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Nasir al-Din Tusi and His Socio-Political
Role in the Thirteenth Century
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In this paper, the author refers to scientific and socio-political role of Khajah Nasir al-Din
Tusi in one of the most critical eras of Islamic history and examines some of the
controversies that exist about his affiliations.
Authors(s):
Abbas Ali Shameli [3]
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Category:
Politics & Current Affairs [4]
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Old url:
http://www.al-islam.org/message-of-thaqalayn/vol-11-n-2/nasir-al-din-tusi-and-his-role-in-13
th-century/
Journal:
Vol.11, N.2, 2010 [5]
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Publisher(s):
Ahlul Bayt World Assembly [6]
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Topic Tags:
Islamic History [7]
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Politics [8]
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Role [9]
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Person Tags:
Khajah Nasir al-Din Tusi [10]
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Nasir al-Din Tusi and His Socio-Political
Role in the Thirteenth Century
Abbas Ali Shameli
Introduction
In the history of human civilization as a whole and in that of Islamic civilization in particular,
there have been outstanding figures who played decisive roles in forming or changing
various aspects of human life. Some of them are still surrounded by a mass of historical
data containing contradictory judgments about them. Since their activities took place many
centuries ago, modern scholars are often short of enough information to judge their real
impact.
It is difficult to come to a fair conclusion. In the history of Islamic civilization, Khja Nasir al-
Din Tusi (597-1201/672-1274) was a unique scholar, in one of the most crucial periods,
whose real role and personality are still obscure. His age was full of such harsh socio-
political events in all parts of the Islamic world that some regarded it as the worst period in
human history.
The intercontinental Mongol invasion and the collapse of all Islamic powers and states at
the same time as the abolishment of Ismili fortresses and the destruction of the Abbasid
caliphate created a bloody and unstable condition for all Muslims including Tusi. In this
complicated atmosphere, one can hardly rely on historical data which are conflicting and
controversial.
Considering these difficulties, this paper attempts to assess Tusis role as a person who
witnessed the situation but stood apart from it, preventing himself from assimilating to his
age. Holding the chain of Islamic thought, Tusi played an active role in linking pre-Mongol
civilization to the post-Mongol world.
Trying to obtain a better and wider understanding of Islamic knowledge, Tusi left Nishpur,
visited Ray, Baghdd and Musil. He witnessed the socio-political situation of the Abbasid
caliphate and evaluated the possibilities of being influential in Baghdd.
On his way home, he visited an Ismili leader (di) in Isfahn, spent a few months in one
of their fortresses, and finally joined their central forts in Quhistn and Alamut. He then
accompanied Hulk, took over the administration of Awqf (endowments), and
concentrated his efforts in establishing the observatory of Margha.
It is difficult to decide what Tusis real ideas were and which cause he truly supported. His
letter to Ibn al-Alqami the Shii vizier of al-Mustasim, requesting a position that would
bring him into contact with the caliph, his long lasting connection with the Ismili elite and
his supervision of the institute of Awqf to administer the observatory of Margha are some
aspects which will be dealt with in this paper.
In addition to his significant intellectual influence, did Tusi play an active socio-political role
or did he manifest a kind of withdrawal and negative cooperation? A discussion of this
question will form the core of this paper.
Biographical data
Abu Jafar Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Hasan b. Abi Bakr (Khja Nasir al-Din Tusi) was
born into a learned family known as Firuz Shh Jahrudi, the name of one of his ancestors.
Jahrud was a city in Sva, originally a province in Iran, which later became a suburb of
Qum. Since he was born in Tus on 11th Jumd I 597 (Feb. 18, 1201), he is known as Tusi.
He died in Baghdd on the 18th Dhu al-Hijjah 672 (June 26, 1274).1 As Islamic history
indicates, Tusi was one of the most distinguished figures produced by Islamic civilization.
Nonetheless, one can hardly form a clear picture regarding his true personality and
influence from historical data. Shii and Sunni scholars offered divergent points of view
concerning his socio-political impact and his beliefs.
According to G. Sarton, Tusi was one of the greatest scientists of Islam.2 Ibn Khaldun
similarly believes that most Muslim scholars were from Iran, asserting that there were not
any important scholars after Ibn al-Khatib Fakhr al-Din al-Rzi (544-606 A.H.) and Nasir al-
Din Tusi.3
Immi scholars (Twelver Shii scholars) like Muhaqqiq al-Hilli (d. 676) in his introduction on
R. Istishbb Taysur al-Qiblah li Ahl al-Irq4 and Husayn b. Abd al-Samad in his permission
(ijzah) to Sayyid Badr al-Din Hasan b. Shadqam considered Tusi to be the greatest Immi
scholar.5 He is also entitled ustd al-bashar wa al-aql al-hdi ashar (the Teacher of
humanity and the 11th Intelelct).6
Most Sunni scholars, however, such as Abi al-Fallh Hanbali, Subki, Yfii, Ibn Taymiyya and
Ibn al-Qayyim, accused him of treachery and infidelity. However, Salh al-Din Safadi7 and
Ibn Shkir al-Kutubi,8 also Sunni scholars, considered him to be a wise and true Muslim.9
Tusis unique significance was due to his wide and profound knowledge on almost all
aspects of Islamic learning, including Islamic philosophy, logic, jurisprudence, theology,
mysticism, ethics, medicine, astrology and mathematics.
Tusis Socio-political role
In the first period of his life, Tusi migrated from Tus to Nishpur where he spent several
years. We do not know much about his career as a student. We are also short of accurate
information about a sudden circle which Tusi formed by traveling from Nishpur to Ray,
Baghdd, Musil, Isfahn, and again to Nishpur. The second phase of Tusis life can be
divided into four main periods.
The first and the second parts were spent among the Ismilis. After he had spent several
years with Nsir al-Din Muhtasham (d. 655), the ruler of Quhistn, he was invited to Alamut
by Al al-Din Muhammad (d. 653) the major leader of the Ismailis.
He stayed for several years in Alamut and witnessed Al al-Dins reign and one year of the
reign of his son Khurshh (d. 654). Historical sources do not indicate whether Tusi played
any major socio-political role among the Ismilis other than his intellectual activities.
Some historical accounts show that the only significant political action of the scholar in this
period is a letter and an elegy or qasida, to Ibn al-Alqami (d. 656/1258). As a Shii chief
minister of the caliph of Baghdd al-Mustasim (from 1245-1258), al-Alqami was in a
position to present the caliph with Tusis letter, in which the scholar praised the caliph,
wishing to acquire his favor toward the Immi sect.10
Clearly, in the beginning, Tusi felt a responsibility to spread Shii thought. Under the benefit
of the patronage of Ibn al-Alqami, he started his missionary activity with the caliph of
Baghdd.
From 654 A.H., when the fortresses of the Ismilis collapsed, Tusi started the third and
fourth periods of his life, during which he not only accompanied the Mongols to Baghdd
but also remained with them until the end of his life.11 In the final period of his life, he was
appointed supervisor of endowments (Awqf) and chief of the scholars. In this period he
managed to established the observatory at Margha.12
Tusi and the Shii Seveners (Ismilis)
Tusi began his career as an astronomer for the Ismili ruler Nsir al-Din Abd al-Rahim in
Sertakht.13 He spent over 25 years among the Nazri Ismilis. This Shii group was
alternatively known as Esoterists, Hermanutists (Btiniyyah wa ahl al-Tawil) or Seveners.
At the same time they were known as Infidels (Malhida) by more orthodox Muslims. From
Hasan Sabbh, the founder of the Nazri Ismilis, they took two names: Sabbaiyya, as an
indication of their allegiance and Talimiyya because they followed his instructions: in
addition to reasoning and thinking, people need a teacher and a guide to teach them how
to know God. T
hey were also known by the names of their more influential leaders; for example, they were
called QarmiTa after Ahmad Ibn Ashath QarmaTi one of their di in the second half of the
3rd century and Maymuniyya after Abd Allah Ibn Maymun al-Qaddh an Ismili supporter
between 204-264 A.H.. Their opponents superstitiously called them Hashishiyya from the
belief that they used drugs to entice their followers into obeying their orders.14 Finally,
they are known in the west as Assassins.
Why did Tusi, undoubtedly an Immi scholar, join the Shii Seveners, and what was the real
reason for his connection with the Ismilis? It is difficult to find the real reason or the exact
time in which Tusi joined the Seveners. Some believe that Tusi was, in fact, an Ismili Shii
who was born into an Ismili family. However, we should note that his father, Muhammad
Ibn Hasan, was one of the zhiri Shii scholars of Tus. We lack any information which
indicates that his family had any kind of relationship with the Ismilis.
Tusi himself in his R. Sayr va Suluk states that he had been trained among a family who
believed in and acted according to the zhir of Sharia.15 Was he really an Ismili Shia? If
not, how can we justify those part of his writings which were written to support the
Seveners or at least dedicated to the Ismili leaders?
An answer to this question requires a comprehensive look at the roots of his connection to
the Seveners. Some scholars held the idea that as a truth-seeking scholar, Tusi wanted to
obtain a real picture of the Seveners, not through the assertions of their opponents, but by
studying their literature and by discussions with their scholars.
Accordingly, he decided to live among them.16 This idea is defended by the fact that Tusis
involvement occurred after he had observed a considerable change in Ismili ideas. When
he was eleven years old, the Seveners in Iran and Syria returned to the appearance (zhir)
of Islam.17
According to Ibn al-Athir, in 608 Jall al-Din Hasan send a person to Baghdd announcing to
al-Nsir li Din Allah, the Abbasid caliph, that the Seveners had returned to the Sharia and
conduct acceptable to all Muslims. When Jall al-Dins mother entered Baghdd on her way
to the hajj, she was greatly honored by the Abbasid caliph.18 This change might have
facilitated Tusis later relations with the Ismilis since they were no longer rejecting the
appearance of the Sharia.
Some historians believe that Tusis connection with the Seveners was the result of the
socio-political atmosphere of the time. The Mongols continuous invasions in the northern
part of Iran, on one hand, and the rigidity of the Sunnis, who formed the majority of the
population, on the other hand, forced Tusi to look for a secure and suitable place for his
research.
According to the introduction of Akhlq-i Nsiri, after the Mongol invasions of Khursn and
Nishpur, he left his hometown to go to Ray, then to Baghdd and Musil. Finally, on his way
home, he visited Isfahan and then returned to Khursn.19 However, his return was
unfortunate because he found himself at the center of the war which had covered all the
northern parts of Iran.
The Mongol invasions had created a situation of insecurity and massacre. Hence, when he
was invited to Quhastn by the Ismili leader Nsir al-Din Muhtasham, he accepted the
invitation.20 However, according to Tusis statement at the end of his commentaries on Ibn
Sins K. al-Ishrt wa al-Tanbiht, fleeing to the Seveners did not ease his difficulties;
rather, it was the hardest and most difficult period of his life.
Although he received honour and appreciation from them, he could not tolerate many of
their ideas and actions. The first evidence of his dissatisfaction among the Seveners is that
during his early stay in Quhistn, he communicated with Ibn al-Alqami in an attempt to find
a position in Baghdd.21
Tusis intentions became clear to the rulers of the Ismili forts and they sent him to Alamut
where they kept him in a more controlled situation among themselves until the fall of their
dominance.22 In his introduction of Zij-i Ilkhni, Tusi praises Hulku, describing him as the
person who freed him from the infidels. Another piece of evidence of Tusis disagreement
with the Assassins is that, soon after he was out of Alamut, he changed the introduction
and afterword of Akhlq-i Nsiri, which had praised Nsir al-Din Muhtasham and Al al-Din
Muhammad Ibn Jall al-Din, two Ismili leaders.23
J. Humi states that a comparison between the first version and the revised version of
Akhlq-i Nsiri shows that after Tusi was accused of being a Sevener, he omitted the first
and the last parts of Akhlq-i Nsiri and modified those parts of his writings which were
compatible with their ideas and were written when he was living among them.24
In addition, prior to his death in Baghdd he requested that his body be buried in front of
the shrine of Mus al-Kzim, the other son of Jafar al-Sdiq and the seventh Imm of
Twelvers,25 rather than the tomb of Ismil, the first hidden Imm of the Seveners.
M. Zanjni quotes the author of Durrat al-Akhbr who believed that Tusi was forced to live
among the Seveners. He states that Tusi was captured and was sent first to Quhistn and
then to Alamut.26 It is fairly reasonable to conclude that during the period of Tusis life
among the Seveners, he practiced taqiyyah.
Tusi and the fall of the Abbasid caliphate
A quick glance at Tusis life reveals that he was simultaneously dissatisfied with the
Seveners and their ideas and with the Abbasid caliphs. After Hulku conquered Alamut in
654 A.H., Tusi accompanied him to Baghdd. According to Rashid al-Din Fazl Allah, Manqu
Qn, the great khn of Qar Qurm, ordered Hulku to force Tusi into his army.
Manqu Qn, familiar with astrology and mathematics, was interested in establishing an
observatory in his territory. Aware of Tusis expertise in this field, he asked Hulku to send
the scholar to his court after he had conquered the Ismili fortresses.27
In discussing Tusis reasons for traveling with Hulkus court, Hiri notes that the Mongol
kings were extremely interested in history and astronomy. They saw these as the main
instruments of their expansion: history to record their expeditions and astrology to predict
their chances of success in a new attack. He concludes that they invited Tusi to accompany
them as a renowned astrologer.28
According to some historical documents, Tusi not only encouraged Hulku to conquer
Alamut but also to attack Baghdd.29 They claim that Hulku had originally decided to
invade Constantinople,30 but Tusi encouraged him to attack Baghdd. In contrast to the
argument of Husm al-Din Munajjim, a Sunni astrologer and consultant in the court of
Hulku, who insisted that invading would cause the corruption of the entire world, Tusi
argued that there would not be any problem.
Tusi reminded Hulku that both Abbasid and non-Abbasid caliphs had been killed in the
past without dire results. He added that the Abbasid caliph Mamun had killed his brother
Amin and Mutawakkil, another caliph, had been assassinated by some of his military
commanders and even his own son without upsetting the world order. The killing of
Musntasir and Mutazz occurred without releasing universal corruption into the world.
Tusis suggestion to Hulku was not merely the result of an astrological interpretation of
the stars. As an Immi scholar he did not accept the legal authority that declared the
Abbsid caliphs to be the religious leaders of the Muslim community. His letter to Baghdd,
asking Ibn al-Alqami to cooperate with him in converting the Abbsid caliph to the Shii
doctrine, shows his discontent with caliphal religious authority as early as the first half of
the thirteenth century.
After Hulku conquered Baghdd, he hesitated to kill Mustasim (d. 656) due to Munajjims
prediction that killing the vicegerent of the Prophet Muhammad (S) would result in disaster.
Again Tusi promised that nothing would happen if the Abbasid caliph was killed and finally,
in 656 A.H., the last Abbasid caliph was executed.
Other sources suggest that Tusi did not encourage the assassination of the caliph; rather.
his support of Hulku was a way to assist scholars and innocent people.31 By holding an
important position in Hulakus court, he was able to restrain some of the Mongol leaders
excesses.
At this time, Mustansirs vizier was a Shii named Ibn al-Alqami (d. 656). He had had some
covert relations with Tusi while the latter was living among the Seveners. It is believed that
Ibn al-Alqami also wrote a letter to Hulku, telling him he need not be afraid to come to
Baghdd.32 The fact that he was appointed as the ruler of Baghdd by Hulku after the
Mongol leader had left the city lends some support to this idea.
Was Tusis advice to Hulku, perhaps aided and abetted by Ibn al-Alqami, the only reason
or even the main reason, for the collapse of the Abbasid caliphate? As Hairi mentions in his
analysis of Tusis role in the conquest of Baghdd, contemporary sources make no allusion
to any political impact made by Tusi.
Sources such as the Al-db al-Sultniyya, (al-Fakhri) (701/1301) of Ibn TaqTaq or the
Mukhtasar of Abu al-Fid (d. 732/1331), as well as Tusis own report about the conquest of
Baghdd do not mention anything about Tusis role. Trikh-i Vassf (728/1327) and Jmi al-
Tawrikh (710/1310) only point out that Tusi predicted that the Mongol leader would
replace the caliph.33
One of the main goals of the Mongols from the early period of their dominance was to open
the gates of Baghdd. They attempted to invade Baghdd several times, but they were
defeated. Manku Qn came to power during the period that the Crusaders were fighting
the Mamluks in Egypt and Syria. Having received complaints from both Mongolian
commanders and some of the ulam who were under the pressure of Ismili terrors and
the ill treatment of the Abbsids, the great Khn asked his brother Hulku to invade the
Islamic lands. Moreover, an agreement with King Hethum I of Armenia motivated the great
Khn to expand his conquest to include Egypt and Syria.34
According to Cahen, Hethum I, had acted as the precursor of the Mongols on the shores of
the Mediterranean against the Muslims of Syria and Asia Minor. His actions were, in fact,
the result of favorable impressions sent to him by his eastern co-religionists.35
Hulku began his mission by attacking the forts of the Assassins. Once he had invaded the
Assassins, he moved toward Baghdd with Tusi as his consultant. Whether Tusi himself
decided to be in the court of the Mongols or whether the Mongols forced him to do so is still
disputable. In addition to the external threats, the Abbsid caliphate had its internal
problems rooted in the weakness and the corruption of the caliphate.36
Although Tusi did not accept the Abbsid caliphate as legal authority, why would he prefer
the secular authority of the Mongols? Did not Tusi, by encouraging Hulku, actually
participate in killing Muslims and destroying Muslim centers?
Attributing the fall of the caliphate to a single cause or a single person is a simplified
interpretation of a complicated situation. Tusi witnessed the pre-Mongol conflicts and
realized that the Mongol invasion of the Islamic world was inevitable.
Considering the internal and external situations of the Islamic world, the Mongols had
already reached the conclusion that they had to start implementing their policies to
conquer the world. The last and the most necessary choice that remained for the scholar
was a limited and carefully planned cooperation with the Mongol troops.
Through his association with Hulku, he could obtain a high position in the Ilkhns court
and play a constructive role in his policies. By using his influence with Hulku, Tusi hoped to
persuade the Mongol leader to act in the interests of the Muslims. Alone among Muslim
scholars, Tusi noticed that the Mongol invasion was not ideological.
The Mongols invaded the Islamic lands in order to spread their power over a vast territory.
Since their religion, which combined both pagan and shamanistic beliefs, was not likely to
be an alternative to Islam, scholars like Tusi were able to use their presence as an
instrument to save Islam. Vladimir Minorsky remarks that since the Mongols beliefs were
vague and primitive, there was no chance for their propagation among the conquered
population. Hence they were tolerant toward the other religions.37 Dawson also maintains
that during the reign of Chingiz Khn, it was a part of his law that all religions were to be
respected without favouritism.38
After the fall of the Ismilis and the Abbsid caliphate, the flexible atmosphere allowed
people a free choice in religion. Tusis position at the court of Hulku attracted the Muslim
scholars from many places to one center and led to the revival of the Islamic sciences.
Although Tusi paid special attention to the Immi sect and immediately after the fall of
Baghdd visited Hilla, the very center of Immi scholarship, his main attempts were never
limited to a particular group.
He not only invited the scholars of all sects to cooperation together at the school of
Margha, but also spent Awqf (endowments) to sponsor all Muslim scholars.
Tusis Cultural influence
In spite of the bitter accusations hurled at Tusi for the role he was believed to have played
in the fall of Baghdd and the massacre of Muslims, study of that crucial situation shows
that without the support of a strong Muslim state, individuals such as Tusi could do nothing
to prevent the Mongols from achieving their destructive goals. However, Tusis influence on
the continuation and revival of Islamic scholarship was more effective than his impact, if
any at all, on the fall of Baghdd.
As an outstanding Islamic scholar who may be placed beside distinguished thinkers like al-
Frbi, Ibn Sin, and al-Biruni, Tusi was an exception in a highly crucial period. His
significant role in holding and reviving the Islamic civilization by obtaining the favor of
Hulku should not be ignored.39 Despite his critical evaluation of Tusi, Arberry gives the
following account of Tusis cultural role:
The Mongols, like their twentieth century disciples, knew how to handle and exploit to their
own ends men of that caliber; and in the end, whether out of conviction or statecraft, the
Ilkhns accepted Islam and Muslim civilization was revived in Persia and Iraq.
That such a renaissance could take place at all, after the chaos and slaughter of the
preceding years, was in large measure due to the collaboration of such as Nasir al-Din Tusi
and Shams al-Din Juvaini, brother of the well-known historian and head of the
administration of Persia under Mongol rule in the reigns of Hulku (to 1265), Abk (1265-
82) and Ahmad (1282-4).
Apart from numerous writings in various fields of Islamic scholarship, Tusi made unique
contributions in astronomy. After the fall of Baghdd, his main concern was to establish the
school of Margha. His scientific center in Margha was so attractive that scholars, both
Muslims and non-Muslims, came from all over the world to study and research there.
In addition to Muslim scholars, philosophers and scientists, Chinese astronomers were
invited to work at the school of Margha. For the last eighteen years of his life, Tusi was
engaged in building this observatory. His contribution in astronomy was so important that
even modern scholars have benefited from his findings.40 In appreciation of his scientific
findings, NASA nominated one of the craters on the moon to commemorate him.41
a. Tusi and the school of Margha
Despite the socio-political role he was forced to play by circumstances, Tusis main
contributions and interests were intellectual. After Jundi Shpur with its legacy of a pre-
Islamic university and the Nizmiyya established by Nizm al-Mulk in Baghdd, the school
of Margha was the most important madrasa in the Islamic world. Although this school was
first founded as a center for astronomy and mathematics, it then became an important
center for all Islamic sciences. The first observatory in the Islamic world was established at
the command of al-Mamun, an Abbasid caliph.
By the end of the third century A.H. other observatories had been founded in Syria, Egypt
and Baghdd. Tusis observatory, established at Margha in 617/1285, was the most
fascinating and advanced.42 Astronomers were invited to study there from the east and the
west while the school of Margha incorporated various branches of Islamic sciences.
Students of astronomy were called from as far away as China to study at the school of
Margha. The observatory of Margha was unique for almost three centuries.43 Tusi
actually established in Margha the prototype of the modern university. Its library was
composed of more than 400,000 volumes, collected from different cities like Transoxiana,
Khursn, Baghdd, Musil and Damascus which were the victims of the early Mongol
invasions.44
The school of Margha incorporated different sections (dr al-hikma) devoted to philosophy,
medicine, jurisprudence (Fiqh), and hadith. Interestingly, they each had a different priority
and received their funding based on this hierarchy. Researchers in Dr al-Hikma received
three dirhams for every 48 hour period, those in Dr al-Tibb received two dirhams, those in
Dr al-Fiqh one dirham, while those in Dr al-Hadith received only half a dirham.45
The main source of the income to pay these expenses was the Awqf under Tusis
supervision. The distinguishing characteristic of the Margha School was its variety of
subjects and the priority given to some of the branches of Islamic sciences. These
characteristics might explain the accusations which claimed that Tusi was using Muslim
endowments not for fiqh but for Greek philosophy and other sciences.
One of Tusis outstanding characteristics was that although most of his life was spent
among either Assassins or Mongols, surrounded by wars, attacks and retaliations, all of
which were conditions unsuitable for study and research, he had an effective influence on
intellectual development. This influence was most prominent in astrology, mathematics,
philosophy and theology.
According to Strothmann, Tusis fame outside Shii circles was due to his books and
research in the exact sciences, namely medicine, physics, mathematics and particularly
astrology and astronomy. Another important aspect of Tusi was his flexibility and openness
in his intellectual relations with all Muslim scholars even non- Shia.
He did not allow his devotion to his own sect to cut him off from scholarly connections with
non-Immi ulam.46 This unique characteristic enabled him to influence and be influenced
by many contemporary scholars.
b. Reviving the Immi theology (particularly the issue of the
Immate)
One of the most important aspects of Tusis intellectual career was his significant role in
reformulating the Shii theology, combining the Peripatetic style with what he had grasped
from his Shii ideology to give new understanding to the issue of the Imamate. For example,
Tajrid al-Aqid, commented on by several Shii scholars, and Qawid al-Aqid were
written based on an Immi point of view.
In Fusul Nasiriyya he explicitly disagreed with the philosophic and determinative Asharite
point of view while in Talkhis al-Muhassal he critiqued the K. al-Muhassal of Fakhr al-Din al-
Rzi. His Masri al-Masri was a critical commentary on K. al-Musria of M. Abd al-Karim
al-Shahrastni which refuted Ibn Sins ideas. Several other treatises were written based on
either the Immi or the Ismili points of view.47
More important is a treatise on the issue of the Immate republished on the occasion of the
commemoration of his 7th anniversary. His main goal in these works was to rationalize
what previously had been presented by other Immi scholars in a more or less traditionalist
point of view. This characteristic will be clearer if his method is compared with that of
Nawbakhti in K. al-Yqut and those of Shaykh al-Mufid (336-413) and Seyyed Murtaz (355-
436) against Bqilni.48
In the history of Immi theology, Tusi reformulated this branch of thought from
traditionalism to rationalism. His doctrines put him in a position distinct from both Ismilis
and Sunnis. Tajrid al-Itiqd, Fusul Nasiriyya and the Treatise on the Imamate were written
using an Immi methodology. In his Qawid, particularly on the issue of the Imamate, he
tried to present various ideas according to Immis, Zaydis, Extremists (Ghult), Kaysnis
and Sunnis without insisting on any particular idea.49
c. Tusi and philosophy, mysticism and ethics
As a philosopher, Tusi was greatly influenced by Ibn Sin (980-1037). He supported Ibn
Sins ideas by refuting critiques written against him.50 He spent about twenty years
writing a commentary on the Al-Ishrt wa al-Tanbiht (Safadi, Al-Wfi bi al-Wafayt).
However, he disagreed with Ibn Sin on the issue of Gods knowledge and approached it
from an illuminationist (Ishrqi) point of view. Like Suhrawardi al-Maqtul (d. 587/1191), he
believed that Gods knowledge is a kind of illuminational relation (izfa ishrqiyya).51
Tusis mystical background goes back to his early learning period in Nishpur when he first
visited Farid al-Din Said Ibn Yusif Ibn Ali Attr (513-617A.H) and was attracted to his
ideas.52 He treated mystics with respect and honor. At the time of the conquest of
Baghdd, he and Hulku visited Ab al-Fuqar Muhammad b. Abd al-Aziz, one of the
greatest mystics of the time, at his zwia (privte place for the Sufis practices and
contemplation).
When Ab al-Fazl Jafar b. Ali, known as al-Mutaman al-Sufi al-Baghddi, went to Margha
to visit Tusi, Tusi assigned 100 dinrs to him each year from the awqf of Baghdd.53 In
addition, Tusi had a warm relationship with Sadr al-Din Qunyawi (d. 673) and Jaml al-din
Ayn al-Zamn Jili (d. 651) - two of the great mystics of the time -through various letters.54
In the meantime, Tusi himself wrote mystical treatises. His Awsf al-Ashrf written at the
request of Hulkus vizier Shams al-Din Muhammad Juvayni (d. 681) is a written price with a
mystical methodology about the spiritual journey (Sayr wa Suluk).55
In spite of his considerable devotion to the twelve Imms, his deep respect for Hallj
distinguished him from most of the other Shia.56 R. ghz va Anjm, also entitled as
Tadhkira, has an Ismili basis and deals with demonstrating the principles of beliefs in a
mystical way.57
Why was the intellectual atmosphere of Tusis time dominated by mystical thought and the
Ismili esoteric understanding of Islamic belief? Although this current of mystical thought
was mainly centered at the court of the Saljuks of Rum, other parts of the Islamic world
were not totally exempt from this trend.
The esoteric doctrines of the Ismilis might have been a reaction against Sunni orthodox
Islam, first formed by the Fatimids of Egypt and then by the Nazri Ismilis of Iran and
Syria. They were the opposite side to the extreme traditionalism held by the Abbasid
caliphs and their political supporters such as the Saljuks.
Nonetheless, this pole of esoteric thought collapsed officially upon the destruction of the
Ismili fortresses. As far as an extension of pure mystical thought is concerned, one can
find various interpretations. Some believe that mystical tendencies are rooted in a
weakness of the political authority or material disadvantages.
When the people are deprived of worldly advantages, they tend to focus on the afterlife.
However, the very core of mystical thought and its flourishing took place at the powerful
and wealthy court of the Saljuks of Rum. By the time of the Mongol invasion, the Saljuks of
Rum were the only shelter for Muslim scholars under the pressure of Mongol attacks. Since
the most dominant figure at this court was Sadr al-Din Qunyawi, the immediate disciple of
Ibn Arabi, his colleagues were mostly mystics.
Undoubtedly, one main reason for the spread of mystical thought at this time was the
immigration of Ibn Arabi from Andalusia to Anatolia. His school of thought was so
influential that for several centuries, it remained active throughout the Islamic world. The
reasons for Ibn Arabis departure from Andolusia remain unclear. His migration may have
been the result of a dream which inspired him to leave Andalusia.
On the other hand, he may have wanted to leave Islamic lands dominated by Mliki ideas
and the Peripatetic philosophy which denied an esoteric interpretation of Islamic
knowledge. What was it about the eastern part of the Islamic world which attracted Ibn
Arabi and encouraged him to establish his own school of thought there? What was the real
background in the eastern part of the Islamic lands which caused the development of
mystical thought? Can we find any socio-political reason for this flourishing mysticism?
These questions remain unanswered.
Tusis writings in ethics were written mainly while he was living among the Ismilis. At the
request of Nsir al-Din Abd al-Rahim Ibn Abi Mansur, the ruler (muhtasham) of Quhistn,
he rewrote and corrected Tahdhib al-Akhlq wa Tathir al-Arq by Abu Ali Miskawayh
(d.421/1029) and called it as Akhlq-i Nsiri.58 Then he translated the K. Adab al-Saghir of
Ibn al-Muqaffa into Persian.59
A Comparison between Tusi and Nizm al-Mulk
Since Nizm al-Mulk and Nasir al-Din Tusi were both viziers in very different Iranian
Empires, it is interesting to compare their decisive roles in different aspects. In addition to
their political role, they both played a constructive role in reviving the intellectual
atmosphere by re-establishing madrasas.
They both used waqf as the main source to sponsor these madrasas. However, they were
also dissimilar. For example, Tusi wrote more than 56 different books and treatises.60
Nizm al-Mulk, however, published few writings. Tusis political attitude derived from his
Shii ideas while that of Nizm al-Mulk was rooted in Sunni Islam.
The difference appeared in supporting or abolishing the idea of the caliphate in both theory
and practice. While Nizm al-Mulk believed in the legitimacy of the Abbasids authority and
motivated the Saljuks to support the Abbasid caliphs, Tusi accompanied Hulku to invade
Baghdd and destroy the caliphate.61
In spite of their emphasis on reviving intellectual and religious thought, the Nizmiyya of
Baghdd was explicitly a center of Shfii fiqh and Ashrite theology whereas the Nasiriyya
of Margha incorporated a wider field of Islamic sciences. Moreover, Tusi did not announce
that the orthodox fiqh and theology must be Immi.
The library of Margha was more important than that of the Nizmiya; it contained a
considerable number of books since it was a collection of the writings from Baghdd, Syria,
and the Arabian Peninsula. In addition, those books which were gathered from the eastern
parts of the Mongol Empire were added to the collection.
Another important difference between the two Muslim viziers was their political
involvement. After the collapse of the Abbasid caliphate, Tusi addressed only two important
political letters to the rulers of Shmt and Halab, - al-Malik al-Nsir, Sayf al-Din b. Yaghmur
and Al al-Din al-Qushaymuri, respectively62 - and devoted most of his concerns to
intellectual affairs, particularly the establishment of the observatory of Margha.63
He traveled to Baghdd and other cities with Hulku and his successor Abqkhn only to
visit ulam and raise the awqf which he then spent on the school of Margha.64 The main
feature of Nizm al-Mulks career, on the other hand, was his involvement with socio-
political affairs, as he was one of the most important political figure of his time.
Concluding Remarks
Living in one of the most difficult periods of Islamic history, Nasir al-Din Tusi was able to
play a decisive role in maintaining and even developing the stream of Islamic civilization in
its various aspects. The variety of his writings, his openness toward Muslim scholars from
different schools of thought, and his willingness to examine Islamic knowledge through both
its esoteric and exoteric ways are some characteristics that distinguished Tusi not only from
other scholars of his generation but also among Muslim thinkers throughout the history of
Islamic civilization.
His most positive contributions were probably the establishment of the school of Margha,
supervising the Awqf property of the vast portion of the Muslim world and spending a
considerable amount of it in administrating the school of Margha. His long-lasting stay
among the Seveners, and his involvement in the court of the Mongols could never
extinguish the light of Tusis enlightenment. Yet he was able to revise his Immi ideology
while reviving Islamic knowledge in its comprehensive form.
Although the school of Margha concentrated on astrology and astronomy as the fields
which interested the Mongols, it also covered different aspects of Islamic knowledge. It can
even be considered as the prototype of a modern university. In addition to his unique
expertise in astrology, Tusi was a distinguished scholar in other fields of Islamic knowledge.
Philosophy, theology, ethics, mysticism, medicine and pure sciences are fields that were
creatively touched by this medieval thinker. Interestingly, in theology he focused on the
issue of the Imamate, as the main concern of the Ismilis and an alternative for the
institution of the Abbasid caliphate. He may have had a socio-political concern which led
him to deal with this issue in his theological writings. Both in theory and practice, Tusi was
positively involved with mysticism.
This involvement indicates the dominance of mystical thought at that period. His numerous
writings in this field, his written relationships with his contemporary mystics, and his
respectful treatment of the true mystics of his time are clues to the characteristics which
created a unique personality out of an individual born into a zhiri Immi family. Tusi was,
clearly, a unique Muslim scholar rather than a mere politician.
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