FrameNet: A Knowledge Base for Natural Language

Processing
Collin F. Baker
International Computer Science Institute
Berkeley, California 94704 U.S.A.
[email protected]

Session in Honor of Charles J. Fillmore

ACL, Baltimore, 2014.06.27

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Part I
Introduction

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Introduction

Chuck Fillmore and FrameNet

Prof. Charles J. Fillmore had a life-long interest in lexical

semantics
This culminated in the latter part of his life in the FrameNet
research project at the International Computer Science Institute.
This talk will cover
I
I
I
I
I

the origins of FrameNet,

relation to case grammar, frame semantics, construction grammar
NLP applications of FrameNet and
current directions of growth, including
FrameNets in languages other than English.

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From Case Grammar to Frame Semantics

Case Grammar
Fillmore (1968) showed how a limited number of case roles could
provide elegant explanations of such diverse phenomena as
I

morphological case marking:

F
F
F

nominative-accusative vs.
nominative-ergative vs.
active-stative

and anaphoric processes such as Japanese subject drop.

Clarified distinction between case forms and case uses, case with
and without prepositionsdeep vs. surface. E.g. Locative requires
a prep, which adds semantics (with some exceptions!)
Lexical entries for Vs carry case frames
Lexical entries for Ns have features that determine how they fit
into case frames

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From Case Grammar to Frame Semantics

Trending then

Case grammar was roughly contemporary with the development

of the Extended Standard Theory of Generative Grammar
(Chomsky 1965) and

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From Case Grammar to Frame Semantics

Trending then

Case grammar was roughly contemporary with the development

of the Extended Standard Theory of Generative Grammar
(Chomsky 1965) and
Generative Semantics, as developed by George Lakoff, Haj Ross,
and James McCawley, which shared with Case Grammar. . .

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From Case Grammar to Frame Semantics

Trending then

Case grammar was roughly contemporary with the development

of the Extended Standard Theory of Generative Grammar
(Chomsky 1965) and
Generative Semantics, as developed by George Lakoff, Haj Ross,
and James McCawley, which shared with Case Grammar. . .
. . . a plan to present almost everything that had to do with
meaning in a single initial level of representation and to take care
of everything else, such as surface form and grammatically related
paraphrasings, by means of a generous variety of transformations:
including movement, reattachment, deletion, substitution, copying,
lexical insertion, and magic. (Fillmore et al. 2003:vii)

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From Case Grammar to Frame Semantics

Towards a Modern Theory of Case (1969a)

S Mod Aux Prop

Obj, Dat, Loc, . . . NP
NP P (Det) (S) N
Prop V Obj (Dat) (Ag)
Prop V Obj Loc (Dat) (Ag)
...
Features: Objective, Instrumental, Dative, Locative, Comitative,
Agentive

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From Case Grammar to Frame Semantics

Types of Lexical Information (1969b)

. . . rob and steal conceptually require three arguments. . . the

CULPRIT , the LOSER and the LOOT
But the next section says: It seems to me, however, that this sort
of detail is unnecessary, and that what we need are abstractions
from these specific role descriptions, abstractions which will allow
us to recognize that certain elementary role notions recur in many
situations, . . . Thus we can identify the CULPRIT of rob and the
CRITIC of criticize with the more abstract role of AGENT . . . in
general . . . the roles that [predicates] arguments play are taken
from an inventory of role types fixed by grammatical theory.

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From Case Grammar to Frame Semantics

Case for Case Reopened (1977a)

Meanings are relativized to scenes

[A]s I have conceived them, the repertory of cases is NOT
identical to the full set of notions that would be needed to make an
analysis of any state or event. . .
One of the cases I proposed was the agent, identifying the role of
an active participant in some event; yet EVENTS are not restricted
in the number of active participants they can have.
Commercial transaction
Transitive/comitative, spray, load, fill

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Part II
Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

On the term frame

The concept of frames became part of the academic zeitgeist of
the 1960s and 70s.
Roger Schank was using the term script to talk about situations
like eating in a restaurant (Schank & Abelson 1977)
and the term frame was being used in a more-or-less similar
sense by Marvin Minsky 1974, and Eugene Charniak 1977.
Erving Goffman used the term in discourse analysis 1974.
This tradition has been carried forward and popularized in
Deborah Tannens books, and
George Lakoffs recent writings on the framing of political
discourse.
NOT equivalent to syntactic frame as used in CL
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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

"Scenes-and-frames Semantics (1977b)

I intend to use the word scene a word I am not completely happy

with in a maximally general sense, so include not only visual scenes,
but familiar kinds of interpersonal transactions, standard scenarios,
familiar layouts, institutional structures, enactive experiences, body
image, and in general, any kind of coherent segment, large or small, of
human beliefs, actions, experiences, or imaginings.

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Representing Semantic Frames in FrameNet

Frame: Semantic frames are schematic representations of
situations involving various participants, props, and other
conceptual roles, each of which is called a frame element (FE)

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Representing Semantic Frames in FrameNet

Frame: Semantic frames are schematic representations of
situations involving various participants, props, and other
conceptual roles, each of which is called a frame element (FE)
These include events, states, relations and entities.

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Representing Semantic Frames in FrameNet

Frame: Semantic frames are schematic representations of
situations involving various participants, props, and other
conceptual roles, each of which is called a frame element (FE)
These include events, states, relations and entities.
What in earlier work on Frame Semantics were called scenes
and scenarios are all represented in FrameNet by one data type,
the frame. (But the names of some of the complex event frames
end with scenario.)

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Representing Semantic Frames in FrameNet

Frame: Semantic frames are schematic representations of
situations involving various participants, props, and other
conceptual roles, each of which is called a frame element (FE)
These include events, states, relations and entities.
What in earlier work on Frame Semantics were called scenes
and scenarios are all represented in FrameNet by one data type,
the frame. (But the names of some of the complex event frames
end with scenario.)
Frames are connected to each other via frame-to-frame relations.

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Representing Semantic Frames in FrameNet

Frame: Semantic frames are schematic representations of
situations involving various participants, props, and other
conceptual roles, each of which is called a frame element (FE)
These include events, states, relations and entities.
What in earlier work on Frame Semantics were called scenes
and scenarios are all represented in FrameNet by one data type,
the frame. (But the names of some of the complex event frames
end with scenario.)
Frames are connected to each other via frame-to-frame relations.
A crucial decision: FEs are not inherited automatically in FN FE
inheritance links must be made explicitly, along with
frame-to-frame relations.

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Putting together a frame for revenge

Verbs: avenge, revenge, retaliate, get back, get even, pay back
Nouns: revenge, vengeance, reprisal, retaliation
Adjectives: vengeful, vindictive

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Results of simple corpus search

Fabio paid back the money that he owed to his grandfather.

Victoria retaliated against her boss for being dismissed by leaving
with the keys.
Mariana got even more gifts than she expected for her birthday.

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Thinking about roles

Victoria retaliated against her boss for being dismissed by leaving with
the keys.
someone who was harmed
the harm done
someone who did the harming
someone who did something in turn (often the same person)
something done in turn

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Coming up with names for FEs

Victoria retaliated against her boss for being dismissed by leaving with
the keys.
Injured party: someone who was harmed
Injury: the harm done
Offender: someone who did the harming
Avenger: someone who did something in turn (maybe the same
person)
Punishment: something done in turn

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Formal definition of Revenge frame

An AVENGER inflicts a P UNISHMENT on an O FFENDER as a

consequence of an earlier action by the O FFENDER, the I NJURY. The
AVENGER need not be the same as the I NJURED _PARTY who suffered
the I NJURY, but the AVENGER must share the judgment that the
O FFENDER S action was wrong. The judgment that the O FFENDER had
inflicted an I NJURY is made without regard to the law.

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Sample annotation

[Victoria AVENGER ] RETALIATED [against her boss O FFENDER ] [for being

dismissed I NJURY ] [by leaving with the office keys P UNISHMENT ].

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Smple annotation set with GF and PT

[Victoria AVENGER /E XT /NP ] RETALIATED [against her boss

O FFENDER /DEP/PP ] [for being dismissed I NJURY /DEP/PP ING ] [by leaving with
the office keys P UNISHMENT /DEP/PPing].
This annotation is all in one annotation set. Each annotation set
contains 8 layers, although for a given sentence, many may not
contain labels. Each sentence in the FN database should have
POS labels, even if it has no manual annotation.

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Core vs. non-core Frame Elements in the Revenge

frame

In the Revenge frame, all of the FEs discussed so far are core
FEs: O FFENDER , I NJURED _ PARTY, I NJURY, AVENGER, and
P UNISHMENT
But there are also available for annotation a number of non-core
FEs, such as T IME , P LACE , P URPOSE , R ESULT, I NSTRUMENT. All
of these specify more information about the revenge-taking event.

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Core vs. non-core Frame Elements in General

Core FEs are intrinsic to the definition of the frame, tend to

occupy core syntactic positions, e.g.: Apply_heat.Cook

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Core vs. non-core Frame Elements in General

Core FEs are intrinsic to the definition of the frame, tend to

occupy core syntactic positions, e.g.: Apply_heat.Cook
Non-core FEs are largely the same across frames. (Exceptions,
e.g. Location in Residence frame)

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Core vs. non-core Frame Elements in General

Core FEs are intrinsic to the definition of the frame, tend to

occupy core syntactic positions, e.g.: Apply_heat.Cook
Non-core FEs are largely the same across frames. (Exceptions,
e.g. Location in Residence frame)
Requires & Excludes relations among FEs, e.g. Paticipant1,
Participant2 Participants

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Core vs. non-core Frame Elements in General

Core FEs are intrinsic to the definition of the frame, tend to

occupy core syntactic positions, e.g.: Apply_heat.Cook
Non-core FEs are largely the same across frames. (Exceptions,
e.g. Location in Residence frame)
Requires & Excludes relations among FEs, e.g. Paticipant1,
Participant2 Participants
Coreset represents pragmatic facts about distribution of
FEswhat is the cooperative amount of information?

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Core vs. non-core Frame Elements in General

Core FEs are intrinsic to the definition of the frame, tend to

occupy core syntactic positions, e.g.: Apply_heat.Cook
Non-core FEs are largely the same across frames. (Exceptions,
e.g. Location in Residence frame)
Requires & Excludes relations among FEs, e.g. Paticipant1,
Participant2 Participants
Coreset represents pragmatic facts about distribution of
FEswhat is the cooperative amount of information?
Extra-thematic FEs are really in other frames, facilitate
annotation.

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

FrameNet started with Lexicographic Annotation

Method:
Choose a wide variety of semantic domains (Motion,
Communication, Emotion, Movement, Health, etc.) and see what
kinds of frames would be needed to cover them.
Rather than proceeding word by word, finding all meanings,
proceed meaning by meaning (frame by frame), finding what LUs
are in frame, what FEs are needed
Combine intuitions about what constitutes a conceptual gestalt
with corpus search for patterns of usage
Document all syntactic/semantic patterns by annotating a few
example sentences of each from a corpus
Present results in both human- and machine-readable form

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Full-text annotation

Roughly 1/4 of all annotation in DB is full-text.

Make one pass through text, using all existing LUs.
Then create new LUs in existing frames (quick) or new frames
(time-consuming)
Currently skipping named entities, most prepositions

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Current Status of Project

Frames
Lexical frames
Lexical Units
LUs / lexical frame
FEs / lexical frame
Frame relations
LUs with full annotation
Annotation sets

1179
1048
12,761
12.2
9.7
1,752
8,186 (64%)
195,697

Table: Current Status of FrameNet Database

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Null Instantiation
When core FEs do not appear in the sentence, this is called null
instantiation (Fillmore 1986), which falls into three categories:
Definite null instantiation (DNI) The omitted FE is definite in the
context: e.g.We won! Ill pay. The hearer knows which
one is intended.

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Null Instantiation
When core FEs do not appear in the sentence, this is called null
instantiation (Fillmore 1986), which falls into three categories:
Definite null instantiation (DNI) The omitted FE is definite in the
context: e.g.We won! Ill pay. The hearer knows which
one is intended.
Indefinite null instantiation (INI) The omitted FE does not need to be
specified in the context; the communication does not
require the hearer to know exactly what has been omitted,
e.g. Ive already eaten. I read all afternoon.

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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Null Instantiation
When core FEs do not appear in the sentence, this is called null
instantiation (Fillmore 1986), which falls into three categories:
Definite null instantiation (DNI) The omitted FE is definite in the
context: e.g.We won! Ill pay. The hearer knows which
one is intended.
Indefinite null instantiation (INI) The omitted FE does not need to be
specified in the context; the communication does not
require the hearer to know exactly what has been omitted,
e.g. Ive already eaten. I read all afternoon.
Constructional null instantiation (CNI) The FE is allowed to be omitted
due to a grammatical construction, e.g. imperatives omit
their subjects (Peel me a grape), recipes (containing
imperatives) often omit both subject and object: Simmer
until transparent, then drain thoroughly.
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Frames, Scenes, and Frame Semantics

Uses of Null Instatiation

Marking NIs allows more regular generalizations about argument

structure of predicators and the FE set of frames.
NIs also mark sites where NLP systems need to try to recover
information from context, much like pronouns.

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Frame-frame relations

Frame-frame relations

Inheritance

704

Perspective_on

107

Using

548

Baker (ICSI)

All parent FEs have corresponding

child FEs, child is subtype of parent
Child is a subtype of parent, from
the point of view of one of the participants
Child is not subtype of parent, but
some FEs correspond to parent
FEs; parent provides conceptual
background

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Frame-frame relations

Subframe

123

Precedes

82

Causative_of

55

Inchoative_of

16

(See_also

52

Baker (ICSI)

Child is a subevent of a complex

event,
temporal
relation
between
subevents (subframes) of a complex event
Most with names like Cause to X;
causative adds Agent FE, so must
be treated as a separate frame
Many with names like Become X,
the related frame can be either an
event or state
Frames that might be confused; no
inferences to be drawn.)

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Frame-frame relations

Event structure and lexicalization

The FN event frames presuppose a basic event structure:

Pre-state, Transition, Post-state.
Typically, only the change itself is lexicalized; there may or may
not be any words for the pre- and post-states. (exceptions: widow,
candidate, corpse, trainee)

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Frame-frame relations

Crime_scenario

Committing_crime

8 children
total

Criminal_investigation

Arrest

Notification_of_charges

Criminal_process

Arraignment

Entering_of_plea

Trial

Sentencing

Bail_setting

Figure: Frame representation of Criminal Process scenario

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Frame-frame relations

General Structure of the Lattice of Frames

Top
Inherit only Extended relations
Event
300
693
Relation
28
69
State
49
184
Entity
49
178
Locale
17
23
Process
5
51
smaller graphs
68

Singletons
45
Note that FrameNet includes only entities that have a significant frame
structure; thus we are not interested in most sortal nouns: they would
all fall under very general frames, such as Entity or Artifact. We do not
want to duplicate WordNets hierarchy of 150,000 nouns!

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Frame-frame relations

Browsing the Net of Frames

Frame Grapher
Frame Categorization list
http://www1.icsi.berkeley.edu/~warrenmc/
FrameCategorization.html

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Frame-frame relations

Construction Grammar
During the late 1980s and early 1990s, much of Fillmores effort
went into joint work with Paul Kay, Catherine OConnor, and others
on the development of Construction Grammar.
But semantic frames were always presupposed in Fillmores
discussion of Construction Grammar (e.g. Kay & Fillmore 1999),
just as Construction Grammar was always presupposed in
discussions of Frame Semantics.
The Constructicon project annotated examples of 50
constructions, e.g.
I

Adjective as nominal abstract: And her dislike of the insincere

ran so deep that . . .
Way manner: . . . Charles bulldozed his way through life.

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Frame-frame relations

FrameNet Users Worldwide

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Frame-frame relations

Automatic Semantic Role Labeling (ASRL) a.k.a

Semantic Parsing
The Holy Grail of NLU
Chicken-and-egg: insufficient hand-labeled data (ca. 20
annotations/lexical unit)
But lots of smart people making progress:
I

(Gildea & Jurafsky 2000),(Gildea & Jurafsky 2002) Assumed

sentences were frame disambiguated
Shamaneser (Erk & Pad 2006) working on SALSA Project at
Saarbrcken
LTH ASRL system for English (Johansson & Nugues 2006a) and
Swedish (Johansson & Nugues 2006b)
SEMAFOR (Das et al. 2013),(Das et al. 2010)

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Part III
Current Projects and Future Research

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Contracts with Decisive Analytics Corporation

DVICE: Relating visual scenes to verbal descriptions.

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Contracts with Decisive Analytics Corporation

DVICE: Relating visual scenes to verbal descriptions.

I

Currently working on static locative relations,

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Contracts with Decisive Analytics Corporation

DVICE: Relating visual scenes to verbal descriptions.

I
I

Currently working on static locative relations,

LUs are prepositions, adjectives, adverbs, verbs

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Contracts with Decisive Analytics Corporation

DVICE: Relating visual scenes to verbal descriptions.

I
I

Currently working on static locative relations,

LUs are prepositions, adjectives, adverbs, verbs

STUDENT: frame semantics of disasters

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Contracts with Decisive Analytics Corporation

DVICE: Relating visual scenes to verbal descriptions.

I
I

Currently working on static locative relations,

LUs are prepositions, adjectives, adverbs, verbs

STUDENT: frame semantics of disasters

I

Starting with wildfires, go on to floods, earthquakes

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Contracts with Decisive Analytics Corporation

DVICE: Relating visual scenes to verbal descriptions.

I
I

Currently working on static locative relations,

LUs are prepositions, adjectives, adverbs, verbs

STUDENT: frame semantics of disasters

I
I

Starting with wildfires, go on to floods, earthquakes

ASRL for text

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Contracts with Decisive Analytics Corporation

DVICE: Relating visual scenes to verbal descriptions.

I
I

Currently working on static locative relations,

LUs are prepositions, adjectives, adverbs, verbs

STUDENT: frame semantics of disasters

I
I
I

Starting with wildfires, go on to floods, earthquakes

ASRL for text
Xnets for event modeling

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Collaboration with Google

Thanks to interest in FrameNet from a group of Google employees, we

are experimenting on two fronts:
testing what parts of FrameNet can be expanded less expensively
through crowd-sourcing without sacrificing accuracy (probably
frame discrimination and FE annotation), and
devising better somputational support for expert curation of those
parts of FrameNet that require it (i.e. defining new frames and
frame relations).

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FrameNets in other Languages and Multi-lingusal

FrameNet
Funded projects have built or are currently creating building
FrameNet-style lexical databases for German, Spanish,
Japanese, Swedish, Chinese, French and Arabic.
Separate efforts have created Frame Semantics-based resources
for many other languages, including Italian, Korean, Polish,
Bulgarian, Russian, Slovenian, Hebrew, and Hindi.
Projects use a range of methodologies, from manual annotation
like Berkeley FrameNet to largely automatic projection to target
language.
Active research on cross-linguistic comparisons, e.g. (Boas 2009).
Planning is now underway for a unified, muti-lingual FrameNet
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Future research

Create frame relations for Entailment and Metaphor

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Future research

Create frame relations for Entailment and Metaphor

Expand the Constructicon, link to ECG, other construction
grammar work

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Future research

Create frame relations for Entailment and Metaphor

Expand the Constructicon, link to ECG, other construction
grammar work
Improve links to other lexical resources

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Future research

Create frame relations for Entailment and Metaphor

Expand the Constructicon, link to ECG, other construction
grammar work
Improve links to other lexical resources
Come to terms with continuous representations of word senses

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Future research

Create frame relations for Entailment and Metaphor

Expand the Constructicon, link to ECG, other construction
grammar work
Improve links to other lexical resources
Come to terms with continuous representations of word senses
Increase coverage by an order of magnitude

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Shamelss plug

The Second FrameNet Workshop will be held just after the close
of ACL, on Sunday 6/29 at a Hotel near here
For more information about the workshop or FrameNet in general,
please visit http://framenet.icsi.berkeley.edu

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Thanks are due:

to the organizers of this workshop, Miriam Petruck and Gerard de

Melo,
to the NSF for continued support for the original creation of
FrameNet and a variety of later projects,
to DARPA and IARPA and Decisive Analytics Corporation,
to Google for a Faculty Research award,
and, of course, to Chuck, the inspiration for both FrameNet and
construction grammar.

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References

B OAS , H ANS C. (ed.)

2009.
Multilingual FrameNets in Computational Lexicography: Methods
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DAS , D IPANJAN, D ESAI C HEN, A NDR F. T. M ARTINS, N ATHAN
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References

2013.
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, N ATHAN S CHNEIDER, D ESAI C HEN, & N OAH A. S MITH.
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References

The case for case.

In Universals in Linguistic Theory , ed. by E. Bach & R. Harms.
New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.

1969a.
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References

1977a.
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References

, M IRIAM R. L. P ETRUCK, J OSEF RUPPENHOFER, & A BBY

W RIGHT.
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References

New York: Harper and row.

J OHANSSON , R ICHARD, & P IERRE N UGUES.
2006a.
Automatic annotation for all semantic layers in FrameNet.
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2006b.
A FrameNet-based semantic role labeler for Swedish.
In Proceedings of Coling/ACL 2006, Sydney, Australia.
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1974.
A framework for representing knowledge.
Memo 306, MIT-AI Laboratory.
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