"I Fell off [The Mothering] Track": Barriers to "Effective Mothering" among Prostituted

Women
Author(s): Rochelle Dalla
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Family Relations, Vol. 53, No. 2, Special Issue on Low-Income and Working-Poor
Families (Mar., 2004), pp. 190-200
Published by: National Council on Family Relations
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"I Fell Off [the Mothering]Track":Barriersto "Effective

Mothering"Among ProstitutedWomen
Rochelle Dalla*
women
Ecologicaltheoryandbasicassumptions
for thepromotionof effectivemotheringamonglow-incomeandworking-poor
are applied in relation to a particularly vulnerablepopulation: street-level prostitution-involvedwomen. Qualitativedata from

38 street-levelprostitutedwomenshows barriersto effectivemotheringat the individual,community,and societal levels.

Suggestionsfor enhancing the lives and long-term well-being of prostituted women with children are included.

ationalscholarswith a diverse arrayof expertiseon

issues central to low-income families, one of which

includes "effective mothering,"have recently convened
to debate, inform,and advancethe scholarlyliterature.Results of
this effort were summarizedin the NCFR Policy Brief (2002)
and include: (a) a theoretical model (ecological theory) for
framing the context of discussion, (b) basic assumptions for
understandingthe complexity of issues inherent in the examination of mothering among at-risk populations, and (c) policy
recommendations for promoting effective mothering among
low-income and working-poor women. The purpose of this
manuscriptis to furtherthe scholarly literatureby applying the
theoretical model, basic assumptions, and policy recommendations to one group of women frequently overlooked as
"mothers":street-level prostitutedwomen.

Literature Review
Accordingto Arendell (2000), motheringinvolves the social
practicesof nurturingandcaringfor dependentchildrenin dynamic,
ever-evolving relationships.Intensive mothering, the prevailing
NorthAmericanideology (Arendell),declaresthatmotheringis an
all-encompassingfemale activity that necessitatesa child-centered
frame of referenceinvolving maternaldevotion and self-sacrifice
(Hays, 1996). Moreover,"Motherhoodideology is entwinedwith
idealizednotionsof the family,presumingthe institutionandimage
of the White,middle-class,heterosexualcouplewith its childrenin a
self-containedfamilyunit"(Arendell,p. 1194).
Fortunately, recent scholarship, largely based in feminist
traditions,provides a new context within which to view mothering: that of particularism(Arendell, 2000). Simply stated, cultural, racial, economic, and historical contexts directly and
indirectly shape mothering activities (e.g., Baca Zinn, 1990;
Collins, 1994; Dill, 1994a, 1994b; Glenn, 1994; Stack & Burton,
1993) and the extent to which women are able to engage in
child-centeredactivities (Woollett & Phoenix, 1991). However,
some popular psychological theories (e.g., psychoanalytic theory) continue to underplaythe variety of women's experiences;
feelings of anger and hostility, depression, helplessness, and
potential coping strategies such as substance use are viewed as
indicators of individual pathology, not as consequences of
environmentalcontexts (Boulton, 1983; Woollett & Phoenix).

*Address correspondenceto: Dr. Rochelle Dalla, ASH 105b, Departmentof Family

and Consumer Sciences, University of Nebraska-Lincoln(OmahaCampus), 60th & Dodge,
Omaha, NE 68182-0214 ([email protected]).
Key Words: at-riskpopulations, mothering,prostitution,social policy.
(Family Relations, 2004, 53, 190-200)

Recognition of unique environmentalcontexts and the particularisticnatureby which individuals respond to those formed
the foundationfor the NCFR Effective Motheringfamily policy
recommendations(NCFR Policy Brief, 2002). Applicationof the
resultantprinciplesand policies to populationsof low-income or
at-risk maternalpopulations, such as prostitutedwomen, is the
necessary next step in achieving visible outcomes from this
intellectual work.

An Ecological Approach for Examining Effective

Mothering
Beginningwith birth,individualsare embeddedwithinmultifaceted and multilayeredcontextual systems that guide, mold,
and largely dictate personal life experiences, setting developmental processes in motion. Looking beyond an individual's
presentcircumstancesto understandthe processes thatresultedin
particulardevelopmentaltrajectoriesis important.Bronfenbrenner
(1989) argued that development results from the interaction
between person (includingall of her personalcharacteristics)and
environmentthroughtime; the theory is synergistic.Development
cannot be understoodwithout careful observationof the entire
ecological context in which each individual is embedded,
including historicalevents and situations(e.g., childhood), social
relationships, and environmental factors (e.g., culture and
subculture).
Ecological theory applied to effective mothering. Application of ecological theory to the explorationof effective mothering resulted in a conceptual model comprising three levels:
the individual, the community, and society. Briefly, the
individual level comprises mothers and other family members
(e.g., children, partners),in addition to extended family (e.g.,
grandparents).Two basic assumptions inform policy recommendations for effective mothering at the individual level,
including maternalself-care (i.e., emotional, psychological, and
physical well-being) and provision of social support from
significant others. The community level refers to interactions
between families and community resources (e.g., employment,
education), and families and institutions(e.g., law enforcement).
A basic assumption at this level is recognition that economic
stability, a critical component of optimal child development,
promotes effective mothering. Finally, the societal level
includes interactions between communities and social service
systems, and communities and governmentbodies. Equal rights
and access to goods and services, institutional integrity, and
equal dispersementof resources to supportlocal institutions of
health and safety (e.g., medical clinics, libraries) are basic
assumptions guiding policy recommendations at the societal
level.

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Prostitution:A Context-SpecificVenuefor Examining

"EffectiveMothering"
Prostitution-involved
women rarelyarerecognizedas mothers
or
more specifically. Cursory
academicians
by society generally
attentiononly has been afforded prostitutedwomen as mothers
(e.g., percentageof prostitution-involvedwomen with children);
few studieshave soughtto examineprostitutedwomen as mothers,
in any degree of detail (see as exceptionsDalla, 2001, 2003).
Comparativelyspeaking, a much largerbody of information
has been published regarding the familial contexts of origin
(rather than of procreation) of street-level prostitutedwomen.
A brief review of this literatureis paramountfor understanding
adult prostitutes' relationshipswith their own children because
relationship patterns adopted in the family of origin often are
repeated in future generations (Whitchurch & Constantine,
1993). The literatureis rich with programmaticsuggestions for
enhancing effective motheringamong this unique population.

Early developmentalexperiences
A majorityof individuals working in the sex industryhave
experienced childhood sexual abuse (McClanahan,McClelland,
Abram, & Teplin, 1999), although the percentages reporting
such experience vary considerably, from 10% to 70% (Bagley
& Young, 1987; Russell, 1988; Silbert & Pines, 1983). The
causal paths linking early sexual abuse with prostitutionare a
matter of debate. Some believe that a direct connection exists
betweenearly sexual abuseand prostitution.JamesandMeyerding
(1977) reportedthat childhood sexual abuse results in separating
emotions from sexual activity. The victim begins to view herself
as debased, a process referred to as "mortification of self"
(Dunlap, Golub, Johnson, & Wesley, 2002), thus facilitating
her identification with prostitution. Miller (1986) similarly
arguedthat emotional distancing as a result of childhood sexual
abuse is reenacted during sexual activities with clients, thus
allowing one to more easily engage in sex work. Others (Potter,
Martin,& Roman, 1999; Seng, 1989; Simons & Whitbeck, 1991)
argued that the link between childhood sexual abuse and later
prostitutionis indirect and mediated by runaway behavior. For
example, Nandon, Koverola, and Schludermann(1998) compared prostitution-involved adolescents with sexually abused
youth who had not worked in the sex industry.The two groups
reported similar experiences with childhood sexual abuse,
although those involved in prostitutionwere more likely to be
or to have been runaways. Simons and Whitbeck examined the
causal processes linking early sexual abuse with prostitution
among adolescent runaways and adult homeless women. They
reportthat early sexual abuse and destructiveparentinggenerally
was associated with running away behavior and increased
participationin deviant activities, including prostitution.
Other familial precursors to adult prostitution have been
identified. In a recent investigation, Dalla (2003) found that
abandonment,both literal and symbolic, dominated street-level
prostitutedwomen's early familial experiences.Literal abandonment resulted from parentaldeath, formal or informal removal
from the family of origin, or being left by parentsin the care of
unqualified others. Symbolic abandonmentderived from situations in which adult caregivers were physically present but
emotionally stagnant and rejecting of their children, resulting
in parentalunwillingness or inability to provide for their children's basic physical and emotional needs. Situationsresultingin

symbolic abandonmentincluded parentalfailure to protect (e.g.,

from sexual molestation) and parental drug addiction and/or
mental illness.
Potterat,Phillips, Rothenberg,and Darrow(1985) examined
the concepts of susceptibility and exposure for explaining
women's reasons for enteringthe sex industry.The susceptibility
model contends that psychological characteristics(e.g., alienation, feelings of worthlessness), in conjunction with traumatic
events (e.g., incest), predispose some women to the lure of
prostitution.The exposure model predictsthat interpersonalcontact with and inducementfrom significantothers involved in the
sex industry (e.g., friends, family members) lead to personal
involvement. Aside from these early developmentalantecedents,
much research also has focused on economic need and drug
addiction as precursorsto sex-industryinvolvement.
Economic necessity and drug addiction. Some scholars
argue that economic vulnerabilityforces women into the streets.
Hardman(1997) reported,"Because of their restrictedaccess to
financial and material resources, some women may resort to
prostitutionas a resistance or response to poverty" (p. 20). In
other words, prostitution may be viewed as an active coping
strategy in the face of privation. Likewise, Delacoste and
Alexander (1998) maintained that, lacking viable alternatives,
female sex work remains consistently available, and the demand
for female sex work is unquestionable. However, economic
depravity in and of itself fails to distinguish those in poverty
who choose prostitutionfrom those who do not. Simply stated,
indigence touches the lives of countless women, the majorityof
whom never engage in sex work.
Drug addictionhas been widely examinedin relationto female
prostitution.Specifically,crack cocaine and its use by street-level
prostitutes has garnered much recent attention. Potterat and
colleagues(1998) examinedthe sequenceandtimingof prostitution
entryand drug use among prostitution-involvedwomen. Among
regular drug users, 66% reportedusing drugs prior to entering
prostitution, 18% reported drug use and prostitutionoccurring
concurrently, and only 17% reported drug use following
their entry into prostitution. In contrast, Dalla (2000) found
an equal number of participants reporting drug addiction
following as preceding prostitution entry. Her work is supported by earlier findings (Graham & Wish, 1994) that drug
use did not always precede prostitutionwork, suggesting that
drug use evolves as a coping strategy among street-level sex
workers.
Prostitutedwomen as mothers.Dalla (2003) describedintergenerational familial dynamics among prostituted women and
their adult caregivers and among prostitutedwomen and their
children.This is the only such study to date in which street-level
prostitution-involvedwomen were acknowledgedas mothers.Of
particularinterest, she outlines the intergenerationalthemes of
familial dysfunction.These data,in additionto the principlesand
policies resulting from the effective mothering work group, are
used here to addressthe following central question:How and to
what extent can effective motheringbe promotedamong streetlevel prostitution-involvedwomen?

Methods
Participants
Forty-three women participated; sampling ceased when
saturationwas achieved (i.e., when no new informationemerged

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duringdata collection [Marshall& Rossman, 1989]). Criteriafor

inclusion were that participantsbe female, involved (or formerly
involved) in streetwalkingprostitution,and at least 18 years of
age. All data were collected by the principalinvestigator(PI).
Three recruitmentstrategieswere used. The majorityof participants (n = 26) were located throughan interventionprogram
designed to assist prostitutedwomen in leaving the sex industry.
The programoffers weekly groupmeetings and one-on-onecounseling. Ninety percent of clientele are voluntary participants.
Programparticipantstypically learnedaboutthe programthrough
word of mouth(e.g., on the streets,in jail). With supportfrom the
program director and approval of program members, the PI
attendedweekly groupmeetingsfor 17 months.Each week during
introductions,the PI explainedher presence in the group, including the purpose and goals of the investigation.Following group
sessions, interviewswere scheduledwith potentialparticipants.
To obtain a diversifiedsample, including those not involved
in a formal interventionprogram,two other recruitmentstrategies were employed. Fourteenparticipantswere recruitedwhile
incarcerated in a women's prison in an adjacent state. After
receiving all necessary documents (e.g., IRB approval,research
goals, procedures), the warden allowed the PI to interview
potential participantshoused in the prison. Potentialparticipants
(i.e., those who had a known history of prostitution)were individually escorted to a private room where the PI was waiting.
The study goals and procedures were explained to each, who
then made a decision whetherto participate.Only one chose not
to participate. Finally, three participantswere located through
word of mouth. None had ever been involved in counseling,
therapy,or any type of intervention.
Althoughdata were collected from 43 women, only 38 were
mothers.Thus, the findingsreportedhere pertainto those women
specifically.When interviewed,participantsrangedin age from 21
to 56 (M = 34.1, SD - 6.9). Most identifiedthemselves as Black
(n = 17) or Caucasian(n = 16), and the majoritylived in shelters
(n = 14) or prison (n = 13). The averageage of entryinto prostitution was 19.8 years (SD = 5.3). The length of time that the
women had been "off the streets"varied considerably,from less
than 6 months (n = 14) to more than 5 years (n = 3), as did total
time spentworkingin the sex industry,whichrangedfrom6 months
to 44 years. Most (n = 36) reported having been substance
addicted,althoughthe majority(n = 32) also reportedno longer
using drugs.(See Table 1 for complete demographicinformation.)

Procedure
Each participantengaged in an in-depth interview with the
PI, averaging 90 minutes (range = 50 to 180 minutes). Interviews were semistructured; questions were predetermined,
although length of time spent discussing each and the ordering
of questions varied depending on participant verbosity and
responses to previously asked questions. This technique allowed
for discussion in an informal,nonthreateningmanner.Interviews
were conducted in private (e.g., residences, shelters, parks, private rooms in correctional facility), tape-recorded, and later
transcribed verbatim. Nonincarceratedparticipants were compensated $20; because of prison regulations, inmates were not
allowed to receive compensationof any kind.

Data Analysis
Thematicanalysis (Aronson, 1994; Taylor & Bogdan, 1984)
was used for analyzing all text-based data. Starting with a

thorough reading of all transcribeddata, listing of patterns of

experiences occurred. Next, all data that related to already
classified patternswere identified. The classified data were then
expounded upon by adding all informationfrom the transcribed
interview that related to already classified patterns (Aronson).
Combining and cataloguing related patterns resulted in subthemes to provide "...a comprehensive picture of participants'

collective experiences" (p. 2). All data were coded by the PI and
a graduate-levelresearch assistant. When coding discrepancies
arose, original transcriptswere reexamined and discussed until
coding agreementwas reached.

Results
Children at Risk: Prostituted WomenDescribe Their
Families of Procreation
A total of 105 childrenhad been bornto the participants;the
number of children of each participant varied from 1 to 7
(M = 2.8; SD = 1.5). Thirteenparticipants(34%) reportedhaving their first child at or before age 17. Most participants
(n = 22; 58%) were involved in prostitution prior to having
children; for example, 5 reportedbecoming pregnant from clients ("johns"/"tricks") and 5 from men described as "pimps."
For these women, pregnancyitself presentedminimal disruption
to their sex work; they continuedworking the streets, picking up
dates, and feeding their addictions to drugs and alcohol during
their pregnancies. The effects of prenatalalcohol and drug use
were difficult to document because many participantshad not
seen their children in years. Six respondentsreportedhaving a
child with obvious symptoms of fetal alcohol syndrome or who
had been born addicted to crack cocaine or other controlled
substances.
Sixteen participants (42%) entered the sex industry after
their children were born. Several (n = 7) reported that their
children were aware of their prostitution activities because
some women had entertained clients in their residences while
their children were present. Five participantsreportedthat their
oldest daughters had followed in their footsteps and become
involved in sex work. For example, Sam and her 18-year-old
daughter picked up clients together at truck stops. About her
daughter,Sam stated, "I know there's a lot of resentmentin her,
she's just not letting it out." Betina reported similar feelings
regardingher 16-year-oldson; she stated, "He's a good kid, but
he has problems...his motherhasn't been there for him. I'm sure
he has a lot of anger." When asked if she considered herself a
"mother"Betina replied:
I'm not a mother, no. It takes a hell of a person to be a
mother. You know, I'm not a mother, no...I think a mother
is somebody who's been there for them through thick and
thin, day and night-a mother, she tries hard. I fell off the
track.
Children's victimization. Seven participants reported
knowledge that their children had been the victims of sexual
molestation. One daughterwas sexually abused by her grandfather.The daughterof anotherwas raped when she was 7 by a
family friend, and anotherparticipant'sdaughterhad been sexually molested by a client who had been entertainedin the home
while the children were present.
Domestic violence furtherthreatenedoptimal development
for the participants'children. The children of six women had

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Table 1
DemographicInformation(N = 38)
Variables
Age
Age at prostitutionentry
Time in sex industrya
Number of children (N = 105b)

Race/ethnicity
Black
White
Native American
Maritalstatus
Never married
Married
Divorced/separated
Residence
Shelter
Prison
Partneror husband
Alone or with children
Friends/parents
Education
Eight years or less
Some high school
High school graduateor GED
Some college
Time since off streets
< 6 months
6-12 months
1-< 2 years
2-4 years
> 5 years
Substance abuse:c
Preprostitution
Concurrentw/prostitution
Postprostitution
Time since last used (drugs):
< 6 months
6 months < 12 months
1- < 2 years
2-4 years
> 5 years
Child(ren)'sresidence:
Mother
Father
Grandparent/aunt
On own
Foster care
Adopted
Otherd

SD

6.9
5.3
9.1 yrs.
1.5

34.1
19.8
11.6 yrs.
2.8
N

7
16
5

45
42
13

18
9
9/2

47
23
23/5

14
13
5
4
2/1

37
34
13
10
5/2

3
17
15
7

8
45
39
18

14
13
4
2
3
36
11
8
17

37
34
11
5
8
95
29
21
45

16
11
3
3
3

42
29
8
8
8

10
19
21
14
22
8
11

9
18
20
13
21
8
10

Range
21-56
11-31
6 mos.-44 yrs.
1-7

alncludes streetwalking,nightclub dancing, and involvement with sugar daddies.

bDoes not include total numberof pregnancies;numerousparticipantsreportedabortions.
cDrugs of choice included crack, amphetamines,alcohol, and heroin.
dlncludes extended kin, mental health facilities, and incarceration.

been removed from their homes because of domestic violence.

One participant,Sharia,relateda particularlyhorrificincident in
which her 4-year-old daughterwas shot by the girl's father,who
was attempting to shoot Sharia. Another participantdescribed
her relationship with her second son, described as a "trick
baby": "He wasn't [conceived from] no love. I whooped him
the same way that my mama [would] whoop us. And that's
wrong. I didn't know how to love him."

As is evident in Table 1, of 105 total children, only 10

remained in residence with their biological mothers at the time
of data collection. It was unknown whether those mothers
would retain custody of their children; for instance, four of
them reported continued involvement in prostitution and drug
abuse. Children's removal from the home, whether voluntary
(placed with a relative [n = 50]) or involuntary (because
of legal intervention [n = 30]), was typically the result of

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maternalalcoholism, drug addiction,imprisonment,or domestic

violence. Several of the women were actively trying to
regain custody, and still others had relinquished all parental
rights. Some of the children lived with their fathers, and others
resided with extended family members, including aunts or
grandparents.

Prostitution's Impact on Childrearing:Participants'

Concerns
Participants were asked to describe how their lives had
impacted their children and to talk about their greatest concerns for the next generation. Two prevalent themes emerged.
First, most participants(n - 29) verbalized a conscious awareness that their lifestyles, while in the sex industry, were
incompatible with providing adequate emotional and physical
care for their children. To illustrate, Sam recalled a particular
incident between herself and her 14-year-old son. She
explained:
When I first started prostituting, working the streets and
getting into drugs, he completely disowned me. One Christmas day he came to me and he was crying and telling me
"You're my mom. You're not supposed to do those
things....Moms don't do stuff like this. Why are you doing
this?"...I just can't believe that I did all this...that I allowed
all this...I wantedmy kids raised so perfectlyand then, I just
turned.Turnedeverythingaroundand I didn't care what my
kids thought. It's like I gave up.
About her daughter, Cassie reported, "I wish I could do
right by her. I never physically hurt her or anything. It is just
[that] I have never really been there." Cynthiaexplained feeling
similarly, stating, "I've missed a lot of years out of my kids'
[lives], a lot of years. I just never been the mom that I should
have been and I have a lot of guilt and regret about that." When
asked about the impacts of prostitution and crack use on her
family, Terenza stated, "...I hurt my family, I hurt my kids. I
tore them apartagain and again...it's a big hurt, it's a hurt with
them."9
With regard to their children's futures, participantsoverwhelmingly reported feeling that their children most likely
were being better cared for by others. Thus, realization of their
inability to care for their kids eased, at least to some extent, the
emotional pain of their children's removal from the home,
regardless of whether removal was voluntary or involuntary.
To illustrate, Sharia described her feelings when her children
left to live with extended kin:
I was getting frustratedwith my life and I was like "okay,
time out." I love my kids and I never stoppedthinkingabout
my kids and I never stopped loving them, but I didn't know
how to love me, so I couldn't show them the love they
needed-that they needed as children. And that wasn't fair
to them. So, I left my daughterwith my mother and my two
sons with my sisters.
Finally, when asked what had been the most painful experience
of her life, Brandiremarked,"Losing my babies." However, she
continued: "...but they are okay, and that is the main thing. That
the kids are okay."
A select few (n - 6) were determinedto put their own lives
back together for their children and themselves. Amy, whose
children remained in temporaryfoster care, had struggled the

previous 12 months to complete the requirementsnecessary to

regain full custody of her children. They were to be returned
within 2 weeks. About her unique situation,Amy explained:
My boys love me today, they've always loved me, I don't
think they quit loving me-they didn't trust me for shit.
They trust me more than they have ever trusted me-but
they have never had a sober mom...Today I have trusttoday [my kids] know a change in me, and it's a good
change. They know they can talk to me. I believe that
there's hope for us and I let them know that I have to go
to support groups and have a sponsor and all these other
things. My program has to come first-even before them
because if not, then there won't be them and there won't be
me.
Finally, one woman stood out significantly from the others
with regard to her feelings of parenting and concern for her
children. Jenny reported having seven abortions and two live
births. During infancy, both children had been adopted, and
Jenny's parentalrights terminated.When asked her feelings of
giving her 2-week-old daughterup for adoption,Jenny reported,
"I would ratherbe runningthe streets and running aroundthan
taking care of her...my daughtercried too much and got on my
nerves." About her son she said, "I didn't hold him, I didn't
want to touch him." She continued, "I don't like kids." Thus,
although not representativeof the majority view, Jenny's perspective is worthy of note because it does provide a different
frame of reference.

ContextualInfluences: No One Is Immune

Clearly, children of prostitutedwomen constitute an at-risk
population. Removing them from maternalcare is a superficial
solution. Even if appropriateplacements (e.g., extended family
or state-supportedplacements) are located, geographicalmaneuvers do not guaranteefreedom from victimizationor exposureto
substance abuse, domestic violence, or illegal activity. I believe
that a more productive approachis the promotion of effective
motheringamong prostitutedwomen with children.There are no
quick cures or panaceas; the problems that plague prostituted
women are multiple and interdependent.However, until these
issues are directly addressed, effective solutions to intergenerationalfamilial breakdownwill continuallybe eluded. In reviewing their stories, feelings of disdain for the participants'
mothering could easily surface; more difficult is examining the
interplay between personal development, community privation,
and societal neglect that resulted in present familial circumstances. Following, I present detailed information on the lives
of the 38 prostitutedwomen with children, organized following
ecological theory as adopted by the effective mothering work
group.
The Individual Level: Informal Support Networks
Families of origin. The majority of participantsdescribed
their family systems while growing up as chaotic, diffused, and
lacking affection. One participantexplained, "My childhoodwas
chaos, I raised myself, there was a lot of abuse." Most (n = 25;
66%) reported being sexually molested during their formative
years. Fathers, stepfathers,brothers,uncles, and family friends
were most often mentionedas perpetrators.Several women were
molested by more than one person, and four were impregnated
by their abusers. When asked if they reported the abuse, the

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majority (n = 16) answered negatively, explaining that they

feared the consequences. Of the remaining9 women who sought
help by reportingthe abuse, 7 were ignored or not believed, thus
resulting in continued victimization. Sexual abuse lasted an
average of 4.9 years, 6 reported being sexually abused for 10
or more years. For some of the women, the abuse was not
perceived as "wrong";they knew nothingelse. About the sexual
molestation she experienced from her uncle and brother, Sam
stated, "It was normal, it was always something that was happening to me."
Parentalsubstance abuse and mental illness also characterized participants'early familial environments.Participantsfrequently reportedthat either their parent(s)or primarycaregivers
(e.g., grandparents) were alcoholics (n = 13), drug addicts
(n = 7), or afflicted with mental illness (n = 5). Homes characterized by substance abuse were overwhelmingly the sites of
domestic violence. Several women reportedmemories of watching their fathers "beat the shit out of" their mothers. Domestic
violence was described as common., and often severe, in the
participants'families of origin.
Relationshipswith siblings also were explored. Fewer than
10 women had contact with family on a regularbasis, including
siblings. Some of the women were introducedto prostitutionand
drug use through an older sibling. About her older prostituting
sister, one participantreported,"I never thoughtI would become
one of her, I did become one of her." Some reportedthat their
sisters were still on the streets "prostitutingand drugging," and
two participantsreportedbeing raped by their sisters' husbands
(one at 14 years, the other at 13). One of the sisters was still
marriedto the perpetrator.When asked if there was anyone in
her family whom she felt close to, Char respondedin the negative, stating, "I've been by myself all of my life." This statement
summarizedthe majorityperspective.
Emotional relationships with partners, pimps, and clients.
Five women had children with men whom they described as
their pimps, and two of them, Tara and Monika, reported
relationships with their pimps lasting more than 10 years.
Involvement with a pimp occurred in one of two ways. In the
first, a woman already involved in the sex industry develops an
ongoing relationship with a man who then begins "pimping"
her for drug money or other desirable commodities. Eventually,
she assists him in finding other women to join the group ("the
stable"), but she generally is considered his "main" woman.
When asked how they felt about being one of many, the dominant view was that more women working for the same pimp
meant less work for each. One person commented, "It meant
less work for me," which nicely summarized the dominant
view. The second way by which women began working for a
pimp involves young females, usually runaways, who are
befriended by (typically) much older men who provide them
shelter and clothing. Only later do they discover their indebtedness and the expectation to repay the dept. About the man who
became her pimp when she was 14, one participantreported, "I
thought he was just being a friend and helping out, I thought
'well cool.'"'
Some (n = 9) developed emotional relationships with clients, and still others (n = 10) indicated that althoughtheir partners were neither tricks nor pimps, they were aware of their
prostitutionactivity. When asked to describe how a marriageor
a similar relationship "works" when prostitution is involved,
Mandy explained, "They're dysfunctional...they [the men] are
usually using [drugs]and so they want you to go out prostituting

so they can have dope." This was confirmedby others (n = 8)

who reported being introduced to sex work by partners who
encouraged(or forced) prostitutioninvolvement in orderto support their own drug habits.
Friends. Participantswere asked to describe relationships
with other prostituted women. Contrary to expectations, the
majority (n = 28; 65%) describedtheir beliefs that everyone on
the streets was out for herself. Relationshipswith other female
sex workerscharacteristicallywere based on competitionrather
than mutual supportor assistance. In reference to female street
workers, Mira explained:
It's each for her own. They [otherstreetworkers]don't care.
They'll say "I got your back" [but] you ain't got my fucking back 'cause the minute you say you got my back that's
when I'll get ready to get locked up. I never really like to
travel the streets [with others]. I like to be by myself when
I'm out there.
If a friendship developed, it was one other person only and
largely based on mutual addictionratherthan care or concern.

The CommunityLevel: Economic Stabilityand Larger

Social Institutions
Communityresources. Economic stability is paramountto
any investigation of women involved in the sex industry, particularly street-level prostitution,which is not an economically
viable pursuitbecause of the inundationof crack cocaine. Economics and crack are intricatelyconnected in the street subculture (Graham & Wish, 1994; Potterat, Rothenberg, Muth,
Darrow, & Phillips-Plummer,1998). Drug abuse and economic
necessity were described by participantsas the primaryreasons
for entering the sex industry. Most (n = 41; 95%) reported
chemical dependence. However, drug addiction was not the
primary instigatorfor initial sex work, as 44% (n = 19) of the
total sample reported entering prostitution out of (real or
perceived) economic necessity (i.e., to pay rent, buy groceries,
receive shelter when on the run). About prostitution,one participant stated:
It is too easy. Too goddamneasy. You try to ask somebody
to give you some money to buy some milk and eggs for your
kids and they'll say, "I didn't have those kids for you. You
need to go and get a job." "Well, can we go in the back
room?" "Okay baby." That is a fact, the fact is a male will
find money for a blow job quicker than he will a pair of
shoes for your kids. That is a fact.
The connection between drug use and street-level prostitution cannot be ignored. Eighty-nine percent (n = 17) of those
who had not entered prostitution to finance an already established drug habit reportedbecoming regularusers as their prostitution tenure continued. For instance, Sam described a slow
decline into drug addictionand street-level sex work. At 31, she
and her four children ran from her severely abusive husband;
economic need propelled her into ongoing relationships with
several "sugar daddies" (i.e., wealthy men who provide monetary support in exchange for sexual companionship). She
explained, "They were tricks, but not like the tricks I did when
I starteddoing drugs." She first used crack at age 37; it became
an hourly addiction. She startedstreet work because "They [the
sugar daddies] didn't want nothing to do with me anymore."
Amy described similar experiences. Prostitution,she explained,

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"was all about the money" when she first began; her only tricks
were "regulars."However, as her addictionescalated, she turned
to the streets and became significantly less discriminating in
clientele.
Sixteen participants(37%) entered prostitutionto supporta
preexistingdrug addiction,and 8 (19%) reportedthatprostitution
entry and drug abuse occurred simultaneously. Several participants remarked,"There's no reason to be out there if not for the
drugs." Crack cocaine was the drug of choice, although heroin,
alcohol, and marijuanaalso were mentioned frequently; using
multiple substances simultaneouslywas not uncommon. Addiction to crack, it was explained, does not occur "progressively."
Most reported knowing they were hooked after the first or
second use, as one young woman explained, "One hit is too
many, one thousandhits are not enough."
Prostitution and law enforcement. Reports of victimization

on the streets were rampant.One woman explained, "Once you

hit the streets, there's no guaranteeyou'll come back." Many
(n = 31) related incidents of severe abuse suffered at the hands
of their partners,clients, and/or pimps. Many reported having
been beaten with objects, threatenedwith weapons, and abandoned in remote regions. Rape was commonly reported (3 had
been gang raped, 4 had been raped on multiple occasions). One
participantwas raped at knife-point by a trick. When asked to
explain how she returnedto the streets after being raped, she
explained, "I just looked at it as not getting paid." Participants
did not reportcrimes of victimization, explaining, "Society and
law enforcement consider a prostitute getting raped or beat as
something she deserves. It goes along with the lifestyle. There's
nothing that you can do."
For obvious reasons, participantsavoided interaction with
law enforcement.At some point, all participantshad spent time
in jail and/orprison. The average length of time spent in prison
was 1.2 years (range = 3 months to 4 years). Several typified the
"revolving door" version of prison involvement; one woman
had spent a total of 13.5 years in prison with intermittenttime
on the streets. Crimes leading to imprisonmentincluded drug
possession and distribution,larceny, robbery, parole violation,
and extortion. Forced removal from the streets had, admittedly,
provided valuable time to "dry out" and rest. Several described
opportunitiessuch as job skills training and education received
while incarcerated, which may be of benefit following their
release. Yet most of the incarcerated women (n = 8; 57%)
were uncertain that they would refrain from old habits. One
pointedly stated, "I'm not done selling drugs," because the
work was too lucrative.
Hopes and dreams. Participantswere asked to describe their
hopes and dreams for the next few years. Nine mentioned specific occupations they envisioned for themselves, including
counselor, cosmetologist, business owner, journalist, and working with troubledadolescents. Several (n = 5) simply mentioned
"stable employment" or "having a job." One participant
remarked,"I'd like to be a commercial artist, but no, I'll never
learn how to read so I'm not going to be nothing. I'm just going
to be working at a damn stupid factory." She continued, "I
would like to see my daughterhappy." Many (n - 10) described
goals for their personal lives of being married, free of drugs,
owning a home, or simply having "a better life." During this
discussion, participantsfrequentlymentionedtheir children,with
most hoping to either "get my kids back" or "keep my kids."
One individual stated, "I want my kids to respect me," and
anotherwanted "To be a good mom."

For most,recognitionof the necessityfor skill-basededucation

and legal employmentchallengedany real planningfor attaining
long-termgoals. When asked to explain, four factors emerged as
themes.First,participantsdescribedfeeling overwhelmedwith goal
setting and planningfor anythingbeyond the next day. Certainly,
overcomingan addictionto crackcocaine,for example,necessarily
takes precedenceover more long-termgoal setting, as does daily
survival (e.g., shelter, food, transportation).Second, participants
describedthe fear of havingto explaintheirlengthyabsencesfrom
the laborforce;for some, this includedperiodsof 10 or moreyears.
Thus, participantsconveyed the feeling that even if they had the
qualificationsfor a good job, they wouldbe turneddown becauseof
their sketchy employmenthistories.Othersfelt that if they were
employedat a "decent"job at some point in the future,theirjobs
would always be "at risk" if their former prostitutionwas discovered.Finally,becauseof past incarceration,severalfor felonies,
participantsreportedfear that any backgroundsearchwould eliminate them from most financialaid applicationsor job pools, particularlyjobs in the humanservicesfield to which many aspired.

The Societal Level: Formal Service Provision and

GovernmentalSupport
Formal supportservices: Direct intervention.As mentioned
earlier, the majority of participants (n = 26) were located
through an interventionprogramdesigned to assist individuals
in leaving the streets. It is the only programof its kind in the
state. Because of the voluntary nature of the program, group
attendees are transitional and their involvement is sporadic.
Clearly, the existence of such a program is commendable,
although it is far from adequate in addressing the needs of
prostitution-involved individuals. Because of the voluntary
nature of the program, program evaluation is compromised.
Vital data concerning program strengths and weaknesses, with
proactive adjustments to improve program efficacy, are nonexistent. In addition, the program is administeredby a larger
Christian-based organization, and condom dispersement is
strictly prohibited. Discussion of "prostitution"per se never
occurred in the weekly sessions attended by the PI. Sessions
focused predominantlyon abstractconcepts such as self-esteem
and differentiating positive from negative social influences.
Program attendees were discouraged from fraternizing; the
implicit assumption was that such camaraderie encourages
continued prostitutioninvolvement by "reminiscing" about the
streets. On the other hand, rich, empathetic sources of support
(i.e., other prostitution-involvedindividuals attemptingto leave
the streets)potentiallyare overlooked. Finally, in the PI's 5-year
involvement with the program, major administrativeand staff
changes occurredthree times; low pay, stress, and burnout are
not uncommon among human service providers (McNeely,
1988), particularly when working with high-risk populations,
and these contribute to the high turnover rates that are not
conducive to client success.
Participantsremarkedon the value of the interventionprogram. Social interactionprovidedby weekly group meetings and
the personalcounselingofferedby staffwere highly regarded.Still,
they were upset over the changing staff and lack of discussionof
the "real" issue: prostitution.Lettie explained her discontinued
involvementwith the program:"They kept changingpeople, and
I don't like thatshit....they keptmoving andthey kept gettingthese
new fuckingpeople and shitI don't like thatbecausethen I have to
startover and I get tiredof it." Anotherstated:

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They need to have grouptherapyfor the women on prostitution. Ratherthan these self-esteem topics, that's a bunch of
bologna. Anybody can go to any organizationin the city and
get those kinds of classes. They need to deal with the real
issues. They [programstaff] are so squeamish about even
talking about the issues, they're afraid that somebody's
going to give somebody else an idea of what they could do
or share information that somebody else shouldn't know.
They also believe that private things that go on in peoples'
lives should be discussed in individual counseling. I don't
agree. [With former management]we [group attendees and
former programstaff] talked about issues that people were
going throughall the time. We were a tight-knitgroup. We
gave each other a lot of support.
Despite such problems identified by participants,the last
programdirectorwas progressivein efforts to advocateon behalf
of the clients. She developed a prostitutionoutreachcommittee
composed of representativesfrom various community groups
(law enforcement, probation, parole, state health department,
neighborhood organizations) with goals that were both short
term (e.g., reaching out to women on the streets, providing
basic necessities such as food and information) and long term
(e.g., makingpolicy changes, establishinga long-termresidential
facility).
Societal attitudes and policy makers. Stigmatization and
societal attitudes that prostitution-involvedwomen are morally
reprehensibleprevail (Overall, 1992; Pheterson, 1990). Interestingly, male clients' behaviors (andjudgments of such) are given
far greater latitude; they are overlooked as the buyers of
women's sexual services, or the demand side of the equation
(Sawyer, Metz, Hinds, & Brucker, Jr., 2001). Part of this
inequity in judgment is due to the invisibility of "tricks," who
typically solicit from their vehicles and thus remain somewhat
sheltered from public view. Participantsdescribed clients going
to great lengths to hide their solicitation activities from spouses
or intimate partnersby "roaming"at 5 or 6 a.m. on the way to
work, versus in the evening on the way home.
The moral double standardis more accurately a result of
gender and social status inequality. The fact that prostitutes,not
clients, are held accountablefor social ills centering on the sex
industryis simply a symptom of larger societal attitudes.Changing gender-based attitudes, particularly en masse, that have
existed for centuries is unlikely in the near (or distant) future.
More reasonablewould be to generate and disseminate accurate,
reliable, and policy-stimulating research that dispels societal
"myths" about prostitution(i.e., that prostitutesare sex addicts,
that they "like" their work, that they have chosen prostitution
over other financially viable options) and portraysprostitutioninvolved women as individualswhose historical, environmental,
and contextual experiences directly and indirectly resulted in
prostitution involvement. Relatedly,, that prostitution-involved
women specifically (and marginalized populations in general)
are economically, politically, and socially powerless to advocate
on behalf of themselves, or to change many of the structuresthat
work in concertto oppressthem (Frye, 1983) is a fact that cannot
be ignored.
Practical (i.e., financial, administrative)supportto achieve
such modest goals is not easily obtained. Two examples illustrate. First, governmental funding sources are more interested
in health compromising (e.g., drug or alcohol addictions and
abuse) or associated risk-taking (e.g., HIV/AIDS knowledge

and condom use) behaviors among sex-industry-involved

women than the ultimate etiology of such behaviors. Largescale funding sources balk at the value of examining the rich
details of the lives of prostituting women or the intergenerational legacies that impact their own and their children's lives.
Academicians often are encouraged to study those topics that
can compete for large grant dollars. Relatedly, researchers are
encouraged to study "relevant" statewide issues. As an academician at a large land-grantuniversity located in a conservative
Midwestern state, a university journalist recently shunned an
invitation to write a story on this research because such information might be offensive and met with criticism by stakeholders.

Discussion
Certainly, individuals are responsible for the choices they
make. The participantsof this investigationwould be the first to
agree with this statement.In fact, several participantsexplicitly
admittedsuch personalresponsibility.However, the most vulnerable populations lack many basic self-advocacy avenues, and
thus also lack viable choices. They are indigent, sufferdiscrimination, lack political power, and have experienced lives dominated by exploitation and abuse that, whether directly or
indirectly,convince them that they deserve what they get. Moreover, parents, a frequent synonym for "mothers" (Walker &
McGraw, 2000), are largely viewed as the primarysocialization
agents for their children through direct and indirect instruction.
As evidenced in this investigation, familial legacies can be
riddled with abuse, exploitation, domestic violence, and emotional terrorism. Often without intention, those behaviors are
transmittedto future generations. Thus, children become the
victims of long-standing intergenerationaldysfunction, and the
cycle continues.
Ecological systems theory provides a unique theoretical
perspectivefor envisioning strategicpreventionand intervention
efforts to addressmultiple levels of deprivation(i.e., individual,
community, and society), and offers practical guidance for
derailing destructive behavioral patterns. Effective mothering
can be promoted among the most disenfranchisedpopulations
when examined realistically and from an ecological framework.
Strategiesfor promotingeffective motheringamong prostitutioninvolved women at the individual, community, and societal
levels are presentedbelow.

The IndividualLevel: Maternal Well-Beingand

Self-Care
"Effective motheringis only possible when mothersexperience emotional,psychological andphysical well-being. Effective
self-care is both a prerequisiteand a vital factor in caring for
children"(NCFR Policy Brief, 2002, p.1). This basic assumption
for the promotion of effective mothering is informed by the
present data and those of other investigations of prostitutioninvolved women.
Emotional needs. Symptoms of emotional distress (i.e.,
depression,poor self-esteem, sexual dysfunction)often are identified among adult survivorsof childhood sexual abuse (Burnam
et al., 1988). Unless addresseddirectly and early in the recovery
process, emotional scars from years of abuse and exploitation
among prostitutedwomen will challenge and make futile any

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programmaticefforts for self-sufficiency or personal well-being.

Counseling and therapyare often significantforms of defense in
assisting individuals to cope with and overcome traumaticlife
experiences. The women who participatedin this investigation
are both strong and resilient; if not, they would not be alive to
tell their stories. However, there is a monumental difference
between survivingand thriving.These women were not thriving.
Emotional bankruptcyis both a cause and a consequence of
prostitutionentry and continued involvement. The statement of
one participant in particular clearly illustrates the depths to
which prostitutedwomen must represstheir emotions to survive.
When asked her feelings about her life experiences, she stated,
"I don't know, I don't have them [feelings] anymore."
Promotion of emotional health within formal settings (i.e.,
counseling, therapy)must addressintergenerationalfamilial patterns for two reasons. First, explorationof personal and contextual factors that help explain adult caregivers' neglect, abuse, and
substanceaddictionsmay help reducefeelings of guilt (e.g., "she
just hated me because I made her") or blame (e.g., "I am worthy
of abuse"), and thus enhance emotional healing. Second, parallels may then be drawn between childhood experiences and
caregiver behaviors in one's family of procreation. Such an
approachimplies that (a) individualsare productsof their environments, and (b) development is not wholly determinedby past
experiences; instead, humans also have the unique ability to
learn from historical mistakes and to take corrective action.
Therapeutic approaches should integrate concepts from
Family Systems Theory (FST), particularlythe transitionalcharacter. Transitionalcharactersare individualswho liberate future
generationsfrom destructivefamilial patterns(Broderick, 1990,
1993). Becoming a transitional character requires not only a
desire to do so but also the ability to develop new familial
patternsand ways of relating,and is contingentupon two factors:
a sense of personalinsight and self-efficacy. With regardto selfefficacy specifically, one cannot advocate on her own behalf or
demand to be treated with respect and dignity if she does not
believe in herself and believe that she deserves to be treatedwith
respect and dignity.
Psychological needs. Childhood victims of physical and
sexual abuse have increased prevalence of anxiety, depression,
and symptoms of posttraumaticstress disorder(PTSD; McLeer,
Deblinger, Atkins, Foa, & Ralphe, 1988; Menard, 2001; White,
Halpin, Strom, & Santilli, 1988). Abused children show higher
rates of psychological distress in adulthood(Chu & Dill, 1990;
Kessler & Magee, 1994), and antisocial behaviorincluding drug
and alcohol abuse (Bagley & Ramsey, 1986; Bagley, Bolitho, &
Bertrand, 1997; Conte & Schuerman, 1987). Unfortunately,the
psychological needs of prostitutedwomen are rarelythe focus of
academic interest (see Farley & Barkan, 1998 as a recent
exception). Plummerand colleagues (1996) contend that actively
addressing psychological factors including depression and
PTSDs may be paramountin successfully intervening on the
behalf of women involved in or at risk of becoming involved
in street-level sex work. Substanceaddictionis prevalentamong
them as both a cause and a consequence of prostitutioninvolvement. The psychology of addiction must be addressed among
prostitutedwomen for the promotionof personalwell-being and
long-term effective mothering.
Further,one of the greatestchallenges to promotingpersonal
efficacy generally, and effective mothering specifically, is
addressing the relationships between prostitution-involved
women and their male partners. These intimate relationships
198

are, as describedby 90% of participantsand documentedin the

literature(e.g., Dalla, 2001; Raphael& Shapiro,2002; Williamson
& Cluse-Tolar,2002), not emotionally,psychologically,or physically healthy. Prostituted women display many symptoms
of "batteredwoman syndrome,"which includebeliefs of personal
responsibility for victimization, inability to place the responsibility for the violence elsewhere, fear for one's own life and
those of one's children, and an irrationalbelief that the abuseris
omnipresentand omniscient (Walker, 2000). Thus, intervention
must addressthe cycle of violence, power and control, and personal decision making for long-termwell-being.
Physical needs. The most immediate physical needs of
prostitution-involved women include housing, transportation,
and medical services. Many street-level prostitution-involved
women require residential treatment,but waiting lists are long
and residential treatmentresources are scarce (Weiner, 1996).
Further,co-ed facilities are unlikely to offer residence to prostituted women, believing they will continueto tradesex for money
or drugs (Weiner). In addition, women who enter residential
treatmentmust find appropriatecare for their children.Although
many of the participants'children were already in out-of-home
care, those alternativecaretakersmay attemptto terminateparental rights or refuse care if the mother fails to provide income.
Weiner stated that children in foster care may be permanently
removed if their mothers admit substance abuse or disclose
medical conditions such as HIV.
Medicalconditionsfrequentlydocumentedamongprostitutioninvolved women include HIV, gonorrhea, syphilis, hepatitis,
venereal warts, tuberculosis, and herpes (Weiner, 1996). Thus,
medical attentionto inform, treat, and prevent STDs and related
health complicationsmust be addressedin interventions.Significant also, and as documented here and elsewhere (Hardman,
1997, Weiner), is the lack of prenatal care to these women.
Infants whose mothers fail to receive prenatal care are more
likely to have low birth weight or be premature(Garcia Coll,
1990) and show a greater incidence of nutritionaldeficiencies
(Pollitt, 1994). Teratogenicagents (e.g., alcohol, tobacco, drugs)
furtherthreatenoptimal fetal development(Zigler & Hall, 2000).
Prostitution-involvedwomen often are reluctantto seek medical
attention when pregnant because they lack information on the
benefits of and access to services (e.g., transportation,finances),
and/orbecause they fear that their childrenwill be removed from
their care by social services (Weiner). Community outreach,
throughproviding informationand direct services, is necessary
to access populationsthat will not likely seek services on their
own. If resources were not an issue, a "roaming" medical unit
could directly provide services to those in need or transport
individuals to clinics specializing in the needs of sex workers.
For example, St. James Infirmary in San Francisco provides
medical and social services for female, transgendered, and
male sex workers and is run by and for sex workers (http://
www.stjamesinfirmary.org).

The Community Level: Community-Based Resources

"Prostitutesare not easily served through normal agency
service delivery. They are unlikely to approachagencies for help
because of their lifestyles and fear of arrest" (Weiner, 1996, p.
6). Humanservice providersare challenged to establish outreach
programs and take active steps to recruit prostitution-involved
women. Community-servingsocial programsface multiple barriers in meeting the numerousand variedneeds of this vulnerable

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Family Relations

population. Basic skills training for more advanced critical

thinking and self-advocacy education will require major financial and staffing commitments. On one level, the promotion of
effective motheringrequiresshelter,financialsecurity,and transportation. Residential programs that offer short-term, transitional, and long-term housing and that are accepting of women
with children are essential. Additionalneeds include negotiating
public assistance services, transportationto meet with case
workers and probation officers, parenting skills training, and
assistance in obtaining legal employment and/or skills training
(Hardman, 1997). Legal counsel provided at no or minimal
cost also is necessary for prostitution-involvedwomen. Residential programs designed specifically for sex workers and their
childrenideally would be linked to numerouscommunityorganizations (i.e., legal aid, family services, mental and physical
health clinics) that would provide se:rviceson-site and free of
charge. Additionally, strong linkages between educational programs (e.g., technical schools, community, and 4-year colleges)
could provide tuition assistance and financial supportfor books
and tutors to develop employment-relatedcompetencies among
sex workers; residential facilities would be equipped with
updated technology (e.g., computers, Internetaccess) and have
an on-site libraryfor children and adults.
Significantly, participants clearly indicated a desire to
address the real issue-prostitution--in interventionprograms.
They desire connection to others experiencingsimilarchallenges
and barriersto escaping prostitution.The creation and maintenance of intensive mentoring relationships for prostitutioninvolved women may be critical to their successful recovery.
Those in the best positions to offer mentoringservices are peers:
former prostitution-involvedwomen.
There are few programs aimed directly at helping women
leave the streets, and fewer still collect and report evaluative
data. Informationdocumentingthe progress of women attempting to leave the streets, including the developmentaltrajectories
of their children, is lacking. Documenting women's recovery
progress and the critical transitionpoints that push some back
to the streets is vital for disruptingthe cycle and interveningon
behalf of future generations.Comparisonsbetween women who
escape prostitutionand those who returnto their formerlifestyles
after attempting to leave the streets could prove particularly
valuable and suggest powerful tools for interventionand prevention. As yet, such longitudinaldata are nonexistent.
Short-termquick-fixprogramswill not be an effective use of
resources.In explainingthe interlockingbarriersthatprostitutioninvolved women face in leaving the:streets, I often ask: How
easy would it be for you to develop a new lifestyle, including the
formationof new friends, new ways of processing information,
and the developmentof a new identity?The answer is clear: not
easy at all. The absolute necessity of providing long-termintensive care aimed at addressingmultiple interdependentvariables
cannot be overstated.
The Societal Level: Policy and Advocacy
"Children are sometimes called the 'silent citizens' of
society. They cannot vote or exercise political influence, advocate effectively on their own behalf, or create compelling public demonstrationsof their needs" (Thompson, p. xvi in Zigler
& Hall, 2000). Dominant American beliefs are that parents are,
first and foremost, responsible for nurturing, protecting, and
advocating for their children, yet individual, community, and

societal factors exert profound influence on maternalability or

motivation to effectively parentchildren. Political advocacy on
behalf of disenfranchised populations and impoverished
communities is a necessary first step in ensuring the optimal
development of our nation's children. Fiscal support (e.g.,
governmental grants)for programmaticresearchand evaluation,
andcommunity-buildingefforts (e.g., tax subsidies) for the development of business and industryin urbanneighborhoodsmust be
supportedat the local, state, and national levels; intensive training and salaryincreases for human service professionalsalso are
critical for effectively meeting the needs of vulnerable populations.

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