Contested Urbanism in Dharavi

Writings and
projects for the

resilient city
Camillo Boano
William Hunter
Caroline Newton
Contested
Urbanism
in Dharavi
2013, The Bartlett | Development Planning Unit

The right of the editors to be indentified as the authors of the editorial material, and the
authors of their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with the section
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Planning Unit publication lies with the author and there are no restrictions on it being
published elsewhere in any version or form.
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teaching that help to build the capacity of national governments, local authorities,
NGOs, aid agencies and businesses working towards socially just and sustainable
development in the global south. DPU is part of The Bartlett: UCLs global faculty of the
built environment.. http://www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu
The assembly and design of this book was led by Caroline Newton and Luz Navarro
at the DPU. Photographic images are attributed to William Hunter and Ruth Mcleod
while all work is attributed to students of the MSc BUDD. Overall editing was done by
William Hunter at the DPU. Printing and binding was handled by Peeters & Peeters in
Mechelen, Belgium.
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postgraduate/msc-building-urban-design-in-development
Contested
Urbanism
in Dharavi
Writings and
projects for the
resilient city
Camillo Boano
William Hunter
Caroline Newton
Contested
Urbanism
in Dharavi
001
Forewords
Sixty Years of Contesting Development

Learning through Partnerships
Caren Levy
Engaging with Processes of Change

So it began in Dharavi
Julio D. Dvila
Peter Kellett
005
007
009
Camillo Boano
013
Essays
Contested Urbanisms
Camillo Boano, Melissa Garca Lamarca, William Hunter
Recalibrating Critical Design Practice

Why Dharavi?
003
William Hunter, Camillo Boano
William Hunter, Camillo Boano
Urban Design Recalibrated:

BUDD Studio works
015
039
059
063
Mapping the Territory
065
Profiling Livelihoods, Needs And Aspirations
079
Design Guidelines and Principles
089
Individual Design Response
097
Collated Strategies
115
Reflections on the Dharavi

experience
Classicising Dharavi
Slum for Sale
123
124
Giorgio Talocci
126
Andrew Wade
Modernism out of Context
Paradox of Integration
130
Amar Sood
Remote Analysis and the Challenge to Practice

Meeting the Challenge of Scale
Nick Wolff
Ricardo Martn
132
134
137
Afterword
Into the Urban Beyond
128
Ben Leclair-Paquet
Caroline Newton
BUDD Studio Participants

2009-2012
139
141
Content
Forewords
18 I
Sixty Years
of Contesting
Development
Professor Julio D. Dvila
Director of the Development
Planning Unit, UCL
For nearly six decades, the Development

Planning Unit (DPU) has been training
generations of post-graduate students in
London and elsewhere on a range of subjects
that are central to the development of countries
and the lives of ordinary people. The DPUs
roots can be traced to a training programme on
tropical architecture in Londons Architectural
Association in the early 1950s. The initial
emphasis on building physics and climatic
design gradually gave way to the need to
find new approaches to planning and social
development in a context of rapid urbanisation.
By the early 1970s, under the Direction of
Professor Otto Koenigsberger, former Chief
Architect to the Indian State of Mysore and
Director of Housing of the first independent
Government of India, the DPU acquired its
current name and moved to University College
London (UCL), the oldest and largest college
in the University of London. Since then the
DPU has continued to change and develop in
response to the needs of governments, city
administrations, civil society organisations
and
the
international
community
represented in countries of the Global South.
The DPU currently offers six Masters degree
programmes and one MPhil/PhD programme,
with a student body that has grown nearly
four-fold since the early 1980s when I
enrolled in the DPU as an MSc student. The
focus on planning in cities of the Global South
is still very much at the centre of our teaching
but our offer has also grown, encompassing
programmes on urban design, the city economy,
social development practice, environment
and sustainable development, and national
and regional development. In terms of its size
and diversity, DPUs academic staff has also
grown considerably, and now encompasses
over thirty full-time and part-time lecturers
and researchers who are active in research
and consultancy in these areas and more.
This impressive book edited by my colleagues
Camillo Boano, William Hunter and Caroline
Newton, with contributions from three

successive cohorts of Masters students, in
many ways embodies DPUs history and core
concerns. The books geographical focus is
India, the country where Koenigbserger was
to apply the technical knowledge he learned
as an architecture and planning student
in Berlin, but also where he realised that
traditional master planning tools, conceived
in a European post-war context where cities
were stagnant or losing population, were
futile in the face of rapid urbanisation and
weak state institutions. The book also builds
on Koenigsbergers rejection of conventional
views about the urban poor and city migrants
as being a burden on society, a nuisance, to
instead celebrate their crucial contribution to
the citys economy, to its diversity, to its present
and its future. In what were then pioneering
and highly controversial views, Koenigsberger
dismissed slum clearance programmes as
wasteful destruction of valuable housing
stock, a violation of poor households rights
to security to urban land, and disruptive of
activities that are central to the city economy.
The collection of essays and illustrations
gathered here embody these concerns. They
are also an excellent example of DPUs
pedagogical philosophy that seeks to marry
a sophisticated theoretical understanding of
the city, its society and its institutions, with
practical applications in a real-life situation.
The book is the product of three successive
years of fieldwork led by the editors and other
colleagues with participation of students from
DPUs Masters in Building and Urban Design
(BUDD) in the settlement of Dharavi, in the
port city of Mumbai. As Caren Levy explains in
her introductory notes, it also reflects DPUs
philosophy of closely engaging with a range of
local actors who not only provide a bridge to
local realities, but can also ensure that local
populations, in this case the urban poor, make
use of the professional tools and insights
offered both by students and lecturers.
I3
4I
Learning
through
Partnerships
Caren Levy
Senior Lecturer and Former
Director of the Development
Planning Unit, UCL
This collection of essays reflects

four years of work in Mumbai in
partnership with SPARC and the
Indian Alliance, followed by three
years of studio work in London as part
of the practice module in the MSc
Building and Urban Design (BUDD) at
the DPU. The international students
of the BUDD course, along with those
in the DPUs MSc Urban Development
Planning (UDP), made their first
field trip to Mumbai in 2006. This
trip built on years of collaboration in
teaching, research and the exchange
of ideas relating to the mobilisation of
communities around issues of housing
and infrastructure, and ultimately in
the setting of precedents to influence
the formulation and implementation
of urban policy and planning to
address local needs in an inclusive
and participatory manner in the face
of dominant local, national and global
interests in cities like Mumbai.
The experience of the Indian Alliance
in Mumbai in the first decade of the
21st century is instructive not only for
its strategic engagement with different
city authorities and private sector
stakeholders to create an active place
for the slum dwellers (comprising over
50% of the citys population) in the
citys governance and planning, often
in conflict with the exclusive world
class city vision held by powerful
interests in the city. This experience
also offered a unique educational
opportunity to explore the tools and
methods developed by the Indian
Alliance to take on this challenge.
From 2006 to 2008 the field trip
focused on the engagement of the
Indian Alliance with two large scale
urban infrastructure policies in the city,
that is, the Mumbai Urban Transport

Project II (MUTP II) and the Mumbai
Urban Infrastructure Project (MUIP).
The students explored and compared
the impact of the collaborative
relocation
and
rehabilitation
of
railway slum dwellers (Mankurd to
Laloobhai Compound), the state-led
and community-driven relocation of
pavement dwellers (from P.D. Mello
and Byculla to Laloobhai Compound
and Milan Nagar, respectively) and the
forced relocation and rehabilitation
of slum and pavement dwellers from
different parts of the city to the
Oshiwara complex.
In 2009, whilst the UDP students
continued working on the latter, the
BUDD students shifted their attention
to an alternative community-led vision
for the Dharavi Redevelopment Project
(DRP), which by now reflected another
critical space of contestation between
different fragments of local, national
and global interests in the city. In
the three years following, BUDD took
this experience into a studio setting,
refining a new approach to urban
design in the context of large scale
informality and inequality in cities.
The field trips to Mumbai provided
a powerful learning environment for
students. The passion and commitment
of members of SPARC, the National
Slum Dwellers Association and Mahila
Milan not only to improve the lives
of Indian slum dwellers, but also to
challenge urban policy and planning,
and to influence a generation of
urban practitioners beyond their city,
shone through our partnership over
the years. Heartfelt thanks to you all
for so generously sharing your time,
knowledge and experience.
I5
6I
Engaging with
Processes of
Change
Peter Kellett
Senior Lecturer in
Architecture, Newcastle
University
Unlike the majority of low-income

settlements in the cities of the global
south, Dharavi is well known throughout
the world. The crowded colourful
buildings,
open
sewers,
recycling
workshops
and
alleyways
teaming
with smiling industrious people have
become iconic images representing poor
and dispossessed urban communities
everywhere. More significantly Dharavi is
often portrayed as the site of a modern day
David and Goliath contest the plucky,
penniless residents ranged against the
might and power of greedy landowners,
real estate developers and politicians who
are oblivious to the community values and
industrious lifestyles of the residents,
and instead see only an opportunity to
modernise the city and make wondrous
profits. It has also captured the
popular imagination through its link
to media portrayals such as Slumdog
Millionaire which offers insights into
individual dilemmas but rarely do these
representations engage with the complex
reality of everyday life, and even less do
they concern themselves with exploring
feasible alternatives for the million or
more people who call Dharavi their home.
In contrast, this study by Camillo
Boano and his team of enthusiastic
and committed postgraduate students
and staff from all over the world have
invested
considerable
intellectual
energy and physical effort to grapple
with the theoretical, policy and practice
dimensions of this complex situation.
During extended field visits between
2006 and 2009 these wonderfully
interdisciplinary international teams spent
weeks interviewing residents, observing,
mapping, recording and documenting
in great detail (and impressive cultural
sensitivity) a wide range of urban
activities and processes. Continuing
with studio-based projects in recent

years, they have debated, argued, made
plans, models, presentations, projections
and fantastically detailed analyses and
proposals - and now they have managed
to condense their vast volume of material
into this handsome volume. Their concern
goes beyond understanding a reality
and engages directly with processes of
change.
This book does what all good publications
should, but which most academic
documents fail to achieve which is to
inspire and stimulate as well as inform
and educate. The lively graphic format
directly echoes the creative energy of this
ambitious project. As such it is a valuable
document for a range of users beyond
the predictable audience of students
and academics; it is relevant to others
including policy makers, politicians,
activist and all those concerned about
the grossly uneven direction of much
urban development. As external examiner
for the BUDD course throughout the
period when this work was undertaken,
I am proud to be associated with this
programme and give my full endorsement
to this publishing initiative.
Sceptics might argue that the scale and
seriousness of todays urban problems
render the role of architects and urban
design professionals redundant. However
the BUDD programme convincingly
demonstrates the opposite. Academic
rigour combined with creativity, energy
and commitment are proving to be
powerfully effective in the critical search
for social and spatial justice for the urban
majorities of the south. This volume
offers important insights and reflections
into these processes and I commend the
efforts of all those involved in making this
experience available to a wider audience.
I7
8I
So it began
in Dharavi
Camillo Boano
Senior Lecturer and Course
Director, MSc Building and
Urban Design in Development
1/ Rendell, J. (2006) Art and

Architecture. A Place between, London:
Tauris
2/ Rendell, J. (2003) Between two:

theory and practice, in Jonathan Hill,
ed. Opposites attracts: Research by
design, Special issue of The Journal of
Architecture, Vol.8(2), pp:221-238
3/ Rendell, J., Hill, J., Fraser, M. &

Dorian, M. (2007) Critical Architecture,
London: Routledge
This not-so-small pamphlet draws from

first-hand experience, research, and
critical practices that have sought to
investigate a 175 hectares swatch of
land in the middle of Mumbai that is
home to over 1 million inhabitants.
It is a collection of short and long
essays, drawings and diagrams, pictures
and photo-montages, video stills and
visualisations on what is known as
Dharavi. For the last 3 years, this
investigation and reflection has been the
core of our design-based studio Practice
Module: Urban Design in Practice.
If on one side Dharavi was what some
would call a live case study, on the
other it was more than that. Dharavi was
a place where our different epistemic
words of what we called urban design
started falling apart. It was also a
complex microcosm of practices where
our methodological and architectural
artillery, grounded in a specific aesthetic
regime, became somewhat ineffective and
sterile. It was a symbol of a multiplicity
of urbanisms at play that failed all our
philosophical apparatus 1,2. Dharavi for
us was essentially a space in which
we started our process of recalibration
of Urban Design - an intellectual,
pedagogical and political process at the
centre of the MSc Building and Urban
Design in Development course at the
Bartlett Development Planning Unit.
For all of us any Design reflection,
strategy and tactic would begin with
cities: how they work and change; how
they transformed and are transformed by
people and what impacts they have in
creating enabling vs. destructive impacts
for communities. What we conceived as
design is something that is critical as it
does play a role of voicing the language of
urbanity 3. What we learned from Dharavi
is that Urban Design is of profound

significance if it has a poetic quality. By
the means of compressing its meanings
into a concise formal expression, a
poetic urban design project draws the
mind to a level of perception concealed
behind the conventional presentations of
urban form. The most effective symbols
are those which, while operating within a
given set of conventions, are imprecise,
sparse and open-ended in their possible
interpretations, tending more to the
metaphor than the simile.
We were aware that Dharavi, due to the
accelerated growth of India at the turn
of the 21st Century and the positioning
of Mumbai as the countrys financial
capital, quickly became an attractive and
unavoidable topic. The State in simplistic
terms saw Dharavi as an enduring
development nightmare, whereas many
financial institutions and developers saw
a gold mine. Sometime around 2004,
Dharavi was declared a special planning
area from which sprung the Dharavi
Redevelopment Project. Viewing Dharavi
as a privileged gateway to Mumbais total
transformation and driven by the idea of
large profits, investment companies and
real estate developers began drawing
and plotting proposals in major disregard
to the current physical landscape and
without involvement or recognizing local
constructs, knowledge or interests of the
residents. Thus it inevitably becomes an
architectural playground where global
design firms as well as a counter-activism
practice emerges and confronts.
Despite these situational facts alone and
a multitude of others, Dharavi becomes
the symbol of informal urbanism in how
inhabitants of seemingly low resources
generate solutions for the demands
regarding housing and businesses. The
I9
10 I
resilient nature of Dharavi, with its the

archipelago of different activist and
social institutions acting as a precedent
for reconsidering all we previously
understood about development, from the
notions of home-based enterprise to the
scale and reach of informal economies,
exudes a reality of how the underprivileged
facets of society plan, negotiate, and
combat a superimposed exogenous plan.
These phenomenological characteristics
and the strong neo-liberal interests and
aesthetics plans that they push against
represent a certain form of urbanity, a
sort of actual existing urbanism rooted in
alternative social dynamics and challenge
the vision, legitimacy and authority of
master planning. Understanding this
multiplicity of urbanisms reinforces
the need to understand the political,
economic and social dynamics at play
within the urban fabric when acting as a
design practitioner.
For our work, conceptualising urbanism
as embedded in a web of contested
visions where the production of
space is an inherently conflictive
process of manifesting, producing and
reproducing various forms of injustice
is fundamental. We use the notion of
contested urbanism to depict hegemonic
and technocratic discourses behind topdown interventions without meaningful
participation and to focus attention on
the politics of urban transformation that
systematically exclude urban dwellers.
Urban design interventions functioning
in this context must thus be responsive
and locally grounded activities, with an
understanding of scale and strategy,
moving out of the simplified vision of
building and architecture as objects
of commodity. With this experience
in the field and in the studio we have
experimented with the analytics of a
multiplicity of urbanisms that view the

present urban materiality as multiconstituted, poly-temporal, and recombinatory in order to transport
the researcher across disciplinary
boundaries, diverse empirical and
material geographies, and socio-cultural
contexts. Central to this methodological
apparatus, is the active partnership
with realities in motion, being urban
activism groups, cultural associations,
universities
or
non-governmental
organizations.
It could not have been possible without
the institutional support of Development
Planning Unit, SPARC, KRVIA in
Mumbai. Much appreciation goes to
those who shared their thoughts in this
collection and to Julio Davila, Caren Levy
and Peter Kellet who agreed to write the
forewords. A special thanks is to be given
to Isis Nunez Ferrera, Andrew Wade,
Anna Schulenburg who acted as Course
Coordinators during this time, to Caren
Levy and Eleni Kyrou who were there
during the first visits to Dharavi and of
course to the person I shared with most
of the hours in the studio and whose
competence, passion and determination
brought our Dharavi endeavours to the
fore: William Hunter.
This publication and its design would
not sit before you without the dedication
of our new colleague Caroline Newton
who joined DPU and the BUDD team
in September 2012 and is faithfully
engaged in our new pursuits. Of course
the biggest complement goes to all the
students involved in the MSc Building
and Urban Design in Development
course since 2008 with whom I have had
the privilege to work with in my role of
Director and to all the fantastic people
we met and worked with in Dharavi.
I 11
12 I
Essays
Contested Urbanisims
Camillo Boano
Melissa Garcia Lamarca
William Hunter
An earlier version of this contribution
was published in the Journal of
Developing Societies in 2011
Popularly known as Asias largest slum,

covering almost 239 hectares and with an
estimated population between 700,000
and one million people1/2, Dharavi is
characterized by its strategic location at the
center of Mumbai and thus finds itself at
the heart of a challenging, highly contested
debate over the future of the city. Through
the controversial Dharavi Redevelopment
Project (DRP), international developers,
bureaucrats, state agencies, civil society and
social movements are engaged in multiple
confrontations over land, density, typology,
and the right to a decent life, while futuristic
Dubai or Shanghai-style landscapes are
imagined for development on what is now
prime real estate.
Historically evolving from a small fishing
village, Dharavi became the citys geographical
center, as Mumbais urban development and
corresponding squatter settlements were
pushed northwards, off valuable land in South
Mumbai onto its current swampy, unhygienic
location4. From this once marginalized,
neglected area Dharavi is now strategically
located between inner-city districts and
Mumbais new financial center called the

BandraKurla Complex, near the Chhatrapati
Shivaji International Airport. Over decades
the site has been dramatically transformed
and its development consolidated, layering
generations of slum dwellers in what are
now 85 nagars (neighborhoods), organized
in a complex labyrinthic physical layout,
built around multifunctional work-live
dwelling forms. Its thriving informal economy
generates an annual turnover of business
estimated to be more than 350m3.
The narrative of Dharavi serves to ground
the material and discursive production of
spatialities, highlighting land values and
built densities at the base of the contested
visions of Mumbais future. These elements
accentuate inequalities and drive the struggle
over space as significant government and
market pressures towards becoming a worldclass city expressed through the neoliberal
Vision Mumbai push against the struggle for
a bottom-up, inclusive development process
promoted by civil society and heterogeneous
citizen groups in Dharavi. The former was
articulated in a report by Bombay First and
1/ BBC (2006). Life in a slum. BBC

online. From http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/
shared/spl/hi/world/06/dharavi_slum/
html/dharavi_slum_intro.stm.
2/ Sharma, K. (2000). Rediscovering
Dharavi: Stories from Asias largest slum.
Delhi: Penguin Books India.
3/ BBC (2006). Life in a slum. BBC
online. From http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/
shared/spl/hi/world/06/dharavi_slum/
html/dharavi_slum_intro.stm
4/ Sharma, K. (2000). Rediscovering
Dharavi: Stories from Asias largest slum.
Delhi: Penguin Books India. p.24.
Mumbai
Bandra-Kurla Complex
(BKC)
Dharavi
I 15
5/ Bombay First and McKinsey &

Company Inc. (2003). Vision Mumbai:
Transforming Mumbai into a world-class
city. From http://www.bombayfi rst.org/
McKinseyReport.pdf
16 I
6/ Bombay First and McKinsey &

Company Inc. (2003). Vision Mumbai:
Transforming Mumbai into a world-class
city. From http://www.bombayfi rst.org/
McKinseyReport.pdf. pp. 20-21
7/ Allen, A., Boano, C., & Johnson,

C. (2010). Adapting cities to climate
change [editorial]. DPU News, N. 52,
p. 24. From http:// www.ucl.ac.uk/
dpu/k_s/publications/52.pdf
McKinsey & Company5, where one of the

various objectives to becoming a world-class
city was defined as reducing the number of
people living in slums in Mumbai from over 50
percent to 1020 percent by 2013 through
more efficient government procedures and
market-based mechanisms, and furthermore
ensuring no new slums form in the city6.
One of the core groups resisting such elitist,
top-down and market-driven visions of
Mumbai is the Alliance, a coalition of an NGO
named the Society for the Promotion of Area
Resource Centres (SPARC) in addition to two
grassroots organizations, Mahila Milan and the
National Slum Dwellers Federation. Inclusive,
bottom-up development is pressed by the
Alliance in their engagement with Dharavis
housing cooperative societies to construct
rehabilitation housing through a communitybased process, and through their participation
in constructing an alternative to the DRP.
Building upon these spatial tensions between
top-down urban strategies and bottomup tactics of spatial adaptation and urban
activism, the conceptual analytical neologism
of contested urbanism is elaborated through
exploring the material-discursive dynamics
regarding the capacity of a system to absorb
disturbance and reorganize while undergoing
change7. Specifically, we seek to spatially
depict the challenges and aims for the
survival of shifting identities and structures
through the confrontational and oppositional
forms of power in Mumbai and Dharavi that
shape peoples access to housing and slum
redevelopment, as exemplar of a wider
struggle over social justice.
As its base, the article uses the research
and experience that formed part of the
completion of the MSc Building and Urban
Design in Development, University College
London, during a three-week field course in
May 2009. In partnership with the Kamla
Raheja Vidyanidhi Institute For Architecture
I 17
(KRVIA), SPARC, and the Development

Planning Unit, a group of 16 students and
their tutors were engaged in critical analysis
and design processes aimed to reveal visions
and interpretations of the possible future
developments in Dharavi, confronting the
dichotomies of mega-projects and megaresistances and questioning the relevance of
social justice and the right to the city in urban
transformations. In this context, the concept
of contested urbanism aims to represent
multiple forces that shape the politics
of Dharavi, offering critical insights and
hopefully, a reinvigorated ethical renewal of the
disciplines of architecture and urban design.
18 I
The Dharavi Redevelopment Project:

A Homogeneous and Modernist Vision
8/ Urbanology (2008). Urban typhoon

workshop: Koliwada, Dharavi. Mumbai:
Partners for Urban Knowledge, Action
and Research. p. 12
9/ Bhaba (1994) cited in Doron, G.
(2008). Those marvelous empty
zones on the edge of our cities:
Heterotopia and the dead zone. In
L. De Cauter & Dehaene, M. (Eds),
Heterotopia and the city: Public space
in a postcivil society (pp. 20314). New
York: Routledge.
10/ Patel, S., & Arputham, J. (2007).

An offer of partnership or a promise
of conflict in Dharavi, Mumbai?
Environment and Urbanization, 19(1),
501508.
11/ Floor Space Index (FSI) refers to
the ratio of total floor area of a bid to the
gross area of the specific plot of land on
which it is located.
Dharavi and its inhabitants have long played

an integral role in the development of
Mumbais urban history. The legacy of the
traditional fishing community living there for
centuries was ultimately lost to a budding
settlement of hutments, slowly constructed
by its citizens through an increasing
collection of waste and debris, effectively
operating as infill on top of the swamp in the
district that came to be known as Dharavi,
now commonly referred to as Asias largest
slum8. The areas rich story and evolution is
a far cry from its perception by the current
government-led redevelopment vision as
void, as the terra incognita or the terra nulla,
the empty or wasted land whose history has
to be begun9 filled by informal uses of
their space: settlements of clandestine
immigrants, squats, illegal agriculture, and
unplanned recreational activities.
Today Dharavi is made up of roughly 85 nagars,
each of which manifests a distinct and unique
character, with diverse ethnic mixtures and
religious narratives10. Because of its strategic
location, the demographic pressures on the
island city and especially the government

and private sectors global transformative
goals towards achieving the status of a worldclass city, the Dharavi Redevelopment Project
(DRP) was introduced as an integrated
special planning area in 2004. Essentially
conceived as a state facilitated publicprivate
partnership, formulated by the Maharashtra
Housing and Area Development Authority
(MHADA) and spatialized by the architect
Mukesh Mehta, the DRP is in essence a tabula
rasa mega-project redevelopment strategy
for the entire territory of Dharavi (Figure 3).
Mehta proposes several physical alterations
for Dharavi that form the base of the DRP:
an artificial and instrumental division of the
area into five sectors to be allocated to five
private developers; a maximum increase of
Floor Space Index11 which contributes to
higher urban densities and the adoption of
a spatial transformation from horizontal,
low-rise slums to a high-rise podium
style typology (G+12 and higher). Informal
settlements are thus envisaged to be replaced
with high-rise developments irrespective of
the existing vibrant economy and the diverse
needs within, both informal and complex,
which have evolved through stratifications,
adaptations, and historical modifications.
In June 2007, MHADA issued an
announcement of the DRP. The Times of India
reported that the initial site-purchase bidding
was meant to attract interest from only those

national and international developers meeting
criteria of the highest calibre, with a possible
500,000,000 in expected profits12. Details
of the plan itself were highly secretive, given
that the initial document submitted by the
Government hired architect Mukesh Metha
outlining the five-sector, five-developer vision
(see image below) was taken on unanimously
with no significant call for citizen input13.
It was clear from the start, however, that
residents currently living in Dharavi, many
of whom were unaware of the plan and its
implications, would be subject to a cut-off
date in order to be eligible for rehabilitation
under the DRP, originally set at 199514.
From a list of bidders, only one would be
chosen to develop each of the five sections,
denying current residents that form part of
cooperative housing societies their legal right
through the Slum Redevelopment Act (SRA)
to select, based on 70 percent approval,
their housing developer. Furthermore, the
planning for the project occurred with no
detailed survey of Dharavi; when this was
finally completed, it was found that at least
80,000 households needed to be resettled15.
No one has addressed what will happen
to the additional 35,000 households not
eligible for rehabilitation housing those
that live in lofts and are tenants, migrant
workers, or members of the same families
living in other parts of the buildings17 16.

In response to this massive mega-project,
with a homogenizing and modernist vision,
grassroots opposition has emerged. The
confrontational environment has boosted
the development of various bottom-up
initiatives and spatial experimentations that
challenge the DRPs proposed relocation of
residents, the complete lack of an inclusive
process, and the possible consequences
of a government/market-driven process of
redevelopment irrespective of the social and
spatial multiplicity of Dharavi.
In recent years, alternative critical responses
to the DRP from civil society and academics
have emerged through an invited space of
negotiation offered by the Government of
Maharashtra via a Committee of Experts,
appointed in early 2009. This body offers
suggestions and options to humanize the
DRP, simultaneously maintaining a close and
highly strategic relationship with government
bodies in order to function as facilitators
between various institutional levels.
Contested Urbanism: The Meta-narrative

of Transformative Urban Processes
Dharavi, as in many other urban scenarios, is
located in a web of contested visions through
the perception of the production of space as
an inherently conflictive process. In order to
build a clear understanding of how complexity
and dynamism form and transform Dharavi,
from bottom-up practices in the interplay of
citizens, urban movements, and other actors
struggling over and contesting the city, this
section of the article theoretically unpacks
multiple discourses on spatial transformations
and spatial narratives through the lens of
contested urbanism.
Adopted and elaborated as a method of
inquiry into relationships between space,
12/ TNN (2007, June 1). Dharavi

redevelopment to begin today. The Times
of India. Retrieved September 11, 2009,
from http://timesofi ndia.indiatimes.com/
Cities/ Mumbai/Dharavi-redevelopmentto-begin-today/articleshow/2090403.cms
13/ Patel, S., & Arputham, J. (2007).
An offer of partnership or a promise
of conflict in Dharavi, Mumbai?
Environment and Urbanization, 19(1),
501508.
14/ TNN (2007, June 1). Dharavi

redevelopment to begin today. The Times
of India. Retrieved September 11, 2009,
from http://timesofi ndia.indiatimes.com/
Cities/ Mumbai/Dharavi-redevelopmentto-begin-today/articleshow/2090403.cms
15/ Sharma, K. (2009). A reprive for

Dharavi. InfoChange India. Retrieved
November 10, 2009, from http://
infochangeindia.org/Urban-India/
Cityscapes/ A-reprieve-for Dharavi.html`
16/ Sharma, K. (2009). A reprive for
Dharavi. InfoChange India. Retrieved
November 10, 2009, from http://
infochangeindia.org/Urban-India/
Cityscapes/ A-reprieve-for Dharavi.html`
17/ KRVIA (2007). Dharavi summary
[Presentation]. Mumbai: Kamla Raheja
and Vidyanidhi Institute for Architecture.
I 19
18/ Leach, N. (1997) Introduction. In

N. Leach (Ed.), Rethinking architecture:
A reader in cultural theory (pp. xiiixxi).
London: Routledge.
20 I
19/ Heidegger, M. (1962). Being and

time (J. Macquarrie & E. Robinson,
Trans.). New York: Harper. (pp. 1921)
20/ Lefebvre, H. (1991). The production
of space (D. Nicholson-Smith, Trans.).
Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.
21/ Bauman, Z. (1993). Postmodern
ethics. Oxford: Blakewell. (p.195)
22/ Jameson, F. (1991). Postmodernism

or the cultural logic of late capitalism.
Durham: Duke University Press.
23/ Sandercock, L. (2005). Cosmopolis
II: Mongrel cities in the 21st century.
London: Continuum.
society, politics, and culture18, this neologism

is useful as it helps to:
depict
hegemonic,
technocratic,
hypermodern discourses that shape state
authority material interventions in urban
areas, always originating in a top-down fashion
without meaningful grassroots participation;
focus attention on the politics of urban
transformation that systematically exclude
citizens, and in this case, slum dwellers, in
the management, adaptation, and evolution of
their living spaces; power is thus positioned in
a distant bureaucracy, facilitating functional
neoliberal alliances with economically
powerful developers, architects, and urban
intelligenzia;
represent the economy of interconnected
resistance alliances and materialities of
place-based social movements that are able to
mobilize alternative and spatial imaginaries;
navigate at the frontier of universal
civilization, deploying a bilateral relationship
that responds to local demands, copying and
critically engaging with the global demands;
position the core attribute of architecture
and design as responsive, dependent,
and locally grounded activity moving out
of the simplified vision of building and
architecture as commodified objects.
Contested Spaces of Transformation:

A Foucaultian and Lefebvrian Vision of
Dharavi
In order to understand how the spatialities
of contested urbanism are reproduced,
a dichotomization of space as physical,
static, metric space with social dynamics
must first be reinforced. Such a vision is not
new but grounded in Heideggers human
spatiality19, Lefebvres20 use of lived

space of the social and political world,
and Baumans21 (1993, p. 195) adoption
of complex spatial interaction between
cognitive, moral and aesthetic spaces and
products.
This framework enables a deeper perception
of the power relations embedded in urban
transformations that systematically exclude
Dharavis slum dwellers in the management,
adaptation, and evolution of their living
spaces, thus directly challenging notions of
homogeneity and uniformity, creating spaces
for alternative antidotes against the erasure
of difference22. Sandercock23 states in
this context that democratic practice is
undermined, as the contradictive ideals of
majority groups are depoliticized by those in
power having warranted their own rationality
of what constitutes a good city. She also
posits that within the contemporary era,
increasingly shaped by globally competitive
capital, the ideals that shape urban
landscapes are likely to become less locally
contextual and more influenced by a range
of hegemonic pre-shaped and unquestioned
cultural imperatives, which aim to provide
societal guidance to a pre-framed dream
of a sustainable, healthy, attractive, and
competitive good city as is witnessed
in the elitist, top-down ideals expressed
by Vision Mumbai. Despite such great
utopian urban dreams, in reality, space has
remained representative of real/virtual power
and money, and is therefore an object of
significant contestation.
Contested territories run rampant and promise
to increase as economies become more
integrated into the global system. The city and
its terraines vague at the central or periphery
remain a battleground of property rights
and structures often relinquished because
of short-term economic and/or political gain
and real estate mantras, missing out on the
potential imbalance in the long term. Thus

Foucault and Lefebvres spatial theories serve
as appropriate foundational building blocks
in the elaboration of Dharavis transformative
narrative.
Foucault suggested that architecture,
although an inherently political act, cannot
by itself liberate or oppress. In his mind,
liberation and oppression are practices,
not objects, and neither practice can ever
be guaranteed by artefacts functioning in
construction of artificial towns in Northern

Europe, on the model of military camps with
geometric figures, architectural precision,
and rationalistic layouts, were not dissimilar
from the technocratic hypermodern Dubaistyle landscapes imagined in the essence
of the DRP thus a question of structuring
[darchitecturer] a space.
24/ Foucault, M. (2003). The birth of

the clinic. London: Taylor and Francis.
I 21
The discovery and appropriation of such

discourses in the case of Dharavi draws
attention to the failure of architects to
The discovery and appropriation of such discourses in the case of

Dharavi draws attention to the failure of architects to subject their
own reflections to critique and move away from their obsession with the
object itself, in the process opening up space for more culturally sensitive
approaches to home-making or remaking in urban transformations.
the order of objects. He articulates a
central element that supports the concept of
contested urbanism: space is fundamental
in any exercise of power, and that it is
inconceivable that we leave people in the
slums, thinking that they can simply exercise
their rights there. To realize liberation,
technicians of space, including architects,
must align their liberating intentions []
with the real practice of people in the exercise
of their freedom24.
In that respect, Foucault25 offers readings of
the geometric plan of towns, and particularly
the utopian schemas well represented
in the holomorphic visions of the DRP,
where the relation between sovereignty and
territory is one where the aim is to connect
the political effectiveness of sovereignty
to a spatial distribution. For him, the
subject their own reflections to critique

and move away from their obsession with
the object itself, in the process opening
up space for more culturally sensitive
approaches to home-making or remaking in
urban transformations. Such a vision, which
incorporates the notion of casual, rhizomatic,
fluid and of course incremental production of
spaces, as Brillembourg26 argues, relates to
the realm outside what is prescribed meaning,
working with what already exists, materially
and socially, as a collective construction
breaking down the ever shifting27 dichotomy
of the legalillegal, legitimateillegitimate;
authorizedunauthorized.
Moreover, the Foucaultian notion of
heterotopias28 (1967), which literally
means other spaces, is an appropriate
representation of Dharavis materiality and
26/ Brillembourg, C. (2004). The

new slum urbanism of Caracas,
invasions and settlements, colonialism,
democracy, capitalism and devil
worship. Architectural Design, 74(2),
7781. (p.79)
27/ Roy, A. (2009b). Why India cannot

plan its cities: Informality, insurgence
and the idiom of urbanisation. Planning
Theory, 8(1), 7687. (p.80)
28/ Foucault, M. (2008 (1967)). Of

other spaces. In L. De Cauter & M.
Dehaene (Eds.), Heteretopia and the
City. Public space in a postcivil society
(pp. 1329). London: Routledge.
22 I
29/ Allweil, Y., & Kallus, R. (2008).

Public-space heterotopias: Heterotopias
of masculinity along the Tel Aviv
shoreline. In L. De Cauter & M. Dehaene
(Eds), Heterotopia and the city: Public
space in a postcivil society (pp. 191
202). New York: Routledge. (p.191)
30/ Davis, M. (2006). The planet of

slums. London: Verso.
31/ Brillembourg, C. (2004). The

new slum urbanism of Caracas,
invasions and settlements, colonialism,
democracy, capitalism and devil worship.
Architectural Design, 74(2), 7781.
32/ Appadurai, A. (2001). Deep
democracy: Urban governmentality and
the horizon of politics. Environment and
Urbanization, 13(2), 2343.
33/ Foucault, M. (1984). Different

spaces. In J.D. Faubion (Ed.), Essential
works of Foucault 19541984, Volume
II: Aesthetic, epistemology, methodology.
New York: New York Press. (p.180)
34/ Till, J. (2009). Architecture
depends. Cambridge: MIT Press.
narrative. Such aporetic spaces reveal or

represent something about the society in
which they reside through the contradictions
they produce but are unable to resolve, in
a continuous flux between contradiction
and acceptance, invisibility and recognition.
In essence, heterotopias are spaces that
accommodate the deviant and house the
other, segregating them and allowing
mechanisms of control distribution and
places in a society 29. Thus, conceiving
Dharavi not as a homogenous global
prototype of a population warehouse 30 but as
a city made of impurity, ambivalence, and in a
state of constant metamorphosis, will help us
to understand slum urbanism as a response
and resistance to state and economic-led
utopian and modernistic planning. There
the informal explains the practices (social,
economic, architectural and urban) and the
forms (physical and spatial) that a group of
stakeholders (dwellers, developers, planners,
landowners and the state) undertake not
only to obtain access to land and housing
but also to satisfy their need to engage in
urban life 31, and in essence allows for the
emergence of forms of deep democracy32.
Such a heterotopian vision serves to frame
Dharavi and its contested urbanism as
spaces apart, open but isolated33, a
space of illusions that denounces all that
is in place around it and contests the
monotony and dominance of the DRP.
The connection with Henry Lefebvres work
is obvious and unavoidable here, especially
because, as Till argues, once Lefebvre has
said (social) space is a (social) product one
can never again see the world as a place
set apart, or reduce architecture to a set of
abstract forms. 34 On production, Lefebvre
means that people create the space in which
they make their lives; it is a project shaped by
interests of classes, experts, the grassroots,
and other contending forces. Space is not
simply inherited from nature, passed on by
the dead hand of the past, nor autonomously

determined by laws of spatial geometry
as per conventional location theory. Space
is produced and reproduced through
human intentions, even if unanticipated
consequences develop, and even as space
constrains and influences those producing it.
Production also implies that space be
considered analogous to other economic
goods. The produced spatial ensemble of the
built environment, nature, and landscape
can, among other things, be bought and
sold. It makes up an important part of
economies. Besides producing goods and
services, economies produce spaces. Dharavi
literally fills such a vision by locating itself,
beyond its geographical location, in an
economically led transformation of space.
For Lefebvre, space is not merely a neutral
container or milieu in which life transpires,
nor is it the obvious platform upon which
all activity must occur. Architecture, human
densities, and location relations are forces
in structuring what can be done in space
itself. Walls and roads obviously privilege
certain kinds of activities and inhibit others,
support the projects of one type of actor,
and deter the goals of others. Beyond such
material impediments are the symbols
and styles that also influence behaviour:
elements of disempowering monumental
grandeur, diverse endogenous architecture
falsely implying true choice, monotonous
cubes, and towers that stultify rewarding
forms of sociability. Space is thus an
interlinking of geography, built environment,
symbolism, and life routines. Ways of being
and physical landscapes are a piece, albeit
one filled with tensions and competing
versions of what a space should be. People
fight not only over a piece of turf but about
the sort of reality that it constitutes. The
struggle over Dharavi is exactly this: a battle
for survival of a reality, of an existence.
I 23
35/ BUDD (2009). Dharavi: A

case of contested urbanism. Field
trip fi nal report, MSc Building and
Urban Design for Development,
Development Planning Unit, London.
24 I
36/ Lefebvre, H. (2003). Space and

the state. In Neil Brenner, Bob Jessop,
Martin Jones, & George Macleod (Eds),
State/space (pp. 84100). Malden, MA:
Blackwell Publishing.

Blackwell Publishing.
38/ Lefebvre, H. (1991). The production
of space (D. Nicholson-Smith, Trans.).
Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. (p.76)
39/ Dike, M., & Gilbert, L. (2002).
Right to the city: Homage or new societal
ethics?. Capitalism Nature Socialism,
13(2), 5874. (p. 65)
40/ Mayer, M. (2009). The Right to the
City in the context of shifting mottos of
urban social movements. City, 13(23),
362374. (p.367)
Blackwell Publishing. (p.337)
In the production of Dharavi, a sort of master

distinction is between those who produce
a space for domination versus those who
produce space as an appropriation to serve
human need. In that respect the DRP
envisions a spatial transformation from
horizontal, low-rise slums to a high-rise
podium style typology where residential
units will be placed on the top floors of the
buildings, while the commercial units will
be located at the ground and first floors. The
parking area will be on the third floor, just
below the pedestrian-only podium level. An
emergent issue from this is how a monolithic
typology attempts to accommodate the daily
needs of people and their future aspirations35.
In domination, space is put to the service of
some abstract purpose hence, Lefebvres
phrase abstract space to describe the
result. This can be to facilitate state power
(e.g., the Napoleonic version of Paris
and other phallic displays) or, more
pervasively, the reproduction of capital for the
achievement of a neoliberal Vision Mumbai.
Space is carved into real estate parcels for
exchange in the market in Mumbai, cubes
and volumes demarcated and partitioned so
as to be interchangeable as commodities.
The resultant space represents the triumph
of homogeneity 36 and stands, both in its
totality, as well as in its constituent parts as
product. While acknowledging some benign
intentions, Lefebvre condemns the modernist
movement in general for using the pretext
that it was exposing (people) to open air and
sunshine 37 as a cover for design arrogance
in the service of capital.
Lefebvre38 furthermore infers the risk that
ideology contributes to urban spatial planning
as a discourse and practice by illustrating
how even in a democratic capitalist society
the ideas and visions that shape spatial
change in cities are often only reflective
of the homogenic desires of conflicting, but
dominant, privileged minorities. These

minorities possess access not merely to an
economic and technical capacity but also
the social networks and cultural influence
to carry out spatial transformation, induced
by their ideological perception of what the
common vision should be. This perception
is often in conflict with those of other less
empowered diverse groups within society who
often constitute the urban majority.
What is interesting in such spatiology is
that space is not just produced materially,
by political, economic, and social forces,
but that it is also produced by the ways we
represent it. The critical Lefebvrian thinking
on Dharavi lies in the recognition that the
space of the slum is not an inert catalyst for
social action, but participates in the action
itself. The heterotopian adoption of such space
makes explicit the fragmented, mobile, and
conflictive nature of the production of space.
Contested Spaces of Rights: The Right

to the City
At its core, Lefebvres right to the city is a
claim for the recognition of the urban as the
(re)producer of social relations of power, and
the right of all citadins to participate in the
process of production in the city where they
reside39. It is less a juridical right and more of
an oppositional demand, challenging claims of
the rich and powerful40 and the abstract space
that facilitates the reproduction of capital.
Formulated by Lefebvre in the 1960s, the
right to the city grew out of discontent with
inequity and exclusion driven by capitalism,
manifested socially and spatially in cities. It
emerged through his critiques of functionalist
and technocratic urbanization processes in
the 1960s and 1970s France and of the
welfare capitalist society as the bureaucratic
society of organised consumption where
needs are created and institutionalized41.

Lefebvre believed that the use value of
the city trumps capitalisms focus on
exchange value42 and sought to rethink the
foundations of capitalist social relations such
as ownership over and how value is given to
urban space, essentially requiring a radical
restructuring of social, political, and economic
relations, both in the city and beyond43.
As Harvey44 notes, the right to the city is
not merely a right of access to what already
exists, but a right to change it as our hearts
desire, and remake ourselves by creating a
qualitatively different kind of urban sociality.
Thus, the production of urban space is not
only about planning the material space of the
city but rather integrating all aspects of urban
life, including the right of appropriation, as
manifested in claimed spaces of the city
such as Dharavi.
For over half a century, Dharavis residents have
in essence claimed their right to Mumbai in
their 239 hectares of urban space, a process
that has grown out of struggle, adaptation,
and resilience, inventing new and innovative
modes of living and of inhabiting. A sort of
third Dharavi emerged45 in the yawning
gap between traditional urbanity, considered
as backward, and the newly planned one,
unable to achieve a satisfactory urban reality,
reinventing itself over time through a new,
informal, and transformative building practice
that allows them (slum dwellers) to inhabit
a city that, officially, does not account for
them in its master planning 46. Indeed, no
master plan, urban design, zoning ordinance,
or construction law can claim any stake in
Dharavis prosperity, because it was built over
many decades entirely by successive waves
of immigrants fleeing rural poverty, political
oppression, and natural disasters47.
Since the early 1990s, within the framework
of the Government of Maharashtras slum
redevelopment scheme, the Bharat Janata
and Rajiv Indira Cooperative Housing

Societies have worked with the nonprofit
developer wing named NIRMAN of the
Alliance in the production of their own slum
rehabilitation housing. In these precedentsetting activities, the Alliance has sought
to enable a bottom-up approach by directly
engaging Dharavis poor in the production
of space in Dharavi, claiming their right
to housing in the city. These activities
demonstrate, through previously unrealized
solutions in spaces they control, the urban
poors potential to challenge and change
formalized rules and regulations that tend to
function in the interests of dominant powers.
By producing housing, the Alliance sets a
precedent as an NGO developer undertaking
this work as Lefebvrian production of space
concepts manifest in concrete examples
of bottom-up, community-driven urban
development processes. The latter is based
in capacity building and empowering slum
dwellers through training and employment in
the building process, and especially through
involving and imparting skills to enable them
to negotiate with the state. Precedent setting
also provides a linguistic device for negotiating
between the legalities of urban government
and the illegal arrangements to which the
poor usually must resort, shifting the burden
for municipal officials and other experts
away from whitewashing illegal activities
towards building on legitimate models48.
In recent years, however, facing Dubaification
in the top-down, technocratic DRP process,
Dharavis designation as a special planning
area in 2004 a status that enables secretive
modification of development regulations
has thrust the reigns of development
completely into the hands of the government
and private sector. After subsequent years of
bottom-up pressure tactics and struggles,
including open letters to the government and
media and peaceful protests from residents
of Dharavi, leaders of prominent grassroots
42/ Mitchell, D. (2003). The right to the

city: Social justice and the fight for public
space. New York: Guillford Press. (p.19)
43/ Purcell, M. (2002). Excavating
Lefebvre: The right to the city and
its urban politics of the inhabitant.
Geojournal, 58, 99108. (p.103)
44/ Harvey, D. (2003a). The right to the

city. International Journal of Urban and
Regional Research, 27(4), 939941.
(p.939)
45/ Kezer, Z. (1984). Contesting urban
space in early Republican Ankara.
Journal of Architectural Education,
52(1), 1119.
46/ Heynen, H., & Loeckx, A. (1984).
Scenes of ambivalence: Concluding
remarks on architectural patterns of
displacement. Journal of Architectural
Education, 52(2), 100108. (p.102)
47/ Echanove, M., & Srivastava, R.

(2009, February 21). Taking the slum
out of Slumdog. New York Times.
Retrieved July 16, 2009, from http://
www.nytimes.com/2009/02/21/
opinion/21srivastava.html?_r=4
48/ Appadurai, A. (2001). Deep
democracy: Urban governmentality and
the horizon of politics. Environment and
Urbanization, 13(2), 2343. (p.33)
I 25
26 I
I 27
49/ Patel, S., Arputham, J., Burra,

S., & Savchuk, K. (2009). Getting
the information base for Dharavis
redevelopment. Environment and
Urbanization, 21(1), 241251. (p.243)
28 I
50/ Patel, S., Arputham, J., Burra,

S., & Savchuk, K. (2009). Getting
the information base for Dharavis
redevelopment. Environment and
Urbanization, 21(1), 241251. (p.244)
51/ Mendes, B. (2009). Discussion

on the Dharavi Redevelopment Project
and the role of the Committee of
Experts (personal communication,
May 21, 2009) and Adarkar, N.
(2009). Discussion on the Dharavi
Redevelopment Project and the role
of the Committee of Experts (personal
communication, panel discussion/
interview, May 21, 2009).
52/ Committee of Experts (2009, July

7). Dharavi Redevelopment Project.
Open letter to the Government. Retrieved
September 4, 2009, from http://www.
dharavi.org/Dharavi_Advocacy/I._
Government_Documents/DRP_Letter_
by_Commitee_of_Experts
53/ Mitlin, D., & Patel, S. (2005). Reinterpreting the rights-based approach:
A grassroots perspective on rights and
development, Working Paper Series, 22,
Global Poverty Research Group of the
Economic and Social Research Council,
Swindon. (p.24)
54/ Mayer, M. (2009). The Right
to the City in the context of shifting
mottos of urban social movements.
City, 13(23), 362374.
55/ McFarlane, C. (2004).
Geographical imaginations and spaces
of political engagement: Examples from
the Indian alliance. Antipode, 36(5),
890916. (p.910)
groups and NGOs and the Concerned

Citizens of Dharavi (CCD), a space was made
for institutional participation when the CCD
was sanctioned as a Committee of Experts
(CoE) in 2008. This 11-member panel of
activists, professionals, academics, and
retired civil servants, including members
of the Alliance, chaired by the retired chief
secretary of Maharashtra49, continues its
pressure for the urban poors representation
and meaningful engagement within the DRP.
Alongside deeply conflicting visions among
actors and questioning of true rights to the
city for Dharavis residents and how claims
to this demand are effectively represented,
the top-down government vision is clearly
and profoundly embedded in a neoliberal
trickle-down approach, where the DRP
authority sees the projects objective as their
[Dharavi residents] mass economic uplift by
providing better alternatives of living and
business opportunities in the belief that
upgradation can maybe take them (slum
dwellers) into a world class city51. The
simultaneous claim by the DRP Authority
that they wish to treat Dharavis residents as
partners in the project, to involve people
in decision-making has been completely
denied in practice. No ordinary resident
sits on the CoE, raising questions regarding
the degree to which their diverse needs
and aspirations are being addressed in the
process. Furthermore, even if engagement
does occur, it is debatable what will change,
given that the government has made clear in
the past that while the outputs of studies and
conversations would be considered, the project
will fundamentally proceed as planned50.
Though the bottom-up vision as manifested
by members of the Alliance and the CoE is
critical of the DRP, these actors maintain a
close and highly strategic relationship with
government bodies in order to function as
facilitators between different institutional
levels. While the CoE has successfully lobbied

for the adoption of urban design guidelines in
the DRP and a socioeconomic baseline survey
to be conducted in Dharavi, their vision and
desire for an inclusive development process
has been relegated to making the DRP more
humane and guiding developers towards
a more sensitive development51. Hence,
the five-sector, five-developer DRP concept
continues, with the CoE merely tweaking
the edges, appearing as a body legitimising
a gentler neoliberal approach to Dharavis
development rather than actively pursuing a
radical Lefebvrian right to the city.
In July 2009, however, the CoE released an
open letter to the Government of Maharashtra
calling the DRP a sophisticated land grab,
stating that the correct solution to
redeveloping Dharavi would be to give up the
notion of making a profit out of it, either for
the Government or for the builders, and to
focus instead on the interests of the residents
of Dharavi52. This shift in effort implies that
the CoE is beginning to directly challenge
the DRPs neoliberal top-down approach,
although still restraining from a radically
deep Lefebvrian rethinking of fundamental
premises in capitalist social relations. This
reality is due in part to the outright rejection
of a rights-based approach by Alliance
members on the CoE who believe that it is
more effective to establish commonality of
interest with the state in the furtherance of
the strategic needs of the urban poor53.
The CoE has not challenged the states power
but rather it has aligned with the way the
right to the city is manifested in practice by
grassroots groups across the world, in essence
modifying the political content and meaning
of the contested term54. In this light, the CoE
is offering a development alternative rather
than a form of alternative development55,
where the former provides strategies that seek
to change and refine development positions
while offering different perspectives within

the DRP framework, and the latter seeks to
redefine development altogether.
What strategies then, in this complex and
highly contested case of urbanism, are most
effective to claim true bottom-up rights to
the city? As Roy56 posits, will demanding
rights through rebellious citizenship ensure
the right to the production of space for the
urban poor, or will it leave them without
access to the infrastructure of populist
mediation and its regulated entitlements? It
is clear that appropriate tactics are needed
to begin resolving the spatial tensions
between topdown urban strategies and
bottom-up strategies of spatial adaptation
and urban activism. One clear element that
is fundamental in the move towards greater
equity and justice for the urban poor in Dharavi
is that of persistent and continuous struggle.
Contested Spaces of Modernization: A

Critical Regionalist Approach
The triumph of homogeneity and space
as commodity concepts, manifesting in
the misdirected power of the DRP, are a
fundamental threat facing redevelopment
schemes across the world. Recalling the
parallel utopian ideals of the modernist
movement, mention has been made of
Lefebvres condemnation of such abstraction
and domination of space for capital gain
rather than appropriation for human needs.
Famously, Mumford57 also questioned the
sterile, abstract modernism characterized by
the so-called form follows function slogan,
one popularized though never subscribed
to by Sullivan. The rigorists, according to
Mumford, placed the mechanical functions
of a building above its human person who was
to occupy it instead of regarding engineering
as foundation for form, they treated it as an
end. Similar to Le Corbusiers Ville Radieuse,
with its ber-rigid grid of tower blocks and

network of thoroughfares, the tower block-on
plinth typology of the current DRP signifies
the deafening of evolutionary, organic humandriven development. Along these lines,
Barthes59 has pointed to growing awareness
in the functionality of symbols within urban
space, and the tendency of simulation among
planners.
Emerging from a global space of flows
, these schemes are essentially relegating
spaces of meanings to localized microterritories. People are given no choice but
to surrender or react on the basis of the
most immediate source of self-recognition
and autonomous organization, namely, their
locality60, as manifested in claims towards the
right to the city. In many cases, the failures
of progressive social movements to counter
economic exploitation, cultural domination,
and political oppression have allowed plans
like the DRP to manifest and remain through
time. Acknowledging the global as a form
of top-down, anthropomorphized capital
restructuring, Harvey61 suggests an opposing
duality where the local is the site of placebound identities and a reactionary politics
of aestheticized spatiality. In terms of the
latter, in Mumbai and Dharavi there have been
legitimate degrees of opposition represented
in general by the Alliance and perhaps most
vocally through rallies by the National Slum
Dwellers Federation. Yet referencing a prior
allusion to Foucault62, people in slums are
unlikely to have enough capability to exercise
liberating power alone and from within the
slum. By Ricoeurs63 account, this incapacity
is the root of the problem confronting
areas rising from underdevelopment. The
apocalyptic thrust of modernisation
associated with a universal commonality of
political rationale and universal modes of
living has ushered a rapacity of development
that, although progressive, has stifled the
creative and mytho-ethical nucleus of older
58
56/ Roy, A. (2009a). Civic governmentality:

The politics of inclusion in Beirut and
Mumbai. Antipode, 41(1),159179. (p. 176)
57/ Mumford, L. (1947, October). Sky
line. The New Yorker, New York.
58/ Castells, M. (1984). The
informational city: Economic
restructuring and urban development.
Oxford: Blackwell.
59/ Barthes, R. (1997). The Eiffel Tower
and other mythologies. Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press.
60/ Voisey, H., & ORiordan, T. (2001).

Globalization and localization. In T.
ORiordan (Ed.), Globalization, localism
and identity: Fresh perspectives on the
transition to sustainability (pp. 2542).
London: Earthscan. (pp. 72-73)
61/ Harvey, D. (1989). The condition

of postmodernity: An enquiry into the
origins of cultural change. Oxford:
Blackwell. (p.305)

63/ Ricoeur, P. (2007). Universal
civilization and national cultures. In V.B.
Canizaro (Ed.), Architectural regionalism:
Collected writings on place, identity,
modernity, and tradition (pp. 4353).
New York: Princeton Architectural Press.
I 29
30 I

and Frampton, K. (1998). Towards a
critical regionalism: Six points for an
architecture of resistance. In H. Foster
(Ed.), The anti-aesthetic: Essays on
postmodern culture (pp. 1734). New
York: The New Press.

societies64. In order to get onto the road

toward modernization, is it necessary to
jettison the old cultural past? Herein lies
the paradox for Dharavi within the broader
context of Mumbai and beyond: how to
become modern and to return to sources:
how to revive an old, dormant civilisation
and take part in universal civilisation 65.
Indira project was that of a 4.3-metre high

loft space which enabled the delineation and
privacy of separate space in multimember
households as well as space to facilitate
home-based business activities. However, as
a result of cost-cutting concerns, the Slum
Rehabilitation Authority (SRA) discontinued
the 4.3-metre high loft within its policy.
The symbols of modern redevelopment are

already randomly mushrooming throughout
Dharavi in the form of in situ housing blocks.
Two examples of bottom-up processes
toward taking Dharavi vertical, alleviating the
organic density and squalor of the low-rise
hutment dwellings that characterize the area,
are the previously mentioned Rajiv Indira and
Bharat Janata Cooperative Housing Societies.
Formed in 1995 by 54 families, Rajiv Indira
would combine with two other housing
societies by 1999, eventually representing
a combined 209 families earmarked for
rehabilitation shelter. Partnering with the
Suryodaya Society held greater urban
significance because this group had access to
a private road that connected the Rajiv Indira
site to the ring roads of Dharavi and the rest
of Mumbai. By 2002, five apartment blocks
were built, three of which housed community
members in tenements of 225 square feet
and two buildings sold back onto the market
to recover costs and generate profits for
future projects. The Bharat Janata project
was initiated in 1991 to rehouse a total of
156 households, although as of May 2009
only three of the proposed five buildings had
been constructed. Two of the buildings are
completely rehabilitation housing, while a
third is composite rehabilitation/market sale.
In-depth analysis of livelihood implications at

Bharat Janata and Rajiv Indira revealed issues
regarding social networks and the use of
communal space in and around the buildings.
Original physical layouts of hutment dwellings
were seen as more conducive to socializing
because street-facing doors and windows were
always open, allowing spontaneous, frequent,
and dynamic interaction. Although residents
in both projects stated that the quality of
life in the newly built shelter had improved,
relationships between neighbours weakened
as lives became more individualistic, people
preferred convening only on the ground floor
rather than utilizing common corridor spaces
throughout the buildings. Beyond this social
tendency, further observational analysis and
interviews implied that the ground floor
space was poorly designed and regulated, if
designed at all.
Called into question within these new

developments, apart from the structural
integrity, architectural aesthetic, and
contextual urban connections, is the impact
and ramifications on peoples livelihoods. An
innovative feature incorporated in the Rajiv
The overarching concern in both Rajiv Indira

and Bharat Janata is that the diversity of
activities and the multiplicity of uses, whether
interior or exterior, in terms of functionality,
facility, and design are not recognized
by SRA policies. The critical perspective
of urban production as a predominantly
human experience within a complementary
environment, with people and place
constituting the primary foci, is thus ignored.
Here, the idea of sustaining livelihoods
and social interaction should be added to
the challenge of becoming modern while
retaining cultural strengths. Alongside
grassroots efforts of local citizens and
I 31
66/ Sorkin, M. (2004). With the grain.

In S. Sirefman (Ed.), Whereabouts: New
architecture with local identities (pp.
1925). New York: The Monacelli Press.
32 I
67/ Lefaivre, L. (2003). Critical

regionalism: A facet of modern
architecture since 1945. In A. Tzonis &
L. Lefaivre (Eds), Critical regionalism:
Architecture and identity in a
globalized world (pp. 2253). Munich:
Prestel Verlag.
68/ Lefaivre, L. (2003). Critical

regionalism: A facet of modern
architecture since 1945. In A. Tzonis &
L. Lefaivre (Eds), Critical regionalism:
Architecture and identity in a
globalized world (pp. 2253). Munich:
Prestel Verlag.
69/ Mumford, L. (1947, October). Sky

line. The New Yorker, New York.
the organizations, including members of

the Alliance that have rallied them, the
convictions and methods used by authorities
and practitioners are also critical in leading
to a holistic evolution of the area. Here enters
the third component of contested urbanism,
a method to negotiate between the top-down
neoliberal Mumbai visions, including the
DRP, and the just needs and aspirations of
locals: the concept of critical regionalism.
Under this paradigm, a clear path is sought
between the homogenization of modernist
symbolic tendencies and the illusionary recall
of culturally irrelevant fantasies of locality66.
Coined by Alexander Tzonis and Liane
Lefaivre, critical regionalism was adopted
from the many musings of Lewis Mumford
in his rebuttals against absolute modernism.
However, as the vertical nature of in situ
redevelopment in Dharavi does not lack an
arguable degree of merit for appropriately
dwellings and space, many of the structures

are irrevocably poor in structural sustainability,
leaving them vulnerable to monsoons, fire,
and the occasional demolition by authority. A
critical approach that merges technology,
flexible planning, and use themes of a
critical regionalism alongside accessible
local mechanisms, gives critical clues toward
an appropriate development for the specific
challenges facing Dharavi and its residents.
Here and elsewhere, architecture (and urban
form) is not merely seen as a means to
shelter people, nor should it be considered
the picturesque notion of life. Rather it is an
effort to reflect and enhance the purposes
and ideals which characterize a particular
historical context and people68. According
to Mumford69, this takes place in meeting
the practical demands of an environment
modified for human use, but the modifications
Contested urbanism, therefore, highlights the nuances in the battles

between the production of space for domination against the production
of space for appropriation to serve human needs and aspirations
70/ Mumford, as cited in Lefaivre, L.
(2003). Critical regionalism: A facet of
modern architecture since 1945. In
A. Tzonis & L. Lefaivre (Eds), Critical
regionalism: Architecture and identity in
a globalized world (pp. 2253). Munich:
Prestel Verlag. (p.38)
resolving squalor and density issues,

modernism in its critical potential, according
to Mumford, was not meant to be completely
cast aside. In efforts toward progressive
growth, buildings should make use of the
latest technology, as long as it is functionally
optimal and sustainable67. In terms of the
past, older forms of regionalism leaned
more towards historicism and romanticism,
conjuring up sentiment for the yesterday
through surface ornamentation and nave
detailing. Mumfords notion of the concept
rejected the absolutism of history and the
mimicking of old buildings when producing
new structures. In the case of Dharavi, aside
from the evolutionary organic constructs of
should testify to the degree of order, of

cooperation, of intelligence, of sensitiveness,
that characterises community70. The new in
situ housing at Bharat Janata and Rajiv Indira
constitutes mainly rapid solutions sans the
critical consideration of complex community
need. While the buildings themselves are
structurally more substantial, the choice
of immediate functional upgrading over
sustained additive value only delivers false
commodity to citizens.
So far these projects are the only bottom-up
driven opposition to the mega-block typology
of the DRP. In efforts to turn attention away
from such top-down plans and to seriously
rejuvenate and uphold and the local

architectonic against universally abstract
versions, critical methods of modernization
alongside local particulars must emerge.
However, no new paradigm can emerge
without new relationships between designer
and user. Despite such limitations, critical
regionalism exudes potential as a bridge over
which any future humanistic architecture
should pass.
Spatial Tensions in Dharavi: Lessons

from a Contested City
Exploring these strands of contested urbanism
in Dharavi has made evident what Watson71
defines as a clash of rationalities between
techno-managerial and marketized systems of
government administration, service provision
and planning, and increasingly marginalized
urban populations surviving largely under
conditions of informality. This has manifested
through a complete disconnect between the
proposed Dharavi Redevelopment Project
(DRP) and the current situation of the
stakeholders most affected by the process: the
citizens of Dharavi72. The complex and multiple
nature of their highly productive and largely
informal live/work environment, including
commercial and home-based activities, is not
integrated nor even understood, nor are the
diverse urban forms present in Dharavi and
their association with different uses and social
interactions. The latter, for example, includes
multifunctional open spaces, organic clusters,
and incremental evolution of the built form,
adaptation through time by adding storeys to
the ground level to accommodate changing
needs at the family and at the community level.
The proposed solution, ignoring and denying
any value in this dynamic spatial adaptation
through time, is a tabula rasa plan to build a
space worthy of a world-class city, a strategy
as termed by Harvey73 as accumulation by
dispossession. It is thus clear in the case of

Dharavi that the Government of Maharashtra
itself, pressing this vision and plan, is
producing social and spatial exclusion,
making Dharavi a heterotopia. The practices
resulting from such elements are rooted in
top-down control and management towards
facilitating the reproduction of capital,
denying the inclusion or enablement of the
urban poor in the process.
Contested urbanism, therefore, highlights the
nuances in the battles between the production
of space for domination against the production
of space for appropriation to serve human
needs and aspirations, the latter expressed
through the spatial adaptation of residents
of Dharavi and their struggles to develop
housing in a bottom-up process with the aid
of the Alliance and thus to literally build a
possible alternative to the DRP. At the same
time, the Committee of Experts is pressing for
the inclusion of the marginalized urban poor
of Dharavi in the capital-driven top-down DRP
process. True rights to the city, however, are
not about inclusion in a structurally unequal,
exploitative, and insecure system, but rather
are fundamentally about democratizing cities
and their decision-making processes73.
The experience in Dharavi signifies a first
step toward a pervasive neo-urbanism in
what Smith74 described as the use of new
urbanism as a competitive urban strategy
in association with new globalism. On the
other hand, oppositional practices emerging
in Dharavi, promoting a right to the city
deployed toward transformative social ends,
run the risk of cooption by neoliberalism75.
While Lefebvres concept of abstract space
facilitates the reproduction of capital for the
achievement of a neoliberal Vision Mumbai,
with Dharavis space carved into real estate
parcels for exchange in the market, there
is a grave risk that the resultant space will
71/ Watson, V. (2009). Seeing from the

South: Refocusing urban planning on
the globes central urban issues. Urban
Studies, 46(11), 22592275.
72/ BUDD (2009). Dharavi: A case

of contested urbanism. Field trip final
report, MSc Building and Urban Design
for Development, Development Planning
Unit, London. From http://www.ucl.
ac.uk/DPU/courses/2009%20Fieldtrip/
Dharavi%20Final%20Report%20(lowresolution%20III).pdf
73/ Mayer, M. (2009). The Right to the

City in the context of shifting mottos of
urban social movements. City, 13(23),
362374. (p.337)
74/ Smith, N. (2002). New globalism,

new urbanism: Gentrification as global
urban strategy. Antipode, 34(3),
427450. (p.99)
75/ Woessner, M. (2009). Rescuing the

right to the city. City, 13(4), 474475.
76/ Woessner, M. (2009). Rescuing the

right to the city. City, 13(4), 474475.
I 33
34 I
represent the triumph of homogeneity77

and stand, both in its totality as well as in
its constituent parts, as product with no
trace of the historic, organic adaptations,
and struggles through time that have made
Dharavi what it is today. If we are to move
towards more socially just and sustainable
urban spaces, more culturally sensitive
approaches to home-making or remaking
in urban transformations is a fundamental
necessity. This means integrating into urban
design and planning the notion of casual,
rhizomatic, fluid, and of course incremental
production of spaces that respond to peoples
needs and aspirations, their enablement and
adaptation through time. Indeed, it is the task
and power of design to unravel, clarify and
negotiate contrasts and contradictions in the
urban fabric78 acknowledging the reality of
urban transformation as caught between the
tendencies of privatization and commodity
and conflictive meanings over spaces. Without
overloading with nave expectations, the fact
remains that urban design practitioners and
academics seek a specific role in investigating
the complexity and the contradictory notion
of reality and designing spaces that possibly
enable social justice, interactions, belonging
and basically promote a good life.
in particular, not as an homogenous spaces

but as a city in itself constructed of impurity,
ambivalence, and in a state of constant
metamorphosis, slum urbanism, inherently
contested in nature, can be understood
as a response and resistance to state and
economic-led utopian and modernistic
planning. It is, thus, a reaction to the
hegemonic, technocratic, hypermodern,
and top-down discourses that shape state
authority material interventions in urban
areas, where slum dwellers directly challenge
this power and claim their right to the city
through building, adapting, and evolving their
living spaces.
The nature of Dharavi as a conceptual

resource echoes the unforgotten notion that
it is indeed a living and concrete place,
understood through the struggles of conflict
and daily survival. Alongside the conceptual
complexities and contradictions contained
within, it is the poignant reality of Dharavis
situation that ignites local and universal
appeal and attention toward the formulation
of solutions that can humanize urban and
social conditions in Mumbai and elsewhere
throughout the world. In essence, exploring,
depicting, and rescuing Dharavi is per se
rescuing the very concept of right to the city.
By, thus, recognizing the nuances and
subtleties of slums in general and Dharavi
There is a belief here that a critical regionalist

approach to architectural and urban
production can serve as a tool to negotiate the
diverse desires of the people and the need to
formally upgrade infrastructures and living
conditions while realizing the rights of citizens
to participate in the production of Mumbai. By
engaging the currently marginalized residents
of Dharavi in the process, equilibrium
and critical awareness needs to be sought
between providing a development alternative
or a form of alternative development79,
with clear consciousness around strategies
around working within the system or seeking
to radically restructure social, political, and
economic relations in the city and beyond.
Dharavis redevelopment needs to find an

appropriate balance to inform both experience
and subsequent proposals that will lead
to inclusive transformative outcomes for
individuals and the city as a whole grounded
around the notions of accessible places
and inclusive processes, of the design,
development, and management of spaces.
Such proposals must be able to offer a clear
picture of the various contested meanings
different urban actors have in a time of rapid
urbanization and ongoing neoliberal capitalist
development.

Blackwell Publishing. (p.337)
I 35
78/ Loeckx, A., & Shannon, K. (2005).

Qualifying urban spaces.From http://
ww2.unhabitat.org/programmes/
agenda21/documents/urban_trialogues/
QualifyingUrbanSpace.pdf
79/ McFarlane, C. (2004).

Geographical imaginations and spaces
of political engagement: Examples from
the Indian alliance. Antipode, 36(5),
890916. (p.910)
36 I
80/ Roy, A. (2009b). Why India cannot

plan its cities: Informality, insurgence
and the idiom of urbanisation. Planning
Theory, 8(1), 7687.
While at present there appears to be a

disjunction between grand expectations
and acknowledged reality, the conceptual
analytical neologism of contested urbanism
is fundamental in depicting the materialdiscursive dynamics in the formation,
transformation, and representation of
social movement struggles over space. The
redevelopment opportunities as witnessed
through the DRP provide a platform for
a productive discourse on informality to
emerge particularly its assets and value
to be mapped and appreciated within the
canonical theories of architecture and
urbanism. This could re-politicize informality
to reveal the importance of the futures of
Dharavi and other states of informalities 80.
While the by-product of this attention may
be increased knowledge of informality, is
it in the social struggles of the contested
urbanisms that reside an opportunity to
create new drivers of knowledge production
new priorities that fuel urban research
and professional practice able to rethink the
right to the city. Indeed, the conceptual
apparatus of this study and its adaptation to
the case of Dharavi seeks to repopulate and
reinvigorate the call for a radical thinking on
the powers of architecture and urbanism.
For some readers familiar with post-Marxist
literature on cites and the current right to the
city perspectives, the analytical neologism of
contested urbanism could be seen as either an
oxymoron or not a true novelty. For the authors
of this study, however, the originality of the
concept lies in the fact that no matter how
urbanism processes are labeled, packaged,
and implemented, the themes of production
of space and the right to do so must converse
with each other explicitly because both are
embedded in a potential transformative
process of social change. The neologism
furthermore attempts to combine an urban
studies perspective with an architectural one,
offering a possible combination of scales for

an effective investigation in a renewed critical
architectural practice.
Conclusion
I 37
Lefebvre proclaimed that space is much more

than an object or static form; it is active both
as instrument and goal, means and end. The
production of space, he argued, involves the
most fundamental processes of social life,
including the experience and representation
of place and the construction of identity. How
we plan and articulate Dharavi has much
to do with how we construct and articulate
ourselves as citizens and as professionals.
Beyond the notion of Dharavi herein as
a geographical frontline of contested
urbanism, it is therefore also seen as a
representational frontline in the debate
surrounding the professional identity and role
of people responsible for shaping the built
environment in cities across the world.
Buildings do not contain any political
essence in themselves, rather they become
meaningful because of the relation between
their physicality and specific social
processes81. Contested urbanism reinforces
the idea that design involves satisfying
material needs and resolving competing
social requirements through a process of
active participation by the occupants and the
mediation of professionals82. The design
process is simultaneously the production of
physical form, the creation of social, cultural,
and symbolic resources, and also, critically,
the outcome of a facilitative process, in
which enablement becomes a central idea.
Such an approach fundamentally repositions
the role of the architect. They are not, in
Roys83 opinion, the innocent professionals,
but rather involved in a process requiring
reflection upon how and what they produce
within a contested vision of urbanism.
81/ Bevan, R. (2006). The destruction

of memory. Architecture at war. London:
Reaktion Books.
82/ Boano, C., (2011). Violent Spaces:

production and reproduction of security
and vulnerabilities. The Journal of
Architecture, 16(1):37-55.
83/ Roy, A. (2006). Praxis in the time

of empire. Planning Theory, 5(1), 729.
(p.21)
38 I
Recalibrating Critical
Design Practice:
Excursions through
Studio Pedagogy
William Hunter
Camillo Boano
Excerpts and expansions of this
essay have appeared in various other
journals and online
With little doubt it is clear that we have lost

the general plot in an agency for potentially
affective and widespread change through
architecture. It is precisely this potential
and obligatory agency that has been
stymied by the annunciation and appeal of
grand edifices and spectacular visions of
cities throughout the world, a circumstance
that until recently has all but removed
critical Design from the arenas of the socalled developing world. Emerging from
the recent buzz surrounding a social
turn and preying on the implications
and possible mis-appropriation of social
rhetoric within education and practice,
including
claims
of
participatory
methodology and collaboration, this essay
attempts to recalibrate the positioning of
a critical design practice as seen through
the lens of the MSc Building and Urban
Design in Development (BUDD) course at
the Bartletts Development Planning Unit.
The Development Planning Unit has long
been a pioneering international center
for academic teaching, practical training
research and consultancy in the field of
urban and regional development with a
particular focus on planning for socially just
and sustainable development in the Global
South. With an eye to how these processes
manifest and unfold in a spatial modus,
the MSc BUDD course gives impetus to the
combining of cultural, social, economic,
political and spatial analysis in the effort
to present a holistic response to the
growing complexities within the design
and production of the urban realm. These
complexities provide great challenges
to architects, engineers, planners, and
other professionals and therein exists
an urgent need to use our capacities
for reconsidering and recalibrating our
engagement with design to effectively
respond to new demands and situations.
In relation to these challenges and the
charge for a renewed sense of practice, our

objectives within the course are to equip
those students with experience or interest
in the development of urban areas with a
political economy perspective of space, to
further enhance their comprehension of
the unique needs, abilities, aspirations,
and forms of resistance that characterise
urban dwellers in various contexts, but
specifically in geographies of the Global
South. We want students to be able to
critically challenge different morphologies
and tensions that shape current complex
neoliberal urbanisation at different scales.
We want them to be able to respond with
a strategically coordinated process and
produce design that leverages local capacity
in order to meet local needs. Moreover we
strive for students to be able to critically
engage with the practice of architecture
and urban design as emanating from
specific modes of production with inherent
structures of social relations, cultures,
ideologies, histories and struggles that
configure the urban domain.
In order to justify the significance of a
recalibration of critical urban design
practice and how this emerges within studio
pedagogy, this essay will identify the primary
conceptual preoccupations and operational
mechanisms that frame our inner workings.
We begin by addressing the issue of
Participation through a deconstruction of
what such a methodological claim implies
for action research and spatial production
alongside communities. Harbouring a
belief that the idea of participation and
inclusion should be inherent in any process
of design engagement, this section serves
as the very foundation for then examining
and deconstructing the discourse(s) of
urban design which forms the core of our
argument. Beyond a theoretical grounding
of what such a recalibration may entail,
we highlight our efforts at re-interpreting
I 39
1/ Ranciere, J., Corcoran, S. (2010)

Dissensus on Politics and Aesthetics.
London: Continuum.
40 I
design
through
an
acknowledged
multiplicity, borrowing from Rancieres
idea of dissensus1. Here we present a toolbased methodology that serves as a guide
for moving through design processes - in
the studio and in our extended fieldwork.
A glimpse into the challenging notion of
praxis and the benefits and limitations of
project simulation and fieldwork that serve
as a platform to act on and experiment with
new methodologies that seek a recalibration
of studio pedagogy and practice set up
a concluding section on the necessary
fostering of more fruitful relationships
between education, practice, and the users
that are served as a result of our working
approach.
Critiquing the Mantra of Participation

The relationship between participation
and design has been explored in a variety
of ways in theory and practice in the field
of development. Especially in the context
of urban development, the involvement of
users in the process of design of housing
or infrastructure interventions has mostly
been supported as means to produce
more responsive outputs. Building on the
views and perspectives of local residents,
participatory
design
methodologies
have often addressed issues related to
the physical properties of intervention,
consulting residents about the appropriate
characteristics, qualities and positioning
of physical improvements. Participation
has also been championed because
of perceived social and institutional
benefits, as engagement of users in the
process of design facilitates a sense of
ownership. This nurtures both the users
direct maintenance of facilities as well as
their indirect involvement in using social
mobilisation to persuade the relevant actors
(state and private) to assume responsibility
for such tasks.
I 41
42 I
2/ DAuria, V., De Meulder, B. and

Shannon, K. (2010) The Nebulous
Notion of Human Settlements, in De
Meulder, B. and Shannon, K. (eds.)
Human Settlements: Formulations
and (re)Calibrations. Amsterdam: SUN
Achitecture Publishers.
3/ Sanoff, H. (2006). Multiple views of

participatory design. METU Journal of
the Faculty of Architecture, 131143.
4/ Habraken, J .(1981) Foreword

in: N. Hamdi, & B.Greenstreet (eds)
Participation in Housing No.1: Theory
and Implementation, Working Paper
No.57 (Oxford, Oxford Polytechnic
Department of Town Planning), pp. viii-x.
Participation is justified as an effective

and cost-efficient process that enables
design interventions to be responsive
and well maintained through time. Such
instrumental approach to participation
has often been criticised by its localised
character, addressing only the manifestation
of urban problems, while leaving the root
causes of inadequate access to services in
the cities of the global south unchallenged.
The role of design in the context of human
settlements in the global south has been
interestingly explored historically by
dAuria et al., who positions participation
within trends and changes on notions of
human settlements from the disciplines
of architecture, urbanism and planning2.
Similarly, Nabeel Hamdi has also been
questioning the role of the practitioner
in the process of participatory design by
focusing on achieving change through the
facilitation of community-led initiatives.
Henry Sanoff has been expanding on a
definition of participatory design as an
attitude about a force for change in the
creation and management of environments
for people 3. Stemming from such varieties
of discourses and practices, the MSc BUDD
course also makes evident the limitations,
gaps and rhetorical shortcuts in such an
exploration, especially when dealing with
the semantic of participation. In fact,
it is hard to argue against the basis for
participation in development, its potentials
and its positivity. It makes perfect sense to
many practitioners alike that individuals,
households and communities should be
granted involvement in determining their
housing situation, livelihood options and
location of residence, among other matters.
However, it seems that, although strong in its
convictions and sensible in comprehension,
the idea of participation loses steam when
moved about so freely from context to
context, from one view to another, becoming
what we call participatory neologisms. The

problem here lies with interpreting exactly
what participation means and to whom,
thus becoming the most ambiguous of
terms and the most powerful of concepts.4
While such flexibility can be appreciated
because of its adaptability, in this case the
term itself requires a common definition,
broadly acceptable and applicable.
Thus, while challenging the simplistic
use of participatory mantra, the MSc
BUDD believes in the need for a route to
people-driven processes rather then an
unquestioned adoption of any participatory
label.
Processes
where
individuals,
households and communities are not
merely labelled users, consumers, clients,
or beneficiaries, nor recipients of exogenous
acts of empowerment through the
commodification of services that were once
their basic right Beyond semantics, the
first element of our recalibration offers an
elaboration on the debates of participatory
neologisms suggesting that they should be
integrated in system-transforming processes
grounded in an holistic design strategy
where a critical attitude for which the
diagnosis of the status quo is inseparable
for imaginations.
Recalibrating Urban Design Discourse:

Deconstruction through Dissensus
The need for a (re)calibration of urban
design discourse in general and particularly
for the MSc BUDD emerges as a will to
define an interpretative perspective over the
contemporary challenges of the subject(s)
of the course, as well as to enrich the
practice of development practitioners
dealing with complex urban challenges,
the spatial manifestation of injustices and
spatial transformations at the scale of
building (architecture) and urban design.
These latter two are not seen as isolated

disciplines or professions but embedded
and infused within the wider, broader and
complex urban development and urbanism
arena. Two primary arguments serve to
illustrate this infusion.
On one hand there is a need to redirect
practice and academic curricula towards
a more deliberate critical appraisal of
development challenges in the Global
South regarding the different morphologies
and tensions that shape the current
urbanization while acknowledging the
extraordinary adaptive capacities and
resilience of everyday life5. Taking a cue
from Bruno Latour, we get closer to the facts
in a renewed empiricism and praxis so we
are able to deconstruct the real apparatuses
of the complex neoliberal conflictive derive
that this presupposes at different scales:
the contested nature of transformations, the
strategies for morphing and re-morphing
urban areas conceived as resistant, formal
or informal practices, the experiences
of individual and communities and the
role and agency of design as a creative,
non-physically limited dimension of
transformation. And then there is a moving
On the other hand, the deconstruction

of urban design discourse as conceived
thus far requires the offering of a holistic
alternative framework rather than simply
a method or tool, to position urban design
alongside architecture and planning6. This
would abandon the simplistic notion of
city as a big building and guidelines and
policy as sufficient elements used to read,
intervene and transform cities. Following
Cuthbert when saying that the only way
forward is to reconstruct urban design as
an independent field of knowledge, such
recalibration for us was to rebrand urban
design in one sense as political economy
of space which in turn configures the form
of the city. In doing so, whether it be the
form of a slum, a community centre, a
shopping mall or a waterfront development,
the production outcomes, the results of sets
of forces and not merely the design, are the
consequences of complex, interrelated, and
often conflictive political economies.
Such configuration of urban design as the
production of spaces and places in cities
(mega, macro, fragmented, in conflict, in
north as in south) is then very much anti
mainstream since the resulting design
The justification of allotting proper fieldwork experience in a developing context

serves as the ultimate platform to test grounded theory alongside practical
tools and methodologies, thus fulfil ing the desire to engage in holistic praxis.
away from facts, objects if you prefer, to
direct attention to the conditions that made
them possible. Central here is the notion
of transformative and transformation
more than the development per se, forming
a new scenario in which the paradox of the
architectural and urban design insists.
process is dependent of a multiplicity of

forces rather than the singular conceptual
genius at the drawing board or in a an airconditioned meeting room. Refashioning
the status quo within BUDD critically serves
to re-qualify and re-position space its
physical manifestations and processes
I 43
5/ Satterthwaite, D. (2011) Surviving in

the Urban Age, in Burdett, R., Sudjic, D.
(eds.), Living in the Endless City. London:
Phaidon. p.274
6/ Gunter, M. (2011) Commentary: Is

Urban Design Still Urban Planning? An
Exploration and Response, Journal of
Planning Education and Research, Vol.
31(2) 184195.
7/ Marcuse, P. (2010) In Defense of

Theory in Practice, CITY, 14(1), 4-12.
44 I

London: Continuum.
9/ Miessens, M. (2010). The

Nightmare of Participation. Berlin:
Sternberg.

London: Continuum.

London: Continuum.
of production towards an agenda of

development interventions that combats
seemingly forgotten architectural and
design values of their process and outcomes
(at different scales), resulting in a despatialisation in development planning.
At the threshold of these two main points,
is architecture and urban design, both as
disciplines and practices with all their
inherited dilemmas. In terms of design
it implies working creatively on some
preconceived idea or plan of what should
be constructed or how people should live.
We challenge this precondition through this
recalibration, moving in our pedagogical
attempt for example, the design-heavy
phases towards the end of our studio modules
so to challenge the not-so-transformative
nature of imaginative representations
devoid of evolutionary process that is
formative in the design of city. This
cleanses the architectural perception and
education of dealing and imaging objects
to a more holistic dealing with spaces
and places that allow agencies, evolutions
and conflictive adaptations. What then
emerges is a redefinition of the knowledge
attached to urban design, centred on how
space emanates from specific modes of
production with their inherent structure of
social relations, cultures, ideologies and
histories, as well as the gender, age and
diversity struggles that configure various
global urbanisms.
Critical spatial practices have an inevitably
fundamental significance as they are
infused with the potential to challenge
institutional power relations in societys
dominant forces. Such criticality is intended
to assist the understanding of the structural
roots of contemporary urbanism(s), uncover
potential strategies to address structural
inequalities, guard against a co-optation of
strategic responses and politicise struggles
by engaging with issues at a level beyond the

merely technical, aesthetic and physical7.
A recalibrated view of design could therefore
be based on the ideal of deepening bonds
of solidarity through the recognition of
social complexities and diversity. Such an
approach aims at revealing dissensus, in a
Rancire sense, as a mechanism to generate
coalitions present in a certain time and
context which are strategic to address the
causes of marginality revealed through such
process. Therefore this connectedness
does not signal a homogenous unity or a
monolith totality, but rather a contingent,
fragile coalition, building in an effort to
pursue common radical libertarian and
democratic goals8.
Re-constructing design - urban and
architectural - as dissensus in Rancires
world seems echoing Markus Miessens
recent
book,
The
Nightmare
of
Participation9, where he elaborates on a
notion of deliberation in the process of
design that contests consensus and builds
on conflictual participation. Conflict is
not understood as a form of protest or
provocation, but rather, as micro-political
practice through which the participant
becomes an active agent who insists on being
an actor in the force field they are facing10.
Furthermore, reconstructing design through
dissensus calls for a deeper reorientation
between politics and aesthetics through
what Rancire called redistribution of
the sensible11. For him genuine political
or artistic (used here in a generic sense
encompassing architecture as well), always
involves a form of innovation that tears
bodies from their assigned places (both
physically as well as metaphorically), and
free speech and expression from all form of
functionality. In other words design dissensus
provokes a disruption in the order of things
which is not only a simple reordering of the
relation of powers between different groups,
I 45
which imply resistances, but new subjects

and heterogeneous objects challenging
the perception and the representation of
cultural identity and hierarchical forms.
46 I
Central in this revised process is a poetics

of knowledge: an operation that shows
all discourses to be specifiable, not by
forms or self-legitimisation, but by their
poetic operations with which they establish
the visibility of objects and make them
available to thoughts through not a monodirectional design process but a more open,
flexible and contingent abacus of design.
Based on the above, design for BUDD is
holistic in its process and transformative in
its nature, based on the critical analysis of
the morphological and societal forces that
shape it and the spatial political economy
that governs its production. This approach
inherently embeds a social, economic and
political nature to the design practices,
specifically in the urban intervention studio
and the overseas fieldtrip, which constitute
real-life platforms of engagement with
the contemporary urban challenges of

cities in the global south. As a result, the
conceptualisation and practice of design
can be conceived as fostering inclusive
environments
through
conscientiously
negotiating power and authentically
recognising and supporting diversity in urban
space; enabling transformative processes
both at the policy and at the spatial level
and addressing particulars, standard
enough to be applicable at different scales
and flexible enough to accommodate the
dynamic nature of space and social change.
Defining a Multiplicity of Design: Tools

for the Studio
Very recently Jeremy Till and Tatjana
Schneider along with Nishat Awan (among
others) have reinvigorated the notion of
spatial agency through a deconstructing
of the dialectic interplay between agency
and structure, throwing caution to nave
individual pursuit which would amount to
a mere autonomous act of creating form

regardless of external conditions12. Escaping
from a belief that agency and structure
(creating space) are forces of opposition,
they turn to Giddens understanding of
the two as distinguishable, yet linkedagents are not incapable, but they lack
an omnipotence which consigns them
to be negotiators for limited reform. The
idea of a true spatial agency implies that
any structural engagement can only yield
success is the agent is attentive to limits of
the situation. Giddens explains that action
depends on the capability of the individual
to make a difference to a pre-existing
state of affairs or course of events, further
stating that agency means being able to
intervene in the world, or to refrain from such
intervention, with the effect of influencing
a specific process or state of affairs.
This rather novel concept of refrain is
rich with debate amongst the profession,
for it suggests in a manner of speaking
that a practitioner should consider at
some point removing themselves from
the equation. There is a thought, at least
in the field of development that the goal
of the practitioner, when intervening in
community-led housing upgrading and
capacity building for example, is to render
themselves obsolete. If they become
unnecessary, then this would suggest that
the community processes had become
self-sustaining. There may be truth here,
though the extreme stance oversimplifies
and in some fashion detracts from the role
and potential of the agent architect. What
is implied though, as Till points out in the
spirit of Cedric Price, is that the objectified
intervention of physical structure may not
actually be the most appropriate solution
for so-called spatial problems. Perhaps
(and indeed) there are alternative methods
for intervening in a spatial manner.
In the MSc BUDD course, the considered
multiplicity of design formed a necessary

charge for a clearer understanding of how
practitioners can become more informed
agents of change by taking a more critical
stance on how they enter and proceed- a
working framework for manoeuvre through
processes. This tool-based methodology
internally deemed the DesignMap, is
introduced to the students as a visual essay
of sorts, a sequential narrative entailing
distinct, yet connected and overlapping
approaches, in which the direction is less
chronologically imperative, yet inherently
directed at laying a framework that provides
guidance through various spatial and
non-spatial situations. The DesignMap
is intended as a studio companion, first
introduced in the confines of the simulated
studio projects and later employed and
tested more critically once embarking on
extended field research trips.
While acknowledging slight simplifications
in what the framework elicits and implies,
especially when stressing and highlighting
an embedded multiplicity of Design, there
is an attempt at fashioning an operational
outline for understanding related, yet
particular modes or entry points that
directly address certain challenges in
terms of degree or force and timeframe.
The basis of the DesignMap lies in
a conceptual defining of design (in
development) as a programmatic attempt
to creatively strategize in a specific time
and space, the transformative potential of
an intervention. Such a definition of design,
while provisional and instrumental, carries
a twofold obligation related to both process
and outcomes. On one hand it is meant to
facilitate a comprehensive imagination of
transformations and changes. On the other
it implies a practice that aligns with public
interest- with the collective will and voices
of traditionally marginalized individuals.
12/ Awan, N. Shneider, T. & Till, J. (2011)

Spatial Agency. Other ways of doing
architecture. Routledge, London.
I 47
48 I
Design is thus not merely viewed as a

specialized, isolated, and object-driven
aesthetic discipline, but rather an action
re-conceived as inclusive, alternative, and
divergent. Offering a convicted attempt
at identifying what design is or can be
serves as a flexible and opportunistic
pretext in which to investigate and question
architecture in the current milieu of contested
development that confronts disciplinary bias
and distorted visions of the urban realm.
Due in part to this belief that design is a
determined, yet undefined action serving
to enhance processes and outcomes, a
dialecticism of intervention emerges in the
nature of the physical and symbolic. Physical
outcomes at the levels of architecture and
urban design can be a means to an end
or they can serve as a catalyst for further
developments and manifestations. At
the same time, it is equally imperative
that any intervention should be able to
symbolically question spatial character,
typology, and scale. These two avenues of
manifestation, while distinguishable, are
virtually dependent and essential to the
quality of an intervention and its ability to
sustain itself in the midst of external force
and evolutionary impacts.
This dialecticism further serves the move
towards a genuinely inclusive spatial
agency through a perspective of radical
democracy, one that not only encompasses
the symbolic gesture behind our actions
but more so the real (the physical) act.
In this case the process of transformation
would emancipate not through grand
narratives but by everyday resistance:
social transformation occurs not merely by
rallying mass numbers in favour of a cause,
but precisely through the ways in which
daily social relations are re-articulated,
and new conceptual horizons opened up
by anomalous or subversive practices13.
Combing the supplemental underpinnings

of the DesignMap, the work of bell hooks
on the process of resistance is particularly
interesting and useful as she draws a series
of reflections on transformation as a process
of rupture from dominant ideologies and
discrimination which emphasizes scale
of the individual emancipation, collective
action and structural changes. Similarly
to Foucaults triad strategy, hooks works
also examine the process of resistance and
transformation based on the three elements
of refusal, curiosity, and innovation.
Here, refusal is approached through a
psychological and structural position of
marginality, curiosity is seen as an act
of recognizing differences and building
bonds of solidarity, and innovation points
to tactical coalitions based on dissensus.
Such triad strategy, grounded in poststructuralist literature from Foucault and
Lefebvre to Derrida and Ranciere, is applied
directly to the idea of an inclusive spatial
agency in order to encourage transformative
practices through processes that enable
the design of unbiased products. To further
unpack the interpretive multiplicity of
Design, the DesignMap seeks to distinguish
the particular and diverse over-arching
characteristics of design that can be
deployed at specific and appropriate
intervals within a process in order to achieve
varying and desirable results that are held
together by reflective mechanisms.
I 49
For our purpose, we hold that the process

of Design can be conceived and organized
along four (4) distinct, though not mutually
exclusive sequential parts:
Retrospective: where efforts focus
on identifying and analyzing discursive
and non-discursive elements in order to
decipher/depict the implicit nature and
production of space (rhetoric, policies,
actors);
13/ Butler, J. (2004) Undoing Gender.

Routledge. New York.
50 I
Descriptive: where efforts focus on

representing physical and non-physical
elements that are present- mapping the
visible and latent with the intention of
uncovering windows and opportunities for
strategic Design capitalization;
Possibility: exploration that hinges on
present potentials, social practices, and
material/immaterial spaces in a feasible,
yet strategically future-adaptive manner;
Alternative: the obligatory action,
especially in extreme cases of polarized
visions that threaten local contingents, to
challenge through a continuous dialogue
with the conflictive nature and dynamism
of the (re)production of space(s).
Naturally the thresholds between these four
parts are not always as straightforward as
the distinctions suggest. Without doubt,
during a process we continuously backtrack
as well as fast-forward, manoeuvres brought
on by internal or external cause. Micro
processes and resurrection of information
are inherent in what we do and these parts
are exactly sequential in that they have the
capacity to build on one another, though
this breakdown in the DesignMap suggests
that if we critically slow down our action
by way of thinking more strategically about
where our actions stem from and where
they are meant to lead, we might better
understand and uncover greater possibilities
for identifying our intention of intervention.
More specifically, and digging deeper under
the surface of these sequential umbrella
parts the DesignMap exerts a speculative
position(s) on how a recalibration can be
served my different elements of operation.
The operational modes of design begin with:
No-Design recalls Giddens notion of
refrain. Stemming from inappropriate design

implementation, the idea cautions against
assumptions and immediately jumping
to object-driven design responses while
hoping to avoid being complicit of dominant
systems (economic, political, professional).
This calls for abandoning craftsmanship
and imaginative skills, forcing one to
consider and prioritize the dynamics and
processes of collective claims. This could
be seen as the ultra-preliminary aspect of a
process or a consistent convicted humility.
Research stresses that without completely
abandoning creativity, imagination, and
craftsmanship skills, agents (students) can
render the invisible, visible by employing a
particular way of thinking, communicating,
and reflecting that articulates and explores
windows of opportunity. These can expose
potential
catalyst
interventions
and
collectively-derived design proposals within
situations of uncertainty, instability, and
uniqueness.
Critique calls for the critical deployment
of imagination and craftsmanship skills
in order to question and understand
complexities of contested situations. This
highly convicted and reflective positioning
offers options of speculating, mobilizing,
and demonstrating the potential of informed
spatial alternatives that contribute to
inclusive transformation.
Resistance directly responds with the
intent of reducing unjust domination. Here
there exists a condition of possibility in which
design becomes a convicted emancipator
using craftsmanship and imagination
to promote opposition through feasible
alternatives. It collectively questions spatial
production not as objective provision, but
a strategic arena for accommodating the
convergence of policy, aspirations, struggles
and the future.
As stated prior, the DesignMap is

introduced and elaborated on through a
series of real case scenarios of contested
urbanism in the Global South, first
through a simulated project- in recent
years grounded in Dharavi/Mumbai- and
continuing through short travel workshops
to an extended and intense field research
trip, elements which will be highlighted in
the next section. The tool is intended to
provide our students with a sufficient set
of guidelines and conceptual apparatus
in order to question design methodology,
stimulate action and explore the materialdiscursive dynamics in the formation,
a combination of operational strategies,

theoretical vantage points, and an openended determination towards the potentials
and processes of design. Perhaps more
important is how or where these experiments
play out. For this it is crucial to incorporate
a mix of simulated exercises and real world
scenarios at various scales and depths.
The contextual apparatus is central to
this situation for it offers the platform for
all possible manifestations to emanate.
In the MSc BUDD, that context often
resides in the highly complex and contested
geographies of the so called Global South.
Here, the multiplicities and challenges of
I 51
Design is therefore based on the ideal of deepening bonds of

solidarity through the recognition of social complexities and diversity.
transformation
struggles over
wider struggle
vantage point
and representation of social

spaces as exemplary of a
over social justice from the
of a contextual situation.
The Studio as Praxis Ground Zero:

Challenges of Project Simulation and
the Field
Studio environments, in practice and
especially in design education, have always
been the grounds for experimentation- but
not of the blind or careless type. They have a
potential to be a highly effective venue for
exploring agency and fostering stewardship,
especially through a pedagogy that invites
students to take action in places and with
populations underserved or even unaware
of the potential benefits design can have
on their environment14. The charge is to
think critically and innovate. Arguably,
any innovative pedagogy has to involve
intervening are met with the compounded

realities of informality, socio-political and
cultural constructs. To adhere to such
contextual platform, the studio process
must be equally dynamic in response
to such complexity, though it should be
organized and filtered in such a way that
supports a clear and critical understanding
of design processes and the recalibrated
notion of praxis and the possibilities of what
it could mean to be an agent practitioner.
This individual sits not in a remote position,
but is alert and entangled in the reality of
situations, opposed to social determinism,
which implies subjective capacities and
objective condition and with the purpose
to open up creative potential without
prefiguring solutions15.
Following that thought, in her famous
text The Human Condition, Hannah
Arendt revived the notion of praxis as the
highest and most important level of the
14/ Crisman, P. (2010) Environmental

and social action in the studio in Agency:
Working with Uncertain Architectures,
F. Kossack, D. Petrescu, T. Schneider,
R. Tyszczuk, and S. Walker (eds). Oxon/
New York: Routledge. p.32
15/ Baltazar, A. and S. Kapp (2010)

Against determinism, beyond mediation
in Agency: Working with Uncertain
Architectures, F. Kossack, D. Petrescu,
T. Schneider, R. Tyszczuk, and S. Walker
(eds). Oxon/New York: Routledge. p.134
52 I
active life, further suggesting that more

(philosophers) need to engage in everyday
political action16. This action would bring
a true realisation of human freedom. In
questioning this role of agent practitioner,
the juxtaposing of theory and practice
(for many the very epitome of praxis)
will yield a critically valuable reflective
mechanism for the students, exuding the
necessary embodiment of Arendts charge.
While not entirely unique to our own course
operations, it remains necessary to evoke an
argument that the exercising of praxis should
not be banished to the studios physical
confines. The studio may very well serve as a
Ground Zero incubator for laboratory testing
and exchange, though its symbolic mobility
obligates itself to the act of externally
engaging, applying and ultimately realising
the potential of an informed intervention.
For BUDD the practical application of
ideas ranges from the whirlwind nature of a
charrettes to extended localised field-based
urban analysis, wherein students are placed
on the challenging frontline of societys
unfolding narrative. When geographical
limitations arise, the simulation is adapted
to a degree that still, despite scepticism
of being removed physically from the site,
elicits a combined state of what could be
described as a sort of imaginative analysis
and uncontrolled qualitative interpretation.
Central to the acknowledged challenge
and treatment of simulation is the careful
selection of the case, which we have recently
grounded in the informal arena of Dharavi in
Mumbai. The particular scenario of Dharavi
offers a holistic phenomenology of intrigue
unfolding in a highly contested manifestation
of a site as further illustrated in our essay
The Frontlines of Contested Urbanism:
Mega-projects and Mega-resistances in
Dharavi17. In that essay and in the studio
processes that have followed, we expand on
a pertinent range of dynamics of the case

that are grounded in the very realities facing
the individuals and communities that form
Dharavi- the looming capital driven Dharavi
Redevelopment Plan, the diverse agendas
of government agencies versus those of
local grassroots organizations, the struggles
over rights to land, the bustling resilience
of informal economies, and the injustices
in the lack of resources and decent quality
housing. These elements form the backbone
of an investigation that inherently provokes
the questioning of humanity, appropriate
intervening design methodology, and overall
professional role and approach which again
is the central charge within the BUDD course.
Our working studio process evolves
through the deployment of various tasks
that usually begin with a binary mapping
(based on researched situational data)
of the actor dynamics and the physical
urban dimension at different geographical
scales, highlighting the quantitative and
qualitative attributes of the area. Following
the immersing of the mapping phase, the
simulation deepens into a socio-spatial
analysis hoping to ground the investigation
in the perspective of the community and
the challenges facing their daily lives (in
a way replacing the notion of actually
being in place). Methods of role-playing
scenarios (based on cultural dynamic,
gender, age, livelihood), serve to elicit a
human response from the students through
creative and loose interactions or what
Nabeel Hamdi refers to as serious games18.
Only once the students have immersed
themselves into the site phenomenon and
relationships between actors and gathered a
clearly understanding and representation of
the community at the heart of the situation
do they begin to consider the implication
of proposals. To lay a framework that can
lead to informed proposals, students
16/ Arendt, H. (1958). The Human

Condition. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
I 53
17/ Boano, C., Lamarca, M. & Hunter,

W. (2011) The Frontlines of Contested
Urbanism Mega-projects and Megaresistances in Dharavi. Journal of
Developing Societies , vol. 27, no. 3-4
pp 295-326
18/ Hamdi, N. (2010) The placemakers

guide to building community. London:
Earthscan
19/ http://www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu/
programmes/postgraduate/msc-buildingurban-design-in-development
54 I
establish a set of design principles in

order to locate and govern strategies for
intervention. Inherent in this framework
is the formulating of a reflective and
epistemological interpretation and intention
of transformation, which places emphasis
again on the theoretical adoption and the
notion of agency. In this instance, the
DesignMap tool can assist the students
in locating various entry points linked to
the situational challenge. If this phase is
explored and controlled in a critical manner,
the determining of possible appropriate
strategic interventions will become much
clearer. Grounded in the phenomenon of the
site and their findings to this point, the
students are then left to pursue proposals
that align with their own interests and
interpretations of the case. With specific
foci on space, tangible outcomes may yield
variations on housing typologies, community
buildings, and mixed-use spaces, as well as
programs, campaigns, or interactions whose
design and manifestation directly addresses
challenges and improves both the physical
and temporal character of primarily informal
settlements.
urban design interventions that empower

communities and society at a significant
level of scale, there is no replacement for
being on the ground, confronting various
and often overwhelming challenges such as
the onslaught of institutional bureaucratic
politics, resource depravation and social
exclusion. The justification of allotting
proper fieldwork experience in a developing
context serves as the ultimate platform to
test grounded theory alongside practical
tools and methodologies, thus fulfilling the
desire to engage in holistic praxis.
In the recent past we have conducted
significant field research trips in such
diverse locales as Mumbai, Istanbul, and
Bangkok19. While these working trips are
an evolved extension of the studio protocol
and offer the opportunity to confront real
challenges in the flesh using the methodology
and
critical
pedagogy
introduced
throughout the simulated project phases
inside the studio, the tasks of the field and
the demeanour of the student cum agent
practitioner are significantly expanded.
Beyond the testing of methodologies, the
As a non-conventional studio experience, the BUDD course provides a compliment

to (mainstream) architectural education in that it helps dispel the belief that design
is only a self-serving exercise through the consideration of complex scenarios in
need of critical design rather than the sheer commodification of creative vision.
These simulated exercises no doubt have
value in painting versions of a situation
and are able to convince, in some form
of alternate reality, the basic genetics
of a given situation. However, when
intellectually roaming such contested
environments with the hopes of offering
questions of ethics immediately arise

through the act of cultural nuance and
interaction (i.e. interviews), exacerbating
the charge for students to critically assess
their reading and response to a situation.
As a result, much of the pre-field work done
remotely in London gets turned upside down
once the current reality hits, a truth that at
I 55
56 I
20/ Zimmerman, M. (2009) Globalism,

multiculturalism, and architectural
ethics. in Architecture, Ethics, and
Globalization, G. Owen (editor). New
York/Oxon: Routledge. p.166
times can be quite overwhelming in terms

of the physical conditions of settlements
and the bureaucracy and politics that are
now seen more clearly. The tasks given to
students, albeit consciously similar to the
phases of the simulated studio project, can
seem daunting when confronted with these
challenges in the field. However, due to a
strategic curating of the studio genetics
prior and through the adoption of tools
such as the DesignMap, students are well
equipped with the necessary resources to
question their position and value as they
pursue different entry points and investigate
various proposals for design interventions
that are capable of distinguishing between
progressive and regressive social change.20
Mitigating a Fruitful Relationship:

Between education, practice, and users
In keeping up with what appears to be the
status quo, we have long pressed upon
students a certain viewpoint and presented
them challenges that can only be addressed
through that viewpoint. The consequence
here is that while the student experiences
a degree of achievement and success in
this singular arena, they are less prepared
to reason with the multiplicities of the real
world context.
Likewise, what the professions often fail to
register and capitalize on is the potential
manoeuvre within and relationships to
other facets of society outside of their
own bureaucratic polemics. Perhaps we
have focused too long on the objectivity of
design rather than the catalytic opportunity
of process and scale. While educators have
a responsibility to constantly critique and
overhaul their own instruction methods,
the professions need to reassess how they
conduct business and what kind of example
they are setting for future practitioners.
It is fair enough and even appealing to see

such a wide interest in socially infused
action from the part of architects and urban
designers and those institutions which
breed them. The question is how are we
going to ensure that architectural and urban
practitioners receive the correct and beneficial
tools in order to pursue a legitimately social
and critical practice where the output
is justifiable of the process interred?
Generally speaking, much of the precedents
and methodology we lay before students
have still been more concerned with
objectified design rather than a critical
appraisal of the processes and multiple
issues that precede final and formal outputs.
By attempting to redefine a lexicon, we
suggest renewed empiricisms and praxis
used to deconstruct the real apparatuses
of a complex neoliberal and conflictive
derive that such a redefinition presupposes
at different scales: the contested nature of
transformations, the strategies of morphing
and re-morphing urban areas conceived as
resistant, formalized or informal practices
and experiences of individuals and
communities and the role and agency of
design as a creative but not merely physical
act. This entails integrating into design
(urban and architectural) the notion of
casual, fluid and of course the incremental
production of spaces that respond to the
needs and aspirations of people, enabling
sustained adaptation that fosters dissensus.
Reconstructing design through dissensus
calls for a deeper reorientation between
politics and aesthetics, provoking a
disruption to the natural order. This is not
simply a reordering of the power relations
between groups, which implies resistance,
but new subjects and heterogeneous
objects challenging the perception and
the representation of cultural identity and
hierarchical forms. As we have argued,
such process of design dissensus can

take different forms, from a conscious
act of not intervening physically in the
built environment to the production of
spaces that explicitly challenges dominant
ideological perspectives, thus hopefully,
expanding the notion of architecture by
engaging with issues at a level beyond the
merely technical, aesthetical and physical.
A new distribution of the sensible is not
only a matter of excluded voices making
themselves heard and starting to speak.
And it is not just a matter of the overcoming
social barriers which are preventing the
excluded from speaking and creating new
genres, and subjects. Before that, and
as a condition for its possibility, people
must have the capacity to speak. And for
their voices to be heard, an audience must
exist with the capacity to read and hear
them. These are matters of capability and
expertise; they imply skills which come into
being only with education and culture. To
transform the distribution of the sensible,
these things too must be transformed. The
liberation of the senses does not occur
simply with the lifting of social barriers and
exclusions, the senses must be educated if
they are to be extended.
Although BUDD is a course rooted in the
scholarship of architecture and urban design
as spatial interventions, it is inherently
and thoroughly concerned with addressing
first and foremost the essential need
for an active stance on the social issues
facing the polemical concept and reality of
development. Harbouring the mantra of
participatory measures woven throughout
design processes is a key ingredient that,
while sometimes thrown around like a rag
doll in academic and professional realms,
requires constant recitation, revision
and attention. But as alluded to in the
previous section, we must not lose sight of
terminology even after it becomes second

hand news. For only with a truly effective
exercise of participation can right to the
city claims come to fruition in a way that
will give way to truly transformative social
processes and outcomes.
A key to recognising the type of
participation and transformation we speak
of here must begin with a re-education of
the practitioner. It is our attempt to make
BUDD such a platform that instigates
a re-interpretation of practice, one that
welcomes interdisciplinary backgrounds
and diverse cultural viewpoints. As a
non-conventional studio experience, the
BUDD course provides a compliment to
(mainstream) architectural education in
that it helps dispel the belief that design
is only a self-serving exercise through
the consideration of complex scenarios
in need of critical design rather than the
sheer commodification of creative vision.
Critically considering our involvement in the
most contested of foreign environments is
essential if we wish to appropriately assess
and become engaged in a situation. The
notion of being able to look within and
reflect on not only ones role but also on the
strands of theory and methodology attached
to that role and to the actions he or she
might attempt to perform is the sum result
of an ethical stance. The BUDD student
undergoes, in the very least, a reassessment
of the qualities one may possess to engage
appropriately within a given context, one
that is acknowledged to change across
geographical lines. Deliberately challenging
the notion of the status quo in urban
development practice and built environment
education, the BUDD course facilitates the
vital questioning of space as not merely an
objective provision, but an arena carefully
designed to accommodate the convergence
of political constructs and social need.
I 57
58 I
Why Dharavi?
William Hunter
Camillo Boano
1/ Davis, M. (2006). Planet of Slums

(p. 228). New York - London: Verso.
2/ Venturi, R., Scott Brown, D.,

& Steven, I. (2001). Learning from
Las Vegas: The forgotten symbolism
of architectural form. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: MIT Press.
Dharavi, at the heart of Mumbai, has in

recent years become the iconic symbol
of slum urbanism through its intrinsic
permanence,
multiplicity,
dynamism,
density and scale. Partially brought on by
its strategic location, Dharavi has emerged
as the last frontier of oppositional practices
confronting
neoliberal
mega-projects
imagined upon the everyday life of its
dwellers and inhabitants and thus a useful
environment to explore the spatial agonistic
and antagonistic tactics of neoliberal-driven
urban transformation investigated within
material-discursive dynamics.
Since we had the privilege of being
exposed to its realities, stories and the
wealth of marvelous individuals, activists,
intellectuals and inhabitants in our
three-week studio in May 2009, weve
been investigating and exploring such a
paradigmatic case in our personal research
as well as in the Urban Intervention Studio
with different groups of students at the DPU.
Acknowledging that Mumbai and Dharavi
have rested under a speculative gaze and
microscope of analysis since the early
1990s, when a multitude of institutions,
organisations and professionals producing
alternative visions emerged, it can easily
be said that Dharavi is in itself becoming
a concept resource model, representing
contested urbanism and the subject of
slum upgrading and redevelopment. Just
as Los Angeles and Las Vegas have become
urban ideologies, through Mike Daviss City
of Quartz1 and Venturis Learning from
Las Vegas2, so too has Mumbai (Dharavi)
become an international breeding ground
for debate and research with potential risk
of subjectivisation. So, why Dharavi?
Despite Dharavis fertility in containing
the complexities and contradictions that
appeal conceptually to professionals and
academics alike, it is an extraordinary

conundrum emblematic of a magnificent
and paradoxical post-modern urban present.
The complexly layered narratives and
plethora of contested spaces has resulted
in an urban paradigm that is simultaneously
fascinating and frightening, clear in its
vision yet obscure in its pattern, rich and
wretched, beautiful and revolting.
The predominant current practice in
education is to take generic architectural,
urban design and development caused by
the process of neoliberalism as a given
resulting in a nauseating recording of
programmes and exercises promoting this
successful recipe in an extroverted superaesthetic manner. The alternative focuses
on contested spaces such as Dharavi
where conflict, contradictions and vibrating
activisms are a potential reflective antidote to
this current trend. Claiming centre stage are
people and spaces, which positions identity,
recognition and alternatives in disjunction
with the mainstreamed strategies of urban
development.
Navigating, exploring, researching and reimagining Dharavi can also be understood
as a possible alternative to architecture
and designs near-fatal attitude towards the
city, the urban realm as simple extension
and materialisation of more or less wellintentioned, predatory or benevolent
planning and redevelopment. Adopting a
research-design perspective into this also
serves the purpose of creating awareness,
rendering visible the experimental and
making tangible the contradictions and
the complexities of Dharavi rather then
immediately pretending to be resolved
without incurring to be subjectivists or even
tendentiously neo-situationist. It is a serious
attempt to break down the rules to orchestrate
the relevance of design, architectural and
urban, for the kinetic, informal city as
I 59
well as the extreme, though omnipresent

and
localised
conflictive
urbanism.
Dharavi investigations both in the field
and in the studio were fertile ground - a
background but also a laboratory for critical
investigation. Dharavi is a kinetic, not
static locus of dormant/latent city, illegal
and unplanned, often condoned through
a process of institutional forgiveness,
continuously challenged by reclamations,
voices and experimentations. A critical
venture into towards the not yet of an
60 I
loop between observations, description

and investigation of the relationship
between space and social practices. It is
in these kaleidoscopic alterations between
constricted,
monochromatic,
imposed
and narrowly profit-oriented views and
broad, multicolored, resistance-oriented
and contingent configurations of powers,
cultures, languages and polity, the truths
practices are open to contestations. Although
the Urban Intervention Studio draws a clear
distinction between production of space
Dharavi in its extraordinary conundrum and kaleidoscopic alterations

offers a multiplicity of investigative trajectories that combine and
separate, creating never-stable but always-interrelated patterns.
alternative future carries a reflective
projection, always individual, disciplinary
and political, with practical aims in sight
- a critique of the apparatuses and logics
that have congealed Dharavi in its present
topologies - but also an attempt to map
an alternative redevelopment. Alternatives
have been produced in a dense tableau of
different design interventions, architectural
languages and catalytic approaches, some
more utopian then others but all evocative
of the right to envision, imagine and build
a new topos for Dharavi where inhabitants
may build their humanity in accordance with
their freedoms, aspirations and dreams, and
not as mere object of an ineluctable logic
of commodified urbanisation and productoriented architecture.
3/ Till, J. (2009). Architecture
Depends. Cambridge, Massachussetts:
MIT Press.
Within this interpretative logic, Dharavi in its

extraordinary conundrum and kaleidoscopic
alterations offers a multiplicity of
investigative trajectories that combine and
separate creating never-stable but alwaysinterrelated patterns in a continuous
and production of knowledge, of course the

two dimensions are mutually connected and
cannot be independent from each other at
all. Indeed, the vitality and the multiplicity
of what we appreciate as architecture, its
artifact and vehicle of communications,
discourses and polemics, its mode of
production, representation and narratives
work in parallel on those two dimensions:
the design process is simultaneously the
production of physical form and the creation
of social, cultural and symbolic resources.
It contributes to an urban transformation
that must be seen as an observable planned
and unplanned re-making of space, place,
people, relations, structures and institutions
within the city.
It started to go wrong quite early, my
relationship with architecture says Till3,
in opening Architecture Depends. This well
represents the ethos and the challenge
of the Urban Intervention Studio of our
course in promoting inquiring spaces
- its manifestations and production.
Architecture should be viewed as postdisciplinary field of knowledge in a way

- a practice concerned with how spatial
realities become and present us with a
prerequisite of not only its physical and
aesthetic nature of transformation but
its broader reach of political realities.
The work we do and seen later in this book
represents a perpetual experimentation
rather than a fixed rhetoric, though a
certain magnitude of critical alternative
vision of design and architecture hopefully
resonates in a place of transition. Thus
transition in architecture as it stands now
could be defined by the fact that it renders
itself rather visible as to what Appadurai
called the illusion of permanence4.
This phrase is interesting because it
captures a kind of desire of the Imperial
system, but simultaneously the anguish
and the ambivalence involved in these
things: the arrogant conceit of certain grand
projects, but also the humble thing that
ordinary people seek constantly to create in
the everyday. What intrigues us most in that
vision is (not only) the continuous tensions
(struggles) between grand schemes and the
everyday, but the strategies, the inventions
and the narratives that produce stability,
imagination of tomorrow and potential
alternative options. Such ambivalence
is surely the central answer to the Why
Dharavi? question.
Specifically transition/ambivalence, which

simply has this condition of betweenness
from an architecture perspective, resides
in an indeterminacy of purposes and
meanings, imaginations and aspirations
of the form/spatial connotations and
their inhabitants. Thus if assuming that
Architecture and urban design frames
space, both literally as everyday life
occurs within and inside built forms
and discursively as they transmit
meanings5, memories and imaginations
the ambivalence of transition would be
manifested in the discursive production
and reproduction of powers and spatial
agencies.
What interests us specifically in
transition(s) is the space of it: neither
a medium nor a list of ingredients,
but an interlinking of geography, built
environment, symbolism, and life praxis
subject to change. An investigation
that would require a critical attitude for
which the diagnosis of the status quo is
inseparable for the means to alter this
condition through refusal, curiosity
and innovation. This conceptual triad
- strategically the long lasting debate of
understanding architecture as a practice
with potential to truly transform reality would mean redefining architecture as
architecture6, its knowledge and practice
not only capable of imaging and inventing
but capable of transitions.
I 61
4/ Appadurai, A. (2003). Illusion

of Permanence: Interview with Arjun
Appadurai by Perspecta 34. Perspecta,
34(2003), 4452.
5/ Dovey, K. (1999). Framing Places.

Mediating power in built form. London:
Routledge.
6/ Ceferin, P. (2012). What is

Architecture the Name of Today? Log, 19.
62 I
Urban Design
Recalibrated:
BUDD Studio
Works
64 I
The following pages illustrate student work

completed within the BUDD studio under the
Dharavi: Contested Urbanism project which
ran concurrent from 2009-12. Divided
here into the phases that constituted the
remote studio process, the work displayed
is but a mere snapshot into the rigorous and
critical investigations undertaken by BUDD
students in London.
Phase briefs attempt to explain the bases
of the work and echo the briefs given to
the students. These phases emulate what
could be described as a practical research
methodology - a sequence for uncovering
holistic aspects of a situation and the
challenges it breeds. Much of the process
involved group work, a dynamic central to
the BUDD course, though a diversity of
individual effort and projects surface as a
reflective complement.
Rather than spend time and space going
into the major details and explanations
of various visuals, we hope that the
representation is indicative of a praxisbased experimentation and questioning that
defines the BUDD course. This serves as
a pedagogical foundation for recalibrating
the practice of urban design in particularly
contested arenas.
Mapping the
territory
OPERATION
METHODOLOGY and OUTCOMES
Uncovering and deciphering the relationships

between all key stakeholders involved in a
situation is the first act in understanding
the internal and external forces enacting
on a development process. Through initial
actor diagramming, actors are analysed
on the basis of a number of criteria, such
as their level of operation (local, national,
regional, international), the mandate of an
actor (interests, concerns, agendas, visions)
or particular areas of expertise that various
actors have, and the links that exist amongst
actors pertaining to these qualities.
Consider such questions as What are you

intentionally trying to represent with the
visual?, Does the representation reveal
something new beyond what is already
there?, and Are the dialectic relations
between actors and physical site clear?
allow for the appropriation and diverse
interpretation of diagramming and
mapping. It is suspected that certain
key elements or phenomena will emerge
and be highlighted and addressed.
Though mapping interpretations and
outcomes may vary, the sense of tangible
visual character which seeks to clearly
informative and standing alone is a clue
to further action.
In order to translate and locate these

relationships within a spatial dimension, it
likewise necessary to decode and repackage
the physical, cognitive, qualitative, and
quantitative attributes of a particular site and
territory through urban mapping methods.
Spaces and places have many layers.
Combining the concrete materiality of the
territory and the conceptual meta-narrative
elements of actor dynamics, documentation
and visualization of the layers of the Mumbai
through various representations occurs,
highlighting the tensions interlaced in the
processes of Dharavis redevelopment.
Overlaying these dense layers of information
further necessitates a clear reading of the
situation.
These mappings facilitate how actors
perceive a particular space. They can render
objects on the surface, but also embody a
matrix of discursive, non-spatial aspects
considering three levels of research: a)
enumeration and localization, b) description
and explanation, c) comprehension and
interpretation. It is therefore suggested
that complex spaces can only be properly
conceived and designed when the narrative
is incorporated alongside the data.
REASONING
To stress the benefit of establishing a
clear platform and conscience of the
actors involved in a situation from the
outset and to understand the dynamics of
mapping transitional actor relationships.
To use the actor diagram as a
constant source of referral to ensure clear
responsibility and reveal the overlaps (or
gaps) in actor relationships illustrating
where potential alliances and negotiations
can occur.
To understand the dialectics of working
on and mapping space- 1) space as
a concrete object to be experienced,
perceived, and appropriated; 2) space
as conceptual idea of the city, as
representation through symbol and
conflict- the relationship between the
physical and the non-physical.
To make visible through mapping what
and who is traditionally made invisible.
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Maps are pictures, maps are self-portraits, maps are manifestations of perceptions,
maps are portraits of the world in the manner in which those preparing them would like
the world to be understood, maps are subjective, mapping isan act of power (Jai Sen)
68 I
dharavis actors
Top-down
DHARAVI
Bottom-up
bu3
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The Greeks, who used the word polis

for the city, used the very same word for
a dice-and-board game that, rather like
backgammon, depends on an interplay of
chance and rule. The players skill is shown
by the way they improvise on the rule after
every throw of the dice.If the analogy works,
it would follow that we are agents as well as
patients in the matter of our cities. Cities
and towns are not entirely imposed on
us by political or economic directionfrom
above; nor are they quite determined from
below by the working of obscure forces we
canoot quite identify, never mind control .
(Joseph Rykwert, The Seduction of Place)
I 77
78 I
OPERATION
Profiling
Livelihoods,
Needs And
Aspirations
Successful projects and interventions

contain a healthy component of peopledriven determination. To enhance a
deeper understanding of a situation that
is first served through actor and urban
mapping, it is imperative to come to
terms with individuals and communities
who occupy a territory. In an ideal
instance this could best be achieved on
the ground through direct interaction
with people, though there are ways to
first establish the root values of these
actions even in a remote simulated
experience.
To facilitate this deepening of societal
and cultural nuance, an initial act of
socio spatial profiling will encourage
navigation and reflection through
narratives and components of everyday
life such as different social constructs,
built
typologies,
and
livelihood
strategies. This will help further uncover
the underlying cross-notions of space
as well as the aspirations and obstacles
that communities and individuals face
and the opportunities to address them.
By exploring these components from
both a material and qualitative nature,
including the interwoven relationships
between those natures (i.e. conflictive
and complementary) and the processes/
situations that influence them, a clearer
social dimension will be achieved.
These reflections could be considered
and depicted through the portrayal of
collective group realities and spatial
connotations, addressing questions such
as Who you are, what you need, what you
aspire to, what you confront.
As instrumental as it is to achieve a
heightened understanding of community,
what is of sequential importance is

to speculate on how practitioners
will respond to the challenges and
relationships between society and space.
By observing, listening, interacting
and processing information in order to
transform a spatial profile and narrative
into critically interpretive response will
spatial manifestations.

In forging a socio-spatial profiling it is
of benefit to assign particular thematic
areas of containment. In the case of
Mumbai and Dharavi, this includes
transient living, religious edifices, the
public realm, housing and high-rise
typologies, live/work dwellings, and
generational
constructs.
Secondary
considerations that can assist in
building a complete narrative could
entail characterisation of gender,
association, capacity, and occupation always paying close attention to specific
perceptions on space at both household
and community level. Beyond analytical
foundations, it is crucial to critically
consider how to communicate and
portray particular scenarios and profiles
which can consequently produce a
dynamic and appropriately revealing
story.
In making a transition between thinking
as a community member as in the profiling
action and exercising expertise as a
practitioner when enacting a response,
it is important that the complexities in
socio-spatial relations are respected and
harnessed in such a manner that can
yield tangible, yet diverse outcomes.
This diversity will acknowledge the
different thematic entry points as well
as nuanced interpretation of a situation.
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OPERATION
Design
Guidelines and
Principles
In a projects life, rather in a conceptual

simulation or in the real world, it is
important to take notice of steps in a
process. Before jumping to assumptions
and immediate design reactions and
interventions, a clear foundation of
design-laden principles and guidelines
should be established in some form in
order to better serve the move towards
design proposals. This will arguably
ensure a more convicted proposal and
at the very least, a gauge in which to
employ refinement.
With the case of Mumbai and Dharavi,
the solidifying of design principles seek
to ground the guidelines in a manner that
addresses the position and moral code
of the practitioner while highlighting
inherent values that are necessary
to align with the collective will and
voices of people as well as large-scale
top-down development plans. These
people-centred principles will thus
yield measures to guide practitioners
through a process of systematic thinking
as they deliberate and negotiate design
interventions.
and transient persons and the expansion

of livelihoods and informal economies.
Where socio-spatial profiling provided
insight into the voice of the people and
the practitioner role sought, through
conceptual interpretation, to address the
capacity of professionals to assist in the
enabling of individual and community
transformation, the Design Principles
and Guidelines should provide a logical
plan to ease implementation and
provide a cohesive platform for diverse
groups to progress. This value system
should address broad concerns and
provisions, but can also represent minor
design intervention and foundations for
incremental growth.
They should include in some fashion,
a clear division of intentions, scale,
possible timeframes, and involvement
of certain actor stakeholders where
applicable. The suggestions are meant
to be a legible framework for further
exploration and development of design
responses. In general, it is conceived
that textual data can be illustrated
and accompanied by the use of visual
imagery such as diagrams and mappings
that might have evolved from earlier
actor and urban analysis.
Important to consider:
Design Principles and Guidelines

encompass various scales. They can
include larger provisions such as zone
boundaries, street layouts, and public
safety, but also specific elements such
as building typologies, building use, and
the allocation/distinction of public vs.
private space. In the case of Mumbai
and Dharavi they can assist, for example,
in the formation of alternative housing
typologies, programmes to address renters
Do the guidelines clearly represent the

diverse voices of the community now
and for future development?
Do the guidelines yield a clear
framework and criteria(s) for the creation
of critical design responses?
Do the guidelines address opportunities
and possible adoption of new policies
for re-development?
I 89
Define Dharavi
90 I
REINFORCEMENT
RELOCATION
REDEFINE
Could the urban
Concept: Periphery as a Center for Transformation
periphery become
Instead of generating fear, the edge
centers of
conditions of cities possess enormous
transformation that
potential as spaces of experimentation to blur
facilitate connectivity boundaries, generate uncommon forms of

between formal and
productivity and simulate the emergence of
informal, static and
urban hybrids.
organic?
Existing Site:
The North Western Edge of the saltwater
marsh of the Mahim Creek that divides the city
center of Mumbai from Dharavi.
Proposal:
RECOGNITION
REPRESENTATION
REDEFINE
REDISTRIBUTION
REINFORCEMENT
RELOCATION
Our design explores the relationship between

ecology and informality. It aims to reclaim the
ecosystems of the Mahim Creek through the

re-introduction of local salt-water marshland
grasses and flora and fauna. Allow the site to
resume to its existing conditions and let
nature work. Establish connectivity within the
site through pedestrian walks and public
gathering spaces. Paths frame the site, shifting
in scale and allowing the user to travel over the
salt-water marsh and along the river edge. A

bike path creates direct route for commuting
between Dharavi and the city center of
Mumbai. Blurring boundaries between formal
and informal socially and spatially.
Programme:
Network of bike paths circulate the site creating connectivity for commuters. Direct access
of waterfront provides places for informal
commercialism and public gathering.
Intertidal area provided for fishing.
Instead of generating
fear, the edge
conditions of
cities possess
enormous potential
as spaces of
experimentation to
blur boundaries,
generate uncommon
forms of productivity
and simulate the
emergence of
urban hybrids.
RE:
RECOGNITION
REPRESENTATION
REDISTRIBUTION
Define Dharavi
I 91
Sewage disposal in an environmentally friendly manner
Provision of potable water
$
Streets need to be properly demarcated and widened
fOOTFALL CUSTOM
maintain vibrant street activity
single residents
allow for
tourists
safe and welcoming environment
public toilets / facilities
mumbai city
improved image
improved transport links
WOMEN
new public space
toilet facilities
CLEANERS
Regular employment
Steady income
Electric connections for each household and business
92 I
I 93
94 I
I 95
96 I
Individual
Design
Response
OPERATION
METHODOLOGY AND OUTCOMES
In establishing clear principles and

informative
guidelines,
the
point
of implementing a design response
emerges. As in the prior phases of a
project, topical entry points should be
defined to align with the social profiles
(including desires and needs) and the
guidelines that stemmed from that.
These interventions should consider
the macro, mesa, and micro scales
underlining the geographical and metaphysical situation. The interventions
should be process-driven rather than
a mere product and consider the input
and impact of the communities. They
will likely include a combination of
architectural, urban, political, and social
constructs, but at the very least should
deliberately seek to manifest themselves
in more detail towards an inherently
spatial manner. This will ensure more
tangible transformations.
The results of these proposals should be

highly communicative in the visual sense
often leading to direct opportunities for
implementation, hopefully in manner that
is people inclusive. The representation and
character of these interventions will likely
vary based on the diverse topical entry
points stemming from prior analysis and
due to diverse approaches and typology/
scale of intervention.
The opportunity for experimentation is
heightened, though any design response
should contain feasible parameters and
consider:
Do the interventions offer critique and
inclusive alternatives to conventional
planning?
Do the interventions enable individuals
to transform their situation (physical,
environmental, livelihoods)?
Are concepts of negotiation and
collaboration clearly defined and sustainable
within the design strategies?
I 97
SRA has put very little information about the redevelopment in the public domain. This has
led to a great deal of confusion and anxiety in the minds of the community living in Dharavi.
-KRVIA, presentation on Dharavi
98 I
DRP
16 december 2011
building and urban design in development/dpu/ucl
contestations
current reality
(imposement)
residents
DRP line drawn on

the ground
DRP line re-drawn by
residents
DRP
proposal
(appropriation)
residents
DRP
residents
result
(shift of power relations
residents given a voice)
awareness
centres
housing type
facades
DRP line
interventions
contestations driving line width
residents re-drawing boundary line
proposed DRP boundary line is drawn on the

ground and structures of Dharavi.
the line width is variable to reflect the
level of contestation
the residents of Dharavi, in conjunction with CBOs,

academic organisations and members of the alliance, re-draw the boundary lines to align with
their physical and social reality on the ground
the act of drawing new boundary lines, based

on the communities needs and
livelihoods, shifts the balance of power to give
the residents of Dharavi a voice in the process
of the development of their part of the city
INTRODUCING & CONSOLIDATING NETWORKS: FROM SCHOOLS TO HOUSING UPGRADING

DHARAVI, MUMBAI, INDIA
ABSTRACT
CHALLENGING THE DRP
Social Capital as a network is one of those assets. This project seeks to capitalise these current networks and introduce new ones. The way to introduce
these new networks is through the construction and improvement of schools,
as gateways of sanitary, social and technological networks to the neighbourhoods.
From the schools as core of the upgrading, the project proposes a model of
housing upgrading that uses the introduced networks and conserves the
existing ones. This housing upgrading model is based in the notion of multilevel process:
-A participatory process in small scale that
allows the families to have suitable responds.
-A construction process that allows to the residents of Dharavi to
conserve their assets and networks during the works.
-A housing able to change recognizing the assets
(materials) of the dwellers and using it to grow.
ACTORS & ASSETS

S . R . S : P H Y S I C A L R E S O U R C E S F LOW
NOTION OF PROCESS
MHADA
PRIVATE INVESTORS
I N C R E M E N TA L LY
GOVERMENT
FUNDS
PROFESSIONALS
RESIDENTS
SOCIAL CAPITAL
LAND
MATERIALS
NEW RESIDENTS
FUNDS
SOCIAL CAPITAL
SCHOOL, FACILITIES
& NETWORKS
PA R T I C I PAT I O N
P U B L I C S PAC E
FUNDS
PARTICIPATORY
PROCESS
PREFABRICATED
STRUCTURE
HOUSING
ADAPTATION
GROUND FLOOR
& PUBLIC SPACE
I 99
PR I VATE INVESTOR S
SCHOOLS & NE T S
MATERIALS
To achieve a sustainable upgrading of Dharavi is necessary to recognize that

each actor involved in it has a set of assets that can put into the process.
& LAND
RESIDENTS
NETWORKING
HOUSING UPGRADING
$
N EW RESID ENT S
-A post-construction process that includes the integration of new neighbours

and the recognition and consolidation of different levels of public spaces.
THE ROLE OF SCHOOLS

A N A LY Z I N G T H E P U B L I C S PAC E O F
D H A R AV I , W E CO N C LU D E T H E F O L LOW I N G :
I T I S A N E T W O R K O F S PAC E S P U B L I C A N D
S E M I - P U B L I C ; I T H A S A H O R I ZO N TA L A N D
V E RT I C A L D I M E N S I O N ; T H E U S E S A R E
VA R I E D, A N D T H E Y OV E R L A P.
I T I S A L S O P O S S I B L E R E CO G N I Z E T H E C H I L D R E N A S AC TO R S T H AT U S E T H E P U B L I C
S PAC E I N A M O R E CO N T I N U E S WAY. O N T H I S
S C E N A R I O, S C H O O L S C A N B E N O D E S A N D
P L AY A N I M P O RTA N T R O L E R E L AT E D W I T H
CO N S O L I DAT E N E T W O R K S A N D I N T R O D U C E
N E W O N E S , B OT H R E L AT E D W I T H S O C I A L
C A P I TA L A N D P H Y S I C A L I N F R A ST R U C T U R E .
AS NODES, SCHOOLS ARE

A L S O A G AT E WAY O F
N E T W O R K S : S A N I TAT I O N ,
WAT E R , E L E C T R I C I T Y A N D
I N T E R N E T.
SCHOOLS ARE MORE THAN

SCHOOLS. THEY ARE INFRAST R U C T U R E T H AT C A N B E U S E D
I N D I F F E R E N T WAY S . A S C H O O L
C A N B E A CO M M U N I T Y C E N T R E ,
A P L AC E F O R S P O RT S , F O R
DISCUSSION; IT CAN BE A
S PAC E O F T R A I N I N G A N D E D U C AT I O N , A S W E L L A S A P L AC E
O F G A M E S A N D AC T I V I T I E S .
S E C T I O N A N D U S E O F P U B L I C S PAC E : C H I L D R E N CO N T I N U I T Y
HINDU
MUSLIM
OUTSIDERS
CHILDREN
WOMEN
MEN
HOUSING UPGRADING:
SMALL SCALE PROJECTS
CO N N E C T E D TO N E T W O R K S
B U I LT F R O M T H E S C H O O L S
BAKERS
TANNERS
SCHOOL
N ETWORKS FROM SCHOOLS:

A S WAT E R , S E W E R AG E ,
E L E C T R I C I T Y, I N T E R N E T,
P U B L I C S PAC E .
FROM SCHOOLS TO HOUSING

SCHOOL & NETWORKS
NEW
RESIDENTS
NETWORKS
P U B L I C & S E M I - P U B L I C S PAC E
NEIGHBOURS
CO N S E RV E A S S E T S
10 BIGGER UNITS:
I N C R E M E N TA L LY
6 UNITS
S C H O O L S A S N O D E S TO I N T R O D U C E
NETWORKS
PA RT I C I PATO RY P R O C E S S I N
S M A L L G R O U P S O F FA M I L I E S
P R E FA B R I C AT E D
ST R U C T U R E
SECTION / TIME
CO N N E C T I O N S
NAGAR VIEW
BASIC
ELEMENTS
CO M P L E T E W I T H
R E S I D E N T S M AT E R I A L S
CO N E C T I N G M O D U L E S :
P U B L I C & S E M I - P U B L I C S PAC E S
RECLAIMING SPACE
BU3/BUDD/DPU
OPPORTUNITIES AND TRANSFORMATIONS
64 I
100
THE PROCESS
CONTESTATION
EMPOWERMENT
NETWORK
MANAGEMENT
DECISION-MAKING
NEGOTIATION
ORGANIZATION
AWARENESS
LOCATION MAP - PRESSURES
THE CONCEPT
Contesting the DRP by reclaiming the open spaces In Dharavi is the
main aim of the intervention. The DRP is no taken into account the
open spaces in the future development, esential to the people of
Dharavi as an extension of their every day life.
This challenge to the DRP takes place at three scales, corresponding
to the different scales of the existing open space.
MICRO-LEVEL
The first challenge takes place at this level, and aims to pinch in the
neglected places , the in-between. Reclaiming the potential opportunities that these lost spaces offer is the main focus of this project and
the catalyst for the upgrading to the other scales. The intervention focuses on the creation of a user-generated urban design, driven by the
community. The actual transformations of the sites and the posterior
collective management of these , is the final stage at this scale, and
serves as a platform for the next level.
MESO-LEVEL
This upgrading can be the trigger to other interventions in a meso
level corresponding to open spaces in the nagars. Reclaiming open
spaces that dress the needs at this layer reinforcing the contestation to the DRP.
MACRO-LEVEL
Furthermore, an intervention in the existing public spaces that engages the rest of the city to Dharavi will be the real challange to the DRP.
The provocation at this level is maximum, as the formal city is integrated in the informal.
PARTICIPATION
MAP OF THE EXISTING PUBLIC SPACE
MAP OF THE OPEN SPACE
MAP OF THE PROPOSED PUBLIC SPACE BY DRP
THE THREE SCALES OF THE OPEN SPACE
private_micro level
open space around

private owners
semi-public_meso level
open space around

cluster/neighbours
public_macro level
open space for

the area
RECLAIMING SPACE
BU3/BUDD/DPU
OPPORTUNITIES AND TRANSFORMATIONS

INDEPENDENT
PR
TI
AC
TI
INFORMATION
I A TS
EM IVIS
AD CT
AC A
PRESENTATIONS
ON
ER
DREAM SPACES
CLEANING A SITE
STRATEGIES
STRATEGIES
STRATEGIES
STRATEGIES
FORM DIFFERENT GROUPS BETWEEN THE

SEVERAL MEMBERS OF THE COMMUNITY,
PRACTITIONERS AND STUDENTS/ACTIVISTS. I

PRACTITIONERS AND STUDENTS/ACTIVISTS.
PRACTITIONERS GO ALONG WITH THE

MEMBERS OF THE COMMUNITY TO MAP
AND QUALIFY THE SPACES THEY ARE CURRENTLY USING.
PRACTITIONERS GO ALONG WITH THE

MEMBERS OF THE COMMUNITY TO MAP AND
QUALIFY THE SPACES THAT ARE CURRENTLY
NEGLECTED AND UNUSED.
ASK THE DIFFERENT MEMBERS OF THE

COMMUNITY HOW THEY WOULD LIKE THEIR
OPEN SPACES TO BE, ACCORDING TO THEIR
NEEDS AND PERCEPTIONS OF THAT SPACE.
FORM A REPRESENTATIVE GROUP WITH DIVERSE MEMBERS OF THE COMMUNITY, THE

PRACTITIONERS AND THE STUDENTS/ACTIVISTS TO CLEAN A SITE, PREVIOUSLY SELECTED BY CONSULTATION WITH OTHER ACTORS.
- USERS
- PRIVATE/PUBLIC
- USES
- CONDITIONS
GROs
AN RC
RM PA
S
NGOs
NI
MANAGEMENT
FIND OTHER PLACES

PRACTITIONERS AND STUDENTS/ACTIVISTS.
WHO IS INVOLVED
UPGRADING
A
IL
M
LA
DF AHI CD
M C
SELECTION
FIND YOUR SPACE
NS
NEGOTIATION
COMMUNITY
ASSEMBLIES
S
S
EN N
ER
RS RS
M S
DR ME SID DU SLI ER NE TTE
K N
T N U
O
W OU HI M BA TA PO
CLEANING
ACTION
IL
DESIGN
EXCERSICE
CH
MAPPING 2
INTERVIEWS
MAPPING 1
I 65
101
THE WORKSHOPS
ACTOR TIMELINE
FIRST
CONTACTS
- LOCATION
- OWNERSHIP
- USERS
- CONDITIONS
WHO IS INVOLVED
ACTIVE
ACTIVE
CHILDREN
WOMEN
OUTSIDERS
HINDU
MUSLIMS
BAKERS
TANNERS
POTTERS
PRACTITIONER
ACTIVISTS
KRIVIA STUDENTS
CHILDREN
WOMEN
OUTSIDERS
HINDU
MUSLIMS
BAKERS
TANNERS
POTTERS
PRACTITIONER
ACTIVISTS
KRIVIA STUDENTS
- WHY?
- WHAT FOR?
- WHEN?
- WHO WITH?
WHO IS INVOLVED
INVOLVER OTHER ACTORS (NIRMAN,

AUTHORITIES) TO HELP WITH MATERIAL
RESOURCES AND MANAGEMENT OF WASTE
FINNAL CELEBRATION FOR EVERYONE IN
THE COMMUNITY
ACTIVE
WHO IS INVOLVED
CHILDREN
WOMEN
OUTSIDERS
HINDU
MUSLIMS
BAKERS
TANNERS
POTTERS
PRACTITIONER
ACTIVISTS
KRIVIA STUDENTS
ACTIVE
PASSIVE
CHILDREN
NSDF
WOMEN
MAHILA MILAN
OUTSIDERS
NIRMAN
HINDU
POLICE
MUSLIMS
BAKERS
TANNERS
POTTERS
PRACTITIONER
ACTIVISTS
KRIVIA STUDENTS
OBJECTIVES
OBJECTIVES
OBJECTIVES
OBJECTIVES
MAKE THE COMMUNITY AWARE OF THEIR

OWN SPACES AND THE IMPORTANCE OF
THOSE SPACES IN THEIR EVERYDAY LIFE.
TOGUETHER WITH THE COMMUNITY FIND

THOSE SITES AND MAP THEM.
REVEAL THE REAL ASPIRATION FOR A

CHANGE FOR BETTER OF THE DIFFERENT
GROUPS OF THE COMMUNITY, SPECIALLY
CHILDREN.
SYMBOLIC TRANSFORMATION OF THE SITE

TO MAKE THEM AWARE OF THEIR OWN
CAPABILITIES TO CHANGE THEIR REALITY.
AU
MAKE THE COMMUNITY IDENTIFY WITH THE

SPACES THEY USE AND RECOGNISE THEM
AS PART OF THEIR LIFES.
TH
MAKE THE COMMUNITY IDENTIFY THE SPACES THEY ARE NOT USING, AND UNDERSTAND
THAT THEY COULD BE ESSENTIAL FOR THEIR
EVERYDAY LIFE.
OR
UNDERSTAND THE ACTUAL NEEDS AND

VISIONS OF ALL THE MEMBERS OF THE
COMMUNITY.
UNITE THE DIFFERENT MEMBERS OF THE

COMMUNITY JOINING THEIR FORCES TO
ACHIEVE A COMMON GOAL.
IE
IT
The process goes on beyond the micro interventions.
OPEN SPACES-NETWORKS
The public spaces are identified and reclaimed by the people as part of Dharavi and therefore of their
lives, reclaiming them as a contestation to the DRP.
This can boost the empowerment of the community and bring other upgradings in a wider scale that can
really provoke and contest the DRP.
MICRO-SCALE
community driven micro interventions at the cluster/
REALISTIC
neighbourhood level.
network of complemented public spaces managed by
the community
MESA-SCALE
POSSIBLE
mesa interventions at the local level.

network of complemented public spaces with public facilities needed in Dharavi
MACRO- SCALE
IDEALISTIC
macro interventions at the city level.

public spaces and facilities that connect with the city
MICRO-SCALE INTERVENTION- STREET MARKET
MESO-SCALE INTERVENTION- POTTERY SCHOOL
MACRO-SCALE INTERVENTION - THE MUSEUM OF URBAN INFORMALITY
102 I
I 103
104 I
I 105
106 I
I 107
108 I
I 109
110 I
I 111
I 112
I 113
I 114
Collated
Strategies
OPERATION
METHODOLGY and OUTCOMES
While
the
results
of
individual
interventions are apt clues for catalyst
movement in community transformation,
there is a need for collated strategies that
can match the scale of grand planning
schemes which simultaneously offer a
capacity to represent real and symbolic
change.
Collated strategies that align as an

alternative to grand schemes should
contain clear language and at the
same time be visually dynamic. Again
depending on the recognition and
possibility of diverse entry points and
approaches, types and scale of included
intervention, the focus of the strategies
can represent an array of aspects within
broader development thinking. The
results should however acknowledge and
exploit its focus and reveal in a clear
way, the connections to different critical
elements and forces of a situation that it
seeks to confront.
These critically assembled strategies

should, at their core, contain guidelines
and principles for an overall upgrading
plan to combat the intentions and
implications in this case of the current
Dharavi re-development plans. The
strategies will move beyond conceptual
offerings and begin to illustrate a more
profound understanding of what can
feasibly be achieved, how it can be
achieved and who it can be achieved
with. Of major consideration is the effect
of interventions at the junction between
the micro, mesa, and macro scales. By
revisiting and questioning what aspects
of individual interventions are sensible for
Dharavis future and/or what adaptations
and expansions can be made based on
internal critique, complementary elements
of a strategy can take shape.
Think:
As in the guidelines, do the strategies
enable individuals to transform their
livelihoods and foster community?
Do the strategies offer clear critique and
alternative to top-down redevelopment
schemes and grand ideas?
Are concepts of negotiation and
collaboration
clearly
defined
and
sustainable within the design strategies?
I 115
116 I
I 117
118 I
I 119
guidelines
Consideration of current residents well-being as

primary objective
Social, economic and environmental

sustainability of interventions
Recognition of the heterogeneity within Dharavi
1.
2.
Challenging the DRP at scale (entire Dharavi)

but acting on the dimension of nagars,
recognizing their uniqueness within the
multiplicity.
Making a determination as to the differences
AC T O R S
and characteristics of each nagar in terms

of tangible and intangible assets, challenges and
willingness to engage in the process, in order to
inform the type of intervention.
3.
4.
5.
Interventions must seek the promotion of the following:

a. conservation and improvement of livelihood;
b. possible relocation limited within the respective
Nagars;
c. response to basic needs as minimal requests and
collective aspirations;
d. consideration of the entire population, including
the transient group;
e. long-term maintenance and sustainability;
f. promotion of tenure security.
The financial aspect of the interventions

should seek to avoid the dispersion out of the
Nagar of the fund invested, and to redirect the
surpluses generated towards the community, as
much as possible.
Interventions should focus on both private
6.
and public, recognizing the multiple uses
that common spaces can have in the upgrading

process.
Establish and reinforce channels to exchange
the knowledge produced in specific

interventions among the Nagars.
- Collate recommendations
and outcomes.
- Establish a platfom to
discuss and share opinions.
N AG A R S
strategies
CLASSIFICATION
- Collate information from

available sources and actors
feedback.
REFORMULATION
& EXCHANGE
- Characterize Nagars.
- Select 5-10 initial
Nagars, taking a sample
representative of the
heterogeneity of Nagars.
- Identify actors that have

already worked within the
Nagar, their common goals
and points of friction.
AC T O R S
- Use previously created

channels to exchange experience with the rest of the
Nagar.
- Establish a platfom to
discuss and share opinions.
- Establish a committee to
take decisions on behalf of the
community.
- Identify local contributors
(people, investors, skills, land,
among others).
PROJECT
DEFINITION &
IMPLEMENTATION
scale
Provision of a viable alternative to the DRP
- Identify actors that have

already worked in the various
Nagars within Dharavi, their
common goals and points of
friction.
- Form a committee to make

decisions.
- Define opportunities,
challenges and risks by way
of community workshops.
EVALUATION
& EXCHANGE
- Define scope of the project,

focussing on both communal
and private outputs.
- Define sources of technical
and financial support.
- The committee should make

a recommendation based on
the different experiences in
each Nagar.
- Identify Nagars with similarities according to the first
characterization and establish
communication channels or
reinforce existing ones.
- Organize meeting visits and
forums to exchange
experiences.
- Document the outcome of

both the process and the
project, for further uses and
dissemination.
- Evaluate and make recommendations so as to inform
other projects.
- Implement project and long

term strategy (taking into
account guideline No. 3)
time
Ideal path
meso
scale
micro
scaling-up
macro
Alternative paths
time
Rhizomatic effect within Dharavi

Exchange occurs through a rhizomatic structure.
The exchange of knowledge and experience among
Nagars, allow to scale-up the transformative
processes.
ST RAT EGY
REFORMULATION
& EXCHANGE
- 1
I NT E RVE NT I ON
EVALUATION
& EXCHANGE
Level
PROJECT
DEFINITION &
IMPLEMENTATION
I N I T I A L S I T UAT I O N
ACTORS
(MESO & MICRO)
LO CA L I Z AT I O N
ACTORS
(MACRO)
D E SC R I PT I O N
NAGARS
CLASSIFICATION
scenarios
120 I
principles
REDEFINING THE NOTION OF SCALING-UP IN DHARAVI:

RECOGNIZING UNIQUENESS WITHIN THE MULTIPLICITY
I MAG E
time
Rhizomatic effect within Dharavi
STRATEGY
Cohesion
Kumbharwada is the centre of the

pottery activity. The potters form
a very compact community,
established in the area since the
XVIII century, and their income is
relatively high. Between 10001200 families reside in Kumbharwada.
Connectivity
Community participation
Density
Income
Infrastructures & ammenities
Productivity
Shatabdi Nagar
Cohesion
Shatabdi Nagar is a recent

settlement, established in the 90s
on a dump ground in a peripheral
area of Dharavi. Hygienic conditions are extremely poor. Most of
the population is dalit and there is
a large population of transient
workers. Locals are marginalized
within Dharavi and a sense of
community is lacking.
Connectivity
Density
Income
Shahu Nagar
The neighbourhood is peripheral
to Dharavi, but close to Mahim
train station and well connected
to the rest of the city. There arent
strong social ties.
Productivity
Cohesion
Connectivity
Density
Income
Productivity
Chamda Bazaar
Cohesion
Chamda Bazaar is located in the

very centre and is home to the
biggest market of Dharavi. The
population density is very high
and visitors flow into the area
everyday to do business.
Connectivity
Density
Income
Productivity
Social Nagar
Cohesion
Social Nagar is densely populated, which brings problem of

overcrowding and infrastructures
decay. Its community is cohesive
and willing to engage actively in a
project to change the current
situation.
Connectivity
Density
Income
Productivity
IMAGE
INTERVENTION
REFORMULATION
& EXCHANGE
- 1
Kumbharwada
ACTORS
(MACRO)
Level
EVALUATION
& EXCHANGE
INITIAL SITUATION
PROJECT
DEFINITION &
IMPLEMENTATION
LOCALIZATION
ACTORS
(MESO & MICRO)
DESCRIPTION
NAGARS
CLASSIFICATION
scenarios
Exchange occurs through a rhizomatic structure.

The exchange of knowledge and experience among
Nagars, allow to scale-up the transformative
processes.
Following discussions with the Alliance,

members of the local community
decide to combine their resources to
build a new mid-rise structure. The
ground floor hosts a market area and
pottery workshops with the necessary
electrical infrastructure. The other floors
are occupied by flats, of which some
host local families, and others are
rented out. The revenue thus generated
is reinvested in the maintenance of the
structure and in the upgrading of the
working sites of the potters.
The project is carried out by the Alliance
and financed by a CLIFF grant. It consists of a shelter for temporary residents
who pay at low rates to allow the
maintenance of the structure. It comprises hygienic facilities that are used by
Shatabdi residents, and a space for
community-related activities.
A private investor builds a mid-rise

residential block for sale. Shahu Nagar
has been chosen due to its convenient
location. The families displaced for the
new block are relocated to new flats
built by the same developer, which also
takes charge for improvements in the
public spaces of the nagar. The project
is carried out with support by the Municipality that funds the upgrading of
the sewage system.
Given the centrality of Chamda Bazaar,

the Alliance deemed it the best location
for an Information/Exhibition centre
about the development of Dharavi. An
external developer is dragged into the
project by the community to realize
retail spaces and flats with low profit
margin.
The project focuses on the upgrading of a

local school and is financed with a loan,
secured by the local community. The upgrading consists of an addition to the present building, which provides new spaces
for teaching and toilets for children, as well
as water taps accessible by the public.
Once the project is completed, the community faces problems in paying back the
loan. In order to wipe out the debt, outside
of school hours the toilets are made accessible to the general public for a fee and
some spaces are rented out for events.
general view
DRP
CURRENT SITUATION
PROPOSAL
FIRST NAGARS:
PUNCTUAL INTERVENTIONS
TABULA RASA
REDEVELOPMENT:
HOMOGENEITY AND FORMALIZATION
EXCHANGE OF EXPERIENCES:
RHIZOMATIC EFFECT
SCALING-UP:
NAGARS MULTIPLICITY
REDEFINING THE NOTION OF SCALING-UP IN DHARAVI:
RECOGNIZING UNIQUENESS WITHIN THE MULTIPLICITY

DHARAVI, MUMBAI, INDIA
CAMILA COCIA
CHRISTOPHER MONTGOMERY
F R A N C E S C O P A S TA
LAURA PINZN
JANUARY 27, 2012
BENVGBU3, TERM 2 2011/2012

BUILDING AND URBAN DESIGN IN PRACTICE
MSc BUILDING AND URBAN DESIGN IN DEVELOPMENT
DEVELOPMENT PLANNING UNIT
THE BARTLETT
I 121
122 I
Reflections
on the
Dharavi
Experience
124 I
Classicising Dharavi
Giorgio Talocci
When OMA in 1987 designed the

masterplan for Melun Senart, it
decided to define just a clear system
of voids, public spaces which allowed
to keep a control on the ultimate form
of the urban whole. Facing these empty
axes, there was a multitude of building
blocks where the designers deliberately
surrendered to the unpredictability
of the future development: the model
made for the competition reflects
this condition, showing a confused
agglomeration
of
building,
an
accumulation of people, along with
their lives and livelihoods, whose
destiny was going to be uncertain.
OMAs operation was not different at all
from a (neo-)classical city plan where
a few open spaces (fora and main
squares) and recognisable elements
(monuments and civic buildings)
defined the image of a city that would
have lasted for ages, indifferent to
the inevitable transformation of the
surrounding areas.
While these spaces can become

the new fora of this potentially
contemporary ideal city, what is around
them will change its shape and content
continuously, including the monuments
which delineate the boundaries of such
catalytic spatialities. Indeed, they
will not be the over-imposed iconic
objects of the classic or neoclassic
age. But they will not be, either, the
chaotic and uncontrollable fragments
of OMAs projects. Rather, they will
look as monuments embodying the
result of long (and still open) processes
of negotiation between the several
stakeholders, and representing at the
same time their disagreements and
struggles. New monuments as outcome
of layering operations, reflecting both
the aspirations of the place and the
power relations between the many
actors of the urban transformation,
both the desires of being represented
and the frustrations of whom will not
be successful in this quest.
In informal contexts such as Dharavi,

and more specifically in Chambda
Bazaar,
similar
operations
are
possible and somehow needed: while
accepting and valuing the complexity
of the urban environment, there is the
need to define and make clear some
directions, to fix some points on a
plan that otherwise would keep being
barely readable. Therefore, preserving
(or liberating) a few key open spaces
is necessary to make them work as
catalysts of the future development
to attract new identities and capitalise
the present ones, to foster the
encounter of flows of people, capitals
and knowledge from the external areas
and highlight even more the nature of
receptacle of otherness which Dharavi
itself already is.
Obviously the form, the function and the

ultimate meaning of these monuments
and their piazzas could change in the
future according to different economic
and political contexts, making their
built
environment
definitely
the
receptacle of the social change. And
also, more importantly, the stage of
citizens empowerment, the background
for the creation of a shared knowledge,
the arena of the struggles for the rightclaiming. The space where new forms
of citizenship arise, hopefully looking
back at the classic ideal of Cives
Romani, the ones who fully enjoyed and
held that right of citizenship itself, not
entrapped in a condition of otherness
but rather building on such otherness
itself to claim a voice in the whole
process of urban development.
I 125
126 I
Slum for sale

Andrew Wade
Director Lutz Konermann has created a

documentary on the ongoing contested
redevelopment proposal for Dharavi,
Mumbai, an informal settlement that is
unique in its paced evolution and current
dynamic capacities of adaptation and
production. Its foremost quality attracting
attention, however, is its prime positioning
in the heart of Mumbai, causing land value
and the potential for the generation of capital
to overwhelm the complexities of livelihood
and industry. The film gains incredibly
valuable access to key players in the case,
and through skilled editing and composition,
brings forth the impression that Mumbai is
a city tearing at the seams, with extremes
of a wealthy global city continually at odds
with the majority of the population living in
informal settlements and aspiring to better
services, upgraded housing and secure
businesses.
The extreme disconnect between UStrained developer Mukesh Mehtas Dharavi
Redevelopment Project (DRP) and the
reality on the ground in Dharavi is carefully
illustrated and placed in front of the viewer
without falling into an overly simplistic
binary of top-down v. bottom-up ideologies.
The film perhaps shines brightest in
its depiction of the shades of grey and
unexpected critiques of the DRP, especially
from the nuanced views of businessman and
CEO Cyrus Guzde, who speculates on the
possibility that Dharavi be addressed as an
unauthorised, unlicensed industrial estate
rather than a homogenous residential
slum. While different levels of resistance,
including of course bottom-up opposition
led by Jockin Arputham, founder of the
National Slum Dwellers Federation (NSDF)
are paramount to providing checks and
balances on the DRP, critiques from socially
engaged businessmen such as Mr. Guzde
often have a unique capacity to sway the
Government in its final actions and agenda.
While the pointed debates of various key

players add an essential information base
to the film, the emotional narrative and
human significance is delivered mainly by
tracing the life of tailor Rais Khan and his
two children through their lives in Dharavi.
It is only at this personal scale that the
essential details and ramifications of
redevelopment become tangible. As a
renter of a one-room apartment, he and his
family are not eligible for inclusion in the
proposed redevelopment plans. The rising
rents in Dharavi due to the impending
proposals have priced the apartment
that he rents above his means, and the
film follows him through eviction and the
struggle to house his two children in his
small shop, while he is forced to sleep on
a cart in the street.
Though Dharavi is introduced early on
as a playground for ambitious urban
planners, it systematically diagnoses the
contested nature of this urban space while
reeling in the notion of redevelopment
from rhetoric about new roads, hospitals
and houses to the everyday struggles,
triumphs and inherent knowledge of the
citizens of Dharavi, most of whom have
meticulously built extremely productive
and vibrant lives for themselves over
the course of several generations. As a
fifth generation resident of the potters
community (Kumbharwada) states, If you
ask who made Dharavi, I would say: my
forefathers did. Hopefully giving such
a poignant platform of expression to the
residents of Dharavi will result in urban
planners abandoning the view of Dharavi
as a playground for their professional
aspirations and instead embracing the
responsibility and challenge of imagining
a socially just and anthropocentric
process of development that questions the
traditional outcomes of a capital-driven
planning agenda.
I 127
128 I
Modernism out of
Context
Ben Leclair-Paquet
Closing in on Mumbai we could see Dharavi

through the porthole of the aircraft. From up
in the sky, people were too small to catch
the eye and the streets too narrow to be seen
amidst the clouds of rooftops suspended
above an impenetrable space, like floating
carpets atop a city so unusual, as if it could
only exist in our minds. The readings, lectures
and documentary videos we had watched in
London had prepared us well for the task
ahead. Like the torching heat and humidity
of Mumbai in the month of May, Dharavi was
not a place we could fully understand until
experiencing it; walking, seeing, touching and
smelling its streets, people and buildings.
Some of us had worked and visited India in
the past, others were even from there, yet
Dharavi seemed a surprise to everyone for
all we had read, seen and heard about only
depicted a handful of colors of this space so
diverse: a motley crew of class, culture and
condition.
Our partner and host organization in Mumbai
had worked out as much of the logistics as
one could. Their reputation as a well organized
local NGO transpired from the beginning, yet
our capacity to adapt and readjust ourselves
in the face of unforeseen changes very quickly
became our most precious asset. Nabeel
Hamdi, who was running the BUDD studio
that year, had often outlined the importance
to think well and quickly on our feet when
in the field, to expect uncertainties, to be
prepared to work and meet people with a
double agenda. I only remember some of the
stories Nabeel had told us to prove his point.
His narratives were always rich, personal and
beautifully presented, but meant little to most
of us until we reached Dharavi.
We knew that aspects of the project would be
difficult to digest from the pro-poor perspective
we had adapted, aiming to promote equity and
allow for propitious situations for vulnerable
groups through spatial interventions. But we
could have never expected what we saw: a one

size-fit-all super project (for over 600,000
inhabitants) where current residents would live
under high-rises erected for middle and upper
middle class citizens; a city on top of another
one, keeping the less wealthy down below.
We never expected such a radical proposal.
The interviews we had already conducted
remained an invaluable source of information;
the project however, had become obsolete, as
our window of potential opportunity had been
completely displaced.
There exists a constant danger to humanize
brutality by working within its framework.
Identifying ways to better a savage structure
weakens the (sensible) argument against
its inherent composition. It simultaneously
allows for a practical solution, sometimes
essential to the people most affected by
rolling circumstances bearers of hardships
and increased complexities. We edged our risk
by developing two alternative development
proposals: a speculative scenario that worked
within the legal framework and development
policy which informed Mukesh Mehtas plan
for Dharavi, and a second proposal designed
to expose a possible alternative that prioritizes
local needs instead, also acknowledging
territorial needs and objectives.
The scale of the site and limited time available
to us made it impossible to go beyond the
conceptual stage of design. Notwithstanding,
the critical replacement projects we
put forward served their purpose well.
As spatial practitioners, we believed it was
more important to challenge the conflictive
redevelopment plan than to develop shortterm design strategies in Dharavi. Our agenda
shifted away from short-term and small
scale practical interventions and into a more
provocative direction, advocating for just
spatial strategies, extending our discourse
outside of Mumbai and to London using

our design skills to clearly paint the current
picture of Dharavi. Grounding our argument in
architectural, urban design and social science
discourses, we aimed to address social
and political issues through spatial terms.
While few if any of the design proposals we
developed held much practical potential,
they, in the least, allowed us to unpack a
contentious urban design proposal, laying
bare its abnormal character and inefficacy to
address current matters in Dharavi.
I 129
130 I
Paradox of
Integration
Amar Sood
The studio helped us recognize that the

squalid realities of Dharavi have multi-layered
and interlaced complexities that are defined
by the people in all their heterogenieties.
Dharavi is home to multiple occupations,
religions, ethnicities and cultures that are
intertwined within spaces for living, working,
worship, leisure and socializing. These spaces
overlap with each other in a day-to-day cycle
of existence. Assigning a physical dimension
to such a space is to misrepresent the reality
of Dharavi. These realities can be understood
as flows that intersect with each other
within spaces. Intervening with one space
can potentially disturb and harm multiple
flows, which is exhibited by the multi-storey
housing created by the Slum Rehabilitation
Authority (SRA) within Chambda Bazaar.
The vertical layering of dwellings has broken
social relationships that were earlier aided
by a continuous space that one passed
through each day, marked by open doors and
chance meetings. This top down approach
of transformation perceived space and the
people as homogeneous entities and did not
consider flows.
The reality of Dharavi within the city of Mumbai
casts an overbearing shadow beyond the daily
realities of its people. Each day, thousands
come out and mingle with the rest of the city and
go back into a space that is generally ignored,
walled-off in the minds of the more affluent,
and yet this space is at the center of planning
debates that only recognize its potential as a
means of alleviating shortage of space in rest
of the city. It ignores people, livelihoods and
their relationships associated with the place.
The city has defined its space of intervention
within this landscape of conflicting relalities
as that of a real estate-guided solution. The
image of the city is defined by the language
of globalization. In its physical dimension, the
space will alleviate pressure on rest of the city
and sky-rocketing prices of real estate in the
island city where land is an extremely scarce
commodity. This manifests as a homogeneous

vision of tower blocks that can commoditize
space and its management. From its current
form, it delayers uses, simplifies and promotes
comprehension, that can aid legitimization,
hoping to integrate the people and the space
itself with the rest of the city.
The premise of integrating Dharavi with the
rest of the city can take multiple avatars.
There is a conflict created by top-down
pressure from the city and its stakeholders
on one hand, and bottom-up pressure created
by the inhabitants of Dharavi, the NGOs and
civil society on the other. A search for spaces
of negotiation between the two pressures
can potentially catalyze integration and
amalgamation. Central to that negotiation is
the recognition of space as part of multiple
flows, and not a physical entity to be created
and distributed. The public realm within and
on the periphery of Chambda Bazaar offers
opportunities of negotiation between the
city and Dharavi. This negotiation can be
extended to the typologies surrounding the
public realm layering various activities and
redefining the live-work relationship. With
commercial activities at the ground level,
workshops and residential uses occupy upper
floors. Re-densification of inner areas with
such typologies can free-up the periphery
that can derive maximum real estate benefit.
Channeling these benefits inward towards
areas like Chambda Bazaar requires an
initiative from civil society and inhabitants,
organizing Nagar, Cluster and Dharavi-wide
representations to take ownership of the
process that is legitimized under relevant law.
With people as the agency of transformation,
this negotiated space involves all stakeholders
spatializing flows by layering and mixing
uses. This space of intervention does not
have a definite beginning or end, but rather
encompasses a dynamic continuum cutting
across physical and non-physical realms.
I 131
132 I
Remote analysis
and the challenge
to practice
Ricardo Martn
When I started the BUDD program in

October 2009, it took me a while to
blend the ideas we were getting from
the different courses; at times it seemed
as though the modules had their own
independent lexicon. It was at about mid
term, as the BU3 studio module evolved,
when I felt that the concepts not only
made composite sense, but also that they
related and talked about space, albeit
with a confrontational perspective.
The Dharavi Studio materializes a fair
deal of ideas, thoughts and processes
about what means to be in a specific
locale, shying away from the comfort of
understanding space as a geographically
bound area determined by measurable
qualities. The greatest challenge it poses
to students lies at its core, and it serves as
both an obstacle and an asset: the Dharavi
we studied and designed was never
more than a collision of perceptions and
preconceptions, an abstract space defined
by information and no physical interaction.
Architecture pleases itself by making of
physical presence its fundamental pillar;
however, more and more distance and
remote analysis are a reality of practice.
The potential of knowledge-sharing and
information platforms makes this possible,
and yet one can easily get lost amidst the
coarseness of raw data.
The structure of the studio enables a
sort of navigational route, a consecutive
combination of parts that aim at
constructing an image of that space we
call Dharavi. Whether this image is an
accurate interpretation or not is beside
the point. In here, the space is formed in
large part by misconceptions, mistakes
and assumptions, and then, once all these
become evident and are reconsidered,
re-built in the form of applicable tools.
Through this mechanism, the Studio has
enough flexibility to be molded by the

students together with the tutors, in almost
equal measure. The production of space
results out of dialogue, critical analysis,
observation and external association. Once
the Studio evolves, you understand that it
is equally valuable for what it brings on
its own as well as from the other modules,
extruding the BUDD program from a planar
theory into theoretical intervention, where
the city finally comes alive in practice.
I wont go over the phases of the Studio,
as they will surely be better explained
elsewhere. Instead, I would like to
mention that as a whole, what these parts
or steps provided were an urban design
template devoid of a fixed script, instead
adaptable and organic. Maps, livelihood
analysis, guidelines, individual responses,
all these became our own personal story
of Dharavi through our eyes, stories that
are not static but active sources for future
endeavours. The lasting power of this
intervention was our understanding of
the relativity of the space in question, as
well as the value of the mechanisms that
constituted the vision and impact of our
actions and thoughts.
Once the Studio reaches its final stages
there is an understandable sense of
anxiety, particularly at the thought of it all
remaining unresolved. But it also makes
sense because spatial analysis is not a
finite, linear route. For that reason the
end project feels more of a circumstance
and a parting exercise; the strength of the
studio is its ongoing process, the constant
looking-back at the already covered
ground. By its conclusion space has been
distorted, reconfigured, and experimented
with, Dharavi no longer a place in central
Mumbai, but a living, undulating timeline
with countless voices that shape what still
remains to be fully understood.
I 133
The problematic of geographical scale

its territorial organization, its social
production, its political contestation and
its historical reconfiguration has been
inserted into the very heart of the urban
question in the current era 1
134 I
Meeting the
challenge of scale
Nick Wolff
1/ Brenner, N. (2001). The limits

to scale? Methodological reflections
on scalar structuration in Progress in
Human Geography, December 2001 25:
591-614. London: Sage.
2/ Massey, D. (2005). For Space.
London: Sage
3/ Lefebvre, H. (1978). De ltat-4: Les
Contradictions de ltat Moderne. Paris:
Union Gnrale dditions.
4/ Cuthbert, A. (2006). The Form of
Cities: Political Economy and Urban
Design. Oxford: Blackwell.
5/ Massey, D. (2005). For Space.
London: Sage
Dharavi exists at scale. It contains, is

shaped by and is constantly re-shaping
sets of relational, complex and conflictive
processes operating at multiple, interrelated
geographical levels2. Urban governance
in Mumbai that seemingly determines
Dharavis future deeply intertwines with
regional and national politics and nagarcentred organisations connected to national
and international slum-dweller movements.
Indias rapid economic growth, contributing
to new global and national movements of
capital and people and driving massive
change in Mumbai, traces back into
Dharavi in the thriving factories and service
industries it harbours. Webs of identities
and associated otherness, inclusion and
exclusion that are deeply interwoven into
the cultural and political fabric of Dharavi
are created, defended and apportioned
at street, nagar, city and national levels,
shifting forms from one level to another.
Perceived at scale, these links, connections,
communications, networks and circuits3
reveal a set of spatial relations that loosen
the divisions between internal and external
when approaching a process of urban
design: What could be seen as abstract
external globalising economic forces come
into sharper concrete reality when Dharavis
international businesses are acknowledged
as active producers (however small) of
those same forces. A migrant worker can
reveal under the multi-scalar microscope a
manifestation of abstract strands and flows
of identity, power, knowledge and resources
criss-crossing and interweaving across
spatial levels.
If these social processes contained in,

shaping and being shaped by Dharavi are
produced and reproduced at scale then
their effects are similarly manifest at
multiple, interwoven levels. The political,
economic and social structures they
produce from the global to the urban level
delimit opportunity, enable or construct
barriers to transformative change and open
out or narrow down future trajectories.
Their outcomes in the urban form are
actualities that reflect individuals daily
reality: how much they earn, how they live,
the daily rhythms, pains and pleasures of
life.
This challenge of scale is found time and
again at the core of the Dharavi studio.
Urban design practice is revealed indeed
as multivalent in that its power does
not originate from a single source4 and
neither, we find, does its subject. We
question at which levels interventions can
be made, within which processes and to
which objectives. Is it sufficient to make
small changes at levels that improve
daily experience and, if not, can urban
design practice significantly contribute
to reconfiguring structural inequities
to support a more transformative urban
development? We are faced with questions
of how to marshal this multivalency to
engage with the complexity of processes
shaping Dharavi and their outcomes
at scales from individuals to the
international. As Massey5 writes, this
is a space of loose ends and missing
links, for the future to be open, space
must be open too. A tentative approach
to exploring ways in which the loose
ends and missing links running through
Dharavi might be configured in new ways
at and across multiple scales towards
alternative futures, is a central element
of the critical and reflexive approach to
practice explored in the studio.
I 135
136 I
Afterword
In coexistence with world class and

creative cities, where growth and big
capital are key words, more than 80% of
the worlds inhabitants have created their
own living environments from below,
from their everyday lived experience.
They have realised their livelihoods
through parallel circuits, often referred
to as the informal economy, as if these
circuits are disconnected from the global
economic reality. Nothing is less true.
Into the
Urban Beyond
Caroline Newton
Lecturer, Development
Planning Unit
1/ Robinson, J. (2002), Global and

world cities: a view from off the map.
International Journal of Urban and
Regional Research, 26: 531554.
2/ Lefebvre, H. (2003). The Urban

Revolution. Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press.
3/ Miraftab, F. (2009). Insurgent

Planning: Situating Radical Planning in
the Global South. Planning Theory, 8(1),
3250.
4/ Souza, M. L. De. (2010). Which

right to which city? In defence of
political-strategic clarity. Interface: a
journal for and about social movements
2(1), 315333. p. 317.
For a long time the way cities in the

south have been conceptualised has
proved to be very problematic. Robinson1
illustrates the dichotomy in the discourse
between global cities as being important
and model nodes that are interconnected
in a global (capitalist) network and the
mega cities in the South that seem to be
in a constant crisis. As a consequence
too much focus has been on the need
to formalise the informal, believing that
with formalisation prosperity will follow
and inequality will diminish. Those types
of discourses that associate informality
with illegitimacy and exclusion from
normality might be problematic and
may strengthen the hegemony of the
capitalist system and without recognising
the right to the city. 2
It is clear that in coming to terms with
forms of informality and the role of these
informal forms in the global arena is ongoing. This call of the informal has
been attracting an increasing number
of professionals, academics and
designers.
I strongly argue that when urban
designers and architects get interested
in informal urbanism it should be for
more than the mere aesthetics (eg.
MoMAs Small Scale, Big Change or ).
A deeper understanding is needed about
how the planning apparatus produces

the unplanned and the un-plannable.
The practice of the urban designer needs
to be deconstructed and recalibrated in
order to gain a better understanding of
how to deal with the urban project and
more specifically in order to try and
deal with the not-designed and the undesignable.
As urban designers and architects within
the BUDD programme, we do this not
to re-order the informal but to look for
a counter hegemonic planning (maybe
what Miraftab3 would call insurgent
planning) whereby the questions shift
from where do things belong (classical
modern and functional planning) to to
whom do things belong, thus bringing
Lefebvres right to the city back to
centre stage. Here it is important to
stress that following de Souza, we do
not simply understand this right as
the right to a better, more human
life in the context of the capitalist
city, the capitalist society and on the
basis of a (reformed and improved)
representative democracy. 4 So we go
back to Lefebvres understanding that
the right to the city becomes the right
to centrality, the right to not be excluded
from urban form, if only with respect to
the decisions and actions of power.
In this renewed context the role of the
designer is put under scrutiny. The
protagonist in the whole (urban) design
practice is no longer the expert planner,
but rather the informal community-based,
grassroots process and the accompanying
strategies and activism that have the
ability to transform the city3.
The engagement of the MSc BUDD
participants with the city is explicit.
During the process participants develop
I 139
a socio-spatial cognition; a knowledge

and understanding of the socio-spatial
intertwinement,
not
only
through
learning, but also through exploration,
experience and critical thinking. This
understanding is then translated into
strategies and actions that allow people
to take ownership of their right to the city.
140 I
5/ Friedmann, J. (1987) Planning in

the Public Domain: From Knowledge
to Action. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press: pp.391
Central to this reasoning is the idea of

critical design as a mediation of theory
and practice in social transformation 5.
In this recalibrated role we, as the
practitioner/architect critically immerse
ourselves with the broader community
in which we engage in. This means we
are curious about the urban reality
we encounter, we allow ourselves to
be amazed. And in trying to meet the
challenges posed, we refuse to be seduced
by straightforward looking answers and
conventional thought.
This way of working calls for an innovative
attitude in which design is reconfigured.
Urban
design
practice
becomes
something more - it becomes an activator
for change. Designers and practitioners
educated and trained within the MSc
BUDD work from this perspective of
critical planning. The studio pedagogy,
as explored in this book and exemplified
by the work of the students offers
the opportunity to address design
challenges from within the perspective
of a community without loosing the call
to enable the re-appropriation of spaces
of collective action, as I briefly sketched
above.
The risk of books like this is that they
might be considered as an end-state,
the showing of work well done. I believe
this not-so-small pamphlet, as Camillo
Boano calls it in the introduction is not
about that. This collection of thoughts,
reflections and design work, gives us

some glimpses into the shape that a
recalibrated profession could take. It
reveals the start of a long and deliberately
trajectory. And yet is already taken
further in the current studio investigation
Metanarratives of Philippine Urbanism.
There, we are speculating on critical
tactics and strategies that address a
multitude of urban scales and challenges
facing the communities and organisations
in Manila, Iloilo and Davao. If this book
before us is any indicator, the current
pursuits of the MSc BUDD course will
undoubtedly uncover a fascinating
conundrum of ideas, research and
proposals for a whole new urban terrain
I 141
I 142
BUDD
Studio
Participants
2009-2012
2008/2009
142 I
Chakraborty
Debesehi
India
Chan
Wai Hou
China
Colloridi
Laura
Italy
Dovarch
Barbara
Italy
Garca Lamarca
Melissa
Canada/Spain
Hunter
William
USA
Leclair-Paquet
Benjamin
Canada
Li
Xiaolu
China
Lim
Phirany
USA
Milln Franco
Gynna F.
Colombia
Naidoo
Kelvinesan
South Africa
Park
Hye Joo
South Korea
Su En
Jung
South Korea
Syrrothanasi
Panagiota
Greece
Varma
Pooja
USA
Wade
Andrew
USA
Angelis
Nicole
Canada
2009/2010
Canellakis
Krista
USA
Cirne
Jeniffer
UK
Garca Gonzlez
Marisol
Chile
Gori
Federico
Italy
Haq
Hana
Pakistan
Hassan
Iman Abdel Meguid
Egypt
Liang
Weiwei
China
Malgrati
Igor
Italy
Martn Cceres
Ricardo
Costa Rica
Michener
Laura
USA
Monteiro Ramos
Ana Margarida
UK
Noeding
Marcel
Germany
Ramamurthy
Swethini
India
Sood
Amar
India
Talocci
Giorgio
Italy
Wolff
Nicholas J.
UK
Yu
Hong
China
2010/2011
Al Ghafari
Noor
Canada
Ali
Afraa
UK
Anantamongkolchai
Dhrin
Thailand
Andrade
Maira Mendonca
Mozambique
Assanowicz
Magdalena
Poland
Chi Cervera
Silvia Elisa
Mexico
Cirne
Jennifer
Canada/UK
Di Girolamo
Jos Lorenzo
Chile
Durousseau
Desiree
USA
Farag
Farida
USA/Egypt
Fatemi
Mahya
Iran
Hajisoltani
Sepideh
Iran
Jabbar
Sadiqa
UK
Jarvis
Serena
USA
Koonar
Amrita
UK
Leaman
Amy
Canada/UK
Letier Pinto
Tatiana
Brazil/UK
Macbruce
Eric Prince
Ghana/UK
Muzzonigro
Azzurra
Italy
Nady
Ivana
Slovenia
Nair
Parvathi Sanjeev
India
Oneill
Mckenzie
USA
Razouk
Tareq Ali
Syrian
Robles Caraballo
Josu
USA
Starc
Katja
Slovenia
Tan
Su-Ann
Malaysia
Von Der Schulenburg
Anna
Germany
2011/2012
Ahmad
Sarah
Pakistan
Akagwu
Ojama Sarah
Nigeria/UK
Alen
Elsbet
Belguim
Ardakanian
Atiyeh
Iran
Briccheto
Elisabetta
Italy
Bukhari
Budoor
UAE
Cardoso Martins
Diogo
Portugal
I 143
Cocia Varas
144 I
Camila
Chile
Fuentes Groetaers
Paola Mara
Chile
Gonzlez Arango
Lina
Colombia
Hanking
Lisa Marie
UK
Han
Zhu
China
Mascia
Stefano
Italy
Montgomery
Christopher Carlton
Jamaica
Navarro Eslava
Luz
Spain
Pasta
Francesco Maria
Italy
Pinzn Cardona
Laura
Colombia
Price
Elizabeth Clementine
UK
Rachel
Rachel
Indonesia
Ritter
Bethany Ann
USA
Shepherd
Ariel Glenesk
Canada
Nez Ferrera
Isis
Honduras
Wade
Andrew
Usa
Von Der Schulenburg
Anna
Germany
Course Coordinators
Located in The Bartletts Development Planning Unit

(DPU), a world-leading international centre of research
and study founded by Otto Koenigsberger specializing
in planning in the Global South, the MSc Building
an Urban Design in Development (BUDD) offers a
unique synthesis of cutting edge critical methodology
and design-based research, linking the practice of
design with the complementary developmental
processes of planning. It equips students with the
tools to deal with complex urban challenges, spatial
transformations and the manifestation of injustices,
especially in the contested urbanisms of Asia, Africa
and Latin America. This intense 12-month graduate
course invites participants to play a leading role in
the development and understanding of a recalibrated
Urban Design approach, at once people-centred and
strategic in nature.
The MSc is constructed around
four themes
corresponding to the core course modules:
Urban Design theories for understanding informal
urbanism
Participatory design methodologies and citizenship
Design research, thinking, and practice
Innovative methodological approaches to design
Key points of the course:
An innovative 12-month programme including
seminar classes, workshops and an intensive live
fieldwork in the global south
Supports a balance between research, writing and
practice-based design
A competitive interdisciplinary and multicultural
environment.
http://www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu/programmes/
postgraduate/msc-building-urban-design-indevelopment
The Development Planning Unit, University College London

(UCL), is an international centre specialising in academic
teaching, research, training and consultancy in the field of
urban and regional development, with a focus on policy,
planning, management and design. It is concerned with
understanding the multi-faceted and uneven process
of contemporary urbanisation, and strengthening more
socially just and innovative approaches to policy, planning,
management and design, especially in the contexts of
Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Middle East as well as
countries in transition.
The central purpose of the DPU is to strengthen the
professional and institutional capacity of governments and
non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to deal with the
wide range of development issues that are emerging at
local, national and global levels. In London, the DPU runs
postgraduate programmes of study, including a research
degree (MPhil/PhD) programme, six one-year Masters
Degree courses and specialist short courses in a range
of fields addressing urban and rural development policy,
planning, management and design.
Overseas, the DPU Training and Advisory Service (TAS)
provides training and advisory services to government
departments, aid agencies, NGOs and academic
institutions. These activities range from short missions
to substantial programmes of staff development and
institutional capacity building.
The academic staff of the DPU are a multi-disciplinary
and multinational group with extensive and on-going
research and professional experience in various fields
of urban and international development throughout the
world. DPU Associates are a body of professionals who work
closely with the Unit both in London and overseas. Every
year the student body embraces more than 45 different
nationalities.
To find out more about us and the courses we run, please
visit our website: www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu
This publication draws from first-hand experience, research, and critical

practices that have sought to investigate a 175 hectares swatch of land in the
middle of Mumbai that is home to over 1 million inhabitants. It is a collection of
short and long essays, drawings and diagrams, pictures and photo-montages,
video stills and visualisations on what is known as Dharavi.
If on one side Dharavi was what some would call a live case study, on
the other it was more than that. Dharavi was a place where our different
epistemic words of what we called urban design started falling apart.
It was also a complex microcosm of practices where our methodological
and architectural artillery became somewhat ineffective and sterile. It
was a symbol of a multiplicity of urbanisms at play that failed all our
philosophical apparatus. Dharavi for us was essentially a space in which
we started our process of recalibration of Urban Design - an intellectual,
pedagogical and political process at the centre of the MSc Building and Urban
Design in Development course at the Bartlett Development Planning Unit.
Visit our website

www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu
www.facebook.com/dpuucl
www.twitter.com/dpu_ucl
Dr. Camillo Boano is an architect, urbanist and

educator. He currently Senior Lecturer at Development
Planning Unit, UCL, where he directs the MSc in Building
and Urban Design in Development. He is also the Director
of Communication in the Unit and Coordinator of the
DPUsummerLab initiative. Since 2012 he became one of the
Co-Directors of the UCL Urban Lab.
William Hunter is a Teaching Fellow at the Bartlett
Development Planning Unit where he leads studios in
Design in Development and Critical Urbanism. He is also CoCoordinator of the DPU summerLab series and DPU News editor.
Dr. Caroline Newton is an architect, urban planner
and political scientist. She completed her PhD in social
geography at the K.U. Leuven (Belgium). Caroline teaches in
the MSc Building and Urban Design in Development and is a
member of the editorial board of the Journal of Housing and
the Built Environment

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Writings and

projects for the

2013, The Bartlett | Development Planning Unit

Development Planning Unit, University College London

Sixty Years of Contesting Development

Engaging with Processes of Change

Camillo Boano, Melissa Garca Lamarca, William Hunter

Recalibrating Critical Design Practice

William Hunter, Camillo Boano

William Hunter, Camillo Boano

Urban Design Recalibrated:

Mapping the Territory

Profiling Livelihoods, Needs And Aspirations

Design Guidelines and Principles

Individual Design Response

Reflections on the Dharavi

Modernism out of Context

Remote Analysis and the Challenge to Practice

Into the Urban Beyond

BUDD Studio Participants

For nearly six decades, the Development

Newton, with contributions from three

This collection of essays reflects

that is, the Mumbai Urban Transport

Unlike the majority of low-income

with studio-based projects in recent

1/ Rendell, J. (2006) Art and

2/ Rendell, J. (2003) Between two:

3/ Rendell, J., Hill, J., Fraser, M. &

This not-so-small pamphlet draws from

is that Urban Design is of profound

resilient nature of Dharavi, with its the

multiplicity of urbanisms that view the

Popularly known as Asias largest slum,

Mumbais new financial center called the

1/ BBC (2006). Life in a slum. BBC

5/ Bombay First and McKinsey &

6/ Bombay First and McKinsey &

7/ Allen, A., Boano, C., & Johnson,

McKinsey & Company5, where one of the

(KRVIA), SPARC, and the Development

The Dharavi Redevelopment Project:

8/ Urbanology (2008). Urban typhoon

10/ Patel, S., & Arputham, J. (2007).

Dharavi and its inhabitants have long played

island city and especially the government

was meant to attract interest from only those

living in other parts of the buildings17 16.

Contested Urbanism: The Meta-narrative

12/ TNN (2007, June 1). Dharavi

14/ TNN (2007, June 1). Dharavi

15/ Sharma, K. (2009). A reprive for

18/ Leach, N. (1997) Introduction. In

19/ Heidegger, M. (1962). Being and

22/ Jameson, F. (1991). Postmodernism

society, politics, and culture18, this neologism

Contested Spaces of Transformation:

spatiality19, Lefebvres20 use of lived

potential imbalance in the long term. Thus

construction of artificial towns in Northern