H. Lloyd-Jones - Modern Interpretation of Pindar: The Second Pythian and Seventh Nemean Odes

Modern Interpretation of Pindar: The Second Pythian and Seventh Nemean Odes
Author(s): Hugh Lloyd-Jones

Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 93 (1973), pp. 109-137
Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies
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MODERN INTERPRETATION OF PINDAR: THE SECOND
PYTHIAN AND SEVENTH NEMEAN ODES
SINCE
I was taken, thirty-five years ago,
to hear E. R. Dodds lecture on the
Bacchae,
his
work has been one of
my
chief sources of
inspiration. My
Sather Lectures form a kind of
commentary
on
his;
and if I sometimes
disagree
with
him,
or see
things
from a different
point
of
view,
that will not
prevent
the
understanding
reader from
seeing
how
greatly
I
admire him and how much
my
work owes to his. His
inaugural
lecture at Oxford was
called 'Humanism and
Technique
in Greek Studies'
;
and no
great
scholar of our
time,
except perhaps
Rudolf
Pfeiffer,
has
kept
so
perfect
a balance between the two. In that
lecture
Dodds,
as the circumstances of the time
required, pleaded
for more attention to the
content,
as
against
the
form,
of ancient
writings;
and
throughout
his career he has
applied
his
masterly technique
to
just
those
problems
of the ancient world which are of most interest
and
importance
to the modern. But he has
always
borne in mind that a scholar who
hopes
to throw
light upon
such
problems
must do all he can to master the
technique
of his
profession.2
Both in his humanism and in his
technique,
he offers an
example
from which
all classical scholars of our time can
profit.
To me Pindar seems one of the
greatest
Greek and also one of the
greatest European
poets.
But some would
dispute
this
proposition;
and I believe that
many
even of those
who would assent to it in
reality
admire him less than other
great poets
who seem to me to
be his
equals.
There are two main reasons
why
Pindar has received less than
justice.
One
is that he is believed to have a narrow and restricted
outlook,
which is often
unfavourably
compared
with that of the
great tragedians;
the other is that he is difficult. The
question
of whether Pindar's outlook is narrow I shall treat
comparatively briefly here;
I shall not
try
here to describe that outlook at
any length, though
I
may
do so later. In
comparing
it with that of the
tragedians,
I shall be able to save
space
because of
having already,
in
my
book The
Justice of Zeus,
written about the
Weltanschauung
of the
early
Greek
poets. Next,
I
shall
pass
to the difficulties which Pindar
presents
to modern readers. The
difficulty
with
which I shall be most concerned will be that of
eluding
the
dangers
inherent in the romantic
and historicist
approach
to Pindar which until eleven
years ago
was
adopted
in
virtually
all modern treatments and which still comes most
naturally
to most
readers, including
several
distinguished
scholars. In
1962 Elroy
L.
Bundy3
raised issues of central
importance
not
only
for the historical
understanding
but also for the
literary appreciation
of the
poet,
and so initiated a critical discussion which is still
proceeding. My
best
way
of
contributing
to this discussion within the
space
at
my disposal
will be to
give
a
specimen
treatment of
two
poems.
I have chosen two
poems
of
great difficulty,
the Second
Pythian
and the
Seventh
Nemean,
and I have chosen these
particular poems
because
they
will best serve to
illustrate
my
attitude to the new
tendency
in Pindaric studies. The Second
Pythian
has
been discussed
very
little in recent
years,
the Seventh Nemean
very often; my
treatment of
the latter will therefore be
comparatively
brief. The
problems
of the Second
Pythian
seem
to me to a
large
extent soluble when attacked from the
starting-point
recommended
by
Professor
Bundy;
the Seventh Nemean,
on the other
hand,
will serve to show that the
consequences
of
treating
a
poem
in blind obedience to a
theory
erected into a
dogma may
1
Oxford, 1936.
2
In
1964
he
wrote,
'Textual criticism must
always
remain an essential
part
of the
training
of
any
literary scholar;
and even the
ordinary
man who will
never be a scholar
ought
to know
something
of the
history
of the texts he reads and the methods
by
which
they
were established. . . . It would be
wrong
in
principle,
even if it were
possible
in
practice,
to exclude textual criticism
completely
from the
undergraduate
course . . .'
(Proc.
Class. Assn.
61,
1964, 19).
Then as in
1936,
Professor Dodds
stressed most what most needed
stressing
at the
time.
3 See
below, p. I16.
1No
HUGH
LLOYD-JONES
be unfortunate. To deal
adequately
with the
questions
raised
by Bundy
would need a
large book;
all I can do here is to draw attention to a few of them.
Most of
my
readers will at least
pay lip
service to the statement which I made
above,
that Pindar is one of the
greatest
Greek,
and one of the
greatest European poets.
But for
English-speaking
readers he has never meant as much as
any
of the three
great tragedians;
and
many
who would
accept my
claim would hesitate to
agree
that he was as
great
a
poet
as
Aeschylus
or
Sophocles. Despite
all
changes
of fashion since it was
published
in
1897,
Gilbert
Murray's judgment expressed
in the
history
of Greek literature which he
published
at the
age
of
thirty-one4
would be echoed
by many
readers even now. 'Often in
thinking
over the best
pieces
of
Pindar', Murray wrote,
'-the
majestic organ-playing,4a
the
grave
strong magic
of
language,
the
lightning-flashes
of half-revealed
mystery-,
one wonders
why
this man is not counted the
greatest poet
that ever
lived, why
he has not done
more,
mattered more. The answer
perhaps
is that he was a
poet
and
nothing
else.' 'The
thing
that he
loved', Murray says later,
'was real heroism. But he could not see it out of its
traditional
setting;
and when the
setting
was
there,
his own
imagination
sufficed to create
the heroism.'
Pindar,
he
repeats later,
'is
nothing
but a
poet.
There is little
rhetoric,
no
philosophy,
little human
interest; only
that fine bloom-which he calls
Jw?rov-which
comes
when the most sensitive
language
meets the most
exquisite thought. .. .'
Although
some
of the most influential scholars in
England
and America
disagreed-Jebb4b
and
Gildersleeve
in the
nineteenth,
Bowra and
J.
H.
Finley
in the twentieth
century-I
think most modern
readers of Pindar would underwrite this
judgement.
In
Germany
the case is different.
By
far the
greatest
contribution to the
scholarly
explanation
of Pindar has been made
by Germans;
and for German
poets
of the
great
period,
Pindar has been
important
as he has never been for
French,
Italian or
English poets.
Although they
claimed to write Pindaric
odes,
Ronsard and
Chiabrera, Cowley
and
Gray,5
are further from Pindar than
Goethe,6
and further still than
H61derlin.7
But even in
Germany
the
acceptance
of Pindar as a
poet has,
for the most
part,
been less than whole-
hearted.
'Pindar',
wrote Eduard Schwartz in
1902,8
'ist weder
ein
reicher noch
ein
gefalliger Dichtergeist.
Der Kreis seiner Gedanken
ist streng geschlossen,
der
Pomp
seiner
Sprache steif,
die Formen seiner Poesie
konventionell;
die
Sache,
der er
diente,
war
lIngst
nicht mehr
lebendig
und
berechtigt
zu dauern.' Wilamowitz was in
many ways
a
sympathetic interpreter
of Pindar. Yet he could write in the
closing chapter
of his
Pindaros
of
1922:9
'Seine Welt ist uns
ganz fremd;
ihre
Sitten,
ihr Dichten und Trachten
4
The Literature
of
Ancient
Greece, 1897 (reprinted
1956),
112.
4a
Why
do
people always
mention
organ-playing
in connection with Pindar? Is it
simply
a remin-
iscence of
Tennyson's
famous line about Milton?
Or is it because
Jebb
rendered
Browning's
Abt
Vogler
(
Translations into Greek and Latin
Verse,
2nd
edn., 1907,
2
f.)
into the metre of the Fourth
Pythian
Ode ?
4b See
Essays
and
Addresses, 1907, 41 f.
(=JHS 3,
1882, I44 f.).
5
See G.
Highet,
The Classical
Tradition, 1949,
230
f. (with notes);
D. M.
Robinson, Pindar,
a Poet
of
Eternal
Ideas, 1936,
is
useful for its information about
modern translations and
imitations,
if for
nothing
else. On
Ronsard,
see in
particular
I.
Silver,
The
Pindaric Odes of
Ronsard, I937.
Most
Pindarising
poetry
since the Renaissance has less to do with the
real Pindar than with the Pindar of
Horace,
Odes
4,2;
see E.
Fraenkel, Horace, 1957, 435.
6
See E.
Grumach,
Goethe und die
Antike, I,
I949,
226
f.; cf.
A.
Lesky,
Gesammelte
Schriften, 1966, 633 f.
7
See M. B.
Benn,
Hilderlin
and
Pindar,
The
Hague
1962,
useful for its
bibliography.
8
Charakterkopfe
aus der antiken
Literatur, 4th edn.,
1956, 32.
9
P. 463;
the
opening
words seem to echo A.
Croiset,
La
poe'sie
de
Pindare, I88o,
iii: 'Ce monde
dorien dont il est la dernibre
grande
voix est bien
plus
loin
de nous
qu'Athbnes
et
que I'Ionie;
le fond et
la
forme,
les id6es et
P'art
nous en sont
6trangers.'
That
Homer is
'antipathetic'
to Pindar is
evidently
deduced
from
Nem. 7.20
f. The deduction is not
justified;
it
is normal for a
poet
to
say
that other
poets
sometimes
tell
lies,
whereas he himself tells the truth
(cf. Hesiod,
Theog. 24-9,
and see
below, p. 130 f.)
At
Isthm.
4.37
f. Homer
appears
under a different
aspect.
The admiration and
gratitude
which we owe to
Wilamowitz cannot
prevent
me from
remarking
that this
passage
shows all the
arrogant
and
ponder-
ous
philistinism
of a Berlin
public
monument of the
Wilhelmine era.
MODERN INTERPRETATION OF PINDAR III
fur uns
reizlos,
wenn
nicht
anst6ssig.
Er selbst ist kein reicher Geist. Von
Macht
und
Gr6sse
des Vaterlandes
weiss
er
nicht,
nichts von Fortschritt in
irgendwelcher Richtung.
Weder die
Erkundung
der weiten Erde noch die
L6sung
der tausend
Ritsel
reizt
ihn,
die
uns die Natur
um
uns und in uns
ergibt.
Wissenschaft ahnt er
nicht; traite
sie ihm
nahe,
wurde er sie als
gottlose
Torheit abweisen. All das
Grosse,
an dem unsere Seele
hangt,
ist
ionisch-attisch;
aber von diesem Wesen
mag
er nichts
wissen;
nicht nur
Odysseus,
Homer selbst ist ihm
antipathisch. Fremdartig
ist uns selbst seine
Kunst,
nicht minder in
dem,
was
ihm
eigen
ist wie in dem
gegebenen
Stile.' These words were written in
1922;
they may
be
supplemented by
a
quotation
from a
living
scholar who has done
great
services
to Pindar.
'Wihrend
Pindar in Theben
wirkt',
writes Bruno
Snell,1o
'bildet sich in Attika
ein
ganz
neues
Verhiltnis
zur Welt. Die
Trag6die
erhebt den
Anspruch,
dass es
gerecht
auf der Welt
zugehen musse,
and stellt damit mancherlei
Forderungen
an die
Menschen,
aber auch an die
Gdtter,
ohne sie stets
erftillt zu
finden,-und
dabei verstummt das
Riihmen.
Pindar halt sich bewusst von solchen Gedanken
fern,
die ihm
Anmassung
sind.
Wohl
indert
er
gelegentlich
einen
Einzelzug
der tiberlieferten
Sage,
der
ihm
den Glanz des
G6ttlichen
zu
triiben scheint,
aber er
verfillt
keinem Zweifel an der
Ordnung
und Schonheit
des
Lebens,
so schwach und
hinfillig
auch das Irdische sein
mag,
und er
fuihlt
sich nicht
bemtissigt,
am Bestehenden
indern
zu wollen. In vornehmer Gelassenheit nehmt er die
Welt,
wie sie
ist,
-die trotz allem Dunkel durchwebt ist von den
goldenen Fiden
der
Himmlischen.' All these writers consider Pindar a
great poet;
but would
any
of them
hold him to be the
equal
of
Aeschylus
or
Sophocles
? I doubt it.
Let us consider what these criticisms amount to. Pindar was a
Theban;
he
belonged
to a
community
of Dorian
origin.
Thebes was ruled
by
an
oligarchy,
and Pindar himself
is
commonly
held to have been an
aristocrat;
most of his
patrons
were of West Greek
origin,
some were
kings
or
tyrants,
and all the rest
appear
to have been noblemen. Scholars like
to remind us that Pindar's world was
perishing
even before his
death,
as
though
this were
not true of other
great poets
and as
though
it somehow diminished the value of his
poetry.
Pindar's
outlook,
it is
felt,
was
narrowly restricted;
and it is
unfavourably
contrasted with the
progressive
and
optimistic
attitude to the world held to characterise the Attic
tragedians.
By
itself the fact of
having
been a Theban and an aristocrat or a
sympathiser
would
hardly
be sufficient to
prove
the
point;
but evidence of a restricted outlook has been discovered
by
some scholars in Pindar's actual works. Can
any
defence be offered?
First,
the cultural differences which divided the west Greeks from the east Greeks in
Pindar's time have
been,
we must
agree, considerably exaggerated.
It could not be
contended that such differences existed in the field of
art;
and it is doubtful whether west
and east Greek
poets
felt that
they belonged
to different worlds. It
appears
from
comedy
that the
poems
of
Alcman,
Stesichorus and
Ibycus
were well known at Athens." Poets
like
Simonides, Bacchylides
and Pindar himself were active all over the Greek
world;
and
in the
Syracuse
of Hieron Pindar and
Aeschylus
were both welcome. Pindar's
dithyramb
for Athens was
acceptable
to the Athenians.'" Doubtless here as elsewhere the best
connoisseurs of
poetry
were the best
educated;
but are we to
suppose
that at Athens
only
Megacles
and a few
noblemen'3
could
enjoy
Pindar's
poetry?
The
leading
Greek
poets
were not felt to be the exclusive
property
of a
particular city,
but
belonged
to a
panhellenic
tradition
going
back to Homer and Hesiod.
Science, philosophy
and rhetoric
were,
it is
true,
at this time
mainly
an Athenian and
10 Die
Entdeckung
des Geistes
(3rd edn.), 1955, P. 137.
Does
tragedy
demand that
justice
should be done in
the world ? In a
sense, yes;
but in that sense Pindar
also
does;
see
p.
126 below.
11
See
Aristophanes, Lys. I297f.;
Pax
798 f.;
Thesm. 161.
12
See
frs. 76 f.; cf. Wilamowitz,
Pindaros
272 f.;
Bowra,
Pindar
142-3.
1- Pyth. 7
is for
Megacles,
Nem. 2 for Timodemos
of Acharnai.
112 HUGH
LLOYD-JONES
Ionian
preserve, although
the contribution of some Sicilian cities of west Greek
origin
and
the careers of some individuals such as
Hippias
of Elis should remind us that the boundaries
could be crossed. But Pindar was a
poet,
and a
poet
who wrote for the most
part
choral
lyric,
and it is not reasonable to criticise him for
neglecting contemporary knowledge.
His
mention of the
eclipse,
in the tradition of
Archilochus, gives
a
poet's
reaction to that
event;14
whether Pindar as a
private person
felt like this about it we have no means of
knowing.
In a
poem,
he said that
philosophers
and scientists
'reaped
an
unprofitable
harvest of their
wisdom'. From the
standpoint
of the
religious
outlook common to the
early
Greek
poets,
this is
true,
and
anyone
who maintains that
Aeschylus
or
Sophocles
would have been
shocked
by
these words does so at his
peril. Here,
for
once,
Pindar
may profitably
be
compared
with a romantic
poet;
when Keats
protested against
Newton's treatment of the
rainbow,
he was not
trying
to refute
Newton,
but
expressing
his attitude as a
poet.
At this
point
one
may
remark that the
tragedians
themselves show a
good
deal less
interest in
contemporary speculation
than is
commonly
assumed.
Many
scholars have
asserted that
Aeschylus
and
Sophocles
show an
acquaintance
with
presocratic thought;
not
one has
proved
it.
Euripides
makes
fairly
numerous allusions to
contemporary
science and
philosophy;
but how far does this affect the outlook on the world that forms the
background
of his dramas ?
Do his social and
political
beliefs in fact affect Pindar's
poetry
so as to render his outlook
narrow and
parochial?
We do not in fact know that Pindar was an
aristocrat;
Hermann
Frankel has reminded us15
that since at
Pyth. 5-75
the
'I'
may perfectly
well refer to the
leader of the
chorus,
Pindar's descent from the clan of the
Aegidae
cannot be taken as
certain. What is certain is that in his
surviving poetry
he makes no
political pronounce-
ments. Most of the
surviving poems
are written in honour of west Greek
patrons,
and not
surprisingly
he often
speaks
with
respect
of the ancient institutions of the Dorians. He
repeatedly gives expression
to his
loyalty
to his own
city
and his
acceptance
of her
way
of
life. But where does he
decry
other forms of
government?
When he
says,
'I find fault
with a
tyrant's lot',
he is not
attacking tyranny,
but
disclaiming
the wish to be a
tyrant,
as
Archilochus had done before
him;16
when he refers to the
popular assembly
of a democratic
state as 'the
noisy host',"7
it is unsafe to assume that the
description
is meant to be
pejorative.
Of course his
poems
contain
expressions
of
sympathy
with his friends and
patrons. Despite
the delicate
position
of his own
city,
he
applauds,
in
praising Aeginetans
or
Athenians,
or
Spartans,
the Greek
victory
over the
Persians;"
he
sympathises
in
praising Syracusans
with
the Sicilian Greeks in their
struggle
with the
Carthaginians
and
Etruscans;x9
and in all
probability
the
Eighth Pythian
shows his
sympathy
with
Aegina
when she was threatened
with destruction. But none of these
sympathies
involve him in a statement of
political
principle.
Such a statement would have been alien to the whole tradition of the Greek
poets.
In
the Greece of Pindar's
time, poets
concerned themselves with the
temporary problems
of the
day only
so as to set them
against
the backcloth of the
permanent
conditions of
existence. Adherence to the rule of 'the few' or 'the
many',
belief
in
the
desirability
of
a more or less restricted
suffrage,
did not affect a man's outlook on the
gods
and their
14
Paean
9.r
f.
15
Imre
Mueller, Quomodo
Pindarus chori
persona
usus sit,
Diss.
Friburg, Darmstadt, 1914, 29 f.;
H.
FrAinkel,
Dichtung
und
Philosophie
des
friihen
Griechen-
tums2, 1962, 485,
n. 2
(neglected by Bowra, Pindar,
Ioo0
(cf. 152) ;
K.
Latte,
GGA
207, 1953, 40
=
K1.
Schr. 723
agreed
with Frankel.
[But
see M. R.
Lefkowitz,
HSCP
67, 1962, 230 f.]
16 See David C.
Young,
Three Odes
of Pindar,
Mnemosyne, Suppl. IX, I968, 9
f.
(on Pyth. 2.
53).
17 At
Pyth. 2.87 6 AdPpog orrpaTdS
does not mean'the
brute
multitude',
as
Bowra, Pindar, 137 says.
The
word
Adpfpog
is
applied by
Homer to winds
(II.
2.
I48;
Od.
15.625)
and water
(II. 21.271;
Od.
15.293),
then
to
speech
(II. 23.474,
478-9);
here it refers to the
noise made
by
the
assembly.
is
Isthm.
5.48;
Nem.
2.13; Pyth. 1.75 f.;
see
J.
H.
Finley,
HSCP
63, 1958,
121 f.
(though
I have doubts
about his
interpretation
of Isthm.
8).
19
Pyth. 1.72;
Nem.
9.27.
MODERN INTERPRETATION OF PINDAR
i13
government
of the universe or on their attitude to human life. Pindar's attitude to these
cannot be said to be restricted
by
his
partiality
for a narrow social
group,
nor does it differ
markedly
from the attitude of other
persons
who were not
'oligarchs'.
Pindar
does,
it is
true, frequently
insist that true
excellence,
in
war, poetry
or
sport,
is
that which comes
'by
nature'.20
He denies true
poetic genius
to those crow-like
persons
who have
'learned', presumably by mimicry,
and lift
up
their voices
against
the bird of
Zeus,
the true
poet.21
The true
poet
has been
taught,
like Phemius in the
Odyssey, by
a
god.22 Just
so the
gift
of warlike or athletic excellence is
divine,
and recurs in certain families
favoured
by
the
gods.
As a human action is
suggested by
a
god,
but is still the action of its
human
author,
who cannot disavow
responsibility,
so
any great aptitude possessed by
a
human
being
is the
gift
of a
god,
but the
recipient
of such a
gift
must second it
by making
the
greatest
effort in his
power.
This is true not
only
of the
gift
of
poetry,
but of all divine
gifts
of
excellence.
In his references to athletic
success,
Pindar
puts
the
greatest emphasis
on the hard work which it
demands,
however
great
the victor's natural endowment.23
Likewise he makes it clear that athletic
skill, although
it often occurs in members of the
same
family,
does not occur with
regularity.
Like
everything
else in human
life, according
to
Pindar,
it is
subject
to the law of
change;
it
may skip
a
generation
and descend from
grandfather
to
grandson,
or it
may reappear
not in a victor's
son,
but in his
nephew.24
Pindar
repeatedly
stresses that no amount of skill combined with
practise
can in itself
command
success;
success is not
possible
without the favour of the
gods.25
What is true
of
victory
in the
games
is true of
every
kind of human
triumph;
Pindar's view of athletics is
only
one
aspect
of his view of life. The
gods
sometimes exalt
men,
but sometimes
push
them
down;
not even the life of
great
heroes is free of misfortune. Pindar's view of human
life is not
egalitarian.
But it is in no
way mean,
narrow or trivial.
I shall not in this
paper attempt
a full account of the view of human life which forms the
background
to Pindar's
poetry, though
I shall
say
a little more about it later.
Instead,
I shall
say
a word about the
tragedians,
with whom he is so often
unfavourably compared.26
Were
they
indeed
progressive, optimistic,
rational,
unlike the
reactionary, pessimistic,
irrational
Pindar?
In the case of
Sophocles,
the
proposition
is not
easy
to sustain. The
Sophoclean
hero's
aretf leads him to
transgress
the bounds set to human
aspirations by gods who,
in the Greek
sense,
must be considered
just,
but whose
justice
consists not
only
in
punishing
mortals for
their crimes
against
each other but in
maintaining
a universal order in which men have
only
a humble
place
and limited
prerogatives. Sophocles
has
sometimes,
not without
reason,
been found to have an
affinity
with Pindar.
But what of
Aeschylus?
Had he not a
progressive, optimistic
outlook? The
Aeschylean
Zeus has
granted
to men that
'grace
that comes
by
violence' which consists in the assurance
that his
justice
will
ultimately punish
their crimes
against
each other. In
comparison
with
what the
gods
of other
religions offer,
that is a somewhat limited concession. The notion of
Aeschylus
as a
progressive optimist
is based
largely
on the final
stages
of the
Oresteian
trilogy.
But what
happens
at the end of the
Oresteia
? The
problem
that confronts Athene
and the
Areopagus
resembles the
paradoxes
of Zeno. Orestes would have been
punished
had he not
avenged
his father; yet
now he must be
punished, according
to the
Erinyes,
guardians
of
justice,
for
having
killed his mother.
Only
an
arbitrary
solution is
possible,
and such a solution is offered
by Athene, basing
her decision on the accident of her own
20
See
Bowra, Pindar, 5
f.
21
01. 2.86
f.; cf. Pyth. 9.
Ioo
f.;
Nem.
3.80
f.
22
Od. 22.347-8.
For Hesiod
(Theog. 8I f.),
the
poet
is he
whom
the Muses have honoured from his
birth.
23
See the index of A. K6hnken's
book,
Die Funktion
des
Mythos
bei Pindar
(see p.
I
17 below),
s.v.
Miihe; cf.
Bowra,
Pindar
172
f. 24 See Nem.
6.9 f.; I
1.39 f.
25
See, e.g., Pyth. 1.4I f.; cf.
H.
Gundert,
Pindar
und sein
Dichterberuf, 1935, 19; Bowra,
Pindar
67.
26
For the views taken in this
section,
see
my
book
The
Justice of Zeus (Sather
Lectures
vol.
41, 1971).
114
HUGH
LLOYD-JONES
unique parentage.
That solution she is able to
impose by persuasion
with a
judicious
modicum of
threats;
but the
Erinyes
are not defeated or dishonoured. Whether
Aeschylus
is 'for' or
'against'
the reform of the
Areopagus
is not
easily decided,
nor is
it,
for our
present
purposes, particularly important;
what matters is the firm
insistence, strongly
underlined
by
the close
correspondence
between the words of the Chorus in the central stasimon and
Athene's
charge
to the
Areopagus
before
they
deliberate
upon
their
verdict,
that in the
government
of state and universe alike the element of 'what is formidable' is valuable and
must
always
be
preserved.
The Athenians are
assured,
as
they
had been
by Solon,
that
their
city
and her institutions will continue to
flourish, through
the favour of
Athene;
but
they
are
by
no means
encouraged
to
imagine
that this state of affairs will lead them to
any
sort of
political
or
religious utopia.
At the end of the Prometheus
trilogy Zeus,
in all
probability, granted
to mortals a share in
justice
in the form of the
'grace
that comes
by
violence'. But
Aeschylus
did not
forget
that it is
Zeus,
and not
Prometheus,
who rules the
universe. Like all Greek
poets
of the archaic and classical
periods,
he was well aware of
the conditions of human life laid down
by
the
gods;
and he did not
imagine
that the
people
of his own
city
were
exempt
from them.
But
Euripides,
it will be
argued,
is
surely quite
a different
case; he,
with his
comparatively
numerous
signs
of
acquaintance
with
contemporary science, philosophy
and
rhetoric,
must
be a rationalist and a
progressive. Thirty years ago
this view was
very widely held;
the
first
steps
in
undermining
it were taken
by
Professor
Dodds,
in the famous article called
'Euripides
the
Irrationalist'.27
If
Euripides
knows the views of modern
thinkers,
it does
not follow that he wrote his
plays
to recommend them. Like
Aeschylus
and
Sophocles,
Euripides
was a
tragedian,
concerned to
present
such conflicts as arise in the course of
human life rather than to recommend his own solutions of
contemporary problems.
Divinity
in his
works,
far from
appearing
as benevolent and
understandable,
is inscrutable
and
incalculable;
the
justice
of the
gods
is
done,
but it is not the same as human
justice.
In essentials
Euripides' general
outlook on the world seems to me
very
close to that of
Aeschylus
and
Sophocles.
Nor do I find
that,
when allowance has been made for the
difference of
genre
and
poetical tradition,
the world outlook of
any
of the
tragedians
is
significantly
different from that of Pindar. That is
why
the view that the
tragedians
must
be
superior,
because
they
are more
intelligent
and more
progressive,
seems to me
totally
mistaken.
People
fail to
appreciate
Pindar not
only
because
they
find him not to be
progressive,
but because
they
find him
difficult.
He is indeed
difficult,
but the nature of the
difficulty
is not
always appreciated.
His
style
and
language present grave problems;
but
they
are
hardly
as difficult as those of
Sophocles,
who is
confidently
read
by many people
who will
not dare tackle Pindar. That would be the case even if Pindar's text were as
corrupt
as
that of
Sophocles,
whereas in fact it is a
good
deal better
preserved.
The source of
many
of the
greatest
difficulties is not the
language itself,
nor the
corruption
of the
text,
but the
conventions of the
genre
and the sometimes
abrupt
transitions from one
topic
to another
which these entail.
Many
readers who can see the
beauty
of Pindar's
style
and
language
find it hard to read a Pindaric
poem
as a whole. We need to be
taught
how to read Pindar
not
only
in the sense of how to construe
him,
but in that of how to view each
poem
and
each section of each
poem
in the
light
of the tradition to which it
belongs;
and in this few
books written in
English
are of much
help
to us.
How hard it is to understand the relation of each section of a Pindaric
poem
to the whole
is shown
by
the controversies over 'the
unity
of the
epinikion'
which have continued since
the
beginning
of the nineteenth
century.28 Throughout
that
period,
it was
generally
27
Cl.
Rev. 43, I929, 97
f.
- The Ancient
Concept of
Progress, 1973, 78
f.
28
A
useful, though
sometimes tendentious
survey
of the
controversy
is
given by
David C.
Young,
'Pindaric
Criticism',
first
published
in the Minnesota
Review
4, 1964, 584 f.,
and later
reprinted
with some
II5
agreed
that the
epinikion
was a
unity;
but
many
of the
attempts
to show in what the
unity
consisted were somewhat crude and
arbitrary.
Late in the
century began
the anti-unitarian
reaction,
whose main theorist was A. B. Drachmann29 and whose main
practical exponent
was Wilamowitz. Drachmann
argued
that the traditional elements of the
epinikion
were
too diverse to allow of its
having any
real
unity;
Wilamowitz in a series of
publications
extending
from the treatment of the Sixth
Olympian
Ode in his
Isyllos
von
Epidauros
of
I886
to his Pindaros
of
1922 analysed
the
poems
on anti-unitarian lines.
Wilamowitz had set himself the vast task of
surveying
Greek civilization in its
totality.
He
aspired
to combine the tradition of exact
interpretation
of
literary
texts derived from
Gottfried Hermann with the newer kind of
scholarship, making
use of
monuments,
inscriptions
and the data of
comparative linguistics
as well as
literary evidence,
whose
pioneers
had been
Boeckh,
Welcker and Karl Otfried
Mtiller.
That Wilamowitz made a
tremendous contribution to the
understanding
of Greek literature as well as other Greek
studies is
beyond dispute.
Yet his
approach,
like that of all
scholars,
can be seen with the
passage
of time to have its
limitations.29a
Not all can feel
sympathy
with his robust brand
of
romanticism;
and the historicism which so
strongly
conditioned his
approach
to the
study
of
antiquity
can now be seen to have its
dangers.
'The
century
which lies between the
Napoleonic
wars and the Great
War',
said Professor
Dodds in his
inaugural lecture,30 'was,
on the
whole, dominated, despite important
exceptions, by
the ethic of
romanticism';
the Oxford
contemporary
of Eliot and friend of
Auden and MacNeice was one of the first
English
classical scholars to
point
out to his
colleagues
that this had ceased to be the case. The romantics held
poetry,
in
particular
lyric poetry,
to be the
spontaneous outpouring
of the
poet's
true
feelings;
a
genuine poet
feels an
overmastering urge
to
express
in verse his own most
genuinely
held convictions.
No wonder that the nature of
poetical conventions,
as Housman remarked with reference
to textual
interpretation,
was better
apprehended during
the
eighteenth
than
during
the
nineteenth
century.
Such
conventions,
the romantics
thought, might
be
important
for the
understanding
of the
sophisticated
verse of the seventeenth and
eighteenth
centuries which
they rejected; they
found it hard to believe that
they
could be
significant
for the work of
those Greek
poets
with whom
they
felt a
special affinity,
and for whose
understanding they
did so much. Even in the case of Horace romantic critics have had
difficulty
in
appreciating
the full
importance
of
conventions;
all too often
they
have
taken
as a
personal
statement
what is
simply
the
expression
of a locus
communis,
and
they
have
greatly exaggerated
the value
of the works as a source for the
biography
and
personal
attitudes and
opinions
of their
author.
Horace,
one
might suppose,
is a writer in whose work the element of convention
and
sophistication
cannot
easily
be
underrated; yet
this was
done,
and traces of the delusion
can be seen even in the
learned, intelligent
and humane
study
of him
by
the late Eduard
Fraenkel.31
How much more
excusable,
and how much more
misleading,
is their mis-
understanding
of
Catullus,
an author
they
found it
fatally easy
to take for one of themselves!
With
early
Greek
lyric, likewise,
the romantics felt a
special affinity, by
no means
altogether
without
reason;
how much
better,
in
many ways, they
understood both Greek
lyric
and
Greek
tragedy
than had their immediate
predecessors,
or
any generation
since the revival
of
learning!
Yet this
very sympathy
with the
poets
carried the
germ
of a serious mis-
understanding. Pindar, who on the surface seems to have so little in common with
changes
in W. M. Calder and
J. Stern,
Pindar und
Bakchylides (Wege
der
Forschung 134), 1970,
If.
See also ch. i of W.
Schadewaldt,
Der
Aufbau
des
pindarischen Epinikions (Schr.
der
Koenigsberger
Gelehrten
Gesellschaft,
Geisteswissenschaftliche
Klasse, 5. Jahr,
Heft
3, 1928, 259 f., reprinted Darmstadt, 1966,
and
B. A. van
Groningen,
La
Composition
Littiraire
Grecque,
2nd
edn.,
1960,
331 f.
29
Moderne
Pindarfortolkning, 1891.
29a See U.
Hl1scher,
Die Chance des
Unbehagens,
1965.
30
Op.
cit. in n.
I, p.
16.
31
Horace, I957;
contrast the introduction of
R. G. M. Nisbet and M. Hubbard to their com-
mentary
on Book
I
of the
Odes, I97o,
and see
G. W.
Williams,
Proc. Brit.
Acad.
56, I972,
432-3.
116
HUGH
LLOYD-JONES
sophisticated poets
like Horace or
Pope
and so much with the
lyric poets
of the romantic
age,
was bound to be distorted
by
a romantic
interpretation.
Hardly
less
powerful
than the
distorting
influence of romanticism was that of historicism.
Wilamowitz and his
contemporaries
insisted that a
poem
was as much a historical docu-
ment as a historical
work,
an
inscription
or a
moment;
so it
is, provided
that even in
assessing
its value as historical evidence one takes
proper
account of its artistic character
and
purpose.
In the climate
generated by
the historicism of the nineteenth
century,
it was
dangerously easy
to
try
to extract from a
poem
more in the
way
of historical information
than its actual content
justified.
Even
now, fifty years
after its first
appearance,
Wilamowitz' Pindaros is an
exciting
book
to read. Like all his
works, particularly
those of his
astonishing
last
decade,
it is full of life
and
colour;
the author's
comprehensive learning
often
brings illumination;
and
many
of
the new
interpretations
he advanced in it still hold their
ground.
Its influence has been
enormous.
Despite
its element of Crocean
aestheticism,
Gennaro Parrotta's
Safb
e Pindaro
(I935)
is dominated
by Wilamowitz;
and Sir Maurice Bowra's Pindar
(1964)
moves almost
entirely
within the lines which Wilamowitz marked out. An
important
advance was made
by Wolfgang Schadewaldt,
who in
1928 published
a
study
of the various recurrent elements
in the
epinikion
and the
way
in which
they
are
combined;32 Illig33
did much to illuminate
Pindar's narrative
technique;
and Hermann Frankel in the course of a series of bril-
liant
interpretations34
has made a
specially
valuable contribution to the
understanding
of Pindar's
religious outlook;
all
three,
like Bruno
Snell,35 adopt
in
general
an
approach
like that of Wilamowitz. An
attempt
to demonstrate the
unity
of the
epinikion
in terms of
a more or less
hazily
conceived
'symbolism'
has been in
my judgment notably unsuccessful;
from the works of G.
Norwood36
and his followers most readers have returned
despairingly
to the anti-unitarians.
A trend which is
immeasurably
more
interesting
than that
begun by
Norwood started
in
1962
with the
publication
of detailed studies of the Eleventh
Olympian
and First Isthmian
Odes37 by Elroy
L.
Bundy,
a
professor
in the
University
of California at
Berkeley. Bundy
strongly
insisted on the
importance
of
understanding
the conventions of
epinician poetry,
and
supported
his contention
by showing
in the chosen
poems
how often a locus communis
may
be shown to occur at
corresponding places
in different
poems,
but in
corresponding
places
and with a similar function. The somewhat formidable technical
terminology
which
he has invented to indicate the
special purposes
of each formal device is
curiously
reminiscent
of the edition
published
at
Wittenberg
in
I616
by
Erasmus
Schmid,
who
analysed
the odes
in terms of the
categories prescribed
in the rhetorical handbooks of the
imperial period.
Bundy sharply
reminded his readers that the main
purpose
of an
epinician
ode is to
praise
the victor in whose honour it is
written;
and he
emphatically
warned them
against taking
it for
granted
that all or most difficulties of
interpretation
are to be
explained by supposing
the existence of a
personal
or historical allusion.
Since
1962 Bundy
has most
unfortunately published nothing;
but his methods have
been
applied,
with
varying degrees
of
fidelity, by
a number of followers. David C.
Young
has written a valuable sketch of the
history
of Pindaric
criticism,38
and has
applied
his own
32
See n. 28.
33
L.
Illig, Zurform
der Pindarischen
Erzdhlung, 1932.
34
See the work
quoted
in n.
15, 483 f.; cf. 'Pindars
Religion';
Die
Antike, 3, 1927, 39
f. = Calder and
Stern, op.
cit. in n.
28, 232 f.,
and his review of
Schadewaldt,
Gnomon
6, 1930,
I
f.
=
Wege
und
Formen des
friihgriechischen Denkens,
2nd
ed., I960,
350
f.
35
Op.
cit. in n.
o, I18
f.
36 Pindar
(Sather
Classical
Lectures,
vol.
i9), I945.
37
Studia Pindarica:
I,
The Eleventh
Olympian Ode; II,
The First Isthmian Ode
(Univ. of California
Publications
in Classical
Philology,
vol.
i8,
nos.
I
and
2, 1962).
38
See n. 28. In
passing,
let me inform the
learned author of
something
that will
give
him
pleasure.
He
complains (see
Calder and
Stern,
op.
cit. in n.
28, p. 52)
that
only
the Italian reviews
ofF. Dornseiff's Pindars Stil of
I921
were unfavourable.
He should see the review of P. Maas in
Zeitschrift fur
Asthetik und
allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft
I6,
1922, 407
f.
for a
judgment closely
in accordance with his own.
II7
principles
in four detailed studies of individual
odes.39
Young
combines a modified version
of
Bundy's approach
with more
questionable
elements derived from the school of
symbolists
that
springs
from Norwood. Erich Thummer in his
commentary
on the Isthmian
Odes40
has
applied,
I fear somewhat
mechanically, principles
like those of
Bundy;
he has
prefaced
to the work a useful collection of loci communes
arranged
under
general headings. W.J. Slater,
the author of a valuable new Pindaric
lexicon,
has offered some detailed
interpretations
on
Bundy's lines, mostly
useful but at times
exaggerated.41
Adolf K6hnken has shown that
the advice on
kingship given
in the last
part
of the First
Pythian
Ode is offered not to the
young
Deinomenes but to the mature
Hieron;42
since Hesiod's
time,
at
least,
it had been a
convention that a
poet, inspired by
the
Muses, might
address a ruler in such a tone without
impertinence.
The same writer has set out to show how the
myths
of six
epinician
odes
can be
shown,
on
Bundyite principles,
to subserve the
unity
of the
whole,
and has carried
through
the work with considerable
success.43
Bundy
has
beyond
doubt done an immense service to the
understanding
of Pindar
by
reemphasising
the
importance
of convention in Pindaric
art, by warning
us
against
the
naive romantic
assumption
that
lyric poetry
must involve unreserved
self-revelation,
and
by exposing
as
gratuitous assumptions
a number of
supposed
allusions invented
by
scholars
in order to
explain
the difficulties of the text. At the same
time,
it is
possible
to
pursue
this
approach
too
far,
as some of
Bundy's
followers have
already
shown. The Ariadne's clue
to the
understanding
of an
epinician
ode
is,
as
Bundy
has
insisted,
the realisation that its
main
purpose
is to
praise
the victor. But the victors whom Pindar celebrated lived at a
particular
time in a
particular society.
Each had his own
place
in that
society
and in the
history
of that
time;
some held an
important place
there. It was therefore inevitable that
some echo of events in that world should be found in Pindar's
poetry. Many
of his historical
allusions are
acknowledged facts,
as no serious scholar would
dispute;
and it is natural that
there should be others whose
existence, owing
to the
poverty
of our
information,
are not so
easy
to demonstrate. In some cases
Bundy's
followers have
gone
too far. Like most new
approaches
to the
study
of
great poetry,
the new
approach
to Pindar does not offer
by
itself
a
key
to the solution of all
difficulties; rather,
it must be
judiciously
combined with other
principles
and other methods. The
recognition
that certain loci communes recur at
frequent
intervals in choral
lyric,
as in other Greek
poetry,
must not
encourage people
to
suppose
that
Pindar, any
more than other Greek
poets, automatically strung together
a selection of
'formulae',
a word which should be
carefully
avoided in this connection. We should indeed
guard against assuming
that the
poetic personality
that
appears
in Pindar's
writings
corresponds
at all
points
with the
poet's private character;
and we should be more hesitant
than our
predecessors
when it comes to
explaining
difficulties in the
poems by
means of
factual
assumptions resting
on no other evidence. But we should not
forget
that Pindar
was a human
being writing
for other human
beings
in a
particular
and individual historical
and social environment. We can best elucidate and
appreciate
the
poet's
art
by using
our
understanding
of his
principles
of
composition
to see how he
applies
these
principles
in the
special
circumstances offered
by
a
given
context.
So let us turn to the most
puzzling
of the Sicilian
odes,
the Second
Pythian.
Its occasion
and its date are
wrapped
in
mystery.44 Aristophanes45
of
Byzantium placed
it
among
the
39 Three Odes
of
Pindar: A
literary Study of Pythian
ii, Pythian 3
and
Olympian
7 (Mnemosyne, suppl. 9,
1968; admirably
reviewed
by
H.
Maehler,
Gnomon
42, 1970, 441 f.); Pindar,
Isthmian
7, Myth
and
Exempla (Mnemosyne, suppl. 15, 1971).
40 Pindar: Die Isthmischen
Gedichte, 2 vols., 1968;
M. M.
Willcock,
C1.
Rev.
21, 1971, 336, supplies
an
interesting review, though
he
might
have
pointed
out
more of the mistakes the book contains.
41 Cl. Quart. I9, I969,
86
f.
42 Hermes
98, I970,
I f. 43
Op.
cit. in n.
23.
44
The best statement of the
problems
is that of
P. Von der
Miihll,
Mus.
Helv. I5,
fasc.
4, 1958,
215
f. 'Dici vix
potest quantum
in eo
expediendo
laboraverint
interpretes',
wrote Hermann of this
poem
in
1834 (Opuscula VII, I
I5).
45
For the
opinions
of ancient
scholars,
see A. B.
Drachmann,
Scholia Vetera in Pindari
Carmina,
vol. II
118 HUGH
LLOYD-JONES
Pythian Odes,
and
Apollonius
the
Eidographer
followed
him;
but there is no
certainty
that
it
belongs
there.
Callimachus, perhaps following Zenodotus,
called it a
Nemean; perhaps
he meant that it
belonged
with the
group
of
KEXOptc'Z'VatV,
or
unclassified odes,
that stood
at the end of the Nemeans in the ancient editions.
Callistratus,
the
pupil
of
Aristophanes,
called it an
Olympian;
so did
Ammonius,
the
pupil
of
Apollonius.
Timaeus
called46
it a
OvaLaaCTKj",
or a
Ovataac~rpLos, meaning,
I
suppose,
an ode
designed
to
accompany
a sacrifice.
The
poem
celebrates a
victory
of Hieron in a chariot race. Von der
Mtihll,
it is
true,
has
argued47
that because Artemis and Hermes are said
(9 f.)
to
give
Hieron
glory
whenever
he
yokes
his
horses,
therefore this ode celebrates no definite
occasion,
but
merely praises.
Hieron because he is
always
victorious. But the claim
(4)
to
bring
news of 'the earth-
shaking four-in-hand',
the statement
(6)
that Hieron has crowned
Ortygia
and the
specific
pronoun KElvas
in the
phrase
'those mares with
flashing
reins'
(7)
all
help
to show that this.
was no
exception
to the
general
rule that an
epinician
ode celebrates a
victory.
But what
victory
?
The
only
victories in chariot races at the
great
Panhellenic Games which we know
Hieron to have won were won at the
Pythian
Games
of
470
and at the
Olympic
Games
of
468.
Some scholars have
thought
that this ode celebrated a
victory
which was not won
at the Panhellenic Games at all.
Boeckh48
thought
it was won at the
Iolaeia
at
Thebes,
and found
many
to
agree
with
him; Farnell49
thought
of local
games
at
Syracuse.
Such
suggestions
cannot be
refuted, any
more than
they
can be
established; though
the manner
in which the
victory
is
spoken
of
hardly suggests
a minor occasion.
Wilamowitz50
and
Schadewaldt5'
held that this
poem,
like the First
Pythian Ode,
celebrated the
Pythian
victory
of Hieron's chariot in
470.
D. S.
Robertson52 suggested
that it was written to
honour Hieron's
Olympic
chariot
victory
of
468, praised
in the third ode of
Bacchylides;
Bowra53
by
a different set of
arguments
reached the same conclusion.
There has been similar
uncertainty
about the date. Boeckh
put
the
poem
as
early
as
477;
Schroeder54 hesitated between
475
and
471;
Von der
Mtihll
argued
for
475;
Wilamowitz
and his
followers,
like Robertson and
Bowra, placed
it
later,
as their view of the occasion
demanded.
The content of the
poem
also has been the
subject
of
controversy.
The exact
significance
of the
myth
of Ixion has been
debated;
but there has been even more
dispute
over the last
part
of the
poem,
from
1.72
to the end. Most
modern
scholars
regard
it as a remonstrance
addressed to
Hieron,
who is exhorted not to believe certain
persons
who have slandered the
poet
at his
court;
some have
agreed
with the ancient commentators that these
persons
must
have been rival
poets.
Instead of
recording
the various
opinions
which have been
expressed,
I wish to examine the
text,
section
by section,
and while
guarding against
excessive confidence in this or
any
other
single
line of
approach,
to use as a clue the
principle
reaffirmed
by Bundy
that an encomium is
designed,
in the last
resort,
to
praise
the victor.
'Syracuse
of the
mighty city, precinct
of Ares
mighty
in
war,
nurse divine of men and
horses that
delight
in
iron,
to
you
I come from
bright Thebes, bringing
this
song, bearing
news of the
earth-shaking
four-in-hand in which
Hieron, mighty charioteer, crowned
Ortygia
with a
garland
that shines from
far-Ortygia,
seat of Artemis of the
river,
with
whose aid he tamed with
gentle
hands those mares with
flashing
reins. For the archer
(Scholia
in
Pythionicas), p. 31;
for the contributions of
the scholars named to Pindaric
scholarship,
see
J. Irigoin,
Histoire du texte de
Pindare, 1952,
chs.
iv-vii
and R.
Pfeiffer,
A
History of
Classical
Scholarship from
the
Beginnings
to
the Hellenistic
Age, 1968,
svv.
46
FGrH
566
F
141.
47
Loc. cit.
(in
n.
44 above),
220.
48
See his
commentary,
ad loc.
49 II I 19.
P. M.
Fraser,
Ptolemaic
Alexandria, 1972,
I
452,
asserts as
though
it were a known fact that the
ode was written to honour a success in local
games.
so
Pindaros, 1922, 285 f.
I'
Op.
cit.
(in
n.
I above), 325
f.
=
67
f.
52
Proceedings of
the
Cambridge Philological Society
127-9, 1924, 35.
53
Harvard Studies in Classical
Philology 48, 1937,
I
f. = Problems in Greek
Poetry, 1953,
66
f.;
cf.
Pindar,
1964, 410o. 54
Pindars
Pythien, 1922, 1-3.
I19
maiden and Hermes of the contest with both hands
give
him radiant
glory,
when he
yokes
the
might
of his horses to the
polished
seat and to the chariot that
guides
the
bridle,55 calling
upon
the
mighty god
who wields the trident'
(I-I3).
It is
worth
remarking
that this
praise
of
Syracusan
valour leaves little to be said for the
argument
that the absence of
any
direct reference to the victories of Himera and Cumae
indicates an
early
date. Next we
may
notice that Pindar's home was
Thebes,
so that his
sending
his
poem
from Thebes does not
prove
that the
victory
it celebrates was won there.
Hieron's home was
Syracuse,
and his
crowning
of
Ortygia
does not
show,
as Farnell
imagined,
that his
victory
was won at
Syracuse.
The
poem
was
written,
it would
appear,
in honour of a
specific victory;
but where or when that
victory
was
won,
neither the
prologue
nor
any
other
part
of it
gives
us
any
means of
knowing.
In the absence of
anything
like
adequate evidence,
I would
prefer
to
suspend judgment,
a
thing
Pindaric scholars do too
seldom in matters of
chronology.55a Schadewaldt,
who follows Wilamowitz in
taking
the
poem
to be not an
epinikion
in the strict sense but a
poetical epistle,
thinks Pindar felt
obliged
to
give
it the standard form of an
epinikion.56
I do not see how Schadewaldt
knows that it is a
poetical epistle,
and not an
epinikion proper.
Hieron
himself,
the
poet says,
trained the horses. Does that
point
to a time in his life
before he became afflicted with the stone and other troubles ? It would be unwise to
deny
that
royal persons
in ancient
Syracuse,
as in modern
England, may
have
occupied
themselves
with such matters. But it would be
equally
unwise to rule out the
possibility
that Pindar
may
have
spoken
of Hieron as
having
trained the
horses,
even
though
he had taken little
or no
part
in their
training;57
so
that I see no evidence for
dating
here.
The
poem
continues: 'Different men have
wrought
for different
kings
a sweet
song
to
reward their
prowess'
(I4-5).
That is a transitional formula of a kind often used
by
Pindar;58
but it also touches
directly
on the theme of
gratitude
which lies at the heart of the
poem.
First comes the
example
of
Cinyras
as a
good
man rewarded
by
the
praise
which
he
deserves;
then follows the similar
example
of Hieron. 'Often the voices of the
Cyprians
resound in
praise
of
Cinyras,
whom
golden-haired Apollo loved,
the favoured
priest59
of
Aphrodite;
it is
gratitude,
I
think,
in
regard60
for some
kindly action,
that
impels
them.
And
you,
son of
Deinomenes,
the maiden of Locris in the west
sings
of before her
house,61
she who after
desperate struggles
in war
through your might
has cast her first untroubled
glance' (15-20).
55
On the sense of
netatcdAtva,
see D. S.
Robertson,
Studi in onore di L.
Castiglioni II, I960,
8oi f.
55a I suspect
that Robertson and Bowra are
right
about the
occasion,
but do not think their
arguments
amount to
proof.
56 Loc. cit.
326-8
= 68 =
70.
"
Wilamowitz
changed
his mind over this
question,
as Eduard
Fraenkel, Horace, 1957, 172
n.
3
pointed
out.
58
See
Bundy,
SP
1.7 f.
59
In an
ingenious
article
(RCCM 2, 1960, 30 f.),
Anna
Morpurgo
Davies
argued
that at
1.17
the word
rtZiog
meant not
'pet'
or
'favourite',
as is
usually
supposed,
but
'ram',
as in its earliest instances. A
ram has a
place
in the cult of Carneian
Apollo,
but
none in that of
Paphian Aphrodite;
a sacred animal
in that cult would
be,
I
regret
to
say,
the
pig.
Even
if Hesiod
fr. 323
Merkelbach-West is
regarded
as a
doubtful
instance,
the sense 'tame' is as
early
as
Empedocles (B 130,
1.
Diels-Kranz).
60o du~'cpva
is
middle;
see H.
Gundert, op.
cit.
in n.
25, p. I41,
n. 364.
61 Does uop6 6d'twov
refer to the
singer's house,
or to
Hieron's? and what kind of occasion is
envisaged?
Satyrus,
On the Demes
of Alexandria,
P.
Oxy. 2465,
r.
2,
col. ii,
12
f.), giving
directions for
procedure
on the
occasion of a
religious procession
in honour of the
goddess
Arsinoe
Philadelphos,
writes:
of
6d] flovdo'yevot
O(etv
'Apatv[dIt <tipa-Ij6]AgqwtL
Ovgtoaav
trp6
Tv
16[lwov
o-I K],7wY i)
dlr
r3v [o]iudTov.
. . . The
restoration
16[rtwv
o~IK
c]ov
is
due to W. Morel
(ap.
Lloyd-Jones,
Gnomon
35, 1963, 453)
who
compares
Chariton
3.2.15 (in
a similar
context) Ovev
g"Karrog
pd
ri7f iT6ag
oKciag; one
might
also
compare
Euripides,
Bacch.
68-70,
where Dodds is
surely right
to
punctuate
1~
d
66& ri
dg66ot;
rig
tUeAdOpotg; (cf.
A.
J. Festugibre,
Mus.
Helv. 9, 1952, 244,
cited on
p. 75
of the second edition of Dodds'
commentary).
These
passages
seem to
suggest
that the house
may
be the
singer's own,
and that the occasion
envisaged
may
be that of some kind of
religious procession,
perhaps resembling
the
performance
of one of
Pindar's own
poems.
The scholic have
npoesOoikra
...
zr.,v
oLKWV, rightly.
120 HUGH
LLOYD-JONES
Cinyras,
the
Cyprian king
mentioned in the Iliad as a
guest-friend
of
Agamemnon,
was
proverbial
for his
wealth.62
That is
why
he is mentioned at
NVem.
8,
I8.
That and the
favour shown him
by Apollo,
who in one
place
is said to have been his
father,63
make him
a
specially apt
instance here. But as the text shows he is mentioned as a benefactor who
has received his due reward in
praise.
Then follows an unmistakable historical allusion. But what
gratitude
of the Locrians
to Hieron does the
poet
have in mind?
According
to a scholion on the
passage,64
the
Locrians had been threatened
by
Anaxilas of
Rhegium,
and Hieron had sent his brother-
in-law Chromios to warn him off. This event would have to lie between Hieron's accession
to
power
in
478
and Anaxilas' death in
476;
it is
usually placed
in
477.65
Those who have
believed the scholion and have assumed that the allusion must be to a recent event have
found here evidence for a date about
476.
But
Robertson66
has
pointed
out that there was
another occasion on which Hieron came to the
help
of the Locrians. A scholion on
1.38
says
that the Locrians were threatened
by
the
tyrants
Anaxilas and
Kleophron,
but were
saved
by
Hieron. Now
according
to
Justin (21.3)
the Locrians were once attacked
by
Leophron, tyrant
of
Rhegium;
so that the
Kleophron
of the scholion is
presumably
the son
and successor of Anaxilas. Diodorus
(I, 66) places
the restoration of the sons of Anaxilas
not
long
before Hieron's death in
467/6;
but the
chronological
inexactitude of Diodorus is
notorious. Robertson
thought Leophron's
attack on Locri took
place
in
471
or
470o.
There is a third
possible explanation.
Hieron's
saving
of the Locrians from Anaxilas is
known to us
only
from the scholion I have mentioned and from another on
Pyth. I, 98
;61
the
latter cites no historian as his
authority,
but the comic
poet Epicharmus
in his
JVasoi (fr.
98
Kaibel).
But even if this is the
truth,
Pindar
may
have had no such
thing
in mind. Like
all the inhabitants of South
Italy
and
Sicily,
the Locrians had
good
reason to be
grateful
to
the
conqueror
of the Etruscans at Cumae in
474. Why
should the Locrian maiden be
specified?
Locri was a home of
poets,
as the
poet
of the Tenth
Olympian
was
aware.6s
Can we be sure that it was not this
great
achievement that the Locrian maiden
praised
?
It
might
have been the theme of
poets
for
many years
after its occurrence. To sum
up,
the allusion to Locrian
songs
in
praise
of Hieron is
uncertain,
and its value in
dating
the
poem very
limited.
Now follows the
myth
of Ixion
(21 f.):
'And
by
the command of the
gods, they say,
Ixion
speaks
these words to mortals as he whirls
every way
on the
flying
wheel:
"Requite
your
benefactor with a kind return and do him honour." He learned this in
truth;
for
after he had attained a
pleasant
life with the children of
Kronos,
he could not
long
sustain
his
happiness,
when with mind
deranged
he desired
Hera,
who is set
apart
for the
mighty
joys
of Zeus'
bed;
but
pride
drove him to
arrogant folly;
and soon he suffered what he
deserved and
got
trouble
beyond
that of others. Two crimes
brought
him
grief;
he was
the first hero to introduce
among
mortals the
shedding
of kindred
blood,
not without
treachery;
and once in the
capacious
chambers of Zeus he
attempted
Hera!'69
I cannot
agree
with the scholar who a few
years ago argued
that
Ixion
is not
imagined
82
II. I 1.19 f.; cf. Tyrtaeus 9.6.
83
X Theocritus
I.Io9.
His connection with
Apollo may
have arisen from his name. Eustathius
on II. loc. cit. derives it from the Hebrew word for
'harp',
but a Greek would
naturally
have
thought
of
Ktvvpdo,
etc.
84
Drachmann, op.
cit.
(in
n.
29), P. 37.
85 E.g., by
H.
Berve,
Die
Tyrannis
bei den
Griechen,
I, 1967, 150.
66
Op.
cit.
(in
n.
52).
"
Op.
cit.
(in
n. 45), P. I8.
68 See
Ol. 10o.14; fr. 14ob, 1-6;
for the
alleged
Locrian
origin
of
Stesichorus,
and for the Locrian
poet Xenocritus,
see C. M.
Bowra,
Greek
Lyric Poetry,
2nd
edn., I961, 82-4.
69
We
may
notice in the
passage
the
regular
vocabulary
of the
concepts
of
Hybris
and Ate:
ElaOe
(cf.
Homer's naOdv
6&
ze
vqlog
qyv o and
Aeschylus
-rd6et
1zdOog;
see,
if documentation is
needed,
H.
D6rrie,
Abh.
Mainz. Akad., 1936, no. 5,
307 f.):
iatvopu'vatg
qpaaiv: iflptg
drives Ixion to
ditl:
nraOd'v
OLKuTa.
As in
Aeschylus' trilogy
about
him,
Ixion
figures
as an
example
of
ingratitude punished
by
the
justice
of Zeus.
I2I
as
speaking
these
words,
but
merely
as
bringing
them to mind
by
his
example.70
Virgil
is
explicit in the similar case of Phlegyas (Aen. 6.18 f.):
Phlegyasque
miserrimus omnis
admonet,
et
magna
testatur voce
per
umbras:
'discite iustitiam moniti et non temnere divos'.
Heyne thought
that
Virgil
had this
passage
of Pindar in
mind;71 certainly
it is an instance
of the same locus communis. The words Ixion utters illustrate a common theme in
Pindar,
that of the
duty
to show
gratitude
and the
criminality
of
ingratitude; Bundy72
has
exhaustively catalogued
the instances.
A
subsidiary gnome-what Bundy
would call a
'gnomic
foil'-follows next
(34 f.).
'A man should look on the measure of all
things
at his own level. His lawless
coupling
cast him into all kinds of
misfortune;
he too was the victim of such
actions;3"
for in
ignorance
the man
lay
with a
cloud, embracing
a sweet falsehood. In
shape
it was like the
daughter
of
Kronos,
matchless
among
the
heavenly ones;
the hands of Zeus made it to ensnare
him,
a beautiful cause of disaster. He
brought
on himself his
binding
to the
four-spoked wheel,
his own
destruction;
in fetters not to be
escaped
from he received the
message
that comes
to all. Remote from the
Graces,
she bore him an
arrogant son, solitary,
like his
mother,
having
no honour
among
men or in the realm of the
gods;
she reared him and called him
Centaur.74
He mated with
Magnesian
horses on the
spurs
of
Pelion,
and there was born
a horde
prodigious,
like both
parents,
like the mother
below,
but above like the father.'
Schadewaldt,
after Hermann and
others,
has
admirably
shown how the
myth
of Ixion
illustrates the motive of
ingratitude,
the
omnipotence
of
Zeus,
and the inevitable
punishment
of the
ungrateful
man
by
Zeus'
justice;
I need not
repeat
what he has
said.75
What follows
will show that in this
poem
the
myth
is
perfectly appropriate
to the central theme.
The
power
of the
gods
that is attested
by any prodigious thing
or
happening supplies
a
transitional formula
very
often used
by
Pindar.76
'The
god accomplishes
his
every purpose
in accordance with his
hopes,
the
god
who catches the
winged eagle
and
passes
the
dolphin
of the
sea,
and makes a
proud
mortal
bow,
while to others he
gives
success77
that never
grows
old'
(49 f-).
Then follows what seems an
abrupt
transition to a more
perplexing passage (53 f.).
'But I must avoid the
sharp
tooth of slander. For I have seen from far off the
scolding
Archilochus in
perplexity grow
fat
upon
abusive
enmities;
and to be
wealthy
while one
attains one's
proper
fate is the best
thing
wisdom offers.'
70 D.
Kuijper, Mnemosyne 16, 1963,
162 f.
17
On
Virgil's knowledge
of
Pindar,
see
Lloyd-
Jones, Maia fasc. 3,
anno
19, 1967, 229;
Eduard
Fraenkel
pointed
out to me that
my warning against
underestimating
the width of
Virgil's reading
echoed
his own at Philol.
87, 1932, 247-8
= Kleine
Beitrige
zur kl. Philologie II 78-9.
See A.
Seidel,
De
Vergilii
studiis Pindaricis,
Diss.
Breslau, 1925; cf.
L. P.
Wilkinson, Forschungen zur
rdmischen
Literatur,
Fest-
schrift
Biichner, 1970,
286 f.
72
Op.
cit.
(in n. 37), II
86-91.
73
The
passage
has
perplexed commentators; see,
e.g.,
G.
Tarditi,
La Parola del
Passato, II, I956, 197
(whose
own
suggestion
does not
convince).
But
Snell and
Turyn rightly
read
notl
Ka
TO6v
'KOVT'.
The iota is shortened
by
the omission of the
augment,
and the sense of TKOVT' is that listed under II 2 in
LSJ s.v.
icviojlat,
in which
anger, suffering
and
other
undesirable
things
are said to 'come
upon'
or
'visit'
people.
The
Kai is
like that in such
phrases
as
olvo;
KaI
KvrTavpov
(Od. 21.295);
cf.
Pyth. 3-55.
74
P. Von der
Miihll,
Mus.
Helv.
25, 1968, 221,
showed that Pindar derived
K&vravpog
from
KevTEL
and
avipa.
On the
significance
of the
myth
of the
centaurs,
see G. S.
Kirk, Myth:
Its
Meaning
and
Function in Ancient and Other Cultures
(Sather
Classical
Lectures, vol. 40), 1970, 132 f.
75 Op.
cit.
(in
n.
28), 328-30
=
70-2; following
Wilamowitz, Pindaros 289,
he draws attention to the
echo of the
prelude
of Hesiod's Works and
Days here;
cf. Young, Pindar,
Isthmian
7 (cited
in
n. 39), 37,
n.
125. J. Martin,
REG
82, 1969,
thinks that Pindar
is
urging
Hieron not to behave like Ixion.
76 See
Bundy, SP I
2-3, 9-1
I.
7
K6O;
means rather more than
'fame';
see
H.
Frainkel, Wege
u. Formen
(cited
in
n. 34), 71,
n. 2.
122 HUGH
LLOYD-JONES
In
considering
the relevance of this to what
precedes it,
we must start from the word
XpEdv
in 1.53. Bundy speaks of 'the countless appeals to propriety in introductions,
transitions and
conclusions',
and adds that all such words and
phrases
attach to the laudator's
XpEo and to the appropriate manner of discharging it' (SP II 73). Why does the poet say
that he must avoid
evil-speaking? Evil-speaking
is the
opposite
of
praise;
doers of
good
like
Cinyras
and Hieron deserve
gratitude,
of which
praise
is a
manifestation.78
Pindar
must not be like
Archilochus,
a
great poet
of the
past
who
savagely
abused his enemies.
A famous
passage
of Archilochus
runs, 'My heart, my heart,
confounded
by perplexing
cares,
.
.
. take
your
stand
opposite
the
enemy
and defend
yourself against your
foe'.79
Archilochus, then,
is mentioned because of his attacks
upon
his
enemies;
but how can Pindar
then
go
on to
say, just
as he does at the
beginning
of the Fifth
Pythian Ode,
that wealth
when it is
granted by
divine will and not
gained unjustly
is the best
thing
wisdom has to
offer ? That translation of the difficult
1.56
has
not,
it is
true,
been
accepted by
all
scholars;
but it is
certainly
recommended
by
the order of the
words,
as Eduard Fraenkel with his
special expertise
in word order
pointed out.s0
The clue to the transition lies in the word
mawldoevov,
which must in this contest
imply
not
simply
that Archilochus had
many
enemies,
but that he made
money
or somehow
profited,
out of his
enmities.81
Whether
Archilochus made
money
from his
poetry
is
uncertain;
Pindar
certainly did,
and
may
have
assumed that Archilochus did the
same;
at least Archilochus utilised his enmities for the
purposes
of his
poetry.
The nature of the context
enjoins
this
interpretation,
which well
suits the natural
meaning
of the verb.
Archilochus, then,
is introduced as an instance of
an
evil-speaker,
but the transition from him to Hieron is
managed by contrasting
the source
from which
they
derive their wealth or
profits.
We come to Hieron for the section of the
poem
that contains the main laudation of the
victors2
(56 f.).
'You can in truth
point
to this with
your generous mind,
lord who commands
many
well-walled cities and their
people.83
And if
anyone says
that
any
other in Greece
among
those before him was
greater
in his
possessions
or in his
honour,"4
he
struggles
unavailingly
with
empty
mind. I will embark in a
garlanded
vessel85 as I
proclaim
his
excellence. The
support
of
youth
is valour in
grievous wars;
and from this also I
say you
won boundless
glory, battling among
the
charging cavalry
and
among foot-soldiers;
and
the counsels of
riper age
allow me without hazard to
praise you
on
every
count.'
Many
modern scholars seem to believe that to enumerate the
triumphs
of the victor and
to
praise
him was for Pindar a
disagreeable necessity,
to be
got
over as
quickly
as
possible.
It is the
great
merit of
Bundy
to have reminded us that in an
epinician
ode the
praise
of the
victor must be of central
importance.
Here this solemn
praise
is uttered with reference to
7s Bundy,
SP
II.56f.
illustrates this common
notion;
with Isthm.
1.41-51
he
compares
Isthm.
5.24-32;
see also
Bacchylides 5.187-97 (cited by
him
on
p. 60),
Pyth. 9.96-9
and
Nem.
7.6I
f.
7
Fr. 128
West;
P.
Friedlainder ap. Gundert,
op.
cit.
(in
n.
25), 141,
n.
367, thought
Pindar had
this in mind when he wrote these words.
80
Ap. Schadewaldt, op.
cit.
(in
n.
28), 72-3,
n. 2.
D. Gerber in a learned article has
argued
for this
view
(TAPA 91, I960, Ioo
f.).
R. W. B.
Burton,
Pindar's
Pythian Odes, 1962, I20,
thinks that
aop(la
here must mean
poetry;
that would remove the
point
of contrast between Archilochus and Hieron.
The same
prejudice
that 'Pindar
seldom,
if
ever,
uses
the word to mean wisdom in a
general
sense' has
been
responsible
for the
repeated misinterpretation
of Nem.
17.17,
where
aogol
means not
'poets'
but
'wise
men who are
willing
to
pay poets
to
preserve
their
fame';
see n.
I18 below.
81
A
wrong interpretation
of
tcatvodUEvov
has often
been defended
by citing Bacchylides 3.68,
where a
pi
was written
by
the second corrector
against
the verb
in the clause
&0tg ul 'pOo'dvcot zaalverat.
But there
too it is
presumably implied
that the envious
profit
from their
envy,
unless H. Richards and
J.
Sch6ne
were
right
to read
Fialverat.
82 In
Bundy's terminology
the
'crescendo';
see
SPI I7.
83 To infer
anything
about the date of the
poem
from this manner of
addressing
Hieron strikes me as
most
unreasonable;
but
Burton, op.
cit
(n. 8o), I 15
follows
Wilamowitz, Pindaros, 1922, 285-
84
For this kind of solemn
asseveration,
see
Bundy,
SP
II, 59,
n.
60.
8s Ships were,
on festal
occasions,
decorated with
flowers;
see L.
Deubner,
ARW
30, 1933, 73,
and
F.
B6mer,
Ovids Fasten
II, p. 42.
123
a
principle
which Pindar in his works enunciates in various
ways
and
amplifies
with various
details;
that if a man has wealth and also
arete,
if he has wealth which is not
ill-gotten,
but is
his
by
the will of the
gods,
then he deserves
glory,
which it is the
duty
of other men not to
grudge
him and the task of the
poet
to
perpetuate.
Hieron has
wealth, honourably won;
in wealth and
honour,
he is
unsurpassed.
In
praise
of his
areti,
the
poet
will set out on a
voyage
on a
ship
whose
prow
is
garlanded;
Hieron has the
proverbial
combination of valour
in war and wisdom in
counsel; therefore,
his
glory
is deserved and the
poet's
task in
celebrating
it is
easy.
At this
point
Pindar wishes the victor
well;
he
says
xa-pE.
This word can mean
'Farewell' as well as 'Fare
well',
and since less than ten lines from the end of the Third
Nemean Pindar
similarly
salutes
Aristoclides,
it has been
argued
that the real end of the
ode comes
here,
and that
11.72-96
are a kind of
appendix.
The
passage
of the Third
Nemean86
that is in
question
is like this in more
ways
than one. There too the
poet
tells
the victor he is
sending
him his
poem;
there too he describes
it, mentioning
that it is in
Aeolic
measure;
in the Nemean the
aulos,
in the
Pythian
the
phorminx
is to
accompany
the
performance.
In the Nemean an
apology
for lateness in
delivery
leads the
poet
to contrast
himself,
the
eagle,
with the
chattering daws,
before
uttering
his final
praise
of the victor's
glory.
In the Second
Pythian
also the
poet
after
saluting
the victor contrasts himself-in
this case in the character of the honest
man,
the
straight speaker-with others,
this time the
flatterers and deceivers. The
eagle
and the daws
occupy
three or four
lines,
the
straight
speaker
and the deceivers
twenty-four;
but I do not think that the difference in
length
between the two
passages
need be
specially significant.
'This
song
I am
sending
over the
gray sea,
like Phoenician
merchandise;" graciously
look
upon
the
Castor-song
in Aeolian
strains, granting
it favour for the sake of the
seven-stringed
lyre' (68 f.).
What does Pindar mean
by Kaord'peov
? The same term seems to be
employed
in
the First Isthmian
(17),
where Pindar wishes to celebrate Herodotus in a Kastoreion or a
hymn
for
Iolaus.
Castor and
Polydeuces
are
commonly
connected with horses and with
chariots,
so
that it seems reasonable to
suppose
that a
Castor-song
was one in honour of a
victory
in a
horse-race or a
chariot-race,
and to
compare
01.
I, 102,
'I must crown him with a horse-
melody
in Aeolic
song'.88
The term 'Aeolic'
(for
which
compare
also Nem.
3, 79)
will refer
not to the
metre,
but the
music.89
It
seems, then,
that this
description
could
apply
to
any
poem
in honour of a horse-race or a chariot- race. But which
poem
does Pindar mean?
The ancient
commentary says
that he meant an
hyporcheme,
from which we have more
than one
quotation.90
Is this a mere
guess,
or does the commentator
speak
from
knowledge
?
We cannot be certain. Some moderns have
thought
he meant the First
Pythian,
others the
First
Olympian;
such
suggestions
cannot be
confirmed,
but neither can
they
be refuted.
Several scholars have maintained that it is the Second
Pythian
Ode itself.
Gildersleeve,
no
mean
grammarian,
warns us that 'Pindar's use
ofE'dv
and 84 is so
tricky
that the Kastoreion
is not
necessarily
different' from the Second
Pythian.
We cannot be sure that he is
wrong;
and the
comparison
with
Nem.
3,76
f. made above
might encourage
a believer in his view.91
88
xalpe, rpLog. dyc rd69e
"rot
5g9/Onco
/elly/'vov
VrdAt
SAvKCL,
uvV
ydaKrl,
Ktpvativa 6' lepa'
dptqiet,
ndoy'
dottutov
AioiAaatv
i6v
avoaaotv
a)~iov,
dipyk
nSep.
goTt 6' aled6
d
chKVg 8v !(oVavoTiO,
6g Aaf3sv
alya,
rTAeO'.6e peraclawdpevog,
6aCpotv6v
adypav nocrlv.
KpayESai 69 KOA0OLtoi xaTetvd vSi'Uovxat.
87
Cf.
Nem.
5-.3
88 Plutarch's statement
(Vita Lycurgi 22)
that a
Kastoreion
was a
Spartan marching-song played
on
the aulos is not
necessarily
relevant to a Kastoreion
as Pindar uses the term.
89
See M.
I. Henderson, Oxford History of Music,
I, 1957, 382-4.
We cannot know whether the
linguistic
Aeolisms detected in the
poem (see
B.
Forssman, Untersuchungen
zur
Sprache Pindars, 1966,
13-20)
have
anything
to do with its
allegedly
Aeolic
character.
90 Fr.
105
Snell
=
12I Turyn.
91
Heyne, Boeckh,
Christ and Schroeder in their
commentaries,
Von der
Miihll,
Rh.
Mus.
72, 1918,
307
and art. cit.
(in
n.
44), 218,
n.
I3
and B.
Forssman
op.
cit.
(in
n.
89), 19
f. are
among
those
who have
agreed
with him.
124
HUGH
LLOYD-JONES
This
brings
us to the
concluding passage
which has been the cause of so much
controversy.
Pindar has asked Hieron to
give
a
gracious reception
to his
poem
or
poems.
He
goes
on to
say,
'Be such as
you
are
according
to
my
words'.92 Instead of
adding
to the
lengthy
discussion of this
sentence,
I shall
simply say
that I see no
difficulty
in
taking
otoscrtl to
go
with
ptaOdv
as well as with
yt'voo.
Pindar has
praised Hieron;
let Hieron now reveal
in action the character the
poet
has described. The word
paO0dv
does not
imply
that
without Pindar's
description
Hieron would not have known his own
character;
it means
much the same as
aKoiaas
would
mean in this context. We should
guard against assuming
that Pindar thinks that without his exhortation Hieron would not behave
nobly.
Hieron
always
does behave
nobly (cf. Pyth. I,
86
f.).92a
From the mention of Hieron's noble
nature,
Pindar
goes
on to
distinguish
between
immature
minds,
whose sense of values is
perverted,
and the sound
judgment
of the
ripe
intelligence.
'An
ape
is
evera9b
handsome
among children, handsome;
but
Rhadamanthys
enjoys happiness,
because he has
reaped
the blameless harvest of his
good sense,
and takes
no
joy
in
deceptions
in his heart within
him,
such
joy
as comes ever to a mortal
through
the
schemes of
whisperers.
A
plague
irresistible to both sides are the
speakers
of
slanders,
like
altogether
to the character of foxes'
(73 f.).
Is the
monkey
mentioned because of its
imitations, suggesting
the behaviour of
flatterers,
or because of its tricks? We do not need to ask this
question.
Pindar
says
that children think a
monkey handsome; clearly
the
point
of the contrast between them and
Rhadamanthys
is that a mature
intelligence
sees
things
as
they
are and
judges rightly.
But we are told that
Rhadamanthys
takes no
joy
in
deceptions;
such
joy
comes
through
the
schemes of
whisperers;
and
they
are
slanderers,
who resemble foxes.
Many
scholars have
assumed that Hieron is
being
warned not to believe
slanderers;
but this is
only
a
very
indirect inference from the text before us. The
just
and wise
man,
of whom
Rhadamanthys
in the
type,
has been contrasted with the
slanderer;
and this is the theme on which the
poet
now dilates.
L.
78
as it is transmitted
hardly
makes
sense;
in the sentence
KE'pSEt
8'd
Ti
ca93
tTOO't
KEpaOAEV
OV EAEEL,
the dative
K'p8EL, apparently
there
simply
to lend
emphasis
to
KEpSaAEv,
would be most unusual. The most attractive
attempt
at emendation is
Huschke's94
substitution for
K'p8EL
Of
KEp80o,
a Sicilian word for 'vixen'. But
K'p8Et,
because of the
presence
of
KEp8a'ov, may
have
displaced
some
altogether
different
word;
the best editorial
procedure
would be to mention Huschke's
conjecture,
but to
place
a crux
against
K'dp8E
in the text.
Anyway,
the
general
sense is
clear;
the
poet
is
asking
what
profit
comes to
slanderers
through
their
deceptions.
'For
though
another
equipage
is
suffering grievously
at
sea,
I
escape sinking,
like a cork
above the surface of the
deep' (79 f.)
95 We must be careful not to assume that the use of the
first
person singular
here means that the
poet
must be
speaking
of himself. It can
hardly
be denied that in Pindar 'I' is
very
often
equivalent
to
-rs,96
and it would be most unsafe to
take it for
granted
that he means himself rather than the honest victim of slanderers in
general.
92 Wilamowitz took this view at SB Berlin
I9o0,
I313
f.,
but retracted it at
Pindaros, 1922, 291.
See
the excellent statement of it
by
Schadewaldt
op.
cit.
(in
n.
1), 331
=
73.
So also
Farnell, III 128
f.,
and
E. des
Places,
Le
pronom
chez Pindare, 1947, 72.
92a See
K6hnken
Hermes
98, 1970,
1
f.
92b
With
Tycho Mommsen
I would
put
the comma
after
aie.
9 The word order
suggests
that the
pdia
is
part
of the
interrogation; cf.
x a6aAa.
94
I. G.
Huschke,
in
August
Matthiae's Miscellanea
Philologica, I, I803, 30.
Huschke was a
pupil
of
Heyne
at
G6ttingen,
and later
professor
at
Rostock;
see
Bursian,
Geschichte der classischen
Philologie
in
Deutschland, 1883, 641 f.; cf. Schroeder,
Pindars
Pythien, I922, Iig
f. Boeckh
(II
ii
250)
calls him
'vir
elegantissimus
et acutissimus'.
95
Cf. Dithyramb i.16
(fr. 70
a
Snell)
qpvydvra
vtv
Kai Cpiav "pKo;
dAja;":
not that this makes it
quite
certain that
i)ipa;
goes
with
EpKog
and not with
dfiaaTxrtoo.
96
See David C.
Young,
Three Odes
(op.
cit. in
n. 39), 58 f.
and
K6hnken,
Der
Mythus (op.
cit. in
n.
23), 209
f.
I25
'It is
impossible',
the
poet
continues
(81 f.),
'for a
crafty
citizen to utter a word of
power
among
noble
men;
none the
less, throughout
his life97 he
greatly
flatters all. I have no
part
in his
impudence; may
it be mine to show
friendship
for a
friend,
and
against
an
enemy
I,
as an
enemy,98
will run in like a
wolf, treading differently
at different times in
winding
paths.'99 Again
we must be careful not to take it for
granted
that the first
person
is auto-
biographical;
more
probably
'I' stands
simply
for the
evO6yAwaaoO,
the
honest, plain-spoken
man who is contrasted with the
cunning
slanderers. That is
fully
confirmed
by
what
follows
(86 f.).
'Under
every
rule the
straight speaker excels,
when there is one
master,
when the
noisy
crowd and when the
wise99"a
guard
the
city.'
Now follows a difficult transition. 'We must not
quarrel
with the
god,
who now
upholds
the
power
of one
party,
now
gives great might
to others. But not even this contents the
mind of the
envious,
but
they
stake their claims
according
to an excessive measure and
driving
that
stake100
into their own hearts inflict a
grievous wound,
before
they
have attained
what
they
are
striving
for. It is best to
accept
and bear
lightly
the
yoke upon
one's
neck;
but
kicking against
the
goad
makes one's
path slippery. May
I
give pleasure
to noble men
in
my dealings
with them!'
Men should not resist the
god,
Pindar is
saying,
as Greek moralists so often
say; they
should not
struggle against
the laws of human life which the
gods impose. They
should
know that human
prosperity,
at the
best,
does not last for
long,
so that the envious hatred
of one human
being against
another is
inevitably
futile. But this
knowledge
does not
content envious
humans; measuring
their claims
by
a standard that demands too
much,
they
cause
grief
to
themselves,
not
being
content with the
knowledge
that the
prosperity
of
others which
angers
them will not be
permanent.
It is best to
accept
the conditions laid
down
by
the
gods
for human
life;
it is best not to kick
against
the
pricks.
At the end the
poet prays
that he
may give pleasure
to
noble'0o
men. That
may
be
taken as a
general statement, implying
that it is a
duty
to
give praise
where
praise
is due.
But in this context it has the further function of
expressing
the
poet's eagerness
to
give praise
to
Hieron,
and to combat those envious
persons
who
might deny
him the
glory
that is his due.
The whole
concluding passage
of this
poem,
it seems to
me,
is
fully
un
ierstandable
if we
suppose
that Pindar is
dilating
on a common theme of encomiastic
poetry,
that of the
duty
of
men,
and
particularly poets,
to
give great
men
proper
credit for their benefits to others
and
to abstain from
envy.
This accords with the
significance
of the
myth
of
Ixion,
which
as the
poet clearly
tells us is introduced as an
example
of the
dangers
of
ingratitude.
In
saying this,
I am not
attempting
to reduce the content of the
poem
to a series of
dry
and
barren formulas. On the
contrary,
I believe that the best reward of an increased under-
standing
of the conventions of encomiastic
lyric
and Pindar's
way
of
handling
its standard
themes will lie in the
insight
we attain into the
poet's
manner of
adapting
a
given
locus
communis to the
requirements
of a
particular
situation.
97 d yav
offends
against
sense and
responsion,
and
no emendation is
convincing.
Boeckh's
dydv, 'bend',
is in the words of Burton
(op.
cit. in n.
80)
'not
very
convincing
of the movements of a
fawning spaniel';
Heyne's
drza
may
derive some colour from the use of
avrdYtan~tdKe
at Aeschines
3.28
but
gives
the verb a
most unusual
object. J.
G. Griffith
ap.
Burton
(loc.
cit. n.
3) suggests dapap:
but then
a'dyxv
would stand
oddly
between this
object
and its verb.
98 In
early
Greece it was
part
of standard
morality
to do
good
to one's friends and evil to one's
enemies;
see
my
book The
Justice of Zeus,
197I,
p. 40.
99
Schadewaldt, op.
cit.
(n. 28),
68
=
326
wished
to emend
nar'wv
to
naz-ovO':
against,
see H.
Frainkel
in his review
(quoted
in n.
34), 359.
99a See
above, p.
112.
100 This translation is
designed
to
bring
out
Pindar's
play
on the
similarity
of
K.KdoL'Lvot
and
EAKOg.
I
agree
with Gildersleeve and Farnell
(both
ad
loc.)
and with A. C.
Pearson,
Cl.
Quart. 18, 1924,
156-7,
in
accepting
the view stated in the scholia
that
ordaOuag
means not a balance but a
measuring-
line,
and that
'K4UCevot
I
means 'drawing
out for
oneself'. The envious
persons
have
just
been
mentioned,
and it is
easy
to
supply
them as
subject,
so that it is
wrong
to
change
rtvog
to
Trtve.
Pindar
may
well
speak
of 'an excessive kind of
measuring-
line'.
101 The
prayer
at the end of 01.
I
is
obviously
similar.
126 HUGH
LLOYD-JONES
The
frequency
in Pindar's
poetry
of the theme of
envy
and
ingratitude'02
is to be
accounted for
by
the
requirements
of the
religion
in which he and his audiences believed.
For the believers in that
religion,
to
praise
a mortal man is a difficult and even a
dangerous
action. Real
felicity belongs only
to the
gods;
mortal
men,
even those favoured
by
the
gods,
are
granted only
certain moments of true
happiness;
these
quickly pass,
and will be
followed
by misfortune,
and in the end death is inevitable. That makes it
highly
desirable
for the favoured mortal to ensure that his brief hours of
happiness
and
glory
attain a kind
of
immortality;
this can
only
be achieved
through
the action of a
poet,
who
through
the
gifts
of Zeus' son
Apollo
and his
daughters
the Muses can
preserve
human achievements
from oblivion. In
praising
the
victor,
the
poet
must abstain from
any
utterance that
might
seem to
infringe
the
privileges
reserved for the
gods;
that
might bring
down
upon
his
patron
that 'divine
envy'
which
guards Dike,
the order of the
universe, against
the encroachments
of mortals who
try
to rise above their
proper sphere.
It is not
only
the
envy
of the
gods
that mortals must beware
of; they
are
inevitably
menaced
by
the
envy
of their fellow-
mortals.
Envy
is the force
against
which the
poet
who would
praise
his
patron
has to
struggle,
and in order to assure his
patron's
fame the
poet
must do battle
against
his
detractors;
this battle is a common theme of Pindar's
poetry,
and the mention of it serves
to
guard against
the
greater danger
of divine
envy
of his
patrons' greatness. Unstintingly,
without
envy,
the
poet
must
give glorious
deeds their
due;
in
doing so,
he must
struggle
against
the
envy
of true
greatness
shown
by
the common run of
men.lo2a
Pindar's
lyric poetry,
like the
tragedy
of the
great tragedians
and like all
great poetry,
is concerned far less with the accidental
particulars
than with the
permanent
conditions of
human life. Yet the theme of
envy
seems to be touched on with
special frequency
and
special gravity
when the
patron
who is
being
celebrated is rendered
by
his wealth and
power specially prone
to the attacks of
envy.
We know that
Hieron,
like Theron and
Arcesilas of
Cyrene,
had in fact
many powerful enemies,
who before
long
were to
bring
down the
dynasty;
and this fact can
hardly
be
quite
irrelevant to the
emphasis upon
this
theme in the
poems
which Pindar addressed to him. But to understand Pindar's treatment
of that
theme,
we must understand the
religion
which
supplied
his
poetry
with its back-
ground.
Since the time of the ancient commentators it has been
generally
believed that the
concluding passage
of the Second
Pythian
alludes to
happenings
at the court of
Hieron.?03
Some modern
scholars,
it is
true,
have
questioned
the
statement,
found in the scholia and
believed
by many moderns,
that Pindar is
defending
himself
against
his
poetical rivals,
Simonides and
Bacchylides.1034 They
have
pointed
out that
nothing
in the text
compels
us to
suppose
that these
poets
are in Pindar's
mind;
and that the ancient scholars
may
have
imagined
it
simply
because
they
knew that
Bacchylides
celebrated Hieron's
victory
in the
Olympic
chariot race
of
468,
and did not know Pindar to have done the same.'04 The
nearest
approach
to
any positive
evidence in favour of the
theory
comes from the Second
Olympian Ode,
where Pindar seems to
say
that two
noisy
crows shriek
against
Zeus'
eagle;
102 See
Bowra,
Pindar
186-7; Thummer, op.
cit.
(in n. 40), I
8o-I; K6hnken,
op.
cit.
(in
n.
23),
Index
s.v.
'Neid'. I have not seen W.
Steinlein,
qOodvog
und
verwandte
Begriffe
in der
dlteren griechischen Literatur,
Diss.
Erlangen, 1944 (cited by Thummer, loc. cit.,
p. 8o, n. 56).
S.
Eitrem,
'The Pindaric
Phthonos',
Studies
presented
to D. M.
Robinson, II, I953, 531 f.,
has some useful references.
102a
That
envy
is not to be avoided
by
those who
aim at
greatness:
Kp'GOaov y7p oiK-rtpoi
qp
o'vdo
(Pyth.
1.85; cf. Aeschylus, Agam. 939
0
6'dq'O6dvirrog
oV3K
i~,70
Aog
r3atet).
The scene of the
tapestries
in the
Agamemnon
well
brings
out the Greek
religious
attitude
to
pO~'vog.
The
great
man is bound to
provoke
the
q'Odvoo
of
men;
that does not
matter, provided
he
does
nothing
to
provoke
that of the
gods.
Steinlein
(op.
cit. in
n.
72), according
to
Thummer, loc. cit, 'vom
Neid als etwas
Erwuinschtem spricht',
while E.
Milobenski,
Der Neid in der
griechischen Philosophie,
I964, argues
that that view of it is not consistent with
Pindar's. But
Pindar,
like
Aeschylus, thought
that
TpO
'vog was both to be desired and to be avoided.
103
Bowra, Pindar, 1964, 135,
believes this.
103a See, for
example, Mary
R.
Lefkowitz,
HSCP
73, I968, p. 55,
n.
13.
104 See, e.g., Burton, op.
cit.
(in
n.
8o),
r26
f.
127
but the
lightest possible
alteration converts the dual to a
plural imperative,'05
so that the
number two vanishes. But
though
not all modern scholars believe in the allusion to the
Cean
poets,
almost all
suppose
that Pindar is
warning
Hieron
against believing
the
slanders which certain enemies have uttered
against
him. Their
writings
show how the
text can be twisted to
yield
this
implication.
But I believe that I have shown that the
most natural
interpretation, strongly
reinforced
by
the
parallels supplied by
a consideration
of Pindar's treatment of similar themes
throughout
his
works,
makes it
absolutely unnecessary
to have recourse to
any speculations
of this kind. That Pindar in a
poem
written to
celebrate a chariot
victory,
or at
any
rate to
praise
a
patron,
should have chosen to tack on
at the end a
complaint against
his own
private
adversaries seems to me a notion
wholly
inconsistent with all that we know about encomiastic
poetry
and its
canons,
about the
nature of
patronage,
and about the
poetic practice
of the ancient world.'08 The belief
originated
in the idle
speculations
of the ancient
scholars;
but
during
the nineteenth
century
it was fostered
by
the
conjunction
of historicism and romanticism. Historicism tried to
explain
all difficulties in terms of historical
allusions,
and when
history
was not known
encouraged
scholars to invent
it;
and romanticism took it for
granted
that the true
poet
poured
out what was in his
heart,
even when he was
executing
a commission for a
great
ruler for which he was to receive a fee.'07
The
dangers
of an uncritical
application
of the new
approach
can most be illustrated
from the recent
handling
of the difficult
problems presented by
the Seventh Nemean Ode.
This was written at an
unknown'0s
date to honour
Sogenes,
son of
Thearion,
an
Aeginetan
victor in the
boys' pentathlon
at the Nemean Games.
105
Bergk's
alteration of
yapv'erov
to
yapv~cov
is
accepted by
Schroeder and
Snell, though
not
by
Farnell,
Bowra or
Turyn;
for a
doxography
of the
problem,
see
J.
van
Leeuwen,
Pindarus' Tweede
Olympische Ode, 1964, 245
f.
106 F.
Mezger (Pindars Siegeslieder, I88o)
deserves
honourable mention here. On
p. 50
he
writes,
'Die
Erklirung
der Ode ist mit
ganz
besonderen Schwie-
rigkeiten
verkniipft,
so dass es nicht zu verwundern
ist,
wenn hier die Ansichten der
Ausleger
noch mehr
als sonst auseinander
gehen.
Nur darin stimmen sie
alle
iiberein,
dass sie in dem Gedichte eine Reihe von
Warnungen
und
Ermahnungen erblicken, welche der
Dichter mit seinem
gewohnten
Freimuth an den zum
Missbrauch seiner Macht
hinneigenden Fuirsten
richt.
Und
gerade
dies anzunehmen ist sehr bedenklich.
Denn es hat sehr
wenig
Wahrscheinlichkeit
ffir
sich,
dass sich
ein Fiirst,
noch dazu von dem Stolze
Hierons,
dazu
hergegeben
haben
sollte,
dass ihm
ein
Dichter an seinem
Ehrentage
unter
gr6sstem Pompe
vor tausenden seiner Untertanen den Text lesen
durfte,
und dass er ihn
daffir
noch reichlich
bezahlte.
Hieron
wollte
von Pindar
Lobgedichte
und
Siegesgesdnge,
und
Siegesgesdnge
und
Lobgedichte
hat Pindar ihm
auch
gedichtet.'
As
Young (ap.
Calder and
Stern, op. cit.
in n.
28, 26) remarks, 'Mezger
often made
remarkably
perceptive
and
unique
observations about what was
happening
in the
poems'.
But when he
gets
to the
detailed
interpretation
of the final
section, Mezger
is
led
by
the
'ungew6hnliche Gemutserregung'
of
11.79-85
to conclude that Pindar is
defending
him-
self
against
his enemies.
Bundy,
SP I
4,
n.
I5
has
written,
'I believe that
this
ode,
on which I am
preparing
a
monograph,
contains
nothing personal
to Pindar'. I
agree,
and
hope
that this article will
provide
a statement that
will do
duty
at least until
Bundy's monograph
appears. Every
serious student of Pindar looks
forward with keen
expectancy
to the
resumption
of
Bundy's extremely
valuable Pindaric studies.
107
In
correcting
this
tendency,
we must resist the
temptation
to react too far in the
opposite
direction.
Thus when Pindar writes in a
poem
for the Alcmaeonid
Megacles,
who was ostracised in
487/6
and won his
Pythian victory
in
486,
that he feels
sorry
that the
victor's
great
deeds have been
requited
with
envy
(Pyth. 7,
I8
f.),
it would be
stupid
not to
acknowledge
that the use made of the theme of
envy
had no
relation to the actual fact.
Thummer, op.
cit. in
n.4o,
p. 72, n. 48,
after
drawing
attention to the
facts,
writes,
'Wir halten es deshalb fur methodisch
richtig,
auch
hier,
wo eine konkrete historische
Situation,
auf die sich die Stelle beziehen
konnte,
vorhanden
ist,
die
Aussage
des Dichters aus der
Topik,
in die sie
hineingeh6rt,
zu deuten und
lediglich
mit der
M6glichkeit
eines konkreten
Bezuges
zu rechnen'.
That seems to me over-cautious.
108
The dates
given
in the scholia
(KY'
=
547
and
6'-
=
527)
are
impossible,
and no certain emenda-
tion has been offered. Wilamowitz and other
scholars
argue
for a date about
485; others,
less
numerous,
follow Hermann in
putting
the
poem
in
about
467.
See E.
Tugendhat, Hermes 88, Ig60,
385,
n.
I;
S.
Fogelmark, op.
cit. in n. I
15,
notes
30
and
31. Fogelmark argues
for a later date. I share
his
scepticism
about the
arguments
for a later date
128 HUGH
LLOYD-JONES
The ancient
commentary
on this
poem
tells us that Aristarchus and his
pupil
Aristodemus
believed that in it Pindar tried to excuse himself for an
uncomplimentary
reference to
Neoptolemus
made in a Paean he had written earlier.'09
That statement was not taken
seriously by
all nineteenth
century
scholars."n
But when
in
I9o8
Grenfell and Hunt
published large fragments
of the Paean in
question,
its truth
seemed to have been confirmed. Wilamowitz in an article written
immediately
after the
publication
of the Paean and
again
in his Pindaros of
I922gm
held that Pindar in the Seventh
Nemean was
defending
the account of the end of
Neoptolemus
which he had
given
in the
Paean; Schadewaldtn2
in
1928 agreed
with him.
In
I96O
the relation between the Paean and the Seventh Nemean was re-examined in a
careful and
judicious
article
by
Ernst
Tugendhat.1"3 Tugendhat
showed that the
differences between the narration about
Neoptolemus
in the
paean
and that in the
epinikion
are not such as to
prove
that Pindar is
defending
his earlier treatment of the
story. Rather,
he is
asserting
that he in his
poetry speaks
the
truth;
this is
something
he does in
many
of
his
poems,
but here he does it with
special emphasis,
and
accompanies
his assertion with a
fresh treatment of the
story
of
Neoptolemus, designed
to win
approval
in
Aegina. Tugendhat
holds that
only
one short
passage (11.102-4)
contains an
unambiguous
reference to the
earlier treatment of the
Neoptolemus story
and the trouble it had caused. He shows with
great
skill how the
handling
of the matter of
Neoptolemus
is combined with the
praise
of
the
victor,
both in relation to the
pervading
theme of human
destiny,
which ordains for all
men a mixture of
good
and bad
fortune,
and that of
poetry,
which can
perpetuate
the
good.
Here,
if
anywhere,
we seemed to have a certain
example
of a
personal
and historical
allusion
by
the
poet.
That view was
challenged by Bundy
in the first of his two
papers
of
1962. 'N.7,
a
straightforward enkomion',
he
wrote,
'has been canonised as the
poet's
personal apology
for offensive references to
Neoptolemus
in the ode we now
possess
fragmentarily
as
Pa.6' ;114
the authors of the
scholia,
he
adds,
had
only
the odes to aid them.
Bundy's opinion
has been
justified
in more detail
by
Erich Thummer in four
pages
of the
introduction of his
commentary
on the
Isthmian
Odes of
1968; by
W.
J.
Slater in an article
of
1969;
and now at
greater length by
Adolf
Kdhnken,
in the useful
book, published
in
1971,
in which he has examined the function of the
myth
in six of Pindar's
epinicians.
The
received
opinion
has been defended
by
G. F.
Gianotti, by
C. P.
Segal
and
by
S.
Fogelmark.3'5
The best
way
of
surveying
this
controversy
will be
by examining
the Seventh
Nemean,
section
by section,
not
giving
a detailed
commentary,
but
concentrating upon
matters
relevant to the central
problem.
Like several Pindaric
odes,
this one
opens
with the
invocation of a
divinity; usually
it is not one of the
great gods,
but a minor
deity
or a
advanced
by
W.
Theiler,
'Die zwei Zeitstufen in
Pindars Stil und Vers'
(Schriften
der
Koenigsberger
Gelehrten
Gesellschaft,
Geisteswissenschaftliche
Klasse,
17.4,
1941, 255
f.
=
Untersuchungen zur
antiken
Literatur,
1971, 148 f.).
But I find his own
arguments (derived
from the incidence of colour words and from the
nature of references to Zeus and
Apollo)
still less
convincing
than I find Theiler's. A
style
like Pindar's
offers
uncommonly
few reliable indications of
date,
and few of the
many attempts
to date
poems
whose
dates have not been
preserved by
means of the
Olympian
and
Pythian
victor lists can command
great
confidence.
Any
serious attack
upon
the
problem
would have to take into account far more
factors than even
Theiler,
let alone
Fogelmark,
has
considered.
109 See
Z
on
70 (Scholia
vetera in Pindari
carmina,
ed.
A. B.
Drachmann, iii, p. I26 (on Aristarchus);
X on
94a (ib., p. 129-4);
E on
I23a (ib., p. 134.
6
f.);
X
on
50oa (ib., p. 137-3).
See H.
Frankel,
Hermes
89,
I961,
387 f.
110 See
Tugendhat, op.
cit. in n.
io8,
386,
n.
i;
Hermann,
for
instance, thought
this
explanation
was
an invention of the ancient commentators.
11
SB
Berlin, ph.-hist. kl., 1908, 328
f.
=
Calder
and
Stern, op.
cit.
(in
n.
28), 127 f.; Pindaros,
i59
f.
112
Op. cit. in n. 28. 113
Op.
cit. in n.
io8.
114
SP I, p. 4; cf. 29, n. 70;
and see
J. Fontenrose,
'The Cult and
Myth
of
Pyrrhos
at
Delphi' (University
of California
Publications in Classical
Archaeology 4,
no. 3,
I96o0, p. 223,
n.
14).
-15 Thummer, op.
cit. in
n. 40,
1
94 f.; Slater,
op.
cit. in
n.
41, 91 f.;
K6hnken,
op. cit.,
in n.
23, 37
f.;
G. F.
Gianotti, RFIC
94, 1966, 385 f.;
Ellen
Wuist,
Pindar als
geschichtschreibender Dichter,
Diss.
Tiibingen,
1967;
C. P.
Segal,
TAPA
98, 1967, 431
f.
(with
bibliography);
S.
Fogelmark,
Studies in
Pindar,
with
particular reference
to Paean VI and Nenean VII, I972.
129
personified
abstraction which is
specially
relevant to the
present
moment. Here it is
Eleithyia, goddess
of childbirth.
'Eleithyia,
who sits beside the
deep-thinking Fates,
child of
mighty Hera,
hear
me,
bringer
to birth of children. Without
you
we cannot look
upon
the
light
nor
upon
black
night
to
get
our share in
your sister,
Hebe of the
lovely
limbs. We do not all draw breath
for lives that are
alike; yoked
as we are
by destiny,
we are constrained
by
different fates.
With
your
aid Thearion's son also was
singled
out for
excellence,
and the
glory
of
Sogenes
is
sung
of
among
the men of the
pentathlon' (1-8).
The ancient commentators
inquired why Eleithyia
was invoked here. The five different
reasons
they
offer are discussed
by
Hermann Frankel in an article of
1961.n6
He
singles
out as correct the fourth of these: that Pindar
always praises
those whose excellence is
inborn or natural rather than those whose excellence is due to
learning,
and
Eleithyia
has
equipped Sogenes
to become a
great
athlete from his birth. This
may
be
part
of the
truth,
but it is not the most
important part. First,
the first of the
explanations
in the scholia is
worth
noting.
This is that Pindar is
playing
on the victor's
name."7
Sogenes
is com-
pounded
from the root
aw-, meaning
'save' or
'preserve',
and the root
yEv- meaning 'family'
or
'birth'; Eleithyia
is called
Eyv'TELPa 1rK'vwv,
which
in this context must mean
'bringer
to
birth of children'. The ancient commentator thinks this a
frigid pun;
but
Pindar,
like
other
early poets,
attributed a
mystic significance
to names. When in a
passage quoted
in
the
following
scholion he
plays
on the derivation of the name of his
patron
Hieron from the
word for
'holy',
he is not
being merely
frivolous. The
play
on names serves to introduce the
goddess,
but it
by
no means exhausts the
significance
of her choice. She was from
early
times connected with
Hera, goddess
of
marriage
and mother of
Hebe, goddess
of
youth
and
youthful vigour;
she was from
early
times linked with the
Fates,
who
spin
out the
destiny
of men
given
them at their birth. The mention of these
connections,
and of the
special
functions of the
goddess,
normal in the invocation of a
divinity,
lead Pindar
straight
to what
is a
frequent topic
in his
poetry,
the varied destinies of
men;
this is to be a central theme
of the
present ode, serving
to link its
parts together.
Then follows the first mention of the
victor and his
triumph,
and from
here,
at the
beginning
of the
antistrophe (9 f.),
the
poet
moves to the
praise
of the victor's native island.
'For he lives in the
song-loving city
of the men of
Aegina
with their
clashing spears; they
are most
eager
to nurse a
spirit
that strives in contest.'
'Song-loving'
as an
epithet
of
Aegina
takes Pindar
straight
to a central theme of all his
poetry,
that of the
unique power
of
poetry
to
preserve
the
memory
of
great
deeds. 'And if a man
triumphs
in
action,
he
gives honey-sweet
occasion to the streams of the Muses. For
mighty
deeds of valour lie in
darkness if
they
lack
songs;
and in one
way only
we know of a mirror for noble
actions,
if
by
means of
Memory
with her
bright
veil
they
find a reward for labour in verses whose
singing brings
fame.'
116 Op.
cit. in n.
Io9, 39I
f.
117 See X on
I
a
quoted
on
p. I
16 of Drachmann's
third
volume,
I.
19:
ot &
qIaaot tpda;
xo~ivoya
roi5
ovyevov
nrapetKvaO6aat
zTiv
EMtlOvtav"
elvat
ydp
apt3v
royev
z"tva
6td
TdTd
r
yevvdlueva dvaO'cwctv- Tdv
ov
v
Hivdapov
vyvpevadcievov ;rp6k zoi'vopa zT7y EietOvlag
,uesatvicOat.
Paul Maas drew Schadewaldt's attention
to the
possibility
that
Eleithyia might
have been
recalled to Pindar
by
the victor's name
(Schadewaldt,
loc. cit., 297 = 39,
n. 2. He does not
quote
the
scholion. G.
Coppola, Introduzione
a
Pindaro,
p. 51,
who also takes this
view,
does
quote
it. The next
scholion
rejects
the idea on the
ground
that Pindar
plays
on names
only
when an actual
homonymy
exists,
as
atfr. 105.2
(CaOG&n6v
kpv
6pidpdvYIe)
orfr.
120.
1,
where Pindar alludes to the
homonymy
of Alexander
of Macedon and Alexander or
Paris,
son of Priam.
The
argument
is not a
good one;
note the
opening
of
Bacchylides
6:
Adciaw Atdk yeylarov Adixe qpgpzazov
To'ddeaa KdOg
. . . . Some doubt attaches to the
etymologies
of Amenas from alei
'tevewt
at
Pyth. 1.67
(cf. 1.64)
and of the Kronion from
XpdvoS
at
Ol.
I0.49
f. with which Pindar is credited
by J.
H.
Quincey,
Rh. lMus.
io6, 1963, 144-5
and
146 (in
support
of the
second, Quincey might
have
quoted
Pherecydes
of
Syros;
see M. L.
West, Early
Greek
Philosophy
and the
Orient, Io).
For other
etymologies
in
early poetry,
see
Pfeiffer,
SB Munich
1938, p. 9,
n. 2 and E. Fraenkel on
Aeschylus, Agamemnon
682.
F
130
HUGH
LLOYD-JONES
Now follow words that have been misunderstood even in recent times.'8 'Wise men
know when the third wind is
coming,
and avarice does not distort their
judgment.
Rich
and
poor
alike come to death's mark.' The third wind is the wind that will stir
up
the
third and most formidable of three successive
waves;
the same notion is in Plato's mind
when in a famous
passage
of his
Republicn9
he
compares
the
problems presented
to Socrates
by
the formidable task of
justifying
the communistic elements in his ideal state to three
successive
waves,
the last
being
the
greatest,
which he must stand
up
to. 'Wise men' in
Pindar often means
'poets',
but the wise men here are
clearly
not
poets; they
are men who
have done noble
deeds,
and are not
prevented by
avarice from
spending money
to ensure
that the
memory
of these deeds will live in
poetry.
Next Pindar
proceeds
to the most famous instance of fame conferred
by poetry.
'I believe
that the fame of
Odysseus
is more than what he suffered because of the sweet words of
Homer;
for
upon
his falsehoods and his
winged
art there lies a
majesty;
and skill
beguiles
us, deceiving
us with tales.' In this
passage
there is one word
missing;
and it would be
possible
to restore it in such a
way
that the falsehoods
upon
which there lies a
majesty
were
those told
by Odysseus
in the
Odyssey,
and not those of Homer. But the context shows
clearly
that this is
wrong.120
The Muses told Hesiod
(Theog. 27)
that
they
could tell lies
resembling
the
truth,
and also tell the truth when
they pleased.
Pindar claims
very
strongly
that he in his
poetry
tells the
truth;
but he does not claim that all
poets
do
so;
and
the
point
here is that
poetry
can confer fame even on those who do not deserve it.
The
thought
of the
deceptive power
of words and the
fallibility
of human
judgment
gives
the transition to the
praise
of
Ajax.
In all the
poems
Pindar wrote for
Aeginetans,
he
praises Aeacus,
son of Zeus and
Aegina
and his
descendants,
his sons Peleus and
Telamon,
his
grandsons,
Achilles and
Ajax,
and his
great-grandson Neoptolemus;
in this
ode, Ajax
and
Neoptolemus
are
praised.121
'The heart of most men is
blind;
for if it could have seen
the
truth, mighty Ajax
would
not,
in
anger
over the
arms,
have driven his smooth sword
through
his
heart-Ajax,
who after Achilles was
strongest
of those whom the escort of
Zephyrus'
breath
sped
in the swift
ships straight
to Ilus'
city
to
bring
back his wife to fair-
haired Menelaus.' In similar fashion Pindar in the
Eighth
Nemean
(24 f.)
mentions the
fate of
Ajax
as an instance of the
power
of
envy, passing
next to what is for him the kindred
topic
of deceit.
But in the Seventh Nemean the
praise
of
Ajax
is a kind of
parenthesis;
it does not divert
the
poet
from the motive of fame as a bulwark
against
oblivion. 'But the wave of Hades
comes
upon
us
all,
and falls
upon
the obscure and on the
famous;
and honour
belongs
to
those whose tender fame the
god
makes
grow
when
they
are dead.'
The
expression
'the wave of Hades' seems to take
up
the
metaphor
of 'the third wind'.
Just
as rich and
poor
alike
perish,
so do the famous and the
unknown;
the emendation in
118
E.g., by Thummer, op.
cit.
(in n. 40),
I
97,
n.
77.
The
right explanation
was
given by
G.
Fraccaroli,
Le ode di
Pindaro, 1894, 586;
0.
Schroeder, Sokrates,
I,
1913, 532 (cf.
his
Appendix of 1923, 522); by
A. Puech in his Bud6 text of
Pindar; by
H.
Friinkel
in his review of
Schadewaldt,
cited in
n.
34; by
G.
Meautis,
Pindare le
Dorien, 1962,
51i;
by
Carlo
Pavese, Quaderni
Urbinati
2, 1966,
Iogf.;
by
G. F.
Gianotti, op.
cit.
(in
n.
15), 388 f.; by Tugendhat,
op. cit., 401, n. 5; by
A.
Setti,
Studia Florentina A.
Ronconi
sexagenario oblata, 1969,
4I10-I;
by K6hnken,
op. cit., 44
with
n.
41.
There is no excuse whatever
for
anyone
who
gets
it
wrong; p. 468
of Slater's
Lexicon to Pindar
(1969)
contain several instances of
aoqnod
and
aoq'ia
in a
general
sense.
119
472 A.
Tptralov iveyov
here must mean 'the
third
wind',
not 'the third
day's
wind'. For this
sense of the
adjective,
see Barrett on
Euripides,
Hipp. 275;
the context shows that this is the sense
here.
120 In 1.22 a
syllable
is
missing;
most editions refer
oi to Homer
(see
E. des
Places, op.
cit. in n.
92,
1947,
3I;
and follow Hermann in
reading
YE6ve66l'
ot
noTavdt
<re>
yagavdt.
K6hnken
has
argued
for
Erasmus Schmid's
<ye>
in
preference
to<TSe>
since he
thinks the lies should be those of
Odysseus
and not
those of Homer.
121
Thummer's
belief that Pindar in this
poem
has
to
praise Neoptolemus
with
special emphasis
because
he is
only
a minor hero
(op. cit., I
94)
shows a total
failure to understand what the Aiakidai mean for
Pindar that I find
amazing.
I31
Snell's text which would substitute for 'the obscure and the famous' 'him who does not
and him who does
expect
it' has
nothing
to be said for
it.122
Honour
belongs
to those whose
fame the
god increases;
the
supernatural agent
is the
god,
without whose aid the human
agent,
the
poet,
could do
nothing.
Now comes what seems a sudden transition to the second hero descended from Aeacus
who is
praised
in the
poem, Neoptolemus,
son of Achilles. At the
beginning
the text is
uncertain;
I
give
a literal
rendering
of what is
printed
in Snell's edition: 'It was to
bring
help
that he came to the
mighty
navel of broad-breasted earth-and
Neoptolemus
lies in
the land of
Pytho-after
he had sacked Priam's
city,
over which the Greeks had laboured.
And when he sailed
away
he missed
Skyros,
but came to
Ephyra.
And he ruled
briefly
in
Molossia;
but the race ever honours him for that
royalty.122a
And he left to visit the
god,
bringing
treasures from the first-fruits of
Troy;
and there as he came
against
him in a battle
over meat a man thrust at him with a knife. And his
Delphian
hosts were
deeply grieved.
But he
paid
a debt to
fate;
for it was ordained that for the future there should be one of
the Aeacids in the ancient
grove, by
the
god's
house with its fine
wall,
and that he
should live there to see
justice
done at the
processions
for heroes with their
many
sacrifices.'
At this
point
we must consider what is said about
Neoptolemus
in what we have of the
Sixth Paean. The
passage
about him
(98 f.)
forms
part
of a
long
section in
praise
of
Apollo.
Apollo,
the
poet says, postponed
the fall of
Troy by killing Achilles; Apollo pitted
his
strength against
Hera and Athena. But even
Apollo
could not save
Troy,
since not even
Zeus overrules the decrees of
Fate;
the Achaeans sent for Achilles'
young son, Neoptolemus,
and he took the
city.
'But he never
again
saw his kind
mother,
nor the horses of the
Myrmidons
in his father's
fields,
as he
urged
on the bronze-helmed
throng.
He came to
the Molossian land near
Tomaros,
and did not
escape
the
winds,
nor the far-darter with the
broad
quiver.
For the
god
had
sworn
that because he had slain the
aged
Priam after he
had
leapt upon
the altar at the
hearth,
he should not come to his
loving home,
nor to old
age;
and he slew him as he
fought
with the attendants over the honours due to him in the
precinct
the
god
loves beside earth's broad navel.'
Is
Tugendhat (391) right
in
saying
that this is not a modification of what is said in the
Paean,
but a
significantly
different
story?
Let us
compare
the two. In the
Paean,
Neoptolemus
offends
Apollo by
the atrocious act of
killing
the
aged
Priam while he was a
suppliant
at the altar of Zeus which stood in the
courtyard
of the
palace.
In both
stories,
Neoptolemus
sails
away meaning
to reach
Thessaly
and is diverted to
Molossia, only
in the
Paean the
god
causes the winds to drive him off his course. In both
accounts, Neoptolemus
perishes
in a brawl with the
Delphians
over the division of sacrificial meats.
Only
it is
significant
that in the Paean
Apollo
himself is the
killer,123
in the
Epinikion
a
man;
Pindar
strongly
hints at the
story,
recorded as
early
as
Pherecydes
in the fifth
century,
that this was
the
Delphian
hero
Machaireus,
son of Daitas. The Paean
says nothing
about
Neoptolemus'
reason for
coming
to
Delphi,
but the scholia mention several reasons
given by
others. One
was that he
planned
to
plunder
the
temple,
another that he came to demand that the
god
pay
him an
indemnity
for
having
killed his father. The
epinikion says
that he came to
bring
the
god
an
offering
from the
Trojan booty.
It claims that the
Delphians
were
deeply
122 The
point
is well dealt with
by K6hnken, p.
66
(with
nn. 141-2).
For
meaning
'to be
celebrated',
cf. Sophocles,
O.
T.
I
191-2.
122a The word order indicates that
of
is
attributive,
not
ethic-possessive;
see Des
Places, op.
cit. in n.
92,
31-2.
123 At Paean
6.19
we must read
icrdvev:
see S. L.
Radt,
Pindars
Zweiter
und sechster
Paian, 1958, 169.
J.
Fontenrose
(op.
cit. in n.
I14, P. 223, n. 14),
sum-
marising Bundy's unpublished views, says
that this
passage
does not show that
Apollo
killed
Neoptolemus
'directly',
because the Seventh Nemean 'shows that
for
Apollo
a
temple
attendant was the killer'. But
even if we
grant
the
highly questionable proposition
that Pindar
always
believed in a
single
version of a
mythical
event and stuck to it
throughout
his
works,
it is
perfectly
clear that in the Paean Pindar made
Apollo responsible
for the hero's death.
132
HUGH
LLOYD-JONES
distressed about the
incident,
which is
certainly
not the
impression
one derives from the
account
given by Euripides
in his Andromache. It
explains
that it had to
happen,
so that
one of the Aeacids could remain
permanently
near the
temple
to
supervise religious
processions.
Unlike the
Paean,
the
epinikion
alludes to the claim of the
fifth-century kings
of Molossia to be descended from
Neoptolemus.
To sum
up,
there is
only
one difference of hard
fact,
but that is in the
all-important
matter of who killed
Neoptolemus.
The
story
in the Paean is what we would
expect
in a
poem
written in honour of
Apollo
for a
Delphic ceremony;
the
story
in the
epinikion
is
exactly
what we
might expect
the same
poet
to make of the same tradition in a
poem
written
in honour of an
Aeginetan
and for
performance
in
Aegina.
The second
story
is
wholly
consonant with the
theory
that it was introduced in order to remove offence caused
by
the
first. But so far we have found
nothing
in the
poem
that
obliges
us to believe
this;
and
we shall have to
go
further with our examination of the ode before we can decide the
question.
At the
beginning
of the section I have
just translated,
there is a difficult
problem
of
textual criticism and
interpretation.
I have
accepted
the emendation which makes the
poet say
that someone came to
Delphi bringing help.124
Who was that
person?
Pre-
sumably Neoptolemus;
but if
so,
there are two difficulties.
First,
the introduction of
Neoptolemus
is
strangely abrupt:
'it was to
bring help
that he came-and
Neoptolemus
lies
in
Delphi-after
he had taken
Troy'. Tugendhat argues
that we are not made to wait
long
for
elucidation;
but I find the sudden transition to
Neoptolemus
somewhat
disconcerting.
Secondly,
in what sense did
Neoptolemus
come to
Delphi 'bringing help'?
To
bring
offerings
to the
god
is
very oddly
described as
'bringing help';
the
phrase
would be
appro-
priate only
if
Delphi
had been on the
point
of
going bankrupt. Thirdly,
Snell's text
involves
taking
the words
Ev
HvOlKOiaO
.
.
.
KEicat
as
a
parenthesis,
which
though
not
impossible
is somewhat awkward.
The scholia contain the
reading
4/LoAov,
which
suggested
to Hermann the
reading
do'Aov.
Suppose
that
/goaOo6dv
is
right;
then the words will
mean,
'It was to
bring help
that I came
to
Delphi',
and
they
will refer to
Pindar.124a
To
bring help
to whom? The
preceding
sentence is 'Honour
belongs
to those whose tender fame the
god
increases when
they
are
dead'. The
god
does so
by causing poets
to
sing
their
praises;
and it
happens
that Pindar
more than once uses such terms as 'come to the
help
of' to describe his relation to the
patrons
whose
great
deeds he
protects against
oblivion. In the Thirteenth
Olympian (96 f.)
he
says,
'I have
gladly
come as an
ally
to the Muses on their
glorious
thrones and to the
Oligaithidai (his patron's family);
the word
irKovpos meaning 'ally',
is
also the
epithet
of
the road of words which in the First
Olympian (I
Io)
he claims to have discovered. In the
Ninth
Olympian (83)
he has come in
friendship
and
goodness
to aid the Isthmian
garlands
of
Lampromachos;
and in the
very
Sixth Paean
(Io-i I)
which has been
thought
relevant
to our
poem
he has come to
Delphi
to
protect
the citizens and his own honour
against
the
reproach
of
inability
to act.
This
interpretation
was
put
forward in
1967 by
Ellen
Wtist
and C. P.
Segal.
It makes
the
punctuation distinctly smoother;
but
if we
follow
them in
taking 7nrEc
as
temporal,
as
others have
always
taken
it,
KEiLat
L Will
go
ill in the
apodosis
to a
temporal
clause with
aorist verb.
Suppose
we take
dIEL
as causal. Then the
following
words will mean,
'And
Neoptolemus
lies in the land of
Pytho,
since he took
Troy
.
.
. and on his
way
back
missed
Skyros,
but came to
Ephyra'.
After the causal
rdTe,
we should
expect
the
explanation
of how he came to
Delphi
to follow
soon; but the
poet
launches into an account
124 Farnell
placed
a full
stop
after the words
TtIdi
69
yIveTat
Itv
6Oed dflpdv avi et o'yov teOvaKo'Tov,
and
changed floaOodov
to
floa6Oo6v.
Snell reads
floaOoCv
rot napd tityav dO/qpaAv
,
eVpvKdO'hoOV
td16Av
ZOovdg--ev
HvOiotCrt 6d
6ard6ot;
KETat-HptCidov
dro2tv
Neo=A'r6ezo;
i'rei 7rpcOev, ...
124a Fraccaroli
(op.
cit. in n.
118, p. 588,
n.
2)
read
,O')6ov
and took it as
referring
to
Pindar;
see his note.
I33
of
Neoptolemus' travels,
and when he
finally
comes to
explain
how he
got
to
Delphi,
the
d~EnE
clause has been
abandoned.125
The causal TrTE' introduces not
simply
the statement that
Neoptolemus
took
Troy,
but
the whole
explanation
of how he came to
Delphi.
If this
interpretation
is
correct,
the
problem
of whether the ancient commentators were
right
in
thinking
Pindar wished to
justify
himself to the
Aeginetans
because of the
paean
is
solved,
for the occasion on which Pindar came to
Delphi
to
bring help
to
Neoptolemus
in the sense of
helping
to
preserve
his fame can refer
only
to the occasion of the
paean's
performance.126
But even without this
argument
I believe that the
necessity
of
supposing
there to be a reference to the
paean
can be established.
Now follows a difficult
passage,
taken
by
Wilamowitz and Schadewaldt to be
part
of
Pindar's self-defence. 'For
justice,
whose name is
beautiful,
three words will be
enough.
The witness is not
false, Aegina,
who stands over
your
achievements and those of the
descendants of Zeus. I make bold to
say it, moving along
a road of words that is
my own,
with
power
in
respect
of
shining
deeds of
glory.' My rendering
of the last sentence needs
a
good
deal of
justification.
When Pindar
says,
'For
justice ...,
three words will be
enough',
there is no use in
trying
to work out what the three words
are;
in Greek
'three',
like our
expression
'two or
three',
can
simply
mean 'a few'.
People
who have believed that the Seventh Nemean cannot be
explained
without reference to the Sixth Paean have assumed that when Pindar
says
that
three words will be
enough
for
justice,
he must mean that three words will be
enough
to
justify
him
against
the
charges resulting
from the Paean. In the lines that
follow,
Pindar
undoubtedly
has his own art in mind. That becomes clear once we raise the
question
of
who is the witness to the achievements of
Aegina
mentioned in the next sentence. Is the
witness
Apollo,
or is it
Neoptolemus,
or is it Pindar? The
presence
of
Neoptolemus
at
Delphi
does not make it easier for
Apollo,
or for
Neoptolemus himself,
to bear witness to the
achievements of the
Aeginetans.
But Pindar does bear witness to their
achievements;
and
in several
passages
he
speaks
of his relation to those he
praises
in these terms or others
very
like them. At the
beginning
of the Fourth
Olympian,
the Seasons have sent him to be
witness of
supreme achievements, by
which he means those of the victors in the
Olympic
Games;
in the Second Partheneion
(38 f.),
the leader of the chorus claims to be a faithful
witness of the
good
deeds of
Agasikles.
In the Fourth Isthmian
(28),
'testimonies of the
measureless
glory
of men dead or alive' must refer to
poetry;
and in the Sixth
Olympian (20),
Pindar declares that he will bear witness
upon
oath to the admirable
qualities
of
Agesias.
The witness is
surely Pindar;127
and when Pindar claims that three words will be
enough
for
justice,
he is
vindicating
his own
poetic
honour.
Before
going
back to
1.48,
let us consider the difficult sentence
beginning
in
1.50o.
Opaio5o
~o
-d' Etr
E must,
I
think, mean,
'I make bold to
say
this'.
I do not think that the
'road of words' can be the
predicate
of the indirect
statement;
the
pronoun
'this' would
then be obscure. Can the words
mean,
'I make bold to
say this,
that I have at home a
road of words .. .'? The absence of the infinitive of the verb to be seems to me to make
against
this view. I have underlined the
possibility
that the words
d88v Aoywv
are an
internal accusative
depending
on the verb
ElrrEv,
so that the sense is,
'I make bold to
say
125 'Die Griechen
gebrauchen ine(
sehr
hdiufig
auch
da,
wo der
grundangebende
Satz nicht einen
untergeordneten
Teil des
Hauptsatzes bildet,
sondern
vielmehr die
Geltung
eines mit
ydp beigeordneten
Hauptsatzes hat,
in
welchem Falle im Deutschen
durch denn
iibersetzt
wird': Kiihner-Gerth
ii
461.
So no one need find it odd that a sentence whose
main verb
is
KE~trat
is followed by
an E'Mi clause
whose main verb is aorist. Cf. 01.
6.27;
at
Ol.
1.26
the
misunderstanding
of a causal
neli
as
temporal
led to ludicrous results
(see J.
Th.
Kakridis,
Hermes
63,
1928, 475
= Calder and
Stern, op.
cit.
(in
n.
28),
188 f. =
MeAE'TEg Kai
KipOpa, 1971,
66
f.,
for the
right
interpretation).
126
It is
strange
that Thummer
(I 96,
n.
72)
has
not seen
this, although
he too reads
foaOo~ov
...
,Auov.
127 See
Tugendhat 395,
with n. i.
134
HUGH
LLOYD-JONES
this
(moving along),
a road of words
..
.'.128
But I think it likelier that Wilamowitz and
Schadewaldt are
right
in
emending do&v
Kvplav
to
o809s
Kvpla.
Whatever the exact
syntax,
the
general
sense is
clear;
in
speaking
of a 'road of words
from home that has
power
in
respect
of
shining
deeds of
glory',
Pindar is
speaking
of his own
poetic
art.
The notion of the road or
path
of
poetry
is not rare in Pindar. In the first
Olympian (I Io),
he
says
that he will find a
helping
road of words to
praise Hieron;
that is the most relevant
of
many
similar
expressions.
For the notion of a road of words that is valid in
respect
of
glorious deeds,
we
may
recall the
opening
words of the
parodos
of
Aeschylus' Agamemnon
(104 f.),
where the old men who form the chorus declare that
they
have
power
to
sing
of
the
expedition
to
Troy because, aged
as
they are, they
still
possess
the
gift
of
song. otKoOEV
means that Pindar does not
depend
on
others,
but relies on his own
gift,
his own 'fountain
of immortal verses'
(Pyth. IV, end).
In this
place
Pindar is
vindicating
his own
poetic
art. Does it follow that when he
says
that
three words will suffice for
justice
he means that three words will suffice to do him
justice?
Immediately before,
he has been
speaking
of
Neoptolemus;
so that it is
only
natural for the
hearer to
suppose
that the sense
is,
'Three words will suffice to do
justice
to
Neoptolemus'.
It is
quite
natural for Pindar then to
go
on to
emphasise
his own
truthfulness;
three
words,
spoken by
one as truthful as
himself,
will be sufficient. Pindar has
praised Neoptolemus,
and
if he then
goes
on to
say
'Three words will be
enough
for
justice',
it is
perfectly possible
that he
simply means,
'A few words will be
enough
to do
justice
to so
great
a hero'. In that
case,
there
is no need to
imagine any
reference to the
complaint provoked by
the Sixth Paean. Taken
by
themselves,
and taken
independently
of
my explanation
of the words 'to
bring help'
in
1.33,
the words do not
prove
the existence of such a reference. But if I am
right
in
thinking
that
at
1.33
Pindar has insisted that he came to
Delphi
on an earlier occasion to
bring help
to
Neoptolemus, meaning
that he came to
praise him,
then I find it hard not to take
1.48
as a
reference to the
complaints,
and to
suppose
that the
poet's
insistence on his own
truthfulness,
normal as it is in an
epinician ode,
has in this
place
a
special appropriateness.
Here Pindar
passes
from the
topic by
means of a transitional formula of a common
type;
one tires of
everything,
even of
honey
and of
making
love. 'But in
every
action rest is
delightful;
we
grow
tired even of
honey
and of the
pleasant
flowers of
Aphrodite.'
When the
poet passes
to the familiar statement that different men have different
fates,
he does so because it will serve him as a foil to the
praise
of the victor's father that will
follow. But the choice as foil of this
particular commonplace
of
gnomic
wisdom is
specially
appropriate
in a
poem
which has
begun
with the invocation of
Eleithyia,
who sits beside the
Fates,
and which has
gone
on from that
beginning
to mention the
diversity
of human
fortunes.
'By
nature we differ from each other in our
lives;
one man has one
lot,
one
another;
and for one man to win
success, gathering up
all manner of
good fortune,
is im-
possible;
I do not know of one to whom Fate has
granted
in
permanence
this consummation.
But to
you, Thearion,
she
gives
a
fitting
moment of
happiness; you
have found the
courage
to do
great things,
and she has not harmed
your judgment'. Though
Thearion has found
courage
to achieve
triumph,
he has resisted the
temptation
to commit
hybris;
he is not one
of those whose wits have been taken
away by
Ate so that he has committed acts of
folly.
'I am
your friend',
the
poem continues, 'keeping
off dark
reproach,
as
though by
bringing
streams of water to the man I honour I shall
praise
true
glory;
and for the noble
this reward is
fitting' (6 i f.).
The ceremonial salutation of the victor as a friend is
128
Frl. Wuist (op.
cit. in n.
I15, 146)
seems to
incline to this view.
Although
I know of no
closely
similar sentence
involving
a verb of
saying
with an
expression
like
d66v
3odycov
as an internal
accusative,
I do not find the construction
impossible.
But see
Wilamowitz (ap.
Calder and
Stern, op. cit.
in n.
28,
p. 138;
cf.
Pindaros, 1922, p. 163,
n.
i)
and Schade-
waldt
(op.
cit. in n.
28, 313
=
55); cf. O. Becker,
'Das Bild des
Weges', Hermes Einzelschrift 4, 1937,
74
f.
135
paralleled,
for
instance,
in the Third Nemean
(76)
and in the Second
Isthmian
(end).
Keeping
off
reproach
is as much
part
of the
poet's
task as
praising
the
victor;
here the end
of the Second
Pythian supplies
the best
parallel.
'When he is near the Achaean who lives above the Ionian Sea shall find no fault with
me;
I trust in his
friendship;
and
among my
fellow-citizens
my glance
is clear. I do not
overstep
the
mark,
but draw out of
my path
all violence.
May
future time as it comes on
be
kind;
and men shall learn whether I
speak
crooked words out of tune.'
Who is the Achaean
living
above the
Ionian
Sea? The
immediately following
reference to Pindar's
fellow-citizens, suggests
that we have here a
polar expression
of a
familiar
type; wanting
to
say,
'no one at all will blame
me',
the
poet
first
says
that no one
living very
far
away
will blame
him,
and then that no one
living very
near will do so. The
earlier mention of the claim of the
fifth-century
Molossian
kings
to be descended from
Neoptolemus
has
encouraged
the ancient
commentator,
and also most modern
scholars,
to
think that
by
'the Achaean' Pindar means a
Molossian,
whose
approval
would
help
to
vindicate the
poet
from the
suspicion
of
having maligned
his
king's
ancestor. It would be
natural to assume that the words
'lovla
iirr7p A)gS,
in the mouth of a
poet writing
in
Thebes,
or in
Aegina,
referred to the inhabitants of
Sicily
or
Magna Graecia;
but since
Dissen commentators have cited
passages
from historians and
geographers
to show that
people living
on the coast bordered
by
a
particular
sea
may
be said to live not indeed
beyond,
but above the sea in
question.
The Molossians-like the inhabitants of Pallene-
may
well have laid stress on their claim to be descended from the Achaeans who took
Troy,
and it seems a shade likelier that
they
are meant than that 'Achaean' is
being
used in the
general
sense of 'Greek' and that the Greeks of
Magna
Graecia are the
persons
referred
to.'29 But the deduction that Pindar was the
proxenos,
in the technical
sense,
of the
Molossians in Thebes is
quite
unwarranted.12c" rpo~Evla
can
very
well mean
'friendship',
as
at 01.
9,83
and Parth.
2,31 (cf.
rrpd'Evo&
at
Isthm.
4.8
and see
Aeschylus, Suppl. 420
and
Sophocles,
El.
1451),
and that is
likely
to be the sense here also.
Pindar has come to
Delphi
to defend
Neoptolemos' fame;
he is
keeping
off
reproach
and
is
praising
a victor who
truly
deserves
praise;
no one in the future-and the future is the best
judge
of
truth130--will
be able to
say
that he has
spoken
crooked words. All this could be
said without a reference to the Sixth
Paean;
but if that
poem
could be shown to have been
in his
mind,
what he
says
here would take on an added
significance.
With an
apology
for his
delay
in
doing so,
Pindar now comes to the
praise
of the
young
Sogenes.
That section of the
poem (71-131)
is not relevant to
my present purpose.
But
we must consider
11.Io2
f., where
following
a
prayer
for
Sogenes' prosperity
we find the
words,
'But
my
heart will never
say
that I have
savaged Neoptolemus
with ruthless
words.x3a
To
repeat
the same
things
three or four times is
futility,
as when someone
idly
barks at
children "Corinth of Zeus".'
129
See Z
on 95a (Drachmann,
vol.
iii,
I29);
Erasmus Schmid translated
'Ionium supra
mare
habitans'.
Heyne
differed: 'illum dixit Achivum e
Sicilia et
Italia,
si
adesset',
and also
recognised
the
polar expression:
'nemo
nec
in
propinquis
nec in remotis
terris habitantium:
pro
his memorat Siculos et Italos'.
Dissen
(first
in Boeckh's
edition, II, ii, p. 430,
and
later in his
own) argued
that
places
on mountains
near a sea can be said to be 'above' that
sea;
he
quoted Strabo 324,
vtpKetrat
L
TroV5roU
iv
toig
KdOtnov
Ki)vpog
7
'rpdTepov 'EQipa
ndAg
OeartpwT6v-
Tro 65
Kara
BovOpwzdv
7
Kiq
'OtvlK
Y9. yy
~
6'
tzg
KteZ0pov
no0l(Xvtov BovXrCtov
KaaEownalwv
/ItLKpdv n8p
tr~g
Oadrzzc;
6'v . . . :
326
dvay~-ietcata
6d To&rotg rd
'IAAvptKa
gov Zrd LpdWq TO voTOL)t CtEpet Tg) dpetvfgq
Kat
rtl vp
toi5 'Ioviov
KdOOv'
rg
ydp
"'Entu vov
Ka
r4g 'AnoAAwviag
Sdy~pt
dTov
Kepavvlwv
Sn~epOKOat
Bv),love;
K. Cf.
Thucydides I, 46. 4 (of Chimerium)
gatt
6. )'L/LVY
Kai
drtgV6 rtp a'TOV KaSCILat
. . .
'Epqp.
Against
these we
may
consider the
many places
where
vindp
with a word for 'sea' means
'beyond
the
sea',
as at Od.
13, 256-7
wvvOavodzrlv
'IOadK7g
ye
Kat ev
KprjtrS eSperlt Ip. Tooi0
d
Vp o'dvrov.
The latter is the
commoner
usage.
129a Even Thummer
(I 97, n.82)
allows a
personal
allusion
here, wrongly.
130
Cf.Ol.I, 33; io, 54;fr. 159.
131
Td%
d' ~Iv
o
O noTe
pcidaet
Kap
drzpdnotat
NeoOrdoe)uov AKV'aat
c
eosa.
136
HUGH
LLOYD-JONES
I am concerned not with the obscure but in this context
obviously
relevant
proverb
at
the
end,
but with the sentence that
precedes
it. Slater claims that it means
'My
heart will
declare that it has not
injured Neoptolemos
with intractable
words';
and he
explains
that
this
really means,
'I claim that I have
praised Neoptolemos
with
fitting
words'. If
anyone
supposes
that Pindar can
really
have meant
this,
let him consider Slater's
attempt
at
translation. It
unjustifiably
waters down the sense
of
JAKKrat,
which as almost
everyone
since
antiquity
till now has realised is in this
place
a
metaphor
taken from the
'worrying'
or
'dragging
about' of a
body by dogs;
the use of the word to mean this is familiar from the
Iliad.133
The basic
meaning
of
aporos~34
is 'not to be turned
aside',
and hence 'ruthless' or
'remorseless';
it is familiar as the name of one of the Fates.
ov
7TO-E
goes
with
dacrTE,
not with
hAKv'uat.
Every
translator has seen all this
except Slater,
who in his violent
attempt
to fit
the text to the Procrustean bed of his
dogma
has done to Pindar's words
just
what Pindar
is
denying
that he has done to
Neoptolemus.
If we take the words in their natural
sense,
we must admit that Pindar is
denying having
attacked
Neoptolemus;
and we can
hardly help accepting
the
explanation
that the Sixth
Paean had
given
offence in
Aegina,
so that Pindar had to defend it.
Tugendhat
after a
careful and
scrupulous
discussion concluded that this was the
only
sentence in the
poem
that forces us to
accept
this
explanation.135
But as he
says
when we look back over the
poem
we see other
passages
in a somewhat
different
light;
otherwise the
poet's
denial that he has
savaged Neoptolemus
would come
abruptly
and almost
unintelligibly,
in this
place. Following
Frl. Wust and
Segal,
I have
argued
that at
1.33
Pindar claims to have
gone
to
Delphi
to
bring help
to
Neoptolemos.
In the
light
of
11.I02-4,
this
surely
refers to his
having gone
there on the occasion of the
performance
of the Paean. If that is
right,
it will be natural to take the words about
justice
and the
poet's
truthfulness at
1.48
f. in the
light
of this earlier reference. But even if
my
view
of
1.33
f. is not
accepted,
it will not be
easy
to avoid
taking 1.48
f.
in the
light
of the
poet's
denial at 102 f. that he has attacked
Neoptolemus.
Pindar has
skilfully
contrived to
make amends for the
alleged slight
to
Neoptolemus
within the framework of an
epinician
ode which conforms to the normal
pattern
and in no
way
lacks
unity.
The Sixth
Paean, containing
as it
does,
for whatever
reason,
the
praises
of
Aegina,
must
have been known on that
island;
and it would not be
surprising
if its
presentation
of
Neoptolemus
as a
savage killer,
true as it was to the standard version of the
cyclic epics,
angered
the
Aeginetans.
It is true that in
early
times the violent and
savage
actions of
heroes did
nothing
to diminish their heroic
status,
or their
right
to be
venerated.'13 Ajax
the son of
Oileus,
whose
rape
of Cassandra was a main cause of the storm which scattered
the Achaean fleet as it sailed home from
Troy,
received heroic honours in his native state
of
Locri;137
the
chequered
careers of
Oedipus
and
Eurystheus
do not diminish their
right
to
worship
after
death, according
to
Sophocles
and
Euripides.
Yet as
early
as the archaic
age
we discern the
tendency
to censor stories about heroes in
places
where
they
received
worship,
just
as we discern the
tendency
to censor stories about
gods.
In Attic
tragedy
Theseus
132
Op. cit., 92 f.
133
11.22.33
ag
U~Vd
Kv6Sg
0'
OlCovo0
j
I2KrjOVa'
dCioKg; cf. 17,557-8; just
so Heracles
says
he will
throw the head of
Lycus
to be
KWVOV
A
KIua (Euri-
pides,
Heracles
568; cf.
Herodotus
I, 140, Plato, Rep.
539 B,
Theocritus
1, 135.
X on
150
A
(Drachmann iii,
p. 137, 12) says
rd 6~
i2Kv'aat dvmT
ro I~
vflpiacat.
6
ierzaqopd dird
r
3v KVVV riV iKd'COV
rd
CTaUOara.
134
On
&dponog,
see H.
Friinkel,
art. cit.
(in
n.
io9),
385;
cf.
Tugendhat 404.
135
Slater's treatment of the
passage
is criticised
by Fogelmark, op.
cit.
(in
n.
115),
10o4
f.
In
dealing
with Slater's
complaint
that it is odd that Pindar
should defend 'a
supposed
insult in a Paean com-
missioned for
Delphians
in
Delphi against protests
by Aeginetans', Fogelmark might
have mentioned
that,
since the Paean in
question
contains a
long
section in
praise
of
Aegina,
it would be
very
odd
indeed if it was not known of in that island.
136
On the
gradual process through
which heroes
came to be credited with moral
qualities,
see
Angelo
Brelich,
Gli eroi
greci:
un
problema storico-religioso,
1958, especially p. 225 f.
137 X on
01.9, i66.
See L. R.
Farnell,
Greek Hero
Cults and Ideas
of Immortality, 1921, 293
f.
137
appears
as a character of blameless
virtue;
it is hard to
recognise
in the
pattern
constitutional
monarch of
Euripides' Suppliants
the
betrayer
of Ariadne or the abductor of Helen and
would-be abductor of
Persephone.
Some of the victims of Theseus were
not,
in the
traditions of their own
cities,
the
brigands
and monsters
they appear
in Attic
legend.
Kerkyon,
Sinis and Skeiron were all half-brothers of
Theseus, being
sons of
Poseidon;
the
last two were also his relations on the maternal side. In the tradition of his native
Megara
Skeiron is a
highly respected person,
a
suppressor
of
brigandage.
He married
Chariklo,
daughter
of
Kychreus,
an honoured
figure
in Corinthian as well as
Megarian legend;
their
daughter,
Endeis,
married no less a hero than
Aeacus,
and became
by
him mother of
Telamon and Peleus.
Megarian historians,
Plutarch
says,
defended
Skeiron, 'coming
to
grips
with the
tradition,
as Simonides
put it,
and
"fighting against
time immemorial"
'.138
Had
any poet
written
disrespectfully
of Skeiron at
Megara,
there would have been com-
plaints.
Pindar's retraction of insult to
Neoptolemus
has a
precedent
in the famous case
of the
palinode,
or rather
palinodes,
of Stesichorus addressed to Helen. It has been
surmised that Stesichorus had to recant because he had
displeased
the
Spartans,
for whom
Helen was the centre of an
important
cult.'39
Pindar was
writing
not
long
after the
Aeginetans,
asked
by
the Thebans for
help
in
battle,
had lent them the statues of the
Aiakidai. On that occasion the Aiakidai were not
successful;
but at Salamis
they
were
carried round the
fleet,
and the Greeks were
encouraged by
the
thought
of
fighting
on the
territory
of the
greatest
warrior heroes of their
mythology.140
There is no doubt that in
Pindar's time hero cult was an
important
factor in
religion,
and
consequently
in
politics;
and
it followed that the treatment of cult heroes
by poets
was matter of
legitimate public
interest.
Just
as Pindar
rejects
certain discreditable stories about the
gods,
so he is
jealous
of the
honour of certain heroes.
Obliged,
in the Fifth
Nemean,
to touch on the
departure
from
Aegina
of Peleus and
Telamon,
he treads
delicately
when he comes to their murder of their
half-brother
Phocus,
son of Aeacus
by
the Nereid Psamatheia. Pindar
might, indeed,
have
avoided the
story altogether; still,
his caution will have shown his
patrons
his care for the
reputation
of their ancestors. In the Third Nemean he
dextrously
avoids the
story
that
the
young
Achilles fed
upon
live animals which he had
captured,
and also the
legend
that
Peleus led his
army
into
Iolkos through gates
each of which had
upon
it half of
Hippolyte,
wife of
Akastos,
who had
plotted against
his life for
having rejected
her
advances.141
In the
Thirteenth
Olympian,
he
prefers
not to describe the end of
Bellerophon;
in the Seventh
Olympian,
he skirts the
topic
of those
early
Rhodians of doubtful
reputation,
the Telchines.
Here, surely,
is a
point
at which the
poetic
world of Pindar shared a frontier with the world
of
contemporary reality.142
Christ
Church, Oxford
HUGH
LLOYD-JONES
138
O'
Meyap1dev arvypaQpEig
6'dae r4e
QT)jtC'
fla6itovTrg Kat
'ot
no-W
O t
,CO'VOL
KaaT
LXtcowvirv,
nroAteoi5Lve
ogi
e
tpparjv
oi're
A)rTaxv
yeyovtvat
XTv
LK
pwvma caodtv, d d urltoc-v UEv KolaaOTiJv, dyaOJ3v 6
Kat
V aKa0V&
Ka KeoV O1V6p~pV
Ka'
Qpitov
Vit. Thes. io.
The
growth
of the Theseus
saga
has been traced
by
H.
Herter,
RL. Mus.
85, 1936, 177f.
and
193
f. and
88,
1939, 244
f. and
289
f.
139 See C. M.
Bowra,
Greek
Lyric Poetry,
2nd.
edn.,
1961, 1Io
f.
140
See Herodotus
5,79
f. and
8,64
and
83-4.
Theseus,
like the hero Echetlos or
Echetlaios,
fought
at Marathon
(Plutarch,
Vit.
Thesei 35;
Pausanias
I, 32,4).
See
Brelich, op.
cit.
(n. 28), 91;
Rohde, Psyche (English version) 136
f.
141
Nem.
5.I3 f.;
Nem.
3.34; ib., 45
f. See D. S.
Robertson's article 'The Food of
Achilles',
Cl. Rev.
54, 1940, especially pp. 178 f.;
more instances are
given by
M. C. van der
Kolf, Quaeritur quomodo
Pindarus
fabulas
tractaverit
quidque
in eis
mutarit, 1933,
also
by
C. M.
Bowra, Pindar, 1964,
ch. 2.
142
Much of the material included in this article
formed
part
of lectures which I had the
privilege
of
delivering
as Alexander White
Visiting
Professor in
the Humanities at the
University
of
Chicago
in the
Fall Term
of 1972. I
profited greatly
from
discussing
the
problems
in
question
with Professor Anne
Burnett: and I have been
greatly encouraged by
learning
that Professor
Mary Lefkowitz,
in a
chapter
of a
forthcoming
book which she
kindly permitted
me to
read,
has
concluded, independently
of
me,
that
the
generally
held view that the end of the Second
Pythian
Ode contains a defence of the
poet against
slanderers is to be
rejected. [Cf.
now E.
Thummer,
Rh. Mus.
I
15, 1972, 293
f.]

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