Angolagate Story
Angolagate Story
Angolagate Story
#%'5
The Corrupt Angola-Russia Debt Deal
Deception
in High Places:
The Corrupt
AngolaRussia
Debt Deal
Copyright 2013 Corruption Watch UK and Associao Mos Livres. All rights reserved.
No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any
form or by any means without the prior permission of the publisher.
ISBN: 978-0-9576260-0-3
PUBLISHED BY
Andrew Feinstein
[email protected]
PHOTO CREDITS
Cover:
Pages 23:
Page 18:
Page 24:
Page 25:
Page 34:
Page 41:
Page 43:
Table of Contents
List of Tables, Appendices and Exhibits ..................................................
Table 1:
16
Introduction ...........................................................................................
19
23
15
17
18
1.
23
2.
24
3.
26
4.
The 30 May 1997 AbaloneSonangol Agreement: For you, full price .....
27
5.
28
6.
29
7.
How Much Money Did Angola Pay and Russia Receive in Deal Phase I
(the UBS arrangement)?.........................................................................
30
8.
Debt for Debt: PRINs and IANs, Abalones New Way of Paying Russia ....
31
9.
33
35
38
12. Was the Deal a Good Deal? The Geneva Freeze and Enrique
Cosio-Pascals Testimony ........................................................................
44
Table 2:
TA B L E O F C O N T E N T S
47
51
1.
52
2.
53
3.
54
4.
57
5.
58
59
1.
60
2.
63
Conclusion .............................................................................................
65
Recommendations .................................................................................
69
1.
69
2.
70
3.
71
4.
72
Appendices ............................................................................................
73
Exhibits ..................................................................................................
87
Notes......................................................................................................
151
47
Appendices
Appendix 1: Payments from Sonangol to Abalone Investments at UBS Bank.........
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
L I S T O F TA B L E S , A P P E N D I C E S A N D E X H I B I T S
86
Exhibits
NOTE: The following selected Exhibits are appended to the published version of this
report. These and all other Exhibits referred to in the report are available online
at www.cw-uk.org.
Exhibit 4:
87
Exhibit 5:
96
Exhibit 8:
97
Exhibit 10:
102
Exhibit 11:
103
Exhibit 13:
108
Exhibit 15:
116
Exhibit 21:
121
122
Exhibit 28:
123
Exhibit 31:
124
Exhibit 38:
132
Exhibit 41:
135
Exhibit 42:
137
Exhibit 43:
145
Exhibit 24:
Executive Summary
This report provides a detailed account of the Debt Deal between Russia and Angola in
1996, in which an unnecessary middleman, Abalone Investments (a company formed by
Arcadi Gaydamak and Pierre Falcone), made hundreds of millions of dollars in prot
from the transaction despite oering no discernible services or value, at the expense
of the Russian and Angolan treasuries. A number of Russian and Angolan individuals,
including Vitaly Malkin, formerly the richest member of Russias Duma prior to his
resignation in 2013, beneted from the Deal, and Swiss Bank Corporation (SBS), which
through merger later became UBS, facilitated it.
As a consequence of this Deal, in which the Angolan government sought to pay o its debt
to Russia incurred during the Angolan civil war, at least $386 million in prots was paid
to the middlemen and at least ve known Angolan beneciaries. The maths, in its most
simplied form, is shocking: Angola owed Russia $5 billion; they agreed, after negotiation,
to pay $1.5 billion. They paid $1.39 billion of that amount via the middleman Abalone
Investments, and private individuals including Gaydamak, Falcone and others, earned over
$386 millionat least 27 per cent of the amount paid through Abalonefor doing almost
nothing. More than $400 million30.37 per cent of the funds paid to Abalonewent to
suspected insiders or still unknown beneciaries.
Table 1
Incomplete list of known or estimated receipts from the Debt Deal to various participants
Name
Amount US$
Arcadi GAYDAMAK
138,037,3032
Pierre FALCONE
124,963,6803
Vitaly MALKIN
48,834,0004
President of Angola
36,250,0005
Elsio de FIGUEIREDO
17,557,0006
13,250,0007
4,465,0008
3,358,0009
Total
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
$386,714,983
In 1996, Angola owed Russia $5 billion for various loans granted by the USSR to the
Angolan government, led by the ruling MPLA party. This was a crippling amount: in that
year, Angolas Gross Domestic Product was just over $7.5 billion, making the debt equal to
two thirds of Angolas entire annual economic output.
In April 1996, the Angolan government authorised Arcadi Gaydamak and Pierre Falcone
to re-negotiate the terms of this debt on its behalf. Gaydamak and Falcone were close to
Angolan ocials, having played key roles in securing weaponry for the MPLA from Russia
via France. Both Falcone and Gaydamak were later convicted on various charges in France
for their roles in the weapons transaction, commonly known as the Angolagate scandal,
before being acquitted on some of the charges in an April 2011 appeal judgment.
By May 1996, Gaydamak and Falcone had helped negotiate the outlines of a debt
renegotiation plan. Under its terms, Angolas debt to Russia would be reduced from $5
billion to $1.5 billion. Angola would receive a ve-year grace period, after which it would
have 15 years to re-pay the debt and accrued interest in 31 instalments. The transaction
would be facilitated by the issuance of Promissory Notes by the Angolan Central Bank. The
deal would be formalised in November 1996.
The government of the Russian Federation issued a decree on 30 October 1996 permitting
the Ministry of Finance to sell the Promissory Notes on the open market. Less than two
weeks later, in November 1996, Gaydamak and Falcone formed Abalone Investments in the
Isle of Man. Abalone Investments, a shell company with no material assets whatsoever,
was formed solely to become a party to the debt repayment arrangement. This timing
strongly suggests that Abalones involvement in the future debt transaction was anticipated
prior to any formal agreement being signed, and that all parties, including the Russian and
Angolan governments, were collusive in this course of action.
On 20 November 1996, the Russian First Vice-Minister for Finance, Andrey P. Vavilov,
signed an agreement providing that Angolas debt to Russia would be reduced by 70 per
cent from $5 billion to $1.5 billion. After a ve-year grace period, Angola would pay back
the amount in 31 instalments. Angola would also be liable for interest totalling $1.39
billion ($457,160,000 accrued through to June 2001 and $939,437,000 from June 2001 to
June 2016). In light of the weak nancial condition of both Russia and Angola at the time,
such a steep reduction in the amount of the debt to be paid may well have been reasonable
for both parties. Angola, at least, could have perceived the restructuring arrangement as a
very good deal for itself.
The mechanics of the Deal were straightforward. Angolas central bank would issue 31
Promissory Notes, each in the amount of $48,387,096.77, to the bearer. Russia, in turn,
would issue 31 Repayment Certicates corresponding to the 31 Promissory Notes. Angola
gave the Promissory Notes to Russia. Every time Angola paid $48,387,096.77, Russia would
provide it with Angolas originally issued Promissory Note as well as the corresponding
Repayment Certicate. Over the course of 15 years of repayments, Angola would thus pay
$1.5 billion, a highly discounted pay-o for its original $5 billion in debt.
On 5 March 1997, Abalone Investments signed an agreement with the Russian government
to purchase the Promissory Notes in six separate tranches (with each tranche bundling
ve or six Notes together). The plan was for Abalone to buy one tranche at a time on 30
10
November, in the years 1997, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2003 and 2004. The payments would be
made via an escrow agreement, and, in return, Abalone would receive both the Promissory
Notes and Repayment Certicates issued as part of the Debt Deal.
Critically, Abalone agreed to purchase the Notes at half their face value. Abalone would
thus pay $750 million to purchase $1.5 billion in Promissory Notes and corresponding
Repayment Certicates. (If Abalone purchased 70 per cent of the Notes by 31 December
2004, the remainder of the payments could be deferred to December 2006.) Abalone
was granted this right to purchase at half the Notes face value despite undertaking zero
commercial risk and incurring no obligationsthey were not forced to purchase the
Notes. Abalone merely had the right of rst refusal (or an option) to purchase the Notes.
The only cost to Abalone was a $4.5 million payment to the Russian Treasurya fraction of
what Abalone would earn from the rst Note purchased in the Deal. Abalone was granted
such favourable returns while oering nothing of substantial value.
Abalones protability was assured when they signed an agreement with Sonangol, Angolas
state oil producer, on 30 May 1997. (Recall that Abalone was created solely for the purpose
of serving as the middleman in this deal.) Sonangol committed to purchasing all the
Promissory Notes from Abalone by December 2006 at their full face value, even though
Abalone would have purchased the Notes from Russia at half their face value. With these
two agreements in place, Abalone was due to make a total prot of just under $750
million on the transactions despite oering little, if anything, in return. As a mirror image of
its arrangement with Russia, Abalones arrangement with Sonangol accorded the company
the right to require Sonangol to purchase any Notes Abalone presented to Sonangol at
any time, and Sonangol would simply have to pay up; but Abalone had no corresponding
obligation to oer any Notes at all to Sonangol, even if Sonangol desired to purchase.
Sonangol could not require Abalone to sell Notes to it.
The entire agreement was to be facilitated by means of complementary Escrow Agreements
that Abalone signed with Russia and Angola respectively. The Escrow Agreements stipulated
the Swiss Bank Corporation (SBS) as the Escrow Bank, which later became, via merger,
Union Bank Suisse (UBS), the largest bank in Switzerland. Using SBS as escrow ensured
that each party would pay up before any monies or Promissory Notes were distributed.
Documents show that Glencore, the controversial oil trading company, introduced SBS to
the parties. Glencore had a pre-nancing agreement with Sonangol that used prospective
oil deliveries as collateral so that Sonangol could borrow the funds needed to transfer
onwards to Abalone, in order to redeem the Notes. Glencore also appears to be connected
to another company that received payments from Abalone, Loke Trade SA. Bank records
also indicate that Glencores UK aliate, Glencore International London, paid the
bank charges levied against Abalone for establishing the Escrow agreement in 1997
($75,000) and its annual bank charge in late 1997 ($20,000). Abalone did not even pay
the original bank charges on the Deal, again pointing to how little value it brought to the
transaction. For reasons that are not clear, Glencores Swiss parent also made a payment to
Abalone in May 1998 in the amount of $577,352.15.
SBS, and later UBS, executed the transfers out of the Abalone account held at the bank in
Geneva. It does not appear that these transfers were subject to substantial internal review, or
reported to the authorities, despite the obvious criminal risks attached. From the documents
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
11
available, it appears that UBS legal advisor Alain Zbinden, the Abalone account manager
Yves Lehur, and a Mr. Fleury, who approved many or all of the payments from the Abalone
account, were the UBS personnel most familiar with the Abalone transactions. UBS should
be further investigated for their involvement in these transactions.
Between October 1997 and July 2000, Sonangol transferred $774,193,548.32 to Abalones
UBS account in Geneva. This amount covered the purchase of 16 Notes from Abalone.
Abalone used the prots from this transaction to transfer funds to (or at the instruction
of ) the principal members of the Deal, Gaydamak, Falcone and Malkin, and to senior
Angolan ocials, as detailed in Table 1.
Investigations by French and Swiss authorities reveal that signicant sums of money were
transferred to ve powerful Angolan politicians who, in their ocial functions, would
have either overseen or otherwise inuenced the Debt Deal. The most prominent recipient
of funds was the Angolan President Jos Eduardo dos Santos. In total, dos Santos received
$36.25 million from Abalone via front companies. The second largest transfer of funds
about $17,557,000was transferred, via front companies, to Elsio de Figueiredo, a
powerful Angolan politician who acted as the Angolan Ambassador without Portfolio in
France. Two prominent ocials within Sonangol also received funds. Joaquim David,
who served as Director General of Sonangol until 1998 and is now Minister of Industry,
received $13.25 million, while Jos Paiva da Costa Castro, the Director General of
Sonangol UK for the duration of the Debt Deal, received $4.465 million from the Debt
Deal. Finally, Jos Leito da Costa, Minister in the Oce of the Angolan Presidency,
received $3.558 million. Three million dollars of the funds to Jos Leito da Costa were
paid from Abalones UBS account directly into a Swiss bank account bearing his name,
raising the question of why UBS did not ag or report this obviously suspicious payment.
Although the mechanics of the transaction were straightforward, it encountered a number of
obstacles and was amended on numerous occasions between 1997 and 2000. Importantly,
these amendments made the Deal progressively more lucrative for Abalone. According
to an amendment in August 1999, Abalone would cease to transfer funds directly to the
Russian Ministry of Finance to pay for the Promissory Notes. Instead, Abalone would
transfer Russian debt instruments (known by their acronyms as PRINs and IANs) to
the Russian Ministry of Finance to pay for the Notes. They were to be exchanged on a
$1:$1 basis, as reected in the face values of the instruments; that is, Abalone would pay
for a $48 million Promissory Note by transferring Russian debt instruments to the same
nominal or face value as the Promissory Note.
However, the PRINs and IANs were trading for a fraction of their face value on the open
market. On 23 August 1999 (the date the amendment was signed), for example, $100
worth of PRINs was trading at a paltry $10.54 on the open market; IANs were trading at
$14.42 for $100. Because of market uctuations, it is possible that Abalone could have
purchased $48 million face value of PRINs/IANs for as little as $5 million if they got
the best deal, giving them a massive $43 million prot on each $48 million Promissory
Note bought from Russia and sold to Angola. (At the other end, based on the market
prices, it is dicult to see how Abalone could have paid more than $17 million for each
$48 million Promissory Note.) It is unclear why Russia agreed to accept PRINs/IANs
from Abalone, probably knowing that it would cost Abalone a fraction of their original
commitment, and given the further prejudice to the Russian scus as a result.
12
In October 1999, Russia opted to terminate its Escrow Agreement with UBS, and wrote
a letter asking UBS to return the Notes in its possession to Russia. This, it appears, was
never done. Instead of using UBS as the Escrow Bank, Abalone was directed to transfer the
PRINs/IANs to Russias nominated bank, Sberinvest Moscow. UBS, however, despite the
notice that it should no longer serve as escrow for the Notes, continued to receive payments
from Sonangol, make payments from the Abalone account, and release Promissory Notes
and Repayment Certicates to Sonangol, until July 2000.
Roughly at this time, Vitaly Malkin became a partner in the enterprise. On 20 December
1999, Malkin purchased 25 per cent of Abalone directly from Arcadi Gaydamak for
$60 million. Malkin thus became involved in the company at the very time it was likely to
reap its largest prots. In one of the purchase agreements between Malkin and Gaydamak,
Malkin was referred to as a representative of R K Bank, which presumably refers to
Rossiyskiy Kredit Bank. Malkin was the co-owner of Rossiyskiy Kredit Bank with his fellow
oligarch, Boris Ivanishvilli (now Prime Minister of Georgia).
In late 2000 and early 2001, the Deal faced its largest obstacle. Gaydamak and Falcone
were being investigated in France for their roles in the Angolagate scandal, leading to France
issuing warrants for their arrest. Switzerland was running its own parallel investigation
and, in February 2001, accounts relating to the Deal were frozen in Geneva. The Abalone
account was only unfrozen in 2004 on the order of the Geneva courts.
For the Deal to continue, the principals needed to change jurisdiction. In 2001, Gaydamak
opened a new account in the name of Sberinvest at the Russian Commercial Bank, in
Cyprus. The choice of name was interesting: Sberinvest Moscow was Russias banking
agent for the Deal. Later evidence suggests that Gaydamak opted to call the Cyprus account
Sberinvest to fool the Angolan government into believing that funds transferred to the
account were actually going directly to Sberinvest Bank (Russias appointed agent for the
transaction), instead of into Gaydamaks pocket.
Remarkably, Gaydamak undertook this ruse without the knowledge of either Falcone
or Malkin. Both Falcone and Malkin would later sue Gaydamak, claiming that he had
eectively cut them out of the Deal from this point onwards, allegedly relying on a
dubious Abalone Power of Attorney document signed by Gaydamaks principal nancial
administrator, Joelle Mamane.
Between March and August 2001, Sonangol transferred $618,235,483.25 to the Sberinvest
Cyprus Account. Together with their earlier transfer of funds to the Abalone Geneva
account, this should have entirely extinguished Angolas debts. However, unbeknownst to
Angola, Gaydamak transferred debt instruments to Russia only sucient to purchase a
portion of the Promissory Notes and Repayment Certicates from Russia.
Gaydamak actively promoted the ruse that the debt had been paid. In 2004, he wrote to
Angola that all the necessary funds had been received from Angola, and that the debt to
Russia had thus been settled. However, in reality, Russia had failed to receive payment for
the nal eight Promissory Notes still in its possession.
This swindle was only fully uncovered, belatedly, in 2005 during a meeting between Angolan
and Russian ocials. When Angolan ocials stated that they had completely settled the
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
13
debt, Russia claimed to still be owed for the eight Promissory Notes and accrued interest.
The matter was resolved, nally, in November 2005 when Angola agreed to pay the full face
value of the remaining eight Notes (worth $387 million) to Russia. Gaydamak, meanwhile,
was to pay back $206 million he had received from Angola but failed to pay to Russia.
It is unclear if Gaydamak ever paid the $206 million back to Angola. If he did not, then
Angola would have paid $1.779 billion to settle a debt of only $1.5 billion. If he did,
Angola still paid a net amount of $1.573 billion$73 million more than had been
stipulated in Angolas 1997 agreement with Abalone.
In either event, the Deal still made little sense for either country. If Angola had paid the
funds directly to Russia on the same terms as Abalone was able to buy the Notes from
Angola, it would have saved at least $823 million, and maybe even as much as $1.029
billion: more than 13 per cent of the countrys entire GDP in 1996.
Similarly, if Russia had dealt with Angola and directly received all the funds that were paid
by Angola to Abalone, it could have made an additional $750 million. In either scenario,
one of the treasuries was signicantly prejudiced by the insertion of Abalone Investments
into the Deal.
The scandal does not end there. From the proceeds of his Cyprus adventure, an important
part of which was swindled out of Angola, Gaydamak made himself a billionaire. Using
his prots from the Cyprus phase of the Deal, Gaydamak invested in a series of investment
funds to the value of as much as $325 million. By 2005, these investments were reportedly
worth $1.25 billion. Pierre Falcone and Malkin both litigated against Gaydamak in the
Israeli courts in 2008, claiming that they were due their fair share of this prot. They failed
to win their case.
When Gaydamak tried to cash in the funds, he was hamstrung by Luxembourg and Israeli
ocials, who were concerned about money laundering. As a result of the Luxembourg
investigation, considerable funds belonging to Gaydamak were frozen in Luxembourg.
According to Luxembourg press reports, he was only able to have the funds released to his
accounts in Cyprus in December 2005 after allegedly claiming that the funds belonged to
a charitable trust called the Dorset Foundation.
To undertake the entire Cyprus operation, Gaydamak relied on the services of his condante
and nancial administrator, Joelle Mamane and her husband Gad Boukobza. Mamane had
also played a critical role the earlier phase of the Debt Deal, serving as managing director
of Abalone from March 1999. Gaydamak also came to believe that Mamane and Boukobza
were less than trustworthy. In September 2012, Gaydamak was reportedly litigating against
Mamane and Boukobza in Luxembourg. Gaydamak claims that they used their duciary
powers to steal 600 million of Gaydamaks prots from his Cyprus adventure. The court
is yet to reach a verdict.
The complex cast of characters and the multiple transactions related to this Deal tend to
obfuscate the central point: a number of individuals made vast prots o the repayment
of debt at the expense of the citizens of Angola and Russia alike. The manipulation of the
nancial sector enabled the rich and powerful to do little, earn much, and cause massive
harm to the ordinary people of both countries.
14
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
f/a/o Rothschild
Banque
f/a/o
(ELSIO DE
FIGUEIREDO)
Tutoral
f/a/o
(JOS EDUARDO
DOS SANTOS)
$8,735,868
$274,213,263
f/a/o
f/a/o
COMPANY
COMPANY
GOVERNMENT
VITALY MALKIN
Lokef/a/o
Trade
SA
UNKNOWN
DGNKGXGFVQDGCHNKCVGFYKVJ
BENEFICIARIES
GLENCORE
f/a/o
JOS LEITO DA COSTA
f/a/o
Various
UBS Fribourg
Acc.Banks
260-540739
f/a/o
UBS Geneva
f/a/o
f/a/o
UNKNOWN
UNKNOWN
BENEFICIARIES
BENEFICIARIES
Various
VariousBanks
Banks
ANGOLA
SONANGOL
BANKS
INDIVIDUAL
INDIVIDUAL
GOVERNMENT
OFFICIAL
BANK
BORROWED CASH
PRINS/IANS
BORROWED CASH
CASH FLOW
PROMISSORY NOTES
PROMISSORY NOTES
(PIERRE FALCONE)
f/a/o
Brenco Trading
f/a/o
f/a/o
f/a/o Ltd.
Bracewell
PIERRE
FALCONE
FALCONEf/a/oPIERRE FALCONE
PIERRE FALCONE
Banque Rothschild PIERRE
f/a/o
f/a/o
(ELSIO
DE
Bracewell
FIGUEIREDO)
(ELSIO DE
FIGUEIREDO)
Camparal
$16,000,000
ABALONE
f/a/o
GLENCORE
UBS
$290,322,580
$435,483,872
$48,387,096
$7,741,985
$48,834,000
$24,992,285
UBS Geneva Account CO-639307
$3,000,000
f/a/o
$18,229,664
$15,000,000
ARCADI
GAYDAMAK
$719,000
$32,000,000
$5,725,000
$145,161,290
$16,752,407
$435,483,872
$48,387,096
$290,322,580
$290,322,580
$435,483,872
$48,387,096
Intersul
(ELSIO
DE
Banque Rothschild
f/a/o
Unknown Bank
f/a/o Banque Rothschild
Sol Investment
f/a/o
Pekey
Rf. Lisbonne
(PIERRE
FALCONE)
f/a/o
Enirep
Banque Rothschild
f/a/o
f/a/o Trading Ltd. (PIERRE FALCONE)
Brenco
Enirep
Discount Bank & Trust Geneva
$10,000,000
f/a/o
f/a/o (PIERRE FALCONE)
Brenco Trading Ltd.
Brenco Trading Ltd.
(PIERRE FALCONE)
f/a/o
$15,000,000
$7,892,034
$34,000,000
$47,000,000
$44,229,063
$8,.000,000
MINISTRY OF FINANCE
SBERINVEST
UNICOMBANK
f/a/o
RUSSIAN
f/a/o
(JOAQUIM
DAVID)
ARCADI GAYDAMAK
BOND MARKET
ABALONE
ENTITY
Unknown
$102,193,547*
$145,161,290
$16,752,407
about O NEONE-THIRD
ONE-H
QUARTER
ALF of face value,
Abalone
Abalone
Abalone
purchases
purchases
purchases
Notes
Notes
Note
8-16
1-6
7 from
from Russia
Russia for
for
PRINS/IANS:
$102,193,547*
3 August
October
8-15 January
1999
1997July 2000
1998
Figure 1
Abalone Investments Ltd.: Purchase and Sale of Notes 16 (3 October 1997)
15
16
f/a/o
(JOS EDUARDO
DOS SANTOS)
(ELSIO DE
FIGUEIREDO)
Bracewell
Banque Rothschild
f/a/o
Intersul
Banque Rothschild
f/a/o
$7,892,034
MINISTRY OF FINANCE
UNICOMBANK
f/a/o
RUSSIAN
GOVERNMENT
OFFICIAL
INDIVIDUAL
COMPANY
BANK
ARCADI GAYDAMAK
GOVERNMENT
f/a/o
$16,000,000
ABALONE
f/a/o
$48,387,096
$48,387,096
$16,752,407
$16,752,407
8-15 January
1998
BANKS
PROMISSORY NOTES
UNKNOWN
BENEFICIARIES
Various Banks
ANGOLA
SONANGOL
BORROWED CASH
CASH FLOW
$7,741,985
f/a/o
f/a/o
UBS
$48,387,096
GLENCORE
Figure 2
Abalone Investments Ltd.: Purchase and Sale of Note 7 (815 January 1998)
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Penworth Ltd.
Sol Investment
(ELSIO DE
FIGUEIREDO)
f/a/o
Unknown Bank
$10,000,000
(PIERRE FALCONE)
f/a/o
(JOAQUIM DAVID)
f/a/o
BOND MARKET
f/a/o
f/a/o
PIERRE FALCONE
$48,834,000
$274,213,263
f/a/o
f/a/o
VITALY MALKIN
f/a/o
BANKS
f/a/o
UBS Geneva
f/a/o
UNKNOWN
BENEFICIARIES
Various Banks
ANGOLA
SONANGOL
UBS
$435,483,872
GLENCORE
INDIVIDUAL
COMPANY
BANK
PRINS/IANS
BORROWED CASH
CASH FLOW
PROMISSORY NOTES
PIERRE FALCONE
GOVERNMENT
OFFICIAL
f/a/o
UBS Geneva
$3,000,000
$32,000,000
GOVERNMENT
PIERRE FALCONE
$5,725,000
ABALONE
f/a/o
$435,483,872
$435,483,872
$719,000
(PIERRE FALCONE)
f/a/o
$15,000,000
$47,000,000
$8,000,000
MINISTRY OF FINANCE
SBERINVEST
f/a/o
RUSSIAN
ABALONE
ENTITY
Unknown
$102,193,547*
PRINS/IANS:
$102,193,547*
Figure 3
Abalone Investments Ltd.: Purchase and Sale of Notes 816 (August 1999July 2000)
17
Figure 4
VITALY MALKIN
$48,834,000
$1,392,428,031
$ 386,714,983
ELSIO DE FIGUEIREDO
$17,557,000
JOAQUIM DAVID
$13,250,000
JOS PAIVA DA
COSTA CASTRO
$4,465,000
JOS LEITO DA COSTA
$3,358,000
PIERRE FALCONE
$124,963,680
ARCADI GAYDAMAK
$138,037,303
$311,834,983
ABALONE PRINCIPALS
22.4%
$422,507,244*
RUSSIA
30.3%
$558,885,871
UNKNOWN BENEFICIARIES
40.1%
18
Introduction
This report exposes rst and foremost the unrestrained greed
of those responsible for managing Angolas resource wealth.
It also illustrates how the oshore nancial system can be
used by dishonest politicians and businessmen to shroud
in secrecy transactions built on the massive diversion of a
nations wealth, particularly when the country is resourcerich but developmentally poor, to the great disadvantage of
ordinary citizens.
The Angola-Russia Debt Deal is a shocking case of deceit
and deception by senior politicians, ocials and dubious
businesspeople, aided by international nancial institutions,
to rob their own citizens for personal gain. It exemplies
the depths of malfeasance to which individuals in positions
of power and authority can stoop as well as the central
role that global nancial institutions can playwhether
through negligence or active complicityin enabling the
wholesale plundering of national wealth from some of the
poorest people in the world.
Angola owed Russia billions of dollars, much of it incurred
by President Jos Eduardo dos Santos Movimento Popular
de Libertao de Angola (MPLA) during Angolas civil war.
The sums involved$5 billionwere huge, and the timing
of the deal was critical. The deal to repay the debt was signed
in 1996: the civil war was still in full ow (it did not end
until 2002), and Russias nances were in poor shapeit
was to default on its own debt two years later in 1998.
INTRODUCTION
19
Angolagate
Arcadi Gaydamak and Pierre Falcone have
a history of questionable deals involving
Angola. In October 2009, France witnessed
a remarkable trial in which a court found a
raft of French politicians and international
businessmen guilty of numerous offences
relating to what was dubbed Angolagate:
a $790 million arms deal involving Angola,
Russia and France (undertaken at the
time of a UN arms embargo in place
against Angola), organised largely by
Falcone and Gaydamak, that corrupted
French and Angolan politics. Among
the more than 40 high-prole notables
caught up in Angolagate were the former
Interior Minister, Charles Pasqua, and
Jean-Christophe Mitterrand, the son of
former President Franois Mitterrand. The
trial ended in 36 convictions, mostly on
nancial crimes.
In 2011, many of the convictions were
overturned by the appeals court when
it found that the illicit arms trafcking
though in violation of French law
constituted sovereign acts of the Angolan
government that could not be prosecuted
in French courts. Two key gures, however,
were still to serve sentences for related
crimes, albeit of reduced length: Falcone
and Gaydamak (though Gaydamak,
as a fugitive from justice, has avoided
imprisonment so far).
20
2007 supporting legal memorandum seeking to press Geneva prosecutor Daniel Zappelli to
revive a moribund investigation detailed considerable evidence of malfeasance in the Deal
that was available at that time, but never fully presented for judgment by a Swiss court.
The present report divulges extensive additional evidence the authors have uncovered,
revealing the details of the structure and implementation of the Debt Deal, which serve
to highlight the need for Swiss authorities to open an investigation. Previously unreported
information includes the following:
Evidence indicating that Abalones involvement in the Debt Deal was almost
certainly planned from the beginning to divert as much as $750 million of Angola
government debt repayments into the hands of the Abalone principals and senior
Angolan ocials.
Copies of the actual agreements which make clear that Abalonea shell company
with no assets, no special access to credit and no expertise in the eld of sovereign
debtdid not even pretend to take on any commercial risk in the Debt Deal. These
agreements also show how Abalone and Russia repeatedly changed the terms of
their deal to provide even greater portions of Angolas debt repayments to Abalone,
at the expense of Russia.
Crucial new information about the evidence of the nancial expert whose testimony
led to the termination of a criminal investigation into the deal in Switzerland in
2004. We now know that it was the lawyers of Vitaly Malkin and Pierre Falcone,
the latter an accused in the investigation, who originally approached the expert and
paid the fee he requested for his testimony. The expert himself acknowledges that
Falcones lawyers only provided him limited information to review the matter; that
much was going on in the background to which he was not provided access; that
there was likely corruption in the Deal; and that the citizens of Angola and Russia
were disadvantaged.
On 18 October 1999, Russia notied UBS that it should no longer serve as escrow
agent for the Debt Deal, and that the Notes should be returned to Russia. UBS
nonetheless continued to hold the Notes, acting as escrow until the Notes were
frozen under court order in February 2001, by which time Sonangol had paid into
Abalones account over $435 million in additional funds, almost all of which was
disbursed to or at the instruction of the Abalone insiders, including millions of
dollars to Angolan ocials.
INTRODUCTION
21
The report has three main sections. The Deal Phase I: Prudent Financing or Criminal
Conspiracy? details how the Debt Deal was conceived and how it operated in its rst
incarnation. The Deal Phase II: Escape to Cyprus reveals how the Deal ran into
diculties, including multinational criminal investigations that temporarily derailed it.
These investigations were, in turn, side-stepped and the Debt Deal concluded, in a manner
that resulted in additional prejudice to the Angolan exchequer. The nal section, The Deal
Phase III: Den of Thieves, explains how the various partners in the Deal betrayed and
crossed each other when it came to splitting the proceeds of the Deal, creating a further
overlay of intrigue and scandal.
Each element of this complex transaction reinforces just how corrupt the Deal was, a
racketeering scheme of global scale, benetting middlemen and elites in Angola and almost
certainly Russia, with the aid of a major Swiss bank.
22
T H E D E A L P H A S E I : P r u d e n t F i n a n c i n g o r C r i m i n a l C o n s p i r a c y?
23
The 20 November 1996 Intergovernmental Agreement appears to have been signed on the Russian side by Andrey
P. Vavilov (Russias First Vice-Minister for Finance); the
signature for the Angolan side is not legible.15 Due to the
historically friendly relations established between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Angola, and the complex economic situation in the Republic of Angola,16 it was
agreed that the debt would be reduced by 70 per cent: Angola would need to repay $1.5 billion instead of $5 billion
to settle all its debts to Russia. Angola would be given a veyear grace period (perhaps agreed upon in anticipation that
money would ow more freely following the conclusion of the war). No payments would
be due during the grace period, but interest would accrue twice each year, at the rate of 6
per cent per annum. Accrued Interest would be added to the principal amount (capitalised) every six months up to June 2001, at which date the accumulated interest (coming to
$457,160,000) would be added to the initial principal, resulting in a new principal amount
of $1,959,160,000. From June 2001, semi-annual payments would commence for the next
15 years, with the last payment due in June 2016. (An additional 2 per cent default penalty
interest would be levied on any outstanding instalment unpaid when due.)17
24
The arrangement was to run simply. A reliable institution, such as a bank oering escrow
services, was to be designated by both parties. Angola would make a payment to the
institution, which would forward these funds onto Russia. Simultaneously, the institution
would return each Promissory Note back to Angola, along with a Repayment Certicate
issued by Russia that conrmed that the Promissory Note had been honoured. Importantly,
each Repayment Certicate reected an amount of $161,290,322.57. As there were 31
Promissory Notes and Repayment Certicates, the completion of the entire transaction
would see Angola handed Repayment Certicates reecting a total amount of $5 billion
($161,290,322.57 X 31), thus extinguishing its entire debt to Russia, while Angola would
only need to pay Russia the reduced principal and interest discussed above. Thus, by using
this simple mechanism, the debt of $5 billion Angola owed to Russia could be extinguished,
and each party would have the additional safety of an independent third-party bank
monitoring the transaction and releasing funds and Notes only upon fullment of the
various terms of the Dea.18
On 17 January 1997, the Banco Nacional de Angola issued a series of 31 Promissory Notes.
As a later agreement conrms, these Notes were issued pursuant to the November 1996
Intergovernmental Agreement. 19 The Notes provide for payment over the same schedule set
out in the November 1996 Intergovernmental Agreement,
with the rst Note due 15 June 2001, and the last one due
15 June 2016. Curiously, however, the carefully detailed
calculations of interest payments contained in the Schedule
to the Intergovernmental Agreement are omitted. Also,
rather than providing for each Note a stated principal amount
due (face value) of $63,134,000 (as was contemplated by
the November 1996 Intergovernmental Agreement), each
of the Notes showed a stated principal amount due of
only $48,387,096.77. Otherwise, the Notes were entirely
consistent with the November 1996 understandings.20
Though we do not have copies of them, 31 corresponding
Repayment Certicates were, apparently, issued simultaneously by the Russian Ministry of Finance, bearing the same
reference numbers as the Notes. The Repayment Certicates
indicated repayment of the corresponding original indebtedness amount out of the total original aggregate amount
of USD 5,000,000,000.21 That is to say, although Angola
would receive back a Repayment Certicate for each $48
million Note it repaid, each of those 31 repayment certicates would evidence repayment of $161,290,322.57.
It is surprising that the Notes do not mention interest
obligations, as such instruments normally would. This
silence may conceivably be because the documentation
presupposes that unpaid interest would also be payable on
each payment date along with the stated principal amount
(face value) of the Note, as set out in the Intergovernmental
Agreement.
T H E D E A L P H A S E I : P r u d e n t F i n a n c i n g o r C r i m i n a l C o n s p i r a c y?
25
However, it is more likely that the Notes were issued in January in anticipation of already
formed (but not yet legally approved) plans for the subsequent transfer of the Notes to
Abalone, an arrangement that would incorporate Russias agreement to forgive obligations
regarding interest payment all together. Not only do the Notes make no mention of interest
payments; they also do not reect the capitalised interest payments accrued for the period
up to June 2001 that the Intergovernmental Agreement had contemplated would increase
each Notes principal face amount by some $13,746,903. Thus, Notes were issued with
face amounts of $48,387,096.77 each, totalling just short of the $1.5 billion restructured
principal amount of the debt.22
26
In laymans terms, this meant that the interest that Russia was to charge, according to its
original calculations, was no longer to be levied by Russia against Angola. In principle,
Abalone would have had the right to levy this interest as the owner of Angolas debt. In any
event, Abalone did not, and Angola was not forced to pay any interest as rst contemplated
by the 1996 agreement between it and Russia.
Payment on each payment date was to be made simultaneously with delivery of the
corresponding Notes, together with the corresponding Repayment Certicates.24
Two critical features of this agreement should be highlighted. Most importantly, it was
agreed that Abalone would purchase the Promissory Notes from Russia at half their
face value. In other words, Abalone would pay only $24 million to buy an Angolan
Promissory Note with a stated face value of $48 million.25 Thus the entire $1.5 billion of
debt (including the right to receive interest on this debt) would be available for Abalone to
purchase at $750 million.
Moreover, Abalone made no binding commitment to purchase any of the Notes from
Russia. The agreement merely granted to Abalone an optionthe rst and exclusive right
of rst refusal to acquire the respective Tranches of the Documents and the underlying
indebtedness and rights.26 Except for a modest option fee, Abalone risked nothing.
Correspondingly, Russia received no grounds for comfort that it would be able to sell the
Notes on the accelerated schedule it was presumably bargaining for.
Why Russia agreed to waive substantial amounts of interest it was due in return for an
agreement that did not oer a guarantee of repayment, is unclear, and, on the face of it,
highly unusual. Similarly, the fact that Russia did not oer these very favourable terms
directly to Angola, rather than to a recently-formed intermediary, is unexplained. This is
even stranger, as we point out in more detail below, because Abalone relied entirely on
payments from Angola to make these payments on an advanced schedule, again suggesting
that the deal could have been oered directly to Angola rather than to an intermediary
oering little by way of risk abatement, guarantees or preferential access to international
nancing mechanisms.
The agreement had two other noteworthy provisions. First, in consideration for the option
obtained under the agreement, Abalone agreed to pay Russia a non-refundable fee equal to
0.3 per cent of the $1.5 billion principal amount of the Notes, that is $4.5 million.27
Finally, if Abalone succeeded in purchasing at least 70 per cent of the aggregate Payment
Values by 31 December 2004, payment for the remaining unpaid obligations could be
extended over two additional years, until 31 December 2006.28
T H E D E A L P H A S E I : P r u d e n t F i n a n c i n g o r C r i m i n a l C o n s p i r a c y?
27
accepts to purchase from [Abalone] up to all of the Notes and Certicates, such purchases
to be made at the full face value of the Notes.29 Sonangol would be paying just over
$48 million for each Note, while Abalone would only be paying the Russians half of that.
Abalone would be making a total prot of $750 million.
While this Abalone-Sonangol purchase agreement itself is vague as to the precise timing for
the purchases, an associated agreement of the same date makes clear that Sonangol must
make payment on any Notes tendered by Abalone, within 21 business days of notice by
Abalone of the intended delivery.30 That is, as a mirror image to the option agreement (right
to buy) Abalone had obtained from Russia, Abalone now put into place a put (right to
sell) with Sonangol. Abalonebut not Sonangolcould initiate a sale at any time up to
the termination of the agreement in December 2006, and if Abalone did so, Sonangol
would have to pay. Sonangol was on the hook, but Abalone could walk away free and clear
at any time.
28
Gaydamak has alluded to his or Abalones participation in oil purchases and sales on
favourable terms as a core aspect of his own interest in the Debt Deal, an area of transaction
for which Glencore, with its deep experience and contacts in the brokering markets, could
have provided substantial assistance. For example, when asked in 2002 what benets he had
personally taken out of the Debt Deal, Gaydamak told Le Temps:
Abalone signed a contract with Angola, which allowed me to buy and sell oil
paid with promissory notes. There was a prot margin, depending on oil prices,
which were very high at that time, and this margin came back to me and Pierre
Falcone.34
Moreover, in a December 1999 Memorandum of Understanding between Gaydamak and
his soon-to-be business partner Vitaly Malkin,35 the documents that dene the terms
of the contractual relationship among the Abalone shareholders are identied as the
indebtedness agreement between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Angola, the
agreement between the Russian Ministry of Finance and the Company, the agreement
between Sonangol and the Company and the oil for Notes agreement between Sonangol
and the Company. The existence of the last item, oil for Notes agreement with Sonangol,
suggests that Gaydamak was able to weave into the Debt Deal one or more other layers of
oil-generated prots that have yet to see the light of day: and Glencore would seem likely
to have been key to these arrangements.36 This surmise is further bolstered by article 4 of a
certain Financial Agreement, also from December 1999, between Gaydamak and Malkin,
in which the parties stipulate that a $6 million loan from Gaydamak to Malkin will be
payable after completion of the second oil contract.37
Agreements were now in place to ensure that Russia and Angola were each barred from
dealing directly with each other (or any third party other than Abalone itself ), while
Abalone had the choice whether to make the purchases and salesand pocket a 100 per
cent mark-up on each Noteor whether to walk away without further obligation.38
T H E D E A L P H A S E I : P r u d e n t F i n a n c i n g o r C r i m i n a l C o n s p i r a c y?
29
been conrmed, the money owed to Russia would be released by the escrow bank and
transferred to an account of Unicombanks choosing.40
A parallel agreement was also signed between Abalone, SBS and Sonangol, completing the
arrangement andon a supercial readlocking the parties into an ironclad agreement
monitored by a reputable international bank, one of the largest in the world.41
30
Adding this $103 million gure to the $161.9 million cash paid for Notes 1-7, we conclude
that at most, Abalone would probably have paid something in the neighbourhood of
$264.9 million for the 16 Notes they sold on to Angola for $774.19 million.
T H E D E A L P H A S E I : P r u d e n t F i n a n c i n g o r C r i m i n a l C o n s p i r a c y?
31
It is not clear why Russia opted to move towards the PRINs and IANs redemption method.
Transferring one set of debt instruments for another at the same dollar value does make
sense. It allowed Russia to pay o a portion of its debt on the international market without
having to disburse any funds, instead paying for this reduction in debt by writing o debt
owed to it by Angola, for which it was only receiving half the face value anyway. But it is
also possible that adoption of this system could entail signicant additional prejudice to the
Russian Treasury.
To determine whether such prejudice occurred, we start by examining the market values of
the PRINs and IANs at the time the 23 August 1999 agreement was signed and through
the period when this payment method was employed. One might expect the actual market
value or worth of the PRINs and IANs to be at roughly 50 per cent of their nominal or face
value. If this was the case, Abalone could purchase on the open market PRINs and IANs
with a stated face value of $1.16 billion (24 remaining Notes X $48,387,096) by paying 50
per cent of that face value, i.e., $508 million. Abalone would then transfer these Russian
debt instruments to the Russian Ministry of Finance in payment for the remaining 24
Promissory Notes, for which it had agreed to pay half of face value.
If this was the case, then the basic arrangement originally entered between Abalone and
Russia would remain in place; namely, that the transaction would only cost Abalone $24
million per Angolan Promissory Note. If, however, Abalone was able to get a better deal
on the Russian debt instruments than 50 per cent of the face value, it would make even
more prot than originally envisioned by the initial 1997 agreement between Abalone and
Russia. Conversely, if Russia was to get maximum value in the Deal, one would imagine
that it would choose a Russian debt instrument whose market value was around 50 per cent
of its face value, or ask for more Russian debt instruments per Angolan Promissory Note. If
it did not, it was eectively selling the Angolan Promissory Notes to Abalone at a price that
was even more discounted than before.
Examination of the actual market values of the PRINs and IANs for the period during
which the PRINs/IANs mechanism operated (approximately August 1999 to 20 June
2000) reveals, however, that these instruments were valued at signicantly less than the 50
per cent of face value that would preserve the position of both sides.48 Investors presumably
did not have a great deal of faith that Russia would not default on them. What was of
particular worry to investors was that the securities, issued by Vnesheconombank, were not
sovereign instruments guaranteed by the Russian state. If Vnesheconombank were to declare
bankruptcy, or otherwise default on the instruments, holders of PRINs and IANs could be
left without remedy.49 Moreover, as of August 1999, when the PRINs/IANs mechanism
was introduced into the Debt Deal, Russia had already defaulted on PRINs and IANs; the
former in December 1998 and the latter in June 1999.50
These defaults and other adverse indicators kept the market values of PRINs and IANs low,
ensuring that the new payment method would be extra-protable for Abalone. Looking at
the price movements from August 1999 to June 2000, we can see that on 23 August 1999,
the date the new payment scheme went into eect, the PRINs had a value of just 10.5376
per cent of face value; and then reached a low of 8.5417 on 15 October 1999, before
making a gradual recovery, getting to 30.8125 on 20 June 2000. Similarly, on 23 August
1999, the IANs were trading at just 14.4138 per cent of face value. They dipped to a low
of 10.5563 on 15 October 1999, and then began a slow recovery, reaching 31.2188 on 20
June 2000.
32
We are not in position to conrm precisely how well Abalone was able to play the PRINs/
IANs market, though given Gaydamaks knowledge and contacts, we would expect that
Abalone was savvy in timing its PRINs and IANs purchases. Based on the price data for the
period, Abalone could have been buying $48 million Notes for as little as $4 or 5 million
worth of PRINs/IANs. In any event, it is hard to see how Abalone could have been paying
any more than about $17 million (or 35 per cent of face value) for each $48 million Note.
As shown on Table 2 (page 47), the authors estimate that in the period 23 August 1999
to 20 June 2000, when the PRINs/IANs mechanism was in eect, Abalone purchased
nine Notes for a sum no greater than $103 million, averaging about $11.4 million for
each Note, or about 23.7 per cent of face value.
If, as the authors conclude, Abalone came away from the rst 16 Note purchases with a
net amount in excess of half a billion dollars, then Russias agreement to accept PRINs/
IANs cost the Russian people an additional $123 million beyond the 50 per cent haircut
the Russians had already accepted when they brought Abalone into the payment stream.51
Once again, it is not clear why the Russian Ministry of Finance would agree to additional
millions in price reduction for the cost of each Note, allowing Abalone to make even larger
prots than the Deal had already promised. However, it does seem to t a pattern in
which Russia was willing continually to negotiate worse terms for itself. Recall that in 1998
Russia had contemplated selling what remained of the Promissory Notes for 24 per cent
of their face value; a 50 per cent discount on the rate Abalone had agreed to in its 1997
agreements. Though that particular arrangement did not come to fruition, scarcely a year
later Russia oered what would work out to roughly the same or probably better terms for
Abalone, through the PRINs/IANs mechanism.
T H E D E A L P H A S E I : P r u d e n t F i n a n c i n g o r C r i m i n a l C o n s p i r a c y?
33
34
T H E D E A L P H A S E I : P r u d e n t F i n a n c i n g o r C r i m i n a l C o n s p i r a c y?
35
about the rapid timetable sought for implementation of the new arrangementsa matter
of dayswhich was simply impossible (hallucinant). He also noted troubling concerns
regarding the 23 August 1999 Supplemental Agreement, which, he observed, bore no
ocial seal from the Russian Ministry of Finance, whose representatives signature had,
moreover, not been notarised.
Zbinden reported that [t]his last point caused me to look into a possible risk to reputation.
He contrasted the fairly stable nancial and political situation in Russia in February 1997,
when Glencore had rst presented the transaction to the then SBS, with the subsequent
nancial crisis in Russia and the numerous successive changes in the government that
followed, making it more dicult to be certain that youre dealing with the proper ocial
Ministry of Finance representative who is expressing the governments true wishes to enter
into such a specic and complex transaction as the one relative to these Government Bonds
and Repayment Certicates. He went on to point out that this political and nancial
instability has generated, or maybe the opposite, increased attention from Western legal
authorities, particularly from Switzerland and Geneva, which has resulted in full-scale
criminal investigations being opened. To be sure, he added:
The motives, structures, nancing and contractual parties behind the transactions
concerning these securities issued by the Banco Nacional de Angola in favour of
Russia had nothing to do with the nancial matters that have appeared in the
news for the last several weeks.... Nevertheless, this transaction is related to two
countries that have become more delicate and unstable, Russia and Angola, and
any possible mention of one of the representatives of either of the parties such
as Abalone, SBERINVEST or the Ministry of Finance in a news article, even if
later determined to be unfounded, if not slanderous, would still initially cause a
Swiss judge, and above all a Geneva judge, to take an interest in the individuals in
question.69
Zbinden could have been referring to recently reported corruption allegations involving
Mabetex Group and Boris Berezovsky.70 Even if not directly involving the Abalone principals,
this environment of Russia-related intrigue in Switzerland should have motivated a careful
review of the substance of the Abalone transactions, and not merely misgivings about its
appearance. (It is possible that Zbinden was not alone in his soul-searching. Not six weeks
after his memo, Russia notied UBS that it was terminating its escrow relation with the
bank, and asked for the return of the Notes.)
Between March and July 2000, the Abalone account was quite active, including the receipt
of three payments from Sonangol totaling $435,483,870.93 and 22 payments out. Of
the latter, ten payments, totaling $96,848,633 were made within less than two weeks of
the last $96,774,193 payment in from Sonangol. Eight of those payments out, totaling
$62,979,200, occurred the very same day (6 July 2000) as that third Sonangol payment,
and included $3 million paid directly to Jos Leito da Costa e Silva, the inuential minister
in the Oce of the Presidency of President dos Santos.71 These disbursements of funds are
discussed in more detail below.
In the context of a complex transaction rife with conicts of interest and manifestly
prejudicial to two of the three parties (Angola and Russia), the multi-million-dollar transfer
to Leito da Costa, in particularmade directly to a senior Angolan Politically Exposed
36
Person72 in his own name, on the same date as a $96.7 million payment in from the
Angolan oil parastatal, and following the disquiet articulated in the September 1999 memo,
the termination of one-half of the escrow arrangement established in 1997, and the failure
of the Note owner to retrieve the Notes should surely have raised the alarm.
In May 2000, Switzerlands Bribery of Foreign Public Ocials Law had come into eect,
holding culpable [a]ny person who oers, promises or gives a member of a judicial or
other authority, a public ocial, an ocially appointed expert, translator or interpreter, an
arbitrator, or a member of the armed forces who is acting for a foreign state or international
organisation an advantage which is not due to him, or gives such an advantage to a third
party, in order that the person carries out or fails to carry out an act in connection with his
ocial activities which is contrary to his duties or dependent on his discretion.73
Under Switzerlands 1990 criminal provisions against money laundering and insucient
diligence in nancial transactions, the nancial intermediary who executes the transfer of
a bribe may also be subject to sanction for money laundering. Article 305bis of the then
applicable Swiss Criminal Code holds as culpable for money laundering [a]ny person who
carries out an act that is aimed at frustrating the identication of the origin, the tracing or
the forfeiture of assets which he knows or must assume originate from a felony. Moreover,
[t]he oender is also liable to the foregoing penalties [even] where the main oence was
committed abroad, provided such an oence is also liable to prosecution at the place of
commission.74
The 1990 provisions also sanction [a]ny person who as part of his profession accepts,
holds on deposit, or assists in investing or transferring outside assets and fails to ascertain
the identity of the benecial owner of the assets with the care that is required in the
circmstances.75
Indeed, the Swiss Federal Banking Commission had two years earlier issued its CFB
Circular 98/1 on Money Laundering, in which the Commission warned banks and other
nancial intermediaries in detail regarding the special risks of dealing with senior foreign
government ocials:
Financial intermediaries should not accept money which they know or must assume
comes from corruption or misappropriation of public funds. They therefore need
to scrutinise with special attention if they want to enter into business relationships,
accept and retain assets owned, directly or indirectly by persons exercising important
public functions for a foreign state or individuals and companies, recognisably close
to them.76
Circular 98/1 further specied that:
If, after clarication, the nancial intermediary knows or assumes, based on wellfounded suspicions, that the assets have a criminal originhe must inform without
delay the Money Laundering Reporting Oce [of Switzerland], pursuant to the
instructions of that body respecting the form and content of the communication.77
At the very minimum, the circumstances of the payment to Jos Leito da Costa e Silva
should have caused UBS to re-consider the entire transaction and to le one or more
T H E D E A L P H A S E I : P r u d e n t F i n a n c i n g o r C r i m i n a l C o n s p i r a c y?
37
Pierre Falcone
Pierre Falcone, too, was predictably a major beneciary of monies owing from Abalone
Investments. About $57.6 million was transferred from Abalone in ve payments to
accounts bearing Falcones name between 1997 and 2000. (See Appendix 4.)
This does not seem to be the only money that Falcone earned from Abalones dealings up
until the end of 2000, however. Three further paymentstotalling just over $30 million
were transferred to accounts in the name of Brenco Trading Ltd. and an apparent aliate,
Brenco Group. (See Appendix 5.) Falcone has long been acknowledged to be the head
38
of Brenco Trading, which featured prominently during the original French Angolagate
scandal.81 Adding in the payments to Brenco brings Falcones receipts to $87.9 million.
And then there is one further payment that apparently beneted Pierre Falcone; and it was
a substantial one. Abalones bank activity shows a $47 million transfer on 12 April 2000 to
an account bearing the reference Real Trade Ltd. Discount Bank & Trust Co Geneva Acc.
45,865. Real Trade appears in the French Angolagate judgment delivered in 2009, which
found that Real Trade Ltd. was benecially owned by Falcone.82 As discussed below, $10
million of this last transfer probably went on to someone else, leaving Falcone with an
apparent net total just short of $125 million.
Vitaly Malkin
Another substantial beneciary was Abalones third principal, Vitaly Malkin. As a result
of purchasing 25 per cent of Abalones shares in December 1999, Malkin received two
payments totalling almost $49 million in March and April 2000. (See Appendix 6.)
T H E D E A L P H A S E I : P r u d e n t F i n a n c i n g o r C r i m i n a l C o n s p i r a c y?
39
This payment stands out not because it was made to an ocial so close to the Presidency,
but because of its transparency. Numerous other senior Angolan ocials also proted from
the Debt Deal, including Elsio de Figueiredo, a close condant of dos Santos and the
former Angolan ambassador to France; and no less than the President himself, Jos Eduardo
dos Santos.
The payments to these individuals were far more circuitous than the payment to Leito da
Costa. But even he, it seems, may have covered his payment trail to some extent through
the use of shell companies and intermediary bank accounts.
In November 2005, Switzerland and Angola concluded an agreement (Accord) respecting
the disposition of $21,216,450 that had been held in Swiss bank accounts belonging to
Angolan ocials, and had been seized in connection with investigation P/16972/2000
into the Debt Dealand, it would appear, had been paid out via the Abalone account or
otherwise in connection with the Deal.88 (The Accord set out guidelines for repatriation of
these funds and their application to humanitarian purposes in Angola.) The annex to the
Accord reveals details of the four specic aected accounts and their benecial owners: Jos
Leito da Costa e Silva, Joaquim David, Elsio de Figueiredo, and Jos Paiva. The Accord
annex reveals that Jos Leito da Costas account at HSBC Guyerzeller had $3,358,000 as of
30 September 2004, suggesting that he may have received an additional $358,000 beyond
the July 2000 direct payment from Abalone, perhaps via a bank transfer to an intermediary
shell company.
Only two of the four accounts listed in the Accord annex show up on the schedule of
Abalone account activity (and even they have greater balances than the direct payments from
Abalone would account for), which suggests the possible use of intermediary bank transfers
through shell companies to cover the trail of some or all of the payments they received.
In the cases of Jos Eduardo dos Santos and Elsio de Figueiredo, the French Angolagate
investigation exposed the highly sophisticated manner in which such intermediary transfers
were used to shield those individuals payments from discovery.
40
T H E D E A L P H A S E I : P r u d e n t F i n a n c i n g o r C r i m i n a l C o n s p i r a c y?
41
42
T H E D E A L P H A S E I : P r u d e n t F i n a n c i n g o r C r i m i n a l C o n s p i r a c y?
43
The Swiss and French investigations into the payments from the Abalone accounts focussed
largely on the Angolan recipients, mostly because their payment network was based in
Switzerland and thus easier to trace. No similar attempt was made to probe any payments to
Russian beneciaries (and their potentially more complicated nancial structures in Russia,
Eastern Europe and Cyprus). Therefore, it remains unclear whether Russian individuals in
addition to Gaydamak and Malkin received funds. Given the views of the nancial expert,
Cosio-Pascal (see below), and other sources, we believe it highly likely that there were also
Russian ocials who benetted inappropriately through arrangements similar to those in
place for the Angolan beneciaries.
44
the Angolan and Russian public interest.113 Malkin, on the other hand, had not been
charged with any crime in either proceeding, though he did appear as a witness in the
P/16972/2000 investigation (and the UBS account where he kept his share of the Abalone
business proceeds was frozen until July 2004).114 While an expert hired by a defendant
might not have so much credibility, an expert who was retained by a witness in the case
might look better. So while Cosio-Pascal believed that he had been hired by both Malkins
and Falcones lawyers, the court understood that he was the expert of Malkin alone.115
While there is no prohibition on a criminal defendant from proering the testimony of
his own privately retained expert, the Geneva courts virtually complete reliance on the
testimony of Cosio-Pascal to determine whether the Abalone machinations constituted
good nance or a criminal course of conduct was extremely unusual. Such a purchased
expert testimony is rarely given much persuasive weight in Swiss proceedings. Had this
complex nancial case been handled more regularly, as provided in the then applicable
Geneva Penal Procedure Code:116
The judge would have communicated the experts identity to the parties, not the
reverse;
The judge would have been obliged to ensure that all necessary evidence was made
available to the expert(s), rather than leaving this delicate task to a highly interested
party to the proceeding, or that partys lawyers;
A party to the proceeding, and his lawyers, would have been prohibited from having
any contact with the expert except during the hearing;
The fee of the expert would have been set and paid by the judge or the court, not
the defendants (or a witnesss) lawyers.
T H E D E A L P H A S E I : P r u d e n t F i n a n c i n g o r C r i m i n a l C o n s p i r a c y?
45
each tranche of Notes purchased would be received simultaneously with Abalones payment
to Russia for the same Notes. This became unworkable, it appears, when the price of oil
declined severely in 19981999, making the oil-backed Glencore nancing uneconomic.
Thus from January 1998 until March 2000, Sonangol made no payments to Abalone.
The possibility of this kind of oil price-driven temporary halt to the Deal cannot, however,
in any normal sense be considered a commercial risk. If the Deal had simply ended on
October 3, 1997, after Sonangols rst payment, Abalone would have walked away with
no obligation to any party, and an accumulated earning of more than $145 millionwith
its sole investment having been the $4.5 million option fee paid pursuant to its 5 March
1997 agreement with Russia. (Abalone didnt even pay the escrow fees to UBS, which were
covered by Glencore!)
And for the same reason, the actual break in the Deals operation that occurred in 1998
1999 cannot be considered a commercial loss for Abalone, which by January 1998 had
already accumulated a prot of $176 million from Sonangols payments. With such a
lush initial cushion from its 100 per cent mark-up on the Notes, Abalone would never be
in a position where it would have to advance funds to purchase Notes from Russia without
having rst received substantially more than needed from Sonangol.
In fact, a reasonable, conservative estimate of the cash ows to and from Abalone in the
initial (Geneva/UBS) phase of the Deal (comprising the purchase of 16 of the 31 Notes)
suggests that cash received by Abalone from Sonangol was never less than $144 million
in excess of any amounts it needed to pay Russia for the Notes. (See Table 2.) Only in
the distorted world of Russian oligarchs, international arms traders and presidents-for-life
could the prospect of recouping only $176 million without any meaningful investment
be characterized as a commercial risk.
Abalone thus relied entirely on Angolan funds to see its side of the deal through. Indeed, by
July 2000, Sonangol had transferred $774 million into Abalones account. If Abalone was
to repay Russia early, this was only because Angola had paid Abalone early, and generously.
Logic suggests that if Russia was so concerned about receiving the funds promptly, Angola
should merely have paid the $774 million it paid to Abalone directly to the Russian Ministry
of Finance, thus settling the debt and concluding the deal years ahead of schedule.
As explained above, the 5 March 1997 Russia-Abalone Agreement was merely an option, by
which Abalone obtained a rightbut incurred no obligationto purchase the tranches of
debt. The only money Abalone had at risk was the $4.5 million option fee (in the context, a
truly nominal expense that would be recouped ve times over upon redemption of the rst
Note). The agreements termination clause is clear that (aside from the $4.5 million option
fee) non-performance entailed no liability whatsoever on the part of Abalone:
If the Buyer does not pay any amount due hereunder within twenty days after the
Transfer Date or by the date specied in Section 2.3 [relating to the $4.5 million
fee], as the case may be [sic]. In such event, neither party shall have any liability to
the other, and [the Russian Ministry of Finance] shall be entitled to retain all the
[Debt] documents concerned.118
46
Table 2
Timeline of Phase I of the Debt Deal (Geneva/UBS): Angola Promissory Note purchases and
sales by Abalone Investments Ltd. (2 October 1997 to 6 July 2000)
Date
Notes
Purchased
Payment by
Sonangol
to Abalone
(US$)
Payment by
Abalone to
Russia
(US$)
Abalones
Cumulative
Prot (US$)
Comments
23 Oct 1997
# 16
290,322,580
(145,161,290)
145,161,290
#7
48,387,096
(16,752,407)
76,795,979
23 Aug 1999
Some time
between
23 Aug and
28 Dec 1999
( 32,322,580)
18 Oct 2000
144,473,399
9 Mar 2000
# 89
96,774,193
241,247,592
12 Apr 2000
# 1014
241,935,483
483,183,075
Some time
between
12 Apr and
11 May 2000
# 1215
(54,774,193)
428,408,882
Some time
between
11 May and
20 June 2000
# 16
(15,096,774)
413,312,108
510,086,302
6 Jul 2000
# 1516
96,774,193
TOTALS
# 116
774,193,548
264,107,244
510,086,302
Note: In the above timeline, to get a rough sense of how much Abalone may have paid on the market for PRINs and IANs that it exchanged
with Russia for Promissory Notes, we estimate the dollar values paid by Abalone conservatively, by assuming Abalone purchased
the instruments at the highest daily market price for the date or period when the Angola Promissory Note(s) were purchased. The
PRINs and IANs were volatile and traded at dierent prices, but generally the IANs were priced somewhat higher than the PRINs.
For mathematical simplicity we value the PRINs/IANs purchases by assuming that both instruments were purchased at the same
higher IAN price, at the highest price the IAN traded in the relevant period. In fact, Abalone was almost certainly able to obtain these
instruments at prices far lower.
T H E D E A L P H A S E I : P r u d e n t F i n a n c i n g o r C r i m i n a l C o n s p i r a c y?
47
In any case, even if Russia or Angola had had occasion to seek to recover damages from
Abalone, the latter was little more than an Isle of Man shell that could boast no trading
history and no assets. It is dicult to believe that both Angola and Russia were unaware of
this inconvenient factand, if they were not, it suggests they failed to conduct a most basic
compliance exercise.
Whether Cosio-Pascal, in concluding that Abalone undertook genuine commercial
risk, had available to him all of the material documents establishing the Deal is unclear.
Particularly relevant would have been the 24 April 1996 appointment of Gaydamak and
Falcone as Angolas agents for the Russian debt negotiation; the 20 November 1997 RussiaAngola Intergovernmental Agreement; the 5 March 1997 Russia-Abalone Agreement and
subsequent amendments, which set out the right of rst refusal (purchase option) structure
of the arrangement with Russia; and the 30 May 1997 Sonangol-Abalone Agreement, by
which Abalone locked in its $48 million-per-Note put (sales option) with Sonangol.
In communication with one of the authors of this report, Cosio-Pascal claimed that, on the
basis of the limited information that he had been given access to by Malkins and Falcones
lawyers (who paid his fee in the amount set by Cosio-Pascal), he felt the Deal was a good
one for the governments. However, he admitted, after questions from the author and given
reection over time, that there was a lot going on in the background that he had no
access to. He also concurred that it was likely that some of the money was being diverted
to senior people. When asked whether the citizens of the two countries might have been
disadvantaged by the Deal, given the likely corruption, he answered, Absolutely. He
stated that this should be dealt with by their audit courts, which he admitted, however,
was unlikely. He also acknowledged that the involvement in transactions of this sort of
intermediaries such as Falcone, Gaydamak and Malkin was exceptional.
As painstakingly constructed by Gaydamak and Falcone, the documentation of the Debt
Deal had all the trappings of a sophisticated commercial arrangement, negotiated at arms
length for mutual benet by knowledgeable independent parties. And in creating this image
of uprightness, Gaydamak employed UBSs involvement to cast an ethical sheen upon their
dealings. Gaydamak was quick to stress his view as to the cleansing, almost alchemical,
power of UBSs involvement:
UBS acted as legal arbiter in all these transactions. This bank studied the transaction
for four months; it approved the deal, and received a commission on each
promissory note. The Russian Ministry of Finance deposited the notes with UBS
because the bank guaranteed the legal validity of the agreement and the legality of
the transaction, and it was paid for doing this. UBS sent the money to Russia and
it paid Abalone. Its amazing that a Swiss judge today can say that this transaction
is improper!119
But the Deal was ultimately very simple: Abalone would be earning an easy $750 million
for being little more than a note stamper.
The fundamental question is: if Angola was willing to agree to accelerate payments of
the Notes to Russia, why shouldnt it have made the same deal with Russia that Abalone
did? Russia received no better protection of payment by having Abalone in the middle.
Russia would have done twice as well in the deal by omitting Abalone from the payments.
48
Alternatively, Angola and Russia might have been able to reach some mutually benecial
accord to share the additional $750 million being diverted to Abalone, benetting the
people of both countries..
A follow-on question might be precisely what did the Angolans know about all this? If the
Angolan senior leadership from President dos Santos on down was unaware of the 50 per
cent premium Angola was paying to Abalone, this suggests at best a shocking lack of care
and attention to the use of hundreds of millions of dollars of Angolan oil wealth. However
there is good reason to believe that senior ocials did know, or chose not to know. President
dos Santos and others received millions of dollars from the Abalone accountan account
through which, so far as the documents reveal, no other income was received except from
transactions relating to the Debt Deal. If the ocials were unaware of the source and
reasons for the payments they were receiving, it is hard to imagine they would not inquire.
Angolans obviously knew that Russia was selling the Notes to Abalone. It would be
surprising if they were uninterested in the price Abalone was paying Russia. Angola/
Sonangol had no obligation to enter into the 30 May 1997 agreement with Abalone, by
which they committed to pay full face value for Notes sold to Sonangol by Abalone, at
Abalones preferred timing: surely, if the transactions had any arms length distance, Angola
had substantial leverage to insist upon full disclosure by Abalone, and likely to press for a
break in Angolas purchase price.120 But, of course, this was anything but an arms length
deal; it was a sweetheart arrangement engineered for their own benet by Angolas designated
representatives, Gaydamak and Falcone, individuals who had undertaken duties of loyalty
to Angola in agreeing to negotiate on Angolas behalf a resolution of the Russian debt, on
termsthe Angolans had every right to expectas favourable as practicable to Angola.
Interestingly, a key assertion of Cosio-Pascal in his Geneva court testimony is that the
restructured Angolan debt to Russia had a market valueof 30 per cent [of face value].
It is possible that Cosio-Pascal here is merely confused: the $1.5 billion restructured
debt represented precisely 30 per cent of the original $5 billion debt, and it seems that
Cosio-Pascal may simply have mistakenly collapsed two phases of the transaction (the
initial bilateral Angola-Russia understanding, and the subsequent trilateral Angola-RussiaAbalone arrangement). However, if his testimony was correct, then Angola couldas
easily as Cosio-Pascalhave ascertained the true value of its debt obligations and used that
information to reach its own commercial judgment about whether it needed to pay 100 per
cent of face value to Abalone, or whether a lower gure would be more appropriate.
Similarly, Russian ocials can only have presumed that Abalone would be making some
prot from the Deal. It is, again, hard to imagine that the Russian representatives, if
operating in good faith on behalf of their country, and with minimum competence, would
not have inquired into the details of the Angolan side of the Deal. The Angolans and
the Russians would have had every incentive to communicate with each other directly in
regard to these matters. Signicantly, when Russia and Angola did nd out in 2005 that
Gaydamak had received hundreds of millions of dollars from Angola that had never found
their way to Russia, and that Gaydamak had fraudulently represented to the Angolans that
he had sold them eight Notes that he turned out never to have owned, the Angolans and
the Russians complained about that last swindle, but apparently made no inquiry about the
basic terms of the underlying Deal, with its 100 per cent price mark-up on each Note sold
to Angola.121
T H E D E A L P H A S E I : P r u d e n t F i n a n c i n g o r C r i m i n a l C o n s p i r a c y?
49
51
52
In the earlier phase of the Deal, Abalone would have paid 50 per cent of face value for
the ve Angolan Promissory Notes, that is $120,967,741. Using the MinFins, however,
in this hypothetical but plausible example, Gaydamak might have saved an additional
$13,586,766 on the purchase from Russia of the ve Notes.
53
Two more Note purchases would be concluded in this Cyprus phase of the Deal. According
to a letter sent by Abalone (the author is unclear as only an illegible signature was appended)
to Vladimir Chernukhin on 14 December 2001, Abalone had, by that date, fullled its
obligations regarding the transfer of debt instruments sucient for the purchase of seven
Promissory Notes in this second phase:129 the ve Notes which were the subject of the 6
April 2001 letter to Chernukhin, plus two additional Notes purchased prior to the 14
December 2001 letter. Thus, by December 2001, Abalone had, in all, completed purchase
of 23 Notes.
If we round conservatively and assume that Gaydamak paid approximately $110 million
cash equivalent (in MinFins) for the rst ve Notes in the Cyprus phase of the Deal, and
then conservatively assume that he paid cash equivalent (in MinFins) equal to a full 50 per
cent of face value for the sixth and seventh Notes (approximately $48.4 million for the
two), that would suggest he paid a total for the seven Notes purchased in the Cyprus phase
of the Deal of no more than about $158.4 million in the period April-December 2001
Notes worth $338,709,677 when sold to Sonangol.130
54
The process for the conclusion of all the related documentation is being prepared
and will be delivery [sic] to the Government of Angola in due course.132
The second document, entitled Debit [sic] Release Declaration, reconrmed that the
money had been received from Sonangol and that the debt had thus been paid in full and
extinguished, leaving Abalone with no right to claim any [further] payment in respect of
the Angolan released debt.133
The documents were fraudulent. The Debit Release document cleared Angola of a debt a
substantial portion of whicheight Notes, or a principal value of $387,096,774Abalone
fully knew had not been repaid to Russia.
It does not reect well on either the Russian or Angolan
nance ministries that these lies were only fully discovered
a year after Gaydamak had signed the two misleading
documents. The Angolan and Russian ministries only
discussed the facts in late July 2005 during a meeting
between Russian and Angolan ocials when, apparently,
the Russians were told that the Angolans had paid a total
of $1.391 billion to Abalone to re-purchase and redeem all
Noteswhile the Russians, for their part, were still holding
eight unredeemed Notes. Gaydamak had, it turned out,
pocketed the $387 million that Sonangol had sent him to
purchase the last eight Notes.
The Russian Party informed that the Russian Federation remains the owner of 8
promissory notes each for a nominal value of $48.39 millions of US dollars issued
by the National Bank of Angola in accordance with the Agreement of November
20, 1996. These promissory notes are due from December 2005 to June 2009
together with the related amounts of capitalized interest and with the amounts of
interest and late interest accruing in accordance with the terms of the Agreement of
November 20, 1996. That makes the total outstanding indebtedness of the Republic
of Angola under the agreement of November 20, 1996 equal to $641 million of US
dollars (excluding late interest) as at September 30, 2005, out of which 136 million
of US dollars of interest already in arrears.134
Angola, meanwhile, restated that it was under the impression that it had already settled all
of its outstanding debt to Russia:
55
The Angolan Party reiterated that as of July 2001 the Republic of Angola has
fullled its obligations under the Agreement of November 20, 1996 by eecting
payments in favour of Abalone totalling 1,397 billions of US dollars for purchasing
all the 31 promissory notes issued by the National Bank of Angola in accordance
with the Agreement of November 20, 1996. The Angolan Party informed that it
received an ocial conrmation from Abalone that the latter had acquired all the
rights of ownership of these notes from the Government of Russian Federation as of
May 2000 in accordance with the Supplemental Agreement No. 4 signed between
Abalone and the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation on May 15, 2000.15
56
Abalone Investments Limited will be exempted from all commitments and all
possible responsibility based upon its previous involvement in the relations between
the Russian Federation and the Republic of Angola concerning the settlement of
the Debt of the Republic of Angola to the Russian Federation.137
But even this agreement included one nal further prejudice suered by the Angolan
government. Gaydamak was required to pay back only $206 million, to cover the total
cost of eight Promissory Notes, when Angola had paid him $387 million. Thus, although
Gaydamak had misled all the parties involved, he was still left to make a prot of $181
million on the last 8 Promissory Notes: hardly a good deal for the Government or citizens
of Angola. It is not known whether Angola ever received the promised $206 million from
Gaydamak: Falcone and Malkin, at any rate, did not believe that he did, claiming that
Gaydamak has created the charge, but kept the money.138
The conclusion of the Debt Deal in a manner that still managed to accrue a prot to
Gaydamak only serves to conrm the dubious nature of the entire Deal and, in particular,
the major costs suered by the Angolan state and its people. In total Angola had overseen the
transfer of $1,779,525,805139 to Abalone and the Russian Ministry of Finance in order to
settle a debt of $1.5 billion. If we accept that Gaydamak did pay the $206 million promised
in the 9 November 2005 agreement, Angola paid a net amount of $1,573,525,805 to pay
o the debt, $73,525,805 more than it had contracted to pay.
Most importantly, this was done despite the fact that Russia was, in reality, willing to accept
only $750 million to settle the entire debt. Angola had, by this calculation, paid at least
$823 millionand perhaps as much as $1.029 billion more than it would have if it had
settled the debt directly with Russia.
To put it simply: the Angolan public purse was swindled out of what amounted to at
least 10.98 per centand perhaps as much as 13.7 per centof Angolas entire GDP in
1996,140 the year the Debt Deal was struck. And the real beneciaries, many of whom were
supposed to be working for the good of the Angolan people, are clear: Arcadi Gaydamak,
Pierre Falcone, Vitaly Malkin, Jos Eduardo dos Santos, Elsio de Figueiredo, Jos Leito da
Costa e Silva, Jos Paiva, Joaquim David, UBS, Glencore, other nancial institutions in a
number of jurisdictions and a raft of beneciaries whose identities are yet to be uncovered.
57
considered one of Russias rst oligarchs as he had founded the countrys rst private bank,
Inkombank. He was ranked Russias 12th richest person in 1996,142 although he suered
major losses following Russias nancial crisis in the late 1990s. Interestingly, Vinogradov
appears to have had prior business links to Vitaly Malkin. Chris Hutchins, in his biography
of Vladimir Putin, reports that, in December 1995, Malkin, Vinogradov and Mikhail
Fridman attempted to purchase Yukos in a joint bida bid that failed.143
58
Gaydamak used these powers of attorney to impressive eect. As we noted in the section
above, numerous beneciaries were paid out of the Sberinvest Cyprus shell that Gaydamak
had formedfraudulentlyto receive funds from Angola and to continue the Debt Deal.
By far the largest sums were transferred to three main beneciaries: Global Alpha Star
59
Ltd. at the Alcor Bank in Luxembourg ($90 million paid on 21 March 2001), Mensanat
Trading at the Commercial Bank in Cyprus ($247 million paid on 1 June 2001) and the
Doxa Global Fund at the Investment Bank in Luxembourg ($94 million paid on 8 August
2001).154 Of the money paid to Mensanat Trading, sources state $180 or perhaps $190
million was transferred to an investment vehicle named Premium Fund Ltd. in Luxembourg
in September 2001.155
The person who managed these funds and possibly others, too, on behalf of Gaydamak
was Pierre Grotz. Appointed by Gaydamak in 2001, Grotz was handsomely remunerated
for this, receiving (at least for a while) annual payments equal to 1 per cent of the value of
all the assets in the funds plus 20 per cent of all prots;156 and Grotz was, it seems, worth
it: he reportedly increased the $360 million under his control to $1.25 billion or more by
2005.157 Gaydamak was earning a fortune from funds he had fraudulently acquired from
Angola, all the while keeping his erstwhile partners, Falcone and Malkin, completely out of
the loop about his nancial success.
All three letters were accompanied by letters from two ocers of Poalim Trust Services
Ltd., Ch. Shamir and M. Friedman, in which Poalim Trust Services identied itself as the
shareholder of the companies, which have subscribed shares in the respective fund.
Getting the funds out of Luxembourg turned out to be a dicult task. Pursuant to its
anti-money laundering obligations, IBL wrote back to Zakharins agents at Poalim Trust,
insisting that the identication of the shareholders was not sucient. (A shareholder
60
might be just a nominee, a straw man put in place to hide the identity of the actual or
benecial owner of the funds. The benecial owner is the real party in interest.) In this
case, shielding the identity of Gaydamak seems to have been precisely the intent. As the
Luxembourg newspaper DLtzebuerger Land concluded some years later, This arrangement
was used to hide [Gaydamaks] identity when he was struggling with the French court in the
course of the investigation on arms sales to Angola.161
When IBL replied, on 18 February 2004, to the Doxa Fund II redemption request, asking
that Poalim Trust Services kindly conrm that Poalim Trust Services Ltd is the benecial
owner of the shares in the relevant companies and via these companies of Doxa Fund II
Ltd.,162 it apparently got no satisfactory response.
On 27 July 2004, IBL again demanded that the ultimate benecial owners of the three
funds be disclosed to the Bank. IBL wrote:
[I]n relation to the benecial ownership identication requirement, we are not
aware of the client having ever given proper conrmation to IBL of the real
benecial ownership of the 3 Funds.
Therefore, in order to process the instruction to redeem shares of the 3 Funds and
to transfer the net redemption proceeds, we regret to insist on receiving appropriate
identication documents on the ultimate benecial owners of the companies which
are said to be the shareholders of Doxa Fund II Limited, Global Alpha Star Ltd.,
Premium Fund Ltd.163
This presented a major problem for Gaydamak. Indeed, to hide his original investment
in the funds he had relied on his nancial assistant, Joelle Mamane, to create a total of 27
oshore companiesall, in the end, benecially belonging to Gaydamakthat would act
as the subscribers in the three funds.
That Gaydamak was the real owner of the 27 companies was conrmed on 18 February
2004 when he submitted details of his nancial holdings to Poalim Trust Services. The
document was signed by Gaydamak under his new Israeli name, Arie Bar Lev.164 Included
in his disclosure was an appendix in which he acknowledged that he was the rightful owner
of Twenty Seven (27) BVI companies, all of which, sources indicate, had been created by
Joelle Mamane and which had subscribed in the Doxa, Global Alpha Star and Premium
Funds.165
Additional obstacles were created by Israeli criminal investigations, partially relating to
the Debt Deal. The Israeli investigators were conducting an investigation of Gaydamak in
connection with suspected money laundering at Poalim Trust, in Israel, and in the course
of that inquiry Israeli investigators were alerted to a Luxembourg investigation into various
suspicious activities at IBL, which was under suspicion of being used as a money-laundering
centre for a European drug cartel. The Luxembourg authorities happened upon three of
Gaydamaks investment funds, each holding a substantial amount of money, and in 2004
the Israelis, hearing of this, requested further information from Luxembourg. To stop any
further criminal activity, Luxembourg authorities froze the accounts of the three funds
at IBL, stating that they would unfreeze the accounts only if the real benecial owners
presented themselves.166
61
62
In the litigation brought against Gaydamak by Pierre Falcone and Vitaly Malkin in Israel in
2009, the two plaintis demanded substantial nancial remuneration. Rather than attack
Gaydamak for transferring funds out of Sberinvest Cyprus to his investment funds, Malkin
and Falcone claimed that they were each due a fair share of the prots that Gaydamak had
made from investing in the Premium, Global Alpha Star and Doxa funds. Considering that
Malkin was a 25 per cent shareholder and Falcone a 37.5 per cent shareholder in Abalone,
each believed he was entitled to the respective percentage of the prot made by Gaydamak.
According to the most recent media reports, Malkin and Falcone have not had much success
in pursuing their litigation. While Grotz at least won his case in the Luxembourg courts
in 2008, it was reported in October 2011 that Malkin and Falcones case had been thrown
out by the Jerusalem Magistrates Court.178 The court dismissed the application on technical
grounds, without ruling on the factual accuracy or legal merits of Malkins and Falcones
case.179 Intriguingly, the Israeli newspaper Haaretz also noted that by this time Malkin had
already removed his name from the case. It is unclear why he had agreed to do so. In any
event, Gaydamak was out of scrutiny, yet again.
63
With the hope that todays recipients will be tomorrows donors and will pass on the
value of givingand if they dont, their descendants will. The Matanel Foundation
shares in this beautiful tradition that has more in common with distributive justice
than with almsgiving.183
The Matanel Foundation has, since its formation, been active in the (largely Orthodox)
Jewish community in Israel and Europe. According to its website, the Foundation
has become involved (presumably via funding) in dozens of community and outreach
programmes, largely located in Israel but also in Belgium, Morocco, Bangladesh, France,
Panama, Argentina, Congo and Austria.184 Its public image has also been boosted by the
inclusion on its board of directors of Rabbi Adin Even Yisrael Steinsaltz, one of six recipients
of Israels rst Presidents Prize in 2012. Other recipients included Henry Kissinger and the
Rashi Foundation, the latter an outreach organisation focused on underprivileged youth.185
Matanel is listed as a partner of the Rashi Foundation, as is the Dorset Foundation.186
(See above.)
In a court proceeding in Luxembourg led in September 2012, Gaydamak is seeking to
re-gain control of some 600 million he claims has been taken from him by Mamane and
Gad Boukobza. According to DLtzebuerger Land,
The funds were identied in Luxembourg in the early 2000s. At rst frozen on the
instruction of the economic crimes prosecution oce in Luxembourg, the funds were
released thanks to a scheme involving the intervention of a Luxembourg duciary,
Gestman, and two of its responsible sta, the married couple Joelle Mamane and
Guy Boukobza, condants of Gaydamak in Luxembourg. The origin of the funds,
they armed, was a religious foundation. Half snookered by this theory, the
prosecution unblocked the funds, which then went toward Cyprus and travelled,
in part, to the murky Dorset Foundation, which in turn moved the moneys to the
Matanel Foundation in Luxembourg. Through a game of signatures and proxies set
up to hide his identity, Gaydamak now claims to have been eventually dispossessed
of his funds, and he accuses the couple Boukobza/Mamane of stealing the money
from himwhich they categorically deny.187
Gaydamak reportedly blames Mamane and Boukobza as well as the banks that held the
funds, IBL and Alcor (both of which have since been liquidated). It would appear that
Mamane and Boukobza did such a good job in hiding Gaydamaks links to the funds that
he cannot now prove he is their actual (benecial) owner. To do so, he needs access to
nancial and other documentation from the respondents, but he appears for the moment
stymied by the strict Luxembourg bank secrecy laws, which do not allow him access to the
evidence he seeks. As of December 2012, Gaydamaks latest quest seems to be unsuccessful.188
64
Conclusion
When confronted with a scandal on the scale of the Angolan Debt Deal, it may be dicult
to see beyond the more outrageous elements: the double-dealing, the unapologetic lying, the
ubiquity of the greed. However, these features are a double-edged sword. They undoubtedly
make for a good story, but they may distract from both the systematic nature of the fraud
that has been perpetrated against the Angolan and Russian people and the ease with which
this was done with the facilitation of nancial institutions. Therefore, we conclude by
emphasising some of the systemic features of the Deal and their global impact.
The rst of the interlinked features is that the Debt Deal formed a constituent part of a
broader pattern that has undermined Angolan politics and development: the gross abuse of
public funds for private ends. This is clear in the Deal inasmuch as key Angolan ocials,
including President Jos Eduardo dos Santos, were recipients of payments owing from it
payments that could only be made if the Deal was structured in such a way that Abalone
Investments could earn a healthy prot to the prejudice of the Angolan Treasury. For at
least the last decade, Angolas economic growth has been phenomenal, its GDP growing
by roughly 800 per cent. But the kleptocratic politics of the dos Santos government has
meant that only a fraction of this economic windfall has ever found its way to those in
real need: Angolas impoverished citizens. Without a commitment to clean governance and
accountability the Angolan leadership will continue to oversee a needless humanitarian
tragedya country with substantial resources and a tiny, extraordinarily wealthy clique of
politicians and their bedfellows who cannot be bothered to improve the daily life of the
majority of their citizens.
In this regard, we note that in October 2011 Manuel David Mendes, a member of
the opposition Partido Popular, laid charges in Angola owing from the Debt Deal,
alleging corruption on the part of dos Santos and other parties.189 In 2011, the Attorney
General informed David Mendes that there were insucient grounds to proceed with an
investigation.
The second feature of the Debt Deal is the role of the international banking community
in facilitating the transaction and, it seems, at key points, closing its eyes to the risk of
criminal diversion of funds. That UBS, for example, was acting as an escrow agent can in
no way excuse its failure to scrutinise critically the recipients of funds from the account and
indeed to question the logic of the underlying transactions. Particularly as regards senior
Angolan government ocials or entities controlled by them, the bank had a duty to report
such transactions to appropriate regulatory authorities unless completely satised as to the
legality of the payments. Most revealing of the UBS bankers laxness was their apparent
CONCLUSION
65
failure to le a report to Swiss authorities regarding the 6 July 2000 $3 million payment
to Jos Leito da Costa e Silva, then Minister in the Oce of the Presidencya payment
sent to an account in Leitos own name at HSBC Guyerzeller Bank Geneva, a red ag that
should have been impossible to ignore.
UBS was not alone, however. Other banks in various jurisdictions also apparently failed
in their legal and duciary duties by failing to report the various and numerous suspicious
transactions that owed from the Angolan Debt Deal; transactions that, with only the
most limited investigation, would be found to provide substantial grounds for suspicion of
money laundering, fraud or other crimes. Beyond the specic payments, however, the Deal
itself, professionally papered by the best lawyers and bankers, was a crime seemingly hidden
in plain sight. As explained in this report, the contracts themselves showed that Abalone
provided no value to Angola or to Russiaquite the contraryand if bankers and lawyers
failed to see this, it was only for lack of will. So the Debt Deal raises serious questions about
the witting or unwitting complicity of banks in seemingly criminal conduct and about the
inadequacy of internal controls and external regulation of banks.
The Debt Deal, in all its various phases, took place across a broad range of what are
known as secrecy jurisdictions: countries that require very limited disclosure from banks,
individuals and companies as to the benecial owners of accounts and companies and raise
formidable obstacles to the release of such information, even if the accounts and companies
are benecially owned by currently serving high-level public gures. This secrecy fertilises
the ground of international corruption, money laundering and other nancial crimes.
The secrecy jurisdictions used in the Debt Deal include not only Switzerland, but also
Luxembourg, Cyprus, Israel, Holland, the British Virgin Islands, the Isle of Man, and
Panama. Possibly the UK may also have been utilised. These and other similar locations are
crucial to the operation of international criminality on a grand scale.
Reforms to the nancial system to make these jurisdictions more transparent would have a
major impact in the struggle against corruption. In particular, it is untenable and undesirable
to allow public ocials from any country to construct personal banking arrangements
that are not transparent to the broader citizenry or, at the very least, investigative and
prosecutorial authorities.
The nal element of the Debt Deal that requires acknowledgment is the reality that none
of the principals or any of the professionals who assisted them has faced proper sanction
for their role in facilitating and/or proting from the Deal. One of the key reasons for
this seeming impunity is that investigative bodies dealing with international crimes that
cross multiple jurisdictions are at an immediate disadvantage, having to contend with a
warren of bureaucracy and legal instruments in a multitude of dierent countries. The
lack of a coherent, implemented international framework for the sharing of information
and the investigation of major nancial crimes is a massive disadvantage that is continually
exploited. Often countries whose own leaders have been involved in malfeasance block any
attempt to investigate these actions: Angolaand possibly Russiais a relevant example
to this case. Such a situation has to be addressed by international agreements coupled with
strong political will to follow through by strict enforcement of anti-money laundering and
other anti-corruption laws in national jurisdictions. The Angolan Debt Deal is just one
indicative illustration of the malfeasance that the status quo enables, to the cost of citizens
66
who can ill aord the misuse of public resources that they desperately require to live a
decent life.
Gaydamak and others like him have repeatedly got away with some of the most brazen
swindles of our time, involving hundreds of millions if not billions of dollars, mostly stolen
from some of the poorest people on earth. Only Falcone has been imprisoned, and then
only in connection with the French Angolagate transactions. And the international bankers,
lawyers, accountants and other middlemen and facilitators who make this all possible
continue plying their trade as if nothing at all noteworthy had happened.
In 2010, Luxembourg journalist Vronique Poujol wrote, with respect to the transfer of the
Gaydamak money from Luxembourg to Cyprus:
Five years after the facts, this case continues to make us wonder about the reasons
that have prevented the justice system in Luxembourg from opening a proper
domestic money laundering inquiry, one that could have had the immediate eect
of preventing such a rapid removal from Luxembourg of money from the Angolan
debt and the arms sales, and on a longer term could have led to a real trial of the
illicit money and not just a court battle with the only thing at stake being matters
of big business. In Switzerland, where the dubious money ows had [rst] been
identied, the case was also buried.190
In 2013, we know more yet we continue to wonder.
CONCLUSION
67
Recommendations
Potentially culpable acts closely related to the Debt Deal transactions occurred in numerous
jurisdictions, including not only Switzerland, but also at least Russia, Angola, Luxembourg,
Cyprus, Israel, Holland, the British Virgin Islands, the Isle of Man, Panama, and possibly
the UK. Authorities in all those jurisdictions should, without delay, initiate investigations
into the alleged wrongdoing within their jurisdictions and cooperate with other jurisdictions
via mutual legal assistance and otherwise to ensure full prosecution of oenses.
Moreover, other measures are called for in response to the serious issues of money laundering
and corruption raised by the ndings of this report.
1. For Angola:
a) The Attorney General should initiate criminal investigations against identied Angolan
public ocials, and any others who may have unlawfully benetted personally from
corrupt payments related to the French Angolagate arms purchases, the Angola-Russia
Debt Deal, and other major corruption scandals involving senior Angolan ocials who
have to date not been held accountable, and proceed with criminal prosecutions where
warranted
b) Judicial and police authorities should, in accordance with applicable law, without delay,
freeze assets of those under investigation, and be prepared to conscate permanently
and liquidate assets to fulll judgments rendered
c) The Parliament should constitute an independent commission of inquiry to investigate
the French Angolagate arms purchases, the Angola-Russia Debt Deal and other notorious
corruption cases, to identify any gaps in law, enforcement and/or administrative
mismanagement that allowed the corruption to occur, and to make its ndings publicly
available.
d) All government ocials who have been found by a court of law to have participated
in transactions involving a serious abuse of public oce for private gain should be
removed from serving in public oce.
e) Non-Angolan citizens should also be subject to asset freezing, in accordance with
applicable law, and, where it is not possible to adjudicate their cases domestically, judicial
authorities should cooperate with relevant jurisdictions to pursue full investigation and,
where possible, prosecution.
R E C O M M E N D AT I O N S
69
f ) The government should cooperate fully with national and international investigations
into the French Angolagate arms purchases, the Angola-Russia Debt Deal and other
major corruption scandals by making the accounts of the Ministry of Finance, Sonangol
and the Banco Nacional de Angola open and fully accessible.
g) The government should ensure that Swiss-conscated repatriated funds are used on
development projects led by Angola, and form a multi-stakeholder committee to
manage the process composed of Parliamentary representatives, judicial authorities,
and independent civil society representatives.
h) Civil society should: (i) utilize national public probity laws to hold public ocials to
account for abuse of public oce for private gain; (ii) press Angolan judicial and police
authorities and foreign and international law enforcement organizations to ensure
that those involved in this case are held accountable; (iii) participate in the process of
repatriating Angolan funds with the government.
2. For Switzerland:
i) Federal prosecutors should investigate fully the Angola-Russia Debt Deal, paying
particular notice to newly uncovered information, and initiate investigation into the
conduct of identied persons involved in the transaction, as well as any others who
may have unlawfully benetted personally from the transactions or assisted others in
perpetration of the crimes. Where warranted, such persons should be prosecuted.
j) To the extent proceeds of the transactions are found within Swiss jurisdiction, assets
should be frozen pending outcomes of investigations and prosecutions. Illicit assets
should be seized in accordance with applicable law and repatriated to Angola. The
repatriation must be transparent and supervised by the Angolan Parliament and judicial
authorities with active participation of independent Angolan and Swiss civil society
members.
k) Prosecuting authorities should assist foreign jurisdictions in initiating investigations to
the extent proceeds are no longer within Swiss jurisdiction, or relevant criminal oenses
were committed outside of Switzerland.
l) The Swiss nancial regulator should sanction the nancial intermediaries who, after
appropriate investigation, are found to have violated or disregarded their due diligence
responsibilities; the sanctions should be made public.
m) Parliament should pass legislation requiring public disclosure of payments to governments
made by resource extraction companies and commodity trading companies (including
subsidiaries and other entities under their control), to be included in an annual
report, on a project-by-project basis. Such legislation should provide, at a minimum,
a transparency standard akin to disclosure regulations adopted or to be adopted by
the US and the EU. Given Switzerlands outstanding market position in commodity
trading, particularly oil trading, trading activities must be covered by such transparency
requirements.
n) Parliament should pass legislation to detect and prevent illicit nancial ows executed
and facilitated by Swiss extraction and trading companies. Whereas Swiss criminal law
prohibits laundering of illicit assets of any type, special due diligence provisions set out
70
R E C O M M E N D AT I O N S
71
72
Appendices
Appendix 1
Payments made from Sonangol to Abalone Investments at UBS
Bank191
Date
Amount (US$)
02/10/1997
299,322,580.62
08/01/1998
48,387,096.77
09/03/2000
96,774,193.54
12/04/2000
241,935,483.85
06/07/2000
96,774,193.54
Total
APPENDICES
774,193,548.32
73
Appendix 2
Payments made from Abalone Investments (UBS-SA) to
the Russian Ministry of Finance192
Date
Amount (US$)
03/10/1997
145,161,290.31
08/01/1998
16,752,407.28
Total
74
161,913,697.59
Appendix 3
Payments from Abalone Investments (UBS-SA) to
Arcadi Gaydamak193
Date
03/10/1997
44,229,063.38
08/01/1998
6,000,000.00
15/01/1998
10,000,000.00
20/05/1998
290,000.00
Total
APPENDICES
Amount (US$)
60,519,063.38
75
Appendix 4
Payments from Abalone Investments (UBS-SA) to
Pierre Falcone194
Date
03/10/1997
18,229,664.00
12/04/2000
23,000,000.00
12/04/2000
6,725,000.00
06/07/2000
9,000,000.00
06/07/2000
Pierre Joseph Falcone Banque Ferrier Lullin & Cie Geneva Acc 1038915
Total
76
Amount (US$)
719,000.00
57,673,664.00
Appendix 5
Payments from Abalone Investments (UBS-SA) to
Brenco International195
Date
03/10/1997
Brenco Trading Ltd. Banque Ferrier Lullin & Cie Geneva Acc. 1.038.814
15,000,000.00
20/05/1998
Brenco Trading Ltd. Banque Ferrier Lullin & Cie Geneva Acc. 1.038.814
290,016.98
06/07/2000
Brenco Group Discount Bank & Trust Co. Geneva Acc. 523 447
Total
APPENDICES
Amount (US$)
15,000,000.00
30,290,016.98
77
Appendix 6
Payments from Abalone Investments (UBS-SA) to
Vitaly Malkin196
Date
09/03/2000
26,700,000.00
12/04/2000
22,134,000.00
Total
78
Amount (US$)
48,834,000.00
Appendix 7
Payments between Abalone Investments (UBS-SA) and petroleum
traders Glencore and Loke Trade197
Date
16/07/1997
03/10/1997
11,612,903.22
(paid to Loke Trade from Abalone)
03/10/1997
8,709,677.42
(paid to Loke Trade from Abalone)
03/10/1997
4,669,704.92
(paid to Loke Trade from Abalone)
24/11/1997
20,000.00
(paid to Abalone by Glencore)
14/05/1998
577,352.15
(paid to Abalone by Glencore)
Sub-Totals
Net Total
APPENDICES
Amount paid to
Abalone (US$)
Amount paid by
Abalone (US$)
75,000.00
(paid to Abalone by Glencore)
672,352.15
(paid to Abalone by Glencore)
24,992,285.56
(paid to Loke Trade by Abalone)
24,319,933.41
79
Appendix 8
Payments from Abalone Investments (UBS-SA)
to Joaquim David (Penworth Ltd.)
Date
12/04/2000
5,000,000.00
06/07/2000
3,000,000.00
Total
80
Amount (US$)
8,000,000.00
Appendix 9
Payments from Abalone Investments (UBS-SA)
to Unknown Beneciaries with the references they were given in
the Abalone account198
Date
03/10/1997
8,709,677.42
08/01/1998
6,500,016.99
08/01/1998
241,952.47
08/01/1998
09/03/2000
70,000,000.00
12/04/2000
46,380,000.00
12/04/2000
12/04/2000
10,000,000.00
12/04/2000
38,693,548.39
12/04/2000
Nordson Financial Ltd. Abn Amro Bank Amsterdam Acc. 0155 41 079869 06
40,000,000.00
06/07/2000
20,599,000.00
06/07/2000
10,161,290.32
06/07/2000
1,500,000.00
17/07/2000
22,579,622.20
17/07/2000
11,289,811.10
Sub-Totals
AB Petroleum
15,451,646.88
Antalia
10,000,000.00
Bastwick Trading
Amount (US$)
1,000,016.99
3,000,000.00
4,500,000.00
Candlebrum
22,579,622.20
Dynatron
11,289,811.10
Karos
136,979,000.00
Malagas Financial
48,854,838.71
Nordson Financial
40,000,000.00
Technopromexport Intl.
Total
APPENDICES
1,000,016.99
290,654,935.88
81
Appendix 10
Payments from Sonangol to Sberinvest, Cyprus199
Date
20/03/2001
TT Sberinvest 1088-1
96,774,193.54
22/03/2001
TT Sberinvest 1096-1
145,161,290.31
31/05/2001
TT Sberinvest 1227-1
246,804,338.40
07/08/2001
TT Sberinvest 1375-1
104,495,661.00
22/08/2001
TT Sberinvest 1409-1
25,000,000.00
Total
82
Amount (US$)
618,235,483.25
Appendix 11
Payments from Sberinvest Cyprus to Interprombank200
Date
26/03/2001
Interprombank
50,000,160
02/04/2001
Interprombank
50,000,160
05/04/2001
Interprombank
11,500,000
08/08/2001
Interprombank
10,000,160
29/08/2001
Interprombank
10,000,160
Total
APPENDICES
Amount (US$)
131,500,640
83
Appendix 12
Payments from Sberinvest Cyprus to Unknown Beneciaries
Date
Amount (US$)
15/03/2001
Rosbank
3,000,160
20/03/2001
Rosbank (PN)
2,500,160
23/03/2001
Yomil Securities SA
10/04/2001
5,500,160
12/04/2001
2,000,160
27/04/2001
Mizuho International
2,000,160
27/04/2001
10/05/2001
Cliff
25/05/2001
No Description
14/06/2001
18/06/2001
26/06/2001
17/07/2001
2,203,938
26/07/2001
2,579,533
14/08/2001
Mizuho
5,000,160
23/08/2001
Mizuho International
5,000,160
24/08/2001
6,000,160
27/08/2001
29/08/2001
No Description
3,500,000
29/08/2001
No Description
350,000
04/09/2001
04/09/2001
07/09/2001
No Description
2,000,000
07/09/2001
No Description
500,000
13/09/2001
Mizuho International
19/12/2001
27/12/2001
Mizuho International
2,100,160
Sub-Totals
1,050,000
Cliff
2,000,160
2,980,320
Mizuho
5,000,160
Mizuho International202
1,500,160
31,700,160
10,000,160
2,000,160
10,000,160
456,160
1,050,000
500,160
980,160
1,500,160
500,160
2,000,160
300,160
No Description
84
500,160
Date
Amount (US$)
Sub-Totals (continued)
SNP Boat Service Payments for Boat
Spade Business Ltd. (Bank of Cyprus) Boats for Angola
Sumatra Ltd. (Man-Financial) London
300,160
5,500,160
10,000,160
6,000,160
Yomil Securities SA
31,700,160
5,239,631
203
Total
APPENDICES
500,160
105,222,671
85
Appendix 13
Payments from Sberinvest, Cyprus to Gaydamaks Investment
Funds, to Belinvest Finance SA, and to Gaydamaks Israeli lawyer
A. Zichroni204
Date
21/03/2001
04/05/2001
5,400,160
15/05/2001
5,000,160
01/06/2001
247,000,000
18/06/2001
517,000
08/08/2001
Total
86
Amount (US$)
90,000,160
94,000,160
441,917,640
Exhibits
EXHIBITS
87
Exhibit 4
RussiaAbalone Agreement 5 March 1997
EXHIBITS
89
Exhibit 4 (continued)
RussiaAbalone Agreement 5 March 1997
90
Exhibit 4 (continued)
RussiaAbalone Agreement 5 March 1997
EXHIBITS
91
Exhibit 4 (continued)
RussiaAbalone Agreement 5 March 1997
92
Exhibit 4 (continued)
RussiaAbalone Agreement 5 March 1997
EXHIBITS
93
Exhibit 4 (continued)
RussiaAbalone Agreement 5 March 1997
94
Exhibit 4 (continued)
RussiaAbalone Agreement 5 March 1997
EXHIBITS
95
Exhibit 4 (continued)
RussiaAbalone Agreement 5 March 1997
96
Exhibit 4 (continued)
RussiaAbalone Agreement 5 March 1997
EXHIBITS
97
Exhibit 5
Angola Promissory Notes 12
98
Exhibit 8
SonangolAbalone Agreement 30 May 1997
EXHIBITS
99
Exhibit 8 (continued)
SonangolAbalone Agreement 30 May 1997
100
Exhibit 8 (continued)
SonangolAbalone Agreement 30 May 1997
EXHIBITS
1 01
Exhibit 8 (continued)
SonangolAbalone Agreement 30 May 1997
102
Exhibit 8 (continued)
SonangolAbalone Agreement 30 May 1997
EXHIBITS
1 03
Exhibit 10
Banque Internationale Luxembourg Declaration of Benecial
Ownership 6 April 1998
104
Exhibit 11
UBS Memo 22 June 1999
EXHIBITS
1 05
Exhibit 11 (continued)
UBS Memo 22 June 1999
106
Exhibit 11 (continued)
UBS Memo 22 June 1999
UBS
Memorandum
Geneva, 22 June 1999
to: Andreas Kaegi, Legal Advisor, Legal Department, C363, Talstrasse, Zurich
from: Alain Zbinden, Legal Department & Compliance, CGXK, Les Cygnes, Geneva
re: Risky Cases
Dear Sir,
I refer to your e-mail dated 10 June 1999. Taking into account the criteria specified therein, I am
communicating to you the existence of the following file opened and remaining under the responsibility
of the Structured Trade and Commodity Finance (STCF) service in Geneva, the division of Warburg Dillon
Read up to 30 June 30 1999, at whose request our Legal Department, and primarily the undersigned,
have been sought out with respect to legal matters (contract review and assistance for due diligence).
After several months of negotiations, the STCF at the former SBS Geneva accepted, on 11 April 1997,
to act as "escrow agent" at the request of Glencore UK Ltd, as part of a repurchase transaction by
Angola of thirty-one government obligations [bonds], and corresponding repayment certificates, issued
by the Banco Nacional de Angola in Russia's favor.
The parties to this "escrow agreement" are the former SBS ("escrow agent"), Unicombank in Moscow
(seller) acting in its own name but on behalf of the Russian Ministry of Finance, and Abalone
lnvestments Ltd (purchaser). This principal "escrow agreement" is supplemented by two "side
agreements" between, on the one hand, Abalone lnvestments Ltd., SBS and Sonangol and, on the other
hand, SBS and Abalone lnvestments Ltd.
The economic background and the operation of this "escrow agreement" are as follows.
Glencore UK Ltd obtains pre-financing of Angolan oil purchases from large, known first-rank
commercial banks. The proceeds of such pre-financing are transferred by Glencore UK Ltd on our books
available to Sonangol, the state-owned oil exporter of Angola, to enable it to fund the repurchase of the
obligations. Sonangol then transfers to the buyer, Abalone lnvestments Ltd., at our bank, [the buyers]
remuneration for its role as intermediary in the Angolan debt repurchase transaction, and the price set
by the Russian Ministry of Finance for the debt repurchase. Then UBS transfers to Unicombank the
sum corresponding to the price of the obligations. In return, simultaneously, Abalone lnvestments Ltd.
Receives from UBS the repurchased obligations, and their repayment certificates, and delivers them to
Sonangol for account of Angola, which can in this manner gradually annul and erase its debt toward
Russia.
EXHIBITS
1 07
Exhibit 11 (continued)
UBS Memo 22 June 1999
STCFs acceptance of this role as "escrow agent" was motivated by the fact that Glencore UK Ltd. is
owned by Glencore International AG, and, like Sonangol, is a very important client long known by our
bank. As for Abalone Jnvestments Ltd, its economic principals [ayant-droit conomiques], w ell-known
to the Glencore group, were also identified by the former SBS. Finally, with regard to Unicombank, it is a
bank known to SBC Warburg London with which [SBC Warburg London] has worked in the area of
syndicated financings of Russian debt repurchases.
Moreover, the Russian Ministry of Finance has confirmed in writing to the former SBS, on 11 April 1997,
its agreement to the terms of this "escrow agreement" and its representation by Unicombank as vendor,
party to this "escrow agreement", the thirty-one Angolan state obligations having been endorsed over
to Unicombank by the Russian Ministry of Finance.
Glencore International AG, on the same date, confirmed in writing to the former SB5 its full knowledge
of all terms and parties to this repurchase of the Angolan obligations, of the parties and terms of the
"escrow agreement", its indirect involvement in this operation and of its financial interest. Moreover,
besides the payment of the "escrows fees", Glencore International AG guarantees to the former SBS to
reimburse it all costs and fees of third parties that could be incurred by our bank in case of litigations
relating to the implementation of this escrow agreement, that shall not have been previously settled
by Abalone lnvestments Ltd, as [Abalone] has bound itself in a written commitment upon first request,
also dated 11 April 1997.
Financial risk in terms of credit does not exist for our bank in its function as "escrow agent ".
UBS AG, in its sole capacity as escrow agent ", must ensure an accurate and meticulous execution of its
principal obligation, consisting, as in matters of documentary credits, in the surrender to the buyer of
the Angolan state obligations, and their certificates of repayment, that it holds in safety under its sole
control, against simultaneous receipt by itself of the funds corresponding to the exact value of the
purchase price fixed for such obligations, redeemable individually or in tranches of six, each comprising
five bonds, except that the first had six, marked A to F.
Each installment bears a scheduled payment at year end, starting for the first 30 November 1997 and for
the last 31 December 2004.
The redemption price for each tranche of five bonds is USD 120'967'741,93 (or USD 24 '193 '548,39 per
bond and certificate of repayment).
It should be noted that all of Tranche A, and the first bond, and certificate of repayment, of Tranche B,
have already been re-purchased, in strict accordance with conditions laid down by this "escrow
agreement", respectively in early October and late December 1997, by Abalone lnvestments Ltd. by
means of pre-financings obtained by Glencore UK Ltd, as described above, and to the satisfaction of all
parties.
The next deadline to come, for the redemption of the four remaining obligations of Tranche B, and their
certificates of repayment, is scheduled for 30 November 1999.
108
Exhibit 11 (continued)
UBS Memo 22 June 1999
Mr Yves Lehur, director of STCF, has a complete knowledge and control of this file, and, given the parties
involved are well known to the bank, their importance and professional skills, the STCF estimates the
risks as minimum and controlled.
Both Mr Yves Lehur and I myself remain at your disposition for any further information you may need.
UBS SA
Legal Department
Alain Zbinden,
Assistant Director
Flle
EXHIBITS
1 09
Exhibit 13
UBS Memo 6 September 1999
110
Exhibit 13 (continued)
UBS Memo 6 September 1999
EXHIBITS
111
Exhibit 13 (continued)
UBS Memo 6 September 1999
112
Exhibit 13 (continued)
UBS Memo 6 September 1999
EXHIBITS
11 3
Exhibit 13 (continued)
UBS Memo 6 September 1999
UBS SA
Post Office Box 2600
121 Geneva 2
Phone: +41-22-375 75 75
UBS
Memorandum
Geneva, September 6, 1999
to
from
Alain Zbinden
Office: rue de Lausanne 20
Phone : +41-22-375 92 55
Fax : +41-22-375 94 82
[email protected]
This message is pursuant to the meeting held at the CAA on September 1 with Mr. Gedamak
and Mr. Falcone during which they presented the changes desired by the Ministry of Finance
and Abalone regarding the terms currently governing the redemption of the Angolan debt vis-vis Russia and their effect on the Escrow Agreements to which UBS SA has been party since
the spring of 1997.
The primary change is that the Government Bonds and Repayment Certificates issued by Banco
Nacional de Angola in favor of Russia would no longer be redeemed, and thus nullified, by the
transfer of an amount of money in USD equivalent to the agreed-upon price, but by the return
to the Ministry of Finance of securities materializing the Russian debt in regards to its creditors
from the London Club (PRINs/IANs), securities whose values are registered on the stock
exchange.
The other, non-voluntary, change is that Unicombank, acting on behalf of the Ministry of
Finance, had its banking license revoked due to the difficulties it had encountered and was
placed under court-ordered administration, following the example of other Russian banks.
According to Mr. Falcone and Mr. Gedamak, the above-mentioned changes would considerably
alter the agreements signed in 1997 and would require the signing of new agreements, in
particular the Escrow Agreement with UBS SA, Abalone and the new bank indirectly
representing the Ministry of Finance, SBERINVEST in Moscow.
Consequently, our Bank was asked if it was ready to agree to these new terms for the
redemption of the Angolan debt vis--vis Russia, and to serve as the Escrow Bank for the
exchange of the aforementioned securities.
Whether UBS accepts or refuses, in either case the Escrow Agreement signed with Abalone and
Unicombank on April 11, 1997, and consequently the side agreements with Abalone and
Sonangol and with Abalone alone would moreover be amended, if not terminated early, since
the new terms would be too different than those from 1997.
An amendment to this Escrow Agreement would require the consent of all the parties involved.
The prior termination of the Escrow Agreement of April 11, 1997 is governed by its Article 8.2,
which provides that an annulment can take place with written agreement, either between
Abalone and Unicombank, or between the Ministry of Finance and Abalone, or in a third case
with Unicombank acting alone in the event that UBS SA does not receive the entire Payment
114
Exhibit 13 (continued)
UBS Memo 6 September 1999
UBS
Value for a Batch on the Transfer Date and that this failure is not remedied within a defined
period.
If this Escrow Agreement is terminated under any of the above scenarios, UBS SA must make the
Government Bonds and Repayment Certificates that Abalone has not yet purchased available to
Unicombank and must return them to it according to the instructions from said Russian bank.
Therefore, to the extent that SBERINVEST replaces Unicombank to act on behalf of the Ministry
of Finance, it would first be within the framework of the current agreement, i.e. the Escrow
Agreement of April 11, 1997, particularly to terminate this agreement and the receive the
Government Bonds and Repayment Certificates, and only then for signing a new escrow
agreement with UBS SA and Abalone.
Consequently, the following documents must be obtained as concerns this substitution of the
Ministry of Finance's bank:
x
Recent documents concerning SBERINVEST, and the bodies (and their signatures)
authorized to bind it.
Letter from Unicombank to UBS SA confirming the revocation of its banking license and its
inability to continue as party to the Escrow Agreement of April 11, 1997.
Letter from SBERINVEST to UBS SA confirming having been designated by the Ministry of
Finance to fully replace Unicombank in all of its privileges and responsibilities within the
context of the Escrow Agreement of 11 April 1997.
Letter from the Ministry of Finance to UBS SA confirming that Unicombank is no longer
authorized to act on behalf of the Ministry of Finance in the framework of the Escrow
Agreement of April 11, 1997 and that SBERINVEST has replaced it in all of their rights and
obligations undertaken with respect to the Escrow Agreement.
Should UBS SA agree to enter into a new Escrow Agreement with Abalone and
SBERINVEST, letter from the Ministry of Finance to UBS SA confirming that
SBERINVEST is fully authorized to act on behalf of the Ministry of Finance in the
framework of this new Escrow Agreement.
As for these new terms and conditions for the repayment of the Angolan debt in return for
securities issued by the Russian government, the following comments must be made:
First, UBS SA must analyze the new transaction proposed with regards to its structure, financing
and the opportunity to perfectly master the execution of the obligations it would assume as the
Escrow Bank.
Next, as concerns the contractual clauses of the Supplemental Agreement, I would note the
following:
ad 2: The equivalence of the nominal value of the Government Bonds and the IANs/PRINs is to
be verified, as well as the proportions of 85% and 15%.
ad 3: The exercise period for Abalone set for October 20, 1999 to purchase the six blocks of
shares seems to be quite close, taking into account the time required to analyze this
transaction, prepare a new Escrow Agreement, conduct due diligence, obtain confirmation
and a guarantee from Glencore/Abalone, identical to those issued in April 1997, as for this
EXHIBITS
11 5
Exhibit 13 (continued)
UBS Memo 6 September 1999
UBS
new transaction and its parties, for UBS SA, and to find the funds to acquire the IANs/PRINs
and negotiate a sales price with their current holders for Abalone.
The Government Bonds and Repayment Certificates are effectively those that remain under
our control. However, regarding the IANs/PRINs, if I have understood correctly, unlike the
current mechanism through which we should receive the amount in USD corresponding to the
price of the Batch or a corresponding Government Bond, UBS SA should only receive a
Declaration of Remittance from SBERINVEST attesting to their receipt of the equivalent
IANs/PRINs from Abalone, to release the Government Bonds and Repayment Certificates in
favor of Abalone. UBS SA then only has to ensure that the price for these Government Bonds
and Repayment Certificates has been previously paid by Abalone, since this verification falls
within the framework of the agreements between Abalone and SBERINVEST to which UBS
SA is not a party).
ad 5: It is impossible that the Supplemental Escrow Agreement could take effect September 6,
1999, knowing that the meeting during which these new modalities were presented took place
on September 1, 1999!
ad 6: In particular, it is expected that the Escrow Agreement of April 11, 1999 shall remain in effect
for all of the Government Bonds and Repayment Certificates not covered under this
Supplemental Agreement. This is strange and contradictory in the sense that the Supplemental
Agreement covers all of the remaining securities!
Does this mean that unless Abalone acquires the remaining twenty four Government Bonds and
Repayment Certificates according to these new terms and conditions within the period from
October 20 to November 15, 1999, then the former agreements would once again take effect?
ad 8: This is the most delicate issue.
In fact, in the context of the existing agreements, and in particular the Escrow Agreement of
April 11, 1997, the very important question of the price that the Ministry of Finance accepted to
sell the Government Bonds and Repayment Certificates to Abalone was settled when Glencore,
on the one hand, presented UBS with the documents signed by the Ministry of Finance with
Abalone, and, on the other hand, with official documents from the successive representatives of
the Ministry of Finance itself.
Moreover, in this case, it is simply stated that the Ministry of Finance accepts the sale of these
securities in return for IANs/PRINs without any other official confirmation issued by the
Ministry of Finance and the Russian government authorizing the new transaction at that
price.
Finally, it should be noted that the Supplemental Agreement bears no official seal from the
Ministry of Finance and that the representatives signature is not notarized.
This last point caused me to look into a possible risk to reputation.
When Glencore presented the transaction to UBS SA in February 1997, Russias financial and
political situation was fairly stable and the international financial community was involved in a
good number of transactions with this country's private and public organizations.
However, since the financial crisis that shook Russia and the numerous successive changes in the
government that followed, it is more difficult to be certain that you're dealing with the proper
official Ministry of Finance representative who is expressing the governments true wishes to enter
into such a specific and complex transaction as the one relative to these Government Bonds and
Repayment Certificates.
116
Exhibit 13 (continued)
UBS Memo 6 September 1999
UBS
Ultimately, this political and financial instability has generated, or maybe the opposite, increased
attention from Western legal authorities, particularly from Switzerland and Geneva, which has
resulted in full scale criminal investigations being opened.
To be sure, the motives, structures, financing and contractual parties behind the transactions
concerning these securities issued by the Banco Nacional de Angola in favor of Russia had nothing
to do with the financial matters that have appeared in the news for the last several weeks.
Nevertheless, this transaction is related to two countries that have become more delicate and
unstable, Russia and Angola, and any possible mention of one of the representatives of either of the
parties such as Abalone, SBERINVEST or the Ministry of Finance in a news article, even if later
determined to be unfounded, if not slanderous, would still initially cause a Swiss judge, and above
all a Geneva judge, to take an interest in the individuals in question.
Since then, if at the time of the significant changes to the transaction requested by the Ministry of
Finance and Abalone, UBS SA could have the opportunity to definitively terminate its role as the
Escrow Agent, which would be turned over to another bank, a hypothetical situation that Mr.
Gedamak and Mr. Falcone themselves brought up, and that is so wishes in light of the above, there
would be good reason to examine the advantages and disadvantages of the decision to be made.
Regardless of the position taken by UBS SA, these new terms presented by Abalone must be
submitted to Mr. Bernard Verdier to review and make a decision in terms of its transactional and
commercial nature.
In terms of the risks to reputation, apart from reiterating the issues mentioned above, the Romandie
Legal and Compliance Department does not have the authority to determine if UBS SA assumes
these risks.
Sincerely,
UBS SA
Legal Department
Alain Zbinden
Assistant Director
EXHIBITS
11 7
Exhibit 15
GaydamakMalkin MOU 20 December 1999
118
Exhibit 15 (continued)
GaydamakMalkin MOU 20 December 1999
EXHIBITS
11 9
Exhibit 15 (continued)
GaydamakMalkin MOU 20 December 1999
120
Exhibit 15 (continued)
GaydamakMalkin MOU 20 December 1999
EXHIBITS
121
Exhibit 15 (continued)
GaydamakMalkin MOU 20 December 1999
122
Exhibit 21
Abalone Investments Ltd. Schedule of UBS Bank Activity
23 May 199731 December 2000
EXHIBITS
123
Exhibit 24
Sberinvest Cypus Account Schedule of Payments
AprilAugust 2001
124
Exhibit 28
Sberinvest Flow Chart
EXHIBITS
125
Exhibit 31
Police Report Allain Guilloux and Others 12 November 2003
126
Exhibit 31 (continued)
Police Report Allain Guilloux and Others 12 November 2003
EXHIBITS
127
Exhibit 31 (continued)
Police Report Allain Guilloux and Others 12 November 2003
128
Exhibit 31 (continued)
Police Report Allain Guilloux and Others 12 November 2003
EXHIBITS
129
Exhibit 31 (continued)
Police Report Allain Guilloux and Others 12 November 2003
[Page 1 of 4]
REPUBLIC OF FRANCE
MINISTRY OF THE INTERIOR
[illegible] D6622/1
NATIONAL POLICE
HEADQUARTERS
_________
Financial Crime Unit
122 Rue du Chteau des Rentiers
75013 Paris
01 55 75 20 99 01 55 75 27 53
_________
POLICE REPORT
Rep. No.
CASE:
Allain Guilloux and others
PURPOSE:
FINDINGS
Camparal,
Tutoral and Dramal accounts
at B.I.L. [International Bank of
Luxembourg]
/seal.
Police Prefecture
Judicial Police Headquarters
/signature/
130
Exhibit 31 (continued)
Police Report Allain Guilloux and Others 12 November 2003
[Page 2 of 4]
/seal.
Police Prefecture
Judicial Police Headquarters
/signature/
EXHIBITS
1 31
Exhibit 31 (continued)
Police Report Allain Guilloux and Others 12 November 2003
[Page 3 of 4]
JUDICIAL POLICE HEADQUARTERS
FINANCIAL CRIME UNIT
122-126 Rue du Chteau des
Rentiers
75013 Paris
/seal/
Police Prefecture
Judicial Police Headquarters
/signature/
132
Exhibit 31 (continued)
Police Report Allain Guilloux and Others 12 November 2003
[Page 4 of 4]
In witness whereof.
/seal/
Police Prefecture
No. 613
Judicial Police Headquarters
EXHIBITS
1 33
Exhibit 38
Declaration of Remittance and Debit Release Declaration
20 July 2004
134
Exhibit 38 (continued)
Declaration of Remittance and Debit Release Declaration 20 July 2004
EXHIBITS
1 35
Exhibit 38 (continued)
Declaration of Remittance and Debit Release Declaration 20 July 2004
136
Exhibit 41
RussiaAngola Meeting Minutes 30 September 2005
EXHIBITS
1 37
Exhibit 41 (continued)
RussiaAngola Meeting Minutes 30 September 2005
138
Exhibit 42
SwitzerlandAngola Accord 1 November 2005
EXHIBITS
1 39
Exhibit 42 (continued)
SwitzerlandAngola Accord 1 November 2005
14 0
Exhibit 42 (continued)
SwitzerlandAngola Accord 1 November 2005
EXHIBITS
1 41
Exhibit 42 (continued)
SwitzerlandAngola Accord 1 November 2005
14 2
Exhibit 42 (continued)
SwitzerlandAngola Accord 1 November 2005
EXHIBITS
1 43
Exhibit 42 (continued)
SwitzerlandAngola Accord 1 November 2005
14 4
Exhibit 42 (continued)
SwitzerlandAngola Accord 1 November 2005
EXHIBITS
1 45
Exhibit 42 (continued)
SwitzerlandAngola Accord 1 November 2005
14 6
Exhibit 43
AngolaAbalone Agreement 9 November 2005
EXHIBITS
1 47
Exhibit 43 (continued)
AngolaAbalone Agreement 9 November 2005
14 8
Exhibit 43 (continued)
AngolaAbalone Agreement 9 November 2005
EXHIBITS
1 49
Exhibit 43 (continued)
AngolaAbalone Agreement 9 November 2005
150
Notes
1.
2.
The Gaydamak gure includes four payments from Abalone totalling $60,519,663 to an account in
name of Arcadi Gaydamak; and six payments totalling $441,917,640 from Sberinvest Cyprus to Global
Alpha Star Fund, Gaydamaks lawyer Zichroni, Belinvest Finance SA, Mensanat Trading and Doxa
Global Fund. The gure subtracts from Gaydamaks estimated gross earning an assumed payment by
him of an estimated $158.4 million for MinFin 5s and MinFin 7s for delivery to Russia, as well as a
payment of $206 million reimbursement to Angola, which may not have occurred. Note that Gaydamaks
investment manager, Pierre Grotz, alleges that Gaydamak recouped approximately $360 million from
the Debt Deal. See Vronique Poujol, Lincroyable destin de largent de lAngolagate, DLtzebuerger
Land (16 September 2010), available at http://www.land.lu/2010/09/16/lincroyable-destin-de-largentde-langolagate/ ($360 million grew to $1.4 billion according to the investment managers); and Nurit
Roth, Suit claims Gaydamak defrauded Angolans of $365 million, Haaretz (13 April 2008), available
at http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/business/suit-claims-gaydamak-defrauded-angolans-of-365million-1.243850.
3.
The Falcone gure includes ve payments totalling $57,673,664 made from Abalone to an account in
name of Pierre Joseph Falcone; three payments totalling $30,290,016 to Brenco Trading Ltd. and Brenco
Group; and one payment of $47,000,000 distributed to Real Trade Ltd., less $10 million onward-sent to
Sol Investment Group, believed owned by Elsio de Figueiredo.
4.
The Malkin gure includes two payments made from Abalone to an account in name of Vitaly Malkin.
5.
The dos Santos gure represents $36,250,000 received through Banque Indosuez Luxembourg.
6.
The de Figueiredo gure includes $7,380,000 received through Banque Indosuez Luxembourg; also
includes one $10,000,000 payment received by Sol Investment through Real Trade Ltd., and 143,450
believed to be linked to the Debt Deal and that appears in the annex to the November 2005 SwitzerlandAngola Accord (converted to $177,000, based on 30 September 2004 rate of $1.23305/). See EXHIBIT
42: Switzerland-Angola Accord 1 November 2005 (Annex).
7.
The David gure includes two payments totalling $8,000,000 paid to Penworth Ltd., plus an additional
$5,250,000 in the same account, as appears in the annex to the November 2005 Switzerland-Angola
Accord.
8.
The Paiva gure appears in an account in the name of Midas, identied as benecially owned by Jos
Carlos de Castro Paiva in the annex to the November 2005 Switzerland-Angola Accord.
9.
The Leito da Costa gure includes one payment of $3 million paid to an account in name of Jos Leito
da Costa e Silva; and $358,000 believed to be linked to the Debt Deal and that appears in the annex to
the November 2005 Switzerland-Angola Accord.
10.
The Mandate rst came to light when it was uncovered at the Paris oce of Pierre Falcones Socit
Brenco France by French investigators seeking evidence regarding the Angolagate deal.
11.
NOTES
151
152
12.
EXHIBIT 1: RussiaAngola DRAFT Intergovernmental Agreement 14 May 1996. (The 14 May 1996
document, though containing Russian and Angolan signatures, was only a draft of what would be the
nal agreement, dated 20 November 1996 (EXHIBIT 3: RussiaAngola Intergovernmental Agreement
20 November 1996).
13
We do not have a copy of Decree No. 1287, but it is described in EXHIBIT 4: RussiaAbalone Agreement
5 March 1997, paragraph (D) of the Introduction.
14.
15
We can identify Vavilovs signature because it is so labeled in EXHIBIT 1, the 14 May 1996 Preliminary
English Version, which was signed even though apparently not intended as operative. The 14 May
1996 Preliminary English Version is also signed by Augusto da Silva Toms (Minister of Economy
and Finance) for the Angolan side, but the Angolan signature on the 20 November 1996 nal
Intergovernmental Agreement appears dierent, and not legible.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
Each Note stated that it was transferable, upon prior notice to and with approval by, the Banco Nacional
de Angola. Copies of the Notes are at EXHIBIT 5.
21.
22.
See also EXHIBIT 40: Daniel Zappelli letter 21 December 2004 (citing the opinion of the public nance
expert Enrique Cosio-Pascal that the involvement of Abalone in the deal enable[d] Angola to be given
the chance of repurchasing its debt free of the current accrued interest for which it was liable).
23.
24.
25.
Ibid.
26.
27.
Ibid.
28.
EXHIBIT 4: RussiaAbalone Agreement 5 March 1997, section 2.5. Unpaid principal would begin to
accrue interest on that date at a rate of LIBOR plus 3.45 per cent. (LIBORthe London Interbank
Oered Rateis a widely used inter-bank lending rate benchmark.) A Supplemental Agreement between
Russia and Abalone, dated 11 April 1997, changed the Tranche B Transfer Date from 30 November
1998 to 30 November 1999, and relieved Abalone from having to purchase complete Tranches together,
allowing for purchase of one or more Notes and Certicates, with pro rata adjustments of payment
terms. The April 1997 Supplemental Agreement also conrmed that Unicombank, Moscow, would act
on behalf of the Russian Ministry of Finance. EXHIBIT 6: Russia-Abalone Supplemental Agreement 11
April 1997.
29.
30.
31.
32.
Perhaps coincidentally, Jos Filomeno de Sousa dos Santos (Zen), a son of President dos Santos and
often seen as potential successor, spent time working for Glencore in London, early in his stellar business
career. The 34-year-old Zen was recently appointed as one of three board members in Angolas rst
formal sovereign wealth fund, the $5 billion Fundo Soberano de Angola. Louise Redvers, Angola: Whos
who in the palace? Mail & Guardian (2 November 2012), available at http://mg.co.za/print/2012-1102-00-angola-whos-who-in-the-palace.
33.
34.
35.
36.
The authors believe they have identied and obtained copies of the rst three (but not the fourth) of these
agreements, as referred to in the MOU: namely (i) EXHIBIT 3: RussiaAngola Intergovernmental
Agreement 20 November 1996; (ii) EXHIBIT 4: Russia-Abalone Agreement 5 March 1997 plus
EXHIBIT 6: RussiaAbalone Supplemental Agreement 11 April 1997 plus EXHIBIT 12: Russia
Abalone Supplemental Agreement 23 August 1999; and (iii) EXHIBIT 8: Sonangol-Abalone Agreement
30 May 1997.
37.
38.
Sonangol would be purchasing the debt for the full face-value of each Note alone, but without payment
of accrued interest (as Abalone would be purchasing the Notes from Russia, also without interest payment
obligation). EXHIBIT 8: Sonangol-Abalone Agreement 30 May 1997, section 4.
39.
40
Ibid.
41.
42.
EXHIBIT 30: Geneva Chambre dAccusation Ruling 29 October 2003, pages 24 (authors translation).
The $16,752,407.28 actually represents about 34.6 per cent of the face value of one Promissory Note.
It is not clear why this apparent excess payment was made. The supplemental escrow agreement also
reportedly allowed for the purchase of the remaining 24 Promissory Notes from the Russian Ministry
of Finance at 24 per cent of their face value, should payments be made before 30 June 1998. While this
did not happen, it is striking that the Russian Ministry of Finance would contemplate a deal that would
reduce even further the proceeds it would receive from the Angolan debt.
43.
44.
Ibid., paragraph D.
45.
We do not have a copy of this letter but the letter and the subsequent failure of delivery of the Notes are
described in EXHIBIT 30: Geneva Chambre dAccusation Ruling 29 October 2003, pages 24.
46.
A. Santos, Debt Crisis in Russia: The Road from Default to Sustainability, in D. Owen and D.
Robinson. (eds.), Russia Rebounds, International Monetary Fund (2003), page 176.
47.
Ibid.
48.
49.
International Capital Markets: Developments, Prospects and Key Policy Issues, 2000, International Monetary
Fund: Washington, page 139, available at http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/icm/2000/01/eng/pdf/
chap5.pdf.
50.
Ibid.
51.
Under the original 5 March 1997 Russia-Abalone Agreement, Russia should have received 50 per cent
of the $774,193,548 paid by Sonangol for the rst 16 Notes, or $387,096,774. In fact, if the authors
calculations are correct, Russia would have received approximately $264,107,000, in cash plus PRINs/
IANs, leaving the Russians $122.9 million short.
52.
53.
Ivanishivili began building his empire in 1990 when, with partner Vitaly Malkin, he set up Rossiysky
Kredit Bank. World Billionaires, Forbes (March 2012), available at http://www.forbes.com/prole/
boris-ivanishvili/.
NOTES
153
154
54.
Malkins name appears on the list as manager next to Rossiyskiy Kredit Bank, which was one of the
principal banks used by the Angolagate arms vendor, ZTS-OSOS. JUGEMENT. N: 0019292016.
RPUBLIQUE FRANAISE TRIBUNAL DE GRANDE INSTANCE DE PARIS 11me chambre
3me section (27 octobre 2009), pages 148 and 243, available at http://prdchroniques.blog.lemonde.fr/
les/2009/11/angolate_.1258044908.pdf. No allegations of wrongdoing were raised in the Angolagate
judgment against Malkin or the bank.
55.
EXHIBIT 14: Gaydamak-Malkin Purchase Agreement 20 December 1999; and EXHIBIT 16:
Gaydamak-Malkin Financial Agreement 20 December 1999.
56.
EXHIBIT 15: Gaydamak-Malkin MOU 20 December 1999. Article 7 says, As soon as the Transaction
has been executed for the rst four Notes and Certicates, Mr Gaydamak will reimburse US $60 millions
to Mr Malkin. After this payment, Mr Malkin will release the Notes and Certicates under his control.
57.
58.
Ibid.
59.
Ibid.
60.
61.
62.
63.
EXHIBIT 30: Geneva Chambre dAccusation Ruling 29 October 2003, paragraph B(a).
64.
65.
66.
Lehur has apparently operated as an independent consultant in London since 2008. See his website,
http://ylhassociates.com/.
67.
68.
69.
70.
See, e.g., respectively, Eric Hoesli, Fati Mansour and Etienne Dubuis, Lenqute de Carla Del Ponte
remonte jusqu Boris Eltsine, Le Temps (26 August 1999), available at http://www.letemps.ch/Page/
Uuid/58f9e41c-b261-11dd-b87c-1c3fffea55dc/Lenqute_de_Carla_Del_Ponte_remonte_jusqu_
Boris_Eltsine; and Sylvie Arsever, Boris Berezovski est persona grata en Suisse, Le Temps (19 August
1999), available at http://www.letemps.ch/Page/Uuid/41fe1fb8-b260-11dd-b87c-1c3fea55dc/Boris_
Berezovski_est_persona_grata_en_Suisse.
71.
EXHIBIT 21: Abalone Investments Ltd. Schedule of UBS Bank Activity 23 May 199731 December
2000.
72.
Politically Exposed Person (PEP) is the generally used term to identify a senior foreign public ocial
or a close family member or associate of such ocial. Because of the risk that PEPs could be involved
in corruption, nancial intermediaries are generally required to exercise a heightened due diligence in
dealing with them.
73.
74.
75.
76.
Circulaire-CFB 98/1 Blanchiment de capitaux (26 March 1998), paragraph 9 (authors translation;
emphasis added).
77.
Circulaire-CFB 98/1 Blanchiment de capitaux (26 March 1998), paragraph 26 (authors translation).
Paragraph 24 requires that nancial intermediaries who see indicia of money laundering or other indicia
raising suspicions as to possible criminal origin of the assets must
obtain information the plausibility of which they must verify, that can allow them sucient appreciation
of the economic background of the transactions.To this end, the nancial intermediaries require
from their counter-parties a written declaration or they draft a memorandum in which they record
the declarations of the client. According to the circumstances of the case, indications on the following
points must in principle be obtained:
a) the purpose and nature of the particular transaction;
b) the nancial situation of the counter-party, or as applicable the benecial owner;
c) the commercial or professional activity of the counter-party, or as applicable, the benecial owner;
d) the source of the funds deposited or invested.
78.
EXHIBIT 30: Geneva Chambre dAccusation Ruling 29 October 2003, pages 45 (authors translation).
79.
80.
EXHIBIT 21: Abalone Investments Ltd. Schedule of UBS Bank Activity 23 May 199731 December 2000.
81.
Mitterand Son Faces Christmas in Jail, BBC News (22 December 2008), available at http://news.bbc.
co.uk/2/hi/africa/1081679.stm.
82.
83.
84.
Ibid. The full list of companies registered to this address is: Restaurant Fontana; Biopetrol Industries AG;
Laurido Trading; Zarifa Holding AG; Glencore (Far East) AG; Glencore International plc, St Helier,
Baar Branch; Glencore Holding AG; ST Shipping and Transport; Leyo Holding AG; Calino Holding
AG; Brattas Commercial AG; Chavanne Trade SA; MTS Mining & Technical Services AG; Sasira AG;
Minerailux SA; Talvo Commercial SA; Selimare Holding AG; Piraia Holding AG; Sella Corporation AG;
Lion Invest AG; Atlantic Oils & Metals (A.O.M) SA; Lineastone AG.
85.
Chavanne Trade SA still exists and has three senior Glencore ocials as its directors: Steven Frank
Kalmin, Andreas Peter Hubmann, and Martin William Hring. See Chavanne Trade SA, Registre du
Commerce du Canton de Zug, available at http://www.hrazg.ch/webservices/inet/HRG/HRG.asmx/get
HRGPDF?chnr=2170138650&amt=170&toBeModied=0&validOnly=0&lang=2&sort=0.
86.
EXHIBIT 11: UBS Memo 22 June 1999. One other oil trader, AB Petroleum, received three payments
totaling $15,452,546, on 3 October 1997 and 8 January 1998.We do not know whether AB Petroleum
was similarly aliated with Glencore.
87.
EXHIBIT 21: Abalone Investments Ltd. Schedule of UBS Bank Activity 23 May 199731 December
2000.
88.
89.
EXHIBIT 31: Police Report Allain Guilloux and Others 12 November 2003 (authors translation).
90.
Two Edmund de Rothschild Group banks operated in Luxembourg at this time, apparently working
closely in tandem. See the web page of the Banque Prive Edmond de Rothschild Europe: Until May 31,
1999 the Banque Prive Edmond de Rothschild Group was operated in Luxembourg through two banks,
i.e. a branch and a subsidiary of Banque Prive Edmond de Rothschild SA Geneva. On June 1, 1999
the Group merged the activities of Banque Prive Edmond de Rothschild SA, Luxembourg Branch, and
Banque de Gestion Edmond de Rothschild Luxembourg into one entity named Banque Prive Edmond
de Rothschild Luxembourg. Available, at http://www.edmond-de-rothschild.eu/discover-us/our-bank/
locations-and-history.aspx.
91.
EXHIBIT 31: Police Report Allain Guilloux and Others 12 November 2003 (authors translation).
92.
Ibid.
93.
Ibid.
94.
The Abalone bank payment reference to Banque Indosuez Luxembourg and the French Angolagate
judgment reference to Crdit Agricole Indosuez in Luxembourg are references to the same entity. In 1996,
Banque Indosuez was acquired by Crdit Agricole and named Crdit Agricole Indosuez. See Commercial
Banks Guide, available at http://www.commercialbanksguide.com/credit+agricole+indosuez/.
NOTES
155
95
96
97.
EXHIBIT 31: Police Report Allain Guilloux and Others 12 November 2003 (authors translation).
98.
EXHIBIT 10: Banque International Luxembourg Declaration of Benecial Ownership 6 April 1998.
The latter document, apparently signed by three bank ocials, states that the benecial owner of the
Panamanian Company Camparal Inc. with account numbers 275748 and 275903 is Mr. Jos Eduardo
dos SantosLuanda, Angola.
99.
100. See generally All The Presidents Men: Directors Cut, Global Witness (March 2002). www.globalwitness.
org/sites/default/les/import/atpm.txt.
101. EXHIBIT 31: Police Report Allain Guilloux and Others 12 November 2003.
102. JUGEMENT. N : 0019292016. RPUBLIQUE FRANAISE TRIBUNAL DE GRANDE
INSTANCE DE PARIS 11me chambre3me section (27 octobre 2009), p. 272, available at http://
prdchroniques.blog.lemonde.fr/les/2009/11/angolate_.1258044908.pdf.
103. Ibid.
104. EXHIBIT 42: SwitzerlandAngola Accord 1 November 2005 (Annex).
105. Ibid.
106. Ibid.
107. EXHIBIT 30: Geneva Chambre dAccusation Ruling 29 October 2003, page 11; EXHIBIT 37: Christine
Junod letter to Daniel Zappelli 3 June 2004, page 3 (authors translation); EXHIBIT 40: Daniel Zappelli
letter 21 December 2004, paragraphs 24.
108. Information from the Geneva prosecutors oce.
109. EXHIBIT 40: Daniel Zappelli letter 21 December 2004.
110. Curriculum Vitae: Dr. Enrique Cosio-Pascal, www.publicdebtnance.com.
111. Ibid.
112. EXHIBIT 37: Christine Junod letter to Daniel Zappelli 3 June 2004, page 2; EXHIBIT 40: Daniel
Zappelli letter 21 December 2004, page 3.
113. EXHIBIT 37: Christine Junod letter to Daniel Zappelli 3 June 2004, page 1 (authors translation).
114. EXHIBIT 40: Daniel Zappelli letter 21 December 2004, paragraph 4; EXHIBIT 37: Christine Junod
letter to Daniel Zappelli 3 June 2004; EXHIBIT 36: Christine Junod letter to J-F Ducrest 23 February
2004.
115. EXHIBIT 37: Christine Junod letter to Daniel Zappelli 3 June 2004, page 2.
116. Geneva Penal Procedure Code (E 420), articles 65, 67, 69 and 77.
117. EXHIBIT 40: Daniel Zappelli letter 21 December 2004 (emphasis added).
118. EXHIBIT 4: Russia-Abalone Agreement 5 March 1997, section 2.4
119. Sylvain Besson, Enqute sur lAngolagate: un intermdiaire impliqu dfend la rgularit de
lopration, Le Temps (1 June 2002), available at http://www.letemps.ch/Page/Uuid/a30fc770-b0d011dd-b87c-1c3fea55dc/Enqute_sur_lAngolagate_un_intermdiaire_impliqu_dfend_la_rgularit_
de_lopration (authors translation).
156
120. Indeed, as was stated on each of the Notes, transfers to third parties were subject to prior notice to and
approval by the Banco Nacional de Angola. EXHIBIT 5: Angola Promissory Notes.
121. EXHIBIT 41: RussiaAngola Meeting Minutes 30 September 2005.
122. EXHIBIT 30: Geneva Chambre dAccusation Ruling 29 October 2003, pages 45 (authors translation).
123. Ibid.
124. Ibid.
125. EXHIBIT 28: Sberinvest Flow Chart.
126. Nurit Roth, Gaydamak beats civil suit over Angola debt deal, Haaretz (26 October 2011), available at
http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/business/gaydamak-beats-civil-suit-over-angola-debt-deal-1.392
073. See also Nurit Roth, Suit claims Gaydamak defrauded Angolans of $365 million, Haaretz (13 April
2008), available at http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/business/suit-claims-gaydamak-defraudedangolans-of-365-million-1.243850. The case was dismissed in 2011 on jurisdictional grounds.
127. EXHIBIT 22: Abalone letter RE delivery of MIN FINs, 6 April 2001.
128. In the period between the rst and last Interprombank transfers from the Sberinhvest account (26 March
2001 to 29 August 2001), MinFin 5s ranged from a low of 39.9375 per cent of face value (27 March) up
to a high of 52.1875 per cent (14 June); and MinFin 7s ranged from a low of 38.969 per cent (15 August
2001) to a high of 46.737 per cent (14 June). With such volatile prices, careful timing would have reaped
ample reward even on the MinFins.
129. EXHIBIT 26: Abalone letter RE blocked Promissory Notes 14 December 2001.
130. Knowledgeable sources have asserted that some $66 million additional may have been sent indirectly
from Sberinvest to Interprombank as part of a $247 million payment to a Gaydamak vehicle discussed
below, Mensanat Trading. Some of these funds may have been applied to purchases of MinFins for
redemption of the sixth and seventh Notes. That portion may have covered the gap between a total of
$131,500,640 paid from Sberinvest directly to Interprombank (presumably for purchase of MinFins)
and our estimated total purchase price for seven Notes of $158.4 million.
131. The authors do not have copies of these agreements.
132
EXHIBIT 38: Declaration of Remittance and Debit Release Declaration 20 July 2004.
133. Ibid.
134. EXHIBIT 41: RussiaAngola Meeting Minutes 30 September 2005, paragraph 1.
135. EXHIBIT 41: RussiaAngola Meeting Minutes 30 September 2005, paragraph 2.
136. EXHIBIT 41: RussiaAngola Meeting Minutes 30 September 2005, paragraph 3.
137. EXHIBIT 43: AngolaAbalone Agreement, 9 November 2005.
138. Prosecution documents: Gaydamak to Angola U.S.$206 million, The Marker (Israel) (23 March 2009),
available at http://www.themarker.com/law/1.525516 (authors translation from Hebrew).
139. $774,193,548 paid to UBS + 618,235,483 paid to Sberinvest + $387,096,774 paid directly to Russia =
$1,779,525,805.
140. $7.5 billion GDP for 1996, per World Bank, http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.
CD?page=3/.
141. According to information provided by the Luxembourg company registry.
142. Vladimir Vinogradov: Pioneer of Private Banking in Russia, The Times (UK) (6 July 2008). Vinogradov
died of a stroke in 2008.
143. Chris Hutchins, Putin (2012), pages 109110.
144. Our documentation shows the payments made from the Sberinvest account between March and
December 2001 totaling $681,401,110.78, or some $63 million more than Sonangol paid in. See
EXHIBIT 24: Sberinvest Cypus Account Schedule of Payments AprilAugust 2001.
145. According to information provided by the Luxembourg company registry.
146. Ibid.
NOTES
1 57
158
161. Vronique Poujol, Des preuves, DLtzebuerger Land (28 September 2012), available at http://www.
land.lu/2012/09/28/des-preuves/ (authors translation).
162. EXHIBIT 35: Correspondence with Investment Bank Luxembourg re Doxa Fund II Ltd. February 2004.
163. EXHIBIT 39: IBL Letter to Carretero Abogados re Redemption Request of Doxa Fund II, Premium
Fund and Global Alpha Star 27 July 2004.
164. EXHIBIT 33: New Client Prole Paolim Trust Services 18 February 2004.
165. Ibid.
166. EXHIBIT 29: Israel Ministry of Justice Request for Assistance (no date), paragraphs 3033.
167. EXHIBIT 29: Israel Ministry of Justice Request for Assistance (no date), paragraph 32.
168. EXHIBIT 29: Israel Ministry of Justice Request for Assistance (no date), paragraph 33.
169. EXHIBIT 29: Israel Ministry of Justice Request for Assistance (no date), paragraph 35.
170. EXHIBIT 29: Israel Ministry of Justice Request for Assistance (no date), Paragraph 36.
171. Vronique Poujol, Lincroyable destin de largent de lAngolagate, DLtzebuerger Land (16 September
2010), available at http://www.land.lu/2010/09/16/lincroyable-destin-de-largent-de-langolagate/.
172. Yossi Melman, Gaydamaks bankerPierre Grotz: I do not know where the money came frombut
I know where it was transferred, Haaretz (26 December 2008), available at http://www.haaretz.co.il/
misc/1.1369918 (authors translation).
173. Vronique Poujol, Lincroyable destin de largent de lAngolagate, DLtzebuerger Land (16 September
2010), available at http://www.land.lu/2010/09/16/lincroyable-destin-de-largent-de-langolagate/ ([T]
he investigation so far has shown that [Dorset] foundation was a sham intended to deceive the court
about the supposedly orthodox origin of its money. In fact, Arcadi Gaydamak pulled the strings, and the
money, once out of Luxembourg, contributed little to charitable works (except for Matanel Foundation).
It went largely to Gaydamaks bank account in Cyprus, as a former Sella Bank manager testied in the
judicial investigation.) (authors translation).
174. See note 176.
175. EXHIBIT 36: New Client Prole Poalim Trust Services 18 February 2001.
176. Documentation sourced by the authors suggests the following transactions took place between June
2006 and May 2007. On 6 June 2006, Dresben transferred bonds valued at a total of $1m under the
acronyms GMKN, RTKM, GAZP, SNGS, EESR and ARG35 to Iksan. On 13 September 2006, Castrol
transferred bonds valued at a total of $7.1m under the acronyms GMKN, EESR and SNGS to Iksan.
On the same day, Dresben transferred bonds valued at $241.3m under the acronyms GMKN, GAZP,
SINGS, EESR, PLZL, ROSN and ARG35 to Matanel. In October 2006, Dresben transferred bonds
to Matanel worth $6.8m under the acronyms GDR, PLZL, EIB07, IAB07 and TOTAL07. On 22
February 2007, Dresben transferred yet another set of bonds to Matanel worth a total of $1.2m under
the acronyms ESP08, GER10, DBH11, CAN08, SIEMENS08 and VODAFONE08. In the rst half of
2007, meanwhile, Matanel transferred bonds under the acronym of GAZP to accounts in Switzerland.
In January 2007, GAZP bonds to the value of $6,665,225 were transferred from Matanel to an account
at EFG Bank in Geneva, followed by a transfer of $5,947,500 worth of GAZP bonds in May 2007 to
an account at Banque Diamantaire in Switzerland. See EXHIBIT 27: Gaydamak entities transactions
source and date unknown.
177. Yossi Melman, Gaydamaks bankerPierre Grotz: I do not know where the money came frombut
I know where it was transferred, Haaretz (26 December 2008), available at http://www.haaretz.co.il/
misc/1.1369918 (authors translation). See also Yossi Melman, The Secret Trial of Arcadi Gaydamak,
Haaretz (27 May 2010), available at http://www.haaretz.com/misc/article-print-page/the-secret-trial-ofarcadi-gaydamak-1.292469?trailingPath=2.169%2C2.225%2C2.239%2C (Gaydamak can relax a bit
in Cyprus. The court there is planning to soon lift the freeze it imposed on assets he deposited in the
Russian Commerce Bank there. The order froze $47 million held by the Matanel Foundation and was
issued at the request of Luxembourg banker Pierre Grotz.).
178. Nurit Roth, Gaydamak Beats Civil Suit Over Angola Debt Deal, Haaretz (26 October 2011),
available at http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/business/gaydamak-beats-civil-suit-over-angola-debtdeal-1.392073.
179. Ibid.
NOTES
1 59
160
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161