Suicide
Suicide
Suicide
This publication was prepared by the United States Government. Neither the United States
Government nor the United States Department of Justice, nor any of their employees, makes any
warranty, expressed or implied, or assumes any legal liability or responsibility for the accuracy,
completeness, or usefulness of any information, apparatus, product, or process disclosed, or
represents that in use would not infringe privately owned rights. Reference herein to any specific
commercial product, process, or service by trade name, mark, manufacture, or otherwise, does not
necessarily constitute or imply its endorsement, recommendations, or favoring by the United States
Government or any agency thereof. The views and opinions of authors expressed herein do not
necessarily state or reflect those of the United States Government or any agency thereof.
DONALD C. SHEEHAN
Supervisory Special Agent
Federal Bureau of Investigation
JANET I. WARREN
Associate Professor
University of Virginia
Editors
Washington, D.C.
2001
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DEDICATION
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PREFACE
In September 1999, the FBI's Behavioral Science Unit (BSU) continued the tradition of
identifying a significant issue confronting the law enforcement community then issuing a "call to
arms" to recognized experts and practitioners. This resulted in a BSU-hosted conference on suicide
and law enforcement at the FBI Academy, Quantico, Virginia. The purpose of this gathering of
professionals from many disciplines was to discuss the impact of suicide on the law enforcement
profession. Law enforcement officers, psychologists, attorneys, chaplains and employee assistance
professionals, as well as other interested parties, gathered together to focus on various aspects of
suicide and law enforcement.
This book contains the results of their efforts. This important work would not be possible
without the forward-thinking efforts of the men and women of the FBI's BSU. Dr. Janet I. Warren
has continued the University of Virginias long record of collaboration with the FBI by providing
her assistance in this project. They all worked tirelessly to put together a program that brought
together a "world class" gathering of professionals who, for 1 week discussed the pain and suffering
brought on by this phenomenon plaguing the law enforcement profession. After careful review and
vetting by the conference participants, we compiled this work to focus additional attention and to
stimulate continuing research into this dark side of our profession.
Law enforcement, at the beginning of a new century, is more challenging then ever. Law
enforcement professionals confront the grim realities of a society struggling with the specter of
violence in every aspect of life. Policing this violence-tinged society are law enforcement officers.
Standing tall, they confront, not the made-for-TV world of violence, but the real world of death and
destruction. Inevitably, these officers acquire the psychological baggage the professionals gathered
for this conference work everyday to better understand.
Efforts such as this are not possible without the close cooperation between the FBI and the
many law enforcement and educational institutions represented in this work. Cooperation has
become a hallmark of the FBI as we confront the wide variety of challenges facing law enforcement
on the streets or in the classroom. Cooperation is a critical success factor in the 21st century. As a
grateful member of the law enforcement profession, to all of those whose contributions make this
book possible, I say, thank you.
James K. Schweitzer
Chief, Instruction Section
FBI Academy
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FOREWORD
Among the many enemies faced by law enforcement officers, suicide stands as one of the
most constant. It remains the least identifiable of our foes because we hide thoughts of it within
ourselves. We often mask the desire to do ourselves harm behind feelings of denial and
rationalization. The fact embarrassed officials report some police suicides as accidental make
statistics on police suicides/unreliable.
A Quebec, Canada, survey regarding police suicide listed the top 18 reasons police officers
commit suicide, in order of importance. Purely occupational issues did not surface until the 13th
item. Attitudes concerning life comprised the premier issues. Many spend an inordinate amount of
time gathering statistics regarding this dilemma, but I agree with Karl Menninger. He stated attitudes
outweigh facts. Attitudes must change so that statistics decline.
We must study the phenomena of law enforcement stress more. Some focus considerable
time and talent in researching this behavior, but we must do more. I am proud of the efforts of the
FBI's Training Division and the individual interest of my successor, Supervisory Special Agent
Donald C. Sheehan, for publicly and professionally facing this critical issue in the lives of law
enforcement officers and their families. Dr. Stephen R. Band, Chief of the Behavioral Science Unit,
supported the purpose of this conference, addressing suicide and law enforcement and subsequently,
the conference itself. I spent 18 years working in the BSU and I am pleased that the work we began
continues. I applaud them for choosing this topic in a day and age when authorities give more
attention to the hardware and operational aspects of law enforcement than to the well-being of its
practitioners.
Many write about the existence of law enforcement stress, suicide, alcohol abuse and marital
discord. Few, however, have ever provided legitimate statistics accurately representing the law
enforcement profession. The issues of stress, suicide, substance abuse and marital discord exist in
virtually every walk of life. Why then, must we pay particular attention to their occurrence in law
enforcement? When the Roman Emperor Augustus appointed a Praefectus Urbi in 27 B.C., he
established policing as an institution, one that has survived over 2,000 years. The importance of
policing rests on the fact that all surviving societies have a well-established, respected, law
enforcement authority. Our law enforcement officers comprise an element essential to our survival
as a nation.
Suicide continues as a behavioral problem in our society. Suicides outnumber homicides 3
to 2. Suicide has plagued mankind throughout the ages. As a form of human behavior, it has been
judged from many different perspectives. For thousands of years, in ancient and primitive cultures,
the phenomenon of taking one's own life met with many judgments, attitudes and feelings. Suicide
has received responses ranging from outrage to acceptance.
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Many views regarding suicide have emerged. Historically, some societies looked upon
suicide as a sign of valor. Historians tell of Caesarian troops thwarting the attacks of Pompey until
it was known that they could not win. Rather than face defeat and become prisoners, they all
committed suicide to avoid capture.
History provides a background for our current view and opinions regarding suicide.
Attitudes, however, have changed in time and now we address issues regarding the individual's
acceptance of suicide, the influence of stress and its influence in the suicide decision, as well as the
more recent issues surrounding "officer-assisted" suicides.
We must accept the task of moving into the 21st century with the renewed hope this act of
self-destruction will cease. Fortunately, as the 20th century closed, many law enforcement trainers
focused on holistic wellness. The entire field of police stress seemed to realize the enemy without
did not cause the greatest amount of job dissatisfaction and self-destructive behaviors. The enemy
within posed the biggest threat. At the FBI Academy, a now-retired agent, John Minderman, created
a course titled Contemporary Police Problems in the late 1970s. I modified the course and titled it
Stress Management in Law Enforcement (SMILE). The Behavioral Science Unit currently teaches
to the SMILE course to the FBI National Academy. Holistic wellness remains the major focus and
includes the area of awareness, involving spiritual, familial, personal and occupational issues. We
also consider financial, nutritional, physical, emotional, leadership, retirement and social issues. We
believe police officers can handle stress and subsequent self-destructive behaviors leading to divorce,
alcohol abuse and suicide by regaining control of their lives through an appreciation of holistic
wellness.
This book focuses on helping law enforcement officers at all levels, as well as those who
support law enforcement, to understand suicide. It neither offers officers' therapeutic solutions nor
explains various psychological theories. It does not cast a bad light on those who have chosen
suicide as a solution to their trials in life. Without apologies or reservations, it attempts to implore
law enforcement to offer help to those in need; to seek help when needed and to find other solutions,
which will allow them to continue to serve their communities and enjoy their lives, as well as to be
a part of the lives of those who love them.
As a teacher, counselor and behavioral scientist with almost three decades of experience, I
realize the process of helping others remains complex and challenging. Each of us must accept this
challenge. It ranges from changing our behaviors to influencing the behaviors of others. Counseling
requires strength, not weakness. Law enforcement officers must access those professionals, as well
as peers, who have the training to address the complexities of human behavior. I believe people want
to help each other. In fact, as a result of helping others, our status as individuals increases and our
self-image strengthens. This increased confidence in one's own psychological well-being has a
healing effect, both with the helper and those in need of help.
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Helpers, however, tend to develop their own theories. Do not stereotype individuals based
upon previous assumptions about suicides. Read this book, learn what these professionals have
shared in it. Apply this knowledge to continue making the law enforcement profession rewarding,
for its practitioners, their loved ones and the public they serve.
James T. Reese, Ph.D.
FBI, Retired
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication
Donald C. Sheehan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii
Preface
James K. Schweitzer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v
Foreword
James T. Reese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
Acknowledgments
Donald C. Sheehan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii
Introduction(s)
Donald C. Sheehan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Section One - Organizational Approaches
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Suicide Prevention Training: One Departments Response
Scott W. Allen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
An Evidence-Based Educational Intervention to Improve Evaluation and Preventive
Services for Officers at Risk for Suicidal Behaviors
Lawrence V. Amsel, Giovanni P.A. Placidi, Herbert Hendin, Michael ONeill
and J. John Mann . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Suicide in San Francisco: Lessons Learned and Preventions
Alan Benner . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Lessons Learned: A Suicide in a Small Police Department
JoAnne Brewster and Philip Alan Broadfoot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
An FBI Perspective on Law Enforcement Suicide
John H. Campbell . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
Suicide of a Chief Executive Officer: Implications for Intervention
John J. Carr . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
Developing a Plan: Helping a Department Heal After a Police Suicide
Dennis L. Conroy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
From Critical Incident Stress to Police Suicide: Prevention Through Mandatory
Academy On-the-Job Training Programs
Maria (Maki) Haberfeld . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Law Enforcement Suicide: The Supervisors Guide to Prevention and Intervention
Dell P. Hackett and James T. Reese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We greatly acknowledge the contribution of the authors who so willingly shared their insights for
the benefit of the law enforcement community:
Michael G. Aamodt, Ph.D.
Scott W. Allen, Ph.D.
Lawrence V. Amsel, M.D., MPH
Julie A. Armstrong, Psy.D., RNCS
Gary S. Aumiller, Ph.D.
Amy Bartholomew, M.D.
George T. Bergen, Ph.D.
Sarah Best, B.A.
T. H. Blau, Ph.D.
Anne Marie Berg, Ph.D.
Roald A. Bjorklund, Ph.D.
Nancy K. Bohl, Ph.D.
JoAnne Brewster, Ph.D.
James D. Brink, Ph.D.
Philip Alan Broadfoot
John H. Campbell, Ph.D.
Michael A. Campion, Ph.D.
John J. Carr, M.S., DCSW
Dennis L. Conroy. Ph.D.
Robert A. Cornelius, Ph.D.
Robert Croxton, M.D.
Stephen F. Curran, Ph.D.
Joseph J. DAngelo, M.Div.
Nancy Davis, Ph.D.
Alecia Deutch, M.S.
Brien J. Farrell, J.D.
Susanne Fricke
Daniel A. Goldfarb, Ph.D.
Claudia L. Greene-Forsythe, M.D.
Maria (Maki) Haberfeld, Ph.D.
Dell P. Hackett, B.A.
Dale F. Hansen, Ph.D.
Dennis Hayes, M.S.
Dwayne L. Heinsen
Herbert Hendin, M.D.
Professor of Psychology
Police Psychologist
Research Psychiatrist
Clinical Psychologist
Police Psychologist
Assistant Professor of Psychiatry
Professor of Psychology
Research Assistant
Chief Inspector
Psychologist/Associate Professor
Psychologist
Director, Counseling Team
Associate Professor of Psychology
Police Lieutenant
Chief of Police
Associate Professor of Criminal Justice/Retired FBI
Licensed Clinical Psychologist
Executive Director, Family Service Society
Director, Employee Assistance Program
Chaplain
Associate Professor of Psychiatry
Police Psychologist
Police Chaplain
Police Psychologist
Research Assistant
Assistant City Attorney
Psychologist
Police Psychologist
Law Enforcement Psychiatrist
Associate Professor of Criminal Justice
Police Lieutenant - Retired
Chaplain/Health Care Professional
Police Chaplain
Staff Sergeant/Employee Assistance Coordinator
Medical Director
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Staff Psychologist
Director, Special Psychological Services Group
Forensic Psychiatrist
Professor of Criminal Justice
Director, Employee Support Services Bureau
Professor of Sociology
Professor of Criminal Justice
Assistant Clinical Professor
Training Director
Suicide Researcher
Police Psychologist
Psychology Department Director
Psychology Professor
Psychological Associate
Associate Professor of Criminal Justice
Professor of Psychiatry
FBI Special Agent
Police Captain
Police Psychologist
Police Lieutenant
Professor of Criminal Justice
Police Captain
Police Psychologist
Police Inspector
Professor of Psychology
Former Program Director, Domestic Violence Center
Police Sergeant/ Doctoral Candidate
Psychologist
Research Psychiatrist
Special Agent/Psychologist
Professor of Social Work
Behavioral Consultant/ Retired FBI
Suicidologist
Assistant Program Director, Georgia Police Corps
Director, Employee Assistance
Psychiatrist
Consulting Psychologist
Assistant Professor of Psychiatry
Law Enforcement Executive
Psychologist, Health and Human Services
Police Psychologist
Department of Psychology
Police Inspector
James Noonan, M.A. and Cynthia Barnett, M.A., Survey Statisticians, FBI, Criminal Justice
Information Services Division assisted with the Law Enforcement Suicide Survey.
Nancy Davis, Ph.D. (formerly of the FBI Employee Assistance Program), Dixon Diamond, M.D.
(FBI Employee Assistance Program), Steve Pryplesh, M.S., M.P.A. (Director of the University of
Virginia's FBI Center) and SSA Stephen Romano, M.A. (FBI Crisis Negotiation Unit) assisted in
the selection of conference attendees.
Jeffrey Higginbotham (former Assistant Director, FBI and Head, Training Division) and James K.
Schweitzer (Section Chief, Training Division, Instruction Section) provided their full support to
include the logistics of running a large conference.
Stephen R. Band (Chief) and Harry A. Kern (Supervisory Special Agent), Behavioral Science Unit,
coordinated and facilitated administrative support.
William Guyton (Chief, Law Enforcement Communication Unit) arranged administrative support
for publication of this book.
Thomas Christenberry (Chief , Multi-Media Resources Unit) and Diana Morgan (Producer, Federal
Bureau of Investigation Television Network) and their staff produced a wonderful live broadcast of
the conference to hundreds of locations throughout the country.
James Sewell, Ph.D. (Regional Director, Tampa Bay Regional Operations Center) and Katherine
Ellison, Ph.D. (Chaplain, Montclair State University) considerably enhanced the conference by
providing expert commentary during a 2-hour broadcast of the conference.
Special Agents Hilda Kogut and Maureen Lese enthusiastically assisted in whatever was necessary
to make the conference succeed.
Michael Grill, Lisa Foundos and Sharon Jacoby, Academy's Graphics Department provided their
artistic talent in illustrating designs for the book cover, conference posters, signs, badges and labels.
Nancy Bronstein, LaVerne Carter, Bobbi J. Cotter, Kimberly Jones, Nicole Swans and Linda
Trigeiro-Pabst (Office of Public and Congressional Affairs, FBI Headquarters), provided proofing
assistance.
Glenda Smith (FBI Headquarters) provided strong administrative support.
xix
Ashley Backman (Yale University), Alissa Clark (St. Clouds State University), Teresa DeLaurentiis
(Elmira College), Joshua Mehall (Indiana University of Pennsylvania), Edith Rickett (Howard
University) and Jamie Strickland (North Carolina State University) through their good work
demonstrated, repeatedly, the value the FBI receives from Internship Programs.
Cynthia Lewis, Bunny Morris and Kim Waggoner (Training Division), provided expert technical
editing assistance.
Beatrice Aud, Beth Griffin, Tonja Price, Pam Robinson, Becky Romano, Tammy Schuldt, Linda
Szmulio and Wilma Wulchak provided administrative support, in addition to performing their
regular duties.
Amanda French (Editorial Assistant, University of Virginia), provided notable assistance in
preparing this book for publication.
Anna Grymes (Training Technician, Behavioral Science Unit), provided exceptional assistance
throughout this project.
Cindy Laskiewicz (Management Analyst, Behavioral Science Unit) and Sue Lesko (Training
Technician, Employee Assistance Unit) unselfishly provided help when it was needed most,
particularly at the end of the project when everyone else had grown tired.
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INTRODUCTION
Lives break in many ways. Time passes and things happen. As events unfold, situations
develop. Some of them become unbearable. Suicide occurs when people believe that their pain will
continue, unmitigated. This hopelessness characterizes virtually all cases of suicide. The specific
reasons vary widely, but 3 major themes recur. Suicidal people: 1) experience an event that seriously
challenges their self-concept; 2) lose control over an important aspect of their life and 3) suffer
severe disappointment in relation to somebody who has emotional significance to them. Males and
females, young and old, educated and uneducated and religious and nonreligious individuals kill
themselves. Police officers do so as well.
A significant number of law enforcement officers commit suicide each year. Why?
Shakespeare's Hamlet was neither the first nor the last to wonder whether it is better to be or not to
be. Unfortunately, many police officers decide it is better not to be. In most cases, their fatal
decisions occur while dealing with job-related problems and upheavals in personal relationships.
Intrusive thoughts, poor nutrition, sleep deprivation, lack of exercise and alcohol abuse help distort
their normally accurate perceptions and good judgment.
What confluence of time and events culminate in such drastic acts? Although the reasons
differ, the results do not. Self-inflected death, immutable, intransigent and unfathomable, under
normal circumstances, acquires added negative impact. These acts devastate families, friends and
fellow officers. Organizations suffer, too.
Two weeks before the suicide and law enforcement conference began, I stayed in a kibbutz
outside of Jerusalem while teaching a stress management course to mid-level managers within the
Israeli and Jordanian police and security forces. In view of the upcoming conference, the topic of
suicide kept coming to mind. At my request, a member of the FBI legal attache staff in Tel Aviv
arranged a visit to Masada, the site of, arguably, the most famous case of mass suicide in antiquity.
As I stood on that sun-scorched plateau bordering the Dead Sea, I could see the outline of the wall
the Roman legions built to contain the Jewish zealots while a ramp was built to serve as a platform
to penetrate their defenses.
When we analyze suicide, we always discover an element of helplessness. Can you imagine
the hopelessness experienced by those men, women and children as they watched the world's
foremost military machine relentlessly and methodically build a containing wall and penetrating
ramp? I can understand how all hope drained away as the ramp inexorably drew nearer day after day,
week after week and month after month.
Facing rape of the women, enslavement of the children and death of the men, approximately
1,000 Jews killed themselves. Under the circumstances, these were honorable acts. It took great
courage and incredible resolve to deny the Romans a conventional victory.
It reminded me of other suicide sites I had visited. Many years ago, as a Marine officer, I
served a temporary assignment on Okinawa. While there, I viewed the cliffs where Japanese civilians
jumped to their death during World War II because they mistakenly feared abuse at the hands of the
victorious Marines. I also visited the underground caves comprising the headquarters of the
commander of the Japanese Naval Forces. I saw the pockmarked walls where groups of Japanese
military men clustered before exploding their own grenades in a misguided attempt to maintain their
honor in the face of defeat. I observed the verse their admiral delicately had painted on a wall before
ritualistically disemboweling himself.
To my more cynically inclined readers, this may have taken on the initial appearance of a
morbid travelogue. It is not. Suicide, a cross-cultural act, has spanned the ages and shaken mankind
throughout history. Having seen and felt the shock of suicide within the FBI, it does not take much
imagination to visualize the reaction of those legionnaires as they walked across that rock-strewn
piece of raised desert as the rising sun revealed the stark reality of total self-destruction. Even those
battle-hardened veterans of protracted desert warfare must have experienced disbelief. I felt the same
awe looking at the admiral's beautiful poem crafted shortly before he eviscerated himself. I
experienced the same confusion when informed a fellow agent had killed himself. The same one
whose background investigation I had performed and who commiserated with me about the irony
of us both being transferred from the relatively tranquil atmosphere of Albany, Georgia, to the frantic
environment of Newark, New Jersey. I wondered why, just like everyone else who has experienced
the absolute reality of co-worker suicide.
The next thought occurred to me because the situations of the Jews and the Japanese were
completely different from the law enforcement officers who, like my former colleague, chose to kill
themselves. The Japanese thought they had no choice; the Jewish zealots actually did not have any
recourse, but modern police do. They have an incredible array of support available to them. Their
deaths are not so much honorable, as tragic. The tragedy multiplies exponentially because of the
sheer lack of necessity. Law enforcement officers do not have to die this way.
Suicide costs too much. Individuals and institution suffer. People feel pain and organizations
lose efficiency. We have to do better. Each article in this book represents a step toward that goal.
This book consists of 61 articles divided into 6 sections. Each of the sections deals with
suicide from a different perspective. Not every article fits neatly into a particular category shared so
generously, but the sections do help organize the vast amount of material the authors have with us.
Self-destruction by police officers comprises the main focus of the book but other aspects of law
enforcement related suicide receives attention as well. As first responders, police officers often
become vicarious victims of citizen suicide. The cumulative effect of multiple exposures to these
experiences can have pronounced negative results. Suicide by cop receives extensive attention
because of the devastating effect such an act can have on a conscientious officer who unwittingly
becomes the instrument of somebody who decides to self-destruct.
Appendix A proposes a model survey form. Dr. Nancy Davis and I developed it hoping we
eventually will be able to accurately determine how many police officers kill themselves. We try to
balance our need to know specific information with a sensitivity toward the suffering relatives,
friends and co-workers affected by a suicide. Appendix B is Chaplain Dennis Hayes' artful method
of thematically weaving together the disparate elements of the conference. His uplifting benediction
provides a spiritual grace note to help us deal with our grim subject matter.
Many books represent a specific point of view; this one does not. The large number of
contributors virtually guarantees we cannot reach a consensus. Although we did not reach total
agreement about suicide and law enforcement, we did produce a comprehensive treatment of the
subject. This book has something for everyone who has an interest in the topic. The authors drew
from an impressive array of talent across a wide variety of professions. They did not rely exclusively
on their experience and education. They also used creativity to develop new approaches to an old
problem.
I learned a great deal while editing this book. Dr. Warren, the contributing authors, the
supporting staff and I hope you, too, will learn what you need to know about suicide and law
enforcement.
Donald C. Sheehan
Supervisory Special Agent
Federal Bureau of Investigation
SECTION ONE
ORGANIZATIONAL APPROACHES
INTRODUCTION
Police suicide resonates within any law enforcement agency with tremendous force. All
types of departments: large, medium and small; northern, southern, eastern and western and urban,
suburban and rural; have felt the impact of such acts. The self inflicted death of an officer focuses
adverse attention on any organization. If something went wrong somebody must be responsible. In
the highly emotional aftermath of a suicide when blaming is common, officials can forget their first
responsibility is healing the survivors.
Undoubtedly, the individuals comprising the Executive Management of law enforcement
agencies feel the loss of one of their officers to suicide. However, individual compassion does not
necessarily translate into an efficient, organizational response. Most importantly, we must foster a
culture of caring in the law enforcement profession. This must be coupled with a comprehensive
plan which is firmly in place before an incident occurs.
The articles in this section show how the FBI, the state of Georgia, the Miami-Dade Police
Department, the New York City Police Department, the San Francisco Police Department, The Royal
Canadian Mounted Police, the Toronto Police Service and several smaller departments deal with
police suicide. There are also articles concerning other departments which do not represent official,
organizational positions, but do provide valuable insights. They deal with mandatory training, policy
development, plan implementation, supervisor guidelines and trauma reduction in survivors.
This information encompasses an incredible range of agencies and has universal
applicability. Members of every size agency will find information relevant to them. Taken as a
whole, these articles provide a blueprint for any police agency seeking a sound, organizational
response to police suicide. Tempered with compassion, they may even prevent the next suicide.
Address correspondence concerning this article to Scott W. Allen, Ph.D., Senior Staff Psychologist,
Miami-Dade Police Department, Psychological Services Section, 8525 N.W. 53 Terrace, Suite 215,
Miami FL 33166.
9
10
12
13
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
Attachments A and B
14
II
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
VII.
Attachment C
15
16
Address correspondence concerning this article to Lawrence Amsel, MD, MPH, Department of
Neuroscience, New York State Psychiatric Institute, 1051 Riverside Drive, New York, NY
10032.
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19
20
Despite all the research on risk factors, however, it remains impossible to accurately
predict suicide on the individual level. The best we can do is identify persons who are at
increased risk for suicidal behaviors and make sure that those persons receive preventive
interventions and treatment for their underlying problems.
Risk Factors in General: The Stress Diathesis Model
Working with numerous risk factors without an overall model can be daunting and quite
confusing. The Stress Diathesis model (S-D) proposed by Mann and his colleagues (Mann et al.,
1999) is an attempt to organize many of the known risk factors and biological aspects of suicide
into a comprehensive and comprehendible model. It is based on several key observations. First,
over 90% of suicides occur in the context of a psychiatric disorder, yet the overwhelming
majority of persons with psychiatric disorders do not make suicide attempts. Second, while
psychiatric illness, particularly severe depressions, are excruciatingly painful experiences leading
some sufferers to become suicidal, the objective severity of depressive symptoms do not predict
suicidal behaviors. On the other hand, among depressed persons, an aggressive or impulsive
personality style does correlate with suicidality. Third, family patterns of suicidal behavior seem
to indicate an inherited suicidal trait independent of the inheritance of particular psychiatric
diagnosis. Finally, suicide attempters and completers seem to have a dysfunction of the brain
chemical serotonin that is similar to that found in aggressive or violent persons.
Based on these observations, the Stress Diathesis model postulates two independent
components in suicidal behavior that work together. The first consists of lifelong personality
style, which predisposes to aggressive/impulsive behavior in response to stressful circumstances
or powerful emotions. This is the diathesis or tendency. A number of the risk factors we have
mentioned may contribute to this diathesis, which is why they are risk factors for suicide. These
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22
It is not simply a matter of having the right information, it also must be in a form that is
easily applied. Moreover, as in the introduction of new equipment, users must be given hands-on
training in the skills needed to use the new tools. This is especially true for the evaluation of
highly sensitive and private psychological material.
Taking all of these factors into account, the final program consisted of five meetings,
each of which contained three elements: 1) a lecture, 2) an interactive discussion period and 3)
an experiential workshop. Each lecture summarized the current state of knowledge regarding the
risk factors mentioned above. The interactive discussions then focused on how participants could
best apply this knowledge in their particular police setting. During the workshops that followed,
the participants role-played difficult interview situations involving the key risk factors under
discussion. The lectures and discussions were aimed an increasing psychological and scientific
knowledge and understanding of suicide and its application to police work. The workshops were
aimed at increasing the participants skills in empathic interviewing and at in improving their
abilities to assess mood disorders, alcohol abuse, work and family stressors and ineffective
coping styles. Specifically, the workshops aimed at improving those counseling skills needed
to implement effective suicide screening.
It is important to add that obtaining a detailed discussion of suicidal ideation is such an
important risk factor that it was included in all meetings, rather than being the focus of a single
meeting. According to a recent article by Beck, a persons suicidal ideation at the worst time
of their life was a very powerful predictor of eventual suicide (Beck et al., 1999). Thus, any
assessment of suicidal potential must include a detailed discussion of suicidal ideation.
However, as we discovered in the development phase of the course, even highly experienced
counselors often are reluctant to directly discuss suicidal thoughts and attempts. They fear
discussing suicide would plant the idea in a persons mind. Of the 89 completed suicides since
23
Each question could be rated: 4) excellent, 3) good, 2) fair or 1) poor. In the next section,
we will include the mean scores of these dimensions for each lecture and workshop. In addition,
participants were encouraged to add written comments and suggestions on the evaluation forms.
Many of these comments were reflections of the interactive discussions and are included in the
descriptions of these discussions below.
Implementation of the Program: Content and Evaluation of Individual Meetings
The lectures summarized the current state of knowledge regarding a key risk factor for
suicidal behaviors and the interactive discussions focused on how participants could best apply
this knowledge in their particular police setting. During the workshops, participants role-played
24
Relevance
Reading ma terials
Facilitation of participation
Use of time
3.1 (0.48)
3.3 (0.50)
3.3 (0.47)
3.5 (0.50)
3.4 (0.54)
The discussion period that followed was focused on the task of applying this material in
the specific context of police work. In particular, the discussion involved the differences between
the clinical therapeutic situation, in which patients are committed to treatment and the
assessment task in which officers often are distrustful of the process and are only minimally
cooperative.
The workshop involved a dyadic role-play with scenarios from participants experiences.
One participant played the role of a client he had evaluated while the other participant played
himself at work and conducted an assessment. Participants were asked to focus on a set of
particular skills relevant to the days topic. For the first session these were getting comfortable
with a frank discussion of suicide and crisis counseling. After the role-play, all participants were
invited to critique the role-play in a supportive and constructive fashion, as well to discuss
alternative approaches. Participants consistently stated that watching their peers conduct these
mock interviews was extremely helpful in building skills, as was doing the mock interviews and
getting peer feedback.
Evaluation means and standard deviations of first workshop by 40 participants.
Usefu lness
Relevance
Reading ma terials
Facilitation of participation
Use of time
3.2(0.46)
3.3 (0.52)
3.4 (0.53)
3.4 (0.55)
3.4 (0.55)
25
Relevance
Reading ma terials
Facilitation of participation
Use of time
3.2(0.52)
3.2 (0.65)
3.4 (0.64)
3.3 (0.57)
3.3 (0.59)
The discussion period focused on the process of obtaining and organizing clinical
information about an interviewee in the police setting, where different narratives may be
presented by supervisors, family members and the officer in question. The specific usefulness
of checklists, especially in the identification of depression, was elaborated, as was the special
problem of dealing with nonpsychologically oriented persons.
The workshop focused on the skills of interviewing in order to obtain information and
the need for close observation of nonverbal clues. In particular, nonthreatening nonjudgmental
approaches to asking about symptoms were practiced and discussed, as were techniques for
observing and describing behaviors in the interview situation. While most participants were
aware of the DSM-IV diagnostic system, many of the participants stated that they were not
regularly in the habit of using symptom checklists (either mentally or on paper) in their
assessments. A number of participants found this technique to be helpful in simplifying their
assessment and in giving them greater confidence in their evaluations.
Evaluation means and standard deviations of second workshop by 34 participants.
Usefu lness
Relevance
Reading ma terials
Facilitation of participation
Use of time
3.1(0.62)
3.0 (0.68)
3.2 (0.61)
3.4 (0.54)
3.2 (0.60)
Third Session
The third lecture focused on work stressors, family stressors and sudden losses as suicide
risk factors. This lecture emphasized the unique types and levels of stress that police officers face
at work and the special stressors that police work places on police families For a review of these
issues, see the work of McCafferty et al., (1992), Janik (1994), Violanti (1996) and Lester
(1998).
26
Relevance
Reading ma terials
Facilitation of participation
Use of time
3.2(0.53)
3.3 (0.52)
3.4 (0.50)
3.4 (0.63)
3.4 (0.59)
The discussion period focused on the participants impression that in the face of these
severe stressors there was a great deal of ineffective coping strategies enacted both by individuals
and by the police culture in general. This included stoic denials of psychological pain, emotional
isolation from significant others, overuse of alcohol and overidentification with the job
sometimes coupled with cynicism and distrust of the general public.
The workshop focused on interview skills needed to obtain sensitive personal information
about work and family stressors as described by DAndrea and colleagues (DAndrea and
Solovey, 1984). These included: being nonjudgmental, being empathetic, sticking with the here
and now, working with feelings first and active listening and reflecting of content.
27
Relevance
Reading ma terials
Facilitation of participation
Use of time
3.1(0.49)
3.2 (0.64)
3.3 (0.48)
3.4 (0.54)
3.4 (0.55)
Fourth Session
The fourth lecture focused on alcoholism and substance abuse as suicide risk factors.
Alcoholism and abuse are both acute and chronic risk factors. Chronic alcoholism or substance
abuse can lead to a downward spiral in which both work performance and family relationships
suffer. This increases stress and can contribute to depression and anxiety, which, in turn, often
leads to more drinking or substance use as a form of self-medication.
In addition, acute intoxication is a severe risk for suicide as it causes disinhibition and
interferes with normal decision-making processes. Of the 89 completed suicides in the NYPD,
64 (72%) had alcohol in their blood at the time of the suicide.
Evaluation means and standard deviations of fourth lecture by 43 participants.
Usefu lness
Relevance
Reading ma terials
Facilitation of participation
Use of time
3.3(0.56)
3.4 (0.55)
3.3 (0.56)
3.4 (0.54)
3.3 (0.46)
The discussion period focused on the high prevalence of problem drinking within law
enforcement and the difficulty counselors faced in confronting the omnipresent denial around
this issue. Alcohol use is an ubiquitous ingredient of police culture.
While misuse of prescription drugs was part of the standard evaluation, the possibility
of illegal substance abuse presented far more complex legal and confidentiality issues and often
was left out of formal evaluations. Another issue raised in this discussion was police policy of
not allowing officers on active duty to be on antidepressant or other psychotropic medication.
While rarely enforced, this policy could be problematic under current pharmacological
recommendations that include, for example, long-term medication maintenance after a
depressive episode has completely remitted. The workshop stressed skills involved in assessing
substance abuse, overcoming denial, recommending AA and use of peer support to overcome
resistance to treatment recommendations.
Evaluation means and standard deviations of fourth workshop by 42 participants.
Usefu lness
Relevance
Reading ma terials
Facilitation of participation
Use of time
3.4(0.58)
3.4 (0.50)
3.2 (0.54)
3.6 (0.55)
3.5 (0.50)
28
Relevance
Reading ma terials
Facilitation of participation
Use of time
3.4 (0.55)
3.5 (0.55)
3.4 (0.59)
3.5 (0.51)
3.3 (0.56)
The discussion focused on the notion that police departments might recruit and police
work might encourage, precisely the type of personality and coping style that is at high risk for
suicide under conditions of psychological stress. The discussion emphasized that this type of
personality or coping style was not wrong or bad. In fact, these personality characteristics may
be very desirable and helpful to police work under normal circumstances. Rather, the problem
arises when an officer attempts to use these same coping styles to solve personal problems. This
lack of flexibility may lead to an overly aggressive style in the face of family conflicts and a
willingness to use ultimate methods to solve intrapsychic problems.
The workshop dealt with ways of recognizing different character traits and coping styles
and including such assessments into a screening for suicide risk. The workshop also aimed to
demonstrate how adjusting ones interview style to better fit with the temperament of individual
officers could significantly improve rapport and cooperation.
Evaluation means and standard deviations of fifth workshop by 39 participants.
Usefu lness
Relevance
Reading ma terials
Facilitation of participation
Use of time
3.4(0.63)
3.4 (0.59)
3.4 (0.59)
3.3 (0.62)
3.4 (0.59)
Finally, participants were asked to give an overall rating for each of the five meetings.
Evaluation means and standard deviations of overall ratings by participants.
First Lecture
and Workshop
Second Lecture
and Workshop
Fourth Lecture
and Workshop
Fifth Lecture
and Workshop
3.5(0.5.6)
3.3 (0.53)
3.4 (0.55)
3.4 (0.50)
3.4 (0.64)
29
Note: This course involved a collaboration of the New York State Psychiatric Institute, Columbia
University, The American Foundation for Suicide Prevention and the New York City Police
Department.
30
Address correspondence concerning this article to Alan W. Benner, Ph.D., 2326 Beach Boulevard,
Pacific, CA, 94044.
31
What is you were unknowingly drugged and by the time you realized it, you felt out
of control and crazy? What would you do about it? What if you suddenly found
yourself, for no apparent reason, terrified and out of control? What would you do
about that? What, if anything, is the difference?
What do you know about panic attacks? How are they manifested? Why do they
occur?
If you were to be approached by someone very important to you and they were
suicidal, what would you say? What might you do? Would the same thing work for
you? If so, why? If not, why not?
If, inexplicably, you found you were seriously considering killing yourself, who
would you turn to? Would you turn to anyone? Why or why not?
Suicide bequeaths a terrible price upon the loved ones left behind. Do you owe it to
them to strategies prevention, even if you cannot imagine killing yourself? Why or
why not? What might be some suicide prevention strategies you could employ?
34
36
One of the subjects recently died in a car accident. Otherwise, the remaining 43 subjects are
still active members of the department. They range in rank from deputy chief, commander, captain,
down to two who are still patrol officers. Their narrative responses to survey questions were candid
and powerful. While the abstracted adjective descriptions of change generally are negative, many
of the answers to other questions were adaptive and more positive. The aggregate results of the
survey and the verbatim responses are used in academy and other training. Feedback has been that
the information is appreciated and it generates productive thoughtful discussion (see Attachment A).
The narrative responses were too lengthy to reproduce, but they are included in the referenced
dissertation.
EFFECTIVENESS AND SUPPRESSION: OUR STRENGTHS ARE THE OTHER SIDE OF
OUR WEAKNESSES
Law enforcement involves controlling others. To effectively control others, officers must first
be in control of themselves. Normal garden-variety emotions have to be suppressed, lest they get in
the way of objectivity, command presence and appropriate behaviors. Examples: Fear cannot be
entertained until an event is concluded; officers literally race one another to serious felony runs.
Anger is an emotion to be studiously avoided; it can derail the best of game plans, lead to
unnecessary use of force, cause citizen complaints and administrative discipline. Revulsion of what
is seen and of what must be done has to be resisted; it can get in the way of rendering first aid at an
accident or conducting an investigation at a gruesome crime scene. Empathy needs to be held in
check; it is a balancing act between giving comfort to victims and preventing diversion of too much
energy from apprehending suspects, restoring order and so forth. Officers master suppression and
denial of emotions very quickly. It serves them well. It becomes an automatic unconscious function.
The suppression function often is complimented by developing gallows humor. This humor utilizes
exaggeration and irreverence to break the connection between the stimulus and unwanted emotional
response, particularly anxiety.
Soon, nothing is sacred and black humor becomes an effective constant companion. No
working street cop, detective, crime scene investigator, or emergency worker can function effectively
without using denial, suppression and humor. Unfortunately, what works so well on the job can
adversely effect communications with loved ones. Suppression of normal emotions means not
recognizing them when they arise and that includes not talking about them. High impact emotional
issues are commonplace in relationships. Avoiding, dismissing, or laughing them off on a
consistent basis means that many issues go unresolved. Over time, problems are almost inevitable.
38
39
40
41
Name:___________________________________________________
Age: 35.3 years
Race:
Asian
Black
Hispanic
Other
White
Total
4
6
3
1
30
44
9.1%
13.6%
6.8%
2.2%
68.2%
99.9%
2.
3.
Since joining this police department, list in order the assignments you have had and the time
spent in each: Not reflected.
4.
Were you married before becoming a police officer? Yes: 15 (34%), No: 29 (66%).
Did you get a divorce since becoming a police officer? Yes: 7 (16%), No: 37 (84%).
Have you remarried since becoming a police officer? Yes: 7 (16%), No: 37 (84%).
Are you in a long-term intimate relationship? Yes 27 (66%).
5.
6.
7.
42
9.
10.
Estimate (using 100%) the percentage of your friends who are police (48%) versus nonpolice
(52%).
11.
Do you feel you are similar (20, 48%) or dissimilar (22, 52%) to other police officers in this
regard (question # 10)?
12.
Estimate the number of times you have been involved with the following types of cases:
Homicide: 14
Child abuse cases: 28
Domestic violence: 127
Death cases: 45
Resisting arrest: 45
Assaults on a police officer: 25
Drunk driving: 58
Family disturbance: 432
13.
Have you been disabled on the job? Yes: 40 (91%), No: 4 (9%).
How many times? An average of 4.2 times.
If the answer is yes, describe the injury(is) and how long you were off work for each. Not
Reflected.
14.
Have you been involved in a job-related shooting? Yes: 16 (36%), No: 28 (64%).
15.
As a police officer, have you had any emotional experience or shock that has had a lasting
effect upon you? Yes: 29 (66%), No: 15 (34%).
If your response was yes, please describe the kind of incident(s) and the effect(s). See
narrative comments.
16.
What about in your personal life away from the job? Did anything happen of an emotional
nature or shock that has had a lasting effect upon you?
Yes: 24 (55%), No: 20 (45%).
If yes, describe the situation. See narrative comments.
17.
Do you feel that the job of being a cop had any influence on your marital/relationship status?
Yes: 20 (45%), No: 24 (55%) Explain your thinking. See narrative comments.
Attachment A (continued)
43
Do you believe that you have changed since you became a police officer?
Yes: 39 (89%), No: 5 (11%).
19.
Do you believe the job itself has changed you? Yes: 41 (93%), No: 3 (7%).
20.
To the extent that you have perceived a change in yourself, what percentage of that change
do you believe was job related (56%) as opposed to being caused by nonjob-related factors
(44%)?
21.
Describe what kind of changes, if any, your personality has undergone since you have
become a police officer. Describe why you think this has happened. In the same vein, if you
believe that you have not changed, why is that and how do you feel about it? See narrative
comments.
Attachment A (continued)
44
Address correspondence concerning this article to JoAnne Brewster, School of Psychology, MSC
7401, James Madison University, Harrisonburg, VA 22807.
45
46
50
52
56
The communication went on to identify resources for employees, supervisors and managers in the
FBI. If any of those early-warning signs or any combination of those suicide risk assessment factors
were observed in employees, the managers were encouraged to immediately contact the Behavioral
Science Unit, the Employee Assistance Unit of the FBI or the existing Psychological Service
Resources.
As an afterthought to this communication and from further analysis by Dr. David Soskis, Dr.
Richard Ault and this writer, some very important issues exist today that are much clearer than when
this research project was completed. In 1989, the perception was that alerting Bureau managers about
the issues was very desirable. The risk of doing nothing or doing something wrong seemed much
greater to those who had never encountered those issues before. But the specific approach indicated
in the communication was somewhat different from the normal approach of the Bureau. Again, this
was a helping hand and Bureau employees were not accustomed to reaching out and assisting others.
It was recognized that suicide arouses very strong and often contradictory feelings. Those feelings
60
61
62
64
65
66
Address correspondence concerning this article to John J. Carr, M.S., D.C.S.W., Executive Director,
Family Service Society, Pawtucket, RI 02860.
67
68
70
Address correspondence concerning this article to Dennis Conroy, St. Paul Police Department, 100
East 11th Street, St. Paul, MN 55101.
71
75
77
80
81
82
Address correspondence concerning this article to Maria (Maki) Haberfeld, Dept. of Law, Police
Science and Criminal Justice Administration, Room 422, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, 899
Tenth Avenue, New York, NY 10019.
83
85
86
90
Physiological needs are the strongest and most fundamental; they are the needs for
that which sustains life. These needs include food, shelter, sex, air, water and sleep.
2.
Security needs emerge once the basic needs are fulfilled. The dominant security
needs are primarily the need for reasonable order and stability and the need for
freedom from being anxious and insecure.
3.
Social needs (or the original belongingness and love needs) emerge with the
fulfillment of physiological and security needs. Human beings will strive for
affiliation with others-for a place in a groupand will attempt to achieve this goal
with a great deal of intensity.
4.
Esteem needs fall into two categories. The first is self-esteem, including such factors
as the need for independence, freedom, confidence and achievement. The second is
respect from others, including the concepts of recognition, prestige, acceptance,
status and reputation.
5.
Self-actualization comes about when most of the esteem needs are fulfilled: What
man can be, he must be. The stage of self-actualization is characterized by the need
to develop feelings of growth and maturity, become increasingly competent and gain
a mastery over situations. Motivation is internalized totally and external stimulation
is unnecessary.
Maslow did not view the hierarchy of need as a series of discrete levels totally independent of one
another. In fact, the categories overlap and are not entirely precise. He suggested that unsatisfied
needs influence peoples behavior.
After his initial research, Maslow developed a new list of needs identified as growth needs
(social, self-esteem and self-actualization) as compared to basic needs (physiological and safety).
The growth needs utilize the basic needs as a foundation. These higher growth needs are wholeness,
perfection, completion, justice, aliveness, richness, simplicity, beauty, goodness, uniqueness,
effortlessness, playfulness, truth and self-sufficiency. (The need for justice can be related to the
sense of injustice discussed above.) These values are interrelated and cannot be separated. One
should not make the mistake of thinking that the satisfaction of one needsuch as the need to make
a good salarywill automatically transform all employees into growing, self-actualized individuals.
When peoples needs are not fulfilled, the lack of satisfaction generates certain behavioral patterns.
91
The communication needs are broken into two rough subcategories: the need to talk (which
may include or be replaced by other forms of expressions of ones thought processes, such as
drawing, painting and writing) and, more specifically, the need to complain to vent frustrations,
relieving oneself of unresolved feelings, problems and dilemmas.
If these communication needs are not fulfilled, they will influence the other needsboth
basic and higherto the point of dysfunctional behavior. The unfulfilled need to communicate will
take precedence over any other need, including the need to survive.
92
Meetings should be scheduled on a regular basis (in the same way that CompStat or
roll-call meetings are). Only in emergency situations should meetings be canceled,
and they should be rescheduled within a reasonable time period. The frequency of
meetings will depend on the staffing situation in a given agency; however, a meeting
should occur not less than once a month.
2.
Emphasis must be placed on the fact that the meetings are mandatory for the entire
sworn personnel of a given organization. Nobody should be excluded or excused, no
matter how resistant to the idea. In the same way that officers need to qualify twice
95
Depending on the organizational culture of the department, the meeting can either be
arranged by rank or be mixed.
4.
5.
After the story is shared and emotions (feelings) about a given injustice encounter
are out in the open, the discussion (inputs) should follow and, afterward, ideas as to
how to deal with such events (tactics) should be solicited from the participants.
(Debriefing: Stage II.)
CONCLUSION
The focal point of this article was to introduce an alternative approach to stress management
training, an approach based on the assumption that the training solutions currently offered are
inadequate and misguided. Routinely ignored hidden stressors were introduced and discussed,
leading to a new and expanded definition of critical incident stress. Maslows Hierarchy of Needs
was supplemented with the missing link definition, which contributed to a redefined approach to
training. The basic concepts embedded in the FIT model do not represent new or innovative ways
to manage stress. It has been widely recognized that expression of ones thoughts, feelings and
frustrations, in front of others is conducive to improved mental health. What is new and in a way
visionary, is a call for implementation of a mandatory platform of exposure for all personnel; one
that does not carry a stigma or label.
96
Address correspondence concerning this article to James T. Reese, James T. Reese and Associates,
3262 Chancellor Drive, Lake Ridge, VA 22192-3357.
97
98
Line-of-duty deaths: 36
Compared to national suicide rate: + 29.1%
Line-of-duty deaths: 12
Compared to national suicide rate: + 50.9%
FBI, 1993-1998
Suicides: 18
Department size: 11,500
Line-of-duty deaths: 4
Compared to national suicide rate: +116.6%
Line-of-duty deaths: 11
Compared to national suicide rate: +72.5%
Line-of-duty deaths: 0
Compared to national suicide rate: + 197.5%
It seems obvious that there is an increased risk for suicide within the law enforcement
profession. Indeed, more law enforcement officers take their own lives each year than are killed by
felons or die in other duty-related accidents (Turvey, 1995). By the very nature of the law
enforcement profession, stresses that can lead to suicidal thinking are many. Allen (1986) writes that
"These job-related stressors are related to on-the-job dangers of violence and peer pressures,
organizational and authority factors, as well as personal problems such as marital and family
conflicts, dietary and alcohol problems and such psychosocial effects as depression, frustration and
feelings of powerlessness."
In a survey of 500 law enforcement officers conducted by the National P.O.L.I.C.E. Suicide
Foundation (1997), 98% of the officers said they would consider suicide, citing the following
reasons:
100
101
the statistics around police suicidecompare and contrast law enforcement suicide
to line-of-duty deaths;
those affected by suicidefamily, friends, co-workers, the entire agency and the
community;
the motivations for a law enforcement suicidecritical incidents, relationship
problems, substance abuse, to gain attention, to escape an intolerable situation and
so on;
the common myths regarding suicide, such as the idea that it usually happens without
warning, that there is a low risk of suicide after mood improvement and that a person
once suicidal is always suicidal;
the verbal and behavioral clues of suicide"Im going to kill myself," "I wish I were
dead," "You wont be seeing me any more," "Life has lost meaning," "I cant take the
pain," and "Im really just getting tired of life"compare and contrast the moods and
behavior of employees, including temper outbursts or possible withdrawal (Are
they acting out of place as compared to usual conduct? Why is their work suddenly
substandard? Why are they having difficulty getting along with co-workers?) and
the major predictors of suicidal behaviora prior suicide attempt, family history, a
major relationship breakdown, internal investigation, being the focal point of a
criminal investigation, having a plan and having lethal means available.
Intervention Tactics
Police supervisors may well find themselves in the situation of having to intervene in the
suicidal plans of a subordinate officer. The individual agency should have a plan in place to deal
with an emergency employee-involved suicide intervention. This calls for assuring that a mental
health professional trained to treat police officers is continually available. The recommended
intervention training of supervisors should contain at least the following elements:
102
In the initial intervention, remain calm, assist the employee in defining the problem,
stay close, be an active listener and emphasize the temporary nature of the problem.
Never sound shocked or offer empty promises, dont debate religion or morality and
never leave the person alone.
Important questions to ask during the intervention include the following:
103
104
Address correspondence concerning this article to Tarie Kinzel, Luther College, University of
Regina, Regina, Saskatchewan, Canada, S4S 0A2.
105
106
107
108
In 1999, the U.S. Surgeon General called on all sectors of the America to assist in
implementing national strategies to prevent the loss of life and the suffering suicide causes (US
Public Health Service, 1999). With respect to law enforcement agencies, Dugdale (1999) argues that
the rates of suicide in the general population and the higher rate among police officers make it
obvious that suicide prevention training must be paramount in all departmental training.
Crisis Management Methods
This component consists of a wide range of intervention methods to deal with crisis
situations. Crisis management refers to the entire process of working through a crisis to its
resolution, a process that usually includes activities not only of the individual in crisis but also of
various members of the person's natural or institutional network (Hoff and Adamowski, 1998).
Immediate response intervention is a part of crisis management that should be known by a large
cross section of front-line responders in a community, including police, mental health professionals,
school teachers, crisis-line volunteers and others. Suicide intervention is a specific form of
immediate response intervention.
Police officers are viewed by community support agencies as emergent caregivers and
appropriate people to call during an emergency. They often are front-line responders in situations
109
111
112
7.
8.
Law enforcement agencies should be open about the association of on-the-job stress
with police suicide problems and show due diligence in identifying and keeping
accurate statistical data on police suicidal behavior.
9.
10.
Law enforcement agencies should include basic suicide intervention skills training
for recruits and enlisted officers to enable them to respond effectively to suicide calls
and secondarily to assist them in dealing with police colleagues at risk of suicide.
11.
12.
Law enforcement agencies should have critical incident debriefing protocols that
include debriefing opportunities for officers affected by the suicide death of a
colleague.
13.
14.
113
114
Address correspondence concerning this article to Captain Robert W. Marshall, Naperville Police
Department, 1350 Aurora Avenue, Naperville, IL 60540.
115
116
the #1 City in the United States to Raise Children, 1997, Zero Population Growth;
1998 All-American City Finalist and
#1 Public Library in the U.S. (cities of 100,000 or more), American Libraries
Magazine (Karafiat, 1999).
Imagine the devastating shock felt by Naperville's residents and police officers when on
March 5, 1999, 1 day after the suicide of Sergeant Mark Carlson, national news organizations led
with headlines such as "Naperville Children Murdered" (Ammed-Ullah and McCoppen, 1999);
"Mother of 3 Charged With Murder" (St. Clair, 1999); "Mom Charged in Slayings" (Hanna and
Ferkenhoff, 1999); "Police Hearts Heavy with Double Dose of Death" (Hart, 1999) and "Deaths
Shake Naperville" (Chase and Coen, 1999).
117
119
120
CONCLUSION
The title of the article "We May Never Know the Answer" served as the impetus to search
for possible answers to the complex problem of police stress and suicide by using two recent city
of Naperville incidents. The suicide of Sergeant Mark Carlson and the Lemak triple homicide cases
provided concrete examples of the impact of stress on the lives of police officers. In truth, we never
may know the answer to what specifically caused Sergeant Carlson to take his life. What is known
is that police suicides are increasing and so is the stress associated with a career in law enforcement.
This article has attempted to bring forward some of the reasons for police officer stress, discuss some
122
123
124
Address correspondence concerning this article to Vincent J. McNally, FBI, Tampa Office, 500 Zack
Street, #610, Tampa, FL 33602.
125
127
131
The above programs are those that employ both prevention and postvention approaches.
133
134
As we enter the 21st century, the writer believes that there will be an increase in our CISD responses,
as the FBI is now the target of subversive and criminal groups who used to give up at the sight of
agents, but now are armed with armor-piercing bullets and bulletproof vests. Now that terrorism has
arrived on United States soil through the World Trade Center bombing, more biological and
chemical terroristic threats and actions are on the horizon, increasing the stress levels of working
agents and EAP proactive responses are necessary to address suicide.
CONCLUSION
Can the FBI do more to address the issue of suicide? With 40 suicides since the FBI was
established in 1925, one is one too many. FBI agents are given extensive training in the use of
firearms, investigative procedures and techniques, application of law and defensive tactics. The FBI
135
136
F.B.I.
1993-1998
New York
P.D.
1985-1998
Chicago
P.D.
1990-1996
Los
Angeles
P.D.
1990-1996
San Diego
P.D.
1992-1998
U.S.
Customs
1998-1999
11,500
(Agents)
40,000
13,500
9,688
2,000
10,826
Killed in
the Line of
Duty
36
12
11
Committed
Suicide
14
87
22
20
Suicide
Rate per
100,000
21.96
15.5
18.1
20.7
35.7
45.6
Compared
to National
Suicide
Rate
+83%
+29.1%
+50.9%
+72.5%
+197.5%
+280%
Department
Size
Table A
137
Agent
Employee
Support
Employee
Family
Member
RCMP*
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
unavailable
1997
unavailable
1998
unavailable
6/99
unavailable
Total
16
16
12
Agent Population
Suicides
LDD
1993
10,273
1994
9,875
1995
10,067
1996
10,702
1997
11,271
1998
11,545
Total
63,733
14
1999
11,519
Tables B and C
138
Address correspondence concerning this article to Michael ONeill, Employee Relations Section,
New York City Police Department, 49-51 Chambers St., Room 223, New York, NY 10007.
139
Contributing Factors
Alcohol In Blood
Firearm (82)
Yes (64)
Hanging (5)
Depression (7)
No (24)
Jumping (1)
Stress (7)
These factors clearly demonstrate that the combination of a failed relationship, alcohol
consumption and the accessibility of firearms is deadly for our members. The NYPD has created
several units designed to help employees cope with psychological problems and other issues to help
prevent members from reaching the crisis point. Efforts to prevent suicide are more efficient than
anything done to cope with suicide.
141
142
144
146
Female: 8
Ethnicity/Race:
White: 66
Black: 10
Hispanic: 12
Asian: 1
Single: 35
Divorced: 8
Separated: 10
Marital Status:
Married: 35
Widowed: 1
Rank:
Probationary Officer: 7
Sergeant: 10
Police Officer: 60
Lieutenant: 3
Detective: 7
Captain and above: 2
30 to 39: 32
60 to 63: 1
40 to 49: 13
5 to 9 years: 17
20 to 24 years: 6
10 to 14 years: 16
25 years or more: 8
College Credits: 37
College Degree: 12
Attachment A
147
Female
Age
Male
Female
Attachment B
148
The suicide rate in the United States is approximately 12 per 100,000 residents. There are
approximately 32,000 deaths annually resulting from suicides.
In August 1999, the Surgeon General declared suicide as a serious public health problem and
the government is now looking into ways to address this issue.
There are more suicides than homicides annually in the United States.
The suicide rate in the United States is average among industrialized nations but greater than
developing countries. Many countries have a higher rate of suicides than the United States.
Males account for 80% of all suicides in the United States. Women attempt suicide much
more frequently than men, but are not as successful (1 attempt every 78 seconds versus 1
suicide every 90 minutes).
Out of all suicide victims, 20-50% have made a previous suicide attempt.
Firearms are the most frequent method used by both men and women.
Whites have the highest overall suicide rate compared to the rates of other races.
White males over 65 years of age are at the highest risk: 43 per 100,000.
Individuals with mental and addictive disorders account for 90% of all suicides.
Suicide is the most common cause of death in prisons. The rate for prisoners is 90 to 230 per
100,000.
Attachment C
149
150
Address correspondence concerning this article to Jaan Schaer, 590 Jarvis St. 4th floor, Toronto, ON
M4Y 2J4 Canada.
151
152
Evaluate present psychological testing and screening methods for recruits and
supervisors.
Evaluate training at C.O. Bick College in the areas of assertiveness, coping with
anger, stress management and maintaining relationships.
Evaluate the need for orienting the members family to police work and its stressors.
Evaluate the need for a comprehensive Wellness and Health Promotion Program.
Evaluate our present Employee Assistance Program.
Evaluate the need for research and study as to the stressors and problems related to
the physical and emotional well-being of M.T.P.F.
Form a committee to address common issues that have established themselves as
patterns in many disciplines. Committee members could be drawn from EAP, Trials
Office, Complaint Bureau, Internal Affairs, C.O. Bick College, Peer Counsellor
Program, Medical Bureau, Employment Office, Metropolitan Toronto Police
Association and outside consultants used by EAP.
The organizational culture of the TPS-in which tough police officers who could not
show emotion were admired and police officers who used counselling services were
frowned upon-has changed significantly. This positive change occurred because of
all, or some, of the following reasons: peer pressure, family intervention, enlightened
management practices, a new generation of officer who recognizes the emotional
hazards of modern-day policing and a police association that actively promotes the
well-being of their membership.
153
The chief of police autographed the book "To Love a Cop" by psychologist Ellen
Kirschman, (Kirschmand, 1997) and personally presented a copy to all recruits and
newly promoted sergeants.
The chief of police reflected in his goals and objectives his priority of developing and
implementing a sustainable wellness/family program.
The chief of police addressed the graduating class of police officers, emphasizing the
primary priority of a balanced family life and a personal wellness program.
The Police Association and the Employee and Family Assistance Program (EFAP)
have played a crucial role. Through the efforts of the Police Association, in 1984, a
report titled "Serving Those Who Serve" was commissioned as a jointly funded
project with management. This then formed the basis for the existing EFAP and
initiated recognition of stress management systems within the Service. The TPSs
EFAP home page has proven useful. It is located on the Associations Web site at
http://www.interlog.com/~eapsmile/EAP.htm. Two of the Police Association
executive members are active referral agents. This visible support ensures that
members and their dependents are comfortable in accessing support services.
154
Policies and procedures clearly show that confidentiality is the cornerstone of the
program.
An off-site confidential Assessment/Referral Center is staffed by trained referral
agents consisting of the director (civilian), the coordinator of the Referral Agent
Program (civilian), the coordinator of the Critical Incident Stress Management
Program (police officer), the coordinator of the Addictions Program (police officer),
the coordinator of the Family/Spouse Bereavement Program (police officer), a
referral agent seconded for developmental and succession planning purposes and an
administrative clerk. The services can be accessed 24 hours per day, 7 days per week.
Screened community mental health professionals (predominately registered
psychologists) provide the therapeutic component of the process. Both ongoing case
consultation, as well as funds available to cover the cost of therapy beyond benefit
coverage, ensures the quality of the process.
Fifty referral agents provide support to members on a voluntary basis. They represent
a cross section of the membership and job categories.
There is a systematic approach to critical incident stress management, including a
trained debriefing team, unlimited coverage for trauma therapy and ongoing
educational initiatives.
Proactive educational initiatives promote program awareness, stress management
within specialized units, supervisory education in managing the troubled member,
maintaining balance in life and critical incident stress management.
Program promotion activities include articles and a monthly ad in the association
newsletter Tour of Duty; comments in the chief's weekly news page Ten-Four;
distribution of brochures, articles and information packages and extensive program
awareness presented at the workplace.
The program undergoes evaluation through an external evaluation (1994), client
evaluation forms distributed by therapists or EFAP staff, lecture evaluation forms
distributed and correlated by presenters and continual feedback from all segments of
the police service, family members and EFAP committee members.
Information about EFAP services and program utilization is distributed in an annual
report to all stakeholders, referral agents, unit commanders, chief stewards and
stewards and community mental health professionals. This information is placed on
the Internet and is available as a public document.
The EFAP demonstrated a concerted effort to provide psychological services (see
Table D).
CONCLUSION
In 1999, the TPS is a corporate environment where the occupational hazards of modern-day
policing are recognized and a systematic approach to stress management is implemented. Officers
and their families have to be sure that the service cares about them and that it provides support
services they are confident in. Through ongoing proactive educational sessions, officers develop life
skills that they can use when the need arises. The effectiveness of these initiatives depends on
cooperation and commitment between the stakeholders, stringent confidentiality guidelines and
adequate resources. Times have changed in the TPS; it is no longer acceptable to ignore your own
or someone elses pain. When members know that it is time to seek support, they show real maturity
and professionalism.
156
1976 - 2
1981 - 1
1986 - 2
1991 - 2
1996 - 0
1977 - 1
1982 - 0
1987 - 4
1992 - 2
1997 - 0
1978 - 1
1983 - 3
1988 - 1
1993 - 0
1998 - 0
1979 - 1
1984 - 0
1989 - 0
1994 - 0
1999 - 0 (As of September 1)
Canada - 17.8
Canada - 18.4
Canada - 19.5
Canada - 22.1
METHODS
Gunshot (Service Revolver) - 9
Gunshot (Other) - 4
Hanging - 1
Carbon Monoxide Poison - 1
Subway - 1
EFAP STATISTICS
Number of Clients (1994-98) - 4698
Number of Critical Incidents (1994-98) - 270
Number of Members Involved in Critical Incidents (1994-98) - 967
Cost of Trauma Therapy (1993-98) - $214,800
Number of CIS Information Packages Distributed (1993-98) - 3,236
Number of Educational Sessions (1993-98) - 308
Number of Participants in Sessions (1994-98) - 6,574
Tables A, B, C and D
157
158
Address correspondence concerning this article to Eugene Schmuckler, Stone and Associates, 4015
South Cobb Dr., Suite 265, Smyrna, GA 30080.
159
2.
3.
All law enforcement leaders will encourage officers and their family members to
practice a lifestyle that improves and protects physical, emotional and spiritual wellbeing.
All law enforcement leaders will initiate proactive measures to prevent loss of life
within their departments due to suicide and to reduce the impact on survivors if a
suicide takes place.
Personnel will receive regular in-service training in suicide prevention and crisis
intervention.
Misconceptions
An integral part of this Suicide Awareness Program is dealing with a number of prevailing
attitudes and misconceptions toward suicide. The misinformation and misunderstanding that grow
out of a failure to accept suicide for what it is leads to many deaths each year. A comment made to
this author by an executive in a law enforcement agency is just one example of the attitudes that are
very much a part of the culture: If a person is going to try to commit suicide, I hope he is successful.
If not, he becomes a morale and personnel problem. We would be constantly watching him and
frankly, we dont know what we are looking for. It is not unusual for those who are exposed to a
potentially suicidal person to feel that suicide threats and behaviors should be ignored because the
person is merely trying to manipulate the system. There also may be the feeling that the suicidal
person is a malingerer. Thus, it is easier to ignore clear-cut signs of potential suicide than run the risk
of being deceived. In areas of the country that hold strong fundamental convictions, there also is the
162
This last unit has been an invaluable addition. In this unit, we try to provide guidelines to
help survivors accept the reality of suicide, defuse negative coping mechanisms, readjust to the
environment in which the deceased is missing, find persons who can become their support system
and accept the pain of the loss and bereavement.
163
164
Address correspondence concerning this article to Dr. James D. Sewell, Director, Tampa Bay
Regional Operations Center, Florida Department of Law Enforcement, 4211 North Lois Avenue,
Tampa, FL 33614.
165
a sudden and extreme change in personality, for example, the gregarious officer who
literally overnight becomes sullen and withdrawn;
an increase in on-duty accidents or worker compensation claims;
an increase in citizen complaints;
an increase in complaints by fellow officers and
expressed feelings of sexual inadequacy, impotence, or dysfunction.
There are still other behaviors that may telegraph suicidal feelings and of which we should
be aware. Those officers reflecting prolonged grief or depression; those who give away their most
important possessions, discuss plans for their funeral, or write wills; those who face the anniversary
167
168
169
171
172
Address correspondence concerning this article to Teresa T. Tate, 2708 SW 48 Terrace, Cape Coral,
FL 33914.
173
174
176
179
180
Address correspondence concerning this article to Ronald Thrasher, Ph.D., Stillwater Police
Department, P.O. Box 1725, Stillwater, OK 74076.
181
182
183
184
Following graduation from the police academy, recruits return to their departments and
generally enter into an FTO (field training officer) program. Field training programs consist of 3 or
more months of structured on-the-job training under the guidance of an FTO. Field training officers
reinforce the same lessons. Interestingly, reinforcement most often takes place absent any lifethreatening situation. The constant message from the field training officer is that even during long,
boring shifts, the next radio call or the next traffic stop could take your life.
And, the training officer is correct, police work is hazardous. Officers must remain alert to
possible dangers. Even though weeks, months, or years go by without a serious incident, the next
traffic contact may prove deadly. For this reason, this constant state of alertness must be maintained.
However, over time, this emotional readiness takes its toll on both officers and their families and
friends.
BECOMING A POLICE VETERAN
Rookie officers learn that at any moment a situation can threaten their life, the life of another
officer, or the life of a citizen. Therefore, officers spend their every working shift in a constant state
of heightened anxiety. Whether anything happens or not, this anxiety remains reinforced by prior
learning, officer war stories, the media, the application process, the academy and in-service training.
By the end of an 8, 10 or 12-hour shift, officers find themselves emotionally (if not physically)
exhausted. At this point of exhaustion and depression, the duty shift ends and officers go home.
Once home, emotionally exhausted officers find ways to cope with their emotional roller
coaster. This is not to suggest that each of us do not have our emotional ups and downs. For the onduty officer, the ups are fight or flight emotional levels that remain throughout an 8, 10 or 12-hour
shift. For the off-duty officer, the downs are almost depressive emotional levels that require either
a chemical fix or a long rest for recovery. Even during a long and boring shift, anxiety in the form
of guilt develops as on-duty officers fight boredom while knowing that they should be at a
heightened state of readiness.
185
186
alcoholism;
impending retirement;
administrative inconsistencies;
aging/physical illness;
mental problems;
shift work;
negative public image;
exposure to death/injury;
firearm availability and
drug abuse.
187
188
training police recruits, their spouses, their supervisors and administrators about the
processes and issues surrounding police suicide;
encouraging community involvement and community policing philosophies;
encouraging outside activities, such as sporting teams and continuing education;
making available and supporting the use of employee assistance programs, peer
support groups and post critical incident intervention assistance;
sensitizing supervisors to be alert to the overinvested officer and to make appropriate
professional referrals and
developing and encouraging an employee wellness program.
CONCLUSION
Suicide represents an occupational threat to the police profession. Police officers must
become aware that suicide represents a greater threat to their safety than the armed assailant.
Negative stigmas must be broken down. Policies addressing survivor benefits, funeral arrangements
190
191
192
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aamodt, M. G. & Werlick, N . (1999, September). Police officer suicide: Frequency and
officer profile. Unpublished paper presented at Suicide and Law Enforcement Conference, FBI
Academy, Quantico, VA.
Allen, S.W. (1986). Suicide and indirect self-destructive behavior among police. In J.T.
Reese & H.A. Goldstein (Eds.), Psychological services for law enforcement (pp. 413-417).
Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.
Allison, D. (1999). Number of suicidal deaths in San Francisco by fiscal year. Report by the
San Francisco City and County Medical Examiners Office. San Francisco, CA.
Ammed-Ullah, N. & McCoppen, R. (1999, March 6). Naperville children murdered. Daily
Herald, p. 1.
Anonymous. Good Deeds.
Ayres, R. M. (1990). Preventing law enforcement stress: The organization's role. Arlington,
VA: National Sheriff's Association.
Baker, L. (1996). Suicide is greater danger to cops than homicide, UB study shows. (Report
No. 96/381) Buffalo, New York: University at Buffalo News.
Baker, T.E. & Baker, J.P. (1996, October). Preventing police suicide. FBI Law Enforcement
Bulletin, 65(10), 24-27. [On-line]. Available: http://www.fbi.gov.
Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations of thought and action: A social cognitive theory.
Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Basso, P. (1999, March 11). Personal communication.
Beck, A.T., Brown, G.K., Steer, R.A., Dahlsgaard, K.K., & Grisham, J.R. (1999, Spring).
Suicide ideation at its worst point: A predictor of eventual suicide in psychiatric outpatients. Suicide
and Life-Threatening Behavior, 29(1): 1-9.
Benner, A.W. (1991). The changing cop. A longitudinal study of psychological testing within
law enforcement (Doctoral dissertation, Saybook Institute). Dissertation Abstracts International,
5305B, 2536.
Berent, L. (1981). The algebra of suicide. New York: Human Sciences Press.
Bongar, S. (1991). The suicidal patient: Clinical and legal standards of care. Washington,
DC: American Psychological Association.
Bonsignore v. The city of New York, No. 78 Civ. 0240 United States District Court, S. D.
New York, 1981.
Bouza, A.V. (1990). The police mystique. New York: Plenum Press.
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200
SECTION TWO
201
202
PSYCHOLOGICAL APPROACHES
INTRODUCTION
Mental health professionals experienced in law enforcement matters agree certain aspects of
police culture contribute to officer suicide. Recruits routinely assimilate certain attitudes and
perspectives at training academies and while interacting with their more experienced co-workers.
These attributes help new members fit into their respective departments. Pride, control and selfreliance are qualities organizations not only seek in their aspirants but cultivate in their selectees.
Generally, they help officers succeed. Unfortunately, these job virtues can become personal
liabilities when misapplied. Too often, they become so internalized, officers become incapable of
seeking help when they need it. Their self-concepts simply will not allow them to surrender control
to somebody seeking to help them.
The articles comprising this section explore the psychological aspects of police suicide. The
articles dealing with Posttraumatic Stress, Secondary Traumatic Stress and Domestic Violence
provide insight into some of the major precipitating factors of police suicide. Two articles deal with
suicidal ideation. Other articles deal with the assessment of suicide risk among police officers and
barriers to mental health interventions. Three of the articles deal with suicide after the death of the
police officer through the use of psychiatric/psychological autopsies and the postvention phase of
professional involvement.
Although the perspectives of these articles diverge widely, they have a common purpose.
They give us insight into the psychology of suicide. What cops think and feel determines what cops
do. Tragically, all too often, they believe no alternatives exist for them We know better.
203
204
208
209
210
212
Are the above applicable to police? Are there other concerns and causes? Are police
different from the general public in their motivations to commit suicide? Janik and Kravitz (1994)
reviewed the records of 134 police officers who had undergone fitness-for-duty evaluations. In
attempting to predict variables that might contribute to an officer having made a suicide attempt,
Janik and Kravitz (1994) looked at reports from the officers, taking note of marital problems, alcohol
and drugs, administrative harassment and cumulative stressors. A multivariate analysis was
conducted on this data to determine which variables best predicted suicide attempts. Results
indicated that marital problems and job suspension were the only statistically significant predictors.
An officer experiencing marital problems was 4.8 times as likely to have attempted suicide. If job
suspension was reported, the odds of an attempted suicide were 6.7 times that of officers who had
not attempted suicide.
In another study, Lester (1993) attempted to find correlates for the 92 police suicides that
occurred in the NYPD between 1934 and 1939. Only factors of alcohol use and interpersonal
problems appeared to play a significant role.
Violanti (1995) examined the literature for factors that lead to police suicide. He noted that
suicide often occurs among older male officers. Problems with alcohol and physical illness were
noted. Violanti further cited a study of the Detroit Police Department, which showed that most
officers who committed suicide were having marital problems. Alcohol abuse and mental illness
were the next most common factors. An examination of 27 cases of police suicide occurring in the
Quebec Police Department found that half the cases were associated with psychiatric or medical
problems. Alcohol and work difficulties were also observed. In his book Police Suicide: Epidemic
in Blue, Violanti (1996) suggested four major risk factors associated with police suicide:
psychological difficulties, alcohol abuse, stress and trauma and relationships.
THEMATIC ANALYSIS
Purpose
The research on police suicide continues to mount. Numerous studies indicate that being
a police officer doubles the risk of suicide. Although many possible explanations are given as to
why this is so, certain themes continue to emerge. The mental health facility where this author works
213
In addition, 26 police suicides described in the media also were reviewed for thematic
content. Media accounts were reviewed between 1990 and the present. To ensure that there would
be no overlap, articles about officers who committed suicide in the downstate New York area were
omitted from this analysis. Complete demographic data were harder to extract from news reports;
however, the demographic breakdown that was ascertained included the following:
Also, 92 case files of officers seen at our facility were reviewed. Files were included only
if they met the following three criteria: suicidal risk was the presenting problem; the officer
expressed substantial suicidal ideation, along with a plan and the officer had expressed his or her
thoughts and/or plan to another person such as a spouse, friend, or coworker. Demographic data for
the 92 case reviews were as follows:
214
It should be noted that this center services only police officers and detectives. Supervisory officers
are not part of the service population. While sergeants are considered supervisory officers, many
of them had been seen because they had had contact with this center as police officers prior to being
promoted.
When more than one theme existed, this reviewer attempted to categorize the case by the
most predominant theme and a secondary theme. The cases examined included 92 cases of officers
treated for suicidal risk as their presenting complaint, 7 attempted suicides and 106 cases of
completed suicide. Another police psychologist working with this author in the same facility then
reviewed the data.
After independent review, the examiners compared category classification. Overall, there
was a 96 percent agreement on associated theme. When disagreement was encountered, discussion
resolved all but 2 cases. Each reviewer made the final determination for one of the 2 cases. Five
major categories emerged from the review. These were:
relationship problems
job difficulty (discipline/suspension)
alcohol/substance abuse
psychological problems
financial problems
other (did not fit major category)
Results
The thematic analyses of the 215 cases reviewed are congruent with the experiences of the
clinical staff at this facility (see Table A). They are also congruent with the literature to date. It can
be expected that individual cases will present a wider variety of themes and that multiple themes will
often occur. The data were developed primarily as a clinical tool. What can police psychologists
expect, other than the unexpected, when encountering suicidal law enforcement officers? What steps
should they be prepared to take to help these officers?
TREATMENT CONSIDERATIONS
Cops are different. It has been well documented that police work engenders a powerful
subculture. This concept has been documented by many researchers, with Crank (1998) offering an
215
Utilizing this formula when assessing or treating suicidal officers encourages the clinician to keep
focused on the whole person and the context in which their difficulties are occurring. It also drives
treatment. It clearly delineates the issues that are causing the problems that then can be organized
and prioritized so that a treatment plan may be developed.
When assessing an officer using the above formula, certain fundamental information can take
the form of a checklist to assist the examiner. Such a checklist follows:
Anomi
Relationship with job
216
Interest
Enjoyment
Security (Is the officer in trouble? Has the officer been disciplined? Is the officer
on suspension? Is the officer on light duty? Have the officers weapons been
removed Is the officer in job jeopardy? Has the officer recently been transferred?
Has the officer suffered a recent loss of prestige?)
Performance
Reputation (especially important if officer is getting a poor reputation among peer)
Expresses concerns with "not fitting in" or "not being accepted"
Fears humiliation and or being ostracized
Experiencing marital discord (if not married, having problems with current
relationship)
Is having an extramarital affair
Separated (especially important when separation process starting)
Divorced (especially important if this has been generated by spouse. If not married,
significant relationship recently ended)
Limited or decreased quality time with children (where applicable)
Social interaction
Altered state
Desperation
Assess psychological pain; does the officer see it as low, manageable, declining, or
unbearable
Does the officer see self as having time to continue to work at problems viewed as
solvable
Does the officer see self as having support to work on problems
Does the officer have a workable spiritual connection
217
The above checklist is appropriate for use during all phases of work with a suicidal officer.
This is especially true when assessing whether an officer who has received treatment may return to
duty.
Treatment approached from the above perspective will be dynamic and will include as many
collateral contacts from officers' lives as they will allow. Garnering support from a spouse or
significant other, perhaps including couples counseling, is very important. As this appears to be a
"final straw" in an officer's life, it follows that this issue deserves immediate attention. Often the
treatment of a suicidal officer will include both individual and couples counseling.
Significant friends of the officer also have a place in the counseling process. After trust has
been established with the therapist, consent to include friends will often be given. Often, peers will
aid officers in gaining a more rational perspective about their acceptance. Social difficulties, if they
are present, can be discovered and dealt with in a supportive manner.
Including friends and peers is especially useful in planning the return to work for officers.
Anxiety over having to answer questions or embarrassment about seeing their colleagues can be
greatly reduced by having some peers attend counseling sessions with the client.
If officers are deemed to be at risk, protecting them mandates removal of their weapons.
Keep in mind that the sidearm is more than a tool for police officers; it is a symbol of their
membership in a special society. The "rubber gun squad" is often a comic theme within the ranks.
The officer without a weapon becomes someone who represents "weakness" or "craziness." Someone
who "couldn't make it" is by definition someone to be shunned. Thus, the very act of protecting
officers by removing their firearms can further damage them and hinder their recovery.
At our center, we deal with the removal of the weapon as part of the recovery process. We
set as a goal for clients getting their weapons back. We note that the changes we will help them
achieve will result in the restoration of their sidearms. Getting their weapons back is presupposed
at our center. The meaning of its loss and the importance of its recovery are not ignored.
218
Assessment
Counseling referrals
Weapon removal and restoration
Confidential sick leave
Return to duty (including light-duty assignments) and determining when ready for
full duty
Peer teams, when in place, can be educated about the suicide formula and the assessment checklist.
Peer teams have had a great deal of success helping officers through critical incidents. With their
more intimate knowledge about an officer's life, they are in an excellent position to spot and reach
out to officers who may be starting down the path to self-destruction.
Unions and fraternal orders also can be of assistance. Typically, these organizations are more
trusted than "management," as many officers do not view management as a source of help. Unions,
on the other hand, are typically the first place officers go when they get "jammed up." It can be a
natural extension of a union's role to help officers who find themselves in life crises and suffering
emotionally as a result. At the minimum, unions should maintain a list of referrals, preferably to
counselors with whom they maintain a relationship. If a union chooses to do so, it might go to the
next level and establish its own counseling center. While this model is not common, it has the
benefit of more rapid and more widespread acceptance by the officers.
CONCLUSION
It is likely that there are myriad factors that, over the course of years, may contribute to
officers taking their own lives. Research into these variables will be worthwhile if it leads to
knowledge and change that will enhance and simplify prevention. For the present, however, the
clinician needs to be able to reach out and treat those officers at risk. Ascertaining the most
immediate and salient factors leading to police suicide seems the best way to establish assessment
and treatment procedures. The following study paints a profile of the suicidal officer:
The suicidal officer is a 35-year-old white patrolman who is having severe
relationship problems. He is likely to be experiencing job difficulties and perhaps
219
220
Substance
Finances
Emotions
Other
8 (8)
8 (8)
0 (0)
5 (5)
12 (12)
8 (8)
17 (18)
1 (1)
19 (20)
--
--
1 (4)
6 (23)
--
2 (8)
N = 97
86M, 11F
Mean
Age = 34
Thematic
Analysis of
Media
Accounts
(4)
12 (46)
7 (27)
2 (8)
4 (15)
15 (16)
16 (17)
0 (0)
5 (5)
3 (3)
19 (21)
34 (37)
--
18 (20)
N = 26
23M, 3F
Mean
Age = 37
Thematic
Analysis of
53 (58)
Media Report
N = 92
88M, 2F
Mean
Age = 39
12 (13)
Table A
221
222
Address correspondence concerning this article to James Herndon, Orange County Sheriffs Office,
Psychological Services, P.O. Box 1440, Orlando, FL 32802.
223
224
225
226
231
232
Scale
Succeeders
Attempters
Applicants
57.33
50.71
60.12
49.33
46.57
42.64
70.66
58.14
61.01
Hs
52.00
49.14
48.50
50.66
45.57
45.94
Hy
61.33
50.57
49.99
Pd
56.00
51.71
50.87
Mf
49.66
49.42
46.72
Pa
59.00
46.85
46.39
Pt
55.00
45.85
46.70
Sc
58.66
46.85
46.77
Ma
47.33
56.57
49.01
Si
39.66
41.42
42.46
Table A
233
234
Address correspondence concerning this article to Neil Hibler, Special Psychological Services
Group, 12500 Monterey Circle, Fort Washington, MD 20744.
235
237
241
BEHAVIORAL
Withdrawal
C
Social isolation
C
Work-related
withdrawal:
reluctance to accept
responsibilities,
neglecting
responsibilities
Acting out
C
Alcohol abuse
C
Gambling
C
Spending spree(s)
C
Promiscuity
Desperate acting out
C
Administrative
infractions: tardy to
work, poor
appearance, poor
personal hygiene,
accident-proneness
C
Legal infractions:
indebtedness,
shoplifting, traffic
tickets
C
Fights: child abuse,
spousal abuse
Table A
242
PHYSICAL
Preoccupation with illness
C
Intolerant of or
dwelling on minor
ailments
Illness/somatic indicators
C
Physical exhaustion
C
Use of selfmedication
C
Headache
C
Insomnia: initial
insomnia, recurrent
awakening, early
morning rising
C
Change in appetite:
weight gain, weight
loss (more serious),
indigestion, nausea,
vomiting, diarrhea,
constipation
C
Sexual difficulties
Address correspondence concerning this article to Thomas Kraft, The Psychiatric Institute of
Washington, 4228 Wisconsin Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20016.
243
245
246
247
248
250
Figure A
251
STANDARD-OF-CARE SURVEY
ID: [
Speciality:
], [Ph.D./Psy.D./Ed.D.]
Age: [
] Sex: [Male/Female]
Years in practice: [
Licensed: [Y/N]
] each week
Have you received formal training in the assessment of suicidal risk? [Y/N]
If yes, number of hours [ ] and type training received (please summarize):
Have you received formal training in the treatment of suicidality? [Y/N]
If yes, number of hours [ ] and type training received (please summarize):
Average number of patients with a history of suicide attempts you treat each month [
Have you ever had a patient commit suicide during treatment? [Y/N]
If yes, number of patients who committed suicide during treatment [ ]
Do you consider yourself an expert in the assessment, management, or treatment of suicidality?
[Y/N]
Have you published in professional journals, books, or other media on the topic of suicidality?
[Y/N]
Have you ever testified in a court case about a patient who committed suicide? [Y/N]
If yes, number [ ]
Attachment A
252
ASSESSMENT OF
SUICIDAL RISK
(1)
Standard of
Care
(2)
Routinely
Addressed
(3)
Level of Importance
Irrelevant--Essential
Y/N
Y/N
YIN
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
1234567
1234567
1234567
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
1234567
1234567
Y/N
Y/N
1234567
4. Significant losses:
a. Job
b. Financial
c. Interpersonal relationships
d. Identity
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
1234567
1234567
1234567
1234567
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
1234567
1234567
Attachment A (continued)
253
ASSESSMENT OF
SUICIDAL RISK
(2)
Routinely
Addressed
(3)
Level of Importance
Irrelevant--Essential
6. Family instability:
a. Divorce
b. Separation
c. Strained relationship with spouse
d. Strained relationship with children
e. Strained relationship with parents
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
1234567
1234567
1234567
1234567
1234567
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
1234567
1234567
1234567
1234567
1234567
1234567
8. Current hopelessness
Y/N
Y/N
1234567
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
1234567
1234567
1234567
1234567
1234567
1234567
1234567
Y/N
Y/N
1234567
Attachment A (continued)
254
ASSESSMENT OF
SUICIDAL RISK
(1)
Standard of
Care
(2)
Routinely
Addressed
(3)
Level of Importance
Irrelevant--Essential
10. Impulsivity:
a. Subjective (considers himself/herself impulsive vs. possessing self-control)
Y/N
Y/N
1234567
1234567
1234567
1234567
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
1234567
1234567
1234567
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
Y/N
1234567
1234567
1234567
1234567
1234567
Attachment A (continued)
255
256
261
262
264
265
266
Address correspondence concerning this article to Mary E. Myers, 1871 - 6th St., Cuyahoga Falls,
OH 44221.
267
C
C
C
C
A note about self-destructive behaviors: These can be ways to allow death or injury to occur
without necessarily making the decision to commit suicide. These are the times when officers get
careless because theyre feeling so helpless and theyre giving up hope that anyone cares about their
pain. Watch for increased accidents, injuries and careless mistakes.
THE STEPS OF THE SUICIDE FUNNEL
1.
2.
3.
4.
269
Remember, sometimes individuals who are feeling suicidal show only a few pieces of the
puzzle to each of their families and friendsand its not until they actually commit suicide that we
are able to put all the pieces of the puzzle together and see the final product. Sometimes individuals
make the decision and go, without looking for help and without saying good-bye. We can only reach
the ones who stop long enough to say good-bye in a language we can understand.
CONCLUSION
The Suicide Funnel clearly conveys both the normality of occasional thoughts of suicide and
the danger of slipping more deeply into the funnel. The short form of the suicide funnel is designed
for projection overhead and the longer form (see Figure B) is designed as a handout to the officers.
included is a summary and a list of indications that (see Attachment A) an officer might be
considering suicide. This training aid is designed to serve as the basis for a candid discussion of the
potential indicators of an officers suicidal thoughts and behaviors and to teach the proper responses
to make during such incidents.
270
A passing curiosity about suicide has crossed the minds of many officers.
Recent thoughts of suicide have crossed the minds of some officers.
A few officers have thought of how they would commit suicide.
Fewer have thought about how to implement their plan.
Even fewer have taken steps to implement the plan.
Some officers attempt suicide, with a way out.
Some officers with no way out, are saved.
A few officers succeed in ending
their pain accidentally;
others deliberately
depart this end
of the funnel
and they
give
up
FEELING HOPELESS AND HELPLESS,
THEY COMMIT SUICIDE
Figure A
271
Figure B
272
Threats of suicide
Recent losses
Hopelessness and Helplessness
Isolation and withdrawal behaviors
Risk taking
Disorientation
Attempts at suicide
Prior traumas
Final arrangements
Inadequate social support
Self-destructive behaviors and coping mechanisms
Preoccupation with death or suicide
Changes in personality, attitudes, normal behaviors, appearance, relationships,
performance, substance abuse
274
Address correspondence concerning this article to Joel Seltzer, 2400 Tucker NE, Albuquerque, NM
87131-5326.
275
With some minor changes, this can be the purpose of the law enforcement psychological
autopsy. Police suicides have a devastating effect, not only on the family members of the officer but
also on the extended family of the officer, the department. The guilt and anger that is felt by
survivors can affect the morale of the entire department. Law enforcement commanders need to
276
Many law enforcement agencies have formal Crisis Intervention Teams. These teams have both a
mental health professional and a peer (officer) on them. One of several purposes of the Crisis
Intervention Teams is to help mitigate the impact of the officers death.
277
278
A.M. was physically abused by his foster parents as a child. He reported having
279
A.M. appears to have abused alcohol. He was chronically late in the military when
he knew he was at risk of being discharged. His tardiness as a police officer is also
of concern. Neighbors and fellow officers reported that he went to nightclubs to
dance at least two to three times a week. His friends reported that he was very
intoxicated on at least a few occasions, including the night before his death. As we
discussed above, alcohol is a very significant risk factor for suicide.
3.
A.M. had a history of at least one incident of domestic violence in the military. We
were unable to contact his ex-wife to see if this was a pattern. Clearly, there is a
connection between domestic violence and homicide.
4.
A.M.s deception about his discharge is very troubling. The fact that he lied would
disqualify him as an officer. Also, the domestic violence charge would certainly
today prevent his hire. He repeatedly lied about his military discharge on his
applications and background questionnaires. He got through at least two polygraphs,
psychological evaluations and background investigations with this obvious lie. The
government database on his military record was changed to show Honorable
Discharge. He admitted to being a teen member of the Disciples gang.
DISCUSSION
Was he a psychopath? His records as a police officer make it seem very doubtful. The only
legal problem he had was financial: the debts from his ex-wife, according to him. His credit file
showed that he had paid off his debts. His field training officer evaluations, academy training file
and multiple commendations all point to an exemplary, honest officer. He lived in a modest
apartment and had no vehicle other than his take-home police car. Being a police officer was the
most important thing in his life. So why did he lie? Most likely, he knew he could not be a police
officer with a general discharge. His family reported that since he was young, A.M. had always
wanted to be a cop. Then why did he get three Article 15s (nonjudicial punishment under the
Uniform Code of Military Justice)? One can only surmise he had a drinking problem, lost his temper,
hit his wife and was chronically hung over and late. His last year of his life he began to come late
to work, a job he loved. His apartment had 15 empty bottles of Goldschlager lined up against the
wall.
So what happened that night? We know he drank very heavily the night before, so much that
a bar patron had to drive A.M. home. During the weeks before the incident, his girlfriend, D.R., had
280
282
2. Reports
Autopsy report
Police reports
Toxicology reports
Hospital records
3. Outside records
Medical records
Mental Health records
Police reports
Court cases
5. Financial information
Family members
Fellow officers
Supervisors
Clergy
Significant others
Partners
Therapists
7. Review of
Suicide notes
Any written material
Any video material
Diary
Any audio material
Home
Books
Correspondence
Medication vials (for evidence of treatment for depression or medical illness)
Personal vehicles
Possible notes
Computer files
Any evidence of substance abuse
Autopsy report
Hospital records
Police reports
Miscellaneous records and reports
Address correspondence concerning this article to John T. Super, Manatee County Sheriffs Office,
515 11th Street West, Bradenton, FL 34205.
285
286
287
288
289
6. Cognitive Realm
a. age
b. marital status
2. Addictive Behavior
a. alcohol
d. slowed thinking
b. drugs
e. confusion
c. gambling
3. Physical Health
a. serious medical problem within six months
b. chronic pain
c. disfigurement
a. sadness
d. loss of mobility
b. agitation
e. terminal illness
c. uncustomary anger
d. sudden mood changes
4. Mental Health
a. prior suicide attempt
f. feeling of worthlessness
c. psychosis (hallucinations/delusions)
g. feeling of hopelessness
d. depression
8. Contextual Realm
a. death of a loved one
5. Behavioral Realm
a. crying (without apparent cause)
b. divorce
b. withdrawal
c. appeal denial
c. uncustomary aggressiveness
d. loss of job
d. loss-gain in appetite
e. loss of finances
e. insomnia/hypersomnia
Table A
290
Area
1.
Yes
No
Date Completed
Agency postvention
291
292
PSYCHOLOGICAL APPROACHES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aamodt, M., & Werlick, N. (1999, September). Police officer suicide: Frequency and officer
profiles. Paper presented at the Conference on Law Enforcement and Suicide, FBI Academy,
Quantico, VA.
Allen, S. W. (1986). Suicide and indirect self-destructive behavior among police. In J. T.
Reese & H. A. Goldstein (Eds.), Psychological services for law enforcement (pp. 413-417).
Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.
Baker, T. E., & Baker, J. P. (1996). Preventing police suicide. FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin,
65(10), 24-27.
Bendheim, O. L. (1979). The psychiatric autopsy: Its legal application. Bulletin of the
American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law, 7, 400-410.
Benner, A. (1997, Spring). Suede shoe psychology and managed care. Public Service
Psychology Newsletter, 22, 19.
Berman, A., & Jobes, D. (1991). Adolescent suicide assessment and intervention.
Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
Besner, H. F., & Robinson, S. J. (1984). Police wives: The untapped resource. Police Chief,
LI(8), 62-64.
Bouza, A. V. (1990). The police mystique: An insider's look at cops, crime, and the criminal
justice system. New York: Plenum Press.
Clopton, J. R. (1979). The MMPI and suicide. In C. S. Newark (Ed.), MMPI clinical and
research trends (pp. 149-166). New York: Praeger.
Congress fails to repair breaches in access to health records. (1999, August 20). USA Today,
p. A14.
Connelly, M. (1996). The poet. Boston: Little, Brown.
Crank, J. P. (1998). Understanding police culture. Cincinnati, OH: Anderson Publishing
Company.
Cull, J., & Gill, W. (1989). The Suicide Probability Scale manual. Los Angeles: Western
Psychological Services.
Cummings, J. P. (1996). Police stress and the suicide link. Police Chief, 63(10), 85-96.
Curran, S. F. (1998). Pre-employment psychological evaluation of police officers. Police
Chief, LXV(10), 88-95.
Durkheim, E. (1997). Suicide: A study in sociology. (J. A. Spaulding & G. Simpson, Trans.).
New York: Free Press (1997/1897).
293
294
295
296
299
300
SECTION THREE
301
302
BEHAVIORAL APPROACHES
INTRODUCTION
Suicide is the ultimate maladaptive behavior. The observation of behavioral clues provides
us with rapid, additional insight into this phenomena. Early attempts by those of us in law
enforcement to understand maladaptive behavior were successful, but frequently, untimely.
Understanding the inner workings of the mind is highly desirable, but a luxury most of us do not
have, when confronted with an emergency. The critical nature of many law enforcement challenges
makes timeliness a very important factor. Behavioral approaches tend to be more direct and
therefore, quicker.
We start with a basic tenet. All behavior happens for a reason. The focus is on the behavior
manifested in order to make inferences about the actual needs, wants and desires of the subject of
our study. Early recognition of behavioral clues can often avert tragedy.
The article on antecedent behaviors provides a perfect illustration. The author, an experienced
and particularly insightful police officer, lists specific, observable behaviors which have preceded
suicides and suicide attempts. When a first responder witnesses these actions they can take
immediate countermeasures. This is behavioral science at its best. It provides useful information,
now. Although the evidence is not conclusive, yet, it is promising. It clearly points the way for
future research.
Instant utility is the real strength of the behavioral approach. These articles give us concrete
and timely help dealing with suicidal communications, police suicide, citizen suicide, police
response to citizen suicide and domestic violence precipitated police homicide-suicide.
303
304
Address correspondence concerning this article to James D. Brink, Ohio State Highway Patrol,
1583 Alum Creek Drive, Columbus, OH 43209.
305
306
307
308
Periodic withdrawal
Anger displacement
Extramarital activity
Stage Two (Chronic Strain Reaction)
Divorce
Social isolation
Loss of friends
309
310
311
Figures A and B
312
Figure C
313
314
Address correspondence concerning this article to Andrew G. Hodges, 2022 Brookwood Medical
Center Drive, Suite 4, Birmingham, AL 35209.
315
316
knocking the press but I cant believe whats being said. Most OF IT TOTTALLY [sic] MADE UP".
Behavioral Approaches - Hodges 5
By repeated references to lying and hype (the press), a distinct statement that previously he was
misleading and simply being protective and the striking idea that someone has "totally" fictionalized
a story strongly suggest O.J. does not intend to commit suicide. Equally as important, "the press"
is a major message markeragain a message from O.J.s unconscious signifying crucial
communication that adds great credibility to the conclusion that his suicidal threats are tremendously
exaggerated. Between the lines, O.J. says "Im all hype".
Additional positive signs include references to a good relationship and his ability to take the
heat. Even mentioning "Like all long term relationships we had a few downs and ups" points to the
idea of living a long time and ends on being up rather than down (in this sentence we also find the
slightest hint in the unusual phrase "downs and ups" of O.J.s use of drugs the night of the
murderas in "downers and uppers").
The last part of this paragraph contains a desperate plea to the press, "I know you have a job
to do but as a last wish, Please, Please, Please, leave my children in Peace. Their lives will be tough
enough." Reading every word as a part of O.J. suggests that Simpson himself longs for peace and
mainly wishes to be left alone, not to diewe hear yet another reference to the future and someone
making it through tough times.
Very subtly, Simpson presents a possible secondary motive behind his self-destructive
behaviorhis inability to handle successreflected unconsciously in his wish to distance himself
from the press. Success puts enormous pressure on people to retreat and sabotage themselves.
Simpson continues in a largely positive vein as the entire second page contains a litany of
encouraging references to supportive friends: ". . . to all my friend [sic]. . . especially A.C., man
thanks for being in my life, the support and friendship I receive from so many. . . thank [sic] for the
fun. All my teammatte [sic] over the years. . . Ahmad I never stop being proud of you. . . Bobby
Chandler thanks for always being there. . . Skip and Cathy I love you guys without you I never would
have made it this far. . . ." Careful reading reflects O.J.s ideas of friends being there for him and of
continuing to receive their lovenot turning them awayalong with ideas of "making it" and never
quitting on his friend Ahmad. A man with such support in the face of such great separation anxiety
as Simpson demonstrated would have a hard time ending it. His great need for friends (or
acquaintances, really) further testifies to his separation difficulties.
Interestingly, amidst the effusive praise of his friends, O.J. directs his only negative comment
toward his buddy Marcus Allen: "Marcus you got [sic] a great lady in Katherine Dont mess it UP."
First, O.J. suggests another confession that he himself has just messed up a relationship with Nicole
in the worst possible way. "Mess," remarkably descriptive and unlike any other word in the letter,
implies significant destruction and self-sabotage. Second, by alluding to the past tense in such a way
("Marcus got a great lady and messed things up") also implies that Marcus had a past involvement
319
with Nicole, which contributed to O.J.s anger. (Four days before his interrogation, Simpson had
6 Behavioral Approaches - Hodges
hinted at the same thing with a key story which he connected to Nicole about a man on the verge of
discovering his wifes affair and exploding.) Simpsons extreme separation anxiety could easily
explain possessiveness and jealous rage.
In his long list of friends, Simpson ends with his regret regarding Paula (Barbieri), ". . . you
are special. Im sorry that were [several cross-outs] not going to have our chance. God brought you
to me I now see as I leave you in my thoughs [sic]." O.J.s difficulty telling Paula "were not"
suggests deep down he hasnt given up on the idea as does the slip "you in my thoughs," implying
"although"on the other hand. Certainly, this fits with Simpsons ever- present inability to separate.
O.J. continues to validate his preoccupation with separation. Also, O.J.s thoughts of God and His
gift of Paula point to another powerful reason for giving second thoughts to suicide. And, in fact,
O.J. did end up having another chance with Paula, which suggests his deep-down intentions all
along.
As if to confirm his concern about God and morals, O.J. then tells us "I think of my life and
feel Ive done most of the right things. . . ." He then lapses into self-pity with ". . . so why do I end
up like this. I cant go on, no matter what this outcome People will look and point [followed by a
long, one-line cross-out that appears to include "wife murderer"] I cant take that I cant subject my
children to that. This way they can move on with their lives Please if Ive done anything worthwhile
in my life. Let my kids live in Peace from you (press)". While Simpson reveals again his sensitivity
to separation and judgment, he returns to the idea of his need to live a worthwhile life. His appeal
for peace for his children and his reference to their going on with their lives suggest that O.J. simply
wants peace but plans on going on living. And O.J. appears to confirm his unconscious problems
with success as, again, he wants no more press.
He continues with more of the same concerns regarding his character: "Ive had a good life
Im proud of how I lived, my mama tought [sic] me to do un to other. I treated people the way I
wanted to be treated Ive always tryed [sic] to be up and helpful So why is this happening [followed
by almost four lines being crossed out] Im sorry for the Goldman family. I know how much it hurts".
Overall we find far more optimism than hopelessnessa good life, proud of how Ive lived, doing
what mama wanted, treat others well, helpful, upbeatand his self-pity significantly less. Thus, in
the three paragraphs where O.J. describes his pain most poignantly, he also makes distinct references
to God, doing right and doing what his mama taught him, suggesting his wish to do right will prevail
over his self-destructive impulses. (Not surprisingly, Simpson also evidences significant confusion
by the huge, four-line cross-out when he thought about the other victim, Ron Goldman, further
implying his guilt.)
Simpson continues: "Nicole and I had a good life together. All the press talk about a rocky
relationship was no more than what ever [sic] long term relationship experiences. All her friends
320
will confirm that Iv [sic] been totally loving and understanding of what shes been going through.
At times Iv felt like a battered husband or boyfriend but I loved her, made that clear to everyone
Behavioral Approaches - Hodges 7
and would take whatever to make us work. Once again, in a lengthy paragraph, O.J. continually
makes positive references, including having had a good life. Additionally, he refers to his loving,
understanding nature and emphasizes his ability to tolerate stresshe would make it workwhich
he had demonstrated to everyone. His reference to long-term relationships also suggests endurance
and not impulsivity. Most important, O.J. refers again to the press, overblowing rocky times,
strongly implying once more his own exaggeration of difficulties.
The same pattern of returning to self-pitythis time very brieflyfollowing periods of selfacclaim repeats itself: "Dont feel sorry for me. Ive had a great life made great friends. Please think
of the real O.J. and not this lost person." His blatant denial, "dont feel sorry for me," tells us exactly
what Simpson has been looking for all along. He wants sympathy and he still wants to be "O.J.," as
he continues his ongoing desperate longing for acclaim. Could O.J., with his great separation
discomfort, not crave sympathy? Surely, he still cares what others think of him and hints in yet
another way at the false pretense of his letterthe real O.J. is not writing this letter. His poignant
self-description as a "lost person" also hints again at his extreme vulnerability. He suggests once
more that lostness, aloneness, led to his murderous rage.
The Ending
His conclusion does nothing but confirm his overall positive mind-set, "Thank [sic] for
making my life special I hope I help yours. Peace + Love O.J. [with the "O" made into a smiley
face]" O.J. is still working his audiencethanking them, remembering how special they made him,
hoping to help others. Does this sound like a man on the verge of suicide? Just to remind us, he tells
us again what hes really looking for, peace and love. He figured a "suicide letter" would work
wonders to gain sympathy and help him get back in everyones good graces. As if to make sure we
know it, he puts a smiley face into his famous signature. At the very end of his note, we find the
upbeat, friendly, even-whimsical O.J.the O. J. we all thought we knew. Smiley faces and suicide
dont go together.
In summary, using some basic principles of reading between the lines, we can see O.J.s
unconscious mind telling us the real story. First of all, his striking references to lies and press
hypemessage markersalong with his reference to a false O.J. all contain the same idea of
misrepresentation. His repeated references to the future, his numerous positive thoughts of a good
or great life, his emphasis on his ability to tolerate tough times in relationships, his wish to do the
right thing, his connection of doing right to God and his repeated emphasis on making ithaving
come this far and long-term relationshipsall point to O.J.'s still wanting to go on being O.J. and
suggest his state of mind was more positive than negative. This teaches us to look for themes in
letters.
321
His overt denial of wanting sympathy and his almost-childish appeal for peace"for his
children"provide a real indication of what he really wants. His final paragraph was upbeat and
8 Behavioral Approaches - Hodges
when combined with his signature adds impressive weight to the following conclusion: O.J. was
manipulating for sympathy to deflect attention away from his having murdered his ex-wife.
Certainly, the outcome represents the final proofO.J. did not commit suicide. In this unique case,
we have even more information to go by and in his interrogation immediately prior to the letter, we
find O.J. predicting his Bronco chase. As we will see, skilled listening could have helped to clarify
his guilt and very likely would have prevented his elopement from incarceration.
LISTENING BETWEEN THE LINES
Detectives Phil Vannatter and Tom Lang of the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) had
interrogated O.J. Simpson 4 days earlier on June 13, 1994, the day after his ex-wifes murder. A
close look at the interrogation reveals valuable information and suggests O.J. was unconsciously
warning the detectives of his extreme sensitivity to incarceration and his proclivity to run from
authorities when faced with trouble. Listening to someones stories in addition to their direct
answers provides major clues to a persons deeper motivationsunknown to them consciously.
Early in the interview, Vannatter inquires about two of Nicoles previous complaints of
violence on O. J.s part:
P.V.: And she made a police report on those two occasions?
O.J.: Mmmm hmmm. And I stayed right there until the police came, talked to them.
T.L.: Were you arrested at one time for something?
O.J.: No, I mean, five years ago we had a big fight, six years ago. I dont know. I know I
ended up doing community service.
P.V.: So you werent arrested?
O.J.: No, I was never really arrested.
T.L.: They never booked you or . . . ?
O.J.: No.
P.V.: Can I ask you, whens the last time youve slept?
Analysis
Out of the blue, O.J. spontaneously volunteered how he had stayed until the police came in
a previous investigation, which should have raised some red flags because, suddenly, someone
322
running from police was on his mind. If the detectives had investigated thoroughly, they would have
discovered that Simpson was lyinginitially he did talk to police officers, but when they attempted
to take him in, he escaped out a side entrance to his Bentley in the driveway. Simpson continued to
Behavioral Approaches - Hodges 9
deny that his being arrested was ever a consideration, further indicating his discomfort with
incarceration.
Note, too, how Vannatter unconsciously moved away from a line of inquiry that made
Simpson uncomfortable and that could have yielded more valuable information, instead changing
the subject to an easy direct answer. Simpson had introduced the thought of running from the police
unconsciously to warn the detectiveshis deeper intuition had a phenomenal need to tell the
truthand Vannatter could have allowed him to keep talking, but instead he introduced the idea of
sleeping, which more accurately was Vannatters own deeper intuition suggesting unconsciously that
he was asleep at the controls. If the detectives had known about unconscious communication, they
could have observed O.J.s need to confess and known which areas to probe, much as a psychiatrist
uses a patients deeper perceptions as a guide in psychotherapy (Langs, 1977).
Later in the interview, Simpson spontaneously tells yet another invaluable story. We
particularly need to pay attention to stories because a suspects deeper intuitionever prone to
telling
the truthprimarily speaks indirectly through key stories and ideas (think of a suspect as
unknowingly possessing a brilliant storyteller in the unconscious, which has a great inclination to
tell the truth in story form).
At this point in the interview, the detectives have O.J. on the run. They have begun inquiring
about his cut finger and blood found at the crime scene and he becomes increasingly anxious, at one
point avoiding the question of what could have happened to Nicole and attempting to turn things
back on the detectives.
P.V.: What do you think happened? Do you have any idea?
O.J.: I have no idea, man. You guys havent told me anything. I have no idea. When you said
to my daughter, who said something to me today that somebody else might have been
involved, I have absolutely no idea what happened. I dont know how, why, or what. But you
guys havent told me anything. Every time I ask you guys, you say youre going to tell me in
a bit.
P.V.: Well, we dont know a lot of the answers to these questions yet ourselves, O.J. , okay?
O.J.: Ive got a bunch of guns, guns all over the place. You can take them, theyre all there,
I mean you can see them. I keep them in my car for an incident that happened a month ago
that my in-laws, my wife and everybody knows about that.
323
Discussion
Then O.J. spontaneously begins to tell a story that we can be sure relates particularly to the
interrogation because the police have him hemmed in at this point. While O.J. will appear to be
talking about another incident, without realizing it, he describes the impact of the investigation on
10 Behavioral Approaches - Hodges
him. Simpson first mentions giving up his guns to the police and mentions guns being in his car as
the result of a recent traumatic incident. He then describes becoming entrapped on the freeway by
three other cars working together in an attempted hijacking. At first, the car in front of him slowed
down, suggesting a police speed trap up ahead and O.J., also speeding at the time, slowed down too.
Suddenly, O.J. discovered that the three cars were trying to entrap him, as the one in the rear started
bumping him. Thinking quickly, O.J. escaped the trap by going on the shoulder of the road and then
holding up his lighted cell phone to communicate to the criminals that he intended to call the police.
O.J. then gave false chase to one of the cars to scare the driver. Later that night, Simpson reported
the incident to the police and made it plain he had no weapons in his car at the time.
In his story, O.J. makes three different references to running from the policeinitially he and
the other driver are trying to escape the police in a car. Then the driver attempts to escape from O.J.,
who is acting as a police officer and has just called one. The whole story centers around O.J.s fear
of entrapment, which he links to people (including himself) attempting to escape in a car from the
police. Simpson also tells us of having no guns in the car and only using a cell phone. He began his
story spontaneously after instructing the police to take his guns, implying that he didnt plan on
using themhe only kept one with him in his car for protection. In O.J.s story, the themes of
entrapment strikingly linked to the police and people running away in cars, along with using a cell
phone to communicate with the police during the attempted escape, eerily fit the Bronco chase 4
days later. Combining this with Simpsons earlier spontaneous denial that he wouldnt run from
police (when, in fact, he has in the past) should have made the investigators extremely suspicious
that already O.J. was harboring secret plans in the back of his mind to escape.
Additionally, his story in which he had no gun and his later thoughts about giving up his guns
suggest that O.J.s suicidal threats during the Bronco chase were efforts aimed at gaining sympathy
and suggest that he presented no real danger to himself or ever intended to use his gun. In describing
a false chase where all he had was a phone and not a gun, he also seems to predict what the outcome
of the Bronco chase will be. Repeatedly during that chase in his conversation with Detective Tom
Lang who talked him in (brilliantly bonding with O.J. and appealing to his significant separation
anxiety), O.J. continues to say hes not going to hurt anybody.
In review, the recent breakthrough to deeper (unconscious) perception and communication
provides a new paradigm for obtaining valuable information about motive and intent in a variety of
forensic situations (document analysis, interrogation). We must keep in mind (1) simultaneous twolevel communicationconscious (literal, "left brain") and unconscious (symbolic, "right brain");
(2) the superiority of the unconscious in perception and analysis (assessing motives); (3) valuable
324
325
326
Address correspondence concerning this article to Robin and Constance Klein, Klein Associates,
Huntington Beach, CA 92647.
327
329
331
332
About 25% of the officers surveyed knew someone in the department who they
perceived as suicidal.
There was strong reluctance to seek help from inside or outside the department.
Police officers who participated in suicide awareness training stated that it helped to
make them more aware of serious problems in themselves and other officers.
Results suggested that suicide awareness training contributed to improved attitudes
and possible increased seeking of help.
Fewer police officers acknowledged suicidal ideation (24%) than persons in the
general population (40%).
The goal of the program was to initiate prevention as well as intervention for police suicides.
The Eighth Annual Mental Measurements Yearbook (Buros, 1978) does not list a single test
specifically designed to measure suicide; however, there are tests that include scales that identify
correlates of suicide or have specific suicide scales. The Beck Depression Inventory identifies
depression, which is highly correlated with suicidal ideation and suicidal actions. The Beck
Hopelessness Scale, a 20-item self-reporting instrument that assesses the degree to which a person
holds negative expectations about the future, is an invaluable tool. Beck found that hopelessness was
highly correlated with eventual suicide. A scale cutoff score of 9 or above identified 94.2% of the
patients who completed suicide. Assessment of hopelessness is one of the key aspects in the
management of suicidal individuals (Beck et al., 1990).
The Basic Personality Inventory contains an Impulse Expression Scale that can be used to
assess high-risk behavior. A high score on this scale indicates that an individual is prone to
undertake risky and reckless actions; inclined to behave irresponsibly; finds routine tasks boring.
There is also a Depression Scale. An elevation on the Depression Scale needs to be explored fully
in order to differentiate between situational depression, which arises from the individuals immediate
circumstances and chronic depression, which is pathological. Elevations on the Depression Scale
require some assessment of the individuals suicid potential. The test manual states that individuals
exhibiting suicidal behavior scored significantly higher on the Depression and Deviation Scales.
333
335
336
338
339
341
342
345
346
347
2.
3.
4.
What types of suicides the officers handled in the line of duty (such as completed
suicide, suicide that occurred while the officer was on scene and suicide that occurred
while the civilian was in the officer's custody);
How many of each they had experienced;
Whether or not the suicide reminded the officer of someone with whom she or he is
close (family and nonfamily) and
Whether or not they experienced any of the multiple symptoms of STSD and
associated responses.
The second part of the survey asked officers to qualitatively describe the thoughts and behaviors they
experienced following their most distressing suicide call. The third part of the survey consisted of
the "Compassion Fatigue" questionnaire developed by C. R. Figley (1995). This 66-item selfreporting questionnaire sorts responders into categories of extremely low potential to extremely high
potential on dimensions of Compassion Satisfaction, Burnout and Compassion Fatigue. (For a full
psychometric review of this questionnaire (Figley and Stamm, 1996).
Methods: Subjects
The survey was distributed to all sworn personnel in 2 suburban police departments in
Colorado. Participation was voluntary and confidentiality ensured. Male subjects comprised 82%
348
350
351
Figures A and B
352
Figure C
353
Figure D
354
Figure E
355
356
Address correspondence concerning this article to Eleanor Pam, 106 Hemlock Rd., Manhasset,
NY 11030-1214.
357
358
359
360
363
364
Address correspondence concerning this article to Barry Perrou, 2029 Verdugo Blvd., #137,
Montrose, CA 91020.
365
366
368
370
371
372
BEHAVIORAL APPROACHES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aamodt, M., Brewster, J. A., & Raynes, B. (1998, September). Is the police personality
predisposed to domestic violence? Paper presented at the Domestic Violence by Police Officers
Symposium, FBI Academy, Quantico, VA.
Allen, S. W. (1986). Suicide and indirect self-destructive behavior among police. In J. T.
Reese & H. A. Goldstein (Eds.), Psychological services for law enforcement (pp. 413-417).
Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.
Beck, A. T., Brown, G., Berchick, R. J., Stewart, B. L., & Steer, R. A. (1990). Relationship
between hopelessness and ultimate suicide: A replication with psychiatric outpatients. American
Journal of Psychiatry, 147, 190-195.
Blaauw, E., Kerkhof, A., & Vermunt, R. (1997). Suicides and other deaths in police custody.
Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior, 27(2), 153-163.
Boyd, L., Carlsen, D., Smith, R., & Sykes, G. (1995). Domestic assault among police: A
survey of internal affairs policies. Arlington, TX: Southwestern Law Enforcement Institute.
Bradstreet, R. (1994). Cultural hurdles to healthy police families. In J. T. Reese & E. Scrivner
(Eds.), Law enforcement families: Issues and answers (pp. 19-26). Washington DC:
U.S. Government Printing Office.
Buros, O. K. (Ed.). (1978). Eighth mental measurements yearbook. Highland Park, NJ:
Gryphon.
Carlier, I. V. E., Lamberts, R. D., & Gersons, B. P. R. (1997). Risk factors for posttraumatic
stress symptomatology in police officers: A prospective analysis. The Journal of Nervous and
Mental Disease, 185(8), 498-506.
Danto, B. L. (1987). Recommendations for police officers and physicians. In E. J. Dunne,
J. L. McIntosh, & K. Dunne-Maxim (Eds.), Suicide and its aftermath: Understanding and
counseling the survivors (pp. 163-170). New York: Norton.
DeAngelis, T. (1995). Firefighters' PTSD at dangerous levels. APA Monitor, 36-38.
DAngelo, J. J. (1998, September). Addicted to violence: The cycle of domestic abuse by
police officers. Paper presented at the Domestic Violence by Police Officers Symposium, FBI
Academy, Quantico, VA.
Duckworth, D. H. (1991). Managing psychological trauma in the police services: From the
Bradford fire to the Hillsborough crush disaster. Journal of the Society of Occupational Medicine,
41, 171-173.
Durkheim, E. (1951). Suicide: A study in sociology. New York: Free Press.
373
374
375
376
377
378
SECTION FOUR
379
380
QUANTITATIVE APPROACHES
INTRODUCTION
Each year, too many law enforcement officers kill themselves. The preceding sentence
contains two alarming elements. The fact many of us voluntarily elect to end our lives constitutes
one facet of the problem. The other troubling aspect has to do with the ambiguity of the word too.
We do not know with any degree of certainty how many suicides occur in the law enforcement
community. A number of confounding factors interfere with an accurate accounting of these most
unacceptable deaths.
Proper classification presents the first impediment to an accurate accounting. Determining
whether a particular death results from suicide or an accident does not always occur in a
straightforward manner. How many well-intentioned first responders have decided to shield
suffering coworkers from additional pain by simply destroying a suicide note? How many officials
have considered the surviving family's financial/insurance situation in making a decision to classify
a death? Nobody knows for sure. We do know the ambiguous death of a police officer does present
an additional set of challenges to the normally objective process of death classification. The last
article in this section presents a viable solution to this classification problem in the form of civil law
occupational death procedures.
The insufficiency of recorded information about suicides comprises the second obstacle to
a full accounting. Suicide means a malfunction occurred. Did the breakdown concern only the
victim or did it include a failure of the family, friends and organizations normally supporting them
as well? Nobody likes to contemplate failure. It involves painful recollections and self-questioning.
Ignoring it sometimes seems simpler. Unfortunately, a suicide, in a certain department, within a
given city of a particular state, seems like an extraordinary event. To the involved parties, it is. Too
often, the formal ceremony memorializing the individual, symbolizes the end of the matter. Those
of us studying police suicide from national and international perspectives know it is not an
extraordinary occurrence. It happens almost every day. Recording suicides will always be an
unpleasant reminder of failure; however, we must do it to acquire a full knowledge of the scope of
the problem confronting us.
Reporting the problem constitutes a third factor interfering with an accurate assessment of
the number of suicides. We have approximately 18,000 autonomous law enforcement agencies in
America. They are under no obligation to report to other agencies, even those representing a larger
political entity in their region of the country. We must find a way to gather this information without
interfering with the prerogatives of the concerned parties.
381
In spite of the confounding factors discussed above, the articles in this section attempt to
quantify the number/rate of police suicides and ensure uniform reporting. The articles about police
suicide in Germany, Norway and other countries provide an international perspective. Appendix A
contains a proposed mail form for recording and reporting law enforcement suicides. It attempts to
protect the privacy of the deceased and respect the autonomy of the involved law enforcement
agency while gathering much needed data. The next logical step will involve getting a national
entity to gather this information in a systematic, confidential way.
Even if we determine with certainty police suicide rates are not significantly higher than the
civilian population when adjusted for age, race and sex; we are proceeding with one, major
supposition. One police suicide is one police suicide too many.
382
385
386
387
______________________________________________________________________________
Department
Dates
Years Size
Suicides
Rate per 100,000
______________________________________________________________________________
San Diego PD
1992-1998
7
2,000
5
35.7
FBI
1993-1998
6
11,500
18
26.1
Los Angeles PD
1990-1998
9
9,668
20
20.7
Chicago PD
1990-1998
9
13,500
22
18.1
New York PD
1985-1998
14
40,000
87
15.5
San Antonio PD
1994-1998
5
1,871
0
0.0
Houston PD
1994-1998
5
5,441
0
0.0
Dallas PD
1994-1998
5
2,845
0
0.0
Phoenix PD
1994-1998
5
2,500
0
0.0
TOTAL
152
16.3
_____________________________________________________________________________
Table A
388
____________________________________________________________________________
Department
Dates
Years Size Suicides
Rate Source
______________________________________________________________________________
San Francisco PD
1988-1997
10
2,185
32.0
S. & W. (1997)
Boston PD
1987-1998
10
1,977
12
50.6
Armstrong (1998)
14
780
18.3
Tamman (1999)
51
59
33.9
Frederick (1999)
Newark PD (NJ)
1997-1999
1,500
44.4
Gold (1999)
Newark PD (NJ)
1978-1988
11
1,500
18.2
13
353
25.8
Johnson (1990)
1983-1997
1,064
18.8
Boyle (1997)
Kansas City PD
1988-1993
1,143
58.3
Dillon (1993)
TOTAL
10,561
36
37.1
______________________________________________________________________________
Table B
389
1950-1990
1977-1979
1970-1978
1934-1939
1960-1977
1988-1998
1960-1977
1988-1998
1960-1977
1960-1977
1934-1939
1968-1975
1960-1977
1960-1977
1970-1976
1977-1978
1960-1977
1960-1977
1928-1933
1934-1939
1950-1965
1960-1973
1960-1977
1960-1977
1960-1977
1960-1977
1960-1977
2,611
13,314
13,150
N/A
491
900
1,225
1,100
2,166
2,004
N/A
5,272
1,471
262
7,136
6,972
210
1,463
18,096
18,346
N/A
27,597
8,188
1,533
693
645
370
24
20
39
N/A
0
1
0
2
4
0
0
12
5
0
4
10
2
5
51
93
N/A
74
1
2
1
1
0
Table C
390
22.9
43.8
29.5
48.0
0.0
10.1
0.0
28.5
10.3
0.0
0.0
28.5
18.9
0.0
8.1
12.0
52.9
19.0
46.9
84.5
22.7
19.1
0.1
7.2
8.0
8.6
0.0
1960-1977
1934-1939
1960-1977
1934-1939
1960-1977
1,082
N/A
1,036
N/A
215
2
N/A
5
N/A
0
10.3
51.8
26.8
17.9
0.0
Heiman (1977)
Heiman (1975)
Heiman (1977)
Heiman (1975)
Heiman (1977)
1986-1998
1,000
1980-1999
3,736
1972-1974
2,319
1960-1968
667
1950-1971
N/A
1985
128,738
5
9
5
7
40
N/A
38.5
12.7
72.0
117.6
N/A
26.6
Deutsch (1999)
Campion (1999)
Fell et al. (1980)
N. and S. (1970)
H. and C. (1988)
S. and K. (1994)
1984-1985
1960-1983
1992-1996
1960-1973
N/A
35
159
16
16.0
14.1
23.5
5.8
Andrews (1996)
Loo (1986)
F. and L. (1999)
Heiman (1975)
State Rates
Vermont
IL, IN, MN
Tennessee
Wyoming
Washington
16 states
International Rates
RCMP, Canada
RCMP, Canada
Germany
London
N/A
20,000
136,684
19,634
Table C (continued)
391
Total Sworn
Suicide Rate
______________________________________________________________________________
USA Today Study
9
FOP Study
92
Roanoke/New River Valley 22
Published Research
30
Media Articles
9
89,325
38,800
1,105
237,566
10,561
16.3
22.0
10.0
17.8
37.1
TOTAL
377,357
18.1
_____________________________________________________________________________
20.2
10.9
4.9
1.9
12.4
6.2
TOTAL
18.7
4.2
11.4
__________________________________________________________________________
Tables D and E
392
Rate
Rate
PMR
Rate
PMR
______________________________________________________________________________
USA Today Study
San Diego
FBI
LAPD
Chicago
NYPD
San Antonio
Houston
Dallas
Phoenix
35.7
26.1
22.9
18.1
15.5
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
11.8
12.0
12.0
12.0
11.8
12.0
12.0
12.0
12.0
303
217
192
151
132
0
0
0
0
25.3
25.3
25.3
25.3
25.1
25.6
25.6
25.6
25.6
141
103
91
72
62
0
0
0
0
FOP Study
22.0
11.9
185
26.1
84
SW Virginia Study
10.0
12.1
83
25.4
43
22.9
43.8
29.5
28.5
0.0
10.1
0.0
28.5
10.3
0.0
18.9
11.9
12.2
12.1
12.0
12.1
11.8
12.1
11.8
12.1
12.1
12.1
192
359
244
238
0
86
0
242
85
0
156
24.8
24.9
24.8
24.7
24.9
25.1
24.9
25.1
24.9
24.9
24.9
92
176
119
115
0
40
0
114
41
0
76
Published Research
Buffalo
Chicago
Chicago
Detroit
Albuquerque
Albuquerque
Atlanta
Austin
Boston
Dallas
Honolulu
Table F
393
0.0
52.9
19.0
0.1
7.2
8.0
8.6
0.0
10.3
26.8
0.0
72.0
118.0
N/A
12.7
N/A
38.5
26.6
8.1
12.0
19.1
12.1
12.1
12.1
12.1
12.1
12.1
12.1
12.1
12.1
12.1
12.1
12.0
11.1
N/A
11.7
N/A
11.8
11.5
12.0
11.8
11.9
0
437
157
1
60
66
71
0
85
221
0
600
1059
N/A
108
113
326
231
68
102
161
24.9
24.9
24.9
24.9
24.9
24.9
24.9
24.9
24.9
24.9
24.9
24.6
23.8
N/A
25.0
N/A
25.1
24.7
24.7
24.9
24.2
0
212
76
1
29
32
35
0
41
108
0
293
494
73
51
N/A
153
108
33
48
79
32.0
55.2
18.3
33.2
44.4
18.2
43.6
18.8
58.3
12.0
11.9
11.9
11.9
10.8
11.7
11.9
11.8
12.0
267
464
154
279
412
155
366
159
486
25.2
25.2
25.2
24.8
26.1
24.8
24.8
25.1
24.9
127
219
73
134
170
73
176
75
234
Media Articles
SFPD
Boston
Brevard Co., FL
Noblesville, IN
Newark
Newark
Henrico Co., VA
Lehigh Valley, PA
Kansas City, MO
TOTAL
152
73
_____________________________________________________________________________
Table F (Continued)
394
Our National
Media Search
Combined
N
%
N
%
N
%
______________________________________________________________________________
Sex
Male
Female
265
12
95.7
4.3
273
26
91.3
8.7
538
38
93.4
6.5
Race
Caucasian
Black
Hispanic
Asian
149
27
7
1
81.0
14.7
3.8
0.5
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
149
27
7
1
81.0
14.7
3.8
0.5
Marital Status
Married
Divorced
Separated
Single
Widowed
231
34
19
89
7
62.7
7.4
5.4
22.5
2.0
68
12
27
15
0
55.7
9.8
22.1
12.3
0.0
299
46
46
104
7
59.6
9.2
9.2
20.6
1.4
Rank
Officer/Deputy
196
72.8
189
70.0
385
71.4
Sergeant
43
16.0
21
7.8
64
11.9
Lieutenant
5
1.9
11
4.1
16
2.9
Captain
3
1.1
7
2.6
10
1.9
Detective
22
8.2
20
7.4
42
7.7
Chief/Sheriff
0
0.0
8
3.0
8
1.5
Dispatcher
0
0.0
3
1.1
3
0.6
State trooper
0
0.0
8
3.0
8
1.5
Federal agent
0
0.0
3
1.1
3
0.6
_____________________________________________________________________________
Table G
395
Our National
Media Search
Combined
N
%
N
%
N
%
______________________________________________________________________________
When
On duty
Off duty
16
58
21.6
78.4
28
220
11.3
88.7
44
278
13.7
86.3
Where
Home
115
Anothers home
3
Station house
17
Shooting range
0
Jail
0
Court house
0
Police academy
0
Personal car
3
Police cruiser
3
Street
0
Motel
3
Wifes workplace
0
Hospital
2
Cemetery
0
Desolate area (such as park)
0
Store/restaurant
0
Parking lot
0
Other
24
67.6
1.8
10.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
1.8
1.8
0.0
1.8
0.0
1.2
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
14.1
100
18
24
3
4
1
1
19
8
9
4
2
2
6
10
3
4
4
45.0
8.1
10.8
1.4
1.8
0.5
0.5
8.6
3.6
4.1
1.8
0.9
0.9
2.7
4.5
1.4
1.8
1.8
215
21
41
3
4
1
1
22
11
9
7
2
4
6
10
3
4
28
54.8
5.4
10.5
0.8
1.0
0.3
0.3
5.6
2.8
2.3
1.8
0.5
1.0
1.5
2.6
0.8
1.0
7.1
Method
Shooting
Service weapon
Off-duty weapon
Personal handgun
88.4
46.6
0.0
1.9
244
96
10
19
94.2
37.1
3.9
7.3
578
272
10
26
90.7
42.7
1.6
4.1
334
176
0
7
Table H
396
Table H (continued)
397
_____________________________________________________________________________
Literature
Review
Our National
Media Search
Combined
N
%
N
%
N
%
______________________________________________________________________________
Legal trouble
0
0.0
59
21.2
59
14.8
Committed murder-suicide
4
3.1
33
12.3
37
9.3
Relationship problems
41
31.8
28
10.4
69
17.3
General personal problems
0
0.0
18
6.7
18
4.5
Work-related stress
13
10.2
14
5.3
27
6.8
Death of a fellow officer
0
0.0
5
1.9
5
1.3
Death of a loved one
0
0.0
5
1.9
5
1.3
Critical incident
7
5.4
0
0.0
7
1.8
Physical pain/illness
3
2.3
4
1.5
7
1.8
Shame over work problem
0
0.0
4
1.5
4
1.0
Financial problems
9
7.0
2
0.7
11
2.8
Psychological problems
16
12.4
0
0.0
16
4.0
Alcohol abuse
6
4.7
0
0.0
6
1.5
Unknown
30
23.4
97
36.1
127
31.9
______________________________________________________________________________
Table I
398
Address correspondence concerning this article to Anne Marie Berg, National Police Academy,
Slemdalsvn. 5, 0369 Oslo, Norway.
399
401
402
403
404
The rate of suicide per 100,000 among the male population (Control) and police officers (Police)
in Norway for the period 1972 to1996 distributed into five subsequent 5-year intervals.
Figure A
405
406
407
409
410
411
412
413
415
Location
Officers
Dept.
Psych.
Suicides
Rate
per 100,000
State Rate
Houston
5,373
7
1
1.9
13
Dallas
2,900
2
3
10.4
13
Phoenix
2,530
2
0
0.0
18.7
San Antonio 2,000
4
1
5.0
13
Austin
1,100
2
2
18.2
13
Albuquerque
900
1
1
11.5
18.7
________________________________________________________________
Data provided in telephonic interviews with the senior author by directors of psychological services
units or by psychological services contractors. Recorded suicides include retired police officers and
officers who had been fired. State rates describe the year 1992.
Table A
416
Address correspondence concerning this article to Michael A. Campion; Campion, Barrow and
Associates, 2110 Clearlake Blvd., Suite 202, Champaign, IL 61822.
417
The minority point of view was expressed by Andr Ivanoff (Fields and Jones, 1999), who
is a professor of social work and specializes in suicidal behavior. He reported that the majority of
the police officers do not kill themselves. Police, in fact, rank fourth behind dentists, doctors and
entrepreneurs, all of whom deal with the public and none of whom carry guns.
SUICIDE RATES
In addition, most research focuses on larger departments such as those in New York City,
Los Angeles and Chicago. The suicide rates of some of the larger law enforcement agencies, as well
as the general public, are as follows:
418
419
420
421
422
424
426
Year
1980
0.00%
30214
247,586,000
1981
0.0267%
30214
247,586,000
1982
0.00%
30214
247,586,000
1983
0.00%
30214
247,586,000
1984
0.0267%
30214
247,586,000
1985
0.00%
30214
247,586,000
1986
0.00%
30214
247,586,000
1987
0.00%
30214
247,586,000
1988
0.0267%
30214
247,586,000
1989
0.0267%
30214
247,586,000
1990
0.00%
30214
247,586,000
1991
0.00%
30214
247,586,000
1992
0.0267%
30214
247,586,000
1993
0.0534%
30214
247,586,000
1994
0.00%
30214
247,586,000
1995
0.0267%
30214
247,586,000
1996
0.00%
30214
247,586,000
1997
0.00%
30214
247,586,000
0.0267%
30214
247,586,000
.0126%
.0122%
.0004%
1998
Total:
Table A
427
1) Personal Stress
2)
3)
4)
5)
6)
7)
8)
9)
10)
11)
12)
13)
14)
15)
16)
17)
18)
19)
20)
21)
22)
23)
24)
25)
26)
27)
Disagree Somewhat
Disagree
Strongly
Disagree
39%
6%
55%
0%
0%
0%
19%
22%
44%
11%
4%
0%
Alcohol abuse
33%
22%
33%
8%
0%
4%
12%
36%
20%
16%
8%
8%
8%
44%
12%
28%
0%
8%
4%
33%
26%
26%
7%
4%
39%
8%
53%
18%
9%
9%
17%
0%
22%
33%
6%
22%
Terminal Illness
33%
14%
19%
14%
10%
10%
5%
33%
28%
6%
17%
11%
0%
33%
20%
13%
27%
7%
5%
19%
10%
33%
5%
28%
33%
21%
33%
5%
4%
4%
0%
29%
12%
35%
18%
6%
Retirement
6%
18%
23%
35%
0%
18%
5%
32%
26%
26%
0%
11%
21%
33%
42%
0%
0%
4%
6%
27%
20%
27%
0%
20%
4%
52%
32%
8%
0%
4%
33%
30%
37%
0%
0%
0%
6%
28%
6%
22%
11%
28%
Organizational practices
5%
11%
0%
47%
11%
26%
Shift work
5%
27%
5%
37%
0%
26%
6%
35%
17%
18%
12%
12%
Department corruption
6%
6%
16%
44%
6%
22%
Critical incidents
12%
29%
18%
23%
6%
12%
35%
20%
10%
15%
15%
5%
9%
14%
0%
27%
23%
27%
Table B
428
Agree
Strongly
Agree
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
6)
Agree
Agree Disagree
Somewhat
Disagree
Somewhat
Strongly
Disagree
Did not
Respond
3%
6%
3%
26%
15%
47%
0%
2%
6%
9%
27%
17%
39%
0%
1%
3%
7%
39%
15%
31%
0%
1%
1%
11%
38%
15%
33%
1%
0%
1%
1%
16%
4%
78%
0%
0%
1%
0%
14%
7%
78%
0%
Table C
429
Strongly
Agree
7)
8)
9)
10)
11)
12)
Agree
Agree Disagree
Somewhat
Strongly
Disagree
Did not
Respond
0%
3%
7%
25%
8%
41%
16%
9%
23%
32%
16%
8%
12%
0%
1%
4%
4%
25%
11%
55%
0%
5%
16%
13%
31%
16%
19%
0%
2%
11%
9%
28%
21%
29%
0%
26%
23%
32%
10%
4%
5%
0%
Table C (continued)
430
Disagree
Somewhat
432
435
436
Address correspondence concerning this article to John M. Violanti, Department of Social and
Preventative Medicine, School of Medicine and Biomedical Sciences, 270 Farber Hall, State
University of New York at Buffalo, NY 14214.
437
441
444
C
C
In comparison to controls, police officers who commit suicide will more often have
suffered from current active and lifetime diagnoses of major affective disorders,
substance abuse disorders and their comorbidity.
Compared to controls, police suicide victims 1) will be more likely to engage in
severe violence in their lifetime and 2) will be violent in a greater range of
relationships.
Police officers who commit suicide will 1) have experienced more life-event
stressors in the last year of life than did controls in the year before the study and 2)
have smaller social networks, with which they interact less frequently and from
which they derive less instrumental support.
Police officers who have a history of alcohol abuse are more likely to complete
suicide than controls.
Police officers have instant access to firearms that they use in work. We hypothesize
that police officers will be more likely to complete suicide with a firearm than other
methods.
Police officers are hesitant and untrusting when it comes to visiting health care
professionals (Violanti, 1996). No study to date has included a control sample in
order to determine whether police officers who go on to commit suicide in the
ensuing months are, in fact, more or less likely to have asked for help from an EAP
or mental health professional than officers who are not suicidal.
Police officers who commit suicide will be more likely to have been exposed to or
involved in stressful traumatic events in their work.
CONCLUSION
The issues highlighted in this article deserve consideration in order to advance studies in
police suicide. A long-term goal of any work in this area should be to develop and test police
suicide prevention measures. A number of medical, psychological and social influences appear to
445
446
Address correspondence concerning this article to Elizabeth K. White, Employee Services Bureau,
Los Angeles Sheriff's Department, 4700 Ramona Blvd., Monterey Park, CA. 91754-2169.
447
452
reexamination of the policy of some agencies that sworn personnel must carry a
firearm off duty;
455
CONCLUSION
An examination of the research yields results that are at best, inconclusive and, at worse,
contradictory. Additional research that properly addresses the confounding variables identified is
needed. Finally, regardless of whether or not the incidence rate for suicide among law enforcement
personnel is significantly higher than appropriate comparison groups, it is still problematic enough
to demand action on the part of law enforcement agencies. It is essential that issues of causation be
addressed with recommendations made for effective primary and secondary interventions in order
to prevent both loss of life and secondary trauma to affected personnel.
456
Number in Group
Nation
30,903
11.6
Men
24,998
19.3
5,905
4.4
27,856
12.7
Non-Caucasian
3,047
6.7
Caucasian Men
22,547
20.9
Wom en
Caucasian
Table A
457
Author
Yea r(s)
Covered
Population
Studied
* L.E. = Law
Enforcement
Number of
L.E. Suicides
and Rate per
100,000
Peo ple
Comparison
Group and
Rate per
100 ,000 Peo ple
PM R
Suicide to
Hom icide
Ra tio
Armour
(1996)
1989-93
104 firearmrelated
suicides
among Irish
security forces
(police
officers,
armed forces,
reserves,
prison
officers) vs.
civilians
45 security
forces
suicides
59 civilian
suicides
-------
------------
Aussant
(1984)
1973-83
Quebec law
enforcement
suicides
27 L.E.
suicides
-------------------
-------
11:2
Cantor,
Tyma n, &
Slater
(1995)
1843-1992
Queensland
Police Service
suicide rates
vs. employed
men (1994)
59 L.E.
suicides
16.2/100k
20.6/100k
(employed
men)
-------
------------
Cro nin
(1982)
1970-79
Chicago
police officer
suicide rates
vs. general
population vs.
physicians
39 L.E.
suicides
29.7/100k
24.7/100k (gen
pop .)
33/100k
(phy sicians)
-------
------------
Curran,
Finlay, &
McG arry
(1988)
1960-86
32.9 L.E.
suicides
13.3/100k
(gen eral m ale
pop .)
-------
------------
Table B
458
Author
Dash &
Reiser
(1978)
Yea r(s)
Covered
Population
Studied
* L.E. = Law
Enforcement
Number of
L.E. Suicides
and Rate per
100,000
Peo ple
Comparison
Group and
Rate per
100 ,000 Peo ple
1970-76
LAPD police
officer suicide
rates vs. 2069-year-old
LA C ounty
men and
wome n vs.
national rates
4 L.E. suicides
1972:
14.0/100k
197 3: 0
1975:
13.3/100k
1970-78:
8.1/100k
L.A. 1972:
16.7/100k
1973:
15.3/100k
18-6 4-year-old
Tennessee
L.E. suicide
rates vs.18-64year-old
employed men
5 L.E. suicides
72/100k
22 employed
men suicides
Fell,
Richard, &
W allace
(1980)
1972-74
Fields &
Jones
(1999)
1990-98
1990-98
1985-89
1993-98
1998
Los Angeles
Police
Chicago
Police
New Y ork
Police
FBI
U.S. Customs
20 L.E.
20.7/100k
22 L.E.
18.1/100k
87 L.E.
15.5/100k
18 L.E.
26.1/100k
07 L .E. 45 .1
per 100k
Fraternal
Order of
Police
Study
1995
38,800
members in 24
states suicide
rates vs.
national
population
(CD C figures)
Friedman
(1968)
1934-40
Heiman
(1975)
1960-73
PM R
Suicide to
Homicide
Ra tio
-------
---------------
-------
---------------
U.S. 1973:
12.3/100k
1975:
12.6/100k
1.8:1
1.8:1
2.4:1
4.5:1
-------------------
-------
22/100k
12/100k
general pop.
-------
1.4:1
New Y ork
City police
officer suicide
rates
93 L.E.
suicides
80/100k
-------------------
-------
---------------
New Y ork
City police
L.E. rates vs.
Caucasian
men urban
population vs.
London
bobbies
74 L.E.
suicides
19.1/100k
~8.5/100k
(Caucasian men
urban)
5.8/100k (16
London)
-------
---------------
Table B (continued)
14 Quantitative Approaches - White
459
Author
Yea r(s)
Covered
Population
Studied
* L.E. = Law
Enforcement
Number of
L.E. Suicides
and Rate per
100,000
Peo ple
Comparison
Group and
Rate per
100 ,000 Peo ple
Heiman
(1977)
1934-39
New York
City Police
Officer v s.
San Francisco,
Chicago,
Denve r and St.
Louis police
officer suicide
rates
91 N.Y.
suicides
82.6/100k
51.8/100k: SF
48.0/100k: Chi
0.0: Den
17.9/100k: St.L
Hill &
Clawson
(1988)
1951-71
1,586
Washington
police officer
deaths v s.
300,000
Washington
employed
deaths
40 L.E.
suicides
Ivanoff
(1994)
1985-95
New York
City Police
66 L.E.
suicides
(* Rate given
as 4x general
populace)
Josephson
& Reiser
(1990)
1977-88
Los Angeles
Police Dept.
suicide rates
vs. LA C oun ty
and Califo rnia
state adults
10 L.E.
suicides
12/100k
L.A.
1980 14.3/100k
1987 13.4/100k
CA
1985 15.2/100k
1986 14.8/100k
Labovitz &
Hageh orn
(1971)
1950
National
Office of Vital
Statistics:
suicide rates
of all 20-64year-old men
by occupation
vs. L.E.
47.6/100k
(*ranked #2 of
36
occupations)
28.5/100k
Suicide to
Hom icide
Ra tio
-------
---------------
113
-------------------
-------------------
Table B (continued)
460
PM R
---------------
-------
---------------
-------
---------------
-------
---------------
Author
Yea r(s)
Covered
Population
Studied
* L.E. = Law
Enforcement
Number of
L.E. Suicides
and Rate per
100,000
Peo ple
Comparison
Group and
Rate per
100,000
Peo ple
Loo (1986)
1960-83
Royal Canadian
Mounted Police
suicide rates vs.
Canadian men of
comparab le age
35 L.E.
suicides
14.1/100k
28 Canadian
men suicides
Milham
(1976, 83)
1950-79
Occupational
Mortality in
W ashington State
by occupation: all
300,000
emplo yed men vs.
1,586 deaths of
L.E.
56 L.E.
suicides
Nelson &
Smith
(1970)
1960-69
Wyoming suicide
by occupation:
law enforcement
vs. physicians
7 L.E. suicides
203.66/100k
(*ranked #1)
132.53
suicides of
physicians
Richard &
Fell (1975)
1970
Tennessee state:
6,720 deaths by
occupation all
occup ations vs.
law enforcement
5 L.E. suicides
69.1/100k
20.6/100k
Stack &
Kelly
(1994)
1985
National
Mortality D etail
File: U .S. Public
Health Service
from 16 states:
police, detectives,
sheriffs and other
law enforcement
vs. age-matched
men
33 L.E.
suicides
25.6/100k
23.8/100k
(age-matched
men)
19.9/100k
(all men)
Vena,
Violanti,
Marshall, &
Fiedler
(1986)
1950-79
City of B uffalo
mortality by
occupation:
Caucasian male
police officers
(2,377) vs. all
other male
municipal
employees
(7,751)
11 L.E.
suicides
(* Ratio of
2.91 L.E. to 1
municipal
suicides)
PM R
Suicide to
Homicide
Ra tio
-------
------------
115
2.4:1
-------
------------
-------
------------
108
------------
106
-----------------
------------
Table B (continued)
461
Yea r(s)
Covered
Population
Studied
* L.E. = Law
Enforcement
Number of
L.E. Suicides
and Rate per
100,000
Peo ple
Violanti,
Vena, &
Petralia
(1998)
1950-90
City of
Buffalo
mortality by
occupation:
2,593
Caucasian,
male L.E. vs.
all othe r male
municipal
employees
26 L.E.
suicides
1977-79
13,000
Chicago
police officers
vs. 3 million
Chicago
populace
20 L.E.
suicides
(*Rate of 5
L.E. to 1
Chicago
resident)
Comparison
Group and
Rate per
100 ,000 Peo ple
Suicide to
Hom icide
Ra tio
153
-------------------
-------------------
Table B (continued)
462
PM R
----------------
-------
----------------
ALCOHOL-RELATED SUICIDES
Research
Yea r(s)
Covered
Population Studied
Number and % of
Alcohol- Involved
Suicides
Aussant (1984)
1973-83
Armour (1996)
1989-93
1871-
Danto (1978)
1968-76
Friedman (1968)
1934-40
Ivanoff (1994)
1985-95
1977-88
Loo (1986)
1960-83
1950-90
1977-79
SUICIDE BY METHOD
Men
Percent
W omen
Number
Percent
Total
Number
Percent
Number
Firearms
63.3%
16,060
41.3%
2,443
59.1%
18,503
Hanging, strangulation,
17.2%
4,373
14.3%
844
16.7%
5,217
Gas poisons
6.5%
1,638
7.7%
457
9.8%
3,052
5.9%
1,501
26.2%
1,551
6.7%
2,095
All other
7.1%
1,797
10.5%
620
7.7%
2,417
Tables C and D
463
FIREARM SUICIDES
Research
Yea r(s)
Covered
Population Studied
Number and
% U sing
Firearms
1871-1992
45: 79%
Cronin (1982)
1970-79
37: 95%
1978-86
31: 94%
Danto (1978)
1968-76
08: 67%
Friedman (1968)
1934-40
84: 90%
Ivanoff (1994)
1985-95
62: 93.9%
Loo (1986)
1960-83
29: 77%
1960-69
07: 100%
1977-79
16: 80%
PRECIPITATING FACTORS
Research
Yea r(s)
Covered
Population Studied
Precipitant
Aussant (1984)
1973-83
Armour (1996)
1989-93
Marital problems
(vs. mental illness for
civilians)
1871-1992
34.6 % relationship
48.1 % p sychiatric
13.5% serious physical
50% service problem
Danto (1978)
1968-76
50% relationship
Loo (1986)
1960-83
46% psychological
34% job-related concerns
31% marital problems
Tables E and F
464
Address correspondence concerning this article to L.A. Wright, The Wright Word, P.O. Box 541802,
Houston, TX 77254-1802.
465
467
468
469
471
472
474
SECTION FIVE
475
476
ALTERNATE APPROACHES
INTRODUCTION
The foregoing sections address the more traditional approaches to dealing police suicide.
This section contains articles which address suicide in an appropriate, but less conventional manner.
Perhaps the conventional organizations we serve can benefit from the less than conventional
perspectives of these imaginative contributors.
For 5 years I taught the Stress Management in Law Enforcement course at the FBI Academy
to new Special Agents. I also taught an expanded version to the FBI National Academy, which
consisted of mid-level police officers from city, county, state and federal agencies from throughout
the United States and 26 countries. During that time, I learned a great deal from the highly
professional police officers, I taught. One of the most significant lessons I learned had to do with
coping skills.
Humor emerged as the most widely used technique. Time after time, these experienced
officers described horrific incidents which varied across a wide range of human tragedy and their
attempts to cope. The single, common element was humor. Invariably cynical and potentially
harmful, if heard by the wrong person, dark humor works for cops. Spirituality works as well. The
struggle to understand a mind-numbing tragedy frequently involves an inward turn for a spiritual
answer. Police chaplains occupy a unique position in law enforcement. During large scale
catastrophes such as the Oklahoma City bombing, as well as individual tragedies such as officer
suicide, they offer comfort to those in need. We have assimilated computers into many aspects of
our lives. No reason exists to preclude computer games from our attempt to understand suicide.
What insight does an analysis of the content of violent computer games provide? If we analyze the
fantasy, can we understand the individual and his wish to die? We tend to focus on individuals. This
is a direct and fruitful approach which leads to many useful insights. It would, however, be a missed
opportunity if we failed to examine suicidal people in relation to others. The article on the social
construction of police and correctional officer suicide provides useful insights. The articles on
logical models and the importance of perfectionism are sufficiently novel to justify inclusion in this
section. Both articles deviate from conventional thinking about suicide in a thought provoking way.
In the final analysis, we must explore every avenue available to us if we hope to deal with
police suicide, effectively. Alternate approaches may represent some of the best opportunities to
successfully deal with suicide.
477
478
Address correspondence concerning this article to Julie A. Armstrong, Psy.D., R.N.C.S., 152 S.
Lasky Dr., Penthouse Suite, Beverly Hills, CA 90212.
479
481
482
486
489
Title
Bricks
(3/1/96)
(Also called
Kill Him!!)
Brick
courtyard, no
enemies,
stairs,
elevators
upper
Hockey
(7/29/96)
Hockey
arena, no
enemies,
around arena
and up into
walkways
Fight Me
(7/16/96)
Circular
Steel arena 5
Tall Pillars;
Text
Replacement
(Original)
STOP IT!!!
(Pause)
YA
FREAKIN
NUT!
(Nightmare)
WUSS (Exit)
None
None
Visual Images/TEXT
ADDITIONS/Sounds
490
Strategic Content
All Weapons
Double Ammunition
Double Armor
Double Health
No enemies
Multiples of 6 Weapons
(Includes 4 chainsaws,
No BFG?)
4 Energy Cells
Double Health
5 Full cache
Ammunition
No enemies
Double Health*
Double Armor*
No Enemies
(* With 1st step forward)
Title
Text
Replacement
(Original)
Killer (7/19/96)
Walled
courtyard,
2 Bunkers, 1 is
bullet riddled,
one is not; Dark
Storm Clouds
None
Station
(7/25/96)
General space
station interior
Title graphic
STATION
by ERIC
HARRIS
UAC Labs
(9/1/96)
Complex
layout; several
interior areas;
several areas of
complete
darkness; major
courtyard battle
Visual Images/TEXT
ADDITIONS/Sounds
*This drawing
was later
published in
the media
after the
shootings.
Strategic Content
All Weapons
Extra Health
Extra Ammo
Challenging elevator
jumps to BFG (?)
Most Weapons
Extra Health
Extra Ammo
Opening courtyard
patrolled by 3 enemies,
which fire if you fire
first. No distinction
between beginner and
expert levels.
Ammunition available.
Little additional health.
Many, many enemies,
weapons obtained by
retrieving them from
downed enemies. Huge
courtyard battle with
ultimate DOOM enemy,
man, machine. May
be impossible to win (?)
Note: Extra means additional, used for replacement. Double means allowance made for more than 100 %
Code: Health= survival time (length of play) Amm unition = number of shells, rockets, etc available for battle Armor
= protects health status
Table A (continued)
491
492
Address correspondence concerning this article to Gary S. Aumiller, Psychological Services, 750
Veterans Hwy., Hauppauge, NY 11788.
493
496
498
SUICIDE FORMULA
Figures A and B
499
DECREASE ANOMIE BY
INCREASE CONNECTIONS
INCREASE SESSIONS
ASSURE NO MORE ALTERED STATES
CREATING WATCHDOGS
HOSPITALIZATION
DECREASE TIME PRESSURE
PUT A REALISTIC TIME-LINE ON TREATMENT
SET GOALS THAT CAN BE ACHIEVED QUICKLY
MODERATE PERCEIVED PAIN
INTRODUCE TO OTHERS IN PAIN
COMPARE TO OTHER PAIN IN THEIR LIFE
ADDRESS SPIRITUALITY
DECREASE HELPLESSNESS
MAKE ACTION LIST
SET SMALL GOALS THAT CAN BE ACHIEVED
DECREASE HOPELESSNESS
GOAL SETTING
BUILD A WISH LIST
STORIES OF OTHERS THROUGH SAME PAIN
Table A
500
Table B
501
502
Address correspondence concerning this article to Joseph J. DAngelo, Chaplain, Nassau County
Police Department, c/o 145 Glen Avenue, Sea Cliff, NY 11579.
503
505
510
Address correspondence concerning this article to Claudia L. Greene, Law Enforcement Psychiatry,
P.O. Box 540039, Grand Prairie, TX 75054-0039.
511
512
514
515
517
519
521
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
general personality structure, characterized by his degree of respect for and style of
interaction with others (histrionic, manipulative, "loner," empathy versus utilizing
others for own gain);
degree of self-control and control over aggressive thoughts and feelings;
comfort level with differences in others;
sudden change;
general capacity to use and appreciate humor;
predisposition to or current experience of mental illness (especially depression,
Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and other major anxiety disorders);
childhood physical, sexual, or other abuse;
recent bereavement and stage of grief at the time of the investigation;
psychological awareness of the dynamic role of work-related humor;
personality disorder and its type;
abuse of alcohol and other substances;
degree of support at home and by partner and department;
level/type of sense of humor of nuclear family and family of origin and
degree of involvement in racist, obscene, or sadistic mental activity.
The stage of the investigation, features of witnesses and bystanders and scene elements also affect
the humor.
INFLUENCES SPECIFIC TO POLICE SUICIDE HUMOR
Police humor in suicide investigations is further influenced by the officer's own current or
past experience with suicidal ideation, plans, or attempts (self, family, or close friend). Decedent
influences include: 1) state of body preservation, 2) means of suicide, 3) nature of evident physical
injury, 4) extent of visible injury, 5) part of body with visible injury, 6) external appearance
(clothing, tattoos, etc.) and 7) demographic and physical characteristics. Scene influences include:
1) weapon(s) used, 2) decedent's personal effects left at the scene, 3) physical evidence at the scene
indicating psychiatric illness or treatment, 4) evidence of the decedent's own (usually immature or
early adolescent) sense of humor, 5) evidence of life-style quirks or physical differences of the
decedent, 6) suicide notes or diaries at the scene and 7) physical location and characteristics of the
scene.
POLICE SUICIDE HUMOR AND THE HUMOR CYCLE
Humor plays a role in all police investigations, not just the investigation of suicide. Members
of a suicide (or homicide) investigation team exhibit the same general humor dynamics as other
police officers, only in a much more muted and solemn form. Accordingly, the following remarks
on general police humor apply equally to police suicide humor. The major role of humor for the
individual police officer is to convert a psychologically threatening situation into one more easily
522
523
525
526
Figure A
527
528
Address correspondence concerning this article to Jack Kamerman, Department of Sociology and
Anthropology, Kean University, 1000 Morris Avenue, Union, NJ 07083.
529
530
5.
6.
7.
The problems involve police officers, who, for many reasons, are always in the public
view; they are always a good story.
The suicides are usually committed with guns and Americans have a great fascination
with guns.
The problem of police suicide is useful to politicians, particularly in an election year.
Although inaccurately, a suicide implies that cops are weak, depressed, alcoholabusing and problem-ridden and therefore in a convoluted sense subject to the same
weaknesses as everyone else.
There is also a genuine concern over the welfare of police officers among many
people although this concern varies from one community to another, from one group
within a community to another and from one time to another.
Suicide by cop (SBC) indirectly focuses attention on police suicide.
Suicide in general has received more public attention because of related issues like
physician-assisted suicide.
Although the public may be fascinated by police suicide, departments themselves are
inconsistent in their attention to the problem. Statistics are not always kept and when suicide is
addressed at all, the departments focus often tends to be on suicides in custody rather than on officer
suicide. This is even more the case for correctional officers. As a result, there is a similar imbalance
in training; when suicide is mentioned at all, the attention is usually to recognize potentially suicidal
offenders. This inattention to officer suicide results from the following:
1.
2.
3.
4.
532
Departments fear legal liability if it can be shown that the job, as well as an officers
personal life, was a factor in the suicide.
The legal liability for deaths in custody may be an even greater concern for
departments.
A suicide tarnishes the heroic image of the police officer.
By setting up invidious comparisons with line-of-duty deaths, suicides undercut the
notion that police work is the most dangerous job because, in the public mind, death
counts are the measure of danger. Any claims for higher salaries based on the
dangerousness of the job are similarly undercut.
535
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
536
When a department addresses the problem of suicide, it also addresses the conditions
in the etiology of suicide. Rather than being measured solely in terms of changes in
the number of suicides from year to year, a programs success also should, if not
mainly, be measured in terms of statistics that gauge its effectiveness in identifying
and treating these other problems. Additional gains from addressing suicide in
training and intervention programs may include preparing officers to better handle
other deaths they encounter, such as line-of-duty deaths and deaths in their personal
lives.
Departments should pay attention to the unintended consequences of policies and
organizational actions. For example, what is the message to correctional officers
when time is spent in training on inmate suicide, but no mention is made in training
of officer suicide? What is the message to staff of setting up stress-reduction
programs that put the onus on the individual by focusing solely on what the officer
can do (the deep-breathing approach to stress reduction), but fail to address
organizational sources of stress? (Finn and Thomz, 1997).
Programs involving peer counseling should complement, but not replace, programs
run by professionals. Peer counseling programs may have great value, but, if used by
themselves, may seem to officers to have been created on economic rather than on
therapeutic grounds. In the case of correctional officers, this may be particularly
problematic if the programs set up for inmates are staffed by professionals.
To encourage utilization, programs should be as geographically distant from the
department as possible. If utilization remains a problem, distancing it
organizationally from the agency also may be advisable.
To the extent possible, programs should be consolidated and administered under a
central authority to maximize communication and coordination between programs.
The directors of these programs should be selected not simply on formal grounds
relevant to the program, but on the extent to which they can inspire confidence in
their staff and in their potential clients (Monroe, 1999). This last quality is, of course,
extremely difficult to gauge, but it is crucial and should be sought nonetheless.
Programs should be evaluated systematically to learn what works and what does not..
Although the programs themselves should keep the kind of detailed records that
make an evaluation possible, the evaluation should be done by outsiders. It should
be a priority of agencies like the National Institute of Justice and the FBI to help
support evaluation of programs and to share the results of those evaluations with
other departments.
8.
9.
10.
11.
Work should be done to study successful intervention programs, both large and
small, so that methods that work can be "exported" to other departments. This
suggestion has already been made for training programs, but applies as well to
intervention programs (Kamerman and Snchez, 1999).
A unit on officer suicide routinely should be incorporated in training programs, both
for its own sake and because of what it says to trainees about the departments
concern for them.
Approaches to police and correctional officer suicide should cross over the usual
boundaries. For example, programs that address police suicide might profit from
studying programs that address correctional officer suicide and, of course, vice versa.
Academic experts should be tapped who study the police, police suicide and suicide.
The common mistake in conferences in many areas in criminal justice (this
conference is a notable exception) is to cast a few lines rather than a net and, in
consequence, these conferences reflect the narrowness that comes, to paraphrase the
line from Casablanca, from rounding up the usual suspects.
Programs should be set up for suicide survivors both on humanitarian grounds, for
the sake of the survivors and because such programs tell staff that the organization
cares about them and those they love. These programs should have a realistic fit with
the course of grief, that is, they should be available to survivors over a long period
of time because grief often surfaces months after a death.
If you want to understand the topic of suicide in general, I recommend you read
Edwin Shneidmans Suicide as Psychache (1995), the summary statement by the
person who arguably understands more about suicide than anyone else. Many of the
ideas mentioned at this conference are his.
CONCLUSION
The suicide of any police or correctional officer is a tragedy for the suicide and for those left
behind. As Shneidman (1972) put it, "I believe that the person who commits suicide puts his
psychological skeleton in the survivors emotional closet . . ." There is no need to exaggerate the
number of suicides by fooling with the notion of "rate" to make that point. There is no need to focus
on one uniformed services suicides to the neglect of anothers. If this conference is the first of
several devoted to the problem of suicide in the occupations in criminal justice, it will represent an
important first step. If it is the last, it will, through intellectual inbreeding, eliminate the perspective
that comes from the cross-fertilization of ideas. It also will also become a painful reminder, to those
who work in those other occupations in criminal justice, of George Orwells pungent insight in
Animal Farm: "All animals are equal but some animals are more equal than others".
537
Year
NYPD
NYCDOC
0.00
N.A.
1998
N.A.
1997
7.4
1996
7.6
1995
7.9
1994
12
8.3
1993
7.6
1992
8.3
1991
8.9
Table A
538
Address correspondence concerning this article to J. R. Slosar, Health and Human Services Group,
25108 Marguerite Parkway, Suite B-142, Mission Viejo, CA 92692.
539
544
546
547
Self-Oriented Scale
t makes me uneasy to see an error in my work.
One of my goals is to be perfect in everything I do.
I never aim for perfection in my work (reverse keyed).
I must work to my full potential at all times.
I must always be successful at school or work.
Other-Oriented Scale
I have high expectations for the people who are important to me.
I do not have very high standards for those around me (reverse keyed).
If I ask someone to do something, I expect it to be done flawlessly.
I cant be bothered with people who wont strive to better themselves.
The people who matter to me should never let me down.
Attachment A
548
ALTERNATE APPROACHES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abelson, J. (1999, July 29). Call to action over suicides: Surgeon General sees wide
problem. New York Newsday, p. A7.
American Correctional Association. (1994). Vital statistics. Laurel, MD: American
Correctional Association.
Baker, L. (1996, September 19). Suicide outranks homicide in risk to police officers, UB
study shows. State University of New York at Buffalo Reporter, 28(4).
Blatt, S. (1999). Researcher links perfectionism in high achievers with depression and
suicide. American Psychologist 49(12), 1003-1020.
Blatt, S. J. (1995). The destructiveness of perfectionism: Implications for the treatment of
depression. American Psychologist, 50, 1003-1020.
Blatt, S. J., Quinlan, D. M., Pilkonis, P. A., & Shea, M. T. (1995). Impact of perfectionism
and need for approval in the brief treatment of depression: The National Institute of Mental Health
Treatment of Depression Collaborative Research Program revisited. Journal of Consulting and
Clinical Psychology 63, 125-132.
Blatt, S. J. & Ritzler, B. A. (1974). Suicide and the representation of transparency and crosssections on the Rorschach. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 42, 280-87.
Blatt, S. J., Zuroff, D. C., Sanislow, C. A., & Pilkonis, P. A. (1998). When and how
perfectionism impedes the brief treatment of depression: Further analyses of the National Institute
of Mental Health Treatment of Depression Collaborative Research Program. Journal of Consulting
and Clinical Psychology, 66, 423-428.
Brown, H. (1998, August 23). The tragic outcome of police stress: Police suicide. The Boston
Globe.
Fields, G. & Jones, C. (1999, June 1). Suicide on the force: Code of silence doesnt help.
USA Today, pp. 1A, 2A.
Finn, P. & Tomz, J. E. (1997). Developing a law enforcement stress program for officers and
their families. Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice.
Flett, G. L., Hewitt, P. L., Blankstein, K. R., & Gray, L. (1998). Psychological distress and
the frequency of perfectionistic thinking. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75, 13631381.
549
550
551
552
SECTION SIX
553
554
SUICIDE BY COP
INTRODUCTION
Other than the suicide of a law enforcement officer, no aspect of suicide and law enforcement
receives more attention than suicide by cop (SBC). Although by no means, a new phenomenon, the
devastating ill effects of SBC have only recently gotten attention it deserves. Proof of the growing
awareness of SBC exists in the abundance of terms used to describe it. Law enforcement-assisted
suicide, victim precipitated homicide, suicide by proxy, officer-involved suicide and other
imaginative phrases, attempt to succinctly describe a situation where suicidal individuals induce law
enforcement officers to kill them.
Given the dramatic impact and the high media coverage of these events, we must understand
the public's misidentification of the true victims of these situations. The individual lying on the
ground, dead, gives every appearance of being the victim. We know differently. The real victim is
the one usually wearing a uniform, carrying a badge, as well as a gun, acting within the scope of
his/her employment and reacting to a perceived threat in a tightly prescribed manner. The articles
in this section provide a thorough treatment of SBC from a variety of perspectives.
Crisis Negotiators, in particular, work in situations which regularly expose them to the
possibility of SBC. Since these highly stressful events are predictable, Executive Management must
ensure negotiators routinely receive training concerning precipitators. The more we can train our
officers to expect this behavior, the better we can minimize their adverse reactions to an incident.
Awareness, training and the management of expectations are the best ways to combat the dangers
of SBC.
555
556
Address correspondence concerning this article to Dr. Nancy Bohl, The Counseling Team, 1881
Business Center Drive, Suite 11, San Bernardino, CA 92408.
557
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Details about the incident. The participant was asked how long ago the incident
occurred and to indicate which specific anxiety symptoms had been experienced
during the incident (such as time slowed down and sounds were intensified). Six
anxiety symptoms were listed and the participant checked off all that had been
experienced.
Formal sources of support after the incident. The participant was asked whether
he/she had undergone a debriefing with a mental health professional, had a talk with
a peer support team member and/or talked with a departmental chaplain. For each
source of formal support, the participant rated how helpful the procedure had been
on a scale of 1 (not at all helpful) to 4 (very helpful).
Informal sources of support after the incident. The negotiator was asked to rate on a
scale that ranged from 1 (very negative) to 5 (very positive) how he/she felt about the
departmental procedures following the incident. The participant also rated on a scale
that ranged from 1 (no support) to 4 (a great deal of support) the support received
after the incident from co-workers, supervisors, administrators and investigators.
Long-term effects of the incident. Participants were presented with a list of 25
possible symptoms of PTSD (such as nightmares and flashbacks) and 11 possible
work-related problems (such as absenteeism and lowered morale). For both sets of
items, participants were asked to rate on a scale of 1 (It had only a mild effect on my
life, coping ability and functioning on the job) to 10 (It had a severe effect on my life,
coping ability and functioning on the job) the severity of their reactions and how long
the reaction lasted (on a scale of 1 to 5, with 1 being One month or less and 5 being
Over one year).
The individual's own coping mechanisms. Participants were presented with a list of
specific coping mechanisms, 12 of which were positive (such as Use of prior training
in stress management) and 3 of which were negative (Increased alcohol
consumption, Increased smoking and Trying not to think about the incident).
Participants checked off all of the coping mechanisms that had been used and space
was provided for them to add others that were not on the list if they wished to do so.
Resolution of feelings. Participants were asked to indicate when they had first talked
about the incident thoroughly. The response possibilities ranged from 1 (Within the
first day) to 9 (Still have not talked about it thoroughly with anyone). In addition,
participants were asked to rate how they felt about the incident now. The response
559
560
564
565
566
Address correspondence concerning this article to Dale Hansen, Chaplain, Phoenix Police
Department, 9201 N. 25th Avenue, Suite 245, Phoenix, AZ 85003.
567
570
571
572
573
574
Uncontrollable
Making ultimate decisions
Unsafe
Use of deadly force
Helplessness
Unsure
Feeling about personal destiny
Mind Set:
Control
Purpose for all events and activities
Safe
Deadly force authorized
Helpfulness
Self-assured
Make accurate decisions
VALUE-BASED POLICING
Authority to protect and serve is a value to society and not a sin against mankind.
Attachments A and B
575
Denial: No one could get me to take actions I did not want to take.
Depression: I feel like a victim of circumstances.
Anger: Why did this have to happen to me?
Acceptance: People have to be responsible for their own actions.
THREAT ETHICS
ORIENTATION
T
R
A
I
N
I
N
G
Policing Personnel
Military Personnel
Intention
Direction
X: Op timum Re sponse
O: Am biguity or Delayed Respo nse
(Prob lem: M ilitary who becom e police officers)
Attachments C and D
576
Address correspondence concerning this article to Robert Homant, Department of Criminal Justice,
University of Detroit Mercy, PO Box 19900, Detroit, MI 48219-0900.
577
Direct Confrontation. We placed 44 cases (30.8% of the SBC incidents) in the category
Direct Confrontation. In these situations, the subject plans ahead of time to attack the police
or other law enforcement agents to be killed by them. We found that incidents in this
category were of four types, reflecting the manner in which the subject confronted the police.
A.
580
Kamikaze Attack. In this type, the subject uses deadly force to suddenly attack a
police station or a group of police officers without any provocation. Five incidents
(3.5%) fit this type. The case of Marvin Terry provides a good illustration: On May
14, 1998, Marvin Terry, age 25, calls his brother-in-law and asks him to take care of
his son if anything happens to him. He sounds depressed. Then, he dribbles a
basketball into the main entrance of a Detroit police precinct and announces that he
is going to "kill everyone." He says, "Everybody down, Detroit ain't shit." At first,
four officers behind the front desk do not take him seriously. Terry bounces the
basketball toward them and pulls out two guns. The officers order him to drop his
weapons. He points a weapon at an officer and says, "Now what are you going to
do," a number of times as he (Terry) backs up. Then he riddles the station with
bullets as he crouches behind a vending machine with a handgun and a sawed-off
rifle, saying, "I'm invincible." Bullets hit the front desk and a back wall, but the four
officers and three civilians in the room are unhurt. The 4 officers now fire back, as
Terry crouches behind two vending machines reloading. Four other officers leave the
rear of the building, circle around and fire through the front window. They shoot 50
to 75 times. Terry is hit 6 times. He is taken to a hospital and later dies. Terry's
behavior greatly surprised those who knew him, though he was described as "having
mood swings" and being depressed over a breakup with his son's mother.
II.
B.
Controlled Attack. This type differs from the Kamikaze Attack in that the police are
merely confronted rather than attacked. Typically, the subject approaches one or
more officers, confronts them with a weapon, or bluffs having a weapon and
demands that they kill him/her, or else he/she will escalate the confrontation into a
deadly assault. In retrospect, the subject may or may not have possessed a deadly
weapon. Six cases (4.2%) fit this type.
C.
D.
III.
B.
C.
582
Major Crime. Major Crime refers to incidents in which the subject's main motive for
resistance to the police appears to be an unwillingness to go to jail or prison. Often
this involves someone on parole or probation, or at least someone who has previously
done time. We found 9 (6.3%) of the incidents to be of this type, as in the case of
Richard Anderson:While on parole, Richard Anderson, age 29, is caught by a
homeowner while attempting a B and E in Texas City, Texas. The homeowner
engages Anderson in a car chase, while calling the police on his cellular phone. The
police join the chase. During the chase Anderson jettisons a rifle and a shotgun.
Forty-five minutes later Anderson abandons his car and runs between some homes.
Police find him holding a pistol to his head and threatening suicide. The officers talk
to him for two hours. Finally he turns and points his gun at the police. They shoot and
Minor Crime. In these incidents, police intervene in a minor crime, such as a simple
assault or a traffic stop. Rather than fearing prison, the subject seems to resist police
intervention as a matter of principle. The individual may become ego involved and
escalate the resistance until it does become a major incident. The original incident
was not planned, but someone with underlying suicidal motivation may seize the
opportunity of the unwanted police intervention. These incidents are distinguished
from II-C, Disturbed Person, in that the subject did not appear psychologically
disturbed prior to the police intervention. We found eight (5.6%) of the incidents to
be of this type.
RATER RELIABILITY
The rating task was set up as a series of decision points according to which each of the
incidents was first separated into "excludeds" versus SBCs, then subdivided into one of three main
categories and finally assigned to one of the nine SBC types. A graduate student in counseling was
commandeered to provide a measure of rater reliability. After being thoroughly trained on the
nuances of SBC, he rated each of the original 174 incidents according to the criteria described above.
His ratings were then compared with those of the 2 authors.
On the distinction between SBC versus excluded, the two sets of ratings showed 96.5%
agreement. Expressed as a reliability coefficient (phi) this is .87. Given that there was agreement that
an incident was SBC, there was 78% agreement for placement into the 3 main categories; phi = .74.
For placement into the nine types, the agreement was 60%; phi = .58.
In examining the disagreements, it was clear that in many cases a lack of detail meant that
key aspects of the subject's motivation had to be inferred. In many cases, however, there was
sufficient detail but the scenario was so convoluted that it offered more than 1 or 2 interpretations.
Distinguishing the Disturbed Person (II-C) from either the Dangerous Confrontation (I-D) or the
Minor Crime (III-B) was often quite problematic. Given that suicidal individuals are often
ambivalent and contradictory, however, some disagreement among judges in classifying SBC
incidents is not necessarily a fault of the typology itself.
COMPARISON OF TYPES
For the sake of comparison, we show the distribution of incidents according to type and
present 3 variables (see Table A).
583
584
585
143
100
33.3
3.51
1.34
I. Direct Confrontation
44
30.8
31.2
3.73
1.30
A. Kamikaze Attack
3.5
23.0
2.80
1.00
B. Controlled Attack
4.2
37.5
3.67
1.83
C. Manipulated Confrontation
22
15.4
33.0
4.41
1.23
D. Dangerous Confrontation
11
7.7
28.3
2.82
1.27
82
57.3
36.0
3.46
1.33
A. Suicide Intervention
29
20.3
36.9
3.66
1.57
B. Disturbed Domestic
24
16.8
38.1
3.21
1.38
C. Disturbed Person
29
20.3
33.1
3.48
1.06
17
11.9
26.1
3.43
1.58
A. Major Crime
6.3
27.4
3.22
1.67
B. Minor Crime
5.6
24.5
3.71
1.50
______________________________________________________________________________
Note: Danger was rated on a 6-point scale, with 1 representing the highest level of real danger and
6 representing very low danger. Lethal was measured on a 4-point scale, with 1 indicating the subject
died and 4 indicating that the subject surrendered peacefully.
Table A
586
Address correspondence concerning this article to Emily A. Keram, M.D., Psychiatry and Law
Program, University of California, San Francisco, 401 Parnassus Avenue, San Francisco, CA 94143.
587
588
589
590
591
Providing training for field personnel and dispatchers that addresses the causes and
effects of suicide by proxy, as well as providing training in tactical and post-event
strategies to deal with its occurrence.
2.
Exchanging information with county mental health staff, who have information and
experience relevant to the management of suicidal persons. Relationships between
police and county mental health services are not always optimal. Collaborating on
problem-solving strategies may affect the possibility of favorable management of
potential suicidal scenes and assist in mutually defining organizational
responsibilities.
3.
4.
594
595
596
598
Address correspondence concerning this article to Mark Lindsay, 1444 Watchers Lane, Crownsville,
MD 21032.
599
601
603
Suicide attempts:
Criminal history:
EVENTS (8 of 12 required)
Incident initiated:
Attachment A
604
Recent stressor:
Retreat by officer:
Attachment A (Continued)
605
SUICIDE BY COP
PRESENT
HISTORY
Mental or Chro nic Physical Illness
Drug o r Alcoho l Abuse
Low Social Econo mic Background
Suicid e Attem pts
Criminal History
EVENTS
Incidents initiated by subject, 3rd party, not by the police
Precipitating event to ensure po lice response
Subject forces confrontation
Subject initiates aggressive action
Threatens officer with weapon
Advancement of subject towards officer
Refuses to drop weapon
Threatens citizen with harm
Presence of deadly weapon
Recent stressors
Injures officer or citizen
Retreat by officer
Attachment B
606
NOT
PRESENT
UNKNOWN
Address correspondence concerning this article to Vivian Lord, University North Carolina at
Charlotte, Department of Criminal Justice, 9201 University City Boulevard, Charlotte, NC
28223-0001.
607
610
613
615
616
617
Number
Percentage
Sex
Male
Female
60
3
93.8
4.7
Race
White
Black
Latin American
Unknown
48
14
1
1
75.0
21.9
1.6
1.6
Age
Under 25
Betw. 25-39
Betw. 40-59
Over 60
Unknown
9
36
18
0
1
14.1
56.3
28.1
0
1.6
Outcome
No action
Committed to hospital
Arrested
Injured by officer
Killed by officer
Suicide during SBC incident
1
18
15
9
16
5
1.6
28.1
23.4
14.1
25.0
7.8
Table A
618
Number
Percentage
Mental Disorder
None
Symptoms, but no diagnosis
Psychiatric history
Commitment history
Total
29
10
10
14
63
46%
16
16
22
24
9
3
4
1
10
3
54
44
17
5.5
7
2
18.5
5.5
14
32
2
1
0
3
2
54
26
59
4
2
Social Isolation
No Support
Partner
Parents
Extended Family
Friends
Professional
Total
5
13
16
25
3
1
63
8
21
25
40
5
2
5.5
4
Table B
619
6
6
41
53
11
11
77
Work Issues
Employed
Unemployed
Total
17
28
45
38
62
Table B (continued)
620
Number
Percentage
7
19
12
3
10
6
6
63
11
30
19
5
16
9.5
9.5
Table C
621
Number
Percentage
42
7
6
55
76%
13
11
Suicidal Ideation
No
Yes
Total
22
31
53
45
58.5
Signs of Planning
No
Yes
Total
32
32
64
50
50
Lethality of Method
None
Gun
Knife
Other
Total
1
47
14
2
64
2
73
22
3
Table D
622
Number
Percentages
Criminal History
None
DWI
Domestic
Property crimes
Other Personal crimes
Total
31
6
11
5
6
61
51
10
18
8
10
26
20
17
1
64
41
31
27
2
Conversation of Subject
None
Direct suicide talk
Homicide + suicide
Total
14
37
3
64
22
58
20
Table E
623
Number
Percentages
Time of Call
0500-1100
1100-1700
1700-2100
2100-0500
Total
2
17
25
10
55
3.6
30.9
45.5
18.2
Season
Spring
Summer
Fall
Winter
Total
16
16
22
8
62
25.8
25.8
35.5
12.9
Environment
No Stimuli
People/Crowd
Media
Physical Barrier
People and Noise
Total
15
15
8
1
12
63
49.2
17.5
12.6
1.6
19.0
Table F
624
Outcome
Successful
%(n)
Total
%(n)
Duration
Less than 1 hr.
Less than 3 hrs.
Less than 5 hrs.
Between 5 and 24 hrs.
Total
19.4% (7)
33.3 (12)
36.1 (13)
11.1 (4)
(36)
45.8% (11)
29.2 (7)
20.8 (5)
4.2 (1)
(24)
30.0% (18)
31.7 (19)
30.0 (18)
8.3 (5)
(60)
Tactical Strategies
None
Perimeter
Negotiation
Gas
Physical Restraint
Nonlethal Force
Total
20.5 (8)
38.5 (15)
10.3 (4)
17.9 (7)
10.3 (4)
2.6 (1)
(39)
36.0 (9)
44.0 (11)
12.0 (3)
4.0 (1)
4.0 (1)
0
(25)
26.6 (17)
40.6 (26)
10.9 (7)
12.5 (8)
7.8 (5)
1.6 (1)
(64)
Verbal Intervention
None
Deal with Weapon Only
Build Rapport
Discuss Problem
Total
12.8 (5)
7.7 (3)
12.8 (5)
66.7 (26)
(39)
16.0 (4)
52.0 (13)
24.0 (6)
8.0 (2)
(25)
14.1 (9)
25.0 (16)
17.2 (11)
43.8 (28)
(64)
Table G
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Address correspondence concerning this article to J. Nick Marzella, Association for Psychotherapy,
Inc., 785 Broad St., Columbus, OH 43205.
627
629
630
631
635
636
Address correspondence concerning this article to Thomas F. Monahan, Las Vegas Metropolitan
Police Department, 3010 W. Charleston Blvd., Las Vegas, NV 89102.
637
Once it has been determined that the subjects intention is SBC, the officer should resist the
impulse to demand surrender repeatedly. In a typical SBC confrontation, the responding officer
demands compliance, threatening to shoot the subject if he fails to comply. Clearly, this strategy is
ineffective, because being shot is exactly what the subject wants. When the subject fails to drop the
weapon as ordered, the commands usually become more forceful (and oftentimes more profane),
causing tensions and emotions to elevate on both sides. These forceful commands typically
degenerate to urgent pleas from the officers; essentially begging the suicidal person to surrender. An
alternative strategy can be employed, the same that is used on more traditional suicidal person
situationscrisis intervention.
Generally speaking, there are two types of crisis negotiation strategies: instrumental and
expressive (Noesner, 1998). The instrumental negotiation strategy is most effective when used in
situations where there are instrumental demands made by a hostage taker. In SBC situations, the only
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The subjects wish to kill is low. A relatively large number of SBC situations have
been documented wherein the suicidal subject threatened the officer with an
unloaded, inoperative, replica, or toy gun. In the case occurring in Woodbridge, New
Jersey, the suicidal woman pointed an unloaded weapon at policeand in her note, she
acknowledged that she knew it was unloaded. In Syosset, New York, a 19-year-old
male pointed a plastic toy gun at police officers during a traffic stop. After the
officers shot him to death, they found a note in his car apologizing to them, stating
unequivocally that his intention was to provoke them into firing. In Las Vegas,
Nevada, a suicidal male purchased a .22 caliber rifle, then purposely destroyed the
firing mechanism by banging it against a rock; effectively rendering the weapon
inoperative. He later confronted the police and aimed the rifle at them until he was
shot. He survived the woundsand later explained to the police, "Thats why I made
sure the rifle wouldnt shoot. I didnt want to shoot nobody" (Ramos and Vaccaro,
1996).
The wish-to-be-killed element is lowered, instead of the wish to kill raised. The
natural consequence of crisis intervention and the use of active listening skills has
demonstrated repeatedly that emotions are lowered while rationality is increased.
Once the triad elements once again are brought into balance, the crisis negotiator or the first
responder can continue the intervention, working to lower the third component of the triadthe wish
to die. If the SBC situation is to be negotiated successfully, there must be a desire by the subject to
live.
A person may have a strong desire to kill a particular antagonist, such as an abandoning lover
or an abusive parent, yet the person acts upon this rage not as a homicide, but rather a suicide. The
suicidal person wants to punish the antagonist by showing him or her "the pain you have caused"
or telling him or her "see what you have done". Persons attempting to commit suicide in this fashion
often will try to attract an audience, including the antagonist. Experienced crisis negotiators long
have recognized this behaviorand thus have warned against allowing former lovers and family
members to talk to suicidal persons for exactly this reason.
When the wish-to-be-killed component is lowered, the wish-to-kill impulse may become
dominant. Assuming that all bystanders have been removed from the danger zoneand perimeter
integrity is maintained, the wish-to-kill element probably will manifest itself as rage against the
police negotiator. As with all cases of crisis intervention, the negotiator should allow the subject to
vent his angerand should not become incensed, nor become equally emotional when the subject
directs his fury at the negotiator. Needless to say, the subject still could be very violent and these
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643
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645
Figure A
646
Address correspondence concerning this article to Carol K. Oyster, University of WisconsinLaCrosse, Department of Psychology, 1725 State Street, La Crosse, WI 54601.
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650
652
Address correspondence concerning this article to Richard B. Parent, Delta Police Department, 4455
Clarence Taylor Crescent, Delta, B.C. V4K 3E1 Canada.
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657
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660
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662
Address correspondence concerning this article to Elizabeth M. Prial, Psy. D., Federal Bureau of
Investigation, 26 Federal Plaza, New York, NY 10278.
663
A determination based on a reasonable degree of medical certainty is one that has a 50.01%
probability or the one that is more likely than all others; it does not require the same criteria of proof
required in criminal proceedings when considering reasonable doubt. New information can lead to
an amended death certificate or reclassification, although this is rare. If a police shooting is ruled a
homicide, the case is referred to the local district attorneys office or to federal authorities if it is
within their jurisdiction. The difficulty faced by the medical examiner in classifying a suicide is
determining the intent or state of mind of the decedent. Only approximately 24% of suicide victims
leave a note indicating their purpose (Westveer et al., 1997). Because intent is an intangible
construct, it must be inferred from the behavior of the decedent and is subject to interpretation. In
a police shooting, the onus is on the medical examiner to judge the deceaseds intent, or lack thereof,
to distinguish between a homicide and a suicide. A classification of suicide is held to the highest
standard of proof, because it involves inferring the state of mind of someone who is not able to refute
it. In addition, the medical examiner may not be provided with all the information necessary to make
this decision if the victims family withholds evidence indicating suicidal intent for personal,
religious, or financial reasons. This creates a great deal of variability in the final outcome.
One method of investigating the possibility of SBC in a police shooting is for the medical
examiner to conduct a psychological autopsy, a postmortem examination of the victims behavior
prior to death (Westveer et al., 1997). Ideally, the psychological autopsy should involve a personality
assessment to include demographic and background information such as history of mental illness
with particular attention to depression and bipolar disorder; history of psychiatric treatment and
medication; substance abuse; recent behavioral changes; problems or difficulties in the deceaseds
life; major stressors or lifestyle changes such as divorce, death of a loved one, arrest, unemployment,
job change and personal or work-related stress. The investigation should focus on the deceaseds
behavior just prior to death: increased risk-taking behavior, updating a will, putting ones business
and personal affairs in order, giving away possessions, attitude changes, verbalizations about death,
socially inappropriate behavior, foreshortened sense of the future, uncharacteristic expressions of
love and saying goodbye, or presence of a suicide note. Exploring these areas will give the medical
examiner insight into the deceaseds thoughts and feelings prior to death, giving rise to intent.
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Attachment A
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676
Address correspondence concerning this article to Ralph L.V. Rickgarn, 3536 Colfax Avenue South,
Minneapolis, MN 55408-4052.
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The person has been exposed to a traumatic event in which both of the following are
present:
679
b.
680
2.
3.
Persistent avoidance of stimuli associated with the trauma and numbing general
responsiveness (not present before the trauma), as indicated by three (or more) of the
following:
a.
Efforts to avoid thoughts, feelings or conversations associated with the
trauma.
b.
Efforts to avoid activities, places, or people that arouse recollections of the
trauma.
c.
Inability to recall an important aspect of the trauma (psychogenic amnesia).
d.
Markedly diminished interest or participation in significant activities.
e.
Feeling of detachment or estrangement from others.
f.
Restricted range of affect.
g.
Sense of a foreshortened future.
4.
Persistent symptoms of increased arousal (not present before the trauma) as indicated
by two (or more) of the following:
a.
Difficulty falling or staying asleep.
b.
Irritability or outbursts of anger.
c.
Difficulty concentrating.
d.
Hyper vigilance.
e.
Exaggerated startle response.
resentment
disbelief
a preoccupation with the incident including frequent recollection of the event
nightmares
anxiety
hyper vigilance
diminished self-confidence (may be temporary or long-term)
social avoidance
changes in eating and sleeping patterns
hypersensitivity
depression
ambivalence
feeling a loss of control
memory difficulties
Other symptoms include anger, depression and anxiety, as described by two officers involved
in victim-precipitated homicide (Valencia-Stincelli, 1998). "There was a lot of anger toward the
subject for his actions. I remember the terror during the incident and the agitation afterwards. I
experienced so many emotions, but the most prevalent was anger. I was angry with the woman for
forcing me into this situation. I was angry with the resident who knew she was armed, mental and
still told me nothing."
Repercussions
Consequently, even after being cleared of any fault in the incident, an officer still has to cope
with his or her own emotional reactions for having to use deadly force. There are many reasons to
provoke an officer to such deadly force: because someone wants to die but finds that it is "just plain
hard to pull the trigger" (Connor, 1999); because someone knows that the police have been trained
to react to life-threatening situations with deadly and accurate force (Lewan, 1998); because
someone wants to find a "manly" or "macho" way to die (Van Zandt, 1993); because someone wants
to avoid the stigma and social taboos associated with suicide (Geberth, 1994); or any combination
of these reasons, plus possible others.
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682
The loss is not recognized or acknowledged. In some instances, it may well be that
the incident is not recognized by the officers peers or supervisors as a true incident
of loss. It is, however, very real to the officer.
2.
3.
The griever is not recognized. The grief that an officer experiences may not be
recognized, because the officers actions may be thought of as a "normal" part of the
duties and an essential part of protecting the officers own life.
4.
5.
The manner in which individuals grieve may not be recognized. There may be
culturally unacceptable actions, or there may be institutional patterns of grief. This
factor may apply to a police unit, where demonstrating emotional vulnerability may
not be an acceptable part of the invulnerable image that is desired.
Grieving Symptoms
It is important to avoid this disenfranchisement for the grieving officer. While one victim is
dead, there is a second victim: the officer, who is alive and who will demonstrate the following grief
dynamics:
684
1.
The officer will want to be able to tell his or her story again and again. The repetitive
2.
The officer will want to have his or her feelings accepted and to be believed. The
officer is experiencing the pain of loss and grief, Wordens second task of mourning.
Depending upon the officer, this action may be a more instantaneous cathartic
experience or may occur over a period of time as the officer becomes comfortable
with discussing his or her emotional state. Regardless, it is important to recognize
that the experience of loss can continue over an extended period of time. Violanti
The officer may want to seek out others who have similar experiences. This may be
difficult due to the relatively low incidence of this phenomenon. This sharing of
similar incidents develops some sense of normality in a highly abnormal situation.
These last two dynamics are part of Wordens third task of mourning. The officer
now is adjusting to the environment following the incident and moving toward the
withdrawal of emotional energy from this situation and investing it in other areas,
part of Wordens fourth task of mourning.
4.
The officer may not want to take medications to relieve stress or to aid in sleeping.
Likewise, he may not wish to enter into a counseling interaction immediately. In the
process of working through this trauma, the person selected as a confidante must be
someone the officer trusts.
5.
Lastly and most important, the officer does not want to be told not to think about the
incident. That is an impossible request that indicates more discomfort on the part of
the individual making the statement.
MAINTAINING HEALTH
It is important for supervisors and peers to provide the officer with a number of ways to
remain emotionally healthy. This may be accomplished by:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
and exercise, avoiding dependence upon alcohol, setting limits, planned rest and
renewal periods, development of support systems (personal, professional, spiritual)
and finding ways to express emotions
forming, if possible, small, informal, confidential groups for individuals who have
encountered this or similar experiences. In these groups, the sharing of reactions can
be done openly and honestly, again as part of the normalization process. Brown
(1999) has developed information on police-stress therapists and has provided
Internet links to referral resources.
Finally, in the incorporation of the experience of loss and the outward acknowledgment of
the loss, the officer needs to understand that this is a long-term process that may continue for
months. Groups, cultures and families often define the mourning behaviors that are expected and
acceptable for the individual within a particular societal culture. Police units also develop cultures
that define these behaviors of their members. While these may be comfortable for the officer under
normal circumstances, they also may preclude a full exposition of the officers true sense of
mourning during this critical period. Grief and mourning may not follow in a sequence. They may
appear intermittently over a period of 1 to 2 years. They also may recur if the officer is faced with
a similar situation that evokes past memories and emotions. It should be expected that counseling
and other support will be needed at various times during the grief and mourning process as the
officer works toward resolution of the incident.
Thus far, the concentration has been on the individual officer. However, the impact can reach
into the unit, where the officers friends and colleagues also may share some similar emotional
reactions. This presents an opportunity to meet with officers and discuss their reactions to the
incident. This intervention may preclude other deleterious events within the unit.
Coping
The primary preventive tactic is that of permission. All officers, regardless of their degree
of involvement in the incident or rank, need to have permission to express their emotions in an
appropriate setting. Officers need to know that their reactions are normal and that engaging in
counseling will not affect their efficiency rating. This may mean the development of a support group
for psychological debriefings (e.g., by a police chaplain, a trained officer, or a psychologist) if one
is not already in place. Often, it is beneficial to have an individual (officer or civilian) from outside
the unit conduct the debriefing or other sessions. This allows for a more open forum where the
facilitator, not knowing the officers involved, can listen objectively to their concerns and note their
emotional state. However, in the event of serious stressors or PTSD symptomology, it is clear that
professional assistance is needed. This should be available to officers without any stigmatization
relating to counseling. Indeed, the mark of an effective officer is that the officer knows when help
is needed, knows where to go to obtain it and works to resolve whatever issues are present.
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688
Address correspondence concerning this article to John E. Roberts, Georgia Police Corps, 1000
Indian Springs Drive, Forsyth, GA 31029.
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694
Address correspondence concerning this article to Philip S. Trompetter, 1100 14th St., Suite B,
Modesto, CA 95354.
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701
Age: 11-18
Sex: Male
Race: Caucasian
IQ: Above average
Social behavior: isolative, introverted, loner, few friends; or member of
disenfranchised, fringe social group
Motive: to punish or defeat someone who had threatened his fragile view of himself
because of having been bullied, taunted, ridiculed, rejected, or shamed
Precursor: expressed threats of violence; said or wrote remarks reflecting frustration,
anger about being ridiculed, or thoughts of suicide and killing
Personality: nerd, strange, weird sense of humor, depressed, quiet (but
brooding and simmering); possessing a strong desire to regard himself as a superior
human being, unrealistic optimism and arrogance and beliefs that are rejected
constantly by others; tends to react with rage when others expressed views do not
coincide with his lofty views of himself
Special interests: excessive interest in and facility with guns, bombs and incendiary
devices; prefers violent pop culture such as TV shows, movies, web sites and music
expressing violent themes
History: cruelty to animals
Criminal history: none (usually)
Family: 55% intact; 45% divorced
705
Triggering event: romantic rejection, had enough ridicule, fear, anger about poor
grades, symbolic anniversary or date
Location: rural or suburban school, or school function
School affiliation: student
Predictability: high (all are announced, some being broadcast)
Weapon: semiautomatic handgun(s) and rifle(s) with extra magazines (small caliber)
and spare rounds (bombs in Littleton)
Location: where students gather
Spontaneous or planned: planned
Planned end: suicide (many suicide by cop or victim-precipitated homicide)
Victims: targeted (usually); most commonly females (Littleton was exception)
DISCUSSION
Overall, school violence diminished in the 1990s, yet school shootings with multiple victims
increased. Law enforcement, parents, school officials and students must learn to become aware of
the danger signs that may signal an impending school mass murder. The most salient flag is the preincident warning that always has preceded past school shootings. This gives law enforcement its first
opportunity to avert these shootings. If there is a school-based police officer (SPO) or school
resource officer (SRO), such officers can be alert to threats relayed from students and then
coordinate a threat analysis with prearranged threat assessors to gauge the level of the threat and
assist in an appropriate intervention that would incapacitate the potential shooter. If incapacitation
is necessary, it can be a voluntary or involuntary psychiatric hospitalization, other mental health
interventions, or an arrest. To do so, however, schools should have a developed protocol for such
situations that involve collaboration between law enforcement, schools, mental health resources and
students. To ensure the reporting of any threat, SPO/SROs must maintain a credible presence in
school and proactively participate in developing a safe-school program that includes the reporting
of any written or verbal threat by any student to someone in a position to intervene. Whether the first
to hear of the threat or not, the SPO/SRO must be advised immediately of the matter to effect the
predetermined protocol for initiating the risk assessment and, if necessary, the incapacitation and
intervention.
CONCLUSION
If the shooting is not averted and a shooting incident commences, law enforcement,
especially first-responding units, must be aware if these subjects are alive when the officers arrive
on scene. There is a significant risk that the shooter is likely to engage the officer with deadly force,
both to attempt to kill the officer and to become the intended victim of police deadly force. Law
enforcement should develop a tactical plan for such scenarios reducing the likelihood of these fatal
confrontations, unless the encounter is necessary and unavoidable to protect other students, teachers,
other staff and police from a continuing deadly threat by the student suspect. Special weapons and
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708
SUICIDE BY COP
BIBLIOGRAPHY
710
713
714
APPENDICES
715
716
APPENDIX A
SURVEY OF
LAW ENFORCEMENT SUICIDE
717
718
State:
9 State
9 Municipal 9 County
9 Corrections
Phone Number:
9 Federal 9 Transit Authority
9 10,001-20,000
9 20,001-30,000
9 30,001 - up
4. Date of information:
5. Gender: 9 Male
9 Female
7. Type of assignment: (check as many as apply) 9 Patrol 9 Investigative 9 Bomb Squad 9 Emergency Response
9 Narcotics/Vice 9 Canine 9 Task Force 9 Homicide 9 Sex Crimes 9 Administrative 9 Undercover 9 Traffic
10. Rank:
9 Separated
9 Other
(Over)
719
9 Graduate Degree
9 Knife/Razor Blade
9 Ingested Poison/Pills
9 Hanging
9 Jumping
9 Pills
9 Drowning
9 Other
18. Others at scene when suicide occurred: 9 None 9 Spouse/Significant Other 9 Parent 9 Child(ren)
9 Supervisor
9 Friend
9 Yes
9 No
9 No
24. Many experts believe that alcohol is involved in a majority of law enforcement suicides. To determine if this is true,
indicate autopsy results other than primary cause of death: 9 Alcohol (If yes, give level:
)
9 Cocaine 9 Marijuana 9 Heroin 9 Other Drugs:
9 Undiagnosed Illness:
25. Was there a history of: 9 Alcohol Abuse 9 Drug Abuse 9 Domestic Violence 9 Psychiatric Hospitalizations
9 Depression 9 Post Traumatic Stress Disorder 9 Head Injury 9 Chronic Illness
26. Were there recent problems with internal affairs (or other disciplinary department)? 9 Yes
9 No
27. Exposure to the following events tend to cause cumulative trauma in officers. Please check if these events apply:
9 Line-of-Duty Death or Injury of Fellow Officer(s)
9 Citizen Suicide
9 Line-of-Duty Shooting Where Suspect or Bystander Wounded or Killed 9 Injured or Assaulted in Line-of-Duty Incident
9 Exposure to Violence or Death of Child(ren) 9 Fatality Accident Scenes
9 No Known Exposures
28. Services available in your department: 9 Psychologist/Mental Health Worker 9 Peer Support 9 Chaplain
720
9 Debriefings
9 Other
721
APPENDIX B
THEMATIC WEAVING:
A BENEDICTION
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723
We discussed living within the lines, on the edge, barrier factors, statistics, percentages,
formulas (even new math!), data, themes, styles, patterns, the media and other like predators. We
even reviewed Humpty Dumpty and the great fall. All of this taken historically, considering the
past, present and future. We looked at the past contributions of Durkheim, Maslow, Freud, Watson,
Holmes and even Jesus of Nazareth and his loss of an employee to suicide. We heard from current
researchers Bohl, Goldfarb, Brewster, Band, Honig, Herndon, Sheehan, Campbell, Violanti and
Schmuckler.
Previous deaths, of all ages, speaking with words, spoken and implied, feelings spoken and
revealed: personal, intense, painful and private. Aftermaths, details, funerals, follow-ups, color
guards, honor guards, fragmented responses, issues of integrity, defusings, debriefings,
psychological autopsies and humor - humor for many of us being that Eighth Sacrament of sanity.
We looked at hangings, overdoses, self-inflicted gunshots, their personal weapons and their
department weapons, while giving hints of our own pain, our own struggles, our own grief, our own
losses, personal anguish, private and organizational pain. In all honesty, I sense that for many of us
in the future, the continued search, frantic at times, when it comes close to home, unfortunately
reactive, for the answer to the act, reduced to a simple formulary: why?
The answer may never be discovered, perhaps our search our quest, our journey, is better
spent on asking proper questions. From the suffering of Job and the prophets in the Old Testament,
writers struggling with the question of suffering and the greater question of evil, through the
suffering and death, betrayal and as mentioned a suicide of a follower of this Jesus of Nazareth. Two
thousand years later, we still are exploring those questions, using not reed and papyrus, but
computers and the Internet. We explored issues of life and death, good and evil, presence and
absence.
We gathered here in Quantico, always faithful, with a sense of fidelity and faithfulness to life
and the quality of living; bravely talked about issues of violent and, many times, sudden death and
hoped to blend and integrate.
What of spirituality? Integration means a blending of all the parts of the whole. That would
be what? For you, that would have been what? It is said that the flame of life, the will to live, the
survival instinct, is the center of our lives as human beings. Our negotiations with those who have
lost track of that center, that flame, that smoldering ember, is centered on helping them discover
again that center, that light, that hope.
Do we teach them to balance the ambivalent to learn and choose life? And the flame, the
hope, the spiritual center, how do we teach the spiritual to those in our charge? How do we share
with them our own flame, our own survival? How do we teach hope? How is the spiritual
communicated? Is the so-called untouchable, touchable? communicated? taught? Is it by our
concern, our care and our own verbal touch? More questions than answers. . . .
725
A big, tough Samurai warrior once went to see a little monk. Monk, he said, in a voice
accustomed to instant obedience, teach me about heaven and hell! The monk looked up at this
mighty warrior and replied with utter disdain, teach you about heaven and hell? I couldnt teach
you about anything. Youre dirty. You smell. Your blade is rusty. Youre a disgrace, an
embarrassment to the samurai class. Get out of my sight. I cant stand you.
The samurai was furious. He shook, got all red in the face, was speechless with rage. He
pulled out his sword and raised it above him, preparing to slay the monk. Thats hell, said the
monk softly.
The samurai was overwhelmed. The compassion and surrender of this little man who had
offered his life to give this teaching to show him hell? He slowly put down his sword, filled with
gratitude and sudden peace. And that is heaven, said the monk softly.
What of those who have touched or, in some cases, scarred our lives, bashed our hopes,
disturbed our own hearts and souls with their untimely, often unexplained and certainly tragic
deaths? How do we integrate these deaths? Have we moved beyond guilt? Missing something that
was said or done, questions not asked, medication not given or withheld, checks that could have been
made? If God would give us the gift to see into the future!
More questions, more concerns, few answers except those that we call working answers.
Those insights, based in hope, allow us to live and work in a sometimes very tragic and sad
profession known as law enforcement.
Something spiritual, something scriptural, from the Old Testament, a 23rd Psalm that has
some interesting twists of its own. Perhaps the author of this prayer, this piece of literature, gives
us some insight into our own worlds, into our lives with others.
In the beginning stanzas of this Psalm, the author speaks in the third person - "The Lord He
is my shepherd, there is nothing that I shall want. He makes me lie down in green pastures; He leads
me beside quiet waters. He restores my soul; He guides me in right paths for His names sake, and
then, in the description of one of my favorite cop friends, there comes the crap storm; call it what
you may. The shooting, the death, the loss, the depression and the suicide. Suddenly the pronoun
changes.
The author of the Psalm calls this experience, walking through the dark valley: Even
though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I fear no evil, for You are with me; Your
rod and Your staff that give me courage; You prepare a table for me in the sight of my foes; You
anoint my head with oil, my cup overflows. Surely goodness and kindness follow me all the days
of my life. And I will dwell in the house of the Lord forever.
Is that center of our lives another, greater power, a god? A personal relationship is revealed,
with a personal God who is called You," in contrast to Him or It." What has happened to the
lives that were taken in suicide? Does a shepherd lead them home? A life was taken. Where was
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it taken? More questions! May I suggest to you that our search may well be like the shepherd,
leading but also following someone or something in our lives; fanning the flame of hope, be that
personal or ideological.
Let us not be casualties as wounded healers; let us learn from one another to let go, to forgive
others and ourselves, let us continue to empower one another, challenge one another and be for one
another. If we have experienced heaven and hell as did the samurai and have difficulty choosing
where we would rather live, look within, seek the center, seek hope.
As the Zen master said it so well; When the mind is ready, the teacher will appear.
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