(1893) The Handwriting of The Kings and Queens of England

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The Handwriting
of the
Kings & Queens ofEngland
BY
W. J. HARDY, F.S.A.
AUTHOR OF ' BOOK PLATES,' ETC.
WITH PHOTOGRAVURES AND FACSIMILES OF SIGNATURES

AND HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS
THE RELIGIOUS TRACT SOCIETY

,
S6 PATERNOSTER ROW AND 65 ST. PAUL'S CHURCHYARD
1893
Lo
li /', Y
k Gs Aôs
©jtfor?)
HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

—;
PREFACE
THEHour greater part of this work appeared

during the years 1889 and 1891,
in the pages of the Leisure
but some of the most
interesting examples of royal penmanship, here figured, have not before
been made pubHc : indeed, their existence was unknown until recently,
when they were discovered, amongst some uncalendared documents at

the Public Record Office,by Mr. H. C. Maxwell Lyte, C. B., the present
Deputy-Keeper of the Records, by whose kindness, in pointing them
out to me, and in giving me permission to have photographs taken of
them, I am enabled to include them here.
These new discoveries include some words written by Richard II;
a letter wholly in the handwriting of Henry IV; a curious form of the
signature ofHenry VI, which shows that he used a wood-block stamp
with his name upon it; and a long sentence penned by Edward IV
of whose writing no example, except the ordinary E. R.,' was known '
to exist.
The additional examples of royal handwriting that I have given in this
volume, also include several documents illustrative of what I may term the
religious history of England —part of the draft of 'the Bishops' Book,'
showing alterations in the handwriting of Henry VIII ; a group of
signatures of men intimately connected with the translation of the Bible
a letter from Edward VI to the Senate of Zurich ; another letter from

the same king, and his Council, to the English Bishops, enjoining the
A 2
4 Preface
use of the English Book of Common Prayer; a letter from Queen

Mary to the Justices of Devonshire, thanking the people of that county
for their adherence to Roman Catholicism ; a letter from Queen Elizabeth
to the Dutch Reformed Congregation at Austin Friars; and the draft,
corrected by James I, of his letter to the Bishops, which was, in reality,

a '
Declaration of Faith.'
To Mr. Maxwell Lyte, and the various officials of the Public Record
Office, especially to Mr. Scargill-Bird and Mr. G. H. Overend, I must
tender my warmest thanks for continual assistance in collecting materials
for the production of this work, and for their readiness in according the
permission to take photographs of the documents. I am also much
indebted to Mr. E. Maunde Thompson, C. B., the Chief Librarian of the
British Museum, as well as to Mr. Scott and Mr. Bickley of that depart-
ment, for valuable advice and assistance, in collecting materials, and for
facilities given in obtaining photographs of the letters, or other examples
of handwriting selected. Last, but certainly not least, I must thank the
Rev. R. Lovett for his constant advice and assistance in preparing
this volume.
W. J. HARDY.
1
CONTENTS
PAGE
I. Introduction 9
II. Edward the 'Black Prince' ii
III. Richard II 13
IV. Henry IV 16
V. Henry V 19
VI. Henry VI 30
VII. Edward IV and his Queen, Elizabeth Wydevile • • •

35
VIII. Edward V ............ 41
IX. Richard III 45
X. Henry VII 49
XI. Henry VIII and his Wives 52
XII. Edward VI 70
XIII. 'Jane the Queen' and Philip and Mary 81
XIV. Elizabeth 91
XV. James I and Anne or Denmark 102
XVI. Charles I and Henrietta Maria, Henry Prince of Wales, and

Elizabeth Queen of Bohemia 11
XVII. Oliver and Richard Cromwell 124
XVIII. Charles II and Catherine of Braganza 129

6 Contents
PAGE
XIX. James II, Anne Hyde, Mary of Modena, and the later Stuarts 132
XX. William III and Mary 140
XXI. Anne and George of Denmark 147
XXII. George I '148
XXIII. George II and Wilhelmina Carolina, his wife .... 151
XXIV. George III and Queen Charlotte 159
XXV. George IV, Queen Caroline, and the Princess Charlotte . . 164
XXVI. William IV and Queen Adelaide . . .... 171
XXVII. Victoria 175

. —
'
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
LIST OF PHOTOGRAVURE PLATES

Letter from
Form
Henry IV. Last seven lines written by the king
of signatures of Richard II
.... Frontispiece.
„
Signature of Henry VI
Handwriting of Henry VI. The word Henry is stamped
'
'
„
Letter from Edward IV. The 'RE' at the head and last four Hues written by
the king to face p. 36
Letter from Edward VI signed by the king at the end » 73
Letter from Queen Elizabeth signed at the head ,,96
LIST OF FACSIMILES
'
PAGE
Autograph motto' of the Black Prince
'
. 11 Two forms of Henry VII's signature . . 51
Grant signed by Richard II . . . -14 Letter of Henry VIII to Cardinal Wolsey 53
—
.
Signature (French) of Richard II . . .15 Portion of a document the Bishops' Book

'
Letter of Henry IV while Earl of Derby . 17 — of the period of the Reformation, con-
Signature of Henry IV 18 taining alterations in the handwriting of
Specimens of Henry V's handwriting . . 21 Henry VIII 57
Letter of Henry V written in 1419 . 26 . Queen Catherine
Signature of of Aragon . 60
Handwriting of Henry V in 1421 . ..28 Examples of penmanship of men connected
Signatures of Humphrey Duke of Glouces- with the early translation of the Bible.
ter, Henry V's brother, Cardinal Beau- Signatures of Tindale, Latimer, Cran-
fort, and Jacquetta, wife of the Duke of mer, Coverdale, Grafton, Vaughan, and
Bedford
Signature of Henry VI
29 Cromwell ....
Handwriting of Anne Boleyn
61
Henry VI ....
.
Henry VI preserved at Eton

31
33 Signature of Jane Seymour
Catherine Parr
.
63
65
66
„ 34 „ .
„ Edward IV as Duke of York 35 Stamp used by Henry VIII in the early

„ Edward IV and his brothers- part of his reign 66
the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester 37 Stamp on Henry VIII's Will 66
Receipt in the hand of Elizabeth Wydevile Handwriting of Anne of Cleves 67
Queen of Edward IV . . .
39 „ Edward VI .
71
Two signatures of Edward V 41 Letter from Prince Edward to his mother 72
Handwriting of Edward V . . . 42 Letter from Edward VI and the Council to
„ Richard III, written in 1483 44 the Bishops 7^-77
„ Richard III . 48 Signature of the Protector Somerset . . 79
Henry VII . 48 Handwriting of the Protector Somerset . 80
Signature of Henry VII 50 „ Queen Mary . . . .82
Margaret Beaufort's handwriting . 5° „ Lady Jane Grey . . 83
.. -
8 List of Illustrations
PAGE
Handwriting of Lady Jane Grey -85 . . Letter from George I to the Emperor
Letter to County Justices showing Queen Charles V 149
Mary's signature at the head -87 . . Signature of Queen Caroline of Anspach 152
Signatures of Queen Mary and Philip of Letter from George II to the Duke of New-
Spain 89 castle 153
Two Queen Mary
signatures of .90 . . Handwriting of Frederick Prince of Wales .
155
Handwriting of Queen Elizabeth .92 . . Signature of Princess Augusta 156
Letter from Queen Elizabeth to Catherine „ the Duke of Cumberland 156
Two
Parr
signatures of Queen Elizabeth
Endorsement of letter from the Earl of
. .
93
97
,,
„
Princess Elizabeth
Princess Anne
Princess Mary
....
.
.
.
156
156
156
„ . .
Leicester by Queen Elizabeth 98 . .

„ Princess Louisa 156
Prayer composed by Queen Elizabeth 100 . Letter written by George III to his grand-
Draft of a letter to the Bishops corrected father when eleven years of age 158 .
by James Handwriting of George III

Handwriting of James
Letter of James I
I
to his
....son, Charles,
104
106 Signature of the
the
Duke of York
Duke of Cumberland
160
162
162
„ .
Prince of Wales 107 „ the Duke of Cambridge . 162

Handwritingof Anne of Denmark . . 109 „ Princess Charlotte 162
„ Charles I . . . . iii „ Princess Amelia 162
Latin letter written by Charles to his „ Princess Augusta Sophia 162
Henry
brother
Signature of Prince
„
Henry
Princess Elizabeth
.... 113
115
115
„
„
Princess Elizabeth
Princess Mary
George III when insane
.... . 162
162
163
. . .
„ .
Handwriting of King Charles 116 . . .

,, Queen Charlotte 163
Portion of prayer written by Charles I 118 . Translation from Cicero by George IV
Draft of letter to Queen Henrietta Maria 118 . when fifteen years of age 165
Letter from Queen Henrietta Maria to her Signature of George IV as Prince Regent . 166
Son 122 „ George IV as attached to the
Letter from Oliver Cromwell to his Wife . 125 Coronation Oath 166
Signature of Oliver Cromwell . . . 127 Handwriting of Queen Caroline . 167
„ Richard Cromwell . . . 128 Princess Charlotte . 168
„ Catherine of Braganza . . 131 Letter of William IV to Lady Nelson 170
Portion of letter from Charles H to Sir Signature of William IV 172
George Downing 131 „ Queen Adelaide . 172
Letter of James H
to the Prince of Orange 134-5 Letter from Queen Victoria to the Women
Signature of James II 137 of Great Britain and Ireland .
174
„ Anne Hyde . . . -137 Earliest handwriting of Queen Victoria 175
Letter from Mary of Modena to Lord Signature of Queen Victoria to the Coronation
Caryll 138 Oath 175
Signature of the '
Old Pretender ' . .
139 Signature of the Prince Consort 176
„ '
Young Pretender ' . .
139 Duke of Kent 176
„ Henry of York . . .
139 Duchess of Kent 176
Handwriting of William III . . . 140 Prince of Wales 176
Letter from Queen Mary to Lady Scar- Princess of Wales 176
Duke of Clarence and Avon
borough, 1692
Signature of William III
Letter from Queen Anne to the Earl of
142
143 .... dale
Duke of York
176
176
Nottingham 146 Duke of Edinburgh 176
Signature of George, Prince of Den- Duke of Connaught 176
mark 147 Duke of Albany . 176
THE HANDWRITING OF THE KINGS AND
QUEENS OF ENGLAND
INTRODUCTION
HISTORIANS who have described King John as 'signing and sealing'

Magna Charta are responsible for the picture which finds its way
into the majority of illustrated English Histories of King John, with evident
disinclination depicted on his countenance, scrawling his name with a quill-
pen of regal length at the foot of a long strip of parchment which lies on the
table before him. No doubt the illustration makes a vivid impression on
the minds of most youthful students, and so a certain shock to the feelings
is caused when we find out (as we very soon do find out if we give any
attention to the history of royal handwriting) that King John did not —and,
what is more, probably could not —write either '
Johannes Rex,' or indeed
anything else, at the foot of the charter of liberties. The words with which
that famous historic document concludes. Data per manum nostra-m in
prato quod vocahir Runimed inter Windleshore et Stanes, do not imply
that the king either wrote or sealed the charter ; they are merely used to
give to it greater weight and force as a royal Act, and perhaps imply that
John did actually deliver it with his own hands to the barons.
Prior to the reign of Edward III —
when the Black Prince is believed to
have affixed to a document words equivalent to his signature —we have no
evidence of any member of the royal family being able to write his or her
name. Sovereigns of times previous to that of Richard I occasionally
made their '

marks ' on charters granted by them. The mark —usually
10 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England
cruciform —was placed either before or in the middle of the grantor's name,
that name having been already written in by the scribe who penned the
charter, and who left space for it. This mark was made probably at the
actual time of granting the charter, —
that is, of giving it after it had been
publicly read aloud — to the grantee. King Cadwalla in one of his charters
expressly states his own inability to write his name, in words, which, when
translated, read, 'With my own hand, on account of ignorance of letters,
I have made and written the sign of the cross.' However, the instances of
post-Saxon kings corroborating their charters with the sign of the cross,
made either by themselves or by the charter-writer, are very few in number.
The method I intend to adopt in presenting the reader with specimens
of the handwriting of successive English sovereigns, and in some instances
of their children, from the time of Edward III to the present day, is to
preface each example of writing with a few words, giving, if undated, its
approximate date, explaining the circumstances under which it was written,

and pointing out any special feature of interest it may contain.
In order to make
volume 'useful' as well as 'curious,' I have given
this
examples of all the forms I have met with of the signatures of English
sovereigns. Prior to Henry VIII, the same king often altered considerably
the form of his signature and by giving examples of those various forms
;
I hope the volume may be a guide to those who endeavour either to gauge
the authenticity of a document professing to bear a particular royal auto-

graph, or to fix the actual reign to which belongs an instrument that might,
from the signature upon it, equally well be of the reigns of Henry IV,
Henry V, or Henry VI, or of Edward IV or Edward V.
II
EDWARD THE 'BLACK PRINCE'
THE only portion of writing extant which

executed by the Black Prince is
is supposed to have been
the curious signature appended to
a writ dated at Angouleme in 1370, addressed by him, as Earl of Chester,
to the custodians of his seal, directing them to prepare his letters patent
for settling a pension upon a certain John de Esquet as a reward for faithful
service. About the document itself there is no feature of especial importance.
I do not, therefore, propose to give a facsimile of more than the concluding
words of it Homout. Ich Dene. To these words attaches the highest

:
•T^..
interest, since there is little doubt that they were written by the prince
himself, and used by him in the place of his signature to the writ. The
'
mottoes '
— for such they are — appear, it be remembered, on the prince's
will
tomb at Canterbury, and in the instructions for his funeral he directs that
his body shall be borne to the grave preceded by banners bearing these
words. The document, of which we give a translation below, is dated six
years before his death, when he was in the fortieth year of his age. His
health was then already beginning to fail, and his former magnanimous
disposition so far altering as to allow him to consent to the massacre of the
vanquished inhabitants of Limoges.
'Edward, eldest son of the King of France and England, Prince of Aqui-
Biscay, and
taine and Wales, Duke of Cornwall, Earl of Chester, Seigneur of
Castre d'Ordiales, to our dear and well-beloved Sir Richard de Stafford,

Sir Piers de . . and John de Heurteworth, greeting. Whereas, in
. .
,
consideration of the good service which our beloved and faithful John de
Esquet has done, and will for the future do, for us, we have given and
granted him 50 marks sterling by the year during his life, to take at our
Exchequer of Chester by the hands of our Chamberlain there for the time
homage to us as we have received from him on
being, he doing such loyal
this side of the sea. We will that upon this our gift and grant aforesaid,
you, John de Heurteworth, do issue unto him our letters patent under our
seal in your custody, with such others as appertain and are sufficient for
him. And these letters shall be your warrant for the same. Given under
our privy seal in our city of Angoul^me the 25th day of April, 1370^'
With regard to the interpretation of the mottoes, Homont [Hochmuth] is
generally taken to be '

high courage.' The story of the prince adopting as
his motto the words Ich Dene (I serve) — the words found beneath the plume
of ostrich feathers on the helmet of the King of Bavaria as he lay slain on
the field of Cressy — is too well known to need more than passing mention.
' Original in Latin. Public Record OfBce.

Ill
RICHARD II
OF Richard II's signature
excessively rare.
we have undoubted
Internal evidence —the
examples, though they are
mention of Michael de la
Pole as Earl of Suffolk — in the first of the three documents bearing his signa-
ture, of which facsimiles are given here, fixes it as belonging to the year 1386,
twelve months before the king completed his majority. It is a grant by
Richard to the Prioress of Saint Magdalen, at Bristol, of a tun of Gascony
wine, to be handed over to her every Christmas at the port of that town.
The king here signs his name in English.
Translation of the document referred to above. Original in French. Signature

only in the Kings handwriting. Public Record Office. See facsimile on
following page.
'
By the King.
'
Well-beloved and faithful. Whereas we of our special grace
have given and granted to our well-beloved in God, Elizabeth, Prioress
of Saint Magdalen, near our town of Bristol, a tun of red wine of Gas-
cony, to have and take yearly during the term of her life at the Feast
of Christmas, in our said town of Bristol, by the hand of our Chief
Butler for the time being. We command you that you issue to the said
Elizabeth our letters patent for the same, under our great seal in due
:
'4
I ^ i> Handwriting of English Kings and Queens
form. Given under our signet at our Castle of Bristol,

the 26th day of July.
'
Richard.'
Addressed —
1-5
"I I '?— '
To our well-beloved and faithful Michael de
H ej:; "svi
\^ Pole, Earl of Suffolk, our Chancellor.'
to
r
3 H"? fis
Somewhat more than a mere signature occurs
"^
^ I
''i^ Ov^
^ ^* K *—— T' upon a letter written by Richard, in 1389^
^^ f C» *^. ordering William of Wykeham, the famous Bishop
^ ^^
t of Winchester,
^^
who was
great seal to one or other
his Chancellor, to deliver
of four persons
i f~~
S ^-J* named, in order that it might be affixed to certain
I
" *^ C
«"" documents concerning a process between the Earl
^ « ^ 4I of Salisbury and John Montague, his brother
^ This done, to take it back and keep it. The letter
"^[^
1 fs «S bears date at Havering, in Essex, on November 15, 1389,
P
< S>Î.<S\. and is signed '
Le Roy R.S. sau[n]z dep[ar]tyr' — the
y t|^<£^ King, Richard the Second [wills it to be done] without
- ^ « fail. A facsimile of this signature is given on the plate
which stands as frontispiece to this volume.
Another example of this form of Richard's signature,

'
le Roy R. S.,' occurs on a document belonging to the
year 1397^. French is the language of the document to
which this signature There is nothing
is appended.
especially interesting in the document itself, which is
written by a professional scribe in the ordinary hand of
the period, so that it will be sufficient to give a fac-
«s
simile of the king's signature alone. The instrument sets
' Original at the Public Record Office amongst the Collection of

Royal Autographs.
''
British Museum. Cotton MSS., Vespasian F. iii. folio 3.
—
///. Richard the Second 15
out the particulars of agreement for the restoration of the Castle of Brest to
the Duke of Brittany, an incident in the twenty-five years' truce agreed upon
between England and France towards the close of Richard's reign, after
Charles VI had consented that his daughter Isabella, at that time only eight
years of age, should, on completing her twelfth year, become the wife of the
English king, if she wished to do so. The signature reads thus :
IV
HENRY IV
THE specimens of Henry IV's handwriting are more numerous and

interesting, since, in one instance, we have a holograph letter of that
sovereign. The date of this document must be placed somewhere between

the years 1380 —when he was first styled Earl of Derby —and 1399, the date
of his accession to the Crown. The letter, which also bears Henry's signet
seal, is dated at Hertford on August 13. In it the writer directs William
Loveney, Clerk of his Wardrobe, to supply Jak Davy' with cloth
'
for a gown
for his (Davy's) father, in addition to gowns already allowed for himself, his
mother, and his wife.
It is difficult with the process at our disposal to give an adequate represen-
tation of the seal, which is of red wax, bears a shield charged with an ostrich
feather, and has the name Derby across the
'
' field.
Translation of the doacment above referred to. Holograph. Original in

French. British Museum, Stow MSS. Facsimile opposite.
'Dear and good friend. —Whereas we have before spoken to you con-
cerning gowns for Jak Davy, his mother, and his wife, I command you also
that you deliver to the said Jack sufficient cloth for a gown for his father.
And this our letter shall be your warrant. Written at Hertford, the 13th
day of August, with our own hand, as will be to you apparent. We
command William Loveney, Clerk of our Wardrobe, to do this under our
Seal.'
Now comes an example^ of Henry of Lancaster's writing after his accession
'
Original at the Public Record Office : Collection of Royal Autographs.
— —
/^. Henry the Fourth 17
to the throne as Henry IV, and of more

interest, not only on that account, but as
furnishing a really valuable example of what
we may literally term the Kings English at
the very beginning of the fifteenth century
a date at which examples of English, penned
m
o by any one, are exceedingly interesting. It
o
< occurs upon a formal command to the Arch-
5
bishop of Canterbury concerning the Queen's
c5 dower, at the end of which Henry has

O written :
'
W[i]t[h]al min trew hert, worchipfull
u and well beloved cosin, I grete yow ofte
H
IB
well and you, next God, I thonke of that
O
H good hele that I am inne, for so I may
>"
m
well, w[i]t[h]out saying so. Reverent and
well beloved cosin, I send yow a bille for
Q
that Quene, towchyng her dower, wych I
o
pray yow micht be sped, and ye scholl do
us bothe gret ese ther inne.
H Wherefor we woU thonk yow
S w[i]t[h]al oure hert.
'
Your trewe
i?
'
son Henrye.'
b
O
Pi
H This most interesting example

H
1-1
of royal penmanship is repro-
duced in exact facsimile upon the
frontispiece plate.
We have other specimens of
Henry's handwriting after his ac-
cession to the throne, though none
so long or so curious as those
noted. One is upon a petition
1 8 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England
addressed to him by a Canon of Windsor on the subject of an obstructed

right-of-way. The document is interesting in itself from the glimpse it
gives us at a part of the royal borough at the commencement of the fifteenth

century, and shows the usual form of the king's signature,
'
H. R. We have granted it for him.'
Translation of the document above referred to. Original in French.

Public Record Office.
'
To our most dread and sovereign Lord, our Lord the King. Most humbly
prays your poor Chaplain and continual Orator, Simon Marcheford, Canon
of your most honourable College of Windsor, that whereas he and his
predecessors have before this time had a garden extending from their house
along the side of your ancient hall in your Castle of Windsor so far as
the old great chamber, together with a little gate and the key [le clos]
belonging to it, near the " pulletrie " there, to enable them to come and go
freely at all times. This gate is now barred and closed by your officers
of the said " pulletrie," to the great discomfort of your said Chaplain, who
can no longer bring in his victuals that way for the reason aforesaid. May
it please your grace to grant to the said petitioner and his successors the
key [les clos] and gates aforesaid, so that hemay have free ingress and egress
through the same in form aforesaid. For God and in the way of charity.'
V
HENRY V
THERE is a good deal ofHenry V's writing extant at the present day.
Amongst the examples are some tolerably long letters, which show
a very skilful power of expression. These are particularly interesting;
since —with the exception of the documents before noticed, penned by
Henry IV as Earl of Derby and king —they are the earliest examples of
royal holograph letter-writing we have. Two of these are written whilst he
was Prince of Wales, and are addressed to his father, Henry IV. The first
congratulates him on the blissid sacrament of mariage,' which he (Henry IV)
'
has concluded with Joan of Navarre, so that the letter belongs to the year
1402, when He regrets that he
the writer was but fourteen years of age.
was not present at the ceremony was evidently caused by the
; his absence
existence of the jealousy and suspicion with which Henry IV constantly
regarded his youthful heir. The frank and open-hearted strain of the
letter leaves us in no doubt about the genuineness of the grief which the
boy says he feels at exclusion from his father's presence.
Transcript of the document above referred to. Holograph. Original in

English, Public Record Office. See facsimile (i) on page 21, which
shows the concluding portion of the letter, commencing at '
therefore my
sovereyne lordel &c}
'In all wyse my sovereyne lorde I recoma«dde me to your^ moste noble
grace wyghte alle the lowlinesse that any s^^bgit kan thenkke or devise.
'The words are written by the prince with numerous abbreviations ; the letters supplied to
make the words intelligible to ordinary readers are printed in italics.
B 2
Ande as you lieste my sov^reyne lorde to lete me youre most huwble

liege raz.n have knowleche be yowr gracious lettris of the pees and
to
mariage co^cludid, the whyche Godde knowyht I have desirid as herttyly
as ever dide any poore creature, and that for Goddis worshipp and your
moste noble herttis ese. And also for the sov^reyne gladnesse and
co»«forte that we yowre trwe pepil have and wyht^ Goddis mercy shalle
have in the lyklynesse of successione of your bodily heyrys y* lorde thankke
yow yt is verray pees, ande wyhte all the huwblesse that any suhgxt kan
thankke hys sovereyne lorde, moste gracious sov^^-eyne
I thankke you my
lorde. Ande there as hyt lykyd yowre hynesse to wryte in zowr^ forseid
gracious lettris y* ye purpose the time of youre mariage as sone aftir the
feste of the trinite as convenable time comyhte, in the beste tyme of the
yer I beseche Godde. And trwly my sovereyne lorde, but if youre hynesse
hadde commanddid me the quarie if I myht have be [been] to Goddis
worship, and yourys at that blessid gladde mariage I wolde, for no thyng
be thennys but Godde, blissid mote he be, wille not that I have in thys
worde [world] y* y* I whyche to see that joyfulle day

most desired of, the
of your mariage haht ben on. Besechyng you my sovereyne lorde to
have in yowre noble remembraunce wyhte what conclusion of reste I departid
last owte of yowre graciouse presence ande after that I have demended me
syhte I kam in to thys youre reaume ande wyhte Goddis grace shalle to
my lyvys ende lyk as I truste to Godde youre huwble lyge man, cousin
Chaucer, hahte pleinly enformed youre hynesse or this time. Also my
sov^'reyne lorde whanne I was on the grette see I made awowe after time
I were onys in youre reaume of Engelande I sholde no see [sea] passe,

save on pilgrimage, unto [until] I hadde be [been] at Seint Jamys, ande
for that cause whanne I was at youre toun of Calays for the grete desir
I hadde to see the prosperite of your most dredde ande noble p^rsone
I wentte strehte fro thennys to your most gracious presence for if I hadde
goone in to myhte not have come in to
your reaume of Engelande I
Normandie to [till] my pilgrimage hadde be doo [done]. Ande therefore

my sovereyne lorde wyht all the humblesse that any subgit kan thenkke
or devise I beseche your hynesse to take not to displesaunsse my nowhte
comyng, for Godde knowhte I ne feyne noone no colour seke. Besechyng
Godde in all wyse my sovereyne lorde to save ande kepe you body and
sowle ande sendde you in thys blissid sacrament of mariage, joye, pr<7sperite
lit i%te
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V. Henry the Fifth 23
longe to endure wyhte heyrys of your body to hys blissid worshyp ande
yourys in singular comforte off all youre trewe pepyll of the whyche I am on
[one] ande ever shall be. Wry ten att Waltham the vj day of Juin.
'
Youre humble s^^bgit and trwe ligema^,
'H. W.^'
Addressed —
'To the Kyng my Sovereyne Lorde.'
The second letter from Prince Henry to his father is written when the
former jealousies had, at least to great extent, subsided, and when the prince
was in the enjoyment of his father's trust and friendship. The letter is written
from Southampton, and with it is sent a muster-roll of the soldiers of the
companies under the command of his brother of Bedford ^,' and other '
captains. The companies here referred to were probably being dispatched

to France, and the date of the letter may be safely fixed as 141 1. At
this time Henry IV was permitted by the more settled state of affairs at
home to revive the old hostile feeling between France and England, so
that he was able to send military aid to help the Duke of Burgundy's
party in its struggle for power against the party of the Duke of Orleans.
The following year, however, he listened to the more advantageous proposal
of the Orleanists, and —withdrawing his friendship from the Burgundians
sent over fresh men and supplies to help their cause. The domestic
allusions in the letter are exceedingly curious. The lady to whom he
refers as his 'cousin of York' is obviously Joan de Holland, widow of
Edmund of Langley, fifth son of Edward HI, who died in 1402.
Transcript of the document above referred to. Holograph. Original in

English, Public Record Office. See facsimile (2) on page 21, which
shows the passages relating to 'my cosne of York' and '
Tiptot] and
also the signature.
'
My sov^rain lord and fader, I recomande me yowr good and gracieux
to
lordship as humbly as I can, desiring to heere as good tydy^gg^s of you
and of your hye estat as ever did leige man of his sov^rain lord. And,
' Probably for '

Henricus Walliae,' or '
Henry Prince of A\'ales.'
^
John, Duke of Bedford, second son of Henry IV.
sir, I trust to have now a companie comyng wzt^ my

God that ye shal
brother of Bedford that ye shal like wel in good feith as hit is do me wite,
nev^^-thelatter, my brother's mainy [retinue] have I seyn, which is right
a tal meyny [retinue]. And

thaym that be of your other
so schal ye se of
captaines leding, of which I sende you al the names in a rolle be the berer
of this. Also so, sir, blessid be God, of the good and gracieux tydingg^^
that ye have liked to send me word of be Herford your messager which
were the gladdist that ev^r I mygt heve next your welfare, be my trouth,
and, sir, with Godde's grace I shal sende all thise ladies as ye have
commandid me, in al hast, beseching you of your lordship that I mygt wite
how that ye wolde that my cosine of York shuld reule her, whether she shuld be
barbid ^ or not as I have wreten to you, my soverain lord afore this time.
And, sir, as touching Tiptot he shal be delivered in al hast, for ther lakkith
no thing but shipping, which, with Goddes grace, shall be so ordeined for that
he shal not tary. Also, sir, blessid be God, your gret ship the Grace Dieu is
even as redy and is the fairest that ev^r man saugh, I trowe in good feith.
And same day therle of Devonshir my cosin maad his moustre [muster]
this
in her and al other have her [there] moustre [mustered (?)] the same tyme
that shall go to ye see [sea]. And, sir, I trowe ye have on [one] comyng
toward you as glad as any man can be as fer as he shewith, that is the
King of Scotts, for he thanketh God that he shal mow shewe be exp^nence
thentente of his good will be the suffrance of your good lordship. My
soverain lord, more can I not write to your hynesse at this tyme, but yt
ev^r I beseche you of your good and gracieux lordship as be my trouth
my witting [knowingly] willingly I shal nev^r deserve the contrary, that
woot God, to whom I pray, to send yow al yt yowr hert desireth to his
plaisance. Writen in your town of Hampton the xiiij day of May.
'
Your trewe and humble liege man and sone
'H. G.2'
After Prince Henry's accession to the throne, we have a portion of a letter

written by him whilst in France, probably in the year 141 9, apparently to the
person left in charge of home affairs whilst the king prosecuted his wars
' i. e. dressed as a widow.

^ Probably '
Henricus Gwalliae,' or for '
Henry Prince de Galle.'
'it
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V. Henvy the Fifth 27
abroad. The French prisoners he refers to were, no doubt, those taken four
years before at the battle of Agincourt. His suspicions are, we see, aroused
that the Duke of Orleans is endeavouring to carry on an intrigue with
Scotland, so he directs the continuance of his close confinement at Pontefract,
whither he had been removed from Windsor ; he did not regain his liberty
till 1440. The last ten years of his Tower
confinement were passed in the
of London, where he employed much of his time in sonnet-writing. Amongst
his compositions are three written in English, and expressed in a way which
shows that during his captivity he had acquired a very perfect knowledge of
the language. James I —the
King of Scotland here spoken of by King
Henry, and alluded to by him in the letter to Henry IV last quoted had —
been a prisoner in England since 1405, and was liberated in 1424; he, too,
has left us specimens of poetic composition written whilst in prison.
Transcript of the document referred to above. Holograph original in English.

British Museum, Cotton MSS. Vespasian F. Hi. folio 5. Facsimile
opposite.
'
Furthremore I wold that ye comend with my brothre, with the chanceller,
with my cosin of Northumbrelond and [with] my cosin of Westmeland; and
that ye set agode ordinance for my north marches, and specially for the
Due of Orlians, and for all the remanant of my prisoners of France and
also for the k[ing] of Scotelond, for, as I am secrely enfourmed by a man
of ryght notable estate in this lond, that there hath ben a man of the Due of
Orliance in Scotland and accorded with the Due of Albany that this next
somer he schal bryng in the maumet [puppet] of Scotlond to sturre what
he may, and also that ther schold be founden weys to the havyng awey
specialy of the Due of Orlians and also of the k[ing], as welle as of the remanant
of my forsayd prysoners that God do defende. Wherefore I wolle that the
;
Due of Orliance be kept stille within the Castil of Pontfret with owte goyng
to Robertis place or to any othre disport, for it is bettre he lak his disport
then we were disceyved. Of alle the remanant dothe as ye thenketh.'
One more specimen of Henry's handwriting may be given, in the words

with which he grants a petition addressed to him by a suitor for the
continuance of an annuity granted by his late brother, Thomas Duke of
Clarence, who was slain at Baugy in 142 1 ; the document therefore shows
us the king's handwriting but a short time before his death. The allusions
to the '
Castle of Hawardyn give' the document a present-day interest.
Translation of the document above referred to. Original in French. Public

Record Office. The words '
R. H. In the fo[r]me and man[er]e that
our brother's l[ett]res p[ur]poten whil us lust,' only in the King's
handwriting.
{Jwt:^®^^v^x<t<vvQ.(VvL«Q3^^*tnc>v^ -^l^c^WsfCSV^^tJSx^ djQ^ C^J"^*!^'
'
To our Lord the King.
'
Humbly prays your suitor John Kyngesley Esquire, That whereas his
most dread Lord, Thomas Duke of Clarence, your brother, whom God
assoil, by his letters patent granted to your said suppliant an annual rent
[of ten pounds during] the life of your said suppliant from the rents issues
profits and revenues of his Castle and Lordship of Hawardyn within the
county of Chester ^ by the hands of his receiver there for the time being
at the feast of Saint Mi as in the same letters patent more fully
is contained. The which Castle and Lordship aforesaid, after the death of
the aforesaid Duke, have come into your hands by reason that the said Duke
died without heir of his body to give and grant to your said
suppliant the said ten pounds to be taken annually for the term of his life
at the feasts abovesaid of the said issues rents profits and revenues of the
Castle and Lordship abovesaid by the hands of according to the
form of the letters patent aforesaid. Any gift or grant by you to your
said suppliant before this time made notwithstanding. For God and as
a work [of Charity].'
Signatures are given on the next page (in two forms) of the king's brother,
Humphry Duke of Gloucester, Regent and Chamberlain of England during
' For certain legal purposes the county of Flint was annexed to the county of Chester.
V. Henry fhe Fifth 29
part of the minority of Henry VI ; of Cardinal Beaufort; and of Jacquetta of

Luxemburg, wife of the Regent Bedford. These are taken from documents
in the Collection of Royal Autographs at the Public Record Office.
^ C^îL^C^V^ tf^t^ ft€vv^^
H. Chambellan of Eng^land HOMFREV.
5 ^ tfVj/^'W^^-^M^
Cardinal Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, half brother of Henry IV.
Jaquetta.
— —;
!
VI
HENRY VI
THOUGH Henry VFs signature — in its short form '

R. H.' —appears on
a large number of signed bills and other documents of a like nature, as
well as on petitions which he grants, yet no letter of any length certainly

in his handwriting is known to exist. Mr. Maxwell Lyte has, however,
kindly called my attention to the following words — ' R. H. nous avou[n]s
grau[n]te C. marc[ks]' —written by this king on a document of the year
1437, and to an interesting ex3,mple of his writing, which shows that at
the age of sixteen he made use of a wood-block stamp of his name.
Facsimiles of these are given on the frontispiece plate. All the circum-
stances connected with the use of the wood-block are of great interest.
In the first place, it is an early instance of the use of such stamps, which
were then but slightly known. A few instances of their use are recorded
but only on the Continent, and by Notaries-public, or other officials who
had occasion to make very frequent use of their names. Secondly, it is
singular to find a boy of sixteen thus saving his labour in writing, especially
when the words immediately preceding and following it are penned by him.
I am inclined to accept Mr. Lyte's suggestion that the use of the stamp
was really nothing more than a boyish freak : the wood-block simply a toy
Two of these granted petitions —each having some internal interest
are given in this volume. They are both written in English, and are
fair samples of the spelling and composition of the period a.d. 1446-7.
The first is addressed by the Colleges of Eton and Cambridge to the
king, praying him to appoint a commission for purchasing books, vestments,
VI. Henry the Sixth. 31
&c. This commission, they beg, may consist of one of the

king's chaplains, the king's stationer, 'and othere suche
as ben connynge and have undirstondynge in suche matiers.'
Original in English. Public Record Office.

'
R. H.' only
in the Kings handwriting. See facsimile at the side,
which shows the Kitigs signature and part of the

first line of the document.
'R. H.
'
Unto the Kinge oure Soverauyn Lorde.
'Besechethe mekely youre humble and trewe Orators
the Provostes and Felowes of youre two Colages Roialle of
Eton and Cambrigge, that forasmoche as thei bene of your
Royall Funducione nowe late foundede and newe growynge
and as yitte not so sufficianntely storede in suche thinges
as in verre trouthe of necessete and honeste moste nedes
be hadde, as bokes for divine service and for theire
lybraryes and theire studyes, vestymentes and othere
onourementes, whiche thinges may not be hadde withe
owte grete and diligente laboure be longe processe and
right besy Inquisione.
'
Please it to your most noble grace to yeve in specialle
commaundement and charge to Maister Richarde Chestre

oon of youre Chapellaynes that he take to hyme suche
mene as shalle be seene to hym expedient and profitable
and in especialle John Pye your Stacionere of London
and othere suche as bene connynge and have undir-
*> stondynge in suche matiers, chargynge hem and eueriche

<^ of hem to be assistant and helping hym with alle here
diligence atte alle suche tymes as thei shalle be requirede
be the seide Maistere Richarde for to laboure effectually,
'St inquere and diligently inserche, in alle places that bene

undir youre obeysaunse to gete knowleche where suche
bokes onourmentes and othere necessaries for youre seide
Colagesmaybe foundenetoselle. Grauntinge unto the forsaideMaistereRicharde

youre fulle noble lettres patentz to be made in due fowrme undir youre grete
sealle for to make suche bokes and ornementes where evere thei be foundene
to selle and make theyme to be lawfully and reasonably be praysede be mene

of gode conscience and that doone, it be lefuUe to hym to bye take and
;
receive all suche goodes afore eny othere manne for the expedicione and
profite of youre seide Colages, satisfying to the owners of suche godes suche
pris as thei may resonably accorde and agree soo that he may have the ferste
choise of alle suche goodes afore eny othere manne, and in especialle of all
manner bokes ornementes and other necessaries as nowe late were perteyninge
to the Duke of Gloucestre. And of youre habundaunt grace like it youe to
charge streitely the seide Maistere Richarde that he doo all his diligence,
cesse not but alwey contynewe his laboure unto suche tyme that youre seide
Colages be sufficiently stuffide of suche bokes and necessaries as is afore
reherside takinge the forseide Maistere Richarde his servantes and theyme
that bene assistaunt and helpars to hym in this occupacione unto youre
graciouse protectione duringe the tyme of his laboure for youre seide Colages.
And we shalle ever pray God for youe.'
The second example of Henry VI's signature is on a petition addressed to
him by Robert Coksale, a vestment maker of London, which evidently relates
to the subject of the last-quoted document, since, here, the petitioner complains
of his inability to obtain payment for '
certayn vestmentes of white damask of
div[er]ses sortes rychely embrowedered,' supplied for Eton College and for
the King's '
Colage Roiale of Our Lady and Saint Nicolas of Cambrygge.'
These he had supplied one John Langton, Chancellor of Cambridge, and
to
subsequently Bishop of St. Davids. Langton, however, died within fifteen
days of the appointment to St. Davids, hence Coksale's difficulty in obtaining
payment for his goods supplied.
Original in English. Public Record Office.

'
R. H.' only in the King's hand-
writing. Facsimile opposite, which shows the King's signature and part
of the first line of the document.
'R. H.
'
To the Kyng our Sov[er]ayn lord.
'
Besecheth mekely your humble Oratour Robert Coksale, Vestment maker
of your Cite of London, That whereas Maister John Langton, late Bisshop
VL Henry the Sixth 33
of Saint Davids did get your seid oratour to make certayn

Vestmentes of white damask of div[er]ses sortes rychely
embrowedered, aswell for your colage Roiale of our lady
of Eton as for your Colage Royall of our lady and Saint
Nicolas of Cambrygge, for the which Vestments there is
due unto your said Oratour ccxlili xix^ iij^, as it appereth
more clerly by a scedule of parcelles to this bill annexed,
of the which scedule the seid Bysshop hadde the doub. . .
to have shewed it unto yo"^ highnesse for the payment of

the seid some, whereof as yit he in no wise may have no
payment. And in case the seid Vestmentes should been
delivered fro your seid Oratour which as yit been in his
kepyng without payment for the same it shuld be to his
utter destruction and undoyng That it myght please you
therefer of your most speciall Grace to considre these
premisses and also how that your seid Oratour is gretely
endetted to diuerses persones for the grete part of the
stuf for the seid Vestmentes and to graunt unto your seed
Oratour for his more suerte by your l[ett]res patentes that
he his heirs executers or assignes may have and kepe the
seid Vestmentes unto the tyme that your seid Oratour
his heirs executours or assignes have been fully payed
content or agreed for the seid Vestmentes of the seid
some of ccxliî xix^ \\)^ without any interrupcion lette or
disturbaunce of you or of any of yo[u]r officers or Ministres
or elles of any other persone whatsomever. And he shall
pray God for you.'
'The King g[r]aunted this bille Newbury the

at
XXX day of Aoust the yer of Regne xxv.
his
Present, my lord Bisshop of Sarum and my
lord Say.'
Yet another form of Henry VI's signature occurs upon

a curious document preserved amongst the muniments
of Eton College. It is appended to certain alterations in
what is generally known as the king's '

will ' : the alterations relate to the
building of the College Chapel, and very full extracts from them are given
by Mr. Maxwell Lyte, in his History of Eton College. By the kindness
of the publishers, Messrs. Macmillan & Co., we are enabled to give below
a representation of the signature from the wood-block used in Mr. Lyte's
book.
Ijr- U2;>vvi{oL6>
VII
EDWARD IV AND HIS QUEEN, ELIZABETH WYDEVILE
FEW individuals, or bodies corporate,

apprehension the
had greater reason
overthrow of the House of Lancaster, and the
to view with
victory of Edward Duke of York at Mortimer's Cross, than had the College
of —
Eton the foundation, and especially favoured foundation, of Henry VI.
Mr. Maxwell Lj^te, in his history of the College before mentioned,
states that the Provost and Canons acted with more wisdom than courage,
in at once submitting themselves to the victorious party. They went
forward, without delay, to meet Edward on his march eastwards, towards
London, and it would seem, by so doing obtained from him a promise
of protection, which probably allayed their uneasiness.
This interesting document may still be seen in the College Library, and
furnishes a unique example of the future king's signature just prior to
his accession. —
The wording is so interesting the phrase by which Edward
describes himself— that we make no excuse for here quoting its commencement.
'
Be it knowen that We, Edward, by the grace of
God, of Englande Fraunce and Irland, vray and just
heire. Due of York, Erl of the March and Ulvestre, have

by thees our lettres taken and receyved the Provoste and
felaship of the Collage of Eyton into our defense and
saveguard'
The document concludes by warning all persons to in no wise vex

or spoil those whom the duke had thus taken under his protection, and
is signed as shown above.
C 2
36 Handwritmg of the Kings and Queens of England
Subsequent history shows us that the Provost and Fellows found that
Edward did not keep his word, and they, like other Lancastrians, suffered
loss of revenue ; but into this we must not enter.
When this series of papers appeared in the pages of the Leisure Hour
some few years ago, I was compelled to state that no connected sentence
written by Edward IV was known to be extant, though, as is the case with
respect to Henry VI, numerous specimens of his signature, E. R.,' were '
known to occur on formal documents. I am now, by the kindness of my

friend Mr. Maxwell Lyte, the Deputy-Keeper of the Records, enabled
to present to the reader both the signature of Edward when Duke of York,
already given, and also (on the plate facing this page) a facsimile of a long
sentence, composed by the Sun of York \' and written in his own hand.
'
It occurs on a document lately come to light, which is a writ to the

Chancellor ordering a commission to be sent to the Mayor of Bristol, and
others, for the trial of those who had committed riot in the west of
England. It reads :
—
Cosyn yff ye thynke ye schult have a warrant
'
thys, our wryten, shal soffysse on to [until] ye may have on made, in dew
forme. We pray you hyt Fayle not to be don.' One of the documents,
which bears the usual '
E. R.,' has considerable historic interest, and is
therefore worthy of pretty full quotation. It is the minute of the pro-

ceedings at a council held in the English camp near Peronne in 1475,
at which Edward IV empowered certain persons in his retinue to treat
with Louis XI of France for a peace which, it will be remembered, was
ultimately agreed upon.
This document —which also bears the signatures of Edward's two brothers,
Richard Duke of Gloucester (afterwards Richard III) and George Duke
of Clarence, who was attainted and murdered in 1477 recites that the —
king, attended by a numerous company of nobles, was, on August 25, 1475,
'
in his felde beside a village called Seyntre within Vermondose a litelle
from Peronne.' Here certeyne offres and requestes were made unto
'
his highnes be [by] the Frensshe Kyng for a trewx and abstinence of
werre and other intelligences to be had betwixt theme both con[sider]yng
the povertie of his armye, the nygh approchyng wynter and smale assis-
;
tence of his allies ' whereupon Edward '

called thane and there before
' Original in Public Record Office : Collection of Royal Autographs.

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VII. Edward the Fourth and his Queen, Elisabeth IVydevile 37
his highnes, the lord Howard Maister of the Rolles Deane of his Chapelle,
and Thomas Selynger,' whom he charged to 'goo unto the said Frensshe
Kyng, or suche as he shuld depute for his partie, geving theme power
and auctorite,' and also charged Lord Howard and Thomas Selynger to
agree with him or them under fourme folowing,' that is to say
'
if the :
'
Frensshe Kyng wolle bynde him, his cuntries and subgets, to paie within
15 dales unto oure soveraigne lord Ixxv m^ scutes and at Ester then next
folowing XXV m^ scutes and at Michelmas thane next folowing other xxv m'
scutes and soo continuelly forthe yereley 1 m^ scutes during their bothe lyves.
And also if the said Frensshe Kyng wolle doo marie his sone, called
the Delphyne, at his charge and cost to his furst or the second of oure said
soveraigne lorde's doughters indowing her with Ix m^ pounds of rent
yerely, after the estimacione of Fraunce ; that thane thei shuld bynd oure
said soveraigne lord to withdrawe his armie, incontinent upone the receipt
of the said Ixxv m^ scutes into Englond, and to bynde hyme to lay plegges
soo to doo.'
Besides was further agreed that the two kings shuld make
this, it '
a private amyte betwixt them bothe byndyng theme to a mutuelle assis-

tence in case any oftheme bothe were be [by] their subgetts
wronged or disobeied. And also to make betwixt theme
both a treux and abstinence of werre with intercourse of
merchaundises for their cuntres and subgetts to endure for
vij yere next folowing.' The king's signature, thus :
appears at the head of the document ; those of Gloucester and Clarence

as given below.
Edward IV,
Elizabeth Wydevile, the wife of is the first English queen
of whose handwriting any specimen is known to exist. She was the
daughter of Sir Richard Wydevile (by Jacqueline, or Jaquetta, widow of
the Regent Bedford), and married Edward IV on May i, 1464.
The example of her signature which we give here is appended to
38 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England.
a document of some importance, since it goes a good way towards refuting

the statement frequently dwelt upon in history, that Henry VII —who,
perhaps rightly, possesses a character for carefulness, carried to the degree
of meanness —seized his mother-in-law's possessions, and left her without
any adequate means of support. In the following, we see a receipt given
by Elizabeth, the Queen Dowager, for the arrears of a pension of ^400
a year allowed her by her son-in-law.
Original in English. Public Record Office. Signature only in Queen s
handwriting.
Be hyt remembyrd that I Queue Elyzabethe late wyffee to the exelent

'
prynce, Kyng Edward the iiijth, have reseyvede the xxi day of May the vjth
yere of King Herry the viith of John Lord Denham tresorer of Ynglond
be the handdes of Thomas Stolys, on [one] of the reseyte, xxx'i in party
of payment of CCî due to rtie at ester last past as hyt aperyth be my
annuete grauntyd be the Kyng. In wytnes wher of I have endosyd
thys byll wythe my hand the day and yere above said.
'
Elysabeth,'
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VIII
EDWARD V
ELIZABETH'S unfortunate son —though his reign lasted Httle more than
a couple of months —has left us several varieties of his signature — all,
however, attached to purely formal documents.

In May, 1483, he signs (and the Duke of Gloucester countersigns) a pro-
clamation to the Sheriff of Middlesex, commanding those in his county who
were in the enjoyment of lands of a certain value, to appear
before him and receive the honour of knighthood which, it —
must be remembered, at that period, and, indeed, for some time
after, was regarded rather as a burthen than an honour, entailing,
as it did, the performance of a variety of costly and troublesome

services. The document has no internal interest, and so the
representation of the king's signature is all that need be
given here. Edward was only thirteen years of age when he
wrote the letters shown in the margin.
We also find, at the British Museum, a strip of parchment, apparently cut

from a document, on which the king's signature occurs in full and is written
in Latin ^
[R. Edwardus Quintus.]
British Museum, Cotton MSS., Vesp. F. xiii. Folio 53.

4^ Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England
Another parchment, the date of which may be fixed as

early in June, 1483, deserves more attention for its own sake,
X and is therefore printed below in full : it shows us a com-

^^. pletely different form of the king's signature. The document
fv, is a warrant to the Lord Chancellor to issue writs for a
Parliament to meet at Westminster on the 25th of June '
next
comyng,' which introduces us to a noteworthy historic fact,
namely, that it was the intention of Edward — or, rather,

we should say, of those who ruled him —to summon
a Parliament ; there is no evidence, however, that the writs
for this Parliament were ever issued in accordance with the
royal warrant.
Original in English. Public Record Office. See facsimile

at the side, which shows the King's signature and part
of the first line of the document.
'R. E.
'
Edward by the g[r]ace of God Kyng of England and
of Fraunce and lord of Irlond. To the rev[er]ent fader
in God John Bisshop of Lincoln our chaunceller gretyng.
Forasmoche as We for c[er]tain causes and considera-
[ci]ons suche as sp[eci'lally move us and conc[er]ne the wele
of us and of all this our Realme and subiectis of the same
have by thadwys [the advice] of our counseill ordeyned and
appoynted a parlement to be holden at Westmynster and
to begynne there the xxv day of Juyn next comyng. We
wull and charge you that under our great seall ye do make
our writtes for the callyng and somons of our said Parlement
to the said day and place in due fourme and in suche
case accustumed. And this our writyng shalbe unto you
sufficient Warant and discharge in this behalf
The murder of the king and his brother happened three

days before the date here fixed for the assembly of this
Parliament.
1
^
^^^^
f
'^'4
00
Q
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o
O
a:
Q
^2
a
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D
.^-^ 7^^F^^ I
^
—
IX
RICHARD III
THERE is a good deal of the handwriting of Richard III preserved to

the present day. Two letters of his are of particular interest, since the
wording of each is expressive of the impetuous character of the writer.

In the earlier of the two —dated at Lincoln on October 12, 1483, three months
after his coronation —he commands the Lord Chancellor to send him, with
all haste, his great seal, the possession of which is rendered necessary for
carrying out his schemes against the Duke of Buckingham. But the formal
language of the letter, written by some careful official, in nowise expressed
the feelings of the infuriated
• king, and taking his own pen he has added
to it as follows ^ :
'
We wolde most gladly ye camme yourselffe yf that ye may ; and yf
ye may not We pray you not to fayle but to accomplyshe in all dyllygence
oure sayde comawndement to sende Oure Seale incontenent apone the
syght heroffe as We trust you with suche as ye trust and the offycers
pertenyng to attend with hyt praying you to assertayne us of your newes
there. Here, loved be God, ys alle welle and trewly determyned and for
to resyste the malysse of hyme that hadde best cawse to be trewe, the Due
of Bokyngame, the most untrewe creature lyvyng whome with Godes Grace
We shalle not be long tylle that we wylle be in that partyes and subdewe
his malys. We assure you there was never falsse traytor better purvayde
for as this berrerre Gloucestre shall shewe you.'
'
See facsimile on opposite page.
Equally expressive of the king's temper is another letter — undated—also

addressed to the chancellor, in which he directs him to prepare in hot haste
a pardon for a certain priest.
Original in English. Holograph. Public Record Office. For facsimile,

see page 48.
My lord chauncelere We pray you in alle haste to send to Us a pardone

undere Oure Gret Seale to Sir Henry Wode, preste, &c, and this shalbe your
\\'[arrant].
'
M[aster] Skypton spede this forthwyth.
'
RiCARDUS Rex.'
<
K
u
o
o
d
o
w
H
o
X
HENRY VII
HENRY VII has, perhaps rightly, obtained the character of being

careful to the degree of meanness. His carefulness is certainly
demonstrated by the extreme pains he took with regard to his household
accounts. Two volumes of these are still extant, and a facsimile, showing
a portion of a page from one, is given on page 48. Every word on the first
four pages of this volume is written by the king. The entries in the
remainder of the volume, and throughout the other, are made by a clerk ; but
Henry checked all the 'totals,' and placed his initials both at the foot and at
the top of the page. The itertis which we see in the facsimile are curious, as
showing the king's numerous dealings with large sums of money in specie —
'
oone bagge of krownes of weyght m^ vj" xliij [pounds] and others of a '
—
similar kind.
Transcript of the document above referred to. Ptiblic Record Office.
Facsimile opposite.
'
Med.' delyvered to Jhean Heron this xij day of Juyll[y] in oone bagge
of Krounes of weyghte m' vj'' xliij. It[em] delyvered the same day in an
other bagge in krownes of weyghte ix*' Ixix krownes, whereof delyvered to
Pierres Danyelle by Mathieu Baker in advanced for plate a m^ krownes.
It[em] delyvered the xix day of Juyll[y] to Jhean Heron in ducatz m^m^mi ccc
xxxî whereof Lewes de la Fava receyved in sterling money vij'^l li xiij^ iiij"^
;
which is discharged in the boke of acompts.

'
Me[moran]d[um] delyvered by Sir Thomas Lovelle, in dyvers man[er]s,
of gold of beyond the see in Flemysche gold broght by hym from Calais the
xxth day of Juinge a" xix", the some of vlij'' li flemysche,

which S'" Sampson Norton and Nicolas Boveton delyvered
hym of the revenuz of Marke and Oye in the marches of
Calais.'
Besides demonstrating the king's love of money-making,

the study of these books of accounts reveals evidence of some
very questionable dealings in the employment of spies. The
name of Sir Richard Empson — who, in company with Dudley,
another of the king's ministers, suffered on Tower Hill soon
after the accession of —
Henry VHI appears frequently in
connexion with these entries. There are, too, in these books,
some curious allusions, under the date 1497, to the rebellion
made by Perkin Warbeck, or Piers Osebeke,' as he is there
'
generally termed.
The signature given above (' Henricus R.') is a particularly

bold example of Henry VII's writing. It occurs on a letter
written by him from Woodstock in 1502 to the Venetian Am-
bassador.
—
X. Henry the Seventh 51
By way of comparison we add two other forms of this king's signature :
Two FORMS OF Henry VIFs Signature.
It fnaynot-be out of place to give here an example of the handwriting

of the woman through whom Henry VII obtained whatever title he might
have had to the throne of England — I mean that of his mother, Margaret
Beaufort, great-granddaughter of John of Gaunt. It is written as a postscript
to a letter to his Chancellor on business matters, and reads My lord, :
— '
Y pray yow Y may her of your newes of Flaundyrse. M. Rychmond ^.'
' Original at Public Record Office : Collection of Royal Autographs. For facsimile see
opposite page.
D 2
—
XI
HENRY VIII AND HIS WIVES
would be difficult to find a more interesting specimen of Henry VIII's

IT handwriting than that which is furnished in the following letter to his
favourite, Thomas Wolsey
— ' Myne awne good Cardinall,' as he calls him :
Holograph. Original at British Museum. Additional A/SS. 19,398. 644.

/facsimile opposite.
'
Myne awne good Cardinall. I recommande me unto you, as hartely as hart
can thynke. So it is that by cause wryttyng to me is somewhat tedius and
paynefull, therfor the most part off this bysynesses I have commytted to our
trusty counseler thys berrer to be declaryd to yow by mowthe, to whyche
we woUde you shulde gyff credens. Nevertheles to thys that folowith,
I thowght nott best make hym pryve, nor nonother but you and I, whyche
to
is that I wolde you shuld make good watche on the duke off Suffolke, on the
dtike of Bukyngam, on my lord off Northetomberland, on my lord off Darby,
on my lord of Wylshere and on others whyche you thynke suspecte, to see
what they do with thes nwes [news]. No more to you at thys tyme, but
sapienti pauca. Wryttyne under the hand off your lovying master,
'
Henry R.'
The exact date of this letter is uncertain, but it probably belongs to the
year 15 19. The writer was then less than thirty years of age, so that
the acknowledgement he makes of the tediousness and trouble he finds in
writing, must be accounted for The whole style
by a defective education.
—
of the letter its spelling and handwriting bears this out. The news to —
which Henry refers may allude to the overtures recently made for a closer
alliance with France. It is difficult to assign any particular reason for
Letter of Henry VIII to Cardinal Wolsey.
!
XI. Henry the Eighth and his Wives 55
Henry's suspicion of the nobles mentioned, most of whom were, at least out-
wardly, enjoying his personal friendship. There is, however, a letter dated in
the spring of 1 5 1 8, from the Pope to the Bishop of Worcester, which gives
obscure hints as to a disaffection amongst the nobles ; and of this disaffection
the shrewd writer of the letter before us may have been cognizant, though he
was too good a diplomatist to allow his knowledge to show itself openly.
There will, however, be looked for, and naturally looked for, by the readers
of this volume, some example of Henry's handwriting in connexion with the
great event in English history with which his reign is associated in the minds
of most of us : I mean the Reformation.
This is not the place in which to discuss the motives of the king in his
actions with regard to religion, or of his personal faith ; but it is not without
interest, and it is certainly instructive, to consider for a moment his declaration
of belief, at a period when the Reformation had actually commenced, and had,
as we know, at the instigation of those opposed to the suppression of the
religious houses, caused a violent outbreak in the northern parts of England
— the Pilgrimage of Grace, as it was called. After its suppression, the king's
supremacy in spiritual as well as temporal matters seemed more than ever
firmly established. Yet in matters of belief he appeared willing to make
concessions to the popular feeling
The Articles of Religion, put forward under royal authority in 1536, were
criticizedby many on account of the omissions therefrom of four of the
then and Henry so far regarded popular
recognized seven sacraments ;
prejudices that he, in February, 1537, called upon the bishops to consider
the points of doctrine which justified this omission. Before the close of the
bishops' deliberations, the Archbishop of York was able to assure a corre-
spondent that the omitted sacraments would be found in a new edition of the
Articles of Religion which would— as a result of those deliberations —be put
forward. Although month of May, Lord Hussey told Lord Lisle that
in the
the episcopate was at a point,' yet it was not until July that the new articles
'
appeared, under the title of The Godly and Pious Institution of a Christian
—
Man a work which soon came to be familiarly termed the Bishops' '
Book —which, as we see, was a very suitable title for it.

'
This was signed by
the whole body of those who had deliberated on the question.
It contained an exposition of the Apostles' Creed, the Seven Sacraments,
the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ave Maria, together
—

with two articles on Justification and Purgatory, which were, with slight
verbal differences, reproduced from the articles of the previous year. As
we know, this work was printed, issued, and ordered to be read in the
churches ; but it is also the fact that Henry steered clear of giving a direct
approval of all it contained, saying —^when asked to do so —that he had not
had time to examine it thoroughly. This brings us to the point which our
facsimile illustrates. Undoubtedly some part of the outcome of the episcopal
deliberations had been submitted to the king in manuscript. Here we see
the first page of '
Tharticle concernynge the soulles of them whiche be
departed from this lyfe,' which is of the highest interest, from the fact that
the alterations in the text are in Henry's own handwriting. There can,
therefore, be no doubt -that, as altered, we have in this article the views which,
in 1537, Henry VIII believed, or, at least, thought it prudent to express.
A transcript of the whole article — as altered by the king — follows, and with
the aid of this no difficulty will be experienced in deciphering the facsimile :
Original at the Ptiblic Record Office. State Papers, Henry VIII.

Vol. XII, part 2, No. 401 (3).
'
Tharticle concernynge the soulles of them whiche be departed from this lyfe.
'As towchinge the soulles of them whiche be departed, forasmuche as
other
we have no /\ certaine knolledge of their state, but only as farfourthe as
tholye Scripture speaketh of them : therfor we thinke it conveniente that all
bishoppes and preachors \shair\ ^ instructe and teache the people commytted
unto there spirituall charge, after this manner folowinge. Firste, that the
dethe of them, whiche here in this worlde lyved wyckedly, and so departed
damnable
oute of this lyfe withoute repentaunce, is (as the Scripture saithe) \very evill,
for it is the gate and entree unto everlastinge deathe and dampnation\.
The soulles of them, as it apperithe by thexample of the richeman, of
whom S. Luke speaketh in his gospell, \be in the tormente of hellfyre. They'\
be continually in thindignation and wrathe of God, everlastinge deathe

in the end shalbe theyre
gnawith upon them, and hell \is there\ dwellinge place. Their parte is
in the lake, that burnethe withe fyre and brymston, which is the seconde
deathe. They be allways in an horrible feare of the day of iudgement,
'
By comparison with the facsimile on page 57 it will be seen that the words in italics were all
struck out by the king.

Portion of a Document —'the Bishop's Book' — of the period of the Reformation
CONTAINING ALTERATIONS IN THE HANDWRITING OF HeNRY VIII.
«*»*^-
î^^^fZ ^sâî^ 'i^û^^^ ^^--w^«^^^ 2^<Wî^;;:.w^

when it shalbe saide unto them, Goe ye cursedd into everlastinge fyre,
whiche is prepared for the devle and his angelles. And contrary wyse the
.deathe of the rightuous men is precyous in the sight of our Lorde. And
blissed be they that dye in him, for their deathe is the veray gate and
entree unto everlastinge lyfe and salvation. Iff they be prevented with
deathe yet shall they be in perpetuall reste. The soulles of them be in
comforthe and solace, and shall never come to condempnation. Their soulles
be in the handes of God, the payne of deathe shall not touche them. We
shall not morne, nor weepe moche for them, for they be in peace and reste.
Their soulles be gone to the reste of our Lorde, and he is beneficiall unto
them. They be allwais in a joyfle hoope and expectation of the laste daye,
when Christe shall saye unto them. Come ye the blyssed of my father, enherite
ye the kingdome prepared for you, from the begynnynge of the worlde.'
Before leaving this period of history, I am tempted to depart a little from

the path I have followed from the outset — namely, of confining the examples
of handwritings strictly to those of the English sovereigns, their wives and
children —and to present to the reader examples of the penmanship of men
whose names are most nearly associated with the Reformation, or particularly
with the translation of the Bible into English.
This great work was accomplished in Henry V Ill's reign, and was, for
England, the most work done during that season of conflict and
fruitful
turmoil on the side of both civil and religious liberty. But it was done
without any help from, and with scant sympathy on the part of Henry or
his bishops — until at any rate the latter part of his reign, when the Bible
having been both translated and printed in English, they had begun to per-
ceive the weapon put into their hands in the conflict with Rome.
power this
Had it been left for king and bishops to initiate the work, as Cranmer said
afterwards in his famous letter, it would have been done a day after dooms- '
day.' But it was done, and mainly by men who were willing to suffer, and,
if need be, to die in order that their fellow-countrymen might be able to read
the Bible in their mother-tongue. The man manifestly raised up by God for
this great work was William Tindale. He translated and printed the English
New Testament, partly at Cologne and partly at Worms, in 1525 ;

and in 1534
"he printed at Antwerp his revised edition. He had previously at Marburg
in Hesse, in 1530, printed the Pentateuch. In 1535 Miles Coverdale issued
—
6o Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England
his Folio Bible. In 1536 Tindale was martyred at Vilvorde, near Brussels;
and in 1537 John Rogers, who also under Queen Mary was martyred, printed
and published what is known as Matthew's Bible. This large folio, the true
primary version of the English Bible, made up of all Tindale's translations
and supplemented in the other portions from Coverdale, actually received the
king's sanction, although, at the time it was published, all Tindale's writings
were under the ban. In 1538, Coverdale, with Thomas Cromwell's co-operation
and powerful 1537 Bible, and published in 1539, through
influence, revised the
Richard Grafton, what was known as the Great Bible. Of this, in two years,
six other editions were published, with a Preface by Cranmer, then Archbishop
of Canterbury, and hence popularly known as Cranmer's Bible.
Unfortunately it is not possible to get genuine autographs of all the men
concerned in this important series of events. We give, however, in the
accompanying plate, the only signature of Tindale known, also those of
Stephen Vaughan — the ambassador who tried, it is needless to say unsuc-
cessfully, to persuade Henry VIII to believe in Tindale and take him into
favour, —of Cranmer, as Archbishop of Canterbury, of Cromwell, of Latimer,
as Bishop of and of Richard Grafton. The
Worcester, of Coverdale,
last two, though affixed to an important contemporary document, were in all
probability written by the scribe who penned the letter to Cromwell in which
they occur.
Of Henry's half dozen wives, we have examples of the handwriting of five

Catherine of Aragon, Anne Boleyn, Jane Seymour, Anne of Cleves, and
Catherine Parr. I do not know of a specimen of Catherine Howard's writing,
though no doubt some are in existence.
The following signature of

Queen Catherine of Aragon— <^'1^'^>''^ V^vln^fej— ^^^
'
Your loving mother Katherina thee
J^
'^ <^
(y u
c/
Qwene —
is appended to a letter
'
written in a clerk's hand from

Woburn, probably in the year 1525,
to her daughter the Princess Mary,
afterwards Queen. In this the writer alludes to the pleasure she feels
at her child's study and writing
'
in Lattine ' being superintended by so able
a master of the language as '
Maister Federston.'
' British Museum, CoUon MSS., Vesp. F. xiii, f. 72.

Examples of Penmanship ok Men connected with the early translation
ov the Bible.
V^ *^t^%^Sr^^
Timdai.f.
Very- (^ -JLi J av*^-y^

Latimer.
Cranmkk. Coveruale and Grafton.
Vaughan.
Cromwell.
—
Of Anne Boleyn's writing we get a better example. Here is a holograph

letter ^ of hers, written to Cardinal Wolsey some three or four years before
her marriage to Henry, when she was about twenty years of age. The
allusions to her correspondent's efforts to assist her in becoming the king's
consort, and her promise of future gratitude, are exceedingly curious, as
showing the action taken by the cardinal with regard to Henry's second
marriage. The expression, 'how wretched and unworthy I am in comparying
to his hyghnes,' is probably an allusion to the position which she held as
maid to Henry's first wife. The letter is as follows :
'
My Lord after my most humble recommendacions this shall be to gyve
unto your grace as I am most bownd my humble thankes for the gret payn
and travell that your grace doth take in stewydeng by your wysdome and gret
dylygens howe to brynge to pass honerably the gretyst welth that is possyble
to come to any creatour lyvyng, and in especyall remembryng howe wretcchyd
and unworthy I am in comparying to his hyghnes. And for you I do knowe
my self never to have deservyd by my desertes so that you shuld take this
gret payn for me yet dayly of your goodnes I do perceyve by all my frendes
and though that I hade nott knowlege by them the dayly proffe of your dedes
doth declare your words and wrytynge towards me to be trewe nowe good
my Lord your dyscressyon may consyder as yet howe lytle it is in my power
to recompence you but all onely with my good wyl the whiche I assewer
you that after this matter is brought to pas, you shall fynd me, as I am
bownd in the meane tym, to owe you my servyce, and then, looke what
thyng in this woreld I can inmagen to do you pleasor in, you shall fynd
me the gladdyst woman in the woreld to do yt and next unto the Kynges
grace of one thyng I make you full promes to be assewryd to have yt and
that is my my lyf and beyng fully deter-
harty love unfaynydly deweryng
mynd Goddes
withgrace never to change thys porpos I make an end
of thys my reude and trewe meanyd letter, prayng ower Lord to send you
moche increse of honer with long lyfe. Wrytten with the hand of her that
besychys your grace to except this letter as prosydyng from one that is
most bound to be
'
Your humble and
'
Obedyent servaunt
'
Anne Boleyn.'
Holograph. British Museum, Cotton MSS., Vesp. F. xiii. f. 73.

AyUd^ ^^ jUSlf JUf^ Jm£,m^^ ^kyiJ^.€iMJiUpf^^^k,^x^ ^îÂ
jt,*i ^ ^^^ -^cic y">»tv

/g^ ^ ,vM-p«.^^^y^ y^;^ ^^ c/"^ -^ «l^<^
C^ronj^ (jiitntlitJiut' /^r /n-Jt^^^-/, -tê j(i»^

'
Facsimilk of the Handwriting of Anne Boleyn

— —
XI. Henvy the Eighth and his IVives <k.
In 1536 Henry procured the execution of Anne Boleyn, and married

three days after her execution — Jane Seymour. Their married life was but
of short duration, as she died in the October following, twelve days after
the birth of their first child, afterwards Edward VI. A good specimen
of her signature exists in a formal letter written at Hampton Court, four
months before her death, to the
keeper of the royal park at Hav-
ering-at-Bower, in which she directs
him to furnish
the Chapell Royall of
Lorde the King' with two bucks
'
of this
reads
— '
season.'
'
the gentlemen of
Jane the Queue.'

my
The
soverayn
signature
W- —
Henry married Anne of Cleves on January 6, 1540, and was divorced
from her a few months later. The happy '
insensibility of temper '
—as Hume
calls it —which allowed her to consent to live apart from the king, to be to
him 'as a sister,' and to accept ;^3,ooo a year ' pension 1,' is shown in the
following letter, which she wrote to her step-daughter, the Princess Mary
(shortly after the latter's marriage with Philip of Spain), from her country
house at Hever, in Kent:
Holograph. Original at the Public Record Office. State Papers,
Domestic, Mary. See facsimile on page 67.
'
After my humble commendations unto your Ma^y, with like thanks for your
approved Gentilnes, and Lawful favour shewed unto me in my last sute,
praying your Highness of your Loving Continuance, It may please your

Highness to understand that I am informed of your Graces return to London
again being desirous to do my duty to your Ma^y, and the King, if it may so
stande with your Highness's pleasure. And that I may knowe when and where
I shal wayt uppon your Ma^y and his ; wishing you both much joy and felicity,
with increase of Children to God's Glory, and to the preservacon of your

prosperous Estates long to continue w*i^ honor in all godly Vertue, from my
poore house of Hever the 4th of August.
'
Your highnes to commande,
'
Anna the daughter of Cleves.
Addressed—' To the Queens Maty.'
'
She died at Chelsea in 1557.
66 Handwriting of the Kings ana Queens of England
Taking Henry's wives in order of date, we now come to Catherine Howard,

whom he married on July 26, 1540, and who was beheaded on February 12,
1542. As I said previously, I have failed to discover a specimen of her
writing, and so will pass on to that monarch's sixth and last spouse, Catherine
Parr, whom he married in July, 1543, and who survived him; though,
^•^ according to the story told by Fox, she had on one occasion
/ » a narrow escape of parting with her head. However, there caii
be no doubt that of Catherine Parr's ability Henry ultimately en-

tertained an opinion very
different from that which
he had of any of his pre-
vious wives, as the fac-
simile at the side—which
shows us Catherine's signa-
ture as queen-regent —de-
monstrates. In the document to which this sig'nature is appended, the queen
pleads on behalf of one of her servants that he may benefit from some
confiscated church lands : it has many points of interest, though, not being
holograph, is unworthy of quotation or representation in the present series.
It belongs to the year 1544, when Henry had crossed the Channel to
assist the Emperor Charles in his wars against the King of France.
I must not omit to give an example of Henry VIII's signature produced by
a stamp.' Lingard has referred to the use of this stamp,' as if it was necessitated
'
'
by the king's old age and fatness : but this is not so. We
have seen that the
idea of such a 'plaything' occurred to the royal mind more than a century
before (a«/^, p. 30), and there isno doubt that Henry VIII used to sign a vast
number of documents by this means from quite the early days of his reign.
Stamp used by Henry VIII in the early part Stamp on the King's Will : see p. 69.
of his reign.
What happened in his old age was this. He became so stout and so infirm
that the mere process of impressing this 'stamp' on the document became
Facsimile of the Handwriting of Anne of Cleves.
'ot/w*^ ^^^p»-O^Kfl |^«'V>î%^^ *Vm^^£<^
't^ffPt^l^^^fo^
/J^^î/VJf%
a ^^î/ÂA/fy^
E 2
irksome, and then he gave formal authority to three '

Commissioners to use ' it
for him ; and in this singular manner : —two impressed the '
stamp,' dry, on the
document, and then the third, with a penfull of ink, filled in the outlines of
the letters by the dry stamp. For safety's sake the commissioners had to
left
furnish the king, at the end of each month, with a list of the documents they
had thus signed, and some of these lists are still extant. An actual instance
of the signature so produced occurs on Henry VIII's will, and the validity of
that instrument has been questioned on that account.
—
XII
EDWARD VI
HENRY VIII was the last English sovereign who could truthfully
plead bad penmanship as an excuse for being a bad correspondent.
After the Reformation, elegance in handwriting was no longer aimed at
alone by persons ecclesiastical it became a ;fashionable study amongst
the laity, and the fruits of the fashion are shown very plainly in the
caligraphy of —
Henry VIII's children Edward VI, Mary, and Elizabeth,
and in that of Lady Jane Grey.
Edward VI has left us two interesting specimens of his early com-
positions —one in Latin {^facsimile, p. 71), the other in French {^facsimile,
p. 72), and both characteristic of his fondness of study addressed to his —
mother.
Turning from these boyish effusions, we come to a letter which
though its exact meaning is veiled —may have had, and indeed probably
had, considerable political importance. Edward is no longer prince, but
king, and he addresses the Senate of Zurich in terms of
in that capacity
the warmest cordiality, hailing them as cemented to him in friendship by

the similarity of their religious belief. This friendship, he says, 'by
God's blessing' shall be yet firmer than it is, and for that purpose he
sends his messenger to lay before them, 'in our name,' some other
things 'which we have thought fit should, at this time, be made known
to you.' There was but one subject on which Edward was likely to
have special reason for communicating with Zurich, and that subject was
—
XII. Edward the Sixth 71
religion —the spread and the permanent estabHshment of Protestantism.

Little doubt, therefore, that the communications with which the English
messenger was charged, related to this, and would — could it be known
be of deep interest to the student of Reformation history.
ToYbaJê mrixUm hie i5^/^c ai fe /^r/ W, i4 ^

Bm imiorCj<S<^m Hoii^fim, ^- hater Uiarjpinn,
^ 'cieadm rimm j)obzs. ^nrarj ma u cpdum M
fdcCK. Hoc aukm yimcjmo [Set\t{us,aim
J idem ^mk
HU^cius prims mms^^cîtfeo m\foii^ not) aM ad fc
Tifj o^Je^mitiji'mus'jifius .
€doMr£is frtnccps.
The letter, now preserved amongst the State Archives of Zurich, is
signed at the head by the king, and is written by a clerk. It is a

beautiful example of the careful penmanship of the time, and certainly
an appropriate illustration to this volume ^ [See facsimile facing page 73.)
'
For furnishing us with a photograph of this letter, we are indebted to the kindness of
M. Labhart-Iâbhart — the Archivist at Zurich.
—

Facsimile of a Letter from Prince Edward to his Mother.
mmm^ Lmmp, mn/iilcmfnt pur & kmtiii\xjms wiou

m^ pvtr uniioclpiti tfe tticstnc^ (cwe^. Car mmyi^ms\m^kh
^m\M U fcx-ctdcncc (t\of§t tnjitianmcttnenirjjcecUt -monmactit^
xvmîs \ows mm : f^Vixi cpt«[it |)wot; aue'W^c
eM J^ ^m^y. tOKte^cfioic ^roccdcmt L fon iî% ct "VouCovrA
In translation the letter reads thus :
'
Edward the by the grace of God, of England, France, and
Sixth,
Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, and of the Church of England and
Ireland, supreme head upon earth, &c. To the honourable and valiant
Lords of Zurich, our right entirely beloved friends, greeting. After we
had taken upon ourselves, by ancient and hereditary right, the govern-
ment of our kingdoms, nothing was more ardently desired by us
than to conciliate, and most firmly retain, the friendship of those
sovereigns who had been especially esteemed by our most serene father
of most happy memory : and, as in the number of these he always
regarded, as long as he lived, your most noble and valiant nation, so
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—
XII. Edward the Sixth 73
we likewise cannot but regard you with especial esteem, and exceedingly
value your friendship ; and the rather, because we have understood by
the frequent letters of our faithful and beloved servant, Christopher
Mont, both your favourable disposition towards us, and ready inclination
to deserve well of us. In addition to which, there is also a mutual
agreement between us concerning the Christian religion and true godli-
ness, which ought to render this friendship of by God's blessing,
ours,
yet more intimate. We therefore return you our warmest thanks for
your singular and favourable disposition towards us, which you shall
always find to be reciprocal on our part, whenever an opportunity shall
present itself. We have therefore commanded this our servant to salute

you most cordially, to inform you more fully of our affection and
good-will, and to lay before you, in our name, some other things which
we have thought fit should, at this time, be made known to you. We
therefore earnestly request you to place assured and undoubting reliance
upon what he shall communicate. So farewell. From our palace at
Westminster, Oct. 20, a. d. 1549, and of our reign the third.
'
Your good friend
'
(Signed) Edward.'
A more than two months after the date at which was written
little
the letter to Zurich, we have that from the king to the bishops, in
which he enjoins the use of the Book of Common Prayer throughout the
land. Although the fact of this letter having been written may be
notorious history, yet its importance as an item in the working out of
the Reformation in England, renders it of special interest to the
readers of these pages, and also worthy of facsimile. Besides the sig-
nature of the king, it also furnishes examples of those of Cranmer,

Warwick, and other prominent men who then formed the Council. The
letter reads as follows :
Original at British Museum, Stowe MSS. 155. See facsimile on

pages 76 and 'j'j.
'
Edward.
'
By the King.
'
Right reverend father in god, right trustie and welbiloued, we grete
you well. And whereas the booke entiteled the booke of common
prayers and administracion of the sacraments and other rightes and cere-
monies of the church after the vse of the churche of England was agreed
vpon and sette forth by acte of parliament and by the same acte com-
maunded to be vsed of all personnes within this our realme, yet neuer-
theles we ar enfourmed that divers vnquiet and evell disposed personnes
syns the apprehension of the Duke of Somerset haue noysed and
bruted abrode that they shulde haue agayne their olde Laten seruice
their conjoured breade and water with such like vayne and supersticious
ceremonies as though the setting forth of the said booke had been
;
the onelye acte of the aforenamed Duke. We therfore by the aduise of

the bodye and state of our Privie Counsell not onelie considering the
said booke to be our owne acte and thacte of the whole state of our
realme, assembled together in parliament, but also the same to be
grounded vpon holye scripture, agreable to the ordre of the primatiue
church and muche to the edifieng of our subiectes to put away all such
vayne expectacion of having the publike seruice the administracion of
the sacramentes and other rightes and ceremonies agayne in the Laten
tong which were but a preferring of ignorance to knowledg and darke-
nes to light and a preparacion to bring in papistrie and supersticion
agayne —haue thought good by thaduise aforesaid to require and neuer-
thelesse straytlie commaund and chardg you that ye immediately vpon
the receipt herof do commaund the Deane and prebendaries of your
Cathedrall church the parson, viccar or curate and churchwardens of every
parishe within your diocesses to bring and deliuer to you or your
deputie [and] every of them for their church and parishe at suche con-
venient place as ye shall appoynte all antyphoners, missalles, grayles,
processionalles, manuelles legendes pyes portases journalles and ordynalles
after the vse of Sarum, lyncoln, Yorke, Bangour, Hereford or any other
pryvate vse and all other bookes of seruice, the keping wherof shuld
be a lette to the vsing of the said booke of common prayers and that
ye take the same bookes into your handes or into the handes of your
deputie and them so deface and abolish that they never herafter maye
maye (sic) serve either to any suche vse as they wer first provided for, or
be at any tyme a lette to that godlye and vniforme order which by
a common consent is now set forth. And if ye shall fynd any personne
stoubbourne or disobedient in not bringing in the said bookes according
Facsimile of a Letter from Edward VI and
my
THE Council to the Bishops, vide pp. 73-79.
W'A>>n*UL--<»^&&rr (V^^/-t«_<T^^<^ rrtnJ^£'i\4'Vuy^

M^'^
^^>
?M0l^t
'^
lvo«iy
V^-z52î
'j4m^^P^
XI. Edward the Sixth 79
to the tenure of theis our letters, that then you commyt the same
person to warde tyme as ye haue certified vs of his mis-
to suche
behaviour, and we woll and commaund you that ye also serche or cause
serch to be made from tyme to tyme whether any bookes be withdrawne
or hydde contrary to the tenure of theis our letters, and the same
bookes to receyve into your handes and to vse as in this our letters
we haue appoynted. And furthermore wheras it is comme to our
knowledg that dyvers froward and obstynate personnes do refuse to paye
towardes the fynding of breade and wyne for the holye communion,
according to the ordre prescribed in the said booke by reason wherof
the holye communion is many tymes omitted vpon the sondaye. Theis
ar to will and commaund you to convent such obstinate personnes before
you, and them to admonish and commaund to kepe thordre prescribed in
the said booke, and if any shall refuse so to do, to punishe them by
suspencion excommunicacion or other censours of the churche. Fayle
ye not thus to do as ye will avoyd our displeasure. Geven vnder our
signet at our palace of Westminster the xxv**" of December the third yere
of our reign, [a. d. 1549.]
'
T. Cant. R. Ryche Canc. W. Seint John.
H. DoRssETT. J. Russell,
Arundell. Thomas Elien. J. Warwyk.'
Somerset, it will be remembered, had been arrested in the same month

as that in which the letter to Zurich had been written, so that his
signature does not occur amongst those of the Council in the letter to
the bishops. The Protector's position in the State, however, entitles his
signature to a representation here, and we therefore give a facsimile of it,
taken from a curious warrant to dispose of surplus stock from the royal
wardrobe, dated (after his restoration to favour with the king) in
December, 1550.
The other example of his handwriting is furnished by some verses from

Scripture written by him on the fly-leaf of a volume containing the Calendar,
So Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England
a Table of Moveable Feasts, and the like. The quotations have additional
interest from the fact that they were penned by the Protector on the
eve of his execution.
eye fiT^/fffd a^
e> friye In
Lu
XIII
'JANE THE QUEEN' AND PHILIP AND MARY
APART from the personal interest which attaches to the handwriting

of the unhappy 'nine days' Queen,' the fact that Lady Jane Grey
signed, as Queen, certain official documents, is a reason for including her
name in the present papers and giving specimens of her writing. Before,
however, alluding to examples of her writing, after her ill-advised assumption
of the title of Queen, I will refer to a letter written by her at the age of
eleven ; its composition is characteristic of her learning, and the genuine
tone of gratitude which pervades it, of her unaffected disposition. The letter
is addressed by the writer to her uncle, the Lord High Admiral Seymour.
Original at Pziblic Record Office. State Papers, Domestic, Edward VI.

Vol. V, No. 5. Holograph. Facsimile on page 83.
'My dutye to youre lordeshippe in moste humble wyse remembred, withe no

lesse thankes for the gentylle letters whicheI receavyd from you, Thynkynge
myselfe so muche bounde to youre lordshippe for youre greate goodnes towardes
me from tyme to tyme that I cannenot by anye meanes be able to recompence
the leaste parte thereof. I purposed to wryght a fewe rude lines unto youre
lordeshippe rather as a token to shewe howe muche worthyer I thynke youre
lordshippe's goodnes then to gyve worthye thankes for the same and thes
my letters shall be to testyfye unto you that lyke as you have becom towardes
me a lovynge and kynd father so I shall be alwayes most redye to obey

youre godlye monytyons and good instructions as becomethe one uppon whom
you have heaped so manye benyfytes. And thus fearynge leste I shoulde
— '
trouble youre lordshippe to muche, I moste humblye take my leave of your

good lordeshippe.
'Youre humble servant durynge my lyfe,
'
Jane Grave.'
Addressed —'To the right honorable and my essingular good

Lorde, the Lorde Admiralle, yeve this,
Lady Jane assumed the title of Queen on the 6th of July, 1553.
Amongst the Privy Seals for that year is one of the few public instruments
which she executed. It directs a patent to be prepared for the appointment
of Edward Baynard [or Benarde, as she spells his name], Esq., as Sheriff of
Wilts, in theroom of a deceased The appointment by Queen Jane
sheriff. '
'
is dated on the 14th of July, eight days after the death of Edward VI. It will
be noticed that the sheriff's name is inserted by Jane in her own handwriting.
Translation. Original at the Public Record Office. Facsimile opposite.
'Jane the Quene.

'Let letters patent be made, appointing Edward Benarde sheriff of the
county of Wilts in the room of Sir William Sharington, knight, deceased,
late sheriff of the county aforesaid.
Witness —14th day of July.
Attached to the slip of parchment which bears this appointment is
another slip inscribed as follows :
Translation.
'
Marye the Quene.
'
Let letters patent be made appointing Edward Baynarde sheriff of the
%% ^^ ^^
^îi^îc'hSi
F 2
•;\
XIII. 'Jane the Queen ' and Philip and Mary 85
county of Wilts in the room of Sir William Sharington, knight, deceased, late
sheriff of the county as aforesaid.
'
Be remembered that on the 6th day of July in the
it ist
year of the reign of Queen Mary this Bill, &c., at
Framlingham for execution.'
*
It should be noticed that Mary's appointment is not dated, and it is probable
that was drawn up and signed by the queen on the very day of her
it
accession, and sent at once to the chancellor for execution, the day of its
receipt in Chancery being the actual day of Edward VI's death —the 6th
of July. But the subsequent turn of events may have put Edward Baynard
in some little doubt as to what step to take to ensure the possession of the
shrievalty ; and to make all things certain, smooth, and straight he probably
obtained from Jane an appointment, of which no formal notice was ever taken
by the Chancery officials. This is probably the correct story of these two
intensely interesting slips of parchment.
But perhaps the relic of Lady Jane Grey which awakens the most romantic
interest is the small manual of prayers, two pages of which are figured above.
—
The writing at the foot of each page unhappy

is that of the lady, and the
manual is believed to have been that used by her upon the scaffold.
The hostility of Devonshire to the altered form of service —which, as we

have seen, was enjoined in 1549 — is demonstrated by the outbreak early in
the following year, in which the populace clamoured for the restitution of
the Mass, and that respect should be shown to holy water and holy bread.
We are not, therefore, surprised to find — in the interesting letter from the
new queen to some of her justices of the county in question — that on her
accession her proposed alliance with Philip of Spain, and the restoration of
the Roman Catholic religion, were heartily welcomed at least by a section
of Devonshire people. Here is the letter which bears Mary's signature
at its head :
Original at the Public Record Office. State Papers, Domestic, Mary.

Vol. II, No. 5. Facsimile of one page is given opposite.
'
By the Quene.
'
Marye the Quene.
'Trusty and welbiloved, we grete you well. And where certain lewd and
ill disposed persons minding to set furth their devilish sedicious purposes,
sum to the hinderaunce of the true Catholicq religion and divine service, now
by the goodness of God restored within this our realm, other of a traitorous
conspiracy against our personne and state royall, have of late, and still do
maliciously publishe, many false rumours of the cumming of the high and
mighty prince our deerest cousin the Prince of Spayne, and others of that
nation into this our realm. Albeit we nothing doubt but all our good loving
subgetes of the honnest sort have that affiance of us, that we neither have, nor
will, during our lief agree to any thing that may be to the hinderaunce or
prejudice of thauncient libertes, fredoms, and communwelth of this our realm
or subgetes ;
yet to satisfie such as through the crafty malice of other be
perchaunce abused with this thing, we have caused the very true effect of
tharticles of the treatye, lately concluded, to be delivred to sundry persons
of credit, to be by them published in sundry partes of our realm, wherewith as
we do right well knowe, the great part of our subgetes be (as they have good
cause) right well satisfied. So being credibly enformed that the great nombre
of our good subgetes of that our county of Devon have shewed themselves
Letter to County Justices showing Queen Mary's
Signature at the head.
^f- flJt-2^^ tiX^Qy^ «.'%^ ^^ I^^Ht-- |SVvtv-^>v,
^y ^y»-" rtooowf^ -«^ «t)^ jA^^/i-tirc^ yVjotn ^/v^ owe. T6«/vwvj
^^&»^ <g^Wi(5r%^ 0^:gc— goiww^^^r^dW âAjc*- 5^ 'Iffw^
o»i/ty
. XIII. 'Jane the Queen '
and Philip and Mary 89
well willing to obey and serve us, notwithstanding sum lewd practises of late
unnaturally attempted, and many false and untrue reportes spred amonges
them, we have thought good to signifie unto you, by these our letters, that we
take and accept the same in very thankfull part, and shall not faile to have it
in our good remembraunce. Which our good determination towards them, our
pleasour is, ye shall cause to be published unto them, so as the good, being
thereby the better comforted to contynue in their duetyes of allegeaunce, may
take the better hede and beware of thauthors of thies, or any such like false
bruts and rumours. Whereby as they shall best provide for their own suretes,
quiet, and preservation, so shall we not faile to see them succoured and
provided for, and be glad to shew ourselvelfes their good and gratious Lady
as often as any occasion may serve. Geven under our signet at our Manour
of S* James the 22 nd of January the furst yere of our reign.'
Addressed —
'Our trusty and welbeloved S"" Hugh Pollard, S*" John S* Leger,
S^ Richard Edgecombe, S"" John Fulford, Knightes & every of them.'
Mary married Philip in July, 1554. The following example of the signa-
tures of the king and queen appears on an appointment of certain persons to
the care and management of the royal revenue, dated April 12, 1555.
TnmMti^zîhw^
Yet one more specimen of Mary's handwriting may be appropriately given

It appears, in Latinized form, attached to a document which relates to a very
curious circumstance in her history, namely, the hallucination under which
she laboured during a portion of the first year of her married life, that she
was about to give birth to a child. How strongly this delusion impressed
her, and how generally she convinced those around her of the truth of her
conjectures, is shown by this extremely interesting letter (written in May,
1555), which, with only the date left blank, was intended to convey to Pope
Paul IV the joyful news of the birth of an heir to the English crown born of
Catholic parents.
Originalin the British Museum, Cotton MSS., Vesp. F. 3, No. 23. Translation.
'To the most holy father our Lord, Pope Paul IV. by divine providence
Chief Pontiff, Mary, by the grace of God, Queen of England, France, Naples,
Jerusalem, Ireland, &c. Eternal Greeting and our most humble obedience.
We are so strongly assured of your paternal love and affection for us as to
think that no happiness can befall us without affording your holiness
singular gladness as well. Therefore we consider that nothing more behoves
us than that we should first signify to your holiness that God has, at this
time, blessed us by a labour as easy to ourself as propitious to our subjects,
and has in his marvellous goodness towards us given unto us the child we
so much wished for. We therefore desire your holiness that in like manner
as your holiness will rejoice at this our sure happiness, so you will, with us,
offer up your pious prayer to God for the benefit thus vouchsafed unto us.
May God long have your holiness in his Holy keeping. From our place of
Hampton 1555.
—
Addressed
'
To the
holy father our Lord
most
o^Z*'''*'**^.
Pope Paul the IVth by divine providence chief

j^
J^
/^
\
^
pontiff;
In translation
daughter, Mary,' the word
'Your holiness'
'
Maria only
'
most humble
is written
rj
nummt]
.
W
./ ^_r
riU
by the Queen. yW-r^Ti
—
XIV
ELIZABETH
MOST
and
of US
sister,
know Queen Bess as a good penwoman.
she evidently received a very careful training in hand-
Like her brother
writing. Edward VI's early death has prevented us from learning what fruit
this tuition would have borne in after-life ; in Mary's case her writing —as we
have seen —became slightly more slovenly as she advanced in years ; but
Elizabeth wrote a firm clear hand almost to the day of her death.
Here is a letter which may, with interest, be compared with the early
compositions of her brother, and Lady Jane Grey
sister, Elizabeth was ;
fourteen when she wrote it. —

The letter which belongs to the year 1547 is —
addressed to the Queen Dowager, Catherine Parr, and illustrates the
affectionate relations that had all along existed between Henry's child by
Anne Boleyn and his widow. It reads as follows :
Holograph. Original at Public Record Office. State Papers, Domestic,

Edward VI. Vol. II, No. 25. See facsimile on p. 93.
'
Althougth I coulde not be plentiful in givinge thankes for the manifolde
kindenis receyved at your hithnis hande at my departure, yet I am some
thinge to be borne with al, for truly I was replete with sorowe to departe from
your highnis, especially levinge you undoubful of helthe, and albeit I answered
litel, I wayed more dipper whan you sayd you wolde warne me of al evelles
it
that you shulde hire of me, for if your grace had not a good opinion of me
you wolde not have offered frindeship to me that way, that al men iuge the
contrarye, but what may I more say than thanke God for providinge suche
frendes to me, desiringe God to enriche me with ther longe life, and me grace
to be in hart no les thankeful to receyve it, than

I nowe am glad in writinge to shewe it. And
^^ althougth
staye, for
I
I
have plentye of matter, hire
knowe you ar not quiet to rede.
I wil
Frome Cheston this present Saterday.

'
Your hithnis humble doughter
'
Elizabeth.'
Seven years after the date of this letter,

Elizabeth, whose profession of Protestantism
caused her sister continual uneasiness, was com-
mitted to the Tower under the pretext of
complicity in Sir Thomas Wyatt's rebellion.
Though lying seriously ill in Hertfordshire at
the time of her arrest, she was carried with but
scant ceremony to London and kept as a prisoner
at Whitehall. On the Friday before Palm Sunday,
1554, the Bishop of Winchester and nineteen
members of the Council entered her presence,
formally charged her with being concerned with Wyatt, and
acquainted her with her sister's order that she should be lodged
in the Tower. Thither she was accordingly removed on Palm
Sunday, permission having been first given her to write a letter
to the queen. This letter, perhaps one of the most interesting
in many ways that Elizabeth ever wrote, is too long for either
tc^ quotation in full or for facsimile reproduction in its entirety, but
some account of it, and a representation of its concluding words,
must find a place in these pages \
'
I humbly crave but only one worde
of answer fro[m] your selfe.
'
Your highnes most faithful subiect that hathe
bine from the beginninge, and wylbe
to my ende.
'
Elizabeth.'
'
Holograph. Original at Public Record Office. State Papers, Domestic, Mary, vol. iv, No. 2.
Facsimile of a Letter from Queen Elizabeth to Catherine Parr.
fitypm dit^m dnnffcnt my mptimrSjyet I amjome ihmK ioUhomi ^liH ofjor
irufy^wm rep(etc Wiliforom fa defnrtejromc yonrfiimisjjpend^ (mtmyaft

^tf-doHSfitfojUMcj nniadjeii I anfmreddtcfl wn\feAii more dipper wli^n^lan
jtfydijou mfrle Wflrnc ms ofafsKcKcs tftfityanjljuffleftire ojmeJoYijym^rme
UnotdjaodophHon oJmnjOH mlrfe mHiiue offereffjrtHffcffiip to me tdpit

^
-Wm tkt at mm iuH tfie miraYye, Ui v/kfrnfii/ 1 morejay^mnkt Goffforpro
MMeîjren&to mcjeftrms^ Godio enrnde me with tfiirloHê.atid
mc£cetoiemkrttiolcnf>RnêJu[fomcyutktli(ittJnomfiw^^
J mttlmiejor I
imp tofim iUndnltyU Umpfetifye cJmfitHrfim
^tomc Che^cH tCi^ prcfentperdy
•
.
iimy^,yoî,rnotfpiieHn^t
Vowr dndrtts HmSfe doa^tn

XIV. Elizabeth 95
'
If,' any ever did try
begins the Princess, '
this olde saynge that a Kinges
worde was more than another mans othe, I most humbly beseche your
Majestie to verefie it in me and remember your last promise and my last
demande that I be not condemned without answer and due proof; which
it seems that now I am.' The Tower, she thinks, is a place '
more wonted
for a false traitor than a tru subject,' and sending her thither will condemn
her in the eyes of the world, though God knows her to be innocent of any
machinations against her sister. '
Therefore,' she continues, '
I humbly
beseche your Majestie to let me ansver afore your selfe and not suffer me
to trust your counselors; yea, and that afore I go to the Tower, if it be
possible ; if not, afor I be further condemned.' However it may be, she
trusts that no evil report brought to Mary will, without full investigation, set
'
one sistar again the other,' and then again protesting her freedom from
complicity with the '
traitor Wiat,' she proceeds :
'
I pray God confound me
eternally if ever I sent him word, message, token, or lettar by any menes, and
to this my truith, I wil stande in to my dethe.'
It is needless here to dwell upon the stimulus which Protestantism received
by the accession of Elizabeth. The numerous foreigners professing the
Reformed religion who by 1558 had become denizens of England had good
cause to hail her accession to the English throne with something akin to
enthusiasm. During her sister's rule the Dutch Protestant settlers in London,
to whom Edward VI had given the church of Austin Friars, were forced
to dissolve their congregation its numbers, no doubt, to a large extent,
;
returned to the Continent, and the church was given to the Marquis of
Winchester. Now came the joyful tidings that a Protestant sovereign once
more reigned over England, one who, as the minute-books of the Dutch
congregation express it, 'greatly favoured the Reformation, to the rejoicing
of all true Christians.' But from various fragments of evidence preserved
to us it seems that, a little later on, these worthy foreigners were not quite
satisfied with the terms on which they obtained a restoration of their church.
Their elders had, on the reassembling of the Congregation, petitioned the
Privy Council for a confirmation of the free and unrestricted grant they had
formerly received from Edward VI. What they got we see by the following,
which is addressed to the Marquis of Winchester ; and which, as it bears
Elizabeth's signature, is an appropriate document for special facsimile'.
' See plate facing next page.

Original at the Public Record Office. State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth.

Vol. XI, No. 24.
'
By the Quene.'
'
Elizabeth R.
'
Right trusty and right welbeloved cousin we grete you well. Whereas
in the tyme of our brother, and suster also, the churche of the late Augustyn
Frears was appointed to the use of all strangers repayring to the cittie of
London for to have therein djrvine service. Consideringe that by an
universall order, all the reste of the churches have the dyvine service in the
englisshe tonge, for the better edefieinge of the people, which the strang[er]s
borne understand not Our pleasure is that ye shall assigne and delyv[er]
the said churche and all thing[es] thereto belonging to the Reverend father
in God, the busshopp of London to be appointed to suche curate and mynisters
as he shall thinke good to serve from tyme to t}-me in the same churches
bothe for daily Divine servyce and for administra[ti]on of the Sacraments,
and preaching of the gospell. So that no right nor use be therein observed
contrary or derogatory to o[u]r lawes. And theis our l[ette]res shalbe
yo[u]r sufficient warrant and discharg[e] in that behalf Yeven under o[u]r
signet at o[u]r palace of Westm[inster] the of February, the seconde yere
of o[u]r Reigne.'
The letter is endorsed — The Queene to y® Tresorer Powlett y«

' 2d off her
Raynge.'
This is a very material document in the history of the foreigTi Protestants
in England, and indeed in the history of the Church of England. Elizabeth

will be no party to those frequenting a foreign church having any form of
service they might fancy. Austin Friars is therefore given, not to the elders of
the congregation, but to the Bishop of London, who —though he might permit
divine service to be in the language of the foreigners —was to see that was it
celebrated daily, and in the form of the Church of England : this, I think, is
the interpretation which must be given to the words, '

so that no right nor
use be therein [i.e. in the church] observed contrary or derogatory to o[u]r
lawes.' How far the queen's order was observed is not a matter which we
need dwell upon here. Mr. W. J. C. Moens gives a capital sketch of the
Q-
<
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dî'i^/i^^- I
ii
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XIV. Elizabeth 97
history of the Congregation in his '

historical introduction ' to the Registers of
the church which he printed, privately, in 1884.
The two following facsimiles give us examples of Elizabeth's signature
as queen, at the commencement and close of her reign. The first ^ is
appended to a document dated in August, 1561, addressed to the Receiver-

General of the Court of Wards and Liveries, giving him direction as to
passing his accounts. The second signature ^ is appended to a document

beariirg date in February, 1602, by which the queen directs Admiral Sir
'
Public Record Office. State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, Addenda, vol. xi. No. 25.
' Ibid., vol. cclxxxiii, No. 28.
G
—
Richard Leveson to sail from Plymouth in The Repulse, with nine ships,
and intercept the fleet that was believed to have been despatched from Spain
to effect a landing in Ireland.
Amongst the State Papers ^ is a letter from the Earl of Leicester to
Elizabeth, written about a week before his death, which happened on
September 4, 1588. The letter itself has no particular feature of interest;
the writer inquires after the queen's health, '
the chiefest thing in this
world ' he prays for, and he speaks hopefully of his own speedy recovery ;
but the endorsement, in Elizabeth's own hand, has a very special interest;
it reads as follows :
'To ye Q[ueen's] most excellent Ma[jes]t[ie] his last letter'; the words
in italics are in Elizabeth's writing.
The strength of the testimony borne by this endorsement to the regard

which the queen then entertained for Leicester, will best be understood
when we remember her habit of banishing from memory those who
had passed away from her presence. How the letter found its way into
the public papers of the kingdom we do not know, but there can be no doubt
that at first the queen preserved it as the last letter she received from
a former suitor for her hand.
Our last specimen of Elizabeth's writing is a prayer, believed to have
been composed for the safety of the ships which she despatched 1597 to
in
scatter the Spanish fleet preparing to attack Ireland. On their way to Spain
the English vessels were dispersed by a storm, and the commander, the
Earl of Essex, confined his efforts to intercepting the Spanish ships on
their way to the Indies.
' Public Record Office. State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth. Addenda, vol. ccxv. No. 65.
x«A
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w
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î «^ «^ Pv'S.î
^JW g1 1%^^ 5.
XIV. Elizabeth loi
Holograph. Original at British Museum. Harl. AISS. 6986, No. 35.

See facsimile opposite.
'
O God all-maker, keeper, and guider : Inurement of thy rare-seene,
unused and seeld-heard-of goodnes, powred in so plentifull sort upon us
full oft, breeds now this boldnes to crave with bowed knees, and heartes
of humilitye, thy large hande of helping power, to assist with wonder,
oure iust cause, not founded on Prides-motion nor begun on Malice-stock ;
But as thou best knowest, to whome nought is hid, grounded on just defence
from wronges' hate, and bloody desire of conquest. For scince, meanes
thou hast imparted to save that thou hast given, by enjoyng such a people,
as scornes their bloodshed, where suretie ours is one : Fortifie (deare God)
such heartes in such sort, as their best part may be worst, that to the truest
part meant worst with least losse to such a Nation, as despise their levst
for their Cuntryes That all Forreine Landes may laud and
good.
admire the Omnipotency of thy worke a fact alone for thee only to performe.
:
So shall thy name be spread for wonders wrought, and the faithfull en-
couraged, to repose in thy unfellowed grace And wee, that mynded nought
:
but right, inchained in thy bondes for perpetuall slavery, and live and
dye the sacrificers of oure soules for such obtayned favoure. Warrant,
(deare Lorde) all this with thy command. Amen.'
XV
JAMES I AND ANNE OF DENMARK
THE handwriting of James I suggests that the science of cah'graphy was

not considered a requisite feature in the royal education in Scotland.
His writing lacks character, and contrasts very unfavourably with that of
his immediate predecessors on the English throne. A noticeable feature in
all his writing is the spelling, which is decidedly '
Scotch.'
We know with what eager interest both Protestants and Catholics watched
the accession of James I to the throne of England ; each party regarded the
event with suspicion. The former were indeed not slow to give outward
expression to their fears of the '
papistical ' tendencies of the new monarch.
And it was this fact that drew from James a 'Declaration' which forms an
interesting item in the religious history of England.
The form taken by the Declaration was that of a letter addressed by the
king to the bishops. This, or rather the draft of it, is preserved amongst the
State Papers, and bears marks of having been very carefully revised by James
himself, so that a facsimile of a portion of it may appropriately be introduced
here. The portion I have selected is the fourth page of the draft ; but as
this does not show us the commencement of the sentence, I have, in the
following transcript, thought better to give some words from the previous
page, and some from the next : the interlineations, which are printed in italics,
show the king's handwriting.

Draft of a Letter to the Bishops corrected by James I.
nJ-rfi^
s^^ /U^-'^- p>^ ^.. ..^^x^^^ .^.v^

XV. James the First and Anne of Denmark 105
Draft, corrected by the King. Original at the Ptiblic Record Office.
State Papers, Domestic, James /, Vol. XII, No. 87*.

'
We resolved for our discharge to God and towards all men first to make
a publick declaration to our whoale counsayle in the presence of our Arch-
bishopp of Canterbury with divers other Bishopps how much we tooke it
to hart that all thinges should be duly performed which might tend to the
preservation of that trew religion wherein we have ever lived and resolve to
dye. We did likewise cause the Recorder of London to be sent for, to
either by vertu of our comandment
yeild us an accompt what had been done a concerninge the apprehension
and such as use to repaire either publickly or privatly to heare mass, or by such perticuler
of Priests a \by vertue of our own commandm!' and by perticuler ^] dyrec-
as had given him to the same end,
tions \receaved from\ our counsayle a from whom receavinge less satisfaction
especially strange
then we expected a consideringe the [circumstances of the\ reports delivered
of those great scandales which our good subjects receaved by such insolent abuses
unto US \pf publick goinge to •masses in the citty\ we
A commanded him
to impart unto the Maior and other officers how much we misliked that
coldnes
any \remissnes\ should be used, commandinge them uppon their duty and
allegeaunce not only to be carefuU to trye out and apprehend all persons
whatsoever soe offendinge by their owne authoritye, but allsoe to be diligent
uppon all occasions to informe our privye counsayle of such enormitys, to
the intent that whensoever there shall be cause to make use of further
authoritye then their owne ordinarye power, their proceedings may be
strengthined with that extraordinary authoritye which we doe leave with
them at all tymes for matters of so great consequence.'
It would be difficult to give a more interesting specimen of James's pen-

manship than that afforded by the sixteen interrogatories which he prepared
for the guidance of the Commissioners appointed to examine Guy Fawkes in
reference to the famous Gunpowder Plot. First, says 'the wisest fool in
Christendom,' let the Commissioners inquire '
quhat he is, for I can never yett
;
here any man that knowis him ' and then he sets out more than a dozen
other questions to be put to the prisoner as to his past life, including
the inquiry '
if he was ever a papiste ; and if so, quho brocht him up in it.'
If he will answer these questions willingly, well and good but, adds the
;
'
The words enclosed in brackets are struck out by James.
— —
io6 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England
king, 'if he will not confesse, the gentler tortours

are to be first used unto him, et sic per gradus ad
ima tenditur, and —so God speede your good worke
James R.'-' {See facsimile at the side)
.
^ We get, however, a better idea of James's powers
^ of composition in the following letter,

desires his son, Charles Prince of Wales,
by which he
to return home quickly from Spain,

whither he had gone to seek the hand of
the Infanta. The visit, we remember, was
taken chiefly at the instigation of Bucking-
ham, who, by his arrogant behaviour at
the Spanish Court, soon disgusted those
he presumably desired to please. James,
it seems, had got wind of how matters
stood at Madrid, and was consequently anxious to
get both his son and Buckingham home ere matters
became more complicated. The letter reads as
follows :
Holograph. Original at British Museum. Harl.
^ MSS. 6<^%'j, f. 143. Facsimile opposite.
^ '
My dearest sonne, I sent you a comandement long
agoe not to loose tyme quhaire ye are ; but ather to
bring quikelie hoame youre mistresse, quhiche is my
earnist desyre ;maye be, rather then
but if no bettir
to any longer
linger to come without her, thaire,
quhiche for manie important reasons I ame now

forcid to renew. And thairfor I charge you upon
my blessing, to come quikelie ather with her or
without her. I knowe youre love to her person
hath enforcid you todelaye the putting in execution
of my former comandement. I confesse it is my cheifest wordlie ioye, that ye
' Original at Public Record Office. Gunpowder Plot Papers.

<r
y
—
Xl^. James the First and Anne of Denmark 109
love her, but the necessitie of my effaires enforcith me to tell you, that ye
muste praeferre the obedience to a father to the love ye carrie to a mistresse.
And so God blesse you. <
j^jÊg r
'
Cranburne the 10 of Auguste [1623].'
Of the handwriting of Anne of Denmark we get many examples. The

following letter — addressed to Buckingham — is characteristic, and points
Lu^^2jnj!i ±:fiM- Sff'yu^s -tojre. /
rycrt4^ ^^^T'
ôma..%
to the terms on which the favourite lived with the royal
of familiarity
family. Its date must be between August, 16 16, when Buckingham was
created Viscount Villiers, and the January following, when he was created
Earl of Buckingham :
I lo Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England
Holograph. Original at British Museum. Harl. MSS. 6986, No. 109.

See facsimile on previous page.
'
My kind dog, I have receaved your letter, which is verye wellcom to
me : yow doe verie well in lugging the sowes eare, and I thank yow for it,
and would have you doe so still, upon condition that yow continue a watchful!
dog to him and be alwaies true to him. So wishing you all happines
'Anna R.'
Addressed— To ' the Viscount Villiers.'

'
XVI
CHARLES I AND HENRIETTA MARIA, HENRY PRINCE OF WALES, AND

ELIZABETH QUEEN OF BOHEMIA
THE specimens
boyhood show
left to us of the handwriting of Charles
that his education in
I
penmanship was better than that

during his
which we may presume his father received. In the several letters of

Charles I, written before he was twelve years old, extant amongst the Har-
leian MSS., we see a writing formed with considerable skill, bearing even
favourable comparison with the early efforts of Edward VI. In after years,
Charles wrote an exceedingly well-formed hand — the first really good running
'
hand which we meet with among the handwritings of our English sovereigns.
Here is a letter signed by Charles, and evidently composed by himself,
in which he expresses his willing-

ness to part with all his worldly
possessions in return for his
brother Henry's love.

Original at British Museum. Hart. MSS. 6986, No. 85.
'
Sweet, Sweet Brother, I thank you for your letter. I will keip it better
then all my graith, and I will my
by Maister Newton, I will
send pistolles
give anie thing that I have to you, both my horse, and my books, and my
peices, and my crosse bowes, or anie thing that you would halve. Good
Brother, loove me and I shall ever loove and serve you.
'
Your looving brother to be comanded,
'
York.'
Another letter, written by Charles to his brother Henry, probably a year

or so after the foregoing, shows us the former's powers of Latin composition.
Holograph. Original in Latin at the British Museum. Hart. MSS. 6986,

No. 90. Facsimile opposite. Translatioti.
'
Nothing can be more pleasing to me, most dear brother, than your
return to us ; for to take pleasure with you, to ride with you, to hunt
with you, will be the highest gratification to me. I now read the colloquies
of Erasmus, from which I am confident that I shall be able to learn purity of
the Latin language and elegance of style. Farewell.
'
Your most loving brother,
'
Charles Duke of Albany and York.'
The object of thus writing was, that Henry might judge how the writer
was progressing in his schooling, a matter in which he was evidently
deeply concerned. This fact is in itself noteworthy, for it must be re-
membered that Prince Henry was then barely in his 'teens' —surely an
early age for a boy to be anxious as to the progress of a younger brother's
education ? But Henry had an extraordinary craving for knowledge, the
capacity which his father had, or thought he had, for obtaining it, and also
a desire that others should taste the fruits of learning. He also had, as we
have seen by his brother's previous letter, the power common to all the
Stuarts, except his father, of engaging the love of those around him. We
Facsimile of a Latin Letter written by Charles to his Brother Henry.
JmiLJcisfit mv esiejratm^ "ffatcr cnaris^
mCjtw da ms reditu-:, te enimjrupatrn emikre^

tecum, yemrijSmuB erit vmi vokjtdi' ôim
m Bm'smi colwam, ex mm et 2diim iiwm
turrtatem etwrm eimrhm iuarebosse ne^
corcfm^" Vm.
^^Jm [e/s'^lfrder man

tissims
H
XVI. Charles the First and his Family i'5
know, too, that Henry had another gift — tact; a gift to which certainly all
the later members of his family were strang^s. For that reason, alone,
his early deathwas probably the greatest misfortune that ever befell the
House of Stuart. Space precludes us from giving more than an example
either of Prince Henry's signature', or of that of Elizabeth^ his sister, who
became Queen of Bohemia.
4u-^^k^-^^^
We will now turn to some examples of Charles's handwriting after his

accession.
In the early summer of 1627 the Duke of Buckingham sailed on his
memorable — and, in its termination, disastrous — expedition to the Isle of Rh6
in order to relieve the besieged Huguenots. The scarcity of money and
provisions with which the expedition was furnished, soon made itself felt, and
Buckingham despatched Sir William Beecher home, to urge that supplies be
forthwith sent out. The state of Charles's finances at this period of history
is well known, and he sought to increase the revenue by the levy of excessive
duties on imports and exports. The proposal was opposed as unconstitu-
tional by the ministers, and so the king's impatience was aroused. The
'
Original in British Museum. Cotton MSS., Vesp. F. iii, f. 1 1 b.
^ Original at Public Record Office. State Papers, Domestic, Charles I, vol. ccxxxvi, No. 44.
H 2
ii6 Handwyiting of the Kings and Queens of England
following is the last of three letters written by him to the Exchequer

officers, and its wording leaves us in little doubt as to the frame of mind of
the writer.
Holograph. Original at Public Record Office. Stale Papers, Domestic,

Charles I. Vol. LXXIII, No. i. The facsimile shows the first five lines.
f<Ji/i\, fip Jti, ^^(y/jjx, f^ffpC eM^tr tr^cêwt-
0^ / f^'TMMU
'
Tresorers
'
Now I begin to see sum good effects of your labors, yet, it is but a
begingin, and if ye goe not speedelie on to make an good end (I meane of
those things that ar to be spedd out of hand) all that is past, is worthe littell
or nothing : By the next, and verrie shortlie too, I looke to heare, that those
things I sent Beecher to you about, ar dispached ; For if Buckingham should
not now, be suplyed, not in show, but substantiallie, having so bravelie, and,
I thanke God, succesfullie, begunne his expedition, it wer an irrecoverable
shame to me, and all this Nation ; and those that ether hinders, or, according
to ther severall places, furthers not this action, as much as they may, deserves
to make ther end at Tyburne, or some suche
hope better things place : But I
of you. I lykewaise looke for an accont of the Mint business, and of the
raysing of my Costomes I hope ye will be industrius in all my affairs, but

;
in this of the Costomes, I looke ye should add bouldness to your care. So

expecting a full and perfect account of all those things that I have earnestlie
recommended to you, at Windsor if not sooner ; I rest
'
Your asseured frende
'
Charles R.
'
Woodstock the i of August, 1627.'
Addressed — ' For your selves.'

J
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XVI. Charles the First and his Family 119
In odd contrast to the arbitrary demand for worldly help is the following
prayer for the aid of heaven, written by the king some five years later, and,
by a choice of readings, made suitable for morning or evening use. It seems
to be compiled partly from the Book of Common Prayer, and partly from the
Bible.

Charles I. Vol. CCXI, No, 91. The facsimile shows the first four and
part offifth lines.
'
Good Lord I thanke [Thee] for keeping mee this . 7 I humblie beseeche
Thee to keepe mee this j^ from all dangers or mischances that may
happen to my Boddie, and all evell thoughts may assalt or hurt my
which
Sowel, for Jesus Christ his sake : And looke upon me Thy unworthie servant,
who heere prostrates him selfe at Thy Throne of grace, but looke upon mee
O Father through the merites and mediation of Jesus Christ Thy beloved
Sone, in whom Thou art onlie well pleased, for of my selfe, I am not worthie
to stand in Thy presence, or to speake with my uncleane lips, to Thee, most
holly and seternall God ; for Thou knowest that in sinn, I was conceaved and
borne, and that ever since I have lived in iniquetie, so that I have broken all
Thy Holly Commandments, by sinful! motions, evell words and wicked

workes, ommitting manie dewties I ought to doe, and committing manie
vyces, which Thou hast forbidden under paine of heavie displeasure : as
for sinnes, O Lord, they ar innumerable in the multitude. Therefore of Thy
mercies, and by the merites of Jesus Christ, I intreate Thy Devyne Majestic
that Thou wouldest not enter into jugement, with Thy servant ; nor bee
extreame to marke what is done amisse, but bee Thou mercifull to mee, and
washe away all my sinnes, with the pretius [blood] that Jesus Christ shed for
me and
: not onlie washe away all my sinnes, but also to purge my byhart,
[Thy] Holly Spirit, from the drosse of my naturall corruption ;

and as Thou
doest add dayes to my lyfe, so (good Lord) add repentance to my dayes, that
when I have past this mortall lyfe, I may bee a partaker of Thy everlasting
Kingdome, throught Jesus Christ our Lorde.'
During the progress of the Civil War, Charles was an active corre-
spondent. To his wife he wrote frequently, and generally in hopeful

tones, even if circumstances, for the time, looked unpropitious. Here is a
specimen —the draft of a letter written probably from Oxford in January,
1645. Henrietta Maria was then in France, whither she had fled during
the previous summer in order to escape possible danger. The king's
advice to his wife as to her policy towards the Queen Regent of France
is interesting.

Charles I. See facsimile on p. 118, which shows the first six lines.
'
Deare hart
'
I hope before this can come to thee, thou wilt receave 3 letters
from me by Sabran's conveyance (whom I dispached Sonday last) ; who
although he condemes the Rebelles proceedings as much as any, yet he
declares, in his Maisters name, a posititive newtrality, so that ether he
complyes not with his Instructions, or France is not so much our frend as
we hope for. I rather thinke the later : yet I dout not but thy dexterity
will cure that couldness of frendship, which, in my opinion, will be the
easier done, if thou make the cheefe treaty for our assistance betwixt
thee and the Q. R.' in a familliar obliging way : and withall showing all
possible respect and trust to those Ministers whom she most esteemes ;
it being impossible, but they must rather aplaude, then dislyke, thy familiarity
with theire Mistris, and by it, thou may prevent any trickes they may
put upon thee. As for the affaires heere, wee are in so good state, that I am
confident the Rebelles (though all their strenthes ar now united) cannot
afront us, and when my nepueu Rupert comes to mee (whom I certainly
expect in few dayes) I hope to be able to choose freshe Winter quarters,
but where, I am not yet resolved, for which occasion and oportunitie must
direct mee.'
The majority of letters now extant written by Henrietta Maria are in

French ; the following, in English, introduces us to an amusing incident in
the history of Charles II's boyhood.
'
The Queen Regent.
Letter from Queen Henrietta Maria to her Son.
^^Wf^Mt/^^
/J
y^ j^t/vvtl^V/ ' •
'?2^
XVI. Charles the First and his Family 123
Holograph. Original at British Museum. Harl. MSS. 6988, No. 25.

'
Charles, I am sore that I most begin my first letter with chiding you be
cause I heere that you will not take phisike. I hope it was onlie for this day,
and that to morrowe you will doe it, for yf you will not, I most come to you
and make you take it, for it is for your healthe. I have given order to my
lord Newcastell to send mi worde, to night, whether you will or not, therfore
I hope you will not give mi the paines to goe, end so I rest
'
Your affectionat moher [sic\
'
Henriette Marie R.'
XVII
OLIVER AND RICHARD CROMAA'ELL
THE
Edinburgh
following letter from Oliver Cromwell, written
on April 12, 165 1, though not
to
of political
his wife from
importance,
gives us an insight to the Protector's domestic style. The pious ejaculations
with which it abounds are certainly characteristic of the man who wrote it.
Cromwell married in 1620 a daughter of Sir James Bourchier, a gentleman
who owned considerable landed property in Essex. '
Bettie,' alluded to in the
letter, was his favourite daughter, Elizabeth Claypole.
Holograph. Original at British Museum. Egerton MSS. 2620, fol. 9.
'
My Deerest,
'
I praise the Lord I am encreased in strength in my outward man, but
that will not satisfie mee, except I gett a heart to love and serve my heavenly
Father better, and gett more of the light of his countenance, w^h is better then
life, and more power over my corruptions, in theise hopes I waite, and am not
without expectation of a graicious returne. Pray for mee, truly I doe daylie for
thee, and the deere family, and God Almighty blesse you all with his spirituall
blessinges. Minde poore Bettie of the Lords late great mercye, oh I desire her
not only to seeke the Lord in her necessitye, but indeed and in truth to turne
to the Lord, and to keep closse to him, and to take heede of a departinge heart
and of beinge consu[m]ed with worldly vanityes, and worldly companie, w* I
doubt shee is too subject to. I earnestly, and frequently pray for her, and him.
truly they are deere to mee, very deere, and I am in feare least Sathan should
Letter from Oliver
Cromwell to h,s Wife.
—
XVII. Oliver and Richard Cromwell 127
deceave them, knowinge how weake our hearts are, and how subtill the adversarie
is, and what way the deceiptfuUnesse of our heartes, and the vaine world make
for his tentations the Lord give them truth of heart to him, lett them seeke him
;
in truth and they shall finde him. My love to the deere little ones. I pray for
grace for them. I mee have them often. Beware
thanke them for their letters, lett
of my Lord Harbert, his resort to your house (if hee doe soe) may occasion
scandall, as if I were bargainnge with him, indeed bee wise, you know my
meaninge. Minde S^ Hen. Vane of the businesse of my estate, wcli indeed is
very tickle {sic), as M^" Floyde can enforme you. I know hee beares a freindes
minde, M"^ Floyd knowes my whole minde in this matter. If Dick Cromwell
and his wife bee with you, my deere love to them, I pray for them they shall
(God willinge) shortly heere from mee, I love them very deerly, truly I am
not able as yett to write much, I am wearye, and rest
'Thine
'O. Cromwell.
'
Aprill the 1
2^'' 1651.'
Addressed —
'
For my beloved Wife, Elizabeth Cromwell att the Cockpitt these.'
We give also below a bolder specimen of his signature :
As Richard Cromwell was nominally Protector for a few months after the
death of his father, a specimen of his writing ought perhaps to appear here.
The following letter, which bears his signature, addressed to his former
friend. General Monck, is in many ways an interesting one, since we gather
from it an accurate picture of the straitened circumstances in which he was
placed within a month of this declaration of Breda.
Original at British Museum. Egerton MSS. 26\%,foL 67.

'
My Lord,
'
AUthough I cannot suppose you altogether unacquainted with my
present condition, nor insensible of what my friends have represented to you con-
cerning it, yet being urged by my present exigencies &
somenecessitated for
time of late to retire into hiding-places to avoid arrests for debts contracted upon
the publiq account, I have been incouraged, from the perswasion I have had of
yo*" affection to mee, and the opportunitie you now have to show mee kindnesse,
to add this request to the former solicitations of my friends, that, when the Parlia-
ment shall bee met, you would make use of yo^ interest on my behalfe, that I
bee not left liable to debts which I am confident neither God, nor conscience,
can ever reckon mine. I cannot but promise myselfe that when it shall bee
seasonable, I shall not want a faithfuU friend in you to take effectuall care of
my concernements : having this perswasion of you that as I cannot but thinke
myselfe unworthy of great things, so you will not thinke mee worthy of utter
ruine.
'
My Lord, I am,
'
Your affectionate friend to serve you,
'Aprill 18, 1660.'
Addressed—' For his Excellencie the Lord Generall Monck these.'
Endorsed— A^r. ' 1660. Lord Rich. Cromwell for security from debts.'
XVIII
CHARLES II AND CATHERINE OF BRAGANZA
THERE can be no doubt that Charles II never Hked the triple alliance which
England, Holland, and Sweden entered into in 1668. By it, these three
countries compelled France to yield to their demands ; and, as it was to France
that Charles chiefly looked for aid in casting off the tiresomely constitutional
yoke of Parliament, he took the earliest opportunity of concluding a secret
treaty with France which nullified the effects of the distasteful alliance. The
secret treaty was signed at Dover in 1670. The next move was, of course,
to pick a quarrel with Holland, and the best means of doing this was to replace
Temple, a popular ambassador at the Hague, by Sir George Downing, a par-
ticularly odious one to the Dutch. However, the following very interesting
letter shows us that even Downing did not act sufficiently promptly in bringing
matters to a crisis. The want of proper respect to the British flag was, we see,
to be the avowed basis of the quarrel.
Holograph. Original at British Muscmn. Stow AISS. 458. See facsimile

on page 131, showing concluding paragraph of the letter.
•
Whithall, Jan. 16, [O. S.] 167I.
'
S*' George Downing, I have scene all your letters to my L<^ Arlington,
since your arrivall in Holland ; and because I finde you sometimes devided
in your opinion betwixt what seemes good to you for my affaires in the
various emergencyes and appearances there, and what my instructions direct

you, that you my not erre in the future, I have thoughte fitt to send you
I
my minde upon the hinge of your whole negotiation, and in my owne
last
hand, that you may likewise know it is your part to obey punctually my
orders, instead of putting yourself to the trouble of finding reasons why
you do not do so, as I find in your last of the 12th currant. And first
you must know I am entierly secure that France will joine with me against
Holland, and not seperate from me for any offers Holland can make to
them. do allow of your transmitting to me the States' answer to
Next I
your memoriall concerning the flag, and that you stay there expecting my
last resolution upon it, declaring that you cannot proceede to any new
matter till you receave it; but upon the whole matter you must always
knowe my minde and resolution is not only to insist upon the haveing my
flag saluted, even on there very shoare (as it was alwaies practised), but in
haveing my dominion of these seas asserted, and Wan Guert exemplarily
punished. Notwithstanding all this, I would have you use your skill so to
amuse them, that they may not finally dispaire of me and therby give me
time to make myselfe more ready and leave them more remisse in these
preparations.
'
In the last place I must againe injoine you to spare no cost in informing
your selfe exactly how ready there ships of warre are, in all there ports, how.
soone they are like to put to sea, and to send what you learne of this kinde
hether with all speede. I am
'
Your loveing frend,
'
Charles R.'
(^See facsimile on opposite page.)
The whole letter is thoroughly typical of Charles H's character, and it
is only lack of space that prevents a full facsimile being given. Two
months later, on March 17, 1672, England and France declared war
upon Holland, during which some of De Ruyter's greatest sea-battles were
fought.
I have not met with a specimen of the handwriting of Charles H's queen,
Catherine of Braganza, in English ; there are, however, some interesting
letters in Portuguese written from Lisbon before the future queen's arrival in
England. The signature on the opposite page is appended to one, written

to Charles, in which she prays God to send 'your Majesty's servant, the
fleet,' to her with speed and safety, that she may the sooner accomplish her
XVI11. Charles the Second and Catherine of Braganza 131
journey to England. She speaks of the happiness which 'those kingdoms

of yours, which your Majesty is pleased should also be mine,' must feel
at the restoration of their '
lawful king \'
'
[In translation.]
Your Majesty's most faithful wife, cJ^^

/? /^-
Mêe/p^/^^ JU^J
' /^ /7^ ^
who kisses your hands, VUlcJ pe-Ua
'
Catherina R.'
Portion of Letter from Charles II to Sir George Downing.
<2^«v<-c^-^ '^.xTi^ -^-tf^s,^ /^>L^fc,.e. ^tvjUi^ j^ 'Ur^^y--y<^ ^^9-^
' Original at Public Record Office. State Papers. Portugal. Sept. 3, 1 66 1.

I 2
XIX
JAMES II, ANNE HYDE, MARY OF MODENA, AND THE LATER STUARTS
JAMES II, both as Duke of York and as King, was a very prolific writer.
His handwriting is bold, and suggests the work of a man possessed of
a firmer character than his enemies, or even his friends, will allow that he
possessed. I have selected as a specimen of his handwriting, a letter written
by him in August, 1685, to the Prince of Orange. His allusions to the

magistrates of Amsterdam who had taken the part of the Duke of Monmouth
in the recent rebellion, show that William either intended, or pretended that it
was his intention, to punish any partisans of Monmouth whose complicity could
be demonstrated. James's allusions to the military display at Hounslow are
interesting, especially that to the mounted Grenadiers.
Holograph. Original at British Museum. Additional MSS. 22>,ioi,fol. 68.

See facsimile on pp. 134-5.
'
Windsor Aug : 25 : 1685.
'
have receved yours of the 2 7 by which I am very glad to find, you do
I :
agree, to what I proposed to you, concerning the E of Pembrook, and thanke :
you very kindly for doing it, and shall send to advertise him of it, that he may
make what hast he can over to you to thanke you for your kindnesse to him.
As for the names of any of the Magistrats of Amsterdam, when I can gett any
authentike proffs against them, I shall lett you have it, wîi I feare will be
hard to be gott, tho tis certaine some of them knew of the D of Mon
: : designe.
On Saturday last I saw some of my troops at Houndslow, they consisted of ten
Letter of James II to the Prince of Orange.
^'^-^L.t-J^ ^t-T\^
XIX. James the Second, his Wives, and the later Stuarts 137
Battallions of foott, of w''^^ three were of the gards, and the other seven new
raised Reg® ; of horse, there was twenty squadrons, and one of granaders on
horse back, and one of Dragoons, and realy the new troups of both sorts,
were in very good order, and the horse very well mounted. I was glad that
the Mareschal d'Humieres saw them, for severall reasons. I have not tyme
to say more now but that you shall always find me as kind to you as you can
desire. J.'
Addressed — ' For my sonne the Prince of Orange.'
As in this instance the king signs only his initial, we give below a copy of
his signature in full.
James married his first wife, Anne Hyde, daughter of the famous Earl of
Clarendon, very shortly after the Restoration. She was possessed of but
slight beauty, but of very brilliant powers of conversation. The marriage —
which had been contracted — was
secretly for some time regarded with
disfavour by the royal family ; and the Earl of Clarendon himself, though
probably well pleased at an event which would bring him more closely in
contact with the king, expressed surprise and even disgust at the extravagance
of his daughter's pretensions. The whole affair and what followed reflects
little credit on any of those concerned in it. At the time that Anne wrote the
letter — the signature to which we give below — all had been lived down,
and she was received at Court with the respect due to her. She was then with
her husband at York, and she tells her sister that it is a really good place,' '
better than Salisbury, which was apparently her former home. Hospitality,
enough and to spare, was

shown to James and his wife.
^/
'We are like,' she says, 'to ^/AlAyT m/nf A^CytJlA^^
have many feasts ;
to-morrow C ff\A/4^ yir
^"^
my Lord Mayor makes us
one, which will be very trouble-
some !
138 Handwriting of the Kings and Queetts of England
Anne died in 1671, having first been received into the Roman Catholic
communion, an event which caused considerable popular uneasiness with
regard to the religious faith of her husband. About two years later
James married Mary Beatrice, daughter of the Duke of Modena, who with her
infant son fled to France a few days before her husband's abdication in 1688.
The letter below is written from the Stuart Court, at St. Germains, probably
at the close of the year 1692, or the commencement of 1693, and addressed to
John Caryll — titular Lord Caryll — the faithful adherent of the fugitive royal
family.
Holograph. Original at British Museum. Additional MSS. 28,224,

folio 2.
<na^
J^ /^/^ 4^ ^^ ax^^^
' I made bold

last night to open these letters of yours, seeing ther were
others in took out one for Lady Sophya, and one for Strickland hear
it, I
;
is your owne, which have not been out of my hands. I hope your cough
is better, and that it will soon permitt you to com again amongst us. Wee are
all well, God be thanked, and my daughter has been weened with greater
facility then I could have hoped for.
'M. R.'
XIX. James the Second, his lVh<es, and the later Stuarts 139
The daughter referred to was the Princess Louisa Maria, who died
unmarried in 171 2.
Here we may appropriately give representations of the signatures of the

three last male representatives of the —
House of Stuart James and Charles
(the 'old' and the 'young' pretender, or 'James HI' and 'Charles HI,' as
they are designated, according to taste), and Henry of York, the Cardinal,
Charles's younger brother.
XX
WILLIAM III AND MARY
the specimen which we gave of James II's handwriting, penned in

IN August, 1685, we saw him writing to his son-in-law with an evident
absence of anything like suspicion. Whether or not that fearlessness was
then well-founded, or at what particular time William of Orange began first
to contemplate the invasion of England, are matters which would occupy too
much time to discuss. No doubt the birth of James's son in June, 1688, finally
resolved him on hazarding the attempt.

William, accompanied by a considerable fleet and some 14,000 men,
landed at Torbay from Helvoetsluys on the 5th of November following the date
of the prince's birth. The letter from which the extract below is taken is
Letter krom Queen Maky
to Lady Scarborough.
X693.
'^ci
.^^/T
XX. JVilliam the Third and Mary ms
written in a firm, bold hand. It is dated '

Au camp de Torbay,' on the day
after landing, and is addressed to William's Admiral, Arthur Herbert,
afterwards created Earl of Torrington, who tarried behind in Holland.
William announces his safe
arrival, and intention of marching, without delay,
upon Exeter, whither, as shown by the extract, he desires reinforcements
from Holland to be sent.
Translation. Original in French. British Museum. Egerton MSS. 2621,

folio 39. See facsimile on p. 140.
'
It is necessary that you send the regiments of Hagedorn and Fagel, in
one or two small frigates, to the Exmouth River, in order that I may cause
them also to come to Exeter.
'
I am always yours,
'
GuiLLAUME Prince d'Orange.'
Below is William's signature as King of England. It is attached to

a warrant dated at the commencement of the year 16S9.
Early in 1692 William embarked for Holland to follow up the campaign

against the French, which for some time he had been carrying on with but
indifferent success. Affairs in England were, during his absence, left in the
hands of the queen, who gave evidence of her capacity for government by
conducting them with tact and ability. The incidents of the year's campaign
were equally unfortunate. At Steinkirk [or Enghein] William was defeated
on Sunday, July 24, after nine hours' fight. The news reached the queen at
Kensington late on the following Friday, and she hastened to convey to her
friend Lady Scarborough, tidings of Lord Scarborough's safety. The letter,
which is in the queen's writing throughout, is interesting as giving an account

of the defeat as it first reached England, and shows that the writer's mind
was prepared for the possibility of a more serious disaster to her husband's
forces :
'
tho we have got no victory yet y^ french have had an equal losse,
so y* thay need not brag.'
Holograph. Original at the British Museum. Additional MSS. 20,731,

folio 2. See facsimile on p. 142.
'
Kensington Jully y® 29*'^ 92. Twelve at Night.
'
I always promised Lady Scarburgh to write when there had hapen'd
any thing. The first I asked after when y^ news of y® batle came
was y"^ L*! and finding him not mentioned in any of y® leters, take it for
ye best signe, for there is an exact acount come so much as of y®
Lieutenants of y^ Gards who are eithere wounded or kild by w*''^ tho
you shoud hapen to have no leter yet you may be sure he is well.
I thank God y^ King is so, and tho we have got no victory yet
ye french have had an equal losse so y* thay need not brag. We have
great reason to thank God for thus much, and I hope you will sone
be well enough come hithere y* we may rejoyce togethere where you
to
will be very welcom to one who will ever be y^" afectionate kind friend
'Marie R.
'
The batle was fought Sunday last, from 9 till 6.'
Letter from Queen Anne to the Earl of Nottingham.
fj ^^ UCf ^^^^nXuHf W^ ^
yu/tULv^ "hxxn^ fv cA^ yi^- ^'^^^

•\
'
XXI
ANNE AND GEORGE OF DENMARK
HUME tells
at the
us that the middle-statured lady, whose effigy
top of Ludgate Hill, earned for herself the
now
title
presides
'
Good
as much from and weak understanding, as from
indolence any active '
principle of benevolence.' Be that as it may, in the following letter,

written in 1703 to the Earl of Nottingham, we see her bestirring herself
in the interests of some poor woman who on the morrow was going
to pay the penalty of the law. The queen's appreciation of her Secre-
tary of State's sound judgment is shown in this letter.

folio 37. Facsimile opposite.
'
Thursday.
'
The enclosed was given me to night, and I have bin soe much desired
to save y® womans life, y* I can't help sending it to you to desire you
would enquire as soon as it is possible if it is proper to do anything
in it, for to morrow she is to be executed, but if she be one of those
y* the Lords did not think a fitt object of mercy, when M'' Recorder
made his report, I have nothing more to say for her.
'
I am your very affectionett freind
'Anne R.'
Queen Anne, at the instigation of her uncle, Charles

II, married in 1683, George, Prince of Denmark; he
died in 1708. His signature is appended ^-
'
British Museum. Additional MSS. 28,094, fol. 184^.
K 2
XXII
GEORGE I
TO as
find
George
an interesting
I, is,
letter of
on the face of
such a thoroughly uninteresting character
it, so hopeless that I have not attempted
the task. The following is a fair type of his compositions preserved to us.
It is addressed to the Emperor Charles V, and was to be carried to him by

Abraham Stanian, who was being sent as English ambassador to Con-
stantinople.
Holograph. Translation. Originalin French. British Museum. Additional

MSS. 22,o\6, folio 48. Facsimile opposite.
'
My Brother ! Having found it convenient to order Mr. Stanyan, my
envoy extraordinary and plenipotentiary, near you, to return to the Ottoman
court asmy Ambassador, I have charged him at the same time to reiterate
to your Imperial and Catholic Majesty, in the strongest manner, the
assurance of my sincere friendship towards you, and how I wish him to
render service by that embassy and to make known to Your Imperial and
Catholic Majesty more and more that I am most perfectly
'
Your Imperial and Catholic Majesty's most affectionate brother
'
George R.
'
At Hampton Court
the 17th of October 171 7,'
I have not met with a specimen of the handwriting of George I's queen,
Sophy Dorothy of Zelle.
Letter from George I to the Emperor Charles V.
XXIH
GEORGE II AND WILHELMINA CAROLINA, HIS WIFE
THOUGH George I occasionally spoke English, his accent was atrocious.

He seldom trusted himself to write the language of the people he had
been called to reign over, whom to the last he regarded as foreigners,
and with whose sentiments he was never in touch. George H came to
England as a younger man, and entered more into English ways. He
spoke and wrote English fairly well ; but as he was only a little more
interesting a personage than his father, it is almost as useless to seek for
an entertaining example of his composition. That below was written in 1759,
about a twelvemonth before his death, and is addressed to the Duke
of Newcastle, the minister whom he had been forced, two years previously,
to recall to office. The letter itself refers to the despatch of a messenger,
probably to Germany but the king's monetary dealings with Newcastle,
;
which the letter mentions, may not be without significance, when we remember
it was that minister who dispensed the money which during George H's
reign was so lavishly expended in Parliamentary and other corruption.
Holograph. British Museum. Amongst the Newcastle Papers presented by the

Earl of Chichester in 1886. See facsimile on p. 153.
'I am sorry, my L"*, that y'" illness and other accidents should stopp
Hunter's journey. I wish you would dispatch him as soon as you find it
possible. Great inconveniences may be occasion'd by his absence. If you

will send me the ten thousand £. by West, I shall be glad to receive them to
morrow morning, between lo and ii.
'
George Ri'
George II's queen, Caroline Wilhelmina of Anspach, was a marked

contrast to her husband. Cultured, witty, and fascinating, her death, in
1737, was a real loss to the English people and to the king. A story, told in
a contemporary letter, of her fondness for making a witty speech is worthy

of relation. During her last illness, when her physician, who was seeking
a divorce from his wife, came to bleed her, she bade him raise his head
towards her before he began, saying, '
Let me have a look at your comical
face
!
' and as he commenced the bleeding, added, '

What would you give
now that you were cutting your wife ? ' The signature below is appended
to a letter written by her in 1732 \
Just as George II hated his father, Frederick Prince of Wales, as he

grew up, hated George II and his chief minister, Walpole. Frederick had
come to England much earlier in life than had his father or grandfather,
was more conversant with the language and the people, and possessed
more English personal friends amongst them some of the bitterest
;
political foes of Walpole. But for his mother, the Prince seems to have
entertained a lively regard. Contemporary letters speak of the affectionate
relations existing between them, and of their constant meetings whilst the
king was away on the Continent. When, however, George II was in Eng-
land all this was changed ; at the Court balls the prince had his own room,
danced with those of his own set, and entertained them at a separate table.
In 1737, only a little before the death of the queen, the rupture between the
prince and became so open that the latter was forced to retire
his father
altogether from the Court. In May, 1736, Frederick married the Princess
Augusta of Saxe-Gotha. Lady Strafford gives her husband the following
account of the lady and of the wedding, which, we see, took place in the
evening :
' The Princess is neithere handsom nor ugly, tall nor short, but has
'
British Museum. Additional MSS. 32,684, fol. i.
Letter from George II to the Duke of Newcastle.
(
—
XXIII. George the Second andWilhelmina Carolina^ his IVife 155
a lively pritty countenance enough. The Duke of Grafton told me we ware

to meet in the Great Drawing-room, and the Peers and Peeresses to either
goe down into the chaple after the Queen, or sitt, during the cerrimony, above
in the King's closset (which he said, as a friend, he thought wou'd be the best
place). Then We were to see them supp, and then see them abed.' The
prince's home was now at Leicester House: here George III was born in
-^-^^ a^'z^piffis^f^'a^ :^fl^ ay^t'^-ii^PT:^^^^
1738; and here, with the 'patriots,' as Walpole's opponents styled them-
selves, plenty of uncomplimentary language was spoken about the king and
his advisers. Lord Scarborough was one of the nobility who attached
himself to the prince's party, though he did not wholly sever himself from
the king's, and he and Lady Scarborough —to whom the letter, the
postscript to which appears in the facsimile given above, is addressed
;
seem to have been frequent visitors at Leicester The boy

House.
here referred to was christened Henry Frederick, and became Duke of
Cumberland.
In the facsimiles below we have the signature of Frederick's wife, the
Princess Augusta; and following that, specimens of the handwriting of
other children of George \\.
Augusta, wife of Frederick, Prince of Wales.
William Augustus, Duke of Cumberland born :

1721 ; died, unmarried, 1765.
/â^J^/r/yiyf^^y^^^ A^^c/^^'^^^^^^/iCu^
Princess Elizabeth : died, unmarried, 1758.
ÛjmU) ou
Princess Anne married the Princess Mary married tlie

:
:
Princess Louisa married :
Prince of Orange died, .7.=i9. Landgrave of Hesse Cassel

;
Frederick V, King of Den-
died in 1771. niarli ; died, 1751.
Letter written by George III to his Grandfather when eleven years of age.
'072^
/,^;^^? ^ '7 ^^^^^^Jhit, oMbJhTm^

XXIV
GEORGE III AND QUEEN CHARLOTTE
GEORGE III has left us some specimens of his handwriting penned at

a very early age. The following was written when he was just eleven
years old, the period when his mother, regarding with annoyance the influence
which the ministers of the country had with her father-in-law, was for ever
reminding him to be '
king,' in deed and not only in word, when he ascended
the tlirone.
Holograph. Original at tJie British Museum. Additional MSS. 32,684,

'
I hope You will forgive the Liberty I take to thank Your Majesty,
for the Honour You did me Yesterday. It is my utmost Wish, and shall
allways be my Stud}-, to deserve Your Paternal Goodness and Protection.
I am with the Greatest Respect and Submission
'
Clifden '
Sir
'June the 23d '

Your Majesty's
'
1 749. Most Humble and most
'
'
Dutyfull Subject Grand-son and Servant
'
George.'
The favour alluded to was probably a visit, or some mark of attention,
which the grandfather was fond of paying to his grandson, though he kept
aloof from the boy's father.
—
i6o Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England
His writing seven years later, is shown below in the conclusion of
another letter to .his grandfather \
^^
irz-o?^ >
a^n c^ >'^^r^-^rx,^î^ i^'^y-^-a^,^
The death of George II, in 1760, put upon the throne of England,
the first king of the Hanoverian line who could boast of English birth and
bringing-up. The following paragraph in his first speech to Parliament,
written with his own hand, shows that George III was himself proud of
this circumstance :
Original at the British Museum, amongst the Newcastle Papers.
'
Born and Educated in this Country I glory in the Name of Britain ;
& the peculiar happiness of my Life, will ever consist, in promoting the
Welfare of a people, whose Loyalty & warm affection to me, I consider,
as the greatest & most permanent Security of my Throne.'
' British Museum. Additional MSS. 32,684, fol. 93
; ;
Handwriting of Children of George III.
(J^:;^^^^,^ ,x^^^H-M>.-c^^^
Ernest,Duke of Cumberland and Kino of

Hanover bom, 1771 died, 1851 married
: ; j
Frederick, Duke of Frederica of Mecklenburg-Strelitz.

York : bom 1763 : died
i8a7; married the Princess
Frederica of Prussia.
î:^^^^^^^d^^_^^-^-'^^'^^
Adolphus Frederick, Duke of Cambridge bora, 1774; died, 1850 married Augusta
: ;
of
Hesse-Cassel father of the present Duke of Cambridge.
;
'^^
Princess Charlotte : born, 1766 ; died, 1828 ; married the King ofWurtemberg. Princess Amelia : bom, 1783
died, unmarried, 1810.
"^ ^2^.^^^
^^^
CÂ.ui^Z/^^^t€4L^
/f ^^^^^>
Princess Augusta Sophia : born, 1768 Princess Elizabeth born, 1770 died, 1840 ; married
: ;
died, unmarried, 1840. the Landgrave of Hess&Homburg.
A-- ^^^ Princess Mary

married her cousin, the
; born, 1776 ;
Duke of Gloucester.
died, 1840
XXIV. George the Third and Queen Charlotte 163
The last attack of insanity with which the king was afflicted, demonstrated
itself in the early spring of 18 10. His handwriting at this date —an
example is given below — attached to royal warrants and documents of
a similar nature, presents evidence of his complete mental incapacity before
he ceased discharging public duties.
He never regained his powers, though he lingered on for ten years,

his condition being for the greater part of that time truly pitiable. Queen
Charlotte, whom he had married during the year following his accession,
died in 18 18. As it is George HI by a letter
said that she captivated
which, as a girl, she addressed to the King of Prussia, begging him to
spare her country — —
Mecklenburg-Strelitz this example of her signature,
appended to a letter addressed to the Earl of Effingham, treasurer of

her household, may be of interest ^
On the opposite page are examples of the handwriting of some of the
king's numerous children.
' British Museum. Additional MSS. 27,543, fol. 16.
L 2
XXV
GEORGE IV, QUEEN CAROLINE, AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE
GEORGE IV was born about a year after his parents' marriage. Both
he and his brother Frederick, born in 1763, were, in 1771, placed
under the governorship of Lord Holderness, who, after holding this ap-
pointment for five years, seems to have been glad to resign it. The
reports he sent from time to time to George III revealed the difficulties
of his situation, not, it should be said in fairness to the boys, wholly

owing to their troublesomeness, but quite as much to the want of unani-
mity existing amongst the teachers as to the best course of study to be
adopted. Still, despite these disadvantages, the boys — especially the Prince
of —picked up a good deal
Wales of knowledge, though they had little
How much of the

application. translation of Letter XVII in the Fourth
Book of Cicero — which was sent home for the when
king's perusal
George was about — the fifteen is boy's own work, and how much it
was '
touched up ' by his tutors, we shall never know, but the facsimile
given opposite of the first page of the MS.^ shows that the prince wrote
a good plain hand.
As he grew up, the prince showed signs of an inclination to embrace
and follow a moral code very different from that of his father; hence the
quarrel between the king for the time being and the Prince of Wales
for the time being, which the English people must have taken as a matter
of course, since they had witnessed a similar disagreement, though not
for the same cause as this, between the sovereign and his eldest son
ever sincethe House of Hanover had come to reign over them.
' British Museum. Additional MSS. 20,023.

XXV. George the Fourth, Queen Caroline, Princess Charlotte 165
George Ill's ministers showed the prince every mark of disapprobation

of his conduct ; and it was with some reluctance that the Regency Bill,
Translation from Cicero, by George IV when fifteen years of age.
â-o'n^ cct^ ^-V^<z^^2'-•y/i^/iyi^z.c</~
4^/.
^^..i*/' -<it/
<?^?sri*^.£>^^^:Z^C^P£^/y^^£>U'Ci^f^
,p:t'7J&CX^,•z^
after the commencement of the king's last illness, in 18 10, was agreed
to. His signature as Prince Regent appears on the following page^
We also give, on the same page, his signature as king attached to
the coronation oath. How far he kept that oath towards his country is
a matter unnecessary to discuss here.

'
Original on Royal Warrant. Public Record Office.
To turn the Prince of Wales from the course of life he was following,
George III and his ministers were for ever urging him to contract a
proposals of the kind, till
royal union, but the prince as often rejected all
Signature of George IV as Prince Regent.
at length, driven almost to distraction by the state of his finances, he

yielded to the tempting offer made by the king of a liquidation of his
debts, and an increased income, he would marry his cousin, the Princess
if
Caroline of Brunswick. The marriage, we know, turned out as might

Signature of George IV as attached to the Coronation Oath.
have been expected, though perhaps the lengths to which the prince
carried the indignities which he heaped upon his wife, may have astonished
even those most nearly acquainted with him. There is no need to recall
the incidents of this treatment, which culminated in George IV's refusal to
allow the queen to take part in, or even be present at, the ceremony
XXV. George the Fourth, Queen Caroline, Princess Charlotte 167
of his coronation at Westminster, July 19, 1821. The accompanying letter
was evidently written on her return from the Abbey, from the doors of
which she had been actually forced back.
Holograph. Draft. Original at British Museum. Additional MSS. 2\,\%2,

folio 17.
'
The Queen Requests that his Majesty would be pleased to give an
early answer to the Demande which the Queen has made to the Arche-
Bishop of Canterbury to be Crowned the following week. Not wishing to
increese any new Expense upon the Nation the Queen must trust that
after the Publik insult her Majesty has Received to day, the King will
grant her just Rights to be croAvned as next Monday, and that his Majesty
will command the Arche-Bishop of Cantibury to fulfill the Queen's particular

desire to confer uppon her that Sacred and August Ceremony.
'
The Queen also communicates to His Majesty that during the King's
absence in Irreland Her Majesty intends visiting Edinburgh.'
The queen's request was refused, and under this last mortification she
rapidly sank, dying on August 7 following. The chief comfort of her life
was her only child, the Princess Charlotte, who was born in 1796. The
princess's learning and charity are matters that need no enlargement upon
here. In May, 18 16, she became the wife of the late King Leopold of
Belgium, and died in child-bed the following year. Below is an example
of her handwriting — the conclusion of a letter, written in 18 13, to her
friend Mrs. Wightman '.
-i^^S:
' Original at the British Museum. Additional MSS. 22,723, fol. 26'!.
XXVI
WILLIAM IV AND QUEEN ADELAIDE
THE new prospect which, on

Charlotte, was opened to the
the
Duke
unhappy death
of Clarence gave him very
of the Princess
little
real satisfaction. He had for some time lived the life of an English
gentleman at Bushey, where he could meditate over a splendid record of
naval service, and he did not care for the thought of being King of England.
The friends he liked best, and kept up with, were naval friends so, no ;
doubt, on his appointment as Lord High Admiral, he had plenty of

applications for naval preferment, like that which, we see by the following
answer, had been made to him by Nelson's widow.

'
Admiralty
'June 9th 1827
'
Late at Night.
'
Madam,
'In answer to Your Ladyship's letter of 15th May, I have to remark
I cannot forget the many happy hours I spent at Paris with Your Ladyship
and must ever feel anxious for any relation of the late Admiral Lord Nelson.
At present I cannot promote Commander Blankley, but shall have sincere
pleasure in bringing forward this meritorious young officer, the instant I
can with propriety and ever remain,

'
Madam,
'
Yours most truly,
'
William.'
'
f72 Handwriting of the Kings and Queens of England
His signature as king appears below ^.
William's altered prospects necessitated a separation from '

Mrs. Jordan
— Dorothy Bland, the actress, with whom he lived so long —and a marriage
was, with little delay, arranged and celebrated with the Princess Adelaide,
daughter of the Duke of Saxe-Meiningen, who thus became Queen Adelaide.
Her usual form of signature appears below. She died in 1849.
From Coronation Roll.

XXVII
VICTORIA
THE signature given in facsimile below is
of the handwriting of her present Majesty the Queen.

probably the earliest specimen
It was penned
VJCTÔ Ell A.
when she was but four years old. Her first signature as Queen is taken
from the original appended to the coronation oath.
As an example of her Majesty's writing at the present time, it would be

impossible to find a more suitable and interesting example than the letter
in which she expresses her gratitude to the '
Women of Great Britain
and Ireland' for their loyal offering on the occasion of her Jubilee.
A facsimile of this letter is given opposite.
;
The signatures of the Prince Consort and of the Duke and Duchess
of Kent, the Queen's father and mother, are here given.
Wc^^^riây/r^^ J^ (^-ô^^^^ i^ ..y&ic^.

Edward, Duke of Kent, fourth son of The Duchess of Kent
George III ; bom, 1767 died, 1820
; his wife.
married Victoria of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld.
Below, we give the signatures of the Prince and Princess of Wales, of their
two sons, and also of the Queen's three sons —the Duke of Edinburgh, the
Duke of Connaught, and the late Duke of Albany.
^'^^
THE END
>j>JyA

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optf)e

Mr. and Mrs.Wm.F.E.^urley

Cornell University Library

3 1924 029 484 627

The original of this book is in

the Cornell University Library.

There are no known copyright restrictions in

Kings & Queens ofEngland

WITH PHOTOGRAVURES AND FACSIMILES OF SIGNATURES

THE RELIGIOUS TRACT SOCIETY

S6 PATERNOSTER ROW AND 65 ST. PAUL'S CHURCHYARD

HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

THEHour greater part of this work appeared

when they were discovered, amongst some uncalendared documents at

The additional examples of royal handwriting that I have given in this

a letter from Edward VI to the Senate of Zurich ; another letter from

use of the English Book of Common Prayer; a letter from Queen

corrected by James I, of his letter to the Bishops, which was, in reality,

II. Edward the 'Black Prince' ii

VII. Edward IV and his Queen, Elizabeth Wydevile • • •

VIII. Edward V ............ 41

IX. Richard III 45

XI. Henry VIII and his Wives 52

XIII. 'Jane the Queen' and Philip and Mary 81

XV. James I and Anne or Denmark 102

XVI. Charles I and Henrietta Maria, Henry Prince of Wales, and

XVII. Oliver and Richard Cromwell 124

XVIII. Charles II and Catherine of Braganza 129

XX. William III and Mary 140

XXI. Anne and George of Denmark 147

XXII. George I '148

XXIII. George II and Wilhelmina Carolina, his wife .... 151

XXIV. George III and Queen Charlotte 159

XXVI. William IV and Queen Adelaide . . .... 171

XXVII. Victoria 175

LIST OF PHOTOGRAVURE PLATES

Signature (French) of Richard II . . .15 Portion of a document the Bishops' Book

Henry VI preserved at Eton

„ Edward IV as Duke of York 35 Stamp used by Henry VIII in the early

Leicester by Queen Elizabeth 98 . .

by James Handwriting of George III

Prince of Wales 107 „ the Duke of Cambridge . 162

Handwriting of King Charles 116 . . .

HISTORIANS who have described King John as 'signing and sealing'

made their '

approximate date, explaining the circumstances under which it was written,

the authenticity of a document professing to bear a particular royal auto-

EDWARD THE 'BLACK PRINCE'

THE only portion of writing extant which

words of it Homout. Ich Dene. To these words attaches the highest

vanquished inhabitants of Limoges.

Castre d'Ordiales, to our dear and well-beloved Sir Richard de Stafford,

With regard to the interpretation of the mottoes, Homont [Hochmuth] is

generally taken to be '

' Original in Latin. Public Record OfBce.

OF Richard II's signature

Translation of the document referred to above. Original in French. Signature

form. Given under our signet at our Castle of Bristol,

Another example of this form of Richard's signature,

{Jwt:^®^^v^x<t<vvQ.(VvL«Q3^^tnc>v^ -^l^c^WsfCSV^^tJSx^ djQ^ C^J"^!^'