PDF

Professors World Peace Academy
POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN

Author(s): Nasreen Akhtar
Source: International Journal on World Peace, Vol. 26, No. 2 (JUNE 2009), pp. 31-63
Published by: Professors World Peace Academy
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20752885
Accessed: 11-05-2015 15:45 UTC
REFERENCES
Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/20752885?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents
You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/
info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content
in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.
For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
Professors World Peace Academy is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International Journal
on World Peace.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 111.68.96.57 on Mon, 11 May 2015 15:45:25 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE
POLITICS:
OF DEMOCRACY
POLARIZED
CHALLENGE
PAKISTAN
IN
Nasreen Akhtar Lecturer of Political Science

International Islamic University
Women Campus. Office No: C-016
Sector H-10, Islamabad
Pakistan
Nasreen Akhtar is a Lecturer of Political Science and InternationalRelations in theDepart
ment of Politics and InternationalRelations, International IslamicUniversity, Islamabad,
Pakistan. She earned an M.A. in Political Science, and an M.Phil, inU.S. history and
relations.
international
In Pakistan, state elites have been

affiliatingwith the different ethnic
groups for their own political
interests.This diminishes the sense
of equal justice and state legitimacy.
The
of a nation-state
creation
is
a historical process thatmay take a

long time to complete. This is not
to suggest that Pakistan or other
Third World countries have to pass
the
through
same
sequences
of
state
making as the Europeans did. We

need to highlight the complex issues
and the constraints that Pakistan
has faced since its inception in
1947. While the internal obstacles
to national
known,
integration
one must
also
are well
consider
the
geopolitical pressures that emanate

from the regional and international
environments.
The
central
theme
of this paper is that nations and

identities are evolutionary processes
that cannot be artificially and
externally imposed, but only aided
by policies that are sensitive to needs
of the constituent
groups.
INTRODUCTION
Polarized politics ishaving an immense
impact on the Pakistani nation and
it has been posing securitythreats to
a state founded on the principles of
peace,
prosperity,
and democracy.
internal factors are leading the Paki
stani nation
toward war,
conflicts, and
60
the Army.1 Over
clashes
against
since Pakistan
years have been passed
was founded.
a serious
Is polarization
on
I
in
Pakistan?
elaborate
problem
how ithasmaterialized during the civil
military
regimes.
notions
of nation-state
The dominant elites in Pakistan,

and elsewhere in the Third World,
have uncriticallyaccepted theWestern
and
central
in structuring
the state and
national
integration. This
promoting
ization
idealization
is predicated
on
ON WORLD PEACE
INTERNATIONALJOURNAL
VOL. XXVI NO. 2 JUNE 2009
But
31
two
POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGEOF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN
interrelated postulates:
(a) the nation-state
is the form of a modern
state,
and that (b) centralization is the sign ofmodernization.2 However, the

European
or even
pattern of the nation-state
fashioning
a uniform model
of nation-building for all developing countries is dangerous, and might

lead to self-destruction.
There
ismuch
evidence
and many
reasons
for this
cautionarynote, but one will sufficeto explain thepitfallsof pursuing the

policies of nation-building through a strong centralgovernment.
It is an historical accident thatmost of the post-colonial states like
Pakistan have inheritedamosaic of ethnic, religious and linguisticgroups
thathave a proud past, a strong sense of ethnicor communal identityand
rich cultural
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
The European pattern of

the nation-state or even
fashioning a uniform
model
of nation-building
for all developing

countries is dangerous,
and might
lead to self-
these
to say,
traditions. Needless
had
groups
a semi-autonomous
existence5 ifnot a self.rule5for centuries

before western colonization. The con
structionof a cohesive national identity
by the central state, primarily through
"primitiveaccumulation of power,"3 and
without political legitimacy
would rather
provoke resistance, alienate important
sectors of the society, and might under

mine the legitimacy of the state itself.
destruction.
hh^hi^hhh^^h
In Pakistan,
state elites
have
been
with thedifferentethnicgroups fortheirown political interests.

affiliating
This diminishes the sense of equal justice and state legitimacy.
In my view, the creation of a nation-state
is a historical process
take a long time to complete. This is not to suggest that Pakistan
that may
or other
ThirdWorld countrieshave to pass through the same sequences of state

making as theEuropeans did.We need to highlight the complex issuesand
the constraintsthat Pakistan has faced since its inception in 1947. While
the internal obstacles
to national
integration
are well-known,
one must
also consider thegeopolitical pressures thatemanatefrom the regional and

international
environments.4
The
central theme of this paper is that nations and identities are evo
that cannot be artificially and externally imposed, but
lutionary processes
only aided by policies thatare sensitiveto needs of the constituentgroups.

What are the policies that various Pakistani civil-militaryregimes have
32
ON WORLD PEACE
POLARIZED
POLITICS:
to strengthen
attempted
THE CHALLENGE
OF DEMOCRACY
the idea of Pakistan's
IN PAKISTAN
security, and nationhood?
How have political culture and religion affectedthe state policies? How
have ethnic, linguisticand religious groups responded and have adverse
impacts on democratic
process? What
have been
issues and challenges
on
thepath to nation-building inPakistan andwhy has democracy not taken

root? In answering these questions, we will focus on the following two
propositions:
a) Promotion of economic or cultural interestsof ethnic groups alone

not guarantee
does
their integration
until they are allowed
to par
ticipate in the political process, sharepower, and develop stakes in

the state.
b) Devolution of power, regionalautonomy and recognitionofmultiple

within a pluralistic,democraticframe
linguisticand culturalidentities
work would contributeto national solidarityand laythe foundations
for the development
of a nation-state.5
ISLAM AND PAKISTAN

Islam could be a complete code of life,ifitwould be practicedwith a true
spirit.Although Islam stressestheMuslim Umhha (Muslim unity), inour
fragmentedworld thishas been amirage. Moreover, Muslims indifferent
regions have differentcultures, and have divided in differentsubgroups;
Sunni, Shite,Wahabi, Deobandi, etc. In theunited India,Muslims ignored
and were
differences
Islam had
taken deep
united
for the same cause of "an
state."
independent
Its strong pillars tremen
roots in the sub-continent.
dously influenceditsfollowers inUnited India. The formationof Islamic

identityin British India was also influencedby a varietyof cultural and
political
factors. Islam gave people
coherence,
direction,
and meaning.
However, the role of Islam in promoting a sense ofMuslim political

community inpre-independence era and itsmobilizing appeal during the
of
Pakistan independence period has produced conflictinginterpretations
its relevance
to the construction
of a Pakistani
nation.
This
controversy
stems from the fact that the leaders of themovement, includingQuaid

i-AzamMohammed Ali Jinnahrested the claim forPakistan on the idea
of a "Muslim
nation."
He
argued
that Islam was
not
just
religion,
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVT NO.
2 JUNE 2009
but
33
POLARIZED
POLITICS:
THE CHALLENGE
represented
a separate
nationalism
for a variety of reasons,
social order,
IN PAKISTAN
OF DEMOCRACY
a civilization
and
culture,
that gave
theMuslims a distinctive character as a political community.6Different

strataofMuslims in the subcontinent supported the concept ofMuslim
not
all of them religious.7 Most
of
the supportersof Pakistan rejected the notion of territorialnationalism,

that Islam
claiming
transcended
narrow
ethnic
and
lingual differences.
Dr.Allama Mohammad Iqbal, thepoet and philosopherwho proposed the

idea of Pakistan in 1930s, said "It isnot theunityof language or country
or the identityof economic intereststhat constitutesthe basic principleof
our nationality.
We aremembers of the societyfounded by the Prophet."8
However, Jinnahdid not conceive Pakistan inpurelypan-Islamic terms.His
ofMuslim
conceptualization
nationalism
was
special, based
on
protection
ofminority rights,and defined in relation

to theHindu majority.9
The question Pakistanis

have confronted is
Islam could
whether
serve as effectively a
After Pakistan's
Islam
independence,
source
of confrontation
became
the
between
secular
and
religious
leaders;
even religion could not unite the people

in East Pakistan (Bangladesh) andWest
unifying force the same
way as itdid during the
The
Pakistan.
struggle for the creation

of Pakistan.
confronted
have
Pakistanis
question
iswhether Islam could serve as
effectively a unifying force the same way as
itdid during the struggleforthe creation
of Pakistan.
There
are three different per
spectiveson thisquestion thatcontend forshaping thenational identityand
nationhood.
Let us characterize
sub-nationalist.
The
these roughly as Islamist, modernist,

and
Islamist position on nation needs a little explanation.
The Islamistsbelieve that Islam is a complete code of life,has answers to all

modern
problems,
and itmust
be relied upon
as a source of
personal
con
duct and public affairs.

They define Islam essentiallyas a political ideology,
and set themission of the faithful,at least in areaswhere theyhave formed
an independent
state, to create an Islamic
state, establishing
supremacy
of
the Shariah (Islamic law or way of life).10

The Islamistsdoctrinallyrefuse
to consider
territorial definition
of a nation
as relevant
to the Muslims.
Their conception of an IslamicMillat (nation)would embrace all believers

irrespectiveof theirrace, language or domicile. Faith inAllah, Quran and
34
ON WORLD PEACE
POLARIZED
the Prophet
POLITICS:
THE CHALLENGE
gives them a far greater
OF DEMOCRACY
sense of
togetherness
IN PAKISTAN
than any other
factor.11
Using thisphraseology, or, ifyou wish, symbolism,the Islamists
stressthe role of religion in achievingnational unity.
The second andmore vitalaspectof the Islamistperspectiveisconception
of an Islamic state. By deconstructing
the history of the Pakistan movement,
theyclaim that the country's independencewas won in thename of Islam,

and that the driving forcebehind the idea of Pakistanwas the creation of
an Islamic state.12
This seems to be a total reversalof theposition that they
tookduring thepolitical struggleforPakistan.The Ulema (Islamic scholars)
from Ahmr,
to support
istmovement
and even Jumut-i-Islumihzd

refused
a national
because
they believed that
Jumiut-i-Ulema-i-Hind,
the creation of Pakistan
could
not be Islamic.
Even
Jamat-e-Islami
(Islamic
Party)
opposed the idea of Pakistan.They believedMuslim Ummahi. and did not

trustthe leadershipofWesternized Muslims like Jinnah.13
The Jamiat-i
Ulema-i-Hind
and the famous Deoband
Islamic
seminary rather associated
themselveswith the Indian nationalism.14The position ofMaulana Abul

Ala Maudoodi, themost articulateand celebrated exponent of the Islamic
state, on the creation of Pakistan
had the same reservation
and was not dif
ferentfromtheorthodox ulema.isThe only differenceis thathewas equally

opposed to the Indian nationalism.16But theiropposition to Pakistan inno
in the political process, or pre

way could exclude them from participating
new
to the
vent them from migrating
country, as many of them did. After
is an
that Pakistan
the creation of Pakistan, the Islamists have contended
state, meaning
ideological
that the sole purpose
of making
Pakistan was
to
create conditions forthe Islamicvalues andway of life.

Maulana Maudoodi
any failure to implement Islam in
goes one step further in characterizing
state affairs as "a form of national apostasy."17 The scholars from various
religiousgroups had failed to convince the people of East Pakistan, those

who had foughtagainst theirown people and army.
A more
complex
construction
is the "ideology
of Pakistan"
that was
thrown intopublic debate for the firsttime in the 1970,18 and got official
support during the dictatorship of Zia-ul-Haq (1977-88). None of its
advocates has yet clearlydefinedwhat itexactlymeans, but by implication
"ideology of Pakistan" refersto two things:Islam is thebasis of nationhood
inPakistan; Islammust be accepted as the supremeguiding principleof the
state.19 Even
the most
professed
secular
leaders have
frequently
brought
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
35
POLARIZED
POLITICS:
THE CHALLENGE
OF DEMOCRACY
IN PAKISTAN
the "ideology of Pakistan" intopolitical debate, not realizing that itwould

strengthenthe politics of Islamization. It is partly this ambivalence and
political use of Islam by the secular elites thathas allowed the Islamists to
set the agenda of Islamic politics.20Presently,a fewpeople have hijacked
Islam topursue and implementitaccording to theirown understandingand
purposes. The Militants inFederallyAdministeredTribal Areas (FATA) do
not understand
or support
the meaning
unconventional
interpretation
security of the state and nation.
struction, development,
of "ideology of Pakistan." Their

of Sbaria21 has tremendously
affected the
In my view, nation-building
needs con
denial
democracy and rule of law. Deconstruction,
of development, and lawlessnessby themilitants inFATA has destabilized

the process
^^
in the twenty-first century.22

i
It is common perception
of nation-building
is a vast difference
between claiming a state
There
forMuslims, which was

the case when Pakistan
was founded, and
, ,
Islamizinq
A A. .
a state.
in Pakistan
thatPakistanwas achieved in the name

of Islam Let us examine some of the
contradictions of the Islamist position
on cation-building. First, it ishistorically
incorrect that
^
demand for Pakistan
an
rested on the promise
of creating
,
T..
run
state in the vision or the fun
Islamic
damentalists.
There
is a vast difference
which was the case when Pakistan

claiming a state forMuslims,
a
state.
and
founded,
Islamizing
It was the consistent failure to reach an acceptable
agreement on the
between
was
constitutionalguarantees to the rightsof theMuslims inBritish India that

strengthenedthe demand forPakistan. The Muslims in theUnited India
were being denied their fundamentalrights.A sense of deprivation insti
gated
the Muslims
to be separated.
The
objective
was
to preserve
cultural
identityand protect economic and political interestsofMuslims by creating

a state in theMuslim majority areas.As mentioned earlier,Islamic symbol
ismwas regarded necessary for the politicalmobilization of theMuslim
masses
and it served that purpose
very well.
Even
today
in Pakistan,
Islam
is being regarded as an effectivetool to serve political purposes by both
state and non-state
actors.23
Second, the foundersof Pakistan, particularlyIqbal and Jinnah,have

been grosslymisinterpreted by the Islamists in support of theirviews on
36
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
the relation between

associated
with
of them was
Islam and the state. None
the idea of an authoritarian,
hegemonic,
even remotely
or a theocratic
state,which the Islamiststodaypursuewith somuch dedication.There isno

doubt
that, on occasions,
Jinnah made
brief references
to Islam
in seeking
support forPakistan, but dragging him closer to the Islamistposition is a

very recentphenomena. An objective reading of historywould reveal that
the creator of Pakistan was
a constitutional
to the core,
democrat
and a
secularMuslim.24 Jinnah'spresidentialaddress to theConstituentAssembly

of Pakistan, on August 11, 1947 bears testimonyto this: "You are free,
you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques
or
to anyother places ofworship in this stateof Pakistan.You may belong to
has nothing to do with the business

any religion or caste or creed?that
and ideological
of the state."25 Unfortunately,
Jinnah's real personality
outlook fellvictim to thepolitical exigencies of the authoritarianstate and

ulema.26
obscurantist
Third,
once
Pakistan was
achieved,
Islam alone
could
not foster soli
darity. Islam emphasizes Shum (consultation)which is the core element

of democracy
and without
consultancy
democracy
cannot
take root. As
challenges
in the newly Muslim

ethnic groups in East
we know, the concept of consultancywas lacking in Pakistan's political

institutionssince 1947. As the political environmentchanged due to the
stateelites, the centraldynamicsof politics and the true spiritalso changed,
requiring an authoritarianapproach to strengthenthe bonds of political
community. The Muslim
state. The post-separation
leaders
faced
from the Hindu
majority,
Pakistan (presentBangladesh) andWest Pakistan emerged as a political

force and new polarization
along center province lines emerged.
issue was rights and a fair share of power in the new state. The
The main
separation
of formerEast Pakistan amplydemonstrated the fact that faith (religion)

and political
interests are two different matters.
This
episode
must
have
put an end to thewishful thinking that thematerial interestsof diverse

or can be superseded by
regional groups and state elites are insignificant
theholy politics of Islam.
The empirical fact is that the economic disparity,denial of political
power, injusticeand superimpositionof new formsof culturalor ideological
identityfomentthe ethnicnationalism seen inPakistan. Power politics and
ethnicrivalryhave taken root in society.This should have ended reliance
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
37
on Islam as the sole basis of nation
formation.
But
it cannot
be. The
reli
gious leadershave continued theirrhetoric,paying littieor no attentionto

and concrete
involve the genuine
issues that might
pragmatic
interests of
the peoples of differentregions.Rather, they serve to promote theirown
communities
instead of the nation
or state. In my view,
religious
leaders
have been promoting the sense of community,not of a largerhumanity.

People do not havemuch trustin religious leaders' abilityas political lead
ers, thus formore than sixtyyears a single religiouspolitical partyhas not
had heavy control in centralgovernment.Rather, religiouspolitical parties
have
influence in the parliament

political
on religious matters obscures
nation-building
had
as an "alliance."27
Basing
very real issues pertaining
to thedistributionof political power and participation ingovernment and

erodes
distributionof political
in the politi
cal union.
Basing nation-building
on religious matters
obscures very real
issues pertaining to the
trust and confidence
A nation,
as
opposed
to a state, is a
cultural identity.It is a politically con

scious andmobilized collectivity
ofpeople
which
possesses,
government or
power and participation

in government and
erodes trust and
in the
confidence
or may
aspire to, self

independent statehood. A
is not necessarily
citizenry of a state, nor
nation
the same as the
is it restricted
to
a common
those who
possess
language,
ancestry, or cultural heritage,
although
are usually involved. It
these components
political union.
is "essentially
subjective,
a sense of social
This isan era of nation-building.Since the

belonging and ultimate loyalty.28
end of theCold War many newly independent stateshave emerged on the
world map and nearly a billion are deprived citizens of old states striving
to become
modern
nations.29 The
challenge
of nation-building,
operating
in a highly complex nexus of society,economy, and polity,hinges on the
issues of access
The
to and the stakes in structures of power.30

is a historical process
creation of a nation-state
that may
take a
longtime to complete. This isnot to suggest thatPakistan or otherThird
World
countries
have
to pass through
the same sequences
of state-making
as theEuropeans did, but to highlight the complexityof the issue aswell as

the constraints
38
that Pakistan
faces. While
the internal obstacles
to national
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
POLARIZED
POLITICS:
THE CHALLENGE
one must
integration are well-known,
sures that emanate from the
regional
OF DEMOCRACY
IN PAKISTAN
also consider
and
the geopolitical
pres
international environments.31
Nation-building is an evolutionaryprocess; it cannot simplybe imposed

by externalpowers or by the rulingelite but depends on thedevelopment
of society.
Another
dilemma which
the Pakistani
nation
faces afterQuaid-e-Azam
is the lackof charismaticand sincere leadership.The centralconcern of this

paper is to examinewhy Pakistani regimes have failed to strengthenthe
ideology of Pakistan.How have Pakistanimulti-ethnic groups responded
to the question of ideology?This paper will explore how ethnic and reli
gious groups have been politicized and promoted by the stateandmilitary
elites.
CONFLICT BETWEEN IDENTITY AND IDEOLOGY

It is a grave problem that the new generation hardly understands the
meaning of "ideology of Pakistan." They are strivingto understandwhat
Pakistan is. It ishard to blame them; our political socialization process is
not
strong enough.
Even
political
leaders32 have denied
the "two nation
theory."33The two nation theorybecame mirage when the people from
demanded
their separate state "Bangladesh"
because
they
a different
era could not
The
spoke
language "Bangla."
post-independence
unite the two units (East Pakistan and West Pakistan). Geographical
gaps
East
Pakistan
divided the stateelite politically,economically and ethnically;theMuslims
of
struggled to preserve their Islamic ideology. Yet the question
was
sense
in
East
less
Pakistan.
The
of
relevant
ideology
political depriva
tion increased the sense of a separate identity and Bengali nationalism. As
of India
a result of such questions
of ethnic identity, Pakistan
has created
enormous
difficultiesin developing a coherent sense of nationhood. The fact of a

was
religion
in East Pakistan.
common
ment
a
rendered
irrelevant during
the secessionist
move
Religion has polarized more societies than ithas unified.Even within

single religious denomination
one may find numerous
strands. Doctrinal
differences,political contestation forpower,material gains and territorial

space canmake the particular religion and the question of itsauthenticity
one of great
dispute.34
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
39
Complex
historical
and
social
factors have
shaped
interaction
the
between religion and ethnicityinPakistan, a statewhich came into being

with the supportof ethnic groups.
the perception
thatMuslim
identity was threatened
Pre-Independence,
by Hindu dominance was amore important factor than ethnicity forMuslim
groups and political parties.Of course, Islam has remained at the centerof
post-Independence political discourse; nevertheless, it is today less impor
tantwhen the central issuehas become thedemand of constitutionalrights
(provincial autonomy) by various ethnic groups. The troublingquestion
ofwhat typeof statePakistan should be?liberal democratic or Islamic?
evokes distinct responses from each social
sector and political interest.
Ethnic identityand
language became more

important once Pakistan
was created. The fact
of a common religion
was
rendered
Military
irrelevant
during the secessionist

movement
in East
Pakistan.
affairs. Thus
political
civil-military
rule as well
as
theirpolicy preferencesprovided a space
for community groups to emerge

effective force in the state.
Among
the Pakistani
country, the quest for shaping

to the ethnic and political
dimension
quence
leaders, mainstream
parties, and Islamicistshave all attempted

to define this relationship according to
their own vision of a just society and
the role of religion in society and state
the three main
forces
state has added
in the
yet another
As a conse
of Pakistan.
polarization
of these conflicts of interest and the strange alliances
as an
they produce,
the autonomy of the civilpolitical sphere and civil libertiesand minority
rights has been
severely compromised.
During themilitary regime of General Zia-ul-Haq, the promotion of

ethnic politics and Islamization35was inevitable because military rulers
needed the supportof theminority ethnicpolitical parties to balance and
offset the mainstream
parliamentary
parties.
In 2006,
General
Musharraf
dealtwith theBaluch nationalistswith an ironhand.36The military opera

tions in Baluchistan have posed a great securitythreat to the process of
nation-building.
40
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
POLARIZED
POLITICS:
THE CHALLENGE
OF DEMOCRACY
IN PAKISTAN
NATION BETWEEN RELIGION AND STATE

Since Pakistan began fightingthewar against terrorism
within Pakistan in
FederallyAdministeredTribal Areas (FATA) and supportingtheU.S policy
inAfghanistan, the nation has been divided into differentsections.The
fundamentalistinterpretations
of Islam and Sharia by the localTaliban has
increased
strong resentment
against Talibanization.
Another
group
feels
thatTaliban are fightingagainst an imperialforce (U.S.) or for justice so

the statemust support theirdemands for speedy justice and peace.37Thus
society has been divided into moderate-religious
tions. Intra- and inter-state religion clash
and extreme-religious
sec
^^^mh^m
has been a major obstacle in promoting

As a conseqUence
nation-building inPakistan.
Qf these conf|icts Qf
. A
. A.
In the twenty-first
A
J
century religion
.
i
r tr
j
? i 0 interest and the strange
has
emerged
as a powerful
force which
has both divided and united theworld.38

Non-state actors (religious groups) used
India's soil to destablize Pakistan.39But
the significance of religion was never
denied in thepast. In British India the formation of Islamic identitygave direction
and meaning
to its followers,
promoting
alliances
theY Produce,
the autonomy of the Civil
Political sphere and civil
liberties and minority
rights has been severely
compromised,
mmmmmmammmm^^^^^mmmmm
a sense of political community to economically-deprivedMuslims during

the Pakistan movement.
In fact, Islamic ideology has produced

conflicting
of its relevance to the construction
of a Pakistani nation.
interpretations
This controversy
stems from the fact that the leaders of the movement,
includingQuaid-i-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnahrested the claim forPaki
stan on the idea of a "Muslim
nation." He argued that Islam was not just a

a
but
separate social order, culture, and a civilization
religion,
represented
a distinctive character as a
that gave the Muslims
political community.40
Different strataofMuslims in the subcontinent supported the concept

ofMuslim nationalism, although for differentreasons.41Jinnahdid not
conceive
Pakistan
in purely pan-Islamic
terms. His
conceptualization
of
Muslim nationalism accommodated the protection ofminorityrights,yet

was defined in relation to theHindu majority of the subcontinent.42
INTERNATIONALJOURNALON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
41
POLARIZED
POLITICS:
THE CHALLENGE
IN PAKISTAN
OF DEMOCRACY
NATION AND CONTROLLED DEMOCRACY

Democracy isnot simplydefined as the ruleofmajorityor elections to form
a government.
Modern
democracy
includes
the rule of law, accountability,
and justice in all the state institutions.This has never been fullyrealized
in Pakistan.What prevailed is power politics, personalities, injustice,and
inequity. Pakistan suffered due to an excess of centralism and the lack of

democratic
values. The nation has always sacrificed for the promotion
of
democracy and the supremacyof law43but has never tasted itsfruit.As I

process requires the true develop
in Pakistan was that rulers assumed
earlier, the nation-building

of democracy. What
happened
mentioned
ment
power throughdubious means, and thenemployedmore dubious means to

sustain their power. And
Modern
democracy
includes the rule of
constitutional
and justice inall the
Democracy
state
institutions. This
has never been fully
realized in Pakistan.
prevailed
means
but perpetuate
their
rule by subvertingall routes fororderly

and legitimatepolitical change.44
law, accountability,
What
there are others
who come to power through legal and
has been under
the con
trolof both civilandmilitary rulers.State

elites created the impression that the
people
is power
are not capable
of democracy,
and
theyneed to implementtheirown politi
politics, personalities,
injustice, and inequity.
cal vision
Since
to run the institutions.45

Pakistan's
independence
in
1947 until the fall of East Pakistan in

1971,
ethno-centrism
prevailed,
and this acted as encouragement
nationalism.Tariq Ali has discussed this:
to Bengali
"Inequity and inequitable distribution of resources by the central govern

ment had isolated the Bengali from the state, especially after 1954, when
the overall economic situation deteriorated. Out of the total development
fund, East Pakistan's sharewas only 22.1% and non-Bengali businessmen,
Pakistan had set up most manufacturing
financed by capital from West

enterprises."46
42
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVT NO.
2 JUNE 2009
In fact, the limited Bengali

in the central government
representation
had increased the sense of deprivation,
suppression and exploitation. The
in
East
Pakistan
the Bengali people anti
economic
situation
made
fragile
West
Pakistan
federal
and also enhanced
their ethnic distinctness

move
structure of Pakistan.
The Bengali
inWest
other ethnic communities
encouraged
in the unequal
for provincial
Pakistan.
autonomy
Unfortunatelythe same ideologyand the same religioncould not defuse
the sentiment
Ethnic
of separate nationalism
between Bengalis
and Punjabis.47
in East Pakistan and, to a lesser extent,
identities were strengthened
in the smallerprovinces ofWest Pakistan, especially inSindh. Ethnic hostil

itybetween East Pakistan andWest Pakistan increased afterthe elections
of 1954 when all the opposition parties united and emerged as a force,
theUnited Front, and theydefeated theMuslim League. Their victory
gave greater impetus to Bengali
between Bengali
and non-Bengali
ethno-nationalism.
workers
gave
Increasing violence
the central government
a pretext for dismissing theUnited Front government, establishing the

governor's rule inEast Pakistan and banning theCommunist Party.This
dismissal caused furtherresentmentamongst the Bengali population and
Communist
The
Party.48
close association
of the governor
General
Ghulam
Muhammad
with the Punjabi elite and the neglect of the Bengalis increasedpopular
resentment.
The Governor's
the gulf of mistrust between

and
of great concern. Weak
reliance on the Punjabi community widened

East and West Pakistan. Parity was an issue
in the central
limited Bengali
representation
for
increased the sense of exploitation. The Bengali demand
government
an autonomous
inWest
other ethnic communities
province encouraged
Pakistan.
The separation of East Pakistan amply demonstrated that faith and

political
interests were
two different matters. National
solidarity on religion
obscures real issues pertaining to the distributionof political power and

participation,eroding trustand confidence in thepolitical union, effecting
fragmentation
rather than cohesion.49
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
43
OF DEMOCRACY
THE CHALLENGE
POLITICS:
POLARIZED
IN PAKISTAN
OBSTACLES AND RESTRAINTS IN THE WAY OF NATION

BUILDING
Is building of a nation inevitable?This process cannot be achievedwithout
or is not
functions. If a state has become dysfunctional
"legal"
then the nation cannot be promoted.
functioning under the Constitution,
a state's
This isnot justa theoreticalstatementbut a practical requirement.Societies

and statesare interlocked.The institutionaland political capacities of the
state of Pakistan
have declined
very sharply over the past quarter
century.50
The role of the state in nation-building is inevitable,yet takes on a dif

ferentcharacterwhen hijacked by undemocratic forces. Since the 1950s,
themilitary has dominated inPakistani politics. It has conducted foreign
policy directlyor indirectiy.51
Political
forces in Pakistan
have a consensus
on the parliamentary
form
of democracy,which the two constitutionsof the country,1956 and 1973,

draftedby the two respectiveconstituent assemblies, amply reflect.Paki
stan's
colonial
political
heritage
and
its post-independence
development
of institutionsare responsible for this consensus. The British introduced

political institutionsand practices in the subcontinent that they knew
best, rooted in theirown history.Our founding fathersfightingthe case
for Pakistan
could not think of any other political
system, since their own
political experiencehad included traininginBritishconstitutional law,and

they were
grounded
in the history of its institutions.52
Military leadershave thricetriedto reorientthePakistanipolitical system
toward some sort of presidential form of government. Ayub Khan who was
the first to try so many things was the first leader to change the parliamen
tarysystem,replacingthe 1956 Constitutionwith his own in 1962. He was

elected indirectlyby an electoral college of councilors comprising eighty
later increased
thousand,
to one hundred
and twenty thousand.
The
second
military ruler,Yahya Khan, wanted to give the countryhis own versionof a

presidentialsystemafterstabilizingthe situationinEast Pakistan,which had
deteriorated to a complete collapse of authority.But, with mass rebellion
and Indian
intervention,
the country broke
apart. Yahya
Khan's
dream
of
creating a stablepresidential systemdied with his exit frompower.

Since 1985 we have seen attemptsby twoothermilitary rulers,General
Zia-ul-Haq
and General
Pervez Musharraf,
to alter the parliamentary
struc
ON WORLD PEACE
44
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009

tureof the constitution,purportedly to balance the executivepower of the
primeminister.With the provision of "58-2(b) powers"53 in the hands of
thePresident, thepolitical systemof Pakistan iscloser to an executivepresi
dency in its functioningthan a parliamentarydemocracy.Article 58-2(b)
has been used
governments.
as a political weapon
The political parties,
to destabilize
elected
democratically
as well as
both mainstream
religious
and regional,havemade theirpreferenceknown by promulgating the two

parliamentaryconstitutionsand by removing 58-2(b)?when theyhad an
opportunity to do so in 1997, through theThirteenthAmendment to the
of Pakistan.
Constitution
In 2002, the military establishment under Musharraf's

its agreement
abandoned
with
leadership
demo
craticforceson establishingtheNational With the provision of

in the
Security Council, and by re-inserting "58-2(b) powers"
the 58-2(b) provision through the Sev- hands of the
President,
enteenthAmendment. Surprisingly,the the
political system of
same parliamentarians who supported
pakistan is c|oser to an
the deletion of 58-2b in 1997 voted for
executiye pudency
. .A ,
that has
the Seventeenth
Amendment
A.
i i
i m its functioning
ii
ii
to
the hands
brought that power back
iamen arY
^ an a ^ar
arliamentar
of thePresident.This is a greatweakness
in the Pakistani political system.When
democracy._
on sale for
legislators are permanently
parliamentary
political benefits and corrupt patronage,
take root.54
democracy
cannot
We might speculate elsewherewhy India, where politics is perhaps

equally corrupt,has had someworking democracy formuch of the same
post-Independence period. Is it themultiplicity of ethnic and caste and
religious identitiesthathas made it too difficultfor any class,military or
political, to impose hegemony?
Vested
interests and
cial groupings
the establishment
and parties have countered

laws and even constitutional
by rescinding
Fourteenth
Amendment
that wanted
to create
artifi
efforts against floor-crossing

The case of the
amendments.
for corrupt
is an example.
But floor-crossing
inducement is just one of the factors destabilizing parliamentary democracy.
There are other, perhaps more significant, reasons for the derailment of the
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
45
POLARIZED
POLITICS:
THE CHALLENGE
IN PAKISTAN
OF DEMOCRACY
system in Pakistan. Chief among them ismilitary rule and its

parliamentary
The takeover by the military four times in
so-called "guided democracy."
of leaders to stay in power as long
Pakistani history, and the determination
as possible bymanipulating political institutions,

has caused an institutional
decay thathas included the political parties.55
Military rule could not have been effectivenor lasted long had itnot
politically co-opted the same eliteswho held public office in the civilian
governments.This was enabled by the political fragmentationengineered
by themilitary regime and intelligenceagencies under itscontrol. Itwas
a conscious and well-designed effortofmilitary rulers to divide political
forcesby rewardingthosewho joined theirrule and oppressing thosewho
refused to render thepolitical servicestheydesired.56
In Pakistan's
^^^^^^^^^^^^B^^^?
Although the Pakistani

leaders both military
and civilian accepted

,
political
history,
the
centralizationof statepower did not take

into consideration the ethnic> cultural,
md re?ional
Kn8uific
VFromday
reaJjtjf
state elites regarded
the
the
one,
voicing
.
worked
c
,.
/c
i
federalism, they
or regional interests (tor provincial auton
. .
. .
.
f
its spirit. In fact,
_. _
A
A
73
against
.
.
omy) as anti-state; theirdemands were
they turned Pakistan into suppressed through coercion. Although
an authoritarian state.
the Pakistani leaders both military and
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^mmmm
against
civilian accepted federalism, they worked

state.
its spirit. In fact, they turned Pakistan into an authoritarian
The frequent dissolution of the elected government by the power
ful Governor/President
and provincial
adversely affected
rule has
governor's
Pakistan. Over-centralization
assemblies
and
enforcement
the nation-building
and the frequent intervention
of
in
approach
by the central
governmenthas been thenorm. The Pakistan People Party's (PPP) leader

Zulfqar Ali Bhutto was the firstelected PrimeMinister who removed the
Bluchistan governmentofNational Awami Party (NAP) inFebruary 1973.
The practice of removing unwanted
governments
continued.
Nawaz
Sharif,
who formedhis government in theCenter in 1996, dismissed the Sindh

Assembly inAugust 1999. This was because the PakistanMuslim League
(PML) government in Sindh lost itsmajority in theHouse after
Mohajir
Qomi Movement (MQM) and PML broke up theiralliance.
Ifwe look into Pakistan's political history during the transitional
46
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
POLARIZED
POLITICS:
THE CHALLENGE
OF DEMOCRACY
IN PAKISTAN
democratic process from 1985 to October 1999, all elected parliaments

failed to play a proper legislativerole; theyrubber-stampedall ordinances
and passed billspresentedby the executivewithoutmuch debate or scrutiny,
perhaps
under
some pressure
from the military.
In the 1950s, politicians (inWest Pakistan) andmilitary elites remained

They used
dominant.
their institutional power
to topple governments,
and
establishednew political parties and groups, playing one against theother.

There were frequentallegations of inefficiency,
nepotism and corruption
against politicians.
General Zia-ul-Haq
was
the firstpresident who
exercised
institutional
and constitutionalpower (EighthAmendment 58-2 b) and dissolved the

PrimeMinister Jonejo's elected government in 1988. President Ghulam
Ishaq Khan continued the samepractice.He also used the same amendment
to dismissBenazir Bhutto's government in 1990. The same president dis
missed the elected governmentofNawaz Sharif in 1993.57Benazir Bhutto
inpower nominated Farooq Khan Laghari forPresident. PresidentLaghari
dismissed Benazir's government in 1996. AfterBhutto's dismissal,Nawaz
Sharifwas elected theprimeminister.His partyhad a two-thirdsmajority
in the Parliament.He eliminated theEighth Amendment 58-2 (b) from
theConstitution. Nawaz Sharifbecame themost powerful primeminister
Pakistan had seen. The eliminationof 58-2 (b) diminished the powers of
thepresident and Farooq Khan Laghari resigned.Nawaz Sharifnominated
his trustworthy man as the next President
power to dismiss the government.
This
imbalance
of power made
of Pakistan?ensuring
the prime minister
he had no
near-absolute.
His
conflictwith General Pervez Musharraf over the KargilWar of 199958

resulted in his removing him as Chief of theArmy Staff and increas
ing resentment among Army officers. They refused to accept the newly
Musharraf
seized power and dis
(General Zia-u-Din).
appointed Chief
missed the elected PrimeMinister Nawaz Sharif,the federaland provincial

and suspended
governments
the national
assembly,
senate and the provin
cial assemblies, declaring that theConstitution would stay in abeyance in

October 12, 1999.
PrimeMinister Nawaz Sharifhad dismissed theChief ofArmy Staffa
fewhours before themilitary actionwhen theGeneral was stillflyingback
to Pakistan
from Sri Lanka.59 Musharraf
dismissed
Nawaz's
government,
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
47

put him jail and filed case againstNawaz to disqualifyhim and, as men
tioned earlier,theSupreme Court's verdictwas not acceptable to theSharif
and their party.
Interestingly, Mr. Nawaz
brothers
regime.
It was
the PPP-led
was
not
disqualified
during Musharraf's
in Pun
that was not comfortable
government
jab where PML-N was ruling as themajority party.General Musharraf,
who
toppled
the Nawaz's
the "Chief Executive"
became
government,
in
October 12,1999. He announced his seven point agenda forhis govern

ment
that centered
on economic
revival, law and order, good
governance,
accountability and the eradication of corruption,with no timeframe for

of democracy.60
As with earlier dismissals of govern
ments
in office, the removal of the gov
the restoration
General Musharraf
became
the "Chief
Executive"
ernmentofNawaz Sharifand themilitary
inOctober
takeover were
12,1999. He announced
his seven point agenda
for his government that
centered on economic
in the Supreme
challenged
of Pakistan. The Supreme Court
Court
in 2000 declared thatGeneral Mushar

raf's extra-constitutional
d'etat
coup
of
12 October 1999 was validated on the
revival, law and order,
basis of doctrine of State necessity
good governance,
accountability and the
eradication of corruption,
with no time frame
for the restoration of
61
When
electedofficialsfailto controlthe situation

politically,the army is justifiedin taking
control
The
once
to restore order.62
October
again
coup demonstrated
that the state elites consider
the freeplay of political forces a danger

to national security. It had been their
consistentpolicy to control thepolitical process, restrictparticipation and
guide thepolitical process from the top. In theirelitistview of politics, the
masses cannot be trusted;thepeople
popularwill of thepoor and illiterate
are vulnerableto themanipulations of the socially-influential
landed aristoc
democracy.
racy.63 The Army
comes
forward
to protect
the solidarity of Pakistan.64
By abrogating or suspending the constitutions,themilitary acquired
vast powers
to remove,
and
if necessary,
eradicate
all sources
of societal
opposition. Political parties thathave been dominated by the landlordclass

or single dominant individuals and institutionsof the civil society,have
48
ON WORLD PEACE
POLARIZED
proved
POLITICS:
too weak
THE CHALLENGE
to offer any resistance
OF DEMOCRACY
to unconstitutional
IN PAKISTAN
rule. So frag
mented ispolitical lifeinPakistan that those in the opposition have hailed

the removal of elected governments. Such celebrations over the downfall
of the governments
of other parties have
anticipated
the removal
of these
verypartieson the same grounds. The feudalpolitical culturehas strength

ened the view thatdemocracy has only legitimized the power of themost
influentialclasses.The political crisis isdeepened and the development of
is delayed.65
institutions necessary to support democratic
governance
The generals took away whatever
the provincial
elites had
autonomy
acquired under the Constitution of 1973. The Musharraf regime used

coercion
against Akbar
Bugti who
demanded
provincial
autonomy.66 Con
sequently,authoritarianrule has strengthenedethnic identitiesmore than

building the intendedunifiednation.67
FRAGMENTATION AND NATION-BUILDING

Pakistan
is a fragmented
nation-state.
It is a society composed
of a mix of
ethnic groups in all provinces; all ethnic groups share their culturewith
differentprovinces. Baluchis migrate to Sindh, thereare Pashtuns livingin
Sindh, and Punjabis have been assimilated inKarachi.
to their movements,
ethnic groups have emerged in all provinces

of Pakistan. Today ethnic groups can sometimes even pose a security threat
when they have access to high quality weaponry. External forces also play a
Due
major role inpromoting ethnic identityinmulti-ethnic states.Specifically,

India played a role infomentingBaluch nationalism, as Pakistan has played
a role inpromoting theKashmiri.
The
collective
nationhood
experience
of many
post-colonial
states
providesmixed evidence of the success of creatingnational solidarityand

a sense of common
national
identity. Not
all states have
really succeeded
innation-building based on the equitable distributionof power or repre

sentation
of all groups;
nor have
they all fallen apart.
Ethnicmovements have at times shiftedfrom seekingadvantagewithin

the state tomoving beyond to the realm of ethno-nationalism,and then
revertingto earlierpositions. These shiftshave correlated primarilywith
international
influences,
such as the case of the "greater Baluchistan"
and
Pashtunmovements.We have seen in the elections of2002 and 2008 the
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
49
POLITICS:
POLARIZED
of ethnic-coalition
re-emergence
IN PAKISTAN
OF DEMOCRACY
THE CHALLENGE
in the centre.
partnerships
The political factorsinethnicpolitics have been highlightedbyHamza

has
Alvi, who
stressed
state structure, weak
the over-developed
political
institutions,and the perception of "Punjabi hostility" asmajor causes of

conflicts.68
regional-ethnic
Pakistan iscomprisedof heterogeneous ethnicorders; infact,thepeople

of Pakistan forma complex "polygot" asTahirAmin puts it,withmigration
from Central
Asia,
Ifwe
residents.69
and Iran, plus the indigenous
look at
history before the secessionistmovement of 1971, therewere sixmajor

ethnic groups: Baluch, Bengalis,Mohajirs, (Urdu speakers in Sindh who
migrated fromNorthern India), Punjabis, Pashtuns, and Sindhis.
b^^^b^^i^^
But,with the exceptionof theBenga
lis inwhat was East Pakistan until 1971>
Although ethnic groups
havehas
beena
ofethnic
thcrc
^s
in
dl
?c
India>
groups
Provinces-Unlike
claim a home province,

the same territoryis
. .
claimed
, . A
iL
Pakistan
has not
11^
c ,
as the historic
altered
status or the provinces
the territorial
it inherited from
homeland by at least
BrMshIndiain1947 So
Other ethnic
groups claim a ?home province^ accord.

same terri.
Bakhsh
^
ing to
toryisclaimed as thehistorichomeland by
one other, and in some

instances, more than one
identity.
IIB1^"
^^
"B^^"^^"^?
more
than one other ethnic

In Sindh
and Baluchistan,
ethnic
at least one other, and in some
identity."70
waves of migration
have
altered
instances,
the demo
with the inflowof refugeesfromother parts of India

graphic balance; first
in 1947, and next fromAfghanistan in 1979, when the Soviet Union
invaded the country.Since then,only theANP (AwamiNational Party) has
demanded
Pakhtunkhawa,
complaining
about
domination.71
Punjabi
But
theirdemand is fulfilledby the present government of the PPP. Unequal

distribution
of economic
resources
has
led to migratory
movements
and
movements in the case of Bangladesh and now Baluchistan.

finallyseparatist
Punjabi and Pashtun migration in Sindh have led to Sindhi andMohajir
movements.
They
use
language
and history
to authenticate
separateness,
asHindu andMuslim parties did in pre-Partition India.72 In Punjab the
Siraiki community also claims to be a separate group

agrarian region and a major source of revenue.
in South
Punjab,
an
ON WORLD PEACE
50
POLARIZED
POLITICS:
THE CHALLENGE
OF DEMOCRACY
IN PAKISTAN
The relationshipbetween democracy and themulti-ethnic polarized

society
is interactive. The
ethnic character
of society
influences
the politi
cal ordering of the community,determines the rules of politics and shapes

the general patterns of political behavior; democraticmaturitymitigates
ethnic tensions.73
The BritishRaj supportedPunjabis and Pashtunsmore thanother eth

nic groups. As a part of theirdivide-and-rule strategythey termed ethnic
groups who supported the British during the uprising of 1857 "martial
races"while groups thathad been instrumentalin theuprisingwere dubbed
"non-martial races."74The biggest colonial legacyof the Britishhas been
the highly centralized
and authoritarian
state apparatus
that came under
the
domination of Punjabis and Pashtuns over time.Consequently, the state

elites of Pakistan
have
tried to create a single nation-state

by using
for their nation-building
policies.
Islam
as a smokescreen
and Urdu
InWest Pakistan, ethnicgroups raised theirvoices againstprejudice and

discriminationby thePunjabi dominating class,and theBaluch clashedwith
the center in the late 1950s on the issueof land allotmentstoPunjabi settlers
along the borderwith Sindh. Since 1999, landhas become a political issue
at Gwadar, where non-Baluchs
have
resentment.75 Baluchistan's
Governor
been
has
allotted lands, increasing local

said that Gwadar
port belongs
to theBaluch people.76This port can play a vital role in the development
of Baluchistan.
the confrontation
But
between
the Center
and Province
will hurt development,

peace, and stability in Baluchistan.
The central government
needs to rethink its present
nation-building
terms
in
of
reconciliation
and
strategy
political
provincial autonomy. Strong
and authoritative central governments have always weakened
the Pakistani
state. The state elite has accommodated
ethnic groups, promoted
ethnicity
own
its
for
personal political interest. It has also instigated a sense of strong
nationalism
among
them which
eventually
has turned anti-Pakistan.
CHALLENGES AND THREATS FROM WITHIN

Unfortunately the state structurehas been weak and the political system
has remained
unstable
As we know, no nation
in Pakistan. Unified
social structures are weakening.

a strong state and
and society can progress without
strengthrelates to a state's institutionaland political capacity to perform
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
51
POLARIZED
POLITICS:
THE CHALLENGE
IN PAKISTAN
OF DEMOCRACY
functions, i.e. deliver services to society and provide

and civilian regimes have been equally unaccountable.77
its primary
Military
justice.
The judiciaryhas with rare exceptions been facilitatingthemilitary
regime. The
acceptance
of the doctrine
of necessity on critical occasions
has
undermined the judiciaryfromworking as theguardian of the constitution

and protectorof the sovereigntyof theparliament.The judiciary is identi
fiedas power broker,a facilitatorunder the coverof theLaw ofNecessity.78
Whenever the judiciaryrefusedto obey the ruler,whether civilianormili
tary,ithas been suppressed. Judgeshave been forcedon leave; theywere
retired before
tenure or detained
and dismissed
as General
Musharraf
did
in 2007.79 The deposed Chief Justice (CJP)of Pakistan, Iftkhar

Muham
mad,
Since
took oath as CJP under Musharraf's
Provisional
Constitutional
Order
(PCO), and legitimizedthemilitarycoup.

Chief Justicehimselffoughtwith theState
Pakistan
has been
the U.S. war
for himself and his colleague's
supporting
on against terrorism in
reinstate
ment and has come back to his previous

position onNovember 2,2007.80 But the
question comeswhether hewould be able
towork as an independentChief Justice
Afghanistan, religious
extremism and terrorism
both have been posing
under
a grave threat to nation
the present government
or whether
the judiciarywill get itsindependenceand

building process.
the people will benefitwithout discrimi
nation? In the long run, inmy view, it
cannotwork. The appointmentof the judges is a big question mark; they
are appointed by thepresidentunder theConstitution of 1973. In thepast
both theprimeminister and thepresidenthave been confrontingover the
of judges.81
appointments
Since Pakistan has been
supporting
the U.S.
war
against
terrorism
in
Afghanistan, religious extremismand terrorismboth have been posing a

grave threat to the nation-building
process. Religious
extremists have chal
lenged thewrit of government and the localTaliban have imposed Sharia82

in some areas ofNWFP (NorthWest FrontierProvince).83Both provincial
and federalgovernmentshave lost theircontrol over the Swat District of
the NWFP.84
The
Post-Bugti
scenario
poses
a great threat in Baluchistan.
The current government has not ended themilitary operation against

Baluch militants.
52
If it is continued
and Baluch
demands
are not met under
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009

the constitutionof 1973, then civilwar may well break out.
The grandson of the lateAkbar Bugti, Brahamdagh has founded "Bal
uchistanRepublican Army" in2007. He threatenedthepresentgovernment
of PPP: "if thegovernmentwould not stopmilitaryoperation inBaluchistan
it should wait how we
we
subversive
know,
repay" he demands
activities,
Bluchistan."85 As
"independent
and
kidnappings
targeted murders86 have
increasedmanifold, especially in Baluchistan where a section of Baluch

nationalists
taken up arms. On
have
the other hand,
the Taliban
are chal
lenging the State's securityand have stretchedthe securityapparatus.
POLITICS BETWEEN REALISTS AND IDEALISTS

The major factorsthatprevented democracy fromflourishing:
a) the role of the higher judiciary in condoning the sackingof civilian
government
perpetuation
solution of parliament,
providing
of self-interest by dictators. November
and
a cover
3,2009
to the
makes
Pakistan's history,over sixtyyearspassed, the firsttime the Supreme

Court resistedthe executive and themilitary both.87 If the judiciary
would
not protect
the dictator's
and elites'
be a differentcountry;
interests, Pakistan would
b) the other factorwhich has been themajor obstacle in theway of

democracy and nation-building is the lack of democratic values in
the state institutions
and democratic
approach
in our
leadership;
which has divided our society in

c) the lastfactorthat is also significant
ethnic groups has been an undemocratic,
and authoritative nature
our
of
top leadership of mainstream
political parties as we have seen
after elections
2008.
The present government
of the PPP was not comfortable
with the Paki
stanMuslim League Nawaz (PML-N) government in the largestprovince

Punjab afterthe PML-N decision to quite itsalliancewith PPP.88 Political
rivalry increased between the twomajor parties (PPP-PML-N) when the
PML-N
decided
the two parties
to support lawyers movement

could not reach a compromise,
and "long march." When

the Supreme Court's
deci
sion to disqualify the formerPrimeMinister Nawaz Sharif and theChief

Minister of Punjab on 25 February 2009 strengthenedNawaz's image
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
53
POLITICS:
POLARIZED
THE CHALLENGE
nationally
and
contesting
elections.89President
Court
The
internationally.
OF DEMOCRACY
was
decision
IN PAKISTAN
seen as political,
not legal or constitutional,because the judgeswere appointed byMush

rraf.The decision destabilized the entirepolitical structurein the country.
Under theCourt's verdict, the Sharifbrotherswere declared ineligible in
Asif Ali Zardari, who
has been denounced
by the Sharifbrothers,dismissed the PML-N government inPunjab that

imposed Governor Rule after the court verdict.The decision to impose
governor rule, I think,was thewrong one at thewrong time. The PPP
which united the
lost itspopularity and PML-N gained public sympathy
nation against the PPP-led government. From February 25 toMarch 16
(the twentydays "politics for power"), the political history of Pakistan
polarized the society and party leadership between realists and idealists.
The demand for a national agenda by the idealistsdominated with the
Army's
and
international
community's
intervention. We
saw a military
interventionon the eve of a political deadlock and a serious confrontation

between political partieshas alwaysbeen crucial90andwill be continued in
the futureifthe politicians fail to actwisely and pragmatically.The Chief
of theArmy Staff (CAOS), General Ashfaq Kayani, has frequentlybeen
meeting with thepresident and primeminister to resolve the political cri
sis. This
Musharraf
time
the Army has restored
its image which was
lost by General
during his regime.
The restorationof the deposed Chief Justicewould not be possible

intervention.
without
CAOS's
moment
to restore the Chief
The
government's
Justice is an admission
decision
at the
last
that over-centralism
is
not a political solution. It is a denial of thepeople's power and a graverisk

to state sovereignty.This political dimension will not be reversedby the
realists.This isnot the firstPPP government thatwas uncomfortablewith
the Punjab government. Primeminister Benazir Bhutto, during her first
tenure,also confronted the then-ChiefMinister of Punjab, Nawaz Sharif.
Thus political interventionfrom the center during the entirehistory of
Pakistan
has been
rampant.
In my view the denial
of provincial
autonomy
and politicalmandate has weakened theprocess of nation and statebuild

ing.Concentration of power in the center has weakened the philosophy
of Federation.
Today
central government
Balouchistan
due
a security challenge
to Baluchistan.
of autonomy
has become
to its denial
for the
ON WORLD PEACE
54
THE POLITICS OF NATIONAL RECONCILIATION

OR POLITICAL INTERESTS
The politics of national reconciliationhas been applied in Pakistan's his
tory,but itnever been applied for thenational interestor nation-building.
State elites always used
the term "reconciliation"
either to stay in power
or
to facilitatea specificethnic,political group. General Mushrraf also took

initiative about
national
reconciliation
(NR).91
In fact, itmade
a secretive
political deal asNR becauseMushrraf and Benazir Bhutto had bitterpoliti

cal relations.Mushrrafwanted to be elected thepresident for thenext five
years and Benazir Bhutto wanted to be a primeminister for the thirdtime,
butMushrraf's 17th92amendmentwas themajor hurdle inherway. Both
promised to facilitateeach other and theNational Reconciliation Order
(NRO)93 issued byMushrraf in 2007. InMay 2006, Benazir Bhutto and
Nawaz Sharifboth had signed the "Charter ofDemocracy"94 (CoD). Both
condemned dictatorshipand pledged thattheywould continue democratic
struggle againstMushrraPs regime. Benazir Bhutto ignored CoD and
on a deal for
compromised
sharing power with Mushrraf.
The present government
is also using the tactic of "political
recon
ciliation" to retain and maintain itspower and has filed a petition in the
Supreme Court to review the Sharifbrother's case against theirdisquali
fication. President Zardari also has announced the intention to liftthe
Governor rule from Punjab and accepts PML-N's majority to form the
provincialgovernment. It happened afterthePPP failed to get itsmajority
in the Punjab provincial assembly.95Atthe time when this piece is being
discussed
the Supreme
Court
has commenced
a hearing
to seek reversal
of the Supreme Court's decision on 25the February 2009. Will theCourt

nullifythe previous verdict and on what ground?Will the Sharifbrothers
be declared eligible to contest elections?Will theCourt will play its role
These questions determine thepolitical relations
independentlyand fairly?
between PPP and PML-N and the independence of judiciary in Pakistan
after the reinstatementof the deposed Chief Justice. It is,however, too
early to judge given the fact that deposed Judgeswere restored shortly
before thisarticlewas written.
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
55
CONCLUSION
The consequences of polarized politics inPakistan are that thenation has
not developed democratically,economically,and politically.State elites,both
civilian and military,
have
failed to promote
a democratic
state structure
and political system.The spiritof theConstitution has never been imple

mented. Most of theproblems of nation-building arise from idealizing the
nation-statemodel. What is needed is constitutionalpolitics and power
inwhich the state guarantees economic,
cultural and political
arrangements
a new social contract exercised and constituent groups
rights and, in return,
accept the institutionaland territoriallegitimacyof the state.

Democratic
norms
and values
are not a measure
of political
ideology.
What matters to thepoliticalparties and political leaders is "political conve

nience
to justify one's misrule
or the party boss orders."
Currendy,
Pakistan
is passing through the gravest period of itshistory.Religious extremists,

terrorists, nationalists,
and ethnic groups
are the greatest
security threat
to Pakistan. Ifwe look at the currentpolitical system,theArmy has the

upper hand inpolitical affairsaswe saw, for example, during the firsttwo
weeks ofMarch 2009.
Another factorwhich has promoted undemocratic political culture
and undermined
the nation
as a "united
nation"
is that political
parties
have been dominated by the landlord class or singledominant individuals.

Institutionsof the civil societyhave proved too weak to offer any resis
tance
to unconstitutional
rule. Since
confrontation
Pakistan
has
suffered from political

those in the opposition
have not only
among the politicians,

of elected governments
but have also demanded
such an
act on the ground that the government was not functioning
unconstitutional
hailed
removal
according to theConstitution. There cannot be greaterpolitical absurdity

than such demands and celebrations over the downfall of government of
other parties.This also shows absolute political immaturity,lustof power,
selfishnessand lack of self-esteemamong the political class of Pakistan.
A strong feudal political culturehas strengtheneda view thatdemocracy
should not be themost preferredway of political and economic develop
ment of Pakistan and that democracy has only legitimized the power of
the most
Ifwe
influential classes.
look at Pakistan's
political
structure and history we
can see that
ON WORLD PEACE
56
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
cannot
over-centralism
identity, and
overcome
the state elites must
the forces of nationalism,

ideology, and
accept and respect the Constitutional
rightsto disengage theundemocratic political forcesand regain legitimacy.

We have to recognize that the politics and ideology of identityisprimar
ily about
as a cultural
self-preservation
entity, and about
economic,
and
political rights.
Since theworld has been changed by the presence of global media,
about nations, states, and the movements

for self-preservation
cannot be suppressed. The state can no longer hide truth from citizens.
the state needs to respect the Constitution
and Constitutionalism
Thus,
must be seen in all state institutions in order to be seen as promoting
a fair
information
and legitimate government.
Notes
1.
In 1971, people
inEast Pakistan, now Bangladesh,
fought with Pakistani
Army.
2.
Author's
discussion with Prof. Dr. Rasul Bakhs Rais, 26 January 2009.
3.
Youssef Cohen, Brian R. Brown, and A.F. K. Organski, "The Paradoxi

of State-Making: The Violent Creation of Order," American Political
Science Review, Vol. 75, No. 4 (1981), pp. 901-10.
cal Nature
4.
Ken Booth, ed., New Thinking About Strategy and International

(London: Harper Collins Academic, 1991), p. 270.
5.
Rasul Bakhsh Rais, op. cit.
6.
Jamil-ud-Din Ahmad, Speeches and Writings ofMr.Jinnah, Vol.
Sh. Mohammad Ashraf & Sons, 1960) p. 160.
7.
Security
K.K. Aziz, A History
of theIdea ofPakistan
1 (Lahore:
(Lahore: Vanguard,
1987), 4
volumes.
8.
S.A. Vahid, Thoughts and Reflections ofIqbal (Lahore: Sh. Ashraf & Sons,
1964), p. 396.
9.
1984).
StanleyWolpcrt,Jinnah
10. Abu-Al Maudoodi,

Publications Ltd., 1969).
ofPakistan
(New York: Oxford University Press,
IslamiRiyasat(Islamic
State) inUrdu
(Lahore: Islamic
11. Abu- Al Maudoodi,

Nationalism
and India, (Pathankot: Maktaba-i
was
a
Maudoodi
Jammat-i-Islami, 1967).
religious scholar in Pakistan. He
considered a most respected person and an authority on religious issues.
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
57
is
POLARIZED
POLITICS:
THE CHALLENGE
OF DEMOCRACY
IN PAKISTAN
12. Abdul Hameed
Nayyar, "Rewriting the History of Pakistan," inAsghar

The
Pakistan
Khan, ed.,
Experience: State & Religion, (Lahore: Vanguard, 1985),
164-177.
pp.
13. Afzal
(Lahore,
D.C.:
Iqbal, Select Writings and Speeches ofMaulana

1944), p. 452.
14. Hafeez Malik, Moslem Nationalism

Public Affairs Press, 1963), p. 240.
Mohammed
in India and Pakistan,
Ali,
(Washington,
15. Freeland Abbott, "The Jam'at-i-Islami of Pakistan." The Middle East

Journal, Vol. 11 (Winter, 1957), p. 40.
16. Maudoodi,
Tehrikh-i-Ajzadi-i-Hind aur Musalmans
(The Indian indcpcn
dence movement
and Muslims)
inUrdu
(Lahore:
Islamic Publications,
1974).
Islamic Law and Constitution, trans, and ed., Khurshid Ahmad

Islamic Publications, 1960), pp. 5-6.
17. Maudoodi,
(Lahore:
18. The
reason: the separatist movement
in Bangladesh was at its climax.
19. Sayeduddin Ahmad, Ideology ofPakistan

of Historical and Cultural Research, 1998).
20. Charles H.
Kennedy,
Islamization
(Islamabad: National
in Pakistan
(Islamabad:
Institute
Institute of
Policy Research).
21.
Islamic laws according toQurannic
princples.
22. In FATA, militants challenged thewrit of the government and even theArmy
failed to restore the Government's writ in Swat and some Agencies in FATA.
23. Pakistan got independence on August 15,1947 but the first constitution
was delayed due to the religious factor (1956). General Zial-ul-Haq
used Islam
to gain political support from the various sections in the country. The bloody
era when some clergywere going to impose
incident occurred during MushrraPs
Sharia within the Capital and challenged MushrraPs

powers. Currendy, Molvi
Fazlullha has challenged the writ of the government in FATA and is striving to
impose misinterpreted Sharia. Girl's schools are being burnt or closed. Women
cannot move. Thus, Talibanization
is being imposed in the name of Islam.
24. Sharif-u-al Mujahid, Quaid-i-Azam
(Karachi: Quaid-i-Azam Academy, 1981).
Jinnah:
Studies in Interpretation
25. Quaid-e-Azam
Mahomed Ali Jinnah: Speeches as Governor-General
Pakistan 1947-1948 (Karachi: Pakistan Publications, n.d.), p. 65.
26. Rasul Bakhsh Rais. Op.
of
cit.
In 2002, six religious parties, in the form of theMMA

(Muthida-Mujles
United
Front, emerged because people in Pakistan were opposing General
Amal)
MushrraPs policy "war against terrorism." Unfortunady, theMMA also supported
27.
Mushrraf
for political gain and established
their government
inNWF,
FATA
ON WORLD PEACE
58
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
(currently the government) has signed an agreement with the local Taliban in Sawat
district,where they have established their own courts and have imposed Sharia.
28. Robert J. Jackson and Doreen
Political Science. (New Jersey: Simon &
Jackson. A Comparative
Schuster, 1997), p. 35.
29. Lucian W. Pye. Politics, Personality and Nation

1962.) p. 3.
for Security. (U.S.A: MIT,
Building: Burma's
30. Urmila
Phadnis, Rajat Ganguly. Ethnicity and Nation

Delhi:
(New
Sage Publications, 1989), p. 59.
Asia,
Introduction
of
Search
in South
Building
31. Mohammed
Ayub, "The Security Problematic of theThird World," World

43
Vol.
Politics,
(January 1991), pp.265-266.
32. Altaf Hessian,
leader ofMQM
visited India
(Muthida Qomi Movement)
statement
resentment
in
where
his
anti-Pakistan
increased
2004,
civil society. See details inDawn and Daily Times, 8-10 November 2009.
inNovember
33. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, the great educationist was convinced thatMuslims
could not live together.
and Hindus
34. Rasul Bakhsh Rais, Recovering
theFrontier State: War, Ethnicity and State
inAfghanistan,(USA: LexingtonBooks, 2008).

35. See detail
in Khalid Hassan,
Rearview
Mirror,
(Islamabad:
Alhamr,
2002).
36. "Akbar Bugti killed in an Army operation,"
2006.
Daily
Times, 27 August
37. In the Swat deal ofMarch 16, 2009, the government accepted the Tali
ban's demands to exercise Sharia. Under this deal the judges were barred from
the courts. Seven Qazi
(religious scholars) were appointed to Swat High Court.
See detail in "NWFP gov't asks Swat judges not to attend courts over Security
Concerns," Daily Times, The News, March 19, 2009.
38. This post-9/11
incident makes religion a source of conflict between and
within the states. This incident adversely affected Pakistan because religious forces
have united against the state. Suicide bombers are being used as a weapon which
civilians, security personnel, and political personalities, including the

former prime minister Benazir Bhutto (27 December 2007) and foreigners.
has killed
39. On November
26, 2008,
terrorists attacked Mumbai.
religious groups, e.g. Laskar-e-Taiba

banned byMushrraf regime after 9/11.
Pakistani-banned
organization,
which
India accused
is a Kashmir based
Mr. Jinnah,Vo\.
40. Jamil-ud-Din Ahmad, Speechesand Writings of
Sh. Mohammad Ashraf & Sons, 1960) p. 160.
41. K.K. Aziz, A History of theIdea ofPakistan
1 (Lahore:
(Lahore: Vanguard,
volumes.
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
59
1987), 4
42. Stanley Yfolpzvt, Jinnah ofPakistan
1984).
(New York: Oxford University Press,
43. The
long March, March 2009 (Lawyers movement)

supported by the
political parties, and civil society against the government succeeded after lawyers,
and common people were scared. Some lawyers were burned alive in Karachi
during Mushrraf era in 2007, some of them were targeted by suicide bombers.
importantly, judges were put under house arrestwhen they refused to obey
MushrraPs order inNovember 2007. See details inDaily Times, May 13, 2007.
Most
44. Nasreen Akhtar, "Ethnic Politics and Political Process in Pakistan" paper
was presented in the conference on 15-16 October, Organized byMalaya Uni
versity,Kula Lumpur, Malaysia.
45. Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan in theTwentieth Century: A Political History,
Karachi Oxford University Press,1997.
46. Tariq Ali, Pakistan: Military Rule on People's Power, (New York: William
Morrow, 1970).
47. Nasreen Akhtar, "Ethnicity and Political Process
48. Khalid bin Sayeed, The Political System ofPakistan
ments with Houghton Mifflin 1966), p.62
49. Rasul
Bakhsh Rais.Professor
interview), December
of Political
Science
28, 2008.
50. Rasul Bakhsh Rais.

2008.
"A Dysfunctional
in Pakistan," op. cit.

(Pakistan: by arrange
at LUMS,
(personal
State." Daily Times, 18 November
51. Author's
interview with Islamabad-based
on
11
anonymity),
February 2009.
52. Nasreen Akhtar. "Pakistan's Undemocratic
(Ret) Col.
(who requested
Political Culture" http://arts.

on 28 December 2008.
Accessed
monash.edu.au/mai/asaa/proceedings.php.
53. General Zia amended the constitution 1973 and inserted 58-2 (b).The
president shall dissolve the National Assembly if a situation has arisen inwhich
the Government of the Federation cannot be carried on in accordance with the
provisions of the Constitution and an appeal to the electorate is necessary, see,
The Constitution of theIslamic Republic ofPakistan, (Islamabad: Ministry of Law,
Justice and Human Rights, 2004), p. 32.
54. Nasreen Akhtar, "Pakistan's Undemocratic
Political Culture,"
op. cit.
55. Ibid.
56. Ibid.
57. Nawaz
Sharif challenged the Presidential Order in the Supreme Court.

Presidential Order was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court and the
Nawaz Sharif government was restored. Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Nawaz Sharif
ON WORLD PEACE
60
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
POLARIZED
POLITICS:
THE CHALLENGE
OF DEMOCRACY
IN PAKISTAN
could not work together. The then-Chief of theArmy Staff,General Abdul Hamid
Kakar forced them to resign. See text inDawn, May 26,1993.
58. Limited war was fought between India-Pakistan. Both Prime Minister
Chief of theArmy Staff blamed each other.
59. Dawn,
October
and
13,1999.
60. Mushrraf was forced to resign on August
18, 2008.
itsArmy, and
61. Shuja Nawaz, Crossed Swords: Pakistan

(Karachi: Oxford University Press 2008), p. xxxi.
62. "Army asked to be ready if security worsens,"
theWars Within
Daily Times, March 15,

was
same
2009. In early 1977, the
given by Prime Minister Zulfqar Ali
proposal
to control
Bhutto's aide to ask the then-Chief of theArmy Staff,General Zia-ul-Haq
the situation and he would leave his office until the situation was controlled but
General Zia rejected that proposal.
(Islamabad: Alhamr, 2002).
See detail inKahlid Hassan,
Rearview Mirror,
63. Rasul Bakhsh Rais. op. cit.

64. Mushrraf's
mized
65.
theArmy's
interviewwith the Indian press on March
intervention in politics.
9,2009.
He
legiti
Ibid.
66. Akbar Bugti was killed in a military operation on August 26, 2006.
67. Tahir Amin, Ethno-Nationalist Movements of Pakistan: Domestic
International Factors, Institute of Policy Studies, (Islamabad: 1988). p. 77.
and
AM, "Authoritarianism and Legitimating ofState Power in Paki

in Subtrata Mitra (ed), The Post-Colonial State in South Asia, (London:
68. Hamza
stan?
1990).
69. Tahir Amin, op. cit.

70. Rasul Bakhsh Rais, "Politics of Ethnicity and Democratic Process in Paki
and theEmerging World Disorder, Gurnam Singh, ed.,
stan" Ethno-Nationalism
Delhi:
Kanishka
Publishers, 2002).
(New
71. Author's
requested
interview with
Islamabad-based
retired bureaucrat
(who
anonymity).
72. Tariq Rehman,

versity Press, 1996.
Language
and Politics in Pakistan, (Krachi: Oxford Uni
73. Rasul Bakhsh Rais, Recovering

op. cit.
inAfghanistan,
theFrontier State: War, Ethnicity, and State
74. Craig Baxter, Yogendra Malik, Charles Kennedy, & Robert Oberst. Gov
ernments and Politics in South Asia. (Colorado: West view Press, 1998.) pp 8-9.
75. Rasul Bakhsh Rais, talk in seminar on "Dialogue on Provincial Autonomy,"
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
61
POLARIZED
organized
2008.
THE CHALLENGE
POLITICS:
by aid action organization
IN PAKISTAN
OF DEMOCRACY
in Ambassador
Hotel
6 August
Lahore,
76. See detail in,Malik Siraj Akbar. "Raisani saysGawadar Belongs to Baluch,
Daily Times, December 22, 2008.
77. Rasul Bakhsh Rais.
"A dysfunctional State," Daily Times, November
2008.
78. Shuja Nawaz,
removed the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
2007.
80. General Musharraf

November
28,
op. cit.
79. General Musharraf

Pakistan inMarch
imposed
3, 2007.
a state of emergency
of
in the country on
81. Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and President Farooq Khan Laghari had
conflict over the judiciary in 1996.
82. Islamic laws are being implemented according to theirown understanding,
and they have set up their own courts.
83. Abdul
December
Saboor Khan.
3, 2009.
84. Daud
Khattak.
Times, December
"ANP's
"Taliban
Impose Sharia inHangu,"
leader says Swat is out of Govt's
7, 2008.
85. Malik
Siraj Akbar.
2009.
February 10,
"Barahamdagh
Daily
Times,
control," Daily
threats to 'repay' PPP," Daily
Times,
86. See details inDawn, January 27, 2009 and Daily Times and Dawn,
3
2009.
UNHCR
official
Baluchistan
Libera
John
Solecki,
February,
kidnapped by
tion United Front.
87. Haris Khalique,
"No democracy no tolerance," The News, May
9, 2008.
88. The Party leaderAsif Ali Zardari, (President of Pakistan) broke all promises
he made with PML-N on the issues of judiciary and repeal of 17th amendment;
includes 5 8-2b. See detail inDaily Times, August 26, 2008.
89. See detail, "The Supreme Court released judgment on the Sharif brothers
disqualification case,*Dawn, March 21, 2009.
90. Talat Masood.
"The Crisis and theArmy," The News, March
91. South Africa's model

Reconciliation
Commission:
16, 2009.
2002 earned global respect. See "Ghana's National

A Comparative Assessment" on www.ictj.org/static/
Africa/Subsahara/GhanaCommission.pdf.
92. Under the 17th amendment the person who has served as Prime Minister
twice cannot avail a third term, so both Benazir and Nawaz Sharif were declared
ON WORLD PEACE
62
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
POLARIZED
POLITICS:
THE CHALLENGE
OF DEMOCRACY
IN PAKISTAN
ineligible. These days, the removal of the 17th amendment has become PML-N's
agenda.
93. See detail inDawn, The News, October 6, 2007. Under thisOrdinance,
all corruption cases against Benazir Bhutto and her husband Asif Ali Zardari (
President of Pakistan) were given amnesty.
94. Text of Charter of Democracy, see inDawn May 16, 2006.
95.
"Zardari
signs summary to liftGovernor's
2009, Daily Times,March 29, 2009
rule,^ The News, March
ON WORLD PEACE
VOL. XXVI NO.
2 JUNE 2009
63
30,

PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

PDF

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Professors World Peace Academy

POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN

Nasreen Akhtar Lecturer of Political Science

In Pakistan, state elites have been

a historical process thatmay take a

making as the Europeans did. We

geopolitical pressures that emanate

of this paper is that nations and

internal factors are leading the Paki

how ithasmaterialized during the civil

The dominant elites in Pakistan,

VOL. XXVI NO. 2 JUNE 2009

POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGEOF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN

(a) the nation-state

is the form of a modern

and that (b) centralization is the sign ofmodernization.2 However, the

pattern of the nation-state

of nation-building for all developing countries is dangerous, and might

cautionarynote, but one will sufficeto explain thepitfallsof pursuing the

The European pattern of

for all developing

existence5 ifnot a self.rule5for centuries

sectors of the society, and might under

with thedifferentethnicgroups fortheirown political interests.

ThirdWorld countrieshave to pass through the same sequences of state

also consider thegeopolitical pressures thatemanatefrom the regional and

only aided by policies thatare sensitiveto needs of the constituentgroups.

the idea of Pakistan's

security, and nationhood?

issues and challenges

thepath to nation-building inPakistan andwhy has democracy not taken

a) Promotion of economic or cultural interestsof ethnic groups alone

until they are allowed

ticipate in the political process, sharepower, and develop stakes in

b) Devolution of power, regionalautonomy and recognitionofmultiple

ISLAM AND PAKISTAN

for the same cause of "an

roots in the sub-continent.

dously influenceditsfollowers inUnited India. The formationof Islamic

factors. Islam gave people

However, the role of Islam in promoting a sense ofMuslim political

stems from the fact that the leaders of themovement, includingQuaid

that Islam was

VOL. XXVT NO.

for a variety of reasons,

theMuslims a distinctive character as a political community.6Different

all of them religious.7 Most

the supportersof Pakistan rejected the notion of territorialnationalism,

Dr.Allama Mohammad Iqbal, thepoet and philosopherwho proposed the

ofminority rights,and defined in relation

The question Pakistanis

even religion could not unite the people

unifying force the same

way as itdid during the

struggle for the creation

effectively a unifying force the same way as

itdid during the struggleforthe creation

are three different per

spectiveson thisquestion thatcontend forshaping thenational identityand