Ben Hayes

Transnational Institute / Statewatch

Counter-terrorism,
policy laundering
and the FATF:
legalising
surveillance,
regulating
civil
society
Reprint published by:-
Indian Social Action Forum (INSAF)
in public interest.
August 2!"# 2 copies.
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Counter-terrorism,
policy laundering and the FATF:
legalising surveillance,
regulating civil society

Ben Hayes
Transnational Institute / Statewatch
Acknowledgements
The author wishes to thank Cordaid for supporting this research. In particular he would like to thank Lia van Broekhoven,
Fulco van Deventer and Paul van den Berg for their inspiring approach to protecting the political space of civil society
organisations, their constructive critique of the global counter-terrorism framework and their helpful comments on
earlier drafts of this paper. He would also like to thank colleagues at Statewatch for supporting earlier research into
the impact of counter-terrorism laws on non-profits and Nick Buxton, Tom Blickman, Fiona Dove of the Transnational
Institute for editing and comments on the paper. Finally, thanks to the Stephen Pittam of the Joseph Rowntree Charitable
Trust for encouraging Statewatch to think critically about these issues in the first place.
Contents
Preface page
Executive Summary
1 Introduction
1.1 Policy laundering and intergovernmental organisations
1.2 Global enforcement regimes
1.3 From NPO regulation to NPO repression?
2 The Financial Action Task Force: structure, mandate and activities
2.1 Origins and development of the FATF
2.2 The FATF Recommendations
2.3 Structure, mandate and powers
2.4 Compliance mechanisms
3 The FATF global enforcement regime
3.1 Surveillance, data retention and disclosure regimes
3.2 From money laundering to counter-terrorism
3.3 International law, international development and global governance
4 FATF Special Recommendation VIII and regulation of the non-profit sector
4.1 NPOs and the financing of terrorism
4.2 SR VIII interpretation and guidance
4.3 Assessing compliance with SR VIII
4.4 Country case studies
5 Conclusions and Recomendations
5.1 A contradictory approach
5.2 Rethinking SR VIII
5.3 The need for a broader debate about the FATF
5.4 Recommendations
Appendices
A FATF Special Recommendation VIII: Interpretative Note
B FATF International Best Practices on Combating the Abuse of non-Profit Organisations
C AML/CFT Evaluations and Assessments: FATF Handbook for Countries and Assessors
D Compliance with FATF SR VIII in 159 countries
E Six Principles to protect civil society organizations
Notes
6
9
12


16



20


27



36




39
42
49
51
54
57
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
6
Preface
The Catholic organization for Relief and Development,
Cordaid, has been following the effects of counter terror-
ism measures on civil society worldwide since 2008. We
have organised international and regional conferences,
commissioned a number of policy papers and engaged in
security dialogues with policy makers in the UN, the EU
and national governments.
Our research showed that the work and engagement
of civil society in development, human rights, conflict
prevention and peace building contribute significantly to
preventing violent extremism. Lack of responsible and
trustworthy governance and the existence of continuous
underdevelopment, instability and violence are a driving
force behind the attraction to extremist groups and their
ideology. When the state fails society, people will resort to
existing alternatives for livelihoods and a certain measure
of stability. Violent extremists and their networks pretend
to provide these.
Development and social inclusion and hence an active
and engaged civil society - are key to preventing terror-
ism. The UN Global Counterterrorism Strategy, launched
in 2006, theoretically provides a holistic approach to
prevent terrorism. The strategy initially focused almost
entirely on international cooperation between govern-
ments. Six years later, a significant number of member
states have supported civil society engagement. Cordaid
with a number of civil society organizations and networks
established a platform that engages with states and UN
policy makers to expand the influence of civil society on
the implementation of the framework.
However it also cant be denied that a number of counter
terrorism measures (CTM) implemented by governments
and international organizations have had a negative
impact on the operational and political space of civil soci-
ety. Autocratic or semi-autocratic regimes have always
cut back on civil society but felt emboldened by the post
9/11 political environment of the war on terror and its
rhetoric to further clamp down on civil society space.
A number of governments that imposed stricter NGO
laws, increased military and police actions against dis-
senting voices and opponents, and orchestrated targeted
attacks against social activists, human rights defenders
and peace builders, took less heat internationally as their
measures were perceived and legitimised as part of the
war on terror.
While the CTM rhetoric undeniably lost its influence in the
past years, a number of measures have become embed-
ded in the overall security bureaucracy nationally and
internationally. Countering terrorism has become a mat-
ter not so much of the use of military or hard power but
of a systemic approach that aims among others to end
financial flows to terrorists, promote counter narratives
to terrorist ones through social media and the internet,
and to impose sanctions against designated terrorists
and their organizations through blacklisting and freezing
of assets. This institutionalization of CTM through global
implementation regimes and untargetted broad brush
measures continue to have impact on the operational and
political space of civil society world-wide.
Ben Hayes study on Counter-terrorism, Policy Laundering
and the FATF (Financial Action Task Force): legalizing sur-
veillance, regulating civil society gives a thorough account
of an important institutional phenomenon: the world of
financial regulation of non-profit organisations (NPOs)
in the post 9/11 era. The study provides civil society and
other interested stakeholders with an analysis on why
and how certain measures affect not-for-profit financial
flows. Mr. Hayes has delved into numerous documents
that show that the global reach of FATFs policy influence
should be a matter of concern for civil society and the
not-for-profit community in particular.
Cordaid specifically wanted to obtain a deeper under-
standing of the strategy behind global financial regulation
of civil society. On what grounds was civil society con-
sidered to be vulnerable for terrorism financing; and
has it been proven that it is vulnerable and by whom?
We asked the researcher to go beyond an analysis of
the technicalities of NPO surveillance and regulation
and beyond a general discussion around accountability
and transparency of not-for-profit organisations. These
issues are significant, but the aim of this report was to
clearly focus on the interests and policies of stakehold-
ers that play decision making roles in NPO regulation.
The study focuses in particular on the effects of Special
Recommendation VIII (SR VIII) of the Financial Action
Task Office (FATF), which targets non-profits that trans-
fer funds to civil society. This flow of funds is considered
by the FATF to be vulnerable for terrorism abuse and
therefore requiring strict regulation. Both funders and
recipients alike may be misused for terrorism but cutting
funds at the funding end is perceived to be most effective.
The protagonist in the study is he Financial Action
Task Force, an intergovernmental policy making body
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
7
established in 1990 by the then G7 group with a man-
date to enhance surveillance of the global financial system
in order to combat money laundering and other crimes. In
2001 shortly after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, FATF issued
eight Special Recommendations on combating the financ-
ing of terrorism, including by NPOs and a ninth was added
in 2004. The FATF NPO agenda is intimately tied with the
domestic and foreign policy objectives of the USA.
The way Special Recommendation VIII of the FATF works
and how it has influenced the flow of vital NPO funds
throughout the world is the centre piece of the research
paper. Mr. Hayes introduces a deliberately provocative
concept: policy laundering to explain the way FATF
wields policy influence on a global scale. Like any top-
down and broad policy by a transnational organisation,
its influence and ultimate impact on the ground has yet
to be seen.
The study shows that SR VIII has created a system of
onerous rules and regulations that have great potential
to subject NPOs to excessive state regulation and sur-
veillance, which restricts their activities and thus the
operational and political space of civil society organiza-
tions. In addition to other CTMs such as the blacklisting
of designated terrorists and terrorist organisations, SR
VIII provides governments with an instrument, to further
cut back on the space of civil society, in this case on their
freedom to access and distribute financial resources for
development, conflict resolution and human rights work.
SR VIII provides governments yet another tool that can be
used against critical voices, which is supported and legiti-
mised internationally. While repression of NPOs through
SR VIII was surely not the intention of the governments
that called for new measures to tackle terrorist financing,
it has too often been the result.
Another report commissioned by Cordaid: Friend not
Foe: civil society engagement to prevent violent extrem-
ism by the Kroc Institute (2011) states that the most
effective CTMs are the ones that safeguard the opera-
tional and political space of civil society. The ones that
are currently implemented curtail in many cases civil
society space. SR VIII continues this counter-productive
and contradictory approach. The contradictions are evi-
dent in the way that the US State department, on the
one hand calls on other states to allow NGOs to function
in an environment free from harassment, intimidation
and discrimination and to receive financial support from
domestic, foreign and international sources and on the
other has pushed strongly for regulations of NPO funding
that have been used by autocratic governments to harass
and discriminate.
The study emphasizes the need for proportionality and an
approach which is context-specific when it comes to reg-
ulation of NPOs stipulated in SR VIII. Dr Hayes poses the
vital question of whether the current institutionalized and
over-broad approach has prevented NPOs and civil soci-
ety from being abused for terrorist purposes. His analysis
leads to a clear conclusion: it does not. To the contrary,
SR VIII has in fact led to the implementation of measures
that have unduly damaged the sector as a whole.
Countries, notably the USA, where NPOs are providing
grants to international recipients in especially sensitive
areas, have seen a decrease in this type of grant. This
was not a consequence of NPOs found guilty of fund-
ing terrorism, but was rather a decision by NPOs who
stopped funding projects in sensitive areas due to dis-
proportionate accounting requirements, fear of possible
consequences and reduced resources. Risk aversion has
led these NPOs to opt for safer activities and to reduce
their efforts in political advocacy. The withdrawal of sig-
nificant NPO support for civil society in sensitive areas
may in turn lead to increased space for extremists groups
that fill the void of systemic underdevelopment and exclu-
sion. An example is Somalia where increased violence by
terrorists and international counter terrorism measures
led to a reduced presence of (international) civil society
on the ground. Those that have remained or wanted to
provide support during the most recent famine in the
Horn of Africa were restricted in their work, not only by
Al Shabaab, but also by international counter terrorism
regulations. Ultimately this has dire consequences for
those that need support most.
In the conclusions and recommendations, the author
puts forward the argument that FATF SR VIII may not be
needed at all. A quote from a World Bank report seems
to underscore this argument: The rarity of instances of
terrorism financing by NPOs, when contrasted against
the enormous scope of the sector, does raise the ques-
tion of whether, in and of itself, government regulation is
the most appropriate response (World Bank 2010). The
World Bank says it does not want to belittle the signifi-
cance of the issue, but rather questions the nature of the
response. If FATF wants the implementation of SR VIII
to become more effective, it should limit compliance to
countries where there is a demonstrable problem of ter-
rorism financing by NPOs.
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
8
An effective response has to be tailor-made and context
specific. It should also factor in the complexity of linkages
that exist between violent extremists, criminal networks
and money laundering practices. Not surprisingly, there
is growing evidence that terrorists are financed through
money flows via (transnational) criminal activities and ille-
gal transactions in which a number of legitimate national
and transnational institutions may be complicit. The focus
of FATF so far on government surveillance and regula-
tion of non-profits therefore seems misdirected given the
need to focus on the shadow world of criminal, terrorist
networks and their intimate relations with what are per-
ceived to be legal and legitimate institutions and persons.
Ultimately other concepts and instruments need to be
elaborated in starting to tackle a complex phenomenon.
The author emphasizes the urgency for transparency
and accountability of FATF particularly when it comes to
SR VIII. There is no mechanism in place yet that allows
civil society to engage with FATF. Cordaid wholeheart-
edly supports Dr Hayes recommendation that The
FATF should recognize the crucial role of civil society in
developing effective and proportionate counter-terror-
ism policies, as set out in the UN Strategy and Security
Council Resolutions and begin an active dialogue on SR
VIII with NPOs and fundamental rights experts as a mat-
ter of urgency.
It is a timely report now that policy makers in the secu-
rity and counter terrorism departments of the UN have
started to welcome the involvement of civil society in dif-
ferent regional policy dialogues including that of NPO and
civil society regulation in order to avoid terrorism abuse.
These meetings provide an opportunity for engagement
among and between different stakeholders. Ben Hayes
report provides civil society and NPOs a useful reference
as they take part in these and other dialogues concern-
ing the impact of counter terrorism regulations on their
political and operational space.
Lia van Broekhoven
Fulco van Deventer
Counter terrorism measures and Political Space of Civil
Society program
Cordaid
The Hague, March 2012
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
9
Executive Summary
How international rules on
countering terrorist-financing are
undermining freedom of association:
an analysis of the impact of FATF
Special Recommendation VIII on
non-profit organisations
Thi s new report publ i shed by the Transnational
Institute and Statewatch examines the global frame-
work for countering-terrorist financing developed by
the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and other inter-
national law enforcement bodies. The report includes a
thorough examination of the impact of FATFs Special
Recommendation VIII on countering the threat of terror-
ist financing said to be posed by non-profit organisations
(NPOs).
Developed out of a G7 initiative in 1990, the FATFs 40+9
Recommendations on combating money laundering
(AML) and countering the financing of terrorism (CFT)
are now an integral part of the global good governance
agenda. More than 180 states have now signed up to
what is in practice, if not in law, a global convention. The
FATF is headquartered at the Organisation for Economic
Cooperation and Development in Paris; a further eight
regional FATF formations replicate its work around the
world. The report argues that a lack of democratic con-
trol, oversight and accountability of the FATF has allowed
for regulations that circumvent concerns about human
rights, proportionality and effectiveness.
Countries subject to the FATFs Anti Money Laundering
(AML)/ Counter Terrorism Financing (CFT) requirements
must introduce specific criminal laws, law enforce-
ment powers, surveillance and data retention systems,
financial services industry regulations and interna-
tional police co-operation arrangements in accordance
with FATF guidance. Participating countries must also
undergo a rigorous evaluation of their national police
and judicial systems in a peer-review-style assess-
ment of their compliance with the Recommendations.
Developed out of World Bank and IMF financial sector
assessment programmes, this process significantly
extends the scope of the Recommendations by impos-
ing extraordinarily detailed guidance over 250 criteria
on the measures states must take to comply with the
40+9 Recommendations. The rewards for FATF com-
pliance are being seen as a safe place to do business;
the sanctions for non-cooperation are designation as
a non-cooperating territory and international finance
capital steering clear.

Special Recommendation VIII
FATF Special Recommendation VIII (SR VIII) requires
states to review the adequacy of laws and regulations
that relate to entities that can be abused for the financing
of terrorism, stating that Non-profit organisations are
particularly vulnerable countries should ensure that they
cannot be misused for terrorist financing purposes. The
Recommendation is then significantly extended in scope
by the FATFs interpretation, guidance, best practice and
the evaluation process, which strongly encourage states
to introduce government licensing or registration proce-
dures for non-profit organisations, ensure transparency
and accountability of NPOs, introduce financial reporting
systems, exchange this data with law enforcement agen-
cies, and impose sanctions for non-compliance.
This kind of regulation is not without its problems in
countries where non-profit organisations form a free
and integral part of the fabric of what has come to be
known as civil society, but in countries where community
organisations, NGOs, charities and human rights groups
and others already face suspicion, coercion and outright
hostility from the state, the SR VIII regime can have pro-
found if unintended consequences. The hypothesis is
simple: that when international bodies encourage states
to adopt regulatory regimes that could be used in practice
to clampdown or unduly restrict the legitimate activities
of non-profit organisations, then there is a very real risk
that this is precisely how repressive or coercive states
will enact and apply the rules in practice.
This report examined the FATF mutual evaluation reports
on 159 countries with regard to their compliance with
Special Recommendation VIII. The vast majority of reports
(85% of those examined) rated countries as non-compli-
ant (42%) or only partially compliant (43%) with SR VIII.
Only five out of 159 countries (3%) were designated as SR
VIII compliant (Belgium, Egypt, Italy, Tunisia and USA).
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
10
Where countries fall short of full compliance, the FATF
evaluation reports contain specific recommendations
on the national reforms necessary to comply with each
Recommendation. The state concerned must then report
back to their regional FATF assessment body on the
reforms they have introduced within two years. The coun-
try will then be assessed again in the next round of mutual
evaluations, with each round taking around five years.
This continued cycle of assessment and review emerges
as a powerful force for imposing new standards of global
governance.

Legitimising coercion and repression
While this was obviously not the intention of the seven
governments that established the FATF, its evaluation
system has endorsed some of the most restrictive NPO
regulatory regimes in the world, and strongly encouraged
some already repressive governments to introduce new
rules likely to restrict the political space in which NGOs
and civil society actors operate.
Egypt and Tunisia two of the five out of 159 countries
rated compliant with FATF SR VIII have long enforced
extremely prohibitive NPO regulatory frameworks. In both
countries, the rules and regulations on NPOs were part
a feared security apparatus that made it very difficult for
organisations working on issues like human rights and
democratic reform to operate, let alone play a meaning-
ful role in society. Following the Arab Spring revolutions,
decades of repression and restrictions on civil society
have been cited as an inhibiting factor for new social
movements to challenge established power structures
and achieve representation in subsequent legal and politi-
cal processes.
The report also includes case studies on Burma/Myanmar,
Cambodia, Colombia, India, Indonesia, Paraguay, Russia,
Saudi Arabia, Sierra Leone and Uzbekistan all of which
have seen the imposition or proposal of rules that restrict
or threaten the freedom of association and expression
of NPOs and are endorsed or encouraged by FATF
evaluators.

The global clampdown on civil society
Worldwide civil society organisations, human rights
defenders and political opponents continue to face overt
and covert restrictions by repressive governments includ-
ing some that are supposedly democratic. According to
a 2008 global study on the legal restrictions imposed on
NPOs:
[M]any regimes still employ standard forms of repres-
sion, from activists imprisonment and organizational
harassment to disappearances and executions. But in
other states principally, but not exclusively authori-
tarian or hybrid regimes these standard techniques
are often complemented or pre-empted by more
sophisticated measures, including legal or quasi-legal
obstacles [] subtle governmental efforts to restrict the
space in which civil society organizations (CSOs)
especially democracy assistance groups operate.
1
As a result, civil society groups around the world face
unprecedented assaults from authoritarian policies and
governments on their autonomy, ability to operate, and
right to receive international assistance.
2
In elaborating an international law enforcement frame-
work that contains no meaningful safeguards for freedom
of association and expression, this report argues that the
current FATF regime is facilitating and legitimising these
more nuanced forms NPO/CSO repression.
The report also strongly questions whether a top-
down, one size fits all approach to NPO regulation is
an appropriate or proportionate response to the possible
vulnerability and actual exploitation of NPOs for terrorist
financing purposes. It calls for urgent reforms limiting the
scope of FATF Special Recommendation VIII and clarifying
its purpose and intent.

Wide-ranging reforms required
The report also links the FATF regime to the UNs over-
broad terrorist blacklisting and asset-freezing regime,
global surveillance of the financial system, the prosecution
of charities and NPOs for material support for terrorism,
and the outsourcing to private companies of AML/CFT
compliance systems.
Taken together, what emerges is a dense, global web
of international law and policy transposed into national
rules and regulations and endless bureaucracy. As the
web has been expanded, the powers of state officials,
prosecutors and investigators have been harmonised at a
particularly high (as in highly coercive) level. At the same
time, guarantees for suspects, defendants and suspect
communities have been largely disregarded. Caught in
this global web are charities, development organisations,
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
11
NGOs, human rights defenders, community organis-
ers, conflict mediators and others who find their work
hampered or paralysed by onerous regulations or politi-
cally-motivated legal manoeuvres.
The egregious violations of law and principle embodied in
Guantanamo Bay, the CIAs rendition programme and the
widespread use of torture rightly preoccupied the interna-
tional human rights community as it marked a decade of
war on terror. At the same time, these apparently more
mundane and technical aspects of the global counter-
terrorism framework have quietly become embedded in
international law and practice.
The workings of the intergovernmental bodies that devel-
oped and implemented these rules are largely shielded
from public scrutiny; the international community has
accepted the rules uncritically while failing to subject
the bodies that created them to meaningful scrutiny or
democratic control. In turn the exceptional measures they
introduced after 9/11 have become the norm. Without
urgent reform, the often obtuse nature of a large tranche
of international counter-terrorism legislation will con-
tinue to serve as a pre-text for every day restrictions on
the political space in which people exercise their demo-
cratic freedom to organise, debate, campaign, protest
and attempt to influence those who govern them.
1 International Centre for Non-profit Law and World Movement for Democracy (2008) Defending Civil Society, available at:
http://www.wmd.org/projects/defending-civil-society/executive-summary.
2 Tiwana, M. and Belay, N (2010), Civil Society: The Clampdown is Real - Global Trends 2009-2010, CIVICUS World Alliance
for Citizen Participation, available at: http://civicus.org/news-and-resources/reports-and-publications/234-civil-society-the-
clamp-down-is-real.
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
12
1 Introduction

Over the past decade, surveillance of the financial system
and demands for increased regulation and financial trans-
parency of non-profit organisations (NPOs) have become
central counter-terrorism policies with the stated aim of
reducing their vulnerability to abuse by terrorist organi-
sations. This has happened because intergovernmental
organisations have adopted the hypothesis that terrorist
organisations use laundered money for their activities,
and that charities and NPOs are a potential conduit for
terrorist organisations. Non-profit organisations have
been placed under surveillance, while charitable giving,
development assistance and remittances from Diaspora
communities have been intensively scrutinised by secu-
rity agencies, particularly those organisations working
with suspect communities or in conflict zones. This
shift to treating NPOs as objects of suspicion has been
a dramatic one since the early 1990s when civil soci-
ety organisations were widely praised as partners in
a shared agenda of democratization, participation and
service delivery.
1
In Europe and the USA, financial surveillance policies
have been opposed by civil liberty and privacy groups, and
attempts to introduce binding rules on enhanced financial
transparency of the non-profit sector have been resisted
by charities, development organisations and other NPOs.
But these policies are now spreading to other parts of
the world, places where civil society is much less able
to make its voices heard. While there is growing aware-
ness of these policies among civil society organisations,
the international framework within which these policies
have been developed, and the driving forces behind the
political agenda, have been obscured from public scrutiny.
This has undermined the capacity of NPOs to engage with
the actors demanding tighter regulation of their sector.
This report examines the intergovernmental organisations
and standard-setting bodies behind the emerging global
regimes for financial surveillance and regulation of the
non-profit sector, and the implications of these regimes
for non-profit and civil society organisations. It begins by
suggesting a critical lens through which these develop-
ments can be seen.

1.1 Policy laundering and intergovernmental
organisations
The concept of policy laundering, after money laundering,
describes the use by governments of intergovernmental
forums as an indirect means of pushing international
policies unlikely to win direct approval through the regu-
lar domestic political process.
2
According to the 2005
Policy Laundering Project (a joint initiative of the Privacy
International, the American Civil liberties Union and
Statewatch), this technique had become a central means
by which governments seek to overcome civil liberties
objections to privacy-invasive policies pursued under the
war on terror.
3
A critical feature of policy laundering is
forum shifting, which occurs when actors pursue roles
in intergovernmental organisations that suit their pur-
poses and interests. Examples of controversial policies
that critics suggest have been laundered under the war
on terror include measures relating to the surveillance
of telecommunications, the surveillance of movement,
and the introduction of biometric identification systems
(specifically fingerprinting).
The concept of policy laundering does not amount to a
comprehensive theory of intergovernmental decision-
making. Rather, it is a useful tool for analysing how and
why certain governments have shaped intergovernmental
policy agendas to their own ends. What is crucial in this
discussion is the eschewing of a deliberative process,
the side-stepping of parliamentary democracy and the
marginalisation of civil society.
4
This report engages the
concept of policy laundering not to accuse the FATF of
deliberately circumventing democracy, but to explain how
a wide-ranging set of global standards for countering-
terrorism and surveillance of the financial system many
developed in the late 1990s were rapidly adopted by a
number of intergovernmental decision-making fora in the
wake of 9/11. Almost certainly drafted by the U.S. govern-
ment and subsequently adopted by the G7/8, UN, IMF and
World Bank, these standards then passed quickly down
through regional bodies such as the FATF (and regional
FATF groupings) and regional multilateral development
banks, before being transposed into binding regulations,
laws and practices in nation states. Despite their enduring
significance, this highly technocratic and largely unac-
countable set of decisions has not received the critical
attention from civil society it warrants.

1.2 Global enforcement regimes
Where policy laundering describes the techniques used
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
13
by national governments to influence intergovernmen-
tal organisation (IGO) agendas, the concept of global
enforcement regimes can help explain the motives and
outcomes, particularly in regard to law enforcement and
counter-terrorism cooperation. Underpinned by interna-
tional laws and conventions, global enforcement regimes
are designed to criminalise certain behaviours at the
international level and to facilitate the free movement
of investigations and prosecutions across the world by
placing substantive obligations vis--vis criminal law
and procedure upon the members of IGOs.
5
Examples
of global enforcement regimes include those enacted to
suppress the production and trafficking of narcotic drugs
(cf. the three main UN Drugs Conventions);
6
to prevent
and prosecute terrorist acts (cf. the dozen UN terrorism-
related Conventions);
7
to combat organised crime and
illegal immigration (cf. the UN Convention and three pro-
tocols on Transnational Organised Crime);
8
and to tackle
cybercrime (cf. the CoE Cybercrime Convention, which
is open for worldwide signature).
9
These regimes function
through the obligations on signatory states to criminalise
certain acts, to facilitate cross-border investigations (by
providing mutual legal assistance) and to assist in the
prosecution of offences (by providing evidence and/or
extraditing suspects).
While the Bush administration appeared to shun inter-
national law in favour of unilateral war on terror, it
continued to shape the agenda of various IGOs in order
to embed and legitimise key elements of its counter-
terrorism strategy in international law and policy. The
USA took the lead, for example, in developing the inter-
national regimes governing the prevention of terrorist
financing and terrorist blacklisting, technical assis-
tance for enhancing counter-terrorism in less developed
states, and various international surveillance mecha-
nisms, including for passenger and biometric data.

The
G7/8 and later the European Union (in particular the
Transatlantic Dialogue on counter-terrorism issues)
became key partners in the war on terror not because
they offered meaningful operational assistance in tracking
down the perpetrators of 9/11 this was initially pursued
bilaterally and militarily through NATO but due to the
influence that these organisations could wield in terms of
global standard setting. Because the international com-
munity was much more likely to join counter-terrorism
initiatives within existing multilateral systems, these
channels became crucial mechanisms through which
the USA and its allies could set the agenda of a host of
intergovernmental bodies.
10

Decisively, in the wake of 9/11, IGOs began to establish
and bolster global enforcement regimes using so-called
soft law (Resolutions, principles, guidelines etc.), which
could be agreed and ratified much more quickly than tra-
ditional intergovernmental conventions, which often took
several years of more to agree (and even longer to ratify
and enter into force). Academics have described this
process as hard coercion through soft law,
11
suggest-
ing that such measures may be ultra vires, or beyond the
powers of the bodies that adopted them.
12
This report
examines the global enforcement regimes established
through FATF Recommendations on money laundering
and counter-terrorism. Section 4 focuses specifically on
the FATFs Special Recommendation on the non-profit
sector, showing how the FATFs interpretation, guidance
and compliance mechanisms have substantially extended
the scope and impact of that Recommendation.
1.3 From NPO regulation to NPO repression?
Intergovernmental bodies are not the only forces shaping
demands and outcomes in respect to financial transpar-
ency and NPOs regulation. Other factors include the
broader global transparency movement, national policies
and the actions of the NPO sector itself. In this context,
moves toward greater NPO transparency can be seen as
part of a re-questioning by society of the rights, roles
and responsibilities of all institutions in the light of glo-
balization.
13
Campaigns for openness, transparency and
accountability have gained significant momentum over the
past two decades. Freedom of Information laws provid-
ing access to information held by governments and public
bodies have been adopted around the world (although
standards in many countries are weak), transparency has
become a central part of the anti-corruption agenda and
whistle blowing about misconduct in various institutions
features frequently on the mainstream news. Industry
lobbyists are now under increasing pressure to declare
their interests and activities and public accountability is
seen as an increasingly important aspect of corporate
social responsibility.
This movement has already influenced the aid and
philanthropic sectors, with governments and donors
increasingly expected to publish what they fund.
14
Aid
transparency is now seen as crucial to both anti-cor-
ruption and aid effectiveness (and is what led a former
regional director of the World Bank to found the NGO
Transparency International in the early 1990s).

An
International Aid Transparency Initiative was launched
in 2008 to bring together donors, partner countries and
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
14
civil society to enhance aid effectiveness by improving
transparency.
15

Quite independently of the global transparency move-
ment and counter-terrorist measures, many countries
have long had dedicated laws and regulatory frameworks
governing the activities of non-profit organisations. These
regimes vary widely but share broadly the same objec-
tives: to ensure that NPOs do not abuse their charitable
and/or tax-exempt statuses and provide mechanisms for
Trustees and Directors to be held liable for actions like
fraud and damages to third parties. Some regimes also
include mechanisms to ensure that non-profit organisa-
tions stick to their mandates and/or charitable purposes,
particularly those governing the activities of international
NGOs operating in foreign territories. NPOs (together
with non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and civil
society organisations (CSOs)) have augmented the legal
obligations upon them with various internal regulations,
accountability mechanisms and through dialogues with
governments and regulatory bodies.
It is in this self-regulatory context that NPOs have chal-
lenged attempts to impose top-down regimes such as the
World Banks 1997 Draft Handbook on Good Practices
for Laws Relating to NGOs. After consultation with
the NPO sector and a concerted lobbying effort by a
range of NGOs, the Bank eventually decided that the
Draft Handbook was not an appropriate tool for it to
use or advocate.
16
However, as this report explains, in
subsequently adopting and helping enforce the FATF
Recommendations on money laundering and terror-
ist financing, the Bank was soon pressing for minimum
standards for NPO regulation in countries across the
globe (see Sections 3 and 4, below).
Significant pressure to hold NGOs more accountable
for their actions also came from right wing pressure
groups and governments in the USA.
17
This culminated
in 2004 with the launch of NGOWatch, a joint initiative of
the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy and
the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies
(two of the most influential and well-funded think tanks
then serving the Bush administration) that stemmed
from an earlier conference on the Growing Power of an
Unelected Few.
18
NGOWatch focuses overwhelmingly on
those organisations that advocate liberal causes such as
human rights, corporate accountability and environmental
protection.
19

It is important to recognise that regulatory frameworks
can have both positive and negative impacts on the
non-profit sector. On the one hand they may increase
public and government confidence in NPOs by enhanc-
ing transparency and accountability, but on the other
they can also exert both coercive and normative pres-
sures that constrain NGO behaviour by limiting their legal
identities, permitted activities, and access to resources.
States can also use regulation to make NGOs behave
in certain ways by incentivising positive behaviours
(from the point of view of the state) and making illegal
and punishing negative behaviors.
20
Increased scrutiny
and regulation around NGO activities in conflict zones
or NPO engagement with suspect communities, for
example, can effectively introduce policing systems that
while clearly serving state counter-terrorism agendas
may also adversely constrain the political space in
which these organisations work. Commentators have
thus expressed great concern that weaknesses in NGO
accountability are being used as cover for political attacks
against voices that certain interests wish to silence.
21

The mainly academic discourse on NPO regulation thus
strongly emphasises the need to link frameworks for
transparency and accountability to guarantees regarding
freedom of expression and association. Experience sug-
gests that states that fail to uphold human rights are much
more likely to introduce or apply regulatory frameworks in
a coercive or repressive manner than states with a strong
human rights culture.
22
According to a 2008 global study
on the legal restrictions imposed on NPOs:
[M]any regimes still employ standard forms of repres-
sion, from activists imprisonment and organizational
harassment to disappearances and executions. But
in other states principally, but not exclusively
authoritarian or hybrid regimes these standard
techniques are often complemented or pre-empted
by more sophisticated measures, including legal or
quasi-legal obstacles [] subtle governmental efforts
to restrict the space in which civil society organiza-
tions (CSOs) especially democracy assistance
groups operate.
23
As a result, civil society groups around the world face
unprecedented assaults from authoritarian policies and
governments on their autonomy, ability to operate, and
right to receive international assistance. Another report
on global NPO regulation, published in 2010, found that
civil society operates in restrictive environments due to
harsh government legislation in as many as 90 coun-
tries.
24
It is with this concern in mind that this report
approaches the FATFs approach to the non-profit sector.
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
15
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
16
to the FATFs mandate. An additional eight Special
Recommendations were produced shortly after, with
a ninth following in 2004.
During 1991 and 1992, the FATF expanded its mem-
bership from 16 to 28 members. Between 2000 and
2003 it grew to 33 members, and between 2007 and
2010 it expanded to its present membership of 36.
This includes 34 countries the original EU15 mem-
ber states
27
plus Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada,
China (and Hong Kong), Iceland, India, Japan, Mexico,
New Zealand, Norway, Russia, Singapore, South Africa,
South Korea, Switzerland, Turkey and USA together
with two regional bodies: the European Commission and
the Gulf Cooperation Council.
28
Some of these countries
also participate in regional FATF formations (see further
below). Twenty-three further bodies have observer sta-
tus at the FATF including the OECD, IMF, World Bank,
regional development banks, United Nations law enforce-
ment bodies such as UNODC, UNCTC and 1267 [Terrorist
Sanctions] Committee, INTERPOL and the World Customs
Organisation, and international umbrella organisations
dealing with the regulation of financial services.
29
No
non-governmental organisations have Observer status
at the FATF.
In addition to the 36-member FATF, eight further inter-
governmental bodies replicate the work of FATF and
enforce its Recommendations on a regional basis. These
are:
APG - Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering
established: 1997 | HQ: Sydney, Australia |
member countries: 40
30
CFATF - Caribbean Financial Action Task Force
established: 1996 | HQ: Port of Spain, Trinidad &
Tobago | member countries: 29
31
EAG - Eurasian Group on money laundering
and terrorist financing
established: 2004 | HQ: Moscow, Russia |
member countries: 8
32
ESAAMLG - Eastern and Southern Africa
Anti-Money Laundering Group
established: 1999 | HQ: Dar es Salaam, Tanzania |
member countries: 14
33
GAFISUD - Financial Action Task Force on
Money Laundering in South America
established: 2000 | HQ: Buenos Aires, Argentina |
member countries: 12
34
2 The Financial Action Task Force:
structure, mandate and activities
This section examines the history and origins of the
G7/8s Financial Action Task Force and its subsequent
development into a global law enforcement, policy-making
and compliance body. It looks at the structure, mandate
and powers of the FATF in respect to money launder-
ing and terrorist financing, and the mechanisms it uses
to ensure compliance among its members. This analysis
highlights the lack of political and democratic accountabil-
ity around the FATF and the failure to consult non-profit
organisations on recommendations that affect them.

2.1 Origins and development of the FATF
The decision to establish the Financial Action Task Force
(also known as Groupe dAction Financire (GAFI)) was
taken at the Group of 7 Summit (G7) in Paris in 1989.
25

The G7 noted that the drug problem had reached dev-
astating proportions and stressed the urgent need
for decisive action, both on a national and an interna-
tional basis. The G7 Resolution included measures to
strengthen international cooperation in the War on Drugs
including ratification and implementation of the 1988
Vienna Convention on illicit traffic in narcotic drugs
and psychotropic substances and the creation of a
financial action task force from Summit participants and
other countries interested in these problems. The man-
date of the Task Force was to assess the results of
cooperation already undertaken in order to prevent the
utilization of the banking system and financial institutions
for the purpose of money laundering, and to consider
additional preventive efforts in this field, including the
adaptation of the legal and regulatory systems so as to
enhance multilateral judicial assistance.
26
The G7 countries, together with the European Commission
(also represented on the G7/8) and another eight EU
member states, convened the FATF and instructed it
to examine money laundering techniques and trends,
to review national and international counter measures,
and to develop a comprehensive framework to combat
money laundering. This was delivered in April 1990,
less than a year after the FATFs creation, via a set of
40 detailed Recommendations. In 2001, following the
9/11 terrorist attacks, the development of standards
in the fight against terrorist financing was added
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
17
GIABA - Inter Governmental Action Group
against Money Laundering in West Africa
established: 1999 | HQ: Dakar, Senegal | member
countries: 15
35
MENAFATF - Middle East and North Africa
Financial Action Task Force
established: 2004 | HQ: Manama, Bahrain |
member countries: 18
36

MONEYVAL - Council of Europe Committee
of Experts on the Evaluation of Anti-Money
Laundering Measures and the Financing of Terrorism
established: 1997 | HQ: Strasbourg, France |
member countries: 29
37
Taken together, the FATF and its regional bodies now
cover more than 180 jurisdictions, all of which have
committed themselves at ministerial level to implement-
ing FATF standards and having their systems assessed
through peer review mechanisms.

2.2 The FATF Recommendations
The 40 FATF Recommendations on money laundering
and the nine FATF Special Recommendations on Terrorist
Financing provide for a comprehensive global enforce-
ment regime. Like international conventions, they are
intended to be implemented at the national level through
legislation and other legally binding measures while
allowing states a degree of flexibility according to their
particular circumstances and constitutional frameworks.
The 40 FATF Recommendations of 1990 (as amended in
1996 and 2003) require states to, inter alia,
- implement international conventions on money
laundering and organised crime;
- criminalise money laundering and enable authorities
to confiscate the proceeds of money laundering;
- implement customer due diligence (e.g. identity
verification), record keeping and suspicious
transaction reporting requirements for financial
institutions and designated non-financial businesses
and professions;
- establish data retention regimes of at least five years
for all financial transaction records (both domestic
and international) and disclosure regimes for
suspicious financial transactions;
- establish a Financial Intelligence Unit to receive and
disseminate suspicious transaction reports;
- cooperate internationally in investigating and
prosecuting money laundering.
The FATF issued 8 Special Recommendations on
Terrorist Financing in October 2001 and a ninth Special
Recommendation in October 2004, requiring states to,
inter alia,
- implement international conventions and Security
Council resolutions on terrorist financing;
- criminalise terrorist financing and enable authorities
to freeze confiscate and confiscate assets being used
for terrorist financing;
- cooperate in international terrorism investigations
and prosecutions;
- extend disclosure regimes and due diligence
obligations to alternative remittance systems, wire
transfers and individuals taking cash across borders;
- review the adequacy of laws and regulations that
relate to entities that can be abused for the financing
of terrorism, e.g. Non-profit organizations.
The development and implementation of these rules is dis-
cussed in more detail in the following sections of this report.
2.3 Structure, mandate and powers
The FATF is based at but ostensibly independent of the
Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD) in Paris, an intergovernmental body created in
1961 by 20 western nations with a commitment to dem-
ocratic government and the market economy.
38
Unlike
most intergovernmental bodies, the FATF is not regu-
lated by any international Treaty or Convention. In its
own words: The FATF does not have a tightly defined
constitution.
39
Given the FATF now has a clear, global
policy-making role (and indeed describes itself as a
policy-making body) this poses an important chal-
lenge in terms of accountability. The FATF states that
it is accountable to the Ministers of its membership but
in the absence of publicly agreed rules on, for example,
decision-making, openness and transparency, access to
information, budgetary scrutiny, parliamentary control or
oversight mechanisms, the organisation can only claim
to be democratically accountable in the narrowest sense.

Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
18
While the FATF has a fairly proactive publication policy,
and much information about its work can be found on its
website,
40
there can be little doubt as Professor Peter
Alldridge, Head of the School of Law at Queen Mary,
University of London has argued that FATF decision-mak-
ing structures are insufficiently transparent to warrant
their own uncritical acceptance.
41

In addition to the permanent secretariat in Paris, the work
of the FATF is driven by a seven-member Steering Group
and a plenary. The plenary is chaired by a Presidency
drawn from the FATF membership, supported by a vice-
president, both of which rotate on an annual basis. The
Steering Group, which is described as an advisory body
for the President, includes the past, present and future
presidencies. The other four members are unknown.
Apart from a commitment to take into account the geog-
raphy and size of the FATF there are no evident rules
governing the election, mandate or structure of the
Steering Group.
42
The author of this report requested
further information about the composition and function-
ing of the Steering Group from the FATF Secretariat,
but the request was refused. In the absence of a formal
framework governing the activities and transparency of
the FATF, there is no formal mechanism to challenge this
kind of secrecy.
The current mandate for the FATF covers the period
2004-2012.
43
Following a ministerial level mid-term
review in 2008, the FATF mandate was revised and
expanded.
44
According to the 2004 mandate, the FATF
should, inter alia:
establish international standards for combating
money laundering and terrorist financing;
ensure that members and non-members adopt
relevant legislation against money laundering
and terrorism, including implementation of the
40+9 Recommendations in their entirety and
in an effective manner (through both mutual
evaluations/peer reviews and self-assessment
of compliance);
enhance the relationship between FATF and
FATF-style regional bodies, the Offshore Group
of Banking Supervisors (OGBS) and non-member
countries;
intensify the study of the techniques and trends
in money laundering and terrorist financing;
further develop outreach mechanisms, including
to parties affected by the FATFs standards, e.g.
financial institutions and certain non-financial
businesses and profession.
The revised mandate, agreed in 2008, added the fol-
lowing competences to:
intensify its surveillance of systemic criminal
and terrorist financing risks to enhance its ability
to identify, prioritise and act on these threats;
Identify and respond to new threats, including
high-risk jurisdictions;
limited expansions of its field of action where it
has a particular additional contribution to make.
Crucially, the revised 2008 mandate removed the
onus on the FATF to consult with those non-financial
businesses and professions affected by its standards.
Instead, the FATF will simply deepen its engagement
with the private sector. This is particularly problem-
atic in terms of the imposition of standards by the FATF
affecting the non-profit sector, discussed in Section 4
(below). If such requirements are to be credible, effec-
tive and proportionate, then the regular dialogue that
takes place between the FATF and the financial sec-
tor must be extended to NPOs and other stakeholders
from civil society.
The latest periodic review of the FATF requirements
was launched in October 2010, with requests for sub-
missions from interested parties. The review was
based on 55 questions in a 521 page document, but
there was no mention of Special Recommendation VIII
on the non-profit sector. As a result, NPOs were effec-
tively excluded from the review process.
45
The FATF is
due to present its findings and recommendations in the
autumn of 2011.

2.4 Compliance mechanisms
The FATF is both a global policy-making and enforcement
body; it sets global standards and uses several compli-
ance mechanisms to ensure that they are implemented.
One mechanism is the mutual evaluation process, under
which countries are peer-reviewed and assessed for
compliance with the 40 + 9 FATF Recommendations by
teams of inspectors from IGOs and neighbouring states.
A second mechanism is the list of Non-Cooperative
Countries or Territories (NCCTs), a blacklist of failing
states in respect to the global fight against money laun-
dering and terrorist financing. The FATF also indirectly
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
19
encourages compliance through the publication of Best
Practices guidance on the implementation of specific
Recommendations.
46
By 2001, 23 countries and territories had been des-
ignated as non-cooperative and placed on the FATF
blacklist.
47
The FATF hoped that other jurisdictions and
financial sectors would take appropriate action to protect
themselves from the risks posed by these countries, and
that publicly pointing out problems followed by a close
engagement with affected jurisdictions [would] be highly
effective in further stimulating and accelerating national
compliance with the standards.
48
By 2006 this strategy
had been largely successful in FATF terms, and only
Burma and Nigeria formally remained on the list, until they
too were removed. The FATF continued to issue public
statements on countries of concern and currently lists
Iran and North Korea as high risk and non-cooperative
jurisdictions.
49
The FATFs mutual evaluation/peer-review process is
designed to assess whether the necessary laws, regula-
tions or other measures required under the new standards
are in force, that there has been a full and proper imple-
mentation of all necessary measures and that the system
in place is effective.
50
Self-assessment questionnaires
are sent to the state being evaluated and then followed-up
by inspection teams comprised of FATF, World Bank and
IMF officials together with experts from national experts
on money laundering and terrorist financing (typically
ministry officials, law enforcement specialists and pros-
ecutors from other states).
51
Participation in inspection
teams may also be extended, on a reciprocal basis, to
experts from other FATF Style Regional Bodies (FSRBs)
that are conducting assessments (observers from bodies
like the UN Counter-Terrorism Executive Directorate may
also be considered on an exceptional basis).
52

The mutual evaluation process is crucial because it de
facto extends the FATF Recommendations by imposing
extraordinarily detailed guidance over 250 criteria on
how states should comply with those Recommendations
(see further the guidance on FATF SR VIII in Section
4, below).
53
On the basis of their evaluation, the FATF
inspection team makes detailed proposals on the meas-
ures the evaluated state should implement in order to
fully comply with the 40 + 9 FATF Recommendations.
Under the current, third round of mutual evaluations,
countries are required to provide a progress report 12
months after the adoption of their mutual evaluation
report, based on a questionnaire prepared by the FATF
Secretariat. Such reports are subject to routine updates
every two years between evaluation rounds and FATF
and national experts are available to advise states on
reforms. This continued cycle of review, assessment
and guidance emerges as a powerful force for imposing
new standards of global governance.
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
20
3 The FATF global
enforcement regime

This section examines the development and implemen-
tation of the FATFs Recommendations and the way in
which they have been tied-in to the broader interna-
tional counter-terrorism and global governance agendas.
It shows how a series of decisions adopted in the six
weeks after 9/11 had profound implications in terms of
globalising the FATF regime and extending its mandate
to counter-terrorism and regulations governing non-profit
organisations. These decisions have in turn had a signifi-
cant effect on the international development and global
governance agendas.

3.1 Surveillance, data retention and disclosure
regimes
The FATFs 40 Recommendations on countering money
laundering, adopted in 1990, address national criminal
justice systems and law enforcement powers, surveil-
lance and regulation of the financial services industry and
international co-operation. In respect to surveillance of
the financial system which has significant implications
for all who avail themselves of financial services the
key FATF Recommendations are those on data retention
and disclosure regimes. Specifically, Recommendation
4 requires financial institutions and other businesses
and professions to take pre-emptive action to prevent
money laundering (later extended to terrorist financing)
and requires states to ensure that financial institution
secrecy laws do not inhibit implementation of the FATF
Recommendations; Recommendations 5-12 impose
customer due diligence and record-keeping obligations
on financial institutions, intermediaries and other desig-
nated non-financial businesses and professions, requiring
the keeping of accounts and transactional records for at
least five years; and Recommendations 13-16 require
states to introduce legal obligations on financial institu-
tions to report suspicious financial transactions to the
appropriate authorities (while not disclosing such reports
to those they concern).
54

The way in which the EU has incorporated the FATF
Recommendations into its legal order is demonstrative
of their impact. The 1991 Directive (91/308/EC) assumes
that any unexplained transaction of 15,000 or more
(or several transactions totalling this amount that seem
to be linked) is suspicious and obliges member states
to ensure that the employees of credit and financial
institutions:
cooperate fully with the authorities by informing
[them], on their own initiative, of any fact which might
be an indication of money laundering [and] by fur-
nishing those authorities, at their request, with all
necessary information.
55
While the Directive concerned money laundering,
states were free to develop policies that would allow
this information ..[to].. be used for other purposes. In
applying the legislation, the UK went as far as creat-
ing a criminal offence of failing to disclose a potentially
suspicious transaction, which is punishable by up to five
years imprisonment.
56
In accordance with the FATFs
Recommendations, the scope of the EUs anti-money
laundering regime was later extended from financial
institutions to auditors, accountants, tax advisers, estate
agents, lawyers and notaries, dealers in high-value goods
and casinos (Directive 2001/97/EC),
57
then to all cash
purchases over 15,000 (Directive 2005/60/EC),
58
then
to persons entering or leaving the EU with cash amounts
of 10,000 or more (Regulation 1889/2005/EC),
59
and
then to all wire transfers (Regulation 1781/2006/EC).
60

All are now subject to suspicion, proactive disclosure and
post hoc surveillance.
Another important FATF Recommendation concerns
the establishment of Financial Intelligence Units (FIUs)
to process Suspicious Transactional Reports (STRs)
and assist police investigations requiring financial infor-
mation. Specifically, Recommendation 26 requires the
establishment of dedicated police intelligence units for
the purposes of:
receiving (and, as permitted, requesting), analysis and
dissemination of STR and other information regard-
ing potential money laundering or terrorist financing.
The FIU should have access, directly or indirectly,
on a timely basis to the financial, administrative and
law enforcement information that it requires to prop-
erly undertake its functions, including the analysis of
STRs [suspicious transaction reports, also known as
Suspicious Activity Reports (SARs)].
61
The first FIUs were established in the early 1990s. In
1995, on the initiative of the U.S. and Belgian FIUs, the
Egmont Group of FIUs was established as an infor-
mal organisation for the stimulation of international
cooperation, including information exchange, training
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
21
and the sharing of expertise.
62
The Egmont Group
now has 116 members and a dedicated International
Secretariat in Toronto, established in 2008. The EU also
has its own dedicated rules on FIUs, adopted in 2000
(Decision 2000/642/JHA), which oblige member states
to ensure that their FIUs exchange, spontaneously or on
request any information that may be relevant to another
state.
63
A dedicated EU Financial Intelligence Units
Platform was established by the European Commission
in 2006 to facilitate cooperation among the FIUs, again
on an expressly informal footing.
64

Taken together, the overall effect of the 40 FATF
Recommendations has been to reverse the long-estab-
lished principle of secrecy in financial transactions and
introduce a much broader framework for the surveillance
of financial systems. The lack of regulation of organisa-
tions like the Egmont Group and the EU Platform of FIUs
raise substantial concerns about data protection, account-
ability and democratic control. According to the Serious
Organised Crime Agency, which houses the UKs FIU,
more than 200,000 Suspicious Activity Reports (SARs)
are received every year.
65
In 2009 the UK House of Lords
called on the Information Commissioner to review and
report on the operation and use of the ELMER database
[of SARs] and consider in particular whether the rules
for the retention of data are compatible with the juris-
prudence of the European Court of Human Rights.
66

The question of what happens to the mountain of data
generated by the FATF retention and disclosure regimes
is a crucial human rights matter. While the FATF has
mandated an elaborate surveillance and reporting sys-
tem, it has not addressed issues such as privacy, data
protection and non-discrimination at all. States should
of course ensure that national laws and policies imple-
menting international standards comply with relevant
international human rights laws, but a lack of scrutiny
and understanding about financial surveillance coupled
with an absence of guidance or best practice from the
FATF renders substantial violations of the right to privacy
much more likely. International jurisprudence requires
all surveillance systems to be proscribed by law, to be
proportionate to the need they purport to address, and
subject to adequate judicial control.
67
Data protection
convention further requires that personal data should
only be collected and retained where strictly necessary,
that access to that data should be kept to a minimum,
and that data should only be used for the purpose for
which it was initially collected.
68
Furthermore, individuals
should be able to access their data files (subject to lim-
ited exceptions) and have recourse to mechanisms that
provide for the correction or deletion of incorrect data and
damages claims where data has been used unlawfully.
There should also be specific rules covering the onward
exchange of data with external agencies and third states.
The FATF has failed to issue guidance on any of these
issues. This is problematic because even countries with
long traditions of data protection and relatively high-levels
of privacy protection have failed to ensure that their post-
9/11 surveillance systems comply with international law.
These problems are only likely to be amplified in coun-
tries with much weaker levels of human rights protection.

3.2 From money laundering to counter-terrorism
The atrocities of 9/11 galvanised a whole host of intergov-
ernmental bodies into taking decisive action in the field
of counter-terrorism. Measures were rapidly adopted
in quick succession across a host of intergovernmental
fora. These measures were, however, more than a knee
jerk reaction to 9/11; they had long been on the agenda
of powerful countries and IGOs.
The G7 began pursuing measures aimed at depriv-
ing terrorists of their sources of finance in 1995 in
response to events including the Tokyo subway attacks,
the hostage crisis in Budennovsk, the bombing cam-
paigns in France (by GIA) and Spain (by ETA), the
assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, and the bombings at the
U.S. military training centre in Riyadh and the Egyptian
Embassy in Islamabad. It encouraged all states to take
action in cooperation with other States, to prevent
terrorists from raising funds that in any way support
terrorist activities and explore the means of tracking
and freezing assets used by terrorist groups.
69
The
following year, the G7 asserted that NGOs were being
used for terrorist financing and called for action to:
counteract, through appropriate domestic measures,
the financing of terrorists and terrorist organiza-
tions, whether such financing is direct or indirect
through organizations which also have, or claim to
have charitable, social or cultural goals, or which are
also engaged in unlawful activities such as illicit arms
trafficking, drug dealing, and racketeering [emphasis
added].
70

A year later, in 1997, an identical provision appeared in
a Resolution of the United Nations General Assembly.
71

The domestic measures demanded by the G7 and now
the UN included monitoring and control of cash trans-
fers and bank disclosure procedures and regulatory
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
22
measures in order to prevent movements of funds sus-
pected to be intended for terrorist organizations. These
resolutions paved the way for the UN Convention on the
Suppression of Terrorist financing, proposed by France
in December 1998 and adopted a year later. States party
to the Convention must criminalise the financing of ter-
rorist activities, freeze and seize funds intended for this
purpose, and cooperate in international terrorism inves-
tigations.
72
These provisions were de facto extended to
transnational organised crime in the UN Convention on
that subject adopted in November 2000.
73
The USA was also pushing strongly for global stand-
ards. Its National Money laundering Strategy of
1999 contained six Objectives and 27 Action Items to
strengthen international cooperation, including univer-
sal implementation of the FATF 40 Recommendations;
the development of FATF-style regional bodies; putting
Counter-Money Laundering Issues on the International
Financial Agenda; expanding membership of the
Egmont Group of financial intelligence units; enhanc-
ing cross-border judicial cooperation and the exchange
of law enforcement information; urging the G7 nations
to harmonise rules relating to wire transfers; and
enhancing understanding of alternative remittance
systems.
74
Where the UN Terrorist Financing Convention introduced
substantive obligations on states to cooperate with one
another to prevent such activities, there was at that time
no mechanism whereby suspected terrorists and their
alleged associates and financiers could be named, tar-
geted and sanctioned by the international community as
a whole. This framework was instead developed out of
the UN Sanctions framework. UNSCR 1267, adopted in
October 1999, obliged UN states to freeze assets belong-
ing to designated members of the Taleban in the hope that
this would force them to hand over Osama bin Laden,
who was by then wanted in connection with the 1998
attacks on the U.S. Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.
75

In the aftermath of 9/11, the reach of this Resolution was
steadily expanded to encompass a much wider circle of
alleged terrorist groups, their members and supporters.
76

A G8 statement, issued on 19 September 2001 (eight days
after the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington)
called for expanded use of financial measures and sanc-
tions to stop the flow of funds to terrorists and the denial
of all means of support to terrorism and the identification
and removal of terrorist threat.
77
The following week, G7
Finance Ministers announced that:
Since the attacks, we have all shared our national
action plans to block the assets of terrorists and their
associates. We will integrate these action plans and
pursue a comprehensive strategy to disrupt terrorist
funding around the world [We] call on all nations of
the world to cooperate in this endeavour [by] more
vigorously implementing UN sanctions on terrorist
financing and we called on the Financial Action Task
Force to encompass terrorist financing into its activi-
ties. We will meet in the United States in early October
to review economic developments and ensure that no
stone goes unturned in our mutual efforts to wage a
successful global campaign against the financing of
terrorism.
78
Five days later, on 24 September 2001, Executive Order
13224 was signed by President George W. Bush, expand-
ing the USAs terrorist blacklisting regime, obliging
financial institutions to freeze the assets of any individual
or organisation designated by the Secretaries of State or
Treasury, and criminalising the provision of any financial
or material support to those so designated.
79
These pow-
ers were consolidated two days later in the PATRIOT Act,
which increased existing criminal penalties for knowingly
or intentionally providing material support or resources
for terrorism.
80
For international donors and grantmak-
ers, these criminal statutes meant that they could now be
found despite their best intentions to have knowingly
or intentionally provided material support or resources
for terrorism (see Box 1).
The substance of Executive Order 13224 was effectively
replicated and outsourced to other jurisdictions through
the UN Security Council Resolution 1373 adopted on 28
September 2011 and later described as the most sweep-
ing sanctioning measures ever adopted by the Security
Council.
81
The Resolution required states to implement
the UN Terrorist Financing Convention (which at that time
had forty-six signatures but only four ratifications, far too
few for it to enter into force) by making the obligations in
the Convention mandatory and binding on all UN mem-
bers. Within a year over 130 countries had signed the
Convention and 45 countries had ratified it.
UN Security Council Resolution 1373 also set up a par-
allel blacklisting system to that of UNSCR 1267 (above),
requiring states to criminalise the support of terrorism
by freezing the assets of suspected terrorists. Whereas
Resolution 1267 had targeted specific individuals,
Resolution 1373 did not specify the persons or entities
that should be listed. Instead, it gives states the discre-
tion to blacklist all those deemed necessary to prevent
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
23
Box 1 Kind hearts, long sentences: selected U.S. prosecutions
of NPOs for material support for terrorism
There are three U.S. Federal statutes prohibiting material support or financing of terrorism. Two criminalise acts
relating to the commissioning of actual terrorist offences, the other (U.S.C. 2339B) prohibits the provision of mate-
rial support to designated terrorist organizations.
82
Such material support is defined to include almost any kind of
support for blacklisted groups, including humanitarian aid, training, expert advice, services in almost any form,
and political advocacy. The Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) contends that these provisions violate fun-
damental rights because they criminalize activities like distribution of literature, engaging in political advocacy,
participating in peace conferences, training in human rights advocacy, and donating cash and humanitarian
assistance, even when this type of support is intended only to promote lawful and non-violent activities.
In June 2010, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a ruling that the Humanitarian Law Project (HLP) and others would
be guilty of material support if they assisted the blacklisted Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) with conflict resolution
and human rights monitoring activities in Turkey. HLP is a US-based NPO that advocates for the peaceful resolu-
tion of armed conflicts and worldwide compliance with humanitarian and human rights law. Also represented in
the case were Tamil-American organizations seeking to provide medical assistance to tsunami victims and exper-
tise to improve healthcare in northeast Sri Lanka, which would have required working with the Liberation Tigers
of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), another blacklisted organisation. According to CCR, the Supreme Court's ruling leaves it
unclear whether publishing an op-ed or submitting an amicus brief in court arguing that a group does not belong on
the list is a criminal act that is prohibited and is likely to cast a broad chill over political speech and the activities of
humanitarian groups and journalists.
83

In May 2009, a Texan Court sentenced the two former heads of the Holy Land Foundation (HLF) to 65 years each
in prison for providing aid to the blacklisted Palestinian group Hamas. Three other defendants received sentences
of 15 to 20 years. HLF was founded in the 1980s and went on to become the largest Muslim charity in the United
States. After 9/11, the Bush administration accused HLF of funding Hamas, shut it down by Executive Order, raided
its offices and seized all records dating back to its establishment. However, after three years of investigations, pros-
ecutors could not support the claims that the group funded Hamas. In 2004, the Attorney General instead accused
the Zakat Committees which support charities in Palestine and other Muslim countries and to which HLF was
sending money, food, clothing, medical and school supplies of supporting organisations controlled by or support-
ive of Hamas.
The first prosecution, in 2007, resulted in a mistrial, following an initial acquittal after prosecutors failed to persuade
the jury that Hamas controlled the Palestinian charity groups, or Zakat committees, to which HLF donated money.
At the second trial the prosecution presented unsigned documents seized in a raid on the Palestinian Liberation
Organization, which the defence was not allowed to see, introduced through an unnamed Israeli soldier who
was not present when the items were seized. The trial was also criticised for allowing inflammatory evidence
such as pictures of the aftermath of suicide bombings.

The defence pointed out that USAID was also provid-
ing supplies to Zakat Committees in 2004, but the five men were convicted on all 108 counts of material support.
Lawyers for the five have appealed the judgement.
84
After the U.S. government shut down HLF and other US-based Islamic charities in 2001, concerned groups established
KindHearts for Charitable Humanitarian Development, Inc. with the express purpose of providing humanitarian aid
abroad in full compliance with the U.S. law. In February 2006, the U.S. Treasury Departments Office of Foreign Assets
Control (OFAC) froze KindHearts assets without notice or a hearing, based simply on the assertion that the charity was
under investigation. OFAC then threatened to designate KindHearts as a specially designated global terrorist (SDGT)
based on classified evidence, again without providing it with a reason or meaningful opportunity to defend itself. In
August 2009, following a challenge by the American Civil Liberties Union, a Federal court ruled for the first time that
the government cannot freeze an organisations assets without obtaining a warrant based upon probable cause. The
court also held that the government violated KindHearts right to due process by freezing its assets without providing
it adequate notice of the basis for the freeze or a meaningful opportunity to defend itself.
85
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
24
and suppress the financing of terrorist acts. The decen-
tralised nature of this regime effectively enables states
to interpret the Resolution unilaterally and identify ter-
rorist suspects in light of their own national interests.
86

The result is more than 200 national and international
terrorist blacklists across the world and widespread
problems in regard to due process, human rights and
self-determination.
87

Lest there be any doubt about the intended effect of
UNSCR 1373, the G7 Finance Ministers issued a further
statement from Washington on 6 October 2001, announc-
ing an integrated, comprehensive Action Plan to block the
assets of terrorists and their associates.
88
This called on
states to freeze the funds and financial assets not only of
the terrorist Usama bin Laden and his associates, but ter-
rorists all over the world and requested Governments to
consider additional measures and share lists of terrorists
as necessary to ensure that the entire network of terrorist
financing is addressed.
The G7 Action Plan also instructed the FATF to focus
on specific measures to combat terrorist financing,
including:
Issuing special FATF recommendations and revising
the FATF 40 Recommendations to take into account
the need to fight terrorist financing, including through
increased transparency;
Issuing special guidance for financial institutions on
practices associated with the financing of terrorism
that warrant further action on the part of affected
institutions;
Developing a process to identify jurisdictions that
facilitate terrorist financing, and making recommen-
dations for actions to achieve cooperation from such
countries.
On 16 October 2001 the U.S. Mission to the European
Union conveyed a formal request for cooperation in
expanding the focus of Financial Action Task Force (FATF)
and the Egmont Group of Financial Intelligence Units to
include financial flows to terrorists one of more than
40 specific counter-terrorism demands.
89
An extraor-
dinary FATF plenary was convened in Washington at
the end of October 2001 where the eight FATF Special
Recommendations on terrorist financing were unveiled,
requiring member states (and those of regional FATF
bodies) to ratify and implement all relevant UN measures;
to criminalise the financing of terrorism and associ-
ated money laundering; to enact measures to freeze and
confiscate terrorist assets; to establish reporting mech-
anisms for suspicious financial transactions related to
terrorism; to enhance international co-operation; to estab-
lish disclosure regimes around alternative remittance and
wire transfer systems; and to review the adequacy of
laws and regulations that relate to entities that can be
abused for the financing of terrorism, especially non-
profit organisations.
90
A ninth Special Recommendation,
on disclosure regimes for people carrying cash across
borders, was added in 2004.
So within just six weeks, UNSCR 1373 and the FATF
Special recommendations extended the financial surveil-
lance, data retention and disclosure regimes described
above to terrorist financing, mandated an elaborate global
terrorist blacklisting system, and put the surveillance
of the NPO sector firmly onto the counter-terrorism
agenda. While many observers view these measures
as an understandable, if hasty, reaction to 9/11, the
Bush administration clearly had its own agenda. Former
Treasury Secretary Paul ONeill, for example, described
the rapid development of blacklisting and asset freezing in
the post-9/11 context as setting up a new legal structure
to freeze assets on the basis of evidence that might not
stand up in court Because the funds would be frozen,
not seized, the threshold of evidence could be lower and
the net wider.
91
As he acknowledged, freeze is some-
thing of a legal misnomer funds of Communist Cuba
have been frozen in various U.S. banks for forty years.
The USA also took a unilateral approach in its surveillance
of data processed by the SWIFT international financial
transaction system, failing to notify its international part-
ners that it was routinely accessing personal information
about their citizens on a massive scale (see Box 2, over).

3.3 International law, international development
and global governance
Taken together the FATFs 40+9 Recommendations and
compliance mechanism amount to a comprehensive set
of anti-money laundering and counter-terrorist financing
conventions. As noted earlier, most international bodies in
which a number of states participate have a formal struc-
ture and constitution contained in a treaty, convention or
other agreement. This is not the case for the FATF, which
is instead seen as a partnership between governments,
accountable to the Ministers of its member Governments,
who give it its mandate.
92
International lawyers con-
tend that the FATF has effectively operated on an ad
hoc and temporary basis for the last twenty years and
suggest that if it is to be a standing body, it should be
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
25
properly constituted and established by an international
convention.
93
This would be a welcome move in terms of
addressing the concerns about accountability and human
rights raised in this report.
The FATF and its 40+9 Recommendations have also had
a significant impact on the international development and
global governance agendas. Among the first IGOs to adopt
the FATF standards were the International Monetary Fund
and the World Bank. The G7 states had initially asked
the two organisations to join their anti-money launder-
ing efforts in July 2000, requesting them to prepare a
joint paper on their respective roles in combating money
laundering and financial crime. However, at this time
there was also substantial resistance on the part of many
member states, especially the developing countries, to
making AML activities a formal part of Fund and espe-
cially Bank operations.
94
The developing countries did
not want the Bank and Fund to generate additional fund-
ing conditionalities and some states objected to a lack
of expertise on the part of the Fund and the Bank, which
was among the arguments levelled at the World Banks
draft Handbook on laws relating to NGOs. After 9/11 this
opposition melted away.
The IMF was first to announce the incorporation of the
FATF standards into its Financial Sector Assessment
Program and by August 2002 the Executive Boards of
both the IMF and World Bank had formally adopted the
FATF Recommendations. Together with the FATF, the two
organisations also launched a pilot project to develop a
comprehensive and unified methodology for assessing
implementation of AML/CFT standards, resulting in the
FATF mutual evaluation system described in Section 2.4
(above).
95
With the establishment of effective domestic
AML and CFT regimes now explicitly part of the World
Banks objectives, it also began to provide technical assis-
tance (TA) to borrower countries for this explicit purpose.
Between 2002 and 2004 the World Bank, together with
the IMF, provided TA to 63 individual countries and 32
regional projects.
96
Technical assistance was directed
at the establishment of AML/CFT laws and regulations,
capacity building for financial sector supervisory and
regulatory authorities, the establishment of Financial
Intelligence Units, training programs in the public and pri-
vate sectors, and support for regional FATFs to conduct
their own compliance assessments.

The original FATF
members also provided financial support to the newly
established regional FATF formations.
Almost all other bilateral aid development agencies fol-
lowed the World Bank and IMF into AML/CFT work, as did
most of the other multilateral development banks (includ-
ing the European, Inter-American, Asian and African
Development Banks).
97
The UN Counter-Terrorism Com
mittee (CTC) compiled a Directory of TA providers and
the G8 established a dedicated Counter-Terrorism Action
Group to support the CTC and increase donor coordina-
tion of TA.
98
In 2003, the FATF regime was also tied-in to
the United Nations Convention against Corruption, which
de facto obliged ratifying states to enact specific FATF
Recommendations to prevent money laundering.
99

These developments can be situated within three broader
trends. The first is the increasing priority attached to the
integration of developing countries into the global econ-
omy via the opening of borders and the harmonisation of
domestic regulatory regimes. Almost a decade after 9/11,
major aid donors now support the global implementation of
the FATF Recommendations as a matter of course, through
both bilateral partnerships and multilateral technical assis-
tance channels. The IMF now has a dedicated AML/CFT
donor-supported trust fund to finance technical assis-
tance worth more than $25.3 million,
100
while the Financial
Market Integrity (AML/CFT) programme is an essential
element of the World Banks development mandate.
101
The
idea that poor countries must become trusted places to
do business has been firmly implanted on the develop-
ment agenda; the threat of being branded non-compliant
ensures that governments in developing countries accept
these requirements in their attempt to ensure access to
development funding and attract private investment.
The second trend is the increasing use of aid from
countries in the global North to support their national
and international security agendas.
102
While little evi-
dence has been presented to suggest that these efforts
actually benefit poor people in developing countries,
Western security and counter-terrorism demands have
moved steadily up the international development agenda
over the past decade. In addition to the IMF and World
Bank, the USA and EU have both provided generous
financial support to expand and implement the FATF
regime across the world. Critics argue that rather than
fulfilling their mandate as development agencies, IGOs
have become instruments in the creation of regimes of
governance that respond to perceived threats to west-
ern security.
103

It may also be noted that the 40+9 FATF Recommendations
have also spawned a growing financial surveillance
industry, with many private institutions now reliant
on commercial service providers to ensure that they
do not fall foul of their obligations under national and
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
26
international law.
104
International development and phil-
anthropic organisations have been adversely affected by
the burden of compliance as we will examine in more
detail later,
105
while companies that supply sophisticated
technologies for law enforcement agencies to identify
and analyse suspicious financial transactions and other
datasets have seen their stock soar.
106
In August 2011 the
U.S. security firm Regulatory DataCorp revealed that it
held more than one million individuals and organisations
on its anti-terror database.
107
The company markets this
asset to government and private-sector clients around the
world as an AML/KYC compliance protection service.
108
Box 2 The EU-US SWIFT Agreement and the Terrorist Finance Tracking Programme
On 28 June 2006, Privacy International filed simultaneous complaints with Data Protection and Privacy regulators in
33 countries following an expos in the New York Times of a private arrangement between the Brussels-based inter-
national bank transfer organisation SWIFT (Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication) and the
U.S. Government.
109
SWIFT links more than 9,000 financial institutions in 209 countries and territories and facilitates
more than 15 million financial transactions per day. The agreement between SWIFT and the USA involved the covert
disclosure of millions of transactional records to the CIA as part of its Terrorist Finance Tracking Programme (TFTP).
Following the revelations, the European Parliament (EP) adopted a Resolution condemning the surveillance and strongly
disapproving of any secret operations on EU territory that affect the privacy of EU citizens.
110
The EP also declared
itself deeply concerned that such operations should be taking place without the citizens of Europe and their parlia-
mentary representation having been informed. A Belgian court declared the transfers illegal in October 2006; a view
shared by European Data Protection Supervisors. But rather than censure SWIFT or the United States authorities
for their actions, the EU entered into negotiations with the USA on a formal Treaty to legitimise the data transfers. In
advance of the conclusion of that Treaty, the EU authorised continued access to SWIFT for U.S. authorities, subject to
a number of unilateral assurances on enhanced data protection from the U.S. government.
An interim agreement between the EU and USA was signed on 30 November 2009. This was one day before the Lisbon
Treaty entered into force. Lisbon included an enhanced co-decision procedure which would have prohibited signing
such an agreement without prior approval of the Parliament. In February 2010, the European Parliament unsurpris-
ingly decided to reject the interim EU-US agreement. Its Resolution called upon the EU to renegotiate the agreement
taking full account of EU data protection law. Following a proposal from the European Commission, the EU Council
adopted a new version of the SWIFT Agreement in June 2010. While this Agreement ostensibly limited U.S. access
to SWIFT to data required for actual terrorist investigations, it still provided for the bulk transfer of transactional data,
a data retention period of five years, and only vague guarantees regarding complaints and oversight mechanisms, all
of which failed to meet the relatively stricter requirements of EU law. Despite these shortcomings, the new SWIFT
Agreement was approved by the European Parliament in July 2010. Key to the EPs consent was the appointment of
an EU supervisor, from EUROPOL, to monitor data searches by the U.S. and EU plans to develop its own TFTP sys-
tem, which would end the need for bulk data transfers.
In March 2011, documents from EUROPOL suggested that U.S. requests for information were too vague and that the
proposed oversight mechanisms had not been put into practice. The European Parliament accused EUROPOL of merely
rubber-stamping U.S. access.
111
After reluctantly having given our consent to this agreement, we feel betrayed in read-
ing this report, said German Liberal MEP Alexander Alvaro, its also about the credibility of the European Parliament
and the EU itself.
112
The EU is also negotiating a framework Treaty with the U.S. covering all exchanges of law enforce-
ment data. MEPs have threatened to block the Treaty if their concerns are not addressed.
In July 2011, the European Commission outlined its plans for a dedicated EU Terrorist Finance Tracking Programme
that would enable real-time monitoring of suspects financial transaction data, direct searches of historical transactional
data and the creation of a dedicated international communications system and database for suspicious transactions.
113

While this would regulate U.S. access to European data, the legitimacy and proportionality of a global financial surveil-
lance system is still a matter of much debate.
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
27
4 FATF Special
Recommendation VIII
and regulation of the
non-profit sector

This section examines the development and implemen-
tation of the FATFs Special Recommendation VIII which
states that Countries should review the adequacy of laws
and regulations that relate to entities that can be abused
for the financing of terrorism e.g. Non-profit organiza-
tions. The analysis shows how SR VIII has been de facto
extended by FATF interpretation, guidance and compli-
ance mechanisms, significantly expanding the scope of
the obligations on states to implement SR VIII and mov-
ing beyond addressing possible vulnerabilities in the NPO
sector to outright regulation of the sector as a whole.
These policies are potentially highly problematic in states
where NPOs are already viewed with suspicion or hos-
tility by authorities, and where new regulation coincides
with already significant restrictions on the political and
operational space of NPOs.

4.1 NPOs and the financing of terrorism
As noted above, the G7 first asserted that NPOs were
involved in terrorist financing in 1996, calling for meas-
ures to combat those organisations which falsely claim
to have charitable, social or cultural goals or which are
also engaged in unlawful activities such as illicit arms
trafficking, drug dealing, and racketeering.
114
Post-9/11,
counter-terrorism policies have since accused some
NPOs of supporting terrorism in two ways: either as
fronts for terrorist organisations that raise funds, trans-
fer money and provide logistical support, or as legitimate
enterprises that indirectly or directly support the aims of
terrorist organisations (see for example Box 1, above).
According to the FATFs 2008 Terrorist Financing
Typologies Report:
Terror networks often use compromised or complicit
charities and businesses to support their objec-
tives. For example, some groups have links to charity
branches in high-risk areas and/or under-developed
parts of the world where the welfare provision avail-
able from the state is limited or non-existent. In this
context, groups that use terrorism as a primary means
to pursue their objectives can also utilise affiliated
charities as a source of financing that may be diverted
to fund terrorist attacks and terrorist recruitment by
providing a veil of legitimacy over an organisation
based on terrorism.
115
This thesis has been accepted and embraced by many
national governments. For example, as Gordon Brown
(then UK Chancellor of the Exchequer) said in a speech
at Chatham House in October 2006, We know that many
charities and donors have been and are being exploited
by terrorists.
116

The actual extent of the problem is, however, strongly
contested. A study commissioned by the European
Commission, published in 2008, found limited abuse of
foundations;
117
the UK Charities Commission has reported
that actual instances of abuse have proved very rare;
118

and the U.S. Treasury has acknowledged that the vast
majority of the 1.8 million U.S. charities face little or
no terrorist financing risk.
119
The FATFs own mutual
evaluation reports also often acknowledge that terror-
ist financing in the NPO sector is an insignificant or
non-existent problem for the country concerned, yet
somewhat preposterously proceed to propose binding
remedies that those states must implement in order to
comply with Special Recommendation VIII (see further
below).
According to a recent study commissioned by the World
Bank, Despite the energy put into this effort [combat-
ing terrorist financing], we are not aware of examples
in which measures proposed by individual countries in
implementing SR VIII and the [Interpretative Note], or
similar national legislation, have resulted in detecting or
deterring cases of terrorism financing.
120
In 2009, the
Working Group on Tackling the Financing of Terrorism
of the United Nations Counter Terrorism Implementation
Task Force recommended that States should avoid rheto-
ric that ties NPOs to terrorism financing in general terms,
because it overstates the threat and unduly damages the
NPO sector as a whole.
121


4.2 SR VIII interpretation and guidance
SR VIII as adopted by the FATF plenary in October 2001
clearly limits the scope of the obligations on signatory
states to reviewing the adequacy of their domestic
frameworks for NPO regulation to ensure that the sector
cannot be exploited for their purposes of terrorist fund-
ing. The full-text of SR VIII is:
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
28
Countries should review the adequacy of laws and
regulations that relate to entities that can be abused for
the financing of terrorism. Non-profit organisations are
particularly vulnerable, and countries should ensure
that they cannot be misused:
(i) by terrorist organisations posing as legitimate
entities;
(ii) to exploit legitimate entities as conduits for terrorist
financing, including for the purpose of escaping asset
freezing measures; and
(iii) to conceal or obscure the clandestine diversion
of funds intended for legitimate purposes to terrorist
organisations.
As suggested above, it would appear logical to link any
remedial action as regards NPO regulation to the outcome
of the actual reviews of the adequacy of existing laws and
policies. However, the FATFs Interpretative Note on SR
VIII expressly links the adequacy of measures relating to
NPOs to a broader requirement to regulate the sector as a
whole in order to preserve its integrity. The note sets out
15 specific measures that states should implement in this
regard, including clear policies to promote transparency,
integrity and public confidence in the administration and
management of all NPOs and steps to promote effec-
tive supervision or monitoring of their NPO sector(see
Appendix A). In practice, this means that all countries
should be able to demonstrate that the following stand-
ards apply:
(i) NPOs should maintain information on:
(1) the purpose and objectives of their stated activi-
ties; and
(2) the identity of the person(s) who own, control or
direct their activities, including senior officers, board
members and trustees. This information should be
publicly available either directly from the NPO or
through appropriate authorities.
(ii) NPOs should issue annual financial statements
that provide detailed breakdowns of incomes and
expenditures.
(iii) NPOs should be licensed or registered. This infor-
mation should be available to competent authorities.
(iv) NPOs should have appropriate controls in place to
ensure that all funds are fully accounted for and are
spent in a manner that is consistent with the purpose
and objectives of the NPOs stated activities.
(v) NPOs should follow a know your beneficiaries
and associate NPOs rule, which means that the NPO
should make best efforts to confirm the identity, cre-
dentials and good standing of their beneficiaries and
associate NPOs. NPOs should also undertake best
efforts to document the identity of their significant
donors and to respect donor confidentiality.
(vi) NPOs should maintain, for a period of at least five
years, and make available to appropriate authorities,
records of domestic and international transactions
that are sufficiently detailed to verify that funds have
been spent in a manner consistent with the purpose
and objectives of the organisation. This also applies to
information mentioned in paragraphs (i) and (ii) above.
(vii) Appropriate authorities should monitor the com-
pliance of NPOs with applicable rules and regulations.
Appropriate authorities should be able to properly
sanction relevant violations by NPOs or persons acting
on behalf of these NPOs.
According to the principles of the FATFs Interpretative
Note, these measures should be flexible and propor-
tionate so as not to disrupt or discourage legitimate
charitable activities, but sufficient to:
promote transparency and engender greater confi-
dence in the sector, across the donor community and
with the general public that charitable funds and ser-
vices reach intended legitimate beneficiaries. Systems
that promote achieving a high degree of transparency,
integrity and public confidence in the management
and functioning of all NPOs are integral to ensuring
the sector cannot be misused for terrorist financing.
Further guidance on the interpretation of SR VIII from
the FATF is provided in an International Best Practices
document on Combating the Abuse of non-Profit
Organisations, first issued in October 2002, which sug-
gests additional measures that states should introduce
in order to ensure financial transparency and oversight
(see Appendix B). The Best Practice includes detailed
guidance on financial accounting, programmatic verifica-
tion and administration by NPOs, as well as the following
oversight mechanisms:
Law enforcement and security officials should con-
tinue to play a key role in the combat against the
abuse of non-profit organisations by terrorist groups,
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
29
including by continuing their ongoing activities with
regard to non-profit organisations;
[T]errorist financing experts should work with non-
profit organisation oversight authorities to raise
awareness of the problem, and they should alert
these authorities to the specific characteristics of
terrorist financing;
Jurisdictions which collect financial information
on charities for the purposes of tax deductions
should encourage the sharing of such information
with government bodies involved in the combat-
ing of terrorism (including FIUs) to the maximum
extent possible;
[P]rivate sector watchdog[s] or accreditation organi-
sations are a unique resource that should be a focal
point of international efforts to combat the abuse of
non-profit organisations by terrorists. Not only do
they contain observers knowledgeable of fundraising
organisations, they are also very directly interested
in preserving the legitimacy and reputation of the
non-profit organisations. More than any other class
of participants, they have long been engaged in the
development and promulgation of best practices.
A final set of guidance on SR VIII is provided in the
Handbook for FATF assessors for the purposes of mutual
evaluation (see Appendix C). Whereas the Interpretative
Note and Best Practices suggested a flexible, effec-
tive, and proportional approach to NPO regulation, the
Handbook simply sets out a dozen criteria with which
states are expected to comply in order to adhere with
the Special Recommendation. These concern oversight
mechanisms (including the licensing or registration of
NPOs and five-year data retention regimes for NPO
accounts), investigative measures (including law enforce-
ment access to this data), and measures to facilitate
cooperation with international police investigations con-
cerning NPOs. The FATFs guidance is crucial, because it
effectively dictates how states will be evaluated by asses-
sors and in turn the nature of the recommendations to
which non-compliant countries will be subject.
As noted in the introduction, the imposition of extensive
regulatory requirements in already repressive envi-
ronments carries a significant risk that the freedom of
expression and association of NPOs could be restricted.
Licensing and registration requirements have already
been widely used to prevent the formation or restrict
the activities of critical NGOs. In other cases, it may be
counter-productive to encourage governments to impose
such detailed financial transparency requirements and
the routine monitoring of NPO activities. As lawyer and
human rights analyst Patricia Armstrong has explained:
The development of regulatory systems for NGOs is a
complicated process made more so when approaches are
intended to be appropriate in diverse national, legal, cul-
tural, political and social situations. There are no quick or
easy solutions. The meaningful involvement of local NGOs
is essential not only to the development of appropriate
approaches, but also for the growth and development of
the capacities of those groups.
122

The Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation
(an organisation that has worked extensively to prevent
abuse of the non-profit sector for the purposes of ter-
rorist financing) suggests that it is now widely accepted
that there can be no one-size-fits-all approach to regu-
lating non-profit organizations,
123
yet this is in essence
what the FATF is promoting. In calling for clear policies
to promote transparency, integrity and public confidence
in the administration and management of all NPOs, the
FATF may have unintentionally given repressive govern-
ments a broad mandate to monitor, disrupt and coerce
charities and NGOs.

4.3 Assessing compliance with SR VIII
In order to better understand the impact of SR VIII, our
research examined the mutual evaluation reports of 159
countries and territories in order to assess compliance
ratings and recommended national actions in respect to
SR VIII.
124
The research found that just five countries out
of 159 evaluations have been assessed as Compliant
Belgium, Egypt, Italy, Tunisia and the USA meaning that
the Recommendation is fully observed with respect to all
essential criteria. A further 17 countries were found to
be Largely complaint, meaning only minor shortcom-
ings, with a large majority of the essential criteria being
fully met. This included nine FATF member countries
(Canada, China (including Hong Kong and Taipei, which
were assessed separately), Denmark, France, Germany,
Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland and the UK) and eight
members of regional FATF bodies (Barbados, Israel,
Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, St. Vincent and
the United Arab Emirates). The vast majority of the 159
mutual evaluation reports that were examined 85%
designated countries as only partially complaint or
non-compliant. Partially compliant (66 of 159 coun-
tries, or 42%) signifies that the country has taken some
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
30
substantive action and complies with some of the essen-
tial criteria ; non-compliant (69 of 159 countries, or
43%) means major shortcomings, with a large majority
of the essential criteria not being met. (It should be noted
here that the FATF is currently nearing the end of its third
round of mutual evaluations and many states have now
been assessed twice for compliance with SR VIII).
Whereas six out of seven of the G7 members are rated
as complaint or largely compliant, in South America,
all 21 GAFISUD countries were found to be non-com-
pliant or only partially compliant. It was the same for
26 out of 28 Caribbean (CFATF) countries; eight of 10
West African (GIABA) countries ; eight of 11 ESAAMLG
(Eastern and Southern Africa Anti-Money Laundering
Group) countries; seven out of eight of the Eurasian FATF
Group (EAG) countries; and 24 out of 27 Asia/Pacific
FATF Group (APG) were found to be non-compliant
or only partially compliant.
125
The evaluation reports
directed the overwhelming majority of assessed states to
introduce stricter regulation of their non-profit sectors.
As the following case studies show, however unintention-
ally, these recommendations can have a tremendously
negative impact in countries where civil society already
operates in a politically restrictive or authoritarian climate.
4.4 Country case studies
The case studies compare the findings of the FATF evalu-
ators with the country assessments of the International
Center for Non-Profit law (ICNL) and other independent
observers.
126
Some show a direct link between FATF
country evaluation reports and new national NPO regu-
lations seen to adversely impact on civil society. Others
show how the FATF regime is endorsing repressive NPO
regulations and even proposing new laws and practices
where civil society already faces severe restrictions.

4.4.1 USA: model NPO regulation?
The USA has played a central role in setting the inter-
national FATF standards and is one of the few countries
of the world to have been designated complaint by that
organisation in respect to SR VIII.
127
It also has some of
the strictest counter-terrorism-related NPO regulations
in the world on its statute book, and has controversially
prosecuted charities for material support. In doing so, it
has effectively outlawed the provision of any kind assis-
tance that could be construed as material support to
terrorist organisations, be it humanitarian assistance
for social projects connected to proscribed organisations,
or human rights advice to non-state actors engaged in
armed conflict (see Box 1, above). Under U.S. Treasury
Anti-Terrorism Financing Guidelines: Voluntary Best
Practices for U.S. Based Charities, first issued in 2002,
NPOs should also introduce new due diligence practices,
including the checking of all staff against the national and
international terrorist blacklists.
128
The Guidelines also
recommend that NPOs certify that they will not employ
or deal with anyone on these lists by placing conditions
on the funds they provide.
The subsequent adoption of these guidelines by donor
organisations led, for example, the American Civil liber-
ties Union (ACLU) to return a million dollar grant to the
Ford Foundation.
129
The U.S. Council on Foundations,
together with more than 70 foundations, charities, advo-
cacy organizations, non-profit associations and legal
advisers, has strongly opposed these measures and
recently withdrew from any further negotiation with the
U.S. Treasury, calling the Guidelines counterproductive
insofar as they impose excessively burdensome and
impractical barriers to global relationships and grantmak-
ing.
130
The Council contends that the guidelines create
confusion about legal requirements and make wrong
assumptions about charitable activity by targeting partic-
ular regions or religious groups. Research by the ACLU
has also found that U.S. terrorism financing policies have
undermined American Muslims protected constitutional
liberties, violating their rights to freedom of religion, free-
dom of association, and freedom from discrimination. The
ACLU suggests the policies have produced a climate of
fear that chills American Muslims free and full exercise
of their religion through charitable giving, or Zakat, one
of the five pillars of Islam and a religious obligation for
all observant Muslims.
131

4.4.2 Burma/Myanmar: FATF evaluation
provides cover for clampdown on new
social movements
In July 2008 the Asia-Pacific formation of the FATF (APG)
found that Burma/Myanmar was only partially complaint
with FATF SR VIII.

It called upon the Burmese author-
ities to Introduce explicit obligations requiring NPOs
to maintain [their] records, for a period of at least five
years, grant relevant authorities access to NPO books
and accounts and introduce administrative penalties in
respect of non-compliance with reporting obligations or
providing misleading information.
132

legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
31
In January 2011, the Burmese Junta announced that it
was to increase scrutiny of NGOs finances in an opera-
tion led by the national police forces Department Against
Transnational Crime. The authorities will check NGOs
to see if any of their expenses violate the existing Money
Laundering Control Law. If a group cant present proper
records of their expenditures, it could be dissolved said
an interior ministry official. Observers suggest that the
operation was aimed at new social organisations that
emerged in Burma after Cyclone Nargis struck the
country in May 2008, many of which had yet to officially
register as NGOs and are still operating as community-
based organisations with funding from international aid
agencies, Western embassies or donations from over-
seas Burmese.
133
As with other evaluation reports, the
APG/FATF recommendations to the Burmese govern-
ment make no reference to the protection of freedom
of association, despite the country being well-known
for repression and restriction of this fundamental right.

4.4.3 Egypt: most restrictive NPO regime
in world compliant with SR VIII
Egypt is one of only five out of 159 countries to be des-
ignated compliant in respect to SR VIII, following an
inspection by the World Bank in May 2009.
134
Its NGO law
has also been described as one of the most restrictive
in the world.
135
According to the International Journal
of Not-for-Profit Law, the provisions dealing with super-
vision of NGOs and enforcement of the law are vague,
arbitrary, and unnecessarily severe. MOSA [Ministry of
Insurance and Social Affairs] has the authority to dis-
solve any NGO at any time if finds that the organisation
is threatening national unity or violating public order or
morals. And although any MOSA dissolution order ican
be appealed in the administrative courts, an appeal can
take several years in Egypts backlogged court system. As
an example, the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights
fought MOSA in court for more than ten years. Although
it ultimately prevailed, the well-respected human rights
group wasted enormous amounts of time and money in
its decade-long fight for legal recognition.
More worrisome, from the standpoint of encouraging civil
society, Law 84/2002 imposes severe individual penal-
ties for non-compliance with the law. These penalties
include up to one year in prison and a fine of up to 10,000
Egyptian pounds for establishing an association that
threatens national unity or violates public order or
morals; up to six months in prison and a fine of up to
E 2,000 for conducting NGO activity without following
the provisions prescribed by the law, conducting activ-
ity despite a court ruling dissolving or suspending an
association, or collecting or sending funds abroad with-
out MOSA permission; and up to three months in prison
and a fine of up to E 1,000 for conducting NGO activity
without a license from MOSA, affiliating with a foreign
NGO network or association without MOSA permis-
sion, or merging with another association without MOSA
approval.
136

Following the Revolution in Egypt in 2011, decades of
repression and restrictions on civil society have been
cited as a major inhibiting factor for new social move-
ments to achieve adequate representation in subsequent
legal and political processes.

4.4.4 Tunisia: highly restrictive regime
endorsed by regional FATF
Tunisia was another one of the five countries to be rated
compliant in a 2007 evaluation by MENAFATF, which
noted that regulation of the NPO sector was very strict
and highly restrictive.
137
In much the same way as Egypt
had, Tunisia outlaws unlicensed associations, and indi-
viduals who operate or participate in an unlicensed
association can be imprisoned or fined. Yet it is impos-
sible for many CSOs to register and obtain the required
license. Only certain categories of CSOs are permitted
to register, and these do not include human rights or
democracy groups. The government also creates pro-
cedural barriers to prevent registration. In particular, the
government routinely fails to issue required receipts to
organizations seeking to register, in effect blocking many
independent CSOs from registering.
Following the ousting of Ben Ali in the Tunisian Revolution,
ICNL warned donors responding to the humanitarian cri-
sis on Tunisias border with Libya that Staff of Tunisian
CSOs who have contact with foreign governments or
organizations could later be prosecuted and face impris-
onment if the Tunisian authorities determine that these
contacts have incited prejudice against Tunisias vital
interests, economic security, or diplomatic relations
broad terms that give the government wide discretion to
target disfavored groups.
138
Tunisian CSOs have called
for a new NPO framework law that respects the rights to
association and assembly and eliminates these and other
barriers to philanthropy.
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
32
4.4.5 India: FATF demands tighter regulations;
restrictive new Act adopted
In July 2010, a joint FATF/APG inspection found that
India was non-complaint in respect to FATF SR VIII. The
FATF report called on the Indian authorities to imple-
ment measures to ensure that all NPOs are licensed
and/or registered as such and make this new informa-
tion available to the competent authorities; ensure that
NPOs maintain information on the identity of the persons
who own, control or direct their activities, including sen-
ior officers, board members and trustees; demonstrate
that appropriate measures are in place to sanction viola-
tions of oversight measures or rules by NPOs or persons
acting on [their] behalf and undertake comprehensive
outreach to the NPO sector with a view to protecting
the sector from abuse for terrorist financing as well
as wider outreach in relation to good governance and
accountability.
139

The Indian government drew-up new regulations in
advance of the publication of the FATF report and adopted
the Foreign Contributions Regulations Act (FCRA) in
mid-2010. The FCRA was condemned by CIVICUS, a
global civil society alliance, for allowing broad execu-
tive discretion to designate organisations as being of
political nature and prevent them from receiving foreign
funds.
140
This is particularly problematic for organisations
concerned with issues like human rights that rely more
heavily on foreign grants to fund their activities. FCRA
also places an arbitrary cap of 50% on the administrative
expenses of an organisation receiving foreign funding;
while those organisations that are given permission to
receive funding from abroad must re-apply for permis-
sion from the government every five years.
4.4.6 Indonesia: new FATF-promoted
laws opposed by NGOs
In July 2008 an APG inspection of Indonesia found that
country to be non-complaint in respect to FATF SR VIII.
While foreign NPOs are subject to special regulations and
procedures and required to register with the Ministry of
Home Affairs, the Law on Societal Organisations adopted
by the Suharto government in 1985 as a means of con-
trolling civil society organisations had not been applied
since the regime fell in 1998.
In order to comply with FATF SR VIII the APG called on
Indonesia to institute a process to improve regulation and
oversight of charities as a priority; conduct a coordinated
review of the domestic NPO sector; include religious
NPOs in effective controls to improve good govern-
ance and ensure AML/CFT measures are effective in the
sector; conduct outreach and implement measures to
improve transparency and good governance within the
NPO sector; implement measures, including existing
laws relating to Foundations, to ensure that all relevant
NPOs operate within the terms of their registration and
make publicly available information on their activities, their
office holders and financial activities; remove barriers to
information sharing between the DG Tax and other NPO
regulators, POLRI, PPATK and other relevant CFT agen-
cies; and support improved mechanisms for information
exchange with foreign counterparts.
141

In 2010 the Indonesian government announced sev-
eral proposals including a new law on Civil Society
Organizations (to replace the 1985 Societal Organizations
law) and a Bill on the Management of Islamic Charity
(Zakat). At a public hearing on the draft CSO law in
June 2011, the Indonesian Centre for Law & Policy
Studies submitted a joint statement from a coalition of
NGOs calling on the government to scrap the Bill and
simply repeal the defunct Societal Organizations law in
order to guarantee continued freedom of association.
142


4.4.7 Cambodia: draft NPO law threatens
unauthorised groups and organisations
Cambodia was rated partially-compliant with FATF SR VIII
by the World Bank and APG in July 2007.
143
The evalua-
tion report called on the Cambodian government to adopt
a comprehensive legal framework to govern the activi-
ties of NPOs.
A draft NPO law was released in August 2010. Following
widespread criticism from NGOs and civil society organi-
sations, a revised draft was produced in March 2011. ICNL
reports that reaction to the new draft has been largely
critical, as many of the problematic provisions remain
and new concerns have arisen. In particular, the draft law
limits eligible founding members of both associations and
NGOs to Cambodian nationals, thus excluding refugees,
stateless persons and others in Cambodia from forming
associations or domestic NGOs. The draft law also pro-
hibits any activity conducted by unregistered associations
and NGOs; registration is mandatory and unregistered
groups are banned. According to ICNL, this means that
every group of individuals who gather together with a
differing level of frequency and perform the broadest
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
33
variety of imaginable activities, from trekking and football
fans, to chess and silk weaving groups, will be acting in
violation of law. The draft law also provides inadequate
standards to guide the governments determination of
suspension or termination of an association or NGO;
there is no requirement for the governmental authorities
to provide notice and an opportunity to rectify problems
prior to the suspension or termination. There is no men-
tion of a right to appeal after suspension or termination.
Cambodias draft NPO law also places constraints on
associations and NGOs through notification and report-
ing requirements and erects barriers to the registration
and activity of foreign NGOs in a heavily bureaucratic,
multi-staged registration process, which lacks procedural
safeguards.
144
4.4.8 Russia: NPO regulations
dangerously increase coercive
powers of state
Draft legislation imposing heightened surveillance and
re-registration procedures affecting the 450,000 Russian
NGOs operating in Russia was passed by the Duma in
November 2005. Many interpreted the initiative as a
reaction to the revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine where
NGOs played an important role. The Council of Europe,
the EU Civil Society Contact Group, European politi-
cians and media commentators, and Russias own Public
Chamber all expressed concern about the law prior to
its second reading in the Duma. The United States
House of Representatives even passed a Resolution
in December 2005, calling for Russia to withdraw the
NGO legislation drafts. The EU Civil Society Contact
Group argued that the proposed law would dangerously
increase the intrusive power of the state by allowing
unprecedented control over independent NGOs; create an
overly complicated registration procedure for NGOs and
permit government officials to deny registration arbitrar-
ily; subject NGOs to inspections and audits at any time
and without limitation; liquidate NGOs unable to obtain
registration; outlaw foreign representative offices; and
diminish the necessary checks and balances intrinsic to
a democratic society.
145

Despite promises by President Vladimir Putin to change
the Bill, the legislation was passed in January 2006.
Critics argue that the law is unconstitutional and in vio-
lation of domestic and international law.
146
A gay rights
organisation has been denied registration on the grounds
that its work undermines the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of the Russian Federation in view of the reduc-
tion of the population.
Despite criticism from around the world that the law
is overtly repressive and restrictive, a joint evaluation
by FATF, EAG and MONEYVAL in 2008 found that Russia
was only partially compliant with FATF SR VIII and called
upon the authorities to set up a more formalised and effi-
cient system.
147
According to ICNL, the existing legislation
already authorizes the government to request any finan-
cial, operational, or internal document at any time without
any limitation, and to send government representatives to
an organizations events and meetings (including internal
business or strategy meetings).
148

4.4.9 Colombia: regulation needed
to ensure compliance with SR VIII
In 2007 a GAFISUD inspection of Colombia found that
country non-compliant with FATF SR VIII. It noted the
failure to adequately review the sector to assess its
vulnerability to terrorist financing and introduce a uni-
form regulatory framework for NPOs.
149
According to
ICNL, Colombia is one of the most dangerous countries
in the world in which to be a human rights defender,
with dozens of labor rights activists, lawyers, indig-
enous activists and community and religious leaders
being murdered every year. In recent years, civil soci-
ety organizations, mainly human rights NGOs, and
their members have been frequent victims of repris-
als and undue restrictions as a result of their work
of promoting and protecting the victims of the armed
conflict. On several occasions, the Inter-American
Commission of Human Rights has voiced its concern
about threats against human rights defenders and
members of civil society organizations. Other forms
of violations include: illegal surveillance, smear cam-
paigns and criminal prosecutions, and violations of
the home and other arbitrary or abusive entry to the
offices of human rights organizations, and interference
in correspondence and phone and electronic commu-
nication.
150
While there are no express legal barriers
to operational activities, the subjective application of
regulations by government institutions often produces
a disparity between the original intent of the laws and
their present enforcement. The GAFISUD evaluation
failed to take this political climate into account or qualify
its demands for new NPO regulation with the need for
stringent safeguards guaranteeing freedom of associa-
tion and expression.
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
34
4.4.10 Paraguay: anti-terrorism law
criminalises protest
Paraguay was rated non-compliant with SRVIII by a
GAFISUD inspection in December 2005 on the grounds
that it lacked an adequate framework for combating
terrorist financing and regulating NGOs.
151
In 2007 the
government introduced a draft Anti-Terrorist Law
and modifications to the penal code. The proposed
anti-terrorist law did not clearly define what consti-
tutes terrorism and included acts such as dangerous
interventions or obstacles on public roadways, noise
pollution and other actions which intimidate Paraguayan
citizens. Under the law, financing terrorist activities is a
crime punishable by 5-15 years in prison, as is any kind
of association with terrorist organisations. The law was
seen as a clear attempt to criminalise forms of social
protest and clampdown on NGOs.
152
Despite widespread
opposition, the law was passed in 2010.
153
A second
law on the Prevention of Money-Laundering, which
extends the range of financial institutions that can be
placed under surveillance and provides the tools to
investigate institutions suspected of financing terror-
ism, was also passed, leading to a lifting of sanctions
against Panama by the Egmont Group of Financial
Intelligence Units.
154

4.4.11 Uzbekistan: could do better?
In June 2010, EAG (Eurasian Group on money launder-
ing and terrorist financing) found Uzbekistan partially
compliant with SR VIII, noting that the government
had established a comprehensive integrated system of
monitoring and oversight over the NPO sector and that
this system can be used for, inter alia, protection of the
sector from FT or ML risks. EAG nevertheless recom-
mended that Uzbekistan should review effectiveness of
the established system of control and monitoring of the
NPO sector for AML/CFT purposes.
155

The Uzbek NPO regulation system is seen by ICNL to have
resulted in most foreign and international NGOs being
closed and expelled from the country and a process
of re-registration, which led to a significant reduction
in the number of non-governmental organizations in
Uzbekistan.
156
Under the Administrative Liability Code it
is illegal to participate in the activity of an unregistered
organisation.
157
One of the last international organisa-
tions in Uzbekistan the representative office of the
Institution of New Democracies in Uzbekistan was
closed by the courts in the spring of 2010. Human
Rights Watchs representative office in Uzbekistan was
closed down by a court decision the following year.
4.4.12 Saudi Arabia: NPO regulation outclasses
other jurisdiction
A joint FATF/MENAFATF evaluation of Saudi Arabia in
2010 rated the Kingdom as largely compliant with FATF
SR VIII and observed that the NPO sector appears to be
encapsulated in a comprehensive regulatory and super-
visory system that outclasses many other systems of
other jurisdictions and that appears to be rather effec-
tive.
158
What the evaluators fail to stress is that in Saudi
Arabia, only organisations established by royal decree
are allowed.
According to ICNL, Saudi regulations impose multiple
barriers to the formation and existence of civil society
organizations; strictly confines civil society organisa-
tions to a narrowly construed range of permissible
activities; subject the activities of NGOs to strict moni-
toring by the Ministry of Social Affairs and intelligence
authorities (if an NGO engages in unapproved activities,
then government authorities compel the founders of the
organization to sign pledges to discontinue these activi-
ties); and require CSOs to obtain prior approval from the
Ministry before communicating with regional and inter-
national peer groups. Saudi laws also allow the state to
intervene directly in the internal affairs of non-govern-
mental organisations.
159

4.4.13 Sierra Leone: World Bank demands
new NPO regulations
In June 2007, an FATF mutual evaluation conducted by
the World Bank found Sierra Leone to be non-compliant
with SR VIII and called upon the government to introduce
a legal framework for the regulation of NPOs and dis-
suasive and proportionate sanctions for organisations
that fail to comply with the regulations.
160
The Government
of Sierra Leone duly enacted the Revised NGO Policy
Regulations in 2009, subjecting civil society organisa-
tions to increased interference from Government and
other state agencies.
According to ICNL, NGOs in Sierra Leone are defined as
having the primary objective of enhancing the social,
environmental, cultural and economic well being of com-
munities. They are therefore restricted from engaging
in political and human rights advocacy. NGOs must
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
35
also sign an Agreement with the Government of Sierra
Leone before they can commence operations; this is
interpreted to mean that every project implemented in
Sierra Leone by NGOs must be approved by the sectoral
ministry concerned and by the Ministry of Finance and
Economic Development. No project shall be implemented
by an NGO in the country without prior state approval.
NGOs are subject to stringent reporting and supervisory
requirements and must submit annual reports for all
projects implemented and details of all funds committed
by donors for project implementation. NGOs are subject
to site visits without prior notice. The NGO Policy also
states that all assets purchased or acquired with donor
funds should be the property of the people of Sierra
Leone who are the beneficiaries rather than of the
NGO itself. Finally, NGOs are subject to sanctions (which
could include cancellation of duty-free concessions and/
or suspension or cancellation of certificate of registra-
tion) for failing to comply with the provisions of the NGO
Policy, for acting in contravention of its stated objectives,
and where the NGO shows by its nature, composition and
operations over the years that it is not developing/promot-
ing the capacity of Sierra Leoneans in the management
of its operations.
161

4.4.14 European Union: attempt to introduce binding
NPO regulations rebuffed
In 2005 the European Commission proposed a draft
Code of Conduct for Non-profit Organisations to prevent
the sector being abused by terrorist organisations and
comply with FATF SR VIII.
162
Member State governments
meeting in the Council of the EU endorsed the draft Code
without debate.
163

A public consultation was also launched and a coalition of
European NGO platforms called on governments to reject
the draft code on the grounds that the European sector
already has inherent mechanisms of transparency and
accountability and is already subject to national legislation
and control. It added that Unless evidence is advanced
to the contrary, strong doubts are justified as to whether
this initiative is proportionate to the actual threat while
aiming at tackling what has not been demonstrated to be
more than a marginal phenomenon, it could end up rais-
ing suspicion on the broader NPO sector and have very
serious counter-productive effects.
164

Following further criticism, the Code appeared to have
been withdrawn and the European Commission decided
instead to fund two studies: one examining the extent
of criminal abuse of NPOs,
165
the other examining self-
regulatory initiatives.
166
The studies confirmed what the
coalition of NGO platforms had suggested: the problem
of terrorist abuse of NPOs in Europe was extremely rare
and existing standards of transparency and accountability
were largely sufficient.
Nonetheless, in 2009, a demand for legal standards
for charitable organisations to increase their transpar-
ency and responsibility so as to ensure compatibility
with Special Recommendation (SR) VIII of the Financial
Action Task Force (FATF) appeared in the draft legisla-
tive programme of the EU for 2010-14.
167
More concerted
advocacy from European civil society organisations fol-
lowed and the proposal was restricted to promot[ing]
increased transparency and responsibility for charitable
organisations with a view to ensuring compatibility with
[SRVIII].
168

In 2010 the European Commission issued voluntary
guidelines for European NPOs;
169
these too were strongly
criticised by civil society organisations which described
them as wholly unnecessary.
170
All 27 EU member states
have been subject to the mutual evaluation process
with regards to FATF SR VIII. Only two countries are
deemed compliant, six are largely complaint, 12 are
partially compliant and seven are non-complaint (see
Appendix D).
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
36
5 Conclusions
and Recommendations

5.1 A contradictory approach
The positive role that many civil society groups across the
world play in protecting and providing services to margin-
alised communities, combating racism and discrimination,
promoting human rights and social justice, holding gov-
ernments, corporations and IGOs to account, demanding
democracy and transparency, challenging inequality and
educating the public, is widely recognised and lauded.
Outside the framework of the War on Terror, the U.S.
State Department has called on other states to allow
NGOs to function in an environment free from harass-
ment, intimidation and discrimination; to receive financial
support from domestic, foreign, and international entities;
and called for laws regulating NGOs to be applied apoliti-
cally and equitably.
171
Last year the United Nations created
the first ever Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Assembly
and Association to defend civil society. Welcoming the
initiative, the U.S. government announced that it will
continue our leading effort to expand respect for this
fundamental freedom for civil society members and other
individuals all over the world.
172

The top-down and over-broad approach to the regula-
tion of civil society in the name of countering terrorism,
strongly promoted by U.S. governments and the Financial
Action Task Force, clearly contradicts these values and
principles. The FATF is not, of course, responsible for the
outright repression of civil society in the countries dis-
cussed above (the governments and agencies of those
countries are). But what the research demonstrates is
that, in its current form, FATF SR VIII is a danger to civil
society organisations in many parts of the world, because
it incites governments to introduce onerous rules and
regulations, subject NPOs to excessive state surveillance,
and interfere in or restrict the activities of CSOs. While
this was surely not the intention of the Group of Seven
justice ministers who called for the establishment of the
FATF, or the Group of Eight finance ministers who called
for measures to tackle terrorist financing in the immedi-
ate aftermath of 9/11, that is what the FATF process has
resulted in. An innocuous sounding Recommendation
on reducing the vulnerability of the NPO sector to the
vulnerability of terrorist financing from an obscure inter-
governmental body has been interpreted, expanded and
enforced in a way that threatens to impose a rigid global
framework for state regulation of NPOs.
A growing body of research has documented the way in
which many less developed and less democratic states
already make it very difficult for NPOs to operate with-
out undue restraint; many of their governments now
have the express endorsement of the FATF, World Bank
or IMF to introduce or expand regulatory frameworks
that facilitate their intrusions into activities of NGOs and
civil society organisations. The plethora of rules and
regulations regarding due diligence and the proactive
disclosure of suspicions about terrorist links has also
made it much more difficult for international NGOs and
donor organisations to work in conflict zones and with
suspect communities. In a climate in which European
and North American development budgets already face
the dual pressures of budget cuts and securitisation, the
perceived dangers of doing development work in coun-
tries where NPOs are vulnerable to terrorist abuse has
already contributed to decisions by donors to pull out of
supposedly high-risk or non-compliant countries. This
can only have negative consequences for social justice
and conflict resolution initiatives that had previously bene-
fited from projects supporting grass-roots and community
organisations and engaging marginalised stakeholders.
5.2 Rethinking SR VIII
The legitimacy of the SR VIII regime rests on its propor-
tionality: is the framework for NPO regulation elaborated
by the FATF commensurate to the actual threat of terror-
ist exploitation of non-profit organisations? The available
evidence certainly does not support the proposition that
terrorist financing is a major problem across the world.
The FATF has taken a sledgehammer to crack the prover-
bial nut. Its approach appears both disproportionate and
ultra vires with SR VIII going beyond its remit of reviewing
the adequacy of laws to address potential vulnerabili-
ties of NPO sectors to abuse by terrorism, to requiring
states to regulate their NPO sectors as a whole. A seri-
ous debate about the purpose, impact and future of SR
VIII is necessary in the light of the serious threats to civil
society described above. This debate should give careful
consideration to the options open to FATF member states,
including repealing or reforming SR VIII.
Given the already substantive and onerous obligations
on states and private entities to enact a whole host of
measures designed to prevent terrorist financing many
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
37
of which are set out in other FATF Recommendations and
UN Security Council Resolutions there are strong argu-
ments that FATF SR VIII is not needed at all. Assuming
that states meet their financial surveillance, criminal law
and police cooperation obligations, they should have all
the powers they need to investigate and prosecute ter-
rorist financing regardless of the status of the perpetrator.
As a 2010 report by the World Bank suggested: The rarity
of instances of terrorism financing by NPOs, when con-
trasted against the enormous scope of the sector, does
raise the question of whether, in and of itself, government
regulation is the most appropriate response. To be clear,
this is not to belittle the significance of the issue; rather, it
is to question the nature of the response.
173
In this context
the FATF might simply restrict the scope of SR VIII to its
apparently original purpose; in other words limiting the
obligation on states to the review of their own NPO sec-
tors for vulnerability of terrorist financing (see Section
4). This would require wholesale changes to the FATFs
guidance and compliance regime. If terrorist financing by
NPOs is found to be a bona fide problem in specific coun-
tries, then advice on how to deal with it may be provided
the FATF and other expert organisations.
In imposing a package that amounts to wholesale NPO
regulation in order to serve an international law enforce-
ment agenda, the FATF has also disregarded the great
strides toward transparency and accountability already
taken by NPO sectors in many countries. State-centric
approaches also ignore the positive role that NPOs can
play in both assessing measures to prevent terrorist
financing and ensuring that any new regulations does
not impact adversely on others in civil society. The FATFs
approach to the NPO sector contrasts that taken toward
the banking and financial services sectors, which have
long had observer status at the FATF and play a very
active role in the development and implementation of FATF
Recommendations. It is difficult to understand why the
recommendation, guidance and evaluation criteria for SR
VIII have all been drawn-up by the FATF without any open
consultation or structured input from concerned NPOs.
If SR VIII is to be maintained, substantial safeguards are
urgently required to protect freedom of expression and
association and prevent undue restrictions on the opera-
tional space of civil society organisations and human
rights defenders. Among the most alarming findings of
this research was the failure on the part of the FATF
an intergovernmental policy forum with global reach to
adequately mainstream human rights concerns into any
of its 40+9 Recommendations.
International human rights law requires the FATF to
ensure that all of its recommendations and guidance pay
due regard to the appropriate minimum standards of pro-
tection set out in international conventions, protocols and
jurisprudence. Yet there is nothing in the FATFs evalua-
tion and assessment guidance to suggest that the rights
to freedom of association and expression of NPOs should
be expressly guaranteed, or indeed any other enforce-
able safeguards against the kind of excessive regulation
described above. Moreover, it was also apparent from
the evaluation reports that the inspection teams lacked
the mandate and expertise to address NPO regulation in
a manner consistent with international human rights law.
In response to growing concerns about human rights
violations arising from the implementation of Security
Council resolutions on the prevention of terrorism, the
United Nations Counter-Terrorism Executive Directorate
(CTED) is now obliged to ensure that all human rights
issues relevant to the implementation of [Security Council]
resolutions [on counter-terrorism] are addressed consist-
ently and even-handedly.
174
Why not subject the FATF
counter-terrorism mandate to the same standards?
Careful thought must be given to whether the FATF is an
appropriate body to be promoting and enforcing standards
of NPO regulation throughout the world. If it is to continue
in this vein, then it must urgently introduce specific safe-
guards based on international laws protecting the right
of individuals to form, join and participate in civil society
organisations. The World Movement for Democracy and
the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law Defending
Civil Society Project have developed six principles to
protect civil society from excessive regulation and undue
political and legal interference.
175
The Principles, repro-
duced in full in Appendix E, reflect the way in which
international law protects the rights to Freedom of
Association, to operate free from unwarranted state
interference, to free expression, to communication and
cooperation, to seek and secure resources, and places a
duty on states to protect the rights of civil society. Judged
against these benchmarks, it is SR VIII itself that appears
non-compliant. The newly appointed Special Rapporteur
on Freedom of Assembly and Association could surely
provide guidance to the FATF on this matter.

5.3 The need for a broader debate
about the FATF
The FATF emerges as a powerful policy-making and
enforcement body with global reach. This raises important
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
38
questions about the kind of regulation and democratic
control to which the FATFs activities should be sub-
ject. The introduction to this report employed several
deliberately provocative concepts to highlight several
specific problems. Whether one agrees or not with the
concept of policy laundering, the fact remains that the
highly coercive and technocratic frameworks for financial
surveillance, combating money laundering and terrorist
financing have been firmly implanted on the international
counter-terrorism and global governance agendas in the
absence of any real debate about their impact outside
of the financial services sector. And whether or not one
accepts or rejects the premise of global enforcement
regimes, a series of decisions adopted in the six weeks
after 9/11 have had far-reaching implications in terms of
globalising the FATF and effectively imposing a set of G7
standards upon the rest of the world.
The FATFs compliance framework, developed out of the
World Bank and IMF financial sector assessment pro-
grammes, means that states obligations under the 40+9
Recommendations now exceed the scope of those under
comparable intergovernmental law enforcement con-
ventions. It matters that the FATF is not regulated by any
formal legal agreement, because crucial debates about
its mandate, powers and activities have been avoided. It
was the emergence of this kind of ad hoc alternative to
traditional forms of so-called liberal intergovernmental-
ism that gave rise to the concept of policy laundering in
the first place. The absence of important debates about
adequate democratic control of the FATF and public
accountability is reflected in a mandate that is concerned
almost solely with the needs of law enforcement agencies
above other values and principles, and a Secretariat that
is unwilling to even disclose the nationality of the seven
governments which sit on the FATFs Steering Board.
In addition to the specific human rights concerns around
SR VIII, the FATF has also failed to augment its financial
surveillance mechanisms with dedicated data protection
regimes governing suspicious transactions reports and
the activities of Financial Intelligence Units.
176
Beyond the
urgent need to re-think SR VIII there should be a much
broader debate about the future regulation and control
of the FATF, its legal status, its enforcement regime, its
compliance with international human rights standards,
and its mechanisms for enhanced accountability and
transparency.

5.4 Recommendations
1. The FATF should recognise the crucial role of civil
society in developing effective and proportionate
counter-terrorism policies, as set out in United
Nations Security Council Resolutions, and begin
an active dialogue on SR VIII with NPOs and human
rights experts as a matter of urgency.
2. This dialogue should assess the legitimacy, scope
and interpretation of FATF Special Recommenda-
tion VIII with a view to substantial reform, including
the introduction of adequate protections for civil
society.
3. The FATF should limit compliance assessments for
SR VIII to countries where there is a demonstrable
problem of terrorist financing by NPOs.
4. In accordance with the Recommendations of the
Working Group on Tackling the Financing of Ter-
rorism of the United Nations Counter Terrorism
Implementation Task Force, states and IGOs should
avoid rhetoric that ties NPOs to terrorism financing
in general terms, because it overstates the threat
and unduly damages the NPO sector as a whole.
5. Experts should assess the compliance of all 40+9
Recommendations with international human rights
and data protection laws and conventions with a
view to incorporating the necessary protections
into FATF guidance, best practices and evaluations
of member states.
6. Member countries should consider appropriate
mechanisms to improve the democratic control,
public accountability and legal regulation of the
FATF. At a minimum, this should include a formal
international agreement regulating the powers and
activities of the FATF, transparent rules and pro-
cedures around decision-making, and measures
to facilitate the publics right of access to FATF
information.
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
39
APPENDICES
Appendix A
FATF Special Recommendation VIII
Countries should review the adequacy of laws and regulations that relate to entities that can be abused for the financing of
terrorism. Non-profit organisations are particularly vulnerable, and countries should ensure that they cannot be misused:
(i) by terrorist organisations posing as legitimate entities;
(ii) to exploit legitimate entities as conduits for terrorist financing, including for the purpose of escaping asset freezing
measures; and
(iii) to conceal or obscure the clandestine diversion of funds intended for legitimate purposes to terrorist organisations
Interpretative Note
Introduction
1. Non-profit organisations (NPOs) play a vital role in the world economy and in many national economies and social systems.
Their efforts complement the activity of the governmental and business sectors in providing essential services, comfort and
hope to those in need around the world. The ongoing international campaign against terrorist financing has unfortunately
demonstrated however that terrorists and terrorist organisations exploit the NPO sector to raise and move funds, provide
logistical support, encourage terrorist recruitment or otherwise support terrorist organisations and operations. This mis-
use not only facilitates terrorist activity but also undermines donor confidence and jeopardises the very integrity of NPOs.
Therefore, protecting the NPO sector from terrorist abuse is both a critical component of the global fight against terrorism
and a necessary step to preserve the integrity of NPOs.
2. NPOs may be vulnerable to abuse by terrorists for a variety of reasons. NPOs enjoy the public trust, have access to con-
siderable sources of funds, and are often cash-intensive. Furthermore, some NPOs have a global presence that provides
a framework for national and international operations and financial transactions, often within or near those areas that are
most exposed to terrorist activity. Depending on the legal form of the NPO and the country, NPOs may often be subject to
little or no governmental oversight (for example, registration, record keeping, reporting and monitoring), or few formalities
may be required for their creation (for example, there may be no skills or starting capital required, no background checks
necessary for employees). Terrorist organisations have taken advantage of these characteristics of NPOs to infiltrate the
sector and misuse NPO funds and operations to cover for or support terrorist activity.
Objectives and General Principles
3. The objective of Special Recommendation VIII is to ensure that NPOs are not misused by terrorist organisations:
(i) to pose as legitimate entities;
(ii) to exploit legitimate entities as conduits for terrorist financing, including for the purpose of escaping asset freezing
measures; or
(iii) to conceal or obscure the clandestine diversion of funds intended for legitimate purposes but diverted for terrorist pur-
poses. In this Interpretative Note, the approach taken to achieve this objective is based on the following general principles:
a. Past and ongoing abuse of the NPO sector by terrorists and terrorist organisations requires countries to adopt measures
both:
(i) to protect the sector against such abuse, and
(ii) to identify and take effective action against those NPOs that either are exploited by or actively support terrorists or ter-
rorist organizations.
b. Measures adopted by countries to protect the NPO sector from terrorist abuse should not disrupt or discourage legitimate
charitable activities. Rather, such measures should promote transparency and engender greater confidence in the sector,
across the donor community and with the general public that charitable funds and services reach intended legitimate benefi-
ciaries. Systems that promote achieving a high degree of transparency, integrity and public confidence in the management
and functioning of all NPOs are integral to ensuring the sector cannot be misused for terrorist financing.
c. Measures adopted by countries to identify and take effective action against NPOs that either are exploited by or actively sup-
port terrorists or terrorist organisations should aim to prevent and prosecute as appropriate terrorist financing and other
forms of terrorist support. Where NPOs suspected of or implicated in terrorist financing or other forms of terrorist support
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
40
are identified, the first priority of countries must be to investigate and halt such terrorist financing or support.
Actions taken for this purpose should to the extent reasonably possible avoid any negative impact on innocent and legitimate
beneficiaries of charitable activity. However, this interest cannot excuse the need to undertake immediate and effective
actions to advance the immediate interest of halting terrorist financing or other forms of terrorist support provided by NPOs.
d. Developing co-operative relationships among the public, private and NPO sector is critical to raising awareness and fostering
capabilities to combat terrorist abuse within the sector. Countries should encourage the development of academic research
on and information sharing in the NPO sector to address terrorist financing related issues.
e. A targeted approach in dealing with the terrorist threat to the NPO sector is essential given the diversity within individual
national sectors, the differing degrees to which parts of each sector may be vulnerable to misuse by terrorists, the need to
ensure that legitimate charitable activity continues to flourish and the limited resources and authorities available to combat
terrorist financing in each jurisdiction.
f. Flexibility in developing a national response to terrorist financing in the NPO sector is also essential in order to allow it to
evolve over time as it faces the changing nature of the terrorist financing threat.
Definitions
4. For the purposes of Special Recommendation VIII and this interpretative note, the following definitions apply:
a. The term non-profit organisation or NPO refers to a legal entity or organisation that primarily engages in raising or
disbursing funds for purposes such as charitable, religious, cultural, educational, social or fraternal purposes, or for the
carrying out of other types of good works.
b. The terms FIU, legal arrangement and legal person are as defined by the FATF Forty Recommendations (2003) (the
FATF Recommendations).
c. The term funds is as defined by the Interpretative Note to FATF Special Recommendation II.
d. The terms freezing, terrorist and terrorist organisation are as defined by the Interpretative Note to FATF Special
Recommendation III.
e. The term appropriate authorities refers to competent authorities, self-regulatory bodies, accrediting institutions and other
administrative authorities.
f. The term beneficiaries refers to those natural persons, or groups of natural persons who receive charitable, humanitar-
ian or other types of assistance through the services of the NPO.
Measures
5. Countries should undertake domestic reviews of their NPO sector or have the capacity to obtain timely information on its
activities, size and other relevant features. In undertaking these assessments, countries should use all available sources of
information in order to identify features and types of NPOs, which by virtue of their activities or characteristics, are at risk
of being misused for terrorist financing. [1]Countries should also periodically reassess the sector by reviewing new infor-
mation on the sectors potential vulnerabilities to terrorist activities.
6. There is a diverse range of approaches in identifying, preventing and combating terrorist misuse of NPOs. An effective
approach, however, is one that involves all four of the following elements:
(a) Outreach to the sector,
(b) Supervision or monitoring,
(c) Effective investigation and information gathering and (d) Effective mechanisms for international co-operation.
The following measures represent specific actions that countries should take with respect to each of these elements in
order to protect their NPO sector from terrorist financing abuse.
a. Outreach to the NPO sector concerning terrorist financing issues
(i) Countries should have clear policies to promote transparency, integrity and public confidence in the administra-
tion and management of all NPOs.
(ii) Countries should encourage or undertake outreach programmes to raise awareness in the NPO sector about
the vulnerabilities of NPOs to terrorist abuse and terrorist financing risks, and the measures that NPOs can take to
protect themselves against such abuse.
(iii) Countries should work with the NPO sector to develop and refine best practices to address terrorist financing
risks and vulnerabilities and thus protect the sector from terrorist abuse. [2]
(iv) Countries should encourage NPOs to conduct transactions via regulated financial channels, wherever feasible,
keeping in mind the varying capacities of financial sectors in different countries and in different areas of urgent
charitable and humanitarian concerns.
b. Supervision or monitoring of the NPO sector
Countries should take steps to promote effective supervision or monitoring of their NPO sector. In practice, countries
should be able to demonstrate that the following standards apply to NPOs which account for (1) a significant portion of
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
41
the financial resources under control of the sector; and (2) a substantial share of the sectors international activities.
(i) NPOs should maintain information on:
(1) the purpose and objectives of their stated activities; and
(2) the identity of the person(s) who own, control or direct their activities, including senior officers, board members
and trustees. This information should be publicly available either directly from the NPO or through appropriate
authorities.
(ii) NPOs should issue annual financial statements that provide detailed breakdowns of incomes and expenditures.
(iii) NPOs should be licensed or registered. This information should be available to competent authorities. [3]
(iv) NPOs should have appropriate controls in place to ensure that all funds are fully accounted for and are spent in
a manner that is consistent with the purpose and objectives of the NPOs stated activities.
(v) NPOs should follow a know your beneficiaries and associate NPOs [4] rule, which means that the NPO should
make best efforts to confirm the identity, credentials and good standing of their beneficiaries and associate NPOs.
NPOs should also undertake best efforts to document the identity of their significant donors and to respect donor
confidentiality.
(vi) NPOs should maintain, for a period of at least five years, and make available to appropriate authorities, records
of domestic and international transactions that are sufficiently detailed to verify that funds have been spent in a man-
ner consistent with the purpose and objectives of the organisation. This also applies to information mentioned in
paragraphs (i) and (ii) above.
(vii) Appropriate authorities should monitor the compliance of NPOs with applicable rules and regulations. [5]
Appropriate authorities should be able to properly sanction relevant violations by NPOs or persons acting on behalf
of these NPOs. [6]
c. Effective information gathering and investigation
(i) Countries should ensure effective co-operation, co-ordination and information sharing to the extent possible among
all levels of appropriate authorities or organisations that hold relevant information on NPOs.
(ii) Countries should have investigative expertise and capability to examine those NPOs suspected of either being
exploited by or actively supporting terrorist activity or terrorist organisations.
(iii) Countries should ensure that full access to information on the administration and management of a particular NPO
(including financial and programmatic information) may be obtained during the course of an investigation.
(iv) Countries should establish appropriate mechanisms to ensure that when there is suspicion or reasonable grounds
to suspect that a particular NPO:
(1) is a front for fundraising by a terrorist organisation;
(2) is being exploited as a conduit for terrorist financing, including for the purpose of escaping asset freezing
measures; or
(3) is concealing or obscuring the clandestine diversion of funds intended for legitimate purposes, but redirected
for the benefit of terrorists or terrorist organisations, this information is promptly shared with all relevant com-
petent authorities in order to take preventative or investigative action.
d. Effective capacity to respond to international requests for information about an NPO of concern
Consistent with Special Recommendation V, countries should identify appropriate points of contact and procedures
to respond to international requests for information regarding particular NPOs suspected of terrorist financing or
other forms of terrorist support.
________
Footnotes:
1. For example, such information could be provided by regulators, tax authorities, FIUs, donor organisations or law enforcement and
intelligence authorities.
2. The FATFs Combating the Abuse of Non-Profit Organisations: International Best Practices provides a useful reference document
for such exercises.
3. Specific licensing or registration requirements for counter terrorist financing purposes are not necessary. For example, in some
countries, NPOs are already registered with tax authorities and monitored in the context of qualifying for favourable tax treatment
(such as tax credits or tax exemptions).
4. The term associate NPOs includes foreign branches of international NPOs.
5. In this context, rules and regulations may include rules and standards applied by self regulatory bodies and accrediting institutions.
6. The range of such sanctions might include freezing of accounts, removal of trustees, fines, de-certification, delicensing and de-
registration. This should not preclude parallel civil, administrative or criminal proceedings with respect to NPOs or persons acting
on their behalf where appropriate.
Source: http://www.fatf-gafi.org/document/53/0,3343,en_32250379_32236947_34261877_1_1_1_1,00.html#SRVIIInotes
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
42
Appendix B
FATF International Best Practices on
Combating the Abuse of non-Profit
Organisations

legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
43
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
44
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
45
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
46
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
47
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
48
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
49
Appendix C
AML/CFT Evaluations
and Assessments:
FATF Handbook for Countries
and Assessors

Reviews of the domestic non-profit sector:
VIII.1 Countries should:
(i) review the adequacy of domestic laws and regula-
tions that relate to nonprofit organisations;
(ii) use all available sources of information to un-
dertake domestic reviews of or have the capacity to obtain
timely information on the activities, size and other relevant
features of their non-profit sectors for the purpose of iden-
tifying the features and types of nonprofit organisations
(NPOs) that are at risk of being misused for terrorist financ-
ing by virtue of their activities or characteristics;
(iii) conduct periodic reassessments by reviewing
new information on the sectors potential vulnerabilities to
terrorist activities.
Some examples of possible sources of information that could
be used to undertake a domestic review or provide timely
information on the activities, size and other relevant features
of the domestic non-profit sector are: regulators, statistical
institutions, tax authorities, FIUs, donor organisations, self-
regulatory organizations or accreditation institutions, or law
enforcement and intelligence authorities.
Protecting the NPO sector from terrorist financing through
outreach and effective oversight:
VIII.2 Countries should undertake outreach to the NPO
sector with a view to protecting the sector from terrorist
financing abuse. This outreach should include
(i) raising awareness in the NPO sector about the
risks of terrorist abuse and the available measures to protect
against such abuse; and
(ii) promoting transparency, accountability, integrity,
and public confidence in the administration and manage-
ment of all NPOs.
An effective outreach program with the NPO sector may
include the development of best practices to address terrorist
financing risks, regular outreach events with the sector to
discuss scope and methods of abuse of NPOs, emerging trends
in terrorist financing and new protective measures, and the
issuance of advisory papers and other useful resources.
VIII.3 Countries should be able to demonstrate that the
following steps have been taken to promote effective super-
vision or monitoring of those NPOs which account for: (i) a
significant portion of the financial resources under control
of the sector; and (ii) a substantial share of the sectors
international activities.
VIII.3.1 NPOs should maintain information on: (1) the
purpose and objectives of their stated activities; and (2) the
identity of person(s) who own, control or direct their activi-
ties, including senior officers, board members and trustees.
This information should be publicly available either directly
from the NPO or through appropriate authorities.
VIII.3.2 Countries should be able to demonstrate that there
are appropriate measures in place to sanction violations of
oversight measures or rules by NPOs or persons acting on
behalf of NPOs. The application of such sanctions should
not preclude parallel civil, administrative, or criminal pro-
ceedings with respect to NPOs or persons acting on their
behalf where appropriate. Sanctions may include freezing
of accounts, removal of trustees, fines, de-certification,
delicensing or de-registration.
VIII.3.3 NPOs should be licensed or registered. This infor-
mation should be available to competent authorities.
VIII.3.4 NPOs should maintain, for a period of at least
five years, and make available to appropriate authorities,
records of domestic and international transactions that are
sufficiently detailed to verify that funds have been spent in
a manner consistent with the purpose and objectives of the
organisation. This also applies to information mentioned in
paragraphs (i) and (ii) of the Interpretative Note to Special
Recommendation VIII.
Targeting and attacking terrorist abuse of NPOs through
effective information gathering, investigation:
VIII.4 Countries should implement measures to ensure
that they can effectively investigate and gather information
on NPOs.
VIII.4.1 Countries should ensure effective domestic co-
operation, co-ordination and information sharing to the
extent possible among all levels of appropriate authorities
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
50
or organisations that hold relevant information on NPOs of
potential terrorist financing concern.
VIII.4.2 Countries should ensure that full access to infor-
mation on the administration and management of a particu-
lar NPO (including financial and programmatic information)
may be obtained during the course of an investigation.
VIII.4.3 Countries should develop and implement mecha-
nisms for the prompt sharing of information among all
relevant competent authorities in order to take preventative
or investigative action when there is suspicion or reasonable
grounds to suspect that a particular NPO is being exploited
for terrorist financing purposes or is a front organization
for terrorist fundraising. Countries should have investiga-
tive expertise and capability to examine those NPOs that are
suspected of either being exploited by or actively supporting
terrorist activity or terrorist organisations. Countries should
also have mechanisms in place that allow for prompt inves-
tigative or preventative action against such NPOs.
Responding to international requests for information about
an NPO of concern:
VIII.5 Countries should identify appropriate points of
contact and procedures to respond to international requests
for information regarding particular NPOs that are suspected
of terrorist financing or other forms of terrorist support.

legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
51
Appendix D
Compliance with FATF SR VIII in 159 countries

Abbreviations
Compliance bodies:
APG Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering

CFATF Caribbean Financial Action Task Force

EAG Eurasian Group on money laundering and terrorist financing

ESAAMLG Eastern and Southern Africa Anti-Money Laundering Group

MONEYVAL Council of Europe Committee of Experts on the Evaluation of Anti-Money
Laundering Measures and the Financing of Terrorism

GAFISUD Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering in South America

GIABA Inter Governmental Action Group against Money Laundering in West Africa

MENAFATF Middle East and North Africa Financial Action Task Force

Compliance ratings:
NC There are major shortcomings, with a large majority of the essential criteria not being met
PC The country has taken some substantive action and complies with some of the essential criteria
LC There are only minor shortcomings, with a large majority of the essential criteria being fully met.
C The Recommendation is fully observed with respect to all essential criteria.
Country
Date of
report
Compliance body Rating
Albania July 2006 MONEYVAL NC
Algeria Dec. 2010 MENAFATF NC
Andorra Sept. 2007 MONEYVAL NC
Anguilla July 2010 CFTAF NC
Antigua &
Barbuda
June 2008 CFTAF NC
Argentina Dec. 2010 FATF/GAFISUD NC
Armenia Sept. 2009 MONEYVAL PC
Aruba
(Netherlands)
Oct. 2009 FATF/CFATF NC
Australia Oct. 2005 FATF/APG PC
Austria June 2010 FATF PC
Azerbaijan Dec. 2008 MONEYVAL NC
Country
Date of
report
Compliance body Rating
Bahamas Nov. 2007 CFATF PC
Bahrain Nov. 2006 IMF PC
Bangladesh July 2009 APG PC
Barbados June 2008 CFATF LC
Belarus Dec. 2008 EAG PC
Belgium June 2005 FATF C
Belize July 2011 CFATF NC
Benin May 2010 GIABA NC
Bermuda Jan. 2008 IMF PC
Bolivia July 2006 GAFISUD NC
Bosnia &
Herzegovina
Dec. 2009 MONEYVAL NC
Botswana Aug. 2007 WORLD BANK NC
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
52
Country
Date of
report
Compliance body Rating
Brazil Aug. 2010 FATF/GAFISUD NC
Brunei July 2010 APG PC
Bulgaria Apr. 2008 MONEYVAL PC
Burkina Faso Nov. 2009 GIABA NC
Cambodia July 2007 WORLD BANK PC
Canada Feb. 2008 FATF LC
Cape Verde Nov. 2007 GIABA NC
Cayman
Islands
Nov. 2007 CFATF PC
Chile Dec. 2010 GAFISUD NC
China
June 2007 FATF/EAG LC
Colombia 2007 GAFISUD NC
Comoros March 2010 IMF NC
Cook Islands July 2009 APG/OGBS PC
Costa Rica May 2007 CFATF PC
Croatia Apr. 2008 MONEYVAL NC
Cyprus Feb. 2006 MONEYVAL PC
Czech
Republic
Sept. 2007 MONEYVAL PC
Denmark June 2006 FATF LC
Dominica July 2009 CFATF NC
Dominican
Republic
Oct. 2006 CFATF NC
Ecuador Dec. 2007 GAFISUD NC
Egypt May 2009 WORLD BANK C
El Salvador Sept. 2010 CFATF PC
Estonia Dec. 2008 MONEYVAL PC
Fiji July 2006 WORLD BANK PC
Finland Oct. 2007 FATF PC
France Feb. 2011 FATF LC
Gambia Sept. 2008 GIABA PC
Georgia Feb. 2007 MONEYVAL PC
Germany Feb. 2010 FATF LC
Ghana Nov. 2009 GIABA NC
Greece June 2007 FATF NC
Grenada June 2009 CFATF NC
Guatemala Nov. 2010 CFATF PC
Country
Date of
report
Compliance body Rating
Guyana July 2011 CFATF NC
Haiti June 2008 IMF NC
Honduras Aug. 2009 CFATF NC
Hong Kong July 2008 FATF/APG LC
Hungary Sept. 2010 MONEYVAL NC
Iceland Oct. 2006 FATF NC
India July 2010 FATF/APG NC
Indonesia July 2008 APG NC
Ireland Feb. 2006 FATF PC
Israel July 2008 MONEYVAL LC
Italy Feb. 2006 FATF C
Jamaica Oct. 2005 CFATF NC
Japan Oct. 2008 FATF PC
Jordan May 2009 MENAFATF PC
Kazakhstan June 2011 EAG NC
Kyrgyz
Republic
June 2007 EAG NC
Latvia Sept. 2006 MONEYVAL NC
Lebanon Nov. 2009 MENAFATF NC
Liechtenstein Sept. 2007 MONEYVAL PC
Lithuania Nov. 2006 MONEYVAL PC
Luxembourg Feb. 2010 FATF PC
Macao July 2007 APG/OGBS PC
FYR
Macedonia
July 2008 MONEYVAL NC
Malawi Dec. 2008 WORLD BANK NC
Malaysia July 2007 APG PC
Mali Sept. 2008 WORLD BANK NC
Malta Sept. 2007 MONEYVAL NC
Mauritania Nov. 2006 WORLD BANK PC
Mauritius Dec. 2008 IMF NC
Mexico Oct. 2008 FATF/GAFISUD PC
Moldova Dec. 2009 MONEYVAL PC
Monaco Dec. 2007 MONEYVAL PC
Mongolia July 2007 APG PC
Montenegro Mar. 2009 MONEYVAL NC
Montserrat July 2007 CFATF PC
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
53
Country
Date of
report
Compliance body Rating
Morocco Nov. 2007 MENAFATF NC
Myanmar/
Burma
July 2008 APG PC
Namibia Aug. 2007 WORLD BANK PC
Netherlands Feb. 2011 FATF LC
New Zealand Nov. 2010 FATF/APG PC
Nicaragua Oct. 2009 CFATF PC
Niger May 2009 WORLD BANK PC
Nigeria May 2008 GIABA NC
Norway June 2005 FATF NC
Oman May 2011 MENAFATF/FATF LC
Pakistan July 2009 WORLD BANK/APG PC
Palau July 2008 IMF PC
Panama Sept. 2006 IMF PC
Paraguay Dec. 2005 GAFISUD NC
Peru July 2005 GAFISUD PC
Philippines July 2009 WORLD BANK/APG PC
Poland June 2007 MONEYVAL NC
Portugal Oct. 2006 FATF PC
Qatar Apr. 2008 IMF LC
Romania July 2008 MONEYVAL PC
Russia June 2008 FATF/EAG/MONEYVAL PC
Samoa July 2006 APG/OGBS NC
San Marino Apr. 2008 MONEYVAL NC
Saudi Arabia July 2010 FATF/MENAFATF LC
Senegal May 2008 GIABA NC
Serbia Dec. 2009 MONEYVAL NC
Seychelles Aug. 2008 ESAAMLG NC
Sierra Leone June 2007 WORLD BANK NC
Slovak
Republic
Sept. 2006 MONEYVAL NC
Singapore Feb. 2008 FATF/APG LC
Slovenia May 2005 MONEYVAL PC
Solomon
Islands
July 2010 WORLD BANK/APG NC
South Africa Feb. 2009 FATF/ESAAMLG PC
South Korea Aug. 2009 FAFT/APG PC
Spain June 2006 FATF LC
Country
Date of
report
Compliance body Rating
Sri Lanka July 2006 APG PC
St. Kitts &
Nevis
June 2009 CFATF PC
St. Lucia Nov. 2008 CFATF NC
St. Vincent &
Grenadines
June 2010 IMF LC
Suriname Nov. 2009 CFATF NC
Sweden Feb. 2006 FATF PC
Switzerland Nov. 2005 FATF LC
Syria Nov. 2006 MENAFATF PC
Taipei July 2007 APG LC
Tajikistan Dec. 2008 EAG NC
Tanzania Dec. 2009 ESAAMLG NC
Thailand July 2007 IMF NC
Tonga July 2010 APG NC
Trinidad &
Tobago
May 2007 CFATF NC
Turkey Feb. 2007 FATF PC
Turks &
Caicos Islands
Nov. 2008 CFATF NC
Tunisia Apr. 2007 WORLD BANK C
Turkmenistan June 2011 EAG PC
Uganda Aug. 2007 WORLD BANK PC
Ukraine Mar. 2009 MONEYVAL PC
United Arab
Emirates
Apr. 2008 FATF/MENAFATF LC
United
Kingdom
June 2007 FATF LC
USA June 2006 FATF C
Uruguay Dec. 2006 GAFISUD PC
Uzbekistan June 2010 EAG PC
Vanuatu Mar. 2006 APG/OGBS NC
Venezuela Sept. 2009 CFATF NC
Vietnam July 2009 APG PC
Virgin Islands Nov. 2008 CFATF PC
Yemen Apr. 2008 MENAFATF PC
Zambia Aug. 2008 ESAAMLG NC
Zimbabwe Aug. 2007 ESAAMLG NC
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
54
Appendix E
Six Principles to protect civil society
organizations
Source: World Movement for Democracy and the
International Center for Not-for-Profit Law Defending
Civil Society Project.
177

Principle 1: The Right to Entry (Freedom
of Association)
International law protects the right of individuals to form,
join and participate in civil society organizations.
Broad scope of right. Freedom of association
protects individuals in their right to establish a wide
range of civil society forms, including trade unions,
associations, and other types of NGOs.
Broadly permissible purposes. International law
recognizes the right of individuals, through NGOs,
to pursue a broad range of objectives. Permissible
purposes generally embrace all legal or lawful
purposes and specifically includes the promotion
and protection of human rights and fundamental
freedoms.
Potential founders. The architecture of international
human rights is built on the premise that all persons,
including non-citizens, enjoy certain rights, including
freedom of association.
Individuals are not required to form a legal entity in order
to enjoy the freedom of association.
International law protects the right of individuals to form
an NGO as a legal entity.
The system of recognition of legal entity status,
whether a declaration or registration/incorpora-
tion system, must ensure that the process is truly
accessible, with clear, speedy, apolitical, and inex-
pensive procedures in place.
In the case of a registration/incorporation system,
the designated authority must be guided by
objective standards and restricted from arbitrary
decision-making.
Principle 2: The Right to Operate Free from
Unwarranted State Interference
Once established, NGOs have the right to operate free
from unwarranted state intrusion or interference in their
affairs. International law creates a presumption against
any state regulation that would amount to a restriction of
recognized rights.
Interference can only be justified where it is pre-
scribed by law, to further a legitimate government
interest, and necessary in a democratic society.
States must refrain from restricting freedom of
association through vague, imprecise, and overly
broad regulatory language.
It is incumbent upon the state to ensure that appli-
cable laws and regulations are implemented and
enforced in a fair, apolitical, objective, transparent
and consistent manner.
Involuntary termination or dissolution must meet
the standards of international law; the relevant
government authority should be guided by
objective standards and restricted from arbitrary
decision-making.
NGOs are protected against unwarranted governmental
intrusion in their internal governance and affairs. Freedom
of association embraces the freedom of the founders
and/or members to regulate the organizations internal
governance.
Civil society representatives, individually and through their
organizations, are protected against unwarranted inter-
ference with their privacy.
Principle 3: The Right to Free Expression
Civil society representatives, individually and through their
organizations, enjoy the right to freedom of expression.
Freedom of expression protects not only ideas
regarded as inoffensive or a matter of indifference
but also those that offend, shock or disturb, since
pluralism is essential in a democratic society. NGOs
are therefore protected in their ability to speak
critically against government law or policy, and to
speak favorably for human rights and fundamental
freedoms.
Interference with freedom of expression can only
be justified where it is prescribed by law, in the
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
55
interests of a legitimate government interest, and
necessary in a democratic society. States must
refrain from restricting freedom of expression
through vague, imprecise, and overly broad regula-
tory language.
Stemming from the well-recognized protection
of individuals to freedom of assembly, NGO
representatives have the right to plan and/or engage
in the advocacy of legal aims, including human rights
and fundamental freedoms.
Principle 4: The Right to Communication
and Cooperation
Civil society representatives, individually and through
their organizations, have the right to communicate and
seek cooperation with other elements of civil society, the
business community, international organizations and gov-
ernments, both within and outside their home countries.
Individuals and NGOs have the right to form and participate
in networks and coalitions in order to enhance commu-
nication and cooperation, and to pursue legitimate aims.
Individuals and NGOs have the right to use the Internet and
web-based technologies to communicate more effectively.
Principle 5: The Right to Seek and Secure
Resources
Within broad parameters, NGOs have the right to seek and
secure funding from legal sources. Legal sources must
include individuals and businesses, other civil society
actors and international organizations, inter-governmen-
tal organizations, as well as local, national, and foreign
governments.
Principle 6: State Duty to Protect
The State has a duty to promote respect for human
rights and fundamental freedoms, and the obligation
to protect the rights of civil society. The States duty
is both negative (i.e., to refrain from interference with
human rights and fundamental freedoms), and positive
(i.e., to ensure respect for human rights and fundamen-
tal freedoms).
The State duty includes an accompanying obligation to
ensure that the legislative framework relating to free-
dom of association and civil society is appropriately
enabling, and that the necessary institutional mecha-
nisms are in place to ensure the recognized rights to
all individuals.
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
56
Papers by TNI and Statewatch
Michael Woodiwiss and Dave Bewley-Taylor (2005), The Global Fix: The construction of a global enforcement
regime, Crime and Globalisation series, Transnational Institute http://www.tni.org/briefing/global-fix
Transnational Institute, Global Enforcement Regimes, Transnational Organised Crime, International Terrorism
and Money Laundering, Report of TNI Crime and Globalisation seminar (28-29 April 2005) http://www.tni.org/
archives/crime-docs/enforce.pdf
Michael Levi (2005), Controlling the international money trail: What Lessons Have Been Learned?
Paper presented at TNI Crime and Globalisation seminar, April 2005 http://www.tni.org/archives/crime-docs/levi.pdf
David Cortright/Fourth Freedom Forum (2005), A Critical Evaluation of the UN Counter-Terrorism Program:
Accomplishments and Challenges. Paper presented at TNI Crime and Globalisation seminar, April 2005
http://www.tni.org/archives/crime-docs/cortright.pdf
Margaret Beare (2005), Fear-based Security: The Political Economy of Threat. Paper presented at TNI
Crime and Globalisation seminar, April 2005 http://www.tni.org/archives/crime-docs/beare.pdf
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
57
Notes
1 Howell, J. (2010) Civil Society, Aid, and Security
Post-9/11 in International Journal of Not-for-Profit
Law, vol. 12 no. 4, available at: http://www.icnl.org/
knowledge/ijnl/vol12iss4/special_2.htm.
2 Hosein, I. (2003) On International Policy
Dynamics: Challenges for Civil Society in Spreading the
Word on the Internet. Vienna: Organisation for Security
and Cooperation in Europe, available at: http://www.
osce.org/fom/13871.
3 Policy Laundering Project (2005) The Problem
of Policy Laundering, available at: http://www.
policylaundering.org/PolicyLaunderingIntro.html.
4 Proponents of liberal intergovernmentalism
broadly reject these arguments on the grounds that
national governments have an equal stake in IGO
decision-making fora and that as such their decisions are
accountable at the national level. However, as Kovach
observes, even this limited form of accountability is
extremely precarious when stretched to the global level.
This is because, first, it relies on the caveat that all
member states of IGOs are democratically elected, which
is plainly not the case. Second, it ignores the differential
degrees of power given to member nation states within
the internal governance structures of IGOs. Very few
IGOs are based on the principle of one member, one vote.
Most privilege a minority of nation states, giving them
far greater decision-making power at the expense of
others. The result is that a small minority of citizens, by
virtue of their national identity, have far greater access to
accountability than others. Finally, it ignores the need for
citizens to have access to information in order to exercise
their accountability rights. Intergovernmental decision-
making is often opaque and private, preventing citizens
from ever finding out what position their governments
have taken within a given IGO and hence holding
them to account. See Kovach, H (2006) Addressing
Accountability at the Global Level: The Challenges Facing
International NGOs in Jordan, L. & van Tuijl, P. (eds)
NGO Accountability: Politics, Principles and Innovations.
London: Earthscan (pp. 195-210). Research into IGOs
based on policy network theory further suggests that
these structures routinely privilege certain interests
in setting the policy agenda, limit participation in the
decision-making process, define the roles of specific
actors (thereby shaping their behaviour) and effectively
substitute public accountability for private government.
See for example Rhodes, R. A. W. (2002) Understanding
Governance: Policy Networks, Governance, Reflexivity and
Accountability. London: Open University Press.
5 Transnational Institute (2005) Global Enforcement
Regimes Transnational Organised Crime, International
Terrorism and Money Laundering, TNI Crime and
Globalisation seminar, Amsterdam, 28-29 April 2005,
available at: http://www.tni.org/crime-docs/enforce.
pdf.
6 These are the Single Convention on Narcotic
Drugs of 1961 (as amended by the 1972 Protocol), the
Convention on Psychotropic Substances of 1971 and the
Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and
Psychotropic Substances of 1988.
7 These are the Convention on Offences and
Certain Other Acts Committed On Board Aircraft of
1963, the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful
Seizure of Aircraft of 1970, the Convention for the
Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil
Aviation of 1971 (as amended by the 1988 Protocol),
the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of
Crimes Against Internationally Protected Persons of
1973, the International Convention against the Taking
of Hostages of 1979, the Convention on the Physical
Protection of Nuclear Material of 1980, the Convention
for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety
of Maritime Navigation of 1988 (as amended by the 2005
Protocol), the Protocol for the Suppression of Unlawful
Acts Against the Safety of Fixed Platforms Located on
the Continental Shelf of 1988 (as amended by the 2005
Protocol), the Convention on the Marking of Plastic
Explosives for the Purpose of Detection of 1991, the
International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist
Bombings of 1977, the International Convention for the
Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism of 1999, and
the International Convention for the Suppression of Acts
of Nuclear Terrorism of 2005.
8 That is the Convention against Transnational
Organized Crime of 2001 and the Protocol to Prevent,
Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially
Women and Children, the Protocol against the Smuggling
of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, and the Protocol
against the Illicit Manufacturing and Trafficking in Fire-
arms, Their Parts and Components and Ammunition.
9 Council of Europe Convention on Cybercrime,
2001.
10 See further Rees, W. (2006) Transatlantic Counter-
terrorism Co-operation: The New Imperative. London:
Routledge.
11 Scheiber, C. (2006) Hard Coercion through
Soft Law? The Case of the International Anti-Money
Laundering Regime, Paper presented at the annual
meeting of the International Studies Association, San
Diego, 22 March 2006.
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
58
12 Martin Scheinin, former UN Special Rapporteur
on Counter-terrorism and Human Rights, for example,
described UN Security Council Resolution 1373 (which
placed substantive counter-terrorism obligations on
United Nations members after 9/11) in the following
terms: To put it bluntly, while international terrorism
remains a very serious threat and constitutes a category
of atrocious crime, it is not generally and on its own a
permanent threat to the peace within the meaning of
Article 39 of the Charter and does not justify exercise
by the Security Council of supranational quasi-judicial
sanctioning powers over individuals or of supranational
legislative powers over Member States. See Rapporteur
Says Neither of Existing Regimes Has Proper Legal
Basis; Committee Also Hears Experts on Freedom of
Opinion; Human Rights and Corporations, Minutes of
the Sixty-fifth General Assembly, Third Committee, 30th
& 31st Meetings (AM & PM), available at: http://www.
un.org/News/Press/docs/2010/gashc3988.doc.htm.
13 Kovach, H (2006) Addressing Accountability at the
Global Level: The Challenges Facing International NGOs
in Jordan, L. & van Tuijl, P. (eds) NGO Accountability:
Politics, Principles and Innovations. London: Earthscan
(pp. 195-210).
14 See for example Publish What You Fund, Global
Campaign for Aid Transparency website, available at:
http://www.publishwhatyoufund.org/.
15 International Aid Transparency Initiative website,
available at: http://www.aidtransparency.net/.
16 Armstrong, P. (2006) The Limits and Risks of
Regulation: The Case of the World Bank-supported Draft
Handbook on Good Practices for Laws Relating to NGOs
in Jordan, L. & van Tuijl, P. (eds) NGO Accountability:
Politics, Principles and Innovations. London: Earthscan
(pp. 61-80).
17 Charnovitz, S. (2006) Accountability of Non-
Governmental Organizations in Global Governance
in Jordan, L. & van Tuijl, P. (eds) NGO Accountability:
Politics, Principles and Innovations. London: Earthscan
(pp. 21-42).
18 NGOs-The Growing Power of an Unelected
Few, undated American Enterprise Institute Newsletter,
available at: http://www.globalgovernancewatch.org/
ngo_watch/.
19 See NGOWATCH website, available at: http://
www.aei.org/article/18081.
20 Bloodgood, E. A. and Tremblay-Boire, J. (2010),
NGO Responses to Counterterrorism Regulations After
September 11
th
in International Journal of Not-for-Profit
Law, vol. 12 no. 4, available at: http://www.icnl.org/
knowledge/ijnl/vol12iss4/special_1.htm.
21 Edwards M. (2006) Foreword to Jordan, L. & van
Tuijl, P. (eds) NGO Accountability: Politics, Principles and
Innovations. London: Earthscan (pp. vii-ix).
22 Jordan, L. & van Tuijl, P. (2006) Rights and
Responsibilities in the Political Landscape of NGO
Accountability: Introduction and Overview in Jordan, L. &
van Tuijl, P. (eds) NGO Accountability: Politics, Principles
and Innovations. London: Earthscan (pp. 3-20). As the
authors explain, an NGO will be in a much better position
to address accountability demands in an environment
that is free, democratic and conducive to civic action, as
opposed to a situation in which an authoritarian regime is
repressing the basic freedoms of association, assembly
and expression. Similarly, myriad issues arise around an
NGOs responsibility when it operates in an environment
where democratic institutions and practices are not
fully formed. NGO accountability thus inevitably leads to
discussing issues of human rights and democracy, not
merely from a conceptual perspective, but as a basic
human condition that either allows or prohibits individuals
from associating with each other to promote their
legitimate interests (page 5).
23 International Centre for Non-profit Law and World
Movement for Democracy (2008) Defending Civil Society,
available at: http://www.wmd.org/projects/defending-
civil-society/executive-summary.
24 Tiwana, M. and Belay, N (2010), Civil Society: The
Clampdown is Real - Global Trends 2009-2010, CIVICUS
World Alliance for Citizen Participation, available at:
http://civicus.org/news-and-resources/reports-and-
publications/234-civil-society-the-clamp-down-is-
real.
25 The G7 countries are Canada, France, Germany,
Italy, Japan, UK and USA. Following the inclusion of
Russia in 1994 the group met as the P8 until 1997, when
Russia formally joined and the G7 became the G8.
26 Summit Declaration, G7 meeting, 14-16 July
1989, Paris, available at: http://www.g8.utoronto.ca/
summit/1989paris/communique/index.html.
27 The EU15 consisted of Belgium, France,
Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Ireland,
Denmark, UK, Greece, Portugal, Spain, Austria, Sweden
and Finland.
28 The Gulf Cooperation Council members are
Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and United
Arab Emirates.
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
59
29 For a full list see Members and Observers, FATF-
GAFI website, available at: http://www.fatf-gafi.org/pag
es/0,3417,en_32250379_32236869_1_1_1_1_1,00.html.
30 See Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering
website, available at: http://www.apgml.org/.
31 See Caribbean Financial Action Task Force
website, available at: http://www.cfatf-gafic.org/.
32 See Eurasian Group on money laundering and
terrorist financing website, available at: http://www.
eurasiangroup.org/.
33 See Eastern and Southern Africa Anti-Money
Laundering Group website, available at: http://www.
esaamlg.org/.
34 See Financial Action Task Force on Money
Laundering in South America website, available at: http://
www.gafisud.info/.
35 See Inter Governmental Action Group against
Money Laundering in West Africa website, available at:
http://www.giaba.org/.
36 See Middle East and North Africa Financial Action
Task Force website, available at: http://www.menafatf.org/.
37 See Council of Europe Committee of Experts on the
Evaluation of Anti-Money Laundering Measures and the
Financing of Terrorism website, available at: http://www.
coe.int/moneyval.
38 See Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development website, available at: http://www.oecd.org/.
39 About the FATF, FATF-GAFI website,
available at: http://www.fatf-gafi.org/pages/0,3417,
en_32250379_32236836_1_1_1_1_1,00.html.
40 See FATF-GAFI website, available at: http://www.
fatf-gafi.org/.
41 House of Lords European Union Committee (2009)
Nineteenth Report, Session 2008-09, Money laundering
and the financing of terrorism, available at: http://www.
publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200809/ldselect/
ldeucom/132/13205.htm#a16 (see paragraph 27).
42 FATF Revised Mandate 2008-2012, Financial
Action Task Force, available at: http://www.fatf-gafi.org/
dataoecd/3/32/40433653.pdf.
43 Mandate for the Future of the FATF (September
2004 December 2012), Financial Action Task
Force, available at: http://www.fatf-gafi.org/
dataoecd/14/60/36309648.pdf.
44 FATF Revised Mandate 2008-2012, Financial
Action Task Force, available at: http://www.fatf-gafi.org/
dataoecd/3/32/40433653.pdf.
45 Consultation on Proposed Changes to the FATF
Standards: Compilation of Responses from NGOs and
Individuals, Financial Action Task Force, available at:
http://www.fatf-gafi.org/dataoecd/41/32/47257330.pdf.
46 Publications & Documents > Best
Practices, FATF-GAFI website, available at: http://
www.fatf-gafi.org/findDocument/0,3770,
en_32250379_32236920_1_43383774_1_1_1,00.html.
47 The 23 countries were The Bahamas, Cayman
Islands, Cook Islands, Dominica, Israel, Lebanon,
Liechtenstein, Marshall Islands, Nauru, Niue, Panama,
Philippines, Russian Federation, Saint Kitts and Nevis,
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Egypt, Grenada,
Guatemala, Hungary, Indonesia, Burma, Nigeria and
Ukraine.
48 Improving Compliance with the International
Standards, FATF-GAFI website, available at:
http://www.fatf-gafi.org/document/0/0,3746,
en_32250379_32236879_44228352_1_1_1_1,00.html.
49 Since 2009 the FATF has issued statements
noting concerns and encouraging greater compliance
by Iran, Pakistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, North
Korea, So Tom and Prncipe. Only Iran and North
Korea are currently listed as High risk and non-
cooperative jurisdictions. Iran and North Korea
designated as High risk and non-cooperative
jurisdictions in FATF Statement, 25 February
2011, Financial Action Task Force, available at:
http://www.fatf-gafi.org/document/11/0,3746,
en_32250379_32236992_47221771_1_1_1_1,00.html.
50 Mutual Evaluations Programme, FATF-GAFI
website, available at: http://www.fatf-gafi.org/pages/0,
3417,en_32250379_32236982_1_1_1_1_1,00.html.
51 AML/CFT Evaluations and Assessments:
Handbook for Countries and Assessors, Financial Action
Task Force Reference Document, April 2009, available at:
http://www.fatf-gafi.org/dataoecd/7/42/38896285.pdf.
52 Third Round of AML/CFT Mutual Evaluations:
Process and Procedures, Financial Action Task Force
Reference Document, October 2009, available at:
http://www.fatf-gafi.org/dataoecd/20/14/41563294.
pdf. See also Methodology for Assessing Compliance
with the FATF 40 Recommendations and the FATF 9
Special Recommendations, Financial Action Task Force
Reference Document, 27 February 2004 (Updated as of
February 2009), available at: http://www.fatf-gafi.org/
dataoecd/16/54/40339628.pdf.
53 AML/CFT Evaluations and Assessments:
Handbook for Countries and Assessors, Financial Action
Task Force Reference Document, April 2009, available at:
http://www.fatf-gafi.org/dataoecd/7/42/38896285.pdf.
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
60
54 FATF 40 Recommendations, Financial Action
Task Force Reference Standards, October 2003
(incorporating all subsequent amendments until
October 2004), available at: http://www.fatf-gafi.org/
dataoecd/7/40/34849567.PDF.
55 EU Council Directive 91/308/EEC of 10 June
1991 on prevention of the use of the financial system
for the purpose of money laundering Directive 91/308/
EC, available at: http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/
LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:31991L0308:EN:NOT.
56 Actual knowledge or suspicion on the part of the
non-disclosee is not required, nor apparently need it
be proved that actual money laundering took place. See
Murphy, P. (2004) Blackstones Criminal Practice. Oxford:
Oxford University Press, page 835.
57 EU Directive 2001/97/EC of the European
Parliament and of the Council of 4 December
2001 amending Council Directive 91/308/EEC on
prevention of the use of the financial system for the
purpose of money laundering, available at: http://
eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.
do?uri=CELEX:32001L0097:EN:NOT.
58 EU Directive 2005/60/EC of the European
Parliament and of the Council of 26 October 2005 on
the prevention of the use of the financial system for the
purpose of money laundering and terrorist financing,
available at: http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/
LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32005L0060:EN:NOT.
59 Regulation 1889/2005/EC of the European
Parliament and of the Council of 26 October 2005 on
controls of cash entering or leaving the Community,
available at: http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/site/
en/oj/2005/l_309/l_30920051125en00090012.pdf.
60 Regulation (EC) No 1781/2006 of the European
Parliament and of the Council of 15 November 2006
on information on the payer accompanying transfers of
funds, available at: http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/
LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32006R1781:EN:NOT.
61 FATF Recommendation 26: Competent authorities,
their powers and resources , FATF-GAFI website,
available at: http://www.fatf-gafi.org/document/44/0,374
6,en_32250379_32236920_43730156_1_1_1_1,00.html.
62 The Egmont Group took its name from the Egmont
Arenberg Palace in Brussels, where the group first met.
For more information see Egmont Group of Financial
Intelligence Units website, available at: http://www.
egmontgroup.org/ and International Monetary Fund
and World Bank (2004) Financial Intelligence Units: An
Overview. Washington: IMF, available at: http://www.
justice.gov.il/NR/rdonlyres/3DAC2825-5A9F-46C2-
94C2-6199EEDB20FA/7885/FIUHandbook_English.pdf.
63 EU Council Decision of 17 October 2000 concerning
arrangements for cooperation between financial
intelligence units of the Member States in respect of
exchanging information (2000/642/JHA), available at:
http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?ur
i=CELEX:32000D0642:EN:HTML.
64 Financial Crime, European Commission website,
available at: http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/
company/financial-crime/index_en.htm.
65 The UK Financial Intelligence Unit, Serious
Organised Crime Agency website, available at: http://
www.soca.gov.uk/about-soca/the-uk-financial-
intelligence-unit.
66 House of Lords European Union Committee (2009)
Nineteenth Report, Session 2008-09, Money laundering
and the financing of terrorism, available at: http://www.
publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200809/ldselect/
ldeucom/132/13209.htm#a75 (see paragraph 288).
67 Rapporteur on the promotion and protection
of human rights and fundamental freedoms while
countering terrorism (2009) Report on the right to
privacy (p. 2). Available at: http://www2.ohchr.
org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/13session/A-
HRC-13-37.pdf.
68 Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights
(2008) Protecting the right to privacy in the fight against
terrorism. CommDH/IssuePaper(2008)3 available at:
http://www.coe.int/t/commissioner/News/2008/0812
04counterterrorism_en.asp.
69 Ottawa Ministerial Declaration on Countering
Terrorism, G8 Ottawa Ministerial Meeting on Terrorism
12 December 1995, available at: http://www.g8.utoronto.
ca/terrorism/terror96.htm.
70 Agreement on 25 Measures, G8 Ministerial
Conference on Terrorism, Paris, 30 July 1996, available
at: http://www.g8.utoronto.ca/terrorism/terror25.htm.
71 Measures to eliminate international terrorism, United
Nations General Assembly Resolution (A/RES/51/210), 88th
plenary meeting, 17 December 1996, available at: http://
www.un.org/documents/ga/res/51/a51r210.htm.
72 International Convention for the Suppression of the
Financing of Terrorism adopted by the General Assembly
of the United Nations in resolution 54/109 of 9 December
1999, available at: http://www.un.org/law/cod/finterr.htm.
73 Article 7, United Nations Convention against
Transnational Organized Crime adopted by the General
Assembly of the United Nations in resolution 55/25 of 15
December 2000, available at: http://www.unodc.org/
documents/treaties/UNTOC/Publications/TOC%20
Convention/TOCebook-e.pdf.
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
61
74 The National Money Laundering Strategy for
1999, Departments of the Treasury and Justice of USA,
available at: http://www.treasury.gov/press-center/
press-releases/Documents/money.pdf.
75 Resolution 1267 adopted by the Security Council
at its 4051st meeting on 15 October 1999 (S/RES/1267),
available at: http://www.undemocracy.com/S-
RES-1267(1999).pdf.
76 See Sullivan G. and Hayes, B. (2009) Blacklisted:
Targeted sanctions, preemptive security and fundamental
rights. Berlin: European Center for Constitutional and
Human Rights, available at: http://www.ecchr.eu/?file=tl_
files/Dokumente/Counterterrorism/Blacklisted.pdf.
77 Statement by the leaders of the G8 over last
weeks terrorist attacks in New York and Washington, 19
September 2001, available at: http://www.g8.utoronto.
ca/terrorism/sept192001.html.
78 Statement of G7 Ministers of Finance, September
25, 2001, available at: http://www.g8.utoronto.ca/
finance/fm010925.htm.
79 Executive Order 13224, Office of the Coordinator
for Counterterrorism, U.S. Department of State website,
available at: http://www.treasury.gov/offices/
enforcement/ofac/legal/eo/13224.pdf.
80 Uniting and Strengthening America by
Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept
and Obstruct Terrorism (USA PATRIOT ACT) Act of
2001, available at: http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/
cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=107_cong_public_
laws&docid=f:publ056.107.pdf.
81 Eckes, C. (2009) EU Counter-Terrorist Policies and
Fundamental Rights: The Case of Individual Sanctions.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, page 16.
82 U.S.C. 2339A outlaws providing material support
for the commission of certain designated terrorist
offences; U.S.C. 2339B prohibits the provision of material
support to certain designated terrorist organizations;
U.S.C. 2339C bans provision of funds used to carry out
terror attacks.
83 Factsheet: Material Support, Center for
Constitutional Rights, available at: http://ccrjustice.org/
learn-more/faqs/factsheet%3A-material-support.
84 See The Holy Land Foundation Trial: Justice
Denied, interview with defence lawyer Nancy Hollander,
29 May 2009, Democracy Now! website: http://www.
twf.org/News/Y2009/0529-HLF.html.
85 See KindHearts for Charitable Humanitarian
Development, Inc. v. Geithner et al., American Civil
Liberties Union press release, 11 May 2010, available at:
http://www.aclu.org/national-security/kindhearts-
charitable-humanitarian-development-inc-v-geithner-
et-al.
86 Sullivan G. and Hayes, B. (2009) Blacklisted:
Targeted sanctions, preemptive security and fundamental
rights. Berlin: European Center for Constitutional and
Human Rights, available at: http://www.ecchr.eu/?file=tl_
files/Dokumente/Counterterrorism/Blacklisted.pdf.
87 de Goede, M. (forthcoming 2011) Blacklisting and
the Ban: Contesting targeted sanctions in Europe in
Security Dialogue 45 (5), December 2011.
88 Statement of the G7 Finance Ministers and
Central Bank Governors, 6 October 2001, Washington
DC, available at: http://www.g8.utoronto.ca/finance/
fm100601.htm.
89 Text of US letter from Bush with demands for
EU for cooperation, Statewatch News online, November
2006, available at: http://www.statewatch.org/
news/2001/nov/06uslet.htm.
90 9 Special Recommendations (SR) on Terrorist
Financing (TF), FATF-GAFI website, available at:
http://www.fatf-gafi.org/document/9/0,3343,
en_32250379_32236920_34032073_1_1_1_1,00.html.
91 Cited in Suskind, R. (2004) The Price of Loyalty.
New York: Simon & Schuster, page 192. Almost a decade
after these measures were adopted, the assets belonging
to hundreds of blacklisted individuals remain frozen
and their lawyers have still not been able to access the
evidence against them.
92 House of Lords European Union Committee
(2009) Nineteenth Report, Session 2008-09, Money
laundering and the financing of terrorism, available at:
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200809/
ldselect/ldeucom/132/13209.htm#a75 (see
paragraph 17).
93 Professor Peter Alldridge, Head of the School of
Law at Queen Mary, University of London, available at:
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200809/
ldselect/ldeucom/132/13205.htm#a16 (see para 25)
94 Williams, D. (2008) Governance, Security and
Development: the case of money Laundering, City
University Working Papers on Transnational Politics,
Working Paper CUTP/001, February 2008, available
at: http://www.city.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_
file/0003/86475/D_Williams-Governance,-Security-
and-Development.pdf, pages 10-11.
95 Combating the Financing of Terrorism: First Year
Report, G7 Press Release, 27 September 2002, available at:
http://www.g8.utoronto.ca/finance/fm092702pr1.htm.
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
62
96 See Williams, D. (2008) in above citation, pages
11-12.
97 See Williams, D. (2008) in above citation, pages
12-13. See also, for example, Manual on Countering
Money Laundering and the Financing of Terrorism, Asian
Development Bank, March 2003, available at: http://
www.adb.org/Documents/Manuals/Countering_
Money_Laundering/prelim.pdf.
98 See Technical Assistance, United Nations Security
Council Counter-Terrorism Committee website, available
at: http://www.un.org/en/sc/ctc/capacity.html. See also
Rosand, E. (2009) The G8s Counterterrorism Action
Group, Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation,
May 2009, available at: http://www.globalct.org/images/
content/pdf/policybriefs/rosand_policybrief_092.pdf.
99 Article 14, United Nations Convention against
Corruption adopted by the General Assembly of the United
Nations in Resolution 58/4 of 31 October 2003, available
at: http://www.unodc.org/pdf/crime/convention_
corruption/signing/Convention-e.pdf - art 14. See
further Legislative guide for the implementation of the
United Nations Convention against Corruption, United
Nations Office on Drugs and Crime Division for treaty
Affairs, 2006, available at: http://www.unodc.org/pdf/
corruption/CoC_LegislativeGuide.pdf.
100 Canada, France, Japan, Korea, Kuwait,
Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Qatar, Saudi
Arabia, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom have
committed $25.3 million over five years. See Factsheet:
The IMF and the Fight Against Money Laundering and
the Financing of Terrorism, August 31, 2011, International
Monetary Fund website: http://www.imf.org/external/
np/exr/facts/aml.htm.
101 Financial Market Integrity, World Bank website:
http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/
TOPICS/EXTFINANCIALSECTOR/0,,contentMDK:22176
523~menuPK:6110545~pagePK:210058~piPK:210062~t
heSitePK:282885,00.html.
102 Cortright et al. (2011) Friend not Foe: Opening
Spaces for Civil Society Engagement to Prevent Violent
Extremism. Report to Cordaid by Fourth Freedom Forum
and the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies,
available at: http://www.sanctionsandsecurity.org/
friend-not-foe-opening-spaces-for-civil-society-
engagement-to-prevent-violent-extremism/.
103 On the contrary, it is argued that evidence
suggests that the focus on establishing AML and CFT
regimes actually diverts funding away from development.
See Williams, D. (2008) Governance, Security and
Development: the case of money Laundering, City
University Working Papers on Transnational Politics,
Working Paper CUTP/001, February 2008, available
at: http://www.city.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_
file/0003/86475/D_Williams-Governance,-Security-
and-Development.pdf.
104 In Europe, companies such as World-Check offer
risk intelligence in order to reduce customer exposure
to potential threats posed by the organisations and
people they do business with. The company claims to
have a client base of over 4,500 organisations, with a
renewal rate in excess of 97% (see Worldcheck website,
available at: http://www.world-check.com/). Infosphere
AB is another European Commercial Intelligence and
Knowledge Strategy consultancy providing similar
services (see Infosphere website, available at: http://
www.infosphere.se/). Crucially these companies do
not just provide vetting services against those on official
blacklists, they claim to collect data on other individuals
and entities deemed worthy of enhanced scrutiny. The
potential dangers of such private intelligence bodies are
well known. In Britain in the 1980s, the Economic League
drew up its own blacklists and acted as a rightwing
employment vetting agency. The League, which was
acknowledged to have close links with the security
services, had accumulated files on at least 30,000
people, files it shared with more than 2,000 company
subscribers, in return for annual revenues of over 1
million. The files it held contained details of political and
trade union activists, Labour Party MPs and individuals
who, for instance, had written to their local papers
protesting at government policy. The League always
maintained that innocent people had nothing to fear
as they only kept files on known members of extreme
organisations. Critical investigative reporting coupled
with a campaign against the organisation saw it disband
in 1993 (though its Directors reportedly set-up a new
company offering the same service on the basis of the
same files the following year). An enterprise considered
illegitimate in the early 1990s has now been supplanted
by an entire industry. Hayes, B. (2010) Spying in a see-
through World: the Open Source intelligence industry,
Statewatch Journal, vol. 20 no. 1, available at: http://
www.statewatch.org/contents/swbul20n1.html.
105 See for example Charities End Dialogue With
Treasury Over Guidelines That Stifle Effective Global
Grantmaking, Council on Foundations Press Release, 22
November 2010, available at: http://foundationcenter.
org/pnd/news/story.jhtml?id=315500008.
106 In January 2011 the arms manufacturer BAE
Systems announced that it was to pay 184 million for
Norkom, an Ireland-based counter-fraud and anti-money
laundering solutions provider that employs around
350 people. BAE already owns Detica, a company
specialising in collecting, managing and exploiting
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
63
information to reveal actionable [financial] intelligence.
See BAE systems to buy Irish financial crime company,
NeoConOpticon blog, January 2011, available at: http://
neoconopticon.wordpress.com/2011/01/26/bae-
systems-to-buy-irish-financial-crime-company/.
107 See Regulatory DataCorp website: http://www.
rdc.com/. See also Firm holds 1 million on anti-terror
list, Spacewars, 3 August 2011, available at: http://www.
spacewar.com/reports/Firm_holds_1_million_on_anti-
terror_list_999.html.
108 KYC (Know Your Customer) obligations are placed
on banks and other financial services.
109 PI commences legal action to suspend unlawful
activities of finance giant, Privacy International, Press
release, 28 June 2006, available at: https://www.
privacyinternational.org/article/pi-commences-legal-
action-suspend-unlawful-activities-finance-giant.
110 Resolution on Interception of bank transfer
data from the SWIFT system by the US secret
services, European parliament document P6-
2006/0317, 6 July 2006, available at: http://www.
europarl.europa.eu/us/ressource/static/files/
resolutions/20100427ATT73594EN.pdf.
111 SWIFT implementation report: MEPs raise
serious data protection concerns , European Parliament
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs
press release, March 2011, available at: http://www.
statewatch.org/news/2011/mar/ep-libe-swift-prel-
mar-11.pdf.
112 MEPs decry breach of trust in EU-US data deal,
16 March 2011, EUobserver.com, available at: http://
euobserver.com/9/32000?print=1.
113 A European terrorist finance tracking system:
available options; 13.7.2011 COM(2011) 429 final http://
www.statewatch.org/news/2011/jul/eu-com-eu-tfts-
com-429-11.pdf.
114 Agreement on 25 Measures, G8 Ministerial
Conference on Terrorism, Paris, 30 July 1996, available
at: http://www.g8.utoronto.ca/terrorism/terror25.htm.
115 Financial Action Task Force (2008) Terrorist
Financing. FATF/GAFI website, available at: http://www.
fatf-gafi.org/dataoecd/28/43/40285899.pdf.
116 Howell, J. (2010) Civil Society, Aid, and Security
Post-9/11 in International Journal of Not-for-Profit
Law, vol. 12 no. 4, available at: http://www.icnl.org/
knowledge/ijnl/vol12iss4/special_2.htm.
117 Matrix Insight (2008) Study to Assess the Extent of
Abuse of Non-Profit Organisations for Financial Criminal
Purposes at EU Level. European Commission Directorate-
General Justice, Freedom & Security, available at: http://
ec.europa.eu/home-affairs/doc_centre/terrorism/
docs/study_abuse_non_profit_orgs_for_financial_
criminal_purposes_avril09.pdf.
118 Charity Commission Counter-terrorism strategy,
UK Charity Commission website: http://www.
charitycommission.gov.uk/our_regulatory_activity/
counter_terrorism_work/ctstrategy.aspx.
119 Charities End Dialogue With Treasury Over
Guidelines That Stifle Effective Global Grantmaking,
Council on Foundations Press Release, 22 November
2010, available at: http://foundationcenter.org/pnd/
news/story.jhtml?id=315500008.
120 Van der Does de Willebois, E (2010) Nonprofit
Organizations and the Combating of Terrorism Financing:
A Proportionate Response, World Bank Working Paper
no. 208, available at: http://issuu.com/world.bank.
publications/docs/9780821385470.
121 United Nations Counter Terrorism Implementation
Task Force (2009) Final report of the Working Group on
Tackling the Financing of Terrorism, available at: http://
siteresources.worldbank.org/FINANCIALSECTOR/
Resources/wg5-financing.pdf.
122 Armstrong, P. (2006) The Limits and Risks of
Regulation: The Case of the World Bank-supported Draft
Handbook on Good Practices for Laws Relating to NGOs
in Jordan, L. & van Tuijl, P. (eds) NGO Accountability:
Politics, Principles and Innovations. London: Earthscan
(p. 78).
123 Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation
(2011) Regional working group meeting on preventing
abuse of the non-profit sector for the purposes of
terrorist financing: Bangkok, Thailand, 22-24 March
2011: Key Observations Of The Organizers, available
at: http://www.globalct.org/images/content/pdf/
summaries/22_24March11_Key_Observations.pdf.
124 The research took place between February
and July 2011 and utilised all available reports from the
FATF and regional FATF group websites (see section
2.1, above). These evaluation reports were produced
by inspection teams comprised of FATF/regional FATF,
World Bank and IMF officials with the support of national
experts.
125 Figure excludes APG member countries that are
also members of the FATF.
126 The International Center for Not-for-Profit
publishes the NGO Law Monitor and The International
Journal of Not-for-Profit Law. For more information
about ICNL see http://www.icnl.org.
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
64
127 Financial Action Task Force (2006) Third Mutual
Evaluation Report On Anti-Money Laundering And
Combating The Financing Of Terrorism, available at:
http://www.fatf-gafi.org/dataoecd/44/9/37101772.pdf.
128 U.S. DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY (undated
document) Anti-Terrorist Financing Guidelines: Voluntary
Best Practices For U.S.-Based Charities, available at:
http://www.glpinc.org/IRS_Filings/USA_Treasury_
ANTI-TERRORIST_FINANCING_GUIDELINES.pdf.
129 Sidel, M. (2008) Counter-Terrorism and the
Enabling Legal and Political Environment for Civil Society:
A Comparative Analysis of War on Terror States in The
International Journal of Not-for-Profit Law, Volume 10,
Issue 3, June 2008, available at: http://www.icnl.org/
knowledge/ijnl/vol10iss3/special_2.htm.
130 Charities End Dialogue With Treasury Over
Guidelines that Stifle Effective Global Grantmaking, US
Council on Foundations press release, 22 November
2010, available at: http://www.cof.org/about/
newsroom/prdetail.cfm?ItemNumber=17925&navItem
Number=14857.
131 American Civil Liberties Union (2009) Blocking
Faith, Freezing Charity: Chilling Muslim Charitable Giving
in the War on Terrorism Financing, available at: http://
www.aclu.org/pdfs/humanrights/blockingfaith.pdf.
132 Asia/Pacific Group On Money Laundering (2008)
APG Mutual Evaluation Report on Myanmar Against
the FATF 40 Recommendations (2003) and 9 Special
Recommendations as adopted by the APG Plenary on
10 July 2008, available at: http://www.apgml.org/
documents/docs/17/Myanmar%202008.pdf.
133 Junta to Increase Scrutiny of NGOs Finances,
Irrawaddy.org, 18 January 2011, available at: http://www.
irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20554.
134 Middle East and North Africa Financial Action
Task Force (2009) Mutual Evaluation Report Anti-Money
Laundering and Combating the Financing of Terrorism:
EGYPT, available at: http://www.menafatf.org/
PRIVOXY-FORCE/images/UploadFiles/MER_Egypt_
ForPublication.pdf.
135 The Impact of NGOs on the State & Non-State
Relations in the Middle East, Peter Gubser, Middle East
Policy, March. 2002, Volume 9, Issue 1, p. 141.
136 Elbayar, K (2005) NGO Laws in Selected Arab
States in The International Journal of Not-for-Profit Law,
Volume 7, Issue 4, September 2005, available at: http://
www.icnl.org/knowledge/ijnl/vol7iss4/special_1.htm.
137 Middle East & North Africa Financial Action Task
Force (2007) Mutual Evaluation Report Of The Republic
of Tunisia On Anti-Money Laundering and Combating
Financing of Terrorism, adopted by the MENAFATF
Plenary on April 3
rd
2007, available at: http://www.
menafatf.org/PRIVOXY-FORCE/images/UploadFiles/
MENAFATF.7.07.E.P5R2%20_with%20response_.pdf.
138 Developments in Tunisia, The International Center
for Not-for-Profit Law, News & Information, 3 March
2011, available at: http://www.icnl.org/knowledge/
news/2011/03-03.htm.
139 Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering &
Financial Action Task Force (2010) Mutual Evaluation
Report: Anti-Money Laundering and Combating the
Financing of Terrorism: India, 25 June 2010, available at:
http://www.fatf-gafi.org/dataoecd/60/56/45746143.pdf.
140 CIVICUS World Assembly Delegates Express Deep
Disappointment at Indias New Curbs on Civil Society,
CIVICUS press release, 6 September 2010, available
at: http://civicus.org/media-centre/press-releases/
archieve/313-civicus-world-assembly-delegates-
express-deep-disappointment-at-indias-new-curbs-
on-civil-society.
141 Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering (2008)
APG 2
nd
Mutual Evaluation Report on Indonesia Against
the FATF 40 Recommendations (2003) and 9 Special
Recommendations, Adopted by the APG Plenary 9 July
2008, available at: http://www.apgml.org/documents/
docs/17/Indonesia%20MER2_FINAL.pdf.
142 NGO law monitor: Indonesia, The International
Center for Not-for-Profit Law website: http://www.icnl.
org/knowledge/ngolawmonitor/indonesia.htm.
143 World Bank (2008) Kingdom of Cambodia:
Detailed Assessment Report Anti-Money Laundering
And Combating The Financing Of Terrorism As Adopted
By The APG Plenary 25 July 2007, available at: http://
www.apgml.org/documents/docs/17/Cambodia%20
World%20Bank%20DAR%20July%2007.pdf.
144 NGO law monitor: Cambodia, The International
Center for Not-for-Profit Law website: http://www.icnl.
org/knowledge/ngolawmonitor/cambodia.htm.
145 After European pressure, Putin announces softer
NGO law, Euractiv.com, 9 December 2005, available at:
http://www.euractiv.com/en/foreign-affairs/european-
pressure-putin-announces-softer-ngo-law/article-150717.
146 Kamhi, A. (2006) The Russian NGO Law: Potential
Conflicts with International, National, and Foreign
Legislation in The International Journal of Not-for-Profit
Law, Volume 9, Issue 1, December 2006, available at:
http://www.icnl.org/knowledge/ijnl/vol9iss1/art_6.htm.
147 Financial Action Task Force (2008) Second Mutual
Evaluation Report Anti-Money Laundering And Combating
The Financing Of Terrorism: Russian Federation, 20
legalising surveillance, regulating civil society
65
June 2008, available at: http://www.fatf-gafi.org/
dataoecd/31/6/41415981.pdf.
148 International Centre for Non-profit Law and World
Movement for Democracy (2008) Defending Civil Society,
available at: http://www.wmd.org/sites/default/files/
media/defending-civil-society-reports/Defending%20
Civil%20Society%20-%20English.pdf (p. 13).
149 Grupo de Accin Financiera de Sudamrica
(2008) Tercera Ronda De Evaluaciones: Repblica
De Colombia, Informe Plenario, 7 November 2008,
available at: http://odc.dne.gov.co/docs/documentos_
internacionales/GAFISUD_08_PLENO_10_Informe_
de_Evaluacion_Mutua_Colombia_2_.pdf.
150 NGO law monitor: Colombia, The International
Center for Not-for-Profit Law website: http://www.icnl.
org/knowledge/ngolawmonitor/colombia.htm.
151 Grupo de Accin Financiera de Sudamrica
(2005) Informe De Evaluacin Mutua Sobre Lavado de
Activos y Financiamiento del Terrorismo: Paraguay, 9
December 2005, available at: http://www.gafisud.info/
pdf/INFORMEPARAGUAY_1.pdf.
152 Anti-Terrorism Law Criminalizes Protest in
Paraguay, Upside Down World, 8 August 2007, available
at: http://upsidedownworld.org/main/paraguay-
archives-44/845-anti-terrorism-law-criminalizes-
protest-in-paraguay.
153 A State of Emergency in Paraguay: The Risks
of Militarization, Foreign Policy in Focus, 26 May 2010,
available at: http://www.fpif.org/articles/a_state_of_
emergency_in_paraguay.
154 Country Reports On Terrorism (Paraguay),
Embassy of the United States in Paraguay, press release,
5 August 2010, available at: http://paraguay.usembassy.
gov/policy/country-reports-on-terrorism-paraguay.html.
155 Eurasian Group on combating money laundering
and financing of terrorism (2010) Mutual Evaluation Re-
port Anti-Money Laundering and Combating the Financing
of Terrorism: Republic of Uzbekistan, adopted EAG Plena-
ry in June 2010, available at: http://eurasiangroup.org/
ru/restricted/EAG_ME_2010_1_eng_amended.doc.
156 NGO law monitor: Uzbekistan, The International
Center for Not-for-Profit Law website: http://www.icnl.
org/knowledge/ngolawmonitor/uzbekistan.htm.
157 International Centre for Non-profit Law and World
Movement for Democracy (2008) Defending Civil Society,
available at: http://www.wmd.org/sites/default/files/
media/defending-civil-society-reports/Defending%20
Civil%20Society%20-%20English.pdf (p. 10).
158 Financial Action Task Force (2011) Mutual
Evaluation Report Anti-Money Laundering and Combating
the Financing of Terrorism: Kingdom of Saudi Arabia,
25 June 2011, available at: http://www.fatf-gafi.org/
dataoecd/47/59/45727237.pdf.
159 NGO law monitor: Saudi Arabia, The International
Center for Not-for-Profit Law website: http://www.icnl.
org/knowledge/ngolawmonitor/saudiarabia.htm
160 Inter-Governmental Action Group Against Money
Laundering in West Africa (2007) Mutual Evaluation
Report: Anti-Money Laundering and Combating the
Financing of Terrorism: Sierra Leone, 12
th
June 2007,
available at: http://www.giaba.org/media/M_evalu/
SIERRA_LEONE_Mutual%20Evaluation%20
Report%200607.pdf.
161 NGO law monitor: Sierra Leone, The International
Center for Not-for-Profit Law website: http://www.icnl.
org/knowledge/ngolawmonitor/sierra_leone.htm.
162 European Commission (2005) Commission
Communication to the Council, the European Parliament
and the European Economic And Social Committee: The
Prevention of and Fight against Terrorist Financing
through enhanced national level coordination and greater
transparency of the non-profit sector, COM(2005) 620
final, 29.11.2005, available at: http://eur-lex.europa.eu/
LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=COM:2005:0620:FIN:E
N:PDF.
163 2696
th
Council Meeting: Justice and Home
Affairs, Council of the European Union press release,
14 December 2005, available at: http://www.consilium.
europa.eu/uedocs/cmsUpload/JHA,1-2.12.05.pdf.
164 CSCG position on Code of Conduct for Non Profit
Organisations, EU Civil Society Contact Group website:
http://www.act4europe.org/code/en/actions.asp?id_
events=90.
165 Matrix Insight (2008) Study to Assess the Extent of
Abuse of Non-Profit Organisations for Financial Criminal
Purposes at EU Level. European Commission Directorate-
General Justice, Freedom & Security, available at: http://
ec.europa.eu/home-affairs/doc_centre/terrorism/
docs/study_abuse_non_profit_orgs_for_financial_
criminal_purposes_avril09.pdf.
166 European Commission (2009) Study on Recent
Public and Self-Regulatory Initiatives Improving
Transparency and Accountability of Non-Profit
Organisations in the European Union Commissioned by
the European Commission Directorate-General of Justice,
Freedom and Security, Submitted by the European Center
for Not-for-Profit Law, available at: http://ec.europa.eu/
home-affairs/doc_centre/terrorism/docs/initiatives_
improving_transparency_accountability_npos_avr09.pdf.
Counter-terrorism, policy laundering and the FATF:
66
167 Statewatch (2010) Statewatch briefing on EU
proposals to increase the financial transparency of
charities and non-profit organisations, January 2010,
available at: http://www.statewatch.org/analyses/no-
92-briefing-eu-financial-transparency-charities.pdf.
168 European Foundation Centre (2009) When
cooperation works: Overcoming security concerns about
NPOs at EU level, EFC Briefing, 15 December 2009,
available at: http://www.efc.be/EUAdvocacy/EU%20
Communiqus%20%20Briefings/befc0977.pdf.
169 European Commission (2010) Voluntary Guidelines
for EU based non-profit organisations, Discussion Paper
for 3rd conference on Enhancing Transparency and
Accountability of the Non-Profit Sector, Brussels 2 July
2010, available at: http://www.efc.be/EUAdvocacy/
Documents/2010_DGHOMe_NPOGuidelines_
Discussion%20Paper.pdf.
170 The European Foundation Centre, Cordaid and the
Samenwerkende Brancheorganisaties Filantropie (2010)
Joint comments on the discussion paper: Voluntary
guidelines for EU based non-profit organisations, 10
September 2010, available at: http://www.efc.be/
EUAdvocacy/Documents/EFC_CordaidJoint-SBF-
comment_10September.pdf.
171 United States Department of State (2006) Guiding
Principles on Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs)
in The International Journal of Not-for-Profit Law,
Volume 9, Issue 1, December 2006, available at: http://
www.icnl.org/knowledge/ijnl/vol9iss1/art_9.htm.
See also Civil Society: Supporting Democracy in the 21st
Century, Remarks by Hillary Rodham Clinton, Secretary
of State, Krakow, Poland, 3 July 2010, available at: http://
www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2010/07/143952.htm.
172 UNHCR Creation of Special Rapporteur on
freedom of assembly and association, Press Statement,
Hillary Rodham Clinton, Secretary of State, 30 September
2010, available at: http://www.state.gov/secretary/
rm/2010/09/148486.htm.
173 Van der Does de Willebois, E (2010) Nonprofit
Organizations and the Combating of Terrorism Financing
A Proportionate Response, World Bank Working Paper
no. 208, available at: http://issuu.com/world.bank.
publications/docs/9780821385470.
174 The UNs Counter-Terrorism Executive Directorate
(CTED) is also guided by the principle that effective
counter-terrorism measures and respect for human
rights are complementary and mutually reinforcing, and
are an essential part of a successful counter-terrorism
effort and CTED is obliged to further develop its
activities in this area, to ensure that all human rights
issues relevant to the implementation of [Security
Council] resolutions [on counter-terrorism] are addressed
consistently and even-handedly.

Resolution 1963
(2010) Adopted by the Security Council at its 6459th
meeting, on 20 December 2010, S/RES/1963 (2010),
available at: http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.
asp?symbol=S/RES/1963(2010).
175 International Centre for Non-profit Law and World
Movement for Democracy (2008) Defending Civil Society,
available at: http://www.wmd.org/projects/defending-
civil-society/executive-summary.
176 There is a single recommendation buried in the
evaluation handbook that states: Countries should
establish controls and safeguards to ensure that
information received by competent authorities is used
only in an authorised manner. These controls and
safeguards should be consistent with national provisions
on privacy and data protection (emphasis added).
177 Source: International Centre for Non-profit Law
and World Movement for Democracy (2008) Defending
Civil Society, available at: http://www.wmd.org/
projects/defending-civil-society/executive-summary.
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February 2012
Published by the Transnational Institute (TNI) and Statewatch
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