Language Is The
Language Is The
2
use systems of complex communication, or to describe
the set of rules that makes up these systems, or the set
of utterances that can be produced from those rules. All
languages rely on the process of semiosis to relate signs
to particular meanings. Oral and sign languages contain
a phonological system that governs how symbols are used
to form sequences known as words or morphemes, and a
syntactic system that governs how words and morphemes
are combined to form phrases and utterances.
Human language has the properties of productivity,
recursivity, and displacement, and relies entirely on social convention and learning. Its complex structure affords a much wider range of expressions than any known
system of animal communication. Language is thought
to have originated when early hominins started gradually
changing their primate communication systems, acquiring the ability to form a theory of other minds and a
shared intentionality.[1][2] This development is sometimes
thought to have coincided with an increase in brain volume, and many linguists see the structures of language as
having evolved to serve specic communicative and social functions. Language is processed in many dierent
locations in the human brain, but especially in Brocas and
Wernickes areas. Humans acquire language through social interaction in early childhood, and children generally
speak uently when they are approximately three years
old. The use of language is deeply entrenched in human
culture. Therefore, in addition to its strictly communicative uses, language also has many social and cultural uses,
such as signifying group identity, social stratication, as
well as social grooming and entertainment.
Languages evolve and diversify over time, and the history of their evolution can be reconstructed by comparing
modern languages to determine which traits their ancestral languages must have had in order for the later
developmental stages to occur. A group of languages
that descend from a common ancestor is known as a
language family. The Indo-European family is the most
widely spoken and includes English, Spanish, Portuguese,
Russian, and Hindi; the Sino-Tibetan family, which includes Mandarin Chinese, Cantonese, and many others;
the Afro-Asiatic family, which includes Arabic, Amharic,
Somali, and Hebrew; the Bantu languages, which include Swahili, Zulu, Shona, and hundreds of other
languages spoken throughout Africa; and the MalayoPolynesian languages, which include Indonesian, Malay,
Tagalog, Malagasy, and hundreds of other languages
spoken throughout the Pacic. The languages of the
Dravidian family that are spoken mostly in Southern India
include Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Malayalam. Academic consensus holds that between 50% and 90% of languages spoken at the beginning of the twenty-rst century
will probably have become extinct by the year 2100.
1 DEFINITIONS
1 Denitions
Main article: Philosophy of language
The English word language derives ultimately from
Proto-Indo-European *dn whs tongue, speech, language through Latin lingua, language; tongue, and Old
French language.[3] The word is sometimes used to refer to codes, ciphers, and other kinds of articially constructed communication systems such as formally dened computer languages used for computer programming. Unlike conventional human languages, a formal
language in this sense is a system of signs for encoding
and decoding information. This article specically concerns the properties of natural human language as it is
studied in the discipline of linguistics.
As an object of linguistic study, language has two
primary meanings: an abstract concept, and a specic
linguistic system, e.g. "French". The Swiss linguist
Ferdinand de Saussure, who dened the modern discipline of linguistics, rst explicitly formulated the distinction using the French word langage for language as a concept, langue as a specic instance of a language system,
and parole for the concrete usage of speech in a particular
language.[4]
When speaking of language as a general concept, denitions can be used which stress dierent aspects of the
phenomenon.[5] These denitions also entail dierent approaches and understandings of language, and they inform dierent and often incompatible schools of linguistic theory.[6] Debates about the nature and origin of language goes back to the ancient world. Greek philosophers such as Gorgias and Plato debated the relation between words, concepts and reality. Gorgias argued that
language could represent neither the objective experience
nor human experience, and that communication and truth
were therefore impossible. Plato maintained that communication is possible because language represents ideas
and concepts that exist independently of, and prior to,
language.[7]
During the Enlightenment and its debates about human
origins, it became fashionable to speculate about the origin of language. Thinkers such as Rousseau and Herder
argued that language had originated in the instinctive expression of emotions, and that it was originally closer to
music and poetry than to the logical expression of rational thought. Rationalist philosophers such as Kant and
Descartes held the opposite view. Around the turn of the
20th century, thinkers began to wonder about the role of
language in shaping our experiences of the world asking
whether language simply reects the objective structure
of the world, or whether it creates concepts that it in turn
imposes on our experience of the objective world. This
led to the question of whether philosophical problems are
really rstly linguistic problems. The resurgence of the
view that language plays a signicant role in the creation
1.3
and circulation of concepts, and that the study of philosophy is essentially the study of language, is associated with
what has been called the linguistic turn and philosophers
such as Wittgenstein in 20th-century philosophy. These
debates about language in relation to meaning and reference, cognition and consciousness remain active today.[8]
1.1
One denition sees language primarily as the mental faculty that allows humans to undertake linguistic behaviour:
to learn languages and to produce and understand utterances. This denition stresses the universality of language to all humans, and it emphasizes the biological basis for the human capacity for language as a unique development of the human brain. Proponents of the view
that the drive to language acquisition is innate in humans
argue that this is supported by the fact that all cognitively normal children raised in an environment where
language is accessible will acquire language without formal instruction. Languages may even develop spontaneously in environments where people live or grow up together without a common language; for example, creole
languages and spontaneously developed sign languages
such as Nicaraguan Sign Language. This view, which can
be traced back to the philosophers Kant and Descartes,
understands language to be largely innate, for example,
in Chomskys theory of Universal Grammar, or American philosopher Jerry Fodor's extreme innatist theory.
These kinds of denitions are often applied in studies
of language within a cognitive science framework and in
neurolinguistics.[9][10]
1.2
1.4
2 ORIGIN
Several species of animals have proved to be able to acquire forms of communication through social learning:
for instance a bonobo named Kanzi learned to express itself using a set of symbolic lexigrams. Similarly, many
species of birds and whales learn their songs by imitating other members of their species. However, while
some animals may acquire large numbers of words and
symbols,[note 1] none have been able to learn as many different signs as are generally known by an average 4 year
old human, nor have any acquired anything resembling "The Tower of Babel" by Pieter Bruegel the Elder. Oil
the complex grammar of human language.[25]
on board, 1563.
Human languages also dier from animal communica- Humans have speculated about the origins of language
tion systems in that they employ grammatical and se- throughout history. The Biblical myth of the Tower of
mantic categories, such as noun and verb, present and Babel is one such account; other cultures have dierent
past, which may be used to express exceedingly complex stories of how language arose.[27]
meanings.[25] Human language is also unique in having
the property of recursivity: for example, a noun phrase Theories about the origin of language dier in regard to
can contain another noun phrase (as in "[[the chim- their basic assumptions about what language is. Some
panzee]'s lips]") or a clause can contain another clause theories are based on the idea that language is so com(as in "[I see [the dog is running]]").[2] Human language plex that one cannot imagine it simply appearing from
is also the only known natural communication system nothing in its nal form, but that it must have evolved
whose adaptability may be referred to as modality inde- from earlier pre-linguistic systems among our pre-human
pendent. This means that it can be used not only for com- ancestors. These theories can be called continuity-based
munication through one channel or medium, but through theories. The opposite viewpoint is that language is such a
several. For example, spoken language uses the audi- unique human trait that it cannot be compared to anything
tive modality, whereas sign languages and writing use found among non-humans and that it must therefore have
the visual modality, and braille writing uses the tactile appeared suddenly in the transition from pre-hominids to
modality.[26]
early man. These theories can be dened as discontinuityHuman language is also unique in being able to refer to based. Similarly, theories based on Chomskys generative
abstract concepts and to imagined or hypothetical events view of language see language mostly as an innate faculty
as well as events that took place in the past or may hap- that is largely genetically encoded, whereas functionalist
5
theories see it as a system that is largely cultural, learned Homo habilis (2.3 million years ago) while others place
through social interaction.[28]
the development of primitive symbolic communication
The only prominent proponent of a discontinuity-based only with Homo erectus (1.8 million years ago) or Homo
theory of human language origins is linguist and philoso- heidelbergensis (0.6 million years ago), and the develpher Noam Chomsky.[28] Chomsky proposes that some opment of language proper with Anatomically Modern
Paleolithic revolution less
random mutation took place, maybe after some strange Homo sapiens with the Upper
[34][35]
than
100,000
years
ago.
cosmic ray shower, and it reorganized the brain, implanting a language organ in an otherwise primate brain.[29]
Though cautioning against taking this story too literally,
Chomsky insists that it may be closer to reality than
many other fairy tales that are told about evolutionary
processes, including language.[29]
Continuity-based theories are held by a majority of scholars, but they vary in how they envision this development.
Those who see language as being mostly innate, for example psychologist Steven Pinker, hold the precedents to
be animal cognition,[10] whereas those who see language
as a socially learned tool of communication, such as psychologist Michael Tomasello, see it as having developed
from animal communication in primates: either gestural
or vocal communication to assist in cooperation.[24] Other
continuity-based models see language as having developed from music, a view already espoused by Rousseau,
Herder, Humboldt, and Charles Darwin. A prominent
proponent of this view is archaeologist Steven Mithen.[30]
Stephen Anderson states that the age of spoken languages
is estimated at 60,000 to 100,000 years[31] and that:
Researchers on the evolutionary origin of
language generally nd it plausible to suggest
that language was invented only once, and that
all modern spoken languages are thus in some
way related, even if that relation can no longer
be recovered ... because of limitations on the
methods available for reconstruction.[32]
Because language emerged in the early prehistory of man,
its early development has left no historical traces, and
it is believed that no comparable processes can be observed today. Theories that stress continuity often look
at animals to see if, for example, primates display any
traits that can be seen as analogous to what pre-human
language must have been like. And early human fossils
can be inspected for traces of physical adaptation to language use or pre-linguistic forms of symbolic behaviour.
Among the signs in human fossils that may suggest linguistic abilities are the size of the brain relative to body
mass, the presence of a larynx capable of advanced sound
production and the nature of tools and other manufactured artifacts.[33]
It is mostly undisputed that pre-human australopithecines
did not have communication systems signicantly different from those found in great apes in general, but
scholarly opinions vary as to the developments since the
appearance of the genus Homo some 2.5 million years
ago. Some scholars assume the development of primitive language-like systems (proto-language) as early as
3.1 Subdisciplines
The academic study of language is conducted within
many dierent disciplinary areas and from dierent theoretical angles, all of which inform modern approaches to
linguistics. For example, descriptive linguistics examines
the grammar of single languages, theoretical linguistics
develops theories on how best to conceptualize and dene the nature of language based on data from the various
extant human languages, sociolinguistics studies how languages are used for social purposes informing in turn the
theoretical and descriptive linguistics to construct computational models of language often aimed at processing
natural language or at testing linguistic hypotheses, and
historical linguistics relies on grammatical and lexical descriptions of languages to trace their individual histories
and reconstruct trees of language families by using the
comparative method.[37]
In the 17th century AD, the French Port-Royal Grammarians developed the idea that the grammars of all
languages were a reection of the universal basics of
thought, and therefore that grammar was universal. In
the 18th century, the rst use of the comparative method
by British philologist and expert on ancient India William
Jones sparked the rise of comparative linguistics.[39] The
scientic study of language was broadened from IndoEuropean to language in general by Wilhelm von Humboldt. Early in the 20th century, Ferdinand de Saussure
introduced the idea of language as a static system of interconnected units, dened through the oppositions between
them.[12]
By introducing a distinction between diachronic and
synchronic analyses of language, he laid the foundation
of the modern discipline of linguistics. Saussure also
introduced several basic dimensions of linguistic analysis that are still fundamental in many contemporary linguistic theories, such as the distinctions between syntagm
and paradigm, and the Langue-parole distinction, distinguishing language as an abstract system (langue), from
language as a concrete manifestation of this system (parole).[40]
4.2
Anatomy of speech
Speaking is the default modality for language in all cultures. The production of spoken language depends on
sophisticated capacities for controlling the lips, tongue
and other components of the vocal apparatus, the ability to acoustically decode speech sounds, and the neurological apparatus required for acquiring and producing
language.[43] The study of the genetic bases for human
language is at an early stage: the only gene that has denitely been implicated in language production is FOXP2,
which may cause a kind of congenital language disorder
if aected by mutations.[44]
4.1
7
Nonetheless, our knowledge of the neurological bases for
language is quite limited, though it has advanced considerably with the use of modern imaging techniques. The
discipline of linguistics dedicated to studying the neurological aspects of language is called neurolinguistics.[45]
Early work in neurolinguistics involved the study of language in people with brain lesions, to see how lesions in
specic areas aect language and speech. In this way,
neuroscientists in the 19th century discovered that two
areas in the brain are crucially implicated in language
processing. The rst area is Wernickes area, which is
located in the posterior section of the superior temporal
gyrus in the dominant cerebral hemisphere. People with
a lesion in this area of the brain develop receptive aphasia, a condition in which there is a major impairment of
language comprehension, while speech retains a naturalsounding rhythm and a relatively normal sentence structure. The second area is Brocas area, located in the posterior inferior frontal gyrus of the dominant hemisphere.
People with a lesion to this area develop expressive aphasia, meaning that they know what they want to say, they
just cannot get it out.[46] They are typically able to understand what is being said to them, but unable to speak
uently. Other symptoms that may be present in expressive aphasia include problems with uency, articulation,
word-nding, word repetition, and producing and comprehending complex grammatical sentences, both orally
and in writing. Those with this aphasia also exhibit ungrammatical speech and show inability to use syntactic
information to determine the meaning of sentences. Both
expressive and receptive aphasia also aect the use of sign
language, in analogous ways to how they aect speech,
with expressive aphasia causing signers to sign slowly and
with incorrect grammar, whereas a signer with receptive aphasia will sign uently, but make little sense to
others and have diculties comprehending others signs.
This shows that the impairment is specic to the ability
to use language, not to the physiology used for speech
production.[47][48]
With technological advances in the late 20th century,
neurolinguists have also adopted non-invasive techniques
such as functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI)
and electrophysiology to study language processing in individuals without impairments.[45]
ity; it controls both the production of linguistic cognition Main articles: Speech production, Phonetics and
and of meaning and the mechanics of speech production. Articulatory phonetics
Spoken language relies on human physical ability to produce sound, which is a longitudinal wave propagated
through the air at a frequency capable of vibrating the
ear drum. This ability depends on the physiology of the
human speech organs. These organs consist of the lungs,
the voice box (larynx), and the upper vocal tract the
throat, the mouth, and the nose. By controlling the dif- Some speech sounds, both vowels and consonants, inferent parts of the speech apparatus, the airstream can be volve release of air ow through the nasal cavity, and
manipulated to produce dierent speech sounds.[49]
these are called nasals or nasalized sounds. Other sounds
The sound of speech can be analyzed into a combina- are dened by the way the tongue moves within the
tion of segmental and suprasegmental elements. The seg- mouth: such as the l-sounds (called laterals, because the
mental elements are those that follow each other in se- air ows along both sides of the tongue), and the r-sounds
how the tongue
quences, which are usually represented by distinct let- (called rhotics) that are characterized by
[51]
is
positioned
relative
to
the
air
stream.
ters in alphabetic scripts, such as the Roman script. In
free owing speech, there are no clear boundaries be- By using these speech organs, humans can produce huntween one segment and the next, nor usually are there dreds of distinct sounds: some appear very often in the
5.1
Semantics
worlds languages, whereas others are much more com- and meaning goes back to the rst linguistic studies of
mon in certain language families, language areas, or even de Saussure and is now used in almost all branches of
specic to a single language.[54]
linguistics.[57]
Structure
5.1 Semantics
Main articles:
(linguistics)
10
5 STRUCTURE
between segments, only a smooth transition as the vocal considered to be merely dierent ways of pronouncing
apparatus moves.
the same phoneme (such variants of a single phoneme
are called allophones), whereas in Mandarin Chinese, the
same dierence in pronunciation distinguishes between
the words [p] crouch and [p] eight (the accent
above the means that the vowel is pronounced with a
high tone).[62]
5.3
5.3
Grammar
Grammar
Grammatical categories
11
grammar. Prototypically, verbs are used to construct
predicates, while nouns are used as arguments of predicates. In a sentence such as Sally runs, the predicate
is runs, because it is the word that predicates a specic state about its argument Sally. Some verbs such as
curse can take two arguments, e.g. Sally cursed John.
A predicate that can only take a single argument is called
intransitive, while a predicate that can take two arguments
is called transitive.[72]
Many other word classes exist in dierent languages, such
as conjunctions like and that serve to join two sentences, articles that introduce a noun, interjections such as
wow!", or ideophones like splash that mimic the sound
of some event. Some languages have positionals that describe the spatial position of an event or entity. Many
languages have classiers that identify countable nouns
as belonging to a particular type or having a particular
shape. For instance, in Japanese, the general noun classier for humans is nin ( ), and it is used for counting
humans, whatever they are called:[73]
12
Languages dier widely in how much they rely on morphological processes of word formation. In some languages, for example, Chinese, there are no morphological processes, and all grammatical information is encoded
syntactically by forming strings of single words. This type
of morpho-syntax is often called isolating, or analytic,
because there is almost a full correspondence between a
single word and a single aspect of meaning. Most languages have words consisting of several morphemes, but
they vary in the degree to which morphemes are discrete
units. In many languages, notably in most Indo-European
languages, single morphemes may have several distinct
meanings that cannot be analyzed into smaller segments.
For example, in Latin, the word bonus, or good, consists of the root bon-, meaning good, and the sux us, which indicates masculine gender, singular number,
and nominative case. These languages are called fusional
languages, because several meanings may be fused into a
single morpheme. The opposite of fusional languages are
agglutinative languages which construct words by stringing morphemes together in chains, but with each morpheme as a discrete semantic unit. An example of such
a language is Turkish, where for example, the word evlerinizden, or from your houses, consists of the morphemes, ev-ler-iniz-den with the meanings house-pluralyour-from. The languages that rely on morphology to the
greatest extent are traditionally called polysynthetic languages. They may express the equivalent of an entire English sentence in a single word. For example, in Persian
the single word nafahmidamesh means I didn't understand
it consisting of morphemes na-fahm-id-am-esh with the
meanings, negation.understand.past.I.it. As another
example with more complexity, in the Yupik word tuntussuqatarniksaitengqiggtuq, which means He had not yet
said again that he was going to hunt reindeer, the word
consists of the morphemes tuntu-ssur-qatar-ni-ksaitengqiggte-uq with the meanings, reindeer-hunt-futuresay-negation-again-third.person.singular.indicative, and
except for the morpheme tuntu (reindeer) none of the
other morphemes can appear in isolation.[76]
5 STRUCTURE
5.3.4 Syntax
Main article: Syntax
Another way in which languages convey meaning is
Predicate /
through the order of words within a sentence. The grammatical rules for how to produce new sentences from
words that are already known is called syntax. The syntactical rules of a language determine why a sentence in
English such as I love you is meaningful, but "*love you
I is not.[note 3] Syntactical rules determine how word order and sentence structure is constrained, and how those
constraints contribute to meaning.[78] For example, in English, the two sentences the slaves were cursing the master and the master was cursing the slaves mean different things, because the role of the grammatical subject is encoded by the noun being in front of the verb,
and the role of object is encoded by the noun appearing after the verb. Conversely, in Latin, both Dominus
servos vituperabat and Servos vituperabat dominus mean
the master was reprimanding the slaves, because servos,
Many languages use morphology to cross-reference or slaves, is in the accusative case, showing that they are
words within a sentence. This is sometimes called the grammatical object of the sentence, and dominus, or
is in the nominative case, showing that he is the
agreement. For example, in many Indo-European lan- master,
[79]
subject.
guages, adjectives must cross-reference the noun they
modify in terms of number, case, and gender, so that the Latin uses morphology to express the distinction between
Latin adjective bonus, or good, is inected to agree with subject and object, whereas English uses word order. Ana noun that is masculine gender, singular number, and other example of how syntactic rules contribute to meannominative case. In many polysynthetic languages, verbs ing is the rule of inverse word order in questions, which
cross-reference their subjects and objects. In these types exists in many languages. This rule explains why when
of languages, a single verb may include information that in English, the phrase John is talking to Lucy is turned
would require an entire sentence in English. For exam- into a question, it becomes Who is John talking to?",
ple, in the Basque phrase ikusi nauzu, or you saw me, and not John is talking to who?". The latter example
the past tense auxiliary verb n-au-zu (similar to English may be used as a way of placing special emphasis on
do) agrees with both the subject (you) expressed by the who, thereby slightly altering the meaning of the quesn- prex, and with the object (me) expressed by the -zu tion. Syntax also includes the rules for how complex sensux. The sentence could be directly transliterated as tences are structured by grouping words together in units,
see you-did-me[77]
called phrases, that can occupy dierent places in a larger
syntactic structure. Sentences can be described as con-
13
sisting of phrases connected in a tree structure, connecting the phrases to each other at dierent levels.[80] To the
right is a graphic representation of the syntactic analysis
of the English sentence the cat sat on the mat. The sentence is analyzed as being constituted by a noun phrase, a
verb, and a prepositional phrase; the prepositional phrase
is further divided into a preposition and a noun phrase,
and the noun phrases consist of an article and a noun.[81]
The reason sentences can be seen as being composed of
phrases is because each phrase would be moved around
as a single element if syntactic operations were carried
out. For example, the cat is one phrase, and on the
mat is another, because they would be treated as single
units if a decision was made to emphasize the location
by moving forward the prepositional phrase: "[And] on
the mat, the cat sat.[81] There are many dierent formalist and functionalist frameworks that propose theories
for describing syntactic structures, based on dierent assumptions about what language is and how it should be
described. Each of them would analyze a sentence such
as this in a dierent manner.[17]
5.4
The Wall of Love in Paris, where the phrase I love you is featured in 250 languages of the world.[87]
14
in that they readily incorporate elements from other languages through the process of diusion, as speakers of
dierent languages come into contact. Humans also frequently speak more than one language, acquiring their
rst language or languages as children, or learning new
languages as they grow up. Because of the increased language contact in the globalizing world, many small languages are becoming endangered as their speakers shift to
other languages that aord the possibility to participate
in larger and more inuential speech communities.[89]
utterances are to be understood in relation to their context vary between communities, and learning them is a
large part of acquiring communicative competence in a
language.[92]
6.1
6.4
15
sociolinguists, ethnolinguists, and linguistic anthropologists have specialized in studying how ways of speaking
vary between speech communities.[96]
Linguists use the term "varieties" to refer to the dierent ways of speaking a language. This term includes geographically or socioculturally dened dialects as well as
the jargons or styles of subcultures. Linguistic anthropologists and sociologists of language dene communicative
style as the ways that language is used and understood
within a particular culture.[97]
Because norms for language use are shared by members
of a specic group, communicative style also becomes a
way of displaying and constructing group identity. Linguistic dierences may become salient markers of divisions between social groups, for example, speaking a language with a particular accent may imply membership of
an ethnic minority or social class, ones area of origin, or
status as a second language speaker. These kinds of differences are not part of the linguistic system, but are an
important part of how people use language as a social tool
for constructing groups.[98]
16
An inscription of Swampy Cree using Canadian Aboriginal syllabics, an abugida developed by Christian missionaries for Indigenous Canadian languages
6.5
Language change
17
Another source of sound change is the erosion of words
as pronunciation gradually becomes increasingly indistinct and shortens words, leaving out syllables or sounds.
This kind of change caused Latin mea domina to eventually become the French madame and American English
ma'am.[104]
Change also happens in the grammar of languages as discourse patterns such as idioms or particular constructions
become grammaticalized. This frequently happens when
words or morphemes erode and the grammatical system is
unconsciously rearranged to compensate for the lost element. For example, in some varieties of Caribbean Spanish the nal /s/ has eroded away. Since Standard Spanish uses nal /s/ in the morpheme marking the second
person subject you in verbs, the Caribbean varieties
now have to express the second person using the pronoun t. This means that the sentence whats your
name is como te llamas? ['komo te 'jamas] in Standard Spanish, but ['komo 'tu te 'jama] in Caribbean Spanish. The simple sound change has aected both morphology and syntax.[105] Another common cause of grammatical change is the gradual petrication of idioms into
new grammatical forms, for example, the way the English
going to construction lost its aspect of movement and
in some varieties of English has almost become a fulledged future tense (e.g. I'm gonna).
Language change may be motivated by language internal factors, such as changes in pronunciation motivated
by certain sounds being dicult to distinguish aurally or
to produce, or through patterns of change that cause some
rare types of constructions to drift towards more common
types.[106] Other causes of language change are social,
such as when certain pronunciations become emblematic
of membership in certain groups, such as social classes, or
with ideologies, and therefore are adopted by those who
wish to identify with those groups or ideas. In this way,
issues of identity and politics can have profound eects
on language structure.[107]
6.6
Language contact
ing to some 6000 languages, which means that most countries are multilingual and most languages therefore exist
in close contact with other languages.[109]
When speakers of dierent languages interact closely,
it is typical for their languages to inuence each other.
Through sustained language contact over long periods,
linguistic traits diuse between languages, and languages
belonging to dierent families may converge to become
more similar. In areas where many languages are in close
contact, this may lead to the formation of language areas
in which unrelated languages share a number of linguistic features. A number of such language areas have been
documented, among them, the Balkan language area, the
Mesoamerican language area, and the Ethiopian language
area. Also, larger areas such as South Asia, Europe, and
Southeast Asia have sometimes been considered language
areas, because of widespread diusion of specic areal
features.[110][111]
Language contact may also lead to a variety of other
linguistic phenomena, including language convergence,
borrowing, and relexication (replacement of much of
the native vocabulary with that of another language). In
situations of extreme and sustained language contact, it
may lead to the formation of new mixed languages that
cannot be considered to belong to a single language family. One type of mixed language called pidgins occurs
when adult speakers of two dierent languages interact on a regular basis, but in a situation where neither
group learns to learn to speak the language of the other
group uently. In such a case, they will often construct
a communication form that has traits of both languages,
but which has a simplied grammatical and phonological structure. The language comes to contain mostly
the grammatical and phonological categories that exist in
both languages. Pidgin languages are dened by not having any native speakers, but only being spoken by people
who have another language as their rst language. But
if a Pidgin language becomes the main language of a
speech community, then eventually children will grow up
learning the pidgin as their rst language. As the generation of child learners grow up, the pidgin will often
be seen to change its structure and acquire a greater degree of complexity. This type of language is generally
called a creole language. An example of such mixed languages is Tok Pisin, the ocial language of Papua NewGuinea, which originally arose as a Pidgin based on English and Austronesian languages; others are Kreyl ayisyen, the French-based creole language spoken in Haiti,
and Michif, a mixed language of Canada, based on the
Native American language Cree and French.[112]
18
7 LINGUISTIC DIVERSITY
7.1
7.2
Principal language families of the world (and in some cases geographic groups of families). For greater detail, see Distribution
of languages in the world.
19
Thai).[119]
8 See also
Category:Lists of languages
Human communication
International auxiliary language
List of language regulators
List of ocial languages
Outline of linguistics
Problem of religious language
Psycholinguistics
Speech-language pathology
9 Notes
20
9.1
9 NOTES
Commentary notes
9.2
Citations
[3] language. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (3rd ed.). Boston: Houghton Miin Company. 1992.
9.2
Citations
21
22
10
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11
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