Koch Industries Secretly Funding The Climate Denial Machine
Koch Industries Secretly Funding The Climate Denial Machine
Koch Industries Secretly Funding The Climate Denial Machine
org/kochindustries
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The Foundations
Koch PAC
page 3
Mercatus Center Fraser Institute
Independent Women’s Forum Center for the Study of Carbon Dioxide and
Global Change
Texas Pubic Policy Foundation Americans for Tax Reform
State Policy Network
American Council for Capital Formation Media Research Center
George C. Marshall Institute John Locke Foundation
National Taxpayers Union Foundation
Reason Foundation
Executive Summary
Most Americans have never heard of Koch Industries, one of
the largest private corporations in the country, because it has
no Koch-branded consumer products, sells no shares on the
stock market and has few of the disclosure requirements of
a public company. Although Koch intentionally stays out of
the public eye, it is now playing a quiet but dominant role in a
high-profile national policy debate on global warming. Koch
Industries has become a financial kingpin of climate science
denial and clean energy opposition. This private, out-of-sight
corporation is now a partner to ExxonMobil, the American
Petroleum Institute and other donors that support organiza-
tions and front-groups opposing progressive clean energy
and climate policy. In fact, Koch has out-spent ExxonMobil
in funding these groups in recent years. From 2005 to 2008,
ExxonMobil spent $8.9 million while the Koch Industries-
controlled foundations contributed $24.9 million in funding to
organizations of the ‘climate denial machine’.
This report focuses on activities by Koch Industries and its • ClimateGate Echo Chamber—At least twenty Koch-funded
affiliates, as well as the family—and company—controlled organizations have repeatedly rebroadcast, referenced and
foundations which fund organizations that spread inaccurate appeared as media spokespeople in the story, dubbed “Cli-
and misleading information about climate science and clean mateGate,” of supposed malfeasance by climate scientists
energy policies. Included is research on the company and gleaned from a cache of stolen emails from the University of
the Koch brothers, two of the top ten richest people in the East Anglia in November 2009. These organizations claim
United States. The Koch brothers own the corporation the emails prove a “conspiracy” of scientists and casts doubt
and control its political spending. Also included are newly on the scientific consensus regarding climate change.
compiled funding connections from Koch foundations to a
• Polar Bear Junk Science—In a 2007 published ‘junk
vast array of conservative and libertarian organizations and
science’ article on polar bears and Arctic climate impacts,
front groups. The report documents the Koch-funded funded
the author acknowledged receiving research funding from
groups’ actions and the Koch legacy of climate denial and
ExxonMobil, American Petroleum Institute and the Charles G.
obstruction of environmental policy. Case studies contained
Koch foundation. The paper, which appeared in the journal
in this report include:
Ecological Complexity, was published as a “Viewpoint”
piece, rather than new scientific research. It was not peer-
page 6
Executive Summary
reviewed and was criticized by leading polar bear and Arctic Two brothers, Charles and David Koch, each own 42 percent
ice scientists for containing “no new research” and drawing of the company. Part of Koch Industries’ influence is chan-
unfounded conclusions. Regardless, multiple Koch and neled through three foundations, also controlled by the two
Exxon-funded groups rebroadcast the article’s conclusions brothers. This report documents roughly 40 climate denial
that polar bears were not endangered by climate change, and opposition organizations receiving Koch foundation
through their websites and other media outlets. Additional grants in recent years, including:
Koch-funded groups and industry groups threatened to sue
the Federal government for listing the polar bear. • More than $5 million to Americans for Prosperity Founda-
3
tion (AFP) for its nationwide “Hot Air Tour” campaign to
For years, both openly and behind the scenes, ExxonMobil spreading misinformation about climate science and oppos-
dominated the voice of climate science denial in the ing clean energy and climate legislation.
national global warming dialogue. However, after a decade of
reputation-damaging public disclosures, as well as pressure • More than $1 million to the Heritage Foundation, a mainstay
from scientific organizations, shareholders and senators, of misinformation on climate and environmental policy issues.
ExxonMobil implemented a new public relations strategy
• Over $1 million to the Cato Institute, which disputes the
under a new CEO, and has begun to moderate its public
scientific evidence behind global warming, questions the
statements on climate change. ExxonMobil’s website de-
1 rationale for taking climate action, and has been heavily
clares: “We have discontinued contributions to several public
involved in spinning the recent ClimateGate story.
policy research groups whose position on climate change
diverted attention from the important discussion on how the • $800,000 to the Manhattan Institute, which has hosted
world will secure the energy required for economic growth in Bjorn Lomborg twice in the last two years. Lomborg is a
an environmentally responsible manner.” prominent media spokesperson who challenges and attacks
policy measures to address climate change.
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Executive Summary
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Case Studies:
How does Koch Industries Influence the Climate Policy Debate?
In November 2009, anonymous hackers illegally obtained and disseminated thousands of personal
emails from climate scientists housed on the server of the University of East Anglia. The emails
spanned 13 years of correspondence and a handful of selected emails were taken out of context
by a number of climate-denier organizations. These organizations, many funded by Koch, claim the
emails prove a “conspiracy” of scientists and cast doubt on the scientific consensus on human-
caused climate change.
This incident, dubbed “ClimateGate” by climate-denier groups, has been distorted and repeated
many times by conservative media and blogs since late November 2009. Twenty organizations,
roughly half of the Koch-funded groups profiled in this report, have contributed to the “ClimateGate”
echo chamber. Among the most vocal groups are organizations that received over $1,000,000 from
Koch foundations since 2005, including Americans for Prosperity, the Heritage Foundation, and the
Cato Institute.
1) Americans For Prosperity (received over $5 million from Koch since 2005) hosted a live we-
6
bcast from Copenhagen on Dec 9th as part of their “Hot Air Tour,” using the “ClimateGate”
emails as a reason to prevent passage of any progressive global warming policy. During
the webcast, Steve Lonegan, AFP’s New Jersey Director, said “ClimateGate” could have
uncovered “the biggest hoax our world has ever seen” and vowed not to allow any climate
bill to pass the US Senate. Several members of the Copenhagen youth delegation crashed
the AFP event and were angrily called “Hitler Youth” by AFP guest speaker and well known
climate denier Lord Christopher Monckton. In addition to the Copenhagen webcast, AFP
7 8
mentions “ClimateGate” in many blog posts, including in their protest of the Environmental
9
Protection Agency CO2 regulations, known as the endangerment finding.
2) The Heritage Foundation (received over $1 million from Koch since 2005) has posted
several articles on its website regarding “ClimateGate.” The blogs run the gamut of possible
10
climate-denier angles on the incident, ranging from conspiracy accusations , to a history of
11 12
imagined climate scandals , to effects on world politics , to supposed negative economic
13
consequences from climate legislation.
3) The Cato Institute (received over $1 million in grants from Koch since 2005) is the front-
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group for climate-denier Patrick Michaels , who has been a vocal spokesperson regarding
“ClimateGate”. Within two weeks following the email breach at East Anglia University,
15
Patrick Michaels had appeared in over twenty media interviews on shows including CNN’s
Anderson Cooper 360, NBC’s Nightly News, FOX’s Fox & Friends, C-SPAN’s Washington
Journal, and BBC’s Have Your Say. Michaels, taking one line of an illegally-obtained email out
16
of context, has claimed the scientists have committed a “capital crime” and their actions are
17
“akin to filtering what goes in the bible.”
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Case Studies:
How does Koch Industries Influence the Climate Policy Debate?
In addition to AFP, the Heritage Foundation, and the Cato Institute, about half of the
Koch-funded climate denial groups detailed in this report contributed to the “ClimateGate”
misinformation echo chamber, including:
18 24 29
American Enterprise Institute Independent Women’s Forum Reason Foundation
19 25 30
Americans for Tax Reform John Locke Foundation State Policy Network
20 26 31
Capital Research Center Mackinac Center Texas Public Policy Foundation
21 27 32
Fraser Institute Media Research Center Competitive Enterprise Institute
22 33
George C Marshall Institute Pacific Research Institute for FreedomWorks
23 28 34
Goldwater Institute Public Policy Heartland Institute
In 2007, several prominent climate denial scientists published “[The article’s authors] suggest that factors other than climate
35
a non-peer reviewed article, (Dyck, Soon et al, 2007 “Polar warming are responsible for a decline in the polar bear
bears of western Hudson Bay and climate change: Are population of Western Hudson Bay… In our examination
warming spring air temperatures the ‘‘ultimate’’ survival of their alternative explanations, and the data available to
39
control factor?”) concluding that polar bears are not being evaluate each, we found little support for any.”
threatened by anthropogenic global warming. One of the
paper’s authors, Dr. Willie Soon, disclosed in the acknowl- Oil interests and their allies likely realize that polar bear
edgements section that he had received direct corporate protections might hinder oil exploration in the Arctic. In
funding for the work, stating “W. Soon’s effort for the addition, because polar bear decline is an iconic symbol of
completion of this paper was partially supported by grants the climate crisis, undermining the scientific proof of polar
from the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation, American bears in peril would potentially delay overall climate policy
Petroleum Institute, and Exxon-Mobil Corporation.” (Exxon measures that will reduce oil consumption.
grants to Soon’s organization are detailed below. The exact
The co-authors of the paper include long time climate
amount received from the Koch foundation was not found 40 41 42
deniers: Sallie Baliunas, David Legates and Tim Ball .
on its 990 forms. The American Petroleum Institute does
Willie Soon and Sallie Baliunas have a documented history
not disclose the multiple grants it has made to such climate
of receiving money from oil interests. ExxonMobil Foundation
denial organizations over the years.)
tax records and company documents confirm a series
The paper, which did not include any new scientific research, of grants to the Center for Astrophysics, which employs
but drew from other published work, appeared in the journal both Soon 43
and Baliunas. In 2008, ExxonMobil contributed
Ecological Complexity as a “Viewpoint” piece. This article $76, 106 to Soon and Baliunas’ institute, the Smithsonian
declared Arctic sea ice decline was less severe than recent Astrophysics Observatory, with funding totalling over
36
well founded conclusions in peer-reviewed literature. The $340,000 in four grants since 2005.
authors question the climate science of Arctic warming and
Soon and Baliunas were the authors of another controversial
the scientific modeling that indicates climate change as a
climate “junk science” report in 2003, funded by the
threat to polar bear populations. Leading polar bear and
American Petroleum Institute. The paper, “Lessons & Limits
Arctic ice scientists criticized the article for containing “no
of Climate History: Was the 20th Century Climate Unusual?”,
new research” and drawing erroneous conclusions from
37 published by another industry-funded think tank, the George
existing research. Two polar bear experts, Dr. Ian Stirling 44
38 Marshall Institute, attacked the research of climate scientist
and Dr. Andrew Derocher , published a response to the
Michael Mann, who has also been a prominent target in the
paper, stating that the 2007 article did not adequately
“Climategate” controversy detailed above. Soon, Baliunas and
support the claim that non-climate factors were causing the
Legates teamed up on a version of the same paper, pub-
polar bear population decline. Stirling and Deroucher wrote,
lished in a small journal Climate Research, which generated
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Case Studies:
How does Koch Industries Influence the Climate Policy Debate?
© Nick Cobbing/Greenpeace
48
change] are unproven or unserious.”
49
Exxon responded, denying responsibility for Soon’s re-
search and claiming that the paper had undergone a “lengthy
peer review process.”
50
published.
study, Spain’s policy commitments to renewable energy sheets that it disseminated during its “American Energy
development had actually cost Spain jobs—2.2 jobs lost for Express” bus tour in August 2009.
each clean energy job created. 67
• September 2009: Americans for Prosperity’s Texas chapter
The study became a favorite talking point for opponents of posted comments repeating the study’s faulty conclusions.
clean energy, who seized on the study when it was released • September 2009: Americans for Prosperity’s policy director
in March—coinciding with the House Energy and Commerce 68
Phil Kerpen repeated the study’s findings in online comments.
Committee discussions on the American Clean Energy
and Security Act. The study was trumpeted by opposition Case Study 4: The “Danish Study” on Wind Power
groups, covered by reporters, and repeated in congressional
testimony by US Representatives opposed to clean energy A similar play was conducted a few months later with another
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policy and climate mitigation measures. study linked to the Koch web. The “Danish study,” prepared
by Danish think-tank CEPOS, provides clean energy op-
Despite the fact that the conclusions and methodology ponents a means of raising questions about the viability
of the study by Alvarez have been repeatedly proven of renewable energy and a means of directly criticizing
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unsupportable (most recently by the US’s own National President Obama for his statement that Denmark produces
56
Renewable Energy Laboratory , in addition to ministers with almost 20% of its electricity through wind power.
57 58
the Spanish government and independent experts ), the 71
‘study’ continues to be trumpeted. The study recently made However, the study contains factual errors, its conclusions
72
its way into fact sheets circulated by clean energy opposition have been misrepresented and to boot, its findings are
73
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group Americans for Prosperity, which is founded and not particularly relevant to the US. The study includes
chaired by David Koch. errors such as a miscalculation of the electricity production
from wind in Denmark (they claim 5% of total production in
Where did the “Spanish study” come from, and who Denmark though the real percentage is 20%). In addition, the
promoted it? Several organizations and individuals—each study does not take into account the differences between
supported through the Koch web—have played key roles in the European and North American electric grids.
supporting, disseminating and promoting the research.
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Case Studies:
How does Koch Industries Influence the Climate Policy Debate?
Nevertheless, like the study from Spain, the CEPOS study is Case Study 5: Koch Organizations Instrumental in
being promoted and disseminated through many of the same Dissemination of ACCF/NAM Claims
organizations in Koch’s web. The “Danish Study” appears to
follow a similar pattern. The Koch web is also playing a role in promoting other
studies that exaggerate the costs of climate policy. In 2008,
74
• CEPOS was recently awarded a $100,000 grant from the Koch-web-funded American Council on Capital Forma-
the Atlas Economic Research Foundation, which has given tion’s (ACCF) teamed up with the National Association of
75
CEPOS “several awards.” The Charles G. Koch Foundation Manufacturers (NAM) to sponsor and disseminate a study
and the Claude R. Lambe Foundation both support the Atlas of the economic impact of the Lieberman-Warner Climate
Economic Research Foundation. Security Act. Every step of the way, Koch-funded anti-clean
energy groups played a key role in moving the NAM/ACCF
• The Institute for Energy Research is promoting the study study in the media and at the grassroots level.
76
among its members and Hill staff, as well as online. IER
organized a three-day tour in September 2009 to bring the • ACCF funded and co-released the study with NAM.
report’s co-author Hugh Sharman and CEPOS chief execu-
tive Martin Agerup to Washington D.C. to explain the study to • ACCF disseminated the results
79
in presentations at over a
a “wider American audience.” The organization also created dozen “Climate Dialogues” organized by the U.S. Cham-
80
77
fact sheets that promote the study’s findings and claim ber’s Alliance for Energy and Economic Growth (AEEG).
President Obama is misusing the Danish example. • The (AEEG) “climate dialogues” involved other organizations
78
• Heritage Foundation promoted the study on their website. funded through the Koch web, including:
page 13
What is Koch Industries?
Company History and Background
“My joke is that we’re the biggest company you’ve never heard of.” —David Koch. 83
84 85
Koch Industries is the second-largest privately-held company in the United
Koch Industries is present in nearly States, a conglomerate of more than twenty companies with $100 billion in annual
86 87
60 countries. Some company sales, operations in nearly 60 countries and 70,000 employees. Koch’s industry
locations include: areas span petroleum refining, fuel pipelines, coal supply and trading, oil and gas
exploration, chemicals and polymers, fertilizer production, ranching and forestry
Argentina products.
Australia Koch operates crude oil gathering systems and pipelines across North America.
Belgium Its Flint Hills Resources subsidiary owns refineries in Alaska, Minnesota, and Texas
Brazil that process more than 800,000 barrels of crude oil daily. The company owns
Canada a 3% stake in the Trans Alaska Pipeline System, 4,000 miles of oil and products
Cayman Islands BWI 88
pipelines in the US, and an 80,000 barrels-per day refinery in Rotterdam. In
Chile addition, Koch Industries has held multiple leases on the polluting tar sands of
China Alberta, Canada since the 1990s and the Koch Pipeline Company operates the
Colombia pipelines that carry tar sands crude from Canada into Minnesota and Wisconsin
89
Czech Republic where Koch’s Flint Hill Resources owns oil refineries.
Egypt The vast majority of Koch Industries assets are controlled by Charles G. and David
Finland H. Koch, two of four sons of the company’s founder, who each own 42% of the
France company stock. According to 2009 Forbes rankings, the Koch brothers are tied
Germany 90 91
for the 19th richest person in the world, and for ninth richest American, each
Greece worth between $14 and $16 billion.
India
Italy The corporation’s history dates back to the 1920s when Fred Koch, father to
Charles and David Koch, developed a process to refine more gasoline from
Japan
crude oil. When he tried to market his invention, the major oil companies sued
Korea
him for patent infringement. Koch eventually won a 15 year legal battle, but the
Luxembourg 92
controversy made it tough to attract many US customers. Fred Koch went to
Mexico
New Zealand
Russia
Singapore
South Africa
Spain
Switzerland
Taiwan
Thailand
Netherlands
Turkey
United Kingdom
Uruguay
Unites States of America
Venezuela
page 14
What is Koch Industries?
Company History and Background
page 15
What is Koch Industries?
Company History and Background
• In 2000, the EPA fined Koch Industries $30 million for its role
122
in 300 oil spills that resulted in more than three million gallons
of crude oil leaking into ponds, lakes, streams and coastal
waters.
123
• In 1999 a Koch subsidiary pleaded guilty to charges that
it had negligently allowed aviation fuel to leak into waters near
the Mississippi River from its refinery in Rosemount, Minnesota,
and that it had illegally dumped a million gallons of high-
ammonia wastewater onto the ground and into the Mississippi.
124
tragic losses of life. In 1996, a rusty and corroded Koch pipeline
leaked flammable butane near a Texas residential neighbor-
hood. Warned by the smell of gas, two teenagers drove their
truck toward the nearest payphone to call for help, but they
never made it. Sparks from their truck ignited the gas cloud and
the two burned alive. The National Transportation Safety Board
125
determined that “the probable cause of this accident was the
failure of Koch to adequately protect its pipeline from corrosion”
and the ineffectiveness of Koch’s program to educate local
residents about how to respond during a pipeline leak.
page 16
The Koch Brothers
Charles G. Koch , born in 1935, is the CEO and Chairman of Koch Industries. His father, Fred
98
99
Koch, was a staunch libertarian and a founder of the John Birch Society. Like his father, Charles is also an
100
ardent supporter of libertarian and conservative organizations. He is a co-founder of the Cato Institute , the
101 102
Chairman of the Institute for Humane Studies , and has sponsored multiple conferences for entrepreneurs to
encourage them to fund free-market groups. Charles has even applied his libertarian ideology to the structure of
103
Koch Industries, using his own trademarked “Market Based Management” to run the entire company. “Just as
central planning is a failure in running government, so it is at the level of the firm,” says Charles.
104
The U.S. Senate investigated Charles Koch for his alleged role in funding so-called “issue ads” that violated
campaign law by helping conservative Republican congressional candidates in 1996. Koch Industries has been
105
the largest oil and gas industry contributor to electoral campaigns since the 2006 election cycle. During the 2008
106
elections, Koch Industries contributed over $1.8 million , 88% to Republican candidates.
page 17
The Koch Brothers
107
Charles and his brother David were involved in a decades-long family dispute with their brothers,
Bill and Fred, regarding a buy-out of company shares. Bill and Fred claimed that Charles and David
shortchanged them by $340 million. The vicious lawsuits began in the early 1980s and continued for
nearly two decades.
the CEO of the subsidiary Koch Chemical Technology Group. According to the 2009 Forbes ranking,
109
he is the second-richest person living in New York City, following Michael Bloomberg. In addition to
110
his Park Avenue residence, he has homes in Aspen, CO; Southampton, NY; and Palm Beach, FL.
Although he’s donated millions to conservative, libertarian organizations, David Koch has only garnered
public attention for his non-political philanthropy. Regarding a $100 million naming gift to the New York
111
City Opera and Ballet, he explains “I could afford it.…And, of course, there are beautiful girls.” A few
of his namesakes include the new David H. Koch Theater at New York’s Lincoln Center, the David H.
112
Koch Dinosaur Wing in New York’s American Natural History Museum, and the new David H. Koch
113
Hall of Human Origins at Smithsonian’s Natural History Museum in Washington D.C.
114
David Koch was the 1980 Vice Presidential candidate for the anti-regulatory Libertarian Party. Cur-
rently, David Koch is on the Board of Directors for the Cato Institute as well as the Reason Foundation,
115
two right-wing, climate-denier think-tanks. He is also a founding member and Chairman of the Ameri-
cans for Prosperity Foundation, an astroturf group that opposes climate solutions and clean energy.
page 18
Koch Climate Opposition Funding:
The Koch Web
“Koch’s chief political influence tool is a web of interconnected, right-wing think tanks
and advocacy groups funded by foundations controlled and supported by the two Koch
brothers.”–Center for Public Integrity 126
The Koch brothers, their family members and Koch Industries of dollars of contributions to these groups, such as U.S.
employees direct a web of financing that supports conserva- Chamber of Commerce, state Chambers of Commerce, the
tive and libertarian special interest groups and think-tanks, National Association of Manufacturers and its state affiliates,
with a strong focus on fighting environmental regulation and the American Petroleum Institute and others. Comprehensive
examination and research of the entire Koch web is ongoing.
127
easing limits on industrial pollution.
This web is currently fueling a campaign to oppose clean Sources of data for Koch Foundation grants
energy and climate legislation, by funding organizations that Foundations disclose major recipients of grants on their IRS
generate, disseminate and repeat inaccurate and misleading 990 forms (tax returns). The data cited in this report comes
information about climate science, clean energy and climate from the foundations’ IRS 990 tax forms, accessed through
policies. This information is then provided to astroturf groups the GuideStar database and from data available on the
(fake grassroots organizations that are created or sponsored Media Matters Action Conservative Transparency Project:
by industries)—some of which are also funded by Koch [http://www2.guidestar.org/Home.aspx]
interests—which use the misinformation to increase opposi- [http://mediamattersaction.org/transparency]
tion to clean energy policies and climate solutions.
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Koch Climate Opposition Funding:
The Foundation contributed $12.2 million to climate The small staff of the David H. Koch Foundation includes:
opposition groups since 2005. • David H. Koch — President/Director
The Board of Directors is comprised entirely of Koch • Ruth E. Williams — Secretary
family members, senior Koch executives and staff who • Vonda Holliman — Treasurer
128
serve Koch foundations:
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Koch Foundations and Climate Denial
For this analysis, Koch foundation grants were tabulated from 1997 to 2008 (the most recent year of available contribution
information). To simplify the presentation, all grants from the three Koch Foundations have been totaled for each organiza-
tion. Specific donations from each foundation to each organization are detailed at www.greenpeace.org/kochmoney. The
list below includes contributions to those organizations that have been documented to be propagating misinformation
about clean energy policies and climate science.
Since 1997, the Koch foundations have contributed over $48 million in grants to climate opposition groups.
More than half that total, almost $25 million, was given since 2005.
Mercatus Center
$9,247,500 received from Koch foundations 2005–2008
[Total Koch foundation grants 1997–2008: $9,874,500]
131
The Mercatus Center is a conservative think-tank at George Mason University, in which Charles Koch sits on the Board
132
of Directors. The Mercatus Center suggested in 2001 that global warming would be, “beneficial, occurring at night, in the
133
winter, and at the poles.” In 2009, they conceded that global warming is man-made and problematic but recommend
doing nothing to cut emissions, instead promoting “work to facilitate movement of people from areas likely to be harmed
134
by climate change.”
page 21
Koch Foundations and Climate Denial
Cato Institute
$1,028,400 received from Koch foundations 2005–2008
[Total Koch foundation grants 1997–2008: $5,278,400]
The Cato Institute is focused on disputing the science behind global warming and questioning
157 158
the rationale for taking action. The organization’s 2009 “Handbook for Policymakers” on global
warming begins with the suggestions that Congress should “pass no legislation restricting emissions of carbon dioxide” and
“inform the public about how little climate change would be prevented by proposed legislation.” Robert Bradley, an adjunct
scholar at the Cato Institute, is also a founder and the CEO of the Institute for Energy Research. In 2007 the Cato Foundation
159
gave $120,000 to New Hope Environmental Services, an “advocacy science consulting firm” founded and run by long-time
160
climate science denier Patrick Michaels , who uses New Hope to publish his World Climate Report, a sort of ongoing
161
journal of denial of climate science. Michaels is also a senior fellow at the Cato Institute, which paid him $98,000 to write a
book “The Satanic Gases” with fellow climate denier Robert Balling. Over the years, Michaels’ work has been financed by a
162
number of coal and polluter interests , including the Western Fuels Association, the Intermountain Rural Electric Association,
and others.
Tax Foundation
$325,000 received from Koch foundations 2005–2008
[Total Koch foundation grants 1997–2008: $525,000]
178 179
The Tax Foundation opposed American Clean Energy and Security Act and issued a study on the costs of climate change
legislation. Wayne Gable, a former Managing Director of Federal Affairs at Koch Industries, served as President of the Tax
Foundation from 1989–1991.
page 23
Koch Foundations and Climate Denial
Fraser Institute
$175,000 received from Koch foundations 2005–2008
[No Koch foundation grants received prior to 2005]
205
The Fraser Institute publishes in-depth critiques of climate science, including a 110-page report attacking the Intergovern-
206 207
mental Panel on Climate Change’s Fourth Assessment report. They also offer lesson plans and educational materials
designed to encourage children to be skeptical of mainstream climate science.
Frontiers of Freedom
$150,000 received from Koch foundations 2005–2008
[Total Koch foundation grants 1997–2008: $175,000]
208
Frontiers of Freedom has actively opposed global warming action for over a decade. As Director of Policy with Frontiers of
209
Freedom, Myron Ebell assisted in the development of the American Petroleum Institute’s Global Climate Science Communi-
page 24
Koch Foundations and Climate Denial
210 211
cations Plan , leaked to the public in 1998. Currently, FF hosts dozens of studies on its website focusing on climate science
denial and high estimates of the cost of climate policy. FF reinforced the Tax Foundations’ characterization of climate regula-
212 213 214
tions as a tax on the poor and middle class. FF also smears climate science and spreads typical climate disinformation.
Independence Institute
$85,000 received from Koch foundations 2005–2008
[Total Koch foundation grants 1997–2008: $291,000]
226
The Colorado-based Independence Institute has hosted events dismissing the “Cult of Climate Change” and featuring Cato
227
Institute fellows.
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Koch Foundations and Climate Denial
Goldwater Institute
$70,427 received from Koch foundations 2005–2008
[Total Koch foundation grants 1997–2008: $75,000]
230
The institute is fighting against passage of a renewable energy standard in Arizona.
page 26
Koch Foundations and Climate Denial
page 27
Koch Foundations and Climate Denial
© Greenpeace/Colin O’Connor
©Jiri Rezac/Greenpeace
page 28
Lobbying and Political Spending
Note on Sources: Lobbying expenditures as well as federal PAC and individual
contributions to federal candidates are disclosed on Opensecrets.org. Additional
272
lobbying data can be found at the Senate’s Lobbying Disclosure site.
Lobbying Summary: Koch Industries spent a total of $37.9 million on oil and gas
lobbying from January 2006 to December 2009. During this period in the oil and
gas sector, Koch Industries was outspent only by ExxonMobil ($87.8 million) and
Chevron Corporation ($50 million).
274
• 2009: $12.5 million total, $9 million spent on in-house lawyers.
275
• 2008: $17.93 million total, $15.3 million spent on in-house lawyers
276
• 2007: $4.17 million total, with $40,000 to Pyle and Associates and $100,000 to
the Rhoads Group (Thomas Pyle worked at Rhoads Group before starting Pyle
277
and Associates and is now President of IER and AEA).
278
• 2006: $3.36 million total, with $140,000 to Rhoads Group.
Exxon Mobil
Chevron Corp
$3,360,000
Koch $4,170,000
Industries $17,930,000
$12,500,000
BP
ConocoPhillips
2006
American 2008
Petroleum
Institute 2009
Occidental
Petroleum
Royal Dutch
Shell
Williams
Companies
page 29
Lobbying and Political Spending
It is worth noting that Koch also hires outside lawyers to lobby on its behalf, in some cases the
same firms that lobby for other groups of which Koch is a member. For example:
• Siff and Lake, $190,000 (2009), $220,000 (2008), $200,000 (2007), which also lobbies for
Western Fuels Association.
• Mehlman/Vogel, $200,000 (2009), $120,000 (2008), $20,000 (2007) which also lobbies for
API (2009, 2008), Business Roundtable (2009, 2008), EEI (2009, 2008) and Energy Future
Holdings (2009).
• Pyle and Associates, $40,000 (2007), which also lobbied for the National Petrochemical and
279
Refiners Association , of which Koch is a member.
• The Rhoads Group, $100,000 (2007) which also lobbies for the National Petrochemical and
280
Refiners Association of which Koch is a member.
• Hunton and Williams, $60,000 (2009), $150,000 (2008), $80,000 (2007), which also lobbied
for National Association of Manufacturers (2009, 2008) and Americans for Affordable Climate
Policy (2009), Edison Electric Institute (2009, 2008, 2007), Gas Processing Association (2009,
2008) and the Foundation for Environment and Economic Progress (2009, 2008, 2007))
• Capitol Tax Partners, $30,000 (2009), $240,000 (2008), $220,000 (2007), which who also
lobbies for Edison Electric Institute (2009, 2008, 2007) and National Electrical Manufacturers
Association (2008, 2007)
In addition, Koch executives serve on the boards of other organizations wielding influence
against clean energy and climate policy. The Executive Vice President for Operations Excellence
& Compliance at Koch Industries, James Mahoney, is also a vice-president of the National
Petrochemical & Refiners Association (NPRA). NPRA significantly increased its lobbying budget
181
in 2009, reporting $1.68 million in direct federal lobbying expenses. This more than doubled the
lobby spending of the organization from 2008, when its total lobbying budget was $810,000.
©Greenpeace/Bas Beentjes
©Greenpeace/Will Rose
page 30
Lobbying and Political Spending
Koch’s political action committee bundles contributions from Koch employees and their spouses. Koch’s
PAC spent a total of $5.74 million since 2006: $2.04 million in the 2006 cycle, $2.6 million in the 2008 cycle
and $1.1 million during the first year of the 2010 cycle.
From the beginning of the 2006 election cycle, Koch’s PAC spent more on contributions to federal can-
283
didates and committees than any other oil-and-gas sector based PAC. For that period, Koch Industries
and its executives spent $3.55 million compared to next three biggest contributors: Exxon ($2.6 million),
Chevron ($2.08 million), and Valero ($2.03 million).
Valero PAC
$1,000,943
$2,040,735
Koch PAC
$2,583,549
$1,113,890
BP PAC
2006
ConocoPhillips PAC
2008
Williams Companies
PAC
Halliburton PAC
page 31
Lobbying and Political Spending
Koch’s PAC heavily favors Republicans: 88% of its contributions went to Republicans during the 2008
284 285
election cycle; 86% went to Republicans in the 2006 cycle. Koch’s PAC also heavily favors Republican
Party committees and leadership. In 2009, Koch’s PAC gave
• $15,000 to the National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC), and $15,000 to the National
Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC).
• $5,000 to Restore America PAC ( founded by U.S. Senator Sam Brownback R-TX); $5,000 to Freedom
Project (founded by U.S Rep John Boehner R-OH); and $10,000 to Cantor For Congress (founded by
U.S. Rep. Eric Cantor R-VA)
U.S. House Members receiving more U.S. Senate Members receiving more than
than $20,000 from Koch Industries PAC $10,000 from Koch Industries PAC since 2004
since 2006 election cycle election cycle
In addition, Koch owns Georgia Pacific and Flint Hill Resources, employees of which now give money to
Koch PAC; e.g., Georgia Pacific CEO Patrick Boushka gave $25,000 to Koch PAC in 2008 cycle.
No donations to the Democratic National Committee, National Democratic Senatorial Committee, or the
National Democratic Congressional Committee were found from these individuals.
page 32
Key Individuals in the Koch Web
295
Fred C. Koch. Founder of Koch Industries (d. 1967) Logan Moore. Secretary of the Claude R. Lambe Founda-
286
tion. Also serves as Director of Operations for the Charles G.
Charles G. Koch. Chief Executive Officer, Koch Industries. Koch Foundation.
287
Ranked as 9th richest American (tied with his brother
David.) Born in 1935. Lives in Wichita, Kansas. Wayne Gable. Former Board of Directors at Americans for
297
Prosperity.
• Co-founder of the Cato Institute
• Chairman, Board of Directors, The Institute for Gable was Managing Director of Federal Affairs at Koch
Humane Studies Industries and lobbied on Koch’s behalf as recently as
298
• Member, Board of Directors, The Mercatus Center 2004. He worked at Citizens for a Sound Economy from
1986 to 1991, serving as president from 1989 to 1991. He
has also served terms as the president of the Tax Founda-
288
David H. Koch. Executive Vice-President, Koch Industries.
tion, the Charles Koch Foundation, and the Center for Market
289
Ranked as 9th richest American (tied with his brother
Charles.) Born in 1940. Lives in New York City. Processes.
• Member, Board of Directors, The Cato Institute, 299
Robert Bradley. CEO of Institute for Energy Research (IER).
Washington, D.C.
• Member, Board of Directors, The Reason Foundation, Bradley also holds positions at the Cato Institute, Competitive
Santa Monica, Calif. Enterprise Institute, and the Institute for Humane Studies at
• Chairman, Board of Trustees, Americans for Prosperity George Mason University.
Foundation, Washington, D.C. 300
Daniel Simmons. Former Director of the Natural
290
Richard Fink. Executive Vice-President and member of Resources Task Force at American Legislative Exchange
the board of directors of Koch Industries. Council (ALEC).
• Board member of Koch subsidiaries Georgia-Pacific Simmons is now AEA’s Director of State Affairs. Simmons
Equity Holdings, LLC and Flint Hills Resources, LLC. was at the Mercatus Institute before ALEC and is a graduate
• First President291 of Citizens for a Sound Economy, of the George Mason University School of Law. ALEC, which
the forerunner of Americans for Prosperity also receives funding from the American Petroleum Institute,
301
• Co-founder and board member of Americans for was critical of President Bush’s climate proposals.
Prosperity (AFP) Foundation 302 304
• Former board member of Americans for Prosperity Kevin Gentry. Vice-President, Strategic Development
501(c)4 organization for Charles G. Koch Foundation; Director, Strategic Develop-
• Director of the Claude R. Lambe Foundation ment for Koch Industries.
• Co-Founder and Director at the Mercatus Center Between 1997 and 2003, he served as vice president of the
• Director of the Institute for Humane Studies Institute for Humane Studies and the Mercatus Center, both
• Fink was formerly a professor at George Mason located at George Mason University.
University, which the Koch web also funds generously. 305
Steven Hayward. Board Member at IER; Scholar and
292
William Koch. Bought out by brothers Charles and David. fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.
• Co-chair of the Alliance to Protect Nantucket Sound,Hayward produced An Inconvenient Truth… or Convenient
formed to fight the Cape Wind offshore wind farm
306
Fiction for PRIPP, a film attacking the science of global
293
project. warming and intended as a rebuttal to former Vice-President
294
Al Gore’s documentary. Hayward is also an IER board
Frederick Koch. Bought out by brothers Charles and David. member and a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.
page 33
SOURCES:
Financial information for this report was drawn from primary sources including:
GuideStar—http://www2.guidestar.org/Home.aspx
a website containing details on hundreds of foundations, their IRS 990 form submissions.
Media Matters Action Conservative Transparency project http://mediamattersaction.org/transparency/
Conservative and corporate foundation grants are cross-referenced with recipients in a searchable format.
OpenSecrets—http://www.opensecrets.org/
A “nonpartisan guide to money’s influence on U.S. elections and public policy” contains campaign contribution,
PAC and lobbying data compiled per donor, per sector and per candidate.
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