The document summarizes and criticizes the New York Times' definition of "democracy" based on its coverage of Latin American governments. It argues that the NYT and US government consider governments "democratic" if they serve US interests and obey US commands, regardless of how leaders gain power, and label governments "tyrannical" if they oppose the US agenda, even if leaders are popularly elected. The document cites as examples the NYT celebrating a US-backed coup in Venezuela in 2002 and now criticizing Bolivia's democratically elected president, despite his popularity and economic successes, because he limits US influence in the region.
The document summarizes and criticizes the New York Times' definition of "democracy" based on its coverage of Latin American governments. It argues that the NYT and US government consider governments "democratic" if they serve US interests and obey US commands, regardless of how leaders gain power, and label governments "tyrannical" if they oppose the US agenda, even if leaders are popularly elected. The document cites as examples the NYT celebrating a US-backed coup in Venezuela in 2002 and now criticizing Bolivia's democratically elected president, despite his popularity and economic successes, because he limits US influence in the region.
The document summarizes and criticizes the New York Times' definition of "democracy" based on its coverage of Latin American governments. It argues that the NYT and US government consider governments "democratic" if they serve US interests and obey US commands, regardless of how leaders gain power, and label governments "tyrannical" if they oppose the US agenda, even if leaders are popularly elected. The document cites as examples the NYT celebrating a US-backed coup in Venezuela in 2002 and now criticizing Bolivia's democratically elected president, despite his popularity and economic successes, because he limits US influence in the region.
The document summarizes and criticizes the New York Times' definition of "democracy" based on its coverage of Latin American governments. It argues that the NYT and US government consider governments "democratic" if they serve US interests and obey US commands, regardless of how leaders gain power, and label governments "tyrannical" if they oppose the US agenda, even if leaders are popularly elected. The document cites as examples the NYT celebrating a US-backed coup in Venezuela in 2002 and now criticizing Bolivia's democratically elected president, despite his popularity and economic successes, because he limits US influence in the region.
U.S. AND NEW YORK TIMES JARGON: LATIN AMERICA EDITION BY GLENN GREENWALD @ggreenwald One of the most accidentally revealing media accounts highlighting the real meaning of democracy in U.S. discourse is a still-remarkable 2002 New York Times Editorial on the U.S.- backed military coup in Venezuela, which temporarily removed that countrys democratically elected (and very popular) president, Hugo Chvez. Rather than describe that coup as what it was by denition - a direct attack on democracy by a foreign power and domestic military which disliked the popularly elected president the Times, in the most Orwellian fashion imaginable, literally celebrated the coup as a victory for democracy: With yesterdays resignation of President Hugo Chvez, Venezuelan democracy is no longer threatened by a would-be dictator. Mr. Chvez, a ruinous demagogue, stepped down after the military intervened and handed power to a respected business leader, Pedro Carmona. Dean Mouhtaropoulos Thankfully, said the NYT, democracy in Venezuela was no longer in danger . . . because the democratically-elected leader was forcibly removed by the military and replaced by an unelected, pro-U.S. business leader. The Champions of Democracy at the NYT then demanded a ruler more to their liking: Venezuela urgently needs a leader with a strong democratic mandate to clean up the mess, encourage entrepreneurial freedom and slim down and professionalize the bureaucracy. More amazingly still, the Times editors told their readers that Chvezs removal was a purely Venezuelan affair, even though it was quickly and predictably revealed that neocon ofcials in the Bush administration played a central role. Eleven years later, upon Chvezs death, the Times editors admitted that the Bush administration badly damaged Washingtons reputation throughout Latin America when it unwisely blessed a failed 2002 military coup attempt against Mr. Chvez [the paper forgot to mention that it, too, blessed (and misled its readers about) that coup]. The editors then also acknowledged the rather signicant facts that Chvezs redistributionist policies brought better living conditions to millions of poor Venezuelans and there is no denying his popularity among Venezuelas impoverished majority. If you think The New York Times editorial page has learned any lessons from that debacle, youd be mistaken. Today they published an editorial expressing grave concern about the state of democracy in Latin America generally and Bolivia specically. The proximate cause of this concern? The overwhelming election victory of Bolivian President Evo Morales (pictured above), who, as The Guardian put it, is widely popular at home for a pragmatic economic stewardship that spread Bolivias natural gas and mineral wealth among the masses. The Times editors nonetheless see Morales election to a third term not as a vindication of democracy but as a threat to it, linking his election victory to the way in which the strength of democratic values in the region has been undermined in past years by coups and electoral irregularities. Even as they admit that it is easy to see why many Bolivians would want to see Mr. Morales, the countrys rst president with indigenous roots, remain at the helm because during his tenure, the economy of the country, one of the least developed in the hemisphere, grew at a healthy rate, the level of inequality shrank and the number of people living in poverty dropped signicantly - they nonetheless chide Bolivias neighbors for endorsing his ongoing rule: it is troubling that the stronger democracies in Latin America seem happy to condone it. The Editors depict their concern as grounded in the lengthy tenure of Morales as well as the democratically elected leaders of Ecuador and Venezuela: perhaps the most disquieting trend is that protgs of Mr. Chvez seem inclined to emulate his reluctance to cede power. But the real reason the NYT so vehemently dislikes these elected leaders and ironically views them as threats to democracy becomes crystal clear toward the end of the editorial (emphasis added): This regional dynamic has been dismal for Washingtons inuence in the region. In Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador, the new generation of caudillos [sic] have staked out anti- American policies and limited the scope of engagement on development, military cooperation and drug enforcement efforts. This has damaged the prospects for trade and security cooperation. You cant get much more blatant than that. The democratically elected leaders of these sovereign countries fail to submit to U.S. dictates, impede American imperialism, and subvert U.S. industrys neoliberal designs on the regions resources. Therefore, despite how popular they are with their own citizens and how much theyve improved the lives of millions of their nations long-oppressed and impoverished minorities, they are depicted as grave threats to democracy. It is, of course, true that democratically elected leaders are capable of authoritarian measures. It is, for instance, democratically elected U.S. leaders who imprison people without charges for years, build secret domestic spying systems, and even assert the power to assassinate their own citizens without due process. Elections are no guarantee against tyranny. There are legitimate criticisms to be made of each of these leaders with regard to domestic measures and civic freedoms, as there is for virtually every government on the planet. But the very idea that the U.S. government and its media allies are motivated by those aws is nothing short of laughable. Many of the U.S. governments closest allies are the worlds worst regimes, beginning with the uniquely oppressive Saudi kingdom (which just yesterday sentenced a popular Shiite dissident to death) and the brutal military coup regime in Egypt, which, as my colleague Murtaza Hussain reports today, gets more popular in Washington as it becomes even more oppressive. And, of course, the U.S. supports Israel in every way imaginable even as its Secretary of State expressly recognizes the apartheid nature of its policy path. Just as the NYT did with the Venezuelan coup regime of 2002, the U.S. government hails the Egyptian coup regime as saviors of democracy. Thats because democracy in U.S. discourse means: serving U.S. interests and obeying U.S. dictates, regardless how how the leaders gain and maintain power. Conversely, tyranny means opposing the U.S. agenda and refusing U.S. commands, no matter how fair and free the elections are that empower the government. The most tyrannical regimes are celebrated as long as they remain subservient, while the most popular and democratic governments are condemned as despots to the extent that they exercise independence. To see how true that is, just imagine the orgies of denunciation that would rain down if a U.S. adversary (say, Iran, or Venezuela) rather than a key U.S. ally like Saudi Arabia had just sentenced a popular dissident to death. Instead, the NYT just weeks ago uncritically quotes an Emirates ambassador lauding Saudi Arabia as one of the regions moderate allies because of its service to the U.S. bombing campaign in Syria. Meanwhile, the very popular, democratically elected leader of Bolivia is a grave menace to democratic values because hes dismal for Washingtons inuence in the region.
(New Directions in Latino American Cultures) Héctor Fernández L'Hoeste, Robert McKee Irwin, Juan Poblete (Eds.) - Sports and Nationalism in Latin - o America-Palgrave Macmillan US (2015)