Indira Gandhi
Indira Gandhi
Indira Gandhi
Indira Gandhi
Contents
1 Early life and career
2 First term as Prime Minister between
1966 and 1971
2.1 Verdict on electoral malpractice
2.2 State of Emergency (19751977)
Indira Gandhi
3rd Prime Minister of India
In office
14 Jan 1980 31 October 1984
President
Preceded by
Charan Singh
Succeeded by
Rajiv Gandhi
In office
24 January 1966 24 March 1977
President
Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan
Zakir Husain
V. V. Giri
Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed
Deputy
Morarji Desai
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Morarji Desai
P. V. Narasimha Rao
Succeeded by
Rajiv Gandhi
In office
22 August 1967 14 March 1969
Preceded by
M. C. Chagla
Succeeded by
Dinesh Singh
Minister of Defence
In office
14 January 1980 15 January 1982
Preceded by
Chidambaram Subramaniam
Succeeded by
R. Venkataraman
In office
30 November 1975 20 December 1975
Preceded by
Swaran Singh
Succeeded by
Bansi Lal
Yashwantrao Chavan
Succeeded by
In office
16 July 1969 27 June 1970
Preceded by
Morarji Desai
Succeeded by
Yashwantrao Chavan
Succeeded by
Born
Died
Feroze Gandhi
Children
Rajiv
Sanjay
Parents
Jawaharlal Nehru
Kamala Nehru
Alma mater
VisvaBharati University
Somerville College, Oxford
Religion
Hinduism
Signature
Own School in Poona and Bombay.[8] She and her mother Kamala Nehru moved to Belur Math
headquarters of Ramakrishna Mission where Swami Ranganathananda was her guardian[9] later she
went on to study at the Viswa Bharati University in Shantiniketan. It was during her interview that
Rabindranath Tagore named her Priyadarshini, and she came to be known as Indira Priyadarshini
Nehru.[10] A year later, however, she had to leave university to attend to her ailing mother in
Europe.[11] While there, it was decided that Gandhi would continue her education at the University of
Oxford.[12] After her mother died, she briefly attended the Badminton School before enrolling at
Somerville College in 1937 to study history.[13] Gandhi had to take the entrance examination twice,
having failed at her first attempt with a poor performance in Latin.[13] At Oxford, she did well in
history, political science and economics, but her grades in Latina compulsory subjectremained
poor.[14][15] She did, however, have an active part within the student life of the university, such as the
Oxford Majlis Asian Society.[16]
The internal structure of the Congress Party had withered following its numerous splits, leaving it
entirely dependent on her leadership for its election fortunes. Garibi Hatao (Eradicate Poverty) was the
theme for Gandhi's 1971 bid. On the other hand, the combined opposition alliance had a two word
manifesto of "Indira Hatao" (Remove Indira).[26][27] The Garibi Hatao slogan and the proposed anti
poverty programs that came with it were designed to give Gandhi an independent national support,
based on rural and urban poor. This would allow her to bypass the dominant rural castes both in and of
state and local governments; likewise the urban commercial class. And, for their part, the previously
voiceless poor would at last gain both political worth and political weight. The programs created
through Garibi Hatao, though carried out locally, were funded and developed by the Central
Government in New Delhi. The program was supervised and staffed by the Indian National Congress
party. "These programs also provided the central political leadership with new and vast patronage
resources to be disbursed... throughout the country.",[28]
The biggest achievement of Indira Gandhi after the 1971 election was India's decisive victory in the
IndoPakistani War of 1971, that led to the formation of independent Bangladesh. At that time she was
hailed as Goddess Durga by opposition leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee.[29][30][31] [32] In the elections
held for State assemblies across India in March 1972, the Congress(R) swept to power in most states
riding on the postwar "Indira wave".[33]
Despite the victory against Pakistan, the Congress government faced numerous problems during this
term. Some of these were due to high inflation which was in turn caused by war time expenses, drought
in some parts of the country and more importantly, the 1973 oil crisis. The opposition to Gandhi in
197375 period, after the Indira wave had receded, was strongest in Bihar and Gujarat. In Bihar,
Jayaprakash Narayan, the veteran leader came out of retirement to lead the protest movement
there.[33]
Rule by decree
Within a few months, President's Rule was imposed on the two opposition party ruled states of Gujarat
and Tamil Nadu thereby bringing the entire country under direct Central rule or by governments led
by the ruling Congress party.[35] Police were granted powers to impose curfews and indefinitely
detain citizens and all publications were subjected to substantial censorship by the Ministry of
Information and Broadcasting. Finally, the impending legislative assembly elections were indefinitely
postponed, with all oppositioncontrolled state governments being removed by virtue of the
constitutional provision allowing for a dismissal of a state government on recommendation of the
state's governor.
Indira Gandhi used the emergency provisions to change conflicting party members.
Unlike her father Jawaharlal Nehru, who preferred to deal with strong chief ministers in
control of their legislative parties and state party organizations, Mrs. Gandhi set out to
remove every Congress chief minister who had an independent base and to replace each of
them with ministers personally loyal to her...Even so, stability could not be maintained in
the states...[36]
President Ahmed issued ordinances that did not require debate in the Parliament, allowing Gandhi to
rule by decree.
Rise of Sanjay
The Emergency saw the entry of Gandhi's younger son, Sanjay, into Indian Politics. Sanjay wielded
tremendous power during the emergency without holding any Government office. According to Mark
Tully, "His inexperience did not stop him from using the Draconian powers his mother, Indira Gandhi,
had taken to terrorise the administration, setting up what was in effect a police state."[37]
It was said that during the Emergency he virtually ran India along with his friends, especially Bansi
Lal.[38] It was also quipped that Sanjay Gandhi had total control over his mother and that the
government was run by the PMH (Prime Minister House) rather than the PMO (Prime Minister
Office).[39][40][41]
merged to form the Janata Party under the guidance of Gandhian leader, Jayaprakash Narayan. The
other leaders of the Janata Party were Charan Singh, Raj Narain, George Fernandes and Atal Bihari
Vajpayee.
Assassination
The day before her death (30 October 1984) Indira Gandhi visited Orissa where she gave her last
speech:
I am alive today, I may not be there tomorrow...I shall continue to serve until my last
breath and when I die, I can say, that every drop of my blood will invigorate India and
strengthen it.[55]
Indira Gandhi delivered her last speech at the then Parade Ground in front of the Secretariat of Orissa.
After her death, the Parade Ground was converted to the Indira Gandhi Park which was inaugurated
by her son, Rajiv Gandhi.
On 31 October 1984, two of Gandhi's bodyguards, Satwant Singh and Beant Singh, shot her with their
service weapons in the garden of the Prime Minister's residence at 1 Safdarjung Road, New Delhi. The
shooting occurred as she was walking past a wicket gate guarded by Satwant and Beant. She was to
have been interviewed by the British actor Peter Ustinov, who was filming a documentary for Irish
television. Beant Singh shot her three times using his sidearm and Satwant Singh fired 30 rounds.[56]
Beant Singh and Satwant Singh dropped their weapons and surrendered. Afterwards they were taken
away by other guards into a closed room where Beant Singh was shot dead. Kehar Singh was later
arrested for conspiracy in the attack. Both Satwant and Kehar were sentenced to death and hanged in
Delhi's Tihar Jail.
Indira Gandhi was brought at 9:30 AM to the All India Institute of Medical Sciences where doctors
operated on her. She was declared dead at 2:20 PM. The postmortem examination was conducted by a
team of doctors headed by Dr. T.D. Dogra. Dr. Dogra stated that as many as 30 bullet wounds were
sustained by Indira Gandhi, from two sources, a Sten gun[57][58] and a pistol. The assailants had fired
31 bullets at her, of which 30 had hit; 23 had passed through her body while 7 were trapped inside her.
Foreign policy
South Asia
In 1971, Gandhi intervened in the Pakistani Civil War in support of East Pakistan. India emerged
victorious in the resulting conflict to become the regional hegemon of South Asia.[64] India had signed
a treaty with the Soviet Union promising mutual assistance in the case of war, while Pakistan received
active support from the United States during the conflict.[65] U.S. President Richard Nixon disliked
Gandhi personally, referring to her as a "witch" and "clever fox" in his private communication with
Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.[65] Relations with the U.S. became distant as Gandhi developed
closer ties with the Soviet Union after the war. The latter grew to become India's largest trading
partner and its biggest arms supplier for much of Gandhi's premiership.[66] Nixon later wrote of the
war: "[Gandhi] suckered [America]. Suckered us.....this woman suckered us."[67]
India's new hegemonic position as articulated under the "Indira Doctrine" led to attempts to bring the
Himalayan states under the Indian sphere of influence.[68] Nepal and Bhutan remained aligned with
India, while in 1975, after years of building up support, Gandhi annexed Sikkim to India.[69] This was
denounced as a "despicable act" by China.[70]
India maintained close ties with neighbouring Bangladesh (formerly East Pakistan) following the
Liberation War. Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman recognized Gandhi's contributions to the
independence of Bangladesh. However, Mujibur Rahman's proIndia policies antagonised many in
Bangladeshi politics and the military, who feared that Bangladesh had become a client state of
India.[71][72] The Assassination of Mujibur Rahman in 1975 led to the establishment of Islamist
military regimes that sought to distance the country from India.[73] Gandhi's relationship with the
military regimes was strained, due to her alleged support of antiIslamist leftist guerrilla forces in
Bangladesh.[73] Generally, however, there was a rapprochement between Gandhi and the Bangladeshi
regimes, although issues such as border disputes and the Farakka Dam remained an irritant in bilateral
ties.[74] In 2011, the Government of Bangladesh conferred its highest state award posthumously on
Gandhi for her "outstanding contribution" to the country's independence.[75]
Gandhi's approach to dealing with Sri Lanka's ethnic problems
was initially accommodating. She enjoyed cordial relations with
Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike. In 1974, India ceded the
tiny islet of Kachchatheevu to Sri Lanka in order to save
Bandaranaike's socialist government from a political
disaster.[76] However, relations soured over Sri Lanka's turn
away from socialism under Junius Jayewardene, whom Gandhi
despised as a "western puppet."[77] India under Gandhi was
alleged to have supported LTTE militants in the 1980s to put
pressure on Jayewardene to abide by Indian interests.[78]
Nevertheless, Gandhi rejected demands to invade Sri Lanka in
the aftermath of Black July 1983, an antiTamil pogrom carried
out by Sinhalese mobs.[79] Gandhi made a statement
emphasizing that she stood for the territorial integrity of Sri
Lanka, although she also stated that India cannot "remain a
silent spectator to any injustice done to the Tamil
community."[79][80]
India's relationship with Pakistan remained strained following the Shimla Accord in 1972. Gandhi's
authorization of the detonation of a nuclear device at Pokhran in 1974 was viewed by Pakistani leader
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as an attempt to intimidate Pakistan into accepting India's hegemony in the
subcontinent. However, in May 1976, Gandhi and Bhutto both agreed to reopen diplomatic
establishments and normalize relations.[81] Following the rise to power of General ZiaulHaq in
Pakistan in 1978, India's relations with its neighbour reached a nadir. Gandhi accused General Zia of
supporting Khalistani militants in Punjab.[81] Military hostilities recommenced in 1984 following
Gandhi's authorization of Operation Meghdoot.[82] India was victorious in the resulting Siachen
conflict against Pakistan.[82]
Middle East
Gandhi remained a staunch supporter of Palestinians in the ArabIsraeli conflict and was critical of the
Middle East diplomacy sponsored by the United States.[77] Israel was viewed as a religious state and
thus an analogue to India's arch rival Pakistan. Indian diplomats also hoped to win Arab support in
countering Pakistan in Kashmir. Nevertheless, Gandhi authorized the development of a secret channel
AsiaPacific
One of the major developments in Southeast Asia during Gandhi's premiership was the formation of
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1967. Relations between ASEAN and India
was mutually antagonistic. ASEAN in the Indian perception was linked to the Southeast Asia Treaty
Organization (SEATO), and it was therefore, seen as a proAmerican organisation. On their part, the
ASEAN nations were unhappy with Gandhi's sympathy for the Viet Cong and India's strong links with
the USSR. Furthermore, they were also apprehensions in the region about Gandhi's future plans,
particularly after India played a big role in breaking up Pakistan and facilitating in the emergence of
Bangladesh as a sovereign country in 1971. India's entry into the nuclear weapons club in 1974
contributed to tensions in Southeast Asia.[88] Relations only began to improve following Gandhi's
endorsement of the ZOPFAN declaration and the disintegration of the SEATO alliance in the
aftermath of Pakistani and American defeats in the region. Nevertheless, Gandhi's close relations with
reunified Vietnam and her decision to recognize the People's Republic of Kampuchea in 1980 meant
that India and ASEAN were not able to develop a viable partnership.[88]
Africa
Although independent India was initially viewed as a champion of anticolonialism, its cordial
relationship with the Commonwealth of Nations and liberal views of British colonial policies in East
Africa had harmed its image as a staunch supporter of the anticolonial movements.[89] Indian
condemnation of militant struggles in Kenya and Algeria was in sharp contrast to China, who had
supported armed struggle to win African independence.[89] After reaching a high diplomatic point in
the aftermath of Nehru's role in the Suez Crisis, India's isolation from Africa was complete when only
four nations; Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria and Libya supported her during the SinoIndian War in
1962.[89] After Gandhi became Prime Minister, diplomatic and economic relations with the states
which had sided with India during the SinoIndian War were expanded.[89] Gandhi began negotiations
with the Kenyan government to establish the AfricaIndia Development Cooperation. The Indian
government also started considering the possibility of bringing Indians settled in Africa within the
framework of its policy goals to help recover its declining geostrategic influence. Gandhi declared the
people of Indian origin settled in Africa as "Ambassors of India."[89] Efforts to rope in the Asian
community to join Indian diplomacy, however, came to naught, partly because of the unwilligness of
Indians to remain in politically insecure surroundings and partly due to the exodus of African Indians
to Britain with the passing of the Commonwealth Immigrants Act in 1968.[89] In Uganda, the African
Indian community even suffered persecution and eventually expulsion under the government of Idi
Amin.[90]
Foreign and domestic policy successes in the 1970s enabled Gandhi to rebuild India's image in the eyes
of African states.[89] Victory over Pakistan and India's possession of nuclear weapons showed the
degree of India's progress.[89] Furthermore, the conclusion of the IndoSoviet treaty in 1971 and
threatening gestures by the major western power, the United States, to send its nuclear armed Task
Force 74 into the Bay of Bengal at the height of the East Pakistan crisis had enabled India to regain its
antiimperialist image.[89] Gandhi firmly tied Indian antiimperialist interests in Africa to those of the
Soviet Union.[91] Unlike Nehru, she openly and enthusiastically supported liberation struggles in
Africa.[91] At the same time, Chinese influence in Africa had declined owing to its incessant quarrels
with the Soviet Union.[89] These developments permanently halted India's decline in Africa and helped
reestablish its geostrategic presence.[89]
Economic policy
Gandhi presided over three FiveYear plans as Prime Minister,[92] two of which succeeded in meeting
the targeted growth.[92]
There is considerable debate regarding whether Gandhi was a socialist on principle or out of political
expediency.[93] S. K. DattaRay described her as "a master of rhetoric...often more posture than
policy", while The Times journalist, Peter Hazelhurst, famously quipped that Gandhi's socialism was
"slightly left of selfinterest."[94] Critics have focused on the contradictions in the evolution of her
stance towards communism; Gandhi being known for her anticommunist stance in the 1950s with
Meghnad Desai even describing her as "the scourge of [India's] Communist Party."[95] Yet, she later
forged close relations with Indian communists even while using the army to break the Naxalites. In
this context, Gandhi was accused of formulating populist policies to suit her political needs; being
seemingly against the rich and big business while preserving the status quo in order to manipulate the
support of the left at times of political insecurity, such as the late 1960s.[96][97] Although Gandhi came
to be viewed in time as the scourge of the rightwing and reactionary political elements of India, leftist
opposition to her policies emerged. As early as 1969, critics had begun accusing her of insincerity and
machiavellism. The Indian Libertarian wrote that: "it would be difficult to find a more machiavellian
leftist than Mrs Indira Gandhi...for here is Machiavelli at its best in the person of a suave, charming
and astute politician."[98] Rosser wrote that "some have even seen the declaration of emergency rule in
1975 as a move to suppress [leftist] dissent against Gandhi's policy shift to the right."[93] In the
1980s, Gandhi was accused of "betraying socialism" after the beginning of Operation Forward, an
attempt at economic reform.[99] Nevertheless, others were more convinced of Gandhi's sincerity and
devotion to socialism. Pankaj Vohra noted that "even the late prime ministers critics would concede
that the maximum number of legislations of social significance was brought about during her tenure...
[and that] she lives in the hearts of millions of Indians who shared her concern for the poor and
weaker sections and who supported her politics."[100]
In summarizing the biographical works on Gandhi, Blema S. Steinberg concluded she was decidedly
nonideological.[101] Only 7.4% (24) of the total 330 biographical extractions posit ideology as a
reason for her policy choices.[101] Steinberg noted Gandhi's association with socialism was superficial;
only having a general and traditional commitment to the ideology, by way of her political and family
ties.[101] Gandhi personally had a fuzzy concept of socialism. In one of the early interviews she had
given as Prime Minister, Gandhi had ruminated: "I suppose you could call me a socialist, but you have
understand what we mean by that term...we used the word [socialism] because it came closest to what
we wanted to do here which is to eradicate poverty. You can call it socialism; but if by using that
word we arouse controversy, I don't see why we should use it. I don't believe in words at all."[101]
Regardless of the debate over her ideology or lack of thereof, Gandhi remains a leftwing icon. She has
been described as the "arguably the greatest mass leader of the last century."[100] Her campaign
slogan, Garibi Hatao (Eng: Remove Poverty), has become the iconic motto of the Indian National
Congress. To the rural and urban poor, untouchables, minorities and women in India, Gandhi was
"Indira Amma or Mother Indira."[102]
war, in fact, it was to offer India rainmaking technology that he wanted to use as a counterweight to
China's possession of the atomic bomb.[105][106] In light of the circumstances, liberalization became
politically suspect and was soon abandoned.[103] Grain diplomacy and currency devaluation became
matters of intense national pride in India. After the bitter experience with Johnson, Gandhi decided not
to request food aid in the future. Moreover, Gandhi's government resolved never again to become "so
vulnerably dependent" on aid, and painstakingly began building up substantial foreign exchange
reserves.[107] When food stocks slumped after poor harvests in 1972, the government made it a point
to use foreign exchange to buy US wheat commercially rather than seek resumption of food aid.[108]
The period of 196775 was characterized by socialist
ascendency in India which culminated in 1976 with the official
declaration of state socialism. Gandhi not only abandoned the
short lived liberalization programme but also aggressively
expanded the public sector with new licensing requirements and
other restrictions for industry. She began a new course by
launching the Fourth FiveYear Plan in 1969. The government
targeted growth at 5.7% while stating as its goals, "growth with
Indira Gandhi meeting President
Lyndon B. Johnson in the Oval Office
on 28 March 1966
understanding that government control assured greater welfare than private control.[96] Related to
this point were a set of policies which were meant to regulate the private sector.[96] By the end of the
1960s, the reversal of the liberalization process was complete, and India's policies were characterised as
"protectionist as ever."[107]
To deal with India's food problems, Gandhi expanded the emphasis on production of inputs to
agriculture that had already been initiated by her father, Jawaharlal Nehru.[93] The Green Revolution
in India subsequently culminated under her government in the 1970s and transformed the country
from a nation heavily reliant on imported grains and prone to famine to being largely able to feed itself,
and become successful in achieving its goal of food security. Gandhi had a personal motive in pursuing
agricultural selfsufficiency, having found India's dependency on the U.S. for shipments of grains
humiliating.[110]
The economic period of 196775 became significant for its major wave of nationalisations amidst the
increased regulation of the private sector.[93]
Some of the other objectives of the economic plan for the period was to provide for the minimum needs
of the community through a rural works program and the removal of the privy purses of the
nobility.[96] Both these, and many other goals of the 1967 program were accomplished by 197475.
Nevertheless, the success of the overall economic plan was tempered by the fact that annual growth at
3.33.4% over 196974 fell short of the targeted figure.[96]
The Fifth Five Year Plan (197479) was enacted in the backdrop of the state of emergency and the
Twenty Point Program of 1975.[96] The latter was the economic rationale of the emergency, a political
act which has often been justified on economic grounds.[96] In contrast to the reception of Gandhi's
earlier economic plan, this one was criticized for being a "hastily thrown together wish list."[96]
Gandhi promised to reduce poverty by targeting the consumption levels of the poor and enact wide
ranging social and economic reforms. The government additionally targeted an annual growth of 4.4%
over the period of the plan.[92]
The measures of the emergency regime was able to halt the economic trouble of the early to mid
1970s, which had been marred by harvest failures, fiscal contraction, and the breakdown of the Bretton
Woods system of fixed exchanged rate; the resulting turbulence in the foreign exchange markets being
further accentuated by the oil shock of 1973.[104] The government was even able to exceed the
targeted growth figure with an annual growth rate of 5.05.2% over the fiveyear period of the plan
(197479).[92][96] The economy grew at the rate of 9% in 197576 alone, and the Fifth Plan, became
the first plan during which the per capita income of the economy grew by over 5%.[111]
gravest of problems in 1974 (at 25.2%) and devised a severe antiinflation program. The government
was successful in bringing down inflation during the emergency; achieving negative figures of 1.1%
by the end of 197576.[112][116]
Gandhi inherited a tattered economy in her second term; harvest failures and a second oil shock in the
late 1970s had again caused inflation to rise.[112] During Charan Singh's last year in office (1980),
inflation averaged 18.2%, compared to 6.5% during Gandhi's last year in office (1984).[113][116]
General economic recovery under Gandhi led to an average inflation at 6.5% from 198182 to 1985
86; the lowest since the beginning of India's inflation problems in the 1960s.[117]
Unemployment stayed constant at 9% over a nineyear period (197180) before declining to 8.3% in
1983.[96][118]
Domestic policy
Nationalisation
Despite the provisions, control and regulations of Reserve Bank of India, most banks in India had
continued to be owned and operated by private persons.[119] Businessmen who owned the banks were
often accused of channeling the deposits into their own companies, and ignoring the priority sector.
Furthermore, there was a great resentment against class banking in India, which had left the poor (the
majority population) unbanked.[120] After becoming Prime Minister, Gandhi expressed the intention
of nationalising the banks in a paper titled, "Stray thoughts on Bank Nationalisation" in order to alleviate
poverty.[121] The paper received the overwhelming support of the public.[121] In 1969, Gandhi moved
to nationalise fourteen major commercial banks. After the nationalisation of banks, the branches of the
public sector banks in India rose to approximate 800 percent in deposits, and advances took a huge
jump by 11,000 percent.[122] Nationalisation also resulted in a significant growth in the geographical
coverage of banks; the number of bank branches rose from 8,200 to over 62,000, most of which were
opened in the unbanked, rural areas. The nationalization drive not only helped to increase household
savings, but it also provided considerable investments in the informal sector, in small and medium
sized enterprises, and in agriculture, and contributed significantly to regional development and to the
expansion of Indias industrial and agricultural base.[123] Jayaprakash Narayan, who became famous
for leading the opposition to Gandhi in the 1970s, was solid in his praise for her bank
nationalisations.[120]
Having been reelected in 1971 on a nationalisation platform, Gandhi proceeded to nationalise the coal,
steel, copper, refining, cotton textiles, and insurance industries.[93] Most of these nationalisations were
made to protect employment and the interest of the organised labour.[93] The remaining private sector
industries were placed under strict regulatory control.[93]
During the IndoPakistani War of 1971, foreignowned private oil companies had refused to supply
fuel to the Indian Navy and Indian Air Force. In response, Gandhi nationalised oil companies in 1973.
After nationalisation the oil majors such as the Indian Oil Corporation (IOC), the Hindustan Petroleum
Corporation (HPCL) and the Bharat Petroleum Corporation (BPCL) had to keep a minimum stock
level of oil, to be supplied to the military when needed.[124]
Administration
In 1966, Gandhi
accepted the
demands of the
Akali's to
reorganize
Punjab on
linguistic lines.
The Hindi
speaking
southern half of
Punjab became a
separate state,
Haryana, while
the Pahari
speaking hilly
areas in the
north east were joined to Himachal Pradesh.[125] In doing so, she had hoped to ward off the growing
political conflict between Hindu and Sikh groups in the region.[125] However, a contentious issue that
was considered unresolved by the Akali's was the status of Chandigarh, a prosperous city on the
PunjabHaryana border, which Gandhi declared a union territory to be shared as a capital by both the
states.[126]
Victory over Pakistan in 1971 consolidated Indian power in Kashmir. Gandhi indicated that she would
make no major concessions on Kashmir. The most prominent of the Kashmiri separatists, Sheikh
Abdullah, had to recognize India's control over Kashmir in light of the new order in South Asia. The
situation was normalized in the years following the war after Abdullah agreed to an accord with
Gandhi, by giving up the demand for a plebiscite in return for a special autonomous status for Kashmir.
In 1975, Gandhi declared the state of Jammu and Kashmir as a constituent unit of India. The Kashmir
conflict remained largely peaceful if frozen under Gandhi's premiership.[127]
In 1972, Gandhi granted statehood to Meghalaya, Manipur and Tripura, while the NorthEast
Frontier Agency was declared a union territory and renamed Arunachal Pradesh. The transition to
statehood for these territories was successfully overseen by her administration.[128] This was followed
by the annexation of Sikkim in 1975.[69]
Social reform
The principle of equal pay for equal work for both men and women was enshrined in the Indian
Constitution under the Gandhi administration.[129]
Gandhi questioned the continued existence of a privy purse for Indian monarchs. She argued the case
for abolition based on equal rights for all citizens and the need to reduce the government's revenue
deficit. The nobility responded by rallying around the Jana Sangh and other rightwing parties that
stood in opposition to Gandhi's attempts to abolish royal privileges.[97] The motion to abolish privy
purses, and the official recognition of the titles, was originally brought before the Parliament in 1970.
It was passed in the Lok Sabha but felt short of the twothirds majority in the Rajya Sabha by a single
vote.[130] Gandhi responded by having a Presidential proclamation issued; derecognizing the princes;
with this withdrawal of recognition, their claims to privy purses were also legally lost.[130] However,
the proclamation was struck down by the Supreme Court of India.[130] In 1971, Gandhi again
motioned to abolish the privy purse. This time, it was successfully passed as the 26th Amendment to
the Constitution of India.[97] Many royals tried to protest the abolition of the privy purse, primarily
through campaigns to contest seats in elections. They, however, received a final setback when many of
them were defeated by huge margins.
Gandhi claimed that only "clear vision, iron will and the strictest discipline" can remove poverty.[97]
She justified the imposition of the state of emergency in 1975 in the name of the socialist mission of the
Congress.[97] Armed with the power to rule by decree and without constitutional constraints, Gandhi
embarked on a massive redistribution program.[97] The provisions included rapid enforcement of land
ceilings, housing for landless labourers, the abolition of bonded labour and a moratorium on the debts
of the poor.[97] North India was at the centre of the reforms; millions of acres of land were acquired
and redistributed.[97] The government was also successful in procuring houses for landless labourers;
according to Frankel, threefourths of the targeted four million houses was achieved in 1975 alone.[97]
Nevertheless, others have disputed the success of the program and criticized Gandhi for not doing
enough to reform land ownership. The political economist, Jyotindra Das Gupta, cryptically questioned
"...whether or not the real supporters of landholders were in jail or in power?"[97] Critics also accused
Gandhi of choosing to "talk left and act right", referring to her concurrent probusiness decisions and
endeavours.[97] Rosser wrote that "some have even seen the declaration of emergency rule in 1975 as a
move to suppress dissent against Gandhi's policy shift to the right."[93] Regardless of the controversy
over the nature of the reforms, the longterm effects of the social changes gave rise to prominence of
middleranking farmers from intermediate and lower castes in North India.[97] The rise of these newly
empowered social classes challenged the political establishment of the Hindi Belt in the years to
come.[97]
Language policy
Under the Indian Constitution of 1950, Hindi was to have become the official national language by
1965. This was not acceptable to many nonHindi speaking states, who wanted the continued use of
English in government. In 1967, Gandhi made a constitutional amendment that guaranteed the de
facto use of both Hindi and English as official languages. This established the official government
policy of bilingualism in India and satisfied the nonHindi speaking Indian states.[101] Gandhi thus put
herself forward as a leader with a panIndian vision.[131] Nevertheless, critics alleged that her stance
was actually meant to weaken the position of rival Congress leaders from the northern states such as
Uttar Pradesh, where there had been strong, sometimes violent, proHindi agitations.[101] Gandhi
came out of the language conflicts with the strong support of the south Indian populace.[131]
National security
In the late 1960s and 1970s, Gandhi had the Indian army crush militant Communist uprisings in the
Indian state of West Bengal. The communist insurgency in India was completely suppressed during
the state of emergency.[132][133][134][135]
Gandhi considered the northeastern regions important, because of its strategic situation.[136] In 1966,
the Mizo uprising took place against the government of India and overran almost the whole of the
Mizoram region. Gandhi ordered the Indian army to launch massive retaliatory strikes in response.
The rebellion was suppressed with the Indian Air Force even carrying out airstrikes in Aizawl; this
remains the only instance of India carrying out an airstrike in its own civilian territory.[128][137] The
defeat of Pakistan in 1971 and the secession of East Pakistan as proIndia Bangladesh led to the
collapse of the Mizo separatist movement. In 1972, after the less extremist Mizo leaders came to the
negotiating table, Gandhi upgraded Mizoram to the status of a union territory. A smallscale
insurgency by some militants continued into the late 1970s but was successfully dealt with by the
government.[128] The Mizo conflict was definitively resolved during the administration of Gandhi's
son Rajiv. Today, Mizoram is considered as one of the most peaceful states in the northeast.[138]
Responding to the insurgency in Nagaland, Gandhi "unleashed a powerful military offensive" in the
1970s.[139] Finally, a massive crackdown on the insurgents took place during the state of emergency
ordered by Gandhi. The insurgents soon agreed to surrender and signed the Shillong Accord in
1975.[140] While the agreement was considered a victory for the Indian government and ended large
scale conflicts,[141] there has since been spurts of violence by rebel holdouts and ethnic conflict
amongst the tribes.[141]
Awards
Ratna.,[144][145][146] In
2011, the Bangladesh
Freedom Honour
(Bangladesh Swadhinata
Sammanona ),
Bangladesh's highest
civilian award, was
posthumously conferred
on Indira Gandhi for her
Legacy
Indira Gandhi is associated with fostering a culture of nepotism in Indian politics and in India's
institutions.[148] She is also almost singularly associated with the period of Emergency rule and the
dark period in Indian Democracy that it entailed,[149] the period of conflict with Khalistan militants in
the western state of Punjab,[150] and being the face of a progressive Indian electorate owing to her
being the first woman elected to hold the office of the Prime Minister of India.[151]
The Indira Awaas Yojana, a central government lowcost housing programme for the rural poor, is
named after her. The international airport at New Delhi is named Indira Gandhi International Airport
in her honour. The Indira Gandhi National Open University, the largest university in the world, is also
named after her. Indian National Congress established the annual Indira Gandhi Award for National
Integration in 1985, given in her memory on her death anniversary. The Indira Gandhi Memorial
Trust also constituted the annual Indira Gandhi Prize.
See also
List of assassinated Indian politicians
List of elected or appointed female heads of government
References
Notes
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Sources
Skard, Torild (2014). "Indira Gandhi". Women of Power: Half a Century of Female Presidents and
Prime Ministers Worldwide. Bristol: Policy Press. ISBN9781447315780.
Barbara Somervill (2007). Indira Gandhi: Political Leader in India. Capstone Publishers.
ISBN9780756518851.
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0007372508.
Meena Agrawal (2005). Indira Gandhi. Diamond Pocket Books. ISBN8128809016.
Pranay Gupte (2012). Mother India: A Political Biography of Indira Gandhi. Penguin Books.
ISBN9780143068266.
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Further reading
Ved Mehta, A Family Affair: India Under Three Prime Ministers (1982) ISBN 0195031180
Pupul Jayakar, Indira Gandhi: An Intimate Biography (1992) ISBN 9780679424796
Katherine Frank, Indira: the life of Indira Nehru Gandhi (2002) ISBN 039573097X
Ramachandra Guha, India after Gandhi: The History of the World's Largest Democracy (2007) ISBN
9780060198817
Inder Malhotra, Indira Gandhi: A personal and political biography (1991) ISBN 0340535482
Indira Gandhi Iron Lady of India by Dr Sulakshi Thelikorala
(http://www.asiantribune.com/news/2011/11/18/indiragandhiironladyindia)
Midnight Children, Salman Rushdie
External links
Indira Gandhi
(https://www.dmoz.org/Regional/Asia/India/Society_and_Culture/History/Personalities/Gan
dhi%2C_Indira) at DMOZ
Rare pictures of Indira Gandhi (http://www.indiaintro.com/jawaharlalnehruandindira
gandhi.html)
website of Indira gandhi (http://www.indiragandhi.com/)
Succeededby
Neelam Sanjiva Reddy
Precededby
Devakanta Barua
Succeededby
Rajiv Gandhi
Political offices
Precededby
Gulzarilal Nanda
Acting
Precededby
Mahommedali Currim
Chagla
Precededby
Morarji Desai
Precededby
Swaran Singh
Precededby
Charan Singh
Minister of Finance
19691970
Minister of Home Affairs
19701973
Minister of Defence
1975
Prime Minister of India
19801984
Chairperson of the Planning
Commission
19801984
Succeededby
Morarji Desai
Succeededby
Dinesh Singh
Succeededby
Yashwantrao Chavan
Succeededby
Bansi Lal
Succeededby
Rajiv Gandhi
Precededby
Chidambaram Subramaniam
Minister of Defence
19801982
Succeededby
Ramaswamy Venkataraman
Precededby
Narasimha Rao
Succeededby
Rajiv Gandhi