the most widely accepted defmition of the
informal seetor. Later, Joshi and Joshi ( 1976) defined the informal sector as unorganized
sector which contains a very large number of small producers operating on narrow margins in
highly competitive product markets; setting a variety of goods and services ... mainly to low
income groups'. According to them the informal sector is also characterized by the use of
labour intensive indigenous technology, low productivity of labour, lack of finance and credit
from the banking sector and the lack of official protection and benefits. Mazumdar ( 1975)
has mentioned one more characteristic of informal economy, that is, the lack of proper
unionisation providing protection to workers in matters of conditions of work and wages.
Following Mazumdar (1975) we have identified the informal sector of urban economy in
Burdwan
tO\~'Il.,
interlinked with the formal economy through the flow of goods and services, just as the
peasant economy is linked with capitalist agriculture through labour services (McGee et a/.,
1977).
8.2.2. Third World Urbanization and the Informal Sector of Urban Economy
The third world is now undergoing a great urban crisis on a scale unknown to the
advanced countries during their main period of urban growth (Mountjoy, 1978). Though
population is increasing at a very high rate the economy is not expanding to absorb these
extra labour. Rural to urban migration is a significant phenomenon all over the countries of
the third world. This migration to the towns no longer bears any relationship to expanding
urban economies and opportunities; under-employment in the villages is exchanged for
unemploymt~nt
in the towns. Unable to enter into the formal sector employment these low
skilled people are, therefore, pushed to the informal sector because of a high degree of
flexibility of this sector (Kumar, 1989). There are two categories of activities in the informal
sector namely, self-employed and the wage-employed (Ray and Banerjee, 1995). Migrants
with limited capital try to bec-Ome self-employed and the poorest among them goes to the
wage-employed section.
8.3.
the urban economy is more helpful in understanding than the formal one since it is the prime
recipient of firesh rural migrants to the urban centres. Rural to urban migrants, leaving their
homes due to poverty, are usually employed in the informal sector since they do not have the
skills to get employed in the formal sector (Benninger, 1997).
In Burdwan to\\n too, like most of the third world urban centres, the informal sector
of the economy is expanding at a much faster rate than the formal sector. The dominant
economic activities of the town, trade, transport and agro-processing units are basically of
informal nature. Also, the formal-informal dichotomy is blurred in some cases. For example,
in the transportation sector of the town there are formal workers in the railways and state
road transport services besides informal workers in the private road transport and the
rickshaw-pulling trade. The number of these informal workers is increasing with the rapid
growth of the town and its flourishing trade and transport activities.
199
At the same time, the number of self-employed informal workers is also increasing at
a significant rate. This group includes the cycle rickshaw-pullers, hawkers etc. The
increasing number of rickshaw-pullers and hawkers is evident from the illegal encroachment
of roadsides and pavements in recent years.
The hypothesis sought to be tested in detail in the course of this chapter is whether
this increasing mass in the informal sector of Burdwan reflects in any way the rural-urban
relationship?
Our premise is that a stagnating rural economy would push out more rural migrants
into the urban centre in search of jobs, and the unskilled workers are most likely to find jobs
in the informal sector. Our objective, therefore, is to enquire into the rural roots of the
informal sector migrants.
p~::~r
cent of the tertiary sector workers, are among the main components of the
in their efforts towards city modernization. The rickshaw-pullers have, in recent years, given
rise to a very important public debate implicitly involving the lives, livelihoods and futures
of a huge population which is among the poorest and most exploited sections in the region
and country.
In Burdwan tO\vn though the number of registered rickshaws has been increasing at a
low rate of 21 per year (I, I6l in 1980 increased to I ,503 in I996), the number of rickshawpullers is increasing at a relatively high rate of 34 per year (6,3 28 in 1990 increased to 6,5 3 3
in 1996 as per municipality records). This is because the same rickshaw can be shared by at
least two pullers in shifts. Besides a large number of non-registered rickshaws is seen
regularly on the streets of the town. In addition, there are a large number of rickshaws,
registered with the panchayats of adjoining areas, operating within the town. Therefore. the
rickshaw pulling section is absorbing much of the real crisis of excess labour in the third
world informal economies.
Rickshaw-pullers constitute an important group among the urban poor in the
informal sector. It is a signific:ant entry point for the unskilled workers and migrants to enter
into the labour market of informal sector. A detailed study of this section of informal workers
can also throw some light on the rural-urban linkage, because there is a great opportunity for
migrants from villages to get absorbed into the urban sector. Many of such migrants came
from the class of landless labourers and marginal farmers. Therefore, in our opinion the
selection of rickshaw-pullers as a mirror of the urban informal sector is justified.
sampling procedure (following Clark and Hosking, 1986). We have restricted on 6.12 per
cent sample size because of time and cost constraint. The list of the rickshaw-pullers was
collected from the Burdwan Municipality's License Department.
The survey is done with the help of structural questionnaire. The survey is conducted
during March to July, 1996. The information sought from the respondents was related mainly
to the four aspects of the informal sector, that is, demographic, economic, social and
migration. Findings of the survey are analyzed to examine some of the prevalent hypotheses
concerning mban informal sector and rural-urban linkages.
Due to the requirement of a sample frame, we could take only 'registered' rickshawpullers. As the ratio of registered/unregistered rickshaws in Burdwan is about 10: I, exclusion
201
of unregistered rickshaws should not bias our fmdings. Also the fact that those pulling
unregistered rickshaws sometimes tend to exchange roles as shift workers in registered
rickshaws make our choice valid.
8.4.
rickshaws are a major mode of transport within the town. The total number of registered
rickshaws were I, 161 in 1980. At present this number has increased to about 1,500. This
increase is not significantly high, and there can be two possible reasons for this low rate of
growth in the number of registered rickshaws. First, the number of unregistered rickshaws
has increased rapidly over the last few years, a feature typical of third world countries.
Second, the panchayats of the peripheral areas of Burdwan have begun to issue licence to
rickshaws, which operate within the town. The number of rickshaw-pullers is 6,533 as per
the municipality register. Be:sides, there are a huge number of rickshaw-pullers without
registration. Such coexistence of registered and non-registered rickshaws also bears the
imprint of third world economy.
The rapidly increasing number of rickshaw-pullers is lowering the ratio of rickshaws
to rickshaw-pullers. At present the ratio between the two is I :4.3. This is also an indicator of
the poor and miserable condition of these informal transport workers.
Age Structure
Analysis based on the sample survey reveals that the 20 to 40 year's age group is
most common in this profession. This age group alone constitutes 73.75 per cent of the total
sample of rickshaw-pullers selected. It is this age group which has a greater tendency of
migrating to the urban areas in search of various kinds of job. As rickshaw-pulling does not
require higher skill and capital it functions as an absorber of fresh migrant from the villages
(Misra, 1983).
As rickshaw-pulling requires much physical strength, the number of rickshaw-pullers
decreases with higher age groups. The percentage share of the age groups of 40 to 50 years,
202
50 to 60 years and above 60 years are 13.5 per cent, 4.75 per cent and 1.5 per cent
respectively (Table 8.1 ). Poverty among the rickshaw-pullers is so acute that even at the age
of 50 and above they (6.25 per cent of the total rickshaw-pullers) are forced to do this work.
Another 6.25 per cent of them are also forced to enter into this job at the age of below 20
years.
Age-group
Number of rickshaw-
(ye_Cl_r)
p~ll_ers
20 and Below
25
6.25
21-30
157
39.25
31-40
138
34.50
41-50
53
13.25
51-60
21
5.25
Above 60
1.50
Total
400
100
No of rickshaw-pullers
Percentage share
1-4
146
36.5
5-6
148
37.0
7-8
61
15.25
8 and Above
45
11.25
Total
400
100
203
No. _ofricbha_~-pullers
With family
Without family
With family
Without family
Permanent resident
121
94.53
5.47
77
92.77
7.23
133
50
72.68
27.32
Commuter
100
Number of Children
The average number of children is not uninformly high among the rickshaw-pullers.
About 36.25 per cent among them have one or two children (Table 8.4). The number of
children is relatively high, that is. 3-4 among 33 per cent of them. Only 7.25 per cent of
rickshaw-pulllers have 5 and more children. Permanent residents (43.75 per cent) seem to
have smaller families whereas migrants (32.71 per cent) seem to have larger (Table 8.5). The
relative percentage shares of permanent residents and migrants with number of childrens 5
and above are 2.34 and 5.91 respectively (Table 8.5). These proportions highlight the fact
that a major section of migrants still maintain their families in their rural houses and thereby
have large fitmilies. About 23.5 per cent of rickshaw-pullers do not have any children. A
majority (79.38 per cent) among them is still unmarried. The rest 20.62 per cent are yet to
have any children. This is also an indicator of social awareness of the younger generation
rickshaw-pullers and indicates urban influence.
Number of children
(presently alive)
Number of rickshawpullers
Nil
94
23.5
1-2
145
36.25
3-4
132
33.00
5 and Above
29
7.25
Total
400
100
Percentage
share
204
"-
..
~-'
- - ...
-~-
"- .--" -
Number of children
Permanent re."ident
Migrant
Nil
23.44
26.87
1-2
43.75
32.70
3-4
30.47
34.52
5 and above
2.34
5.91
Total
100
100
Income
Turning to the informal sector income it is, of course, true that because of its irregular
nature, the income of workers is difficult to establish with great precision (Bhattacharya.
1998). In spite ofthis. the survey has been done very carefully to draw out the actual income
ofthe rickshaw-pullers.
Like most other informal workers. the mcome of rickshaw-pullers also fluctuates
heavily. The average daily income varies between Rs. 25 to Rs. 50. The major section of
them (39.25 per cent) earns between Rs. 30 and Rs. 40 daily. The percentage share of
rickshaw-pullers in the category of daily income below Rs. 30 and above Rs. 40 are 32.5 and
28.25 respecltively (Table 8.6). A daily income of above Rs. 40 is basically earned by
younger generations. The majority of the first generation migrants (43.17 per cent) and
commuters (50 per cent) are still in the income group of below Rs. 30. On the other hand.
permanent residents dominate highest income group of above Rs. 40.
In this income group there are 35.94 per cent permanent residents. 25.68per cent first
generation migrants, 20.48 per cent second generation migrants and 16.67 per cent
commuters (Table 8. 7).
The rickshaw-pullers are more disadvantaged than the agricultural labourers as they
earn Rs. 30-40 on an average whereas an average agricultural labourer earns a wage of Rs.
45 per day. However, one advantage of rickshaw-pullers is the availability of work
throughout th~~ year in comparison to the seasonality of the job of agricultural labourers. This
205
possibly a significant reason why agricultural labourers from poor agricultural areas migrate
to towns in search of perennial employment and avoid income-uncertainties.
Daily income
Number of rickshawpullers
Percentage share
Below Rs. 30
130
32.5
Rs. 30 - Rs. 40
157
39.25
Above Rs. 40
I13
28.25
Total
400
too
.,
-~
... _.-
,.
-~
---~-
..
-'~-~
- ........
~>
~v
Average daily
income
Permanent
resident
First
generation
migrant
Second
generation
migrant
Commuter
Below Rs. 30
29 (22.66%)
79 (43.17%)
23 (27.71 %)
3 (50%)
Rs. 30 - Rs. 40
53 (41.40%)
57 (31.15%)
43 (51.81%)
2 (33.33%)
Above Rs. 40
46 (35.94%)
47 (25.68%)
I 7 (20.48%)
I (16.67%)
Total
128 (100%)
183 (100%)
83 (100%)
6 (100%)
--
--,-
------~-
-....
--- ---
-,
--.
Savings
The practice of savings is very limited among the rickshaw-pullers. They earn just
about enough by which they can barely subsist. About 32 per cent of the rickshaw-pullers
have a savings account either in banks or in post office. However, having savings in fixed
deposit schemes is certainly rare with only one or two exceptions. Therefore, neither their
income nor their informal job provided economic security to the rickshaw-pullers. This
saving extends only marginal support and is in no way sufficient for supporting their families
at times of emergency. Majority ofthe rickshaw-pullers (68 per cent) does not have even any
savings account. They do not have the security of one or two day's food ifthey are forced to
go without work for illness or any other reason.
Ownership of Rickshaw
Only a few rickshaw-pullers actually own their vehicles. They usually pull rickshaws
taken on rent against a fixed payment called ""jama' (deposit) on a daily/shift basis.
Apparently it may seem, that there is an element of self-employment in their work but any
206
systematic study would show that they arc merely sellers of manual labour. They do not have
any control over the means of work they do. Only about 26.5 per cent of them have their o~rn
vehicles. The rest 73.5 per cent ply hired rickshaws. The rent for hired rickshaws is Rs. 6 per
shift of the clay. Therefore, from the average daily earning of Rs. 30 to Rs. 40 most of the
rickshaw-pullers have to pay Rs. 12 as a rent, with average net earning ofRs. 20 toRs. 30.
Another dimension of the o~ership of rickshaws among the rickshaw-pullers is that
the permanent residents have relatively higher percentage of o~ership. About 29.59 per cent
of permanent residents have their o~ vehicles. On the other hand, only 16.67 per cent of the
commuters have their o~ vehicles. The relative percentage of rickshaw-pullers with their
own vehicles among first and second generation migrants are 20.77 and 33.74 respectively
(Table 8.8). From these
figun~s
residents and second generation migrants is slightly better than fresh migrants of first
generation.
An important feature is that most of the rickshaw-pullers of low-income group (daily
income of below Rs. 30) ply rickshaws for half a day, that is, for six hours only. Again this
section belongs to the higher age group as rickshaw-pulling requires much physical strength.
First generation
mjgrant
20.77
Second generation
o~
Permanent
resident
---------29.69
33.74
16.67
Rented
70.31
79.23
66.26
83.33
Total
100
100
100
100
Rickshaw
~"!iKrtllfl
Commuter
Nature of SeJrVice
Seasonality of job, though at a lesser magnitude than the agricultural wage labourer,
is also found in the rickshaw-pulling life. This is also a characteristic of the third world
informal sector. About 14.75 per cent of the rickshaw-pullers are still seasonal to this job
(Table 8.9). They are actually migrants leaving their families behind in the village and living
alone in the town. Therefore, at the time of sowing and harvesting they go to their village to
take up the job of agricultural labourers as they can earn more since wage earnings as
agricultural labourer are higher than as a hired rickshaw-puller. However. in times of lack of
jobs in the villlage, such unskilled labour migrates temporarily to the to~ to pull rickshaws.
As they eventually go back, the rural urban linkages are strengthened. The largest segment
207
(85.25 per ce:nt) of rickshaw-pullers, does this job throughout the year. They belong mostly
to the group of permanent residents, second generation migrants and commuters.
Nature of service
Number of rickshaw-pullers
Percentage share
Year round
341
85.25
Seasonal
59
14.75
Total
400
100
Number of earning
member per family
Number of rickshawpullers
214
53.5
118
29.5
3-4
60
15
Above 4
From the above figures it is quite clear that the economic condition of the rickshawpullers is miserable like most other informal tertiary workers in the third world. Single
income familiies are very common inducing poverty and consequent misery ofthe rickshawpullers.
Housing
The nature of housing is also an important socio-economic indicator. A considerable
proportion, that is, 55.75 per cent, of rickshaw-pullers of Burdwan live in their own houses.
The rest 44.25 per cent live in rented houses. The quality of housing is very poor. Most of
208
them are located in the low cost slum areas of the town. Though the quality of housing is
poor, the rickshaw-puller living in their ovin houses arc slightly better o1T than those living in
rented houses.
A detailed study of the pattern of housing reveals some interesting facts. Rickshawpullers having their own houses in the town predominantly belong to the permanent resident
category and second generation migrants. About 83.59 per cent of the permanent resident
have their own houses in the town. The percentage share of second generation migrants is
also high, that is, 57.83 per ce:nt. However, most of first generation migrants (63.93 per cent)
do not have their own houses in the town and live in rented houses (Table 8.11). A major
section of first generation migrants still maintain their families in their village home and live
alone in rented house of the town on a shared basis with a number of others from the same
profession. In other words it may be said that first generation migrants are neither able to
maintain the:ir families nor they can afford their own houses in the town and live in abysmal
conditions.
Housing
Total
Permanent
resident
First
generation
migrant
second
generation
migrant
Commuters
83.59
36.07
57.83
100
16.41
63.93
42.17
100
100
100
100
209
Literacy
Rickshaw-pulling is a labour-intensive informal sector activity and attracts only those
who are illiterate or have no other skill or efficiency (Misra, 1983 ). The level of literacy
among the rickshaw-pullers of Burdwan is also relatively low. More than half, that is, 52.75
per cent of them are illiterate. The rest 47.25 per cent are literate among which 34.75 per cent
and 12.5 per cent belong to the primary to above primary levels respectively (Table 8.12).
Burdwan district has recently been covered by mass literacy campaign of the National
Literacy Mission. This has resulted in increasing the percentage of literacy among the
rickshaw-pullers. The rickshaw-pullers, being socio-economically backward, cannot afford
the cost of e:ducation above primary level. Therefore, the level of literacy among them is
limited within the primary levd, as this level of education is provided at free of cost.
Table 8.12: Level of literacy
Literacy levels
Number of rickshaw-pullers
Percentage share
Illiterate
211
52.75
139
34.75
Above Primary
50
12.50
Total
400
100
From a detailed analysis it has been observed that the level of literacy is not uniform
among the permanent residents and migrants. The permanent residents have a higher level of
literacy, that is, 53.91 per cent in comparison to the migrants, that is, 43.56 per cent (Table
8.13). Table 8.13 also clears that the level of literacy is not uniform amongst migrants. The
relative prop::lrtion of literacy of the first and second generation migrants are 3 7. 77 per cent
and 49.35 per cent respectiveily. The same is seen in the case of education above primary
level. Here the relative proportions are 12.5 per cent, 6.08 per cent and 8.49 per cent for
permanent residents, first generation migrants and second generation migrants respectively.
210
Permanent
residents
First generation
migrants
Second generation
migrants
Illiterate
46.09
62.23
50.60
41.41
31.69
40.91
Above Primary
12.5
6.08
8.91
Tl[)tal
100
100
100
The literacy rate among different sections of rickshaw-pullers blends with their
relative social and economic conditions. The socio-economic conditions of the first
generation migrants are much worse than the second generation migrants and permanent
residents. This is also reflected in their levels of literacy
Unionization
From the previous analysis it is quite clear that all the characteristics (Demographic,
economic and social) of the rickshaw-pullers ofBurdwan bear imprints of third world tertiary
informal sector. The case of unionization is an additional dimension in this situation. The
lacks of unionization and job protection are important characteristics of the informal or
unorganized sector (Joshi and Joshi, 1976). The rickshaw-pullers of Burdwan also represent
the same characteristic.
About 54.5 per cent of the rickshaw pullers have come under some form of unionized
organizations. The rest (45.50 per cent) ofthem are at a loose end (Table 8.14). There are
three unionized organizations of rickshaw-pullers in Burdwan. These are Centre of Indian
Trade Union (CITU) supported Pashchimbanga Rickshaw and Van Chalak Union, Indian
National Trade Union Congress (INTUC) supported Rickshaw Majdur Union and All India
Trade Union Congress (AITUC) supported Pragatishil Rickshaw and Van Majdur Union.
Among the 53.75 per cent unionized rickshaw-pullers, the percentage share of
Pashchimbanga Rickshaw and Van Chalak Union, Rickahaw Majdur Union and Pragatishil
Rickshaw and Van Majdur Union are 35, 12 and 7.5 respectively (Table 8.14).
211
Numbers of
rickshaw-pullers
Percentage
share
Non-members
182
45.5
140
35.0
48
12.0
30
7.5
Total
400
100
Union
8.5.
migrants from the rural areas. Inadequate income and poverty in the villages are the main
causes of migration supporting the "push' hypothesis of migration (Tripathy and Das, 1991 ).
In India, rural-urban migration has been examined (Bhattarcharya, 1998) at three levels of
spatial aggregation:
a) movement away from birthplace (or place of previous residence) but within the
same district;
b) movement from one district to another district within the same state; and
c) movement from one state to another.
In Burdwan town also there are three types of migrants in the rickshaw-pulling
section. An additional type of migrant, that is, international migrant is also found in case of
those coming from Bangladesh specially after partition in 194 7.
The hypothesis (ILO, 1992; Todaro, 1969; Majumdar and Majumdar, 1978) that the
informal sector is the domain of migrants to the city, is somewhat true in case of rickshawpullers ofBurdwan. About 66.5 per cent (Table 8.15) of the rickshaw-pullers have originated
from rural areas of a wider circle creating a large component of informal sector of the
Burdwan town. Table 8.15 also explains among this 66.5 per cent of migrants 45.75 per cent
belong to the first generation or fresh migrants and the rest 20.75 per cent belong to the
second generation migrant. All of these migrants are from rural areas and the motive of
migration was predominantly economic. Without any scope for employment, they have been
compelled to leave their villagt:: home and have migrated to the town to be absorbed in its
informal sector. A significant fact is that they did not have to wait long before finding work
212
and most of them have a member of their familv. a relative or friend to provide shelter and
food during their \Vaiting period (the period between migrating and getting the job in town).
32.0
128
Permanent
Migrant
Percentage
share
No of rickshawpullers
Nature of residence
First generation
183
Second generation
83
45.75
266
20.75
Commuters
1.50
Total
400
100
A deeper look into the pattern of migration has thrown up a significant pattern. Of the
total migrants only 21.43 per cent are from the town's surrounding rural areas (Table 8.16).
As an explanation for this situation it may be said that the town's surrounding hinterland is a
rich agricultural region with profuse opportunities of jobs for the rural poor. Therefore, the
trend of rural to urban migration is limited within the region. Table 8.16 also shows that the
percentage shares of inter-district, inter-state and international migration into the rickshawpulling section ofBurdwan are 36.47, 34.96 and 7.14 respectively.
Migration types
Number of rickshaw-pullers
Percentage share
Inte:r state
93
34.96
Inter district
97
36.47
Intra-district
57
21.43
International
19
7.14
266
tOO
Total
migration is also economic and poverty-induced in nature. These migrants live alone in the
town leaving their families in the villages. They visit their villages once or twice a year and
send regular remittances to the::: members of the family.
Percentage
share
80
86.02
Bihar
9.68
Orissa
4.30
Source region
In the inter-district migration the chief contributors are Murshidabad (27.83 per cent)
Birbhum (21.65 per cent) and Bankura (15.46 per cent) (Table. 8.18). The levels of
development of all these districts are much below the level of Burdwan district. The other
source districts include Purulia, Midnapur, and 24 Paragana (North). Maida, Coochbehar,
Dinajpur (North and South), Hooghly, Howrah, 24 Pargana (South) and Calcutta. Though a
minor section of these inter-state migrants have transferred their families here, the majority
ofthem still maintain their families in the villages. They, with their low income levels, find it
difficult to support their entire families in the town and would also like to retain the link with
the village. No matter what is the scale of operation and what are the underlying forces
behind this migration, there is no doubt that it stresses the rural-urban linkage. Through this
linkage flows money, goods artd information, which plays a pivotal role in transforming rural
values and life style.
-.
-~-
---~
.. , ..
Number of
migrants
Percentage
share
Source region
27
27.83
Murshidabad
21
21.65
Birbhum
15
15.46
Bankura
8.25
24 Paragana (North)
26
26.81
214
8.6.
Summary
The rickshaw-pullers arc an important part of \vhat has hccn descrihed as 'the
unintended city' (Sen, 1996). They arc a reality in all towns and cities of the third world from the largest metropolis to the smallest town - and bring forward the contradictions of
modern deve:lopment in these countries. This chapter reveals that the rickshaw-pullers lie at
the lowermost stratum of
th~!
215
CHAPTER IX
RURAL-URBAN LINKAGES
9.1.
Introduction
A critical aspect of rural-urban interaction is the various kinds of linkages between
2.
'sectoral' including rural activities in urban areas and urban ones in rural areas.
'Linkages' elaborate in much finer details various dimensions ofthe first category. In
our study, we have not considered the second category of interactions mentioned by Tacoli
(1999) but concentrated on economic/occupation data to represent sectoral characteristics
(Chapter 4 and 5). The emphasis in this chapter is more on a qualitative description of the
nature of linkages between urban and rural spaces as complementary to each other.
In an ideal situation a town exists because of the countryside and within it. Urban
centres have always provided certain general services that have benefited the surrounding
areas (Phadh:, 1997). They have thus acted as organizing foci (as recognized early by Grass,
1922; Mckenzie, 1933) and as a door to progress of their surrounding area. The rural area in
turn has provided the urban centres with their basic requirements (Smailes, 1970). Rural and
urban areas have thus always been interdependent in intricate ways.
The rural-urban continuum in its original form merely distinguished the extremes,
thus stressing the differences and discontinuities between the 'rural' and the 'urban'. In this
concept rural extreme has traditionally been identified as an idealized, unchanging peasant
society organized in small inward-looking, idyllic communities based on kinship and
supported by subsistence agriculture. On the other hand, the urban extreme is the everchanging lift:: of the large cosmopolitan, commercial cities (Pacione, 1984). More recent
interpretations have emphasized the transformation, which occurs from one extreme to the
other. Frankenberg ( 1966) had developed a theory of social change in which the rural-urban
continuum is seen as a progressive and historical development from rural to urban, mediated
by industrialization, division of labour and role differentiation.
The relations between urban and rural areas have, however, shown a considerable
flexibility. The interaction has often been strong when the town evolved organically to
216
discharge certain functions for the surrounding area. ft has remained weak where the urban
function v.:a.s imposed \\ ith
t~xkrnal
Breese. 1966 etc.) believe that the developing countries like India. with their colonial legacy
and imposed urbanization, are characterized by strong rural-urban dichotomy or disjunction.
Indian urbanization is traditionally viewed by scholars (Prakasa Rao. 1983; Despande
et al., 1980; Bose, 1978a; Misra, 1978. 1998; Prakasa Rao and Tewari, 1978;) as one which
is characterized by a 'rural-urban divide', that is, the existence of exploitative urban centres
and impoverished rural hinterlands. Some of the recent studies have brought out the positive
role of agricultural development in stimulating urbanization in some areas of India
(Dasgupta, 2000; Chatterjee, 1989; NIU A, 1988; Mohan, 1985). According to these studies
the urbanization stimulated by agricultural development is characterized by uniform and
dispersed pattern rather than haphazard concentration, and strong rural-urban linkages. Thus,
sharp division between urban and rural is becoming increasingly less and less perceptible
today with the development oftechnology, transport and communication systems.
This chapter explores the various linkages which enrich the interaction between
Burdwan to'>vn and its surrounding rural areas to challenge the myth of rural-urban
dichotomy/ disjunction in third world countries.
9.2.
Runli-Urban Linkages
The integration of rural and urban areas and their productive activities transforms
societies and accelerate modernization (Rondinelli and Ruddle, 1976). The goals of increased
productivity, income expansion and greater equity in income distribution can never be
attained without increasing interaction among villages and market towns, and cities and
metropolitan areas. For example integration of subsistence communities into the national
economy increases incentives and opportunities for commercialization and for distributing
services and facilities in rural areas. Again commerce and trade cannot be extended without
linking local rural or peripheral markets to major metropolitan centres.
Increase in the number and diversity of linkages and the growth or transformation of
development centres, either rural or urban, are inextricably related. In some cases new
linkages - extension of road networks, river transport or rail connections-promote growth
and diversification in existing centres. Whereas in others the appearance of new productive
activities promotes increased linkages. That is, some linkages promote accelerated growth of
development centres and others result from the nodal growth. As the development of linkage
217
and nodal centres take place simultaneously. it is extremely difficult to distinguish cause and
cfli:ct relationships between them.
The varieties of linkages that integrate urban and rural areas into an articulated spatial
system are themselves inextricably linked. Development of one linkage may provide a
'cascade effect' making other activities and linkages possible. As for example new urbanrural transportation linkages can change the flow of economic resources, the spatial patterns
of social and economic interaction and the movements of people.
In Burdwan region complex set of linkages together have transformed and integrated
rural and urban areas. Following Rondinelli and Ruddle (1976) we have identified seven
types of linkages between rural and urban areas of the region. These are physical, economic,
population movement, technological, social interaction, service delivery and politicaladministrative linkages. Each of these linkages is composed of several elements. The types
and elements of linkages observed in the region are given in the following table (Table 9. I).
Types
Elements
Physical linkages
Road networks
Railway networks
River and water transport networks
Economic linkages
Market patterns
Raw materials and consumption good flows
Consumption and shopping patterns
Capital and income flows
Technological linkages
Telecommunication systems
Visiting patterns
218
The spatial integration of rural and urban areas results mainly from physical linkages.
Physical linkages, composed of man-made transportation networks, form the has is of all sorts
of linkages. They reduce travel time, lower transport costs, widen marketing, commuting and
migration opportunities, initiate agricultural development, allow greater access to nonagricultural employment, improve communications and extend areas of service delivery
(Rendinelli and Ruddle, 1976). Among the various elements of physical linkages we have
identified three in the region namely road networks, railway networks, and river and water
transport networks. These three elements of transportation network operating in the region
together have formed an integrated and efficient system of physical linkage. Among these
three elements, road network performs the most significant role covering extensive areas of
the region. Besides road network, railway lines and ferry services also provide efficient
means of physical linkage in the region.
Road Networks
"
or Suri Road, Burdwan-Keralaghat Road, Burdwan-Bankura Road (Figure 9.1 ). All of these
219
:n.o
arterial roads and the State Highways were developed in a radial pattern centering on
Burdwan town. Other district roads and rural roads have been developed in a fashion that
they can serve the small and medium sized settlements lying between the major arterial
roads.
The Regional Transport Authority (RT A) on the basis of public demand and
information/requests creates a new route. It then invites applications from bus operators. This
application is then sent to the Transport Department (Government of West Bengal) for
approval. On getting the approval, the route is finalized. Strengthening of the existing bus
service in terms of increasing the number of buses operating in an existing route is done
through advertisements by RT A. The willing operators are interviewed for the availability of
a bus and other such financial aspects of bus operation in a screening committee meeting of
the RTA Board, on the basis of which the route permit is granted (Rites, 1997).
Keeping in view the system of bus route development it can be said that the nearspectacular improvement of road network and bus system in the region have taken place due
to the cmergilng rural needs of the region. The demand for a higher level of linkage emerged
due to agricultural development, diversification of rural economy and the desire of the rural
people in the region for urban amenities and a higher level of infrastructure.
The road transportation system of the region comprises two elements- the bus system
for carrying passengers and a truck system for carrying goods. The public bus system of the
region is mostly operated by private operators who are organized in a group named Burdwan
Bus Operator's Association under the control of Regional Transport Authority, Burdwan.
South Bengal State Transport Corporation (SBSTC) also operates a number of routes, mainly
long-distance. Private bus system with 220 routes and 630 buses covers extensive areas of
the region (Table 9.2). The total routes being operated by various private operators in the
region have been classified into eight sections, namely, Katwa, Katwa-allied, NadanghaL
Guskara, Kalna, Trans-Damodar, Eastern G.T. Road and Western G.T. Road section (Figure
9.1). Section wise break up ofbus routes and number ofbuses are given in table 9.2.
221
,\'ection
Number of routes
Number of bu!les
Katwa
38
89
Katwa Allied
17
Nadanghat
27
59
Guskara
24
53
Kalna
23
53
Trans Damodar
29
105
49
154
22
73
220
603
Total
----
--~
In addition to that State Transportation system, with 33 routes and 54 buses serves
some limited! sections of the region (Table 9.3). Out of 102 standard size SBSTC buses
operating in the district 54 pass through different routes of the region.
Table 9.3: Routes and Buses Operated in the Region by SBSTC, 1998
Depot
Number of routes
Number of buses
Burdwam
11
16
Kalna
Arambagh
Durgapur
14
Asansol
Bankura
Puruliya
33
54
Total
222
Most of the remaining bus routes in the region either originate from or terminate at
Burdwan town (Table 9.4). This is because of the location of Burdwan town at the
geographical centre of the district. The district headquarters activities (both administrative
and commercial) and the long tradition of urban history of Burdwan town are other factors in
the development of such Burdwan-centred transportation network. In our study region there
are two other smaller towns but they are not at all comparable in size or influence to
Burdwan town. Therefore, the entire region depends on Burdwan for higher-level urban
functions. This factor has also led to the development of a radial pattern of roads centred on
Burdwan. Some long distance bus routes, mostly inter-district, pass through Burdwan
t0\\-11
providing additional linkage along the main arterial roads of the region. Another set of long
distance bus routes passes through some parts ofthe region without cutting through Burdwan
(Table 9.4). Circular routes (only seven) connecting the smaller settlement lying between the
main arteriall roads around Burdwan town have also developed in response to the need for
better and more roads. These routes originate and terminate at Burdwan town. Table 9.4
explains the relative contribution of different route patterns in the bus system ofthe region.
Private buses
Route Pattern
Number of
routes
Number of
buses
Number of
routes
Number of
buses
119
412
19
37
25
41
13
15
69
136
14
220
603
Total
33
54
In addition to the bus service, some trekker (wagon/van type utility vehicles) services
are also operating in more remote parts of the region. Usually trekker services have been
developed in the areas of poor availability of bus services and unmetalled roads (such as
those along the embankments of the Damodar). These routes are also of short distances
mostly joining the gaps between railway lines and bus routes. There are 32 trekkers at present
operating in 17 routes. These trekker routes are mostly found in the eastern part of the region
223
covcnng Raina-!, Jamalpur. Memari-L Mcmari-11 and Montcswar blocks. However. the
number of trekkers is not sufficient to cater to the growing demand for rural-urban linkage.
As a consequence the trekkers. which have a carrying capacity of only 12 passengers. are
often f(Hced to carry about 30 passengers, with people sitting on the bonnet and hanging from
the sides ofilhe vehicle.
The existing road network system ofthe region with bus (both private and public) and
trekker services became unable to keep pace with the rising demands during the postagricultural development period of 1980s. As a result, a new system of bus service called
town bus service' had come into operation since 1991. This new system of town bus service
is composed of two wings. One is to serve the intra-urban areas of Burdwan town itself and
the other is to connect the rural areas with the town. Here we are more concerned with the
latter as it provides an integrated system of rural-urban linkage within an area of about 35
kilometres radius ofBurdwan to~n.
Initially. the town bus routes were very few in number and of short distances.
However, with the passage of time the number and length of routes have increased to keep
pace with the rising demand from the rural dwellers. At present there are 28 routes and 41
buses connecting large and medium size villages with Burdwan to\Vn (Table 9.5; Figure 9.2).
The lengths of individual routes vary from 11 kilometre to 35 kilometre (Table 9.5). In most
cases there is one or two buses per route plying almost continuously since early morning till
evening. The frequency of trips depends upon the length of route and number of buses.
--~
- -----
-----~- ~ ~--
-~---
..-
--------.
Length of road
i11 kilometre.
Number of
buses
Number of daily
trips (up+down)
Burdwan- Sankari
18
8+8
2.
Burdwan- Kumirkola
24
6+6
3.
Burdwan- Khargram
21
...,.,
8+8
4.
Burdwan - Saranga
21
4+4
5.
Burdwan- Jaykrishnapur
20
4+4
6.
Burdwan- Jujuti
24
4+4
7.
Burdwan- Dadpur
22
4+4
8.
Burdwan- Sikerpur
31
6+6
9.
Burdwan - Bahirghanna
33
6+6
10.
Burdwan- Sankrai
19
4+4
224
4+4
11.
Burdwan- Channa
2I
12.
Burdwan- Eruar
32
6+6
I3.
Burdwan- Bhota
27
6+6
I4.
Burdwan- Kurumba
25
15.
Burdwan - Amarun
23
I6.
Burdwan - Sunur
23
I 7.
Burdwan - Kurmun
I7
I8.
Burdwan- Bijur
35
2+2
19.
Burdwan- Sukur
I4
5+5
20.
Burdwan- Balgona
I5
5+5
2I.
Burdwan - Jamar
I2
IO+IO
22.
Burdwan- Korer
I3
IO+IO
23.
Burdwan- Simdal
I8
IO+IO
24.
Burdwan- Pilkuri
20
4+4
25.
Burdwan- Gangpur
I3
6+6
26.
Burdwan- Rayan
II
27.
Burdwan- Palitpur
II
9+9
28.
29
5+5
- -
3+3
2
8+8
4+4
8+8
I2+I2
year~
system linking Burdwan town with its surrounding rural areas (Samanta and Lahiri-Dutt,
1996). The
d1~nsity
of the system has played a positive role on the road network too. The roads meant for town
bus service are not metalled (surfaced) in all cases. In areas of morrum (unmetalled) roads,
buses ply with considerable difficulty during the rainy season. The concerned gram
panchayats usually take initiatives to get the roads metalled earlier through several projects.
In this way, the availability of a service has led to new initiatives to keep the system
effective.
The town bus service has opened up immense possibilities for the integration of rural
and urban economies of the region. Various urban services like medical, educational,
entertainment, administrative, marketing etc. have been accessed by the villagers of the
surrounding region with the help of this new transportation service. It has opened up markets
225
6elw '
W km
====
Unmetalled Road
N
F1gure No -
9.<.
for local produce (vegetables, milk, country cheese etc.) in the town. During their morning
trips from villages to Burdwru1 town, the town buses usually carry bulk of the fresh
vegetables, fish and milk sold in the urban market. These trips practically carry more goods
than passengers. Similarly during the afternoon off-peak hours, numerous buckets of country
cheese are carried from the villages to meet the growing demand of sweets in Burdwan town.
Families of farmers living in rural areas can now more easily commute to schools,
colleges, markets, banks, public and private health centres including hospitals, private
nursing homes and private chambers of specialized doctors in Burdwan tovvn to meet their
daily needs. If the urban amenities can be easily accessed then the need of rural people to
migrate to urbc:m areas becomes less. Moreover, the cost of living is higher in urban areas, so
rural-based farmers do not always wish to migrate to Burdwan. As a consequence, rural to
urban migration has been checked to some extent due to the increased accessibility or better
commuting facilities. Therefore, we can say that the town bus service in Burdwan region has
strengthened reciprocity in the relationship between rural and urban.
In spite of notable improYements in the road tr8.11Sportation system there still are some
gaps in the network within the region. The road network has not been developed uniformly
over the entire region. The Damodar river, with only one bridge over it at Sadarghat, still
poses a considerable barrier and has divided the region into two distinct parts - north
Damodar and south D8.1llodar or trans-Damodar region. The northern bank, on which side
Burdwan town is located, has a better integrated network of bus system than the transDamodar section (Figure 9.2). Even in case of town bus network, only four routes among a
total of28 serve the trans-Damodar region.
This disparity in the physical linkage between north and trans-Damodar regions is due
to both historical and economic: reasons. The agriculture-cum-rural economy is relatively
backward in trans-Damodar region. The agricultural productivity index of the section is 153
against 189 of north Damodar region. This relative backwardness of agriculture can be
attributed to the recurrence of flood and the relatively less canal irrigation facilities.
The trans-Damodar region. lying on the right bank of the Damodar river. has always
been somewhat deprived of adequate irrigation facilities since the historic past. Before the
introduction of the DVC, two major canal systems (Eden canal constructed in 1881 and
Damodar canal in 1933) used to serve the left bank or north Damodar area of the region
(Basu and Mukherjee, 1963). Until the construction of DVC canals in late 1950s, the tr8.11SDamodar area was entirely deprived of modern irrigation facilities of any kind. The better
development of agriculture in the left bank area, therefore, is a historical legacy ofthe region.
227
Even after the introduction of the DVC canal network the right bank area continued to
remain relatively unserved. Less than one-third (27.42 per cent) ofthe DVC command area
lies to the right bank region (Chatterjee, 1969). Besides the poor canal network, the right
bank area continued to remain as the spill off (nikashi) area of the Damodar. To tackle the
flood situation of monsoons, the drainage outlet has traditionally been through breaches on
the embankment of the right bank. Even at present the percentage of flood-prone to total area
is higher (7.75 per cent) in the trans-Damodar region than the northern part (3.95 per cent).
The Damodar river itself flowing through the middle part of the region, is a major physical
factor in the development of this dichotomous nature of road network. Better administrative
co-ordination, improved management of available resources, a comprehensive vision and
proper planning on behalf of the district administration would have been able to remove these
gaps in the rural-urban linkage ofthe region.
Railway Neh'Vorks
Besides the integrated road network in the region, railway network has also played a
significant role in the rural-urban linkage. Burdwan, located on the Eastern Railway main
line, is an important railway junction between Howrah and Asansol. Most of the long
distance express or mail trains connecting Calcutta with north India pass through Burdwan.
By express or mail trains it take:s approximately two hours to reach both Asansol and Howrah
stations located in Durgapur-A<;ansol (on the west) and Calcutta-Hooghly (on south-east)
industrial belts respectively. A large number of commuters both from Burdwan town and
surrounding rural areas commute to these industrial-commercial belts for their daily work.
Beside:s mail or express trains there is a network of local/suburban trains connecting
Burdwan, Memari, Guskara (the three urban centres of the region) and a number of villages
directly with Asansol, Calcutta and Bolpur (Figure 9.3). In total there are four railway routes
connecting Burdwan with the surrounding areas. These arc Burdwan-Ho\\Tah Main line.
Burdwan-Howrah Chord line, Burdwan-Asansol line and Burdwan-Bolpur loop line. In
addition a narrow gauge line with a limited number of trains connecting Burdwan with
Katwa (subdivisional headqum1cr town) also passes through the region. Another narrow
gauge line connecting Raina with Bankura pa'>ses through Raina-1 and Khandaghosh blocks
of the region. All these railway lines together provide an efficient system of rail network in
the region and help to integrate rural areas with urban centres of both inside and outside the
region.
228
23'
30'!-.
10 km
L..--"---~
In comparison to the road network both the journey time and fares arc much lower in
the railway system. For example the fare of Burdwan to Durgapur (a distance of 60
kilometres) by bus is Rs. 20 per person whereas it is only Rs. 12 by local train. The journey
hour for the same distance is two hours by bus against 1 hour and 10 minutes by train. The
journey by bus is also more tiresome than that by train. Therefore, the linkage efficiency is
much higher of the railways than the roadways. However, from the point of view of area
served, especially the rural hinterland, roadways provide a more efficient mode of physical
linkage in the region. Railway lines still cover a limited portion of the region. If further
expansion of railways in form of branch lines takes place and the narrow gauge line is
replaced by broad gauge then it might possibly tum into a major means of physical linkage in
the region.
posed by the Damodar should be replaced by at least two more bridges within the region. On
the eastern part a bridge connecting Jamalpur block with Raina-1 has been sanctioned by the
district administration. The construction ofthis bridge has already begun. A popular demand
is growing in the region for the construction of another bridge in the western part.
Market Patterns
Broadening the market linkages is a primary force in commercializing agriculture,
diversifYing production and expanding spatial system of exchange (Skinner, 1964). Market
centres, either rural or urban, are the starting point for the upward flow of agricultural
products and crafts items into the higher reaches of marketing system and also the downward
flow of finished and consumption goods for pea<;ant consumption. The vertical coordination
of marketing systems provides substantial benefits to the farmers of the region by increasing
their bargaining powers through improved price information and increased market
competitiveness.
231
All these three types of linkages have emerged following the agricultural
development in the region. Backward linkages have increased demand tor capital goods.
These capital or intermediate goods in the form of farm machinery and implements. HYV
seeds, pesticides, fertilizer etc. are provided both by urban and rural market centres. Among
them (for the supply of higher level capital goods, that is, farm implements and machinery)
the farmers still depend on the urban market at Burdwan town. Other capital goods are
available in the rural markets. Forward linkage has also been developed with the supply of
agricultural products, especially paddy, to the agro-processing units or rice mills located
mostly in and around urban centres.
Agricultural development again has given rise to consumption linkages in the region.
The sizeable surplus income generated from agricultural development has facilitated the rise
of a class of farmers with a higher purchasing power. As a result the consumption of both
capital goods and intermediate goods have increased dramatically among the rural people.
Motorbike, refrigerators, colour television, gas oven etc. have become parts of daily life in
rural areas ofBurdwan region. To meet the higher standard ofliving this class of rich farmers
frequently uses the urban market at Burdwan as it provides a wider choice of goods than rural
markets. On the other hand, the consumption of poorer section of rural people (mostly
marginal formers and landless labourers) is mostly satisfied within the rural market centres.
The in1tegrated market system of the region has strengthened the bargaining power of
the farmers. Again, the improved transportation network has made the urban markets
accessible to the rural producers. As a result, a uniform price level for both agricultural
products and consumption goods is found in rural and urban markets. The price fluctuation in
accordance with the seasonal demand also takes place uniformly in rural and urban areas.
The prices of rice, potato, vegetables, eggs, country cheese etc. are the same in both rural and
urban areas. Therefore, it can be stated that a vertically coordinated and well-articulated
marketing system significantly displaced conventional rural deprivation in the region. The
same is true of consumable goods originating in Burdwan town, such as cooking gas and
T.V. that have become more accessible to rural consumers through the economic linkages.
233
areas, reflecting the global trend towards market-led strategies. The rural areas usually supply
raw materials to the industrial sector in urban areas. In our study region paddy is the only
agricultural product which can be treated a<> raw material of the agro-processing industries.
The urban manufacturing economy of the region is constituted by agro-processing units the
raw materials of which come from the surrounding rural areas. Double cropping of paddy is a
common phenomenon of the agricultural economy in the region. Productivity is also higher
than other parts ofthe state (Chapter 3) resulting in huge volumes of paddy being supplied to
the rice mills of the urban centres. Rice mills are also common in the rural areas of the region
located along the main transportation lines. In case of such mills the flow of paddy takes
place over short distances.
Th<~
manufacturing sector as raw materials. After meeting the local rural demands a major section
of surplus paddy goes to the urban market in the processed form as rice. This is because of
the significant presence within rural areas of small processing units with a capacity of ten
quintals or one thousand kilograms. An improved road network has helped the individual
small producers to sell rice in the urban markets. Rice collection and distribution centres with
storage facilities are also large in number in Burdwan, Memari and Guskara towns. Rice
from the mral producers usually goes to these collection and distribution centres in urban
markets. Retail market for rice is also found in different parts of Burdwan town. For
example, in Bajepratappur area of Burdwan town small producers of rice line along the
Burdwan-K.atwa road in the morning with usually less than ten bags of rice for sale.
The paddy in the fonn of raw material is usually carried in bulk by trucks or tractors
from the rural areas to the manufacturing units. On the other hand, rice is supplied in smaller
quantities either by tractors or by buses during the lean hours such as early morning and
noon. The passenger traffic becomes very low in these bus trips. Some bus trips from rural
areas in lean hours carry rice on the bus floor and passengers on the seats. The agents of rice
traders coUect this rice from rural producers at the Bus stand.
Besides paddy and rice a number of rural products are supplied to the urban market as
consumption goods. Potato is an important agro-product of the region, which comes to the
urban market through organized potato trading channels. The potato collection and
distribution in the entire region is controlled by potato trading centres located in Memari
town (Chapter 7). Vegetables are also an important rural product meeting the huge daily
needs of urban market. The flow of vegetables to the urban market is not organized and
thereby dominated by individual sellers. Small and marginal farmers of the areas highly
234
accessible to the urban markets grow vegetables of different seasons on smaller plots of land
and sell that produce in the urban market on his own. Early trips of town bus from the
surrounding mral areas bring bulk of fresh vegetables to the urban markets. However, market
gardening of commercial scale is yet to develop in the region. One probable explanation is
the fragmentation of agricultural plots due to effective land reform.
Fish and poultry products (egg and meat) sold in the urban market are also supplied
from the surrounding rural area<>. However, the fish market in Burdwan town has two parallel
sections. One is organized fish market which supply fish to urban people imported from other
states specially Andhra Pradesh. This market is located in Tentultala Bazar, the central
market area ofthe town. The other section is informal fish market the supply of which comes
from the surrounding rural areas by individual traders. This informal fish market is found in
almost all the vegetable markets of the town. The prices of fish supplied through organized
channels are lower than that of local informal supply. The demand for local fish coming from
the surrounding areas is also high in the urban market. Therefore, much of the fish products
ofthe mral areas are supplied to the markets ofBurdwan town. Poultry farms have developed
in considerable numbers in the rural areas recently. The credit for such development goes to
the successful implementation of rural development schemes under the panchayat system in
the region (Chapter 3). The bulk of the poultry products, mainly meat and egg from the rural
areas, meet the urban demands.
Dairy products such as milk and country cheese are also important items of
consumption goods flow from rural to urban area. The milk supply comes mainly from the
adjacent villages by individual milkman. The milkman from the surrounding villages come in
the morning with their milk container by town buses. In Burdwan they have own bicycle in
cycle stands by which they supply the milk from door to door. The demand for this local milk
is much higher than the organized supply from outside the region because of its better test.
However, this poorly organized supply cannot meet the urban demand. The increased crop
intensity has not been followed by considerable shift to mixed fa.rming, that is, crop and
dairy planning in the region. Therefore, the organized supply ofMother Dairy (a state owned
company) milk also runs parallel to the Burdwan town. The supply of milk in unpacked
condition is also difficult because of its high perishability. To make the local milk supply into
viable commercial units co-operativization of milkman is a utmost necessity in the region.
Country cheese is another important dairy product of the region which have a very
high demand in sweet shops of the urban market. During afternoon hours the buses especially
town buses from rural areas carry huge number of buckets of country cheese into Burdwan
235
IS
demands.
In the flow of consumption goods, besides rural to urban flow there is a considerable
extent of urban to rural flow. Industrial or fmished products dominate the f1ows of urban
goods to the rural areas. Some of these goods, mostly capital goods like farm machinery,
pumpsets, refrigerator, television, motorbike etc., are directly sold in the urban market. Rural
people cannot purchase these goods from the rural market because of the lack of authorized
dealers. The rural demands for such capital goods have not yet crossed the threshold limit for
establishment of business the-re. On the other hand, consumption goods including clothes.
groceries, stationary and luxury items are supplied to the rural areas from the urban market
through rural market centres. The improved transportation network has facilitated such
exchange in that no additional transport cost is added. Therefore, the prices of these goods
are more or less same in Burdwan town and in rural market centres. The only difference is
the varieties and choices, which are still limited in rural market centres.
entertainment (recreation like movie halls, restaurants, ceo-park. science centre etc.) has
increased considerably among the rural people. Low travels cost and lesser journey time
provided by town bus network have supported the increased flow of rural people. The
shopping of heavier goods, for example, capital goods, groceries, food items is usually done
by male members of rural families, whereas, the shopping of light consumption and fashion
goods is commonly done by women. Women of middle class furmer families often spend
their afternoon hours for shopping in Burdwan.
The generation of capital in rural and urban areas of the region has taken place in two
different ways. On the one hand, the rural capital of the region is the product of recent
agricultural development and associated surplus income. On the other hand, Burdwan town
being a traditional royal seat and an important centre for trade and business since the Mughal
period, has accumulated over time a sizeable capital among the group of people engaged in
those activities. This group includes the Raj-karmacharis (royal employees) of Burdwan raj,
local landlords and businessmen. The generated capital either from rural agricultural
economy or from urban trade and functions like business are used to develop agro-processing
units and to expand tertiary activities mainly trade and commerce over the entire region.
The flow of capital in the region has taken place both from rural to urban and urban to
rural areas. In the initial stage, that is, up to the 1950s, the capital used to flow from rural to
urban areas. As a result a huge agglomeration of rice mills, chira mills and oil mills took
place in Burdwan town. Later on, with the improvement of the agricultural economy and
road transportation network, agro-processing units, mainly rice mills, started to develop in
the rural areas of the region. These processing units in rural areas use local labour, local raw
material and thrive because ofreduced transport cost of raw materials.
The other area of capital investment, that is, trade and commerce was also
concentrated in Burdwan town in the pre-agricultural development period. This was probably
because of the lack of a threshold demand in rural areas. Development of the agricultural
economy helped to incrca<>e the purcha<>ing power of people living in rural areas. As a result.
commercial activities started to flourish in the rural area<> and quite an array of large and
growing rural market centres came to exist in the region.
Therefore, it can be said that before the development of agricultural economy, the
rural surplus used to drain out to the urban centre. This relatively extractive nature of urban
economy was representative of what has been described (lloselitz. 1957) as parasitic
237
Burdwan town in early 1990s has also helped to provide a higher degree of accessibility and
Jess travel time to those living in surrounding areas. As a result, commuting from rural areas
to outside the region has become possible. In this case also the rural region is benefited from
an inflow of income.
From the above analysis of income patterns in the region it is found that the flow of
income is two sided. Both the rural and urban areas are benefited from the flow of income.
Interactive flow of income has significantly reduced rural deprivation and improved the level
of rural-urban interaction.
There is a popular notion in Indian urban context that the rural poor arc the ones who
migrate to urban centres. However, it is not applicable to all urban centres in India. In
Burdwan region, poor
cla~s
(Chapter 8). It is mainly the lower and upper middle cla<>s people of the rural areas who
migrate to Burdwan town in search of a better standard of living.
The agricultural development in the region has been associated \Vith multiple
cropping. The methods of agriculture are still dominated by labour-intensive techniques. The
paddy is the main crop of the region which requires much labour in the production process.
Landless people are employed as labourer in the agricultural activities of the region almost
:'39
throughout the year. The poorest among the poor arc again supported by different poverty
alleviating schemes run by rural panchayats. As a result, there is now comparatively less
pressure on poorer people living in the rural areas to migrate to an uncertain urban life m
Burdwan town. The unorganized part of the economy (rickshaw-pulling for example)
ts
dominated either by local urban poor or by migrants from outside the region (such as from
poverty stricken areas of Bihar, and districts Murshidabad, Birbhum etc.).
On
th~
other hand, those middle class people engaged in tertiary activities usually
migrate to Burdwan town to satisfy their needs for a higher standard of living. Before the
development of agriculture and transport network in the region, rich farmers or jotdars used
to migrate to Burdwan town and invest their surplus incomes in commercial activities in
Burdwan. However, agricultural prosperity and associated rural development have brought
remarkable changes in rural areas in 1990s. Infrastructural developments (such as transport.
tele-communication, education and health) have made these rural areas somewhat more
convenient places to live than before. With the development of rural market centres rich
farmers started to reinvest their capital in commercial or business activities there. As a result,
the trend of mral to urban migration has declined.
Therefore, the migration stream at present is dominated by a section of middle class
farmers recently transitioned to tertiary activities both in Burdwan and surrounding rural
areas. The higher degree of rural-urban interaction has affected the joint family system in
rural areas. Breaking of joint families and the development of nuclear families have also led
to migration. As joint families split up, a nuclear section migrates to Burdwan leaving their
rural home. After a period of adaptation to urban life, their preference for urban amenities
and comparatively easier life grows. On one hand the self-confidence and self-reliance
increase; on the other, they become more individualistic and self-centred. They get, in this
process of change, separated not only from the stream of village life, but also from that of
their families, due to their changed outlook of life and the way of living. The other family
members along with the older parents continue to live in rural areas. However, these
migrated class maintain (strong ties) links with their rural counterpart to retain their share of
landed property (mostly agricultural land) there (Dasgupta, 1988) because of their partial
dependence on the income from landed property in rural areas to supplement urban incomes.
Besides migration from rural areas within the region there is a large-scale migration
from rural
an:~as
outside the region. These migration streams originate from other parts of
eastern Burdwan District northern parts of Hooghly district and northeastern parts of
Bankura district.
240
Temporary migration from rural to urban areas especially for job is rather limited
within the region. Temporary migration of agricultural labourers to rural areas of the region
takes place fiom poorer rural areas outside the region especially from the districts of Bankura
and Puruliya. The masons of Murshidabad district dominate the construction of building
trade in urban areas. They compose a section of temporary migrants in Burdwan town. The
brick kilns around Burdwan town also employ temporary migrant workers. All these types of
labour circulation originate from outside the region and do not play any notable role in ruralurban linkage.
One distinctive type of temporary migration is found among the students of the rural
areas of the region to Burdwan for higher education. Burdwan town, with its three degree
colleges, om: university, two medical colleges and two polytechnic colleges, offers higher
educational services to the younger students living in surrounding rural areas. Even from
areas of inadequate number of higher secondary schools students move to Burdwan town
after passing secondary examination. A section of these migrant students continue to live in
Burdwan.
Journey-to-'Work
Journey-to-work 1s an important component of population movement linkages
between rural and urban areas. In the pattern of journey to work both rural to urban and urban
to rural movement are found in the region. However, the relative proportion of rural to urban
commutation is much higher that the latter. Those living in urban areas but engaged in formal
jobs such as government or semi-government services in rural areas and also those in
informal itinerant trading activities commute to the rural areas. On the other hand, a large
section of rural people commutes daily for their work to Burdwan town. This stream of rural
commuters is chiefly composed of formal workers in service activities and informal workers
in commercial activities of Burdwan town such as working in shops, pathological
laboratories, nursing homes etc. A group of artisans especially from Bhatar block commute
to Burdwan for work in the large number of gold jewelry workshops concentrated in the
Bara Bazar area of the town near Rajbati.
242
GUSKARA
~ANTES
WAR
MONOALGRAM
//
---
SATGACHHIA
m km
Exchange
88
10 E
about the price of products in Burdwan town. Therefore. the deprivation of rural producers
by middlemen has lessened to a considerable extent in the region.
Visiting Patterns
Among the social interaction linkages between urban and rural areas the most
outstanding in the region is the visiting pattern. The visiting patterns of rural people to urban
centres have undergone notable changes during the last ten to fifteen years mainly due to
increased accessibility.
The frequency of visits to Burdwan town has increased more or less among all
classes of rural dwellers. The purpose of visit is also multiple in nature. A large number of
people come from villages to the town for medical treatment. Such visits usually occur in the
morning by first trip of buses leaving rural areas. Some visits are to the urban market for
shopping and usually take place in the noon hours. The visits to the offices in the district
headquarter for administration-related purposes arc also frequent.
Frequent visits to Burdwan for economic purposes have increased the desire of rural
people for attaining urban ways of life. As a result, recreational visits too have increased.
People throng the six movie halls in Burdwan more from rural areas than the town itself. The
buses packed with school children escorted by their teachers are frequently found visiting the
Planetarium and the Science Centre.
The religious festivals and fairs in Burdwan town are also attended by rural people.
Rural people visit the Puja Pandals in Burdwan during different religious festivals. The
Sarbamongala temple is visited by a large number of women performing puja occasions like
Bipadtarini brata. Annual urban events like the Book fair, health fair and children's fair
attract large rural visitors from the surrounding areas.
Whatever is the purpose of visit educational, commercial or recreational - the social
impact of these visits is very high on the rural people of the region. The distinct ion between
urban and rural ways of lite is getting blurred in the region.
develop spatial integration and linkage between rural and urban areas the distribution of
social and commercial services need to be wide to increase the access of rural population to
urban amenities. Nearly all kinds of services require the support of a minimum number of
people concentrated in a limited geographical area, a "threshold population of sufficient size
and density to attract enough customers to earn profits for suppliers of commercial and
professional services and to allow public services to reach the largest number of people at the
lowest cost. Threshold levels tor services vary widely. The types. degree of speciali?.ation
and delivery range of services found in any given community depends on the size and density
of its population, its occupational profile and income distribution, transportation access and
economic diversification. A large population size and higher density create economics of
scale that allow services to be offered at lower cost.
Rural areas of our study region are agriculturally prosperous with a high density of
population providing the 'threshold demand" for different service deliver) systems. Large
and overgrown villages especially provide the favourable condition.<; for the development of
service centre there. Rural market centres of the region can also be treated as rural service
centres because of the concentration of different service delivery systems there.
Among the various service delivery systems running in the region the three most
significant are - credit and fmancial networks, education and training linkages and health
service delivery systems. Therefore, in our analysis of service delivery linkages between
Burdwan town and surrounding rural areas the pattern of these three service delivery systerm
are analyzed.
The rural prosperity has provided the threshold demand for the development of credit
and financial networks in the agricultural areas of the region. Various commercial banks like
Allahabad Bank, State Bank of India, Oriental Bank, Central Bank of India etc. have taken
up rural financing since their nationali?.ation in 1969. There has also been wide expansion of
the grameen (rural branch) bank network. These rural branches function under the control of
regional branches located in Burdwan town. The distribution pattern of all bank branches in
the rural ateas ofthe region is given in the tollowing tahle.
246
Name of block
Ausgram-1
Gals i-II
Khandaghosh
14
Raina- I
Jamalpur
14
Memari-1
II
Memari-II
14
Burdwan-I
12
Burdwan-fi
Bhatar
13
Monteswar
17
Region Total
122
The banks are actively participating in financing farmers along with the cooperative
sector and the regional rural banks both directly and indirectly. They are granting short term
loan for production purposes and mid and long term loans for creation of minor irrigation
facilities. dairy, poultry, piggery. inland fishery etc. The numerous rural development
schemes specially meant tor poorer people in the region (Chapter 3) are usually run on credit
system. These financial resources in the form of credits to the poorer section of people are
usually disbursed through these banks. Grameen banks with an easier process of
disbursement and recovery of loan are more accessible to the rural people of the region. The
lov.-er threshold of grameen banks makes it possible to open branches even in relative!;.
backward areas. The cooperative societies developed by the farmers. though te\ver in number
also
provid~~
efficient credit and financial linkage to the rural areas ofthe region.
The credit tlows from urban to rural areas are compensated by reverse financial tlows
of savings. The individual deposits together torm a sizeable amount to tlow upv.ards the
financial hierarchy. that is. from rural to urban areas. Small savings schemes especially those
run hy post offices are quite popular in the region.
However. the repayment of loan sanctioned hy commercial hank.s against Jifterent
rural development schemes is better among small and marginal farmers. The bigger farmers
arc usual defaulters of credit recovery in the region. This problem exists in almost all the
states of India (Reddy. 1990).
Literaq
Centres
Public
Libraries
237
231
385
285
6
..,
423
10
359
18
347
18
253
65
5
,
.)
388
Bhatar
166
10
21
406
10
Montes war
172
14
Primary
Schools
Middle
Schools
Secondary
Schools
Ausgram-1
88
10
Galsi-II
100
Khandaghosh
137
16
Raina-!
124
16
Jamalpur
162
13
19
Memari-1
105
.)
16
Memari-II
120
Burdwan-1
108
Burdwan-II
--------------
Region Total
1,347
16
..,
18
-~---------
80
Higher
Secondary
Schools
1
..,
..,
------------------
172
Colleges
(degree)
345
-
38
8
----------
--------~------
3,659
68
---
The educational services of the region arc not distributed uniformly over the cnt ire
region thus leading to a higher movement of people to attain these services. The university
and three degree colleges are located in Burdwan town. Students from surrounding rural
areas commute to attain this higher educational service. An improved means of transportation
including town bus network has made this commutation easy for the rural students. Primary
and secondary schools are not insufficient in number in the rural areas (Table 9.8). Still.
brighter students after completing madhyamik (class X) standard migrate to Burdwan
because of better educational opportunities there. There are only three colleges in rural areas
of the region located in Monteswar, Shyamsundar and Hatgobindapur. Besides these, Memari
and Guskara have one degree college each.
The a\vareness of the need for higher education as a means of employment is
increasingly attracting youths from rural areas to Burdwan especially from the new well-todo families. The lack of residential facilities has resulted in the mushrooming of a large
number of privately run students' hostels.
Private and Public training institutes like computer training centres, driving schools.
knitting and sewing training centres, motorcycle, radio, T.V. repairing centres and so on arc
prolific in numbers in Burdwan town. Young people from the rural areas commute to take
these technica:l courses. Thus a high degree of educational and training linkage is found
between urban and rural areas of the region.
However, in the educational linkage of the region the flow is not always towards
urban centres. Sometimes relatively intellectually poorer students from Burdwan town
commute to the higher secondary schools and colleges in rural areas as well those in Memari
and Guskara towns. The transportation network with high frequency of buses has made this
movement possible. In this way the educational linkage in the region has become integrated.
A better access to health facilities has improved the quality of life in rural areas. The
rural health services in the region are chiefly composed of government-sponsored public
health services (Chapter 3 ). Primary health centres and secondary health centres are the only
health services provided by the government in each rural development blocks. Primary health
centres are better equipped than secondary health centres. However. both types of centres
provide only very basic health services without any specialized treatment. Some of the rural
health centres in the region are larger in size and have in-patient beds and a small staff of
doctors. There is only one rural hospital located in Bhatar (Table 9. 7).
Name of Block
Health
centres
Number
of beds
Number of
doctors
Ausgram-I
25
Galsi-II
44
Khandaghosh
Raina-I
Hospital
Veterinary
centres
Family
welfare
centres
20
21
29
17
26
31
II
26
Jamal pur
43
38
Memari-I
20
II
32
Memari-II
33
I4
25
Burdwan-I
23
I8
20
Burdwan-II
I6
20
Bhatar
82
IO
38
Monteswar
37
I2
32
43
383
62
114
298
Region Total
1
--
The provision of rural health services was done in the region quite efficiently during
the early fivt:-year plans. However, the maintenance of these services has fallen far behind
expectation. As a result. people in rural areas have lost faith in public health care delivery
system and try to obtain diversified. specialized medical services with sophisticated
diagnostic and treatment equipment that are available in Burdwan town.
250
Due to the poor maintenance of government health care services private health
facilities
hav1~
mushroomed. Some doctors visit the dispensaries located in rural areas once or
twice a week. They are usually full-time practitioners in Burdwan town and commute to rural
areas only on a part-time basis.
In the context of health service delivery systems the rural areas are very much
dependent on the services provided in Burdwan town. In this linkage pattern the flow of
people is
om~-way,
that is, only from rural to urban areas, as against the other kinds of
linkages. However, the developed physical linkage network in the region have made it
possible to at least obtain the higher level medical services available in Burdwan town.
The demand for higher level health services arc growing in the rural areas but the
proximity and improved transportation facilities to Burdwan town with specialized medical
services are playing as hindrances in their development in rural areas under private
ownership.
Administrativt~
Decision Chains
251
organi7~tions
budgetary r,esources throughout the spatial system, but also act as channels tor obtaining
political support and authority to undertake developmental activities. Municipalities that
function independently within their respective urban boundaries run the three urban areas. In
this urban administration there is no hierarchical system, that is, smaller urban centres for
example Guskara and Memari do not anyway depend on the larger urban unit. Burdwan.
However. all the municipalities act under the control of district administration. With the
growth of these urban centres political and administrative linkages change and functions are
transformed within each centre. The number of social functions performed by the
government tends to increase as communities grow.
The rural areas of the region are under the three-tier system of both administrative
linkages and panchayati raj. In the administrative set-up, the Development Blocks lie at the
lowermost level and are managed by a Block Development Officer with a number of officers
managing each rural development departments like agriculture and irrigation, relief. savings.
water supply, cooperative etc. The Sub-Divisional Officer again controls a number of blocks.
The District Magistrate supervises all the subdivisions in the district occupying the top of the
district administrative hierarchy.
Besides the administrative hierarchy there is a three-tier panchayati system in the
rural areas which provides support to the administrative linkages and integration. The two
systems are not necessarily parallel to each other at all three levels.
~listrict Magistrate~
~)Divisional Offic~
Zilla (district) Parishad is the top panchayati raj institution which runs parallel to the
district administration. Under Zilla Parishad there are a number ofpanchayat samitis parallel
to the block level administration. The lowest level of panchayali raj institutions is occupied
252
by wam panchayats. The sub-divisional administrative office does not have an equivalent
panchayati institution. The flow of services. facilities and resources in the rural areas takes
place through the top down approach starting from the Zilla Parishad and District
Magistrate"s Office to the gram panchayats. The efficient functioning of this panchayati
system is a significant factor in the rural prosperity of the region (already discussed in
chapter 3). Proper administrative and organizational linkages integrating these panchayati raj
institutions and inter-departmental coordination in rural areas have provided the basis of the
successful implementation of agriculture- cum-rural development programmes.
The success of rural development essentially depends on the effectiveness of linkages
between and among institutions, horizontally with other organizations at the same level and
especially vertically between local organizations and structures at the centre of government
which sets policy and allocates resources (Upholf and Esman, 1974). Both the horizontal and
vertical linkages integrating organizations of Ill gram panchayats and II rural development
blocks are very strong in the region which have strengthened rural-urban interaction.
The political decision chains forming informal linkages in the region are much
stronger providing support to the formal administrative linkages. There are four political
parties among which the supremacy of Communist Party oflndia, Marxist (CPIM) is in no
way parallel to the others. CPIM is the dominant political party controlling panchyati
institutions of the region for the last 24 years. The same party also runs the state government.
The long tradition of being into power has made CPIM a well-integrated and highly linked
political party with a well-organized hierarchical network in the region. For this reason we
have selected the CPIM to analyze the informal political decision chains in the rural-urban
interaction ofthe region.
PoHtical Hierarchy
~strict Committee
i
c=z;onal Committee
~
Qucal Conunittee
r---
J
J
J
* J
Branch
L __
_
The CPIM district committee occupies the topmost hierarchy of political decision
chains and is located in Burdwan town. Belov. the district level there are 16 zonal
committees among which 5 cover the entire rural area of the region. Among the 86 local
committees in the district 31 function in the region under 5 zonal committees (Figure 9.5 ).
The lowest political hierarchy is occupied by numerous branch offices. The number of
branch offices varies according to the size of villages. There may be as many as six to eight
branch offices in large villages. In a nutshell. it can be said that the intensive political
networks with integrated informal decision chains are the characteristic of CPIM party in the
regiOn.
- ., . -
-- -- -
-- --. - . -
Number of local
committees
Number of
branches
Total
members
Whole time
members
Budbud-Galsi
90
843
20
Guskara
86
957
23
Memari
94
1,098
58
Dakshin Damodar
118
1'1 78
48
Burdwan Sadar
60
518
25
Burdwan Shahar
55
628
16
86
1,279
13,240
376
Zonal committee
Total
The land reform measures would have been difficult to realize without the active
participation of especially those engaged in Krishak sabha (peasant society) movement in
which the district has a long history (Konar, 1978). The agricultural development in the
region is partially based on the land reforms (Chapter 3 ). Decentralization of power through
the three-tier panchyati
~ystem
the help of this informal political decision chains. The panchayati institutions run hy
democratically elected representatives provide intormal support system at all levels of
administrative hierarchy.
88. 10 E
\\
\\
-- "-. BHATAR
MANTESWAR
'KUSUMGRAM
~
URA
I I
I I
I /MADHYAMG
~,
/I
1I I
II I
{{ 1 SATGACHHIA
~~-~--HAT GOBINDAPUR
/II I '
ffl
IIII I I
I I
If
" 'e
'tl
SAKTIGARH
ME MARl
UKHRID
- - - - - - - e SAGRAI MORE
1 '."
BADULIA
"
SEHARABAZAR
"
23'
/'l
MASAGRAM e'///
SHYAMSUNOAR
10
.JAMAL PUR
km
Local Comm1Hee Office-
The political decision chains run in the rcg1on with the help of developed
telecommunication linkages. frequent party meetings at all hierarchical levels and a large
number of party bulletins either published by District Committee or by State Committee. The
information of the rural areas even at the grassroots level is easily communicated to the
district committee through hierarchical channels. On the other hand, informal orders and
advice smoothly flow from the district committee to the branches through zonal and local
committees. Frequent visits to Burdwan are very common among the members of rural
organizations. The voice of rural members get priority in the decision-making process related
to rural development.
Thus political and administrative linkages between Burdwan town and surrounding
rural areas have helped to strengthen the rural-urban interaction in the region ultimately to
form an integrated spatial system.
9.3.
Summary
We have described in this chapter the various aspects of rural-urban linkages. We
have tried to outline almost all the dimensions of such intensive interactions existing in the
region. From our description, we hope that a close rural-urban relationship becomes
apparent. _Much of this linkage is the product of recent times and the gaps now need to be
filled to remove the existing disparities between rural and urban. Still, our study brings out
clearly that at least in some prosperous rural areas the myth of rural-urban disjunction is no
longer valid. ln its place there often exists a healthier interaction as in the case of Burdwan
region.
256
CHAPTER I
LOOKING AHEAD
10.1. Int1roduction
This is our penultimate chapter ofthis dissertation. So far we have examined various
aspects of the rural economy and the urban centres acting as the foci for the surrounding
countryside., and their interlinkages. It is customary to wind up such discussions with an
outline of a
plan~
(Sen, 1972)., 'regional plan' (Bhat, 1972), 'micropolitan plan' (Misra, 1998) and so on.
We intend to draw
~m
summarize the fmdings/conclusions. We also attempt to discuss the reality of the need for
planning in the context of recent paradigm changes in development planning literature.
Finally, we will try to put forward some broad suggestions for further explorations.
10.2. Findings
We started with the objective of probing into the nature of rural-urban relationship in
a specific regional context. We have attempted in the work, presented in the form of this
dissertation, to explore all possible dimensions of interaction between the two sectors.
From our enquiry into the nature of rural-urban interaction between Burdwan town
and surrounding rural areas we can summarize our fmdings in the following manner.
The historical development of both rural and urban areas of the region went on side
by side complementing each other. The agricultural part of the region has always been
famous for
'~conomic
period, especially since the 1970s, agricultural production of the region received a boost from
the combined effects of successful land reforms, HYV package and the extension of
irrigation (mainly shallow and submersible pumps). Consequent rise in marketable surplus
and its mobility as well as infrastructural developments such as expansion of road
transportation network resulted in dissipation of rural isolation and increased levels of ruralurban interaction. Numerous rural development schemes run by government agencies such as
the DRDA have helped to reduce rural poverty and created situation amenable to rural-urban
bonding.
257
The surplus income generated from agricultural economy of the region. besides going
into Burdwan town, has also started to accumulate within the rural areas themselves. This has
laid to the growth of several rural market centres in the region. Most of these rural market
centres are basically large villages with higher levels of trading and commercial activities.
The main impetus behind their development is the higher degree of accessibility with
Burdwan town. These market centres are gradually developing urban characteristics too.
A detailed analysis was made of the levels of socio-economic and infrastructural
development of 111 gram panchayats belonging to the influence area of Burdwan town. The
results revealed that higher levels of development are closely associated with higher degrees
of rural-urban interaction. Therefore, we can say that the increased rural-urban interaction is
closely related to the development of rural areas.
The urban economy of the region on the other hand, is based on agro-processing
activities (such as rice milling, oil milling, chira milling etc.) and trade and commerce.
Agricultural produces from the surrounding rural areas supply these agro-processing units.
The flourishing trading and commercial activities are again based on the rising rural demand
of the region. Thus, a complementarity has developed between the economies of rural and
urban areas of the region. It is a recent phenomenon and reveals healthy rural-urban
reciprocal relationship.
The case study on rickshaw-pullers of the urban informal economy has also proved
that poverty-induced rural to urban migration is negligible within the region. On the other
hand, many other informal sector activities of the town are performed by commuters from the
surrounding rural areas.
However, we have also observed that there is still a considerable degree of gap
(mainly education, health and amenities) between the rural and urban areas of the region.
This amenity gap has led to some rural to urban migration of middle income families. These
migrants arc mostly engaged in tertiary jobs either in urban centres or in the surrounding
regiOn.
The rapid extension of road networks in the last decade connecting Burdwan with
surrounding rural areas has strengthened rural-urban linkages in the region. The recently
introduced town bus service network ha<> successfully linked several villages to Burdwan
town and has opened up access of the rural produce to urban markets. At the same time
villagers have also begun to enjoy the benefits of higher levels of infrastructural facilities
provided by Burdwan town.
258
The <malysis of the nature of different elements of rural-urban linkage in the region
showed that the linkages in the region are well developed to give the region an integrated
functional identity. The economic linkages ofthe rural and urban area<; are complementary to
each other. The social impact of town life is also very high on the lives of rural people in the
region. This impact has been aggravated by the improved levels of contact or mobility due to
frequent visits to Burdwan town. An integrated telephone network has again helped to
diminish the actual physical distances in the region. Similarly, service delivery linkages have
also tied rural areas with urban through the different infrastructural services.
Therefore, strong rural-urban linkage exists in the region. These linkages have led to
higher degree of rural-urban interaction between Burdwan town and surrounding rural areas
of the region. This healthy relationship between Burdwan town and its surrounding rural
areas does not conform to the conventional notion of rural-urban disjunction in the third
world countries. Finally, it can be said that our fmdings in this study have helped to demolish
and invalidate the generalizing myth of rural-urban disjunction in the third world.
259
for the urbanized tract lying in the western part of Burdwan district). The need for exploring
the potentialities of developing small and medium towns were highlighted for the first time
during the fourth five year plan period. However, it was only during the sixth plan period that
the scheme of Integrated Development of Small and Medium Towns (IDSMT) was
introduced by the government (GOI, 1988).
The guidelines for IDSMT scheme clearly emphasize that for a planned development
of these towns it is necessary that an integrated development programme of each town is
drawn up keeping in view its locational importance and linkages in the region (GOI. 1996).
Priority of IDSMT scheme was to develop the infrastructure of these centres to make them
suitable as growth and service centres for their rural hinterlands. Balanced regional
development through a system of growth centres in the form of small and medium towns and
the diffusion of urbanization from the urban agglomerations were other objectives of
IDSMT.
The implementation of IDSMT scheme in India is still limited at the individual urban
settlement level. Master plans for individual municipalities is a common feature in most of
the medium sized urban centres in India. Municipalities or other forms of local selfgovernment without any plan outline usually run smaller towns.
There is a large body of literature on the promising role of small and medium towns
can play in bridging the rural-urban gaps in Indian/third world situations (Chapter 7).
According to Kulkarni ( 1997) urban agglomerations in India have taken care neither of
villages which are absorbed nor of cities which absorb them. To reverse this process and also
to solve the problem of isolation of rural areas, small and medium towns should be developed
as local growth centres. Misra (1998) preferred the term 'micropolis' to imply this smaller
urban centre located in rural setting. He suggested that a 'rnicropolitan approach' to rural
development can be very effectively and fruitfully used to develop rural areas in general and
village settlements in particular. One of the main roles of a micropolis would be to promote
the diversification of rural economy from merely crop production to the production of all
goods and services which a micro-region needs (Misra. 1998). A rnicropolis, identical to the
secondary cities mentioned by Rondinelli ( 1983 ), is thus a development centre of the microregional economy. These centres can bring together the rural and urban economies and in due
course integrate the two, so that the differences between the quality of life in urban and rural
areas are considerably reduced (Misra, 1998).
In spite of several plans, government policies and numerous discussions by planners
and academicians on the positive role small and medium towns can play in regional
260
development. the relationship of such individual units (small and medium towns) with their
surrounding countryside has not been analyzed in detail. Consequently the plans tor
integration of rural areas with these urhan centres are yet to he developed.
Let us now look into the attempts so far made to develop Burdwan region. In this
region there are three urban cetnres among which Burdwan is the most significant as it is the
main focus of our study of rural-urban interaction. According to size and function also it is
placed at much higher level than the other two (Chapter 7). The rural counterpart is
constituted by 111 gram panchayats under 11 rural development blocks. The rural areas are
usually run by a three-tier panchayati institution consisting of zilla parishad, panchayat
samitis and gram panchayats. Rural development through this system of panchayati
institutions is purely sectoral in nature. Spatial planning is more or less absent in these areas.
Sectoral development (transport, agriculture, irrigation, health, fishery etc.) is taking place
through top-down approach of planning from zilla parishad to individual panchayats through
block development offices. Individual departments without any integration or co-ordination
with other sectors run this sort of sectoral development.
Besides, there are numerous rural development schemes run by the DRDA to uplift
the economic condition of poor rural people living below the poverty line. These schemes
run individually without any coordination with each other. There is another question
regarding the effective implementation of rural development programmes By effective
implementation we mean reaching development components to smaller villages and lower
strata of rural population.
On the other hand, municipal authorities the domain of which is limited within the
physical boundaries of individual towns govern urban areas. Municipal authorities usually
run the towns with the help of several departments related to different sectors like roads,
water supply, tax etc. Recently with the considerable increase in both area and size of the
towns, Burdwan and Guskara municipalities have taken initiative to prepare master plans for
holistic urban development. These master plans prepared by SHAPE ( 1996) have identified
influence zones of each urban centre for planning to meet the expanding nature of future
requirements and extension of municipal boundaries.
The objective of these master plans was to empha.'iize the development of an
integrated system of individual to\-Vn with the surrounding villages through the development
of backward and forward linkages. However. these master plans too have remained
concerned with development of roads. drainage. sewerage, market. small scale industries and
such other urban amenities and features for the areas lying within the municipal boundaries.
261
For example the 1996 Master Plan of Burdwan MunicljJality has recommended the
following measures:
explore the vast and innumerable waterbodies of the town for the purpose of
water supply;
develop goods terminal facilities in several areas at the outskirts of town; and
construct another by-pass road along the northern boundary of the municipality.
However, how these will be achieved was not mentioned. Similarly, the modalities of
rural-urban integration were completely bye-passed though it formed the essential backbone
of the plan. For example, mention was made of developing the transportation network of
towns with the surrounding rural areas in order to integrate rural with urban. But very little
actual development has taken place.
Transport
262
network has helped to develop the physical linkages between Burdwan town and the
surrounding rural areas. However, from the detailed analysis ofthe road transport network in
the region we have identified some deficiencies, which need to be ameliorated immediately
for further integration of the network. Some ofthese problems are:
lack of better road connection across the Damodar river is the topmost in the list
oftransport bottlenecks;
high frequency of level crossing on the railway lines putting major bottlenecks to
road transport;
narrow width of road with high traffic volume creating heavy traffic jams
specially in the rainy season;
These improvements will work towards making the road transport network of the
region an efficient system.
Rural market centres
Th(~
economic mechanism between large villages and the rural hinterland can be
stepped up with the help of developing rural market centres. Distribution of these market
centres should be fairly even (Chadha, 1996) for the successful integration of a functional
region. They are suitable for forging and strengthening agricultural and commercial linkages:
economies of scale in rural-urban exchanges are duly realized while diseconomies are
avoided. These smaller market centres can absorb the rural surplus and can create spread
effects for their smaller catchment areas if they are developed properly. The market centres
of Burdwan region are the products of both agricultural development and the improvements
in transportation. Feeder roads to remote villages in the form of town bus service network
have facilitated the growth and expansion of these rural market centres. Some of these
centres (such as Galsi and Seharabazar) have already acquired an urban outlook. Better
infrastructure in these semi-urban market centres can help them to develop into small market
263
towns. These centres then can relieve the pressure on Burdwan town with their transition to
smaller urban settlements.
On the basis of our study, we can now suggest some concrete policy measures for
rural market centres of the region. These measures may be considered by the district planning
board or the Zilla Parishad, and are as follows:
a wide and well-developed network of village roads linking villages with nearest
rural market centres should be provided;
rural market centres should be connected with the central urban focus, Burdwan
by speedy modes of transportation to reduce the travel time distance between
them;
better health and education service should be provided m these rural market
centres to improve human resources;
regulated markets and mandi committees with authority to levy taxes for smooth
operation of marketing should be set up.
Better and more urban amenities like pucca (metalled) roads, electricity, water
supply, telecommunication, entertainment facilities should be provided to transform the large
villages into smaller urban growth centres.
Education
Though the rural areas of the region have quite a large number of both primary and
secondary schools, the educational infrastructure is not sufficient to meet the rising demand
for education. Moreover, tertiary education (beyond the school levels) facilities arc still
limited within the urban centres with a very few degree colleges located in the rural areas.
All the educational institutions are under a government sponsored system of education.
Private schools are yet to be developed in the villages. In this context we can look forward to
an expansion ofthe privately owned educational institutions which can cater to the emerging
gap between the demand and availability of educational infrastructure. The rurban centres
located at nodal points surrounding Burdwan town should be immediately provided with at
least one degree college in each.
264
Health
Lack of a well-articulated public health care delivery system has been observed in the
rural areas of the region. The public health centres are located at considerable distances from
each other. The service and maintenance of these health centres are very poor. Pathological
clinics and sophisticated machinery are totally absent from these health centres, so are
operation theatres and in-patient beds. In some cases only nurses without any doctors run
these rural hospitals as the doctors decline to reside in the hospital premises. The health
infrastructure has totally collapsed in the rural areas of the region. To check the migration
rush of better-off classes from these rural areas to Burdwan, necessary steps should be taken
immediately.
10.5. Conclusion
In the end, we may note the need for diversification of the rural economy through the
development of rural agro-based and other smaller industrial units. Diversification of
cropping economy away from the present pattern of mono cropping of rice is an immediate
necessity. The farming of marketable vegetables, wheat, potato, mustard, etc. needs to be
encouraged to meet the growing demand of the region. This diversification of cropping
pattern will help to protect the farmers from recent economic disasters such as the price fall
of rice after liberalization of Indian economy and import of cheaper rice from southeast
Asian countries. Crop diversification will also help to check the soil dereliction and related
problems such as salinity and waterlogging arising from mono cropping. To meet the
growing demands of egg, meo.t, milk etc. in the urban centres as well as rural market centres
dairy farming, poultry farming and meat production need to be encouraged by the
government.
Agro--processing activity too is entirely under the monopoly of rice milling and oil
milling. This pattern of agro-processing needs to be diversified. Food processing units can be
developed based on marketable vegetables like potato, tomato etc. We, therefore. look
forward to the initiatives taken by panchayati raj institutions (Zilla parishad, Panchayat
samitis and Gram panchayats) to develop the diversified cropping pattern and diversified
processing units.
Finally we must mention the issue of governance. At present there is hardly any coordination of rural and urban governance in the region. As rural and urban existed in two
completely different spheres before, the institutions formed to maintain them too were parts
265
of two different worlds. llowever. we have noted in our study that this situation is rapidly
changing and there is now a greater interaction and closer linkages between the two.
Therefore. new problems of rural-urban relationship are emerging which these state
institutions are hard put to solve in isolation. For example, we may note here the co-existence
of rickshaws registered with the municipality and the nearby panchayats to the Burdwan
town creating problems of administration. As such problems have emerged. the need to deal
with them jointly by both rural and urban local bodies has also become apparent.
Notwithstanding the differences between the problems of the rural and urban areas. the two
systems - rural and urban - have to exist side by side and to develop together. A sound
interrelationship and mutual co-operation between the urban local bodies and panchayati raj
institutions in this context can make the rural-urban interaction stronger.
266
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