Vlib and data: a new way of inhabiting the city

DOI: 10.7213/urbe.7785 ISSN 2175-3369

Licenciado sob uma Licena Creative Commons

Vlib e dados: uma nova forma de habitar a cidade

Dominique Boullier[a], Maxime Crpel[b]

[a]
[b]

PhD in Sociology, HDR in information and Communication Sciences, master degree in Linguistics, professor in Sociology
at SciencesPo, CEE, Medialab, Paris - France, e-mail: [email protected]
Medialab, Sciences Po - Paris, e-mail: [email protected]

Abstract
The Vlib bike rental system is worth analyzing in order to understand how cities move out of a model of
large infrastructures towards a personal service principle connected to digital traceability and mapping of
all activities. The new offer of bikes distributed all over the city creates a new map for access to mobility resources while introducing citizens to a personal-public device. Each feature of the system requires a very
well designed information system to match the needs for bikes and to charge the users through cards (credit
or transportation cards). Personal data is the essential entity that fuels the whole system and that creates
potential privacy problems as well as monetization opportunities. The paper relies on a theoretical framework, called habitele, which accounts for the process of inhabiting that is now extended to the personal
data ecosystem. The portability of mobile phones (and other devices such as cards) creates an envelope that
follows the urban citizen and equips all his activities while it makes a new layer of the city appear, adapted
to the personal involvement in the urban environment.

Resumo

Keywords: Mobility. Bike. Personal data ecosystem. Habitele. Digital city.

O sistema de aluguel de bicicletas Vlib um caso interessante de anlise para compreender a forma pela qual as
cidades abandonam um modelo de grandes infraestruturas em favor do princpio de servio individual, conectado
rastreabilidade digital e ao mapeamento de todas as atividades. A nova oferta de bicicletas, distribudas pela
cidade, cria um novo mapa para o acesso aos recursos de mobilidade, ao mesmo tempo que introduzem aos cidados um dispositivo individual-pblico. Cada caracterstica deste sistema exige um sistema de informao bem
desenhado para corresponder demanda por bicicletas e arrecadar dos usurios atravs de cartes (de crdito ou
de transporte). Os dados pessoais so a entidade essencial que alimenta todo o sistema e gera potenciais problemas
de privacidade bem como oportunidades de monetarizao. O artigo se baseia em um modelo terico chamado
urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gesto Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), v. 6, n. 1, p. 47-56, jan./abr. 2014

48

BOULLIER, D.; CRPEL, M.

habitele, voltado anlise do processo de habitao que agora estendido para o ecossistema de dados pessoais.
A portabilidade de telefones celulares (e outros dispositivos, tais como cartes) cria um envelope que acompanha o
cidado urbano e complementa as suas atividades, ao mesmo tempo em que engendra o aparecimento de uma nova
camada da cidade, adaptada ao envolvimento pessoal no ambiente urbano.
Palavras-chave: Mobilidade. Bicicleta. Ecosistema de informao pessoal. Habitele. Cidade digital.

Introduction
The Vlib-type bicycle system is now quite common in cities around the world. Many of these cities
decided during the last 10 years to follow the examples of Rennes (1998), Lyon (2005) and Paris (2007),
trying to avoid the failures of Berlins Call a Bike. The
principle is a rather strange private-public partnership based on a contract between a private advertising company and the city governments. According to
this contract, the city sells the billboards on the transportation systems in exchange for the installation and
management of a network of stations renting bicycles
at affordable rate. The contract may seem a strange
transfer of rights and opportunities for these companies but it is a key feature of the data exchange that is
required for operating the system reliably.
The landscape of cities has been changed by the
installation of a network of Vlib stations where
citizens or tourists can rent the bike for a short
period of time for a very small fee. Identical bikes
are parked in stations along the streets where anybody can rent them through a terminal. The user
must insert his credit card, choose a password and
he receives a one-day ticket, allowing him to rent a
bike for 24 hours, by period of 30 minutes. Bikes are
identified by a chip connected to the rack that detects when the user returns the bike. Frequent users
can subscribe to the service for periods up to one
year and simply scan their public transportation
access card on the rack to identify themselves. The
whole system is controlled by a central command
center where all movements and status of bikes and
stations are monitored using the chips information
as well as CCTV. All these new opportunities have
transformed the behavior of urban inhabitants. The
availability of inexpensive rental bicycles enables
them to bicycle while avoiding the stress of bike
ownership bikes being the most commonly stolen object in urban environments.

This article focuses on the impact on behavior of

the transfer of personal data into the operators digital
network, which creates a new access experience for
inhabitants and other users of bikes. The analysis is
based on a precise study of the technical system. It relies on observations and specifications, on a review of
media and academic literature, of web conversations,
and on participants observations of users behaviors.
It was conducted during the habitele project, an international research project funded by the ANR (French
Research Agency) that can be followed on the blog
http://habitele.blogspot.fr/.
Access is not only a mantra for socio-technical visionaries such as Jeremy Rifkin: it is a major feature
of the experience of inhabiting a city that depends
strongly on the quality of the personal data sphere
that is built around the user. This is why the conceptual framework of habitele (BOULLIER, 2011a, 2012)
can help decipher the changes that are affecting the
urban landscape and urban behaviors. Moreover it is
an opportunity to reconsider the strong connection
between habitele (based on personal data ecosystem), habitat (based on buildings and urban space)
and habitacle (based on transportation bubbles
that we create). These three dimensions of the human capacity to create interiors and to build envelops
(as Sloterdijk, 2011, proposed it) will require, in the
Vlib case study, to be very well designed and connected in order to produce the sought-after quality
of urban experience. The neologism habitele seeks
to account for the anthropological transformation
we are experiencing, as two thirds of human beings
have become equipped with a mobile phone (6 billion
subscriptions, i.e. approximately 4.5 billion individual
users, as of December 2011). This connected being
status changes our mood, due to an alert state of mind;
our everyday interactions, based on awareness more
than presence; and our coordination skills, because
of traceability. But it also offers the opportunity of
switching between social worlds we are affiliated to

urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gesto Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), v. 6, n. 1, p. 47-56, jan./abr. 2014

Vlib and data

be it socio-demographic features or peculiar tastes

that connect us to an ephemeral community. These
affiliations create a new web of relationships, some
of them supposedly private and others deliberately
public, while these boundaries become increasingly
blurred and challenge the rules of privacy. These affiliations may rely not only on mobile phones per se
but also on other physical and virtual service access
methods such as credit cards, keys, dedicated applications, and credentials of various kinds. Each of these
possibilities is a common feature in mobile phones,
but none of these has yet fully merged with the others
in the device. This global environment of digital identities constitutes the habitele. Coining a new concept
was required in order to avoid being trapped either
in the innovation frenzy or in the repetition of postmodernist and individualist tropes. The concept of
habitele is strongly connected to urban issues because
it extends the human capacity of inhabiting to this web
of digital affiliations, transforming, for instance, an individual into a Vlib user, easily traced through the
providers service database.

Urban mobility revisited

Until recently, the solution to traffic congestion issues relied on the development of large technical systems that are known and labeled as public transportation systems. The problems of door-to-door service
and of breaks in continuity remain unsolved. Every
traffic manager knows that this is where the car still
makes a difference. However, one key feature of the car
tends to be underestimated and will be the main target
of our demonstration of the relevance of habitele. This
feature is the ability of the car to produce an envelope,
which is experienced as a protection from the environment (natural, urban and social) as well as an extension of a habitat. Within it, personal tastes and preferences can be displayed, notwithstanding the apparent
standardization of cars all over the world. This is an
advantage no collective transportation system seems
to be able to provide and this can be considered as one
of the major explanations for the long lasting attachment to the car (FOUILL, 2010). However the dream
of a personal collective transportation system never
disappeared, as B. Latour (1996) told us in his story of
Aramis. Bikes, until recently, were not considered as
capable of competing with the car, for various reasons,

among which the effort required, the absence of protection of any kind, the failure of streets to adequately
protect bike paths, the risk of theft, and so on. Although
bicycling was valued as a sport, as contributing to better health, and as a very efficient and ecological mode
of transportation (even in Illichs terms of general efficiency, Robert, 1980), bicycling in cities as an everyday practice remained difficult. Moreover it was often
dismissed as either old fashioned or masochist. With
the introduction of the Vlib-style system, we consider
that the anthropological balance may have moved in
favor of bikes as a means of mobility. The quality of
the experience no longer depends on ownership and
does not require a long-term engagement. Rather, it
depends on there being a permanent display of opportunities through a very well designed distribution of
Vlib stations throughout the urban space. The urban
environment was changed in order to become a web
of bikes stations, covering more densely the cities than
the public transportation stations does and, by doing
so, alleviating the liability of the door-to-door connection. Your bike is not in your courtyard anymore, for
sure, but it is so easy to reach at the station next-door
that you can build new strategies based on this availability. The visual display of this permanent availability is absolutely crucial for enhancing the attractiveness of the service and the trust in its reliability. Today
the bicycle, although not owned, has become part of
the inhabiting experience. It has become an extension of homes and workplaces, much like garages and
parking lots. The issue of the quality of the envelope
remains unsolved. There are no guarantees of quality,
not even in the new design of the bikes used in these
systems. The new bikes do not provide the user with
any feeling of protection of an interior. On the contrary,
the experience becomes one of detachment in which
the user feels he or she is using a common or a publicindividual good (AMAR, 2010). What is required is a
new sense of collective property. This sense is, however, constantly challenged by the high rate of vandalism against these public bikes (TIRONI, 2013). This is
where the connection with habitele and the new design of the extensions of our selves through data and
services become critical. Why?
Producing an envelope is not only a question of
producing a physical container (as is the car) and
not only a question of the legal extension of personal
rights to some assets (as are property titles). It relies
much more on the quality of the web created between

urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gesto Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), v. 6, n. 1, p. 47-56, jan./abr. 2014

49

50

BOULLIER, D.; CRPEL, M.

the service provider, the technical resources (bikes

and stations) and the users. In order to understand
these links and their importance for the creation of a
seamless experience, we must get into the details of
the various mediations that contribute to these permanent connections. One key feature is that the chain
of contributions must create a feeling of trust in the
service and of reliability from the technical and legal
points of view. Trust becomes the result of the various arrangements that are so well sealed that they
become natural or taken for granted (SCHUTZ, 1962).
At the moment, the access itself might be considered
as transformed into a permanent resource of the individual. The extension of ones sphere of influence becomes visible through these bike systems. However,
to achieve this society ready made, one must account
for the work of each specific link, for the society in the
making, to use the terms designed by Bruno Latour
(2005). This article will focus on the following technical architectures that are all an intrinsic combination
of physical intervention and qualities and data flows,
in which habitele can be reconsidered and tested, not
as a separate field (the world of data, the cloud, the intangible and so on) but as a very effective grip on the
world in all its aspects.

The web of stations in the city and the

web online: how they cooperate to
distribute bikes through the city
Let us start by the more visible and fascinating
quality of this system--the distribution of bikes stations throughout the city and their (supposed) permanent capability of offering a bike to any potential
user. This problem of reliable availability cannot be
solved simply by carefully designing a dense network
of stations. There are 1,800 Vlib stations distributed
throughout Paris and in the 30 surrounding communities (this compared to 298 metro stations in Paris)
with an average distance of 300 meters between stations. How can a service that relies for its efficiency
and cohesiveness on the behavior of so many individuals guarantee the appropriate distribution of the
23,000 bikes so as to ensure bikes are available for the
next users? If such a system model existed, it would
be a powerful demonstration of the emergence of
equilibrium in complex systems but, unfortunately for
utopians, this is not the case. Bikes are used following

specific patterns where, for instance, the ones on the

top of the hill are more frequently used while almost
nobody cares about cycling back uphill, and some destinations are more attractive than others. In addition
ridership is affected by ever changing weather conditions. Of course, the service tries to reward good practices and allocates a bonus of 15 minutes to the bikers
who would leave their bike at a bonus station, but this
moral system cannot ensure the appropriate distribution of the resource. This coordination work or articulation work as Anselm Strauss et al. (1985) put it
requires a very well informed and reactive service of
bike redistribution among the stations. This means
there must be trucks to carry the bikes back up the
hills or elsewhere in the peripheral areas, staff (160
people in Paris not including maintenance agents),
and information systems able to track down the occupation status of any specific station and to transfer
the information, to compute the resources available
and to allocate them following a model of users behavior. The importance of this maintenance work is
well understood by urban managers because it is critical to users (who are also voters) satisfaction. And
every missed link reduces trust in the service, which
leads users to exit the system without expressing their
voice (HIRSCHMANN, 1970) to the help desk. The
distribution of bikes must be rearranged frequently
to fit with future users behavior so that the feeling of
continuity of the service is maintained. This level of
quality is obtained through sophisticated databases.
The efficiency of mathematical models is undermined
by the instability of individual behavior, which is very
sensitive to weather, events, and so on (TIRONI, 2013).
While modeling was supposed to fully describe patterns of bikers behaviors, it appears that the most important improvements depend on the local expertise
of the staff that reallocates the bikes in the stations
with their trucks.
Another link seems rather underestimated: the
expertise of users and their connection to the information systems. By not accounting for this link, the
system appears not to have any relationship with the
personal data ecosystem, which is at the core of our
habitele model. However, companies process a huge
amount of personal data, i.e. all the traces we create
by our digital activity. The database and the models
are ineffective unless they are fueled by the extensive
traces of every bit of users mobility. Biking is no longer simply using a bike, it means being tracked down

urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gesto Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), v. 6, n. 1, p. 47-56, jan./abr. 2014

Vlib and data

for each segment of trip (the basic fee limits the use
to 30 minutes) and accepting it. We shall come back
to the issues of privacy that arise immediately, but at
this point, the technical part of the process of coordination is our main focus. Providing a system with
this kind of data is not optional, it is the prerequisite for the use of the bikes because no one can unlock a bike without interacting with the terminal,
through various interfaces, depending on the kind
of subscription that was adopted. Access to the service means giving access to information about your
behavior to the service information system; there is
no other way to gain the power of biking whenever
you want. Is it any different in the case of other transportation systems? Yes, but it is a rather small difference, because many non-usual commuters can use
tickets that are anonymous while, for the bike rental
systems, they must use their credit card and obtain
a ticket which delivers a personal status (including
a personal code). Is there any difference with cars?
Yes, and a huge one, because car drivers do not give
any information to any authority about their destinations and nobody can track them (a freedom which
is not guaranteed by NSA anymore). Is there any difference with the web of data surrounding the use of
a private bike? Yes, because the data commonly used
are maps and GPS services to locate areas of interest
but not specifically related to the bike. To a certain
point, it would be easy to argue that private bikes are
the less traceable devices (no plates, no license, no
fuel, no tax and no electronic system of any kind). In
that sense, private bikes contribute to the extension
of the personal data ecosystem. They do not create a
new digital envelope of their own, and for some users, it can be considered as good news. So, this is our
first point: creating this extension of resources for
citizens requires that they agree to have their data
incorporated in the bike services information system. This is where the bike rental system becomes
not so much a public transportation system as a new
protocol for delivering access services. The two webs
(the one of stations and the one of information) are
connected through the use of terminals located at the
stations. Their management differs but each relies
on the other. Users are involved in both and generate flows of bikes as well as flows of data, although
operators whose job is not exactly equivalent to the
models implemented in the information system rearrange the bikes on the field.

Occupation of physical space and of digital cells

Another feature modifies the material dimension of a city. Space is a rather scarce resource and
competition between various uses is frequent. The
decision to allocate some space for installing bikes
stations or for creating bike paths on the streets
means not only cutting down the influence of cars
on the city design but also modeling and predicting
the behavior of people who might be interested in
the service in order to select the best spots and to
distribute them all over the city. One important use
of the information system will consist in testing the
relevance of the models and assessing the weakness of some choices previously made, in order to
redesign the distribution itself. As Tironi (2013)
explains and as we said, those models cannot account for rather whimsical behavior, influenced by
a number of parameters that seem difficult to combine, at least in linear logical models. Even though
applications dedicated to tracking the behaviors of
station-users can be displayed in a fancy way, they
do not provide sufficiently sophisticated patterns
for improving the service.
In the meantime, the intensive tracking process creates an opportunity for users to use data localization
on their phones in real time. Access is not only a question of rights, when equipped with an efficient information system made available through smartphones
applications. The average user is able to orient himself
in the city with the permanent display of the resources located in his close environment. Applications map
the proximity of bikes stations as well as the number
of bikes available. More than 40 of these applications
are available for free or sold on the Android market,
some dedicated only to Paris and others to many cities in France and in the world. This is a major change
in public transportation policies in which the service
is not only produced in generic terms but can be described from the point of view of the user, from his
GPS location information, and in real time. The user
experience itself changes thanks to these location
devices and not only thanks to bikes. By using a GPS
on ones phone, one can rearrange the whole city according to ones interest of the moment and to make
the relevant service pop up instantly in the neighborhood although it was almost invisible a minute before.
This is why this service is especially useful for locating
bike stations that are not visible on main streets. The

urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gesto Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), v. 6, n. 1, p. 47-56, jan./abr. 2014

51

52

BOULLIER, D.; CRPEL, M.

availability issue is solved for the spatial aspect of it.

But access is also a question of kairos (the god of the
right moment), of time, since traffic generates flows
of activity and permanent changes in the status of the
resources. This is true for buses or metros, for which
one needs to know not only the location of the nearest
station but also the frequency of trains. However this
real time information is still seldom available to users.
In the case of bike stations, this information makes different tactics of mobility in the city possible and creates a sense of belonging to a living technical system,
in which the user is really the target and not only the
recipient of traffic information along predicted routes.
The city seems to rearrange itself around individual
points of views and moments of activities.
Also, the interface itself produces an interesting
shift in a persons relationship with the city. Maps are
now the common frameworks for orienting oneself
in the city. It was meant to be the case before, but
rarely was, due to the problem of auto-reference and
placement of ones personal position. This situation
explains the importance of the you are here feature,
a prerequisite to begin the investigation in physical
maps in urban space. There is no such problem with
GPS, as anyone becomes the center of these dynamic
maps, always focused on the real position of the user.
It may seem a very limited change. But, in fact, the
penetration of cognitive technologies in everyday
life is a very important one. Maps are experienced
as maps-for-action and create a common knowledge
we label as folkmapping (BOULLIER, 2011b), in
reference to folksonomies (CRPEL, 2008). Their
pervasiveness in all applications reveals how they
have become more powerful than any language
description. The city and its representation are becoming increasingly user-centered, focusing on the
citizen, at least the one who is equipped with those
smartphones and GPS tools. But the pervasiveness of
maps on mobile phones reaches such an extent that it
might become the main interface for orientation and
searching, something Google understood a long time
ago therefore investing in Google maps and street
view, greatly, which affected the relationship to the
city as an uncertain environment. There is no longer
room for surprises, expectations, or confusions. The
average user now knows exactly where the next bike
stations are, their appearance, and how many bikes
are available. This is also the case for restaurants,
cinemas and many other services connected to GPS,

maps and street views. These applications really

gain momentum only when used on the cell phone,
strongly connected to the body and to its situated environment. They create this bubble effect typical of
habitele. Of course, this is not specific to bike systems
but the connection to a service as complex as this
bike rental service requires such an efficient application. This is another link which is both mandatory for
the service to be delivered (offer) and critical for providing a rich experience of immersion and control in
the city (demand). Of course, the counterpart is that
every user agrees to provide the service with all personal information that might be associated with the
GPS application dedicated to the bike system. And
the wheel goes on, since it produces more data for
the information system to process, model and disseminate to other processes and so on.

Maintaining bikes and designing interfaces

Another key feature of the quality of service is
the maintenance of the bikes themselves. Vlib bikes
are produced in Hungary by the French bicycle company Mercier and are maintained by JCDecaux. The
price per bicycle ranges from 300 to 650 euros. They
are three-speed bicycles, each weighing approximately 22.5 kilograms. Vlib bikes are equipped
with always-on LED lighting powered by a fronthub
dynamo, a locking system, and a basket on the handlebars. These technical features are significant and
the result of many deliberate and controversial decisions. They assume an implicit model-user as Eco
put it for the reader, including a specific style of use.
Maintenance also requires a contribution from the
user who is not supposed to use the bikes in ways
that would damage their performance. However
there are many situations where users, deliberately
or not, give back out-of-order bikes and there is no
way to inform the service provider, even if one intended to do so. This is the flip side of the common
good style: a person feels no responsibility at all for
the maintenance, which means a high cost for the
service provider. In Paris, in 2010, under the terms
of the citys contract with the operator, the cost of
bike thefts was charged to the city. This trend in
public behavior was enhanced by a cultural evolution specific to inner-city youth, in which stealing a
Vlib becomes an initiatory ritual to be performed.

urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gesto Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), v. 6, n. 1, p. 47-56, jan./abr. 2014

Vlib and data

This is an important aspect for habitele and habitacle, because the shift to a common good status
is still connected to individual use and the absence
of a feeling of property can lead to a failure to take
care of the habitacle. Because one cannot identify
with or appropriate the resource, one may lack the
minimum civic mindedness to feel responsible for
a common good. However, this is something that
could be improved using the digital network capacities. This could be a part of the empowerment
of the users community if a service like see click
fix were created for any user to get connected to
a general trouble report system. It would value the
contribution of average citizen to the common good
and invent a new cycle of maintenance based on
more collective responsibility.
Another aspect of the system design can be critical. The model-user was not created only for the
bikes features but also for stations and connection
features. The interfaces were carefully tested and
seek to accommodate many different styles of uses
and to allow non-expert users to get familiar with
the service. However, the length and the complexity
of the process for those using it for the first time remain an obstacle to the expansion of the community
of users. This is why access becomes fluid only when
one has a Navigo pass (the general transportation
pass in Paris region) or a Vlib card and allows the
user to place its card in contact with a bike rack and
to retrieve the bike immediately. The long-term user
uses these cards equipped with a RFID chip, contactless smart cards using the Calypso standard1.
Through antennas and waves, the connection may
look immediate and create this fluid experience of
being a member of a club or a quasi owner of the
service, using bikes whenever one wants.
This contrasts with the five-minute process required for non-registered users. Habitele is based
precisely on this process of habituation, of naturalization of relationships with the environment. The
comparison is interesting between the frequent and
registered user on the one hand and the newbie or unregistered one on the other hand. These model-users
are quite different and the gap in user-friendliness is
huge. The registered user is so well incorporated in
the information system that he is experiencing the
pleasure of being a member, of being within, of the
quasi disappearance of boundaries between him and
the technical system. It is only when one can observe

the work required for the non-registered user that

the natural status of the coupling to the system reveals the whole process that had to be performed in
order to achieve this taken for granted status, as
Schutz (1962) labeled it.

The credit card as the key ID

Now let us focus on a third mediation that is
clearly relevant for habitele: the credit card payment and the consequences in terms of personal
data that are exchanged stored and processed. The
experience of a frequent user, where there is no further need for registration, contract and interface
manipulation, is a compact process--the most condensed one. In contrast, the first time user will feel
trapped in a long and complex procedure in which
the credit card is a key resource. One must accept
this rule: no credit card: no use of the bike service. It
means relying on another technical system, supposedly widely shared, and so taken for granted that it
does not dissuade users. The moment one enters
this area of data exchange based on a credit card,
a very well designed social world is revealed and
mobilized. Credit card traditions took 30 years to
become shared among the French population, and a
specific version of it, the one with a chip embedded
in the card, was invented by Morenoin France during the seventies. This system (Visa and Mastercard
are the global networks that constitute the oligopoly of this financial transactions industry) seems to
be destined to extend to the entire world, although
there are some variations and restrictions regarding the full digitization of the transactions (paper
slips still have to be signed in many countries). This
process is as important to understanding what we
call the personal globalization as the global dissemination of cell phones over a 15-year period.
Credit cards effectively lower national boundaries because national currencies are no longer required for financial transactions. The credit card,
a personal device, attached to ones personal bank
account, can travel across borders and has become
essential in many situations. However, over-reliance
on a credit card may create problems depending on
local practices regarding the implementation of
digital currency. Now that the use of credit cards is
taken for granted for any kind of transaction, even

urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gesto Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), v. 6, n. 1, p. 47-56, jan./abr. 2014

53

54

BOULLIER, D.; CRPEL, M.

on-line ones, regardless of the serious flaws in data

security, there is no use questioning the implementation of a service such as the bike rental system. It
is fully depending on this system, although the costs
at stake are very low: 1,5 for the first half hour,
that can be reproduced for free all day long, provided that the duration of the rent does not exceed
half an hour, each time. What we have here is the
success story of the extension of habitele through
the naturalization of a specific means of payment.
Achieving this result required a great deal of work
designing terminals, reaching agreements between
various partners about legal and financial aspects,
and building confidence largely through very powerful insurances policies. The reliability of this system, especially by eliminating users concerns about
fraud, is impressive, even though it was achieved at
a cost for all transactions. Most users largely ignore
this transaction cost because it is so well distributed
and limited. This extension of the habitele contributed to an important change in the implementation
of local branches and bank offices for the public.
Downtown offices and branches have been reduced
to ATMs, available 24/7 thus avoiding office labor
costs. The entire geography of access to banking
services has been changed as a result of this invasion of credit cards requiring ATMs throughout the
city. Habitele (which includes credit cards) is not
just personal equipment. It affects the whole infrastructure of access.This is why it is always a transactional concept, helpful in accounting for the design
of the material environment, and not just a personal
data ecosystem.
When the bike service was implemented, it
simply extended the proliferation of some kind of
ATMs, in this case dedicated to a specific service.
All automated terminals designed to buy and sell
transportation tickets, fuel, and so on, operate as do
ATMs, without any interaction with a human being.
However, the bike service also involves a connection to ones personal banking information that is
usually very critical and sensitive. This is especially
so because the amounts at stake are not only the
small fee we mentioned before, but also the deposit required to guarantee the return of the bike. At
the time of this writing, an amount of 150 Euros is
blocked as a deposit and will be cancelled only when
the bike is returned albeit with a small delay of two
days. This delay has been criticized by consumer

associations which argue that for low income users using the system every day, the amount of the
deposits can be cumulated to a point where they
exceed the limits specified in the users contract
with his bank. The problem might not seem very
significant but it shows that a technical system like
the bike rental one cannot work without a strong
and permanent flow of information from banks and
at an individual level. In todays urban setting the
main ID that serves as a reference and a guarantee is not the identity card or the passport, but the
credit card. Credit cards are considered much more
reliable especially when money transactions are involved because of all codes and controls involved.
Individuals are now supposed to be equipped with a
credit card, and to know how to maintain their right
to use them.

Personal data and the facets of the user

This bank guarantee behind the use of the credit
card can be transferred to a personal contract with the
provider. At this time, personal data, including banking data, are delivered to the system, through the web
site at the moment the subscription is signed. The
move to the web site for contract signing might be feasible through a mobile phone. However, this is not the
kind of operation one usually does in the middle of the
street, since a lot of personal information is required.
Two types of subscriptions are proposed according to
duration of the rental (45 minutes or 30 minutes) with
a different rate ( 39 vs 29). With this subscription, the
user agrees to become a member of a clientele, which
requires him to wave all restrictions on his personal
data. At the beginning of the service with JC Decaux
Company in 2007, the City of Paris was required to
comply with the legal agency in charge of controlling
information systems and database since 1978 (CNIL:
commission nationale informatique et liberts). The
CNIL required many changes in order to improve the
privacy rules while using personal data:
-- Location data connected to a personal account are saved only for long-term subscribers and not for short-term tickets users.
-- Data required for the management of the subscription are saved and stored for 24 months
except for validation data.

urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gesto Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), v. 6, n. 1, p. 47-56, jan./abr. 2014

Vlib and data

-- For long-term subscriptions, data related

to the routes used by the bikers are anonymized once the duration of the trip has been
calculated. Longer trips (over 30 minutes,
therefore charged) are saved during 5 days
in order to give the user the opportunity to
contest the bills.
-- Although the Navigo pass can be used for both
bikes and public transportation, the connection between the 2 systems was not accepted.

These rules are mandatory and limit abusive intrusion into personal activity, which would be possible
given that all permanent personal data can be related
to real activity tracked by the information system.
However, users must trust the service provider while
they know that for commercial purposes it is critical to use CRM techniques (Consumer Relationship
Management) and to follow the behavior of segments
of the population. This follow-up has been possible
since May 2013 when an Open Data policy was settled, provided that these data are only aggregated
and anonymized ones. The value of this information
(requests, uses, itineraries and so on) built on users
traces has become a hot issue among urban services providers and city managers. The trend towards
open data systems is supposed to be inevitable but
it remains a controversial issue for many cities and
service providers. First this information must be
processed as anonymous data. However, no one can
really guarantee this request for privacy, since interconnection of behavioral traces may produce new
opportunities for identifying people. And second,
the ownership of this data is strongly disputed, some
providers considering that this is a gold mine produced by their own service and not supposed to be
shared by any other potential competitor. This is why
only very general datasets are made available offering very few opportunities to invent really new and
useful services for any other company.
The habitele of the user produces various layers
that are still related to his personal engagement in
the world but offering different facets of his status.
As a client, he cannot deny the service provider access to his personal data. As a legal person with
rights, the national authority protects him from
database misuses. As an agent in a collective activity, he is computed as a dot moving from one station to another without any attributes. In this last

avatar, he becomes an element in a model or in a

dataset that will be used for various purposes, some
of which are not related to the bike activity, since
these data may account for other patterns interesting other fields of business (for instance to decide
the location of shops) or of civic interest. This is
a good opportunity to tear down the supposedly
person-centered model of personal data ecosystem and to move to a habitele approach: depending
on the facets of profiles that are relevant, the data
exchanged are different to the point where the connection with legal personal features can disappear.
There is no such thing as a kernel of the person but
only engagement in relationships. When carefully
checked on the site of the service provider (https://
developer.jcdecaux.com/#/opendata/vls), the open
data are only statistics related to the stations, or dynamic data related to the number of bikes available.
In this format, the user as such disappears and is
just the hidden agent of modifications in the allocation of resources. Bikes are the basic entity tracked,
but they still have a relationship with the user who
is the only one to make them move (apart from the
maintenance team). One can say that in the bike
rental system, bikes are the users and speak for
themselves, because, due to legal constraints, there
is no way to access the IDs of their users. In some
ways, this situation is common to any retail activity or public transportation one that does not have
any in-depth information about who their customers are. They only have the results of their users
behavior in the flow of goods, the occupation rate
and the traces of entrance controls. Sometimes, the
data are augmented by various kinds of surveys in
order to represent the phantom public (LIPPMANN,
1927) and to translate it into intermediary beings
(BOULLIER, 2010), the ones operated by the system.

Conclusion
We followed the major mediations that make the
system work and comply with the habitele cohesiveness. It appears that although service providers are
mainly guided by technical efficiency and financial
benefits, they cannot avoid looking for a seamless
system that deeply changes the experience of the city.
This is where the habitele model helps us understand
what is at stake: the production of an envelope that

urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gesto Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), v. 6, n. 1, p. 47-56, jan./abr. 2014

55

56

BOULLIER, D.; CRPEL, M.

will encompass physical delivery of a service as well

as the digital flow of data. Both must have to be designed along the same principles of accessibility so
that the rental experience becomes transformed into
a taken-for-granted extension of available personal
resource. Each mediation is a two-fold one, having
its counterpart either in the physical or the digital
world. This is why the description itself must avoid
any separation of these areas that are as closely related as are sounds and meanings (signifier and signified) in language. The city as such, the one made of
concrete, is now duplicated and of course translated
(CALLON, 1986) into flows of data. The interconnection of both is critical when talking about quality of
services and of experiences. This is why the design of
habitacle and the one of habitele are so closely related
in the case of Vlib service delivery. Inhabiting a car or
a bike rental system and a dataset do not seem equivalent, but as we tried to demonstrate, the processes
at stake are the same and the skills relate to our expertise in transforming the world to become within
(BOULLIER, 2013).

References
AMAR, G. Homo mobilis, le nouvel age de la mobilite,
eloge de la reliance. Paris: Editions FYP, 2010.
BOULLIER, D. Habitle virtuelle: une nouvelle enveloppe pour commuter, notre tlphone portable. Revue
Urbanisme, n. 376, p. 42-44, 2011a.

BOULLIER, D. From GIS to folk mapping and datascapes.

In: INTERNATIONAL CARTOGRAPHIC CONFERENCE, 25.,
2011, Paris. Proceedings... Paris: International Cartographic
Association, 2011b.

BOULLIER, D. From personal data ecosystem and mobile phones to the general theory of habitele. Invited
talk in UC Irvine, May 18th 2012, Institute for Money,
Technology and Financial Inclusion. Available at: <http://
stream3.es.uci.edu/tltc/Production/IMTFI/20120518_
Boullier.html>. Accessed in: Oct. 24th 2013.

BOULLIER, D. Cosmopolitics: to become within, from cosmos

to urban life. In: COLLOQUE WHAT IS COSMOPOLITICAL
DESIGN, 1., 2013, Princeton. Proceedings Princeton:
Princeton University School of Architecture, 2013. Available
at: <http://soa.princeton.edu/content/what-cosmopolitical-design>. Accessed in: Oct. 24th 2013.

BOULLIER, D. Le client du poste tlphonique: archologie

des tres intermdiaires. In: CALLON, M. Dbordements.
Paris: Presses de lEcole des Mines, 2010. p. 41-61.

CALLON, M. Some elements of a sociology of translation: domestication of the scallops and the fishermen of St Brieuc
Bay. In: LAW, J. (Ed.). Power, action and belief: a new sociology of knowledge. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul,
1986.
CREPEL, M.Les folksonomies comme support mergent
de navigation sociale et de structuration des donnes du
Web. Rseaux, v. 26, n. 152, p. 169-204, 2008.

FOUILLE, L. Lattachement automobile mis lpreuve:

tude des dispositifs de dtachement et de recomposition
des mobilits. 2010. 476 f. PhD thesis (Ecole doctorale Sciences Humaines et Sociales) University of Rennes,
Rennes, 2010.

HIRSCHMAN, A. O. Exit, voice, and loyalty: responses

to decline in firms, organizations, and states. Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press. 1970.
LATOUR, B. Aramis, or the love of technology. Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 1996.

LATOUR, B. Reassembling the social: an introduction to

actor-network-theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2005.
LIPPMANN, W. The phantom public. New York: Simon &
Schuster, 1927.

ROBERT, J. Le temps quon nous vole. Paris: Seuil, 1980.

SCHUTZ, A. The phenomenology of the social world.
Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1962.
SLOTERDIJK, P. Bubbles: spheres volume I Micros
pherology. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2011.

STRAUSS, A. et al. Social organization of medical work.

Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985.
TIRONI, M. La ville comme exprimentation: le cas du
Vlib Paris. 2013. 467 f. PhD thesis (sociologie de linnovation) Ecole des mines de Paris, Paris, 2013.

urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gesto Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), v. 6, n. 1, p. 47-56, jan./abr. 2014

Recebido: 15/09/2013
Received: 09/15/2013

Aprovado: 18/10/2013
Approved: 10/18/2013