Central Asia

IDSA Monograph Series
No. 44 May 2015
CENTRAL ASIA
INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE
P STOBDAN
CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 1
IDSA Monograph Series

No. 44
May 2015
CENTRAL ASIA
INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE
P STOBDAN
2 | P STOBDAN
Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.

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Contents
INTRODUCTION .................................................................................
Chapter I
WHAT STOPS INDIA PLAY IN THE GREAT GAME? ......................
11
Chapter II
CONNECTIVITY AND REGIONAL INTEGRATION ............................
15
Chapter III
STRATEGIC FOCUS ON KAZAKHSTAN .............................................
25
Chapter IV
OPPORTUNITIES IN CENTRAL ASIA .................................................
33
Chapter V
STRATEGIC ASSETS ............................................................................
47
Chapter VI
INDIA'S CENTRAL ASIA SOFT POWER ............................................
58
Chapter VII
BENEFITS OF JOINING THE SCO ....................................................
61
CONCLUSION AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS......................................
69
4 | P STOBDAN
INTRODUCTION
Indias stakes in Central Asia is high, but a cogent policy is the need of
the hour. As India re-examines its role in Asia, Indias historical links
with Eurasian region that go back to more than 2500 years cannot be
ignored. In the past, the ancient Indian texts referred to nations lying
beyond the Himalayas or Hindukush asUttara-kuru. Of course, there
are many descriptions on this concept in the Hindu-Buddhist literature.
However, since the days of Saka or Indo-Scythian tribes, the links
remained uninterrupted.1 The great Indian epic, Mahabharata and ancient
Pali literatures give account of a great trade-route referred as
Uttarpatha2 that originated from the Indo-Gangetic plains passing from
Taxila to Central Asia. It perhaps joined the Great Silk Route crosspoints along which Indian religion, philosophy, commerce, trade and
science flourished and expanded beyond Europe and Asia. Since then
many facets of history linked India with Central Asia.
In the medieval times, many Central Asian rulers including Zahir-udDin Babur came from the Ferghana Valley and established the Mughal
Dynasty in India in the 16 th century. However, the events of
contemporary history led to almost total snapping of Indias age-old
cultural and trade ties with the region. We are familiar with the British
Indias Great Game engagement in Central Asia in the 18thand19th
century. The partition and subsequent Pakistani occupation of parts of
Kashmir finally led to direct physical cut-off that spelt the death knell
for Indias northern outreach. In fact, this snapping of ties is still a
The Sakas, Yavanas, Kambojas, Pahlavas, Paradas etc. are known to have
come from Central Asia to India and were all absorbed into the Kshatriyasand
Jat community in India.
Prakash Chandra Prasad, Foreign Trade and Commerce in Ancient India,

Abhinav Publications 2003 (The ancient Transoxiana of Central Asia including
theUttarakuru,Uttaramadra,Param-Kambojaand parts ofSaka-dvipawere
located in the Uttarapatha) Srivastava, Balram, Trade and commerce in ancient
India from the earliest times to C.A.D 300, Varanasi: Chowkhamba Sanskrit
Series Office, 1968
6 | P STOBDAN
reality reflected from the fact that the total two-way trade with the
whole region is a paltry over $1200 million.
Strategic Rivalry in Central Asia

Central Asia is now rapidly changing after the world has started taking
more notice of this energy-rich region. Already the flow of capital
and expansion of trade is triggering large-scale infrastructure, shipment
of goods and flow of people across the region - a phenomenon aptly
being compared with the waves of transformation earlier occurred in
Europe and Southeast Asia.
Owing to this, great powers rivalry over security and energy stakes in
the region has also increased. The major powers have responded in
many ways to benefit from regions strategic and energy resources.
Russia is the traditional player and wishes to exert political influence
after a short gap of retreat from the region. Moscow has strengthened
the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and now it is
aggressively pushing the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) to keep
Central Asia under its stiff economic control.
The main contestant in the region is China, which has been waiting in
the wings, since the Soviet collapse, for fully entering into the region
with multiple motives. China considers this region as a source of energy
and a critical partner for stabilizing its restive Xinjiang province. China
has fully used its geographical proximity to the region and while pursuing
an ingenious soft-power policy, it has successfully converted every
challenge in Central Asia into an opportunity. China has pursued its
interest while using the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as
a multilateral vehicle for promoting multiple interlocking of economic,
security and even cultural ties. In fact, China has rapidly challenged
Russian monopoly over Central Asias energy exports. Massive
infrastructure development including building of pipelines, roads, and
railways completed in the recent years are facilitating transport of oil,
gas, uranium and other minerals to the Chinese towns.
In fact, Chinas swift foray in Central Asia has gained an air of
respectability and an image of reliable partner in the region. Beijings
latest Silk Road Economic Belt scheme envisages $40 billion fund for
promoting infrastructure, industrial and financial co-operation from
Asia to Europe through Central Asia. The countries have quickly

pledged support to the Silk Route Belt idea for deepening their ancient
ties with China. In the words of Gen. Liu Yazhou of the PLA, Central
Asia is the thickest piece of cake given to the modern Chinese by the
heavens.
The US and its allies remained deeply engaged in the region and used
it as a valuable supply hub for the Afghanistan war effort. However,
against the backdrop of the crisis in Ukraine, the United States is likely
to review its Central Asia strategy. Washington, it seems, is getting
concerned about the situation in Central Asia. Russias standoff with
the West, fall in ruble rate, declining oil prices and overall Western
sanctions is already having ripple effects on Central Asian economies,
especially on the remittances from millions of migrants from the region
working in Russia.
The West is also worried political about uncertainty looming in Central
Asia stemming from the succession issue of regional leaders. The leaders
of Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan have so far
strongly resisted political change and have successfully adopted internal
political mechanisms with varying style to stay in power. So far, only
the Turkmen President Saparmurat Atayevich Niyazov who served as
President for life died in 2006. He was the most tyrannical dictator in
the region. His successor Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov has shown
some liberal attitude and called exiled opposition leaders to participate
in the 2012 elections. But, he too is likely to follow the course of
Niyazov.
President Islam Karimov of Uzbekistan and Kazakh President Nursultan
Nazarbayev have retained their power for over two decades now.
Karimov intends to stay in power until he is able to find new means to
run his legacy. Similarly, Nazarbayev has devised internal means to stay
in power.
Tajikistan continues to remain locked in a difficult combination of
poverty, authoritarianism, and Islamic extremism that keeps the country
prone to instability. Kyrgyzstan has switched to a parliamentary
democracy in 2010 but the countrys institution of democracy and the
rule of law remain underdeveloped. With unstable coalition government
in place, there are many unresolved issuesincluding ethnicity in thesouth.
8 | P STOBDAN
With the exception of Kyrgyzstan, the politics in other states remain

unpredictable. In fact, the 2010 Kyrgyz uprising had sufficiently
indicated that the region is prone to the Arab-Spring-type political
explosion. To thwart any such possibility, Kazakh President Nazarbayev
and Uzbek President Karimov have sought re-election recently. Both
leaders are aging, but none of them appear to have clear succession
plans despite some surreptitious intrigues among members of the ruling
However, for the time being none of the ruling Presidents are likely to
face any real opposition, though the basic politico-economic
characteristics of these countries are no different from those in West
Asia. All these leaders continue to face Western criticism including the
rights watchdogs. The American officials continue to reaffirm their
commitment to uphold regional security, respect for human rights and
democratic governance in these states.3 But so far both Russia and
China have firmly insulated the Central Asian regimes from failing; viz
Uzbekistan after 2005 Andijan crisis; Kazakhstan after 2011 Zhanaozen
events. Even the Kyrgyz crises were contained affectively through
regional interventions and were not allowed crossing a threshold. This
makes Central Asia different from the West Asia.
In the changed context, the US also seems irked by Russias recent
creation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and the plan to
bring in another Central Asian republic, Kyrgyzstan in its fold by May
2015. Washington repeatedly questioned Moscows right to enforce its
agenda on governments in the region. Richard Hoagland, the US Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs recently
said, no country has the right to unilaterally determine the political
and economic orientation of another country. He added that what
Russia is doing in Ukraine is cause for concern for the countries of
Central Asia.4
Against the above backdrop, Washington could revive its previously
envisaged New Silk Road strategy to make Central Asia, including
Carl Schreck, U.S. Reassesses Central Asia Strategy, March 20, 2015, http:/
/www.rferl.org/content/central-asia-us-reassess-strategy/26911854.html
http://www.rferl.org/content/central-asia-us-reassess-strateg y/
26911854.html ( March20, 2015)
Afghanistan, a crossroad of global commerce. The shift in US Central

Asian policy also comes against the backdrop of Chinese aggressively
pushed Silk Route project for Eurasia. However, US officials believe
that its New Silk Road plan is not mutually exclusive with Chinas
Silk Road through Central Asia.
Europe is also taking a renewed interest in Central Asia following the
crisis in Ukraine. The European Union is now trying to import energy
directly from the source to offset fears of disruption by Russia. The
EU is pushing for the 3,300-kilometer Nabucco pipeline project to
import gas directly from Azerbaijan and Central Asian nations to the
heart of Europe. The EU has unveiled recently a new Southern
Corridor-New Silk Route strategy for a multiple road, rail and pipeline
links between the Caspian area and Europe.5
The region is also the northern frontier of the Islamic world hitherto
unaffected by fundamentalist wave. The Soviet developmental legacy
ensured that Central Asia remains a significant barricade against potential
extremist threats emanating from Pakistan and Afghanistan. However,
behind the secular settings, a major shift to a far more religious pattern
of society is underway in the region. Central Asia is now emerging as
the next radical Islamic region. Islamic forces are getting stronger in
Tajikistan and southern Kyrgyzstan (Osh & Batken). The democratic
upsurge in Kyrgyzstan seemed to have succeeded in channeling popular
anger, but pro-Islamic tone and language of debate in the Kyrgyz
Parliament is beginning to impact the government policies. Kazakhstan
and Turkmenistan are less affected by extremist forces. However, the
unequal distribution of wealth generated from oil export has begun to
instill public discontent and protests on streets. A series of serious
explosions and terrorist acts by Islamists have been taking place in
Kazakhstan since 2011. The fight against extremism hitherto carried
out covertly by the state is now being exposed to the masses. Kazakhstan
has maintained diplomatically warmer ties with the Muslim world.
Turkmenistan too has forged closer relations with Iran and with the
Gulf region. Uzbekistan has firmly resisted extremist drive but Islam
http://www.noravank.am/eng/articles/security/?SHOWALL_1=
1&SHOWALL_2=1 ( March 20, 2015)
10 | P STOBDAN
has traditionally been embedded in the society. To be sure, religion is

likely to be a dominant factor for polity in the country in the near
future. Consequently, the area extending from Chechnya, Ferghana to
Xinjiang, comprising 100 million Salafi Muslims, could form new arc
of instability. The Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) is more
entrenched not only in Af-Pak region but in Central Asia as well. The
IMU has strong links with al Qaeda and is now expected to get stronger
in Afghanistan after the NSTOs withdrawal. The appalling news is
that even the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has heavily recruited
more and more Kazakhs, Uzbeks, Tajiks, and Kyrgyz. The security
issues are likely to make more headlines. Chinas concerns in Xinjiang
underscore the gravity of extremist threat including from ISIS.
Chapter I
WHAT STOPS INDIA PLAY

IN THE GREAT GAME?
Conceptual Challenge
Following the Soviet collapse, Central Asians had considered India as
one of the big and legitimate stakeholders to offset the conflicting
forces in the region; a reason why the leaders of these States chose
India to be the first country outside the former Soviet bloc for their
State visit in 1992. India enjoyed tremendous political goodwill due to
the Soviet legacy. In fact, India too did try to capitalize on the goodwill
to achieve political and trade synergy with these oil-rich nations. There
were also security stakes in the region. In fact, opening Indian missions
in all the five capitals was a good beginning. Prime Ministers Narasimha
Rao, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, and Dr. Manmohan Singh visited the region
in 1993, 2002 and 2006 respectively.
However, India in the early 1990s did not have the instruments of
economic and financial leverage and as such, despite enormous goodwill
available in the region it failed to make commercial progress. There
were, of course the geopolitical constraints; Pakistani hostility; Afghan
instability among others which kept India and Central Asia physically
disconnected. In addition to it, there was also the basic problem of
lack of scholarly understanding of the region in terms of history, social
composition and language. A tendency to understand the region from
Western prism also tended to obscure rather than clarify the centrality
of Indian understanding. As a result, India lacked strategic clarity for
Central Asia policy. Since then, Central Asia remains a subject of
continual intellectual debate and conference enterprise in India, which
neither entails any meaningful academic accolade nor they meet national
policy goals.
Indias Central Asia policy falls within the framework of its overall
foreign economic diplomacy underpinned by development assistance
programme pursued by major powers towards less developed
12 | P STOBDAN
countries for their multiple strategic interests. Indias assistance

programme and engagement with these countries includes providing
assistance in areas such as capacity building and human resource
development; information technology; pharmaceuticals and health care;
small and medium entrepreneurship enterprises.
Such a policy approach pursued ostensibly to meet its strategic goals
and ambitions, certainly gained a high degree of legitimacy and perhaps
worked with countries in Indias neighbourhood and countries in Africa
and Asia that were once parts of former colonial powers. In the case
of Central Asia, the countries there have been parts of a former super
power state; therefore, the problems here are more related to systemic
collapse and dislocation of economic structures. In the context of
Central Asia, the policy becomes a little opaque and generally does not
entail enduring results either for the donor or for the recipient.
Relationship to Partnership
It is, therefore, necessary that India, now must lay the ground framework
for an enduring policy goal in Central Asia. However, before chalking
out a new policy, we must try to alter the current practices of regional
economic diplomacy that often leads to creating an atmosphere of
disappointment. Conceptually speaking, this stems from Indias
approach for not encouraging an interdependent model of cooperation.
Any policy that does not result into creating interdependency becomes
inevitably unsustainable for regional and economic relations in the long
run. Instead, such a model invariably brings an element of
unpredictability leading to strains in bilateral relationship. This has been
experienced in the South Asian context. Such a discrepancy also effects
Indias image - as a country unwilling to forge constructive cooperative
partnership. In turn, they cause confusion among people including policy
makers, traders, and businesspersons. Consequently, they entail sharp
conflict and sense of insecurity vis--vis Chinas growth and influence.
Policy challenges also come from Indias inability to match the Chinese
regional cooperation schemes presented through various conceptual
ways. India and China are theoretically noted as comparative economic
powerhouses, capable of setting new Asian economic order. However,
the new Asian economic order has already been shaped primarily by
China and the United States. Those countries like Vietnam, Japan and
others, which talk about joining hands with India are in fact already
integrated with the Chinese or Western economies. Therefore, it is time
that India recognizes this reality. As the second largest power in Asia,
the goal of India should be to integrate with the economies of rest of
Asia, rather than struggling to find a model for itself. This is only possible
if India pursues a two-way partnership with the countries in the region.
India, therefore, need to adopt a fresh foreign economic policy that
may help create a web of economic interdependencewith other
countries and regional groupings. China pursues such a model while
creating a network of economic and infrastructure activities spreading
across Asian and Eurasian continents. Chinas new New Silk Road
initiatives essentially underpin new approach for regional integration,
which is getting more acceptable all over Asia.
Policy Challenges
In trying to find a corollary to Look-East Policy this author had
conceptualized a Connect Central Asia policy as a blueprint for seizing
opportunities in the Eurasian land. The policy was officially launched
in June 2012 but this formulation too lost traction and failed to gain
currency mainly due to bureaucratic technicalities and policy inactions.
Similarly, this author also initiated the India-Central Asia Track II
Dialogue mechanism for sharing perceptions and broadening
understanding at the level of policy thinkers, business leaders and
academia. Indian liberal-democratic values, the decades of its experience
in dealing with multi-cultural settings as against the status quo mindset
were much desired among many sections in Central Asia. The
framework for dialogue was meant to expand the range of interface.
The dialogue framework is again reduced to an annual academic
exercise under the aegis of ICWA.
The economies of Central Asian states are fast getting vested in the
Chinese model of regional integration. However, some credible trade
study reports suggest that Indian and Central Asian economies have
high potential to become complimentary to each other. As the Make
in India campaign picks up its momentum, import of raw material
from Central Asia would become critical for India. On the other hand,
Central Asian states are likely to find it profitable to import quality
goods of their needs from India. This changing situation, according to
the Institute of Economic Growth (IEG) study, would lead to a huge
14 | P STOBDAN
potential in trade between India and Central Asia.6 The growing trade
pattern with Kazakhstan is pointing to this fact. It is possible to develop
a similar pattern with other countries of Central Asia as well.
A strong economic partnership with Central Asian countries is of
high strategic importance to India, both for political and energy
requirements to sustain its economic growth. In the existing volatile
global economy, there is a great opportunity for India to deepen its
economic and trade ties with the region. Major and regional powers
are already trying to take advantage of Central Asias location on the
crossroads of Eurasia. China has already unveiled its Silk Route project
to capture that space.
The future of Indias economic ties with Central Asia will therefore be
dependent on how it finds new ways to establish interdependency in
the Asian architecture. Of course, this will not amount to sacrificing
strategic autonomy. The growing Russia-China economic relationship
should be taken into consideration. Importantly, India also needs to
seek a strong initiative to be a part of existing regional grouping like
SCO to complement rather than seeking alternative to Chinese
networks. In fact, it would work to Indias advantage to influence the
course of regional economic order by being an integral part rather
than trying to influence remotely. It would be a waste of time and
resources to set its own model.
Pradeep Agrawal & Seema Sangita, India and Central Asia: Trade Routes
and Trade Potential, IEGIEG Working Paper No. 334, 2013
Chapter II
CONNECTIVITY AND REGIONAL

INTEGRATION
In the distant past, Indian merchants built trade relationship with farflung areas beyond Central Asia to Siberia region. However, Indias
future economic engagement with Central Asia, especially the long
distance trade potential would remain restricted and unexplored unless
additional trade route options are explored.
Indias Connect-Central Asia policy elaborates the imperatives of
reconnecting with this geographic space to find new markets for Indias
rapidly growing industrial and service sectors.7 However, so far, no
viable and easy transport passage, land-linking arrangements, and
important transit services points have been found to realize it. The
impediment of continual Pakistani hostility and instability factor in
Afghanistan seems unlikely to change soon. The Ministry of
Commerces spot study reports8 of 1993 and 1994 observed several
optional transit routes, but the government finally considered the Iranian
route as a viable transit option. A trilateral MOU on transit for trade
signed by India, Iran and Turkmenistan on April 18, 1995 envisaged
movement of goods from India via sea route to Iranian Bandar Abbas
and onward by surface transport to Sarakhs on Iran-Turkmenistan
border. In May 1996, Iran inaugurated a 295 km railway network called
MashadSarakhsTajan railroad linking Central Asia to the Persian Gulf
for the first time. India had contributed financially to the trilateral railway
project but even today the route is not preferably being used by Indian
traders for unspecified reasons. Indiahas lately invested hugely in
P. Stobdan, Central Asia:Democracy, Instability andStrategic Game in

Kyrgyzstan, Pentagon Press, 2014
The Ministry of Commerces spot study reports on the transport

infrastructure and transit facilities in Iran (July 1993) and the Central Asian
Republics (November 1994) observed several optional transit routes available
for Indian goods to access Central Asia.
16 | P STOBDAN
developing the Iranian Chabahar Port; upgraded the ChabaharZaranj

road and constructed a highway from ZaranjDelaram in western
Afghanistan with the aim of accessing to Central Asian countries.
A comprehensive Eurasia policy, therefore, should incorporate a longterm strategy that would require steps for opening up borders for
achieving greater connectivity with rest of Asia. In the case of Eurasia,
a natural connectivity can only be sought through the northern parts of
India rather than through the western seacoast. Because, the issue is not
about accessing Eurasia per say, but also about orienting and benefiting
from economic integration of Indias immediate borderland with that
of Eurasian growth line.
While it is important to pursue connectivity through over-land route
through Iran and Afghanistan or via International North-South
Transport Corridor (INSTC), however, even the best pursued energy
pipelines such as the IPI and TAPI have so far failed to be realized.
The prospects for having a seabed pipeline from Iran and Oman to a
port in India is being discussed for decades. Though the time factor of
delaying the process goes against Indian economic interest, Pakistan
and India should not foreclose the overland alternative through Pakistan.
Neither India nor Pakistan is an immediate neighbour of the region,
but latter has been seeking connectivity to the region to the exclusion
of India. Islamabad has done this by denying India direct access to
Afghanistan through Pakistani territory.
Additionally, both routing through the sea and transiting through
politically troublesome Pakistan-Afghanistan region fails to realise the
real regional integration process with Eurasia. These options are not
helpful for Indias long-term interests. Logically, any connectivity to
Eurasia should follow the traditional India-Central Asia route that went
across the Himalayan passes and Xinjiang steppes. Again, the logic is
not about accessing Eurasia but the most important part is seeking
regional and economic integration with Indias northern neighbours
including China. In fact, it is the only option which is realistically attainable
and worth pursuing. The shift of thinking in this direction is something
that India can no longer afford to put off, unless India wants to remain
disconnected with its immediate vicinity only to inculcate more insecurity
and China encirclement fear.
Firstly, it needs to be understood that China and Central Asian countries

have already facilitated various transit and transport systems to
overcome their inter-regional trade problems. Since 1992, China has
reactivated its old rail link with Kazakhstan. Several major railway, road,
and pipeline projects are being launched traversing from Xinjiang across
Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Iran under Chinas latest
Silk Road Economic Belt project. Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous
Region (XUAR) is already the hub for any mode of transportation. It
has 16 Class A ports and 11 Class B ports connecting with eight countries.
Secondly, there are other initiatives taken up by others. An ambitious
railway project connecting Iran, Turkmenistan, and Kazakhstan has been
inaugurated in December 2014. 9 A second project will cover
TurkmenistanAfghanistanTajikistan section.10 Plans are also afoot to
construct a 250-mile railroad linking Afghanistans AkinaAndkhoy to
Turkmenistans AtamuratYmamnazar via Pyandzh in Tajikistan.11 Once
completed they would have far-reaching implications for the region
especially paving the way for transforming connectivity covering the
Persian Gulf region, Caspian Sea, Central Asia, Western China and the
Trans-Himalayan region of India. India should press for joining these
fast developing webs of transport networks to break its geographical
isolation and exposure to the Eurasia region. For India, Xinjiang should
become the natural and strategic choice to reach out to Eurasian region
while bypassing the immediate and troubled Af-Pak region.
Interconnectivity Option
In fact, there already exist roads and railway alignment in a north-south
direction from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Western China
to India. From the north, the existing road runs from Almaty, Korgas
(Highway No. A-353), Yinning, Kuqa, (No. 218) Aksu, Kashgar, (No.
314) Yarkand, Yecheng (XinjiangTibet Highway No. 219) Mazar,
Shahidulla, Sumxi, Derub, Resum, Shiquanhe, Gar, Kailash, Burang, Lepu-
Fars News Agency, September 19, 2014
10
Gazeta-pravda.ru, September 18, 2014
11
ITAR-TASS, March 20, 2013
18 | P STOBDAN
lekh. The total distance is less than 3,000 kilometers as compared to

over 5,000 kilometers long route via Iran. Kyrgyzstan and Western
China is connected by BishkekKashgar road through Torugart Pass
and OshKashgar road via Irkeshtam Pass; Xinjiang highway is
connected to Tajikistan through the old Silk Route across the Pamirs
and Xinjiang with Afghanistan through Wakan corridor. Importantly,
these routes are functional and it is only a matter of interconnectivity. 12
Untying the Karakoram Knot

A transport corridor through the difficult Himalayan mountain passes
would be a challenge. A linkage through Ladakh to Xinjiang highway
through legendry Karakoram Pass or Demchok could have been
feasible but due to Chinas sensitivity any engagement in this sector is a
problem. However, the legendary Karakoram Pass forms part of the
International Boundary (IB) hence should not be a problem for both
sides. Alternatively, while also considering the topographical factor,
Lipu-Lekh Pass in Uttarakhand, which is opened for border trade
with China since 1992, could be an entry point to start with for transit
trade. Refurbishing of the road connecting to Shipkila in Himachal
Pradesh and Lipu-Lekh in Uttarakhand are already in progress.
The proposed route which involves only one country (China) as a
land-link between India and Central Asia, as compared to the longer
western routes traversing through Iran and Afghanistan would be
seasonal, but its reactivation would have a symbolic significance,
essentially for reviving the traditional Silk Route that was vibrant until
1950s.
Importantly, the route passes through relatively stable Xinjiang as
compared to the turbulent areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan. In fact,
transiting trade through Iranian port has not been problem free. Indian
traders still prefer to use Chinese port for better efficiency and timely
delivery.
12
P. Stoban, Exploring India Kazakhstan Transport Linkages, IDSA Policy

Brief, December 22, 2008, http://www.idsa.in/policybrief/exploring
indiakazakhstantransportlinkages_pstobdan_221208
Map 1
For India, the route has a strategic consideration rather than economic
angle alone. LadakhXinjiang route could help counterpoise Pakistans
plan for an 800 kilometers long railway from Gawadar to Kashgar.
Besides, India would have the advantage of gaining an access to the
transcontinental transport corridors especially Chinese proposed Silk
Road Economic Belt project linking Asia with Europe.
The route could rebuild Indias connection with Xinjiang going back
to 240 BC when the Asokas son Kushtana founded the Khotan
kingdom and introduced Buddhism in the present day Xinjiang province
of China, which was historically described by the Indians as Ratna Bhumi. Politically, the reconnection will benefit India regain its status of
legitimate Central Asian player that it enjoyed until the closure of Indias
Consulate in Kashgar in mid-1950s. It would revive the traditional
20 | P STOBDAN
social and cultural ties between the Uighurs and people in Ladakh
whose economies were interconnected to each other for centuries.
Revival of cross-border trade, however small, should help enhancing
confidence building between India and China.
Significant trade volumes exist for markets in India, China, and Central
Asia. China could earn considerable revenue from transit fees.
Conceivably, arrangements for swap deals with China could also be
worked out gradually. Availability of goods from neighbouring India
would cut down the cost of transporting basic economic commodities
from Eastern to Western China. Indian goods are extremely popular
in Xinjiang, which was demonstrated during the trade-fair first held in
Urumchi in 1992. Similarly, for India, opening the Xinjiang route would
allow imports of essential goods from across the border. This will
reduce the delivered costs of goods including fuel supplies to remote
trans-Himalayan region through difficult passes. Currently goods worth
croresof Rupeescrossinto LadakhsDumtselepost through illegal means.
With the technological breakthrough, the negative side of the feasibility
is now reduced to geopolitical factor of Chinas willingness to
cooperate. China may be receptive to the idea of cross border
cooperation serving as a confidence building measure which would
lead to boundary settlement, the issue of territorial disputes between
I ndia and China would certainly come in the way. But any security
apprehensions could be mitigated by assuring the Chinese that India
could be counted as a factor of stability rather than a threat to restive
Xinjiang. I n fact, any resulting gains and prosperity from economic
exposure to the Chinese and Central Asian frontiers could only trigger
major development actions and growth in J&K , Punjab and Himachal
Pradesh.
The risks of trans-border exposure are for both the sides. China is
equally vulnerable in Xinjiang where the Uighur people show closer
affinity and warmth to Indians than to the Chinese. China could achieve
better internal harmony by exposing Xinjiang to India than to Pakistan.
The K arakoram Highway is already becoming a terrorist highway to
export the trained jihadis from Pakistan into Xinjiang.
The reasons for not moving ahead are well known, but actions to
bridge the gaps are lacking. Fortunately, the possibility of I ndia and
China cooperating in Central Asia is already becoming a reality. An

India-China oil consortium in Central Asiais being talked about. Indias
GAIL Company has invested in Chinese gas pipeline projects in
Kazakhstan. Both India and China are carrying out mega projects in
Afghanistans energy and mining sectors including extraction of iron
ore and copper field. Eventually, the two countries could develop huge
stakes in the stability of Afghanistan as they have common economic
and security interests.
Russia and India have been aiming to collaborate in Eurasia. The IndoRussian 2014 Joint Statement envisaged some tangible actions including
early implementation of the International North-South Transport
Corridor (INSTC) through Nhava Sheva via Bandar Abbas to Astarkan,
exploring the possibility to have a Comprehensive Economic
Cooperation Agreement between India and the newly formed Eurasian
Economic Union (EEC) by Belarus, Kazakhstan, Russia and Armenia.
Kyrgyzstan has recently joined the EEC. Russia has offered Siberian
oilfields (Vankor and Yurubcheno-Tokhomskoye) for gas and oil
exploration and production as well as in LNG projects and supplies
by ONGC. It has talked about exploring the building of a $40 billion
long-distance oil and gas pipeline system from Russia to India.
Agreement to facilitate scientific cooperation to explore prospects in
the Arctic and the Northern Sea Route is also envisaged. All these
projects are certainly not possible to implement easily but they are
promising areas and if they are materialized, they would turnaround
the trade prospect and bring rationality in Indo-Russian-China relations.
Again, any viable future long-distance transport grids, including energy
highway from resource rich Western Siberia and Central Asia to India
cannot be realized without them transiting through Western China.
Clearly, the convergence of interests among Russia, India, and China
(RIC) are gradually growing. The trio is committed, politically and
economically, for broadening their base of interactions under the BRICS,
G20, EAS, and RIC forums. They share similar perspectives on many
key regional and global issues, including cross-border terrorism,
Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq and Iran. The RIC also have more direct and
vital strategic stakes in the immediate region. The rising tide of Islamic
fundamentalism in their geostrategic vicinity would inevitably have
implications far beyond. They cannot overestimate the US propensity
22 | P STOBDAN
to underwrite Pakistans misadventures in South Asia, Central Asia,

and Western China. The Western countries continue to maintain an
ambiguous policy towards contentious domestic issues in Russia, India,
and China. The Central Asian republics are deeply worried of the
consequences of the US troops withdrawal from Afghanistan. They
fear attacks from extremists from across the borders of Afghanistan
and Pakistan.
The sustained China-Pakistan alignment and US-Pakistan ties have
essentially served for India to erect a barrier-wall for a direct access to
Eurasian region. If India overlooks the fast developing transport and
pipeline network, intersecting with growing Sino-Russian, Sino-Pakistani
and now Pakistani-Russian partnership, they could adversely affect Indias
long-term interest. A creative diplomacy is therefore urgently needed
to overcome the physical barrier with Central Asia.
Action Plan
India needs to note that Central Asian States have been seeking Indias
entry as a balancing force. With India likely to join the SCO, its stakes in
Central Asia could inevitably grow and this cannot be realized without
the Chinese and Russian cooperation. Prime Minister Modi, during his
forthcoming visit to Ufa in July 2015 would attend the BRICS Summit
and hopefully, the SCO Summit should frankly articulate Indias
viewpoints.
1. Prime Minister has to highlight that the entire Eurasian region share
common history and culture once bounded by the Silk and Spice
Trade Route. Clearly, these connecting points would help to flourish
better economic relations and enhance improved political ties.
Moreover, the security and stability of these countries will get more
and more intertwined.
2. Prime Minister needs to underline that direct land connectivity from
India through China to Central Asia and Russia is necessary if
organizations such as RIC, BRICS, and SCO are to become more
robust.
3. Prime Minister should take up the proposal of LadakhXinjiang
connectivity directly with President Xi. This could also form a
counterpoise to Chinas call for India to join its Silk Route idea.
Alternatively, Central Asian countries especially Kazakhstan is in a

position to take the initiative as it holds key advantages vis--vis
China and wishes to exercise them in order to push the idea. If
China responses positively, then the matter could be taken up from
there.
4. The proposal should initially involve a country-specific linkage
approach. India and China already have border trade agreements.
However, to make the proposal viable for the longer term, it
would require a regional approach at a later stage. For example,
Russia, three Central Asian States, and Afghanistan should be
involved in the cooperation efforts. Therefore, a proposal for a
sub-regional framework agreement among India, China and
Central Asian republics to facilitate cross-border transit trade along
the measures adopted by ASEAN, Greater Mekong Sub-region,
TRACECA, ECO, BIMSTEC, and others could me mooted.
5. China, India, and Central Asian States should consider using the
existing facilitation agreements for transit transport at the
multilateral, bilateral, trilateral, and sub-regional level. The proposal
could be perused within the SCO framework, as well as under the
Asia Cooperation Dialogue (ACD) mechanism. Several
intergovernmental agreements on the Asian Highway Network
already exist under the UN-ESCAP programme.
6. India and Kazakhstan already has a Joint Working Group on
Transport which should be activated to include the above proposal
so that exploration process and implementation could be initiated.
7. It is pertinent that a multilateral (India, Kazakhstan, China, Russia,
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan) joint study group is set up for
undertaking a feasibility study.
8. India should factor the importance of using Xinjiang corridor as a
priority with China and Central Asian States. Prime Minister should
take up the matter with President of China at the SCO forum.
India and Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR) already
has agreement signed on civil aviation cooperation when the
governor of XUAR Ismail Tiliwaldi visited New Delhi in 2005.
Starting of flights from Urumchi to Delhi will also improve Indias
24 | P STOBDAN
air connectivity with landlocked Central Asia as well as they can

hob via cities such as Almaty, Tashkent or Bishkek.
9. Prime Minister should also press for the re-opening of Indian
Consulate in Kashgar, which was closed in the mid 1950s. Our
primary geopolitical purpose should indicate not containment of
China or any other power but to promote regional cooperation
and this will help us come out of the self-defeating and zero-sum
approach to regional polity. Any possibility of realising a future
transport link between India and China through old Silk Route
would unlock huge potential for India-China cooperation and
foster integration of Asian economies. It would be an ice-breaking
moment for Prime Minister Modi and President Xi.
Chapter III
STRATEGIC FOCUS
ON
KAZAKHSTAN
Uzbekistan undoubtedly is the key to Central Asias overall regional

dynamics, but Kazakhstan should deserve Indias immediate attention.
There are strong reasons to pick out oil-rich state, Kazakhstan. The
country (size of India) and largest in Central Asia, is of key interest to
all major powers. Kazakhstans location not only makes it integral to
Eurasian linkages but also serves as a buffer between East and West.
Until two decades ago, Kazakhstan was known for being a dumping
ground for the Soviet prisoners, gulag camps, and nuclear tests. It had
the worlds fourth largest nuclear arsenal with over 1,000 nuclear
warheads and 40 TU-95 heavy bombers, which the country voluntarily
rescinded.13 Semipalatinsk was the worlds second-largest nuclear
military-industrial complex and the site of nearly 500 nuclear test
explosions. It had a uranium enrichment plants at Ust-Kamenogorsk
and rapid neutron reactor site in Aktau. In 2006, Kazakhstan diluted
2,900 kg of high-enriched uranium, which was sufficient to make 25
nuclear warheads. Besides, the country had large biological and chemical
weapon facilities at Stepnogorsk, which too was shut down in 1990s.
Kazakhstan has today emerged as the most prosperous, stable, and
secular despite Muslim majority population, and with a free economy
in the entire post-Soviet era. In a short span, the country has made a
brisk resurgence and is now slated to be the most sought-after modern
state and the strategic focal point amongst the former Soviet republics,
according to the opinion survey by the Russian Public Opinion Research
Center (VTsIOM).14 The countrys income levels GDP per capita has
13
For the Preservation of Humanity, Kazakhstan 2007, Ministry of Foreign

Affairs of Kazakhstan, Randevu Publishing House, Almaty, quoted by P.
Stobdan, India and Kazakhstan Should Share Complementary Objectives,
Strategic Analysis, 33(1), 2008
14
Russians consider Belarus, Kazakhstan most successful countries in CIS,

December 15, 2015 (BelTA) http://eng.belta.by/all_news/society/Russiansconsider-Belarus-Kazakhstan-most-successful-countries-inCIS_i_78096.html (Accessed on March 20, 2015)
26 | P STOBDAN
risen from $1,647 in 1990 to $13,172 in 2013 already a middleincome country according to World Bank criterion. The country
maintains high growth of 6-7 per cent. It has accumulated huge foreign
exchange reserve that gave birth to a credible financial and banking
sector. For example, the real estate rates in Almaty are growing higher
than in New York or New Delhi. The country also has a successful
welfare system that has so far averted Western criticism of President
Nursultan Nazarbayev, who has been ruling the country since it came
into being after the Soviet collapse in 1991. He has managed to survive
by shrewdly manipulating the internal politics and devising internal means
to gain political legitimacy. Nazarbayev is aging and there isnt any clear
succession plans despite some surreptitious intrigues among members
of the ruling elite. Therefore, there is an element of political uncertainty
despite high achievements on the economic front.
Oil - Key Driver

The key driver behind Kazakh resurgence is obviously its oil exports.
According to the Oil & Gas Journal (OGJ), Kazakhstans oil reserves
are about 30 billion barrels and are projected to touch 100-110 billion
barrels by 2015.15 Currently, Kazakhstan is the twelfth largest oil
producer in the world. The current annual production of 100 million
tons (1.7 million barrels per day) would jump to 150 million tons by
2015 per annum.16 The key to production is linked to further
development of giant Tengiz, Karachaganak, and specially the offshore
Kashagan fields that will make the country an important player in the
worlds energy and oil markets.
Strategic Mineral Resources

There are other resource components, including natural gas, projected
at 5 trillion cubic meters by 2015. Kazakhstan has the second largest
15
Oil & Gas Journal, Worldwide look at reserves and production, (January 1,
2014), Independent Statistics and Analysis, US Energy Information
Administration, http://www.eia.gov/countries/cab.cfm?fips=kz ( January
14, 2015)
16
EIA, Kazakhstan Energy profile: Second Largest Oil Reserves among

Former Soviet Republics Analysis, January 15, 2015
phosphorus reserves, second largest copper ore reserves, 31.8 billion

tones of proven coal reserves, 9.1 billion tones proven and 15.4 billion
tones of potential iron ore reserves, plus trillions of dollars worth
Rare Earth Metal (REM).
It is not oil and gas alone, Kazakhstan produced 22, 829 tons uranium
ore in 2013, worlds largest share (38 per cent) followed by Canada
(16 per cent) and Australia (11 per cent) in that year.17 Kazakhstans
uranium mines are vast and they already have attracted financial
investments from several key foreign companies including interest from
worlds major Cameco Corp. Already, Chinas National Nuclear Corp.
has a 30 per cent stake in KazAtomProm Company. The Japanese, French,
South Korean, and Russian companies have also entered the market.
Clearly, Kazakhstan is likely to play a leading role in the worlds nuclear
fuel commerce in future.
Diversification: Agro-Industrial Base

Uniquely, Kazakhstan, unlike the countries in West Asia, does not depend
on oil exports alone. With investments pouring in, the country is poised
to diversify its economy beyond energy sector to focus on its vast
agricultural and industrial base so as to avoid the so-called Dutch
disease. According to the International Grains Council (IGC),
Kazakhstan produced over 26 million tonnes of grain in 2012.18
The country is also embarking on an ambitious diversification program
to promote targeted sectors like transport, pharmaceuticals,
telecommunications, petrochemicals, and food processing. Since 2010,
Kazakhstan has been a member of the Belarus-Kazakhstan-Russia
Customs Union and is now being transformed into the Eurasian
Economic Union since January 2015.
17
World Uranium Mining Production data (Updated February 2015), World

Nuclear Association, http://www.world-nuclear.org/info/Nuclear-Fuel-Cycle/
Mining-of-Uranium/World-Uranium-Mining-Production/ (Accessed on March 20,
2015)
18
http://www.world-grain.com/Departments/Country%20Focus/
Country%20Focus%20Home/Focus%20on%20Kazakhstan.aspx?cck=1
(Accessed on March 20, 2015)
28 | P STOBDAN
There are other signs pointing to Kazakhstans growing vitality. For

example, its aerospace assets are rapidly expanding. Its Baikonor
cosmodrome launched Sputnik 1, Earth first artificial satellite and
thereafter, over thousand of space vehicles were also launched. From
2011 onwards, it has become the launch site for mannedSoyuzmissions
to theInternational Space Station. A new complex Baiterek is also being
developed for space tourism.
Kazakh Defence Ministry has vast military industrial complexes of the
Soviet times which the government is trying to maintain. Some of
these are already being privatized and their products find ready buyers
in the worlds weapon market. Besides, the country also aspires to
build a credible naval force in the Caspian Sea to protect its energy
assets and supply routes.
Smart Diplomacy
Kazakhstan is unique country having economic prosperity with pluralistic
ethnic structure. The country has proclaimed a Constitution adhering
to democratic and secular system like India. President Nursultan
Nazarbayev has proved adept in containing internal ethnic dissension,
where other Central Asian leaders failed. Nazarbayev, notoriously
characterized as a sly fox, has also been adept in foreign policy. He has
shrewdly pursued diplomacy of balancing relations with Russia, China
and the West. The countrys location in the heart of Eurasia, its rising
energy and economic profile allowed Nazarbayev play major powers
against each other while also drawing them into energy and geopolitical
competition. Even the West seems to like Nazarbayevs independent
streak of taking an even-handed stance on critical issues.19
After successfully courting China, Nazarbayev also tried to draw India
into a delicate balancing game. Indias Oil and Natural Gas Corporation
(ONGC) made tough negotiations with the Kazakhs going back and
forth several times on their promise to offer an oil-block. Indias benign
19
Denying that US was playing zero-sum game in Central Asia, former US

Secretary Rice once said this was not some kind of contest for the affection
of Kazakhstan between the countries of the region. U.S. plays down its
role in Central Asia, International Herald Tribune, October 5, 2008
indifference prompted Nazarbayev maneuver against Indias OVLMittal combine bid for a $4.18 billion takeover of PetroKazakhstan
Inc. in 2005 in favour of China.20 In 2009, India made a special gesture
by honouring President Nazarbayev as the Chief Guest on Indias 60th
Republic Day celebrations. In 2013, Kazakhstan promised 8.4 per cent
stake in the Kashagan project to ONGC but later the deal was
manipulated in favour of Chinas CNPC.21 This was a huge setback
and disappointment - dampened enthusiasm in India for closer relations
with Central Asia.22
Clearly, Nazarbayevs achievements and his popularity instilled in him a
sense of worth and as such, he seeks political recognition. It was not
commerce but politics that factored in the PetroKazakhstan deal in
favor of China. Many viewed that Nazarbayev has never been opposed
for giving India a favorable strategic presence in terms of offshore
projects but for New Delhis reluctance in playing its potential cards
assertively. In fact, for a long time Kazakhstans strategic community
has espoused the idea of engaging India for countervailing any imminent
Chinese threat as anti-China sentiment looms large among Kazakhs.
Stakes for India

Indias inability to win major exploration bids in Kazakhstan certainly
remains a discouraging point. It appeared that Central Asia was not
ready for Indias entry. There have been other instances of business
irregularities such as non-payment for goods supplied by Indian
exporters, which have scared Indian investors moving into Kazakh
market.
Keeping pace with the new geopolitical reality evolving in the Eurasian
region, India needs to take note of the potentials of Kazakhstan very
seriously now. In fact, the matrix of Indo-Kazakh relations is quite
sound. Kazakhstan is Indias largest trade partner in Central Asia
20
Kazakh oil coup for China, India cries foul http://www.atimes.com/

atimes/China/GH24Ad01.html ( October 22, 2008)
21
Ibid.,
22
Kazakh oil coup for China, India cries foul http://www.atimes.com/

atimes/China/GH24Ad01.html (October 22, 2008)
30 | P STOBDAN
amounting to $918 million or about 75 per cent of total trade with the
entire region in 2013-2014.23
Kazakhstan shares the strongest affinity with India in terms of political
and economic commitment, shared values of secularism, and plural
structure. Nazarbayev has been persistently pursuing an Asian dialogue
on security cooperation through CICA. Kazakhstan has also shown
full commitment to fight against terrorism and signed a Joint Working
Group (JWG) with India on terrorism, which could form a basis for
strengthening cooperation in the SCO. The two countries have a strategic
partnership agreement and an agreement to cooperate in stabilizing
Afghanistan.
It is amply clear now that Kazakhstan is the most promising country.
According to the vision Kazakhstans way 2050" the countrys GDP
per capita will grow from currently $13, 172 to $60,000 in the next
two decades. Kazakhstans Sovereign Wealth Fund Samruk-Kazyna is
sitting on $146 billion and is planning a number of large investment
projects in the immediate future.24 It slates mining, petrochemical,
chemical industry, power industry and the real estate sector as priority
areas. It seeks to import new technologies for exploration, production,
and processing in the mining sector.
It has huge deposits of almost all the metals and ores. Along with
Afghanistan, Kazakhstan is going to become new global centers of
Rare Earth Elements (REM) production worth trillions of dollars in
the future. According to its strategy, Kazakhstan wants to increase the
reserves of copper, lead and iron ore.
Enormous scope exists for Indian entrepreneurs to take advantage of
Kazakhstans free market regulations and a stable government. India
should start thinking about tapping Kazakhstans abundant oil and
23
Department of Commerce, Export-Import Data Bank, Country wise,

Ministry of Commerce, New Delhi, http://www.commerce.nic.in/eidb/
default.asp ( March 19, 2015)
24
President Nursultan Nazarbayevs 2014 the State of the Nation Address,

Kazakhstan Way 2050: One goal, One Interest and One Future, Astana
Special Issue No 1, January 19, 2014. Also see http://kashagan.today/?p=1796
mineral resources. Although quite late, ONGC has tried to get a footing
in the oil & gas sector wherein China has already taken a large share.The
ONGC Videsh Ltd has made some deals with KazMunaiGas (KMG)
lately to pick up a stake in the Satpayev block in the offshore Caspian
Sea when Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had visited Astana in 2011.
This was the first breakthrough for India in the Central Asian energy
sector. It seems, the OVL is closely studying the proposal to be part of
the massive oil and gas exploration Eurasia Project initiated by
Kazakhstan in the Caspian Sea, which posses a whopping 300 fields
mainly in deep lying oil and gas horizons.25
Kazakhstan figures top on Indias diplomatic priority for nuclear
commerce. An MOU exits between the National Company
KazAtomProm and the Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited
for supply of Uranium to India under the civil nuclear cooperation
agreement. A deal with Kazakhstan is attractive for India in terms of
both fuel supply and a possible joint venture in setting up small and
medium nuclear reactors. In fact, Kazakhstan was among the first
countries to support India during negotiation at the International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA) and Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG)at the
Vienna meet in 2009.
Opportunities are plenteous in areas such as modernization of refineries,
services exports, pharmaceutical, IT software, biotechnology, banking,
health, and education services, defence industry, agriculture farming,
textile etc. India should seek agriculture land on lease from Kazakhstan
for commercial agriculture farming. The country has a number of the
Soviet-time industrial units lying either abandoned or underutilized.
The country has a large-scale space-technology research center and
military hardware production complexes could be exploited by India
for mutual benefit. But, with the singular exception of ArcelorMittal,
owned by NRI Laxmi Mittal, no other Indian entity is profiting in this
sector. His Midas touch on Karmet steel plant in Temirtau is a glaring
example for what India could emulate at a bigger scale. Of course,
lately Indias Punj Lloyd, KEC International Limited, TCS etc. has gained
25
Sujay Mehdudia, OVL considering being part of Kazakhstans $500 Eurasia

project, The Hindu, December 16, 2013
32 | P STOBDAN
a major presence in that country especially in the construction of pipeline,

electric transmission lines, IT etc.
In fact, in many fields of resources, demands, expertise, and capabilities,
India and Kazakhstan are complementary to each other. It also seems
clear that Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Nursultan
Nazarbayev share similar economic outlook and bent of mind. Modi
has launched Make in India program to boost Indias economy and
encouraging foreign investments for strengthening infrastructure and
manufacturing capabilities. Nazarbayev too initiated a program Nur
Zhol (Path to Future) to accomplish a similar vision for Kazakhstan.
Clearly, their chemistries are likely to click as they may seek convergence
of interests to work on the complementarities and focus manufacturing
industries based on innovation. Kazakhstan desires Indian firms to
make use of Kazakhstan as a manufacturing hub to export the products
across Asia to Europe while taking advantage of its connectivity
routes.A right platform is needed to envisage this vision.
Taking a cue from Premier Hu Jintao and President Putin, Prime
Minister Modi should visit Astana and take the Strategic Partnership
further, which will make Kazakhstan the key player linchpin of Indias
policy goals in Central Asia.
Kazakhstan and India share an old relationship through Buddhist and
Sufi links. It needs to be reinvigorated keeping with contemporary
realities. The time has come for India to mark the beginning of a new
diplomatic phase in Central Asia - a region very vital for geostrategic
reasons. It would also be useful to resuscitate, by way of
commemorating Mirza Muhammed Haidar Dulati (1500-1551), who
was the Kazakh icon in Indian history and the Governor of Kashmir
under the Moghal emperor Humayun.26 The Kazakhs have resurrected
Haidar Dulati as their national hero. Dulati is an important reference
value and a symbol of old linkages between India and Kazakhstan.
26
P. Stobdan, India and Kazakhstan: Civilizational Explorations Heritage,

2003
Chapter IV
OPPORTUNITIES
IN
CENTRAL ASIA
Trade and Business Prospects

As mentioned earlier the complementary aspects of Indian and Central
Asian economies are extremely high in potential. After experiencing
complete breakdown in manufacturing sector, supply of raw materials
and lack of markets, Central Asian states are fast getting linked to
global market for production, supplies of raw materials and services.
However, against the backdrop of changing economic environment;
prolonged recession in Europe, financial crisis in Russia, fall in oil prices
etc are opening new vistas of opportunities for Central Asia-India
trade partnership to grow. Some expert-level studies, after identifying
a trade potential index using a gravity model of trade framework,
indicated huge untapped potential for increasing trade between India
and Central Asian countries. The experts too identified the geopolitical
constraints for enhancing trade and suggested early viable trade route.
Even though India-Central Asia trade suffered blockage by Pakistan,
but trade in goods has increased manifold over the past decade.
Table # 1: Indias Trade with Central Asian Countries in

2013-2014
Country
Export
Import
Total
1.
Kazakhstan
261.51
656.33
917.84
2.
Kyrgyzstan
34.54
0.64
35.18
3.
Tajikistan
54.27
0.86
55.13
4.
Turkmenistan
73.62
14.10
87.72
5.
Uzbekistan
114.07
31.50
145.57
Total
538.02
703.42
1241.44
Source; Department of Commerce: Export Import Data Bank Version 7.2

http:/ / www.commerce.nic.in/ eidb/ ergnq.asp updated on 03/ 03/ 2015
34 | P STOBDAN
Table # 2: Indias Exports to Central Asian Countries

Country
2012-13
2013-14
% Growth
1.
Kazakhstan
286.23
261.51
-8.64
2.
Kyrgyzstan
34.99
34.54
-1.27
3.
Tajikistan
35.16
54.27
54.37
4.
Turkmenistan
69.92
73.62
5.29
5.
Uzbekistan
124.90
114.07
-8.67
Total
551.20
538.02
-2.39
Source; Department of Commerce: Export Import Data Bank Version

7.2 http://www.commerce.nic.in/eidb/ergnq.asp updated on 03/03/
2015
Table # 3: Indias Imports from Central Asian Countries

Country
2012-13
2013-14
% Growth
1.
Kazakhstan
139.99
656.33
368.85
2.
Kyrgyzstan
2.09
0.64
-69.29
3.
Tajikistan
12.86
0.86
-93.34
4.
Turkmenistan
8.33
14.10
69.35
5.
Uzbekistan
31.85
31.50
-1.11
Total
195.11
703.42
260.53
Source; Department of Commerce: Export Import Data Bank Version 7.2

http://www.commerce.nic.in/eidb/ergnq.asp updated on 03/03/2015
Indias exports to Central Asia particularly remain high in the case of
Kazakhstan at $261.52 million in 2013-2014 but the growth in Tajikistan
and Turkmenistan remain at 54.37 and 5.29 per cent respectively (Table
# 3). However, Central Asias exports to India particularly from
Kazakhstan has suddenly jumped 368.85 per cent from 2012-2013 to
2013-2014.
A study by Pradeep Agrawal and Seema Sangita of theInstitute of

Economic Growth(IEG) entitled, Central Asia: Trade Routes and Trade
Potential (2013) suggested that the trends in values of exports of Central
Asia are heavily driven by prices of commodities in the international
market, such as by energy prices in the case of Kazakhstan and
Turkmenistan, and cotton prices in the case of Uzbekistan.27 Of the
five Central Asian countries, Indias biggest trade partner was Kazakhstan
at around $917.84 million in 2013-2014. Uzbekistan is a distant second
at $145.57 million in the same year (Table # 1).
Indias imports mainly include precious and semi-precious stones,
chemicals, iron and steel, machineries, mineral oils, copper goods, plastic
goods, wool, and leather. Exports items include coffee, tea and spices,
apparel and clothing (both knitted and not knitted), pharmaceutical
products electrical and mechanical equipments.
Partnership Prospects
Apart from Kazakhstan, major opportunity exists for some significant
trade in other Central Asian countries like Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan,
Turkmenistan and Tajikistan. Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan also have
huge reserves of minerals and hydrocarbons. Uzbekistan is the worlds
17th largest producer of natural gas, ninth largest producer of gold
and sixth largest producer of cotton. The countrys abundant natural
resources are yet to be developed.
Several areas present excellent opportunities for Indian investment and
cooperation in Central Asia such as in hydro-power sector, mining
and metallurgical industries, construction industry, development of
entrepreneurship and infrastructure, agro-industrial sector, information
technology, pharmaceuticals industry, silk, sewing and textile industry,
leather industry, tourism industry, higher education, and food processing
sectors etc.
27
Pradeep Agrawal & Seema Sangita, India and Central Asia: Trade Routes
and Trade Potential, IEGIEG Working Paper No. 334, 2013
36 | P STOBDAN
Hydropower Sector
Unlike others, Kyrgyzstan has no rich hydrocarbon resources but it
has abundant hydropower potential (estimated 142 billion kWh a year)
of which only 10 per cent is exploited. The country faces the challenge
of an energy quagmire leading to frequent civil unrest and political
instability. The government of Kyrgyzstan plans to build hundreds of
micro hydro projects to meet the power shortages. India should assist
Kyrgyzstan in building at least one small/ medium-scale hydro station.
Tajikistan is the worlds third-largesthydroelectric power producer,
but only 40 per cent electricity production is used. Over 90 per cent of
Tajikistans hydroelectric potentials are yet to be developed. It also has
huge aluminum producing capacity.
Agro-Industry
Kazakhstan has territory almost equal to that of India but with a total
population of only 15 million. Kazakhstan produced over 26 million
tonnes of grain in 2012 and is also among the worlds five largest grain
exporters. The countrys huge cultivable areas are lying barren and
without being put to any productive use. In fact, the Chinese have
been eyeing Kazakh land and leasing tracts of areas for growing soya
bean. Indian companies could plant several hundred hectares under
soya bean, value add by processing the crop into soya nuggets, soya
oil, soya milk, soya sauce and soya based animal feed etc. The worlds
largest consumers of soya-based products are China, Korea, Taiwan
& Japan.
Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstans Chu valley, and Tajikistans Vakhsh River valley
in southern Tajikistan offer enormous opportunity for the cultivation
of pulses, which can possibly produce two crops annually. A large
quantity of pulses including kidney beans (rajma) grown in the Chu
Valley of Kyrgyzstan are bought over by Turkish companies and then
re-exported to India. Indian agribusiness companies such as ITC or
Bharti or Reliance should look into these opportunities in Central Asia
for setting up commercial agro-industrial complexes.
Construction Industry
The region is experiencing a real construction boom which presents

many opportunities. Kazakhstan particularly has created a dynamic and
competitive market to attract considerable foreign investments in the
industry. Similarly, volume of construction works is increasing in
Uzbekistans cities such as Tashkent, Bukhara, and Samarkand. This is
also true for Ashgabat (Turkmenistan), Dushanbe (Tajikistan), and
Bishkek (Kyrgyzstan).
Industrial construction (petrochemicals, metallurgy, pipeline and mining)
are key sectors of attraction. Billions of Dollars are being committed
in oil and gas sector, processing industry, and transport and
communications segment in Kazakhstans Atyrau and Mangistau oblasts.
Many engineering projects are coming up in the oil and gas sector,
especially in pipeline construction in Tengiz, Karachaganak, and Kashagan
fields. Such projects will require engineering and construction services.
Indians L&T is already in the pipeline construction business and doing
well.
To reduce dependence on energy and mining industries, the country is
seeking diversification to open several sectors, such as chemicals, nuclear
and manufacturing. It has envisaged launching 927 investment projects
to boost both civil engineering and non-residential construction including
renovation of roads up to 2019. The new capital - Astana - is a fast
growing city. New business centers, shopping malls, cultural centers,
sports complexes, roads etc are being planned in the cities along the
oil-rich Caspian region in the west. Turkish construction firms are already
operating in the country.
India companies, financial services providers, contractors, design and
project management specialists should quickly grab the opportunities.
The country is encouraging international investors to expand their
presence in Kazakhstan. Several Indian companies are making worldclass structures in India, UAE and other Middle East & Gulf countries.
DLF, Shapourji Palonji, Ansals, Lokhandwalas, Rehejas & Hiranandanis
etc could find huge opportunities to join hands with local firms such
as Ahsel Holding, Aldar Properties, Astana Development Group etc.
This is a very profitable sector where Indian firms could build excellent
structures at a reasonable cost and be a part of this project.Big Indian
Companies also need to bid for road and railway construction, electric
power transmission and distribution, telecommunications, power
38 | P STOBDAN
generation etc. that are being undertaken with the support and assistance
of ADB, WB, EBRD, IDB etc. Prospects are enormous for
construction materials export currently imported from Turkey, China,
and Germany. The Kazakh builders are using very large quantities of
granite and marble in building construction. Indian granite & marble
producing / trading company could present here stocking and selling
materials directly to the major construction companies. A few small
size Indian companies have already entered in this field.
Kazakhstan has almost unlimited reserves of iron ore and coal. Yet,
the country has little production of TMT bars and other structural
steel items. Most of these items are imported from Russia and China.
Indian companies must look at the possibility of setting up medium
size steel rolling mills for producing TMT bars, angle irons and joists
etc in Kazakhstan. The steel products produced here can also be
exported to China. This is what Mittal Steel does by exporting steel to
meet the gluttonous demands in China.
It is imperative for Indian companies to look at the Kazakh market in
a pro-active manner if they wish to garner a substantial part of the
new projects that are being undertaken in Kazakhstan.
Information Technology
Central Asians have huge attraction for English Language, Information
Technology (IT), Management Studies, Energy Studies, and in the field
of Science & Technology. Several times the Delhi Public School was
opened but could not succeed. India enjoyed a niche reputation in the
region for IT but no serious attempts have been made to enter into
this market. The government should encourage Indian institutions to
open educational centres including campuses of Indian Institutes of
Technology (IITs) & Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs) in the
region to impart world-class education in various fields in the English
medium. There is great scope for Indian investors in this very vital
field and in this process, the trained and qualified Indian teachers, IT
experts would find lucrative employment in these oil rich countries.
Pharmaceutical Sector
In fact, apart from tea, pharmaceuticals represent the largest
components of Indian export basket to Central Asia worth $151.41
million or 28.14 per cent of total export. Many Indian companies are
representing this market.Some small scale Indian pharmaceutical
companies, driven by a short-term profit motive supplied low quality
drugs and therefore damaged the reputation.
However, given Indias strong position in this sector, both in terms of
quality as well as pricing, Indian companies, with a little focus and
aggressive marketing, can significantly expand their share in the market.
Some fresh initiatives that Indian companies, both private and public
sector, can take are to establish joint ventures and manufacturing units
for pharmaceutical products.
Leather Industry
The entire region is a large producer of raw hides and semi processed
wet blue skins. Uzbekistan has dynamic domestic leather production
facilities, notably in Khodjaabad, Urgench, and Kokand. France has
set up a joint venture Kofra Uzbek-French joint leather footwear venture
in Kokand. Kazakhstans cattle and sheep population is large. The
Siriopet tannery in Petropavlovsk produces170 tonnes of leather and
leather products, and semi-finished chrome tanned cowhide monthly.
About 90 per cent of raw skins are exported to China and Turkey.
Similarly, 90 per cent of Kyrgyzstans cattle hide, sheep, and lambskin
are exported to China. Tajikistans Kukhandiz tannery in Dushanbe
requires modernization and skills for marketing products. However,
livestock breeding sector and leather processing facilities face difficult
financial situation and require investments.
Indian leather companies should open tanneries here and convert this
abundant raw materials hides and skins into finished leather as well as
garments, bags & shoes of the highest quality for export to Europe.
Indian companies should also source wholesale supply of raw hides
and semi processed wet blue skins from Tajikistan to these countries.
Silk and Textile Industry

The sericulture in Central Asia introduced in the fourth century A.D., is
as old as in India. For thousands of years, sericulture and cotton textile
industry has been linked to culture, traditions, and economies of India
40 | P STOBDAN
and Central Asia. Export of raw silk and silk goods traded from
China to India and Persia traversed through Central Asian towns. Other
commodities like amber, glass, spices, and tea were also traded through
this region.
The sericulture industry had declined and total areas under mulberry
had decreased in the last few decades. However, following the Soviet
collapse, sericulture, once again, is developing as a major economic
source and this could potentially help rural population find remunerative
employment and prevent migration to the cities. After China and India,
Uzbekistan is the third largest producer of silk in the world market,
(20,200 tonnes of cocoon per year); Tajikistan also produces more
than 300 tonnes of fresh cocoons per year.
Today, it is one of the important potential agro-industry, but because
of free-market system and the lack of potential internal and external
market development, the farmers do not get much encouragement. In
Kyrgyzstan, it is a dying enterprise, due to lack of any governmental
support.
For quite some years, many private handicraft and textile industry outfits
have been showing interest to learn from Indias silk industry. In fact,
their focus on India is more related to promoting sustainable
development in countries like Kyrgyzstan, which does not have many
natural resources to export. Learning about Indian traditional craft,
silk fabric, wool industry etc was environmental friendly and viewed
as reliable sources of economic stability. The learning in Indian was
attractive for three things: create jobs in rural areas, remove poverty
and a means to preserve national traditions. Indian investment in silk
and textile industries would serve to promote positive image of handling
social, cultural, and governance issues. This is a low cost option and
small investments with assurance of a high visibility and positive
publicity provides dividends in terms of goodwill.
All Central Asian states including South Kazakhstan also produce cotton
of high quality. Some major Indian textile companies must set up a
few integrated textile plants in the region to manufacture good quality

cotton & blended fabrics. Industrial land, electricity and labour are
very cheap in this region. So, the textile units can be highly profitable
ventures for Indian companies. The lucrative European markets are
only 10-12 days away by road transit freight.
Demand for Fresh Flowers

Vast quantities of fresh flowers are used every day in the Central Asian
Region.. Most of the fresh flowers (especially roses) are imported from
South America via Holland. Indian horticulture companies can look at
this very lucrative market for export of all sorts of fresh flowers in
very significant quantities. A special charter flight two times a week can
easily be started in Kazakhstan itself.
Popularity of Indian Tea

India is the worlds second largest tea producer with production of
1205.40 million kg in 2013-14. Out of which over 200 million kilogram
is exported worldwide. The Commonwealth of Independent States
(CIS) alone imports 51.58 million kilogram of tea from India. It is
little knownthat large quantity of Indian tea is consumed in Central
Asia. They mostly import large quantity of crush, tear, and curl (CTC)
variety. During the year 2013-2014, tea constituted $52.63 million or
9.78 per cent of Indias total export to the region. Out of this $50.28
million worth tea was exported to only Kazakhstan.
Kazakhstan is ranked fifth in the world for Indian tea consumption
and imports 12.61 million kg annually. Kazakhs are amongst the highest
tea drinkers in the world. According to reports, the per capita
consumption of tea in Kazakhstan is 1.5 kg annually that is an average
of 5-6 cups of tea a day, a reason why many people are labeled as tea
drunkards. Given the enormous popularity of tea in our country, it is
also noted that Kaznet website was created for Kazakhstani tea
drunkards.
Unfortunately, Indian tea trade is left to mainly the unorganised small
tea traders who, driven by a short-term profit motive, contributed
greatly towards damaging the reputation of Indian tea. Supply of low
quality, poor packaging and other manipulation by Indian tea companies
42 | P STOBDAN
has cost Indian tea dearly. Total tea export during 2013 has been reduced
to 208.26 million kilogram against 211.86 million kilogram in 2012.
Kenya and Srilanka overtook Indias market share in tea. This does
not mean that Kazakhs have stopped drinking Indian tea. The Indian
tea is still imported from countries such as UAE, Hong Kong and
Russia. But this situation can be rectified by ensuring the export of
good quality tea to Kazakhstan. The Indian Tea Exporters Association
(ITEA) or Indian Tea Board should take the initiative of setting up a
simple tea blending & packing factory in Central Asia to offer best
quality Indian teas to the tea loving people. The Indian tea is also highly
popular in Uzbekistan and other Central Asian countries.
Tourism Industry
The people in India and Central Asia are attracted to each others art,
culture, architecture, monuments, and goods for ages. People used to
travel back and forth for centuries until snapping of physical ties took
place in the 20th century. Indians are greatly drawn to the Great Silk
Road, which is a rich tapestry of tourism destinations. Uzbekistan, for
example, has unique and outstandingly rich Islamic heritage, the fabled
mosques and madrasas of Samarkand, Bukhara and Khiva, with their
intricate colourful design of tile works.
Kazakhstan, larger than the Western Europe, is a vast country of steppes,
deserts, alpine ski slopes and has a wealth of tourist attractions, including
picturesque mountains and lakes along the Tian Shan range. There are
other interesting sites like former labour camps and nuclear test
sites.Kyrgyzstan has the famous Issyk-Kul Lake. It was once called the
Switzerland of the Soviet Union. Tajikistan has a rich Persian history
and culture. It too has beautiful and untouched rugged mountain scenery
of the Pamirs which is ideal for trekking and adventure tourism.
Turkmenistan has many historical spots dating back to the 4th century
BC. Both Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, located on the Silk Road,
were home to several civilizations including Buddhism.
The entire region has a bounty of natural beauty and four clear seasons.
The good infrastructure and shopping places inhabited by wonderful
and friendly people with exotic culture genuinely attract Indians and
Indian culture. If developed, they can be as exciting and as promising
as any popular tourist destination in the world. These countries could

easily attract the Bollywood film industry for shooting by holding a
couple of road shows in Mumbai and by highlighting the beauty
through advertisement to the Indian public.
Kazakhstan is trying tobecome a top destination for domestic and
foreign holidaymakers. It intends to invest some $10 billion to develop
its tourism sector by 2020. The country aims to attract 8 million tourists
a year by 2020. It is building ski slopes and lakeside retreat resorts for
rich tourists. It offers a mix of European luxury and Asian landscape
beauty. Astana and Almaty cities are as good as cities in Southeast Asia.
In fact, all these countries are located closely to India, shorter in distance
as compared to travelling from Delhi to Kerala. Yet little is known
about Central Asian tourist destinations among Indian overseas travellers.
However, it is also true that a complicated visa policy is one biggest
obstacle for Indian travelers visiting these countries. Kazakhstan
introducedtemporary visa-free entryto citizens of 10 countries that
excludes India. Other Central Asian countries too put Indian visitors in
the same category as of those coming from Pakistan, Bangladesh and
Afghanistan. Perhaps these are carried over from the erstwhile and
archaic Soviet system but they effectively curb to dampen the
enthusiasm of many potential travellers to Central Asia. India needs to
insist these governments to change their visa policies for Indians. This
will give a great fillip to the tourism industry of these states.
Indian Attraction
Conversely, India is a very popular country amongst the Central Asians
as they also look towards India as a growing global power. Agra,
Jaipur, Goa, Ladakh and Kerala are major attractions and interests to
Central Asian tourists coming to India. Kazakh travelers currently spend
about $400 million annually on vacations abroad and most rich Kazakh
tourists go for their holiday to Turkey.
Medical Tourism
Central Asians recognise Indias advancement in medical science with
many state of the art hospitals and medical research institutions.
Thousands of patients from the region are travelling to Moscow,
44 | P STOBDAN
Istanbul and Urumqi for all sorts of medical procedures and treatment.
Many patients from Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have started
coming to India for treatment and they all go back fully satisfied with
the cures and care often at only 1/3rd of the cost they would incur in
other countries.
With the surge of medical research taking place, medical tourism is
likely to increase within the next decade in India. However, medical
facilities in India are still not well exposed to Central Asian population.
Lack of information and language barrier are the major reasons. The
idea of promoting Medical Tourism from Central Asian states is a
worthwhile project that India should pursue at the highest policy level.
As a part of its assistance programme, India should initiate a Medical
Assistance Scheme for 5 years period under which Government of
India should sponsor treatment cost of at least 5-10 serious medical
cases each year from each five Central Asian countries. This will help
promote medical infrastructure and gradually the cost factor will attract
more patients for treatment in India.
As the Soviet-built medical infrastructures are collapsing, Central Asian
states including Kazakhstan lack world-class medical facilities in spite
of having a large number of well trained doctors and other medical
personnel. Major Indian hospital chains such as Apollo, Fortis & Maxx
must consider setting up state of the art hospitals in the region, staffed
by specialists from India and from amongst the local pool of excellent
doctors, to give affordable world class medical assistance to the citizens
of all Central Asian republics. In many other parts of the world, Indian
doctors and paramedics could also become backbone of the national
health services. Over thirty Indian pharmaceutical companies are well
entrenched in the market selling their basic formulations, but it is time
that they enter into the manufacturing opportunities in Central Asia.
Alternative Therapy and Spirituality

Because of historical connections and bond, Central Asians have a
special place and taste for Indian music, dance, culture and films. They
are now increasingly getting attracted to Indian alternative healthcare
system and to spiritual resources. Places like Goa, Kerala, Bangalore,
Kodaikanal and the Himalayas are important tourist attractions for the
people of the region especially for Kazakhs. They come for naturopathy,
traditional and classical Ayurvedic medicines, and authentic Ayurvedic
therapy at various treatment centres and health resorts. Tibetan medicine
is yet another attraction. Many of them have started visiting India for
undergoing regular and therapeutic Yoga, and meditation classes. Besides
health tourism, religious tourism has a big potential. Large numbers of
Kazakhs come for blessings of Satya Sai Baba of Puttaparthi,
Anandmayee Maa and others. This sector has immense possibilities
and it could be organized and popularized among the Central Asians.
Clearly, the two-way tourism can be a massive growth area between
India and these countries. An action plan is required to highlight and
promote tourism potential of India and Central Asian countries.
Spices and Dry Fruits

Many important spices especially essential Mediterranean spices that
are consumed in India are found in Central Asia. They include barberry,
black pepper, basil, bay leaf, caraway seeds, cardamom, chervil, chives,
cilantro, cinnamon, cloves, coriander, cumin, fennel, fenugreek, saffron,
sage, almond, asafetida, black mustard seed, dill seed,, garden cress,
marjoram and tarragon. Asafetida or flowering asafetida plant native
to Central Asia is grown wild in the region. This spice is not consumed
by the local people. Asafetida, if exported alone, could increase the
volume of trade between Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan and
India. Uzbekistan and Tajikistan produces large quantity of fresh and
dry fruits. Trade facilitation centres are required to bolster the centuriesold dry-fruit trade from Central Asian countries and northern Indian
cities like Amritsar which is connected by road to Afghanistan via
Pakistan.
Logistic Factor
Similarly, no Indian airline has ventured into Central Asia. So far, only
the Central Asia carrier like Air Astana, Uzbekistan Airlines, Turkmen
Air, Tajik Air and Turkish Air fly between cities there and Delhi. Indias
middle class of 350 to 400 million people want to travel to Central
Asia and experience different cultures and cuisines.India is a big country
and it is very important for Indias image that its national carrier be
seen in these cities at least on a weekly basis. If a stand-alone flight is
not viable, there should be Delhi Europe flight via Central Asian
46 | P STOBDAN
cities or Delhi China flights via Almaty or Tashkent. This will also
fillip to trade, business and travel between the two countries.
It is poignant that no Indian bank is operating in the region except
Punjab National Bank in Almaty. In fact, Pakistan National Bank has
wider network in Central Asia than Indian Banks. The government of
India should address this anomaly and encourage opening of more
Indian banks in Central Asian cities.
Chapter V
STRATEGIC ASSETS
Status of Ayni Airfield
In 2004, India had taken up a project to renovate a Soviet-era airfield
Ayni in Tajikistan under a bilateral agreement signed between India
and Tajikistan. The renovation work of the runways and hangers
undertaken by Indian engineers had perhaps been completed since,
after spending $70 million by India.
However, the actual status of Indian activities at Ayni is still not clear in
the public domain. Indian and international media described it to be
Indias first foreign military base where a squadron of MiG-29 fighter
jets is reported to be stationed. Many suggested that this was perhaps
part of Indias grand strategic thinking to be present at a vantage location
to monitor conflict-torn Afghanistan and hostile activities by Pakistan
vis--vis India, especially after the Kargil conflict.
Many eyebrows have been raised about the Ayni airfield in terms of
its utility, operability, and problem of refueling and replenishing of
arms in a situation of conflict. There are also questions about its legal
aspects whether the Tajik authority would actually allow India to use
the airfield in a situation of crisis or is it that Dushanbe is simply using
the Indian presence in Ayni as leverage against Russia, which still uses
several military facilities in Tajikistan. Serious questions are also raised
about the validity of having an airbase in the age of missiles system.
Clearly, Tajikistan cannot allow any other country to use the base without
the Russian-led military alliance, the CSTO. So far, Ayni base has not
demonstrated any achievement in the manner that other foreign bases
at Manas, Khanabad and Kant that were maintained recently by the
US, Germany and Russia have shown in their anti-terror operations.
Like Ayni there are other such projects undertaken in Central Asia by
the Ministry of Defence. The DRDOs Defence Institute of Physiology
and Allied Sciences (DIPAS) had opened the Kyrgyz-India Mountain
Bio-Medical Research Centre (KIMBMRC) to study mountain
48 | P STOBDAN
acclimatization procedures in Bishkek. Defence Minister A.K. Antony

inaugurated the Centre in July 2012.28
The logic of the DIPAS to study high altitude sickness and development
of mountain maladies in Kyrgyzstan could not be ascertained when
Indian has its own high-altitude Himalayan Mountains where such
facilities could be set up. The Defence Minister also decided to present
to Kyrgyzstans Health Ministry equipments such as critical-care
ventilators, coronary stents, dental implants, special ambulances, biodigestors, and mobile catheter laboratory, all valued at Rs. 9.7 crore.29
Whether these projects come under the hard-power or soft-power
gambit of Indias power projection, the actual utility of these facilities
for Indian security interests creates the air of ambiguity. In many ways,
these are parts of many such unimpressive efforts that the DRDO
keep on making without proving any concrete results that serves national
interests. The government has to take a firm decision on the utility of
these projects.
While a more clear thinking is required on the future of Ayni airfield in
Tajikistan, prospects for investing in a more productive projects relating
to procurement of defence facilities should be explored in Central
Asia.
Prospects of Acquiring Dastan Torpedo Plant

India has a strong business ties with Kyrgyzstans only functional defence
production unit, the Joint Stock Company (JSC) Dastan located in
Bishkek since mid 1990s. The Dastan is a 40-years old Soviet time
enterprise that produces naval weapons, rocket systems, aerial and
armored systems, radio engineering monitoring and reconnaissance. It
produces well-known weapon systems such as USET-80, modernized
oxygen torpedo 53-65KE as well as recently developed mobile ground
28
P. Stobdan, Central Asia:Democracy, Instability andStrategic Game in

Kyrgyzstan, Pentagon Press, 2014
29
T. S. Subramanian, Kyrgyzstan Ministers visit to boost defence-related

biomedical research, Hindu, September 9, 2011.
mine MURENA and multifunctional homing electric torpedo SET92HK. It also produces most innovative ongoing maritime weapon
systems, the super-cavitating 220 mph Skhval-type rocket torpedo,
which has a six-mile range and can be made both in nuclear (up to 150
kiloton yield) and conventional (210 kg of chemical explosives) variants.
Research Institute No. 24 created the Shkval anti-ship complex with
the M-5 missile. The length of the missile is 8,200 mm; caliber - 533.4
mm. The missile can be launched from ordinary torpedo tubes. The
jet torpedo weighs 2,700 kilograms. The maximum cruising range is
11 kilometers. The maximum underwater speed is 90 to 100 meters
per second.
All Shkval torpedoes were dismantled from Soviet submarines in
accordance with the agreement between the USSR and the US in 1989.
It is said that the Western navies currently have no countermeasure
against the weapon. Only in 2005, Germany managed to create a
Skhval-like torpedo. A new modification was created based on the
Shkval torpedo in the late 1990s. Its export version was called ShkvalE. The weapons system was first offered for sale at the IDEX-99
arms exhibition in the United Arab Emirates.30 In early 2011, there
were reports that components of Skhval were sold to Iran in 2010.31
Dastan has a full range of test and repair facilities and the Indian Navy
has been procuring spares for its Russian made electric torpedoes as
well as procures torpedoes from here. On a functional basis, apart
from Indian Navy, the DRDOs scientists from Naval Scientific and
Technological Laboratory (NSTL) have maintained regular touch with
Dastan and ULAN companies in Kyrgyzstan since 1997.
30
Rossiiskayagazeta, March 24, 1999).
31
Russias secret torpedoes sold to Iran from Kirghizia? World-weapons.ru

( January 26, 2011) noted that the editorial staff of Russian news agency
REGNUM obtained unverified information that components of secret
torpedoes Shkval which are currently in service at Russian Navy were sold to
Iran in 2010. The news was confirmed by Kyrgyz scientist to the author. The
person responsible was from Kazakhstan and is supposed to be in prison.
50 | P STOBDAN
Controversy with Russia

But, for a long time, Russias Rosoboroexport has been seeking to
control the Dastan manufacturing plant. Rosoboronexports interest in
the Dastan was linked to prospective deliveries of the Shkval-E
torpedoes to India. Russia also intended to arm the Shuka-B (project
971) submarines with such torpedoes.
Since 2009, talks have been underway for transferring 48 per cent stake
of Dastan to Russia in exchange of writing-off $180 million Kyrgyz
debt. The initial agreement was signed during the reign of President
Kurmanbek Bakiyev under which 48 per cent was to go to Russia and
the remaining shares were owned by Presidents son Maxim Bakiyev.
The deal got mired into controversy over kickbacks and even after
Kyrgyzstan received the first tranche on time and full ($300 million in
mid-2009) shares were not transferred then.
However, following President Bakiyevs ouster in 2010, the company
was nationalized and 98 per cent of its shares were taken over by the
Kyrgyz authorities. Faced with critical economic crisis, the new
government in October 2010 renewed its intentions to transfer the
shares to Russia through ratification by the Parliament. The transfer to
Russia was expected in 2010, but the Kyrgyz leadership changed its
mind. In February 2011, during the visit to Bishkek by Turkish Prime
Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the Kyrgyz Government abruptly
announced that it would instead sell the torpedo plant to Turkey. The
Kyrgyz authorities, however, later ruled out the option suggesting that
it cant sell the plant to a NATO member. Of course, there remains an
element of unreliability on the Kyrgyz part.
But, the issue of Dastan largely remained mired into controversy over
Kyrgyzstans settlement of debt to Russia. Moscow resisted Kyrgyz
bargaining over Dastan and infact, it became a major sore-point leading
to worsening of bilateral relations from 2009 to 2012. In 2012, Russia
demanded a revision and sought 75 per cent stake instead of 48 per
cent in the Dastan.32 This was to be done in exchange for $180 million
32
Russia wants Kyrgyz torpedo plant, AKIpress, March 23, 2012 http://
www.upi.com/Business_News/Security-Industry/2012/03/23/Russiawants-Kyrgyz-torpedo-plant/UPI-30151332524423/#ixzz1qTcFjz83
debt to be written-off by Russia. Russia demanded 75 per cent on the

pretext that since 2009 the assets of Dastan depreciated due to wear
and tear of the equipment. The Kyrgyz were against such plan.33 The
Kyrgyz stuck to 48 per cent and insisted that if Russia wanted 75 per
cent it would be on a different terms.34 Under the old contract, the
value of shares to be passed on to the Russians totaled $19.4 million.
Finally, during President Putins visit to Bishkek in September 2012, the
issue of transferring 48 per cent share to Russia was resolved. However,
there were also doubts whether Russia really wanted the Dastan Plant.35
In 2012, 98 per cent of Dastan was nationalized and was administered
by the Ministry of State Property which is now called as the Kyrgyz
State Property Fund (SPF) while the remaining two per cent of the
securities were in the hands of private individuals and company
employees. Importantly, Kyrgyzstan has reserved the right to offer
Dastan shares for sale through the auction to interested investors.
The Company itself had witnessed numerous scandals because of
mismanagement, financial irregularities, and illegal deliveries of specialpurpose devices.36 The Company lacked funds to maintain the plant at
33
Kyrgyzstan insists on its positions and waits for reply from Russia regarding
handover of Dastan torpedo plant shares - Deputy Finance Minister,
Bishkek, AKIpress, May 2, 2012.
34
Kyrgyzstan will abide by previously reached agreements concerning handover

of stake in Dastan Corporation to Russia President Atambaev, Bishkek,
AKIpress,7 February 27, 2012
35
Russian Presidents Administration Chief expresses doubt if Russia needs

Kyrgyz torpedo plant, AKIpress, April 10, 2012
36
The Chief Engineer of Dastan, Boris Udot, was detained for illegal supply
of equipment of Dastan factory. Earlier the Chairman of the board of
Dastan, Sergey Danilenko was detained at Manas international airport on his
way to Istanbul. Read In Kyrgyzstan a chief engineer of TNK Dastan
OJSC detained, URL: http://eng.24.kg/community/2010/11/24/
14961.html Also read Kyrgyz Frontier Service: Turkish Airlines initiated
detention of the head of TNK Dastan OJSC, Bishkek, 24.kg news agency,
November 23, 2010
52 | P STOBDAN
a normal functional capacity.37 The plant has the capacity to function

for another 20-30 years. But its products face marketing problem.
Indian Navy is the sole consumer apart from the services it provides
to Russian naval fleet. In 2010, Russian order was 26 per cent and 70
per cent was from India.38 There were also reports about Dastan selling
its assets including land and building premises located in the middle of
Bishkek city to private entrepreneurs.
In April 2014, the Kyrgyz Government decided to privatize 98.46 per
cent state shareholding in TNK Dastan through investment tendering.
A special commission comprising of Member of Parliament, officials
and members of civil society for evaluating the value of the company
was constituted. The applicant was required to have at least ten years
of experience of global standards and financial standing. The applicants
staff must have international qualifications (CPA certificates, ASA
certificates).39 However, later in August 2014, media reported that the
government had failed to sell Dastan for the third time due to lack of
bidders.
However, if refurbished, the Dastan has tremendous prospects for
joint production. As mentioned above the Dastan also produces
components of super-cavitating 220 mph VA-111 Shkval-type rocket
torpedo. It would be worth if India buys majority shares in Dastan
for both research and production of modern torpedo and other navel
equipments and spares.
ULAN Torpedo Range (UTR)

ULAN OJSC or ULAN Torpedo Range (UTR) is located in the
worlds second largest mountain Lake Issyk-Kul (180km long and 60km
37
Julia Mazykina, Kyrgyzstan may lose Dastan factory as the leader of the
industry in Central Asia forever - Oskar Daminov, 24.kg news agency,
November 6, 2010
38
TNC Dastan delivers 70 per cent of torpedoes to India, Bishkek, AKIpress,

February 12, 2012
39
State Property Management Fund Announces Tender for Valuation of

Government-Owned 98.46 per cent Shares of Dastan Torpedo Plant,
AKIpress News Agency, August 13, 2013
wide). The range is located close to another torpedo-testing range Ozero,

which is presently owned by Russia Navy. There has been rumor about
Russia abandoning the Ozero range. But in a new defence agreement
in 2010, Russia has created a unified defence facility that included the
Ozero range at Issyk-Kul in Kyrgyzstan.
ULAN is a unique Soviet built facility set up in 1943 as a Test Range of
S. M. Kiro Machine-Building Plant. In the past, it was a leading
manufacturer and a test range for naval armament and for specific
submarines.40 The UTR facility carries out trial of thermal torpedoes
of various calibers from 324 mm to 650 mm. It also manufactures
and supply spare parts for CET-65E, TEST-71ME, and 53-65 KE
torpedoes. The plant has the capacity to service CET-65E, TEST71ME, 53-65KE torpedoes.
The test range has access to a wide test bed to test and qualify maritime
warfare equipments. The bed has an average depth of 410 meters;
maximum upto 702 meters that make it easy to retrieve and recover
torpedoes. The range offers condition similar to a calm sea and offer
testing facility throughout the year. Located close to China border,
Karakul being remote makes an ideal weapons testing site away from
Western intelligence eyes.
The UTRs infrastructure include a vessel, assembly and repair shop,
oxygen and air compressor stations and accumulator preparation
section. But they are in a dilapidated state and require massive upgradation. The vintage ship available at the range has no deck launch
facility.
Some individuals and company employees maintain and operate the
range currently. A prominent Kyrgyz leader and the former speaker
of the Parliament Ahmatbek Keldibekov and Alexander, who is also
the Director, External Relations of M/S ULAN holds majority 67
per cent of the securities. The other main shareholder is the Kazakh
Company Kirov Mash Zavod factory with 22 per cent and the remaining
40
Navy Trial Complex: ULAN Open Joint-Stock Company, Manual, Bishkek,

2012
54 | P STOBDAN
11 per cent are in the hands of private investors including 2 per cent by
M/S Dastan.
Indias Stakes
India has been using UTR range since 1997 and on an average 20 trials
are being conducted in a year. Besides, torpedoes procured from Dastan
by Indian Navy, the DRDOs Naval Scientific and Technological
Laboratory (NSTL) that develops prototype torpedoes are brought
here all the way from India to test them at the UTR.41
Following Russias declining interests in Dastan, both ULAN and Dastan
Companies had approached India for a possible future collaboration,
including their willingness of leasing the facility for a specific period.
However, China has been eyeing these facilities for a long time, but
Kyrgyzstan does not have independence to lease any military facilities
to China without the Russian consent. Turkey too has been surveying
these facilities in Kyrgyzstan for quite some time.
During my assignment in Kyrgyzstan, Raksha Mantri was invited to
Karakul to inspect the ULAN Torpedo Range (UTR) on July 6, 2011.
But, before any deal could be signed, the international media gave a
strategic spin to A.K Antonys Issyk-Kul visit.
Washington based Joseph Farahs G2 Bulletin wrote, India is
developing nuclear torpedoes at a deep-water lake in land-locked
Kyrgyzstan and intends to equip its navy with them because of
the threat posed by Chinese warships in the Indian Ocean and
South China Sea.42 While quoting William Selvamurthy, then
Chief Controller of DRDO, the Bulletin wrote, India is willing
to develop the center to test all kinds of torpedoes such as heavy
41
T. S. Subramanian, Kyrgyzstan Ministers visit to boost defence-related

biomedical research, Hindu, September 9, 2011
42
Indias new weaponary: Nuclear torpedo Using Kyrgyzstan testing site to

refine arsenal, Joseph Farahs G2 Bulletin http://www.wnd.com/2011/
10/357753/ ( October 21, 2011)
weight torpedoes and those having thermal navigation system.43

Similarly, Russia media also expressed envy about Indias interest
in the UTR. A news headline said India to Use Torpedo Plant in
Kyrgyzstan, But Where Are the Russians? The article illustrated
the sensitiveness of the Kyrgyz facility that tests torpedoes of
highly sensitive prototype designs including the VA-111 Shkval, a
super-cavitating torpedo capable of speeds of more than 200
knots, or 230 miles per hour.44 The VA-111 Shkval is rocketpropelled and is capable of carrying a nuclear warhead. The
Bulletin said that the US Navy is not known to have any defence
to repel this type of torpedo. China too has no such equivalent
torpedoes. It said, In working with Kyrgyzstan, New Delhi is
attempting to increase its influence throughout Central Asia
through various training programs and military production efforts
which analysts say are indicative of an alarming trend of the
militarization of Central Asia.45 The Russian media was surprised
by the flurry of Indian military activities in Kyrgyzstan and
questioned what Russias role in all these was. Will India be
sharing it with Russia? Its curious that neither Russian nor
Kyrgyzstani sources have appeared to say anything publicly about
this deal, the media commented.46
Another media write up said India may have been thwarted in
its attempt to set up an air base in Tajikistan, but now its building
military ties with Kyrgyzstan, agreeing to train UN peacekeeping
troops and establishing a joint high-altitude military research center
in Bishkek.47 Apart from linking Indias interests in Kyrgyzstan
with the situation in Afghanistan, the media also assumed that
43
Ibid.,
44
India To Use Torpedo Plant In Kyrgyzstan, But Where Are The Russians?
http://www.eurasianet.org/node/64200 ( September 21, 2011)
45
Joseph Farahs G2 Bulletin http://www.wnd.com/2011/10/357753/ (

October 21, 2011)
46
India To Use Torpedo Plant In Kyrgyzstan, But Where Are The Russians?
http://www.eurasianet.org/node/64200 ( September 21, 2011)
47
Ibid.,
56 | P STOBDAN
this was an effort by Kyrgyzstans president, Roza Otunbayeva

to lessen Kyrgyz dependency on Russia. Kyrgyzstan was a better
option for India than Tajikistan, which was more susceptible to
Russian pressure to not allow Indias use of the air base in
Dushanbe. The story further cautioned that if India is still
interested in a base in Central Asia, and decides to focus on
Kyrgyzstan rather than Tajikistan, that would certainly be
interesting. 48
In the backdrop of mystery created by Russian media over Indian

Defence Ministers visit to Karakol, the ULAN OJSCs Director General
Vladimir Stepanov gave a clarification to the media after 2 months.
Stepanov, on September 20, 2011 said that the Indian Minister indeed
visited the facility and confirmed that India and the Kyrgyz Government
were planning to develop a torpedo-testing centre in Karakol. He added
that the company was expecting a delegation from Indias military and
industrial complex in October 2011. At the same time Stepanov also
told media that the ULAN had repeatedly approached Russia with
an offer of possible cooperation for many years, but Russians have
not shown interest.49 The ULAN was also not keen to sell its facility
to the Russian company Ozero located closed by in Issyk-Kul near
Koy-Sara village. The Director General announced that ULAN had
maintained a mutually beneficial cooperation with the Indian Defence
Ministry since the mid-1990s. Without the Indian support, the company
would not have survived, he added. Vladimir Stepanov said. Carrying
out tests on the Indian Navys orders will give us an opportunity to
buy new equipment and modernize our companys logistics base. We
are counting on this very much.50
The DRDO experts felt that it is feasible to develop the ULAN facility
to produce state of the art torpedoes. The feasibility viewpoint
48
Ibid.,
49
Kyrgyz official upbeat on Indias plans to develop torpedo testing centre,

AKIpress news agency, September 21, 2011
50
India does not put claims for Russian torpedo testing base at Issyk-Kul
Ulan JSC Director General, AKIpress, September 20, 2011
concluded that the existing infrastructure can be upgraded by engaging

local companies who are familiar with torpedo technology. Dastan
and UTR are of strategic significance to India as both can be used as
test bed and production facilities. Once refurbished, NSTL can use the
facility to test its Autonomous Underwater Vehicle (AUV) developed
in its laboratory in Vishakhapatnam. All together, Dastan and ULAN
can potentially strengthen Indias under water attack capabilities.51 Besides,
ULAN is also located close to Kyrgyz-China border and it could serve
the purpose of a listing post for surveillance and navigation. Besides,
Indian Navy and DRDO, the facility could be utilized by other wings
of our Armed Forces. The facility includes a residential building as
well. In 2012, the OJSC ULAN quoted a rent of $568,000 per year
for test range. It had agreed to sign a lease for 5 years and extendable
for another 20 years. India should pursue the project to make it a part
of its new Central Asia policy.
While India considers taking up high-profile defence projects in Central
Asia, it needs to be clear that Russia still wields considerable influence
in these countries, especially in respect of the regions military facilities.
Coordination with Moscow is therefore necessary.
51
India to develop torpedo testing centre in Kyrgyzstan, http://

www.thehindu.com/news/national/india-to-develop-torpedo-testingcentre-in-kyrgyzstan/article2464999.ece ( September 18, 2011)
58 | P STOBDAN
Chapter VI
INDIAS CENTRAL ASIA SOFT POWER

Indias soft power has been demonstrated for centuries. A range of
cultural attributes, respect and popularity entail huge advantage for
India. It seems a little odd that many aspects of India-Central Asia
connections are either not known or being neglected. Indias civilizational
contacts with Central Asia, extending over thousands of years, remain
the most critical factor for building close relations with the five countries.
Central Asia remained a fertile ground for Indian culture to grow.
Buddhism was the primary mover, prominently flourished across
Central Asia and transmitted beyond East Asia. Until the Arab conquest
in the 7th century, the monasteries dotted along the Silk Route served
as Indian cultural and commercial outposts.
The proposal for establishing an Indian University in Central Asia would
still be relevant to revive and re-harness the Indo-Central Asia linkages
in the context of an Asian renaissance.52 It could widen Indias own
understanding of the Eurasian landmass as well as help broaden the
operational scope in the region. This is necessary because the major
powers have already started enforcing application of new norms of
soft power alongside their hard-power pursuit. The American, Russian
and Europeans have opened their Universities in Central Asian cities.
China has swiftly established Universities, Confucius Centres and even
secondary schools in Central Asia. The proposal of setting up Indian
University in Central Asia was approved at the highest level in 2011,
but strategically the project never gained momentum. The Indian
Council of Cultural Relations (ICCR) had set up of Cultural Centres
and Indian Chairs in the region. But, such practices of propagating
Indian dance, music, cuisine etc in the region have long become obsolete
for entailing substantive benefits and promoting Indian interest in the region.
52
The author mooted the first idea for a University in 2010. Read P. Stobdan,
India, Buddhism and Geopolitics in Central Asia: Regaining Centrality,
IDSA Policy Brief, June 25, 2010.
Of course, history has account of Indo-Central Asian interactions

through movement of people, goods, ideas and spiritual interface. In
fact, explorers still unearth fresh evidence of robust Indian imprints in
the region. The positive image of India in the Central Asian popular
perceptions comes from their past trade, commerce and cultural
linkages. The Farghana Valley - in the middle of Central Asia today
shared by three countries - had uninterrupted links with India through
ancient, medieval and a contemporary times. Zahir-ud-Din Babur came
from Andijan and established the Mughal Dynasty in the 15th century.
The famous Sufi saint of the Chishti Order, Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki
came from Osh.
The legendary Kazakh, Mirza Muhammed Haidar Dulati served as the
Governor of Kashmir under Humayun in 21th century. Bairam Khan,
mentor of Akbar, was a Turkmen and famous Persian poet AbdulQader Bedil was from Tajikistan. They all served in Mughal Durbar
and made India as their homes. These legendary figures are once being
resurrected as national heroes in each States.
Policy Option
Today, Ferghana Valley remains prone to instability for both historical
reasons and systemic collapse after the Soviet disintegration. It would
be favorable for India to provide a poignant perspective of peace and
harmony besides conjuring them up of their common cultural, historical
and ethnic roots.53 In this context, India should organize a major Cultural
Summit around the theme of India and Central Asia: Sharing Common
Legacy in the city of Osh in 2017. Presidents of all the five Central
Asian countries and Afghanistan could be invited to the Summit, which
could be inaugurated by Prime Minister of India.
The meaning and significance of this lies in the following ways: a) 2017
will mark the twenty-fifth anniversary of Indias diplomatic relations
with all Central Asian states. The year is also close to the 500th anniversary
of the Mughal Empire and the occasion should send a good diplomatic
message nationally and internationally. b) It would be for the first time
53
P. Stobdan, India and Kazakhstan: Through Ancient, Medieval and Modern Times,
(Edited) Ulke Publication, Almaty, 2002. A
60 | P STOBDAN
that leaders of all the States and India would meet in the heart of
Central Asia to invoke the legacy of the Mughal culture. c) The event
will put in contrast the Pakistani policy thrust of pursuing its sectarian/
Islamic agenda for the region. It will also serve to glaringly contrast
our initiative with militaristic and economic goals being pursued by
Russia, China and the US. d) Since the whole region is a critical strategic
lynchpin in our security policy, the event will also serve to signal the
outlines of our multifaceted policy approach for Central Asia anchored
in shared strategic interest. The event will also help to showcase our
soft-power and the idea of promoting the Asian knowledge
cooperation. e) India should also simultaneously hold a string of cultural
events throughout the region for example on Mughal culture, art, and
painting and also on Sufi traditions.
The financial cost of this initiative will run only in few crores but the
impact is likely to be huge enough to entail major goodwill for India in
the region besides reinforcing the natural historic and cultural connections
between India and Central Asia. The idea should be examined from all
angles and the Ministry of External Affairs form an expert-level
committee to be set up under the aegis of ICCR to constitute eminent
experts and figures in medieval history.
Perhaps even less well known is that Indian movies since the Soviet
days, had been a powerful instrument and object of citizen diplomacy.
Bollywood continues to captivate huge audiences and maintain popular
perceptions of India among masses in the region. This remains a huge
asset and a powerful point of contact that could potentially facilitate
speedy Indian access into the region.
Cultural diplomacy can still play a useful role in contemporary relations.
It is high time that we learn also from China and use the best channels
of opportunities available for transforming Indias global outlook.
Chapter VII
BENEFITS OF JOINING THE SCO

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is likely to formalize
Indias full membership when Russia holds the next SCO and BRICS
Summits in Ufa, the capital city of Bashkortostan from July 8-10, 2015.
The Secretary General Dmitry Mezentsev recently stated that there are
no more legal hurdles after criteria for accession was approved in
2014 Summit. The next step involves ratification of a lengthy document
and all 28 agreements of the SCO.
The SCO comprises China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan
and Uzbekistan. India along with Afghanistan, Iran, Mongolia and
Pakistan has been holding Observer Status since 2005. Belarus, Turkey
and Sri Lanka are Dialogue Partners. Iran and Pakistan had applied for
full membership earlier, but India submitted formal application for
full membership last year in Dushanbe by External Affairs Minister
Sushma Swaraj. As the popularity of SCO grows, Sri Lanka and
Armenia are new aspirants for Observer Status. This will make SCO
covering a triangular space extending from East Asia to East-Europe
to the Indian Ocean.
So far, the groupings expansion was blocked due to differences over
criteria, rule procedure, and timetable for new entrants. Members
wanted it to remain region-focused and favoured an EU-style gradual
and process-bound enlargement. Additionally, the issue required consent
of all heads of the member states.
Russia pushed Indias membership, but China instead wanted Pakistans
entry. Others were edgy about SCO getting dragged into Indo-Pak
conflict. They were keen to rope in Mongolia but Ulaanbaatars
hesitation to join. In 2010, the UN Sanction obstructed Irans entry.
India prudently waited for SCO to complete the statuary documents
and legal procedure for admitting new members. Indications were
clear when India was invited to the SCO Energy Club and subsequently
to the National Coordinators Meeting in the 6 + 5 format. In Ufa,
62 | P STOBDAN
India hopes to lay the foundation for re-establishing its ancient links
with Eurasia through the SCO.
New Imperatives
There is no denying that SCOs profile has picked up momentum, but
its progress remained elusive mainly due to regime security concerns
and inter-state differences that stymied its growth. On security, it failed
to curb even drug trafficking from across the Afghan border. The
frequent counter-terrorism drills seemingly for demonstrating capabilities
were equally meant to curb potential domestic upsurge against terrorist
attacks. With serious security imperatives, SCO faces threats not just
from the Afghan fallout but also from the growing spread of ISIS
influence into Eurasia with unseen consequences.
Little progress is noticed on trade and economic cooperation. It is still
seen as a Chinese driven forum - Beijing providing massive financial
incentives to keep SCO afloat with exclusive goal to accelerate its
footprints in Central Asia, which makes Moscow increasingly nervous.
But, what is more worrying is the ripple effect caused by the Ukraine
crisis and Russias renewed assertion forcing Central Asian States to
seek out other options. Critics, therefore, doubt whether SCO would
grow without considering the regional imperative of involving India,
Iran and others in practical areas of cooperation. Furthermore, they
fear Iran and India slipping out to join the US regional game and feel
urgent to involve India.. The move, they think could add greater voice
and prestige to the SCO.
Call for making SCO more than a paper tiger is evident. Russia and
China are also supporting Pakistans membership, so that Islamabad
could play a constructive role to curb terrorism. Of course, Chinas
position is also linked to promote Pakistan-China Economic Corridor
project to boost regional connectivity. The political consideration
underscored the decision to look beyond Eurasia to include Belarus,
Turkey and Sri Lanka as Dialogue Partners. Of course, Iranian case for
accession is conditioned to lifting of the UN Sanctions.
But what worries them more is not just the Russia-West standoff and
its consequences but the increasing undercurrents of Sino-Russian
competition seemingly arising between Russian supported Eurasian
Economic Union (EEU) and Chinese launched Silk Route Economic

Belt in the same Eurasian space. Surely, SCOs poorer members view
China as a factor of stability, but Russia doubts Beijings ulterior motives
behind its long-term investments strategies, especially when Moscow
is firm about retaining its traditional influence. For Central Asian States,
this is a sensitive matter. Any eventual clash of interests, they fear, could
presage problem for the region.
The Summit this year will be held at a crucial juncture in regional and
global politics, against the backdrop of post-2014 Afghanistan, closure
of US military bases in Central Asia and importantly, the growing
threat of ISIS to the region.
Important to assess would include consequences entail by Russia-West
standoff, and Russias shift of strategic direction towards Asia. The
resulting Sino-Russian proximity makes Kazakhstan feels left out as it
seeks more diversified space to protect its energy interests. And so
does Uzbekistan, which is keen for widening cooperation beyond the
immediate region. Since they are now in a strong position to fully
control key transit routes, they are loath to deal exclusively with
Moscow and China. Besides European option, India is seen as a strong
stakeholder.
Russias increased confidence with Pakistan could form a backdrop.
Moscow has been praising Pakistans anti-terror fighting capabilities
and sought cooperation.
Indias Position & Interests

These would mean increased security and economic stakes in Central
Asia. This is why New Delhi closely followed SCOs evolution and
proactively participated in it as an Observer since 2005. Indias early
entry was opposed by China. Others were reticent and feared SCO
getting mired into South Asian conflict. The apparent incompatibility
between two regions and failure of SAARC became alibi to stall Indias
entry. Regional experts even viewed India intellectually more inclined
towards West and East rather than towards Eurasia. While, skeptics
also argued that India is too big to be a junior member of a Chineseled body with lesser political voice.
64 | P STOBDAN
Indias foremost concern relates to protecting its interests in Afghanistan,

where forces inimical to India could pursue their interest through the
SCO mechanism. In what way the contours of Russia-Pakistan
proximity will grow are not yet clear, but the development could lift
Pakistans acceptance in Eurasia, which in turn may help Islamabad use
the forum as a smokescreen to cover up its support for anti-India
activities. Central Asia along with Afghanistan is the area where Russian,
Indian, Chinese and American interests are most closely aligned. It is
the strategic area, where India could play a promising role to reset
relations among major powers.
Central Asia is the next emerging radical Islamic region. Therefore,
SCOs Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) could be helpful for
India gaining information on regional and international counter-terror
measures.
Indias membership in SCO will not only help build promising bridges
with Central Asia beyond the existing bilateral channels, but may provide
additional leeway for New Delhi to pursue energy interests and supply
routes via other than Iran-Afghanistan access. Let us also hope that
India and Pakistan joining the grouping could possibly change the way
for CASA, TAPI, IPI and others projects finally see the light at the end.
India also stands to gain from SCOs public information and mass
media mechanisms; soft-political areas of educational and
environmental issues; food security and drug-trafficking control; and
information and cyber security measures. Equally important would be
to learn from SCOs regular military and counter-terror exercises
essential for our armed forces to widen their perspective.
Conversely, India expects to bring forth its techno-economic expertise,
markets and financial commitment, including sharing experience in
banking, capital markets and micro-finance. India would bring decades
of experience in dealing with multi-ethnic and multi-cultural settings
that the SCO states are increasingly confronted with. Indias liberaldemocratic values could serve as a better alternative in building civil
societies, pluralistic structure, ethno-religious harmony, and rule of law,
which are needed in Central Asia. Many in the region expect Indias
approach will contrast the Russian and Chinese polices of maintaining the
status quo against the desire for a gradual change among many sections.
India needs to invest in untapped oilfields with an eye to get its way on
the pipeline route, So far, thinking was wedged between a wall of
Pakistani hostility and unease over doing business and explore the
Chinese option. This option has been scoffed off. It is important to
see how joining SCO will help India get out of this tight geopolitical
spot.
For geostrategic relevance apart, India should see engagement with
SCO through the prism of pragmatism. Indias foreign policy obviously
is now directed at promoting trends, which lend to broader economic
integration through multilateral institutions of cooperation. In this sense,
membership in SCO would complement Indias wider objective for
promoting Asian configuration. However, to be more realistic, India
cannot match the leverages enjoyed by Russia and China, which are
intrinsic in terms of regional proximities.
Irrespective of how the Indo-US will shape, understanding with
Moscow and Beijing is assumed important for India to realize its
broader geopolitical aspirations, including our quest to become a
permanent member of the UN Security Council.
Prime Minister Modi would find SCO a useful means to reboot Indias
relationship with Russia, which is losing its vibrancy. India is unable to
help Russia overcome its economic isolation as compared to China.
As Indias engagement with US grows, any prospect of resentment
must be avoided. Russia is hugely upset and unable to digest others
overtaking it as a weapons supplier to India. Many in Moscow are
sulking, seeking retribution by ending the arms blockade to Pakistan.
Russias divergent foreign policy is evident. Russia has not only pivoted
itself towards China but also started to cozy up with Pakistan even
though the interactions may be limited at present and this could be
linked with Moscows current isolation over Ukraine standoff. President
Putin has clarified that its proposed arms supply to Pakistan will not
impede ties with India.54 Russia considers Pakistan as an important
determinant in Afghanistan and believes that engagement with Pakistan
54
Russia-Pakistan proximity wont affect ties with India, Putin told Modi,
Times of India, New Delhi December 31, 2014.
66 | P STOBDAN
will have positive influence in Af-Pak region that would serve Indias
interests too. However, it is possible that Moscow and Beijing may be
contemplating a bigger game to bring about a serious thaw between
two South Asian belligerent states in future under the SCO auspices.
Moscows big shift of orientating its economy towards China does
not portent well for India, even though it would be difficult at this
stage to gauge the future direction of Russia-China relations.Beijing is
certainly taking advantage of the difficult situation of Moscow. There
could be an opportunistic aspect, but it may potentially alter the balance
of power in Asia with major implications for India.55
This is in contrast to Indias protracted standoffs with both China and
Pakistan, which remain stalemated. Prime Minister should use the
atmosphere for cooperation in SCO to turn around Indias relationship
with China in a big way. Clearly, in the changed environment, China is
giving more emphasis on building a regional framework with India.
Beijing sees higher convergence of interests with India including tackling
terrorism in Afghanistan. Both countries also see the benefit of
cooperating in energy and mining sectors. In fact, the idea for IndiaChina oil consortium in Central Asia is already underway.
While in the SCO, India will have to keep the following things in mind:
SCO is a vehicle for Russia and China to put up a counterweight against
the West. India should avoid playing an ancillary role in Russia-China
game for offsetting the US influence.
The grouping intends to promote the spirit of fostering multi-polarity.
Analyzing the Chinese financial muscle, disrupting Chinas expanded
energy plans would be difficult. The European Union and Russia has
realized this fact. India should utilize it to mitigate some of its core
concerns as well as limit Chinas rising regional outreach while pursuing
a nuanced diplomatic means.
55
Sanctions-Hit Russia Signs Deals with China on Energy and Finance, The
Moscow Times, October 13, 2014, Russia-China Military Ties Deepen Amid
Western Pressure Over Ukraine, The Moscow Times, December 1, 2014
The rising tide of Islamic fundamentalism in Indias close vicinity is

equally a source of serious concern. Chinas concerns in Xinjiang
underscores Beijings fear about growing threat from extremism
including from ISIS. Cooperation with China and Russia would be
essential for assuaging this.
A creative diplomacy is needed to reduce the impact of China-Pakistan
alignment that has so far served to erect barrier against Indias direct
access to Eurasia. A way could be found by pursuing connectivity and
reliable land route under the SCO process.
India needs to be more watchful about duplicitous moves that Pakistan
and China could play in SCO. Pakistan has been running with hare
while hunting with the hounds for the US. Any possibility of US using
Pakistan as its arbitrator of future change in the region should be
impeded.
India should be aware about the fragile nature of SCO. Each member
has different expectation. Uzbekistan wants SCO to pursue regional
development goals rather than focusing only on exploiting hydrocarbon
resources. Kazakhstan sees SCO as a pan-Asian wealth fund to address
larger issues of regional peace and stability. It supports the idea of
creating SCO Development Bank to expand its own regional
connectivity projectsunder its Nurly Zhol (Way into the Future) concept.
Russia intends to focus on expanding trade and investments in energy,
transport and high-tech areas within SCO without setting any goal of
economic integration.
Mongolia on the other hand views SCO as an ineffective body, locked
in political rivalries and pursuing diverse and hidden agendas. It prefers
to join the Asia-Pacific than Eurasian dynamics. Belarusian interest is
merely to supplement the Russian-led EEU, whereas Sri Lankas
Dialogue Partner Status was perhaps a Chinese prompting.Turkey is
keen to play the balancing role as it does in Europe, Asia and Islamic
world. Turkey retains affinity with Chinas Uighur population and its
role in SCO could prove to be an interesting to watch.
Indias initiative should be based on an open mind because the region
is likely to remain fluid in its orientation for quite some time to come.
Even though Central Asian States remain sensitive to their relations
68 | P STOBDAN
with Russia and China, they have shown tendencies to fluctuate regularly
in line with their interests and vulnerabilities by renewing external
involvement, including bilateralism with US, for reinforcing their political
control at home. The lesson so far has been that external involvement
strengthened the hand of rulers, who ably played the suitors of one
another to extract economic benefits and political support where
possible.
Finally, to capitalize on SCO, India must also have a clear pro-active
policy. Otherwise, it may risk becoming a focal point of criticism by
the Central Asian States, like, the way India is targeted by the SAARC
members. When India was not a member, expectations from it were
less. But once India is in, the regional countries are going to compare
India with China.
CONCLUSION
AND
POLICY IMPLICATIONS
Central Asia is likely to become the center of economic, political and

military power play in the 21st century. The great powers are following
multiple policies to expand their footing in Central Asia. Broadly, they
use financial measures and trade incentives with the aim to pursue energy
and regional security cooperation measures.
Russia has traditionally been the biggest regional player but its influence
in the region is gradually waning. The vacuum is largely being filled by
aggressive Chinese growing footprints in Central Asia. The contenders
for the region include the Islamic forces, including political Islam. As
the US and NATO forces withdraw from Afghanistan, the region is a
potential threat from Islamic extremism including from the ISIS.
Freed from commitment in Afghanistan and against the backdrop of
West-Russia standoff over the crisis in Ukraine, the United States seems
to be rethinking its Central Asia strategy. The West seems worried
about the political uncertainty in Central Asia stemming from the
succession issue, Russias reassertion in the region and the rising threat
from Islamic extremism to the region. All these are likely to provide
specific reasons allegedly for the US to rethink its Central Asia strategy.
Of course, future policy choices are difficult to predict but the evolving
development in the region could cause concern to India as well. India
needs to quickly recognize the changes, challenges and opportunities in
this region. Unless India bolsters its position, it will be relegated to the
periphery of the Eurasian politics. Indian leadership should be aware
of these potential threats.
While looking at the existing hard reality a new step is needed to make
Indias relationship with Central Asia more meaningful. A lot depends
on the policy of Prime Minister who could rebalance Central Asia
through diplomacy and cooperation rather than competition. For
example, the Russia factor is still very important for any policy pursuit
in the region. India has so far not sufficiently coordinated with Russia
on issues pertaining to economic developments in the region. Both,
70 | P STOBDAN
India and Russia have common stakes and it is time to take up joint
economic projects in the region. It also needs to be underlined that the
Indian and Chinese interests too historically converged in Central Asia.
In the past, the rationale behind the Chinese and Indian historical
campaigns, including the fabled Silk Road and Spice Route traversing
through Central Asia and reaching up to Europe provided the economic
sustenance and political stability. Both India and China should recognize
the non-conflicting nature of India-China links in Central Asia. Xi Jinping
is revitalizing the ancient Silk Route through which Indian goods and
culture spread to the East. Any China-India congruity along the hard
reality of shared history, geography, and economic resurgence could
still spring surprises just as it happened in Europe. If India and China
make a calibrated move for working together in Afghanistan, the
outcome could be more harmonizing than conflicting.
India now must lay the ground framework for an enduring policy
goal in Central Asia. However, this can be successful only if India
adopts a policy approach of encouraging an interdependent model
of cooperation. Creating a dependency in the regional economic
relations generate element of unpredictability and this failed in the South
Asian context. Policy challenges also come from Indias ability to match
the Chinese regional cooperation schemes presented through various
conceptual ways. As one of the largest powers in Asia, the goal of
India should be to integrate into the economies of rest of Asia, rather
than struggling to find a model for itself. And, this is only possible if
India change its approach from an aid-based relationship to a twoway partnership. India, therefore, needs to adopt a fresh foreign
economic policy that may help create a web of economic
interdependencewith Central Asian countries and regional groupings.
Certainly, India is at a disadvantage, as the space that connects us with
Eurasia is beset by serious problems and overcoming them is not easy.
Therefore, any large-scale Indias economic engagement with the region
will face difficulties. However, the new regional forums in the region
like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and Eurasian
Economic Union (EEU) could offer opportunity for India to restore
some of the lost linkages with this strategically vital region.
India needs to step up trade, economic and energy linkages through
joint venture. In fact, Central Asian energy sector remains relatively
closed for Indian investors. There is the absence of significant

engagement by the private sector. Indian companies need to invest in
these two potentially lucrative sectors of energy and mining.
India should do everything possible for reaping the benefits from the
riches of Kazakhstan. Indian energy companies should invest in
downstream processing and refining of crude oil to manufacture petrochemicals and other related products. India should also outline the
logic in investments for setting up downstream production facilities
instead of exporting raw materials out of the region through expensive
pipelines. This could help the region overcome its transport bottlenecks.
The suggestion could differ from those seeking to pump out Central
Asias riches for gratifying themselves. India should convey the point
that its developmental partnership with the region is not a foray for
resources. In fact, Kazakhstans desire for diversifying energy export
would correspond with Indias quest for diversifying imports. The two
countries need to launch an inter-dependent energy community of
suppliers and consumers.
While it is important to pursue connectivity through over-land route
through Iran and Afghanistan or via International North-South
Transport Corridor (INSTC), but connectivity to Eurasia should be
sought directly through northern parts of India following the traditional
India-Central Asia route that went across the Himalayan passes and
Xinjiang steppes. Again, it is not only about accessing Eurasia but
seeking regional and economic integration with Indias northern
neighbours including China. In fact, it may be the only option which is
realistically attainable and worth pursuing.
The security is also most important consideration for India. The region
could become a new arc of instability. The Islamic State in Iraq and
Syria (ISIS) is heavily recruiting in Central Asia as more and more
Kazakhs, Uzbeks, Tajiks and Kyrgyz are joining the ranks. China is
concerned with new developments but it has taken tough measures to
prevent threats from extremism. India has no structures in place to
engage the region on security front and it will have to start building
them from the ground zero. As the situation in Afghanistan remains
predictable, a common strategy with the Central Asian countries to
tackle extremism and terrorism is needed.
72 | P STOBDAN
India needs to identify two big potential countries i.e. Kazakhstan and
Uzbekistan to be the linchpins for promoting its influence in Eurasia.
The significance of deepening ties with them is necessary for
counterbalancing China. In this context, it is time that India extends an
invitation to another Central Asian leader to be the chief guest for the
Republic Day celebration. This gesture will surely go as a mark of our
respect to the Central Asian independence, which is at a nascent stage.
Uzbekistans President Islam Karimov is the most appropriate leader.
Indias potential role of playing the balancer in the regional power
game and contributing to regional stability is well recognized. In fact,
India enjoys a ready psychological acceptance in the region, as compared
to the utter distrust felt towards China. Therefore, India needs to involve
the people of this region in the evolving relationship. The existing IndiaCentral Asia Dialogue should be upgraded qualitatively to a new level
so that constant communication with important stakeholders in the
region can be maintained.
The prevailing environment is favorable for Indias active participation
in Central Asia, though the windows of opportunity may close, as
others become more established players.
t is time for India to reconnect with a rapidly-changing Central

Asiaincreasingly the focus of world attention, and rivalry among the
great powers over security and energy stakes. India too has high stakes in
Central Asia, and a cogent policy outlook is long overdue. Partition and the
subsequent Pakistani occupation of parts of Kashmir led to a direct
physical cut-off on India's northern flank. In reviving these links, India will
find plenty of competition. Political uncertainty looms over the region,
arising from the succession issues of its leaders. With the exception of
Kyrgyzstan, the politics of Central Asia are unpredictable. The region is
also the northern frontier of the Islamic world, hitherto unaffected by a
fundamentalist wave. But behind the secular setting, a shift to a far more
religious society is underway, and Central Asia is emerging as the next
radical Islamic region. Chechnya, Ferghana, and Xinjiang, with their 100
million Salafi Muslims, could form a new arc of instability. Even the Islamic
State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has heavily recruited from Central Asia.
Central Asians had for long considered India a legitimate stakeholder in
the region. To move ahead, India needs strategic clarity. It requires out-ofthe-box thinking to foster regional economic integration in the Northeven
if it means cooperating with China to enlarge regional connectivity and
trade, rather than struggling to find a model for itself. India must quickly
recognise the evolving changes, challenges, and opportunities in this
region to avoid being relegated to the periphery of Eurasian politics.
Ambassador (Prof) P Stobdan is a distinguished

academician, diplomat, author and foreign policy/national
security analyst. He has last served as India's Ambassador
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Republic of
Kyrgyzstan. He earlier served in the National Security Council
Secretariat (NSCS). He also served as Director of the Indian
Cultural Centre, Embassy of India, Almaty, and headed the Centre for
Strategic and Regional Studies (CSRS) in Jammu & Kashmir. He is the
Founding President of the Ladakh International Centre, Leh. Currently, he
is a Senior Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses. His
recent publications include: Central Asia: Democracy, Instability and
Strategic Game in Kyrgyzstan (2013) and India And Bhutan: The Strategic
Imperative (2014). Ambassador Stobdan is also a leading columnist for the
Indian Express and other national dailies.
Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses

No.1, Development Enclave, Rao Tula Ram Marg,
Delhi Cantt., New Delhi - 110 010
Tel.: (91-11) 2671-7983 Fax: (91-11) 2615 4191
E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.idsa.in

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What are the historical links between India and Central Asia discussed in the text?

What are the historical links between India and Central Asia discussed in the text?

What are some of the challenges mentioned for India in engaging with Central Asia?

What are some of the challenges mentioned for India in engaging with Central Asia?

IDSA Monograph Series

No. 44 May 2015

CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 1

IDSA Monograph Series

Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.

Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses

CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 3

CONCLUSION AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS......................................

CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 5

Prakash Chandra Prasad, Foreign Trade and Commerce in Ancient India,

Strategic Rivalry in Central Asia

CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 7

Asia to Europe through Central Asia. The countries have quickly

With the exception of Kyrgyzstan, the politics in other states remain

CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 9

Afghanistan, a crossroad of global commerce. The shift in US Central

has traditionally been embedded in the society. To be sure, religion is

CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 11

WHAT STOPS INDIA PLAY

countries for their multiple strategic interests. Indias assistance

CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 13

CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 15

CONNECTIVITY AND REGIONAL

P. Stobdan, Central Asia:Democracy, Instability andStrategic Game in

The Ministry of Commerces spot study reports on the transport

developing the Iranian Chabahar Port; upgraded the ChabaharZaranj

CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 17

Firstly, it needs to be understood that China and Central Asian countries

Fars News Agency, September 19, 2014

Gazeta-pravda.ru, September 18, 2014

ITAR-TASS, March 20, 2013

lekh. The total distance is less than 3,000 kilometers as compared to

Untying the Karakoram Knot

P. Stoban, Exploring India Kazakhstan Transport Linkages, IDSA Policy

CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 19

CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 21

China cooperating in Central Asia is already becoming a reality. An

to underwrite Pakistans misadventures in South Asia, Central Asia,

CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 23

Alternatively, Central Asian countries especially Kazakhstan is in a

air connectivity with landlocked Central Asia as well as they can

CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 25

Uzbekistan undoubtedly is the key to Central Asias overall regional

For the Preservation of Humanity, Kazakhstan 2007, Ministry of Foreign

Russians consider Belarus, Kazakhstan most successful countries in CIS,

Oil - Key Driver

Strategic Mineral Resources

EIA, Kazakhstan Energy profile: Second Largest Oil Reserves among

CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 27

phosphorus reserves, second largest copper ore reserves, 31.8 billion

Diversification: Agro-Industrial Base

World Uranium Mining Production data (Updated February 2015), World

There are other signs pointing to Kazakhstans growing vitality. For

Denying that US was playing zero-sum game in Central Asia, former US

CENTRAL ASIA: INDIAS NORTHERN EXPOSURE | 29