Byzantines and Jews
Byzantines and Jews
Byzantines and Jews
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1. See e.g. John Haldon, Byzantium in the Seventh Century. The Transformation of a
Culture (Cambridge 1990) 345-48, who also notes the derogatory use of the terms 'Jew',
'Jewish' in Byzantine literature in contexts detached from reference to real Jews. AntiJewish polemic in this period is also seen as expressing anxiety about Muslim success
in the recent book by Glster's teacher Walter E. Kaegi, Byzantium and the Early Islamic
Conquests (Cambridge 1992) 210-27, especially 220-22, following his earlier article 'Initial
Byzantine reactions to the Arab invasions', Church History 10 (1969) 139-49, to which
Olster explicitly refers as an inspiration for his doctoral thesis.
2. G. Dagron and V. Deroche, 'Juifs et chretiens dans l'Orient du Vne siecle', Travaux
et Memoires 11 (1991) 17-273 (17-46 Introduction historique, G. Dagron; 47-229 critical
text, V. Deroche; 230-47 Commentaire I, G. Dagron; 248-73 Commentaire Ii, v. Deroche).
Equally important is Dagron's article in the same volume, 'Judai'ser', ibid., 359-80.
3. V. Deroche, 'La polemique anti-judai'que au VIe et au vne siecle, un memento inedit,
les Kephalaia', ibid., 275-311.; see also Kaegi, op. cit., 220-27, 231-35 on dating the
works. The appearance of H.G. Thiimmel, Die Friihgeschichte der ostkirchlichen
Bilderlehre. Texte und Untersuchungen zur Zeit vor dem Bilderstreit. TV 139 (Berlin, 1992),
with detailed discussion of the complex and interconnected manuscript tradition of some
of these works, especially at 253-68, marks an important further stage in the discussion,
though Thiimmel' s interest is confined to passages referring to religious images, and he
stops with John of Damascus.
250
BYZANTINES
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7. N. de Lange, 'Jews and Christians in the Byzantine Empire: problems and prospects',
in D. Wood, ed., Christianity and Judaism, Studies in Church History 29 (Oxford 1992)
15-32, cf. p.23.
8. Averil Cameron, 'The Jews in Seventh-Century Palestine', Scripta Classica Israelica
13 (1994) 75-93; see 77, n. 7.
252
BYZANTINES
9. Discussion in Cameron, art. cit. 84-86; synagogues: Lee I. Levine, ed., The Synagogue
in Late Antiquity (Philadelphia 1987); see Wilken, The Land Called Holy, 194-202. The
Gaza synagogue had a fine mosaic of King David in the garb of Orpheus.
10. See Robert Gregg and Dan Urman, Jews, Pagans and Christians in the Golan Heights
(forthcoming); for separation: C. Dauphin, 'Jewish and Christian communities in the Roman
and Byzantine Gaulanitis: a study of evidence from archaeological surveys', J!alestble
Exploration Quarterly 114 (1982) 129-82, with Z. Ma'oz, 'Comments on Jewish and
Christian communities in Byzantine Palestine', ibid. 117 (1985) 59-68. Further remarks
on settlement and on the Jewish and Samaritan presence in Palestine, with bibliography,
in John Haldon, 'The Ajnad and the "thematic myth"',
in Averil Cameron, ed., The
Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East III. States, Resources and Armies (Princeton 1995)
379-423, at 410-11; a map showing synagogue locations is published in Y. Tsafrir, L.
Di Segni and J. Green, Tabula Imperii Romani: Iudaea. Palaestina: Maps and Gazetteer
(Jerusalem 1994), and for settlement in our period see 18-19.
11. M. Avi-Yonah, The Jews of Palestine (Oxford 1976) 289; contrast G. Alon, The
Jews in their Land in the Talmudic Age (70-640 CE) (Eng. trans. Jerusalem 1984) 36.
253
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sack of Jerusalem. After the fall of the city in A.D. 614, the Persian
army retreated, supposedly leaving the Jews in charge; 12 atrocities
against Christians are the stock-in-trade of the Christian accounts,
most, if not all, of which are characterised by lurid stories and replete
with casually hostile and prejudiced allusions to Jewish complicity.
S. Leder has drawn attention to the distortions in the sources in a
useful article,13 and Glster shows how far the main Greek account
of the sack of Jerusalem in A. D. 614 by Strategios, an author often
wrongly, as in Glster, called Antiochus Monachus, is dominated by
an ideology which sets Jews and Christians against each other. 14 To
the Christians, the fall of Jerusalem in A.D. 614 was a blow which
negated three hundred years of Christian rule since Constantine; to
the Jews it represented a shortlived triumph, lasting only until the
Persians changed their minds about Jewish rule. 15 Modern Jewish
historians, with good reason, have also wanted to emphasise this brief
period of turning the tables, when it even appears that Jews were
12. Avi- Yonah, chap. XII is a fairly typical example of acceptance of this scenario; more
critical is P. Schafer, Histoire desjuifs dans l'antiquite (French trans., Paris 1989) 219-23;
Dagron, 'Judalser', 370, allows for real activism.
13. S. Leder, 'The attitudes of the population, especially the Jews, towards the ArabIslamic conquest of Bilad aI-Sham and the question of their role therein', Die Welt des
Orients 18 (1987) 64-71; critical account of the events: Dagron, TM 11 (1991) 22-26.
14. Olster, Roman Defeat, 79-84; however, Olster does not explain the complex transmission of the account of the capture of Jerusalem by Strategios, for which see B. Flusin,
Saint Anastase Ie Perse et I 'histoire de la Palestine au debut du VIle siecle, 2 vols. (Paris,
1992) II 130-33; Wilken, The Land Called Holy, 319, n. 28; 324-25, nn. 5-6. For Jews
in Strategios's account, see Flusin II 162-64, 168. For the Persian episode see Flusin II
151-63, a new and important discussion, with Wilken, The Land Called Holy, chaps. 10-11,
emphasising the immense psychological and emotional impact of the loss of Jerusalem
for Christians; Wilken is particularly good in his use of Sophronius's anacreontic laments
for the fall of the city. Sophronius's anacreontic poems are edited by M. Gigante, Sophronii
Anacreontica, Opuscula. Testi per esercitazioni academiche 10/12 (Rome, 1957), but see
H. Donner, Die anakreontischen Gedichte Nr. 19 und Nr. 20 des Patriarchen Sophronius
von Jerusalem, Sitz. Heidelberger Akad. der Wiss, philosoph.-hist.
Klasse 1981, 10
(Heidelberg 1981). Olster discusses the continuation of this demonising of Jews in the
context of the Arab invasions at 84-92.
15. I have also discussed these events in 'The Trophies of Damascus: the Church, the
Temple and sacred space', inLes cahiers du CEPOA, Actes du colloque de Cartigny 1988
(Leuven 1995) 203-12, with further bibliography; for their ideological importance see Flusin
II 136-40.
254
BYZANTINES
once again allowed to offer worship on the site of the Temple; certainly
Jewish hopes were raised beyond all previous expectation.16
The main problem for the historian in attempting to deal with the
events of the Persian invasion is the difficulty and inadequacy of the
contemporary sources, most of which have yet to receive critical study;
a full and detailed discussion of the Persian invasion is still awaited,
and much needed, but B. Flusin has provided a valuable account in
his recent work on the dossier pertaining to the early seventh-century
martyr known as S. Anastasius the Persian. I? It is clear that the
heightened excitement which is apparent in the sources for the years
before and after A. D. 614 had been mounting since the events
surrounding the deposition of Phocas in A.D. 609/10, which are the
subject of an earlier book by David Olster.18 An increasingly hostile
Byzantine attitude towards Jews from the reign of Justinian on19
encouraged the labelling of Jews as trouble-makers and gave rise to
the fear, if not always the reality, of their participation in civil
16. For Jewish apocalyptic and for the evidence of contemporary Hebrew liturgical poetry
see Cameron, art. cit. (n. 12) 204 n. 4; Wilken, The Land Called Holy, 207-15; Dagron,
TM 11 (1991) 26-28, 41-43 (the most detailed and reliable discussion); F.E. Peters,
Jerusalem. The Holy City in the Eyes of Chroniclers, Visitors, Pilgrims and Prophets from
the Days of Abraham to the Beginning of Modern Times (Princeton 1985) 201 ff., with
id., Jerusalem and Mecca. The Typology of a Holy City (New York 1986) especially 80-122.
On Jerusalem see also Cyril Mango 'The Temple Mount, AD 614-638', in J. Rabyand
J. Johns, eds. Bayt al-Maqdis. 'Abd al-Malik's Jerusalem I, Oxford Studies in Islamic
Art IX (Oxford 1992) 1-16, at 5-6.
17. Above, n. 14, at II 67-93,265-92;
Heraclius in Jerusalem: 293-319.
18. See n. 6 above; see also Dagron, TM 11 (1991) 18-22; brief account in Judith Herrin,
The Formation of Christendom (Princeton 1987) 187-91. The main source is the Chronicle
of John of Nikiu, also in need of critical study; the Doctrina Jacobi is also important on
these events for its account of Jacob's youth as a participant in the urban rioting in vario~s
eastern cities during these years (1.40-41, on which see Dagron, TM 11 [1991] 235-37).
The association of Jews with the Blue and Green circus factions, especially the Blues,
that is mentioned in connection with these episodes has often been accepted by modern
scholars in too strong a sense; seat inscriptions show them sitting together with Blues at
Aphrodisias, Antioch and Tyre, but this need not imply a close or consistent political
connection, see Charlotte Roueche, Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity (London 1989) 222,
following on from Alan Cameron, Circus Factions (Oxford 1976) 149-52. Jews sat together
in groups, as did cult- or trade associations (Charlotte Roueche, Performers and Partisans
at Aphrodisias in the Roman and Late Roman Periods [London 1993] 124, cf. 130, 154).
19. See A.M. Rabello, Giustiniano, Ebrei e Samaritani, alla luce delle fonti storicoletterarie, ecclesiastiche e giuridiche (Milan 1987).
255
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CAMERON
20. Theoph., Chron. 206 de Boor; Michael the Syrian, Chron. X.25; Chron. Pasch. s.a.
610; see J.D. Frendo, 'Who killed Anastasius II?', Jewish Quarterly Review 72 (1982)
202-204, with note ad loco in Michael Whitby and Mary Whitby, Chronicon Paschale
284-628 AD (Liverpool 1989) 150.
21. See further below.
22. The patriarch Zachariah accompanied the prisoners and the Cross into captivity after
the city's capture, in which the Jews, Christianity's forerunners and symbolic enemies,
were envisaged as assisting the Persians; see the vivid discussion by Wilken, The Land
Called Holy, chap. 11. Narrative also in R. Schick, The Christian Communities of Palestine
from Byzantine to Islamic Rule. A Historical and Archaeological Study (Princeton 1995).
256
BYZANTINES
Georgian text. 23 Thus the Temple Mount was the subject of intense
ideological rivalry; Cyril Mango has argued recently that Heraclius
had also aspired to build on the contested site, and that the construction
at the Golden Gate is his work.24
Byzantine legislation against Jews
This then is the context for the recording of an imperial edict issued
by Heraclius, requiring the conversion of all Jews to Christianity,
the first example of such legislation in Roman law; it was to be
followed by similar laws passed by Leo III and Basil I. 25 As G.
Dagron has argued, the ambition of achieving forced baptism of all
Jews, however, unlikely per se, was the logical culmination of all
the conversion stories in contemporary hagiography and other
literature.26 The law of Heraclius, passed over in silence by
Theophanes, gave rise to the Doctrina Jacobi, which purports to be
a work of encouragement by one such Jewish convert to Christianity
to his former fellow-religionists; it is also the subject of a letter written
by Maximus Confessor from North Africa in A.D. 632 and published
by Devresse in 1937. Dagron has reviewed the evidence again recently
and supported the authenticity of the letter and the historical reality
23. B. Flusin, 'Les premieres constructions musulmanes sur I'Esplanade du Temple selon
deux "recits edifiants" byzantins', REG 101 (1988) xxv-xxvi; id., 'L'esplanade du Temple
a I'arrivee des Arabes, d'apres deux recits byzantins', in Raby and Johns, eds., Bayt alMaqdis (n. 16) 17-31.
24. Mango, 'The Temple Mount' (n. 16); for an Umayyad date, M. Rosen-Ayalon, The
Early Islamic Monuments of al-Haram al-Sharif, Qedem 28 (Jerusalem 1989) 39, see
Cameron, 'The Jews in seventh-century Palestine', 80 n. 20.
25. Chron., pAOI de Boor; see on this P. Yannopoulos, La societe profane dans ['empire
byzantin des VIle, VIlle, et IXe siecles (Louvain 1975) 247-51, and for the later repetitions
de Lange, 'Jews and Christians in the Byzantine empire' (n. 7) 23; G. Dagron has published
a ninth-century treatise on the subject of baptism of Jews which seems to relate to the
episode under Basil I: G. Dagron, 'Le traite de Gregoire de Nicee sur Ie bapteme des
Juifs', TM 11 (1991) 313-57, and see the comments on this legislation at 347-53. There
is also a valuable brief discussion of Heraclius' s measure in its historical and ideological
context by G. Dagron in G. Dagron, P. Riche and A. Vauchez, eds., Histoire du
Christianisme IV. Eveques, moines et empereurs (610-1054) (Paris 1993) 70-79.
26. Dagron, 'Judai"ser', 363; for conversion stories, see below.
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of the law demanding baptism;27 he argues for the date of A.D. 632
on the basis of Maximus' s letter against A. D. 634, Michael the
Syrian's date for the edict. 28 But while the law is presented as
empire-wide in significance, the only clear evidence of its implementation comes from Maximus in North Africa; the immediate
context in the narratives of both Theophanes and Michael the Syrian
is fanciful and tendentious, and the former's omission of the edict
itself is surprising. It is hard to imagine that much could have been
done to enforce the law, given the imminent Arab invasions, and even
if genuine enough, its import may have been more symbolic than
practical; if writers and hagiographers resorted to fantasies of the
conversion of individuals, it was to be expected that an emperor might
try to achieve the same effect through legislation. Dreams of
conversion and imperial legislation are alike expressions of ideological
and psychological attitudes which found it more and more necessary
to draw boundaries between Christianity and Judaism.
27. Dagron, TM 11 (1991) 30-31; see R. Devreesse, 'La fin inedite d'une lettre de S.
Maxime: un bapteme force de Juifs et Samaritains a Carthage en 632' , Rev. des sciences
religieuses 17 (1937) 25-35; further discussion in C. Laga, 'Judaism and Jews in Maximus
Confessor's works. Theoretical controversy and practical attitude', Byzantinoslavica 51
(1990) 177-88 (cf. 188 'a brutal and at any rate inefficient act of repression').
28. Chron. XI.4, Dagron, 32; cf. Olster, Roman Defeat, 84-85 with useful discussion
of other more dubious sources, which he describes as .contradictory and confusing'.
258
BYZANTINES
Temple for six hundred years.29 It was more important for Christian
writers to reiterate the theme of Jewish defeat after the abortive Jewish
revival under the Persians than it was to engage with real conditions
in the Near East. It has been argued that the anti-Jewish dialogues
represent
of Islam
259
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33. Jews more the aim than Muslims, even in eighth-century texts: see Reinink, 'The
beginnings of Syriac apologetic', 169-70.
34. See n. 2 above.
35. See no. 29 above.
36. A.C. McGiffert, ed., Dialogue between a Christian and a Jew (Marbourg 1889);
further bibliography cited by Deroche, art. cit. 279. Deficiencies of McGiffert's edition:
Thiimmel, Fruhgeschichte, 256-57.
37. Nos. 42 and 137 in the collection are relevant; see PG 28,621-24,684-700,
709;
discussion of the collection in John Haldon, 'The works of Anastasius of Sinai: a key source
for the history of seventh-century East Mediterranean society and belief' , in Cameron and
Conrad, eds., The Early Byzantine and Islamic Near East I, 107-47, at 120-25; see also
F.J. Martiriez, Eastern Christian Apologetic in the Early Muslim Period (PhD. diss., Catholic
U. of America 1985) 529-30. On the date of the PS.-Athanasian Quaestiones (before
Anastasius of Sinai, Quaestiones), see Thiimmel, Fruhgeschichte, 246-52, and on the
relationship between the Trophies, the Dialogue of Papiscus and Philo and the Dialexis
of Anastasius of Sinai (PG 89. 1203-72) ibid., 253-68.
38. Thiimmel, loco cit.; see also Kaegi, Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests, App.
1,231-25, on the date of the Dialexis ascribed to Anastasius of Sinai, with general discussion
at 220-27. Olster, Roman Defeat, 131-33 puts the Dialogue of Papiscus and Philo first,
then the Trophies of Damascus, and last the Quaestiones, but the Dialogue of Papiscus
and Philo in particular seems to have gone through a number of stages of redaction;
Thiimmel, Fruhgeschichte, 268, with discussion of manuscripts and textual borrowings,
sees the Dialexis of Anastasius of Sinai (third quarter, seventh century) as preceding the
Dialogue, the Trophies and the Quaestiones of Ps. Athanasius. The Disputation of S.
Gregentius, bishop of the Himyarites, with Herbanus the Jew, PG 86,621-784,
is dated
by Deroche, art. cit., 276-77, with full bibliography, to the late sixth or early seventh
century, by Olster, Roman Defeat, chap. 7. to the mid-seventh century; Olster places its
composition in Jerusalem. For other dialogues with a 'foreign' dramatic setting see Olster,
ibid., 155 n. 2.
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BYZANTINES
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in his Hexaemeron,43 and fragments survive of a seventh or eighthcentury Dialogue on the Trinity between a Jew and a Christian by
Jerome of Jerusalem,44 as of a similar work by Stephen of Bostra
cited by John of Damascus, also with an Old Testament
jlorilegium.45 In his De fide orthodoxa, John of Damascus himself
addressed the question of the Jewish Sabbath, and hoped for the
conversion of the Jews.46 A number of other works against the Jews
are listed in vol. III of the Clavis Patrum Graecorum, some of
uncertain date;47 the genre is included by J. Munitiz in his valuable
list of Byzantine catechetical 'teaching-aids', with the comment that
this is 'an exceptionally broad category that remains to be
explored'.48 Typical of the penumbra that surrounds the core of (to
us) known texts is the appearance of a story in John Moschus, Pratum
Spirituale, referring to the author's 'debating with Hebrews', urged
by a certain Cosmas of Alexandria, who had a large library which
John consulted: 'I visited him every day, and I never entered without
finding him either reading or writing against the Jews: for he devoted
great zeal to bringing Jews to the truth' .49Another debate between
Christians and Jews is mentioned in Anastasius of Sinai's Bodegas,
a treatise largely devoted to refuting Monophysites.5o Whether or
not the story in John Moschus is to be taken at face value, it illustrates
very well the fact that anti-Jewish debate in this period depended on
43. PG 89,933; the Hexaemeron itself defends the doctrine of the Trinity against Jews,
barbarians and Samaritans, with most emphasis on the Jews.
44. PG 40, 847-60, 865; 94, 1409; see B. Kotter, Johannes von Damaskos III (1975),
194; Schreckenberg, 468. Mention of images (94, 1409) points to later in our period.
45. PG 94, 1376 B-D; for the date (seventh to early eighth-century) see Deroche,
'L'authenticite',
663 n. 45; M. Sartre, Rostra. Des origines a I'Islam (Paris 1985) 116-17.
46. See Schreckenberg, 473; for the 'Answers to the Jews' preserved in Armenian see
H.-G. Beck, Kirche und theologische Literatur im byzantinischen Reich (Munich 1959)
479, with 486.
47. M. Geerard, Clavis Patrum Graecorum III (Louvain 1974), nos. 7798-7802; cf. the
reference by Deroche, 'L'authenticite', 660 n. 34, to 'textes inedits ou quasi-inaccessibles'.
48. J. Munitiz, 'Catechetical teaching-aids in Byzantium', in J. Chrysostomides, ed.,
Kathegetria. Essays presented to Joan Hussey (Camberley, 1988), 69-83, at 78.
49. PG 87.3,3040-41; see Deroche, 'La polemique anti-judai'que', 285, who takes Casmas
to be producing texts (perhapsjlorilegia) for others to use in their own arguments (translation
from de Lange, 'Jews and Christians in the Byzantine Empire', 26).
50. Hodegos XIV .1, ed. K.-H. Uthemann (Turnhout 1981) 257-58, and see the discussion
in Deroche, 'La palemique anti-judalque', 284-86.
262
BYZANTINES
263
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264
BYZANTINES
understand why Judaism and indeed Islam, which from our perspective
are not Christian heresies but separate religions, should themselves
feature in these lists. An interesting variation is to be found in the
Doctrina Jacobi,. where the newly converted Jacob attempts to explain
the doctrine of the Trinity without falling into heresy, for the slightest
deviation from which, it is stated, even bishops and patriarchs have
been excommunicated. 60 Some at least of this didactic literature was
highly technical, with authors vying with each other to produce new
proof texts, 61 while some fulfilled a more practical need for instruction in times of dislocation and disturbance.62 The writings against
Jews may be as much academic exercises or works of practical
catechesis as expressions of contemporary ideology. In this general
context, the interpretation of the Doctrina Jacobi presents a special
case. It purports to be addressed to other Jews rather than to Christians,
and to be encouraging them to convert as Jacob had done; in contrast
the tone of the Trophies of Damascus is sharply triumphalist, and
that dialogue ends with a scathing portrayal of learned Jews discomfited in the argument. 63 The Doctrina Jacobi also has more
circumstantial detail than most of the treatises, some of which make
few claims to verisimilitude.
References to Jews and Judaism in other types of literature
The extent to which this specialised literature also belonged within
a general context of hostile references to Jews and Judaism is less
often remarked. Given the mounting suspicion on the Christian side,
which found expression in Heraclius' s law of AD 632, it followed
that 'judai:ser' would become the worst, and at the same time the most
common, form of accusation to be levelled at one's enemies.64 The
60. Doctrina II. 5.
61. Notable here are P. Van den Ven, 'La patristique et l'hagiographic au condIe de
Nicee de 787', Byzantion 25-27 (1957) 325-62; Cameron, 'Texts as weapons', 203-206
and C. Mango, 'The availability of books in the Byzantine Empire, AD 750-850', in
Byzantine Books and Bookmen (Washington, D.C. 1975) 29-45.
62. Cameron, ibid., 207-208; see Haldon, 'The works of Anastasius of Sinai'.
63. See Cameron, 'The Trophies of Damascus', 207-208; these slink away in dudgeon,
but some conversion is also envisaged. See Thiimmel, Fruhgeschichte,
268 on the
idiosyncrasy of this text.
64. See Dagron, 'Judai'ser', 364.
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BYZANTINES
Neapolis who is the author of the Apology against the Jews. 71Other
types of literature circulating in our period include the apocryphal
Discussion of St. Sylvester, a fictional dispute between the bishop
of Rome and twelve Jews in the presence of Constantine and his
mother Helena, which was known to the author of the Syriac Dialogue
of Sergius the Stylite, which also drew on older Syriac anti-Jewish
works by Aphrahat and Ephrem.72
There were other reasons why there may have been a heightened
awareness of Judaism in the seventh century. One was that this period
also saw a significant development in the cult of the Cross, particularly
after the capture and restoration of the True Cross to Jerusalem in
AD 614 and 630 respectively. 73Homilies and other works celebrating the Cross tended to contain passages disparaging the Jews. Another
reason is that, as I have already argued, one tum taken by theological
debate during the seventh century was to return to a more literal and
physical interpretation of the Incarnation, which had the effect of
stimulating debate about the status of created matter; in this context,
Christians were highly sensitive to possible Jewish allegations that
they worshipped created objects, whether the Cross, images or Christ
Himself, and were thus idolaters.74 Those whose works addressed
these issues included Anastasius of Sinai,75 and the three Orations
in Defence of Images by John of Damascus (citing Leontius of
Neapolis) contain the most fully developed defence against such
charges.76 Whether, as has been argued recently by Sidney Griffith,
71. On the Life, dating from the 640s, see Krueger, Symeon the Holy Fool, with translation
at 131-71. For Jews see ibid., 12-13,43, 122 (on the stories of a Jewish glassblower and
another Jewish artisan brought to baptism by Symeon). For the theme of conversion see
also Dagron, 'Judalser', 369, 372-76, who is however inclined to place more weight on
some of the stories than I might do myself.
72. See Hayman (n. 40), CSCO 339, 25 f., 15. A Syriac translation of a Greek collection
of testimonies (proof texts) against Jews has been suggested as another source, though one
should bear in mind the multiplicity and variety of the collections apparently in circulation.
73. The restoration of the Cross to Jerusalem in 630: Flusin, Saint Anastase II 293-319;
the Cross and Jews: ibid., 317. Cross and images: Thiimmel, Fruhgeschichte, 246-47;
icons in anti-Jewish texts: ibid., 340-64.
74. Averil Cameron,
'The language of images: the rise of icons and Christian
representation',
in D. Wood, ed., The Church and the Arts, Studies in Church History
28 (Oxford 1992) 1-42.
75. See Anna Kartsonis, Anastasis (Princeton 1986) 40-63.
76. See also Cameron, 'The Jews in seventh-century Palestine', 88-89.
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77. Paper delivered to the Fourth Workshop of the Late Antiquity and Early Islam Project,
London, 1994. The attempt by D. Sahas, 'The Arab character of the disputation with Islam.
The case of John of Damascus (ca. 655-ca. 749)', in Religionsgespriiche im Mittelalter,
Wolfenbiitteler Mittelalter-Studien (Berlin 1993) 185-205, to present John as an 'enlightened
Arab' is not convincing; more critical, if not actually over-sceptical, is M.-F. Auzepy,
'De la Palestine a Constantinople
(VIIIe-IXe siecles): Etienne Ie Sabai'te et Jean
Damascene', TM 12 (1994) 183-218.
78. McGiffert, 59 f., 68; in the later recension, where this hardening of attitudes is to
be seen, the Old Testament signs are not adduced as elsewhere to point to the coming
of Christ, but rather to demonstrate the victory of Christianity over Judaism. That the
Old Testament was problematic for Christians is clearly shown by their continuing concern,
even in this late period, to demonstrate that it could indeed be put to their own uses; see
Dagron, 'Judai'ser', 377-80.
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83. H. Kessler, '''Pictures fertile with truth": how Christians managed to make images
of God without violating the Second Commandment' , Journal of the Walters Art Gallery
49/50 (1991/2) 53-65, also discussed by Brubaker, art. cit., 187.
84. See H. Kessler, 'Through the Temple veil: the holy image in Judaism and Christianity',
Kairos 32/33 (1993) 53-77; for Jews in Byzantine art see also E. Revel-Neher, The Image
of the Jew in Byzantine Art (Oxford 1992).
85. Above, n. 31; cf. Patricia Crone, 'Islam, Judaeo-Christianity and Byzantine Iconoclasm', Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 2 (1980) 59-95.
86. Art. cit., 63.
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BYZANTINES
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prophecy, but also about true versus false prophets. The status of
Mu1)ammad as a prophet, the signs by which he is known, and the
comparison of Mu1)ammadand Jesus are already issues in the Qur'an.
Thus, for a time, Islamic thinking developed side by side with
Christian treatments of similar themes in the different context of antiJewish disputes. The earliest Greek writer to show clear awareness
of Qur'anic doctrines is Anastasius of Sinai;9owhen Christians took
up the Muslim challenge, they did so by drawing on Old Testament
prophecy to refute Qur' anic teachings in a manner very familiar from
the anti-Jewish literature. According to John of Damascus, the burden
of proof was upon Musliins:cthey were the ones who should be asking
for proofs that Muhammad is a prophet, but 'they remain silent'. 91
As for the development of kalam, the valuable article on the subject
by Michael Cook92 stresses the importance of Syriac as well as the
Greek antecedents commonly adduced, but still gives only a limited
picture of the rich documentation of earlier disputation literature, and
criticises earlier discussions for being 'oddly biased' (sic) towards
Christian polemic against the Jews;93 against this view, while there
were indeed many kinds of disputation besides the Christian-Jewish
ones, the subject matter of the latter alone surely does make them
a major element in the evolution of Muslim debates, just as they lead
naturally into the genre of Christian-Muslim apologetic.94
BYZANTINES
This survey has been restricted in the main to the seventh and early
eighth centuries. It could of course have started earlier and concluded
later. But I would still argue that during that time-span a variety of
particular reasons combined to intensify Byzantine awareness of, and
perhaps apprehension about, Jews and Judaism. The catalogue of
John of Damascus, the Christian-Muslim debates move largely, though not wholly, from
Greek into Arabic: see e.g. S.H. Griffith, 'The first Christian Summa Theologiae in Arabic:
Christian Kalam in ninth century Palestine', in M. Gervers and R.J. Bikhazi, eds.,
Conversion and Continuity: Indigenous Christian Communities in Islamic Lands, Eighth
to Eighteenth Centuries (Toronto 1989) 15-31; 'Greek into Arabic. Life and letters in the
monasteries of Palestine in the ninth century: the example of the Summa Theologiae
Arabica', Byzantion 56 (1986) 117-38.
95. Even, e.g. S. Reif, in an otherwise valuable article (above, p.252), 139, claims Islamic
rule as a 'golden age' for Jews; many historians simply assume without question that Jews
were ill-treated by, and hostile to, Byzantines.
96. Bat Ye'or, The Dhimmi: Jews and Christians under Islam (Eng. trans., New Jersey,
London, Toronto 1985).
97. See M. Cohen, 'Islam and the Jews: myth, counter-myth and history', The Jerusalem
Quarterly 38 (1986) 125-37.
98. See the archaeological evidence presented in G.R.D. King and Averil Cameron, eds.,
The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East II. Land Use and Settlement Patterns (Princeton
1994).
273
A VERIL CAMERON