DA COL, Giovanni. On Topology, Ethnographic Theory, and The Method of Wonder PDF

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Strathern, Marilyn. 2013. Learning to see in Melanesia. Masterclass Series 2.
Manchester: HAU Society for Ethnographic Theory.

St rat hern bot t l e
On t opol ogy, et hnographi c t heory,
and t he met hod of wonder


Giovanni DA COL
University of Cambridge, University of Bergen



In effect, Funes not only remembered every leaf on every tree of every wood, but
even every one of the times he had perceived or imagined it. . . . He was, let us
not forget, almost incapable of general, platonic ideas. It was not only difficult for
him to understand that the generic term DOG embraced so many unlike specimens
of differing sizes and different forms; he was disturbed by the fact that a dog at
three-fourteen (seen in profile) should have the same name as the dog at three-
fifteen (seen from the front).
Jorge Luis Borges, Funes the Memorious


The Melanesian world is one where people constantly take themselves by surprise.
Marilyn Strathern, Artifacts in history

Umberto Eco (1992: 50) once called excess of wonder that
perceptual regime which overestimates the importance of coinci-
dences and relentlessly traces relations between signs. The Hermetic
tradition and the doctrine of signatures in the Renaissance were,
perhaps, the most notorious examples of this way of seeing. That was
an age where everything could be (and often was) connected to
anything else by either resemblance or contiguity; occult parenthood
and analogic kinship, for example, allowed a malleable system of
equivalences and transitivity where connections, rather than being
severed, were augmented and magnified. The exterior hailed the
interior: clouds mirrored ponds and rivulets of rains encompassed a
Giovanni DA COL


viii
circulatory system. The form would contain the function: the plant
orchis was named after its two spheroid bulbs, resembling testicles,
and its properties could affect the reproductive apparatus. This was a
putative universe where function, embedded in morphology, was
ready to be revealed to the trained eye, a cosmos where Hermes ruled
on a multiplicity of hidden Gestalten and signata as the god of
knowledge, yet also of trickery. It is not by chance that the
mnemotechniques of that age were drawn on imagined canvases or
erected in arenas where scale-free relations of disproportional analogy
were traceda metafisica fantasticata which Giulio Camillo, for
example, employed to generate a Theater of Memory, an imagistic
synecdoche which beautifully, albeit frenetically, contained and
replicated on a human scale a larger cosmological model (here Ernst
Cassirer or Frances Yates could speak with eloquence to our own
cosmological and ontological turns and movements). Thus it is not
surprising that Eco (1988) also mused wittingly that an ars
oblivionalisa technology of forgettingcould not be developed
semiotically through homology and connotation, but only by
multiplication: one would forget not on account of defects of
semiosis, but excesses of synonyms and relations. What, then,
happens when an ant can stand for Providence by hieroglyphic
resemblance, when analogy, contiguity, and homology may be
potentially extended ad infinitum and distinctions of this flow of
similarities are not drawn properly? Setting aside a timely reflection
on the cropping up of academic humbugs and potentially new Sokal
affairs (threatening to befall upon us at any moment) one could ask:
what happens when knowledge is not produced or consumed
properly? Perhaps the flow of vital resemblances would then turn into
poison, knowledge into paranoia. After all, is not the paranoid the
one who sees associations everywhere, or to put it betterthe one who
does not know any opacity of mind, a master in discerning an occult
relationship where others would only infer the work of so-called
magic?
Notably, in 1977, Roy Wagner commenced his seminal article on
analogic kinship with a daring axiom recalling the Hermetic
perceptual regime: let us begin with the proposition that all human
relationships are analogous to one another (1977: 623). The domain
glossed as kinship would then be nothing else but the crucial human
capacity for differentiation, for creatively channelling or severing this
STRATHERN BOTTLE

ix
flow of vital analogies. Indeed, kinship could be defined as the act of
creatively joining or cutting the flows deemed to be innate in a
society. What the lectures you are about to read show is Marilyn
Stratherns masterful strategy of performing another creative trick:
revealing the human flow of relationships by wonder. The trick,
however, is that Strathern is being isomorphic to her own object of
study, since what makes a theory ethnographic is the art of mimesis
in methods for knowing the Other, where the observer imitates an
agent of study and is recursively affected by the process. The outcome
that such a negative strategyto use Stratherns (1990b) own
expression---aims to produce by juxtaposing images and perspectives
is dazzlingly analogic to the Melanesian perceptual regime itself: it
unfolds through surprise. This is ethnographic theory as its best.
Take the event, a category with a long and distinctive pedigree in
anthropology. One could, for example, take an event as a chancy
occurrence to be explained in a historical (or mythopractical context).
Alternatively, one could consider an event as an image, an
(ethnographic) effect, and reflect on what it conceals and contains.
Each image-event could then appear as a succession of forms and
displacements, a series of substitutions (and performances) where
time is not chronological but organic, since an image is capable to
presentify past and future at once. And since performance is dual,
one needs another perspective and gaze to be capable to see what an
image-event contains and cut the analogical flows of the happenings
which could be imaginatively associated. A good witness, then, would
be a master of cutting and extractingand seeing, a by-product of an
extractive economy, since images are reified and produced in order to
be consumed. Still, one can consume an event and all relationships
embedded within it only by seeing things properly. The trick,
though, is that a sender / producer can make an image to be seen
properly only by eliciting in a recipient / consumer a particular level
of attention. In other words, by wearing a mask or depicting oneself,
one wants to elicit a specific response by an ideal observer, and one
does this by catching the observer by surprise, by making him
wonder.
1
Gavagai! shouts the native to Quines (1960) puzzled
imaginary ethnographer when a rabbit runs through the grass,

1. I here refer readers to Copeman and Street (in press) where the idiom of
surprise in the work of Marilyn Strathern is expounded brilliantly.
Giovanni DA COL


x
pointing the ethnographers attention to an image that can be
extracted as either a substance [Yet which? Rabbit? Grass?] or an
event. See me properly! thinks the Hagener. What comes after is
best described by Strathern in her own words. What the
ethnographerand the Hagenerdraw upon is:
an emotional pause, a sense of amazement or surprise, a small
shock, disappointment or even a sensation of self-dislike, but in
any event an unexpected openness of sensibility. It is that
openness of sensibility that often creates the conditions of
cathexis, that is, of how the subject (the fieldworker) connects
with or identifies withrecognisesan issue or concern of
significance. So it suddenly seems that this [issue or concern] is a
key to everything elseif this could be resolved or understood
then others things would fall into place too! (Strathern 2010: 80)
Or elsewhere, in one of her seminal methodological pieces:
But the point is that the development of the idea cannot simply
be attributed to the nature of the societies being studied. They
cannot be the only source of the metaphoric power of the images,
that is why certain associations appear essential, intrinsic, why it
would be unthinkable not to consider the kula a species of gift
exchange. That sense of having uncovered what is distinctive
about a particular region lies also in the manner in which
anthropological ideas are organized. I suggest that instances of
cathexis are created at moments when the invention of concepts
in local ethnographic contexts re-arranges conceived notions, thus
bouncing back off the assumptions which inform metropolitan
theory. Very often this takes the form of a negation or inversion
of a relationship between familiar terms. As we know, Mauss
original impetus was a critique of utilitarian morality. Such
invention simultaneously makes re-arrangement possible by
creating an externalizing referent: the new ideas are seen to have
their source elsewhere, embedded in a context intrinsic to them.
(Strathern 1990b: 205, emphasis added)
The candid lectures that follow illustrate (with the help of beautiful
images, yet within the limitations of the written word) the Melanesian
extractive economy of wonder. We should not be jolted that Strathern
decided to employ wonder as method. Wonder is not another
example of gobbledygook like affective entanglements or other
uncanny or unformed objects spawned by the Postmodernism
Generator; rather, it upholds quite a distinctive and vibrant intellectual
tradition. (Indeed, Lorraine Daston and Katherine Parks Wonders
STRATHERN BOTTLE

xi
and the order of nature, 11501750 would be a nice companion to
this Masterclass.) On its own merit, the term could be a subject of
investigation like mana or soul: wonder (Fr. ladmiration) was a
passion eventually disposed of by Rene Descartes (1649), who, like
Eco, was afraid of its excess (lestonnement). Yet famed is the Platonic
observation that philosophy is grounded in wonder (thaumazein).
Jacques Le Goffs (1985) brilliant analysis of the medieval
imagination shows how mirabiliathe marvelousin time became
an analytical category that the Christian orthodoxy employed to tame
and contain the unpredictable and alien, along with another
containing strategy named aestheticization. Or, consider Francis
Bacon, who called for a substantial and severe collection of the
heteroclites or irregulars of Nature, well examined and described
(1605: II, 1.3), an intimation saluted by the Wunderkammer, the
Stranger-cabinet which emerged in the mid-sixteenth century to
contain and relate the most wondrous of all objects.
Thus where many have found difficulty in ascertaining the tenor or
intent of Marilyn Stratherns writing in masterpieces like The gender
of the gift (1988) or Partial connections (1991), most have also missed
this strategy of the wondrous, which aims to re-produce that
isomorphism that happens in dances or other aesthetic
performances: that moment of enchantment, which holds the field-
worker captive. Alfred Gell (1992) has indeed named enchantment
that halo-effect produced by anything that appears as being beyond
the capacity of apprehension of an individual and requires recourse to
a network of intentionalities, a collective. Recalling Georg Simmel,
Gell notes that value is a function of resistance which one must
overcome in order to gain access to an object. Thus, if one assumes
that production could be achieved by either technical activity or
work and magic, then the two means of production operate
conterminously in a sort of figure-ground reversal, where magic is the
negative contour of work, or technical competence; in other words,
magic obliterates the difficulties and hazards entailed by technical
activity (1992: 58). Thus, in Melanesian gardening, magic constitutes
the ideal cum occult technology (concealed, disguised, veiled) which
guarantees effortless production.
Marilyn Strathern is the Mistress of Enchantment in such
inception, yet what she does is not a theorysensu strictobut a
series of mental tricks to make relations visible, to illustrate by
Giovanni DA COL


xii
juxtapositions how people (Melanesians, for example) make
themselves explicitlyand dazzlinglyvisible. It is a cosmoeconomics
which sees images as condensed meanings, as events which have to be
consumed and produced properly. Ultimately, the medium of the
message is involved in the production of the proper image-event. I
always thought Strathern felt a sense of inadequacy with the written
word and her reception, and one of the reasons she enjoyed these
lectures was the opportunity to produce wonder by a succession of
images. She seemed at home with her slides. In that dark seminar
room in Free School Lane she could finally perform her magic of
juxtaposition.
Whereas some have mistaken Stratherns method of wonder for
opacity (yet another characteristic of the Melanesian mind), others
may have missed that her work also reveals a nifty exercise in
topology: the conception that discrete and detached entities may
remain nonetheless continuous and entangled, a geometry where
shapes and forms maintain their essential properties and substance
even if stretched and contorted. In Stratherns Wunderkammer, the
environment is within, relations do not join but separate, ones own
storage is external, the contained overhauls the container, a child
grows the mother, one hides in order to show.
But Stratherns fascination for conceptual and spatial topologies is
not novel: it pays homage to a neglected tradition of ethnographic
theory that untimely anticipated the more famous Lacanian and
Deleuzian post-structuralist concerns for knots, planes, and lines of
flight. Besides Gregory Batesons plateaus and Roy Wagners fractal
person, memorable examples are Edmund Leachs (1961)
Malinowski lecture where the linear logic of kinship is questioned not
through the regularities of genealogical patterns but via a
neighborhood system of controlled and uncontrolled mystical
influences and forces. A society is not an assemblage of things but an
assemblage of variables, Leach writes, analogical to top-
ology. . . . If I have a rubber sheet and draw a series of lines on it to
symbolize the functional interconnections of some set of social
phenomena and I then start stretching the rubber about, I can change
the manifest shape of my original geometrical figure out of all
recognition and yet clearly there is a sense in which it is the same
figure all the time (Leach 1961: 7). Topology returns in the spatial
metamorphosis and inversions of Lvi-Strauss Petite mythologiques:
STRATHERN BOTTLE

xiii
from the reversal enacted by the construct of the house which puts
two into one, replacing internal duality with external unity ([1975]
1982: 184), to the containers of The jealous potter ([1985] 1988),
where the maker-cause of a craft is transformed into her product and
the canonical formulas of myth leaves place to the image of the Klein
bottlea container where one cannot determine whether a point is
located inside or outside. Like the Klein bottle, the distorted nature /
culture perplex, like the interfacing of the two genders, has neither an
inside nor an outside, or rather, depending on ones point of view, it
is all inside and outside and nothing else. Similarly, the Strathern
Bottle tries to incorporate both the Ego and the Alter, to bifurcate
identity and otherness contemporaneously, to show how and why
holding two perspectives at once is all that matters: like the images of
production and consumption, society and individuals happen at the
same time, they entail each other simultaneously. These apparent
wondrousparadoxes also ground Aristotles notion of education as
entertainment, for what he meant by that much-abused term is that
the teacher entertains her students by confronting them with
propositions that they can neither accept or reject, and then inviting
them to play with them.
2
By entertaining her readers in this ludic
dimension, Strathern teaches wonder. Hence the double-edged
intrigue of the Strathern bottlewhat we could call the uncertainty
principle of anthropology. How does one enter a Strathern bottle, an
object for which one hardly knows where to find oneself on the
inside or the outside of a native? How can an ethnographic
topology contribute to debates in social theory? How can wonder
become a methodology to account for alterity?
Proceed, oh reader, to enter with us into the Strathern Bottle.

II

Learning to see in Melanesia unfolds as a kaleidoscope, a linking of
vision to sociality, image to the social imagination, symbol to object,
and object to praxis. Lecture one, Feathers and shells: Learning to
see, sets the tone for the Masterclass by moving between contexts
(the photographer's gallery, ritual performances, the anthro-
pological setting)and, indeed, questioning the very analytic value of

2. I should very much thank Roy Wagner for this insight.
Giovanni DA COL


xiv
context itselfin order to think through the paradoxes of how
Melanesian persons can be concealed and revealed, exposed and
hidden, at once. The emphasis on Mt. Hagen in this lecture will
remind attentive readers of the authors early work on self-decoration
among Hagenersand, no doubt, will provoke new interpretations
and questions. Lecture two, Axes and canoes: Traveling objects,
follows the visual and social life of artifacts out into the broader
Melanesian world, raising further questions about objectification,
perspective, witness, appearance, stasis, flow, and spectatorship for a
Strathernian visual theory. Lecture three, Netbags and masks:
Containers, continues to explore the visual qualia of artifacts, but
now turns to Mt. Ok and Sepik (among other places) in order to
focus on a specific genre of objects: those that contain (or hold, leak,
or limit) social relations. Lecture four, Wig / shell / tree: Hiding
forms, circles back to the questions of concealment and revelation
discussed in Lecture one. By the end, the reader not only has a
dynamic visual theorya living illustration, both indigenous and
anthropologicalbut also a vision of personhood, objectification, and
even cosmology.
We also include three appendices in this Masterclass. These are
reprints of classic articles that represent some of the authors more
public disseminations of ideas that developed in tandem with this
lecture series. While remaining grounded in Melanesian ethnography,
each essay takes up themes of general and comparative
anthropological interest. Appendix one, Artifacts of history: Events
and the interpretation of images, raises questions of temporality,
materiality, the nature of events, and the historical imagination.
Appendix two, Social relations and the idea of externality,
showcases the authors topological engagement with archaeology and
material culture, further developing concepts of symbolic storage,
containership, and the social topologies of interiority and exteriority,
built out of (and in relations between) objects and persons. The final
appendix, Environments within: An ethnographic commentary on
scale, is a compendium to the former essay and closes the
Masterclass with an exquisite discussion of scale change,
unpredictability, landscape, and the meaning of context and
environment. In toto and in wonder, the volume teaches us not only
how to see in Melanesia, but how to see anthropology anew.

STRATHERN BOTTLE

xv
Acknowl edgement s

I wish to express the deepest gratitude to Marilyn Strathern for
accepting HAUs invitation and the challenge to put into writing her
imagistic lectures. This volume would not be possible without her
unparalled diligence in meeting deadlines, her child-like enthusiasm
and intellectual passion, her generosity and unceasing support for the
development of the discipline and HAUs work. One might think that
often eminence is accompanied by pride or evasiveness, yet Marilyn
has been our most humble and dedicated author. I should also very
much like to thank two persons, without whom this volume would not
be possible: Sean Dowdy, who unfailingly coordinated and fine-tuned
all stages of the production, and Philip Swift, who patiently set himself
on a long quest for retrieving permissions and gathering all images. As
ever, Stphane Gros and the rest of the Editorial Team were a trusted
and reliable source of advice and support: thank you. An article with
the same title as this preface, and co-authored by Roy Wagner, was
originally meant to be included in Social theory after Strathern, a
forthcoming special issue of Theory, Culture and Society, edited by
Jacob Copeman and Alice Street, whom I thank deeply for their
friendship and inspiration. We missed the deadline and the article
never came to light, but I owe my gratitude to Roy for some dazzling
reflections on the structure of jokes and the pedagogical role of
entertainment.



Ref erences

Bacon, Francis. (1605) 1888. The advancement of learning. Oxford:
Clarendon Press.
Borges, Jorge Luis. (1942) 2000. Labyrinths. Translated by James E. Irbry.
London: Penguin.
Copeman, Jacob and Alice Street. (in press). Introduction: Social theory
after Strathern. Special Issue of Theory, Culture & Society.
Daston, Lorraine and Katherine Park. 2001. Wonders and the order of
nature, 11501750. New York: Zone Books.
Descartes, Rene. (1649) 1989. The passions of the soul. Translated by
Stephen H. Voss. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company.
Giovanni DA COL


xvi
Eco, Umberto. 1988. An ars oblivionalis? Forget it! Translated by Marilyn
Migiel. PMLA 103 (3): 25461.
Eco, Umberto. 1992. Interpretation and overinterpretation. Edited by
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Gell, Alfred. 1992. The technology of enchantment and the enchantment
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Quine, W. V. O. 1960. Word and object. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Strathern, Marilyn. 1988. The gender of the gift: Problems with women and
problems with society in Melanesia. Berkeley and Los Angeles:
University of California Press.
. 1990a. Artifacts in history: Events and the interpretation of images.
In Culture and history in the Pacific, edited by Jukka Siikala, 2544.
Helsinki: Transactions of the Finnish Anthropological Society. [See
Appendix I, this volume.]
. 1990b. Negative strategies. In Localizing traditions, edited by R.
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. (1991) 2004. Partial connections. Updated edition. Walnut Creek:
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. 1999. Property, substance and effect: Anthropological essays on
persons and things. London: Athlone Press.
Wagner, Roy. 1977. Analogic kinship: A Daribi example. American
Ethnologist 4: 62342.

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