ICTs For Development: Improving Policy Coherence
ICTs For Development: Improving Policy Coherence
ICTs For Development: Improving Policy Coherence
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The Development Dimension
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FOREWORD – 3
Foreword
Table of Contents
Boxes
Executive Summary
Strategies should recognise the importance of rolling out fibre in its own
right but also in its role as a backbone network to support wireless. In many
developing countries broadband access will be via mobiles, so governments
should make adequate spectrum available at reasonable prices. Governments
themselves should take full advantage of broadband by making their
services available online, increasing awareness and improving access.
Mobile payments: True banking transactions (m-banking) should be
distinguished from basic money transfers (m-payments). There is a need to
reconcile the need to regulate international money transactions (e.g. to
prevent money laundering or terrorism financing) with promoting the use of
mobiles for affordable access to money for the poor. Collecting existing best
practices would be a useful way to share knowledge and address current
challenges.
Security considerations: Key challenges include a co-ordinated
national approach, lack of implementation of existing best practices and lack
of cross-border co-operation. Awareness needs to be raised and an
appropriate balance struck between security and privacy concerns. Capacity-
building in particular is needed to provide a flow of newly educated security
professionals in developing countries who can help co-ordinate international
action.
ICTs for the environment: Opportunities for ICTs lie not only in
reducing their own share of greenhouse gas emissions, but also in using
them to reduce emissions in other sectors and to address systemic change
and rebound effects. Intellectual property rights, technology transfer and
local capacity-building warrant particular attention. There is scope for
improving ICT performance throughout the whole life cycle, from purchase
to disposal, with potential for governments to lead by example.
ICTs for education: A main focus should be on improving learning and
education and improving ICT skills/resources available for teachers as much
as for students. There is a need for better information about what is
happening at the national level as well as a better understanding of
technological and pedagogical trends, reflecting the overall need for better
empirical evidence as to the benefits of investment in ICTs for education
(ICT4E) and their broader impact on society.
The workshop proceedings, including the agenda, presentations and
background documents, are available at: www.oecd.org/ict/4d.
Chapter 1
Source: Mohsen Khalil, Head of the World Bank/IFC Global ICT Department (GICT).
Other
Tunisia
13%
3%
Morocco
4%
Algeria
5%
South
Egypt Africa
12% 63%
Source: workshop presentation by Adiel Akplogan, CEO, AfricNic and Chair, Number
Resource Organization.
Mobile payments
has brought into play separate regulatory authorities whose practices may
need to be examined for overall coherence in meeting policy objectives.
The development of the money transfer service M-PESA, initially
deployed in Kenya, is described in Chapter 5. Though originally intended
for remittances, the service has evolved to include new financial services
such as micro-finance, micro-insurance, and school fees payment. The
logical next step is to integrate public sector services into the system;
however, regulatory positions are too often inconsistent or incoherent with
no best practice.
The difference in mobile phone coverage between OECD and
developing countries is relatively small, but the gap in number of bank
branches and especially cash machines is much wider. This provides the
strongest case for m-banking. Generally speaking, where there are multiple
money transfer operators (as in the US, Spain and UK) the average
transaction cost (USD 6.6 per USD 200) is much lower than in countries
where there are relatively few (such as Japan, France, Canada and the
Netherlands), where the average transaction cost is USD 15.5 per USD 200.
Mobile payment operators like M-PESA can reduce these transaction costs
substantially.
140
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
Sub-Saharan
South America
America
OECD
North Africa
Caribbean
Central
Africa
The globally interrelated nature of the Internet means that policies and
practices adopted in one country have the ability to affect the security and
stability of network use in others. In this context, the development of a
culture of security which benefits all users around the world, and the
funding of expenditure necessary to sustain that environment, will be
particularly challenging for the next several billion Internet users.
Before 2003 the majority of viruses came from developed countries,
with the main motivation being a distorted sense of fun and fame. Today
hobbyist virus writers are largely a thing of the past. Now the biggest
hotspots worldwide are Russia, China and Brazil, and the most common
motivation is credit card scams, especially using keystroke loggers which
are almost invisible to the user. Another common form of hacking is to
capture computers around the world to act as botnets to launch denial of
service attacks, which are then used to force ransom payments from online
shopping sites. In terms of securing developing countries, it is likely that the
initiative will need to come from international co-operation. Ironically, one
of the main forms of protection developing countries currently have is their
slow connection speeds, which make their systems less attractive to hackers.
Figure 1.5: Changes in the locus of virus creation hotspots, before and after 2003
One of the key tasks facing all stakeholders is how to harness ICTs to
improve environmental performance and mitigate climate change across all
sectors of the economy. This challenge is discussed in detail in Chapter 6.
It has been estimated that ICTs account for between 2-2.5% of global
greenhouse gas emissions, with a forecast that these emissions will rise in
future. On the other hand, ICTs have the potential to mitigate greenhouse
gas emissions in other sectors by around five times their direct polluting
impact. There is also the question of “rebound effects” from energy
efficiency improvements (e.g. cheaper and more widespread energy causing
usage to go up). This phenomenon is not well studied in developing country
environments at present.
A broader issue is whether today’s developing countries will follow a
long-term development model similar to that of developed countries, from
agriculture to manufacturing to services. Is it possible for developing
countries to leapfrog directly to ICT-enabled services? Issues to consider
include:
• access to data;
• understanding life-cycle impacts;
• managing possible rebound effects;
• technology transfer.
An example of the impact of ICTs on the environment can be found in
Hong Kong and the Pearl River Delta. The burgeoning growth of data
centres in the region, each of which can consume the equivalent energy of a
small town, has sparked green initiatives covering four main areas: energy
550
500
450
400
350
300
Russian…
Liechtenstein
Colom bia
Netherlands
Sweden
Uruguay
Korea
Iceland
Lithuania
Slovenia
Germ any
Denm ark
Hungary
Norway
Turkey
Portugal
Macao-China
Ireland
Latvia
Austria
Serbia
Greece
OECD
Czech Republic
Finland
Canada
Australia
Jordan
Spain
Slovak Republic
Switzerland
Poland
Croatia
Bulgaria
Italy
New Zealand
Belgium
Japan
Chile
Thailand
Source: workshop presentation by Francesc Pedro and William Thorn, OECD.
Chapter 2
By Richard Heeks1
There are problems with the coherence of Information and Communication for
Development (ICT4D) policies today. This chapter identifies some of those
problems and proposes, if not solutions, at least a shape or framework for moving
forward. It then charts the logic and chronology of applying ICTs to developing
countries.
1
Prof. Richard Heeks is Director of the Centre for Development Informatics,
University of Manchester, UK. www.manchester.ac.uk/cdi.
Exogenous
Factors
Strategy Implementation Adoption Use
Precursors Inputs Intermediates / Outputs Outcomes Development
-Data systems -Money Deliverables -New -Financial & Impacts
-Legal -Labour -Telecentres Communication other -Public goals
-Institutional -Technology -Libraries Patterns quantitative (e.g. MDGs)
-Human -Values and -Shared -New Information benefits
-Technological Motivations telephony & Decisions -Qualitative
-Leadership -Political support -Other public Sustainability -New Actions & benefits
-Drivers/ -Targets access systems Transactions -Disbenefits
Demand Scalability
On this last point, we can find increasing ways in which ICTs are
transformative of the way we do development; ushering in new development
models and offering the possibility of “Development 2.0”.
This is recognised in the OECD’s Shaping Policies for the Future of the
Internet Economy document, which underlines the catalyst role that ICTs
can play, especially around promoting creativity and innovation (OECD
2008). We can see this in “micro-giving” models such as Kiva. Such models
distintermediate by cutting out the institutions that traditionally sit between
those in the global North who want to help, and those in the global South
who want investments. They reintermediate by allowing entry to new types
of development actors such as Kiva itself and the microfinance partners
through whom it works.
The policy coherence problem arises when we need a worldview for
today and tomorrow, but have development policies for yesterday. Most
obvious would be policies that ignore or isolate ICTs so they cannot
effectively contribute to development. But what about policies that have
mainstreamed and integrated ICTs? Do we instead need to be taking a more
“Development 2.0” policy view that recognises the cross-cutting, innovative
and transformative nature of digital technology?
government was the key actor, and IT (as it was then referred to, rather than
ICT) was applied mainly to internal administrative functions of the public
sector in developing countries. During the 1980s, multinationals and other
firms came to the fore, and IT – epitomised by the advent of the
microcomputer and its associated software – was seen as a tool for delivery
of economic growth in the private sector. We might christen this “ICT4D
0.0” period IT4G – information technology for government, then overtaken
by information technology for growth.
Two things happened in the 1990s that gave birth to what might
recognisably be called ICT4D 1.0. The first was general availability of the
Internet. The second was the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
The Internet sparked an upsurge of interest in ICTs, including a
reinvigorated interest in how they might be applied in developing countries.
At the same time, international development began to move back up the
political agenda. This move was given impetus by the search for concrete
targets, emerging first as the International Development Goals in 1996 and
then formalised as the MDGs in the September 2000 Millennium
Declaration, which sought particularly to reduce poverty and improve health
and education and gender equality.
The digital technologies of the 1990s, then, were new tools in search of
a purpose. Development goals were new targets in search of a delivery
mechanism. That these two should find each other was not unexpected.
Together they produced “ICT4D”, born in a flurry of publications, bodies,
events, programmes and project funding: the 1998 World Development
Report from the World Bank, highlighting the role of information,
knowledge and ICTs in development; the creation by the G8 countries of the
Digital Opportunities Task Force in 2000, setting an agenda for action on
ICT4D; and the World Summits on the Information Society held in Geneva
in 2003 and Tunis in 2005, acting as key learning and policy formation
points along the ICT4D path.
The key actors became international development organisations and
NGOs, and the priority application of ICTs was to the MDGs. Centrally, the
MDGs are about improving the lives of what Prahalad has called the
“bottom of the pyramid”: the 3 billion on the planet who live on an average
of less than USD 2 per day.
There are three ways in which development actions can address needs of the
poor:
• Enabling: supporting the policies or context that will improve the lives of
the poor;
• Focused: specifically targeting the rights, interests and needs of the poor.
The initial phase of ICT4D incorporated all of these. For example, there were
inclusive e-government initiatives aiming to increase delivery of public services
via the Internet. There were enabling actions on ICT governance, seeking to
ensure that poor countries’ interests were included in the global regimes that
control the Internet and telecommunications traffic and tariffs. But most energies
were reserved for focused projects: those that took ICTs into poor communities
and sought to deliver information and services that might address poverty, health,
education and gender equality – the four areas that form the bulk of the MDGs. It
is likely that this combined approach – inclusive, enabling, and focused – will
remain under ICT4D 2.0. We may, though, see some rebalancing, with more
recognition being given to the importance of governance in shaping the outcomes
of ICT4D.
Naturally, ICT4D 1.0 was not solely restricted to telecentre projects. But
the telecentre was the archetype for this period, stretching from the mid/late-
1990s to the mid/late-2000s.
What has been the outcome? Painting with a broad brush, we can sum
up with three words: failure, restriction, and anecdote. Each of these has led
to specific lessons and new watchwords:
• Sustainability: given the failure of many ICT4D projects to deliver
and/or survive, there is a new emphasis on ensuring the longevity of
such projects.
• Scalability: given the limited reach of individual telecentre projects,
there is a new search for scalable ICT4D solutions.
• Evaluation: given that ICT4D 1.0 was often held aloft by hype and
uncorroborated, self-interested stories, there is a new concern with
objective evaluation of impacts.
More generally, these outcomes of the first decade of ICT4D have led to
a rolling re-appraisal of priorities, processes, and purposes. There is no sharp
divide to mark out the first from the second phase of ICT4D – the latter
began as the first lessons were being learned back in the 20th century. And
there is no consensus on what ICT4D 2.0 looks like – the discussion is
ongoing.
Nonetheless, we can sketch out some of its component parts – a task that
will be taken up in the rest of this chapter.
Context
Business Model
User Processes
User-Produced User-Consumed
Services Services
Access
Model Communication &
Innovation
Processing
Feasibility Data
Interface
Software
Hardware
Infrastructure
Impact assessment and evaluation have always been the neglected children of
the development family. We fear looking back at the current project lest, like
Lot’s wife, we should be turned into pillars of salt. Instead, we hasten on to the
next project. Part of the problem is motivation, which is hard to alter, but part of
the problem in ICT4D has been lack of guidance. Initiatives such as the
Compendium on Impact Assessment of ICT-for-Development Projects, and the
Global Impact Study will help provide such guidance for ICT4D 2.0.
New hardware
As we stand on the threshold of ICT4D 2.0, a key technical question to
be answered is: how will we deliver the Internet to the remaining 5 billion?
Back in the 1990s, the initial model was that serving the global North: a
PC connected via a landline. But attempted roll-out faced major hurdles as
the South’s bottom of the pyramid proved far harder to reach. The model
was too costly to be sustainable or scalable, and/or the necessary power and
telecommunications foundations were often absent. Pushing forward, the
Internet-connected PC will therefore require hardware innovations in:
• Terminals: there are ongoing efforts to develop the type of low-spec,
low-cost, robust terminal devices that could work in large numbers
of poor communities. The most high-profile of these is the One
Laptop per Child (OLPC) project’s XO. Not coincidentally, a slew
of relatively similar devices is spewing forth. Some – like the
PixelQi and the Intel Classmate – have a similar intention to target
developing country needs. Others – Linutop, InkMedia, Elonex
ONE, Asus Eee and many more – are more generalised commercial
products. Despite twenty years of overpromising and
underdelivering – from the “People's PC” to the Simputer – it
appears that low-cost terminals will be a central part of ICT4D 2.0.
• Telecommunications: wireless has become the delivery mode of
choice to provide connectivity into poor communities in the global
South. Interest in satellite-based forms such as VSAT during the
1980s and 1990s has given way to a focus on land-based
transmission systems. In the same way, attention is turning from
WiFi-based systems and innovation to WiMAX. The overriding
innovation issue remains the relatively low traffic demand and
population density of areas of rural poverty, requiring solutions that
can deliver broader reach at lower cost than current technology.
Broadband is already an integral part of ICT usage in the global North. In the
US (one of the poorer performers), for example, by 2008 there were 25
broadband subscriptions per 100 citizens, and 55% of households had broadband,
representing around 90% of all Internet connections. By contrast, the subscription
rates for most African countries, including Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, and Uganda,
were well under 0.1% of the population. Tiny Andorra had roughly as many
broadband subscriptions as Africa’s most populous country, Nigeria.
So as we start seeing digital divides closing around Internet access and mobile
phone ownership, a new broadband divide is growing. This does and will
continuingly require a strategic response which, if not led, must at the least be
coordinated by government. As and where this happens, the development results
will be impressive. Broadband uptake is associated at the macro level with
growth in indicators such as employment and GDP, and at the micro level there
are many new employment- and productivity-enhancing opportunities.
Most likely, in dealing with the “remaining 5 billion” issue, ICT4D 2.0
will simultaneously push along both the PC and the mobile route. But some
have asked whether the Internet should be the focus, or whether we should
we look at where the poor have “voted with their wallets” and explore
whether the simpler, cheaper technologies already in use can deliver
sufficient ICT functionality? Rather than wait for handset and bandwidth
upgrades to allow mobile Internet access, what can be achieved for
development through calls and SMS? And what about older technologies?
Access (as opposed to ownership or geographical coverage) figures are hard
to come by, but we can estimate that something like 80% of the population
in developing countries has access to a radio, and 50% to a television.
Hence, early in ICT4D’s history, the reinterpretation of ICTs to incorporate
radio and television.
Hence, too, the role that convergence will play in ICT4D 2.0. In
practice, this means looking at the technologies that already penetrate –
mobiles, radios, televisions – and seeking ways to add computing and
Internet functionality. Pilot projects are already underway. Community radio
stations seek answers to listener questions via e-mail and the Web and
broadcast the response, as seen in Kothmale in Sri Lanka. Telecentre
databases add an SMS gateway that allows farmer searches in the field via
mobile phone, as seen in Warana in India. Many other such hub-and-spoke
innovations are likely to find a valuable application in future.
Box 2.4. ICT4D 2.0 and the rise of the individual (continued)
This will continue into ICT4D 2.0 but is challenged by a rise in household and
even individual ownership, particularly of mobile phones. Early phone projects
took a one-phone-per-community model, but this is being overtaken as mobiles
diffuse further. Mobiles are thus starting to substitute for some uses of
community-owned ICTs and, as they slowly become portable radios, televisions,
Web devices, etc., this substitution will increase.
With substitution comes disintermediation pressures and less need for groups
and infomediaries. This may spark a new release of entrepreneurial uses of ICTs
for development. But it may also have negative consequences. These include loss
of community cohesion and greater expression of intra-community and intra-
household inequalities. We have already seen signs of the latter with the uptick in
domestic violence associated with growing use of mobiles. So ICT4D 2.0 will
bring new challenges as well as new opportunities.
It will also bring greater pressures to stop homogenising “the poor” (as this
paper does). Instead, there will be a greater need to differentiate groups with
different needs and different vulnerabilities. The most obvious – partly
recognised within ICT4D 1.0 – will be differentiation of men and women. Other
differentiations –location, income, age, and so on – may follow. The destination –
taking seriously Amartya Sen’s notion of “development as freedom” – may be to
treat “the poor” as individuals.
New applications
Moving upwards from the hardware core of ICT4D, we meet an issue
that has been alive since at least the 1960s – that of interface design for
development. It is a common mistake to equate the poor in developing
countries with illiteracy. Adult literacy even in the very poorest countries of
the world is still greater than 50%, and two-thirds of 15-24 year-olds are
literate. Effectively, every community will have at least some literate
members who can act as “infomediaries”, thus massively multiplying the
accessibility of written materials, online or otherwise. And literacy rates
amongst the poor are steadily rising.
Nonetheless, interface innovation is still needed to drive access to ICT-
based information, services and jobs. First, in the field of audio-visual
interfaces. Second, though now covered for all the world’s major languages,
there is still some work to be done to create interfaces for all local
languages.
Box 2.5. Free and open source software during ICT4D 2.0
Linking hardware and application is, of course, software. During ICT4D 1.0,
free and open source software (FOSS) emerged as a potentially important
instrument in delivering development-appropriate solutions. It brings the promise
of systems that are lower-cost, more-robust, and more locally-customisable than
some proprietary solutions. It also brings the promise of helping poorer countries
develop local ICT enterprises based on such FOSS customisation.
This promise has been threatened by the resemblance of parts of the FOSS
community to a religious cult. Some have adopted a “with us or against us”
mentality bordering on paranoia that has produced a welter of self-justification,
but very little independent analysis. These FOSSers seem to feel users only have
to hear the word of Stallman and they will be converted. Niceties like robust
business models, rigorous total cost of ownership calculations or user-friendliness
can be forgotten. These perspectives might work behind the walls of Waco, but in
the real-world such FOSS developers need to professionalise their act or be eaten
for breakfast by more market-savvy players.
There are indications that some professionalisation is happening. The more
rational, socialised fraction of FOSS is growing, challenging the inward-looking,
technology-focused approach often adopted during ICT4D 1.0. One outcome is
the increasing use of FOSS in ICT4D systems, and the growth of FOSS-based
ICT4D programmes such as the Health Information Systems Programme, HISP.
(Another is the growing fight-back from proprietary solution providers, a
bellwether of which was the 2008 addition of a Windows version of the OLPC.)
Even if past and future innovations can provide access to ICTs for the
majority of the world, the hardware-plus-interface combination remains an
empty husk. When filled with applications software, that husk can have four
main development roles: data content handler, interactive communicator,
service deliverer and productive tool. These form a chronology of sorts as
ICT4D moves slowly to close the gap between supply (what is easy to
provide) and demand (what the bottom of the pyramid actually want).
Content. It was rapidly recognised during ICT4D 1.0 that plugging a
peasant farmer or slum-dweller into Google was of limited value. Much of
the information they required would not emerge because it was not present
in digital format. Hence, a series of projects, such as Open Knowledge
Network, sought to create relevant local data content focused on livelihood-
appropriate issues such as health, education, agriculture, and rights. Hence,
too, a recognition once media technologies such as radio and television were
incorporated into ICT4D that their non-interactive and broad-scale nature
presented a problem of lack of specific data relevance. For these
technologies, the phase change to ICT4D 2.0 is therefore associated with
Interaction. There was quite a fuss made in this domain about dealing
with “ICTs not IT” – i.e. technology “now with added C”. Despite this, use
of technology for communication – at least, for interactive communication –
has been a late arrival. This may be because, faced with the telecentre
model, interaction meant e-mail, and the poor had no one to message. Their
social networks were seen as small, local and informal. In fact, as take-up of
mobile phones proved, these networks have been extended by rural-to-urban
and international migration. And they might be extended further by the new
technology, thus adding to the social capital of the marginalised majority.
How this can be done, and how the interactive communications capabilities
of digital media can best be exploited, remains a growing task for ICT4D
2.0.
Three major issues that have worked their way up the development agenda in
the years since the MDGs and the start of ICT4D 1.0 are:
The “creative economy” – “a vast and heterogeneous field dealing with the
interplay of various creative activities ranging from traditional arts and crafts,
publishing, music, and visual and performing arts to more technology-intensive
and services-oriented groups of activities such as film, television and radio
broadcasting, new media and design” – is seen to provide a growing opportunity
for developing countries. These countries are seen as already rich in traditional
creative industries, and as providing a low-cost base for new creative industries.
During ICT4D 2.0, digital technology is likely to provide a foundation for
growth of both parts of the sector. ICTs are already finding application in
traditional sectors such as greater marketing of craft goods and recording and
sales of music. ICTs are also fundamental to new media work, including the
growth of outsourced jobs in animation, gaming, and the like.
Underlying the discussion in Box 2.7 are two different views about
technology and development – or, at least, two extremes on a continuum. At
one end we have the “passive diffusion” view. Taking the lead from mobile
telephony’s rapid spread, this says that if ICTs do have a developmental
value for the poor, then a combination of private firms’ search for profit plus
the poor’s search for value will make it happen. Any attempt to intervene
from outside is foolish and wasteful: a force-feeding of the inappropriate
that will only lead to messy regurgitation. Conversely, the “active
innovation” perspective feels the market will not deliver – or will deliver too
slowly – to the poor. Hence, intervention is required in the form of new
innovations that will better help to meet development goals.
This chapter does not compare these views in any detail. Certainly
active innovation took a knock during ICT4D 1.0. There is a sense that
international donor agencies subsidised the unsustainable, and were footling
around in the supply-driven telecentre pond, oblivious to the market-driven
mobile tsunami around them. On the other hand, non-market interventions
have been the root of many subsequently marketised technologies. From the
first computers to the origins of the Internet to the competitors spawned by
the OLPC XO, active innovation has often been the foundation for passive
diffusion. Finally, the two perspectives converge when private firms take the
bottom of the pyramid notion to heart and start designing products
specifically with poor consumers in mind (often changing the terminology
as they do so from “developing countries” to “emerging markets”).
What we can conclude is that some element of active innovation is
likely to remain in the ICT4D field. In that case, two key questions arise.
First, what to innovate. As the OLPC experience demonstrates, large-
scale hardware and operating system innovations specifically targeted at the
bottom of the pyramid are risky ventures, only for the very brave or the very
foolish. In a moderated way this even applies to the large private sector
players. Instead, most ICT4D 2.0 innovation looks likely to occur on a
smaller scale either in adapting or in applying existing technologies. Put
another way, innovation appears more feasible (though perhaps more
localised) as one moves up the chain from new telecoms/power
infrastructure to new hardware to new software to new data content to new
business models and processes (Figure 2.2).
Second, how to innovate. In terms of the innovation process, we can
educe three different modes, here labelled laboratory (pro-poor),
collaborative (para-poor), and grassroots (per-poor).
space. But this has changed in the last few years. As mobiles have arrived,
and as PCs and the Web start to arrive, the poor have themselves become
innovators. Not in the traditional laboratory/research and development sense
of the term, but in the sense of adapting and applying the technology in new
ways.
By and large we have only anecdotes to date about:
As well as asking what and how to innovate, we could also ask: “why
innovate?” For those working in and with poor communities the answer is:
because you have to. Technologies from the “outside world” fail to work at all,
fail to work properly, and break. Hence, the North Indian concept of jugaad – the
improvised quick-fix to get or keep technology working within an environment of
relative poverty and resource constraints.
Although the terminology may be localised, we can see jugaad in poor
communities worldwide: minor innovations conducted within an environment of
constraints. And that can lead us one step further, taking up the observation that
resource poverty may be more of a spur to innovation than resource abundance.
We thus arrive at the notion for ICT4D 2.0 of constraint-driven innovation –
what Prahalad pictures as innovation within a sandbox of constraining walls; that
delivers specialised solutions which match the available resources in a way that
“mainstream” innovations fail to do. They are lower in price, lower in capital
intensity, lower in skill intensity, make greater use of local materials and are more
adaptable to sporadic availability. In sum, they close the “design-reality gaps”
that other innovations suffer, and demonstrate that poverty can drive innovation.
During ICT4D 1.0, it seemed that project designers often focused ICT
application on a top-down determination of needs, rather than a bottom-up
statement of wants. Projects were designed around a standard information needs
template that said communities needed better access to information on health,
education, governance, etc. However, when community members can freely
discuss what they want from ICTs, priority items are often a mix of help with new
income and employment, and entertainment.
The Namma Dhwani project in South India exemplifies the contrast.
Community radio loudspeakers were wired up around the village to broadcast
“developmental” information. Villagers were not happy about this and, at one
point, the wires were cut and speakers linked up to a mobile sound system to
broadcast music as a statue of Lord Ganesha was paraded around the village for a
local festival. The former use of ICTs was seen as one the community needed.
The latter was what they wanted.
Where projects focus on needs, they can suffer from low usage (and hence low
impact), subversion and a lack of sustainability. Where projects – as, for example,
in the case of some N-Logue kiosks in India – allow ICT usage to focus on wants,
the opposite tends to happen.
Of course there is a balance to be struck here, but a less paternalistic view of
project beneficiaries will be valuable in ICT4D 2.0, as will an understanding that
fulfilment of wants – as already noted, we can think of this in terms of Amartya
Sen’s “development as freedom” – can be at least partly developmental.
Information Information
Technology Technology
Processes Processes
Reality Design
Gap
Source: Richard Heeks.
Successful ICT4D
Project
The key actors in the ICT4D field are drawn from particular disciplinary
worldviews. What can we learn by looking at their backgrounds?
Many of those active in the field draw from a computer science
background. Some from what we might call the “harder” end dealing with
hardware and firmware, some from the somewhat “softer” ground of
human-computer interaction. Such expertise is, of course, essential to
ICT4D 2.0. It will be essential for delivering the new technological and
application priorities detailed in Figure 2.4. It will be an essential part of
laboratory/pro-poor and collaborative/para-poor innovation.
But alone, it is not enough. And, where it stands alone, problems arise.
The root of a number of ICT4D failures is identified as their techno-centric
Integrating perspectives
Computer Information
Science Systems
ICT4D
Champions
Development
Studies
As just indicated, this was a view that continued amongst at least some
development officials during the 1990s as part of a more general sidelining
of science and technology. But, at the same time, and driven from a
technical and computer science-based paradigm that initially touched little
on development studies, the ICT4D movement arose. This idolised digital
technologies and placed them centre-stage in the development process. The
world’s main problem came to be seen as the digital divide: lack of access to
ICTs.
ICT4D 1.0’s failure to live up to its hype has already been charted. The
latter part of this phase saw what might be called a reassertion of the
supremacy of development studies, which has drawn also from information
systems’ views on what they see as the overly-narrow conceptions of
computer science. ICT thus came to be “mainstreamed” within
development, meaning it became subservient to the achievement of
development goals, integrated into a long list of other tools and techniques
that might prove useful. A typical formulation would start with a
development goal, then seek to understand the role of information and
communication in achieving that goal, then ask which new technologies – if
any – could help deliver that role.
In many ways this integrated approach looks very sensible; it is one that
many agencies – the World Bank, Canada's International Development
Research Centre, the UK’s Department for International Development – are
following. It represents where we start with ICT4D 2.0 and lies behind
mantras such as “a means not an end” or “a tool not a goal” that one hears
quoted in relation to ICT4D.
During ICT4D 1.0, a lot of research and advice about ICT policy seemed to
focus much more on content rather than process and structure. To use a catering
analogy, there has been an excess of attention to the policy menu; a lack of
attention to the cooking and the restaurant. To continue the analogy, though, one
can take a menu from a Michelin-starred restaurant and give it to the managers of
a McDonalds – that does not mean they will be able to produce the required food.
They lack the necessary institutional basis and capacities to do so.
In future, the menu will still be important, and it will change: for example in
response to the convergence of digital technologies. However, we should also
look more at two aspects during ICT4D 2.0. First, institutional capacities and
their location. Experiences with various types of ICT policy suggest the value of
autonomous and capable state agencies, combined with strong representative
bodies for both the private sector and civil society and a mechanism for robust
interaction between these three groups.
In addition to these structural considerations, the process of intervention over
time is important. A foundation for some positive policy impact appears to be
capacity for flexibility, learning and iteration within the institutions of ICT
strategic intervention. Put another way, it may be that the starting content for ICT
policy is of less importance than imagined. Instead, what matters more is the
capacity to observe and react to the impacts of policy interventions and the
contextual changes that beset the ICT domain.
Much of the research agenda for ICT4D 2.0 flows from the phase change
components outlined here:
Conclusion
There is no sharp dividing line to let us say, “ICT4D 1.0 stopped here;
ICT4D 2.0 began here”. On the ground there is a sense of evolution, not
discontinuity. And yet … something messy, fuzzy but new is emerging. It
makes sense to see what happens if we give this a label and a summary, as
shown in Table 2.1.
What, then, might we argue are the key differences between ICT4D 1.0
and 2.0? In answering this, we could draw parallels with the concept of Web
2.0. For example, ICT4D 2.0 is about the world’s “long tail” – using digital
technologies to draw on the capacities of the 80% who hold only 20% of the
world’s resources. Or, using Eric Schmidt’s “don’t fight the Internet”
characterisation, we can see ICT4D 2.0’s slogan as “don’t fight the poor”.
Where 1.0 imposed pre-existing designs and expected the poor to adapt to
them, 2.0 designs around the specific resources, capacities and demands of
the poor. Or, we can transform “the network is the platform” to argue that
while ICT4D 1.0 saw ICTs as a tool for development, the second phase sees
ICTs as the platform for development.
Alternatively, we could break things down into a chronology of ICT4D
issues, as represented in Figure 2.7:
• Readiness: do we have the policies and infrastructure to make ICT
availability possible?
Level of ICT4D
Activity
Impact
- Development Goals
- Efficiency
- Effectiveness
- Equity
Uptake
- Demand
- Usage
- Use Divide
Readiness Availability
- Awareness - Supply
- Infrastructure - Maturity Stage
- Digital Divide
Time
development studies. And it can stop thinking solely about “needs” – often
defined from outside poor communities in rather paternalistic terms. Instead,
it can also think about “wants” – what is it that the poor themselves actually
demand? How do and would poor communities use digital technologies if
left to their own devices?
In conclusion and above all, we can see that ICT4D 2.0 is about
reframing the poor. Where ICT4D 1.0 marginalised them, allowing a
supply-driven focus, ICT4D 2.0 centralises them, creating a demand-driven
focus. Where ICT4D 1.0 – fortified by the bottom of the pyramid concept –
characterised them largely as passive consumers, ICT4D 2.0 sees the poor as
active producers and active innovators.
Three overarching questions for this next phase therefore emerge. How
can the poor be producers of digital content and services? How can they
create new incomes and job through ICTs? And how can we recognise and
scale the ICT-based innovations they produce?
Notes
1
Developed from SDC (2007) SDC ICT4D Strategy, Swiss Agency for
Development and Cooperation, Berne.
2
For example, www.ictd2009.org; www.scribd.com/doc/14234869/ICTD-
2009-Proceedings.
3
Some ideas drawn from: Walsham, G. & Sahay, S. ibid.
References
Chapter 3
By Rohan Samarajiva1
1
Rohan Samarajiva is Chair & CEO of LIRNEasia. www.lirneasia.net.
[email protected].
grew by 45% in the six months to June—far higher than the rate of
access growth using laptops, according to the China Internet Network
Information Centre. (The Economist, 2008)
Broadband has been defined by the Partnership for Measuring ICT for
Development as an Internet service of at least 256 kbps in one or both
directions. The US Federal Communications Commission also seeks to
develop a definition of broadband. Separate definitions are given for fixed-
line and mobile broadband – a distinction that probably would not have been
made ten years ago. The incomplete nature of the definitions indicates that
the phenomenon is inchoate.
There is value in thinking of the Internet, or the cluster of technologies
enabling the Internet Economy, as a bundle of functions rather than as the
composite, common-sense image just described. Functions currently
provided include:
• communication in multiple forms (synchronous/asynchronous, one-
to-one/one-to-many, etc.);
• information retrieval, including search;
• publication;
• transactions (including payments);
• remote computing.
This hierarchy moves from simple to complex. It is no surprise that a
sophisticated user sitting at the end of a multi-megabyte pipe can use all the
aforementioned functions easily, especially if they possess a credit/debit
card. What is truly surprising is that many people who have never come in
contact with a standard computer are already performing some of these
functions electronically.
For example, when a poor person with a prepaid mobile connection
types in a short code to check his or her account balance, they are engaging
in one of the more complex current Internet functions: remote computing.
Downloading a ringtone and paying for it from the “load” on a prepaid
phone is a transaction that includes an electronic payment – again,
something quite complex.
Mobile devices are now used for all forms of communication, including
text-based (SMS) and context-based (“missed calls”) communication. These
functions can be performed with the simplest of today’s second-generation
mobile handsets even in countries that have yet to release the frequencies
needed for third generation (3G) or sophisticated data-friendly services. In
other words, billions of poor people in developing countries are also
There is little question then that access to broadband from both mobile
handsets and computers must be improved if the emerging Internet
Economy is to be inclusive. Governments the world over must give priority
to and expedite spectrum refarming and transparently release frequencies to
enable operators to offer 3G technologies and beyond. Looking at spectrum
solely as a source of government revenue at point of release is not conducive
to broad deployment or long-term government revenue generation.
The value of wireless in the access network or the “last mile” does not
negate the fundamental importance of wireguides in the backhaul
component. Behind each WiFi hotspot is a series of wireguides that connect
users to the Internet cloud, in most cases in the continental United States. In
the same way that the strength of a chain is determined by its weakest link,
the overall performance of one’s Internet connection is determined by the
slowest component in the connection. LIRNEasia-IIT Madras research on
broadband quality of service experience (QoSE) has shown that the real
bottleneck for most users in developing countries is the international
segment, where undersea cable and satellite capacity still appear to be
under-provisioned by operators (Figure 3.1).
Figure 3.1: Return trip time (RTT) to www.yahoo.com, 24 July 2009 1350hrs
Note: Y-axis indicates the return trip time (RRT) to a server. Up to 6th hop IP addresses
are within Sri Lanka (www.whois.net); the “leap” is from a local server to the first entry
point to USA.
Source: LIRNEasia (2009). Broadband Quality of Service Experience. Test findings.
18 40
16 35
14
30
12
% of population
INR per minute
25
10
20
8
15
6
10
4
2 5
0 0
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
Mobile tariff (effective charge) Urban Indian SEC D and E mobile penetration
Market entry
Across countries, the key to growth was significant market entry. This
took the form of transparent entry in Pakistan, opaque licensing in
Bangladesh and even “back door” entry by so-called fixed operators into the
mobile space in Nepal. The common factor was a sufficiently significant
number of suppliers with at least one willing to engage in disruptive
competition.2 Different operators assumed this role in different countries. In
India, Reliance created a disruption and caused others to follow. In
Thailand, the acquisition of a Thai-owned operator by a foreign operator
served as the trigger. In Sri Lanka, late entry of the incumbent fixed operator
into the mobile space through an acquisition set off the latest rapid growth
phase.
Investment
Growth in connectivity cannot occur without investment. The relaxation
of government barriers to market entry resulted in increased investment,
Note: FDI for the power sector in 2004 was USD -14.24 million.
Source: State Bank of Pakistan (2008) Economic Data. Retrieved from
http://www.sbp.org.pk/ecodata/NIFP_Arch/index.asp
model akin to the budget airline model implemented by carriers such as Air
Asia and RyanAir.
*Data are only for the three main mobile service providers: GrameenPhone, Aktel and
Bangalink, whose total market share amounted to 93% in 2005.
Sources: Sri Lanka: Company annual reports, press releases by companies; Malik, P.
(2008), Telecom Regulatory and Policy Environment in India: Results and Analysis of
the 2008 TRE Survey; Bangladesh Telecommunications Regulatory Commission (2007)
Annual Report. Revenue and EBITDA margin for Bangladesh (2005) as reported by
Merrill Lynch are different. Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (2005), Annual
Report.
99 99 98 95 100 98
Prepaid also allows customers to pay when they can or need to use the
service. This suits the requirements of the poor, many of whom have
irregular income patterns. The introduction of low-value recharge cards and
especially electronic reloads that allow for the greatest payment flexibility
was of special significance in making the model work.
In essence, the budget telecom network business model is an innovation
driven by intense competition and in response to the strict regulatory
environments and low purchasing power of South Asian countries. If not for
competition, this innovation would not have taken place. The model was
also borne out in Nepal, a country of 29 million people with many
similarities to the South Asian countries where it is operational. Nepal had
relatively high mobile prices in 2008, but in 2009 the prices of all mobile
operators dropped sharply despite no new licences being granted. The cause
was found to be entry – not the conventional type but a form of back-door
entry where certain wireless-access operators licensed as “fixed” entered the
mobile space.6
voice telephony would have succeeded in connecting the poor in the Indo-
Gangetic Plain. As with voice telephony, it is imperative that operating
expenses be lowered. This will include, most importantly, the key input cost
of international backhaul. Radical reductions in domestic leased-line prices
observed in emerging economies suggest that there is plenty of room for
improvement in the levels of competition in leased lines, and in some
regions, especially Africa and parts of the Indian Ocean, greater supply.
India, a country that has paid sustained attention to domestic and
international leased-line prices, has reduced both dramatically (Table 3.2
and 3.3).
Year Capacity
64Kbps 2Mbps(E1) DS-3 STM-1
1998 33 043 157 885 3 315 582 9 946 745
1999* 2 207 50 586 1 062 313 3 186 940
2000 2 053 47 059 988 235 2 964 706
2001 2 003 32 137 674 875 2 024 624
2002 1 994 31 990 671 791 2 015 372
2003 2 106 33 779 608 028 1 824 084
2004 2 183 20 009 420 191 1 260 573
2005 2 103 19 281 404 908 1 214 724
Nov 2005* 986 19 041 137 970 370 072
Source: Kathuria, R. (2009), Comparing the Impact of Decline in Leased line Prices in
India and Indonesia: Lessons for Latin America. Unpublished paper.
*Regulatory price revision implemented
Table 3.3: IPLC (half circuit) tariff, India to US, 2000-2008 (USD per annum)
Year Capacity
E1 DS3 STM1
Applications
Teleuse@BOP qualitative research shows that low-income users are
indeed using cybercafés and mobiles in complementary ways, downloading
music in cybercafés, transferring it via Bluetooth to mobiles and then
listening on handsets, for example.
The Teleuse@BOP3 survey specifically probed levels of awareness,
trial and use of more-than-voice services over the mobile. These were found
to be generally low, especially amongst the lower SEC groups in Pakistan,
India and Bangladesh (the Indo-Gangetic Plain constituting the hardest
case). Awareness, trial and use were low even for services such as premium
SMS-based voting for “American Idol”-type talent shows in Southeast
Asian countries and Sri Lanka (Figure 3.6 and Figure 3.7). This was not
surprising, as these services are just now being offered and business models
for serving the poor have yet to be worked out.
8% 7% 5% 3%
100
80
I dont need to
60 use this service
40 No
20
Not Sure
0
Agri/fishery info
Payments
Agri/fishery info
Payments
Agri/fishery info
Payments
Agri/fishery info
Payments
Payments
Agri/fishery info
Payments
Agri/fishery info
Govt services
Govt services
Govt services
Govt services
Govt services
Govt services
Yes
Everything else takes place outside the CellBazaar system, but using the
conversational and messaging capabilities of mobile phones. Analysis shows
that the enterprise is still in the promotional phase, seeking to attract users at
low prices (around a minimum of USD 0.35 for a transaction in the case of
SMS) and sacrificing high returns. The rather clumsy user experience
through the familiar SMS format is being improved through WAP in the
case of CellBazaar, and may be improved by others using the USSD
(Unstructured Supplementary Services Data) functionality that is also part of
GSM.
As with the sugarcane farmer who can obtain market information even
while on a tractor, the mobile interface in CellBazaar has inherent additional
benefits with regard to transactions that cannot be completed fully on the
Web (e.g. purchase of a used car or a cow). Unlike comparison shopping on
a desktop that requires the taking of notes or printouts before venturing out
for actual transactions, the mobile interface allows comparison shopping as-
needed, when-needed.
The Govi Gnana Seva (GGS) system for delivering agricultural market
prices in Sri Lanka has gone through many incarnations since 2002. First it
focused on collecting spot prices from Sri Lanka’s largest fruit and
vegetable wholesale market and displaying them on large electronic screens,
intending to reduce price dispersion within the market itself. Then it sought
to deliver spot prices to those distant from the market through SMS and an
interactive voice response system. When pilot project funding ended, prices
were collected and disseminated over radio and television. Starting in 2009,
the system is being redesigned to deliver spot and rudimentary forward
prices to mobile phones. This will allow for a range of behaviours that
would not be possible if prices were delivered only to desktops in telecentres
or elsewhere. Here the mobile can be used directly in negotiation, with
additional information being pulled up by either party.
The use of mobiles in reducing friction in fish markets in Kerala, India
and grain markets in Niger has been well studied. In both cases it was found
that producer prices increased, consumer prices decreased and waste was
eliminated (in the case of the perishable commodity, fish) because producers
could access a larger number of hitherto isolated markets newly connected
through mobiles. In contrast with Warana and GGS, the Kerala and Niger
cases do not involve any kind of organised data collection but simply the use
of mobiles for information gathering and decision-making by individual
market actors.
Mobiles are attracting considerable attention as payment devices,
especially for the poor. Clearly, payment is one of the more complex
functions performed on the Internet, and in combination with other functions
can yield higher-level participation in the Internet Economy. In particular,
there is interest in the use of mobiles in facilitating remittances by temporary
migrant workers.
LIRNEasia research shows that compared to their Pakistani, Indian, Sri
Lankan and Filipino peers, Bangladeshi overseas migrants called home most
frequently: 87% of Bangladeshi migrants called home at least once a week,
while 34% called home daily. The survey found that, on average,
Bangladeshis also paid the most for communication with family and friends
back home, spending USD 48 per month to keep in touch, as compared with
USD 15 by Indians.
Bangladeshi migrants mostly work West and East/Southeast Asia. On
average, they earn approximately USD 485 a month, of which USD 203 is
sent home. The most popular mode of communicating with home was the
telephone, though unlike the other nationalities, 28% also made calls
through the Internet.
Bangladeshi domestic migrants appeared to be making the most use of
mobiles for sending money home. Hand-carrying cash remains the most
popular way of remitting money, but a significant number are sending
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
Bangladesh Pakistan India Sri Lanka Philippines Thailand
harbour other than the one from which they set off. Jensen (2007) assumed
the diversion to be costless. Aker (2009), in a subsequent study of grain
trade in Niger, factored in transport costs and distance and arrived at similar
conclusions.
In the same way it took the best economists and statisticians working
with high-quality data more than a decade to establish the contribution of
ICTs to productivity in the US economy, it will take substantial effort to
make the case in the developing world.
in particular cheap and reliable leased lines. In this mode workers do not
have to separate themselves from families for long periods and the money
they and the firms which employ them generate circulates in the local
economy, creating further wealth. Workplaces and worker movements do
create pressure on infrastructure, but the long-term result is generally the
building of adequate infrastructure that benefits more than the service export
companies.
More than developing service industries serving the domestic market,
ICT-enabled industries that export their services create wealth and pull more
people out of poverty. Of course, the modern business practices that allow
for differentiation of functions and the outsourcing of non-core activities
will eventually seep into the domestic economy as well, creating the
conditions for inshoring as opposed to offshoring or the export of services.
This results in domestic firms becoming more efficient and/or customer
responsive and jobs being created outside the major urban agglomerations.
Offshoring and inshoring have been flourishing in Southern and
Western India since the 1990s. It is generally accepted that these regions
make a disproportionate contribution to the Indian economic growth story.
Unpacking the specific contributions of services trade made possible by
ICTs and various other factors such as the demographic dividend is beyond
the scope of this chapter. Suffice it to say that the growth of the organised
and export-oriented service industries made possible by ICTs has made a
significant positive contribution to India’s recent economic growth spurt and
the resultant escape from poverty by large numbers of Indians, and that
these lessons may be extrapolated to other countries.
Interconnection
In the early days of regulation, most experts asked to name three top
priorities answered “interconnection, interconnection and interconnection”.
In the budget telecom network model, the highest priorities are market entry
and spectrum management.
Research on customer behaviour has shown that workarounds for
imperfect interconnection have been devised. The incumbent fixed
operator’s refusal to offer interconnection to mobile operators in Bangladesh
and the failure of the regulator to compel interconnection did not prevent the
people of that country from connecting to mobile networks at a CAGR of
over 100% in 2002-07 and from enjoying some of the lowest prices in the
world. Furthermore, there is an increasing tendency for customers to carry
multiple SIMs, either switching them on the same handset or using dual-
SIM handsets to keep most of their calls “on-net”, thereby benefitting from
the various discounts offered for friends-and-family calling within networks.
This suggests that conventional interconnection is being worked around, at
least by those willing to suffer the additional inconvenience of multiple SIM
use.
This is not to say that cost-based, non-discriminatory interconnection is
irrelevant. It is, especially in terms of reducing the differentials between on-
net and off-net calls and the intended or unintended effects on illegal
termination of international calls. Indeed, the oft-neglected issues of
wholesale access to backhaul and essential facilities require even greater
regulatory attention in light of the requirements of the budget telecom
network model. As other input costs are driven down, backhaul costs
become even more significant.
competitive vertical price squeezes grow. The success of the budget telecom
network model rests on price flexibility as well as protection from tactics
such as vertical price squeezes.
Tariff regulation
Old-style tariff regulation is inappropriate for the effective deployment
of the budget telecom network model. In any case, price or revenue
regulation is difficult to apply when each firm offers bundles of services
measured in tens if not hundreds. In practice, what is done is de facto
forbearance, where all tariffs are more or less routinely approved or, at most,
asymmetrical regulation, wherein only the SMP (significant market power)
operator’s tariffs are regulated. The weakness in this course of action is that
SMP determinations and the resultant regulatory actions are extraordinarily
complex and most developing country regulatory agencies are incapable of
implementing them. The end result can be regulatory paralysis, to the
unintended benefit of incumbent operators.
Banded forbearance, where a country will choose to be benchmarked
against prices of peer countries, is a possible solution. Here, flexibility is
granted to all operators, including the incumbent, within a defined band set
through benchmarking. If prices go below the lower threshold they will
trigger a review based on stated competition-related criteria. The thresholds
will be periodically readjusted based on external factors such as taxes or
price movements in peer countries.
Quality-of-service regulation
In the same way that one cannot expect silver tea service on RyanAir,
one cannot expect premium service from budget telecom networks. All
operators are likely to offer sub-optimal quality because of the need to
squeeze as much traffic as possible. Strict and aggressive QOS regulation is
inimical to the model. However, it is also naïve to expect competition to
prevent operators from letting QOS fall to unacceptable levels. Therefore,
gentle supervision of QOS, focusing primarily on publishing performance
against benchmarks and ensuring that barriers to unhappy customers
switching suppliers are kept low, would be the most appropriate.
Universal service
The idea of making universal service obligations transparent by
replacing vague commitments to extend services to the un- and underserved
through cross subsidies with universal service funds was a good idea in its
time and complied with the provisions of the GATS Protocol 4 Reference
Paper. However, experience suggests that most universal service funds have
become counterproductive. Billions of dollars of universal service levies lie
unspent in government accounts or are being used for general expenditures.
Where money has been disbursed it has generally gone to fixed network
operators, mostly incumbents. All the while, un- and underserved areas are
being connected not by subsidised fixed line operators but by mobile
operators, and low-income customers, including the intended beneficiaries
of universal service policies, are paying to support the inefficiencies of
incumbents. A strong case can now be made that universal service funds and
levy percentages no longer satisfy the criterion of being “no more
burdensome than necessary to achieve the defined universal service” and
therefore are in violation of the commitments made under Protocol 4 of the
GATS by many countries.
Table 3.6: Final scores for 2008 TRE studies in eight countries: mobile sector
Bangladesh
Philippines
Indonesia
Sri Lanka
Maldives
Thailand
Pakistan
India
Market entry 3.1 3.1 3.0 3.8 3.2 2.8 2.7 3.9
Access to resources 2.8 2.2 2.7 3.6 2.8 2.7 2.6 3.6
Interconnection 3.3 2.8 2.7 3.5 2.8 2.6 2.6 3.7
Tariff regulation 3.5 3.9 2.6 3.4 2.8 2.7 2.9 3.2
Anti-competitive practices 3.1 2.7 2.5 3.1 2.5 2.7 2.6 2.8
Universal service 2.4 3.1 2.1 3.5 2.6 3.0 2.6 3.2
obligations
Quality of service 3.2 2.8 2.3 3.8 3.1 2.9 3.1 3.2
Taxation
Taxation was not included in the GATS Protocol 4 Reference Paper and
until recently was almost routinely ignored in discussions of telecom policy
and regulation. This is no longer possible because the taxation tail has begun
to wag the regulatory dog. Certain policy or regulatory actions are
understandable only when one posits taxation as the principal purpose and
the provision of telecom services as the secondary purpose.
Studies conducted by an industry lobbyist body, the GSM Association,
show that for every 100 units of currency spent on mobile service, as much
as 44% is being extracted as tax (including licence fees, spectrum fees,
universal service obligations, equipment important levies, sales tax, etc.),
with the operator acting as tax collector. This is obviously inimical to the
efficacy of the budget telecom network model. Some taxes, such as those on
handsets and SIMs, are regressive and constitute entry barriers to the poor.
Kenya is an exception, having recently reduced such taxes.
Source: Deloitte (2007), Global Mobile Tax Review: 2006-2007. London: GSMA. Retrieved
7 August 2009 from www.gsmworld.com/documents/tax_review_06_07.pdf.
Conclusion
Notes
1
The world’s largest concentration of poor people.
2.
This contrasts with the “managed competition” approach espoused by the
McKinsey contributors in the World Economic Forum and INSEAD’s
2009 Global Information Technology Report 2008-09, Mobility in a
networked world.
3
Author calculations based on population and surface area data retrieved
from World Bank (2009) Key development data and statistics [online
database].
4
TCO calculation by Nokia, based on 1/36th of the price of the cheapest
Nokia handset, 1/36th of connection charges if any, the cost of using the
OECD low-user bundle of minutes and other services, plus all relevant
taxes and levies.
5
Whereas Anderson focuses on the long tail of products such as low-
demand books, the budget telecom network model is based on the long
tail of low-volume customers.
6
This finding contradicts the recommendations for limited entry
propounded by the McKinsey contributors in the World Economic Forum
and INSEAD’s 2009 Global Information Technology Report 2008-09,
Mobility in a networked world. Given the high costs of wireline access,
many countries have issued frequencies to new fixed entrants, in some
cases specifying restrictions on the mobility of the handset. The lowest-
cost fixed wireless access technology is the CDMA standard. However, it
is also common that users and, in some cases operators, violate the legal
restrictions, creating “backdoor” entry to the mobile space.
7
Fixed means that one connects to the network from one location all the
time, using a “dongle” or netbook with a built-in antenna. Nomadic
means that at the moment of connecting the user is stationary, though they
may connect from multiple locations, again, usually from a dongle-
equipped laptop or netbook. Mobile means that the user is on the move
and likely connects through a handset, though netbooks or even laptops
may be used in moving vehicles.
8
A more accurate term would be average revenue per customer (ARPC),
because that is what is actually counted. In today’s mobile markets, where
many customers are using multiple active SIMs, an even more accurate
term would be average revenue per active SIM (ARPAS).
9
Personal communication from Kentaro Toyama of Microsoft Research,
June 3, 2009.
10
The McKinsey contributors to World Economic Forum and INSEAD’s
Global Information Technology Report 2008-09, Mobility in a networked
world make the mistake of seeing China and the Philippines, countries
that started the reform process very early, as models for the entire
developing world. The budget telecom network model emerged in South
Asia only in the past few years and is now diffusing to other regions.
References
Chapter 4
Given its significant economic and social benefits, expanding affordable access
is becoming a high priority for governments of developed and developing countries
alike. How is this best achieved? This chapter discusses the principles that should
underlie government efforts to increase broadband access.
1
Tim Kelly, Lead ICT Policy Specialist, infoDev; Victor Mulas, Consultant;
Siddhartha Raja, Consultant; Christine Zhen-Wei Qiang, Senior Economist and
Mark Williams, Senior Economist within the Global Information and
Communication Technology (GICT) Department of the World Bank. The views
expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of
the World Bank or its Member States.
Why broadband?
0.77
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
High-income economies Low and middle-income
economies
Broadband as an “ecosystem”
Figure 4.2: The virtuous circle for broadband: connecting the elements
The growth of so-called Web 2.0 services and applications that are
dynamic and collaborative in nature depends on the ability of users to
interact with each other, but also has implications for network development.
For instance, networks previously offered uploads at lower speeds than
downloads because this reflected typical use of applications such as e-mail
and web-browsing. Users of today’s two-way multimedia services, however,
demand high speeds in both directions. Worries about a deluge of
bandwidth-hungry services overwhelming the Internet abound, but these
dire predictions have only come to pass in isolated incidents. The global
Internet seems remarkably robust in terms of scaling to a larger number of
users, more demanding applications and higher speeds.
Hence, the network is part of an ecosystem that is evolving and includes
more demanding users and applications. Simultaneously, users creating and
sharing more content and applications that require more bandwidth should
drive the supply of broadband, forming a virtuous circle. Thus, in this note
the “broadband ecosystem” is defined as a multi-layered system of
interconnected high-capacity communications networks, bandwidth-
intensive services and applications, and users.
helps to assess the role(s) that governments will need to play in using
broadband as a tool in ICTs for development (ICT4D). Traditionally,
governments have played a “push” role, ensuring a favourable environment
for the provision of ICT infrastructure and development of the domestic ICT
sector. This might be characterised as Policy 1.0 (Figure 4.3). Increasingly,
governments will need to move towards “pull” strategies aimed at
promoting digital literacy, establishing enabling environments, providing
including local content. This might be characterised as Policy 2.0,
corresponding to popular concepts such as Web 2.0 or Mobile 2.0.
across the country. Similarly, in the United States, after ten years of debate –
during which time the US has fallen from second to fifteenth in OECD
broadband rankings – the new government has announced the development
of a National Broadband Plan, kicking off with a series of discussions
hosted by the regulator, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC).
What should be the role of government in the provision of broadband?
The basic principle is that governments should intervene only based on
sound economic principles and where the benefits of such intervention
outweigh the costs. There are essentially two different roles for the public
sector: making markets work more efficiently and ensuring equitable access
for all.
200
182
180 174
166
160 145
140 133
120 113
100
81
80
60
40
20
0
2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
18
16 Resale
14 Bitstream
12 Shared access
10 Full ULL
8 France Télécom group
6
4
2
0
2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
Some countries, such as the Republic of Korea, have gone further than
this market regulation approach by providing financial incentives to
operators to invest and compete. In the early days of broadband
development, this allowed Korea to “defy the S-curve” and expand its
market at a faster rate than might otherwise have been expected (Figure 4.6).
The government of Korea has intervened consistently in both the supply and
demand sides of broadband diffusion, with more than six major programmes
since 1985. Initially, the government funded a backbone national network
that connected public institutions throughout the country and provided
incentives to operators to expand fibre optic networks. It developed an
extensive e-government programme that digitised and connected public
institutions. The Korean government also provided funds to foster demand
through multiple policies such as ICT training and promotion of local
applications.
Figure 4.6: Defying the S-curve: broadband take-up in the Republic of Korea
compared with other leading broadband economies
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
0
1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
16
14 BT's functrional
separation
12
adopted
10
0
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
Germany 0.2
Finland 0.3
Portugal 1.2
Singapore 0.7
Greece 3.0
Australia 1'590 33.4
Source: World Bank, based on data from ITU, Booz and Co and OECD.
penetration rate of just over 1%: see Figure 4.9). By mid-2009, the number
of mobile broadband subscribers had reached 170 201 and mobile operators
had acquired several Internet Service Providers to help them sell services in
competition to ADSL.
Notes
1
PISA is a triennial survey of the knowledge and skills of 15 year-olds.
The latest assessment presents 2006 results for some 400 000 students in
57 countries worldwide. The Republic of Korea scores above the OECD
average and had the highest score in the OECD area for reading, was in
the top two for mathematics and was one of the highest for science scores.
More significant is the improvement in Korea’s performance since 2000,
which was the period of expansion in broadband both in schools and in
homes.
References
Chapter 5
By Paul Makin1
The rise of the mobile phone in emerging markets, particularly Africa and large
parts of Asia, is well documented, as is its use in a growing number of initiatives to
increase the availability and variety of financial services in emerging economies.
This chapter explores relevant issues by recounting the experience of the IT
consultancy firm Consult Hyperion in the conception, development and deployment
of M-PESA, a mobile payment service in Kenya and Tanzania, as well as their
conversations with a range of financial regulators from around the world.
1
Paul Makin is Principal Consultant, Consult Hyperion. [email protected].
www.chyp.com.
Finally, some regulators are concerned about the effect that the failure of
a branchless banking scheme could have on customers and the wider
economy. This is a legitimate concern, and indeed one that has been raised
by representatives of a number of established branchless banking schemes
when looking at some of their competitors’ new offerings.
M-PESA (M for mobile, PESA the Swahili word for money) is a money
transfer service, initially deployed in Kenya, which allows ordinary Kenyans
to send money across the country (or indeed face-to-face) cheaply and
reliably using mobile phones. M-PESA accounts can also be used as a safe
place to store small amounts of money (an aspect that perturbs some
commentators but is desirable to those with no access to a true bank
account). This is a clear example of “extending the reach of depth of
financial services”, with obvious benefits for ordinary Kenyan citizens.
Source: workshop presentation by David Birch, Chair, Digital Money Forum and
Director, Consult Hyperion.
Regulatory developments
security and controls to its customers. At the end of the process, M-PESA
was given a clean bill of health, and continues to operate.
It is only a matter of time before M-PESA is brought under the full
regulatory umbrella of Kenya’s laws, and it will likely be regulated as an
electronic money issuer. This is expected to be some way short of full
regulation as a bank – M-PESA does not offer credit or lend out (multiples
of) customers’ funds. Europe’s approach in creating a separate regulatory
category – “payment institutions” – and separating the regulation of
payment services from that of credit institutions could be a very useful
model in this regard.
In what might be perceived as a quid pro quo, Kenya’s banks will be
allowed to offer their services through agents rather than being required to
limit them to their own branches, with the substantial costs this entails.
Again, this is nothing new: this approach has reaped substantial benefits for
both banks and customers in a number of countries, with Brazil having a
particularly high profile in this regard. If banks grasp this opportunity it will
have a significant benefit for ordinary Kenyans, especially if they can begin
to see M-PESA as an opportunity rather than a competitor. If banks chose to
offer their services – loans, savings accounts, etc. – to M-PESA customers
via mobile phone, they would instantly have access to more than 11 000
access points across Kenya, with cash handling and movements in and out
of their accounts carried out by M-PESA, potentially saving the banks
significant sums of money.
Meanwhile, in India, the development of the branchless banking sector
has stalled. Around a year ago, the Reserve Bank of India introduced
regulatory changes for the sector which, as well as requiring that schemes be
operated by a bank, also introduced a requirement for end-to-end encryption
(something only a mobile operator can offer using current technology), thus
creating an insoluble problem. This effectively closed the door for all new
market entrants, and a number of schemes that were close to launch were
cancelled or put on hold. The Indian situation may be contrasted with that of
Mexico, where the central bank has said that agents, including banks and
retailers, can open mobile banking accounts for their customers because
agent networks are seen as key to financial inclusion given the scarcity of
branches in rural and semi-urban areas.
The establishment of the Alliance for Financial Inclusion (AFI) at the
end of 2008, funded by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, is a positive
development. As a forum for financial regulators and others representing
emerging markets, it presents an opportunity for policy-makers to review
issues around areas such as branchless banking.
The principal issues around branchless banking and its regulation can be
summarised as:
• Risk of a high-profile failure. If a high-profile scheme were to fail,
the reputation of all branchless banking schemes would inevitably
be sullied and the sector could be set back by years.
• Non-bank institutions leading schemes. Provided a scheme can
demonstrate regulator-suitable visibility and necessary levers, why
must it be bank-led? After all, one trusts a mobile operator not to
lend their money to an unidentified third party – the same cannot
Notes
1
McEvoy, N.A. (2009), “Capabilities of Mobile Operators from the
Perspective of a Financial Regulator”, in GSMA’s Mobile Money for the
Unbanked Annual Report, July.
Chapter 6
By John Houghton1
1
John Houghton is a Professor at the Centre for Strategic Economic Studies,
Victoria University, Australia. [email protected].
ICTs have played a key role in making services tradable and in the
globalisation of IT and IT-enabled services. Looking at the intensity of IT
and IT-enabled services exports, Houghton and Welsh (2009) note that
computer and information services accounted for more than 25% of total
services exports in only three countries during 2006: India, where they
accounted for almost 40% (down from 50% in 2004); Ireland, 31% (down
from 39% in 2004); and Israel, 27% (Figure 6.2). Their analysis suggests
that IT and IT-enabled services exports can play an important role in a wide
range of developed, emerging and developing economies, and may in the
latter provide the basis for a more environmentally sustainable development
path than has characterised industrialisation in the past.
India
Ireland
Israel
Costa Rica
Finland
Sweden
Canada
Romania
Czech Republic
Germany
United Kingdom
Belgium
Netherlands
Argentina
Luxembourg
Norway
Spain
Hungary
Austria
Australia
Slovenia
Cyprus
Malaysia
Denmark
New Zealand
Russian
Poland
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
Source: Houghton, J.W. and Welsh, A. (2009), Australian ICT Trade Update 2009,
Australian Computer Society, Sydney.
impacts can come from dematerialisation and online delivery, transport and
travel substitution, a host of monitoring and management applications,
greater energy efficiency in production and use, and product stewardship
and recycling. Negative impacts can come from energy consumption and the
materials used in the production and distribution of ICT equipment, energy
consumption in use directly and for cooling, short product life cycles and e-
waste, and exploitative applications (e.g. remote sensing for unsustainable
over-fishing (Daly 2003)).
The impacts of ICTs on the environment can be direct (energy
consumption and e-waste), indirect (applications such as intelligent transport
systems, buildings and smart grids) or third-order and rebound (those
enabled by the direct or indirect use of ICTs, such as greater use of more
energy efficient transport). Exactly what the impacts of ICTs are, and to
what extent there may be rebound effects (Box 1), are widely discussed
topics. However, it is clear that attempts to measure the impacts of ICTs on
the environment should take account of the potential rebound effects and the
entire life cycle rather than simply the direct impacts of the product or
application itself (Plepys 2002; Yi and Thomas 2007; Hilty 2008; etc.).
Estimates of the direct impacts of ICT industries vary with the definition
of the industry and coverage of ICT-related energy uses, but the production
and use of ICT equipment is estimated to be equivalent to 1% to 3% of
global CO2 emissions (including embedded energy) with a higher and
growing share of electricity use. In 2006 it was estimated that ICT
equipment (excluding broadcasting) contributed around 2% to 2.5% of
worldwide greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions – of which 40% was reported
to be due to the energy requirements of PCs and monitors, 23% to data
centres, 24% to fixed and mobile telecommunications and 6% to printers
(Kumar and Mieritz 2007). More recent life cycle assessments produce
broadly similar results (Malmodin 2009). Data centres are a particular focus.
Koomey (2007) estimated that worldwide electricity use for servers doubled
between 2000 and 2005 and suggested that consumption would increase by
a further 40% by 2010.
Nevertheless, the indirect enabling impacts of ICTs are greater, and a
number of studies have identified their potentially significant role in climate
change mitigation. For example, The Climate Group (2008) identified key
areas of enabling impacts that could potentially lead to global emissions
reductions by 2020 five times that of the ICT sector’s direct footprint
(Figure 6.3).
Figure 6.3: ICT Impact: The global footprint and the enabling effect
Note: BAU – Business as Usual. GtCo2e – giga tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent
Source: The Climate Group (2008), SMART 2020: Enabling the low carbon economy in the
information age, London, p. 15.
ICTs and the Internet are enabling an increasing number of products and
services to be delivered online (i.e. de-materialisation). This affects
scientific journals, books, music CDs, film and videos, software, etc., with
fewer taking a physical form and less energy and potentially fewer resources
being used in their production, storage and delivery. E-commerce and online
shopping can save time and travel in searching and pricing. Centralised
fulfilment and delivery can replace many thousands of individual trips,
saving energy not only directly but also through potential reductions in
traffic congestion. E-mail has replaced many millions of letters – written on
paper, collected, sorted and delivered worldwide – with almost
instantaneous communication having a very small environmental footprint
(Schmidt and Kloverpris 2009).
ICTs offer the potential for transport and travel substitution. With tele-
work or e-work, transport and commuting time can be substantially reduced
and considerable benefits can accrue for individuals, employers and the
community. The reduction of long-distance travel as a result of the use of
data, voice and video applications over IP for webcasts, tele-conferencing
and video-conferencing can also be significant, with direct impacts in terms
of the environmental footprint and indirect impacts such as reduced demand
on transport infrastructures and office facilities.
ICTs can also contribute to the resource and energy efficiency of many
physical components of products themselves or their production processes.
For example, automotive electronics in the form of ignition chips have
Source: ITU (2008) ICTs for e-Environment: Guidelines for developing countries, with
a focus on climate change, ITU, Geneva, p. 25.
33
31
Quadrillion BTU
29
27
25
23
21
19
17
15
2006 2010 2015 2020 2025 2030
Source: EIA (2009), Annual Energy Outlook 2009, EIA, Washington DC. CSES
Analysis.
and users (Access Economics 2009), and play a vital role in making energy
and environmental issues visible to the household consumer, thereby
informing and empowering consumers and enabling behavioural change.
Electricity generation capacity limitations and grid transmission and
distribution losses are driving smart grid developments in India and China,
which are improving energy efficiency and reducing the expansion rate of
coal-fired electricity generation systems. Electricity generation accounts for
57% of India’s total emissions; with rapidly increasing demand emissions
are forecast to increase by 4% per annum, twice the global average. It is
estimated that as much as 32% of generated power is lost along the grid
(The Climate Group 2008).
With infrastructure investments for the next 20-30 years now taking
place, there is an opportunity to “leapfrog” to smart grid systems that will
reduce power losses and outages and realise greater energy efficiency.
Indian distributors such as North Delhi Power are looking to invest in smart
grid systems.
In view of potential rebound effects (Box 1), market and price signals
will be particularly important in emerging and developing economies.
There is concern is that lower energy costs coming from efficiency gains may
result in increased use, such that the potential emissions reductions are lost to
‘’rebound effects”. These can be direct (e.g. a fuel efficient vehicle enabling
longer trips at no additional cost), or indirect (e.g. fuel costs saved being spent on
other energy-intensive activities such as a long distance air travel).
In one of the most comprehensive reviews of the evidence on rebound effects,
Sorrell (2007) noted, inter alia, that:
• There are very few studies of rebound effects from energy efficiency
improvements in developing countries. Rebound effects may be
expected to be larger in developing countries where demand for
energy services is far from saturated.
Energy efficiency may be encouraged through policies that raise energy prices,
such as carbon taxes, or through non-price policies such as building regulations.
Both should continue to play an important role in energy and climate policy.
However, where rebound effects are expected to be large, there may be a greater
need for policies that increase energy prices.
Source: Sorrell, S. (2007) The Rebound Effect: An Assessment of the Evidence for
Economy-wide Energy Savings from Improved Energy Efficiency, UKERC.
www.ukerc.ac.uk.
International co-operation
Environmental issues are, by their nature, global, and while local action
is required, international co-operation is essential. Key areas include:
providing and operating infrastructure for monitoring and early warning;
collecting, analysing and disseminating the information necessary to enable
governments and other agencies to manage, mitigate and adapt to climate
change; capacity building, transferring technology and the funding
necessary to enable its use.
Technology transfer
The Bali Action Plan included the commitment to help developing
countries undertake nationally appropriate mitigation actions in the context
of sustainable development without compromising growth, by transferring
finance and technology from developed countries in a measurable,
reportable and verifiable manner (World Bank 2008). While there are many
examples of technology awareness and transfer activities, the transfer of
technology and funding are amongst the most challenging and pressing
issues.
TT:clear is a technology information clearinghouse operated by the
UNFCCC expert group on technology transfer. It offers a web-based
information sharing platform for access to a variety of sources of
information including case studies.27 The objective is to provide useful
ICTs are all but ubiquitous and the potential uses and impacts of ICTs
on the environment are numerous and varied. Only a few examples have
been provided here. However, it is possible to note some of the key areas of
impact and potential in more general terms, highlighting some of the major
issues arising for policy coherence.
There are a number of crucial tasks and tools, including:
• Earth observation, remote sensing and monitoring, communications
networks, grid and cloud computing, data collection, analysis and
modelling, database management and decision support systems;
• Geographic information systems (GIS) and earth browsers (e.g.
Google Earth and Microsoft Visual Earth);
• Web-based clearinghouse sites for communicating technology and
learning, education and capability building;
• Monitoring and reporting on, and operation of, transaction systems
and trading.
Specific applications include:
• Detection and early warning (e.g. for storms, floods, earthquakes
and tsunami);
• Energy efficiency applications (e.g. intelligent building systems,
intelligent transport systems, smart grids and home automation);
• Information, education and capability building (e.g. technology
awareness and transfer, public education and support), with the key
to realising potential benefits being behavioural change at the
household and individual level.
Key issues for emerging and developing countries include:
• Access to infrastructure and ways to enable investments in smarter,
greener energy, transport and building infrastructures, as well as
access to broadband networks and the ICT equipment and services
necessary to enable their operation;
• Access to data and how the masses of data collected can be brought
together to provide a holistic picture of an ecosystem or
environment (i.e. who owns the data, who can use it and what it can
be used for);
• Affordability and how emerging and new technologies can be
implemented in contexts of severe budgetary constraint;
• Capability and how the necessary skills can be brought to bear on
environmental issues in developing and emerging economies.
Areas for concern for developing and emerging economies include:
• Understanding life cycle impacts in the many different contexts and
circumstances that exist in developing and emerging economies, and
not assuming that developed country life cycle assessments will
apply, while operating within the constraints of available data (e.g.
insufficient national statistical collections to support input-output
analysis and life cycle assessments);
• Managing possible rebound effects, which are likely to be greater in
rapidly growing markets where there is unmet demand for energy
and resources, and the related difficulties of establishing an
equitable international price for carbon and regulating for
appropriate price signals;
• Ensuring that there is sufficient technology transfer and enabling
funding flows to developing countries.
Fundamentally, ICTs are about information and communication – these
roles are vital. Data must be collected, analysed and interpreted, transformed
into information that enables individuals to make smarter, greener choices,
and communicated in such a way as to inform and educate, influence and
change behaviours. It is not simply a matter of price signals shaping
behaviour (even if it were possible to get those signals right) but also of
informing, monitoring performance and providing non-price feedback in
such a way as to motivate and reward individuals and communities for
creating sustainable livelihoods.
As Plepys (2002) noted: “…it is necessary to look at both ecological and
social dimensions.” The positive ecological dimension rests on ICT’s
potential to deliver greener products, optimise the ways of their delivery,
and increase consumption efficiency through dematerialisation, e-
substitution, green marketing, ecological product life optimisation, etc. The
environmental potential offered by the ecological dimension will be fully
utilised only under an optimised social dimension, which deals with the
behavioural issues of consumption.”
Notes
1
www.eoportal.org.
2
www.climateprediction.net.
3
www.scgis.org.
4
www.teamnetwork.org.
5
http://na.unep.net/digital_atlas2/google.php.
6
http://earth.google.co.uk/outreach/kml_entry.html#tClimate%20
Change%20In%20Our%20World
7
http://earth.google.co.uk/outreach/kml_listing.html#cenvironment%20
science#s1#e20.
8
www.gkpnet.org/projects/public/ict4dinitiatives/view.do
gkpprojectid=32600.
9
www.mrcmekong.org/ and www.nileteap.org/nrak.
10
www.fews.net.
11
www.dews-online.org.
12
www.preventionweb.net.
13
www.icrisat.org.
14
www.alin.or.ke.
15
www.ranetproject.net.
16
http://196.201.231.147/eNRICH/viewContentItem.do?
View=viewItem&itemid=137921&ptltid=302.
17
www.icimod.org/home//pub/publications.content.php?puid=126.
18
www.mtnforum.org/index.cfm and http://www.mtnforum.org/rn/index.cfm.
19
www.i4donline.net/articles/current-
article.asp?articleid=1910&typ=Features.
20
www.telecentremagazine.net.
21
www.newsfordev.org/index.html.
22
www.worldchanging.com.
23
www.iicd.org/sectors/environment.
24
www.scidev.net/en/climate-change-and-energy.
25
www.km4dev.org.
26
www.t4cd.org.
27
http://unfccc.int/ttclear/jsp/index.jsp.
28
http://unfccc.int/cc_inet/items/3514.php.
29
www.gisdevelopment.net/aboutus/portal.htm.
30
www.esmap.org.
31
www.desertknowledge.com.au; www.km4dev.org; www.scidev.net;
www.t4cd.org.
32
http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=MEMO/
08/764.
33
www.greenpeace.org/international/campaigns/toxics/electronics/where-
does-e-waste-end-up#.
References
www.wider.unu.edu/publications/working-papers/research-
papers/2008/en_GB/rp2008-60.
Shinkuma, T. and N.T.M. Huong (2009), “The Flow of E-waste Material in
the Asian Region and a Reconsideration of International Trade Policies
on E-waste”, Environmental Impact Assessment Review, Vol. 29, No. 1,
pp. 25-31.
Sobeih, M. (2005), “Geographic Information Systems (GIS) in Egypt”, in A
Developing Connection: Bridging the Policy Gap between the
Information Society and Sustainable Development, International Institute
for Sustainable Development, Winnipeg,
www.iisd.org/publications/pub.aspx?pno=740.
Sorrell, S. (2007), The Rebound Effect: an Assessment of the Evidence for
Economy-wide Energy Savings from Improved Energy Efficiency, UK
Energy Resource Centre, www.ukerc.ac.uk.
Thornton P.K., et al. (2006), Mapping Climate Vulnerability and Poverty in
Africa, report to the Department for International Development,
International Livestock Research Institute, Nairobi, Kenya.
Tyler, S. and L. Fajber (2009), Land and Water Resource Management in
Asia: Challenges for Climate Adaptation, International Institute for
Sustainable Development, Winnipeg. www.iisd.org/climate.
Vetter, T. and H. Creech (2008), The ICT Sector and the Global
Connectivity System: A Sustainable Development Overview, International
Institute for Sustainable Development, Winnipeg. www.iisd.org.
World Bank (1993), The East Asian Miracle: Economic Growth and Public
Policy, World Bank, Washington DC, www.worldbank.org.
World Bank (2008), Development and Climate Change, World Bank,
Washington DC, www.worldbank.org.
Yi, L. and H.R. Thomas (2007), “A Review of Research on the
Environmental Impact of E-business and ICT”, Environment
International, Vol. 33, pp. 841-849.
Chapter 7
1
Mitakshara Kumari is an Associate Director and Nilaya Varma is a Director at
PriceWaterhouseCoopers India. [email protected].
[email protected].
In most of the focus countries policy articulations for ICTs for education
are made in one of the following ways, as depicted in Figure 7.1:
India, Sri Lanka and Pakistan have either developed or are in the process
of developing distinct ICTs for education policies. A common feature is the
importance of ICTs both as a subject and as an instructional aid.
India’s policy-making process was initiated through a stakeholder
dialogue on formulating a Draft National Policy on ICT in School
Education, led by the Ministry of Human Resource Development, the Global
e-Schools Initiative (GESCI) and the Centre for Science, Development and
Media Studies (CSDMS). Based on feedback received, the draft policy has
now been published for comments and revision. However, even before the
focused policy action, ICTs had been mainstreamed in several education
initiatives and flagship programmes of the government.
Sri Lanka’s National Policy on Information Technology in Education
(NAPITSE)1 was formulated in 2002, whereby ICTs would be used both in
education and management of education systems.
Pakistan formulated its National Information and Communication
Technology Strategy for Education (NICT)2 through a consultative process
in 2004-05. The policy recognises the importance of ICTs for creating
access, improving quality of learning, strengthening teacher education and
improving student achievement.
For all these countries, policy/strategy documents need to be backed
with detailed implementation plans. Sri Lanka had a strategic plan of action
from 2002-2007, but the targets set out in their ambitious policy have yet to
be realised. Further separate financial allocations must be made in support of
the initiatives outlined. Very few countries’ policy documents have
extensively outlined a monitoring and evaluation methodology to gauge the
success of the initiatives or tools used.
ICTs for education initiatives in the different focus countries are
successful precisely because they are able to pull together many different
elements, supported by a robust yet flexible policy framework. A broad
graphical depiction of what may be understood as an “ICTs for education
ecosystem” is depicted in Figure 7.2. Core infrastructure policies provide for
electrification and physical facilities, ministries of education have
responsibility for articulating larger education policies and ministries of ICT
instigate broad communications policies and policies on developing
hardware, software and connectivity.
Power
Physical
Capacity Building Facilities
Institutional Mechanism
School Ministry of Education
Curriculum Education Policy
Content
Teacher Framework
Development Government
Class Schemes
room
Student Monitoring and Ministry of ICT
Evaluation Hardware
Software
Connectivity
Private Providers
• content/digital resources;
• infrastructure;
• capacity building;
• monitoring and evaluation frameworks;
• ICTs for education management;
• Policy Plus:
− implementation plans;
− financial allocations;
− political and administrative will;
− community demand for ICT.
This is the most significant aspect of ICTs for education. Whether ICT
applications can yield meaningful results will depend primarily on the
quality of the content and curriculum being offered in classrooms. There is a
need to ensure that ICTs are not used simply to teach the old curriculum
using computers and other tools at hand, but that concepts are taught in a
fundamentally new way by leveraging the advantages that ICTs provide.
Visualisation, experimentation and learning-by-doing are some of the
hallmarks of this new method.
Introduction of ICTs into the learning environment is therefore an
opportunity to rethink the teaching and learning paradigm. As models of
learning change, what is taught in class and at what level should also be re-
thought. This is an opportunity to instil 21st century teaching and learning
skills.
Content needs to be designed that is relevant to the target group. Content
development and curricular reform are important pillars – if these are ill-
designed it will be difficult to see any utilisation or performance
improvement through ICTs, even if all other aspects are in place.
The policies of almost all focus countries underscore the need for
appropriate curriculum and content. Curriculum is usually prescribed for
ICTs as a subject starting at the secondary school level; the primary level
goal is to improve general ICT literacy and facility with technology. There
is also mention of using ICTs as a tool for teaching other subjects, though
India
The Draft National Policy on ICT in School Education, published by the
Ministry of Human Resource Development in 20093, stresses the
significance of achieving general ICT competency for all school levels,
appropriate curriculum for ICTs as a subject at the higher secondary level,
and the need for ICT-enabled teaching and learning practices. The policy
outlines requirements of different levels of ICT literacy and competency
from basic to advanced, and proposes an implementation strategy to ensure
that these levels are achieved. It also articulates the need to develop modular
courses in different areas of ICTs at the higher secondary level.
Given India’s linguistic, cultural and social diversity, the policy
recognises the significance of good quality, locally relevant content in
multiple local languages. It spells out a strategy to develop content in a
phased manner by focusing first on the more difficult to teach and
understand concepts and making quality digital resources available for all
concepts and disciplines, moving finally towards a model of highly
interactive digital resources such as virtual laboratories. National and state
level web-based digital repositories are envisaged that will host content for
students and teachers in a range of formats from question banks to activities,
notes, etc. Appropriate licensing norms to facilitate open and free access to
resources will be highlighted, with knowledge of issues such as copyright
and restrictions on content reuse imparted to all users. Further, educational
standards and instructional design models will be widely distributed to
ensure quality in the digital content being produced by different agencies.
School libraries will be revamped to function as gateways for access to
quality digital content, thereby playing a crucial role in catalysing usage of
digital resources in all classes. Libraries will have adequate Internet
connectivity and move towards digital cataloguing and automation.
Content development is entrusted to the public and private domain.
Agencies such as the Central Institute of Education Technology (CIET),
National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT), Indira
Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU), State Institutes of Educational
Technology (SIETs) and Doordarshan (National Broadcasting) have
dedicated resources for developing and disseminating digital content at
various levels for a variety of objectives from informal educational
messages to structured course modules. Private companies such as
EduComp, Everon, NIIT, Aptech, IL& FS, Intel and Zee Interactive systems
are working extensively to develop and deliver quality digital content. These
Sri Lanka
Sri Lanka’s 2002 National Policy on Information Technology in School
Education (NAPITSE) was formulated to “envisage and foresee the future
global challenges in IT education and lay the foundation for appropriate
human resource development to meet such challenges”. Additionally, it
seeks to improve the information literacy of all its citizens, create lifelong
learning opportunities through the school system and enable the use of ICTs
as a tool in teaching and learning at all levels of general school education.
Specifically, the NAPITSE articulates the need to:
• Introduce, sustain and enhance ICT involvement into general
education in schools and create opportunities for ICT-based learning
and teaching.
• Introduce IT into pre- and in-service teacher development and
training programmes and create opportunities for system-wide
professional development of teachers.
• The NAPITSE also mentions the need to set up a multimedia
education software and web development centre.
Recognising the lack of relevant content in local languages as an
impediment to adoption of ICTs by a large number of people, the
Government of Sri Lanka, through its Information and Communications
Technology Agency (ICTA), has launched the Shilpa Sayura Project to
create digital content in Sinhalese. Shilpa Sayura enables students to use
ICTs at telecentres to study eight subjects in order to prepare for national
examinations. In addition, the National ICT Literacy Project aims to
increase the e-literacy level of the population by providing training through
a network of rural service delivery centres called nensalas.
Pakistan
The 2005 National Information and Communications Technology
Strategy for Education (NICT) stresses the use of ICTs both as a subject and
critical instructional aid. It aims to improve student learning using ICTs
through locally relevant content created by training teachers who develop
their own teaching and learning materials. It also suggests distribution of
CD-ROM-based software (including items from and links to relevant
Bhutan
Bhutan’s 2004 Information and Communication Technology Policy and
Strategies (BIPS) aims to create appropriate curriculum for ICTs as a subject
based on market needs, as well as curriculum for general ICT literacy and
competency for all school students.
The 26th Education Policy Guidelines & Instructions (EPGI-2007) state
the government’s intention to make teachers and students who complete
basic education (i.e. class X) ICT literate. To this end, since April 2007
Bhutan Telecom has made all dial-up Internet packages free. Therefore, all
schools with computer and Internet facilities are urged to introduce relevant
ICT programmes for students and encourage the use of computers and
Internet for learning, especially after school hours and during weekends
when the facilities are often underutilised and students have ample time to
practise and learn. The Department of Education’s Curriculum and
Professional Support Division has developed a standard ICT literacy
framework which schools are urged to use to initiate and carry out IT
literacy programmes.
A strategic component of local content development is the Dzongkha
localisation project currently being executed by the Department of
Information Technology (DIT). A beta version of Dzongkha Linux was
released in 2006 with the capacity to undertake common desktop computing
tasks such as word-processing, spreadsheets and PowerPoint presentations
in Dzongkha, Bhutan’s national language. This symbolises the beginning of
a commitment toward open source software development. Diminishing the
language barrier is another feat. The DIT, the National Library and the
Institute of Language and Cultural Studies are collaborating to establish the
National Digital Library of Bhutan (NDLB), which aims to present aspects
of Bhutanese life, traditions and culture and provide resources for scholars.
The other focus countries, namely Afghanistan, Maldives, Bangladesh
and Nepal, while stressing the importance of locally relevant content, do not
have separately articulated strategies for developing it. Instead they are
focused on creating qualified IT professionals in order to boost their local
ICT industries, which will in turn create local capacity for content
development. In addition, ongoing initiatives focus on creating locally
relevant content in local languages.
Afghanistan
Afghanistan’s ICT Policy highlights the need to promote effective ICT
training courses at the secondary and tertiary levels. It focuses on creating
curricula and developing material for teacher training and trainers. Content
development capacity in Afghanistan is still being developed, with a focus
on training faculty, IT professionals and supporting the general ICT
industry. International content may be accessed through distance education
centres. Partnerships for content development are also encouraged: for
example, the Ministry of Education, with assistance from The Asia
Foundation, has undertaken digitalisation of science subjects for grades 10-
12 in the form of DVDs.
Maldives
In Maldives, the Ministry of Planning and National Development’s
Seventh National Development Plan is dedicated entirely to expanding
current ICT levels. It highlights the need to provide access to computers for
all students, especially at the secondary level, and to develop a national
curriculum for primary and secondary education focusing on ICT skills and
usage including the Internet.
Bangladesh
Likewise, the Bangladesh National ICT Policy 2009 stresses the need to
produce more trained ICT professionals through improvement of curriculum
of ICTs as a subject. The policy has several strategic focus areas for use of
ICTs in education and research from primary to tertiary levels. Content
development is highlighted as important, including the need to create a
central repository for e-learning content for teachers and students and to
provide incentives for content development.
Nepal
The Nepal IT Policy 2000 highlights the need to have “computer
education for all by 2010”. It proposes a phased introduction of ICTs as a
subject at the secondary level. Nepal’s Open Learning Exchange (OLE) is a
non-profit organisation dedicated to assisting the Government of Nepal in
meeting its Education for All goals by developing freely accessible, open-
source ICT-based educational teaching and learning materials. OLE has set
up a digital library, E-Pustakalaya, which includes all required curriculum
textbooks in local language.
• Pakistan’s NICT is the only policy that clearly emphasises the need
for overall curricular reform in light of tools and pedagogical
techniques made available through ICTs.
Key constraints in developing relevant content:
Capacity building
Human resource development is an important aspect of capacity
building for integrating ICTs into education. Teachers, administrators and
managers all need to be adequately equipped to maximise the potential of
ICTs in improving teaching and learning practices.
Policies in all of the focus countries include some sort of articulation for
teacher training in ICTs. Training institutes are being equipped to provide
this service.
India’s Draft National Policy on ICT in School Education underscores
the need to reform pre-service training curricula for teachers to include
relevant ICT courses. Furthermore, ICT competency will form part of the
eligibility criteria for teacher appointments. Appropriate ICT infrastructure
will be made available at all teacher training institutions. The draft policy
recognises that periodic in-service training comprising induction and
refresher courses will be key to the widespread infusion of ICT-enabled
practices in the school system. Training will cover initial sensitisation
through operational skills and ICT-enabled subject training skills, after
which teachers will be expected to join online professional groups and
associations in order to keep abreast of latest developments, share and
develop relevant content and engage with a larger community of experts.
Recognising the significance of bringing school leaders and
administrators on board to ensure optimum adoption and utilisation of ICT-
enabled teaching and learning, it is proposed that all heads of schools will be
given orientation in ICTs and ICT-enabled education training programmes.
Schools will be encouraged to automate their processes in administration,
management and monitoring of systems. To this end, school leaders will be
provided adequate training in order to be able to contribute to the successful
development and implementation of a School Education Management
Information System (SEMIS).
Quite often, government personnel working in education departments at
various levels – national, state and district – do not have adequate
knowledge of ICTs. India’s draft national policy states that training will be
provided to government personnel in order to encourage them to use ICTs in
day-to-day activities. Specific training would also be provided on any
management information system for schools and general maintenance and
upkeep of ICT infrastructure.
In Pakistan, the NICT places great emphasis on using ICTs to
strengthen teachers’ professional development and educational management.
The strategy highlights the need to maximise opportunities for professional
development through different ICT media such as IRI, television, ODL and
and quality. The Portal will provide education faculty in Afghanistan with
technical assistance, learning resources and networking tools to support
professional development.
There are several initiatives for training senior school leaders and
administrators in ICTs. Administrative departments will also increasingly
use ICTs to better manage public spending and planning for education.
Personnel in these departments also need to be trained to use effective
school management information systems and other planning tools to provide
better governance.
Infrastructure
and maintained. This includes adequate and regular power supply and
physical facilities such as large rooms, adequate ventilation, and other
supporting infrastructure.
Pakistan’s NICT, while highlighting the need for adequate ICT
infrastructure in each of its six elements, does not outline a distinct strategy
for creating this ICT infrastructure at each level. Instead the document is
seen as a set of guidelines for federal, provincial and school-level
administrators to develop their own capacities and tailor the strategy for
integrating ICTs for education systems at their level. The NICT in Pakistan
has emphasised the importance of ICTs vis-á-vis education, with some of
the relevant provisions being to:
• Launch a scheme for providing low-priced computers and Internet
connectivity to universities, colleges and schools through a
public/private sector initiative.
• Network all universities, engineering and medical colleges and
institutions of higher learning for improved quality of education.
• Set up electronic libraries to ensure economical and equitable access
to world information.
• Encourage educational facilities to computerise their registration,
examinations, accounting and other activities.
• Encourage educational facilities to adopt computer-assisted learning
and other ICT tools to aid in the teaching process.
• Establish virtual classroom education programmes, using online,
Internet and/or video facilities to provide distance learning to a large
number of individuals.
• Establish a national educational Intranet (linked to the Internet) to
enable sharing of electronic libraries of teaching and research
materials and faculty.
The “e-Sri Lanka” programme, which commenced in early 2003, aimed
to extend the benefits of ICT to impoverished regions by implementing a
number of initiatives. e-Sri Lanka focused on providing infrastructure and
installation of hardware, while the NAPITSE focuses on creating adequate
human resources and developing quality content to ensure that the maximum
benefit of ICT integration into education is realised.
Bangladesh’s National ICT Policy 2009 proposes to do the following in
order to provide ICT access to all schools:
terrain and nascent ICT and telecom sectors, Nepal has low ICT penetration
figures compared to the rest of the region.
Afghanistan also has extremely low ICT penetration, for various
geographical and political reasons. By 2014-15 the Ministry of Education
aims to develop 100% ICT infrastructure in the centre and throughout the
provincial educational directorates and 50% coverage of district education
units and educational institutes around the country. A phased plan for
development of ICT infrastructure has been articulated, starting at the
national level with the Ministry of Education and eventually trickling down
to district education units and education institutes.
Policy Plus
Key Findings
• The imperative for ICTs for education policies in the South Asian
region has largely come from a recognition of the need to develop
adequate human resources in order to be competitive in the global
ICT market (Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Pakistan).
• There is greater focus on the incorporation of ICTs as a subject into
the curriculum than on using them as an instructional aid to improve
overall education quality.
• Only Sri Lanka, Pakistan and India have specific ICTs for education
policies. These focus both on ICTs as a subject as well as their use
as an instructional aid. Of these, Sri Lanka’s NAPITSE has been in
operation since 2000 and Pakistan’s NICT since 2005, while India’s
Draft National Policy on ICT in School Education is still under
formulation, with the first draft having been published in 2009.
• ICT policies in Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal and Afghanistan include
sections on education, where the need for qualified manpower and
familiarising the general population with ICT through the education
system is highlighted.
• Maldives does not yet have an ICT policy, but with the basic IT
infrastructure in place (relatively higher Internet penetration, mobile
networks, TV and radio penetration) and good educational
indicators (near 100% literacy and high GERs at primary as well as
secondary levels), it is in a good position to realise benefits from a
dedicated ICT for education policy that focuses on quality content
and delivery.
• Infrastructure remains a key bottleneck in most of the focus
countries, especially Afghanistan, Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh.
• India and Pakistan have a certain amount of critical infrastructure in
place and should focus on developing content and applications and
Notes
1
National Policy for ICT in Education, Government of Sri Lanka, 2002-07.
2
National Information and Communications Technology Strategy for
Education in Pakistan, Government of Pakistan, 2005.
3
National Policy on Information and Communication Technology (ICT) in
School Education, Ministry of Human Resource Development,
Government of India, 2009.
4
26th Education Policy Guidelines & Instructions (EPGI-2007),
Government of Bhutan.
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