Int J Ment Health Addiction (2012) 10:5468

DOI 10.1007/s11469-010-9301-6

Addicted to the Risk, Recognition and Respect

that the Graffiti Lifestyle Provides: Towards
an Understanding of the Reasons
for Graffiti Engagement
Myra Frances Taylor

Published online: 18 November 2010

# Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010

Abstract This paper, details from an educational perspective the reasons graffitists give for
their involvement in graffiti. Data gathered from interviews, web-blogs and newspaper
reports were analysed within the grounded theory tradition allowing the core category of,
addicted to the risk, recognition and respect that the graffiti lifestyle provides to emerge. In
this regard, adolescent graffiti-writers contend that sustained involvement in graffiti-writing
provides a rush experience, which over time becomes addictive as it rewards them with a
non-conforming social identity, recognitional status, and the highly-prized graffiti-writer
reputation. However, as they move out of adolescence into early adulthood, the addictive
rushes previously gained from engagement in illegal high-risk acts of graffiti tagging, they
claim, morphs into an obsessive desire for obtaining community respect. Thus, the outcome
of the study suggests that the issue of graffiti-proliferation goes beyond the confines of
educational/criminological research and enters the sphere of mental health, opening up
different treatment options for recidivist graffiti-writers.
Keywords Graffiti . Adolescent . Risk-taking . Recognition . Respect . Addiction
Risk-taking has long been recognized as part of the adolescent domain (Jack 1986;
Zuckerman and Kuhlman 2000). Indeed, Steinberg and Cauffman (1996) contend
adolescents take more risks than adults because they are less able to regulate their
emotional state, because they are more orientated towards the present than the future, and
because they are more susceptible to peer-pressure. Moreover, the decision-making process
involved in balancing imminent rewards against future risks is a task that adults are more
skilled at than adolescents. Thus, it is small wonder that the rate of juvenile offending

M. F. Taylor (*)
Centre for Attention & Related Disorders, Graduate School of Education,
The University of Western Australia, 35 Stirling Highway, Crawley, WA 6009, Australia
e-mail: [email protected]

Int J Ment Health Addiction (2012) 10:5468

55

among 1519 year olds is three times higher than that of adults (Australian Institute of
Criminology 2007).
Engagement in minor risk-taking, sensation-seeking, boundary-testing and rule-breaking
activities fulfils the basic adolescent need for individuality, control and autonomy. As such,
some adolescent involvement in testing activities (e.g., swearing, cheating, body piercing,
playing hooky, public urination, home/school time violations, fighting, smoking, and sexual
experimentation) is an integral part of the psychosocial mechanism by which adolescents
differentiate their burgeoning selves from that of the adults controlling their everyday lives
(Taylor et al. 2009). Indeed, it is currently estimated that 50% of all adolescents engage in
some form of delinquent activity during their adolescent years (Carroll et al. 2009;
Maxfield et al. 2000; Moran and Hagell 2001).
Adolescents characteristically achieve self-identity differentiation through increased
interactions with peers. For adolescents seeking a conforming social identity peer
interactions generally take place within the adolescent mainstream peer group, but for
adolescents seeking a non-conforming social identity peer interactions tend to take place
within youth sub-cultures (McElhaney et al. 2008; Taylor et al. 2009). Although testing of
societal adult-formulated boundaries is a fundamental aspect of identity establishment in
both the adolescent conforming and non-conforming cohorts, the self-differentiation
activities of non-conforming adolescents tend to be more pronounced in this regard
(Lupton and Tulloch 2002). Moreover, the adolescent need to establish a separated self
typically occurs alongside a number of bio-psychological changes that limit the adolescent
ability to fully comprehend the consequences of their actions. As a result most adolescents
operate under the belief that harm is something that befalls others (France 2000). This
infallibility belief is superseded during early adulthood when the adult cognitive ability of
rationality is sufficiently developed to comprehend the consequences of engagement in
norm testing activities (France 2000; Steinberg 2004).
While the majority of adolescents successfully work their way through the selfdifferentiation and bio-psychological maturational processes to the extent they are able to
establish a social identity, which apart from the only occasional flirtation with relatively
minor antisocial behaviours, conforms to the prevailing social norms, however, a relatively
small minority of other adolescents seek non-conforming social identities that actively
challenge societal norms (Taylor and Houghton 2008a). Characteristically, this minority
non-conforming group of adolescents operates on the fringe or outside of the mainstream
peer-group, forming associations with other like-minded youth. These like-minded youth
tend to congregate in groups (i.e., crews, gangs) providing each other with on-going
positive reinforcement and support for their escalating exhibitions of anti-sociality (e.g.,
bullying, substance abuse, sexual promiscuity, shoplifting, property damage, drug taking,
vandalism, joy riding, arson), which overtly challenge established societal norms (Goodnight
et al. 2006). Continued demonstrations of such anti-sociality allow adolescents to gain the
non-conforming social reputational status they desire (Reicher and Elmer 1986).
In order to establish a comprehensive understanding of the complexity of adolescent
risk-taking behaviour considerable research endeavour to date has been devoted to
understanding the identity establishment process in various sub-cultural groups of nonconforming youths (for a comprehensive review see Carroll et al. 2009). One sub-cultural
group, however, who have received scant research attention are graffiti-writers. This
omission is surprising on two fronts. First, graffiti-vandalism is an extremely costly act of
youthful anti-social behaviour. Indeed the present estimated cost for graffiti removal in
Western Australian schools is $5,723 per school per year, and the cost of removing graffiti
from the community is estimated to cost state tax-payers in the region of $25 million per

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year and federal tax-payers $300 million per annum (Callinan 2002; Taylor and Marais
2009; WALGA 2006). As high as these costs are, the true costs of endeavouring to
re-engage marginalized youth back into mainstream society remains unknown. The second
reason why this lack of research endeavour in the field of adolescent graffiti-writing is
surprising is that graffiti is known to be an entry port into juvenile crime (Taylor and
Houghton 2008b). Therefore, the aim of the present study is, from an educational
perspective, to generate an understanding as to why some adolescents become
progressively involved in the anti-social act of graffiti-writing.

The Design of the Study

The study was designed within the symbolic interactionist tradition within social theory.
Charmez (2006) describes symbolic interactionism as a theoretical perspective that assumes
people create, construct, and mediate meaning of selves, society and reality through their
interaction with others. This tradition emphasizes the need to explore participants
perspectives on issues, how they act in light of these perspectives, and the patterns that
emerge through the interaction of their perspectives and actions over time. Grounded theory
methods of data gathering and analysis (ODonoghue 2007; Punch 2009), were selected as
appropriate for the research as they are consistent with symbolic interactionism.
Participants
This study, as with other studies involving the recruitment of a representative sample of
individuals engaged in illegal activities, necessitated the collection and triangulation of data
from multiple sources, namely, 16 semi-structured interviews, 911 web-blog comments and
16 newspaper graffiti incident reports. The interviewees all resided within the metropolitan
area of Perth, the state capital city of Western Australia with 37% (n=6) living in low socioeconomic suburbs, 44% (n=7) in medium socio-economic suburbs and 19% (n=3) in high
economic suburbs (as determined by an index defined at the postcode level from the
Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1998 Census of Population and Housing). Eight
interviewees were high school students aged 1518 years and the other eight were young
adults aged 1937 years. The mean age of the sample was 20 years. The shortest period of
involvement in graffiti was 2 years and the longest 23 years with an involvement mean of
7 years.
Data Collection
Data collection from all three sources occurred concurrently. All data were transcribed
verbatim into a Microsoft Word document. This amalgamated dataset was the source from
which the studys core category emerged.
Interview Procedure
Permission to conduct the research was first obtained from The Human Research Ethics
Committee of The University of Western Australia. Information letters and consent forms
were provided to each agency (i.e., schools, police, & juvenile-justice teams) involved in
the recruitment of the sample. These in turn were passed on to the graffitists and, in the case
of minors, also to their parents. On receipt of a returned signed consent form the respondent

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was contacted by telephone and offered a choice of a face-to-face or telephone interview.

The audio-recorded interviews varied in length between 2550 min.
Data Analysis
The combined dataset was analyzed to detect patterns or salient features (ODonoghue and
Haynes 1997) so as to provide a comprehensive understanding of the participants reasons
for graffiti engagement. These patterns were subsequently explored to allow the
identification of further trends. This process of simultaneous data collection, coding and
analysis continued until theoretical saturation was achieved, that is until the new collected
data were not displaying any new categories, but rather confirming those already found
(Strauss and Corbin 1990).
The constant comparative method, which forms the basis of grounded theory analysis,
was utilized. This process requires the employment of two analytic procedures: the constant
making of comparisons, and the constant asking of questions (ODonoghue 2007). This
data scrutinizing process utilizes theoretical sensitivity to recognize what is important in
data and to apportion meaning (Strauss and Corbin 1990). Accordingly, data categories are
formed, fractured, examined, compared, conceptualized, categorized and increasingly
abstracted until a core category emerges (ODonoghue 2007; Punch 2009; Taylor and
Bogdan 1984). In this regard, the present studys core category: addicted to the risk,
recognition and respect that the graffiti lifestyle provides is presented below.

Findings
It will be recalled that the central social-psychological problem underpinning the study was
Why do some adolescents become involved in graffiti writing? The emergent core
category of addicted to the risk, recognition and respect that the graffiti lifestyle provides is
now outlined in three parts. Part One describes an early adolescent perceived addiction to
the risk involved in the act of graffiti tagging. Part Two details how mid-late adolescents
attest to an addiction to the recognitional status to be achieved through engagement in
graffiti vandalism. Finally, Part Three reveals that mid/late adolescents indicate that their
addiction to graffiti morphs into an adult obsession for public respect. Each of these three
parts is now outlined in turn.
Part1: Risk-Taking
Early adolescent graffiti-writers identify six associated reasons for their involvement in
graffiti, namely, alleviation of boredom, emulation of others, the rush derived from
committing an illegal act, the rush gained from engaging in acts of aggression, the
satisfaction derived from retaliation, and the reward of a non-conforming social identity.
While, it is impossible to categorically state every adolescent is motivated to engage in
graffiti for all of the six stated reasons, or indeed in the order stated, these six reasons remain the
ones consistently proffered by adolescent graffiti-writers. Each reason is now detailed in turn.
Alleviation of Boredom
Early adolescents state that their initial reason for graffiti involvement arises out of a
fundamental desire to challenge the boredom associated with their rule-bound everyday

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lives. They complain of feeling constrained by adults. A feeling, compounded by the lack
of youth unregulated recreational opportunities. As one teen explained; Theres nothing for
us to do round my place so going night tagging with my mates, now thats like real fun.
[Interview #16] See Table 1 for other comments in this regard.
Emulating the Graffiti Activities of Others
A second reason early adolescents give for engaging in graffiti-writing (typically initially in
concealed places [toilets, backs of buildings, side alleyways] and youth frequented spaces
[playgrounds, skate parks]) is the inspiration they gain from viewing their peers graffiti
(Taylor et al. 2010). One 15 year old recounted:
I started tagging at 12 and just like any punk ass kid I hung out with my friends. The
guys at the time were into doing tags. Every one of them had a tag but I didnt. They
didnt really care that I didnt have one and I didnt really care, but when they were
running around the streets with spray cans and it all started to look like great fun. So I
thought WOW! And then I thought; Well hell, why not? The stuff they were doing
looked really good. I wanted to do something good too so I started doing it.
(Interview #3)
This type of pro-social peer involvement bonding (McBride et al. 1995) is known to be
highly correlated to juvenile crime (Kreager 2004). Indeed, Table 1 reveals that although
the initial reasons given by the studys participants for their graffiti involvement are an
alleviation of boredom and emulation of peers, these reasons are regularly superseded by
the rush experience they say they gain from illegally tagging public spaces.
The Addictive Adrenalin Rush Derived from Committing an Illegal Act
According to these early adolescents, the inherent risk of detection and subsequent police
apprehension is what stimulates the release of an euphoric rush of adrenalin into their
bodily systems. Moreover, they contend that over time this rush experience becomes
addictive. However, comparatively little is known about the affect adrenalin rushes have on
adolescent involvement in illegal high-risk criminal activities (Farabee et al. 2001). In the
present instance, the studys participants indicated that their adrenalin rush fuelled graffitiwriting experiences are so exhilarating they are totally unlike anything else they have
experienced before. They also reveal that their rush experience has the power to override
their childhood concepts of right and wrong. One mid-teen explained:
I skate but there isnt much else out there that gives me such a thrill. Graffiti is a rush.
I definitely know what Im doing is wrong but I like doing it. Graf is such a big
adrenaline rush. You get a real rush out of it. You dont need drugs to do it. Its like so
bad. If, I get caught, then Ill pay the consequences, but if I dont, then WICKED cos
its like totally addictive. (Interview #4)
One neurobiological explanation for this adolescent desire for the adrenalin rush graffitiwriting provides is an over-responsive reaction to chemical stimulation, which in turn,
results in inappropriate regulatory control of the bodys reward systems (Lubman et al.
2004). As such, adrenaline (Norepinephrine), being an excitatory chemical, when released
into the body system activates the brains pleasure-seeking centre and produces a fight (risktaking) or flight (risk-avoidance) response (Wright et al. 2008) with high levels of

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Table 1 Early adolescent reasons for engaging in graffiti

Reason

Interview comments

Web-blog comments

1. Boredom

It beats staying at home.

Its an escape.

Its just something really to do.

When Im in the zone doing it

I feel alive. I feel free.

Its a game. Its fun. Its something you can do and

have a real laugh with when youre
out with your mates.
2. Emulation

Walking home from school

catching tags and thinking theyre
pretty cool. Thinking how fat ass
is that! I then started drawing
my own tags.

I saw a piece on a wall and

I wanted to copy it.

My brother tags. I just

grew up to tag.

I saw my brother doing a piece

and thought WOW. Then I
started sketching.

Where I grew up all my

mates and their brothers
who I liked were doing it
so I wanted to be just like them.

Meeting someone who knew

how to write was what got me started.

I used to hang around with

this guy who did it. I watched
and then tried working up
my own style on paper.

I was taking the bus bored

and looking out the window
when an older boy got on
with a book with all weird
writings. I was amazed by
his talent so unique and detailed.
I wanted to do it so I practiced
and practiced until I got good at it.

My friend got me into graffiti. He was

doing it and it was appealing so I thought I
might try it. Going out trying
new styles with my mates
is great fun.
3. Adrenalin rush

It is the adrenalin rush of

getting your word up. When
you are spraying your word
on the wall. Its the best feeling.

The rush factor is definitely there.

The rush is doing it. You cant

understand the buzz of graffiti
unless you actually do it.

Its the direct action. You

get a real buzz in seeing
your name up.

Just thinking you might get

caught. Its such a rush to
get away with it.

The ride you get is what

you cherish forever.

What a rush! Awesome!

4. Aggression

People get bashed up for

having bad style or for writing
someone elses tag.

There are fights over writing.

When you go over someones

graf thats like saying stuff
you, lets smash.

People are out to

cause trouble.

There are people who get

big crews to go out to hurt people.

There is much beef between writers.

There are like wars between crews, theyll sometimes

have a battle.
5. Retaliation

If you do a really nice piece and someone slashes it or There is this guy around my neighbourhood that we
goes over it then youre going to get angry and want
all hate so we tag up his front door and just
to get back at them. Its a vicious circle.
vandalize his whole building.
If you want to get someone then youll get them and
if someone wants to get you, theyll get you.

6. Identity
formation

Its just what I do so I do it so that other people know Graffiti is one of the best ways of expressing
I do it.
yourself.
I want to be known for it.

Its all about describing how u r feelin and all about

expressin urself.

Its all about my crew, my friends, it says what we do. I wanna to look bad ass.

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norepinephrine being positively correlated to aggression. It is small wonder then that the
studys early adolescent writers reported being attracted to graffiti because of the
opportunity it provides for them to become involved in fights.
The Rush Achieved from Engaging in an Aggressive Act
Physical aggression has been linked to increased involvement in criminal behaviour
(Doidge 2007; Dutton 2002; Fishbein 2001). The early adolescent attraction towards
physical acts of aggression manifests itself in the graffiti context as slashing (i.e., the
drawing a line through someone elses or another crews tag). Slashing is a fight
declaration. Once drawn the slash provides the provocation for a fight. The studys
participants reveal that they experience an exhilarating rush just from anticipating a
forthcoming fight. One adolescent explained:
If you put a line through someone elses graf that theyve taken lots of time to do
then its like disrespecting and that causes lots of grief and lots of fights. So,
when you write your tag underneath your slash, then you know, BANG! Soon
theres going to be trouble. You just know that as soon as they see you a fight is
going to erupt. So, before you slash youve gotta be real sure you know whose
tag it is youre slashing. I mean if you slash someones tag you dont know then
that person could be a 37 year old speed-freak with a knife whos going to find
you and stab you. (Interview #3)
The rush achieved from provoking a fight is sufficient to override any physical pain that
might be incurred. As one graffitist contended: Ive been sprayed and stabbed, but youve
just gotta be willing to pay the consequences. Although, in most instances, once a fight has
been fought the slashing incident is generally considered settled, but in a small number of
cases the slash can initiate a vicious circle of on-going retaliatory acts.
The Satisfaction of Retaliation
Retaliation is not an act that is confined internally to members of the graffiti community. In
some instances, graffiti tagging is also used as a payback mechanism for perceived
wrongs occurring outside of the graffiti sub-culture. For instance, one early adolescent
described his targeted placement of tags as being a payback mechanism he often used to
get back at his parents. He recounted:
One day my parents noticed I was graffing on my schoolbooks and so they went
to my bin and found all the bits of paper Id been practicing on. They compared
them to the ones down the street and they were mine. So they told the police. My
parents actually dobbed me in! Then I was like cautioned for my first ever graffiti
charge. After that I just kept doing it [tagging] but telling my parents I wasnt. Id
sneak out of the house late at night and go with my mates. Wed get money and
buy paints and wed secretly tag like everywhere. Although Id changed my tag
after I got caught mom and dad knew my new tag so every day when they went
to work I made sure theyd see it up. They couldnt miss it. The best place was
this spot on XXXXX Ave. Its this big open wall with this board on it. I put my
tag there. Mom goes that way to work every day. I also climbed over the side of
the bridge on the freeway and I put my tag up there. Dad saw that one every day.
(Interview #4)

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Retaliation tagging is also not an activity that is restricted to individuals with whom
adolescents have on-going contact (e.g., teachers, parents, neighbours, or peers). Retaliation
tagging is also directed at institutions (e.g., schools, police stations, city councils, or
businesses) as pay-back for their anti-graffiti policies or, in some instances, for even more
esoteric reasons. One adolescent, for instance, described himself as an environmental
graffitist and indicated that he regularly targeted buildings belonging to corporate
businesses with poor environmental records. Thus, this type of retaliation reasoning can
become part of the adolescent identity (Taylor and Houghton 2008b).
Identity Formation
As already alluded to most adolescents seek a conforming identity (i.e., one that complies
with the mores of the mainstream peer-group) however, others either through choice or
circumstance set out to acquire a non-conforming deviant social identity (Carroll et al.
2009). Regardless of type, an audience, particularly a peer audience, is a vital component of
the identity formation process. As such, adolescents seeking a non-conforming identity will
often team up with other adolescents seeking the same social identity. This teaming process
maximizes the chances of peers noticing their identity-seeking exploits (DeGennaro and
Brown 2008; Roth et al. 2004). Their aim being not only to have their peers regard their
tagging as being wanton acts of youthful defiance, but also to view them (individually and
collectively) as being people that need to be approached with caution. As one adolescent
explained:
Graffiti is the easiest way to gain fame. People start noticing you more. If everyone
sees your tag up all the time, then youre treated differently. Like, WOW! Youre
really cool. You just dont get blanked. (Interview #1)
Success at this stage of a young persons identity-seeking formation process is often
determined by the recognition peers afford their recognitional exploits (Sirin and Fine 2007;
Sirin and Rogers-Sirin 2005).
Part 2: Recognition
Gaining a graffiti writer reputational status is the prized goal of older adolescent graffitiwriters. Reputation achievement typically involves a two-step recognitional process. The
first step requires adolescents to obtain not only broad peer recognition of their tag name
but also of the high level of daring involved in the placements of their tags (see Table 2).
Ultimately, it is peers who bestow the highly prized reputational identity of a graffitiwriter on adolescent prolific taggers.
Step One: Identity and Status
The first step, gaining attentional recognition, involves older adolescent graffiti-writers
putting their tags (their ego-footprint) in prominent positions so that their exploits can be
recognised by peers. Unlike younger adolescents who tag predominantly within their own
residential area these older adolescent graffiti-writers indicate they tag over a much wider
geographic area (Taylor et al. 2010). As one 15 year old tagger explained; When you start
off you do small walls in inconspicuous places but as you get better you want more people
to see your work so you do it where theyll see it. By extending their tagging territories
older adolescent taggers claim they are able to maximise their tags exposure and, in

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Table 2 Older adolescent reasons for engaging in graffiti

Reason

Interview comments

Web-blog comments

1. Style recognition

When you first start out your style is toy,

just scribble, but you eventually get better.

Right now Im a classified TOY.

[inexperienced writer] I just
wanna to get to the point where
my tags and throw-ups are recognised.

Your tag is the essence of graffiti.

It is the one line that says what your
style is so you have to get it right to pull it off.

I wanna be able to do actual

good widestyles and stuff. I
wanna be all city and make
a few headlines.

You get a lot of people in the

graffiti culture who are very, very
good so your style is very important
in getting other people to take a shine to yours.

I want fame. I want to be a

legend when Im older.

Its like any sport or profession people

in the same field will appreciate the
technical factors and dangers
involved in what youve done.
2. Gaining street recognition

You have just got to get yourself out

there if you want to be known.

Im wanting to get my tag linked to me.

You do stuff just to get recognition.

I wanna paint and get my name about.

The thing is to put your tag where

no one else can get to.

If you get up then people admire you.

You want to get your tag in the best

spot possible where you can see it
but also that is like open to everyone
else to see it.

Im doing it as much as I can now.

I just wanna be up everywhere

The more risky the area, the more

high up and hard to get to it is,
the more recognition you get.

Im a little fish in a big pond so

I have to bomb [mass tagging].

The more people see it the more

theyll say: He knows what hes doing.
That gives you like street cred.

I have to get my props [street credit]

cos Im trying to get rep points lol.
You get more props the more
visible and daring your bomb is.

3. Gaining crew acceptance

When your graf gets known

youll get dropped [invited to join]
into a crew.

He (experienced crew member)

taught me a lot, he took me under
his wing and then from then on we
did everything together.

If youre good, your friends drop

you into their crew.
When a person gets dropped into
a crew it is like the crew knows
that person.
The sooner youre dropped into
a crew, then like the higher you are.
4. Attaining a reputation

You are seen as someone that you

would want to get into a fight with
because you have the backing of your crew.

I go to a school where if you are

a graf artist and you have a book
filled of your art then u get the
girls and the rep.

Reputation isnt everything but it

does help you gain respect.

addition, their street cred (credibility). In this regard, some older adolescent writers attest to
their desire to be all-city (i.e., to have their tag placed in multiple suburbs across the city).
Step Two: Sustaining Identity and Status
Older adolescents contend that their extensive program of brazen tagging becomes as an
adrenalin-fuelled game of catch-me-if-you-can with the police. Moreover, the winners
obtain maximum peer recognition for, and acknowledgement of, their brazenness and are

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ultimately rewarded with the highly-prized youth identity of a graffiti-writer. This identity
they maintain carries a degree of awe. One adolescent explained:
I got high up on a roof and did it [tagging] then someone from a crew saw it.
They said: Cor thats sick man! How did you get up there to do that stuff? It
definitely gave me massive street cred. What happens then is that crews pick up
on the stuff youve put up and youre invited into a crew. The thing about being
in a good crew is youve got to be able to put it up, like your initials and the
crews initials. Youve got to really work quite a bit to make sure you put them
up. Its like youre giving the crew coverage as well as yourself, it like works
both ways. (Interview #2)
Admission to an established crew is said to carry great status. One 16 year old graffitiwriter explained; If you say youre a FDP (crew initials) person, then people will
automatically know youre part of an active crew. And theyll make the assumption that
youre pretty good yourself. Then theyll treat you different.
To maintain their writer identity older adolescent graffiti-writers hold they need to
progressively increase the brazenness of their graffiti-writing exploits. Especially, as the
amount of street cred awarded is, they maintain, directly related to the amount of danger/
daring involved. As one late teen succinctly summarized: Youve gotta prove youve got
balls!
The studys mid-late adolescent graffers reveal that proof in the form of photographic
evidence published online or recorded on a cell-phone allows them to amass more street
cred (aka props). Moreover, it is through publishing the brazenness of their exploits (e.g.,
hanging upside down over a bridge underpass in order to tag the span; jumping onto a train
and tagging it while it is in motion; tagging a police car/station) that their writing styles
become recognised and validated within the graffiti community. Indeed, it is they say this
sustained publication of brazen graffiti vandalism that over time actually increases their
chances of being dropped into a prestigious (top) crew. Accordingly, such top crews can
have in excess of 40 members or can be very small select units specializing in a specific
type of graffiti (e.g., train graffiti).
The ultimate recognition triumph mid-late adolescent graffers hold is to have their
graffiti exploits published in the popular media (i.e., T.V., newspapers). Indeed, through
explicitly reporting the details of graffiti attacks, the media unwittingly facilitate the graffitiwriters recognitional endeavours. For instance, one local police reporter elevated the status
of a 17 year old alleged graffiti idiot among some of the present studys sample by
publishing his following comments verbatim:
Im an idiot but I wanted to do it, I dont regret it. It was fun ... [When prosecuted]
you go to Rangeview (a remand centre) and its like a playground and the worst thats
going to happen is you go to Banksia Hill (a detention centre) after that. Banksia is
better than Rangeview so you really havent got much to worry about... I vandalize
stuff. Im not really into the art side of it. It (tagging) is about getting as many (tags)
as you can wherever you can. You get fame. You tell (people) what you write and
everyone will know you.
Rather than deterring adolescents from committing further offences publications of this
nature increase the writers fame. A web-blogger summarized the fame factor when he
wrote, Everyone wants to get to the next level but u can only do that by playing the game
over and over. So play the game!

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Moreover, the studys sample indicated that they revelled in the rush experience they
obtained from playing the game. They hold that it is the rush that cements their addiction to
the graffiti lifestyle. The essence of their attested addiction is captured in the following two
comments:
Ive tried to quit for 2 years but I cant stay away from it. Im not sure why possibly
the influence of other people around me. Graf is a big addiction, a super addiction.
The buzz of it is fun as is the getting away with it again and again and again. You
keep all those little buzzes. (Interview #9)
I dont really know what got me addicted to graf but at the rate Im going Ill never
stop. Graf is an addiction that is f*cking hard to get rid of. (Web-blogger)
This constant need to up the anti- is consistent with the Gruber and Kszegi (2001) model
of addiction in which they contend personal activity reinforcement (i.e., the more
individuals partake the more they want to partake) and increased tolerance to the
pleasurable experience obtained from engaging in an activity are fundamental conditions
of addictive behaviours.
For some of the studys older adolescents, their addiction to the graffiti-rush lessened as
the game began to lose its appeal. Typically, they indicated that this occurred in the year
prior to their 18th birthday when the realisation hit that if they were caught as an adult they
would be subjected to severe penalties under the law. The choice then became one of
continuing with their graffiti-vandalism lifestyle regardless of the increased legal risks or to
pursue their graffiti lifestyle within the constructs of society, namely, through becoming a
legal urban artist. For this latter group, the reason they most consistently gave for their
continued involvement was that of gaining community respect for their artwork.
Part Three: Respect
According to the studys graffiti-writers many adult graffitists assume normal roles in
society, that is, they take up employment, marry and have children. They reveal that such
adult responsibilities do not quench the addiction to the graffiti lifestyle. To the contrary,
one adult explained: Grafs a life-style, a mind-set. A true writers addiction never stops. I
love graf. It isnt a hobby to me its a life-style. Hence, some of the studys older more
artistically-minded graffiti-writers say they are attracted towards the kinds of part-time
positions within the local community that provide opportunities for them to legally continue
with their graffiti-writing activities (e.g., running graffiti workshops, painting commissioned urban art pieces, running youth workshops for at-risk adolescents). In this regard,
they claim they lead double lives; a respected citizen during the day and an occasional
graffiti-artist at night: One adult related the following account:
I personally work five days a week as a chef. I have no criminal record. I am an
honest person and I have morals. All the people at work and even my close friends
dont know I do graffiti because honestly if I told them then theyd picture me
vandalizing peoples property and not spending thousands of dollars on paint each
year and spending most of my free time perfecting my skill. (Interview #5)
While for most of the studys adult graffiti-writers their artwork is a secondary occupation a
few managed to incorporate their artistic talents into their regular field of employment (e.g.,
sign writing, graphic artist, car detailer, clothing design).
Regardless of whether they use their graffiti skills on a part-time or fulltime basis the
studys adult graffitists reveal that their addiction for graffiti does not go away - it simply

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65

morphs. They say that the rush they used to experience when writing graffiti in prominent/
dangerous places is achieved in their adult years from having their graffiti (legal and illegal)
publically valued for its artistic content. This recognition, they state allows them to feel
respected both within the graffiti sub-culture and the public domain (see Table 3). Their
position is best captured in the final following comment: Ill always do graf in some form
or other. Ive heard people say its an addiction but I say, its respect which is the addition.
Respect gained from other people. (Interview#10).
This concept of an addiction being able to morph is consistent with Wests (2001)
conceptualization of addiction change. He suggests that the character of an addiction can
change over time and is usually punctuated by the addicted individuals repeated attempts
to abstain or regain control.

Discussion
The presented study aimed to address a perplexing question for educationalists why do
some adolescents become involved in graffiti? While the current findings identified
what could be described as the usual suspects involvement reasons (i.e., boredom,
peer emulation, aggression, identity formation, retaliations) the findings also revealed a
Table 3 Adult reasons for engaging in graffiti
Reason
1. Self-respect

Interview comments

Web-blog comments

I feel great when Im painting.

I practiced and practiced and yeh now Im good

I make sure I dont dress like a graffer.

I started out a small fry but through hard work I

have ended up a big fish.

I take time to make my art look

clean and tidy.

I released myself on the world and have proved

that Im as good as any boy and
sometimes even better.
Ive made a name for myself.
Its one of the biggest parts of my life
and I couldnt be more proud of it.
I paint for myself these days. Im not
concerned about getting my name on
everything and getting my name seen.
I paint cos I want to paint.

2. Peer respect

It is easier to meet people when people

have seen your graffiti everywhere
because that like brings more respect to you.

Ive gained the respect of all the friends

of whos who in the graffiti world.

There are a few older graffers I

know who are absolutely awesome.
3. Community respect

I would like to get my artwork out.

I want to have notification for my artwork.
I want to be seen.

I want to showcase my work at galleries.

As a writer I respect other peoples
work so I want respect for mine.

4. Universal respect

I would like graffiti to be considered

a lifestyle, the kind of artistic lifestyle
people would take serious.

I think that as long as some thought

has been put into the graffiti then
it shouldnt be frowned on.
People should give it more respect and
treat it like an art-form.
Its a beautiful form of art that should
be appreciated. It shouldnt be put down
because of what it is done on and by
what age group it is done by. Call it
modern art and sell it for loads.
Graffiti is art if it is done the right way.

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core category reason (i.e., an addiction to the risk, recognition, and respect that the
graffiti life-style provides) that transcends all graffiti-writing age groups (i.e. early
adolescence [1214 years], mid-late adolescence [1517 years] and adulthood). This
conceptualization of graffiti-writing being an addiction moves the juvenile graffiti
proliferation issue beyond the educational and criminal domains into the sphere of
adolescent mental health.
While considerable debate currently exists as to the precise definition of an addiction,
(see Lubman et al. 2004; Potenza 2006; Selman 2009), Wests (2001) examination of 138
addiction theories would seem to suggest that an addiction is a chronic relapsing loss of
control over behaviours which have harmful personal consequences. If this definition holds,
then graffiti-writing would appear to fit the mould of an addictive behaviour. Particularly,
given the samples assertion that while graffiti initially starts out as an impulsive rushseeking action, over time it becomes a habitual high-risk compulsion over which they have
little control. Furthermore, graffiti influences every aspect of their daily lives and overrides
any consideration that their involvement could cause themselves or the ones they love
physical or mental harm.
Recent research is additionally shifting the focus away from the causes of addiction
towards a greater understanding of the complex bio-psychosocial factors that underpin
addictive behaviours. Indeed, Wood (2008 p 176) contends that there is a growing body of
evidence which suggests an addiction is the manifestation of poor coping abilities, either
for dealing with traumatic events (e.g., abuse) or everyday life stresses. While not all of the
graffitists involved in the present study came from what could be termed a deprived social
background there was, however, considerable evidence of multiple personal stressors, for
instance, family dysfunction (at a communicatory level), school disinterest, substance abuse
(i.e., alcohol & drugs) and mainstream peer marginalization.
Finally, the findings of this paper highlight the belief among graffiti-writers that
graffiti is an addictive force in their lives. Whether this is true, or not, in the clinical
sense it is a challenge for researchers working in the field of adolescent mental health
to address. A determination, however, is needed in order that treatment programs can be
proposed that effectively rehabilitate rather than simply punish recidivist graffiti
offenders.

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