Prophets, The Freedom of God, and Hermeneutics : Willem A. Vangemeren
Prophets, The Freedom of God, and Hermeneutics : Willem A. Vangemeren
Prophets, The Freedom of God, and Hermeneutics : Willem A. Vangemeren
Willem A. Vangemeren
Westminster Theological Journal 52.1 (Spring 1990): 79-99.
[Reproduced by permission]
* I am grateful for the opportunities of developing and presenting this material and for the
interaction at the regional IBR (Fall 1987), the Southwest section of ETS
(March 4, 1988), and Trinity Evangelical Divinity School (Old Testament
Colloquium, May 24, 1988).
In the last twenty years three major issues have surfaced in the
interpretation of the prophetic word. First, the distinction between true
and false prophets has been blurred.[1] Second, the problems arising
from the nature of fulfillment have opened up a reevaluation of the
hermeneutics of the prophets.[2] Third, the connection between
prophetic and apocalyptic
[p.80]
literature has raised the question of continuity.[3] In this article I
explore these three developments as they relate to the matter of
interpreting the prophetic word.
Were there objective criteria for validating the true prophets? Yes and
no! The answer is "yes," when we reflect again on the seven criteria
given by Moses. But the answer is also "no," because of the human
corruption of revelation. The prophetic "institution" became affected by
the teaching of the false prophets and by the popular response to their
ministry. Crenshaw concludes that the prophets could not and did not
find adequate ways of "self-validation" or authentication.[15]
Blenkinsopp modifies Crenshaw's radical thesis by explaining that the
sociopolitical conditions of the late seventh century were so complex
that "the criterion of historical falsification does not do justice to the
complex nature of prophecy."[16] He further concludes that this
explains the failure of prophetism to keep itself alive in the postexilic
era.[17] Both Crenshaw and Blenkinsopp explain the phenomenon of
prophetism concretely and realistically, as prophet faced people and as
prophet faced prophet.[18] Wilson correctly observes that "it is likely
that the problem is even more complex than even the most perceptive
interpreters
[p.84]
have realized."[19] I shall give seven criteria that may help in
discerning the true from the false. I do this with some hesitation,
because it is much easier to discern the true from the false from our
perspective, having the advantage of the historical validation of God's
word through the events of the exile, postexilic restoration,
intertestamental period, the coming of our Lord, the apostolic age, and
the present church age.
(1) Revelation. The false prophets bring together revelation and
religion. Instead of being completely transformed by the Mosaic
revelation, they allowed for syncretism of popular beliefs and practices
(religion) and the revelation of God. This syncretistic way of life (vox
populi) helped them in gaining popular recognition.
The true prophets built on the foundation of the Mosaic law. As the
the cult, wisdom, or law as originally derived from Moses, but they
were antagonistic to the institutionalization, restriction, and perversion
of God's revelation. They opposed any human restriction on
the freedom of God, whether in the temple, law, or monarchy. At the
heart of the prophetic heritage lies the true worship of God "in spirit."
The prophets insisted on worship of the Lord from the heart and said
that true worship always begins with an openness to God's freedom.
Zimmerli writes, "Prophetic proclamation thus shatters and transforms
tradition in order to announce the approach of the Living One."[23]
(3) Independence from power structures. The false prophets fostered
illusions by advocating a Realpolitik. Realpolitik is a complex, human
response to any dilemma. It is a reflex to fix whatever goes wrong, so
as to perpetuate the human power, social structures, economic
structures, and values. But Realpolitik also closes man's world to God,
to the supernatural, and to God's freedom. Israel and Judah were open
to a "religion" that kept open the possibilities of Realpolitik, but they
were closed to the radical dimension of submission to revelation. The
false prophets provided solutions for the problems at hand, whether
social, political, or economic. The false prophets desired nothing better
than a good name and the popular recognition that goes with it. They
were anxious to be consulted, but they were not zealous for the
prosperity of God's kingdom. At this point the kingdom of God and the
kingdom of humans collide. Whereas the false prophets loved success,
power, popularity, and prosperity, the true prophets were often "loners,"
serving God independently of the power structures, whether cultic or
political. But their lives, message, and suffering still witness to the
power of the living God.
(4) Divine and human institution. The false prophets lived and worked
for a human ideal, a dream, a vision, or institution.[24] They were great
promoters of programs. The true prophets, however, did not primarily
consider their social standing or the wishes of their audience. They
were by divine appointment social and religious critics, with whose
message the people would be in little agreement. The true prophets
persevered, because they were not first and foremost members of a
socially defined institution, but because they were God's
spokespersons. They were men of God who
[p.86]
lived for the sake of serving their Lord faithfully. The prophetic
institution was by this definition a divine and a social institution. As a
divine institution the Lord commissioned his prophet with a word from
above. As a social institution the prophet was expected to speak God's
word to a people whose expectations were determined by Realpolitik,
social pressures, and popular beliefs and practices.
(5) Vision of the kingdom of God. The false prophets were taken by
God's present kingdom, as understood by them. They were guardians of
the status quo. The covenant, the Davidic monarch, the temple, and the
priesthood were "sacred" symbols of God's kingdom among his people.
Their vision of the kingdom ruled out a change in God's relation with
his people. Their vision of the kingdom provided them with a platform
for change, as dictated by Realpolitik.
The true prophets operated from the transforming vision of the coming
kingdom of God. The Lord had revealed to them that his kingdom
would come in the power of the Spirit. Since this kingdom is so much
grander than reality, people must prepare themselves for the coming of
his kingdom. The true prophets taught that this kingdom will come by
the work of the Spirit and not by power or by might.
The true prophets operated from the conviction that God's kingdom was
present and that Yahweh must also transform all things to establish his
kingdom. They did not know how or when he would accomplish this
transformation, but they condemned the people for having rejected the
kingdom of God in exchange for human kingdoms.
The true prophets were God's spokesmen, raised up in a particular time.
Through them he exhorted, sued, judged, and explained what was about
to happen and why. The prophet was not first and foremost a man of the
future. His primary significance lay in his witness to his own time and
to Yahweh's involvement in the temporal order. God's order had been
adversely affected by man's transgression of Yahweh's laws. Society in
Israel and Judah no longer reflected the order of the kingdom of God.
The pillars (fidelity, love, righteousness, and justice) of the kingdom of
God were shaken, because of man's rebellion against his King. Man's
power structures on earth undermined the purposes of God! Yet, their
vision was not limited to the immediate historical horizon, as Zimmerli
concludes:
We must not, however, think that the prophets were simply interpreters
of history.... Behind the word of the prophets was not the river of
history, rushing with invincible force, and by its rigid laws forcing its
way on and breaking down all opposition. Behind their preaching stood
the Lord of freedom, in whose hands all history remains a tool which
can be wielded freely by him.[25]
[p.87]
(6) Theocentric ethics. The false prophets taught a man-centered ethics.
They embraced the revelation of Moses, as interpreted by popular
conceptions (vox populi). They substituted forms of piety (prayer,
sacrifices, and fasting) for true godliness. The true prophets held on to
the belief that Yahweh would intervene, to alter the course of human
history. They stressed the freedom of God as a prelude to inviting
humans to submit themselves to Yahweh. They spoke about a new era
in which God and humans would join together in the establishment of
God's kingdom. The prophets witnessed to the way of Yahweh and to
the pride, evil, and sinfulness of the way of man. They addressed this
collision of interests and announced that Yahweh would be victorious
and that man's plans, scheming, and counsel would be frustrated. The
true prophets exhorted people to respond with a radical loyalty to
Yahweh. They called for people, nations, and society to
be transformed and to be agents of transformation.
(7) Suffering. The false prophet gained recognition in the syncretistic,
optimistic program of Realpolitik. He based his insights on the
selective interpretation of the word of God, pleasing humans with his
fine words. But the true prophets suffered awaiting the fulfillment of
God's word. Generally, they did not enjoy seeing the fulfillment of their
announcements. That was for another generation to witness. Even when
they witnessed the fulfillment, they remained the object of human
manipulation and suspicion.
The prophets suffered disgrace from their contemporaries, who
challenged their authority, role, message, and often physically abused
them. While suffering the prophets awaited Yahweh's vindication of
their message (Acts 7:52; Heb 11:3637).[26] Childs rightly insists that
the biblical books vindicate God's prophets. Micaiah was vindicated by
the death of Ahab, end Jeremiah was vindicated in the fall of Jerusalem.
[27] The acts of God in the history of his people bear out the veracity
of his word and justify his prophets as his spokesmen. More than that,
the historical pattern of proclamation and fulfillment extends the
canonical significance of the prophetic word to subsequent generations.
They, too, are responsible for hearing God's word, for heeding it, and
for discerning the true from the false.
The community at large rejected the radical message of the prophet, but
the "remnant" listened and treasured his words as the word of God.
They witnessed the veracity of the true prophets in the near-fulfillment
and believed that the eschatological message of the true prophets would
also come true.
The false prophets never developed a lasting tradition. Their false
hopes were shattered in the fall of Samaria and of Jerusalem. Their
interpreta[p.88]
tions were proved wrong. The true prophets shared a common tradition.
The prophetic tradition comprised various emphases, distinct
contributions, and watershed-like developments. Each prophet was
an individual with a distinctive call and a distinct message from God,
but the concern for distinctive characteristics should not mislead us to
pay exclusive attention to the differences. The true prophets formed a
part of a tradition and that tradition was founded on the covenantal
structure. "For the prophets and the psalmists the covenant tradition
formed the heart of their religion."[28] The prophetic tradition reveals
variety and unity.[29]
Apocalypse has a canonical place, as both the prophets and John the
apostle employ apocalyptic imagery.[46] The apocalyptic genre, much
like the prophetic, presents the truth of God not consecutively or
logically, but multidimensionally. The eschatology of the prophetic
word and the apocalyptic visions have one common origin: the Spirit of
prophecy.
On a historical plane, the community of God's people have to adjust
continually to the reality of fulfillment and the vision of the prophets.
The resultant tensions between prophecy and vision, vision and reality,
present and future, and between creation and redemption must remain.
As long as this tension is real in our lives, the prophetic word propels
us to action in evangelism, church work, and involvement in society as
light-bearers. The light dims when the Christian works out the details
of the heavenly vision, while awaiting his redemption from this world.
The development of schisms and ideologies before the incarnation of
our Lord with the consequent rejection of the Messiah of Israel is a
vivid reminder of the traps (systematization, rigidity in interpretation,
and failure of correlation) that are also around today.[47]
IV. Hermeneutics
The recent discussion on true versus false prophets, cognitive
dissonance, and the place of apocalyptic have raised the question as to
how we must
[p.91]
approach the prophetic word. For example, Carroll encourages the
development of a hermeneutics of the prophets that must be
"sufficiently complex and sophisticated...to question the text to the
point of encountering its meaning."[48] My response is in the form of
seven theses:[49]
(1) The prophetic word is eschatological[50] in nature. The prophets
expected the radical transformation of this world, including a new
humanity and a new covenant. The prophets challenged and still invite
us to interpret the present in the light of the hope of a new age, to
which God's revelation witnesses. Though the word eschatology
Christ, the Holy Spirit, the new community, and the eschaton.[81] This
correlation grows out of the OT prophetic message which projects a
new age externalized by the Messiah of God and internalized by the
Spirit of God.[82] It fosters the tension between this age and the age to
come, the material and the spiritual, Israel and the church, the powers
of this world and the rule of God's Messiah, and the Spirit of
restoration and the powers of destruction. In spite of these points of
tension, the OT prophets announce the Spirit's involvement in
restoration.[83] The Father freely establishes his kingdom on earth by
the Messiah and by his Spirit.
V. Conclusions
The prophetic phenomenon in Israel is complex and is complicated by
our hermeneutic of the prophets. Concern with the historic
referentiality of the prophets easily confuses the historic context of the
prophet as God's spokesman with the canonical message. The word of
God is verified time and again as God's people discern his voice in the
words of men. Those who hear the prophetic voice live in the tension of
heavenly and earthly, the material and spiritual, the plans of God and
the freedom of God, the now and the not yet. The righteous seek the
establishment of God's righteous kingdom as a reality. They discern the
ways of the Spirit of God by not localizing or temporalizing the
kingdom of God, by not defining the way and the plan of God. Any
restriction of God's freedom by human interpretation, tradition, or
systematization runs the same risk as that of the false prophets.
The prophetic word itself opens up to all who submit themselves to the
Spirit, to the whole Bible (tota Scriptura), and to the progressive
fulfillment in the history of redemption. Prophetic interpretation begins
and ends with God. He, the Creator-King, is free-unrestricted by human
interpretations, traditions, and institutions-and faithful to his promises
pertaining to the whole of his creation, as confirmed to Adam, Noah,
Abraham, Moses, David, the prophets, our Lord, and the apostles. He,
the Redeemer-King, progressively works out his promises, but in such a
manner that no one may boast of knowing the precise nature of the
progression of his plan. He, the Creator-Redeemer-King, awaits man's
response to his revelation in the
[p.99]
prophets and the apostles by calling for hope, praise, and commitment
to serve our Lord Jesus and the Father in the freedom of the Spirit.
Reference
[1] Robert R Carroll, "A Non-Cogent Argument in Jeremiahs Oracles against the Prophets," ST 30 (1976) 43-51; James L.
Crenshaw, Prophetic Conflict: Its Effect upon Israelite Religion (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1971); idem, "Prophecy,
False," IDBSup 701-2; idem, A Whirlpool of Torment: Israelite Traditions on God as an Oppressive Force (Philadelphia:
Fortress, 1984); Simon J. De Vries, Prophet against Prophet: The Role of the Micaiah Narrative (1 Kings 22) in the
Development of Early Prophetic Tradition (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1978); Frank Lothar Hossfeld and Ivo Meyer, Prophet
gegen Prophet. Eine Analyse der alttestamentlichen Texte zum Thema: wahre und falsche Propheten (Fribourg: Schweizerisches
Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1973); Ronald E. Manahan, A Theology of Pseudoprophets: A Study of Jeremiah, Grace Theological
Journal 1 (1980) 77-96; Robert Martin-Achard, "Hanania contre Jrmie. Quelques remarques sur Jrmie 28," Bulletin du
Centre Protestant dEtudes 29 (1977) 51-57; Thomas W. Overholt, The Threat of Falsehood: A Study in the Theology of the Book
of Jeremiah (SBT 2/16; Naperville: Allenson, 1970); idem, "Jeremiah 27-29: The Question of False Prophecy," JAAR 35 (1967)
241-49; James A. Sanders, "Jeremiah and the Future of Theological Scholarship," ANQ 13 (1972) 133-45; idem, "Hermeneutics
in True and False Prophecy," in Canon and Authority: Essays in Old Testament Religion and Theology (ed. George W. Coats and
Burke O. Long; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977) 21-41; Gary V. Smith, Prophecy, "False," ISBE 3.984-86; A. S. van der Woude,
"Micah in Dispute with the Pseudo-Prophets," VT 19 (1969) 244-60. For earlier studies, see Martin Buber, "False Prophets
[Jeremiah 28]," in On the Bible: Eighteen Studies by Martin Buber (ed. Nahum N. Glatzer; New York: Schocken, 1982) 166-71;
Gerhard von Rad, "Die falschen Propheten," ZAW 51 (1933) 109-20.
[2] Robert R Carroll, A"ncient Israelite Prophecy and Dissonance Theory," Numen 24 (1977) 135-51; idem, "Second Isaiah and
the Failure of Prophecy," ST 32 (1978) 119-31; idem, "Inner Tradition Shifts in Meaning in Isaiah 1-11," ExpTim 89 (1978) 3014; idem, "Twilight of Prophecy or Dawn of Apocalyptic," JSOT 14 (1979) 3-35; idem, When Prophecy Failed (New York:
Seabury, 1979); idem, "Prophecy and Dissonance: A Theoretical approach to the Prophetic Tradition," ZAW 92 (1980) 108-19;
idem, "Eschatological Delay in the Prophetic Tradition?" ZAW 94 (1982) 47-58; idem, "Prophecy, Dissonance, and Jeremiah
xxvi," in A Prophet to the Nations: Essays on Jeremiah Studies (ed. Leo G. Perdue and Brian W. Kovacs; Winona Lake:
Eisenbrauns, 1984) 381-91; J. Collins, "The Place of Apocalypticism in the Religion of Israel," in Ancient Israelite Religion:
Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross (ed. Patrick D. Miller, Jr., et al.; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987) 539-58; David L.
Petersen, The Roles of Israels Prophets (JSOTSupp 17; Sheffield: JSOT, 1981); idem, Late Israelite Prophecy: Studies in
Deutero-Prophetic Literatureand in Chronicles(Missoula: Scholars Press, 1977).
[3] Martin Buber, "Prophecy, Apocalyptic, and the Historical Hour," in On the Bible (ed. Glatzer) 172-87; Frank M. Cross, Jr.,
"New Directions in the Study of Apocalyptic," JTC 6 (1969) 157-65; John G. Gager, "The Attainment of Millennial Bliss
through Myth: The Book of Revelation," inVisionaries and Their Apocalypses (ed. Paul Hanson; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1983)
146-55; Paul D. Hanson, "Old Testament Apocalyptic Reexamined," Int 25 (1971) 454-79; idem, "Jewish Apocalyptic against Its
Near Eastern Environment," RB 78 (1971) 31-58 (= Visionaries and their Apocalypses, 3760); idem, The Dawn of
Apocalyptic (rev. ed.; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979); K. Koch, The Rediscovery of Apocalyptic: A Polemical Work on a Neglected
Area of Biblical Studies and Its Damaging Effect on Theology and Philosophy (SBT 2/22; London: SCM, 1972); Otto
Plger, Theocracy and Eschatology (Richmond: Knox, 1968). For the issues raised see James Barr, Jewish Apocalyptic in Recent
Scholarly Study, BJRL 58 (197576) 935; Robert R Carroll, Twilight of Prophecy or Dawn of Apocalyptic, JSOT 14 (1979) 3-35
(see Hanson's response to Carroll's criticism in "From Prophecy to Apocalyptic: Unresolved Issues," JSOT 15 [1980] 3-6); John
J. Collins, "The Place of Apocalypticism in the Religion of Israel," Ancient Israelite Religion (ed. Miller) 53958; G. I. Davies,
"Apocalyptic and Historiography," JSOT 5 (1978) 15-28; Rex Mason, "The Prophets of Restoration," in Israel's Prophetic
Tradition: Essays in Honour of Peter R. Ackroyd (ed. Richard Coggins et al.; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982)
137-54 (= FS Ackroyd); E. W. Nicholson, "Apocalyptic," in Tradition and Interpretation (ed. G. W. Anderson; Oxford:
Clarendon, 1979) 189-213; Norman Perrin, "Apocalyptic Christianity," in Visionaries and Their Apocalypses, 121-45; Robert
North, "Prophecy to Apocalyptic via Zechariah," in Congress Volume: Uppsala 1971 (VTSup 22; Leiden: Brill, 1972) 47-71;
Michael A. Knibb, "Prophecy and the Emergence of Jewish Apocalypses," F. S. Ackroyd, 15580; Odil Hannes Steck,
"berlegungen zur Eigenart der sptisraelitischen Apokalyptik," in Die Botschaft und die Boten. Festschrift fr Hans Walter
Wolff zum 70. Geburtstag (ed. Jrg Jeremias and Lothar Perlitt; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1981) 301-15; Stephen
H. Travis, "The Value of Apocalyptic," TynBul 30 (1979) 53-69; Jonathan Z. Smith, "Wisdom and Apocalyptic," in Visionaries
and Their Apocalypses, 101-20.
[4] See the significant study of De Vries, Prophet against Prophet.
[5] W. Zimmerli, "Der Wahrheitserweis Jahwes nach der Botschaft der beiden Exilspropheten," in Tradition und Situation.
Studien zum alttestamentlichen Prophetie: Artur Weiscr zum 70. Geburtstag am 18.11.1963 dargebracht von Kolkgen, Freunden,
und Schlern (ed. Ernst Wurthwein and Otto Kaiser; Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1963) 133-51.
[6] Werner E. Lemke, "The Near and the Distant God: A Study of Jer 23:23-24 in Its Biblical Theological Context," JBL 100
(1981) 541-55.
[7] Martin-Achard, "Hanania contre Jrmie," 51-57.
[8] Thomas W. Overholt, The Threat of Falsehood, 71, 85.
[9] De Vries, Prophet against Prophet, 142-44.
[10] G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology, 2.209-10, esp. n. 27; idem, "Die falschen Propheten."
[11] Carroll, When Prophecy Failed, 184-204.
[12] Van der Woude, "Micah in Dispute with the Pseudo-Prophets," 258.
[13] Crenshaw, Prophetic Conflict, 23-38, 69-73; John Bright speaks of collision in theology (Covenant and Promise: The
Prophetic Understanding of the Future in Pre-Exilic Israel [Philadelphia: Westminster, 1976] 165).
[14] Overholt, "Jeremiah 27-29: The Question of False Prophecy," 241-49.
[15] Crenshaw, Prophetic Conflict, 110-11; idem, Prophecy, "False," IDBSup 701-2.
[16] Joseph Blenkinsopp, A History of Prophecy in Israel (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1983) 186.
[17] Ibid., 188.
[18] Carroll illustrates the tension between the true and the false in "A Non-Cogent Argument in Jeremiah's Oracles against the
Prophets".
[19] R. Wilson, Sociological Approaches to the Old Testament (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984) 71.
[20] John Goldingay concludes, "authentic prophecy resists moral and theological relativism" (God's Prophet, Gods Servant: A
Study in Jeremiah and Isaiah 40-55 [Exeter: Paternoster, 1984] 51).
[21] J. A. Motyer, "Prophecy, Prophets," in The Illustrated Bible Dictionary (3 vols.; ed. J. D. Douglas; Wheaton, IL: Tyndale,
1980) 3.12-82.
[22] Hanson distinguishes between the faith which erects a cult dedicated to the preservation of eternal structures and a faith
which confesses deity to be active, creatively and redemptively, in the movement of time ("Prophets and Kings," Humanitas 15
[1979] 28-9).
[23] Walther Zimmerli, "Prophetic Proclamation and Reinterpretation," in Tradition and Theology in the Old Testament (ed.
Douglas A. Knight; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977) 100.
[24] Martin Buber, "False Prophets [Jeremiah 28]".
[25] Zimmerli, "The Law and the Prophets: A Study of the Meaning of the Old Testament" (New York: Harper & Row, 1965) 66.
[26] Walther Zimmerli, "Frucht der Anfechtungen des Propheten," in Die Botschaft und die Boten. Festschrift fr Hans Walter
Wolff zum 70. Geburtstag (ed. Jrg Jeremias and Lothar Perlitt; Neukirchen-Vlayn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1981 ) 131-46.
[27] Brevard S. Childs, Old Testament Theology in a Canonical Context (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985) 140-41.
[28] R. E. Clements, Prophecy and Covenant (London: SCM, 1965) 18.
[51] Thomas M. Raitt, A Theology of Exile: Judgment/Deliverance in Jeremiah and Ezekiel (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977) 215.
[52] From a different perspective Walter Harrelson writes, "Promises are affirmations of a community's or individual's faith: their
validity is not impugned by non-realization, just as their validity is not established by realization" ("Prophetic Eschatological
Visions and the Kingdom of God," inThe Quest for the Kingdom of God: Studies in Honor of George E. Mendenhall [ed. H. B.
Huffmon et al.; Winona Lake: Eisenbraun, 1983] 117-26). See also Prescott H. Williams, Jr., "Living Toward the Acts of the
Savior-Judge: A Study of Eschatology in the Book of Jeremiah," Austin Seminary Bulletin 94 (1978) 13-39.
[53] Willis Judson Beecher, The Prophets and the Promise (New York: Crowell, 1905; repr. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1963) 376.
[54] Ibid., 377.
[55] James A. Sanders reminds us of the adage, "God's Word comforts the afflicted and afflicts the comfortable" ( God Has a
Story Too [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979] 16-17).
[56] Bright, Covenant and Promise, 198.
[57]See Willem A. VanGemeren, "Perspectives on Continuity," in Continuity and Discontinuity: Perspectives on the
Relationship between the Old and New Testaments in Honor of S. Lewis Johnson, Jr. (ed. Paul Feinberg; Winchester: Crossway,
1988) 37-62.
[58] For the tension in Jesus' teaching, see Herman H. Ridderbos, The Coming of the Kingdom (Philadelphia: Presbyterian and
Reformed, 1962); I. H. Marshall, Eschatology and the Parables (London: Tyndale, 1963); Raymond E. Brown, "The Pater
Noster as an Eschatological Prayer," in New Testament Essays (Garden City: Doubleday, 1968) 275-320; in Pauline theology, see
Geerhardus Vos, Pauline Eschatology (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1961); Herman N. Ridderbos, Paul: An Outline of His
Theology (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1975); Andrew T. Lincoln, Paradise Now and Not Yet (SNTSMS 43; Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1981).
[59] James A. Sanders, "Introduction: Contextual Hermeneutics in Biblical Preaching," in God Has a Story Too, 15.
[60] Sanders, "Hermeneutics in True and False Prophecy," 26.
[61] Ibid., 215-17.
[62] Robert B. Laurin, "Tradition and Canon," in Tradition and Theology in the Old Testament (ed. Douglas A. Knight;
Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977) 261-74.
[63] James A. Sanders, "Hermeneutics in True and False Prophecy," in Canon and Authority: Essays in Old Testament Religion
and Theology (ed. Burke O. Long et al.; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977) 29.
[64] Douglas A. Knight, "Revelation through Tradition," Tradition and Theology in the Old Testament, 143-80.
[65] Knight writes, "An interpretation should not tend to petrify earlier revelations or its interpretation, absolutizing it into a
convention that stifles rather than promotes life" (ibid., 175).
[66] T. E Torrance observes, "Since biblical statements indicate more than they can signify at any time, and more than we can
express in our interpretation of them, they manifest a predictive quality, for they point above and beyond themselves to the
inexhaustible Truth of God" (Reality and Evangelical Theology [Philadelphia: Westminster, 1982] 144, emphasis mine).
[67] James A. Sanders, "Habakkuk in Qumran, Paul, and the Old Testament," JR 39 (1959) 232-44.
[68] A. E Kirkpatrick rightly observes that the prophets reinforce each other, albeit that their emphases and ways of speaking
differ greatly (The Doctrine of the Prophets [3d ed.; London: MacMillan, 1927] 518).
[69] Johannes Lindblom views the prophetic history as a coherent history directed by moral principles and in accordance with
a fixed plan (Prophecy in Ancient Israel [Oxford: Blackwell, 1967] 325).
[70] C. K. Barrett, "New Testament Eschatology," SJT 6 (1953) 240, emphasis mine.
[71] This is similar to what James H. Olthuis posits as an implied vision of the text in the hermeneutic process ("Proposal for a
Hermeneutics of Ultimacy," in A Hermeneutics of Ultimacy: Peril or Promise (Lanham: University Press of America, 1987) 28.
However, I disagree with his vision and agree with the criticism of Clark H. Pinnock ("Peril with Promise," in ibid., 55-59) that
disagreement on the nature of the vision is inevitable.
[72] G. B. Caird, The Language and Imagery of the Bible (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1980) 131-97; Paul Ricoeur, The Rule of
Metaphor (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1979); idem, "Biblical Hermeneutics," Semeia 4 (1975) 27-148; David Tracy,
"Metaphor and Religion: The Test Case of Christian Texts," in On Metaphor (ed. Sheldon Sacks; Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1978) 89-104.
[73] Frederick Ferre, "Metaphors, Models, and Religion," Soundings 51 (1968) 345; Sallie McFague, Metaphorical Theology:
Models of God in Religious Language (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1982) 1-66.
[74] Willem A. VanGemeren, "The Spirit of Restoration," WTJ 50 (1988) 81-102.
[75] T. E Torrance, The School of Faith (London: James Clarke, 1959) cxxiv.
[76] Raitt, A Theology of Exile, 215-22.
[77] Jacques Ellul, The Subversion of Christianity (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986).
[78] Hendrikus Berkhof, "The Christian Faith: An Introduction to the Study of the Faith" (rev. ed.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1986) 333.
[79] I agree with Torrance's observation: "It was to a certain extent the failure of Reformed theology to think out the doctrine of
Christ and the doctrine of the Spirit in relation to creation and therefore to nature," (The School of Faith, ciii).
[80] Ibid., cii.
[81] Hendrikus Berkhof (The Doctrine of the Holy Spirit [Richmond: John Knox, 1964]) discusses the eschatological context of
the Holy Spirit under four propositions: (1) Christ, the Spirit, and the consummation belong together; (2) the consummation
begins in the work of the Spirit; (3) the Holy Spirit creates a longing for the consummation; and (4) the Holy Spirit is the content
of the consummation.
[82] Raitt, A Theology of Exile, 175-84.
[83] Isa 32:15-17; 44:3; Ezek 36:27; 37:14-39:29; 59:21; Joel 2:28-32; Zech 4:6; 12:10(?).