Lloyd A. Newton Medieval Commentaries On Aristotles Categories Brills Companions To The Christian Tradition 2008
Lloyd A. Newton Medieval Commentaries On Aristotles Categories Brills Companions To The Christian Tradition 2008
Lloyd A. Newton Medieval Commentaries On Aristotles Categories Brills Companions To The Christian Tradition 2008
Aristotles Categories
Brills Companions
to the
Christian Tradition
A series of handbooks and reference works
on the intellectual and religious life of Europe,
5001700
VOLUME 10
Medieval Commentaries
on Aristotles Categories
Edited by
Lloyd A. Newton
LEIDEN BOSTON
2008
ISSN 1871-6377
ISBN 978 90 04 16752 0
Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.
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printed in the netherlands
Cover illustration: Avicenna, Opera, Venice, 1508, folio 2 verso. Printed edition. Photograph
by Megan Bickford. With kind permission of Ed Macierowski.
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Medieval commentaries on Aristotles Categories / edited by Lloyd A. Newton.
p. cm. (Brills companions to the Christian tradition, 18716377 ; v. 10)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-16752-0 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Aristotle. Categoriae.
2. Categories (Philosophy).
I. Newton, Lloyd A. II. Title. III. Series.
B438.M43 2008
160dc22
2008014809
CONTENTS
Preface ......................................................................................... vii
The Importance of Medieval Commentaries on Aristotles
Categories ................................................................................... 1
Lloyd A. Newton
The Medieval Posterity of Simplicius Commentary on the
Categories: Thomas Aquinas and al-Frb ............................. 9
Michael Chase
Avicenna The Commentator ...................................................... 31
Allan Bck
Albertus Magnus On the Subject of Aristotles Categories ......... 73
Bruno Tremblay
Interconnected Literal Commentaries on the Categories in the
Middle Ages ............................................................................ 99
Robert Andrews
Thomas Aquinas on Establishing the Identity of Aristotles
Categories ............................................................................... 119
Paul Symington
Reading Aristotles Categories as an Introduction to Logic:
Later Medieval Discussions about Its Place in the
Aristotelian Corpus ................................................................... 145
Giorgio Pini
Simon of Faversham on Aristotles Categories and The Scientia
Praedicamentorum ....................................................................... 183
Martin Pickav
Duns Scotuss Account of a Propter Quid Science of the
Categories ............................................................................... 221
Lloyd A. Newton
vi contents
Fine-tuning Pini s Reading of Scotus s Categories
Commentary ........................................................................... 259
Todd Bates
How Is Scotuss Logic Related to His Metaphysics?
A Reply to Todd Bates ........................................................... 277
Giorgio Pini
John Buridan : On Aristotles Categories ....................................... 295
Alexander W. Hall
A Realist Interpretation of the Categories in the Fourteenth
Century: The Litteralis sententia super Praedicamenta Aristotelis
of Robert Alyngton ................................................................ 317
Alessandro D. Conti
Thomas Maulevelts Denial of Substance ................................. 347
Thomas Maulevelt: Quaestiones super Praedicamenta:
Quaestio 16 ............................................................................... 358
Robert Andrews
Categories and Universals in the Later Middle Ages ................ 369
Alessandro D. Conti
Bibliography ................................................................................ 411
List of Contributors .................................................................... 429
Index ........................................................................................... 433
PREFACE
St. Augustine s account of the ease with which he understood Aristotles
Categories is, as he himself admits, an anomaly. Unfortunately, the rest
of us, like Augustines contemporaries, struggle to understand what
was for centuries, and still is, a fundamental text. On the surface,
Aristotles Categories is a markedly anti-platonic text: things are equivo-
cal, not univocal; individual substances are primary, whereas universals
are secondary; and Aristotle lists ten highest genera or categories of
things, not ve, as Plato does.
1
From its earliest reception, though, many
commentators such as Porphyry and Boethius go to great lengths to
reconcile it with Platonism , with the predictable result that many other
commentatorsOckham comes immediately to mindgo to equally
great lengths to purge it of any remaining traces of Platonism. Such
attempts often hinge on what one takes to be the subject of the book: is
the Categories about words, concepts, or things? Or is it somehow about
all three: words, concepts and things? Regardless of how one answers
this question, the philosophically more important question remains:
to what extent do words, concepts and things parallel or mirror one
another?
Of course, these are not the only questions pertaining to Aristotles
brief text. Given its wide range of topics, from the nature of equivocity
to the different kinds of motion, coupled with its terse and introduc-
tory remarks on a number of issues, Aristotles Categories generated a
disproportionate number of commentaries since its rst appearance in
antiquity. These commentaries, though, are often far from being simple,
literal expositions of the text. More often than not, they are occasions to
1
As far as possible, I have endeavored to distinquish between Categories, which
refers to the name of the work by that title, and the ten categories, which, when not
italicized, refer to the subject matter of that work, namely, to the ten principal genera
of being discussed by Aristotle. Unfortunately, though, the distinction is not always
clear, especially since Aristotles Categories is essentially about the ten categories. This
confusion is particularly evident in subsequent discussions about the subject of the
Categories, which discussions I presume to be about the subject of the book, but which
are also closely related to discussions about the way in which the ten categories are
the subject of a science (which discussions are not about the subject of the book but
about the ten genera).
viii preface
explore philosophical problems, or opportunities to attack a particular
philosophers thesis, or the chance to defend ones own thesis. Bearing in
mind, then, that commentary writing was traditionally a way of doing
philosophy, it is not surprising that hundreds of extant commentaries on
Aristotles Categories exist, and that these commentaries often contradict
one another, explore different topics of concern, and are philosophically
rich, as the ensuing articles amply demonstrate.
While the vast majority of the extant commentaries on Categories
are still not translated and largely inaccessible, things are beginning
to change. The Ancient Commentaries on Aristotle series, published by
Cornell Press, has recently made a number of early commentaries
on the Categories available in English. Likewise, several medieval com-
mentaries have recently been published and others are, I hope, soon to
follow. Correspondingly, there has recently been an increasing interest in
medieval logic in general, and in categories in particular, with a number
of conferences, articles and books devoted to the subject.
When Julian Deahl rst suggested the subject of this book in 2002 to
Jorge J. E. Gracia at a medieval conference, Gracia remarked that, at the
time, he did not think that more than half a dozen people in the eld
were qualied or interested in the subject. Fortunately, Gracia recom-
mended that I be one of the contributors should the project ever get
off the ground. While doing my own research on Scotus s commentary
on Aristotles Categories, I realized that more scholars were interested
in the subject and approached Julian with the current project. To my
surprise, Julian liked the project and asked if I would be interested in
editing it. Consequently, I wish to thank Jorge J. E. Gracia for introduc-
ing and recommending me to Julian, to Julian Deahl for having the
condence in me to edit this work; and to Marcella Mulder and Gera
van Bedaf of Brill, without whose assistance, this book would not be
possible. Most of all, though, I am grateful to my wife, Lori, and to
our three children for their support.
LLOYD A. NEWTON
INTRODUCTION
THE IMPORTANCE OF MEDIEVAL COMMENTARIES
ON ARISTOTLES CATEGORIES
Lloyd A. Newton
Aristotles Categories is the subject of an extensive number of commen-
taries and of an unusual amount of debate, and for good reasons.
1
To
begin with, in spite of its relatively short length, it can be a rather dif-
cult text to understand, even for the trained philosopher, to say nothing
of those who are just beginning their study of philosophy. Yet, because
it laid the foundation for many subsequent philosophical discussions in
general, and for logic in particular, it was, during much of the Middle
Ages, often the very rst philosophical text students encountered. Even
contemporary philosophers who are steeped in philosophy and who have
studied the Categories in depth often nd it difcult, albeit for different
reasons. One difculty, as the ancient commentators on the Categories
recognized, is that Aristotle himself is ambiguous about the subject of
the work. What exactly is he categorizing? Is it things that are or things
that are said or something in between, such as a concept? Furthermore,
depending on how one understands its purpose, the Categories can be
seen in harmony with, in contrast to, or even in contradiction to, Platos
own theory of the ve highest genera. For all of these reasons the
Categories has historically acted like a magnet, attracting commentaries
from Aristotelians, Platonists, and Stoics alike. Quite naturally, some
of these commentaries defend Aristotelianism, whereas others defend
either Platonism or Stoicism by attacking Aristotles Categories. Finally,
still others, especially during the Late Middle Ages, use the Categories
as a means to expound their own philosophical systems in the process
of interpreting Aristotle.
1
According to my count of the texts listed by Charles Lohr, roughly two hundred
extant Latin commentaries on the Categories were written during the Middle Ages. Of
course, this number does not take into account the commentaries that are not extant,
nor the ones written in Greek, Arabic, or Hebrew. Cf. the lists of extant commentaries
cited by Charles Lohr in Traditio, vols. 2329.
2 lloyd a. newton
Though many of the ancient and medieval commentators, such as
Porphyry, Boethius and Albert the Great, did write original treatises
on philosophical issues, their commentaries are in themselves valuable
contributions to philosophy, particularly those from the later Middle
Ages.
2
Consequently, studies of the various commentaries, and especially
those dealing with the Categories, are valuable projects, as the following
essays amply demonstrate. As Robert Andrews points out, medieval
Categories commentaries are the repository of centuries of analyses
of the basic concepts of Western thought, all carefully organized and
awaiting modern rediscovery.
3
And while most of those commentaries
are still awaiting rediscovery, the following essays, I hope, will convince
everyone that the effort is worthwhile.
Originally, I planned to include essays on all three main philosophi-
cal traditions alive throughout the Middle Ages, namely, those written
by Jewish, Christian and Islamic philosophers. Essays pertaining to
the Jewish tradition, however, are noticeably absent due to the lack of
contemporary scholarship in this area. Consequently, the preponder-
ance of the remaining articles focuses mainly on Christian philosophers.
The scope of the project has, however, stayed away from theological
issues, even though discussions of the categories often have tremen-
dous theological implications, especially concerning the doctrines of
Transubstantiation and the Trinity. Consequently, the issues raised in
the following essays are properly philosophical issues, not theological.
What follows is a collection of fourteen original essays,
4
all devoted
to one or more medieval commentaries on Aristotles Categories, writ-
ten by a wide variety of philosophers from Europe, Canada, and the
United States. I will summarize each of them briey.
Michael Chase begins the volume by demonstrating the importance
of Simplicius commentary for two key medieval thinkers, Aquinas
and al Frb. Due in part to Simplicius inuence, and particularly
2
Compare Fr. Wippels description of St. Thomas commentaries: of his theological
commentaries, two are commentaries in the strict sense, i.e., on the De Hebdomadibus
of Boethius and on the De divinis nominibus; the other two offer brief expositions of the
texts of Boethius and of Peter and use them as occasions for much fuller and highly
personal disquisitions by Thomas himself. John F. Wippel, The Metaphysical Thought of
Thomas Aquinas: From Finite Being to Uncreated Being (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University
Press, 2000), p. xviii.
3
Robert Andrews, Question Commentaries on the Categories in the Thirteenth
Century, Medioevo 26 (2001), 265326, p. 266.
4
Not counting the introductory essay or the original work by Thomas Maulevelt.
the importance of medieval commentaries 3
his commentary on the Categories, both gures adopt the Neoplatonic
project of reconciling Plato and Aristotle, in spite of the apparent dif-
ferences between them. Interestingly, though, while both al-Frb and
Aquinas ultimately agree on the harmony between Plato and Aristotle,
they differ in that Aquinas follows Iamblichus, who makes philosophy
subordinate to theology, while al-Frb follows Porphyry, who views
philosophy as alone sufcient for beatitude.
In the second article, Allan Bck argues that it is Avicenna, not Averroes,
who rightly deserves the title The Commentator. In doing so, Bck
rst turns to Aristotle himself to see what the true function of a com-
mentator is. A good commentator, according to The Philosopher, is not
simply one who explicates the views of others, but one who reports and
critiques certain endoxa, namely, the opinions of the experts. Bearing
in mind, then, the peculiar purpose, context, and style of Avicennas
commentaries, it turns out that Avicenna is a better commentator than
Averroes. At best, Averroes is only the commentator for the beginning
student, who seeks to nd out only what Aristotle actually said.
Whether Avicenna really deserves to be called The Commentator or
not, his views on logic denitely inuenced Albert the Great, as Bruno
Tremblay shows in the next article. As is well known, Albert was one
of the rst medieval philosophers in the West to produce a set of com-
mentaries on the entire Organon, and his assimilation of Avicennian
doctrines (especially the distinction between universals ante rem, in re, and
post rem) played an extremely important role in Alberts understanding
of logic. Consequently, in contrast to other contemporary philosophers,
who interpret Albert in such a way that the subject of logic is either
words or things, Tremblay contends that the subject of the categories
for Albert is rst and foremost concepts, and that Albert, therefore, is
responsible for shifting the study of logic away from a more linguistic
approach long favored by Neoplatonic philosophers such as Boethius.
If Avicennas commentaries are on one end of the spectrum of com-
mentary writing, with Alberts commentaries somewhere in the middle,
then the other end of the spectrum is the literal commentary, a genre
hardly appreciated by most contemporary philosophers. Nevertheless,
in sharp contrast to Bcks spirited defense of Avicenna as The
Commentator, Robert Andrews shows the importance of those often
neglected studies at the other end of the spectrum, namely, the literal
commentaries. In doing so, he focuses on three particular issues (the
4 lloyd a. newton
nature of truth, denominative predication, and having) as those
issues are treated by four rather obscure philosophers: Peter of Saint-
Amour, Gerard of Nogent, Siger of Courtrai , and Thomas of Erfurt.
He also lightens things up with what was probably the only joke in all
the medieval commentaries on the Categories.
In the next article, Giorgio Pini begins by observing that the Categories
owes its pride of place within the Organon and within the larger corpus
of Aristotles writings not to Aristotle himself, but to early Neoplatonists
who wanted to structure Aristotles writings into a system comparable
to that of the Stoics. Considering the Categories as the beginning work
of logic, however, posed a number of philosophical problems, not the
least of which was how to reconcile what Aristotle says in this work with
conicting statements that he makes about categories in the Physics and
Metaphysics. More importantly, Pini demonstrates that as the conception
of logic evolved from a consideration of arguments to a consideration
of second intentions, so too changed the conception of the Categories.
Thus, depending on the philosopherand Pini looks at eight differ-
ent philosophers: Thomas Aquinas, Giles of Rome, Radulphus Brito,
Duns Scotus, Peter Olivi, William Ockham, Walter Burley and Robert
Alyngtonthe Categories can be read in any number of ways: as an
introduction to syllogistic reasoning; as a treatise dealing with second
intentions; as a sort of therapy preliminary to philosophy to protect
the student from any lingering traces of Platonism; or as an ontological
treatise establishing the existence of universals.
Although Aquinas did not write a full length commentary on the
Categories, he did comment on the categories in his commentaries on
the Physics and Metaphysics. Furthermore, given the overall importance
and inuence of the Angelic Doctor as well as the scant treatment of
his comments on the categories by most Thomistic studies, the editor
thought it worthwhile to include an article exclusively on Aquinas.
More important, though, in this article Paul Symington challenges the
traditional interpretation of Aquinass treatment presented by John
Wippel and others. Symington notes a number of difculties with
the typical accounts and offers his own interpretation that connects
Aquinas derivation of the ten categories to the three main modes of
per se predication.
While the derivation of the categories is one important issue, another
important topic concerns the scientic status of categories, namely,
the importance of medieval commentaries 5
whether a single subject, analogous to being qua being for metaphys-
ics, enables the categories to be treated as a science. If so, what kind
of science is it and how does this science of the categories differ from
metaphysics? Consequently, in the following two articles, two authors
look at the scientic status of the categories. In the rst one, Martin
Pickav focuses primarily on Simon of Favershams commentary on the
Categories and shows how Simon defends a certain type of knowledge or
science of the categories. To understand and appreciate Simon better,
Pickav contrasts Simons approach with an anonymous commentary
(the Anonymous of Madrid) and with Henry of Ghent s position on
the compound nature of the categories. As a result, we get a clearer,
though also more complicated, picture of the relationship between
logic and metaphysics as they are conceived by Simon of Faversham
and Henry of Ghent.
In the second article, Lloyd Newton traces the development of the
science of the categories from its inception through Martin of Dacia ,
Peter of Auvergne, and Simon of Faversham to its culmination in Duns
Scotus. In order fully to appreciate what a science of the categories
looks like, and what problems must be overcome in positing such a
science, Newton includes a short overview of the medieval conception
of science and its various kinds, and demonstrates the appropriation of
Avicennian doctrines by Scotus in his unique claim that the categories
are the subject of a propter quid science.
One of the main monographs on categories to appear recently, and
one which is cited approvingly by many of the authors in this volume is
Categories and Logic in Duns Scotus, written by Giorgio Pini and published
by Brill Press. Pinis book traces the development of categories and logic
throughout the thirteenth century, through both major philosophers,
such as Aquinas and Henry of Ghent , and lesser known gures, such
as Radulphus Brito, and culminates in his masterful study on Duns
Scotuss treatment of the Categories. In this work, Pini advances the
rather controversial claim that for Scotus, the categories are not always
the same as they are studied in logic and as they are studied in meta-
physics; that for Scotus there is not always an isomorphism between
language, concepts, and things. Taking up the traditional interpreta-
tion of Scotus, however, is Todd Bates, who provides a brief criticism
of Pinis monograph and argues that for Scotus, common natures are
composite entities made up of a plurality of forms. To accomplish
his goal, Bates rst summarizes Pinis work, then presents texts from
6 lloyd a. newton
Scotus that seem to contradict Pinis interpretation, and nally offers
his own interpretation of Scotuss texts that Pini cites in favor of his
own views.
Given the importance of Pinis work in general
5
to the study of medieval
commentaries on the Categories, and to the generally positive reception
of his monograph in particular, I thought it only fair to allow Pini to
respond to Batess criticism. Thus, in the spirit of a medieval debate,
there follows Pinis reply to Batess criticism. In short, Pini argues that
Bates fails to appreciate the subtle nuances of Scotuss logic, and in
particular that the science of logic, for Duns Scotus, is radically distinct
from metaphysics. According to Pini, the questions that Bates raises
are not the concern of the logician, but of the metaphysician. For the
sake of argument, Pini grants that Scotuss metaphysics may be such
as Bates describes it, but argues that Scotuss logic is indifferent to and
does not imply any specic metaphysical view.
By the fourteenth century, most commentaries on the Categories were
no longer simple, literal expositions of the text, but highly evolved
question commentaries, whose aims were often far different from the
more moderate aims of explication that occupied almost all preceding
commentaries. Consequently, commentaries written during or after the
fourteenth century are often extremely complex, philosophically rich,
and exhibit an almost unbelieveable amount of freedom regarding the
views that are questioned. Thus, of the four remaining essays, the rst
explicates an extremely nominalistic interpretation of the Categories while
the second explicates a radically realist interpretation of the Categories.
The third essay exhibits a freedom of thought scarcely imaginable in
a medieval commentary, and the nal essay focuses on the (in)famous
problem of universals as it relates to the ten categories.
The rst essay, by Alexander Hall, discusses Buridan s nominalistic
explication of the categories along semantic lines, which enables him
to read the Categories as concerned with properties of terms rather than
things in the world, thereby effectively nipping any realist interpreta-
tion in the bud. However, to interpret the Categories nominalistically
5
See the bibliography for Pinis other writings in this area.
the importance of medieval commentaries 7
requires a complicated array of novel semantic terms pertaining to the
categories; terms which are ostensibly lacking in Aristotles short text.
Consequently, Halls essay focuses on Buridan s interpretation of being
said of and in insofar as those are relations that hold among terms,
explicable via the semantic properties of supposition, signication,
appellation, and connotation, thus presenting a coherent nominalist
reading of Aristotles work.
In contrast to Hall s explication of a nominalistic interpretation of
the Categories, Alessandro Conti s essay focuses on a realist interpreta-
tion. For in response to the various nominalistic interpretations of the
Categories, many philosophers sought a more realistic interpretation
of the categories. Among them, Robert Alyngton, one of the most
important authors of the generation after Wyclif , must be mentioned:
his commentary on the Categories, which relies on Burley and Wyclif, is
the most mature output of this realist interpretative tradition. Alyngton
was able to work out a coherently realist ontology of the categories and
a new semantic theory of second intentions, which developed into the
general strategy adopted by the Oxford Realists after Wyclif, insofar
as he methodically substituted reference to external objective realities
for reference to linguistic and/or mental activities.
The previous two essays amply demonstrate, I think, the wide variety
of what might be termed academic freedom available to medieval
philosophers. However, lest there be any doubt about the freedom phi-
losophers had to put forth controversial subjects and to suggest novel
views, Robert Andrews essay should help settle the issue. Specically,
Andrews focuses on Thomas Maulevelt, a rather obscure English phi-
losopher active in Paris in the early part of the fourteenth century. Like
Ockham, Maulevelt was engaged in a radical reduction in the number
of the categories. One by one all of the lesser categories fall, each
shown to be merely a way of speaking. Maulevelt, however, is willing
to go a step farther than Ockham. According to Andrews, Maulevelt
entertains a unique, radical hypothesis: we have no need to posit that
substance exists! The only category needed to describe the things of
the world is that of qualitya view that is not entertained again until
Hume . Following Andrews essay is question 16 of Maulevelts com-
mentary on Aristotles Categories, in which he entertains the possibility
that substances do not exist.
8 lloyd a. newton
Finally, this book ends where most medieval commentaries on the
Categories begin: with a discussion of that thorny issue of universals rst
introduced by Porphyry in his famous introduction to the Categories,
the Isagoge. Although it is not meant to be an introduction proper, this
last essay, by Alessandro Conti , discusses the complicated relationship
between universals and categories as they were treated in the fourteenth
and fteenth centuries. Specically, he outlines the problem of universals
in the late Middle Ages both from a systematic and from a historical
point of view, indicating the connections with the doctrine(s) of cat-
egories. To that end, he rst provides a short account of the standard
theories of universals worked out between the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries; he then summarises Ockhams criticism of the traditional
view; and he concludes with a discussion of the main positions about
universals elaborated from 1330 ca. to 1430 ca. in some detail, thereby
showing their increasing relevance for the categories. Hopefully, Contis
essay, as well as the other essays in this book, will spark a new interest
in medieval theories of the categories analogous to the interest once
sparked by Porphyrys Isagoge.
THE MEDIEVAL POSTERITY OF SIMPLICIUS
COMMENTARY ON THE CATEGORIES:
THOMAS AQUINAS AND AL-FRB
Michael Chase
1. Simplicius Commentary on the Categories
in the Medieval West
Simplicius commentary on the Categories, probably written about 538
A.D.,
1
seems to have had little impact on the Latin-speaking world
until March of 1266, when it was translated into Latin by William of
Moerbeke (c. 1215c. 1286), probably at Viterbo. Whatever the rela-
tions may have been between William, a Dominican who ended his
life as archbishop of Corinth, and Thomas Aquinas ,
2
the fact remains
that it was thanks to Williams translation that Thomas appears to have
1
Ilsetraut Hadot, ed. Simplicius , sa vie, son uvre, sa survie; actes du colloque international de
Paris (28 sept.1 oct. 1985), (Berlin, 1987), (Peripatoi; XV), pp. 2021. Simplicius was the
author of one of a number of Neoplatonic Greek commentaries on the Categories that
have come down to us. We have others by Porphyry , Dexippus , Ammonius , Philoponus ,
Elias , and Olympiodorus . The Latin commentary by Boethius is largely based on
Porphyry. On the interrelations between all these commentaries, cf. Ilsetraut Hadot,
Simplicius , Commentaire sur les Catgories: traduction commente, I: Introduction. Premire partie:
(pp. 19, 3 Kalbeisch), sous la dir. de Ilsetraut Hadot; trad. par Philippe Hoffmann ;
avec la collab. de Ilsetraut Hadot & Pierre Hadot; commentaires et notes la trad.
par Ilsetraut Hadot; avec des appendices de Pierre Hadot & Jean-Pierre Mah (Leiden,
1990), (Philosophia antiqua; 50); Ilsetraut Hadot, Simplicius , Commentaire sur les Catgories:
traduction commente, III: Prambule aux Catgories. Commentaire au premier chapitre
des Catgories: (pp. 2140 Kalbeisch), sous la dir. de Ilsetraut Hadot; trad. de Philippe
Hoffmann ; avec la collab. de Ilsetraut Hadot, Pierre Hadot & Concetta Luna ; com-
mentaires & notes la trad. par Concetta Luna. (Leiden, 1990), (Philosophia antiqua;
51); Concetta Luna, Simplicius , Commentaire sur les Catgories dAristote, Chapitres 2
4; trad. par Philippe Hoffmann ; avec la collab. de Ilsetraut Hadot et Pierre Hadot;
commentaire par Concetta Luna (Anagg; 1).
2
The standard view, based largely on the testimony of Peter of Prussias Legenda
Alberti Magni, has it that William carried out his translations at the request of his friend
Thomas. Yet several recent scholars have debunked this account as legendary: cf. Jean-
Pierre Torrell , Initiation Saint Thomas dAquin: Sa personne et son uvre (Paris, 2002), pp.
25558, followed for instance by Mark D. Jordan , Rewritten Theology Aquinas After His
Readers (Oxford, 2006).
10 michael chase
been the rst Latin author to refer to Simplicius commentary.
3
Prior to
Williams translation, the work appears to have escaped the omnivorous
appetite for learning of Thomas master Albert the Great, although this
judgment may have to be revised as a result of the critical edition of
Alberts logical works currently in course of publication at Cologne.
Williams translation, in contrast, was to have a fairly wide circulation.
It is transmitted in twelve manuscripts,
4
several of which date from the
13th14th centuries, as well as in ve printed editions from the 16th
century.
5
Several of these editions also contain a second translation of
Simplicius commentary by Guilelmus Dorotheus . In the prefatory letter
to his translation, Guilelmus fustigates Moerbekes translation as the
work of one who was insufciently skilled in both Greek and Latin;
this, however, did not stop Dorotheus from copying Moerbekes new
translations of the lemmas from Aristotles Categories, which he passed
off as his own.
Pace Dorotheus, Moerbekes translation was a magnicent achieve-
ment. He made no pretence of producing a literary work, but translated
word-for-word, so faithfully that even today, his version is of great
assistance in the critical establishment and translation of the Greek text
of Simplicius commentary. Despite the fact that he appears to have
worked from a corrupt manuscript,
6
and that Latin still lacked much of
the philosophical vocabulary necessary for rendering such a complex
and technical work, William succeeded in producing a work that had
3
A. Pattin , Pour lhistoire du Commentaire sur les Catgories dAristote de Simplicius
au moyen ge, in Arts libraux et philosophie au Moyen Age: IV
e
Congrs international de philoso-
phie mdivale, Montral 1967 (Paris, 1969), pp. 10731078 , at p. 1073. Aquinas citations
of Simplicius commentary on the Categories include In duodecim libros Metaphysicorum
Aristotelis Expositio, lib. 3, lect. 11 eds. Cathala and Spiazzi; cf. In Octo Libros Physicorum
Aristotelis Expositio, lib. 1, lect. 15, section 138 ed. Marietti; De malo, q. 1, a. 1, ad 2, ad
7, ad 11; De unitate intellectus, cap. 3, p. 48 n. 76 ed. Keeler. Simplicius In Cat. is also
one of the primary sources of Thomas treatise De virtutibus.
4
Laurentius Minio-Paluello , ed. Aristoteles Latinus. I:15: Categoriae vel Praedicamenta
(Bruges, 1961), pp. lxxiilxxiii; A. Pattin, Pour lhistoire du Commentaire, I,
xxiiixxxix.
5
Minio-Paluello, Aristoteles Latinus , lxxiii noted four editions published by Hieronymus
Scotus at Venice in 1540/41, 1543, 1550, and 1567/68. To these must be added the
edition published by Paul of Genezano ( Venice 1516), who appears to have revised
Moerbekes translation after the Greek version of Simplicius commentary published
at Venice in 1499. See A. Pattin, Pour lhistoire du Commentaire, p. 1078.
6
According to Moerbekes own testimony, as preserved in the ms. Toledo, Bibl.
Capit. 47.11, fol. 179r, cited by A. Pattin , Pour lhistoire du Commentaire, p. 1077:
Sciat enim, qui hoc opus inspexerit, exemplar graecum valde fuisse corruptum et in
multis locis sensum nullum ex littera potui extrahere.
the medieval posterity of simplicius
commentary 11
a huge inuence on subsequent Western philosophy, not least because
of the large number of citations it transmitted from ancient authors,
ranging from the Presocratics to Simplicius immediate Peripatetic and
Neoplatonic predecessors.
7
In addition to Thomas Aquinas ,
8
Moerbekes translation of Simplicius
commentary on the Categories was used in the 13th century by Siger of
Brabant , Henry of Ghent , Giles of Rome, and Godefroid de Fontaine
(part of whose manuscript is now the ms. latin 16080 of the Paris
Bibliothque Nationale). Duns Scotus refers to it frequently as an
authoritative work, and it is cited by Jean Quidort , Peter of Auvergne ,
Jacques de Thrines , Durand de St. Pourain , Thomas of Strasbourg ,
Thomas Sutton , and James of Viterbo . The work continued to be cited
throughout the 14th century, by such authors as Siger of Courtrai and
the anonymous author of the ms. Erfurt, Amplon. F. 135.
2. Simplicius Commentary on the Categories
in the Arabic tradition
The name of Simplicius is mentioned rather infrequently in the Arabic
tradition, although he may well have been used rather more often
than he is actually cited.
9
When he is mentioned, he is known as a
commentator on the rst book of Euclid information completely
lacking in Greek and Latin literatureand on Hippocrates, as well as
on Aristotles De Anima.
10
7
On the importance of Simplicius In Cat. as a source for the history of ancient
philosophy, see Wayne Hankey , Thomas Neoplatonic Histories: His following of
Simplicius, Dionysius 20 (2002), 153178; Michael Chase , Simplicius , On Aristotle, Categories
14; trans. with an introduction by Michael Chase (London, 2003), (The ancient com-
mentators on Aristotle), pp. 1 ff.
8
For what follows, cf. A. Pattin , Pour lhistoire du Commentaire, pp. 10731078;
A. Pattin, ed. Simplicius , Commentaire sur les Catgories dAristote, Traduction de Guillaume
de Moerbeke, 2 vols. (Louvain, 19711975), (Corpus Latinorum commentariorum in
Aristotelem Graecorum 12). vol. I, pp. xviiixxiii.
9
Helmut Gtje , Simplikios in der arabischen berlieferung, Der Islam 59 (1982),
631, p. 14, who points out that while Averroes never mentions the name of Simplicius ,
there are numerous parallels in the Cordobans works with passages from Simplicius
commentaries on the Physics and the De Caelo. On the translations of Greek com-
mentaries into Arabic, see Cristina DAncona , Greek into Arabic: Neoplatonism
in translation, in P. Adamson & R. C. Taylor, eds. The Cambridge Companion to Arabic
philosophy (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 1031.
10
He is also mentioned, as are a plethora of other Greek philosophers, as the author
of alchemical and occult works; cf. H. Gtje , Simplikios, 19.
12 michael chase
That Simplicius commentary on the Categories was known in the
Arabic world is not open to doubt.
11
Not only is such a work mentioned
in the bibliographical surveys of al-Nadm
12
and al-Qif ,
13
but over
and above these mentions, extracts from it are found in the Arabic
manuscript Paris, BN ar. 2346 of the Categories and other works from
the Organon, together with marginal glosses, prepared by al-asan ibn
Suwr (ob. 1017),
14
a student of Ab Zakary Yay ibn Ad (ob. 984),
the learned Christian student of al-Frb . Further Simplician material
may well be present in the still unpublished commentary on the Categories
by ibn Suwrs student Abdallh ibn al-ayyib (ob. 1043), and in the
fragmentary commentary by Ab-l-asan al-Amir (ob. 991).
15
The great Arabo-Islamic philosopher Ab Nar Muammad ibn
Muammad ibn arkhn ibn Awzalugh al-Frb (ob. 950) never men-
tions the name of Simplicius . However, as we have seen that Averroes
uses the physical commentaries of Simplicius without feeling obliged
to cite his source, so Philippe Vallat has recently argued persuasively
that Simplicius commentary on the Categories is an important, albeit
unacknowledged, source for the man who, largely because of his vast
output of works on the Stagirites logic, was known in Islamic philosophy
as the second master (al-muallim al-thn ), after Aristotle.
16
3. Simplicius Commentary on the Categories
in the Works of Thomas Aquinas
The history of the inuence of Simplicius commentary on the Categories
on Medieval thought as a whole remains to be written. Thanks to such
11
F. E. Peters, Aristoteles Arabus (Leiden, 1968) , p. 7.
12
Fihrist, trans. B. Dodge, 1970, II, p. 598. Elsewhere (ibid., p. 640), however, al-
Nadm writes that Simplicius was the author of an Exposition on the fourth book of
Aristotles Categories (Kitb shar Qighriys li-Arisls al-maqla al-rbia). For speculation
on what this may mean, cf. H. Gtje , Simplikios, pp. 22 ff.
13
Ibn al-Qift , Ta rkh al-ukam (written c. 1240), ed. J. Lippert (Leipzig, 1903).
14
H. Gtje, Simplikios, pp. 2021. On this manuscript, which reveals the critical
work carried out on the Organon by Arabic scholars from the beginning of the tenth
century, cf. Henri Hugonnard-Roche , Remarques sur la tradition arabe de lOrganon
daprs le manuscrit Paris, Bibliothque nationale, ar. 2346, in C. Burnett, ed. Glosses
and commentaries on Aristotles logical texts (London, 1993), pp. 1928.
15
Gtje , Simplikios.
16
For a useful orientation to Frbs logical works, see Deborah L. Black, al-
Frb, in S. H. Nasr & O. Leaman , eds. History of Islamic philosophy (London, 1996),
pp. 17897, pp. 17984 with the literature cited at p. 193 n. 5.
the medieval posterity of simplicius
commentary 13
scholars as Wayne Hankey ,
17
however, a fair amount of solid recent work
has been done on the reception of this work by Thomas Aquinas , and
I shall concentrate on this aspect of the matter in what follows.
According to Hankey , the main inuence of Simplicius commentary
on the Categories on Thomas Aquinas concerned his conception of the
history of philosophy in general, and more specically the relations
between Aristotle and Plato . Like all later Neoplatonists , Simplicius,
following a doctrinal trend already sketched by Antiochus of Ascalon
and fully expounded by Porphyry , believed that the doctrines of Plato
and Aristotle were ultimately reconcilable. When in his introduction,
Simplicius, following the standard Neoplatonic scheme of points to be
discussed (kephalaia)
18
at the beginning of a commentary on Aristotle,
discusses the qualities necessary for the good exegete of Aristotles text,
19
he stresses that such a master exegete must be thoroughly familiar with
the Stagirites writings and stylistic habits, and be objective, not always
striving to prove that Aristotle is right, as if he had enrolled himself
in the Philosophers school. When it comes to apparent disagreements
between Plato and Aristotle, however, the good exegete
must [. . .] not convict the philosophers of discordance by looking only at
the letter (lexis) of what [Aristotle] says against Plato ; but he must look
towards the spirit (nous), and track down (anikhneuein) the harmony which
reigns between them on the majority of points.
20
Thus, surface disagreements between the two great philosophers are
just that: supercial, and the skilled commentator must not let himself
be fooled by such apparent contradictions between the letter of their
works, but track down the fundamental agreement hidden in the spirit
of such texts.
17
Wayne Hankey , Thomas Neoplatonic Histories: His Following of Simplicius ,
Dionysius 20 (2002), 153178; Wayne Hankey, Aquinas and the Platonists, in The
Platonic Tradition in the Middle Ages: A Doxographic Approach, eds. Stephen Gersh and
Maarten J. F. M. Hoenen, with the assistance of Pieter Th. van Wingerden (Berlin,
2002), pp. 279324.
18
For the importance of these kephalaia in Frb, cf. Philippe Vallat , Frb et lcole
dAlexandrie. Des prmisses de la connaissance la philosophie politique (Paris, 2004), p. 61, citing
in particular the Book of words used in logic (Kitb al-alf al-mustamal l mantq), 51, ed.
Mahdi, where the order of enumeration corresponds to that in Simplicius , In Cat. In
particular, Frbs fourth point corresponds to the fourth point in Simplicus, In Cat.,
p. 8, 1015 Kalb., who is the only Neoplatonic commentator to include it.
19
This is Simplicius s eighth kephalaion, cf. Michael Chase , Simplicius, p. 103 n. 96.
All translations from Simplicus, In Cat. are taken from this work.
20
Simplicius , In Cat., p. 7, 2932 Kalbeisch.
14 michael chase
The basis of Simplicius attitude is the idea, again established by
Porphyry , that the philosophies of Aristotle and Plato , far from being
opposed, are in fact complementary. If they seem to disagree, this is
because, generally speaking, they are not talking about the same thing.
Aristotle writes from the viewpoint of the beginning student of philoso-
phy, whose mentality is determined by the sensible world around him.
His works therefore provide a virtually infallible guide for all subjects
concerned with the sensible world: logic, physics, meteorology, natural
history, and even, to a certain extent, psychology, which has at least
partly to do with the sensible world.
When studied in the proper reading order (taxis), starting with the
Categories and proceeding through the De interpretatione, Prior and Posterior
Analytics, Topics, and Sophistical Refutations, the Aristotelian Organon even-
tually provides the student with the tools of demonstration (apodeixis),
or reliable scientic reasoning. Armed with this indispensable prere-
quisite, he can then proceed to the study of ethics, physics, and even
metaphysics.
21
Yet this entire course of study, which a gifted student like Proclus
took two years to complete, was considered a mere introduction to
the study of the Platonic dialogues, which, when read in an order
inaugurated by Iamblichus ,
22
provided an understanding of the whole
of reality, including the intelligible world. Far from being mutually
contradictory, then, the works of Aristotle and Plato are indispensable
complements to one another. Apparent divergences are to be explained
by the fact that Aristotle was tailoring his instruction to what we may
anachronistically call an undergraduate audience, while Plato intended
his work for graduate students.
This pedagogical approach was especially convenient for explain-
ing the Categories, the work in which Aristotle is prima facie at his least
Platonic. Indeed, what could be more opposed to Plato than to main-
tain, as the Stagirite does in Categories 5, that substance in the primary
sense designates individual sensible things like human beings and
horses, while such intelligible entities as genera and species are merely
secondary? Surely this places Aristotle at the antipodes from his emi-
nent teacher?
21
On the importance of the taxis of the Aristotelian works in Frb, who links it
in an interesting and apparently original way to the parable of the cave in the Republic,
cf. Ph. Vallat, Frb , pp. 13435; 18990.
22
Dominic OMeara , Pythagoras revived. Mathematics and philosophy in Late Antiquity
(Oxford, 1989), pp. 9799.
the medieval posterity of simplicius
commentary 15
By no means. As we have seen, Simplicius and the other Neoplatonists
argued that Aristotle intended the Categories to be the rst philosophical
work tackled by students, and so he tailored it to an audience of begin-
ners. When, therefore, he claims individual substances are primary, he
really means primary for philosophical beginners, who, living on the level of
sense perception, are ignorant of the existence of intelligible entities.
An alternative explanation of the Categories restriction of substance
to the sensible world was developed by Porphyry in his minor commen-
tary on the Categories by questions and answers,
23
which was inuential
on Simplicius own Commentary. The skopos or goal of the Categories
is simple words.
24
When, at the dawn of mythical history, the Sage or
council of Sages rst got together to impose names on things,
25
they
began by naming individual sensible objects: chair, man, dog, sun, etc.
Thus, then, is another sense in which sensible substances are primary:
not only are they primary from the viewpoint of beginning philosophy
students, but they were the primary objects of the rst imposition of
names. But the Categories is precisely devoted to the study of the simple
words that were the objects of this rst imposition, as opposed to the
De interpretatione, which studies the results of the second imposition, in
which the Sages returned to the results of the rst imposition and, in
a metalinguistic approach, divided the words they had used into nouns
and verbs.
Such ideas seem to have struck a chord in Thomas Aquinas . In his
Quaestio disputata de spiritualibus creaturis, written in 12671268, he explains
the differences between Plato and Aristotle as follows:
The diversity of these two opinions comes from the fact that when inquir-
ing into the nature of things, some proceeded from intelligible reasons,
and this was peculiar to the Platonists, and others from sensible things,
and this was peculiar to the philosophy of Aristotle, as Simplicius says
in his commentary on the Categories.
26
23
Porphyry , In Cat., p. 91, 1927.
24
Later, the standard Neoplatonic denition of the skopos of the categories is given
as being [. . .] about simple, primary words which signify the primary and most
generic of beings by means of simple, primary notions (Simpl., In Cat., p. 13, 1920
Kalbeisch). On the skopos (Arabic ghara ) of Aristotles works according to Frb, for
whom it constitutes the privileged criterion for judging the correctness of interpreta-
tions of Plato and Aristotle Cf. Ph. Vallat , Frb, pp. 17275; 17680; 242 ff. For
Frb, the skopos of the Categories are the simple notions or primary principles that are
innate within all human beings; cf. Vallat, p. 210.
25
On the institution of language in Frb, cf. Ph. Vallat , Frb, pp. 25566.
26
Aquinas , Quaestio disputata de spiritualibus creaturis, ed. Cos (Rome, 2000) (Commissio
Leonina: vol. 24/2), art. 3, p. 40, lines 27582 : Harum autem duarum opinionium
16 michael chase
Although here he leaves out Simplicius pedagogical explanation,
Thomas agrees with the commentator that Plato s approach is basically
deductive and rationalist, while Aristotles is fundamentally inductive
and empiricist. Thomas may also have been thinking of another pas-
sage from Simplicius Commentary in Cat, where, once again following
the typical Neoplatonic scheme of points to be discussed (kephalaia) in
a commentary,
27
he discusses the difference in style between Plato and
Aristotle:
[Aristotle] always refuses to deviate from nature; on the contrary, he con-
siders even things that are above nature according to their relation to nature,
just as, by contrast, the divine Plato , according to Pythagorean usage,
examines even natural things insofar as they participate in the things
above nature.
28
Likewise, according to Thomas, while Aristotle is a literalist, Plato
transmits divine things poetically and in fables.
29
He says everything
guratively and teaches through symbols, intending something other
through his words than what they themselves say.
30
This provides
another explanation of the apparent disagreement between Aristotle
and Plato: when the former criticizes the latter, he is arguing only
against the literal meaning of Platos words, not, of course, because
the Stagirite himself failed to grasp the true meaning of Platos words,
but becauseand here the pedagogical approach surfaces in Thomas
as wellhe was anxious lest students be led astray by the false surface
meaning of these words.
In the context of the seventh kephalaion of his commentary on the
Categories, Simplicius explains that while all ancient philosophers took
care not to divulge their doctrines to the unworthy and the unprepared,
they used different methods to achieve this goal. Plato preferred the
use of myths and symbols, while Aristotle cultivated deliberate obscu-
rity, perhaps because he rejected the indeterminate hidden meaning
diuersitas ex hoc procedit quod quidam ad inquirendam ueritatem de natura rerum
processerunt ex rationibus intelligibilibus: et hoc fuit proprium Platonicorum, quidam
uero ex rebus sensibilibus: et hoc fuit proprium philosophiae Aristotilis, ut dicit
Simplicius in Commento super Praedicamenta.
27
The seventh kephalaion, cf. M. Chase , Simplicius , p. 103 n. 91.
28
Simplicius , In Cat., p. 6, 2730 Kalbeisch.
29
res divinas potice et fabulariter tradiderunt, Aquinas , In De Caelo, lib. 1, lect. 22, sect.
227, p. 108.
30
Aquinas , Sententia libri De Anima (Leonina 1984), vol. 45, pars 1, cap. 8, p. 38,
lines 39.
the medieval posterity of simplicius
commentary 17
(huponoia) of myths and symbolssuch things can, after all, easily be
understood differently by each interpreter.
31
Similarly, according to Thomas, Aristotle was not against Plato s
understanding, which was sound, but against his words.
32
This cor-
rect approach on the part of most commentators, Thomas notes, is in
contrast to that of Alexander of Aphrodisias, who takes Aristotle to be
arguing not against Platos surface meaning; but against his intellectual
intention. Again, Thomas main source of information on the views of
Alexander is Simplicius commentary on the Categories.
33
Yet Alexanders
view is inadequate. As we have seen, it is not enough to remain at a
supercial level, where Aristotle attacks the surface meaning of Platos
words: instead, the interpreter must delve beneath the letter of Platos
text in search of its hidden spirit. When this is done successfully, it will
be found that most or all of the apparent disagreements between Plato
and Aristotle vanish into thin air.
4. Simplicius in al-Frb
This concordist attitude is shared by al-Frb ,
34
who believed that
the aim of these two philosophers is one and the same and that they
intended to offer one and the same philosophy.
35
Like Simplicius , Frb
also likes to explain apparent instances of discord between Plato and
Aristotle by the fact that they are not talking about the same thing,
and/or that their intentions in writing the passage in question were not
comparable. This is particularly true in the case of substance: the judg-
ment of the two philosophers does not pertain to the same viewpoint
(min jiya wida), or to the same goal (maqd wid ).
36
As Philippe Vallat
has shown,
37
Frb uses the same or similar principles to explain the
31
Simplicius , In Cat., p. 7, 58 Kalbeisch.
32
Aquinas , In de caelo, 1.22, sect. 228.
33
Wayne Hankey , Aquinas and the Platonists, p. 293.
34
Who probably derived it at least in part from Porphyry s lost work On the unity of
the philosophical schools of Plato and Aristotle; cf. Richard Walzer, Porphyry and the Arabic
tradition, in Porphyre (Vandoeuvres, 1966), (Entretiens sur lAntiquit classique 12),
pp. 27599, 285 ff.
35
Frb, Kitb tal al-sada, cited by R. Walzer , Porphyry and the Arabic tradi-
tion, pp. 27599, 287.
36
al-Frb , Book of the concordance in view of the two sages, the divine Plato and Aristotle,
eds. & French transl. F. W. Najjar & D. Mallet (Damascus, 1999), 20, p. 81, cited by
Ph. Vallat, Frb , p. 173.
37
Ph. Vallat , Frb, p. 173.
18 michael chase
surface disparities between Plato and Aristotle on the subject of the
validity of mixed syllogisms;
38
on vision;
39
moral dispositions;
40
remi-
niscence;
41
and the eternity of the world.
42
Perhaps the most striking point of convergence between Simplicius
and Frb concerns the mechanism of teaching itself. In his com-
mentary on the Categories, Simplicius explains the metaphysical presup-
positions of Neoplatonic pedagogy as follows.
43
When the soul is in the
intelligible, it possesses knowledge of all things immediately, for there
is not yet any distinction between subject and object: language is thus
unnecessary. When the soul sinks into generation, howeverthat is,
when it becomes incarnate in a human bodyit loses this direct knowl-
edge and can only project notions that approximate the noetic realities
it used to intuit directly. Although the soul still possesses sparks or
embers of its original, innate knowledge, these have been smothered
and cooled down as the soul has become lled with forgetfulness. The
only remedy for this situation is philosophical instruction:
When, however, the soul has fallen into the realm of becoming, it is lled
with forgetfulness, and requires sight and hearing in order to be able to
recollect. For the soul needs someone who has already beheld the truth,
who, by means of language ( phn ) uttered forth from the concept (ennoia),
also moves the concept within [the soul of the student], which had until
then grown cold [. . .] For intellections (noseis) which proceed forth from
other intellections [sc. those of the teacher] also set things in motion
immediately, and they join the learners notions to those of the teacher,
by becoming intermediaries (mesottes) between the two. When intellec-
tions are set in motion in an appropriate way, they adjust themselves to
realities, and thus there comes about the knowledge of beings, and the
souls spontaneous eros <sc. for knowledge> is fullled.
44
The person who has already beheld the truth is the philosophy teacher,
who, by carefully chosen discourse, is able to rekindle the sparks that
lie hidden in the students common notions or innate ideas, thereby
38
al-Frb , Concordance, 3133.
39
Ibid., 3540.
40
Ibid., 4244.
41
Ibid., 52.
42
Ibid., 5357.
43
Simpl., In Cat., p. 12, 1313, 11 Kalbeisch. On this passage, see the magnicent
paper by Philippe Hoffmann, Catgories et langage selon Simplicius . La question
du skopos du trait aristotlicien des Catgories, in Ilsetraut Hadot , ed. Simplicius, pp.
6190.
44
Simpl., In Cat., p. 12, 2613, 4 Kalbeisch.
the medieval posterity of simplicius
commentary 19
making him aware of the knowledge he possessed, unbeknownst to
himself, all along. This is, of course, an adaptation of Socratic/Platonic
maieutics, based on the doctrine of recollection or reminiscence (Greek
anamnsis).
In works such as the Political regime (Kitb al-siysa al-madaniyya, al-
mulaqqab bi-mabdii al-mawjdt, ed. Najjar ); the Political specilegium (Ful
muntazaa, ed. Najjar); the Book of the accession to happiness (Kitb tal
al-sada, ed. al-Yasin ) and the Book of recollection of the way leading to hap-
piness (Kitb al-tanbh al sab-l-sada, ed. al-Yasin), Frb sets forth a
doctrine that is strongly reminiscent of this theory, of which Simplicius
is the only commentator on the Categories to provide a detailed account.
For the Second Master, all human beings are provided by nature with
certain innate ( jarziyya) intelligible principles (awi l ),
45
instilled in us
by the Agent Intellect, but which we have forgotten, and it is the task
of the philosophy teacher to remind us of them by means of lessons or
philosophical dialogues in which the words are carefully chosen to t
or be suitable to (aara al) these innate intelligibles.
46
Once they are
appropriately developed under the teachers guidancethat is, classi-
ed and articulatedthese principles can be used as logical premises,
and thus serve as the starting-point for demonstration.
47
In the words
of Philippe Vallat ,
Nothing, then, seems to be lacking from Frbs exposition for us to be
able to pronounce him faithful to the thought of Simplicius , especially in
that there is no doubt that it is at the summit of this ascent that he too
placed the instant in which man intelligizes the Agent Intellect, achieves
felicity, and becomes divine.
48
If Vallat is correct, not only does Frbs adaptation of this Simplician
doctrine conrm the inuence of the latters commentary on the Categories
on the Islamic thinker, but it enables us to deduce details of the function-
ing of this doctrine that are lacking from Simplicius preserved work.
45
These are the equivalent of the Greek koinai ennoiai, which play a vital role in
Neoplatonic thought, especially that of Porphyry ; cf. Michael Chase , tudes sur le com-
mentaire de Porphyre sur les Catgories dAristote adress Gdalios. Diss. cole pratique des
Hautes tudes, 5th section, Paris 2000.
46
These words t with the primary innate intelligibles, and are therefore able to
reactivate them, because they are analogous to them (mutansiba) in a strictly dened
technical sense; cf. Ph. Vallat 2004, 208, and especially his Appendice: lAnalogie de
ltre, pp. 34765.
47
Cf. Ph. Vallat , Frb, pp. 16061.
48
Vallat , ibid., p. 214.
20 michael chase
5. Thomas, Simplicius and Iamblichus :
The interpretation of Wayne Hankey
In view of what we have seen, we can agree with Wayne Hankey when
he summarizes the inuence on Thomas Aquinas of Simplicius com-
mentary on the Categories. Simplicius work, he writes, is important:
49
1. for ideas and distinctions used in Thomass philosophical constructions,
2. for knowledge of the content of the history of ancient philosophy,
and
3. of the Peripatetic and Platonic hermeneutical traditions,
4. for theories about the history of philosophy used by Aquinas [. . .]
5. but also for that which conveys all these, namely, the commentaries
on Aristotles works.
Hankey is also correct, as we have seen, to point out the crucial impor-
tance for Thomas, as for Simplicius , of the notion of the ultimate
reconcilability of the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle. Quite apart
from specic points of doctrine, Thomas absorbed from Simplicius
in general and from his commentary on the Categories in particular a
conception of what philosophy is.
Here, however, I must express some reserves with regard to another
aspect of Hankey s important work. In line with ideas he has expressed
elsewhere, Hankey is anxious to emphasize the continuity between
Iamblichus and Thomas Aquinas .
50
Iamblichus, who played a key
role in the establishment of the Neoplatonic school curriculum, was
also of fundamental importance for Simplicius commentary on the
Categories. This is not open to doubt; what seems more questionable,
however, is the specic respects in which Hankey claims Iamblichus
transformed the Platonism that Thomas eventually absorbed through
Simplicius and his fellow-commentators. Iamblichus, claims Hankey,
turned Neoplatonism
51
49
Wayne Hankey, Thomas Neoplatonic Histories, p. 156.
50
Cf. especially Wayne Hankey , Philosophy as a Way of Life for Christians ?
Iamblichan and Porphyrian Reections on Religion, Virtue, and Philosophy in Thomas
Aquinas , Laval thologique et philosophique (2003), 193224, where the author attempts
to refute Pierre Hadot s views on Christianitys role in the decline of philosophy as a
way of life by showing that philosophy continues to be a way of life for Thomas, who
continues the tradition of Iamblichus . I disagree with this view, but this is not the place
to enter into the controversy in detail.
51
Wayne Hankey, Thomas Neoplatonic Histories, p. 158.
the medieval posterity of simplicius
commentary 21
(i) toward a positive relation to the sensible and the material,
(ii) toward Aristotle, and
(iii) toward theurgic (or sacramental) religion.
Points (i) and (iii) fall outside the framework of this study, although I
will say with regard to the rst point that it is not at all clear in what
sense Iamblichus had a more positive attitude towards the sensible and
the material than, say, his predecessors Plotinus author of a lengthy
treatise against the Gnostics, whom he reproaches for their systematic
denigration of the sensible worldand Porphyry . Hankey s point (ii),
in contrast, deserves some brief remarks. At least as far as the doctrine
of the categories is concerned, Iamblichus may indeed have been more
favorably disposed to Aristotle than, say, Plotinus, who subjects the
Stagirites doctrines to a devastating critique in Enneads VI 13.
52
But
Iamblichus was certainly no more pro-Aristotelian than his own teacher
Porphyry, who had been responsible, prior to Iamblichus, for introducing
the systematic study of Aristotles works into the Neoplatonic school
curriculum. We ought not to forget that while it is true that Simplicius
based his commentary on the Categories to a large extent on Iamblichus
commentary on the Categories, Iamblichus in turn had based his own
commentary on the lost commentary on the Categories by Porphyry in
seven books, addressed to Gedalius. In this work, Porphyrys method
had been to refute the objections raised by Plotinus against Aristotles
doctrines of the categories. To be sure, Iamblichus often, or rather
usually, nds Porphyrys refutations inadequate, and spends many pages
driving home and elaborating upon the criticisms Porphyry had merely
sketched. An example may help to illustrate this point.
At in Cat., p. 302, 5 ff. Kalbeisch, Simplicius reports the objection
by Plotinus (Ennead VI, 15) against the Aristotelian category of Doing
(to poiein): Doing, said Plotinus, along with its opposite Being-affected
(to pathein), should be ranged as a sub-genus of Activity (to energein) or
rather Motion (kinsis). Porphyry s response
53
to this criticism of Aristotle
is as follows: in some things motion seems to be one and continuous in
52
Even this point is controversial, with several modern scholars (notably Franz de
Haas and Steven Strange ) arguing that Plotinus attitude to the Aristotelian doctrine
of the Categories is not one of rejection, but constructive criticism and adaptation.
This view has, I believe, been convincingly refuted by the recent work of Riccardo
Chiaradonna . I hope to return to this point elsewhere.
53
Porphyry , Ad Gedalium, fr. 71 in A. Smith, ed. Porphyrius, fragmenta (Stuttgart-Leipzig,
1993).
22 michael chase
the case of both doing and being-affected. When one throws or strikes
an object, for instance, the motion of the thrower is the same as the
motion of the object thrown or struck, but it becomes an affect ( pathos)
of the object, while it is an action ( poisis) of the agent. Therefore,
doing and being-affected cannot pertain to the same genus of motion,
but there is a specic differentia between them.
Iamblichus nds this solution inadequate: Porphyry went too far
aeld in search of it, derived it from premises that are no more clear
than their conclusion,
54
and which are not in accord with Aristotles
beliefs. It is not because one kind of action behaves this way that we
can conclude they all do, nor should Porphyry have chosen the kind
of action that is ontologically last
55
that which takes place through
pushing and shoving. He was also wrong to agree with the Stoics that
all action takes place by contact: contact is accidental in action, the
real cause of which is the mutual suitability of agent and object of the
action, as is shown by many obvious examples. To claim that the agent
has the same substance as the thing being affected is to sow confusion
everywhere, destroying the axioms of physics. If there is such a motion
as Porphyry postulates, made up of the activity of the agent and the
change of the object, then it does not belong in the pure genera (i.e.,
the intelligible world) of the categories, which are pure and unmixed,
but is merely secondary, like all compound things. Instead, motion is
common to doing and being-affected, but it is also separate from and
intermediary between them, proceeding from the agent and accom-
plishing the affect ( pathos) in the object being affected. Thus, just as the
motive agent and the mobile object are two separate things, so the agent
and the things-being-affected have also been divided into two.
Here, both Porphyry and Iamblichus agree that Plotinus is wrong
in his suggestion of a critical modication to Aristotles doctrine of
the categories. Yet while Porphyry apparently restricted himself to
adducing a counter-example to Plotinus argument, Iamblichus sets out
to demolish both Porphyry and Plotinus by a plethora of arguments,
including the highly characteristic one that Porphyrys doctrine of a
motion made up of doing and being-affected could not, as a compound
entity, belong to the intelligible world.
54
Thereby violating Aristotles strictures in the Posterior Analytics, I, 2, 70b2024.
55
That is, presumably, because it is restricted to the merely sensible world, subject
to the laws of physics.
the medieval posterity of simplicius
commentary 23
We have here a clear example of Iamblichus tendency to incorporate
his intellective theory
56
throughout his commentary on the Categories. Far
from regarding this treatise, as Porphyry did, as a work for beginning
philosophers that focuses on the sensible world, Iamblichus assumes
Aristotles treatise is applicable to the intelligible world.
For Iamblichus , as followed by Simplicius , the source of Plotinus
error is that he confuses activity and motion, which is far from being the
truth.
57
This being the case, one may question the aptness of Hankey s
account of this passage. According to this scholar, one of the means
used in Simplicius commentary on the Categories to reconcile Plato
and Aristotle
[. . .] is the notion of motionless motion which in this commentary is
approached when considering making and suffering (de facere et pati )
and when treating motion (de motu). In both places Simplicius reects
on Aristotle through Plotinus and his followers, especially Iamblichus .
Simplicius shows Plotinus trying to dissolve the difference between activ-
ity and motion and between rest and motion. In learning, in intellectual
life, for what is without parts and what is perfect, these exist together in
such a way as to bring together apparently opposed teachings of Plato
and Aristotle. Aquinas , sometimes by way of the Arabic commentators,
is an heir of Plotinus, Simplicius, and others like Proclus , who teach this
Neoplatonic commonplace. Thomas does not only use this construction
to reconcile the two greatest philosophical authorities, motionless motion
is profoundly important for the structure and content of his own thought,
including his treatment of the Trinity.
58
In fact, however, while it is true that Simplicius shows Plotinus trying
to dissolve the difference between activity and motion, he also shows
Iamblichus refuting this notion, which he identies as Stoic , in no uncertain
terms. It is, moreover, not immediately clear what Hankey supposes the
connection to be between the idea of motionless motion and that of
abolishing the difference between activity and motion, or that between
rest and motion. They are certainly not the same thing: that motion
56
Cf. Simplicius , In Cat., p. 2, 914: in his Commentary, Iamblichus [f ]or the
most part, [. . .] followed Porphyry right down to the letter, but he picked out some
things and articulated them in order to make them more clear. At the same time, he
contracted the scholastic long-windedness Porphyry had used against the objections; and
he applied his Intellective Theory everywhere, to almost all of the chapter-headings.
On Iamblichus noetic theory, cf. John Dillon , Iamblichus Noera theria of Aristotles
Categories, Syllecta Classica 8 (1997), 6577.
57
Ho pollou dei althes einai, Simplicius , In Cat., p. 304, 3233.
58
Wayne Hankey , Aquinas and the Platonists, pp. 3001.
24 michael chase
is equivalent to activity is a Stoic idea taken up by Plotinus but unani-
mously rejected by the subsequent Neoplatonic commentators, while
motionless motion is an idea absent from Plotinus and fully developed
by Proclus , but which already appears in the Anonymous Commentary on
the Parmenides,
59
which Pierre Hadot has attributed, no doubt correctly,
60
to Porphyry . In sum, it is unlikely that Thomas derived his idea of
motionless motion from Simplicius commentary on the Categories. If he
did, then he was not following Iamblichus but going against his express
view. Hankey had previously suggested that Thomas derived this view,
which is crucially important in his thought, from Arabic Neoplatonism.
61
This may be, but it seems even more likely that the idea of motionless
motion reached Thomas by way of the Pseudo-Dionysius .
62
59
14, 2123, ed. Pierre Hadot, Porphyre et Victorinus , 2 vols. (Paris, 1968) , vol. 2, p. 110:
And since they [sc. existence, life and thought] are all activities; according to exis-
tence the activity would be stationary (Kai pasn ousn energein kai hs kata men tn huparxin
hestsa an ei h energeia). Hadot notes this idea was taken over from Porphyry by Marius
Victorinus , cf. Adv. Ar. III, 2, 36 cessans motus; IV, 8, 26. It has been suggested that
both Porphyry and Victorinus may in fact have taken it over from the Gnostics, and
more specically the treatise Allogenes in the Nag Hammadi treatises; cf. M. Tardieu in
Michel Tardieu-P. Hadot, Recherches sur la formation de lApocalypse de Zostrien et les sources
de Marius Victorinus . Pierre Hadot, Porphyre et Victorinus: questions et hypothses
(Leuven, 1996). (Res orientales; 9), p. 84; but more recently Ruth Majercik has argued
that it was the Gnostics who took over such conceptual schemes from Porphyry, cf. Ruth
Majercik , Porphyry and Gnosticism, Classical Quarterly 55.1 (2005), 27792.
60
See, most recently, Ruth. Majercik, Porphyry and Gnosticism.
61
Wayne Hankey , Review of: Simplicius : On Aristotles Physics 5, translated by J. O.
Urmson, notes by Peter Lautner. The Ancient Commentators on Aristotle (New York, 1997),
Bryn Mawr Classical Review 9.6 (1998), 5858, p. 586: This different kind of motion,
the act of the perfect, Aquinas learns about from the Arab Neoplatonists .
62
See, for instance, De divinis nominibus IX, 6, 910 (What shall we say, when again
the theologians say that the Immobile (ton akinton) proceeds toward all things and is
moved (kai kinoumenon)? In his scholia on this passage, Maximus the Confessor (Migne,
PG 4, 381AD) sets out to identify the sense in which the Immobile God is moved.
After eliminating the eight kinds of motion enumerated by the Ps.-Dionysus, Maximus
concludes: Thus, God is not moved according to any of these motions, but that which
is called motion of the Immobile. . . . is His will which leads to the generation of beings
and the procession of His providence toward all things. These texts, together with their
Byzantine and Arabic posterity, have been brilliantly studied by Marwan Rashed , La
classication des lignes simples selon Proclus et sa transmission au monde islamique,
in C. DAncona & Giuseppe Serra (eds), Aristotele e Alessandro di Afrodisia nella tradizione
araba (= Subsidia Mediaevalia Patavina 3) (Padova, 2002), pp. 25779.
the medieval posterity of simplicius
commentary 25
Conclusion
The particular parallels we have noted between Thomas and al-Frb
may be indicative of a deeper similarity, which Simplicius commentar-
ies, including that on the Categories, may help to explain.
In a reversal of traditional viewpoints, recent commentators have
argued that the philosophies of both Thomas Aquinas
63
and Frb,
64
usually considered as followers of the Peripatetic school, are in fact
basically Platonist . Paradoxically, however, the same scholars have also
argued that neither of these philosophers had actually read Plato .
65
This odd situation can be explained by the nature of the sources of
both Thomas and Frb, which present denite similarities. Neither
had access to complete translations of the works of Plato. Both were
consequently forced to rely on the works of Aristotle, but this was an
Aristotelian corpus quite unlike the one studied in the West today. It
included worksthe Liber de Causis was most inuential in Thomas
case, while the Theology of Aristotle may have played an analogous role
in the case of Frbwhich we now know to be apocryphal compi-
lations of Neoplatonic texts deriving from Proclus , Plotinus , and pos-
sibly Porphyry .
66
Equally importantly, however, it included Neoplatonic
commentaries on the genuine works of Aristotle, including those by
Simplicius .
As we have glimpsed, the philosophy of both Frb and Thomas
Aquinas is profoundly influenced by the kind of Neoplatonizing
interpretation of Aristotle that lls the commentaries of Simplicius ,
Ammonius , Themistius and other late antique professors of philosophy.
These commentaries are the source of most of the common elements
in their thought, the most crucial of which is no doubt the idea of
63
Cf. Wayne Hankey , Aquinas and the Platonists, p. 284: Thomas hermeneutical
horizon was profoundly, extensively and subtly Platonist .
64
Ph. Vallat , passim.
65
In the case of Thomas, cf. R. J. Henle , Saint Thomas and Platonism (Hague, 1956),
p. xxi.
66
We might also count the works of the Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita among these
sources. As Hankey has shown, Thomas began his philosophical career by consider-
ing the Ps.-Dionsyius as an Aristotelian; then, once he had read Proclus Elements
of Theology in Moerbekes translation, he came to realize the Platonic nature of the
Dionysian works. Ph. Vallat has pointed out a number of parallels between the works
of the Ps.-Dionysius and those of Frb: cf. Vallat, Frb, pp. 33; 76; 88 n. 1; 291
n. 1; 307 n. 2; 334 n. 2; 346; 371.
26 michael chase
the ultimate reconcilability of Plato and Aristotle. According to both
Thomas and Frb, both Plato and Aristotle teach that there is a
single divine cause that perpetually distributes being to all entities in a
continuous, graded hierarchy.
There are, of course, also profound differences in the ways Thomas
and Frb interpreted and utilized the doctrines they both received
from the Alexandrian commentators. For Thomas, who (certainly
indirectly) follows Iamblichus in this regard, philosophy occupies a
subordinate position within theology, while for Frb, whatever his
genuine religious beliefs may have been, philosophy remains the nec
plus ultra, capable of providing ultimate happiness through conjunction
with the Agent Intellect.
The contrasting attitudes of Thomas and Frb may, in turn, be
traceable to a similar contrast with late antique Neoplatonism. Porphyry
of Tyre was considered by his successors to have held that philosophy
alone was sufcient for salvation, consisting in the souls denitive
return to the intelligible world whence it came, while Iamblichus was
held to have placed the emphasis on the need for religion, in the form
of theurgical operations and prayers, and the grace of the gods.
67
What seems to have been at stake in the arguments between the two
was ultimately no less than the nature of philosophy: is it the ultimate
discipline, sufcient for happiness, as Porphyry held, or is it merely an
ancilla theologiae, as was the view of Iamblichus? Thomas and Frb, who
had at least some knowledge of these debates through the intermediary
of such sources as Simplicius commentary on the Categories, seem to
have prolonged this controversy, Thomas siding with Iamblichus and
Frb with Porphyry.
Wayne Hankey has written,
68
Not only for both [sc. Iamblichus and Aquinas ] is philosophy contained
within theology, and theology contained within religion, but also, for both
centuries its great teachers are priests and saints. In order to be doing
philosophy as spiritual exercise belonging to a way of life, we need not
engage directly in self-knowledge.
67
In the judgment of Damascius , the teacher of Simplicius , . . . some prefer phi-
losophy, like Porphyry and Plotinus and many other philosophers; others hieratics [i.e.,
theurgy], like Iamblichus , Syrianus , Proclus and all the other hieratics, Damascius, In
Phaed., 1, vol. I, 172, 13 Westerink.
68
Wayne Hankey , Thomas Neoplatonic Histories, p. 160.
the medieval posterity of simplicius
commentary 27
Such ideas were anathema to Porphyry , the other great Neoplatonist
whose ideas were transmitted to posterity by, among other sources,
Simplicius commentary on the Categories. For the Tyrian thinker, as
for Frb writing some six centuries after him, philosophy is not
subordinate to religion, nor are its teachers priests or saints, but it is
autonomous and capable, all by itself, of ensuring human felicity both
in this life and the next. Philosophy for Porphyry was indeed a way of
life, an important part of which was reading and commenting on the
philosophical texts of the ancient Masters. For Porphyry, however, who
wrote a treatise On the Know thyself ,
69
as for the entire ancient tradi-
tion which, as Pierre Hadot has shown, considered philosophy to be
a way of life,
70
self-knowledge was the indispensable starting-point for
all philosophy.
71
Indeed, one may question whether this was not the
case for Iamblichus as well: it was he, after all, who established the
First Alcibiades as the rst Platonic dialogue to be read and studied in
the Neoplatonic curriculum;
72
but the skopos or goal of this dialogue,
for Iamblichus, was none other than self-knowledge.
73
Whatever may have been Iamblichus particular view, the Hellenic
tradition on the whole was unanimous on the crucial importance of
self-knowledge as the starting-point for philosophical education.
74
When
69
Addressed to none other than Iamblichus . The fragments are printed by Smith,
Porphyrius, fr. 273275.
70
Pierre Hadot , Philosophy as a way of life: spiritual exercises from Socrates to Foucault.,
ed. with an introduction by Arnold Davidson; trans. Michael Chase (Oxford, 1995);
Pierre Hadot, What is ancient philosophy?, trans. Michael Chase (Cambridge, Mass,
2002).
71
Cf. Porphyry , Sentence 40, 4, p. 5, 56 Lamberz; Letter to Marcella, ch. 32; etc. On
the central importance of self-knowledge for Porphyry, cf. Pierre Hadot, Porphyre et
Victorinus, I, 91 n. 1; 327328; J. Bouffartigue & M. Patillon, Porphyre, De labstinence,
I (Paris 1977), pp. liiilx; and the further literature cited by R. Majercik , Porphyry
and Gnosticism, p. 285 & n. 48.
72
Proclus , In Alc., 11, 1421, vol. I, p. 9 Segonds : the divine Iamblichus assigns
the Alcibiades the rst rank among the ten dialogues which, he believes, contain the
totality of Plato s philosophy.
73
A.-Ph. Segonds , Introduction to his edition of Proclus Commentary In Alc. (Paris
1985), vol. 1, p. xxv. Other texts by Iamblichus emphasizing the importance of self-
knowledge (Protreptic, 21; De myst., 10, p. 286, 11; Life of Pythagoras, 18, 83) are cited
by Pierre Courcelle, Le Connais-toi toi-mme chez les no-platoniciens grecs, in
Le noplatonisme. Actes du Colloque de Royaumont, 913 juin 1969 (Paris 1971), (Coll.
internat. du CNRS), pp. 15366, pp. 15657.
74
As Mme Ilsetraut Hadot points out in a personal communication, Simplicius ,
who may have been writing in arrn, also takes the First Alcibiades as the starting-
point for his Commentary on the Manual of Epictetus (In Ench. Epict., Praef. 82 ff.),
Tout le commentaire, avec ses explications frquentes sur la nature des trois espces
28 michael chase
in 946 the traveler al-Masd visited arrn in Mesopotamia, center
of the pagan bians, he saw, inscribed on the door-knocker of the
central temple, an inscription in Syriac reading He who knows his
nature becomes god,
75
which is, as Tardieu was the rst to recognize,
a reference to Plato s Alcibiades 133 C. When we recall that, according
to some of his biographers, Frb went to Harrn at about the time
of Masds visit to complete his studies of the Aristotelian Organon,
one is not surprised to nd that self-knowledge is as essential for Frb
as it was for Porphyry , with several of whose works the Second Master
seems to have been familiar.
76
In Frbs noetics, the potential intellect (al-aql bil-quwwah) becomes
an intellect in act (al-aql bil-l ) when, by abstracting the forms in mat-
ter from their material accompanying circumstances, it receives these
disembodied forms within itself. Unlike the forms stamped in wax,
however, which affect only the surface of the receptive matter, these
forms penetrate the potential intellect so thoroughly that it becomes
identical with the forms it has intelligized. Once it has intelligized all
such intelligible forms, the intellect becomes, in act, the totality of
intelligibles. The human intellect has thus become an intelligible, and
when it intelligizes itself, it becomes an intelligible in act.
77
dmes qui se trouvent dans lhomme et leurs relations avec le corps, sur la position
de lme humaine dans lunivers, sur les limites de ses possibilits daction etc., montre
que selon lui une amlioration de ltat thique de lhomme ne peut se faire que sur
la base de la connaissance de soi-mme, cest--dire de ses constituants et de sa pos-
sibilit daction dans ce monde. Le connas-toi toi-mme est la conditio sine qua non de
tout progrs thique.
75
Al-Masd, Kitb murj al-dhahab wa-madin al-jawhar, vol. IV, p. 64, 10 ff. Barbier
Meynard, cited by Michel Tardieu, biens coraniques et biens de arrn, Journal
asiatique 274/12 (1986), 144, p. 13. Elsewhere (Kitb al-tanbh wa-l-ishrf, p. 162, 35
De Goeje), Masd cites the Harrnian saying under the following form: He who
knows himself in truth becomes god.
76
Cf. R. Walzer, Porphyry and the Arabic Tradition, p. 281 f.; p. 294 ff.; F. W.
Zimmermann, al-Frb s commentary and short treatise on Aristotles De interpretatione (Oxford,
1991), p. xcii. I have discussed Frbs possible use of an otherwise unattested com-
mentary by Porphyry on the Posterior Analytics in M. Chase Did Porphyry write a
commentary on Aristotles Posterior Analytics? Albertus Magnus, Frb and Porphyry
on per se predication, in P. Adamson, ed., Classical Arabic Philosophy: Sources and Reception,
London/Turin: Warburg Institute/Nino Aragno (= Warburg Institute Colloquia 11),
2007, 2138.
77
Fit igitur haec essentia sibi intellecta in effectu; non fuit autem in nobis anima,
antequam haec intellegeretur, nisi intellecta in potentia; modo autem est intellecta in
effectu, eo quod intelligitur in effectu, et suum esse in seipsa est intellectu in effectu,
Frb, De intellectu et intellecto, 169173, p. 120, in tienne Gilson, Les sources grco-arabes
de lAugustinisme avicennisant (Paris, 1986), rst published in the Archives dHistoire doctrinale
et littraire du Moyen ge IV (192930) .
the medieval posterity of simplicius
commentary 29
Thus, for the soul, or rather the souls intellect, to know itself is to
become, quite literally, identical with its essence,
78
and it can henceforth
intelligize all other separate intelligiblesthat is, those that have never
been in conjunction with matterin the same way as it knows its own
essence. This occurs at the third of Frbs four levels or kinds of
intellection, the intellectus adeptus (al-aql al-mustafd ).
Thus, for Frb, self-knowledge plays a crucial role both at the
beginning and at a fairly advanced stage of philosophical progress. At
the outset, the student must, with the help of an experienced professor,
look within himself to nd the rst intelligibles innate within him which,
once elaborated, claried and classied, will serve as the premises of the
syllogisms he will use as the starting-point of his logical deductions. At
a later stage, when through abstraction he has accumulated a sufcient
number of intelligibles, he will know his own intellect, and therefore
himself, thoroughly. This in turn is the precondition for being able to
know the intelligible Forms and separate intelligences which, unlike the
material forms incorporated in the sensible world, have never been in
conjunction with matter. The way is henceforth open for the perma-
nent conjunction with the Agent Intellect which, according to Frb,
constitutes felicity: that felicity which, for Frb as for Simplicius , is
the only goal and justication for doing philosophy.
78
Cf. E. Gilson , ibid., p. 31: cest en quelque sorte elle-mme, prise dans sa propre
actualit, quelle devient en sapprhendant.
AVICENNA THE COMMENTATOR
Allan Bck
A commentator should provide all the premises that are needed, and omit
nothing but the obvious and the superuous, for the most incompetent
commentator is he who uses in his commentary premises more cryptic
than, or as cryptic as, the premises of whatever he is commenting upon.
These commentaries which [purport to] bring us the truth conceal in
fact the theses better than the original texts, while what they conceal
most is errors.
1
Avicenna has never had high standing as a commentator on Aristotle.
In the scholarly world today, he, like any other Islamic medieval philoso-
pher, has the automatic curse of not working from the original Greek
in critical editions. He has the additional stigma of having received as
Aristotles work various spurious works, including Neoplatonist treatises
by Proclus and Plotinus like the Liber de causis.
2
Even in the medieval Islamic culture, his encyclopedic A-hif (the
Healing or Cure), where he did write on many of Aristotles works, was
not viewed as faithful commentary. Consequently, so the story goes,
Averroes was asked by Ab Yaqb to write a set of commentaries
more textually based.
3
Certainly, this assessment of Avicenna has some merit. He often
departs from the text of Aristotle even when commenting upon it.
He does so in various ways. (1) He states sometimes that Aristotle is
just wrong, for instance, in his doctrine that in thinking the thinker
becomes identical to the object thought.
4
Again, when commenting upon
1
Memoirs of a Disciple [of Avicenna ] from Rayy, 10, trans. Dmitri Gutas ,
Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition (Leiden, 1988), pp. 712.
2
For this standard story cf. Frederick Copleston , A History of Medieval Philosophy (New
York, 1972), pp. 1067; F. Van Steenberghen 1970, Aristote en occident (Louvain, 1946),
trans. as Aristotle in the West, trans. L. Johnston (Louvain, 1970), pp. 179; . Gilson ,
History of Christian Philosophy in the Middle Ages (New York, 1955), pp. 1812.
3
Dominque Urvoy , Ibn Rushd, in History of Islamic Philosophy, eds. S. Nasr & O.
Leaman (London, 1996), pp. 330345, p. 332. This story cannot be completely true,
as we now know that prior to Avicenna there were many faithful commentaries written
in Arabic on Aristotles works, especially at the bayt al-hikma. See n. 51.
4
On the Soul 420a1920; F Nafs, ed. G. Anawati (Cairo, 1962) 212,12213,8.
32 allan bck
the ontological square, the fourfold division of beings in Categories 2,
Avicenna rejects it and replaces it with a vefold division.
5
In such cases
Avicenna is offering his own views as substitutes. (2) Other times, he
omits discussing what Aristotle says. Thus, in his Al-Ilhiyyt (Metaphysica)
Avicenna ignores some books of Aristotles Metaphysics, like Book IV.
Again, Avicennas Physics hardly has the organization of Aristotles. (3)
Other times, he adds on a lot of material purportedly consistent with
Aristotles text, with the aim of defending or elaborating on it. Thus, in
Al-Ilhiyyt Avicenna adds on discussions about the necessary being and
prophecy. Likewise the organization of the Qys hardly follows that of
the Prior Analytics, although Avicenna does end up covering most of the
material there, while adding much more. (4) In some cases his attempts
at a literal commentary fail ludicrously, as in his discussion of the Poetics
where he attempts to describe Greek tragedies without having ever read
or seen one.
6
(I shall not be discussing this last type as it hardly gives
Avicenna a claim for being a pre-eminent commentator. For it consists
of standard, literal commentary, just done badly.)
The rst three types of cases differ signicantly. In the rst type
Avicenna goes where, he believes, the truth leads him at the expense
of what Aristotle has said. As a result, we have an explanation incon-
sistent with Aristotles doctrines. In the second and third types, we have
material being introduced or omitted so as presumably to increase
our understanding of the material being discussed by extending its
doctrines. Such additions and omissions can remain consistent with
Aristotles doctrines. As for the omissions, Avicenna generally does
discuss that material somewhere: he has just reorganized their presen-
tation. Thus he does discuss the material of Metaphysics IV in various
places: e.g., what is meant by genus, species, difference, etc. appears
in his commentary on Porphyry (the Logica of the Avicenna Latinus); in
his summaries as well he explains the meaning of many terms and
reorganizes Aristotles doctrines quite a lot.
7
We can then nd some
justication for a commentary deviating from the text in the second or
5
Al-Maqlt, eds. G. Anawati et al. (Cairo, 1959), pp. 18,420,3. See Allan Bck ,
Avicenna s Ontological Pentagon, The Journal of Neoplatonic Studies 7.2 (1999),
87109.
6
Avicenna , A-i r, ed. A. Badaw (Cairo, 1966). See my Review of Averroes Middle
Commentary on Aristotles Poetics, trans. Charles Butterworth, Canadian Philosophical Reviews
(1990), 92101.
7
I am thinking of An-Najt (Salvation), Al-Ihrt (Pointers), and the Persian Dnenme
(trans. Morewedge as The Metaphysica of Avicenna ).
avicenna the commentator 33
third way: the commentator is rearranging the material so as to make
it more comprehensible. Yet the rst way, rejecting what Aristotle says
outright, hardly looks like a commentary at all, but instead an inde-
pendent work. So too we might make this assessment for the so-called
Glosses of Abelard on Porphyry.
Nevertheless I wish to explore the option that Avicenna remains
a faithful commentator of Aristotle. For, if a commentary has the
function of helping us to understand the material and the issues being
discussed, and Avicenna presents materials that increase our under-
standing beyond what Aristotle has said, perhaps then he is writing
commentaries of high value. To be sure, a commentary also has the
function of helping us to understand the text being commented upon
and its authors intentions, context etc. in its own terms and on its own
standards. Avicenna does not focus on such tasks, and when he does, he
has no special claim to excellence (as in the example of the Poetics just
mentioned. Such literal commentary amounts to parsing or paraphras-
ing and giving historical background. Yet, on the other hand, if we
understand the issues being raised by a text in terms other than those
given in the text, we might then be able to appreciate that text more so
than if we had stuck to a literal explicatione de texte. We can understand
what, say, Aristotle was struggling with and what he was trying, in a
pioneering way, to get at. Pioneering efforts often have clumsy features,
as the path of terminology, theory, articulation of detail etc. has not
yet been laid down for those coming later to follow.
So I do not nd it obvious just what constitutes a good commentary.
I will start by discussing the attitudes of the person being commented
upon about commentaries. For Aristotle himself commented upon the
work of other philosophers, and wrote, if not commentaries in the
customary sense, at the least critiques like the Peri Iden. Let us consider
what The Philosopher does here.
Aristotle as Commentator
. . . our duty [is] for the sake of maintaining the truth even to destroy what
touches us closely, especially as we are philosophers; for, while both are
dear, piety requires us to honor truth above our friends.
8
8
Nicomachean Ethics 1096a147.
34 allan bck
In what sense would Aristotle himself understand commentator? Look
at how Aristotle himself commented upon his predecessorsnotably
Plato . Certainly in his Metaphysics Aristotle thinks that he is giving the
history of rst philosophy. He comments upon the theories of his
predecessors, mostly with the goal of showing how his own theory
incorporates all their insights without their shortcomings.
9
Earlier Aristotle scholars generally accepted Aristotle as a reliable
chronicler and commentator. For instance, W. D. Ross generally takes
Aristotle to give an accurate history of philosophy.
10
Taylor , Burnet , and
Guthrie may have had occasional doubts but generally concurred.
11
However it has now become a commonplace among scholars of
Aristotles predecessors to assert that Aristotle misunderstands their
views badly. For example, Kirk , Raven and Schoeld claim that his
judgments are often distorted by his view of earlier philosophy as a
stumbling progress to the truth that Aristotle revealed.
12
Thus they
suggest that Aristotle is mistaken about the signicance of Zeno s
arrow paradox.
13
If you look at random for other recent discussions
of Aristotle in the treatment of the Presocratics, you will routinely nd
many such remarks.
Now if this current assessment of Aristotles scholarly abilities holds,
Aristotle fails by his own standards. For he relies heavily on an endoxic
method. We begin our scientic study, he says, from looking at phenom-
ena and endoxa.
14
As with astronomy, all the sciences must preserve the
phenomena.
15
For him the phenomena are the things as they appear
to us, at times contrasted with how they are in themselves. The endoxa
are the opinions that are generally or mostly accepted by anyone and,
even more so, the opinions of the experts.
16
9
Metaphysics 988a1823.
10
Metaphysics, vol. I, pp. xxxvli,
11
A. E. Taylor , Varia Socratica (Oxford, 1911), pp. 847; J. Burnet , Early Greek
Philosophy, 3rd ed. (London, 1920), vol. I, pp. 2307; W. K. C. Guthrie , A History of
Greek Philosophy, vol. 1 (Cambridge, 1962).
12
The Presocratic Philosophers, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1983) p. 3.
13
The Presocratic Philosophers, p. 273.
14
De Caelo 306a517; Analytica Priora 46a 1722. Aristotle also seems at times to
identify this mathematical method with a dialectical method. Cf. Physica 204b4, and
Allan Bck , Aristotles Discovery of First Principles, in From Puzzles to Principles, ed.
May Sim (Lanham, Maryland, 1999), 163182.
15
William Wians , Saving Aristotle from Nussbaum s Phainomena, in Essays in Ancient
Greek Philosophy V, eds. A Preus & J. Anton (Albany, 1992), p. 135.
16
Topics 100b213. See J. D. G. Evans , Aristotles Concept of Dialectic (Cambridge, 1977),
pp. 778 on difculties of translating endoxon. I shall just use endoxon.
avicenna the commentator 35
Even in the sciences Aristotle uses endoxa. As Owen made well known,
Aristotle complicates his conception of phenomena considerably.
17
In
his ethics he begins his discussion of acrasia (incontinence) by rehears-
ing the phenomena. Yet he does not make observations of human
behavior. Rather, he identies these phenomena with the endoxa, the
reputable opinions. [1145b26] On account of this, Owen claims that
Aristotle uses phenomena ambiguously: on the one hand to designate
the empirical, given by sense perception, and on the other to designate
the dialectical, given by widely accepted or reputable opinion. Indeed,
in some texts Aristotle opposes phenomena and endoxa, and in others he
assimilates them, even in his treatises on natural science.
18
At times the
contrast between phenomena and endoxa seems to disappear. Aristotle
himself identies the phenomena with the endoxa in his ethical investi-
gation of acrasia. Again, in his study of the rst principles common to
all sciences in his science of being qua being, Aristotle examines endoxa
dialectically by way of establishing them as rst principles. Also, in
justifying particular concepts in his Physics, Aristotle again appeals to
endoxa, e.g., for his concept of place. [211a411] Aristotle blurs their
difference even more when he distinguishes endoxa from apparent
endoxa ( ).
19
Nussbaum offers a way of thinking of Aristotles conceptions of
phenomena and endoxa consistently.
20
If we understand Aristotle to hold
Quine s view, that even sense perceptions are a theory-laden part of
the fabric of our web of belief, then the empirical and the dialectical
both concern opinion. We have no hard facts, just our beliefs about
the world. Some beliefs may have a stronger tie to the stimulus mean-
ing of sensation than others, and so are more empirical. Still scientic
knowledge, like all other conversation, falls within the hermeneutical
circle of our society and its ideology.
In any event, Aristotle does not equate endoxa in the dialectical
inquiry of philosophy and science with majority opinion. He weights
expert opinion more.
21
Insofar as common people themselves defer to
the opinions of experts, we might say that deferring to experts agrees
17
G. E. L. Owen , Tithenai ta Phainomena, in Logic, Science, and Dialectic, ed. Martha
Nussbaum (Ithaca, 1986), p. 240.
18
E.g., Generation of Animals 725b56; 729b910; 760b2733; Parts of Animals
648a20ff.
19
Topics 100b25.
20
Martha Nussbaum , The Fragility of Goodness (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 244; 2745.
21
C. D. C. Reeve , Practices of Reason (Oxford, 1992), pp. 356.
36 allan bck
with common opinion, especially when the subject concerns something
about which common people have no rm opinion (e.g., the sex life of
nematodes), but when the expert and the common opinions diverge,
Aristotle weights expert opinion more. Yet this weighting narrows the
gulf between the phenomena which are true and the endoxa, which seem
to be true. Too, phenomena themselves are literally appearances, how
the world appears to us. As we judge, categorize, and reect upon our
sensations, the phenomena may well be thought to end up amounting
to give what seems to us to be true, with special reliance on those who
have observed carefully and repeatedly.
In our terms, Aristotle recommends doing a survey of the litera-
ture and critique of past theories if available before proceeding to do
scientic research via direct observation and experiment and theory
construction. Now, if Aristotle so radically misunderstands his predeces-
sors, he is failing in this dialectical task and in his science.
We might use caution in accepting the opinions of current scholars
on Aristotle as commentator, especially when their work focuses on
Aristotles predecessors. One always has the suspicion of people cheer-
leading for the philosopher on whom they have devoted so much time.
Moreover, it is curious, if Aristotle fails so badly in understanding his
predecessors, why those who followed and critiqued him did not seize
on the point more than they do? For many of the Greek commentators
were Neoplatonists . They may modify Aristotles doctrines, but gener-
ally accept his views of his predecessors.
22
Even Plotinus proceeds in
critiquing Aristotle not so much by showing how he misunderstands
Plato but by defending Platos views and picking holes in Aristotles
objections and own positions.
In any case, I am focusing here not on Aristotles actual prowess as a
commentator but rather on the standards he has for good commentary,
regardless of whether he meets his own standards or not. So, putting
caveats on his excellence as a commentator aside, let us concentrate on
what Aristotle offers, or at any rate uses, as criteria for a commentary.
For him a commentary is both a report and critique on certain endoxa,
the opinions of the experts, preferably their opinions as recorded in
written form. We can see Aristotle himself writing such commentaries.
Aristotle went to great lengths to collect descriptions of phenomena,
customs etc. We need only think of his collection of constitutions with
22
The commentaries of Simplicius and Alexander (pseudo and real) for instance.
avicenna the commentator 37
accompanying analyses, his collections of observations of natural phe-
nomena (including ones that he did not make himself, e.g., on elephants
and the gymnosophists),
23
and his reviews of past theories whenever
starting a scientic inquiry. These reports then should be accurate.
Note, however, that Aristotle, like the historians of his time, tended
not to insist on the historical accuracy of exact quotation, description
of social and linguistic context, archival research etc. required by the
historians of our times. Still, I suppose his accounts of his predecessors
have about as much accuracy as the speeches that Thucydides puts into
the mouths of Spartans and Persians.
Unlike modern historians and commentators, Aristotle insists also
upon critiquing the views being commented upon. For he intends to use
this material to seek the truth on the subject matter, and not ultimately
the truth about who said what. We see a similar situation in his ethics.
He wants to have a theory of what is the highest good but not merely
for the sake of theory: we are inquiring not in order to know what
excellence is, but in order to become good, since otherwise our inquiry
world have been of no use.
24
To be sure, even modern historians
organize their remarks and use the available primary historical data
selectively, according to an ideology or according to a certain method,
making many background foundational assumptions.
25
Yet they tend
to avoid making assessment of value. In contrast, as Aristotle writes
commentaries in order to use their results, his remarks have a certain
focus largely absent in our modern commentaries. We separate theory
and use, pure and applied science, scholarship and philosophizing,
more sharply than he does.
Avicenna as Commentator
How then would Avicenna fare as a commentator in the Aristotelian
tradition?
Let me rst dispose of the standard complaints against Islamic com-
mentators on Aristotle that I have mentioned at the beginning. To be
sure they were Greek-less, although they had some contact with people
23
E.g., the discussion of elephants in History of Animals I.10 and of the naked soph-
ists in Fr. 35if that is not genuine, just use another of Aristotles remarks on India.
24
Nicomachean Ethics 1103b269.
25
Cf. Marc Bloch , The Historians Craft, trans. P. Putnam (New York, 1953).
38 allan bck
uent in Greek. However, I nd the Arabic translations of unayn Isq
quite accurate for most technical points in Aristotles texts. Moreover,
the Islamic philosophers themselves were sensitive about problems of
translation. Even before Avicenna , Islamic philosophers like al-Frb
had long, sophisticated discussions about the various grammatical
structures in Arabic, Greek, Persian, Syriac, Soghdianas far as their
linguistic resources permitted.
26
Moreover, Avicenna is no nave reader, misled by having received
Neoplatonist works by Proclus and Plotinus as written by Aristotle. He
himself expresses doubts about the authenticity of the so-called Theology
of Aristotle, known now to be spurious.
27
I give further examples below.
So, I submit, let us not dismiss Avicenna s commentary on a priori
grounds; instead, let us look at the contents of his works.
Avicenna claims to have written commentaries in his youth explicat-
ing Aristotles thought.
28
These seem to have followed Aristotles texts
fairly closely, giving explications of his views. These early, fairly standard
commentaries were apparently lost. Still we can perhaps get some sense
of what they were like, or even what they actually were, by looking
at some parts of his extant works. For, as Gutas has shown, Avicenna
tended to recycle parts of earlier works into his later works. Thus some
parts of the De Anima material of A-hif seem to have been written
before.
29
Again, the Poetics portion of A-hif entioned above may have
been recycled, for it is a fairly literal commentary that seems to proceed
by using a translation of the Poetics along with its attendant marginalia
so as to produce an explication as best as can be without having any
independent knowledge of Greek theater.
However, Avicenna wrote another sort of commentary later in his
career. These followed the text much less closely and paraphrased far
less. For in Hamman around 1016, Avicennas students had asked
for him to replace these lost early commentaries.
The hope of ever obtaining his lost works having dimmed, we asked him
to write them and he said, I have neither the time nor the inclination
to occupy myself with close textual analysis and commentary. But if you
26
See my Islamic Logic, forthcoming.
27
Letter to Kiy, section 3, in A. Badaw , Aris inda l-Arab (Cairo, 1947), pp.
120,9122,8; trans. Gutas , Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition, p. 64.
28
Namely, Al-sil wa-l-Mal (The Available and the Valid ) probably in 1002 or 1003,
following Gutas dating.
29
Gutas , Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition, pp. 1045.
avicenna the commentator 39
would be content with whatever I have readily in mind [which I have
thought] on my own, then I could write for you a comprehensive work
arranged in the order which will occur to me. We readily offered our
consent to this and urged that he start with physics.
30
Avicenna states clearly that in these commentariescomments if you
willhe will not be explicating Aristotles thought and so will not be
writing the usual sort of commentary. Rather, he shall be giving his
own thoughts and theories on the topics and positions brought up by
Aristotle:
. . . if you would like me to compose a book in which I will set forth what,
in my opinion, is sound in these philosophical (sciences), without debat-
ing with those who disagree or occupying myself with their refutation,
then I will do that.
31
Accordingly, in his A-hif, some parts of which constitute the Avicenna
Latinus, Avicenna set out to comment upon a great portion of
Aristotles works, including the whole of the logic, much of the works
on the natural sciences, and the Metaphysics. He completed this mas-
sive undertaking in but a few years, from 101627, if we are to believe
the historical testimonyalthough it is likely that he used some earlier
writings as some parts of A-hif.
In A-hif Avicenna has respect but not reverence for Aristotle. On
some topics, Avicenna thinks that Aristotle has the whole truth. For
instance, concerning Aristotles classication of the fallacies, Avicenna
says:
. . . after almost one thousand three hundred and thirty years, was this goal
reached by anyone who blamed Aristotle for being decient, and who was
right in identifying a defect in him because Aristotle was in fact decient
in such and such a matter? And did there appear after him anybody who
added anything at all to this art [sophistics] beyond what Aristotle said?
Certainly not; for what Aristotle did is complete and perfect.
32
In such parts of A-hif as the Sophistics then it is not surprising that
Avicenna , perhaps using or borrowing from his earlier literal com-
mentaries, if he had them available, offers something resembling a
30
Introduction to A-hif, Section 3, translated by Gutas , Avicenna and the Aristotelian
Tradition, p. 101.
31
The Life of Ibn Sina, ed. and trans. W. Gohlman (Albany, 1974), 54.15.
32
As-Safsaa, ed. A. Ehwany (Cairo, 1958), 114 7; trans. Gutas , Avicenna and the
Aristotelian Tradition, p. 37.
40 allan bck
usual commentary. Yet, even in such cases where Avicenna thinks that
Aristotle has the right theory, he often proceeds to a critical discussion
of it. Here we may agree with Gutas :
Avicenna presents himself in the prologue to the Cure not as an anti-
Aristotelian despite himself, as al-Jzjn would have it, but as a conscious
reformer of the Aristotelian tradition, an attitude which is also apparent
in the Introduction to The Easterners and shared by other disciples of
his . . .
33
However, in other parts of A-hif Avicenna has a much harsher
attitude about what Aristotle says. First, in general, Avicenna holds
Aristotles logic to be defective, at least in the sense of needing to be
supplemented.
34
Unlike Kant, Avicenna did not think that Aristotle
had completed the whole of formal logic. For instance, following the
Stoics, Avicenna devoted a lot of effort to working out the syllogistic
for various sorts of hypothetical statements in his Qys. Second, and
more particularly, on the Categories, Avicenna follows the lead of the
Greek commentators who doubt the authenticity of some passages of
the Categories and who stress its use as a work for the beginner.
35
He too
doubts the authenticity of the Categories as a whole.
36
Yet, more than
his predecessors, Avicenna stresses that the Categories is not so much
for the philosopher as for the common people: not too technical nor
of much use.
37
Even here, though, Avicenna is not rejecting Aristotles views so much
as reorganizing and extending themperhaps, as I shall suggest below,
following the lead of al-Frb . For instance, Avicenna imports much
of the material on substance found in Metaphysics VII into his discus-
sion of substance in Categories 5. Indeed, Avicenna discusses some of
Aristotles doctrines in the Metaphysics, like focal meaning and the rela-
tion of substance and form, more in this commentary on the Categories
than in his commentary on the Metaphysics, Al-Ilhiyyt. Avicenna has
the general habit of reorganizing the sequence of materials found in
Aristotle, and Al-Maqlt is no exception.
33
Gutas , Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition, p. 111.
34
Ibid., 189.
35
E.g., Porphyry , in Cat. 134, 289; Ammonius , in Cat. 13, 208.
36
Al-Maqlt 8,115. So did earlier Islamic commentators, and to some extent Greek
ones like Simplicius , in Cat. 18, 79. Cf. I. Madkour , LOrganon dAristote dans le monde
arabe (Paris, 1934), pp. 789.
37
Al-Maqlt. 35,1011; 35,2036,2; 189,89; 264,7; 265,17.
avicenna the commentator 41
Avicenna viewed his audience to consist solely in the elite philoso-
phers. Rather like Confucius , who wanted only students who could
bring back a square when given only a corner of it [Analects 7:8],
Avicenna would expect his audience to be able to reconstruct his posi-
tion from a few remarks. For him, the common people should not read
philosophy. Like Plato , Avicenna wanted only the philosophers, and the
worthy ones at that, to read his work. Avicenna believed Aristotle to
hold the same view, due to a letter ascribed to Aristotle and written to
Alexander . According to it, Aristotle was deliberately obscure in order
to ward off the common people.
38
Likewise, al-Frb , whom Avicenna
admired greatly, says:
Our style used an obscure way of expression for three reasons: First, to
test the nature of the student in order to nd out whether he is suitable
to be educated or not; second, to avoid lavishing philosophy on all people
but only on those who were worthy of it; and third, to train the mind
through the exertion of research.
39
Religious traditions in Islam too had the custom of withholding knowl-
edge from the hoi polloi and reserving it for the select few:
I have forbidden all my friends who would read [this treatise] to squander
it on an evil or obdurate person, or show it to them, or to deposit it where
it does not belong, and bound them [by an oath] . . .
40
Like Maimonides later, Avicenna writes only for those who deserve
to read. We know that he withheld his writings from many of his
contemporaries.
In short, Avicenna deliberately writes commentaries for the worthy
few, the elite among the philosophers. Such an audience requires com-
mentaries not of the usual sort. Such a commentary need not intro-
duce and explicate the text to be commented upon. Rather, it needs
to illuminate that text, to give a perspective whereby its reader will be
helped in assessing the merits of that text. I have suggested that we
view Aristotle as a commentator in the same way.
38
Gellius , Noctes Atticae 20,5,112, in Aristoteles, Privatorum Scriptorum Fragmenta, ed. M.
Plezia (Leipsig, 1977), 28. Cf. Simplicius , in Cat. 7, 69.
39
Mabdi, Al-Falasafah Al-Qadma (Cairo, 1910), p. 14, trans. Gutas , Avicenna and the
Aristotelian Tradition, p. 227.
40
Avicenna , Al-Mabda wa-l-Mad [The Provenance and Destination], ed. A. Nrr
(Tehran, 1984), Ch. 16.3; trans. in Gutas , Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition, p. 33.
42 allan bck
Yet, even if we accept such criteria for a commentary, surely the
text of Avicenna is so difcult and even convoluted so as to rule it out
as a good commentary. Let me then comment upon Avicennas style
and on his writings.
41
Avicenna deliberately takes on an oracular style. We can see this just
from the titles of his works: The Cure, The Salvation, etc. He does so for
various reasons: 1) on his own view, he has achieved an enlightenment
stemming from the activation of his active intellect and its permanent,
actual connection to the intelligibles;
42
2) what he is doing is better than
the popular, vulgar prophecy of religion anyway;
43
3) he is an elitist.
Avicenna has a style a bit like the Greek commentators: a rather
cryptic, oracular, enigmatic utterance followed by some more mundane
explanation. Alexander , Ammonius and Themistius have similar styles.
Or, perhaps better, we may compare the writing style of Avicenna to that
of Plotinus . In both cases too we might wonder how well the text was
corrected and proofed. Likewise, in both cases it is hard to distinguish
when the author is presenting a position given by somebody else and
its implications from when he is giving his own position; to determine
when a question ends and its answer begins.
Moreover, Avicennas cavalier attitude towards his own writings does
not help the quality of the text that we have. He generally would write
extremely quickly. His own account has him writing fty pages per day
of the metaphysics and physics of A-hif.
44
After writing something,
he would give the copy to whom it was promised, or put it away for
showing to the worthy few. Often, due to his frequent moves and the
religious and political turmoil, his writings were lost or damaged.
45
41
Discussed and supported more in the Introduction to my translation of Al-
Maqlt.
42
F Nafs 212,49. Cf. Gutas , Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition, pp. 161 n. 30; 175.
43
Like al-Frb , Avicenna held that religious customs for the common people
differ from those for the elite philosophers. For instance, for Avicenna prayer had as
its goal the nding of middle terms; drinking wine is forbidden to the people but
good for those of powerful brains. Cf. The Life of Ibn Sina, 28,25; 54,79; Al-Qnn
I.169.269. For a spirited discussion of this issue, cf. Gutas , Avicenna and the Aristotelian
Tradition, pp. 1818.
44
The Life of Ibn Sina, 58,28.
45
Al-Jzjn , Introduction to A-hif, 2, trans. Gutas , Avicenna and the Aristotelian
Tradition, p. 40: I have heard, however, that these were widely dispersed in that people
who owned a copy of them withheld them [from others]; as for him, it was not his
habit to save a copy for himself, just as it was not his habit to make a copy from his
archetype or transcribe [an archetype] from his rough draft: he would only either
dictate or himself write the manuscript and give it to the person who had commis-
avicenna the commentator 43
Consequently, we have the situation that Avicenna probably proofread
little, and what copies there were were made haphazardly under hasty
circumstances. Aside from the contingencies of the political turmoil,
we can see here perhaps echoes of Plato s attitude toward written
philosophy as expressed in his Seventh Letter. Written philosophy is
dead philosophy, relics to be discarded as trinkets for those allowed to
be souvenir hunters.
Again, Avicenna was a Persian, and not a native Arabic speaker or
writer. At any rate, let me say that he is quite careless about the ante-
cedents for his pronouns! I should also remark that at points we have
some possible wordplay.
46
Apart from these reasonsthe haste of composition, the state of the
manuscript, these elitist tendencies, possible language problemsthere
are other reasons why reading Avicenna is difcult. To be sure, Avicenna
can write clearly. Yet often he writes quite obscurely, regardless of the
language in which the text is read. Perhaps this obscurity comes in part
from Avicennas trying to say something new, for which there would
not naturally lie ready to hand extant phrasing. We can see similar
obscurities in many original works: Abelard or Aristotle himselfis
a good example.
Above all, in reading works like A-hif, we have the problem of
context. Avicenna is reacting not only to Aristotles text but also to the
other writings on itcommentaries, notes, marginalia, some of which
surrounded the Arabic translation that he was using. Avicenna was
probably using some revised version of unayn Isq s translation,
the standard Arabic one of the time, with lots of marginalia.
47
Avicenna
himself says about his studies in his youth that resulted in the more
sioned it from him. Moreover, he suffered from successive misfortunes, and disasters
destroyed his books.
46
E.g., at Al-Maqlt 248,178.
47
F. E. Peters , Aristotle and the Arabs (New York, 1968), pp. 5963; 160. It seems clear
that, at least in some cases, Avicenna was not following Isqs translation (edited by
Badawi, the eleventh century one with marginalia at the Bibliothque Nationale of
Paris) closely. Cf. Aristotles Categories 1a245, discussed in Al-Maqlt 28,4ff with the
current Oxford translation: By in a subject I mean what is in something, not as a
part, and cannot exist separately from what it is in. If Avicenna is quoting and not
paraphrasing loosely, he is not using Isqs translation. Again, cf. Al-Maqlt 28,45:
the terminology for the category of having is not the same as Isqs either. Likewise,
at 57,19, the translation for the Greek boxer: Isqs translation has boxer; Avicenna
has wrestler. However, Porphyry , in Cat. 135, 911, has the example of the wrestler as
well as that of the boxer, and it is true that wrestling was and is far more prominent
in Islamic cultures than boxing.
44 allan bck
textual commentaries, now lost: Then I began to read the books [of
the Organon] by myself and consult the commentaries until I had mas-
tered logic.
48
So he had read some commentaries, more than marginal
notes. At this point, we can make only educated guesses about what
commentaries Avicenna used. For Avicenna hardly ever cites any oth-
ers by name. Morevoer, he need not have read those whom he does
mention. Likewise, when al-Frb names Archytas [of Tarentum],
he probably picked this name up from Simplicius .
49
As for Al-Maqlt,
the Greek commentaries on the Categories by Porphyry, Simplicius,
Ammonius, Philoponus, and likewise Plotinus (especially Enneads VI ),
insofar as they were translated into Arabic, are plausible candidates for
Avicennas sources, at least indirectly.
50
By the time of Avicenna, there
were also very many Islamic commentators and glossers, most of which
have not been studied carefully yet.
51
By his own testimony, Avicenna
considered the commentaries of al-Frb the most important of these.
52
48
Avicenna , Autobiography 5.
49
al-Frb, Greater Commentary on De interpretatione, eds. W. Kutsch and S. Morrow
(Beirut, 1960), 157, 1920; trans. F. W. Zimmermann (London, 1981), p. 152. Cf.
Simplicius , in Cat. 86,2830; 206,20; 408,112; 409,15. Archytas was a Pythagorean
contemporary of Plato; the commentary on the Categories is presently thought to be a
rst-century (A.D.) forgery. Cf. T. A. Szlezk , Pseudo-Archytas ber die Kategorien (Berlin,
1972).
50
Gerhard Endress , Die wissenschaftliche Litteratur, in Grundrisse der Arabischen
Philologie, ed. H. Gtje , vol. 2 (Wiesbaden, 1987), pp. 41631; Julius Weinberg , Abstraction,
Relation and Induction (Madison, 1965), p. 91. On Greek texts available to Avicenna
and not preserved today, see A. Badaw , La transmission de la philosophie grecque au monde
arabe (Paris, 1968); New Philosophical Texts Lost in Greek and Preserved in Islamic
Translations, in Islamic Philosophical Theology, ed. P. Morewedge (Albany, 1979), pp.
313; H.-J. Ruland , Die arabischen Fassungen zweier Schriften des Alexander von Aphrodisias:
ber die Vorsehung und ber das liberum arbitrium, diss. Saarbrcken 1976; Zwei arabischen
Fassungen der Abhandlung des Alexander von Aphrodisias ber die universalia, Nachr.
der Akademie der Wiss. In Gttingen, 1979 no. 10. Again, Porphyry s lost commentary
Ad Gedalium, was probably available at the time of Avicenna. Cf. Michael Chase , ed.
& trans., Simplicius : On Aristotles Categories 14 (Ithaca, 2003), p. 96.
51
The number of these works is staggering. On those on the Categories, cf. F. E.
Peters , Aristoteles Arabus (Leiden, 1968), pp. 711; H. Daiber , Review of Peters, Aristoteles
Arabus, Gnomon 42 (1970), p. 542; Gerhard Endress , Die wissenschaftliche Litteratur,
in Grundrisse der Arabischen Philologie, vol. 2 (Wiesbaden, 1987), pp. 40234; Gutas , Greek
Thought, Arabic Culture, p. 151. For secondary literature and more updates see Grundrisse
der Arabischen Philologie, ed. H. Gtje , vol. 2, pp. 481502.
52
Letter to Kiy, in Arist inda l-Arab, ed. Badaw (Cairo, 1947), 120,9122,8,
3, trans. Gutas , Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition, p. 64: At the present moment it
is impossible for me [to rewrite it]: I do not have the free time for it, but am occupied
with men like Alexander [of Aphrodisias], Themistius , John Philoponus , and their
likes. As for al-Frb , he ought to be very highly thought of, and not to be weighed
in the same skill with the rest: he is all but the most excellent of our predecessors.
Re al-Frb on the Categories, we have chiey (extant today) al-Frbs epitome on
avicenna the commentator 45
In sum, on current estimates, the commentaries that Avicenna used
most are those by Simplicius and al-Frb.
53
Given Avicennas choice
of issues, I suggest adding Porphyry to the list; Avicenna would have
known of Porphyrys views on homonymy at least indirectly via their
presentation in Simplicius.
54
Consequently, the text of A-hif is not self-contained. Avicenna is
often replying to arguments and doctrines that he does not state fully.
Many of these arguments can be found in the Greek commentaries
or in later Islamic ones. However, we do not yet have many accessible
editions or translations of the commentaries written in Arabic, even
by such as those by al-Frb .
Moreover, Avicenna uses a technical vocabulary, inherited from
the Greek traditions and his Islamic predecessors. This appears most
clearly at rst glance in his use of various prepositions which seems to
out or at least stretch ordinary Arabic usage. Aristotle himself in the
Categories and Simplicius even more in his commentary on it did the
same with Greek.
55
Avicenna continues this tradition by making up
terms or transforming the meaning of existing terms in order to express
his own theory.
56
For Avicenna also is engaged in constructing his own
the Categories (Al-Maniq inda l-Frab, ed. R. Al-am, vol. 3 (Beirut, 1986); trans.
as al- Frabs Paraphrase of The Categories of Aristotle, Islamic Quarterly (1957),
15897, and more original discussions in the Kitb al-urf, ed. M. Mahdi (Beirut, 1970)
and Kitb al-Alfz al-Mustamala f l-mantiq, ed. M. Mahdi (Beirut, 1968). See Gerhard
Endress, Die wissenschaftliche Litteratur, in Grundrisse der Arabischen Philologie, vol. 3
(Wiesbaden, 1992), p. 53, nn. 1857.
53
Ilsetraut Hadot, La vie et oeuvre de Simplicius daprs des sources grecques et
arabes, in Simplicius: sa vie, son oeuvre, sa survie, ed. I. Hadot (Paris, 1987), p. 36; Gutas,
Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition, p. 150; Michael Chase , ed. & trans., Simplicius: On
Aristotles Categories 14 (Ithaca, 2003), pp. 23. In regard to the Al-Maqlt proper, it is
suggestive that, like Ammonius but unlike Simplicius, Avicenna does not discuss chapter
15 on having, although Avicenna might have omitted this on his own initiative. Also,
like Philoponus, in Cat., 126,9, Avicenna discusses the Resurrection example, and so
maybe Avicenna is following him at 153,15ff.
54
Concetta Luna , Commentaire, pp. 65; 82. In addition to the extant commentary
in Cat. in the Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca and translated by S. Strange (Ithaca, 1992),
there is a lost commentary Ad Gedalium, probably available at the time of Avicenna.
Cf. M. Chase , Simplicius , p. 96.
55
Cf. Richard Gaskin , trans. & comm., Simplicius , On Aristotles Categories 915 (Ithaca,
2000), n. 628.
56
Cf. Gutas , Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition, p. 10. Afnan , Philosophical Terminology
in Arabic and Persian, p. 33, says, wrongly, A signicant feature which was not of the
language but which cramped philosophical vocabulary in general and fossilized it almost
permanently, was the lack of initiative on the part of the Falsifah to coin special terms
of their own. But then he is following Atkinsons The Greek Language, which says the
same about Aristotle and Greek!
46 allan bck
technical vocabulary for Greek technical expressions in Arabic. He uses
some already made up, say by al-Frb . Still, he seems to be making
up more himself, especially as his theory differs from earlier ones.
57
In sum, Avicenna is not writing a commentary of the usual sort. Like
his later works, we can say of those in the hif that they contain many
Doubts about Aristotlealthough, to be sure, Avicenna also accepts
much of what Aristotle and earlier Aristotelians said.
58
He is writing a
commentary in the sense of following the order of Aristotles texts and
commenting on what is being discussed. He often does not bother to
explicate Aristotles text. Rather, he presents what he thinks on these
topics. Although he does often agree with Aristotle, often he does not:
for instance, in Al-Maqlt he disagrees with Aristotle in the Categories
on homonymy, synonymy, and paronymy, on the ontological square,
and on the number of categories. Still, many of the doctrines used by
Avicenna to correct the doctrine of the categories can indeed be found
in Aristotles works elsewhere. I have given some examples above.
We can nd analogous commentaries in Abelard . His Glosses on
Porphyry are hardly glosses; his commentaries on Boethius stray so far
from the texts that we look in vain in Boethius for most of the doctrines
Abelard puts forward. Like Abelard, Avicenna uses the text as a source
of questions, topics, and problems that he then investigates and for
which he provides the answers. Avicenna does indeed seem to have a
style much like Abelards: always looking for alternatives, contemptu-
ously dismissing views that he nds silly (here more with the verve of
Roger Bacon ). Avicenna differs from Abelard perhaps in having his
own, nal denite position on most issues.
The Case of Categories 1
What Avicenna does in his discussion of homonymy gives a good
instance of his approach. In effect, he takes the materials from the Greek
period and offers a new theory, perhaps with a wider compass than what
57
Cf. Shukri Abed , Language, in History of Islamic Philosophy, eds. S. Nasr & O.
Leaman (London, 1996), pp. 90413.
58
Gutas , Greek Thought, Arabic Culture, p. 153. Cf. Dag Hasse , Avicenna s De Anima
in the Latin West (London, 2000), p. vii: different stages in a continuous process of
reworking his position with the Peripatetic tradition and eventually emancipating
himself from it.
avicenna the commentator 47
we nd in the (extant) Greek commentaries. For the Greek commenta-
tors tend to relegate parts of their discussion to different passages: the
materials about rhetorical, dialectical, and fallacious homonymies do
not appear much in the Categories commentary. In contrast, Avicenna
incorporates their doctrines into a general theory of homonymy. He
has a continuum, ranging from the merely ambiguous to the completely
synonymous.
Just what did Avicenna get from al-Frbs discussions of the
Categories? If we look at his extant works, we do not nd much origi-
nal doctrine. Moreover, Avicenna does not follow al-Frb, e.g., in
discussing the category of having.
59
Perhaps what he found important
in al-Frbs work was his method. For al-Frb does not follow the
order of the text of Aristotle, even in his so-called Paraphrase. Instead,
he gathers Aristotles doctrines and writes a treatise with a clear, original
organization.
60
So perhaps Avicenna got from al-Frb a new approach.
This would t with his remark that he did not understand Aristotles
Metaphysics until he had read al-Frbs work on it: that is, he did not
understand the overall plan and structure of the Metaphysics.
61
Along these lines, Avicenna begins his commentary on the text of
the Categories not with homonymy as Aristotle and all the Greek com-
mentators did, but with synonymypresumably because synonymy is
for science while homonymy is for sophistry. It is worth noting that in
his later works like Al-Najt and the Ishrt Avicenna does not discuss
homonymy at all, although he does discuss some other topics discussed
in the Categories.
Moreover, al-Frb, like the Arabic translation of Isq [e.g., at Cat. 1
line 5], speaks of expressions in terms of having the same or different
senses.
62
He also will speak of the essences themselves in terms of their
being the same or different in their senses.
63
Such statements may well
have suggested to Avicenna a general structure for homonymy based on
senses. At any rate, as we shall now see, he does have such a scheme.
59
al-Frb, in his Paraphrase of the Categories of Aristotle ed. & trans. D. M. Dunlop,
Islamic Quarterly 5.1 (1959), 24,715 [trans. p. 40 36], comments on the category of
having and even distinguishes two types: a natural having, as a tree has its bark, and
a voluntary having, as a man has his clothes.
60
Likewise in Kitb al-urf, where he presents some of the doctrine of the Categories,
al-Frb uses his own organization of the materials.
61
Autobiography 9. So too Gutas, Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition, p. 239.
62
Kitb al-urf 81 110,201.
63
In Kitb al-urf 89 117, 810.
48 allan bck
In order to understand Avicennas text and to see just how he differs
from the earlier commentators, I shall rst discuss their doctrines.
The Greek commentators on Categories 1 all presented the same basic
interpretation of homonymy with some variations. From the view-
point of Aristotles text, they provide too much commentary. For they
develop, or augment, the few lines devoted to homonyms into a full-
blown theory of homonymy incorporating many of Aristotles doctrines
found elsewhere. By comparison, their commentaries on synonymy and
paronymy are much shorter.
The Greek commentators worry a lot over the subject to be discussed
in the Categories. They have various answers, ranging from beings qua
beings, to thought, to predicables, to predications, to signicative expres-
sions, to expressions qua expressions. [Simplicius , in Cat.9,4ff.; Porphyry,
in Cat. 59,1033] Simplicius reports that Alexander of Aphrodisias
proposed that it deals with thoughts. [10,119; 9,3110,2] In contrast
Porphyry, in both his extant commentary and in his lost commentary
to Gedalius, says that it is about predicates, sc., about expressions
signifying things. [57,6; 58,610 & 1820; Simplicius, in Cat. 10,203]
Simplicius ends up concluding that the Categories deals with signica-
tive expressions, but claims that this amounts to dealing with thoughts
insofar as they signify. [10,45; 11,12; 12,14; 13,115; 21,79] At one
point he likens these thoughts to the Stoic concepts, presumably the
lekta. [10,24] As Aristotle holds at the beginning of On Interpretation
that thoughts constitute a mental language that the spoken language
directly, and the written language indirectly, signify, we can see why he
would think these two positions equivalent. Aristotle seems to speak of
words and propositions signifying denitions and meanings on this
basis. [ E.g., An. Po. 93b2935]
64
They all then proceed to divide up these items, the signicative
thoughts, lets call them, into those that signify homonyms and those
that signify synonyms.
65
They nd this division exhaustive for the mental language. They add
polynyms and heteronyms to the homonyms, synonyms, and paronyms
64
David Charles , Aristotle on Names and their Signication, in Language, ed. S. Everson
(Cambridge, 1994), p. 43.
65
In addition to those discussed below, there are also classications by Boethius,
in Cat. 166B-C, who follows Simplicius , and variant ones by Olympiodorus, in Cat.
34,335; David Elias, in Cat. 139,29140,25; Sophonias , in Cat. 1,242,17. All these
seem to have had no inuence on Avicenna.
avicenna the commentator 49
discussed explicitly by Aristotle to account for features peculiar to the
spoken or written language. Polynyms have the same account but
different names, like two mantles with respect to cloak and cape.
Heteronyms have neither the name nor the account in common, as a
crow is named crow while a dog is named dog. Simplicius dis-
tinguishes such cases, which he calls merely other names, from
heteronyms proper, which have a common substratum. [22,301] In
this sense, there is a single thing, say, a stair or a mountain, with two
names, ascent and descent. [23,313]
66
Simplicius gives two reasons
why Aristotle does not discuss polynyms and heteronyms explicitly in
Categories 1: either he found them obvious or he relegated their discus-
sion to his rhetorical and poetical works. [23,619; cf. 36,2531]
Porphyry presents a classication of homonyms given also by many
other commentators. [in Cat. 65,1866,21] Homonyms are: I) by chance,
as Alexander names both the son of Priam and the son of Philip; II)
by intent, either 1) by similarity, as a man and a picture of a man are
both named by animal, or 2) by analogy, as the term (principle
or beginning) can be applied to numbers and lines and rivers, or 3)
from something ( ), as different items can be called medical as
their names are all said from medicine according to different accounts,
or 4) relative to something ( ), as things that are called healthy
as said relative to health. He notes that some put what is from or rela-
tive to something as intermediate between homonymy and synonymy.
[661521] This would include, for instance, Alexander, where he locates
focal meaning between homonymy taken in a narrow sense and syn-
onymy. [in Metaph. 241,324]
67
Also Porphyry discusses the example of
the foot of a bed or a mountain. He says that some, like Atticus, take
this to come about by metaphor from the foot of an animal.
68
However
he classies it as homonymous by analogy. [66,3467,32]
Simplicius gives the same classication and examples as Porphyry.
[31,2232,11] He adds only the remark that some combine II.3 & II.4
into a single type. [32,123] Still, given Aristotles discussion of the two
examples in Metaphysics IV and the connection between paronymy and
66
Also cf. Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis VIII.8.24.29, ed. Sthlin, p. 95,526;
Ammonius, in Cat. 16,2417,3; Alexander, in Top. V,4 398,14; Luna Commentaire,
p. 52.
67
Also Porphyry, in Cat. 66,18; Syrianus , in Met. 57,1820.
68
Hans Wagner , ber das Aristotelische pollachos legetai to on, Kantstudien 53
(1962), 7591, p. 75, observes that analogy became the main focus of discussions of
homonymy in Latin medieval philosophy.
50 allan bck
focal meaning discussed above, it is hard to see why the two types should
be distinguished in the rst place. To be sure, the medical example
concerns things used in the service of medicine, and so concerns the
efcient or productive cause, while the health example concerns things
for the sake of health and so concerns the nal cause. Yet these differ-
ences look material and not formal. Perhaps we can nd examples of
focal meaning that do not involve paronymy. Of course, we could nd
terms having focal meaning that are not derived from a common base,
like Aristotles own example of excellence [Cat. 10b59], but then we
would not have homonymy but some sort of heteronymy.
Following Alexander, Simplicius says that homonymy can hold
between things under the same genus, like equal for continuous and
for discrete quanta, or between things under different genera, like
equal for quanta and for relata. [in Phys. 403,1319] He is insisting on
its being possible for homonyms to be in the same genus, as Aristotle
says, for instance, that, when differentiae are in different species, there is
homonymy. [Part. An. 643a17] This distinction might be correlated
with a narrow and a broad conception of homonymy. Simplicius says
also that a triangle and triangularity are homonyms with respect to
triangle. [Simplicius, in Cat. 264,710]
69
However this position seems
to come from his Platonist insistence that material triangles, not being
perfect triangles, can be triangles in name only.
70
Ammonius however gives a more elaborate classication. [in Cat.
21,1622,10] Once again, homonyms are either I) by chance or II) by
intention 1) Some are homonyms of one another and paronyms of
what they are called after
71
a) from the efcient cause, as what is said
from something, as with medical b) from the nal cause, as what is
said relative to something, as with healthy 2) Others are homonyms of
one another and also homonyms of what they are called after, where
the two things a) differ in the times where they have the name i) when
one thing is named in memory of the other, earlier one, like calling a
child by the name of his father or teacher ii) when two have the same
name by chance iii) when the later one is named in the hope that it will
have attributes of the earlier thing, like naming someone today Plato
69
Cf. Plotinus, Enneads VI.3.2.24; also VI.II.1.
70
Michel Narcy , Lhomonymie entre Aristote et ses commentateurs noplatoniciens,
Les tudes Philosophiques 1 (1981), 3552, p. 47. S. Marc Cohen and G. Matthews,
trans. & comm., Ammonius: On Aristotles Categories (Ithaca, 1991), n. 42, claim that this
is Platonist.
71
Trans. S. Marc Cohen and G. Matthews, p. 30.
avicenna the commentator 51
b) do not differ in the times where they have the name, and are named
i) by the similarity of the objects, as when the wise ( phronimos) man is
called wisdom ( phronesis) ii) by participation, like musical in musical
woman and musical knowledge iii) by analogy, like good applied to
the bed and to the mountain aa) in virtue of similarity, as Gorgias and
the river both have the name Gorgias, from moving rapidly bb) from the
similarity of the shape cc) by metaphor, like the feet and crown of a
mountain. Ammonius does not give many details, and may have run
together different classications into one.
Philoponus follows Ammonius somewhat, perhaps because his com-
mentary was, it seems, his notes on Ammonius. Be that as it may, he
offers two divisions.
The rst one is: homonymy either I) by chance II) by intention 1) by
memory 2) in hope 3) by analogy, as foot for an animal and a hill 4)
from something, like medical i) from a cause as a paradigm (i.e., the
formal cause?) as a picture of a man is called a man from the name
man being applied to the man ii) from the efcient cause, as a scalpel
is called healthy 5) relative to one, like healthy [and perhaps 6) not
by proportion, namely, perhaps. a proportion suitable for making an
analogy]. [in Cat. 16,2217,10]
The second one is: homonymy is either I) by chance II) by inten-
tion 1) where one of the homonyms is named paronymously from the
other a) from the efcient cause, as with medical b) from the nal
cause, as with healthy 2) where one of the homonyms is not named
paronymously from the other when one thing is named in memory of
the other earlier one. [21,1422,11] This second classication resembles
Ammonius one, but seems less organized, as Philoponus goes on to
observe that the from something and the relative to something can
be simultaneous or not, and that the from something can be based on
similarity or on the second having the shape of the rst, as the picture
has the shape of the man in the pictured and so both are called man.
He also lists the difference of being said in hope or in memory. What we
have here is basically Ammonius scheme, a bit more disorganized with
a few other distinctions already made appended perhaps in haste.
Whatever its nuances, the interpretation of Simplicius et al. makes
homonymy more a matter of the relationship between concepts about
things, than about the things themselves.
72
Perhaps in this he has
72
Concetta Luna , Commentaire, p. 41: . . . une interpretation conceptualiste
de lhomonymie: pour Simplicius , lhomonymie consiste dans le rapport entre un seul
52 allan bck
become more Platonist, as Plato saw homonymy as more a matter of
different beliefs people have about things than a doctrine about things
and their names.
73
I shall now make some remarks useful for understanding these clas-
sications and Avicennas use of them.
In surveying the corpus of Aristotle, the Greek commentators found
a broad and a narrow conception of homonymy. Sometimes Aristotle
calls any things said in many ways homonyms. Other times he distin-
guishes homonyms from things said to be relative to something. Some
beings do not have the merely accidental unity of a name, but a real
unity, sufcient to ground a science of being qua being as Alexander
notes. In contrast to this scientic use of a sort of homonymy, Aristotle
also names a fallacy one of homonymy.
Still, on account of Aristotles general use of homonymy, the
commentators had reason to see how all these more particular ways
in which things are said in many ways could t into a general scheme
of homonymy.
However, they tended to leave out, or at least deemphasize, some
cases of homonymy from their general classication: analogy, metaphor,
and the homonymy of the fallacy [which we might call, following
Avicenna et al. ambiguity]. Accordingly, they explain that Aristotle
did not discuss metaphor and analogy, and likewise heteronymy and
polynymy, in the Categories as he relegated these topics to rhetorical
and poetical works.
In some of these classications of homonymy we see the appear-
ance of paronymy. Simplicius even goes so far as to make paronymy
intermediate between synonymy and homonymy. [in Cat. 37,34] No
one gives a full explanation why, but we can construct one.
74
Accept
mot et une multiplicit de rpresentations mentales produites par ce mot, pltot que
dans le rapport entre un seul mot et une multiplicit de choses.
73
Concetta Luna , Commentaire, pp. 567: Comme la soulign J. P. Anton , la
diffrence dapproche du problems de lhomonymie, entre Aristote et Platon, consists
en ce que pour Platon lhomonymie est une question dopinions diffrentes (ce qui est
cohrent avec la conception platonicienne de la philosophie comme dialogue), tandis que
pour Aristote les ambiguits quil faut lever ne sont pas celles des opinions: le problme
nat uniquement parce que certaines ralits ont Ie mme nom que dautres. Cf.
J. P. Anton, The Aristotelian Doctrine of Homonymy in the Categories and its Platonic
Antecedents, Journal of the History of Philosophy 6 (1968), 315326, p. 317.
74
This is the charitable interpretation. The other leading candidate is that they con-
fused in what ways the relative to something and the from something are related.
avicenna the commentator 53
Aristotles doctrine of focal meaning. Then there will be things having
different denitions yet having the same name derived from the focal
one. E.g., walking and having a temperature of 98F are both called
healthy, a name derived from the name health.
75
(Note that their
having the same name is a feature accidental to particular natural lan-
guages, like English and Greek. Indeed Arabic with its more complex
verbal system would tend to use different forms for names for being
productive of health and being a sign of health.)
76
Here then we have
a case of two things sharing the same name yet differing in account.
So they are homonyms. Yet each of them is also a paronym relative
to health. On this interpretation, health, the state itself, would not be
a homonym relative to one of the things called healthy.
Ammonius classication, despite being expressed unclearly, falls along
these lines. Some homonyms have a paronymous name in common;
others do not. Thus Philoponus says, for it (medical) is named par-
onymously from it (medicine), while [holding] homonymously to each
other. [in Cat. 21,201; cf Simplicius , in Cat. 264,710]
77
However, his
use of from something and relative to something would be rather
careless. For all homonyms having a paronymous name are said from
something. But then Ammonius goes on to subdivide these two into
those having things named from the efcient cause, as being produc-
tive of, say, health, and into those having things named from the nal
cause, as for the sake of health. The problem is that he describes the
former as from something and the latter as relative to something.
Yet these expressions also describe the structure common to all such
paronyms. Ammonius himself admits that some combine these two
types [in Cat. 21,212].
75
Cf. Philoponus, in Cat. 15,710, although he is discussing names for things and
for their essence.
76
As Avicenna himself notes at Al-Maqlt, eds. G. Anawati, A. El-Ehwani, M. El-
Khodeiri, & S. Zayed (Cairo, 1959) (Part One, Volume Two of A-hif) 16,1217,14;
Al-Ibra, ed. M. Al-Khudayri (Cairo, 1970), (Part One, Volume Three of A-hif)
19,1621,6. He is following al-Frb, Kitb al-urf, ed. M. Mahdi (Beirut, 1969), e.g.,
1920, 71,215. On the structure of paronymy in Arabic see W. Wright , A Grammar
of the Arabic Language (Cambridge, 1967), Vol. I 195; Wolfdietrich Fischer , A Grammar
of Classical Arabic, 3rd ed. trans. J. Rodgers (New Haven, 2002) p. 35.
77
Concetta Luna , Commentaire, p. 149: La langue grecque na pas deux termes
pour dsigner la triangularit et le triangle, comme elle en a deux pour designer la
courbure . . . et ce qui est courbe . . . On dit donc la fois pour dsigner la
proprit dtre triangle . . . et pour dsigner le triangle crit sur le tableau ou fait en bois
(le poion). Cette double signication de trigwnon en fait un terme homonyme.
54 allan bck
The doctrines of the Greek commentators passed into Islamic phi-
losophy, just as the late Greek commentators themselves were exiled
from a Byzantine Christian court but then invited to establish a school
by a Muslim caliph.
78
Let us now see what Avicenna does with it.
Avicenna begins by discussing synonymy, whereas Aristotle starts
Categories 1 with homonymy. The Greek commentators made a great
defense of Aristotles order of presentation (Cf. Simplicius , in Cat.
21,122,13). In contrast, Avicenna is rejecting it.
Avicenna holds that names have a relation to things via senses or
concepts. We have seen some basis for such a conception of senses in
Aristotle and the Greek commentators, as well as in the Arabic transla-
tion of the Categories and in al-Frb. There is also the Stoic concept
of the lekton, which seems quite a close relative of Avicennas concep-
tion of a sense (manan). Aside from Stoic doctrines presented in the
Greek commentators, it is hard to know what Stoic sources Avicenna
had. Still, given his extensive treatment of hypotheticals in his formal
logic (in al-Qys), he seems to have had some. In any case, for him the
conception of a sense is fundamental. Also suggestive is the fact that
Stoics tended not to distinguish synonymy and pluronymy, nor even
heteronymy and homonymy.
79
This tendency would encourage Avicenna
to see homonymy, synonymy etc. lying on a continuum.
Constructed on a conception of the sense, Avicennas theory of
homonymy is far simpler than those of the Greek commentators.
Seeing its simplicity depends on having a certain interpretation of his
conception of similarity. What makes things similar but not the same?
We may say: because they share some but not all features. This holds
even in a metaphorical comparison. A woman may be likened to a rose
with respect to beauty but not with respect to having thorns or needing
pruning in the winter. So too senses may have some similarity or overlap
but not be the same. Thus, when Avicenna distinguishes homonyms,
he says that homonyms of the second sort do not have the same sense
but have a similarity. Now not having the same sense is compatible with
having and with not having totally different senses. So we get cases like
78
Gerhard Endress, Die Wissenschaftliche Literatur, in Grundrisse der Arabischen
Philologie, ed. H. Gtje (Wiesbaden, 1987), vol. 2, pp. 4025.
79
Cf. Simplicius , in Cat. 36,812. Concetta Luna , Commentaire, p. 115: Dans
lusage stoicien, synonyme a donc la mme signication que polyonyme et, pour-
rat-on dire, il correspond tout fait lusage moderne de ce mot. Simplicius afrme
que lusage aristotlicien est plus appropri . . . Cf. C. Douglas McGee, Who Means
What by Synonymy?, Inquiry 2 (1959), 199212.
avicenna the commentator 55
similarity, such as Socrates and his picture both being named man.
Avicenna will consider metaphors of the same type, like the leg of
an animal and a bed, and analogies, like the arch of number and
lineapparently with analogy being a type of metaphor.
80
Furthermore, it helps to view Avicennas classication of homonymy
not as discrete but as continuous. In effect, he gives a continuum with
one endpoint limiting the homonymous being the strictly synonymous
and the other being the completely heteronomous (which he mentions at
11,4, and at 15,1616,3 along with polynyms), having neither a common
name, account, or sense. Inside this continuum, within each type of
homonymy, he will discuss cases that satisfy its description more or less
so. Moreover, because having disjoint, discrete types does not concern
him, he does not fuss much over the classication but over the details
of the structure of particular cases. So he has a continuum within his
division, and perhaps implies this at Al-Maqlt 11,57; 14,615,15.
But, for the sake of reference, I shall divide up and number the sorts
that he does discuss.
His classication is threefold:
It may be said that everything that is not by way of agreement [synonymy]
is by coincidence of the name [homonymy], and has three divisions: that
is because either [ I ] the sense is one in itself, even through it differs in
another respect, or that [ II ] it is not one, but between the two of them
there is a similarity, or that [ III ] it is not one and there is also not a
similarity between them.
81
The rst division [ I ] contains things that are not strictly synonymous
but share a single sense. In light of the descriptions and examples, the
rst division includes those things said by Aristotle and the commenta-
tors to be named either from something or relative to something.
82
[ II ] The second division concerns cases where the things being named
have a real basis of similarity for sharing the name, but not the same
sense. From the examples, this type seems to include all cases based
on a real resemblance, including metaphor, analogy, and similarity of
appearance, like the example of Socrates and his picture. [ III ] The
third division concerns cases where the things share only the name.
83
80
Cf. Aristotle, Poetics 1457b616.
81
Al-Maqlt 10,47; all translations from this are mine.
82
Cf. Aristotle, Metaphysics 1030a32b7; Nicomachean Ethics 1147b341148a2.
83
A likely important source for this classication is al-Frbs Short Treatise On Aristotles
De interpretatione, trans. Zimmermann (Oxford, 1981), pp. 4952, pp. 22730.
56 allan bck
Avicenna considers senses, the concepts in the mental language [cf.
Int. 16a38], to exist in the mind via sense perception and abstraction.
Such senses are given conventional names by imposition or stipulation
in the written or spoken language. These senses differ from denitions
or accounts () proper, as they contain all that is common to the
individuals from which they are abstracted. Avicenna gives the example
of people living in the Sudan: from them we would have the sense or
concept of a human being as having black skin, even though the deni-
tion of human being, grounded upon quiddities in themselves accessed
via intuition () does not include that characteristic.
84
I now discuss each type of homonymy distinguished:
[ I ] Given what he says at 11,5, Avicenna divides homonyms sharing
a name and a single sense into A) the absolute and B) the relative. Both
the absolute and the relative sorts concern things with focal meaning.
Avicenna says about all these cases that the two things could have
instead been named by different names or expressionspresumably
synonymous ones. Even in the absolute cases, we could have said,
more precisely, e.g., being that is prior and being that is posterior.
Hence, even though only the relative cases use paronymous names as
commonly understood, even the absolute cases use names having a
whiff of the paronymous.
85
[A] In the absolute sort, the name applies to the two things in the
same sense. The name does not need a different sense when predicated
of each. Yet it will need a different account, or perhaps denition,
if the things are to avoid being synonyms.
1. [10,811] Existent (being; ) can be applied to substances, quan-
tities etc. in the same sense and so is used absolutely.
86
Quantities and
substances exist in re in the same sense. Yet they do differ in terms of
priority and posteriority and this, as Aristotle had said, eliminates strict
synonymy.
87
(Indeed Simplicius had brought up this issue later on in
his Categories commentary. [418,19419,6]) Also they differ in the sense
that they have different modes of existence or being: as a substance,
as a quantity etc. This ts with Avicennas metaphysics where the
84
Al-Burhn, ed. Badawi (Cairo, 1954), 46,116 et passim. Cf. Avicenna, F Al-Nafs,
ed. G. Anawati (Cairo, 1962), II.2. I thank Claude Panaccio for instigating this para-
graph.
85
As in Porphyrys distinction II.2 perhaps.
86
Aristotle, Metaphysics 1030a32b7.
87
Eudemian Ethics 1218a18.
avicenna the commentator 57
necessary being causes various quiddities to come to exist in re and to
associate with other ones via acquiring differentiae and via some becom-
ing accidental to others.
88
2. [10,1216] Avicenna also says that homonyms may have a name
with the same sense and be simultaneous (being neither prior nor
posterior), while differing in being primary and secondary. He gives
no examples. I offer as possible candidates a triangle and an isosceles
triangle both being named triangle or being named something hav-
ing its interior angles equal to two right angles. As Aristotle had said,
such names hold of both triangle and the isosceles triangle, but of the
former primarily and of the latter not so. [An. Po. I.5]
3. [10,1711,4] Other names keep the same sense and even the same
account but differ in what they signify about the things they describe.
Ivory and snow are not equally white. They are white understood on
the same denition. Still white when applied to ivory means off-white,
lets say, while, when applied to snow, it means arctic white. The Greek
commentators do not mention this case.
89
Why does Avicenna say that such homonyms have the same sense?
Apparently, he is thinking of white as the genus, covering a range of
whitish colors. These colors would be differentiated by specic differentiae
like off- and arctic in the example above. They still share the same
general, Aristotelian denition of whiteness: standing out in sight.
90
Nevertheless, they are not precisely synonyms with respect to white it
seems. For they are more or less white, and so have the name hold of
them in different degrees. They also fall under the priority condition
given by Aristotle,
91
like the rst two cases (IA.1 & 2).
Avicenna also remarks, about this sort but presumably with general
import, that in ordinary language names will be used imprecisely and
their senses must be ascertained from the intention of the speaker.
Indeed Avicenna regularly distinguishes an ideal, technical language
from the ordinary vernacular. Perhaps he is thinking here of such cases
as when white is taken to describe varying colors of human skin.
92
88
See Allan Bck, The Triplex Status and its Justication, Studies in the History of
Logic, eds. I. Angelelli & M. Cerrezo (Berlin, 1996).
89
Possibly: Nicomachean Ethics 1147b341148a2.
90
Cf. Ammonius, in Cat. 45,2; 40, 134.
91
Eudemian Ethics 1218a18.
92
See Allan Bck, The Ordinary Language Approach in Traditional Logic, in
Argumentationstheorie, ed. K. Jacobi (Leiden, 1993), pp. 50730, pp. 5112.
58 allan bck
[ B] [11,57] The relative sort concerns things having the same name
said relative to something in Aristotles account of focal meaning. In
this case the shared sense does not come from the name common to
the two homonyms but from the thing relative to which they have a
relationship. Thus the knife and exercise may have a common, parony-
mous name, medical. Medical however is dened differently when
predicated of the knife and exercise. The shared sense comes from the
presence of medicine in the different denitions.
Avicenna differs fundamentally from the Greek commentators and
perhaps from Aristotle himself about what things he allows to share a
single name in the same sense. He has a set of examples of names rang-
ing from existent to white and philosophy to medical and healthy
and divine. He says that some of these names hold absolutely with
different degrees of priority, primacy, or participation, while others hold
only relatively. The fundamental point lies in his claiming that cases like
being and medical have formal differences. Even Aristotle grouped
these cases together in arguing for the unity of a science of being qua
being. To put the point historically backwards, Avicenna has a position
on transcendental terms more like Scotus than Aristotles.
II. [11,812,7] The type where the sense of the name is not one
but the homonyms have a similarity is homonymy proper, in the nar-
row sense distinguished by Alexander. Avicenna runs together two
examples commonly kept apart by the Greek commentators. (A) The
rst is the basic one from Categories 1, where an animal and its picture
are homonyms with respect to being named animal. (B) The second
is the standard example of a metaphor, of a leg of an animal and a
leg of a bed.
93
Avicenna recognizes that the latter is a metaphor while
the former is not. Still he observes that the metaphor was made on
the basis of a perceived similarityand so he does not use the usual
Arabic word for metaphor but instead calls this a transferred name:
we might call it a simile.
94
In both cases the name is applied to one
homonym primarily and to the other secondarily.
He also remarks that some of these homonyms are (C) xed by itself
(or per se) while (D) others are based on a relationship (nisba).
(C) The rst sort seems straightforward. The very attributes of the
two things involved x the similarity. Thus the form of the animal and
93
Poetics 1457b169; Rhetoric 1401a125.
94
Cf. Zimmermann, al-Frbs Commentary, p. 227, nn. 23.
avicenna the commentator 59
the form of its picture are similar, and so are the shapes of the legs of
animals and tables because of attributes of the two things involved.
(D) The second sort is more cryptic. Nisba can also mean attribu-
tion or proportion. Avicenna seems to use it in a quasi-technical sense
to signify a relationship between two things that does not fall into the
category of relation.
95
From the Greek commentators we can see that
the relationship here is analogy, which can be understood as a pro-
portion. The example of beginning () is the standard one of
analogy in Porphyry and Simplicius .
Some of the subdivisions of the classications given by the Greek
commentators might apply to this second sort, as I will discuss below. For
example, Avicenna mentions Ammonius distinction [I.2.i
iii] of giving
things a common name by chance, in memory, or in hope. [14,15]
III. [11,813.14] In the third main type, the two things have only
the name in common, with no shared sense or similarity. Avicenna
does not include metaphor here when it has a real basisthe trans-
ferred name or simile. However, when dog is applied to a star and
an animal, in the example from the Rhetoric, Avicenna thinks that there
is no real similarity between stars and dogs, but only a merely mental
one.
96
So Aristotle puts this example here. Paralogisms of the fallacy
of homonymy would belong to this sort too.
97
Avicenna does offer the option that, if such cases like the dog and
the Dog star could be shown to have a real similarity, then they would
belong to the second sort and be similes. [13,1514,6] He uses the
example of the name ayn applied to an eye and to cash. He gives an
etymological way to connect them up so that they have a real similar-
ity, but seems to be ambivalent about whether or not there is indeed a
real similarity. He distinguishes here the three causes for applying the
name of an eye (ayn) to cash that Ammonius had given: coincidence,
memory, and hope. [II.2ai
s CATEGORIES 75
but clearly the position thereon of a giant like Albertus Magnus must
be better known before we can understand the real nature and value
of that centurys contribution to the comprehension of this intriguing
Aristotelian treatise.
The Short Denition of the Subject Found in the
Commentary on the Categories
Like most medieval works of this kind, Albertus Magnus commentary
on the Categories is preceded by a proem in which some very important
questions are briey addressed. They are important because they con-
cern the very foundations of the science to be taught, and the treat-
ment thereof is necessarily brief because it belongs to an introduction
and because a more in-depth consideration would presuppose a level
of knowledge that the beginner, for whom the commentary is written,
does not yet have. Here is how Albert the Great briey describes, in the
proem of his commentary, the subject of the Categories: the subject is
what can be ordered into a relation of predicability or subjectibility,
inasmuch as it stands under the vocal sound that signies this order,
est enim subiectum ordinabile in rationem praedicabilis vel subicibilis, secundum
quod stat sub voce talem ordinem signicante.
9
This denition of the subject, at rst sight and considered by itself, is
not extremely helpful. First, it seems to be very close to a widely used
and almost standard formulation of the time, traces and variations of
which can be found in other commentaries and even in student manu-
als.
10
It remains to be seen how much such a commonly used expression
9
De praedicamentis 1.1, eds. Carlos Steel, Silvia Donati and Manuel Santos Noya
(Mnster, 2008), p. 2, l.79. I am using the (almost complete) rst draft of the forthcom-
ing critical edition, which C. Steel was kind enough to let me consult. When I refer to
passages beyond 7.3, however, I use the Auguste Borgnet edition (Paris, 1890).
10
This is true of texts written both before and after Albert s commentary. See for
example Ezio Franceschini , Giovanni Pago: Le sue Rationes super Praedicamenta Aristotelis e
la loro posizione nel movimento aristotelico del secolo XIII, Sophia 2 (1934), 172182,
p. 176: dicibile incomplexum ordinabile in genere vel ordinatum; E. J. Ashworth , Lanalogie
de ltre et les homonymes: Catgories, 1 dans le Guide de ltudiant, pp. 287288,
in Lenseignement de la philosophie au XIII
e
sicle. Autour du Guide de ltudiant du ms. Ripoll
109, eds. Claude Laeur and Joanne Carrier (Turnhout, 1997), pp. 281295: dicibile
incomplexum ordinabile in genere; Robert Andrews , Petrus de Alvernia, Quaestiones super
Praedicamentis: An Edition, Cahiers de lInstitut du Moyen-ge grec et latin 55 (1987), 384,
76 bruno tremblay
can tell the reader about Albert s own views on the question. Also, were
this denition specic to Albertus Magnus, there would still remain the
problem of its ambiguity. What, exactly, can be ordered? Is it things,
concepts, or words? The fact that modern scholars do not agree on
this is probably the best sign of the ambiguity of the denition: E.
J. Ashworth ,
11
pointing to the second half of Alberts denition and
also to his explicit mention of Boethius well-known description of
the subject of the Categories (the ten vocal sounds that signify the rst
genera of things),
12
thinks Albert has rst and foremost words in mind;
Alessandro Conti ,
13
on the basis of the great similarity between Alberts
denition and those of other contemporary thinkers who often explicitly
mention ens, believes it is things; Giorgio Pini
14
formally rejects a more
conceptual interpretation because Albert describes the subject of the
Categories in terms of predication rather than of second intention, and
because this expression is nowhere to be found in this philosophers
general introduction to logic, even though Pini identies some pas-
sages and distinctions which might actually militate in favour of such
an interpretation. In relation to this problem, what does the last part
of the denitioninasmuch as it stands under the vocal sound that
signies this ordermean? Does it refer to some kind of grammatical
or linguistic consideration of the Categories? Moreover, how does this
denition of the subject relate to the ten supreme genera themselves?
p. 10: ens incomplexum secundum quod ordinabile in genere; Carmelo Ottaviano , Le
Quaestiones super libro Praedicamentorum di Simone di Faversham, Atti della R.
Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Memorie della Classe di Scienze morali, storiche e lologiche 3 (1930),
258351, p. 266: ens dicibile incomplexum ordinabile in genere secundum sub et supra. For other
authors, see P. O. Lewry , Robert Kilwardby s Writings on the Logica Vetus, Studied With Regard
to Their Teaching (doctoral thesis, Oxford, 1978), pp. 91 and 265266. These descriptions
of the subject of the Categories are not necessarily and always the only ones used by the
authors who include them in their writings. Robert Kilwardby, Notulae super librum Praedi-
camentorum, proemium, for instance, refers to that subject as ordinabile and dicibile after
formally treating the question of the subject in very Boethian terms. (Thank you to
Alessandro Conti for letting me see the rst draft of the new edition he is preparing.)
11
Lanalogie de ltre et les homonymes, p. 289. This view is somewhat sup-
ported in William E. McMahon , Albert the Great on the Semantics of the Categories
of Substance, Quantity, and Quality, Historiographia Linguistica 7 (1980), 145157,
although in a strongly semantical perspective.
12
De praedicamentis 1.1, p. 2, l.12. See Boethius , In Cat. 1, ed. J. P. Migne (Paris,
1891), pp. 159D160B. A better edition of this passage is provided in Monika Asztalos ,
Boethius as a Transmitter of Greek Logic to the Latin West, Harvard Studies in Classical
Philology 95 (1993), 367407.
13
Alessandro Conti , Thomas Sutton s Commentary on the Categories according to
MS Oxford, Merton College 289, p. 175, in The Rise of British Logic, ed. P. O. Lewry
(Toronto, 1983), pp. 173213.
14
Giorgio Pini , Categories and Logic in Duns Scotus (Leiden, 2002), pp. 2627.
albertus magnus: on the subject of a.
s CATEGORIES 77
Are they the subject of the treatise? If not, what are they? Finally, as
a last example of a question that this denition raises: how does this
denition allow us to distinguish the subject of the Categories from the
subject of the Isagoge? Isnt Porphyry s short treatise also concerned, at
least partially, with something that can be ordered within a genus or
a species?
I shall address the rst problem, i.e., the nature of that ordinabile that
constitutes the subject of the Categories, and in so doing I shall have
the opportunity to touch upon the other problems briey. As a more
complete picture of Albert s views on what the Categories is concerned
with is drawn, it will become clear that Ashworth and Conti were
both right in saying, respectively, that words (voces) and things (entia)
have to be part of the solution, but unlike them I shall argue that the
emphasis needs to be put above all on concepts (intentiones). In order
to show this, I shall rst state a few things about Alberts conception
of logic, and then establish a series of fundamental (and mostly meta-
physical) distinctions that are absolutely necessary to reach a deeper
and better understanding of what Albert has in mind when he writes
his short denition of the subject of the Categories, a denition which
I shall revisit toward the end of this paper. In so doing, I shall rely
upon Alberts De praedicamentis and also upon some of his other works,
whether they belong to logic or not. Among these, Alberts commentary
on the Isagoge, which was likely written right before the commentary
on the Categories and which begins with a general introduction to logic,
deserves special attention.
Albert s Conception of Logic
A few scholarly publications over the last 40 years have tackled the
question of Albert the Greats general views on logic, but usually in a
very brief and partial way, which probably explains why they often reach
contradictory conclusions.
15
The question of how Albert conceives
15
See for example Mauricio Beuchot , La naturaleza de la lgica y su conexin
con la ontologa en Alberto Magno, Dinoia 33 (1987), 235246; Eladio Chvarri ,
El orden de los escritos lgicos de Aristteles segn San Alberto Magno, Estudios
loscos 9 (1960), 97134; Ralph McInerny , Albert on Universals, Southwestern Journal
of Philosophy 10 (1979), 318; Giorgio Pini , Categories and Logic in Duns Scotus , pp. 2425;
Richard F. Washell , Logic, Language, and Albert the Great, Journal of the History of
Ideas 34 (1973), 445450.
78 bruno tremblay
of logic and its subject is complex and would certainly deserve a
separate study, but for now I would like to emphasize two important
points, each of which shows a strong Avicennian inuence on Alberts
logical views.
First, logics practical goal is to help the human mind go from the
known to the unknown.
16
Throughout his works Albert constantly
reminds his reader of this, and although it might sound like empty
and incomprehensible jargon, it actually states something quite simple
and easy to understand. It refers to the fact that the usual mode of
our intelligence is not intuition, but rational process: we usually come
to know things based on other things we already know, be it when we
draw a conclusion based on some premises we already accept or when
we try to understand the nature of a thing based on ideas already pos-
sessed and arranged in a denition.
17
Logic studies this rational mode
or process and the instruments that allow us to complete it, and thus
provides guidance to reason in all philosophical elds.
18
Second, Albert has a very intentionalist view on what the science of
logic studies.
19
He accepts the Avicennian position
20
that the science of
logic considers properties that belong to things as we know them, and
as we use them to know other things. These properties have a purely
intentional being, and are necessarily produced by reason as it goes
from the known to the unknown.
21
Although Albert, much like Avicenna
himself, rarely uses the expression second intention, he does use it
at the beginning and at the end of his careerin his commentaries
on Peter Lombard s Sentences
22
and on Aristotles Metaphysics
23
, and
certainly the doctrine that underlies this expression, taken directly from
Avicennas Logyca, is clearly and explicitly presented by Albert in his
16
De praedicamentis, 1.1, p. 1, l.621.
17
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 1.1.5, p. 8, l.2853.
18
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 1.1.1, 5 and 7. See Avicenna , Logyca (Venise, 1508),
fol. 2v, and Bruno Tremblay, Ncessit, rle et nature de lart logique, selon Albert le
Grand, Bochumer philosophisches Jahrbuch fr Antike und Mittelalter 12 (2007).
19
This is a claim that has rightly been made by Norman Kretzmann , although he
has provided no detailed justication for it. See his William of Sherwoods Introduction to
Logic (St. Paul, 1966), p. 21, n.1.
20
Avicenna , Logyca, fol. 2rb. See also Michael E. Marmura , Avicenna on the
Division of the Sciences in the Isagoge of His Shifa, Journal of the History of Arabic
Science 4 (1980), 239251.
21
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 1.1.2.
22
Super libros sententiarum 1.13.A.1, ad 1, ed. Auguste Borgnet (Paris, 1893), p. 370B.
23
Metaphysica 1.1.1, ed. Bernhard Geyer (Mnster, 1960), p. 3, l.812. See Avicenna , Liber
de philosophia prima sive scientia divina 1.2, ed. S. van Riet (Louvain, 1977), p. 10, l.7375.
albertus magnus: on the subject of a.
s CATEGORIES 79
general introduction to logic.
24
More sophisticated denitions of second
intentions, such as those which can be found in Thomas Aquinas or
Duns Scotus would, of course, come only later.
25
The Categories Is Concerned with Universals Post Rem
Since according to Albert universals are what the mind orders within
a genus or a species,
26
one must conclude that for him the Categories,
whose subject is an ordinabile, is concerned with universals. Yet, saying
this does not take us very far; in fact, it could even be like opening a
Pandoras box, since Alberts doctrine of universals rests on complex
metaphysical distinctions, and in fact has the reputation of being marked
with confusion and contradictions.
27
Although I cannot here engage in
a serious analysis of this difcult doctrine, I will endeavor to state a
few of its basic elements.
The rst thing that one should keep in mind when trying to decipher
Albert s teachings on universals is that for him the word universal
is a very equivocal word that can refer to a considerable number of
meanings, which, although linked to each other by analogy, can be
distinguished.
28
In everything that Albert labels a universal, one
can always nd, one way or another, something one in relation to
some multiplicity,
29
but the manner in which one, relation or
multiplicity is to be understood is not always the same, and if it is,
the manner in which the things named universals relate to them
24
The close link between the doctrine laid out in the beginning of Avicenna s Logyca
and the use of the expression second intentions in his Metaphysica (see supra, note
23) must have been seen by Albert just as it is easily understood by modern readers of
Avicenna. See for example A. I. Sabra , Avicenna on the Subject Matter of Logic,
The Journal of Philosophy 77 (1980), 746764.
25
See Giorgio Pini , Categories and Logic in Duns Scotus , chapters 2, 3, and 4.
26
De sex principiis 1.1, ed. Ruth Meyer (Mnster, 2006), p. 4, l.3841.
27
Ralph McInerny , Albert on Universals, pp. 1718.
28
The way Albert begins his most systematic review of the different kinds of uni-
versals clearly indicates that he does so in the context of analogy of words: Dicimus
igitur universale quattuor modis dici proprie et hoc, quocumque modo dicatur, tribus modis vel quattuor
considerari. (Metaphysica 5.6.5, p. 285, l.1618)
29
Metaphysica 5.6.5, p. 285, l.8486. Albert s choice of words in this passage also
shows that logical analogy, and not univocation, is at stake here.
80 bruno tremblay
changes.
30
Some of the meanings attached by Albertus Magnus to the
word universal are laid out in the famous Neoplatonist division of
the kinds of universals that he found in Eustratus
31
and Avicenna ,
32
the one into universals ante rem, in re, and post rem. This division is
ubiquitous in Alberts works, and it makes sense that the scholars who
have treated the question put emphasis on it.
33
To put it very simply,
universals ante rem are the eternal divine ideas. They are imagined by
us as being many but in fact are one and can somehow be identied
with God.
34
They are exemplary ideas, acting as an origin and a cause
in relation to concrete things that surround us,
35
through an elaborate
causal process which cannot be described here. They can be said to
be universals in the sense that as exemplars they precontain ( praeha-
bentes) and somehow cause a multiplicity of things.
36
Universals ante rem
are, thus, the exemplary origin of the actualized natures or forms of
natural things. These latter forms, or universals in re, exist in the things
that surround us and make natural, material, concrete created things
what they are. A particularized form or nature is universal in the sense
that from it other particularized things can be generated
37
a human
being generates other human beings
38
and in the sense that despite
30
In other words, I think that behind the multiple uses of the word universal
Albert would see cases of both analogies secundum communam proportionem and ad unum.
For a brief consideration of Alberts doctrine of logical analogy, see Bruno Tremblay ,
A First Glance at Albert the Greats Teachings on Analogy of Words, Medieval
Philosophy and Theology 5 (1996), 265292.
31
In primum Aristotelis moralium ad Nicomachum, 1096a1014, ed. H. Paul F. Mercken
(Leiden, 1973), p. 69, l.85p. 70, l.29.
32
Logyca, fol. 2rb and 12rava.
33
See among others Georg Wieland , Untersuchungen zum Seinbergriff im Metaphysikkommentar
Alberts des Groen (Mnster: 1972), pp. 4146; Sophie Wlodek , Albert le Grand et les
Albertistes du XV
e
sicle: le problme des universaux, in Albert der Grosse. Seine Zeit,
seine Werk, seine Wirkung, Band 2, ed. Albert Zimmermann , Miscellanea Mediaevalia 14
(Berlin, 1981), pp. 193207; Alain de Libera , Thorie des universaux et ralisme
logique chez Albert le Grand, Revue des sciences philosophiques et thologiques 65 (1981),
5573; id., Albert le Grand et la philosophie (Paris, 1990), pp. 180213; id., La querelle des
universaux. De Platon la n du Moyen ge (Paris, 1996), pp. 245262; Thrse Bonin ,
Creation as Emanation. The Origin of Diversity in Albert the Greats On the Causes and the
Procession of the Universe (Notre Dame, 2001), pp. 4150.
34
De causis et processu universitatis 2.1.20, ed. Winfried Fauser (Mnster, 1993), p. 85,
l.3944; Super Dionysium De divinis nominibus 4.84, ed. Paul Simon (Mnster, 1972), p. 190,
l.65p. 191, l.20; 5.16, p. 312, l.515; De praedicamentis 7.9, p. 290A.
35
Super Dionysium De divinis nominibus 2.8.3, p. 97, l.2029.
36
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 2.3, p. 23, l.2638, and Metaphysica 5.6.5,
p. 285, l.5977.
37
Metaphysica 5.6.5, p. 285, l.8792.
38
De sex principiis 1.5, p. 58, p. 11, l.29p. 12, l.11.
albertus magnus: on the subject of a.
s CATEGORIES 81
its particularization it keeps its real capacity of being intellectually
abstracted from matter and of being grasped in its unity in relation to
the actual or at least potential multiplicity of things in which it nds
itself individualized.
39
Finally, one can also call universal something
that is posterior to natural things: the one common notion thanks to
which a non-causative mind grasps a multiplicity of similar individual
things.
40
It is a universal post rem, which exists as a likeness of things in
the human or rational mind, and not in the extra-mental natural world
or in a divine or purely intellectual mind.
Before moving ahead in the description of the logical universal and
of the subject of the Categories, one should take note of the special
effort often made by Albertus Magnus to link universality post rem to
prior universalities, whether they be in re or ante rem, and to insist on the
underlying unity that exists among them all and that has its source
in divine causality.
41
He says very explicitly that universality exists
outside of the human mind, in natura rerum, a way of speaking that
might surprise someone who is used to the more Averroistic approach
and vocabulary that can be found in Aquinas .
42
It is possible that this
insistence is to be explained by the fact that Albert still remembers and
fears the nominalist ghosts of the twelfth century,
43
and that he sees the
danger that would be implied by afrming without any nuance and too
abruptly that universals or universality are pure creations of the human
mind, a preoccupation that Aquinas might not have had to the same
degree.
44
It must also be repeated that for Albert the logical universal
and the other universals are not universals in exactly the same sense,
and that when he mentions
45
that universality exists in natura rerum, he
39
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 2.3, p. 24, l.3772.
40
Metaphysica 5.6.5, p. 285, l.9396.
41
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 2.6, p. 34, l.57p. 35, l.20.
42
See for example De ente et essentia 3, ed. Hyacinthe F. Dondaine (Rome, 1976),
l.99101.
43
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 9.3, p. 146, l.120, and 2.3. See also Manuel
Santos Noya , Die Universalienlehre der Nominales in der Darstellung Alberts
des Groen, in Albertus Magnus. Zum Gedenken nach 800 Jahren: Neue Zugnge, Aspekte
und Perspektiven, ed. Walter Senner, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des
Dominikanerordens 10 (Berlin, 2001), pp. 171194.
44
Which is not to say that Aquinas himself never refers to the ante rem / in re / post
rem division or that he never speaks of the extra-mental nature as something that has
in itself the property of being communicable to many. See for example Scriptum super
libros sententiarum 2.3.3.2, ad 1, ed. R. P. Mandonnet (Paris, 1929), and Expositio libri
peryermenias 1.10, ed. Ren-Antoine Gauthier (Paris, 1989), l.8789.
45
Including in logic. See Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 2.3, p. 24, l.49p. 25, l.6.
82 bruno tremblay
means that realities analogous to logical universals exist outside of our
mind and can also rightly be called universalsother universals on
which emphasis is placed since they are presupposed by logical univer-
sals and are their foundation.
46
I think that the best proof that Albert
is thinking about universals analogously and not univocally is that for
him predicability is a necessary property of the logical universal,
47
whereas other universals are not, strictly speaking, predicable.
48
Which,
of course, means that the Categories deals directly with universals post
rem, and not in re or ante rem.
The Categories Is Concerned with Notions and
Accidents of Things
The opportunity to afrm that this predicability is proper, strictly
speaking, to the universal post rem presents itself when Albertus Magnus
determines what meaning must be given to the word substance when
it is said that logic, and more specically the Categories, studies substance.
(The distinctions he then makes are quite important because many of
them apply to all the other remaining categories.) After identifying three
main senses of the word, he goes on to say that the substance that logic
is interested in is something to which all things that are substances can
be reduced through predication: whatever a dog, a ower, an animal,
a plant, or a man are, each of them can be said to be a substance,
which plays the role of a common, unifying predicate or predicable.
Now this substance can be such a predicable only because it is the form
of the whole subject of which it is saidwhich ultimately means the
individual substance.
49
This characterization of the logical universal as
46
Metaphysica 5.6.6. It seems that some of Albert s followers from the fteenth century,
for instance Heymeric de Campo , also ascribed some sort of analogical character to
the underlying unity that links the different types of universals. See Sophie Wlodek ,
Albert le Grand et les Albertistes, pp. 1920.
47
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 2.1, p. 17, l.620.
48
See, among others, De praedicamentis 2.1 and 3, p. 24, l.1321, and Super Dionysium
De divinis nominibus, 2.83, p. 97, l.2029. According to De causis et processu universitatis
2.1.5, p. 65, l.4749, the classic denition of the logical universal, unum in multis et de
multis, may be applied to other universals, but only secundum quid, again an expression
that clearly shows that Albert s treatment of the problem of the universals rests on
analogical uses of words.
49
De praedicamentis 2.1, p. 20, l.4151.
albertus magnus: on the subject of a.
s CATEGORIES 83
forma totius is often repeated throughout Albert s works,
50
among others
in a commentary that must not be neglected in the interpretation of
the one on the Categories: the commentary on the Liber sex principiorum,
an anonymous treatise that we know to have been written in the twelfth
century, supposedly to compensate for Aristotles extreme concision in
the treatment of the last six categories.
51
The unknown author of this work holds the rather enigmatic view
that the six categories that constitute the subject of the book are forms
and that each of them is contingent to composition, compositioni con-
tingens.
52
This difcult statement is not really explained by its author,
but Albert s interpretation of it does provide some more insight into his
conception of what a treatise like the Categories or the Liber sex principiorum
is about. From a logical point of view, Albert writes,
53
forms like the
categories are intentions or notions, representations that exist in the
human mind and that would not exist without it. Our mind grasps real
things through determinations or forms that exist in themwhether
these determinations be substantial or accidental, necessary or contin-
gent, etc.and through this multiplicity of determinations or forms
it fashions within itself a multiplicity of concepts or intentions, all of
which allow it, although in diverse ways, to apprehend a part of reality.
When the mind relates one of its notions or concepts to the external
world in order to know the latter, it does so through predication and
the use of the copula is, which afrms a kind of unity or identity
between a subject and a form that is predicated of it.
54
If I am right
in thinking and saying that Plato is an animal, then it means that
through my notion of animal I truly conceive the whole of Plato and
not just part of himotherwise I could not identify both Plato and
my concept of animal in a sentence. This identity cannot, obviously,
be without qualication, since different conceptualized forms are truly
50
See for example Super Dionysium De divinis nominibus 2.85, p. 99, l.1318, in which
the universals ante rem, in re and post rem are named and distinguished after three kinds
of forms: forma exemplaris, forma partis and forma totius.
51
Albert himself (De sex principiis 1.1, p. 1, l.1420) attributes this work to Gilbert
of Poitiers , and this seems to have inuenced other authors to think the same. See
P. O. Lewry , The Liber sex principiorum, A Supposedly Porretanean Work. A Study in
Ascription, in Gilbert de Poitiers et ses contemporains. Aux origines de la Logica modernorum,
eds. Jean Jolivet and Alain de Libera (Naples, 1987), pp. 251252.
52
Anonymi fragmentum vulgo vocatum Liber sex principiorum 1.3, ed. Laurent Minio-
Paluello (Bruges, 1966), p. 35, l.34.
53
De sex principiis 1.2, p. 4, l.929.
54
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 2.1, p. 18, l.2024.
84 bruno tremblay
identied with a same subjectPlato is at the same time truly said to
be a man, an animal, a philosopher, and a Greek, even though the
words that signify those conceptualized forms are not synonyms.
55
It
is possible for such forms to be predicable or identied with a sub-
ject through predication only because they are the form of the whole
subject, although not necessarily in actuality. When I say that Plato
is an animal, not only do I explicitly and actually attribute animality
to Plato, but I also conceive and leave open the possibility that he is
something else: rational or non-rational, a man or a horse, white or
black, etc. This is the difference between, say, animal or white, which
can be predicated of Plato, and animality and whiteness, which afrm
the forms they signify in some kind of absolute sense that excludes any
other form or determination: using the concept or word of animal-
ity, I mean the form of animality alone and I imply no possibility
of anything else, whatever that may be. Animality and whiteness
therefore cannot be said of Plato in a true sentence, since it would
be false to identify Plato with animality or whiteness, which are just
parts of what he is.
56
The Categories (as well as the Liber sex principiorum),
in short, is concerned with the universal concepts or representations
thanks to which we grasp the whole of things or subjects and which
thus can be said of them.
Albertus Magnus also comments on the second part of the Liber sex
principiorums denition, which says that the kind of form this work is
concerned with is compositioni contingens. At rst sight, this could lead
one to believe that these forms are notions that represent mentally only
contingent forms of material beings, but Albert interprets it differently.
His explanation is especially interesting because it links this question
to the distinction of the three kinds of universals:
I say therefore that it [i.e., the kind of form studied in the Liber sex
principiorum] is contingent because the way of receiving itas the notion
of the wholeis accidental and always contingent. For there is a universal
that comes before the thing, and this one is the per se or the accidental
cause of the thing; there is also a universal that is in the thing, and this
one is the substance of the thing or an accident disposed toward its
55
De praedicamentis 2.8, p. 37, l.57p. 38, l.36.
56
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 3.3, p. 47, l.60p. 48, l.6. See also E. P. Bos and
A. C. van der Helm , The Division of Being over the Categories According to Albert the
Great, Thomas Aquinas and John Duns Scotus , in John Duns Scotus: Renewal of Philosophy.
Acts of the Third Symposium Organized by the Dutch Society Medium Aevum (May 23 and 24,
1996), ed. E. P. Bos (Amsterdam, 1998), 183196, p. 187. These are all distinctions
that Thomas Aquinas would make famous in his De ente et essentia 3, l.245308, a work
likely written at the same time as Albert was working on his logical commentaries.
albertus magnus: on the subject of a.
s CATEGORIES 85
substance; and there is a universal that comes after the thing, and this
one is the universal separated from the thing itself by the intellect, and
this happens to the thing and is accidental to the thing. This, indeed, is
nothing but the apprehension of the universal or the form without this or
that [particular], and without the now, which is the apprehension, simple
and separated from the particular and what makes [things] particular, of
the thing. It is in this [third] sense that the form that the intellect orders
within a genus and a species and whose coordination is reduced to a
predicament or a principle was said to be a universal.
57
The forms that the Categories and the Liber sex principiorum are interested
in are universals post rem and as such are accidents of things that sur-
round us. The notions or concepts that our intellect fashions are not
accidental to things in the sense that they all mentally represent real
accidents of things, but in the sense that the formation and the very
existence of these notions or concepts is not part of the essential nature
of things and is in fact contingent: it happens or does not happen to
things that a human mind knows them, and whether or not this happens
changes nothing to what they are fundamentally.
58
This explains why
for Albertus Magnus both treatises belong to logic, since their subjects
are included in what logic in general is concerned with, as Avicenna
and Albert himself in his introduction to logic had dened it: both deal
with accidents of things that happen to them as we acquire notions of
them and as these become part of a rational process of knowing.
Albert explicitly mentions logical universality and its five main
modes as described in the Isagoge as examples of such accidents. Being
a genus, for example, is a relation that happens to exist in the intel-
lectually abstracted notion of animal as we compare it to man and
horse.
59
Our intellect then grasps animal as something one having a
similar relation to many things, and conceived as forma totius, animal,
unlike animality, can be said of man and horse in order to know and
express what these essentially are.
The Categories Is Concerned with The Principles of Things
Now if the genus is the rst kind of logical universal, as Albert states
in his commentary on the Isagoge,
60
and if the Categories is said to have
57
De sex principiis 1.2, p. 4, l.2741.
58
De natura et origine animae 1.2, ed. Bernhard Geyer (Mnster, 1955), p. 4, l.8992.
59
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 3.3, p. 46, l.245.
60
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 2.9, p. 39, l.648.
86 bruno tremblay
something to do with genera and especially the ten supreme genera,
then a question arises. Porphyry says in his Isagoge
61
that genera are
principles of things: does this mean that the Categories studies principles
of things? The passage from Alberts De sex principiis which I quoted
above and in which predicament and principle seem to be consid-
ered as synonymous words goes in the same direction.
However, Albert explicitly rejects this possibility in his commentary
on the Categories. Universals, substance for example, can indeed be seen
as principles of being or formal causes in relation to concrete things
that surround usthese are what they are because of their forms or
naturesbut that is not how universals are considered in a logical
treatise like the Categories. Other parts of philosophy study the natures
of things in their extra-mental activity as principles of being; in other
words, they study universals as founded in natures or forms that are
independent of the human mind.
62
But logic, says Albert, considers
them as predicable, that is to say in as much as natures, when grasped
by our intellect and used to grasp other natures to which it relates in
the same way,
63
take on the property of logical universality, which can
be recognized by the fact that these natures are predicable. These are
not principles of being: they only exist in the human mind.
64
Now even if strictly speaking logic does not consider universals post
rem as principles of being (since, as principles of being outside of the
human mind, natures or forms are not even species or genera yet),
65
Albert still thinks that the formal causality that a nature possesses in
the extra-mental world is somehow mirrored in the notion that the
human intellect has of this nature. A genus or a species, for example,
can be said in logic to be a principle of being of an individual thing in
the limited sense that it is the intention or mental representation of its
principle of being. Commenting on a famous passage from chapter 5
of the Categories, Albert writes that it is only in this sense that secondary
substances (e.g., the universal concept of animal or man) could be said
to be ontologically prior to primary substances (e.g., Socrates ).
66
61
Porphyrii Isagoge 2, ed. Adolf Busse (Berlin, 1887), p. 2, l.1213.
62
De praedicamentis 1.1, p. 2, l.6071.
63
Analytica posteriora 1.2.3, p. 28A.
64
De sex principiis 1.2, p. 4, l.948, and p. 5, l.4353.
65
De praedicamentis 2.1, p. 21, l.4042.
66
De praedicamentis 2.3, p. 25, l.612.
albertus magnus: on the subject of a.
s CATEGORIES 87
But there is another way in which the Categories can be said to study
principles of things, and this way is more important because it lies at
the core of Albert s conception of logic. Rational discourse is opposed
to intuition and consists in knowing things step by step, in knowing some
aspect of reality and then using it to know another one. As mentioned
earlier, Albert likes to describe logic as a study of this passage from the
known to the unknown and of the means to complete this movement,
because it is through this study that reason can obtain a better knowledge
of its own process and thus perform it better. This practical goal of
logic is closely related to the reason the Categories considers universals post
rem and not the prior universals that exist outside of the human mind
and that are the foundations of the former. Here is the key distinction,
made by Albert at the outset of his logical corpus: the known, thanks
to which the knowledge of the unknown is acquired, can be considered
in two ways: inasmuch as it is a thing outside of the soul of the knower
or inasmuch as it is a certain notion in the soul of the knower. Now,
[the known] does not make one know the unknown inasmuch as it is
a thing outside of the soul of the knower, but rather inasmuch as the
notion of the thing exists in the soul of the knower. Indeed, it is thus
that it makes known and sheds light on the unknown.
67
It is only once it is grasped or conceptualized by the human mind that
a thing can immediately play the role of an instrumenta beginning, a
point of departure, a principlein relation to the unknown thing that
one is trying to know rationally. Things, once they are known through
abstraction, can acquire properties that, although accidental to the real
natures of things, make rational discourse possible and are therefore
at the center of interest for logic. First among these logical properties
is universality, a notion which within logic itself is analogical:
68
a form
or nature, once intellectually abstracted from the particular conditions
in which it exists, can be compared to its subjects and then perhaps
relates to them as a genus, thus allowing us to know partially what
these subjects essentially are; or as a species, thus allowing us to know
the complete essence of these subjects; and so on for the three other
modes of universality, i.e., specic difference, property, and accident.
On a more general level, once a nature or form has been intellectually
67
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 1.4, p. 7, l.68p. 8, l.7.
68
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 2.9, p. 39, l.610.
88 bruno tremblay
and immaterially grasped by the human mind, it is ready to take on
the properties that are at the core of logics consideration: depending
on how reason uses it and what it compares it to, it can become a
genus, part of a denition, a middle term, etc. It can, in other words,
become a principle of knowing in relation to some unknown. This ts
well with Albert s general description of logic or rational science, as
opposed to sciences that study entia naturae: rational sciences are dif-
ferent from natural sciences, because rational sciences consider things
through their principles of knowing whereas natural sciences consider
them through their principles of being.
69
The Categories can be said to be about principles of knowing in
more than one way. First, and quite simply, because the book is about
universals, and universals are principles of knowing that of which they
are said, by making it known through its essence or its accidents.
70
But
since our intellect cannot have a distinct knowledge of the whole of
reality through one single concept
71
and must in fact multiply them, the
question of the order of these multiple universals poses itself right at
the outset of logic.
72
This means that the attribution of a universal form
or nature to some subject through predication necessarily involves other
logical relations that are either already known, or that this predication
will somehow help us know: when placing dog in the genus animal,
one knows or one is becoming ready to know that a dog is a living
being, since living being, as a more universal genus, comprehends the
universal animal.
73
At the end of the day, such observations lead Albert
to hold the view that the Categories is especially concerned with the ten
fundamental, univocal
74
universals, i.e., the ten supreme genera. They
are, indeed, principles of knowledge like any other universals, but
they are also principles of knowledge specically as supreme genera,
because of their role in the ordering of the multiplicity of universals
and therefore predicables that exist in the human mind, which ordering
69
De homine 60, sol., ed. Auguste Borgnet (Paris, 1896), p. 517A.
70
Metaphysica 5.2.11, p. 248, l.6769. Like any other intentions or mental representa-
tions, universal intentions make known the things of which they are the intentions. See
De Anima 2.3.4, ed. Clemens Stroick (Mnster, 1968), p. 102, l.2836.
71
De bono 5.1.3, sol., eds. Heinrich Khle et al. (Mnster, 1951), p. 274, l.3031.
72
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 2.1, p. 17, l.50p. 18, l.17.
73
De praedicamentis 1.6, p. 14, l.1240.
74
This precision, i.e., univocation, is of a certain importance, inasmuch as the ana-
logical notions of being and one, for instance, can also be seen as kinds of beginnings
or principles of knowledge. See De praedicamentis 1.7, p. 17, l.3948.
albertus magnus: on the subject of a.
s CATEGORIES 89
Albert usually calls ordinatio praedicabilium. The ten supreme genera are
in fact principles in relation to all ordinabiles, and through the study of
the ten genera the logician in some way reaches and treats the whole
coordination of ordinabiles.
75
Does this distinction between principles of being and knowing cut
off logic, and more specically the Categories, from reality? Does it turn
this treatise into a study that is completely isolated from the external,
extra-mental world, into a consideration of concepts that would not
and could not also refer to things? Obviously not. In order to be at the
root of predications that are true, the known natures or forms that are
ordered within the categories must correspond to something somehow
real, and while the logical relations and order that exist among predi-
cables are a product of the human intellect
76
a product that depends
on the mode of knowing of the latter, i.e., the necessity for the intellect
to go through abstraction, to multiply concepts, to order them so as
to be able to know and speak the truth, etc., the remote founda-
tion remains extra-mental reality. In other words, even though logical
generality and specieity exist only because of the rational activity
of our intellect, the truth of the subordination of dog to the genus
animal, expressed through a predication like a dog is an animal, is
directly measured by the external world: extra-mental reality, and not
the intellect, is the reason why this statement is true.
77
There exists at least one other reason why for Albertus Magnus forms
or things, and not only the accidents or logical properties that their
mental representations or intentiones take on as they are compared to
one another in order to go from the known to the unknown, must in
some way be present in the Categories. I mentioned earlier that Albertus
Magnus accepts the Avicennian doctrine of second intentions and that
he sometimes also uses this vocabulary. In his commentary on the
Metaphysics, he repeats Avicenna s dictum that logic considers second
intentions established in things (. . .), thanks to which one obtains ways
to go from the known to the unknown.
78
This might well mean that
logical entities (i.e., the accidents or more precisely the relations that
75
De praedicamentis 1.3, p. 10, l.1016, and De sex principiis 1.1, p. 1, l.2444, and 2.6,
p. 28, l.1825.
76
De praedicamentis 1.1, p. 1, l.39p. 2, l.5.
77
De praedicamentis 1.5, p. 13, l.4651, and 7.12, p. 296B, and De Anima 3.3.2, p.
210, l.1820.
78
Metaphysica 1.1.1, p. 3, l.911. See Avicenna , Liber de philosophia prima sive scientia
divina 1.2, p. 10, l.7375.
90 bruno tremblay
exist between the already known and conceptualized things that are used
as principles of knowledge and the things that become known thanks
to the former) are always dened concretely in logic. Let us take the
example of a logical being at the core of the treatise of the Categories:
genus. The rst part of Porphyry s denition of genus is not relation or
order, but that which, quod, that is to say the known thing or nature
that is the subject to the accident that is generality.
79
The passage from
the commentary on the Metaphysics gives us the reason why in logic
the accidents of things that constitute the subject of the discipline are
dened concretely, as inherent to things, and not in an abstract way:
second intentions can become instrumental in the passage from the
known to the unknown only if they are incarnated in the things we
conceive. Logical generality, as an abstract accident conceived without
a subject, is of no use to allow us to know partially the essence of the
different kinds of animals: only the genus animal, that is to say the
notion of animal put in relation to its species, can.
Thus, one understands better Albert s concern to remind his reader
that the principles of the being of a thing are also its principles of
knowing:
80
too radical a dissociation would endanger the objectivity
and even the possibility of human rational knowledge. But the truth
of this saying requires for him an important distinction: it is only as it
becomes a mental representation or intentio and takes on the accidents
that are brought about by the rational process that a thing might
become for us an instrument or a principle of knowing and that it can
be studied by logic.
The Categories Is Concerned with Words
For Albert the Categories is concerned both with things and the notions
we have of them. But what about words, the third option that is often
put forth by Greek commentators as the subject of this work?
It is clear that for Albert words are not foreign to the subject of the
Categories, or at least to its consideration. If statements and arguments
are dened as signifying vocal sounds (voces), as they are in Aristotle
and in Alberts commentaries,
81
and if the Categories examines potential
79
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 3.3, p. 45, l.5669.
80
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 2.3, p. 23, l.513. See Aristotle, Physics 1.1, ed.
Henri Carteron (Paris, 1961), 184a1213.
81
See Aristotle, On Interpretation 4, ed. Laurent Minio-Paluello (Oxford, 1949),
albertus magnus: on the subject of a.
s CATEGORIES 91
elements of statements and arguments, as Albert tells us they do,
82
then
it seems quite logical to assume that the Categories is about some sort of
words. Moreover, if one describes this subject in terms of predicability,
and if one holds that logical predication takes place within a statement,
83
then it seems necessary that the said subject is somehow related to
words. Finally, although strictly speaking Albert does not adopt Boethius
denition to answer directly the question of the skopos of the Categories,
he does refer to it and he does so with obvious sympathy.
84
Despite all this, we should not conclude too hastily and without any
nuance that Albert identies the subject of the treatise with words. As
a good disciple of Avicenna , he denies explicitly and strongly in his
general introduction to logic that the subject of logic can be dened,
strictly speaking, in terms of words or vocal sounds.
85
Among his many
justications, one is especially worth mentioning here: the purely logi-
cal properties that we ascribe to words and statements do not belong
to them as words or statementsjust as, strictly speaking, they do not
belong to the things that exist in the external world and that the words
indirectly refer to, but only inasmuch as they are signs of what these
logical properties rst and foremost belong to, that is to say things as
conceived or known by us.
86
For example, we divide signifying vocal
sounds into complex and non-complex, but vocal sounds have these
properties only because they signify complex and non complex concep-
tions of the mind.
87
Interestingly, Albert repeats the same thing about the
logical property that is at the core of the Categories: logical universality
is essentially a property of intentiones or things as known, and not things
as named or things as they exist outside of our intellect.
88
Albert does not reject Boethius denition for one reason: it gives
him a chance to refer to a distinction he has already made in his
general introduction to logic. There Albert reminds his readers of
the experiential fact that we are not able to go from the known to the
16b2617a3, and Prior Analytics 1.1, ed. W. D. Ross (Oxford, 1964), 24a16b20, and
Albertus Magnus, Peri hermeneias 1.4.1, ed. Auguste Borgnet (Paris, 1890), p. 406A, and
Analytica priora 1.1.3, ed. Auguste Borgnet (Paris, 1890), p. 461.
82
De praedicamentis 1.1, p. 2, l.2536, and Peri hermeneias 1.1.1, p. 374B.
83
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 3.3, p. 46, l.4659.
84
De praedicamentis 1.1, p. 1, l.52p. 2, l.2. He also makes explicit use of Boethius
denition in Peri hermeneias 1.1.2, pp. 377B378A.
85
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 1.4 and 5.
86
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 1.4, p. 7, l.68p. 8, l.10.
87
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 1.5, p. 9, l.4067, and De praedicamentis 1.5, p. 12,
l.635.
88
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 1.5, p. 9, l.68p. 10, l.3.
92 bruno tremblay
unknown unless we use, externally or in our imagination, vocal signs of
our concepts.
89
Now since the Categories considers universals, and more
precisely universals as principles of knowing, and since universals can-
not concretely act as principles of knowing unless they are signied by
words, then the Categories will study and consider universals in relation
to words, as the property of predicability shows. But it must be kept in
mind that for Albertus Magnus words are not, properly speaking, the
ordinabilia that constitute the subject of the Categories.
As long as it is clearly understood that in logic things are considered
not in themselves but as foundations of our notions, and likewise words
and sentences are considered not in themselves but as signs of our
notions, Albert seems to think that it matters little whether one speaks
of the different subjects studied in logical treatises in terms of words,
concepts, or things. This learned indifference, so to speak, is particularly
obvious in his commentary on the Categories, in which the ten supreme
genera are successively alluded to in terms of things, notions, and
words.
90
This is an attitude which is in sharp contrast with the rigidity
found in some Neoplatonist commentators, such as Boethius .
91
It is
easy to understand that so much diversity in the way the subject of a
book is dened could make a commentator ill at ease, especially if he
wants to see the treatise as being more than a mere junk yard lled
with grammatical, logical, and metaphysical considerations which are
unable to produce a unied science. But one must be reminded of
the important role played by logical analogy in the thought of many
medieval thinkers, and we saw an example of this when briey discuss-
ing Alberts teachings on universality. If it is thanks to analogy that
one can understand the underlying unity of Aristotles Metaphysics,
92
may we not also think that if in the course of his commenting on the
Categories Albert ascribes the logical properties that he studies to things,
notions, and words, it is because they belong to them all, but not in
the same sense? The analogy that is at stake reminds us of the anal-
ogy between three main uses of the word healthy: strictly speaking
only living beings that accomplish their biological functions well are
healthy, but by analogy one can also call healthy what causes health
(e.g., a healthy food) and what manifests health (e.g., a healthy color).
89
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 1.4, p. 7, l.121.
90
See, among a great diversity of examples, 2.3, p. 24, l.1821, and 6.1, p. 130, l.3235.
91
See Boethius , In Categorias Aristotelis 1, p. 162AC.
92
Metaphysica 1.1.3.
albertus magnus: on the subject of a.
s CATEGORIES 93
In the same way, the notions of things are the essential subject of the
logical properties that are studied in the Categories, but by analogy one
can also attribute such properties to the extra-mental foundations or
to the vocal signs of these notions.
93
The Denition Of The Subject Of The Categories, Revisited
We are now in a better position to understand the meaning of the brief
and introductory denition of the subject of the Categories that is given
by Albert in the proemium of his commentary: what can be ordered
into a relation of predicability or subjectibility, inasmuch as it stands
under the vocal sound that signies this order. Although much more
could be said, the following distinctions can be established.
First, it should now be clear that, in Albert s mind, that which, strictly
speaking, can be related to something else as a subject or a predicate
is primarily a notion or a form as it exists in our mind, and as logi-
cal universality is added to it by reason when it tries to go from the
known to the unknown. One may also say that it is a thing or being
(or a principle of being), or a word, but such ascriptions are less strict
and presuppose analogy.
Second, the order or relationship that is at stake is necessarily pro-
duced by reason when, using a notion that it already possesses in
order to know something else, it grasps the already known thing as
inherent to the unknown thing and as able to be identied, as forma
totius, with the unknown thing and said of it through predication. The
known, which here is used as a principle of knowing in comparison
to the unknown, becomes then related to the unknown as a predicate,
and that to which the known nature is attributed becomes related to it
as a subject. The use of the notion of order (ordo), which adds to the
notion of relationship (ratio) the idea of before and after, is justied by
the fact that logically speaking a predicate is a principle of knowing
with regard to the subject, and as such it comes before.
94
These rela-
tionships of predicability and subjectibility are obviously actualized
only in the second act of reasoncomposition or division, through
93
De praedicamentis 7.6. See also Ethica 6.2.1, ed. Auguste Borgnet (Paris, 1891), pp.
407A408B.
94
De praedicamentis 1.1, p. 1, l.2238, and p. 2, l.3136; 7.1, p. 133, l.53p. 134, l.9,
and 12, p. 295A. See also Analytica priora 1.2.6, p. 495.
94 bruno tremblay
statements, of grasped natures, and the logical study that depends
on the rst act of reason examines these relationships inasmuch as
they exist in potency.
95
Third, even if in this denition subjectibility and predicability are
both explicitly present,
96
they do not seem to be on the same footing or
equally relevant for Albert , who in fact usually mentions only predica-
bility.
97
This is understandable given that: 1) in the strictest sense only
individual substances, and not natures as known, are subjects,
98
and only
natures as conceptualized or known, and not individual substances,
99
are predicates; 2) the notion of predicate includes all universal things
studied in the Categories whereas the notion of subject, even taken in a
looser sense, does not include the ten supreme genera; 3) the Categories
studies universals as principles of knowledge and order, and therefore
the ten supreme genera or univocal predicates, which are such principles
not only in regard to individual things but also to all other universals
within their category, get the lions share of the logicians attention;
100
4) universals are, as such, dened as predicates and not as subjects.
101
Fourth, the last part of the denition found in Albert s proemium
(inasmuch as it stands under the vocal sound that signies that order)
does not mean that the Categories studies rst and foremost words, or
that universals are examined through the grammatical and conventional
properties of the words that signify them. It merely states that since
we need the sensible signs that words are, whether they be spoken or
simply imagined, in order to think rationally (to go from the known
to the unknown), universals and the logical order that exists among
them can only be discovered and studied through their sensible, vocal
manifestation.
95
De praedicamentis 7.2, p. 136, l.814.
96
Probably to emphasize the fact that the Categories will provide material to build
statements, which are always made of a subject and a predicate. See De praedicamentis
1.1, p. 2, l.2536, and Peri hermeneias 1.1.1, p. 374B.
97
See for example Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 2.1, p. 17, l.632, and De
praedicamentis 1.1, p. 2, l.3136.
98
De praedicamentis 2.1, p. 20, l.4151, and p. 21, l.2939.
99
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 3.4, p. 48, l.42p. 49, l.21, and De praedicamentis
1.5, p. 13, l.2945.
100
De praedicamentis 1.7, p. 17, l.39.
101
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 4.2, p. 59, l.5764. Given everything that I
have tried to establish in this paragraph and in general throughout the paper, I really
cannot understand what E. P. Bos means when he writes that it is important to note
that by a praedicabile Albert means a thing of which something is or can be said (The
Division of Being over the Categories According to Albert the Great, Thomas Aquinas
and John Duns Scotus , p. 185) and that by category, Albert here means a thing of
which something is or can be said (John Versor s Albertism in his Commentaries on
Porphyry and the Categories, p. 56).
albertus magnus: on the subject of a.
s CATEGORIES 95
Even if our knowledge of thirteenth-century logic remains very par-
tial, Albert s general understanding of the subject of the Categories shows
that it is probably quite safe to say that this philosopher is a very clear
example of the shift in emphasis from words to concepts or intentions
that took place during that century,
102
even if words, as well as things,
remain important parts of the solution he proposes.
The Categories, The Isagoge and Metaphysics
I mentioned at the beginning of this paper at least one more question
which Albert s short denition of the subject of the Categories, considered
by itself, does not solve, and which requires further explanations. It is a
problem that, at rst, looks like a rather technical and not very signi-
cant one, but which opens the door to some very serious questioning.
This problem is the following: how does Albert distinguish the logical
consideration of universals found in the Categories from the one made
by Porphyry in his Isagoge?
Albert s usual answer is that the Isagoge studies the different relations
by means of which universals can be ordered, whereas the Categories
studies the ordered things themselves. And this makes sense given the
practical purpose he assigns to logic: to order the things that exist in
our thoughts, we must rst know the ve main relations of universality
or predicabilitythe task of the Isagoge
103
, but we must also know
the things that can be ordered according to these relationsthe task
assigned to the Categories.
104
Albert goes as far as to say that the Isagoge
102
Norman Kretzmann , History of Semantics, in The Encyclopedia of Philosophy,
ed. Paul Edwards (New York, 1967), vol. 7, p. 371. Thus I disagree with Giorgio Pini
(Categories and Logic in Duns Scotus , p. 27), who, in his very interesting survey of pre-Scotus
thirteenth-century views on logic and the Categories, says that Albert did not really apply
the Avicennian doctrine of second intentions to his understanding of the subject of
that work, and that such attempts would only come slightly after Albert. It is true that
Albert never uses the expression secunda intentio in his commentary on the Categories, and
that in Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 1.4 he states that the subject of logic is argu-
mentum and does not refer to that expression there either, and that an explanation must
indeed be found for that fact. As I have tried to show in this paper, however, Alberts
understanding of ordinabile and praedicabile, in his denition of the subject of the Categories,
is very clearly along the lines of Avicenna s description of the kind of being that logic
studies. It comes as no surprise to me to see that Albert would explicitly write, at a
point in his career when he had not yet begun to write commentaries in logic, that the
word genus names a second intention (Super libros sententiarum 1.13.A.1, ad 1).
103
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 2.1, p. 18, l.4056.
104
De praedicamentis 1.1, p. 1, l.2238.
96 bruno tremblay
considers accidents of things according to which things are classied in
genera, species, etc., and that the Categories studies the classied things
themselves.
105
This last description, in particular, is quite troubling, and
according to the way Albert himself understands logic, it might be like
saying that the Isagoge is a logical treatise but the Categories is not! Yet,
in every part of his logical corpus, Albert afrms that the Aristotelian
work is a logical treatise.
106
Although Albert is not extremely explicit on this, I think that for him
the difference between the logical consideration of universals conducted
in the Isagoge and that conducted in the Categories must be understood
as a distinction between what is more general and abstract, on the one
hand, and what is more particular and concrete, on the other hand.
107
In
his commentary on Porphyry ,
108
Albert writes that, unlike the Categories,
the Isagoge considers universals as predicable, which in this particular
passage does not simply mean that the Isagoge is not interested in uni-
versals in re or ante rem, but that it is interested in dening the ve main
modes of logical universality or predicability in general, whatever the
things that are universal and predicable may be. This would be why,
in Alberts view,
109
Porphyry begins his denitions with a vague that
which, quod: a genus is that under which a species is placed, is that
which is predicated of specically different things, in saying what they
are, etc. The ve different modes of universality or predicability can
belong to most things the mind conceives, and this is why one cannot
dene what a genus is using the notion of animal or living being,
for instance. The Categories, on the other hand, is interested in logical
properties that belong to precise notions or conceptualized things or
natures. The logical inquiry into substance, for example, studies the
logical properties that belong to substance as this specic universal post
rem, and not necessarily to every genus.
110
So in that sense the Categories
105
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 2.1, p. 18, l.2429.
106
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 1.7, p. 15, l.2334; 2.1, p. 18, l.2350; De prae-
dicamentis 1.1; De sex principiis 1.1, p. 1, l.640; Peri hermeneias 1.1.1, p. 374B; etc.
107
Robert Kilwardby might have the same distinction in mind when he writes at
the beginning of his commentary on the Categories that after the consideration of the
universals that took place in Porphyry s Isagoge, the logician must now go down to the
predicaments themselves, which is what is done in the Categories. See Robert Kilwardby,
Notulae super librum Praedicamentorum, proemium.
108
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 2.1, p. 17, l.632. See also De praedicamentis 1.1,
p. 1, l.2430.
109
Super Porphyrium De V universalibus 3.3, p. 46, l.68p. 47, l.18.
110
De praedicamentis 2.6, p. 31, l.16. See also the general statement made in 1.1, p. 2,
albertus magnus: on the subject of a.
s CATEGORIES 97
studies the different known things themselves that are predicable, but
it remains a logical consideration.
But important problems remain, the most important of which is,
I think, that Albert sees in the Aristotelian treatise long passages in
which extra-mental properties of categories are discussed. The very
fundamental chapter on substance, for example, contains, according
to Albert, rst an enumeration of the logical properties of substance,
and then an enumeration of objective or extra-mental properties.
111
He mentions that the former comes rst in the text because it belongs
more properly to a logical work like the Categories, but he accepts the
presence of the latter without protesting. Why? Answering this ques-
tion will require a very careful examination of the commentary, which
cannot be done here.
112
It is interesting to see, however, how strong an
advocate of Avicenna s views on logic Albert was, and how he tried to
apply them to the Categories, which the tradition classies as a logical
work. But at the same time we are told by Avicennian scholars that in
the yet untranslated Categories of his Shifa, Avicenna himself strongly
questions this classication.
113
In such circumstances, one wishes one
could rewrite history and make a Latin translation of Avicennas
commentary available to Albert the Great, just to see what fruits this
confrontation of ideas might have borne.
l.6267, which I think must be interpreted in the same light: (. . .) inasmuch as they
[= the natures or forms that are studied in the Categories] are something which can be
predicated or ordered within a genus according to this or that way of being a predicate
or a subject, (. . .) they have many properties and characteristics ( passiones) that can be
demonstrated of them. And this is how we will treat of them here. (My emphasis.)
111
De praedicamentis, 2.6, p. 31, l.16.
112
Among all the different justications given by Albert for a logical consideration
of apparently metaphysical or natural matterssee for example De praedicamentis 2.12,
p. 45, l.1439; 6.1, p. 130, l.2841; 7.1, p. 133, l.1742; 7.4, p. 278; and 7.13, 297A,
some seem at rst sight a little unsatisfying, and obviously call for a more serious and
in-depth consideration. Just like the short denition of the subject of the Categories
that one nds in Alberts proemium, some of these short explanations seem to be quite
standard for the time (see for example the proemium of Kilwardbys Notulae super librum
Praedicamentorum) and would require a separate study of their own in order for us to
fully comprehend what precise meaning Albert gives them.
113
Dimitri Gutras, Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition (Leiden, 1988), pp. 265267;
Ibrahim Madkour , Le trait des Catgories du Shifa, Mlanges de lInstitut dominicain
dtudes orientales du Caire 5 (1958), 253278; A. I. Sabra , Avicenna on the Subject
Matter of Logic, p. 764.
INTERCONNECTED LITERAL COMMENTARIES
ON THE CATEGORIES IN THE MIDDLE AGES
Robert Andrews
Literal commentaries on Aristotles Categories from the Middle Ages
have certain conditions which make them less attractive to the modern
researcher than comparable question commentaries.
1
Literal commen-
taries analyze an authoritative text line by line, so that less interesting
passages often get just as much attention as important ones, and impor-
tant passages may be handled perfunctorily. For the modern investiga-
tor, philosophical debates need to be teased out of the text rather than
presenting themselves organized into questions. For an editor, different
literal commentaries can be confusingly alike, leading to conation and
misattribution. For a translator, literal commentaries are almost impos-
sible to translate smoothly or pleasingly to the modern ear. (Attempts
can be seen in the translations of Aquinas s various Aristotelian com-
mentaries). Finally, the sheer mass of detailed comment, of varying
import, can overwhelm an unaccustomed researcher.
However, these perceived disadvantages carry with them concomi-
tant advantages. Literal commentaries are exhaustive in their analyses,
including even minor points of exegesis which might be of interest to
a scholar. Their format is systematic, so that a researcher knows where
to nd the locus for a philosophical discussion extending over several
centuries. (Discussions of the nature of number, for example, are to be
found in the Categories at 4b26.) Trails of traditions, translations, biases,
and inuences are all laid clear. And literal commentaries still provide
some focus on important issues by means of inserted dubia regarding
disputed topics. Ultimately, the greatest advantage of the medieval
working and re-working of this sort of detailed commentary is that it
1
For the relative advantages of question commentaries, see Robert Andrews ,
Question Commentaries on the Categories in the Thirteenth Century, in Medioevo:
Rivista di storie della losoa medievale 26 (2000), 141183. Silvia Donati proposes a nuanced
classication of questions, in Per lo studio dei commenti alla Fisica del XIII secolo.
I: Commenti di probabile origine inglese degli anni 12501270 ca., Documenti e Studi
sulla Tradizione Filosoca Medievale II, 2 (1991), 3845.
100 robert andrews
results in a thorough understanding of the text, one that is illuminating
of both the original work as well as of the medieval psyche.
For these reasons, to begin to provide entrance to the treasury of
material to be found in medieval literal commentaries, I shall show some
of the features of an interconnected tradition among literal Categories
commentaries of the late 13th and early 14th centuries. I shall do so
by centering on a work by a relatively obscure commentator active at
the University of Paris, Peter of Saint-Amour , showing his style, method,
derivations, originality, traditions, and inuences, and his connection to
other authors within the same historical progression, including Gerard
of Nogent , Siger of Courtrai , and Thomas of Erfurt .
1. Peter of Saint-Amour , Life and Works
Not much is known about the life of Peter of Saint-Amour . The most
established information about his life seems to be that he was a Master
of Arts at the University of Paris, and that in 1281 he was rector
there.
2
In a pamphlet from 1902, M. Perrod
3
tried to argue that Peter
can be identied with the Peter of Saint-Amour who was nephew of
William of Saint-Amour , but this identication has been refuted by
Fr. Gauthier.
4
The works of Peter of Saint-Amour , besides the Sententia supra librum
Praedicamentorum in Paris Bibl. Nat., nouv. acq. lat. 1374 ff. 13rb34rb,
include the anking commentaries on Porphyry s Isagoge (ff. 1ra9rb)
and Aristotles De interpretatione (ff. 34rb48vb). Other Perihermenias
commentary versions are dismissed by Tabarroni .
5
Catalog records
also report commentaries on the Posterior Analytics and De generatione
et corruptione by Peter.
6
Barbara Faes de Mottoni claims to have found
2
Chartularium Universitatis Pariensis I, Heinrich Denie and Emile Chatelain, eds.
(Paris,18891897), pp. 5889 n. 503.
3
M. Perrod , Pierre de Saint-Amour, recteur de lUniversit de Paris, chanoine de Mcon,
archidiacre de Vauxrenard (Besanon, 1902). Perrod is likely the source of Glorieux s note:
Pierre de Saint-Amour. Pierre Bellison. Neveu de Guillaume de Saint-Amour. Ds
1250 chanoine de Saint-Vincent de Mcon. Recteur de lUniversit en 1281. Mort le
1er juin 1295; P. Glorieux, La Facult des artes et ses matres au XIII
e
sicle (Paris, 1971).
4
Thomas de Aquino, Expositio libri Peryermenias. Opera omnia I,1, Editio altera retracta
(Rome: Commissio Leonina, 1989) 74*.
5
Andrea Tabarroni , Lo pseudo Egidio (Guglielmo Arnaldi) e uninedita continu-
azione del commento di Tommaso al Perihermenias, Medioevo 14 (1988), 391403.
6
Charles H. Lohr , Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries. Authors: Narcissus
Richardus, Traditio 28 (1972), 371.
interconnected literal commentaries 101
excerpts from the Posterior Analytics commentary in Vatican Bibl. Apost.
Pal. lat. 1009;
7
another manuscript, Vienna Nationalbibl. Pal. 5366,
8
contains a Posterior Analytics commentary explicitly attributed to Peter,
which Tabarroni
9
reports is close to but not identical with the text
printed in Faes de Mottoni.
One sophism, Nihil est contingens, is explicitly attributed to Saint-
Amour in Vatican lat. 14812 ff. 5r6r; he may as well be the author
of the two preceding sophisma on folios 1r5r.
10
2. Peter of Saint-Amour s
Sententia supra librum Praedicamentorum
A surprising number of manuscript copies of commentaries on the
Categories have been attributed to Peter. In his introduction to Thomas
Aquinas on the Perihermenias, Fr. Gauthier
11
suggests several new texts
by Peter: Munich Clm 8002 ff. 88va98va; Vatican Bibl. Apost. Pal.
lat. 1007 ff. 11ra21ra; Paris Arsenal 530 ff. 16ra21va; Oxford Merton
College 296 ff. 7r 23v; and a fragment contained on f. 142r of Munich
Clm 14763. Among these the strongest case lies with the fragmentary
Munich Clm 14763, which is explicitly attributed to Peter: Explicit
liber Praedicamentorum editus a Petro de Sancto Amore. This same
fragment is credited to Peter by Lohr .
12
However, Tabarroni
13
refutes
these attributions; the incipits and explicits that he reproduces do not
correspond with the Peter of Saint-Amour text of Paris Bibl. Nat.,
nouv. acq. lat. 1374.
7
Barbara Faes de Mottoni, Il commento di Pietro di S. Amore agli Analitici Posteriori
ritrovato?, Studi Medievali 27 (1986), 383405.
8
Cf. M. Markowski , Repertorium commentariorum medii aevi in Aristotelem latinorum quae
in bibliothecis Wiennae asservantur. Opera philosophorum medii aevi, Textus et studia (Wroclaw,
1985), p. 264.
9
Andrea Tabarroni , Lo pseudo Egidio (Guglielmo Arnaldi) e uninedita continu-
azione del commento di Tommaso al Perihermenias, Medioevo 14 (1988), 400 n. 42.
10
Cf. Siger de Brabant, crits de logique, de morale et de physique, Bernardo Bazn, ed.
Philosophes Mdivaux xiv (Louvain-la-neuve,1974), pp. 78.
11
Thomas de Aquino, Expositio libri Peryermenias. Opera omnia I,1, Editio altera retracta
(Rome, 1989), pp. 73*74*.
12
Charles H. Lohr , Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries. Authors: Narcissus
Richardus, Traditio 28 (1972), 3701.
13
Andrea Tabarroni , Lo pseudo Egidio (Guglielmo Arnaldi) e uninedita continu-
azione del commento di Tommaso al Perihermenias, Medioevo 14 (1988), 3934.
102 robert andrews
Tabarroni
14
also provides the service of showing that the text of
Paris BN 1374 is indeed authentically by Peter of Saint-Amour . He
nds in a Notabilia super Porphyrium in the same manuscript an allusion to
Peters doctrine:
Anonymus (H. de Brox?) Notabilia super Porphyrium, Paris Bibl. Nat., nouv. acq.
lat. 1374 f. 55vb: Tertio modo potest exponi, ut exponit magister Petrus
de Sancto Amore, et hoc sic: sub gura appellationis, id est sub simili signi-
catione appellantis ad appellatum, quia res signicata est una, quamvis
differenter consideratur, quae importatur et designatur nomine generis,
speciei, et differentiae, et individui.
Petrus de Sancto Amore Sententia supra librum Praedicamentorum, Paris Bibl. Nat.,
nouv. acq. lat. 1374 f. 17vb: Et ideo exponatur sic littera (3b15): autem, pro
sed, videtur in secundis substantiis hoc aliquid signicare sub gura appellationis,
id est sub similitudine termini appellantis ad terminum appellatum, quia
utraque imponuntur in singulari numero.
15
Peter of Saint-Amour s Sententia supra librum Praedicamentorum is thus extant
in a single manuscript, Paris Bibl. Nat., nouv. acq. lat. 1374 ff. 13rb34rb.
The manuscript has been previously described by Delisle
16
and Senko .
17
A marginal note on f. 109v dates an early ownership to 1330.
In structure, the Sententia supra librum Praedicamentorum is a literal com-
mentary with inserted dubia and notabilia.
18
The format is rather invari-
ant: rst, a division of the text (the rst paragraph after the Prooemium
is a division of the entire book), providing explicit lemmata for the sub-
divisions; then each subdivision of the text is analyzedusually both
summarized and reported word for word, with interposed clarifying
paraphrases. For example, in explaining 10a4, the author writes:
14
Ibid., 3989.
15
References to the text of the Categories within my edition are indicated by the
Bekker number in parentheses, thusly: (7a17). My procedure has been to italicize the
interposed text of Aristotle, as done in the edition of the Metaphysics commentary
of Albert the Great (Albertus Magnus Metaphysica, libros quinque priores, ed. B. Geyer,
Alberti Magni Opera omnia XVI,1, Aschendorff, 1960). The spelling presented in the
editions is normalized. The rudimentary punctuation of the manuscripts has served
as a guide without obligation.
16
L. Delisle , Manuscrits divers acquis par la Bibliothque Nationale en 1876, 1877
et 1878, Mlanges de Palographie et de Bibliographie (Paris, 1880), pp. 46971. In edition
it is 61000 words long.
17
W. Senko , Repertorium commentariorum medii aevi in Aristotelem latinorum quae in Bibliothecis
publicis Parisiis asservantur. Opera philosophorum medii aevi, Textus et studia tom. 5 fasc. 12
(Warsaw, 1982), pp. 1036.
18
The colophon entitles the work Sententia et etiam notabilia supra librum Praedica-
mentorum.
interconnected literal commentaries 103
And then the Philosopher continues, saying that not only those qualities
which arise from passions are called transient qualities, but Similarly any
aberrations, that is externalities or affections, not naturally,supply are in
the soul, but are made from some other circumstances which are difcult to
change; also such things are called qualities. And he proves this, because
according to those we are called qualities.
The author dissects Aristotles text in great detail, and often parses the
arguments into syllogisms, supplying missing premises or conclusions.
Following each section are dubia and notabilia. The notabilia are the
commentators didactic remarks on the text. The dubia raise problems,
which are immediately answered. These may occur singly or in a series,
and at the most complex there may be a series of counter-objections
and successive responses. Although at the time this commentary was
written the genre of question commentaries on the Categories was well
established, this work maintains the older literal commentary format,
and never rises to the complexity and freedom of the question com-
mentary genre.
Nothing is known about the composition or presentation of the work,
but it may have been presented as a lecture:
Amplius si convenienter (7a31). In parte ista, quia tota die locutus est
de convenienti et inconvenienti assignatione, et ista non multum sunt
manifesta, ideo hic ostendit quid per ipsa intelligat.
Authors of three other commentaries seem to belong to the same tradi-
tion of literal Categories commentaries as Peter of Saint-Amour : Gerard
of Nogent , Siger of Courtrai , and Thomas of Erfurt .
3. Gerard of Nogent s
Glossulae supra librum Praedicamentorum Aristotelis
The attribution to Gerard of Nogent of the Logica vetus commentary
considered here is uncertain; it is in competition with an unspecied
Durandus (and the Perihermenias commentary contained in it was some-
times credited to Thomas Aquinas ).
19
Gerard of Nogent, like Peter of
Saint-Amour , was Rector at the University of Paris, in 1292. However,
his Categories commentary shows signs of being earlier than Peters,
19
Cf. Thomas de Aquino, Expositio libri Peryermenias, Opera omnia I,1, Editio altera
retracta (Rome, 1989), p. 75*.
104 robert andrews
which is comprehensible since it is known that Gerard was resident
earlier in Paris, between 1253 and 1274.
20
The only work which with
certainty can be attributed to Gerard is a commentary Super librum
Posteriorum. The manuscript of the Categories commentary from which
I transcribe is Padova Bantoniana XX.480 ff. 7vb25vb; it is extant
also in Escorial BReal f.III.24, ff. 144v, Milano BTrivulziana 753
(H 67), ff. 174, Oxford Merton College 261, ff. 72112, Paris Bib. Nat.
Mazarine 3523, ff. 1r56v, Paris BN lat. 15005, ff. 206249,
21
and Paris
BN lat. 16618 f.125seqq.
22
A conation in the Milan manuscript with
some material associated with John of Seccheville is discussed by P. O.
Lewry .
23
Despite the uncertainty of attribution I shall continue to refer
to the work as by Gerard of Nogent.
24
4. Siger of Courtrai s Commentarium in Categorias
Siger of Courtrai is well known from the early collection of his works
in Les Philosophes Belges
25
and the complete edition of his Perihermeneias
commentary by C. Verhaak .
26
As well a number of his modistic texts
are available.
27
His Categories commentary discussed here is found
20
Charles H. Lohr , Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries. Authors AF, Traditio
23 (1967), 1623.
21
This manuscript is incomplete; it is described in W. Senko , Repertorium commentari-
orum medii aevi in Aristotelem latinorum quae in Bibliothecis publicis Parisiis asservantur, in Opera
philosophorum medii aevi, Textus et studia tom. 5 fasc. 12 (Warsaw, 1982), p. 185.
22
Described in W. Senko , Repertorium commentariorum medii aevi in Aristotelem latinorum
quae in Bibliothecis publicis Parisiis asservantur, in Opera philosophorum medii aevi, Textus et studia
tom. 5 fasc. 12 (Warsaw, 1982), p. 78.
23
P. O. Lewry , Robertus Anglicus and the Italian Kilwardby, in English Logic in
Italy in the 14th and 15th Centuries, Acts of the 5th European Symposium on Medieval
Logic and Semantics, Rome, 1014 November 1980, ed. A. Maier (Naples, 1982),
pp. 345.
24
Bits of this work have been printed in Robert Andrews , Peter of Auvergne s Commentary
on Aristotles Categories: Edition, Translation, and Analysis, Dissertation: Cornell University
1988 and in Ioannes Duns Scotus , Quaestiones in Isagogen Porphyrii et Quaestiones super
Praedicamenta Aristotelis, eds. R. Andrews, G. Etzkorn, G. Gl, R. Green, T. Noone, and
R. Wood (Opera philosophica vol. I) (New York, 1999).
25
G. Wallerand , Les oeuvres de Siger de Courtrai (Les Philosophes Belges, VIII) (Louvain,
1913).
26
Siger de Courtraco, Expositio in librum Aristotelis Perihermeneias, in Zeger van Kortrijk,
Commentator van Perihermeneias, edited with an introduction by C. Verhaak (Brussels, 1964).
27
Siger de Courtraco, Summa modorum signicandi, Sophismata. New edition by Jan
Pinborg . Sophisma IV: Album potest esse nigrum (Amsterdam Studies in the Theory and History
of Linguistic Science. Series III, Studies in the History of Linguistics 14) (Amsterdam, 1977).
interconnected literal commentaries 105
in two manuscripts, Erfurt SB Amplon. F.135, ff. 91ra139v,
28
and
Venice BMarc. lat. VI 21, ff. 92r158v. Brief passages from this work
have been published.
29
Siger was a Master of Arts in Paris in 1309,
and died in 1341.
30
Pinborg dates his commentary on the Categories to
13001320.
31
5. Thomas of Erfurt s Expositio
super librum Praedicamentorum
Thomas of Erfurt was active in the rst quarter of the fourteenth
century. His De modis signicandi gained lasting impact because of its
misattribution to Duns Scotus .
32
Little is known of his life; inuences
on his work suggest that he was educated at the University of Paris,
and later documents place him in Erfurt, Germany.
33
His Expositio super
librum Praedicamentorum exists in four manuscripts: Erfurt SB Amplon.
Q.266, ff. 8ra20rb; Leipzig UB 1356, ff. 9ra18rb; Mnchen SB Clm.
4378, ff. 29r 66v; Mnchen SB Clm. 14458, ff. 119ra133ra.
34
28
Described in Mieczyslaw Markowski , Repertorium commentatorium medii aevi in
Aristotelem Latinorum quae in Bibliotheca Amploniana Erffordiae asservantur (Polska Akademia
nauk, Instytut lozoi i socjologii) (Wroclaw, 1987), pp. 1734.
29
Robert Andrews , Peter of Auvergne s Commentary on Aristotles Categories: Edition,
Translation, and Analysis, Dissertation: Cornell University 1988 and in Ioannes Duns Scotus ,
Quaestiones in Isagogen Porphyrii et Quaestiones super Praedicamenta Aristotelis, eds. R. Andrews,
G. Etzkorn, G. Gl, R. Green, T. Noone, and R. Wood . (Opera philosophica vol. I) (New
York, 1999).
30
C. Lohr , Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries. Authors: Robertus Wilgelmus,
Traditio 29 (1973), 138; C. Verhaak , Zeger van Kortrijk, Commentator van Perihermeneias
(Brussels, 1964), pp. xxiixxix.
31
Jan Pinborg , Die Logik der Modistae, Studia Mediewistyczne 16 (1975), 3997, p. 42.
32
Thomas of Erfurt , Grammatica Speculativa. An Edition with Translation and Commentary,
ed. G. L. Bursill-Hall (London, 1972).
33
Information about his life may be found in Snke Lorenz , Studium Generale Erfordense.
Zum Erfurter Schulleben im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert (Monographien zur Geschichte des
Mittelalters, 34) (Stuttgart, 1989), pp. 31225. See also Jack Zupko s article online in
the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/erfurt/.
34
This work is discussed in Robert Andrews , Thomas of Erfurt on the Categories
in Philosophy, in Was ist Philosophie im Mittelalter? Akten des X. Internationalen
Kongresses fr mittelalterliche Philosophie der Socit Internationale pour lEtude de
la Philosophie Mdivale, 25. bis 30. August 1997 in Erfurt, edited by Jan A. Aertsen
and Andreas Speer (Miscellanea Mediaevalia 26) (Berlin, 1998), pp. 8018. Its edited
version is 54000 words.
106 robert andrews
6. Interconnections among the Commentaries
Peter of Saint-Amour s work was not written in isolation. It is demon-
strable that his commentary imitated other writers, and it in turn
was imitated by successors. This is not at all unusual. Medieval literal
commentaries (transgressing against modern taste) are often highly
derivative. In composing a literal commentary, many authors took some
predecessors text as a template upon which to elaborate, embellish, and
expand. The modern disdain for plagiarism is an inverse of medieval
values, for in the medieval world tradition was respected rather than
innovation; what was new was unproven and suspect, while the old
was established, authoritative, and time-honored. This is reected in
the medieval practice of only referring to antiquated authorities like
Aristotle or Boethius by name, referring to contemporaries instead as
some people (aliqui ) or certain ones (quidam).
It is clear that there is an interconnection among the commentaries
by the authors Gerard of Nogent (writing c. 127080), Peter of Saint-
Amour (c. 127080), Siger of Courtrai (c. 130020), and Thomas of
Erfurt (c. 130025). Other commentaries, attributed or anonymous, may
be added to the list. The similarities are such that the works sometimes
have been confused with each other. Several scholars have noticed the
similarities between the Categories commentaries of Siger of Courtrai and
Thomas of Erfurt.
35
Verhaak observes that the Thomas manuscripts are
in many cases identical with Sigers commentary, and says that these
manuscripts represent a different recension of the texts ascribed to
Siger.
36
Verhaaks conclusion is that the two commentaries show traces
of having derived from a common older expositio. Also, despite all the
manuscripts Fr. Gauthier attributes to Peter of Saint-Amour, only one is
authentic, but the other manuscripts exhibit considerable similarities.
In what follows I shall show that these commentaries belong to a
long tradition of imitation and accretion in which each writer builds
upon what has gone before, rening the analysis and adding original
material.
35
For example, Stephan Grotz in his introduction to his translation of De Modis
Signicandis: Stephan Grotz, translator, Thomas von Erfurt, Abhandlung ber die bedeutsamen
Verhaltensweisen der Sprache (Tractatus De modis signicandi) (Amsterdam, 1998), p. vii,
n. 1.
36
Siger de Courtraco, Expositio in librum Aristotelis Perihermeneias, in Zeger van Kortrijk,
Commentator van Perihermeneias, edited with an introduction by C. Verhaak (Brussels,
1964), pp. cxxixcxxx.
interconnected literal commentaries 107
7. Truth (2a8)
I shall begin with the history of a typical passage, an inserted note
prompted by Aristotles passage at 2a8 where he remarks that only
complete sentences are true or falseindividual components of sen-
tences (such as the terms which fall under the categories) are neither
true nor false. I set in juxtaposition the treatment of this passage in
four authors, beginning with Gerard of Nogent .
Gerardus de Nogento
Glossulae supra librum Praedicamentorum Aristotelis
Ms. Padova Bantoniana XX.480 f. 9vb
Secundo notandum quod supra passum istum dicit Boethius
37
quod
duplex est veritas. Quaedam est quae est adaequatio rei et intellectus
cognitione.
38
Et loquendo de tali, nullum illorum est verum vel falsum.
Alia est veritas quae est rei entitas. Et de tali dicitur quod verum et ens
convertuntur.
39
Et hoc modo quodlibet illorum potest dici verum.
40
Gerard has the simplest approach. He wishes to note that there is a sense
of truth which derives from the so-called transcendental terms (drawn
from Aristotles Metaphysics II,1 993b3031), a sense in which there is a
convertibility among being, truth, and goodness: whatever has being is
good; whatever is good is true; whatever is true has being. Of course in
this sense even the single terms which fall under the categories may be
said to be true. Another sense is the traditional one of adaequatio rei et
37
Immo Albertus Magnus, Liber de Praedicamentis I,7 (1890) 165b: Et hoc est verum
de hoc vero quod est adaequatio rerum complexarum cum intellectu componente vel
dividente. . . . Possunt tamen alio modo esse vera vel falsa, secundum quod verum dicimus
purum, alienae naturae non permixtum, vel existens et non apparens tantum.
38
Cf. Avicenna, Metaph. I, 8 (1977) 55; Bonav., Sent. I d. 40 a. 2 q. 1 in corp. (I
707b nota 5); Thomas Aquinas , De veritate q. 1 a. 1 (XXII1) 6; Robertus Grosseteste,
De veritate propositionis (1912) 144: Veritas enim sermonis vel opinionis est adaequatio
sermonis vel opinionis et rei; cf. J. T. Muckle , Isaac Israelis Denition of Truth,
Archives dhistoire doctrinale et littraire du Moyen Age 8 (1933), 58.
39
Cf. Aristoteles, Metaph. II,1 993b3031; Jacqueline Hamesse , Auctoritates Aristotelis,
Senecae, Boethii, Platonis, Apulei et quorundam aliorum (Louvain) 1974, p. 118 (42):
Unumquodque sicut se habet ad entitatem, sic se habet ad veritatem.
40
In the second place it should be noted about this passage (2a8) that Boethius
says that there are two kinds of truth. One kind is a correspondence of thing and the
intellect in comprehending; and in this sense none of these is either true or false. The other
kind of truth is the same as the being of a thing, as when it is said that truth and being
are convertible (993b30); and in this way each of them can be said to be true.
108 robert andrews
intellectus, the correspondence between intellect and thing, and in this
sense single terms are not true. This denition has a long history,
41
but
it does not occur in Boethius , to whom Gerard misattributes it.
Petrus de Sancto Amore
Sententia supra librum Praedicamentorum
Ms. Paris BN 1374 f. 15va
Secundo notandum quod supra istum passum dicit Boethius quod
duplex est veritas. Quaedam est quae est adaequatio rei et intellectus
cognitione. Et dico cum cognitione, quia si intellectus non cognoscaret
rem, non posset apprehendere neque adaequari rei. Et per oppositum,
falsitas est inadaequatione rei et intellectus. Et sic loquendo, nullum
istorum est verum vel falsum.
Alia est veritas quae est rei entitas. Et de tali dicit Philosophus
42
secundo
Metaphysicae quod ens et verum convertuntur. Et hoc modo quodlibet
istorum potest dici verum.
43
Peter clearly bases his analysis on Gerard, but he inserts several clarify-
ing additions. Like Gerard, he falsely credits the distinction to Boethius .
He has the same term cognitione in the traditional denition adaequa-
tio rei et intellectus, but appends the clarication that this is because a
true correspondence depends on cognition, not intellect alone. Then
Peter inverts the denition to apply it to falsity, which is the lack of
correspondence between intellect and thing. Finally, Peter provides
the specic reference of Aristotles Metaphysics Book II for the appeal
to transcendentals. Peters account is basically Gerards, with inserted
clarications.
41
Cf. J. T. Muckle , Isaac Israelis Denition of Truth, Archives dhistoire doctrinale et
littraire du Moyen Age 8 (1933), 58.
42
Aristoteles, Metaph. II,1 993b3031; Hamesse , Auctoritates Aristotelis, p. 118 (42):
Unumquodque sicut se habet ad entitatem, sic se habet ad veritatem.
43
In the second place it should be noted about this passage (2a8) that Boethius
says that there are two kinds of truth. One kind is a correspondence of thing and the
intellect in comprehending. I say in comprehending, because if the intellect does not
comprehend a thing, it can neither understand nor correspond to the thing. Conversely,
falsity is a lack of correspondence between thing and intellect. In this sense none of
them is either true or false. The other kind of truth is the same as the being of a thing.
In this sense Aristotle in the second book of the Metaphysics says that being and truth
are convertible (993b30); and in this way either of them can be said to be true.
interconnected literal commentaries 109
Siger of Courtrai
Commentarium in Categorias
Ms. Venice M L. VI. 21 f. 111vb
Ad evidentiam huius partis est intelligendum quod duplex est veritas,
una scilicet quae est natura rei entitatis, quae est adaequatio rei ad sua
principia. Et isto modo quodlibet ens est verum, quia quodlibet illorum
habet naturam rei entitatem.
Alia est veritas quae causatur ex compositione vel divisione aliquorum
adinvicem. Et illa quae sic sunt vera non sunt in praedicamento, quia
omnia quae sunt in praedicamento sunt incomplexa, ut probatum est.
44
In his rst distinction, Siger conates the transcendental and the cor-
respondence senses of truth: transcendental truth is the adaequatio rei ad
sua principia. For the second limb of his distinction he appeals (without
reference) to the denition of truth found in Aristotles De interpretatione
16a1213: circa compositionem enim et divisionem est falsitas veritasque. A
similar but tripartite distinction is also to be found in Sigers De interpre-
tatione commentary: transcendental truth, correspondence truth, and the
truth arising from composition and division.
45
Compared with Gerard
and Peter, Siger employs much the same terminology, but incorporates
it into a new result.
Thomas de Erfordia
Expositio super librum Praedicamentorum
Mss. Erfurt SB Amplon. Q.266 [= E] f. 9vb; Leipzig UB 1356 [= L] f. 10rb;
Mnchen SB Clm. 4378 [= M] f. 34v; Mnchen SB Clm. 14458 [= N] f. 121rb
Notandum quod aliquis posset instare: verum et ens convertuntur; sed
unumquodque praedicamentorum signicat ens; ergo signicat verum,
ut videtur.
44
In explaining this part (2a8) it should be understood that that there are two
kinds of truth. One kind is the same as the nature of the being of a thing, which is
the correspondence of a thing to its principles. In this sense each thing is true, because
each thing has the nature of the being of a thing. The other kind of truth is that
which is caused by the composition or division [of expressions], and what is true in
this sense is not within a category, because anything within a category is simple, as
has been shown.
45
Siger de Courtraco, Expositio in librum Aristotelis Perihermeneias, in Zeger van Kortrijk,
Commentator van Perihermeneias, edited with an introduction by C. Verhaak (Brussels,
1964) in 16a1213: Et est sciendum quod veritas potest accipi tripliciter. Uno modo
secundum quod est passio entis; et isto modo verum convertitur cum ente, nec isto
modo accipitur hic. Alio modo potest accipi ut est passio intellectus; in isto modo non
pertinet ad librum istum sed magis ad librum De Anima. Alio modo potest accipi ut
signicatur et repraesentatur per vocem; et isto modo accipitur hic cum dicitur circa
compositionem et divisionem etcetera.
110 robert andrews
Dicendum quod duplex est veritas: quaedam est veritas quae est idem
quod pura et impermixta rei entitas, sicut dicimus illud est unum verum
quod est purum et natura aliqua impermixtum. De ista veritate loquitur
Philosophus secundo Metaphysicae
46
quando dicit quod omnino sicut
res se habent ad entitatem, sic se habent ad veritatem; quia sicut ens
et verum convertuntur, sic entitas et veritas. Et in isto modo concludit
argumentum.
Alia est veritas quae causatur ex compositione et divisione praedicati
cum subiecto vel a subiecto, de qua veritate dicit Philosophus primo
Perihermenias
47
quod circa compositionem et divisionem consistit
veritas vel falsitas. Quam veritatem etiam Boethius et Commentator
48
secundo Metaphysicae sic deniunt: quod veritas est adaequatio rei et
intellectus, id est conformitas intellectus cum re extra. Et de illa veritate
intendit Philosophus cum dicit Singula praedicamentorum secundum se
non sunt vera neque falsa (2a5) etc.
49
Thomas passage is the most complex of all. He formulates the issue
as an objection (aliquis posset instare) to Aristotles claim that categori-
cal items are neither true nor false: true and being convert (transcen-
dentally); anything within a category is a being, and so therefore true.
Thomas distinction is basically Sigers : the two types of truth are
transcendental or caused by composition and division. However, in
his description of transcendental truth he (like Peter of Saint-Amour )
gives the reference to Aristotles Metaphysics, as well as the full aucto-
46
Aristoteles, Metaph. II,1 993b3031; Hamesse , Auctoritates Aristotelis, p. 118 (42):
Unumquodque sicut se habet ad entitatem, sic se habet ad veritatem.
47
Aristoteles, De interp. 1 16a1213: Circa compositionem enim et divisionem est
falsitas veritasque.
48
Cf. Averroes, In Aristotelis Librum II Metaphysicorum Commentarius com. 1, ed. Darms
(Freiburg, 1966) 53.1656.67, sed non ad rem.
49
It should be noted that someone might object, thusly: Truth and being are
convertible; but each category signies being; therefore each category signies truth.
In response to this it should be said that that there are two kinds of truth. One kind
is truth which is the same as the pure and unmixed being of a thing, just as we say that
which is one [and] true is pure and unmixed with another nature. The Philosopher
speaks of this sense of truth in the second book of the Metaphysics when he says that
each thing is ordered to being in just the way that it is ordered to truth, because just
as being and the true are convertible, so are [the abstracts] being and truth. In this
way the objection is resolved.
The other kind of truth is that which is caused by the composition of the predicate
with the subject, or the division of the predicate from the subject. Aristotle speaks of
this kind of truth in the rst book of De interpretatione (16a12) when he says that truth
and falsity belong to composition and division. Also Boethius , and Averroes on the
second book of the Metaphysics, dene this sort of truth as correspondence of thing
and intellect, that is, a conformity of the intellect with an external object. Aristotle
means this sort of truth when he says (2a5) that Individuals within a category are in
themselves neither true nor false.
interconnected literal commentaries 111
ritates quotation. Furthermore, he uses language which refers back to
the earliest known proponent of a distinction regarding truth in this
context, Albert the Great, whose language (purum, alienae naturae non
permixtum) was only adumbrated in Siger.
When Thomas explains the type of truth caused by composition and
division, he adds to Siger a reference to and quotation from De interpre-
tatione. As well he identies this sort of truth with the correspondence
theory of truth. Like Gerard and Peter he falsely attributes this denition
to Boethius and adds another false attribution for good measure, to
Averroes ! Indeed, in his comments on Metaphysics II Averroes discusses
truth, but without the phrase adaequatio rei et intellectus. Thomas
account is more than three times as long as Gerards, and seems to
incorporate elements from all of the other writers. Various writers and
commentators may be involved in the chain of inuence, but it is clear
that Thomas nal result is original only in the sense that it uniquely
combines earlier elements.
The preceding passages reect the several different techniques for
adaptation of a predecessor. Clarication may be provided by inserted
annotations and elaborations. Associations might lead to digressions. A
simple allusion to an authority may be lled out with an explicit attribu-
tioncorrectly or incorrectly!and a more complete quotation. Textual
elements may be rearranged or combined. None of these techniques
produce entirely original results, but they are the methods by which
literal commentaries growby synthesis and accretion.
8. Denomination (1a13)
In another series of texts one can see the correlations and incrementa-
tion of the literal commentary process. The issue at hand concerns the
requirements for denomination.
50
The starting point for the discussion is
Boethius : Tria sunt autem necessaria ut denominative vocabula constituantur: prius
ut re participet, post ut nomine, postremo ut sit quaedam nominis transguratio.
51
50
Regarding denomination, see the bibliography in Robert Andrews , Peter of
Auvergne on Denomination, in Meaning and Inference in Medieval Philosophy: Studies in
Memory of Jan Pinborg , ed. Norman Kretzmann (Dordrecht, 1988).
51
Boethius, In Cat. (1860), col. 168: Three conditions are required in order that
words be considered denominative: rst, that they agree in object; next that [they agree]
in name; and nally that there is a certain transformation of the name.
112 robert andrews
A more proximate source is Albert the Great: In denominatione ergo haec
tria necessaria sunt, scilicet natura aliena subiecto extrinsecus aptata et circumposita,
in principali et denominativo eadem res signicata, et diversi modi signicandi.
52
I present our four authors in the same order as above.
Gerardus de Nogento
Glossulae supra librum Praedicamentorum Aristotelis
Ms. Padova Bantoniana XX.480 f. 8vb
Circa istam partem notandum primo quod ad hoc quod aliqua dicuntur
denominativa quattuor requirunturBoethium.
53
Primum est quod com-
municant in principio et differunt in ne. Et per hoc patet quod studiosus
denominative non dicitur a virtute. Secundum est quod signicet eandem
rem formaliter. Tertium est quod differant in modo signicandi, ita quod
unum signicet per modum per se stantis, reliquum per modum adiacentis.
Quartum est quod abstractum differat essentialiter ab eo cui concretum
inheret. Et per hoc habetur quod concretum proprie non est substantiis,
quia humanitas non differt essentialiter ab eo cui homo sit concretum.
54
Petrus de Sancto Amore
Sententia supra librum Praedicamentorum
Ms. Paris BN 1374 f. 14rb
Item nota quod ad naturam denominativorum quattuor requiruntur.
Primum est quod conveniant in voce a parte principali et differunt a
parte nis. Et per hoc removetur quod studiosus non dicitur a virtute
denominative. Secundum est quod signicet eandem rem formaliter.
Tertium est quod differant in modo signicandi, ita quod unum signicet
per modum per se stantis, reliquum per modum adiacentis. Quartum
est quod abstractum differat (determinat ms.) per essentiam ab eo cui
concretum inheret. Et per hoc habetur quod non convenit proprie in
substantias, quia humanitas non differt per essentiam ab eo cui homo
52
Albertus Magnus, Liber de Praedicabilibus (B. Alberti Magni Opera omnia I), ed. A. Borgnet
(Paris, 1890) 158b; Thus these three conditions are required for denomination, namely,
a nature separate from a subject extrinsically attached and situated, the same thing
signied by both a principal [term] and a denominative [term], and different modes
of signifying.
53
Immo Albertus Magnus, Liber de Praedicamentis I,4 158b.
54
Regarding this part it should be noted rstly that four conditions are required
for denomination (according to Boethius ). The rst is that [the terms] agree at the
beginning and differ at the end; because of this studious is not said to be derived
denominatively from virtue. The second condition is that [the terms] signify the
same thing formally. The third condition is that they differ in mode of signifying, so
that one signies in the mode of a noun, the other in the mode of an adjective. The
fourth condition is that the abstract differs essentially from that in which the concrete
inheres; and because of this there is properly no concrete among substances, because
humanity does not differ essentially from that for which man is a concrete.
interconnected literal commentaries 113
est concretum; vel oportet quod differant essentialiter. Et quod utrique
sit nomen impositum, propter hoc non possunt denominative dici sicut
homo ab humanitate, quia non differunt essentialiter.
55
Siger of Courtrai
Commentarium in Categorias
Ms. Venice M L. VI. 21 f. 109va
Notandum est secundum Albertum
56
quod ad hoc quod aliquid sit
denominativum tria requiruntur, scilicet identitas vocis a parte principii,
et diversitas a parte nis. Quia si esset totalis identitas, tunc esset aequivo-
cum et non denominativum, sicut apparet de musica prout dicitur de
scientia et muliere habente scientiam. Similiter si esset totalis diversitas
in voce, tunc tale nomen esset synonymum et non denominativum, ut
studiosus. Quod autem differant in ne potius quam in principio, ratio
est quia omnis diversitas est a forma, quia forma dat esse,
57
et distinguit
et separat. Etiam forma et nis coincidunt, intelligendo de ne intrinseco,
propter quod diversitas debuit esse ex parte nis.
Secundo requiritur identitas signicati.
Tertio diversitas modi signicandi, quia principale signicat rem suam
per modum entis absoluti, sed denominativum signicat idem per modum
inhaerentis et dependentis ad subiectum.
58
55
Next note that four conditions are required for the nature of denominatives. The
rst is that [the terms] are alike at the beginning of the word, and differ at the end;
because of this studious is not said to be derived denominatively from virtue. The
second condition is that [the terms] signify the same thing formally. The third condition
is that they differ in mode of signifying, so that one signies in the mode of a noun, the
other in the mode of an adjective. The fourth condition is that the abstract differs in
essence from that in which the concrete inheres; and because of this there is properly
no [denomination] among substances, because humanity does not differ in essence from
that in which man is a concrete (or, it is required that they differ essentially). And it is
not enough for denomination that the [same] name be assigned to them, like man and
humanity, because these two do not differ essentially.
56
Albertus Magnus, Liber de Praedicamentis I,4 158b.
57
Cf. Aristoteles, Metaph. VIII,5 1043a2; Hamesse , Auctoritates Aristotelis, p. 130 (189):
Unde forma dat esse rei.
58
It should be noted according to Albert that three conditions are required for
denomination. One is identity of word at the beginning, and difference at the end. If
there would be complete identity, then this would be a case of equivocation and not
denomination, just as music means both the science of music as well as a [musical]
woman knowing that science. Likewise, if there were complete diversity in the words,
then it would be a case of synonyms and not denominatives, like studious [and virtu-
ous]. The reason why [the terms] must differ at the end rather than at the beginning
is that all diversity arises from form (since form gives being), and form distinguishes
and separates; and form and [end] agree (meaning intrinsic end); so diversity must
arise because of the end.
The second condition is identity of what is signied.
The third [condition is] diversity in mode of signifying, so that the principle [term]
signies a thing in an absolute mode of being, but the denominative [term] signies
the same thing in a mode of inherence and dependence upon a subject.
114 robert andrews
Thomas de Erfordia
Expositio super librum Praedicamentorum
Mss. Erfurt SB Amplon. Q.266 [= E] f. 8vab; Leipzig UB 1356 [= L] f. 9va;
Mnchen SB Clm. 4378 [= M] f. 31r; Mnchen SB Clm. 14458 [= N] f.
119vb120ra
Item secundo notandum secundum Albertum
59
ad hoc quod aliquid sit
denominativum, tria requiruntur. Prima identitas vocis ex parte principii,
et diversitas ex parte nis. Quia si esset totalis identitas, tunc magis essent
aequivocum et non denominativum, sicut apparet de musica prout dicitur
de scientia et muliere habente scientiam musicae. Similiter si esset totalis
diversitas in voce, tunc tale nomen magis esset synonymum et multivocum
et non denominativum, sicut studiosus non dicitur denominative a virtute.
Quod autem magis debeat in ne differre quam in principio, ratio est
quia omnis diversitas est a forma, eo quod forma separat et distinguit;
sed forma et nis coincidunt, ut dicitur secundo Physicorum;
60
propter
quod diversitas debet esse a parte nis.
Secundo requiritur identitas signicati. Et propter hoc lucus non dici-
tur a luce denominative, quia lucus non convenit cum luce in signicato,
quia dicitur lucus quasi minime lucens, quia repugnat rationi lucis.
61
Tertio requiritur diversitas in modos signicandi, ita quod denominati-
vum sive concretum signicet per modum inhaerentis subiecto; principale
autem sive abstractum per modum distincti contra subiectum. Et propter
hoc obliqui casus non dicuntur denominative a recto; quia sicut rectus
signicat per modum adiacentis subiecto, vel distincti contra subiectum,
sic et obliqui ipsius.
62
59
Albertus Magnus, Liber de Praedicamentis I,4 158b.
60
Cf. Aristoteles, Physica II,7 198a247.
61
Cf. The Concise Oxford Dictionary, 5th ed. (1964), p. 726: lucus a non lucendo
Paradoxical derivation; . . . explanation by contraries. Cf. Maurus Servius Honoratus,
In Vergilii carmina commentarii, eds. G. Thilo et H. Hagen (Leipzig, 1881) I, 441: lucus
autem dicitur quod non luceat.
62
Secondly, it should be noted according to Albert that three conditions are required
for denomination. The rst is identity of word at the beginning, and difference at the
end. If there would be complete identity, then this would rather be a case of equivo-
cation and not denomination, just as it is clear that music means both the science
of music as well as a [musical] woman knowing that science. Likewise, if there were
complete diversity in the words, then it would be a case of synonyms or reformulations
rather than denominatives, just as studious is not derived denominatively from virtu-
ous. The reason why [the terms] must differ at the end rather than at the beginning
is that all diversity arises from form, since form separates and distinguishes; but form
and end agree, as is stated in the second book of the Physics (198a247); so diversity
must arise because of the end.
The second condition is identity of what is signied. Because of this condition grove
(lucus) is not derived denominatively from light (lucis), because grove and light do
not have the same signicationrather grove is called so because there is a lack of
light there, and is opposed to the nature of light.
interconnected literal commentaries 115
These four passages show a great deal of similarities, but the differences
among them reveal their relative connections. The preponderance of
correlations occurs between Gerard and Peter, and between Siger and
Thomas. All agree that denominative words vary in spelling: for Gerard
and Peter they communicant (conveniant in voce, Peter) in principio et differunt
in ne; according to Siger and Thomas they exhibit identitas vocis a
parte principii, et diversitas a parte nis. As a second requirement all agree
that denominative words signify the same thing: for Gerard and Peter
they signicet eandem rem formaliter; according to Siger and Thomas they
exhibit identitas signicati. In describing the third requirement they all
adopt a version of Albert s phrase: for Gerard and Peter they differant
in modo signicandi; according to Siger and Thomas they exhibit diver-
sitas modi signicandi or diversitas in modos signicandi. Only Gerard and
Peter add a fourth requirement, that abstractum differat essentialiter ( per
essentiam, Peter) ab eo cui concretum inheret. In each of the two pairs, the
later author adds a few clarifying phrases to his predecessor. Even when
little of importance is changed, there seems to be a conscious effort to
re-word or to rearrange the phrasing. Small ourishes of originality
are valued even amid the extensive duplication.
Information does not always survive the transmission. Only Gerard
correctly identies the originator of the discussion, Boethius . Once
Peter drops the reference, it is left to Siger and Thomas to add credit
to the more proximate source, Albert .
9. Having a Wife (15b28)
Finally, I turn to two anonymous manuscripts which have been attrib-
uted to Peter of Saint-Amour . One is a fragment, Mnchen CLM
14763 f. 142, which Charles Lohr thought to be a version of Peter of
Saint-Amours Categories commentary.
63
The other one, Vatican Bibl.
Apost. Pal. lat. 1007 ff. 11ra21ra, was among those credited to Peter
The third requirement is diversity in mode of signifying, so that the denominative
or concrete [term] signies in a mode of inhering in a subject, while the principle or
abstract [term] signies in a mode distinct from the subject. Because of this oblique
cases are not said to be derived denominatively from the nominative case, because just
as the nominative case might signify its subject in the mode of an adjectivedistinct
from the subjectso might the oblique case signify it.
63
Charles H. Lohr , Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries. Authors: Narcissus
Richardus, Traditio 28 (1972), 3701.
116 robert andrews
by Fr. Gauthier while cataloging the manuscripts of Thomas Aquinas
on the Perihermenias.
64
That these are misattributions can be shown by
reference to that rarest feature in medieval philosophya joke.
The humor arises in connection with the very end of the Categories
(in fact, the nal few lines of Aristotles text)perhaps when the
commentators were in a celebratory mood. Aristotle there offers eight
different senses of the word having (habere), such as to have a qual-
ity, have a quantity, have a possession, and so forth. The nal type of
having is the way in which a husband is said to have a wife (15b28).
Most commentators in the genre give a standard explanation of why
Aristotle lists this type of having last: because it is the least important.
This explanation is given in all four of the commentaries considered
aboveGerard of Nogent , Peter of Saint-Amour , Siger of Courtrai ,
and Thomas of Erfurt . However, only Peter of Saint-Amour adds that,
according to a certain truffator (that is, joker or fool), this is placed last
because when a man believes that he has a wife, he doesntrather,
some other man does.
Petrus de Sancto Amore
Sententia supra librum Praedicamentorum
Ms. Paris BN 1374 f. 34ra
Aut etiam vir (15b28). Hic ponit octavum modum habere. Et dicit quod
octavus modus ipsius habere est habere uxorem. Et secundum istum modum
illud quod habet etiam habetur, ut vir habet uxorem, et habetur ab uxore.
Et ideo dicit Philosophus de isto modo in comparatione ad alios, quod
iste est alienissimus in eo quod est habere. Et subdit rationem, quia nihil aliud est
habere uxorem quam cohabitare cum ea. Sed sicut vir cohabitat cum muli-
ere, ita mulier cum viro. Et ita utrumque dicitur habere secundum istum
modum; secundum autem alios, non; et ideo dicitur alienissimus.
Sed quidam truffator (tryfator var.) dicit quod iste est alienissimus
propter hoc quod quando vir credit habere uxorem, non habet; immo
quidam alius.
65
64
Thomas de Aquino, Expositio libri Peryermenias. Opera omnia I,1, Editio altera retracta
(Rome: Commissio Leonina, 1989). The misattribution is discussed in Andrea Tabarroni ,
Lo pseudo Egidio (Guglielmo Arnaldi) e uninedita continuazione del commento di
Tommaso al Perihermenias, Medioevo 14 (1988), 371427.
65
A man also [is said to have a wife]. Here [Aristotle] presents the eighth sense of to
have. And he says that the eighth sense of to have is to have a wife. In this sense he
who has is also had, as a man has a wife, and is had by a wife. Therefore Aristotle
says that this sense in comparison to the others is the most remote meaning of to have. He
appends the reason for this, because to have a wife is nothing other than to live with her.
interconnected literal commentaries 117
In the two anonymous manuscripts we see a procedure typical for
literal commentaries, in which an original comment is elaborated and
revised. Not only do they repeat but also invert the jokeperhaps in
keeping with equality between the sexes. Here, a certain truffator says
that when a man believes that he has a wife, he doesnt have her,
because some other man does; and similarly, when a wife believes that
she has a husband, she does not have him because, sometimes, some
other woman does.
Anonymus
Expositio super librum Praedicamentorum (fragm.)
Ms. Mnchen CLM 14763 f. 142r
Dicit quidam trumphator dicaxque (dycitque? ms.) quod iste modus
alienissimus est; dixit quidam trumphator propter hoc <quod> quando
vir credit habere uxorem, non habet eam, sed alius (aliis ms.). Similiter
et uxor, cum credit habere virum, non habet ipsum, sed quaedam alia
mulier quandoque habet. In aliis autem modis non sic est; et ideo est
alienissimus.
66
Anonymus
Rationes super librum Praedicamentorum
Ms. Vatican Bibl. Apost. Pal. lat. 1007 f. 21ra
Et quidam truphator dixit quod ille modus alienissimus est propter
id quod quando vir credit habere uxorem, non habet eam, sed aliquis
alius. Similiter et uxor, cum credit habere virum, non habet (is add. et del.)
ipsum, sed aliqua alia mulier quandoque habet. In aliis autem modis non
sic est; ideo alienissimus est.
67
Just as a man lives with a wife, so does a wife live with a man. Each is said to have
the other reciprocally in this sense, but not in the other senses; therefore this sense is
said to be the most remote.
However, a certain joker says that this is the most remote sense because when a man
believes that he has a wife, he doesnt, because some other man does!
66
A certain joker and wit says that this is the most remote sense; and the joker said
this because when a man believes that he has a wife, he doesnt have her, but some
other man does. Likewise when a wife believes that she has a husband, she does not
have him, but sometimes some other woman does. This is true in no other sense, so
this is the most remote.
67
A certain joker said that this is the most remote sense because of the fact that
when a man believes that he has a wife, he doesnt have her, but some other man
does. Likewise when a wife believes that she has a husband, she does not have him,
but sometimes some other woman does. This is true in no other sense, so this is the
most remote.
118 robert andrews
This is surely one of the only jokes to be found in medieval philosophy.
That it is a joke is signaled by the appearance of the vernacular term
truffator, which also proves that all of the versions belongs to the same
tradition. Truffator (spelled here as tryfator, trumphator, and truphator)
was current in ancient French as trufeor,
68
and survives in English as both
trufe and trie. The expansions of the two anonymous manuscripts
are sufcient evidence that the works are not the same as the simpler
version of Peter of Saint-Amour . Indeed, their elaborations suggest
that they are subsequent to Peter, although all could have arisen inde-
pendently from an even earlier source. But certainly there is enough
evidence to treat all of these works as part of the same tradition.
Upon contemplating this commentary passage, I realized that perhaps
the truffator has it right, and that Aristotle himself intended his conclud-
ing remark to be a joke. It seems only natural that, after a long lecture,
one would end with a light-hearted remark, perhaps even a somewhat
risqu one. So the reason that Aristotle listed having a spouse as the
very last type of having may well have been his wry insight that this
is indeed a tenuous sort of possession.
The recognition of the interconnectedness of related literal com-
mentaries can help in dating, assigning provenance, and identifying
philosophical traditions. Understanding standard treatments can aid
in several respects, such as lling out illegible or missing script. Some
passages can even be collated across different authors. Most importantly,
literal philosophical commentaries cannot be appreciated in isolation.
Their value lies not in pure originality, but in accretion and the subtle
reworking of the materials of tradition.
68
A. J. Greimas , Dictionnaire de lancien franais jusquau milieu du XIV
e
sicle (Paris,
1987), p. 647.
THOMAS AQUINAS ON ESTABLISHING THE IDENTITY
OF ARISTOTLES CATEGORIES
Paul Symington
Providing a philosophical justication for the specic number and
identity of Aristotles categories is a task that dates back at least to
Simplicius s commentary on Aristotles Categories (ca. 6th century A.D.).
1
Scholastics from the thirteenth century onward addressed this issue,
which they called sufcientia praedicamentorum, mostly in commentaries on
Aristotles Categories.
2
Two related questions were pertinent. The rst
asked whether Aristotle provided an adequate list of categories and the
second asked whether a philosophical justication could be given for
the specic items on the list.
3
Although the latter task predates Albertus
Magnus (ca. 120880), he is credited as being the rst scholastic to
attempt it.
4
Albertus established a method of arriving at a list of the
1
For a recent translation of Simplicius s commentary on Aristotles Categories, see
Simplicius: On Aristotles Categories 14, trans. Michael Chase (Ithaca, 2003). See esp. pp.
7491.
2
Robert Andrews identifies other texts that offered opportunity for medieval
commentators to address the topic of the sufcientia, such as Aristotles Metaphysics V,
Physics III, and Topics I, in Question Commentaries on the Categories in the Thirteenth
Century, Medioevo 26 (2001), 292. Although Aquinas may be the rst scholastic to
refer to Simplicius , he does not seem to be familiar with Simpliciuss justication of
the number and identity of the categories. However, Radulphus Brito shows famil-
iarity with Simpliciuss treatment. See William E. McMahon , Radulphus Brito on
the Sufciency of the Categories, Cahiers de linstitut du moyen-Age grec et latin 39 (1981),
86. For a topical discussion of the various philosophical questions generated around
Aristotles Categories, see Jorge J. E. Gracia and Lloyd Newton , Medieval Theories
of Categories, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 14 April 2006, <http://plato.stanford
.edu/entries/medieval-Categories> (8 August 2006).
3
See Giorgio Pini , Scotus on Deducing Aristotles Categories, La tradition mdivales
des Catgories (XII
e
X
ve
sicles): XIIIe Symposium europen de logique et de smantique mdivals,
eds. Jol Biard and Irne Rosier-Catach (Louvain, 2003), p. 24.
4
Albertus Magnus, Liber de Predicamentis 7.1, Alberti Magni Opera omnia, 1, ed. A.
Borgnet (Paris, 1890), pp. 27072. For a discussion of Albertus Magnus on the catego-
ries, see William E. McMahon , Albert the Great on the Semantics of the Categories
of Substance, Quantity, and Quality, Historiographia Linguistica 7, 1/2 (1980), 14557
and E. P. Bos and A. C. van der Helm , The Division of Being over the Categories
According to Albert the Great, Thomas Aquinas and Duns Scotus , in John Duns Scotus:
Renewal of Philosophy: Acts of the Third Symposium Organized by the Dutch Society for Medieval
Philosophy Medium Aevum (May 23 and 24, 1996), ed. E. P. Bos, (ELEMENTA: Schriften
zur Philosophie und ihrer Problemgeschichte) 72 (Amsterdam, 1998), pp. 18396.
120 paul symington
categories from the modes of predication. Thomas Aquinas followed
Albertuss lead and tried to establish an exhaustive categorial division of
being by showing that there are only so many ways in which predicates
are said of subjects.
5
Although Aquinas never wrote a commentary on
Aristotles Categories, he provided two closely related justications for the
list of categories ( praedicamenta) in his commentaries on the Metaphysics
(Book V, lect. 9) and the Physics (Book III, lect. 3).
6
Moreover, Aquinass
account was historically more inuential than Albert s, even though
Aquinass discussions of the topic are relatively brief.
Although the division of the categories is metaphysically fundamental
and interesting, as well as hotly debated among scholastics, the second-
ary literature on Aquinas s contribution to the problem of sufcientia
praedicamentorum is scant. In fact, not only is the literature devoted spe-
cically to it meager, but the discussion is often altogether ignored in
broad discussions of Aquinass metaphysics.
7
This is not surprising given
Aquinass brief and elliptical treatment of it. The issue, however, has
not escaped the attention of a few scholars, including John Wippel , who
has provided the most detailed treatment of Aquinass view to date.
The purpose of this article is to offer an alternative interpretation
of Aquinas s view. The key passage is his statement that those things
that are said to be secundum se which signify in every manner the g-
ures of predication [i.e., the modes of predication].
8
I argue that this
passage is crucial to a proper understanding of Aquinass derivation
5
In Categories in Aristotle, Michael Frede interprets the Aristotelian categories
as kinds of predications rather than kinds of predicates. In Studies in Aristotle, ed.
Dominic J. OMeara (Washington, D.C., 1981), pp. 124. He also claims that in
Aristotles works there is not any sign of a systematical derivation of the categories,
e.g., in terms of a set of formal features (p. 22). In contrast, Aquinas holds 1) that the
categories ( praedicamenta) are substance and nine accidents, and 2) the list of categories
can be established according to formal features of propositions (namely, the modes of
predication or guras praedicationis).
6
Thomas Aquinas , In duodecim libros Metaphysicorum Aristotelis expositio, eds. M. R.
Cathala and R. M. Spiazzi (Turin, 1950); hereafter cited as In Met. Through the
chapter, I either provide my own translations of the text or modications of John P.
Rowans translation, Commentary on Aristotles Metaphysics: St. Thomas Aquinas (Notre
Dame, 1995). Thomas Aquinas, In octo libros Physicorum Aristotelis expositio, ed. P. M.
Maggilo (Turin, 1954); hereafter cited as In Phys.
7
See, for example, Eleonore Stump , Aquinas (The Arguments of the Philosophers), (New
York, 2005) and Robert Pasnau and Christopher Shields , The Philosophy of Aquinas
(Boulder, 2004). Etienne Gilson also does not mention it in Being and Some Philosophers
(Toronto, 1952), p. 55.
8
In Met. 5.9, n. 889: quod illa dicuntur esse secundum se, quaecumque signicant
guras praedicationis. For the passage of Aristotle to which Aquinas refers, see
Metaphysics 5.7.
aquinas on the identity of a.s categories 121
of the categories and that Wippels account does not adequately take
it into consideration. This passage indicates a key feature of Aquinass
approach: that the categories are identied and distinguished from
each other based on essential propositions, i.e., secundum se or per se
propositions, which have predicates that are essentially related to their
subjects. Consequently, in the rst section of this chapter, I present
Wippel s interpretation of what Aquinas means by secundum se as it
relates to the modes of predication and I point out some difculties
with it.
9
To be more precise, problems arise with Wippels interpreta-
tion because he does not take into account Aquinass focus on per se
modes of predication. In the second section of this chapter, I offer an
interpretation of what Aquinas means by secundum se when he describes
the modes of predication from which the categories are established.
Specically, I interpret secundum se to refer to three of the four per se
modes of predication as they are discussed in the Posterior Analytics:
primo modo, secundo modo, and quarto modo per se predication.
10
My claim
is that Aquinas determines the number of categories by reecting on
the ways in which the predicates of per se propositions are related to
the subjects of other such per se propositions. Finally, in the third sec-
tion I show how Aquinas establishes the categories from the modes of
per se predication. For the sake of brevity, I focus mainly on substance,
quantity, and quality and provide only a sketch of how Aquinas deals
with the remaining categories.
9
John F. Wippel , Thomas Aquinas s Derivation of the Aristotelian Categories
(Predicaments), Journal of the History of Philosophy 25 (1987), 1334 and The Metaphysical
Thought of Thomas Aquinas (Washington, D.C., 2000), pp. 20828. Other scholars with
similar interpretations of Aquinass view are Giorgio Pini , Scotus on Deducing
Aristotles Categories, and E. P. Bos and A. C. van der Helm , The Division of
Being over the Categories According to Albert the Great, Thomas Aquinas and Duns
Scotus.
10
Thomas Aquinas , Expositio Libri Posteriorum, Sancti Thomae de Aquino Opera omnia,
Leonine edition (Rome, 1989), 1.2; hereafter cited as Post. An. The fact that the com-
mentary on the Posterior Analytics is believed to have been written roughly at the same
time as the commentary on the Metaphysics (between 126972) makes it pertinent for
our discussion. See The Cambridge Companion to Aquinas, eds. Norman Kretzmann and
Eleonore Stump (New York, 1993), p. 283. In addition, both texts discuss modes of
predication. Also, although these three modes of predication are awkwardly named (I
refer to three modes of predication but there is no tertio modo), I follow the convention
in the secondary literature of naming each specic mode according to the Latin ordinal
used in the text. See William M. Walton , The Second Mode of Necessary or Per Se
Propositions According to St. Thomas Aquinas, The Modern Schoolman 29 (195152),
293306. Aquinas identies tertio modo in Post. An. 1.10 as not a mode of predication
but rather one way to understand the term per. For a similar interpretation of secundum
se, see Ralph McInerny, Being and Predication, in his Being and Predication: Thomistic
Interpretations (Washington, D.C., 1986), pp. 173228.
122 paul symington
I. John Wippel s Interpretation
In this section I focus exclusively on Wippel s interpretation of Aquinas s
derivation as it is presented in his commentary on the Metaphysics V,
9, focusing specically on Wippels understanding of Aquinass state-
ment that those things are said to be secundum se that signify in every
manner the modes of predication.
11
I also criticize Wippels inter-
pretation insofar as it is neither sufcient for establishing the number
and identity of the categories from modes of predication, as Aquinas
claims, nor compatible with the general context of Aquinass discus-
sion. To be fair to Wippel, however, it should be noted that he offers
an accurate overview of the text in which Aquinas establishes the list
of categories. He notes that Aquinas identies three ways in which
a predicate can be related to its subject in a proposition. In the rst
way, (1) the predicate is really identical with that which serves as
the subject,
12
and these propositions signify substance. The example
that Wippel provides to illustrate this is Socrates is an animal. In a
second way, (2) a predicate may be taken from something which is in
the subject.
13
If the predicate is absolutely in the subject and follows
from the matter (2a), then the category of quantity results, but if it
follows from the form (2b) of the subject, then the category of quality
results. Wippel does not give examples of, nor discusses how, a predicate
is understood to be in a subject either according to the matter of the
subject or according to its form. It is possible that he would say that
Socrates is ve-feet tall and Socrates is bald are examples in which
the predicate is said to be in the subject because the former signies
how much the subject is and the latter how the subject is. If, however,
the predicate is taken not absolutely but in relation to something other
than the subject (2c), then relation is expressed. Although Wippel does
not provide an example, he might say that Socrates is the teacher of
Plato is an example of this.
In a third way, (3) a predicate may be derived from something which
is realized outside the subject.
14
Again, Wippel provides no examples to
illustrate this, nor does he discuss how a predicate is understood to be
realized outside the subject. Rather, he simply claims that the various
11
In Met. 5.9, n. 889.
12
Wippel , Metaphysical Thought of Thomas Aquinas , p. 213.
13
Ibid., p. 214.
14
Ibid.
aquinas on the identity of a.s categories 123
ways in which the predicate is denominated by that which is realized
outside the subject yield the remaining categories. For example, if the
predicate in any way measures the subject (3a