1.

1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: MAKING SENSE OF SOUTHEAST

ASIA
1.2 A Southeast Asian Snapshot
Southeast Asia is a geographical identity which includes 10 countries that
lie between the Indian subcontinent and China. Southeast Asia consists of
the countries in mainland and island. The mainland consists of large
peninsula that is occupied by 5 countries which are Myanmar, Cambodia,
Laos, Thailand and Vietnam whereas the island consists Indonesia,
Malaysia,

Philippines,

Brunei

and

Singapore.

These

countries

has

distinctions by sheer geography, the historical development and also the

strategic position.
As we can see, countries like Thailand, Vietnam and Burma provide
the basic for population growth, development and conquered in political
power in the river systems way before the colonial era. In contrast, the
economic and political development in Malaysia, Indonesia and the
Philippines was always in a line with the material environment. There was
a vast difference compared to the countries in mainland and in the island
itself.
These was not an impact at all to the Southeast Asia countries to
expand in trade networks that ranged from China to India and the Persian
Gulf. Expansion of Southeast Asia not only gives a good commercial
interaction but also act as a trading centres across the region in places
like Malacca, Java and Sumatera and also it became a platform in
introducing all of the world's major religions to the region via the traders.
Southeast Asia also became a spur in existence of different,
religiously demarcated social groups. The major religious traditions has
therefore left an enduring legacy with Christian, Muslim, Buddhist and
Hindu communities. These religions conquered countries like Malaysia and
Indonesia. Buddhist, Christians and Muslims in Burma, the Philippines and
Singapore. Buddhist and Muslims in Thailand and Buddhist and Christians
in Vietnam.
1

Singapore has a multi-ethnic population and has the highest living

standards in the world. Indonesia has a very large population but has a
low per capita incomes. Singapore and Brunei only enjoyed the
developed-country living standards whereas Malaysia and Thailand
occupy an intermediate rung and the other regions have a much lower
annual incomes.
There is a vast differences in income and population size, social
development because not all of the new arrivals in Southeast Asia's
rapidly expanding cities are able to realize their ambitions. Indeed, the
numbers living in slum conditions remains high in some of the region's
poorer countries. Besides that, the remarkable variety of forms political
life in Southeast Asia is another major distinguishing.1
These distinctive modes of political organization are important and the
challenges become more vast as it has a complex ethnic and social
relations. As we can see, migrants from China played an important role in
economic development. Chinese community seen as

occupying

privileged position relative to indigenous population.

Thus, Southeast Asia is blessed with national differences and also
been facing mediate global forces which subsequently determine the
political, economic and even strategic outcomes at the regional level.
1.3 From the Local to the Regional
The development of formal political organizations like the European Union
and latterly the North American Free Trade Area and the ASEAN has given
greater scholarly impetus to the study of regions. 'Intrusive regionalism' or
regionally meditated external forces and pressures, may contribute to the
dialectical interaction between the regional and the global (Acharya,
2002:20). It is for this reason that aspects of regional processes in
Southeast Asia remain distinctive and make its regional dynamics rather
different to elsewhere.
1
2

One of the most noteworthy comparative qualities of the Southeast

Asian experience on this regard is that regional integration has primarily
been uncoordinated and principally driven by multinational corporations
and the evolving logic of cross-border production strategies.
Strategic concerns have continued to play a prominent role in
helping define and consolidate the idea of a distinct Southeast Asian
Region, with the formation of the idea of a distinct Southeast Asian region,
with the formation of the South-East Asian Treaty Organization (SEATO) in
1954 and ASEAN in 1967. These developments build up the external
forces be the economic, political, that played a big role in defining a
Southeast Asia region.
So, in general we can conclude that the increasingly important
initiatives that are happen at the transnational, regional level or social,
political and economic relations within increasingly porous national
boundaries, then both national and region levels should be considered.
1.4 The Structure of This Book
Chapter 2 by Robert Elson briefs about the impact of the crucially
important colonial period on Southeast Asia and also the period of
transformation of Southeast Asia, the lives and livelihoods of its people.
Besides that this chapter also touches about the economic political
structures in the colonial era, the present situation and its particular
challenges.
Chapter 3 by Mark Berger talks about the impact of the Cold War on
the seminal nation-building period. Chapter 4 by Greg Felker, analyses the
economic development of Southeast Asia that has been shaped by a
complex array of internal and external factors.
Chapter 5 by Scott Fritzen, discusses about the way public
administration has developed in Southeast Asia in the post-independence
period. 'Colonial Inheritance' played a major part in determining

subsequent state capacity. William Case in chapter 6 consider the fate of

democratic reform in Southeast Asia.
Chapter 7 by Chua Beng extends the focus on Southeast Asia's
political and social practices to consider the impact of communitarian
ideas on political thinking of and practice in East Asia. Chapter 8 by
Caroline Hughes looks at the development of civil society in Southeast
Asia and also the development of 'associational life' and its relationship to
the region's often states and also the impact of Islam in the political and
also religious life of the region.
Chapter 9 by David Brown demonstrates the importance of national
and ethnic factors that remain in Southeast Asia. In Chapter 10 by Greg
Fealy explores the role of Islam in regional affairs and also the impact of
rising pietism in Southeast Asia. Chapter 11 by Alex Bellamy remarks
about the security challenges both internally and externally in Southeast
Asia. Chapter 12 by Alice Ba talks about the countries that has a arguably
become East Asia's most important foreign policy actor and how it change
the region as a whole.
Chapter 13 by Julie Gilson points out Japan's relation with the region
and also China's importance in the region as well. Chapter 14 by Jorn
Dosch explains how Southeast Asia's relationship with the United States
has evolved over the recent years. In Chapter 15, by Richard Stubbs
considers the historical development of regional cooperation in Southeast
Asia. In Chapter 16 by Lorraine Elliot, discuss about multidimensional
challenges that confront Southeast Asia in economic and political wise.
In Chapter17 it concludes and overview of some important and
helpful debates that attempted to make sense of Southeast Asia' s
historical development and the region's place in the international system
and also to sense about the different and distinctive about Southeast Asia
that seem more universal.

2.1 CHAPTER 2 SOUTHEAST ASIA AND THE COLONIAL EXPERIENCE

2.2 Early Western Imperialism
Early phase of Western imperialism in Southeast Asia is an important
sense. Europeans powers could interpose themselves only as brokers of
the common items of Asian trade. Trade and other interactions with a
multiplicity of powers and markets outside the region remained the motif
of Southeast Asian life and politics until deep into the nineteenth century.
European colonialism had more implication in Southeast Asia region
itself. It has somehow transformed the livelihoods and its people. Besides
that, Southeast Asia is transformed in entirely into new and foreign way.
The European colonialism created a new system in Southeast Asia. The
control of people was more important than the control of territory.
The principles of modern took place in Southeast Asia. These region
is built on more arbitrary principles. In some senses, new ethnics identities
were constructed as a result of the classificatory interventions of colonial
powers. The manifestation of colonialism was merely to enhance their
prosperity, imposing administrative languages and basically to 'civilize'
the people in Southeast Asia.
2.3 Economies and Production
The development on Southeast Asia was both in political and economic
aspect. Politically, the colonial powers and neo-imperial Siam consolidated
their territories through force of arms, persuasion and the technology of
5

railways and the telegraph and the administrative. Economically, it was

the level of national economies.
The colonial states which came about focused on the economic
benefits that makes them as a metropolitan controllers. The over-weening
impulse of the colonial powers was the production in their colonies of a
limited number but vast qualities of tropical consumption goods.
In the outer regions, in areas of East Sumatera, centred of Medan,
the Dutch planted tobacco, rubber, palm oil. In the Philippines, sugar was
brought up. To produce products like tin and rubber, British organized the
transfer of Chinese and Indian immigrants to work in tin mines and rubber
plantations.
British also imported huge quantities of rice from the rapidly
developing rice frontier of Lower Burma, the Central Plain of Siam and the
Mekong delta region of Southern Vietnam whereas the oil industry was
promoted in Sumatera and northern Burma. Coal production was brought
about in Vietnam. The colonies sold most of what they produced and
purchased n the market much of what they had to consume.
As we can see, all these developments stimulated an extraordinary
increase in Southeast Asia's population. It was proven true that the
political

stability

created

the

conditions

which

transformed

the

demographic profile. Consequence of these larger process was a rapid

growth in land fragmentation, in tenancy, in landlessness, in credit
dependency, in general territorial mobility, and in the variety of
occupations practised.
As a conclusion, the colonial period created directly or indirectly
fundamental new Southeast Asia that was mutually beneficial regional
purpose that will be strewn with inherited and created difficulties.

3.1 CHAPTER 3 THE END OF EMPIRE AND COLD WAR

3.2 From Colonialism to Nationalism
The rise of

nationalism in Southeast Asia was bound to the history of

colonialism. All of the Southeast Asia was colonized except Thailand. Soon
there was a rise of capitalism and industrialization of Western Europe,
North America and Japan.
Nationalism represented the main site of anti-colonial resistance.
Regardless the historically contingent character of the new post-colonial
nations, the assumption about the natural integrity of nations is
underpinned by the powerful post-colonial politics.
The consolidation of authoritarian, post-colonial states, national and
ethnic identities have been constructed and reconstructed in a continuous
process. The overall power of national elites in Southeast Asia flows in
part from their ability to command loyalty by invoking and rearticulating
traditional symbols. There was an uneven economic development and
nation-building in the region.
The decolonization involved in three overlapping trends. First, the
emerging nationalist movements combined with alterations in the global
order after 1945 causing interests in the colonial capitals. Second, the
process of decolonization interacted with the Cold War. Finally, armed and
unarmed nationalist movements and the pressure for change had
7

strengthened by the Japanese invasion and occupation of virtually all of

Southeast Asia during the pacific war.
3.3 From Colonies to nation-states
British Malaya achieved independence in 1957 and the nation states of
Malaya was formed in 1963. Immigrants from South India and Southern
China waved in Malaya. The colonial rule was well developed by the
Japanese who took over British Malaya during second world war. The
Japanese guerrillas led by the Communist Party of Malaya.
Soon, future independent nation-state which eventually gave birth
to United Malays National Organization (UMNO) IN 1946. During this
period also saw emergence of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA)
and the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC). In 1957, the Federation of Malaya
still excluded Singapore, Sarawak and North Borneo.
Sukarno presided over an Independent Indonesia in 1945. Modern
Indonesia built directly on the Netherlands East Indies which was
consolidated by the Dutch in the nineteenth and early twentieth century.
During the Dutch period, economic expansion and politico-military took
place.
The priyayi dominated the lower and middle ranks of the Dutch
colonial state. Anti-colonialism did not take hold in Netherlands East Indies
until the early twentieth century. However in the years followed,
liberalism, nationalism, socialism and communism increasingly interacted
with more traditional cultural and religious ideas, giving rise to varied
political organizations and mass-based anti-colonial movements.
Sarekat Islam was brought in 1912 while Partai Komunis Indonesia in
1014. The nationalist movement as a political organization was effectively
repressed by the Dutch colonial state in the 1930s.
The Japanese gave Sukarno and other Indonesian nationalist
important

opportunities

in

form

of

various

mass-based

political

organizations. They also set up auxiliary armies and also encouraged use
8

of Bahasa Indonesia. On 17 August 1945, just after the Japanese

surrender, Indonesia declared its independence.
French Indochina fragmented into the nation-states of Vietnam
whereby it was divided in 1954 and 1975 as the Republic of Vietnam and
the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. This is because Vietnam had been an
important pre colonial polity that the French had only conquered and
absorbed into Indochina. The remaining territories of Laos and Cambodia
were left to pursue their own paths to independence. The Javanese elit
had by large more successfully incorporated by the early twentieth
century into an increasingly Dutch colonial bureaucracy.
The rise of nationalism was increasingly underpinned by growing
poverty in countryside. The communist movement in Vietnam was seen as
a crucial turning point. The Chinese Nationalist occupied the northern half
of the country and British took the southern half.
The French who clung to their Southeast Asian colonies more than
Dutch embarked on a major military effort to hold onto French Indochina
between 1946 and 1954 against a determined national liberation
movement led by Ho Chi Minh and the Vietnamese Communist Party. In
1946, marked the beginning of 30 years of war and the increasing
involvement on the part of United States of America.
3.4 Revolution and Counter-revolution
The future of the colonies in Southeast Asia had a direct influence on the
security

and

economic

reconstruction

of

Britain,

France

and

the

Netherlands and the need for these countries to play a full role in the Cold
War Alliance arrangements. Dutch effort to restore their empire on
Southeast Asia was in their hands. Dutch faced highly localized popular
military.
In conclusion, constraints that the colonial framework imposed,
particularly in terms of the types of states that emerged at the centre of
the new nations. The rise of nationalism and decolonization and the
9

consolidation of nation-states were conditioned by Cold War. The Cold war

came to an end in 1980.

4.1 CHAPTER 4 THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF SOUTHEAST ASIA

4.2 Out of Diversity, Unity? Southeast Asia and outward-oriented
development
Southeast Asia includes a diverse set of economic and political systems.
The city of Singapore regarded one of Asia's first-generation NIC's along
with South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, has attained developed-country
levels of income and social welfare with a mixture of sophisticated
manufacturing and service industries. Brunei gain income level from oil
exports, Malaysia with wealth and industrialization. Thailand exports by
textiles, electronics and food-processing industries.
The Philippines and Indonesia together with Malaysia and Thailand
as ASEAN Four. Indonesia made notable in raising incomes and reducing
poverty during early New Order regime of Suharto. A large gap divides
Southeast Asia's capitalist societies from much poorer socialist and
10

transitional economies. Vietnam has consolidated its position in global

level and achieved growth rates than Indonesia and Philippiness. Isolated
Laos remains the poorest country in the region. Southeast Asia nations
varying income levels and economic structures in the colonial past. The
cold war decisively shaped the decolonization process.
By contrast, a longer-term view of Southeast Asia's development
hstory highlights a deeply rooted pattern of regime-conserving adaption in
response to similarly momentous shifts .
4.3

Domestic

and

International

politics

of

resource-based

Development
Southeast Asia has been a hub of long-distance trade and a supplier of
tropical resources in global markets. Southeast Asia's comparative
success in resource-based growth might be viewed as supporting a liberal
analysis of regional growth.
Although resource sectors were oriented towards global markets,
Southeast Asia governments controlled and taxed them heavily. In
agriculture, the government regulated land development, provided much
of the sector's credit, controlled the pricing and taxed exports.
Colonial era ethnic divisions of labour had left indigenous groups
concentrated in smallholder cultivation, and post independence regimes
drew their primary political support from rural areas. The introduction of
Green Revolution techonology in the 1970s increased governments' roles
in regulating the rural economy.
In short, the prolonged relatively successful, focus of Southeast
Asian states on resource-based development was a largely defensive
adaption to internal challenges. The pressure of cold war indicated the
developments. The security also developed during this period.
4.4 Import-substitution and export-oriented industrialization

11

ISI policies typically included quotas or tariff protection against import

competition,

licensing

schemes

for

manufacturing

industries,

and

investment incentives such as corporate tax holidays. Overall economic

growth, as well as state revenues, remained tied primarily to agriculture
and other resource-based sectors. International trade maintained realistic
currency exchange rates.
Southeast Asia's linkages to the international economy and laid the
foundation for a more integrated regional economy. The 1970s and early
1980s period of transition in Southeast Asia's development. At the heart of
emerging economic order, then lay an accomodation between Japan's
pursuit

of

economic

security

through

enhanced

network-governed

investment trade in Asia, and Southeast Asian leaders' efforts to bolster

regime legitimacy by delivering rapid growth.
The new export industries and legal ways from the domestic
economy,

Southeast

Asia's

capitalist

states

could

globalize

their

economics without risking. The multinational corporations who flocked to

the new export processing zones had less interest in reforming
government systems. The new international division of labour (NIDL)
fostered by the globalization of manufacturing multinational interests that
strengthened, rather than chalenged, the state's role as an economic
gatekeeper and hence, that indirectly enhanced the state's domestic
political auhority.

4.5 The political economy of the 'Southeast Asian miracle'

The regional economic integration took a major leap forward starting the
late 1980s. Southeast Asia governments began to lower tariffs and other
trade barriers after a collapse of global commodity prices in the middle of
the decade. FDI created new regional interdependence based on an intraindustry division labour in Asia.
12

Southeast Asia's boom-era liberalization appeared to reflect a new

consensus on the advantages of market-led growth. Many scholars viewed
policy change as the product of domestic political transformations. In fact,
Southeast Asia's political rulers retained tremendous leverage over their
domestic economies and continued to manipulate investments patterns.
Political leaders turned privatization financial systems to direct resources
towards favoured sectors.
Southeast Asia ability to achieve rapid growth without major
changes to state-clientelist politics owed much to the non-market features
of the Asia's economic boom. Even as tariffs were lowered on most traded
goods, Southeast Asian goverments extempted domestic financial and
other services sectors, giving political elites continued leverage over their
domestic political economics.
In conclusion, Pacific-Asia Japan-centred political economy of the
1990s allowed Southeast Asia to internationalize their economics while
preserving liberal domestic regimes.
4.6 The new regionalism in Southeast Asia
The 1990s saw new initiatives to build an institutional framework for
regional economic cooperation. ASEAN's earlier institutional framework for
regional economic cooperation schemes failed.
The FDI boom, created shared interests in sustaining the regional
growth dynamic. Southeast Asian governments in 1992 agreed to form an
ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). Southeast Asian stated became active
participants in trans-Pacific cooperation under APEC. AFTA first emerged
as a response to a perceived threat that foreign investment would be
diverted t newly formed trade areas. APEC's formation reflected a balance
between US demands for greater economic reciprocity from its Asian
partners, and the desire of Asian countries to restrain America's use of
unilateral pressure.
4.7 The political economy of the crisis
13

Asia's economic crisis was almost completely unforeseen. The economic

opened themselves to international financial flows without putting in place
adequate domestic financial regulations. The combination of external and
internal financial liberalization led to a surge in foreign borrowing, which in
turn fuelled domestic credit booms.
The rising US dollar pulled local currencies upwards in value,
contributing to current account deficits and placing pressure on the
defence by local central banks of quasi-fixed exchange rates. The sudden
downturn effects the globalization and regional integration. Southeast
Asia's political leaders had seen nothing but globalization's upside, having
enjoyed

decade

favoured

location

for

the

global

manufacturing

investments. Government leaders fatally underestimated the difficulty of

monitoring and regulating international financial transactions, which
proved a much greater challenge than managing export-manufacturing
FDI.
Finally,

Southeast

Asia's

political

elites

failed

to

grasp

the

implications of broader changes in Pacific Asia's political economy.

4.8 Southeast Asia's post-crisis political economy
Scholars of varying ideological persuasions agreed that the stateinterventionist political economies had become non-viable as globalization
continued to sweep Asia's shaken economies and as liberal economic
rules were more vigorous by international financial institutions.
On the contrary, efforts to attract foreign investment and promote
exports intensified. A recovery was under way by 1999, but the region's
erstwhile tiger economies faced new structural challenges to their precrisis developments model.
Some policy pronouncements called for a renewed focus on agrobased industries, making a virtue out of many feared would be an
inevitable deindustrialization at the hands of the Chinese manufacturing
juggernaut. As targets revamped growth strategies, however these "new

14

economy" sectors were almost universally though to require hyper-liberal

institutional environment. Throughout the region, domestic economic
reforms proved contentious and gradual at the best, amounting to
something much less than a clear systemic transformation.
As the new millennium advanced, however, it became clear that
Southeast Asia's range of interventionist political economic had adapted
more or less successfully to changes in the regional and global
environment.
New promotional and infrastructural policies successfully lured
international investments in high-end business services like R&D and
design. A key point here is that continuing investments of MNCs in
Southeast Asia's development did not depend, as was often heard during
the crisis. The rise of a new economy remains bargaining for a national
advantage.
In conclusion, implication is that Asia's regional political economy
systems will continue to integrate in a way that allow the consolidation of
interventionist and clienteles domestic systems.

15

5.1 CHAPTER 5 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

5.2 Crafting modern administrative systems
Administrative strength, in turn is in part of a function of another complex
bargain that struck between politicians and their desire for control, and
various elements of the administrative apparatus that develops, over
time, varying degrees of autonomy in pursuit of its won interests (Peters,
2011).
One of the core challenges facing every Southeast Asian polity in
the post-Second World War period was to build state capacity quickly
enough to keep new, or newly modenized, states from essentially falling
apart (Tarling, 1992)
The task of crafting modern polities, whether as part of the
decolonization agenda or revolutionary struggles, was thus one of
developing

and

cementing

an

elite

consensus

within

functioning

organizations capable of commanding a necessary degrees of legitimacy

and of exercising state power. The bureaucracy became part and parcel
of revolutionary administrations utilizing neo-Stalinist forms of political
organization.
The internal contradictions of colonialism, couples with the political
structure turbulence that followed decolonization and the modernization
period, left bureaucracies in all these countries. Administrative systems
played a critical role as an explanations of success in the latter group
(Evan, 1995). Malaysian, Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia were all
held up at one tie or another as exemplary "new tigers", primarily due to
their success in achieving, for extended periods, high rates if economic
growth.
The Asian financial crisis of 1997 intensified tow sets pressures that
had been building across several Southeast Asian countries. Public anger
over the closed working political-bureaucratic elites reached a fever pitch

16

in several countries including Thailand, the Philippines and particularly

Indonesia. This increased mobolization and citizen consciousness carried
over into the democratic politics in these countries; anger over the
perceived misuse of the bureaucracy for narrow purposes continued to
motivate calls for both political and bureaucratic reform in several
contexts.
In sum, the impact of these pressures on Southeast Asian
administrative systems had been varied, in ways that can be examined
through the case of one umbrella category of reform-decentralization.
5.3 Contemporray pressures: decentralization as a test case
Decentralization as a reform idea lies at the conceptual centre of
contemporary

reform

pressures

on

Southeast

Asian

administrative

systems. The government which are empowered meet challenges which

are responsive to the need of society. The rhetoric decentralization has
often been far-reaching as a response to the pressures of both
democrazation and the need to improve administrative performance
across a range of Southeast Asian systems.
In Myanmar and Laos, the rhetoric of administrative reforms has in
recent years failed to translate into coherant measures due to a
combination of effective external pressures to change to political
authoritarianism and a lack of well-developed legal structures (Steinberg,
2001).
Vietnam began process of sweeping economic reforms known as doi
moi in 1986.

Such reforms brought tremendous welfare gains to the

people. Whereas Cambodia represent a case of cautious administrative

decentralization coupled with political devolution in the service of system
stability and the consolidation of the continued dominance of the
Cambodian People's Party (CPP ) under the prime minister Hun Sen
( Slocomb, 2004). The reforms was indeed politically ambiguous. The
attempt to introduce significant decentralization reforms in such a
resource institutionally challenged country.
17

Thailand's administrative framework has been highly centralized

throughout the modern era. Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra had
effectively used insensible decentralization reforms as a means of
centralizing political power in his own hands. Thaksin had politicized and
gained dominance over the bureaucracy to an unmatched extent in recent
decades.
The political context of Philippines was underpinned by the country's
decentralization reforms. The people Power movements in the ousting
Ferdinand Marcos and Joseph Estrada renowed in the service delivery. The
political democratization shows the down-fall of the Marcos regime. The
second is the separist tensions on the island of Mindanao.
In Indonesia, a big bang encompassing political, administrative and
fiscal aspects effects the decentralization. Whereas Malaysia in the only
federal country in Southeast Asia. The overwhelming electoral dominance
of the Barisan Nasional has further resulted in a considerable de fact of
centralization power.
In short, the bureaucratic landscape has a s a result become more,
not less fragmented. Nevertheless, the administrative systems to perform
far beyond their capacity will be unrelenting, leaving bureaucracies in
these countries on the boilerplate.

18

6.1 CHAPTER 6 THE EVOLUTION OF DEMOCRATIC POLITICS

6.2 Electoral authoritarianism and low-quality democracy
Singapore and ASEAN 4, colonial experience brought implications for
regime outcomes with deeply interventionist bureaucracies and plural
societies that lead ti authoritarianism. The statist industrial policies that
followed deterred the new business elites and class formations that
merged from political participation.
New forms of international pressure, whether diplomatic, financial or
cultural have tested state capacities in the region and emboldening civil
society. Evenly poised legacies have constrained regime outcomes of
electoral authoritarianism and low-quality democracy. It is also worth
underscoring that while progress from electoral authoritarianism to low
quality democracy. Under this control, governments ensure their iterated
electoral victories by severely constraining civil liberties are tolerated,
elections are more competitive and governments do change.
6.3 'Bottom-up' transitions
Bottom-up transitions have been much rarer than changes affected
through top-down or evenly negotiated dynamics. He also argued also
that bottom-up transitions convey more potent reformism, thereby
incurring authoritarian backlashes (Huntington, 1991).Southeast Asia's
democratizing is in two ways where third wave democracies emerged in
Indonesia, Philippines and Thailand. But in Indonesia, elites were
thereafter able to protect their new democracy.
19

Since independence in Singapore, they had 3 prime ministers. Each

forged the central executive commitee of the ruling People's Action Party
(PAP). Malaysia also had 3 prime ministers based on the prime Minister's
Department alongside with UMNO. In Indonesia, Suharto drew massive
patronage in his presidential office. In Philipinnes, Marcos absorbed large
amounts of patronage into his presidential office. Transition from electoral
authoritarianism to democracy also took place in Thailand.
6.4 Low quality democracy and reversal
Democracy in Southeast Asia has to reform relations involving national
leaders, generals, top bureaucrats, business tycoons and politicians in
ways that are associated with governance. In Philippines and Thailand
South, activitist murdered took place due to separatism.
In sum, Singapore and the ASEAN 4, caused regime categories to be
formed and critical divide occurred. The executive abuses and corrupt
practices that result have alienated the urban middle classes. Distant from
the state largesse have been buoyed.
Cleavages reappeared between elites, some factions in their new
warring. In this way, middle classes prior alienation over corrupt practices
deepened. Indeed low quality of democracy to which they have
themselves contributed can now be deployed as mobilizing resource.

20

7.1 CHAPTER 7 THE INFLUENCE OF COMMUNITARIAN POLITICS

7.2 Hegemony of liberalism
Liberal indivualism had undoubtedly become ideologically haegemonic in
the West and strove to become global (Fukuyama, 1992). A central tenet
of liberalism is the right to self-determination, and what matters is not so
much that people make good choices as they are free to make their own
choices ( Mulhall and Swift, 1992).
Objections to the asocial conceptualization of individuals constitute
the basis for the new communitarianism in the West. The ontological
realism is a mode of vernacular communitarianism. As in case, Singapore
government's conceptualization of 'Asian Values' as national core values
(Chua, 1995).
Communitarianism is a reformist stance with which to contest the
potential slide of liberalism into libertarianism or at a mundane level.
Against this weak communitarian sentiment, many political theorists and
parctising politicians in Asia have taken pilitical and social realist positions
and strongly endorse the community as the starting point of political
practice and theorizing.
7.3 The Asian context

21

Liberalism had conceptual and practical developments and refinements.

Cold war was a very hot war in Asia. it was because of unresolved
ideological differences between communism and democracy so long as
North and South Korea remain divided.
Second, it is the presumption of the norm of liberalism that provides
ideological ground for Fukuyama to conceptualize. This merely points to
the facts that such traditions remain resources for the constructions of
local ideologies, including the nationalism of new states.
For many intellectual political leaders the ideological trajectory of
liberal individualism in West appears to be a

lesson that emerging

capitalist Asia, particularly in Southeast Asia.

A major contributing factor to the rapid rise of post-war enterprises
in Japan was an industrial relations system that emphasized employeremployee cooperation like in America. In Japanese industrial relations,
company unions worked closely with management in maintaining
industrial peace.
The second example comes from Singapore. The long ruling PAP,
has engineered a system of industrial relations that is built in tripartite
partnership of state, employers and unions. These state indirectly
contribute to profitability of enterprise by legislation. The capitalist
economy does not require a democratic structure in all its public and
private institute.
7.4 A hard emphasis of the 'social'
The industrialization of Southeast Asia, at different times and speed, is
continuing under the above political and cultural conditions. In all
instances, industrialization and economic transformation took place less
than democratic conditions under an authoritarian state.
Rejection of authoritarianism in these places tends to be against a
list

ideological

underpinning

of

the

system.

Nationalism,

anti-

individualistic traditions and values produced in Southeast Asia at the

22

close of the twentieth century a counter-discourse to the liberal

individualism. Thos anti-liberal individualism is effective when professed
communitarian values are observably put into administrative practice.
7.5 Communitarianism in practice
Communitarian practices in Southeast Asia can be seen in Singapore
whereby land is natinalized in order to provide efficent infrastructure and
affordable high-standard public housing for the entire nation. The
communitarian ideology was sought as the national idelogy in the guise of
shared values among citizens and in terms of Asian values (Chua, 1995).In
Malaysia, NEP was established to redress the economic inequality
between chinese and malay ethnic. It was necessary to avoid racial
animosity and violence. In Indonesia, after violent suppression of
communism by military, the authoritarian government of late President
Suharto decreed that Panca Sila would be the national ideology (Chua,
2004).
7.6 Negative consequences: corruption and authoritarianism
Authoritarianism claim to be working for common good can readily
become a thin veil of the governing group's own interests in plundering
the national wealth: avenues for financial corruption abound in public
projects that are meant for the common good. President Marcos and the
late President Suharto enriched themselves in patriarch's rule. Malaysia
and Thailand, financial corruption is more diffused.
In Singapore, the hegemonic PAP government's economically
ingenuous and efficient working for the national economic growth whole.
The PAP government's political practices has been benefited the entire
population that leave much to be desired.
PAP has come to occupy the central position in defining the right
present and furtherance of Singapore for all citizens. Singapore will
continue to prosper as a non-liberal ideological framework for people.
7.7 Positive consequence:resurrection of the social
23

Privileging the social over the individual, the historical concurrence of the
collapse of European socialism and the rise of the Asian NICs is highly
ironic. The collapse of European socialism suggests the collapse of an
ideology that emphasizes the social as in socialism the rise of the Asian
NICs celebrates the emphasis on the social as collective well being.
Globally, the economy had by the end twentieth century become
unavoidably capitalist when the remaining communist states in Asia had
to marketize their economies.

In spite of the different mode of

redistribution of accumulated national surplus, the economic policies of

Singapore explicitly articulated against social welfarism of the liberalcapitalist. Against real socialism, the market is maintained as an
instrument efficency that easily succumbs to corruption. It is juxtaposition
to this same ambition against Western liberalism that political analysis of
Asian

nations

can

contribute

to

the

substantive

knowldege

and

theorization of politics.
As sum, it is precisely at the historical conjecture when liberalism
appears to be achieving its greatest promise that misgivings as to its
ultimate

unfolding,

expressed

through

unlimited

selfish

desires

masquerading as rights producing new liberal-communitarianism in the

West.

24

8.1 CHAPTER 8 CIVIL SOCEITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

8.2 Associational Life in Southeast Asia
The diversity of Southeast Asian societies makes for a complex picture of
associational life across the region. In Malaysia and Singapore, this
division gives an impact on civil society. In Malaysia, the anti-chinese riots
of 1969 resulted in NEP implemented from 1971 to 1990. The NEP was
presented as a social compact by which positive discrimination was
elevated by the rights of the bumiputera. The division entrenched by NEP
encouraged the organization of civil society.
In Singapore equally, the PAP has used both the threat of ethnic
conflict and the legitimacy to be gained from the achievement of
developed status to justify the leadership of the state.
In Thailand, Cambodia and Philippines, ethnic diversity is a major
issue. The radical movement that topped governments in Thailand and
25

Philippines were overwhelming urban in nature while NGOs led the

educated urban classes. There was a lack of divergent views of democracy
on the part of both middle class and the poor (Franco, 2004).
Religious also play a significant role in the emergence of new social
movement. Islamization example reaches beyond the middle class. There
was arise in variety of cults such as El-Shaddi movement in the Philippines
and Sai Baba movement in Malaysia. Such religious movements vary in
their aspirations
In Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah movement were
active that brought up good islam teachings and helped the people. In
Burma, patronage of Buddhism by military regime cause problematic for
the country's rulers. Whereas in Cambodia. government made so much
politically of its reopening of temples. In East Timor, the role of Catholic
church transformed significantly.
As conclusion, ethnic divisions, the urban-rural divide and the
importance of religious movements that determines the Southeast Asian
civil society. The state of Southeast Asia transformed within which civil
society operates.

8.3 Elites, Clientelism and civil society

The state in Southeast Asia is shaped by powerful alliances between
political and business elites. Elite coalitions across region have managed
the business of mass mobilization through cultivation of clientelist
relationships with local bosses and strongmen who deliver support to their
patrons through mobilization or by votes in elections.
A different face of elite patronage of civil society activities is
revealed in the increasing interest in what has been termed "uncivil
society" in Southeast Asia. The weakness is might be cause of Asian
Financial Crisis in 1997. Besides that brokering relations between urban,
industrialized centre and a periphery that remains poor and undeveloped.
26

8.4 Transnational activism

Southeast Asian associations have unprecedented opportunities to form
national civil societies and global also. The emergence of region-wide nongovernmental associations has been significant in international politics.
The Asian NGOs produced by Asian governments strengthened the
international human rights.
Asian governments claim that equate global norms in issue areas
such as human rights to Western impositions are clearly self-serving
opportunistic. Increasing networks of NGOs are properly representative of
the poor. Transnational and global networking by professional NGO
workers is regarded by some analysts as a representative of bottom-up
interests.
As a conclusion, associational activity in Southeast Asia has
flourished but still remain poor in political realm and civil society. NGO
activism varied in helping the society and gives great impact to the elites
and ethnics. The tensions inherent in relations between NGO sector
cannot represent the grassroots of society.

9.1 CHAPTER 9 ETHNIC AND NATIONALIST POLITICS IN SOUTHEAST

ASIA
9.2 The plural society approach
Studies of Southeast Asian politics essentialize ethnicity but the political
salience of ethnic identities is taken for granted. The states of Southeast
Asia vary enormously in their characters to control their population
through some mix. The crucial factor influencing such variations in
government legitimacy is the extent to which citizen have developed a
strong sense of national identity.

27

Most modern states seek to build national identity in one linguistic,

religious ir racial community as the ethnic core of the nation (Smith,
1998). Malaysia is conquered by Muslim core, Laos Buddhist core,
Indonesia its Javanese culture is very high and in Timor Catholic core is
more common.
9.3 The political marginalization of ethnic minorities
The widespread identification of modern nation as built historically or in
status terms on an ethnic core community has in some cases led
governments to attempt the forcible assimilation of ethnic minorities into
religion, language and culture of the ethnic core.
The ethnic core element gives traditional authenticity and cultural
specificity to modern nation. It also carries danger that the divergent of
language, religion, race and place of birth become essential zed and
cemented into ethnic categories and that those identified as outside the
ethnic core begin to feel resentful.
The ethnic minorities also face discrimination and exploitation such
as the Moro rebellion in the Philippines, the Patani rebellion un Thailand,
the Acehnese and Papuan rebellions in Indonesia and the Hmong
insurgency in Laos.
Exclusion was the factor of the cultural and political mobilization of
ethnic minorities against ethnic cores. The nations have repeatedly been
depicted by governments as multicultural societies that is claimed by
each ethnic segment or autonomy. Then, national communities have also
repeatedly been depicted by state elites as in process of overcoming
contemporay corruption and nepotism.
9.4 Dillusionment and distruption
Ethnic minority become oppositionist or alienated which develop power
and facilitate the cultural or political autonomy of minority communities as
they open up new identity. The outcome was conflicts in ethnically

28

heterogeneous localities as to whose identity was that of homelander and

migrant.
Such fragilities of national integration have often been linked to
globalization upon region. Economically, it has undoubtedly exacerbated
wealth disparities between countries, regions, classes in ways which have
modifies ethnic interest and grievances.
The uneven development of the region has left some feeling
economically marginalized as well as culturally dislocated whereby that
groups arise from social dislocation and relative deprivation. The
intensification of ethnic identity fulfils both instrumental and affective
functions. The impact of economic marginalization in pushing deprived or
dislocated towards the moral certainties of ethno linguistic or tehnoreligious collective rights movements restricted to minority communities.
9.5 Democratic disillusionment and ethnic politics
Ethnic tensions also generated by the spread of disillusionments with
democracy or with authoritarian or patrimonial variants of democracy
which is characterized. Governments

are under pressure to hold

competitive elections and enhance political freedoms of their citizens.

9.6 The Post 9/11 mindset
Thaksin's capacities to mobilize support by targeting Malay-Muslims in
Thailand was facilated by widespread post 9/11 mindset. As can been
seen, Southeast Asian ethnic politics has been deeply influenced by
insecurities relating economic inequalities, democratic disillusionment and
terrorism. The ideologization of ethnic helps to explain the perpetuation
and deepening of the long-standing ethno-regional autonomy rebellions
and hill tribes. These majority-minority tensions are now intersected and
complicated by the political contentions which arise out of the various
attempts at civic integrations and multiculturalist accommodation.
In short, politics in Southeast Asia involve personalist rivalries, class
tensions and ideological disputes and divergent interest groups and
29

institutional self-interests. In most region's countries, the state has

attained sufficient capacity to ensure non-violent forms. Ethnic identity
provides insecure individuals with feelings and authenticity and security.

10.1 CHAPTER 10 SOUTHEAST ASIA'S MUSLIM COMMUNITY

10.2 Southeast Asia's Muslim community

30

Muslims male up almost half of Southeast Asia's population which is about

231 million. They can be found in all regions like Brunei, Indonesia,
Malaysia. The Philippines, Thailand and Burma have minority Muslim
communities.
Southeast Asia Muslim is described as one of the world's most
moderate and tolerant expressions of faith. They are blending with preexisting Hindu, Buddhist and folk practices. Islam was prepared to adapt
the local conditions and seek persuasion. Muslims live in peacefully in
religious mixed communities.
There is also great interaction with other Islamic world such as in
Middle East.

These factor lead to a cultural efflorescence of Islam as

Muslims not only seek to deepen their understanding of the faith but to
find new ways to interpret rapidly modernized world.
10.3 Islam in domestic affairs
Islam's influence within national life of Southeast Asian stated has been
limited. Indonesia provides striking polity in determining factor in shaping
the state and social relations. The islamic law and parties was brought up
vigorously.
Besides that Islam has greater impact on Malaysian life though they
are only 30%. Malays regard Islamic belief as an essential and defining
characteristic of Malay-ness. The dominant part is UMNO that promote
Malay interest in Islam. These both countries provide a wide spread of
Islam in political parties as well as in law making.
10.4 Islam in diplomacy and trade
For the ASEAN nations, Islam intruded into their foreign policies but
generally been a peripheral concern. Economic relations provide an
indicator of the role of Islam in Southeast Asia affairs. In this case,
Indonesia and Malaysia have only limited integration with the rest of
Islamic world. This trade has, in Indonesia's case almost trebled since

31

1980 and rose 60% in Malaysia's case with both countries having growing
economic interest in Middle East.
10.5 Estremism and security issues
Muslims insurgency and terrorism have been significant security problems
in the Philippines and Indonesia but Thailand, Burma, Malaysia and
Singapore have had either sporadic violent extremism within a single
country.
Globalization, relates to the transmissions of the information, has
also had a significant effect. Cyber technology and satellite televisions
stations such as Al-Jazeera and Al-Arabiyah have greatly increased speed
flow of radical groups in Southeast Asia and other parts of Islamic world.
In short, the frequency and persistence of Muslim insurgency and
separatism across region, coupled with the rise of terrorism since 2000,
has made Islam a critcal element in regional order.
For ASEAN as whole, Islam remains as issue of great sensitivity. The
seven non-muslim majority states are mindful of the capacity of Islamic
groups to stabilize the region and also wary of actions that may provoke
Muslim sentiment in three majority Muslim states. In current environment,
thick terrorist threat and risk of economic downturn has rarely been a
greater importance.

32

11.1 CHAPTER 11 SECURITY

11.2 The strategic Background
Southeast Asian strategic environment is influenced by mutual suspicion
and security competition. Preparations are made for their own defence are
perceived as threats by others (Booth and Wheeler, 2008).
States like Thailand, Burma, Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos security
concerns as much more closely connected with their neighbours, and, on
the other hand, states like Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines are
essentially maritime states that shape their own security.
The geographical and historical factors is not surprising during and
immediately after decolonization there was a variety of challenges to the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of many region. Although defence
spending has increased in the region but the levels of defence spending
are not indicative of an overwhelming preoccupation with military security.
11.3 Contemporary challenges
One of the reason of challenges to Southeast Asian security is from rapid
economic and military rise of China. China's relations with the region have
dramatically improved in the past two decades. In 1990, it established full
diplomatic relations with Indonesia and Singapore and the relations with
the region has improved.
The second major security challenge is the Islamist terrorism.
Regional disputes have been grafted onto transnational terrorist networks
with the rise of Islamist terrorist in the region. While Islamist terrorism
constitutes a new and important security challenge.
11.4 Building Security in Southeast Asia

33

ASEAN was also framework for the establishment of a security community.

Southeast Asian states have built a framework of norms known as the
ASEAN way to enhance regional security.
Southeast Asian security diplomacy make use of informal, nonofficial and bilateral relationships more than it uses grand summitry and
formal meetings. Then, heart of the ASEAN way from a distinctive style of
decision-making. This style focuses on building consensus through
extensive consultation.
Next, the ASEAN way is the non-use or threat of force to settle
international disputes through the use of force to settle internal disputes
has sometimes been encouraged. The role of given to so-called TRACK II
played a wider role.
In conclusion, clashes over territories and the konfrontasi policy
proved incapable of easing Southeast Asia's security predicament.

34

12.1 CHAPTER 12 A NEW HISTORY? THE STRUCTIRE AND PROCESS

OF SOUTHEAST ASIA'S RELATIONS WITH A RISNG CHINA
12.2 The challenge of geography and history
The improvements seen in China's relations with Southeast Asia are made
all the more so by its having been one of Southeast Asia's more
complicated major power relationships. China looms larger than other
securities despite shares boarder lands with three Southeast Asian states.
China is relatively more interested in what happens in Southeast Asia as
part of its backyard. Chinese power has greater significance for
continental states that are more affected for better and for worse by their
proximity to it.
Southeast Asia's international relations with the rest of the world
have also been profoundly shaped by the states geographic to China and
the result is the extension of cold war.
12.3 The contemporary challenge of Chinese power
China has become a more impressive military, political and economic
power. ASEAN-China trade has grown and also the exports to ASEAN have
increased. China's exports include agricultural products and electronic
components. China once was CLMV's primary economic competitor.
End of twentieth century, all Southeast Asian states had come to
view China as both economic challenge and an opportunity result of its
tremendous economic opportunity.
Geography, history and power have been salient and intensifying
features of Southeast Asia's relations with China.
12.4 Southeast Asia's dual strategy
35

Southeast Asian especially ASEAN is a member and a dual strategy of

China's growing power (Khong, 2004). Southeast Asian states continue to
facilitate external security relations with major powers like the UK and US.
Such actions and policies reflect a general insecurity and belief in
Southeast Asia. While addresing about China in securities, it must be in a
broader calculus. Southeast Asia view s China as a threat to its national
existence.
Both pieces of ASEAN's dual strategy have been critical to
improvement relations.
12.5 Engaging China
Southeast Asian's states individual and institutional engagement of China
in early 1990s helped to create the social and institutional context to build
initial exchanges. The general emphasis was to focus on situational
challenges and the consequences of policies. Southeast Asia also
banished the word threat from their security rhetoric and replace with
challenge

and

concern.

Such

efforts

create

more

permissive

accommodations.
12.6 Managing China's rise: the politics and processes of mutual
reassurance
The new pattern of emergence was also a new pattern of relations. This
new pattern has not completely eliminated the fears and suspicions that
there remain legacies of their past histories but contributed to social
climate of cooperation. New images seem to conquer the relations with
China.
China and ASEAN has become more understanding and great
agreements take place. China's efforts in various regional of ASEAN
continue to be a positive look. China changed its view upon ASEAN that
played an institution role.

36

In short, relationship have their differences. Southeast Asia-China

basically came a long way that gives benefit to both regions but they have
to still face challenges so that recent improvements seem durable.

13.1 CHAPTER 13 JAPAN AND SOUTHEAST ASIA

13.2 A difficult History
Japan succeeded in occupying most of the region of Southeast Asia until it
is defeated by US in 1945. Japanese included its Article Nine and use the
force as means of settling international disputes.
Japan get closer to Southeast Asia but it was deepen in 1980s when
economic cooperation was intensified and Japan economic powerhouse
was imitiated in many parts of the region. Japan-ASEAN economic and
Industrial Cooperation Commitee reflected a growth significance of
Southeast Asian in official Japanese circles.
The significance was to reinforce

economic partnership and to

develop relationship into a dynamic environment.

13.3 National Interests
The negotiations surrounding FTAs have been used as means of promoting
Japan's broadening. The signing of it with Indonesian leaders also
reafirmed the importance of sea-lane security for energy trade. It is clear
that Japanese government is simultaneously following bilateral and
multilateral agendas across a range of activities.
As a sum, Japanese government has changed its agenda over time
toward Southeast Asia and now is focused in more strategies. Japan offers
a possible partner for cooperation after China gives an internal tension.
The interest was shaped increasingly by the growth in institutional
37

developments which facilitate great communication and cooperation that

developed multilateralism within East Asia.

14.1 CHAPTER 14 THE US AND SOUTHEAST ASIA

14.2 Security relations and their strategic context
United States leading security role is structured on NATO. Southeast Asian
has always welcomed the US presence in the regions as a decisive
contribution to maintain peace and stability.
US military power is based on the presence and mission of the 7th
Fleet, the largest of the Navy's forward deployed fleets. Besides that US
also contributed to the Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOC). US ensured
the freedom of navigation continues in Southeast Asia and East Asia.
US military involment marked increasingly. From a US perspective,
not only are free trade agreements with Southeast Asia aimed but it
moves closer economic integration ad also intended to bind more tighter
relationship from a geostrategic and security point of view.
14.3 Economic relations
The new emphasis on expanding economic relations with Southeast Asia
was first highlighted by US-Singapore free trade agreement. Modelled on
the successful Enterprise for America Initiative was a web bilateral to the
region.
The FTA with Singapore has been called a step to anchor the US in
Southeast Asia in business, economics and security. The US has used FTAs
as political rewards for countries that support US foreign and security

38

policies. The strategy worked because its a two way street. Singapore
provided a good example.
This deep security complex also drives foreign economic policy.
Singapore's initiatives to establish bilateral FTAs on a global scale was
successful. Conversely, stability and security was down with economic
development. Singapore placed on ensuring our defence and security
since early days of independence.

14.4 Democracy and human rights

Burma/ Myanmar is also one of the main reasons for US's earlier
mentioned lukewarm relations with ASEAN as a collective actor. US
criticized ASEAN's attitude of barking without biting towards its own
members. In 2003, ASEAN indicated

Burma is adopted a tougher

approach aimed at committing a serious political change.

In short, despite changing actors in US foreign policy-making and
significant alterations both American interests and strategies towards
Southeast Asia have been remarkably persistent. US's perception of
Southeast Asia's centrality as a battlefield in the war on terrorism has
reinforced these parameters. Multilateralism played important role and US
foreign-policy makers ASEAN has lost credibility on organizing Burma's
democratic reforms. US role in the region is a continuation of bilateral
patterns in economic and security relations. The likelihood that the fact
that both US and Southeast Asia governments are preparing themselves
for a more assertive China.

39

15.1

CHAPTER

15

MEETING

THE

CHALLENGES

OF

REGION-

BUILDING IN ASEAN
15.2 ASEAN challenges
ASEAN faced a series of major challenges from the beginning. First, ASEAN
had to overcome diversity of its members, size, culture and colonial
experience. There is a large disparity within the region in terms of levels
of economic development and annual per capita income.
The diversity found among the societies of Southeast Asia has
prepetuated a scepticism about the ability of the members of ASEAN to
find

enough

common

ground

to

maintain

an

effective

regional

organization. Besides that, the security issues have plagued the region for
many decades. The original members had a history of violent domestic
conflict.
Threats from Asian communism and secessionist organizations
continued to preoccupy ASEAN members as the Association evolved. Each
member basically had neighbours who were also members. Over the
years, other security issues continued to divide the region.
ASEAN members are relatively minor players on the world stage
which witnessed great power confrontations in past. Keeping the
40

Association together was a major problem. ASEAN essentially a collection

of weak states without a clear leader. The association would appear to be
vulnerable to external manipulation.
15.3 Reasons for success
Reasons of success is through sound economic management that promote
a level of prosperity which helped to ease conflicts and facilitate
cooperation. Besides that, the economies of ASEAN members have
flourished since the Association was established. The ASEAN members
have gone from being marginal in international economies that promote
success.
Not only that, rapid growth in the region's economies helped to
ensure the continuing stability of ASEAN members and the region which
helped to attract investment. Benefits also occurred among the members
as the Association led the way in promoting regional cooperation. The
Association's principles and norms with regard to the conducts of regional
and international relations become tighter. The respect for sovereignty,
territorial

integrity

and

peaceful

settlement

became

vast.

Slow

development of ASEAN appear to be more suited to the expectations of

ASEAN members.
15.4 ASEAN's future
ASEAN future remains uncertain. ASEAN had to face the issue of
strengthening its institutions as to promote great cooperation. ASEAN also
has to ensure that it remains as the centre of the institution-building in
wider East Asian region. Besides that, ASEAN members has to ensure the
continuity

of

the

prosperity

which

the

Association's

institutional

development has depended which is the AFTA. ASEAN also have to take
charge of the security of the region so that there will be no terrorist
threats to maintain stability and peace in the region.
Generally, the growing pressure in ASEAN gives a great solution in
upholding the future.
41

As conclusion, ASEAN is generally developed its own institutional to

have gain a level of legitimacy. However it has clearly shown that the
members have collectively determined is best for them.

16.1 CHAPTER 16 ENVIRONMENTAL CHALLENGES, POLICY FAILURE

AND REGIONAL DYNAMICS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
16.2 Environmental degradation: causes, consequences and costs
Southeast Asia has become Asian Development Bank that has put more
environmentally vulnerable. Environmental degradation changes political
economy and the demographic and also the resource pressures. Economic
growth in the region has been characterized by increasing rates of
consumption and waste-intensive industrialization. The intensification of
resource and energy consumption extends to rural modes of production.
Land-use patterns have changed more quickly in Asia globally. Shifting
cultivation and subsistence agriculture have been overshadowed by
permanent, commercialized to increase agricultural yields.
The vesting of resource and access rights in private, corporate and
state hands been a major factor of exploiting. Poverty and population
pressures

are

generally

assumed

to

be

major

contributors

to

environmental degradation. Besides that, degradation of terrestrial,

42

coastal and marine habitat has had consequences for species survival.
Toxic and hazardous wastes also pollutes the air, water and land. Most
Southeast Asia suffer from extensive water pollutions.
16.3 Regional policy responses: vision, mitigation and adaption
Coordinated regional responses hold out the promise of mutual benefit
through a more effective use of scarce expertise, knowledge and capacity,
ecologically as well as economically sustainable resource and in the end a
better environment. AMME is responsible for the region's environment.
Southeast

Asian

governments

participate

in

environment,

sustainable development and natural resource management programmes

and projects under the supraregional bodies.

16.4 Regional dynamics: why not clean and green?

There is a growing local activism in Southeast Asia and the emergence of
a distinct ecological politics in Southeast Asia. This activism builds on
community agitation that embedded in village. Civil society networks have
become transmission belts for ideas, crossing and challenging the
boarders of nationalism. NGOs and public intellectuals widen their role in
monitoring the regional environmental policy.
In sum, A clean and green ASEAN by 2020 requires giving greater
priority to local communities, encouraging necessary strict rules on
integrating environmental policy. It requires greater national attention on
the environment challenge.

43

17.1 CHAPTER 17 SOUTHEAST ASIA IN THE LONG RUN

17.2 The big picture : Southeast Asia in a global context
Southeast Asia highlights an issue with global resonance and was
comparatively thinly populated. The ecological footprint seem of little
threat to natural environment. Lifestyles of inhabitants have changed
since impact of colonial.
The possibility that Europe enjoyed advantages and employed
strategies is their own development. The post cold war generally sort
state-led. neo-mercantilist development strategies. The rather behaviour
of a military constrained by its economic role highlights a more general
comparative point about Southeast Asia.
Southeast Asia have played conspicuous parts. The sobering
conclusion of this long-run interaction between the global, the regional
and the local is that while Southeast Asia has an impressive record of
44

economic development in many ways, its continuity is threatened by

forces it is doing little control.
As a conclusion heterogeneity makes Southeast Asia such a
distinctive and fascinating place. Global forces may actually be a great
fragmentation and difference at local level or separatist movements.
Interaction between local and international forces has been a central
element of Southeast Asia's development history. The ability of Southeast
Asia's political elites to develop national capacities with which to enhance
a regional presence may prove to be one of the defining challenges pf the
coming century.

REFERENCE
Mark Beeson. 2009. Contemporary Southeast Asia. England:Palgrave
Macmillan

45