Aesthetics of The Good Physician

Download as doc, pdf, or txt
Download as doc, pdf, or txt
You are on page 1of 27

1 of 27

The Aesthetics of the Good Physician as Traveller:


Plato's Philosopher-Ruler, More's Hythloday and Spenser's Immerit
This book will make a traveller of thee John Bunyan
I

The Question of Dialectic's Relation to Rhetoric


In the introduction to Self-Consuming Artifacts, entitled "The Aesthetics of the

Good Physician," Stanley Fish outlines four theses pertaining to dialectic and rhetoric as
modes of literary presentation and traces the broad history of the conceptualization of
these two modes of presentation within the Western tradition from Plato's Phaedrus
through Augustine's On Christian Doctrine to Donne's Sermons. Fish's first thesis is that
the two modes of literary presentation are essentially opposed in that rhetoric is "selfsatisfying"; it mirrors the opinions of the audience and assures them of the beliefs they
already hold; it affirms the truthfulness of what is already-known or believed. A dialectical
presentation, on the contrary, disturbs the assumptions of the reader; it holds these
assumptions up for question (cf. Fish 1-2). The dialectical experience results in a
"conversion" of the reader or hearer. "The relationship is finally less one of speaker to
hearer, or author to reader than of physician to patient" (Fish 2). The figure of the good
physician, as Fish points out, "is one of the most powerful in western literature and
philosophy" (2). Christ, of course, is the divine physician: frequently healing physical
ailments but also healing the spiritual distress of humanity by delivering God's Grace, the
forgiveness of sins. Jesus refers to his own earthly mission in terms guided by the
metaphor of the physician: "They that are whole have no need of a physician, but they
that are sick: I came not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance" (Mark 2:17).1
The role of good physician, however, is not limited to Christ. Within the Christian
tradition, as Fish points out, God's ministers are given this divine, healing power.
Similarly, "in Plato's dialogues, these are the powers (and intentions) of the philosopher

2 of 27
king, who, rather than catering to the pleasure of his charges, will 'combat' them,
'prescribing for them like a physician' [Gorgias 521a]" (Fish 2-3).
Fish's second thesis is that the rhetorical mode of presentation is a rational one
which divides the matter into categories for analysis and discussion. On the other hand,
the dialectical mode of presentation is anti-rational, and, "rather than distinguishing, it
resolves, and in the world it delivers the lines of demarcation between places and things
fade in the light of an all-embracing unity" (Fish 3). Thirdly, Fish wishes to illustrate that
dialectical presentation is "self-consuming": "for by conveying those who experience it to
a point where they are beyond the aid that discursive or rational forms can offer, it
becomes the vehicle of its own abandonment" (3). Consequently, dialectical literature
and philosophy emphasize their effects, not themselves as works of art. This leads us to
Fish's fourth point, that the object of analysis in a dialectical work is the reader and not
the work itself, in contradistinction to Wimsatt and Beardsley's assertion that we must
avoid the "affective fallacy."
In what follows I will attempt to qualify Fish's distinction between rhetoric and
dialectic, or at least add another level of complexity to it. I will point to the possibility
within the Western tradition of a philosophical or dialectical rhetoric. Within this strain of
the tradition, rhetoric is thought of as integral and necessary to dialectic. In order to bring
forth this conception of rhetoric and dialectic as intimately bound to one another, the
analysis will add the trope of the dialectician as traveller to that of dialectician as
physician -- we will consider the dialectician as traveller-physician where the dialectician
can be a philosopher or a poet, as will be seen in the examples of Plato's philosopherruler, Spenser's Immerit, and More's Hythloday. All three travel outside the realm of the
known to another realm; this is a trip which figures forth the questioning of accepted
truths that is undertaken by the dialectician. All three, in their own way, also bring this
knowledge back to the prescribed or known world; this return trip figures forth the act of

3 of 27
communication undertaken by the rhetorician. The travel itself exists within the liminal
space between 'here' and 'there', just as the philosopher-poet's philosophical rhetoric
exists between dialectic and rhetoric.
Fish's theoretical framework brings into question the nature of the relationship
between truth and language or speech (logos) as well as the relation between dialectic
and rhetoric as philosophical modes of comporting oneself toward truth. It brings these
relations into question with regard to Plato's initial formulation of these divisions and with
regard to the Western tradition's taking up of these questions after Plato. The Western
tradition, it has been argued,2 offers two basic ways in which we can interpret this
relation: (1) there is the possibility for interpretation wherein one sees language as selfconsuming as it gives way to the full presence of truth, the eidos, or the meaning which it
could only shadow; this response to the relationship of language and truth falls within the
"metaphysics of presence" which constitutes the manifest aspect of the tradition as
diagnosed by Heidegger and Derrida; (2) there is also the possibility for interpretation
wherein one sees language, speech (logos), or dialogue as the gathering process or
happening of truth itself. The latter response is based on a pre-Socratic experience of
logos as legein: gathering-saying.3 The latter response, although occulted within the
metaphysical tradition, remains in an "unsaid" form; it remains as a "trace" within the
metaphysical tradition, an alternate possibility.
Fish has usefully and probingly delineated the metaphysical definition of the
relation between truth and language, between dialectic and rhetoric. That is, he points
out how in Plato and others, to read the text is to lose it (as "self-consuming artifact")
(13). I wish, on the other hand, to point to the "unsaid" possiblity. I want to point to this
unsaid possibility as it is opened up in the space of the Platonic text and as this Platonic
possibility is taken up in the Renaissance. I will undertake this exploration of the
Renaissance experience of language in its relation to truth by attending to the

4 of 27
correspondences between two texts: Book I of More's Utopia, and E.K.'s Dedicatory
"Epistle" to The Shepheardes Calender. After delineating the non-metaphysical
experience of truth and logos as it can be seen within the texts of Plato, and after
referring to a concrete example of this experience, Plato's "allegory of the cave" (The
Republic 514a-521b), I will draw out some of the parallels (and some of the
consequences of these pararallels) between the description of the philosopher-ruler in
the cave allegory and the descriptions of the figures of Hythloday and Immerit.
II

Philosophical Rhetoric in Plato


Fish develops his four theses by first turning to a foundational moment in the

development of the dialectical method, Plato's Phaedrus. Fish wishes to illustrate that
the dialectical method in the Phaedrus results in a separation from the sensual world; it
results in a separation from the way in which things are and are perceived by others.
The soul which successfully follows the dialectical process, after "freeing itself from the
fetters of sense will be moving in a direction diametrically opposed to that of its fellows"
(6); at this point the triumphant soul "can look down at this pinprick of a world and, in the
manner of Chaucer's Troilus, laugh at all of those things for which at one time he would
have died" (7). For Fish, this abandonment of the world that is achieved by the soul is
mirrored in Plato's dialogue by the abondonment of rhetoric, or the speech in general, as
a viable method of conveying the experience of the soul in question. That is, the
Phaedrus begins with a consideration of the nature of love by way of the speech of
Lysias that Phaedrus has covertly brought with him. Socrates criticizes Lysias' speech
because it is poorly constructed and decides to replace it with his own speech on love.
Socrates' speech, like that of Lysias, praises the non-lover over the lover. However,
Socrates must stop himself in the middle of this speech because he had come to the
realization that the speech was a violation against love, a sin. It was more of a sin in that
it was effective as a "piece of rhetoric" in its being well-ordered -- "So well ordered is it,

5 of 27
that although Socrates breaks off in mid-flight, Phaedrus is able to supply the missing
half" (Fish 10). In other words, as Fish points out, "Lysias' speech is bad because it is
not well put together and Socrates' speech is bad because it is well put together" (10).
This contradiction, because it establishes that the speeches on love are doomed no
matter how they are constructed, brings the reader to the realization that the soul will
have to abandon love as it was previously defined (as earthly desire) and that the
interlocuters will have to abandon the method of defining this love (rhetoric as the
construction of speeches). Thus, for Fish, "in a way peculiar to dialectical form and
experience, this space of prose and argument will have been the vehicle of its own
abandonment" (Fish 10).
Fish asserts that this leaves the reader with the apprehension of two modes of
persuasion, two modes of literary presentation: (1) rhetorical persuasion wherein "the
auditor is brought along step-by-step to an apparently rational conclusion, which may
well be the opposite of truth," and (2) dialectical persuasion wherein "the auditor is
brought up to a vision, to a point where his understanding is so enlarged that he can see
the truth immediately, without the aid of any mediating process or even of an orator"
(12). Inasmuch as this is the distinction Plato is making, and that the history of
"Platonism" has made, we can see here a foundational manifestion of the "metaphysics
of presence," of the thinking of being and truth as unmediated presence. And inasmuch
as Plato's Phaedrus belongs within this tradition of the metaphysics of presence, Fish is
correct to say that "[t]o read [it] is to use it up . It is thus a self-consuming artifact, a
mimetic enactment in the reader's experience of the Platonic ladder in which each rung,
as it is negotiated, is kicked away" (13). What Fish, and the metaphysical tradition in
general, do not notice, and thus leave unsaid, is the possibility within the Platonic text of
another way of comporting oneself to the relation between word and truth -- wherein
truth is not necessarily limited to unmediated presence.4

6 of 27
The central movement of the Phaedrus is one which, I would agree with Fish,
establishes a certain unity between the question of what is proper in love and the
question of what is proper in speech (logos). Socrates himself is one who has
considerable expertise in the domain of love. In the other two dialogues in which love is
treated in detail, Socrates' skill in the matter is emphasized. In the Lysis, for instance,
Socrates denies that he has knowledge in any domain but that of love: "For though in
most matters I am a poor useless creature, yet by some means or other I have received
from heaven the gift of being able to detect at a glance both a lover and a beloved"
(204b-c). Socrates makes a similar point in the Symposium; after Eryximachus suggests
that each of the members of the banquet "speak to the best of his ability in praise of
Love," Socrates responds by saying, "I couldn't very well dissent when I claim that love
is the one thing in the world I understand" (177d-e). Socrates is one who knows about
love, of course, because he is a "philosopher," because he is one who loves wisdom.
What must be avoided, however, is a quick reduction of the discussion at hand to an
opposition between good love or dialectic (which would be considered an unmediated
speaking-writing on the soul) and bad love or rhetoric (which would be considered a
mediated presentation via speaking-writing). I would say that there is no opposition at
work here; rather, what presents itself here is the distinction of two modes of
presentation which, although distinct, belong together, are necessary to one another,
within the unity of existence.
In the Phaedrus, in his second speech, in which the true love and the true mode
of presenting that love are brought forth -- and apparently opposed to the false imposters
of bad love/rhetoric -- Socrates can speak of the soul only in terms of a "figure" of the
soul: the figure of the charioteer. As John Sallis points out, the other speeches
"proceeded almost immediately to say with presumed definitiveness what the matter
itself (i.e., love) was, in order then to be able simply to apply the 'definition' to the

7 of 27
question at issue" (141). With the figure, on the other hand, the matter is allowed to play
itself out and reveal its secrets. The distinction between the two types of speech, in this
sense, is one between a saying which responds to what shows itself and a saying which
categorizes the matter at hand according to pre-defined schemata, which applies a
conceptual grid to phenomena and unquestioningly accepts what arises within this grid.
Plato figures forth this distinction as one between a living logos (which can respond to a
situation) and a dead writing (which rigidly says the same thing in every situation) (cf.
Phaedrus 277c). However, it would be a mistake to accept rigidly or literally the figure at
face value -- just as it would be a mistake to accept that the soul is, in every respect, a
charioteer. That is to say that, although the distinction between speech and writing
(between the immediate and the mediated, between dialectic and rhetoric) figures forth,
for Plato, the distinction between two modes of comportment toward existence, that does
not mean that "writing" cannot, as Plato's dialogues have themselves for almost 2,500
years, ask questions, or call the reader into a position in which he or she must pose
questions, appropriate to each situation and time. Or, on the other hand, that does not
mean that "speech" cannot become a sterile, "wooden" speech which merely repeats
itself according to its own pre-defined parameters.
Inasmuch as rhetoric, like all speech, can be this sort of rigid application of a predefined schema, Plato calls it a mere knack (tribe) and not an art, skill or true form of
knowing (techne). In the Gorgias, Plato compares this type of speech, rhetoric as mere
knack, to cooking: both consist in the rigid application of a pre-existing recipe. On the
other hand, just as cooking can also be a creative bringing forth of the best taste of the
food, a bringing forth which responds to the food in question and to the tendencies of the
diners, so too can a rhetorical speech bring forth the truth of the subject matter with
reference to the disposition of the auditors. Thus, asks Socrates later in the Gorgias, "is
it not with his eye on these things that our orator, the good and true artist, will bring to

8 of 27
bear upon our souls the words he utters and all his actions too, and give any gift he
gives, or take away what he takes -- his mind always occupied with one thought, how
justice may be implanted in the souls of the citizens and injustice banished and how
goodness in general may be engendered and wickedness depart?" (504d-e). It is in this
conception of rhetoric as something which can bring forth the "good" in its auditors that
Plato holds out the possibility of a "philosophical rhetoric" (Kennedy 51).
In the Statesman a similar distinction is made between relying on a "written code"
in order to rule and relying on a more immediate knowledge of the citizens and their
needs. Again, this distinction can be seen as a repudiation of the written (the mediated)
as a fall from truth as pure presence, and thus as separated from full knowledge.
However, the stranger in the Statesman does not call into question the rulers who rule
according to a "written code" because they are separated from an immediate knowledge
of justice as an all-embracing, dis-embodied truth; rather, it is because the written code
precludes a knowledge of the living situation and its particular, "embodied" necessities.
Legislation that is rigidified into a context-free code is censured by the stranger because
it "can never issue an injunction binding on all which really embodies what is best for
each; it cannot prescribe with perfect accuracy what is good and right for each member
of the community at one time. The differences of human personality, the variety of mens
activities, and the inevitable unsettlement attending all human experience make it
impossible for any art whatsoever to issue unqualified rules holding good on all
questions at all times" (294a-b). That is, it is because the legislation is not in tune with
existence in its becoming (rather than its stable being as presence) that the stranger
calls it into question. In this way, it does not matter whether the legislation is written or
not; it can just as easily be unresponsive to the becoming of living situations if it is a
legislation based on custom (nomos) or tradition without writing (295a). In a fashion
similar to Socrates' comparison of rhetoric and cooking in the Gorgias, the stranger

9 of 27
compares this ruling according to a pre-existing code with physicians who care for their
patients by administering, or having administered while they are away, a prescription, a
formulaic recipe for curing patients in general which is un-responsive to the patients'
particular needs (295c-d). The philosopher, the ruler, and the physician all look to the
proper ends (the good) of the people in their care and in doing this must combine a
knowledge of the truth of the whole of the matter in question -- the truth of being or the
good, of justice, or of health -- and a knowledge of the particular situation.
In the Phaedrus, as in the Gorgias, in order to be a true art, a philosophical
rhetoric, rhetoric, like the love it describes, must become an enticing of the auditor
(beloved) to a higher plain; in order to be a true rhetorician, one with techne as his or her
mode of knowing rather than tribe (in order to be "a scientific practitioner of speech"),
you "must know the truth about the subject that you speak or write about; that is to say,
you must be able to isolate it in definition, and having so defined it you must next
understand how to divide it into kinds, until you reach the limit of division; secondly, you
must have a corresponding discernment of the nature of the soul, discover the type of
speech appropriate to each nature, and order and arrange your discourse accordingly,
addressing a variegated soul in a variegated style that ranges over the whole gamut of
tones, and a simple soul in a simple style" (277b-c). We can see here the unity of
rhetoric and dialectic in Plato's conception of proper speech, in philosophical rhetoric.
The speech is based on a knowledge of the subject matter; this is evidently gained by
dialectic; this step is followed, one might quickly conclude, by a rhetorical consideration
of the type of delivery needed. But even this notion of the division between dialectic and
rhetoric in Plato is too simple; they are yet further interrelated. That is, the knowledge
gained of the subject matter is certainly a dialectical apprehension of the "whole" -- or, as
Fish puts it, the "all-embracing unity" -- of the matter at hand; however, this knowledge of
the whole is gained, for Plato, through the rhetorical process of division and definition.

10 of 27
Similarly, the rhetorical knowledge of the appropriate type of speech to be used for each
audience and situation, is based on a dialectical knowledge of the nature of the unity of
the auditor, of his or her "soul."
This bringing forth of the reader-auditor to their proper ends is the "work" (ergon)
achieved by the speech or dialogue. The Greeks often distinguished between what "is"
in "actuality" (en-ergeia: in the work, so to speak) and what exists in the word only
(logos). But in this "proper" mode of speech, in the Platonic dialogue for instance, one
experiences the union of the two categories: the speech can bring forth a virtue, for
instance, in the word but also, by converting the auditor to that virtue, it can bring forth
the virtue in actuality (cf. Sallis 312-455). All of this is to say that logos, for Plato, is not
necessarily radically separated from energeia, dialectic from rhetoric, dialogue from
practical affairs, the forms from particulars, or speech from writing. Rhetoric leads and
entices the soul to a higher knowledge, to a dialectical vision, and dialectic leads us to
the proper knowledge of the soul and the subject-matter of the speech so that the
person in question may be courted rhetorically. Neither mode of presentation is
abandoned. Each is a necessary part of the whole; each is a part of the cycle through
which the soul journeys -- that is, part of the cycles described in the myth of Er (Republic
614b-621d) or in the myth of the charioteer-soul's 10,000 year-long cyclical journey to
and from the divine banquet (Phaedrus 245c-256e). Each is necessary as are both the
revealing and concealing which belong to truth as "un-concealment" (a-letheia) and
which belong to the soul's cyclical process of re-collection or un-forgetting (an-amnesis).
III

The Liminal Space of the Philosopher-Ruler


At this point it is necessary to draw the connection between philosophical

rhetoric, as the unity of the seemingly opposed domains of dialectic and rhetoric, and the
work of the philosopher-ruler, as one who, in the cave allegory, brings together the
previously opposed realms of that which is beyond and of that which is within the cave.

11 of 27
The cave figures forth our existence and our society as we know it; that which is beyond
the cave is that which exceeds the limits of the known and of what is accepted. The
philosopher-ruler brings the two realms into dialogue, while himself existing completely
in neither. Socrates is one who does not normally leave the city; thus, he is presented as
one who dwells in the city exclusively in one sense; however, in another sense, he is one
who transcends the limits of the city in constantly calling into question its standards.
Socrates, like the philosopher-ruler in the cave allegory, both remains in and transcends
the city -- this is the significance of the fact that Socrates is lured outside of the city walls
by Phaedrus' speech (230c-d). The liminal space of the philosopher-ruler, and of
Socrates, is that of philosophy itself -- and of philosophical rhetoric. It is an oscillation
between that which is known and that which is open for question.
For Plato, philosophy is an open questioning, a refusal to take things as they are,
a refusal to decide ahead of time what truth is, a refusal to accept the "already known"
as the ultimate limit of things. Philosophy calls into question the familiar definitions of
things and holds out the possibility of the foreign and the strange. Occupying a central
location in Plato's The Republic is a description of the unfolding of this philosophic
thinking and questioning in terms of a movement along a divided line (509e-511e): from
opinion (doxa) to knowledge (episteme), from illusion (eikasia) and belief (pistis) to
reasoning (dianoia) and dialectic, from images and physical things to forms (eide). After
introducing this conception of philosophic thinking as the movement along a divided line,
Socrates describes the "allegory of the cave." Rather than a transition in the discussion
to the level of pure "dialectic"--a transition that would abandon rhetoric and the realm of
images--rather than a transition to the practice of an imageless knowing, Socrates
provides yet another allegorical figure, another image, "the image of the cave" (Sallis
444). What this peculiar lack of a transition connotes is that, for Plato, philosophic
activity (questioning), occurs in the neutral site of the dialogue, in the speech or word

12 of 27
(logos) which is neither merely images-copies nor the forms (eide) themselves. The
dialogic speech (logos) is philosophic questioning in action and at work (energeia). In the
logos, in language, in the linguistic figure, truth and Being happen.
Philosophic or dialogic questioning, as a transcending of the familiar and
shadowy definitions of things, as a movement or voyage into the bright light of truth and
Being, is dramatically figured forth in the cave allegory. The allegory is a familiar one. We
generally pass by it and think little about it; for us, it is something familiar and "already
known." However, it is necessary to highlight a few of the features of this cave "image,"
features which are pertinent with respect to the discussion of More and Spenser.
Hopefully, after this comparison, the "familiarity" of these features will fade and the cave
image will be able to strike us with some of its intended strangeness.
The cave image presents, first of all, prisoners in a cave. The prisoners see only
the shadows of stick figures cast on the cave wall by firelight (514a-c). The prisoners
think that these shadows are the whole truth (515c); this unquestioning nature of the
prisoners, says Socrates, makes them "like us" (515a). Socrates then raises the
question as to what would happen if the prisoners were "cured" (iasin) of their fixed and
unquestioning relation to the shadows (515c). To be cured, the prisoners must be
dragged out of the cave and into the bright light of the sun. This is a painful process,
likely to be resisted. The prisoners would be completely unaccustomed to this other
space, this heterocosm outside the cave; it would be a foreign territory to them (516a).
Upon returning, the released prisoner, this philosopher-traveller, would think that the
ways of the cave-dwellers are foolish; he would not desire the power and honour that
can be won through the games and dealings of the cave-dwellers. "Will our released
prisoner," Socrates asks, "hanker after these prizes or envy this power or honour? Won't
he be more likely to feel, as Homer says, that he would rather be 'a serf in the house of
some landless man', or indeed anything else in the world, than hold the opinions and live

13 of 27
the life that they do?" (516d).5 In fact, the philosopher-traveller would be so repulsed by
the ways of the cave-dwellers that he or she would not even want to return (517c-d). So,
too, the prisoners who have not been cured will regard the philosopher-traveller with
apprehension; the philosopher will seem foolish to them (517a); they may even be
forced to put the philosopher on trial (517d-e).
One might say that the stick figures and their shadows are fallen representations
of the originals (form/concepts) outside the cave. This would parallel the metaphysical
division noted earlier: that is, between fallen language and the immediacy of truth,
between rhetoric and dialectic, or between images/figures and the meaning or truth
behind them. However, it is not solely a question here of language being a copy of truth,
a copy to be abandoned once the original has been obtained. Language, like the realm
of the cave in the allegory, is a necessary element of the articulated whole of existence.
The Good, for Plato, is the oneness of all things; it is what lets the forms (eide) be what
they are (cf. Republic 508e-509b). Things appear as multiple in the world of becoming:
as various shadows or perspectives. Things appear as what they are and are not. In
apprehending the form of a thing, through dialectic, the oneness of the thing shows forth.
The Good, the One, is the source of the oneness of the forms. The dialectician, the
"good-physician," in apprehending the Good, does not abandon the realm of the copy, of
the cave; rather, he or she comes to a fuller understanding of how each category of
things -- from images, to physical things, to the forms themselves -- belongs within its
proper place within the whole of existence. To apprehend the One is to realize that there
is no outside the One -- or else one would apprehend multiplicity. In seeing the unity of
the state (justice), for instance, the true ruler sees each element in its necessary and
proper place: from labourer to guardian or ruler. Similarly, in seeing the unity or the
"good" of the body (health), the physician sees each element of the body in its
necessary or proper place: from feet to head. In apprehending this unity, one does not

14 of 27
see an element of the state, of the body, or of existence in general as a mere
supplement, as expendable, or as something to be abandoned. The philosopher-ruler
does, after all, return to the cave.
IV

The Neutral Space of Pastoral


In his analysis of Thomas More's Utopia, Louis Marin identifies the existence of a

"utopic" mode of discourse.6 For Marin, utopic discourse delineates a "neutral space."
For instance, More's Utopia is neither the New World nor the Old World although it
figures forth both. The voyage to Utopia is "a movement from the same to the other"
wherein the neutral term (Utopia) "is no longer one and not yet the other" (14). It is an
"other" in its strange differences from European rituals and practices; however, it is also
a "sameness" in the fact that it is patterned, in some ways, on Europe -- its dimensions
and shape are roughly similar to those of England; also, the Utopians think in a way
receptive to Christianity. Utopic discourse also describes a "neutral time"; Utopia figures
forth timelessness in that it does not really know change (Marin xxiv); but it also figures
forth time in that events do occur in Utopia -- including its founding by Utopus, its
discovery by Hythloday, and its various external conflicts in between. Here, utopic time is
a "neutral" time; it is the timeless as it exists in the cyclical rituals of society and patterns
of nature, as it exists in time. Utopic discourse itself is also a "neutral" device in that it is
between the concept (or Platonic form) and the mere physical thing. Utopia is not a
"real" physical entity; nor is it, however, a conceptually constructed generality, a "best"
constitution, which can be applied to every situation. In this way, Marin asserts that
utopic discourse is "not a discourse of the concept. It is a discourse of figure: a particular
figurative mode of discourse" (8). I want to extend this notion of the "neutral" and its
"utopic discourse" to include the discussion of the "liminal" space of the philosopher-ruler
and his philosophical rhetoric above as well as to include the pastoral discourse of the
poet, Immerit. The space of pastoral, such as that of Spenser's The Shepheardes

15 of 27
Calendar, is a neutral space, between nature and civility, and a neutral time (the eternal
within the timely cycles of nature). The pastoral landscape is also a space that has been
connected, throughout its tradition, with notions of poetic creation. In this way, it is a
"neutral" device as well; it is, or at least figures forth, figuration itself; it is the figure as
"lively image" (enargeia) -- that important rhetorical device for the Renaissance following
Quintillian. The poetic figure, or lively image -- and pastoral is a prime example -- brings
forth philosophical truths and generalities within a particular historical situation. However,
according to Sidney's definition of poetry, for instance, the poetic figure is not limited to
either the realm of the philosophical or that of the historical.
Sidney refers to Spenser only once in his Defence of Poesie, and not by name.
In one of the most famous of Elizabethan back-handed compliments, Sidney declares
that The Shepheardes Calendar is a notable example of poetry, yet he tempers this by
saying that the poem's rustic language should not be followed: "The Sheepheards
Kalender, hath much Poetrie in his Egloges, indeed woorthie the reading, if I be not
deceived. That same framing of his style to an olde rusticke language, I dare not allow:
since neither Theocritus in Greeke, Virgill in Latine, nor Sanazara in Italian, did affect it"
(37). It should not surprise us that Sidney deems the work essentially poetic, and lauds
its poetic nature, while at the same time disparaging that aspect of Spenser's writing that
modern thinking about "literature" deems most central to poetry: style. What is at stake
for Sidney here is his definition of poiesis as a mimesis -- as a "figuring forth to speake
Metaphorically" (9) -- and not as a mere "ryming and versing" (10). Sidney calls poetry
the bringing forth of the proper order of things (the ought, the ideal) within the figure or
the feigned image. "What Sidney has in mind as 'poetry' in Spenser's poem," S.K.
Heninger Jr. points out, "are the monologues and dialogues reported as direct speech,
which in accord with his rhetorical training he would have dubbed prosopopoeias" (308).
For Sidney, the fables that act as speaking pictures, as lively and vivid showings

16 of 27
(enargeia), such as Thenot's tale of the Oak and the Brier in "February," are also poetry.
In the Argument of the "February" eclogue, E.K. asserts that "the olde man telleth so
lively and so feelingly, as if the thing were set forth in some Picture before our eyes,
more plainly could not appeare." Conversely, what would not count as poetry is what
merely repeats a historical world. In "June," for example, Hobbinol advises Colin Clout to
"Forsake the soyle, that so doth thee bewitch" (line 18). E.K. in his gloss points out that
"This is no poetical fiction, but unfeynedly spoken of the Poete selfe" (cf. Heninger 1989,
565n4). Thus, the rustic language does not advance the poetic figuring forth (the fiction),
according to Sidney, nor does it accord with the pastoral tradition: Theocritus, Virgil, and
Sannazzaro.
The language of The Shepheardes Calender, in this way, is strange and foreign
to the tradition. The strange language of the poem takes it away from the familiar and
present and removes it to another domain: that of a "mistie" past that withdraws into
secrecy. Perhaps Sidney is unconscious of the fact that the bringing of the strange into
the familiar (within the neutral site of the figure) is poetic -- both according to E.K. and
according to Sidney's own definition of poetry. The fact that Spenser's poem is a
dialogue with a strange and "mistie" past is the reason for which Sidney's reference to
The Shepheardes Calender occurs along with a reference to Chaucer's Troilus and
Criseyde -- within the context of his discussion of the arts and skills that need to attend
the potentially fertile ground of an English poet: "Chawcer undoubtedly did excellently in
his Troilus and Criseid: of whome trulie I knowe not whether to mervaile more, either that
hee in that mistie time could see so clearly, or that wee in this cleare age, goe so
stumblingly after him" (37). In withdrawing into a "mistie" past, the poem also becomes
associated with a "golden" realm as opposed to the "brazen" or familiar world. The
heterocosm that is the past, in Sidney's Defence, is the world in which poetry is
respected by diverse societies, in which poetry, in fact, founds social relations. In this

17 of 27
poetically constituted past, poetry was in "almost the highest estimation of learning";
since then it has "falne to be the laughing stocke of children" (4).
The Shepheardes Calender, in this way, becomes doubly poetic within Sidney's
formulations: (1) it is a figuring forth of fictions (dialogues and fables) which accord with
a manifest tradition; and (2) its language operates within a concealed or "mistie" tradition
that links it to the past as golden-poetic-world (heterocosm). It is for this reason that
E.K., in his Dedicatory "Epistle" to "Mayster Gabriell Harvey," like Sidney, thinks of the
work of "Immerit" (Spenser, "this our new poet") and that of Chaucer in the same
breath: "Uncouthe unkiste, Sayde the olde famous Poete Chaucer....as in that good old
Poete it served well Pandares purpose, for the bolstering of his baudy brocage, so very
well taketh place in this our new Poete, who for that he is uncouthe (as said Chaucer) is
unkist, and unknown to most men, is regarded but of few" (1-13). That is, it is the
strangeness of the poem's language that allows E.K. to bring together the great Chaucer
and one who would appear to be "undeserving" (Immerit). E.K. points out that
Immerit's language, the "framing" of his words, will be that which seems the
"straungest" to readers: "framing his words: the which of many thinges which in him be
straunge, I know will seeme the straungest, the words them selves being so auncient,
the knitting of them so short and intricate, and the whole Periode and compasse of
speache so delightsome for the roundnesse, and so grave for the straungenesse" (lines
23-29). Immerit's language is "straunge," E.K. says, and by most people "unused";
however, it is a foreignness within the essential identity of the readers themselves: first, it
is the English language; secondly, it is a rustic language used by many poets: "And firste
of the wordes to speake, I graunt they be something hard, and of most men unused, yet
both English, and also used of most excellent Authors and most famous Poetes" (29-32).
If this language is "straunge" and foreign, although (as English) essential to our identity,
the encounter with this language, to which most people are unaccustomed, occurs in the

18 of 27
form of a travel beyond the realm of the familiar and already known. This is a travel out
of the shadowy realm of the unquestioned acceptance of the "already known" and into
the bright light of the sun, of truth and Being: "In whom whenas this our Poet hath bene
much traveiled and throughly redd, how could it be, (as that worthy Oratour sayde) but
that walking in the sonne although for other cause he walked, yet needes he mought be
sunburnt" [my emphasis] (32-36). The poet travels into the realm of the strange, into the
bright light of truth. The poet returns in order to educate the reader. To the reader, to
"most people," the poet-traveller will seem foolish and strange. The poet-traveller, having
become accustomed to the bright light of truth, will stumble in the more mundane setting
of the everyday world. More properly, we should say that the poet has become
accustomed to the sounds of language, the strange sounds of the past, to the "mistie"
tradition; the poet, for this reason, does not have an ear (or pen) for the mundane and
familiar words of the everyday world; the poet does not have an ear for unthoughtful
words, for the "already said" and "already known": "and having the sound of those
auncient Poetes still ringing in his eares, he mought needes in singing hit out some of
theyr tunes" (36-38). Although they seem foolish to many, E.K. asserts that the strange
words of Immerit the poet-traveller have an authority, a truth value: "sure I think, and
think I think not amisse, that they bring great grace and, as one would say, auctoritie to
the verse" (44-46).
For E.K., in short, Immerit's archaic language is a matter of listening to the call
of language, to that which shows itself out of its concealed and "mistie" past. Immerit
(Spenser) responds to the tradition in this way, through the language used by the "most
famous Poetes." The poet, E.K. says, "hath bene much traveiled" in the texts of the past.
Here, where the historic text arises as a foreign territory, the poet arises as a voyager or
traveller. Immerit, the undeserving one, writing and travelling in the "base" terrain of
rustic language and pastoral form, has his poem "glossed" by E.K. -- suggesting that the

19 of 27
poem is akin to a classical text of some importance. 7 This ambiguity of a seemingly wise
poet-traveller who should be attended, "if [we] be not deceived," and who is yet
associated with a certain folly through his name, recalls the figure of Raphael
Hythlodaeus in More's Utopia.
V

Hythloday's Liminal Position


Immerit is described as being "sunburnt" (36) from travelling in the "sonne" of

the poets of the past. Similarly, in first describing Hythloday, More mentions his
"sunburned face": "One day after I had heard Mass at Notre Dame, the most beautiful
and most popular church in Antwerp, I was about to return to my quarters when I
happened to see [Peter Giles] talking with a stranger, a man of quite advanced years.
The stranger had a sunburned face, a long beard and a cloak hanging loosely from his
shoulders; from his face and dress, I took him to be a ship's captain" (9). And just as
Immerit's travels have been in the sun of knowledge, so too Hythloday's travels have
been primarily textual. Upon the meeting of the characters of More and Hythloday, Peter
Giles insists that "there is no man alive today can tell you so much about strange
peoples and unexplored lands" [my emphasis] (9); and when More asserts that he had
correctly guessed the nature of this stranger -- "my guess wasn't a bad one, for at first
glance I supposed he was a skipper" (10) -- Peter retorts that More is "off the mark ... for
his sailing has not been like that of Palinurus, but more that of Ulysses, or rather of
Plato. This man, who is named Raphael -- his family name is Hythloday -- knows a good
deal of Latin and is particularly learned in Greek. He studied Greek more than Latin
because his main interest is philosophy, and in that field he found that the Romans have
left us nothing very valuable except certain works of Seneca and Cicero" [my emphasis]
(10).8 That is, Hythloday's travel has been in and through language, through the classical
texts of the tradition; and Hythloday's travel has been Platonic: a movement from the

20 of 27
unquestioning relation to shadowy things to a receptivity to the things themselves in their
brilliant and strange possibilities.
One of the central problems surrounding the ambiguity of Hythloday's character-is he a wise healer (Raphael) or merely a foolish "nonsense peddlar" (Hythlodaeus)?-has to do with his decision not to counsel kings. The dialogue on the counsel of kings
takes up the majority of Book I of the Utopia (13-41),9 thus providing one of the central
concerns of the work as a whole. Peter Giles first suggests that Raphael should advise
some leader: "I'm surprised that you don't enter some king's service; for I don't know of a
single prince who wouldn't be glad to have you. Your learning and your knowledge of
various countries and men would entertain him while your advice and supply of
examples would be helpful at the counsel board" (13). Hythloday has travelled beyond
the sphere of the familiar, beyond the shadows of the cave, into the bright realm of
knowledge and the strange; he has a sunburned face from this exposure to things as
they are. More and Giles thus insist that Hythloday undertake what is proper for the
philosopher-poet-traveller: return and dispense his cargo of wisdom, return and draw
others out (e-duco) into this light. As More points out to Raphael: "Your friend Plato
thinks that commonwealths will be happy only when philosophers become kings or kings
become philosophers" (28) (cf. The Republic V.473c-d; Epistles VII.326a-b). Hythloday,
of course, refuses to do so. He insists that society cannot be improved unless people are
willing to give up private property and interest -- and in this, Hythloday insists, he is
following Plato (38-9). Since no one in contemporary European society is willing to give
up private interest, Hythloday's advice will be scoffed at as the advice of a fool or
madman. Of course, this is the same reason that Plato gives for the existence of a
prejudice against philosophers in all societies. The philosopher, whose eyes are
accustomed to the lighting of truth and Being, operates in current societies as one in a
dark cave: "And if he had to discriminate between the shadows, in competition with the

21 of 27
other prisoners, while he was still blinded and before his eyes got used to the
darkness ... wouldn't he be likely to make a fool of himself?" (The Republic 516e-17a).10
More suggests that Hythloday be willing to temper his advice, that he suit his
advice to the occasion, that Hythloday compromise some principles in an effort to
persuade the ruler and his councillors in other areas (cf. 35). More is suggesting a
Ciceronian approach to counsel relying on persuasion or rhetoric (cf. Orator XXII.74 and
On Moral Obligation I.xxvii-xlii). This position is presented in healthy tension with that of
Hythloday: a Platonic approach to counsel relying on the truths of dialectic. The only
result of a Ciceronian rhetorical compromise, says Hythloday, "will be that while I try to
cure others of madness, I'll be raving along with them myself. If I'm to speak the truth, I
will have to talk in the way I've described" (36). But what is the nature of Hythloday's
preferred mode of philosophical speaking? How does he suggest that philosophers, in
the past, have counselled kings? It should not surprise us that Raphael sees the
philosophical counsel, the healing or curing of others' madness, in terms of a presenting
of a strange text, a text that, in its misty-foreignness, is seldom heeded. Raphael says
that philosophers are glad to assist rulers; "in fact, many have already done it in
published books, if the rulers were only willing to take their good advice" (28). We see
here, then, the tension of rhetoric and dialectic brought together within the form of More's
work, Utopia. Dialectical truth is brought forth within the rhetorical figure of the text. The
humanist letters that frame the text proper remind us that this is nominally More's
transcription of Hythloday's advice, that this is one of the "published books" in which,
Hythloday insists, philosophers counsel and educate those still in the dark.
VI

The Aesthetic of the Good Physician-Traveller


It is time to return to The Shepheardes Calender at this point, keeping in mind

that Immerit echoes Hythloday as a philosopher-poet-traveller. The philosopher-rulers'


beholding of the sun, or the Good, dazzles their eyes. With the overpowering brightness

22 of 27
of truth flashing in their eyes, their perceptions within the cave are altered. The
"sunburnt" Immerit, interestingly, basks in the glow of the language of the famous
poets. The sound of this language, that which shines forth and manifests itself within this
language, rings in his ears as he composes his particular poetic composition. In
returning to the cave in order to cure the reader, Immerit, "having the sound of those
auncient Poetes still ringing in his eares" (36-7), speaks in a "straunge" manner. On the
one hand, this strangeness can be perceived as a babbling, as a rustic foolishness. It is
for this reason that Immerit's rustic language is "put on trial," so to speak, by Sidney.
On the other hand, this strange language can also be perceived as a receptivity to an
occult power, a receptivity to a more primordial truth, to the bright light of truth outside
the familiar schemata of the cave. It is the strangeness of the philosopher-ruler as
perceived by those within the cave. Both figures are "strange" in that they occupy a
"liminal" position neither wholly within nor wholly outside of the familiar limits of the here
and now. But this strangeness also marks their discourse as enlightening and
authoritative for those still limited by the realm of the familiar. According to E.K.,
Immerit's heeding of the "mistie" past through its language brings "great grace and ...
auctoritie to the verse" (45-6). In this way, the "author" is not Immerit as a sort of human
"manufacturer" of the poem; rather, the "author" ("auctoritie") of the verse is what arises
out of the realm of the strange, out of another time or place.
Insofar as he or she "heals" (iasin) those in the cave, by releasing them from
their bound and unquestioning relation to the shadows, the philosopher-poet-traveller is
also a physician. The art of the physician lies in bringing forth the natural, self-emerging
order and health of the body. That is to say, the doctor does not "make," in the sense of
manufacture, the health of the body; rather, the doctor brings health forth as it selfemerges. So, too, the philosopher-poet-physician brings forth the self-emerging order
and truth of language. This is the type of physician's art which E.K. praises in Immerit:

23 of 27
"for in my opinion it is one special prayse, of many whych are dew to this Poete, that he
hath laboured to restore, as to theyr rightful heritage such good and naturall English
words, as have ben long time out of use and almost cleare disherited. Which is the onely
cause, that our Mother tonge, which truely of it self is both ful enough for prose and
stately enough for verse, hath long time ben counted most bare and barrein of both" (8390). Others, according to E.K., have tried to manufacture or effect a cure unnaturally:
"which default when as some endevoured to salve and recure, they patched up the holes
with peces and rags of other languages, borrowing here of the french, there of the
Italian, every where of the Latine, not weighing how il, those tongues accorde with
themselves, but much worse with ours: So now they have made our English tongue a
gallimaufray or hodgepodge of al other speches" [my emphasis] (90-97).
Immerit the poet-traveller-physician heeds and brings forth the natural order of
things in language, the self-emergence of truth as the strange in language. Immerit
responds to the original meanings of things veiled in words; thus, he is responsive to the
lethe necessary to truth as it is sent in language and brings this forth in the rhetorical
figures of the work. For this reason, E.K. refers to "that worthy Oratour" (34), Cicero,
when it comes to this issue of responding to what is primal in language: "Tullie in that
booke, wherein he endevoureth to set forth the paterne of a perfect Oratour, sayth that
ofttimes an auncient worde maketh the style seeme grave, and as it were reverend" (569). Responding to the essential, to truth, and setting it forth in the figure is what Cicero
deems to be "the paterne of a perfect Oratour." The reader is urged to regard this
process as similar to what makes, for E.K., the "perfecte paterne of a Poete" ("October,"
Argument), as set forth in Cuddie, Colin, and ultimately Immerit/Spenser.
We might say, then, that this aesthetic of Raphael and Immerit as philosopherpoet-traveller-physicians, which, perhaps, marks the Renaissance experience of the
poetic more generally, operates conversely to the "aesthetic of the good physician" as

24 of 27
delineated by Fish. For Fish, one attains dialectical truth, and brings the reader to this
truth, by kicking away the rhetorical ladder of the text that got them there, by leaving
behind language and its figures and images in the transition to the other side of the
divided line. I am suggesting, on the other hand, that in Plato's cave allegory, in More's
description of philosophical counsel, and in the poetics of Spenser (as E.K./Immerit),
philosophical truth arises only within the "neutral" site of the rhetorical figure as
grounded in dialectical knowledge; truth happens only in the "liminal" site of language
(logos) as grounded in the strange (in lethe) which exceeds language. I am suggesting
that in all three figures (the philosopher-ruler, Immerit, and Hythloday) we see that they
are "good physicians" (as well as good philosopher-rulers and good poets) in that they
have travelled into the realm of the strange and have returned; the space of the voyage
is that of a neutral or liminal space: neither here nor there, neither solely dialectical nor
solely rhetorical.

25 of 27
Notes

On Christ as physician, and for a summary of literary references to this trope, see Brumble.

This point has been argued by those within a particular branch of the hermeneutic tradition: from
Heidegger to Gadamer to Sallis to Derrida.

Heidegger makes the point that logos, from legein means to bring together into a unity and to
bring forth this unity as gathered, i.e., above all as becoming present; thus it means the same as to
reveal what was formerly hidden, to let it be manifest in its becoming present (1976, 252). On
legein as to gather, or to collect, see also Heidegger 1959, 123-35, 164-96 and 1984, 59-78.

For a deconstruction of the metaphysics of presence in Plato and an uncovering of the


conceptual necessity of the pharmakon or of the khra (as arche-diffrance) in the Platonic text,
see Derridas Platos Pharmacy (1981, 63-171) and Khra; for a Heideggerian deconstruction of
Platos allegory of the cave, revealing an underlying experience of truth based on aletheia (unconcealment) as opposed to presence, see Heidegger 1962.

This Homeric reference is to Achilles assertion that he would rather be a serf in the world than the
ruler of the underworld (Odyssey XI.489). For another comparison of the cave to Hades, to the
realm of concealment (Lethe), see Republic 521c: Then would you like us to consider how men of
this kind are to be produced, and how they are to be led up to the light, like the men in stories who
are said to have risen from the underworld to heaven?

For Marin, however, utopic discourse is historically and materially situated in the capitalist epoch; I
would like to extend this thesis from a historical-materialist one to a more broadly philosophical
one. That is, Plato, in the form of the neutral space of the dialogue, for instance, also utilized what
Marin calls utopic discourse.

E.K. refers to his own glossing as seeming straunge and rare in our tongue (my emphasis) (181).

For this reason, the lessons and examples Hythloday gives are presented as classical texts. For
instance, the Utopia Hythloday has discovered and presents to More and Giles which is in turn
presented by More in the text Utopia is glossed, presumably by the historical Giles, as something
past: that is, where Hythloday reports that the cities do not want to expand needlessly their
borders, Giles has as a gloss, But today this is the curse of all countries [my emphasis] (44). This
is only one of many such examples.

In fact, Book II, Hythlodays description of Utopia, can be seen as Hythlodays final argument
against counselling kings: that is, societies are not willing to make the radical changes necessary,
most fundamentally, the switch to communal ownership, without which no society will improve (cf.
37-41): When I consider all these things, I become more sympathetic to Plato, and wonder the
less that he refused to make laws for any people who would not share their goods equally. Wisest
of men, he saw easily that the one and only path to the welfare of all lies through equality of
possessions (38-9).

On the foolish appearance of the philosopher in the realm of the court, see Theaetetus 172c: And
it strikes me now, as often before, how natural it is that men who have spent much time in
philosophical studies should look ridiculous when they appear as speakers in a court of law; see 173c
(on court and theatre as scoffing philosophy), and see Gorgias 484d-e:
For if a man is exceptionally gifted and yet pursues philosophy far on in life, he must prove
entirely unacquainted with all the accomplishments requisite for a gentleman and a man of
distinction. Such men know nothing of the laws in their cities, or of the language they should
use in their business associations both public and private with other men, or of human
10

pleasures and appetites, and in a word they are completely without experience of mens
characters. And so when they enter upon any activity public or private they appear ridiculous,
just as public men, I suppose, appear ridiculous when they take part in your discussions and
arguments.

You might also like