Exposure To Violent Media: The Effects of Songs With Violent Lyrics On Aggressive Thoughts and Feelings
Exposure To Violent Media: The Effects of Songs With Violent Lyrics On Aggressive Thoughts and Feelings
Exposure To Violent Media: The Effects of Songs With Violent Lyrics On Aggressive Thoughts and Feelings
Janie Eubanks
Five experiments examined effects of songs with violent lyrics on aggressive thoughts and hostile
feelings. Experiments 1, 3, 4 and 5 demonstrated that college students who heard a violent song felt more
hostile than those who heard a similar but nonviolent song. Experiments 25 demonstrated a similar
increase in aggressive thoughts. These effects replicated across songs and song types (e.g., rock,
humorous, nonhumorous). Experiments 35 also demonstrated that trait hostility was positively related
to state hostility but did not moderate the song lyric effects. Discussion centers on the potential role of
lyric content on aggression in short-term settings, relation to catharsis and other media violence domains,
development of aggressive personality, differences between long-term and short-term effects, and
possible mitigating factors.
Someone told me once that theres a right and wrong. Punishment was
cure for those who dare cross the line. But it must not be true for
jerk-offs just like you. And maybe its just bullshit. I should play god
and shoot you myself.
Tool, Jerk-Off (1992)
Media Differences
There are numerous differences between watching violent television, playing violent video games, and listening to popular
music. One is the lack of a video component to audio-only music.
Another is that aggressive lyrical content of popular music is often
discernible only to the most attentive of listeners, whereas videobased media (including music videos) make their violent content
abundantly and graphically clear. Some rock music songs have
such garbled lyrics that they have given rise to debates about what
the lyrics are (e.g., Louie, Louie; Inna-Godda-Da-Vida; see
Marsh, 1993). A third difference concerns attention. A large proportion of time spent listening to music involves paying attention
to the music (not the lyrics) or to other tasks. Thus, effects of
violent lyrics may generally be attenuated (relative to video-based
media violence) simply because the lyrics are not processed by the
listeners.
Nonetheless, there are valid reasons to worry about potentially
harmful effects of violent music lyrics. Numerous studies have
shown that aggressive words can prime aggressive thoughts, perceptions, and behavior (e.g., Anderson, Benjamin, & Bartholow,
1998; Bargh, Chen, & Barrows, 1996; Bargh & Pietromonaco,
1982). Indeed, such effects can occur even when the stimulus has
not been consciously recognized (e.g., Bargh et al., 1996, Experiment 3). Furthermore, listeners are capable of recognizing themes
of music (i.e., violence, sex, suicide, and Satanism) even when it
is difficult to comprehend specific lyric content (Hansen & Hansen, 1991). Additionally, music stimuli are played repeatedly, both
by radio stations as well as by listeners themselves.
Craig A. Anderson and Nicholas L. Carnagey, Department of Psychology, Iowa State University; Janie Eubanks, Texas Department of Human
Services, Austin, Texas.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Craig A.
Anderson, Department of Psychology, W112 Lagomarcino Hall, Iowa
State University, Ames, Iowa 50011-3180. E-mail: caa@iastate.edu
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Another difference between video-based entertainment and music concerns the amount of imagination needed or allowed to fill in
details of the story being told. The lack of visual images in music
both allows and requires listeners to imagine details. Concrete
images probably play a major role in transfer of ideas from the
video world to ones own real-world situations. When ones video
antagonists are similar to ones real antagonists, violent solutions
modeled in the video world are more likely to be attempted in the
real world than when the video antagonists are dissimilar (Bandura, 1986; Berkowitz, 1993; Geen, 1990). The lack of concrete
images in violent music may well allow listeners to imagine audio
antagonists similar to real-world antagonists.
Thus, there are reasons to expect violent-lyric songs to be either
more or less influential than violent video materials. The present
article reports five experiments testing the hypothesis that brief
exposure to songs with violent lyrics can increase two variables
that are key mediators of situational influences on aggression:
aggressive cognitions and aggressive affect. In the next section, we
briefly review the existing research literature. Then we show why
the general aggression model (GAM; Anderson & Bushman, 2001;
Anderson & Huesmann, in press) suggests a focus on aggressive
cognitions and affect.
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than students who preferred other genres of music, such as alternative, adult contemporary, dancesoul, or country. Listeners to
heavy metal music held more negative attitudes toward women.
Rap music fans were more distrustful. Similarly, Took and Weiss
(1994) found a correlation between preference for rap and heavy
metal music and below-average academic performance, school
behavior problems, drug use, arrests, and sexual activity. Still
other studies have found correlations between music type preferences and a variety of maladaptive behaviors but have not specifically linked lyric preferences to those behaviors. (For a recent
review, see Roberts, Christenson, & Gentile, in press.)
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Theoretical Perspective
Overview
Experiment 1
Method
Participants
Twenty-nine female and 30 male students from a large Midwestern
university participated. About half were recruited by members of a senior
psychology class as part of a class project. The rest were from the
psychology participant pool in a later semester, and participated for extra
credit. This experiment used a 2 (song) 2 (sex) 2 (participant pool)
factorial design. The participant pool factor was included in the statistical
analysis but had no reliable effects.
Songs
Procedure
After reading and signing a consent form, participants learned that the
experiment involved how different songs affect performance on various
tasks. They were to listen to a contemporary song, complete a couple of
psychological tasks, and then answer a few questions about the song.
Participants then listened to the assigned song, completed the State Hostility Scale (SHS; Anderson et al., 1995), completed a longer unrelated
task, and were debriefed.
The SHS contains 35 sentences describing current feelings (either hostile
or friendly). For example, two hostile items read, I feel like yelling at
somebody and I feel furious. Respondents rate each sentence on a
5-point Likert-type scale (1 strongly disagree, 3 neither agree nor
disagree, 5 strongly agree). The friendly items are reverse scored. The
scale typically produces internal reliability estimates in the .90 .95 range,
but three items (I feel willful, I feel tender, I feel vexed) often show
poor itemtotal correlations. Willful displayed a low itemtotal correlation in the present study, so we dropped it. Coefficient alpha was .96.
Experiment 2
Method
Experiment 2 was identical to Experiment 1 in all respects except that
the dependent variable was a measure of aggressive cognition. Sixty-one
undergraduates (30 females, 31 males) participated either as volunteers or
as a part of their introductory psychology class.
The dependent variable was based on participants ratings of a large
number of word pairs from Bushman (1996). Bushman identified 10
words as clearly aggressive in meaning (blood, butcher, choke, fight,
gun, hatchet, hurt, kill, knife, and wound) and 10 words as ambiguous
in meaning, having both aggressive and nonaggressive meanings (alley,
animal, bottle, drugs, movie, night, police, red, rock, and stick). Bushman showed that people who score high on trait hostility tended to
perceive relatively greater similarity of meaning between pairs of
aggressive and ambiguous words (from these two lists) than do people
who score low on trait hostility.
We adapted Bushmans (1996) task in the following way. All possible pairs of these 20 words were presented to participants with
instructions to rate each pair on how similar, associated, or related the
paired words seemed to be. Ratings were made on 7-point scales
anchored at 1 (not at all similar, associated, or related) and 7 (extreme-
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ly similar, associated, or related). We calculated three average similarity scores for each participant: aggressiveaggressive word pairs
(45), aggressiveambiguous word pairs (100), and ambiguous
ambiguous word pairs (45). Our reasoning and predictions were quite
simple. If listening to violent lyrics increases the accessibility of
aggressive thoughts in semantic memory, then ambiguous words will
tend to be interpreted in a relatively more aggressive way, leading to
relatively higher similarity ratings of aggressiveambiguous pairs. This
same semantic priming process might also increase the perceived similarity of aggressiveaggressive pairs and of ambiguousambiguous
pairs, but these increases should be small relative to the violent song
effect on aggressiveambiguous pairs. We used the other two word-pair
types as within-subject controls. Thus, we predicted violent (vs. nonviolent) song participants to give larger similarity ratings of aggressive
ambiguous word pairs relative to their ratings of ambiguousambiguous
and aggressiveaggressive word pairs.
1
Nonetheless, for all studies, preliminary analyses explored the possibility of sex interactions. There were none, thereby satisfying the homogeneity of slopes assumption of analysis of covariance (ANCOVA).
2
Unless otherwise indicated, reported means for all experiments are the
appropriate least squares adjusted means, adjusted for other factors in the
model such as sex and trait hostility. Significance levels are based on
two-tailed tests.
3
The astute reader will realize that each effect in this between-subjects
analysis of variance is identical to the interaction of that effect with the
repeated-measures factor control versus aggressiveambiguous.
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Experiment 3
Overview and Design
Broadening Aspects
Figure 2. Perceived similarity differences between violent and nonviolent song conditions as a function of word-pair type. Aggr. aggressive;
Amb. ambiguous.
Finally, we counterbalanced the order in which the two dependent variables were assessed on the basis of other findings that
measuring one aggression-related variable frequently changes the
outcome of subsequently measured variables, a sort of psychological uncertainty principle (Lindsay & Anderson, 2000). Thus, the
experiment used a 3 (song type) 2 (order) 2 (sex) factorial
design with trait hostility as a continuous independent variable.
Method
Participants
Additional Controls
Two other changes controlled for possible interpretational difficulties. We measured perceived arousal to check on our assumption that the violent and nonviolent songs did not differ in arousal
properties. We also added a no-song control condition to assess
whether the violent songs, the nonviolent songs, or both influenced
state hostility and aggressive cognition. We expected this control
condition to most closely resemble the nonviolent song condition.4
Procedure
Table 1
Effects of Violent Versus Nonviolent Song on Perceived
Similarity of AggressiveAggressive (AgAg), Aggressive
Ambiguous (AgAm), and AmbiguousAmbiguous (AmAm) Word
Pairs
Word-pair type
Song
V
NV
VNV diff.
Control average:
AgAg and
Contrast:
AgAg AmAm
AmAm
AgAm ControlAgAm
4.86
4.60
0.26
2.94
2.66
0.28
3.90
3.63
0.27
3.37
2.92
0.45
0.53
0.71
0.28
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Preliminary Analyses
We first examined results from the PAS to see if the selected
violent and nonviolent rock songs had similar arousal properties.
The main effect of type of song did not approach significance, F(1,
140) 1.31, p .25. Thus, violent-lyric effects on other variables
cannot be attributed to arousal differences. The only reliable effect
on PAS was a negative relation to trait hostility, F(1,
140) 16.65, MSE 0.512, p .001.
We next examined the Music Questionnaire ratings (understandability, familiarity, purpose, accuracy of suspicions, and estimated
song influence on PAS, SHS, and WP). The two song conditions
(violent vs. nonviolent) did not differ reliably on any of these
variables ( ps .20).
Interestingly, there was one reliable sex effect and three reliable
trait hostility effects on these Music Questionnaire items. Males
(M 5.80) rated the lyrics as more understandable than did
females (M 4.90), F(1, 140) 6.77, MSE 4.900, p .02.
Trait hostility was positively related to beliefs that the song influenced performance on PAS and on SHS, Fs(1, 140) 4.36
and 4.34, MSEs 0.900 and 0.987, ps .05. Also, trait hostility
was positively related to familiarity, F(1, 140) 4.78, p .04.
Trait hostility did not interact with the song manipulation in any
of the analyses, so this interaction term was dropped from the
statistical model. We then compared the control (no-song) and the
nonviolent song conditions on WP and SHS. As expected, there
were no reliable differences between these two conditions ( ps
.25), so these conditions were combined into one larger nonviolent
condition for all subsequent analyses.5
Main Analyses
State hostility. Analyses ignoring task order yielded only a
significant effect of trait hostility (b .21), F(1, 141) 11.15,
MSE 0.411, p .005. Individuals who scored high on trait
hostility tended to score high on state hostility. The violent song
effect was in the predicted direction, with those who heard a
violent song reporting higher levels of SHS (Ms 2.14 and 1.98),
but was not significant, F(1, 141) 2.02, p .16.
The lack of a reliable effect of song content on state hostility
might appear to conflict with the results of Experiment 1. However, in Experiment 1 the SHS was administered immediately after
the song. We therefore reanalyzed Experiment 3 SHS scores using
only the 71 participants who completed the SHS first, even though
5
For SHS, means for the control, nonviolent, and violent song conditions were 1.98, 1.98, and 2.14, respectively. For word pronunciation,
corresponding means were 1.35, 5.93, and 11.08. Reported analyses simply
treated all participants who heard a nonviolent song and those who completed the main dependent variables prior to hearing a song as if they were
in one larger group. An alternative procedure for combining different
conditions is to use equal contrast weights. Results were stronger with the
contrast procedure for both dependent variables. Nonetheless, we report the
simpler (and somewhat more conservative) procedure in the text.
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Method
Participants
Sixty-five female and 74 male students from a large Midwestern university successfully completed all portions of the experiment.
Dependent Variables
The SHS, PAS, and Music Questionnaire were the same as in Experiment 3. Accessibility of aggressive thoughts was based on a WC task
consisting of a list of 98 word fragments (Anderson, Flanagan, Carnagey,
Benjamin, Eubanks, & Valentine, 2002). The respondents task is to fill in
the missing letters in order to form a word. Half of the fragments can be
completed to form either aggressive or nonaggressive words (e.g., h_t
can become hit or hat). Tasks similar to this have often been used as
measures of implicit memory (e.g., Roediger, Weldon, Stadler, & Reigler,
1992). Accessibility of aggressive thoughts was the proportion of word
completions that were aggressive.
Procedure
After reading and signing a consent form, participants learned that the
experiment was designed to see how songs affect thoughts and emotions.
They then completed the measure of trait hostility. Next, participants either
listened to one of the humorous songs (violent or nonviolent) or they
continued directly to the dependent measures (no-song control). The songs
were A Boy Named Sue (violent) by Johnny Cash (Silverstein, 1994) and
Hello Mudduh, Hello Fadduh! (nonviolent) by Allan Sherman (1991).
Next, participants completed the SHS and the WC task. Participants in the
two song conditions then completed the Music Questionnaire. Those in the
control condition listened to the nonviolent song and then completed the
Music Questionnaire.
Experiment 4
Results and Discussion
Overview and Design
Experiment 4 further tested the generality of the violent song
effect on aggressive thoughts and feelings by using humorous
songs and including trait hostility. A humorous violent song is
likely to have two competing processes at work. The violent
content may well prime aggressive thoughts and negative feelings.
At the same time, the humorous content may produce positive
feelings. If so, participants who hear the violent humorous song
may well respond very much like no-song control participants,
because these competing processes cancel each other out, especially for affective measures. A humorous nonviolent song does
not have this competition problem. Only the positive aspects of the
humorous content are at work. In other words, if humor and violent
content combine additively, nonviolent humorous songs will yield
levels of aggressive affect and thought that are significantly lower
than levels obtained from violent humorous and no-song control
conditions.
The experiment used a 3 (song) 2 (order) 2 (sex) factorial
design, with trait hostility as a continuous variable. Participants
were randomly assigned to hear either the violent humorous song,
the nonviolent humorous song, or no song.6 Half of the participants completed the SHS first, whereas the other half completed it
after a cognitive task. A different measure of aggressive thought
accessibility was used in this study, a word completion (WC) task.
Finally, participants completed the PAS and the Music Questionnaire, as in Experiment 3.
Preliminary Analyses
Once again, sex and trait hostility were treated as covariates.
One item was dropped from the PAS because of a low itemtotal
correlation, leaving 30 items for the final scale. Coefficient alpha
was .94. Final analyses on perceived arousal yielded only a main
effect of sex, F(1, 134) 6.48, MSE 0.452 p .02. Males
scored higher than females on this measure (Ms 3.35 and 3.05,
respectively). The main effects of song, F(2, 134) 1.0, and trait
hostility, F(1, 134) 1.92, p .15, were both nonsignificant.
Thus, any song or trait hostility effects on SHS or WC cannot be
attributed to differences in arousal.
State Hostility
One item was dropped from SHS because of low itemtotal
correlations. Coefficient alpha was .94. The final analysis yielded
significant main effects of trait hostility, (b .27), F(1,
134) 34.24, MSE 0.209, p .0001, and song, F(2,
6
Because it was known that sample size would be limited, participants
were preselected on trait hostility using a 10-item version of Capraras
Irritability Scale. Students who scored in the upper and lower quartiles
were called and signed up for participation. This was done to ensure that
there would be an adequate number of participants scoring either high or
low on trait hostility to allow for adequate analysis to be done on this
independent variable.
Word Completions
The final analysis yielded main effects of trait hostility and song
condition. Trait hostility was positively related to WC (b .011),
F(1, 134) 4.21, MSE 0.0029, p .05. The highest mean for
proportions of aggressive WCs was in the humorous violent song
condition (M .229) and the lowest in the humorous nonviolent
song condition (M .200); the control group mean fell in between
(M .218), F(2, 134) 3.26, p .05. The humorous violent song
yielded significantly higher WC scores than the humorous nonviolent song, F(1, 134) 6.46, p .02.
In summary, these results suggest that humorous and violent
content essentially canceled each other out in terms of effects on
state hostility but did not entirely do so for aggressive cognitions.
Another way of summarizing these results is that the effects of
violent lyrics on aggressive affect and cognition appear to apply to
humorous songs as well as to more standard forms of popular
music.
Experiment 5
Overview and Design
Experiment 5 further replicated Experiments 1 4. It tested the
effects of violent lyrics and trait hostility on state hostility and
aggressive cognition with both humorous and nonhumorous songs.
The design was a 2 (violent or nonviolent music lyrics) 2
(humorous or nonhumorous lyrics) factorial, with a no-song condition and trait hostility as a continuous independent variable.
Different songs were used in Experiment 5 to further test
generality.
Method
Participants
Eighty-two female and 69 male students at a large Midwestern university participated for partial course credit. One participant was dropped from
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Procedure
After reading and signing consent forms, participants learned that the
experiment was investigating effects of music on mood. They were told
that they would respond to a questionnaire (trait hostility), listen to a song,
and then respond to two more questionnaires. To ensure that participants
listened to the lyrics of the song, they were told that they would be asked
questions about the song later in the experiment.
The trait hostility and SHS measures from Experiments 1 4 were used
again. Coefficient alpha for trait hostility was .85. One SHS item, I feel
willful, had a low correlation with the other items and was dropped.
Coefficient alpha was .96. The WC task from Experiment 4 assessed
accessibility of aggressive thoughts.
The two humorous songs were The Night Santa Went Crazy (violent;
Yankovic, 1996), and Gump (nonviolent; Yankovic, 1996) by Weird Al
Yankovic. The two nonhumorous songs were Country Death Song
(violent; Violent Femmes, 2000) and I Held Her in My Arms (nonviolent; Violent Femmes, 1986) by the Violent Femmes.
Participants in the no-song control condition went directly from the THS
to the dependent variables. Half of the participants completed SHS first,
whereas the other half first performed the WC task.
State Hostility
For the total sample, there were significant main effects on SHS
of music condition, F (4, 143) 2.96, MSE 0.361, p .03, and
trait hostility (b .279), F (1, 143) 15.45, p .0001. The sex
effect did not approach significance (F 1.0). The two violent
song conditions yielded significantly higher SHS scores than did
the two nonviolent song conditions (Ms 2.95 and 2.72 respectively), F(1, 143) 4.88, p .03.
However, as in Experiment 3, the SHS effects were clearer for
participants who completed that scale first. Figure 3 displays the
means for the five conditions. For these 83 participants, contrasts
examining the 2 (violent vs. nonviolent lyrics) 2 (humorous vs.
nonhumorous lyrics) conditions yielded a significant main effect
of violent content, F(1, 76) 4.28, MSE 0.387, p .05, and a
marginally significant main effect of humorous content, F(1,
76) 2.97, p .09. Participants in the violent song conditions had
higher SHS scores than those in the nonviolent song conditions
(Ms 3.00 and 2.68, respectively). Those in the humorous song
conditions had slightly lower state hostility scores than those in the
nonhumorous conditions (Ms 2.71 and 2.98, respectively). The
Humor Violence interaction did not approach significance
(F 1.0).
As in Experiment 4, the least hostility was expressed by those
who had just heard a song with nonviolent humorous lyrics
(M 2.53). Somewhat different from Experiment 4 was the
finding that the no-song control mean (M 2.62) was closer to the
humorous nonviolent song than to the humorous violent song
mean (M 2.89).
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General Discussion
Empirical Contributions
Word Completions
We computed the same proportion of aggressive WC scores as
in Experiment 4. Males generated higher WC scores than females
(Ms .291 and .220, respectively), F(1, 141) 15.00,
MSE 0.0117, p .001. Contrasts examining the 2 (violent vs.
nonviolent lyrics) 2 (humorous vs. nonhumorous lyrics) conditions yielded a significant main effect of violent content, F(1,
141) 6.16, p .02. Those who had listened to a violent song had
higher WC scores than those who had heard a nonviolent song
(Ms .279 and .228, respectively), mirroring the violent lyrics
effect of Experiment 4. The no-song control condition yielded WC
scores in between the violent and nonviolent conditions (M
.268), somewhat closer to the violent condition. This also mirrors
the results of Experiment 4. Neither the humor main effect nor
the Violence Humor interaction approached significance (Fs
1.0).
Pooled Results
To ensure an accurate summary of these five experiments, we
pooled the violent (vs. nonviolent) song effects on aggressive
affect and thought using meta-analytic techniques. We calculated
the average d by dividing the difference between the relevant
adjusted means by the pooled standard deviation.
Four experiments provided five independent tests of violent
versus nonviolent lyrics on state hostility (one each from Experiments 1, 3, and 4; two from Experiment 5). As can be seen in the
first three bars in Figure 4, violent lyrics increased state hostility
overall (d .55, K 5, N 242) as well as within nonhumorous (d .55, K 3, N 161) and humorous (d .57, K 2,
N 81) conditions. The five independent effects on aggressive
thoughts (one each from Experiments 2 4; two from Experiment
Figure 4. Pooled violent versus nonviolent lyric effect sizes (d) and
95% confidence intervals on state hostility and aggressive thoughts: All
samples versus three nonhumorous samples versus two humorous samples.
For state hostility, only the results from participants who completed the
SHS first are included; ns 242, 161, and 81. For aggressive thoughts,
ns 450, 283, and 167. Error bars represent 95% confidence intervals.
Long-Term Effects
Direct effects. Long-term effects operate in much the same
manner, except that the proximate source of the high accessibility
of aggressive cognitions and affects is the chronic state of the
individual rather than a very recently heard violent song. Repeated
exposure to violent lyrics may contribute to the development of an
aggressive personality (Anderson & Bushman, 2002b; Anderson &
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Balance
Of course, there is reason to believe that this type of hostile
thought and affect priming by violent songs may last only a fairly
short time. Presumably, if the next song heard is nonviolent or if
some other nonviolent event occurs, the short-term priming effects
of violent lyrics will dissipate. This would seem especially likely
if some positive event occurs. Furthermore, as noted earlier, lyrics
are often secondary to the music itself, so much so that some
violent songs have lyrics that are undecipherable.
At present, research on the effects of violent lyrics is in its
infancy. There are now good theoretical and empirical reasons to
expect effects of music lyrics on aggressive behavior to be similar
to the well-studied effects of exposure to TV and movie violence
and the more recent research efforts on violent video games.
Additional research on music lyric effects is clearly needed, both
short-term and longitudinal studies. GAM provides a useful framework for understanding the current studies and for guiding such
future research.
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