EN BANC

[G.R. No. 160261. November 10, 2003]

ERNESTO B. FRANCISCO, JR., petitioner, NAGMAMALASAKIT NA MGA MANANANGGOL NG MGA
MANGGAGAWANG PILIPINO, INC., ITS OFFICERS AND MEMBERS,petitioner-in-intervention, WORLD
WAR II VETERANS LEGIONARIES OF THE PHILIPPINES, INC., petitioner-in-intervention, vs. THE HOUSE
OF REPRESENTATIVES, REPRESENTED BY SPEAKER JOSE G. DE VENECIA, THE SENATE,
REPRESENTED BY SENATE PRESIDENT FRANKLIN M. DRILON, REPRESENTATIVE GILBERTO C.
TEODORO, JR. AND REPRESENTATIVE FELIX WILLIAM B. FUENTEBELLA, respondents, J AIME N.
SORIANO, respondent-in-Intervention, SENATOR AQUILINO Q. PIMENTEL, respondent-in-intervention.
D E C I S I O N
CARPIO-MORALES, J .:
There can be no constitutional crisis arising from a conflict, no matter how passionate and seemingly irreconcilable it
may appear to be, over the determination by the independent branches of government of the nature, scope and extent of
their respective constitutional powers where the Constitution itself provides for the means and bases for its resolution.
Our nations history is replete with vivid illustrations of the often frictional, at times turbulent, dynamics of the
relationship among these co-equal branches. This Court is confronted with one such today involving the legislature and
the judiciary which has drawn legal luminaries to chart antipodal courses and not a few of our countrymen to vent
cacophonous sentiments thereon.
There may indeed be some legitimacy to the characterization that the present controversy subject of the instant
petitions whether the filing of the second impeachment complaint against Chief Justice Hilario G. Davide, Jr. with the
House of Representatives falls within the one year bar provided in the Constitution, and whether the resolution thereof is a
political question has resulted in a political crisis. Perhaps even more truth to the view that it was brought upon by a
political crisis of conscience.
In any event, it is with the absolute certainty that our Constitution is sufficient to address all the issues which this
controversy spawns that this Court unequivocally pronounces, at the first instance, that the feared resort to extra-
constitutional methods of resolving it is neither necessary nor legally permissible. Both its resolution and protection of the
public interest lie in adherence to, not departure from, the Constitution.
In passing over the complex issues arising from the controversy, this Court is ever mindful of the essential truth that
the inviolate doctrine of separation of powers among the legislative, executive or judicial branches of government by no
means prescribes for absolute autonomy in the discharge by each of that part of the governmental power assigned to it by
the sovereign people.
At the same time, the corollary doctrine of checks and balances which has been carefully calibrated by the
Constitution to temper the official acts of each of these three branches must be given effect without destroying their
indispensable co-equality.
Taken together, these two fundamental doctrines of republican government, intended as they are to insure that
governmental power is wielded only for the good of the people, mandate a relationship of interdependence and
coordination among these branches where the delicate functions of enacting, interpreting and enforcing laws are
harmonized to achieve a unity of governance, guided only by what is in the greater interest and well-being of the people.
Verily, salus populi est suprema lex.
Article XI of our present 1987 Constitution provides:
ARTICLE XI
ACCOUNTABILITY OF PUBLIC OFFICERS
SECTION 1. Public office is a public trust. Public officers and employees must at all times be accountable to the people,
serve them with utmost responsibility, integrity, loyalty, and efficiency, act with patriotism and justice, and lead modest
lives.
SECTION 2. The President, the Vice-President, the Members of the Supreme Court, the Members of the Constitutional
Commissions, and the Ombudsman may be removed from office, on impeachment for, and conviction of, culpable
violation of the Constitution, treason, bribery, graft and corruption, other high crimes, or betrayal of public trust. All other
public officers and employees may be removed from office as provided by law, but not by impeachment.
SECTION 3. (1) The House of Representatives shall have the exclusive power to initiate all cases of impeachment.
(2) A verified complaint for impeachment may be filed by any Member of the House of Representatives or by any citizen
upon a resolution of endorsement by any Member thereof, which shall be included in the Order of Business within ten
session days, and referred to the proper Committee within three session days thereafter. The Committee, after hearing,
and by a majority vote of all its Members, shall submit its report to the House within sixty session days from such referral,
together with the corresponding resolution. The resolution shall be calendared for consideration by the House within ten
session days from receipt thereof.
(3) A vote of at least one-third of all the Members of the House shall be necessary either to affirm a favorable resolution
with the Articles of Impeachment of the Committee, or override its contrary resolution. The vote of each Member shall be
recorded.
(4) In case the verified complaint or resolution of impeachment is filed by at least one-third of all the Members of the
House, the same shall constitute the Articles of Impeachment, and trial by the Senate shall forthwith proceed.
(5) No impeachment proceedings shall be initiated against the same official more than once within a period of one
year.
(6) The Senate shall have the sole power to try and decide all cases of impeachment. When sitting for that purpose,
the Senators shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the Philippines is on trial, the Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court shall preside, but shall not vote. No person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of all
the Members of the Senate.
(7) Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than removal from office and disqualification to hold any
office under the Republic of the Philippines, but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to
prosecution, trial, and punishment according to law.
(8) The Congress shall promulgate its rules on impeachment to effectively carry out the purpose of this
section. (Emphasis and underscoring supplied)
Following the above-quoted Section 8 of Article XI of the Constitution, the 12
th
Congress of the House of
Representatives adopted and approved the Rules of Procedure in Impeachment Proceedings (House Impeachment
Rules) on November 28, 2001, superseding the previous House Impeachment Rules
[1]
approved by the 11
th
Congress.
The relevant distinctions between these two Congresses House Impeachment Rules are shown in the following
tabulation:

11
TH
CONGRESS RULES 12
TH
CONGRESS NEW RULES
RULE II
INITIATING IMPEACHMENT



Section 2. Mode of Initiating
Impeachment. Impeachment shall
be initiated only by a verified
complaint for impeachment filed by
any Member of the House of
Representatives or by any citizen
upon a resolution of endorsement by
any Member thereof or by a verified
complaint or resolution of
impeachment filed by at least one-
third (1/3) of all the Members of the
House.



RULE V
BAR AGAINST INITIATION OF
IMPEACHMENT
PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE
SAME OFFICIAL

Section 16. Impeachment
Proceedings Deemed
Initiated. In cases where a
Member of the House files a
verified complaint of
impeachment or a citizen
files a verified complaint that
is endorsed by a Member of
the House through a
resolution of endorsement
against an impeachable
officer,impeachment
proceedings against such
official aredeemed initiated
on the day the Committee on
Justice finds that the verified
complaint and/or resolution
against such official,as the
case may be, is sufficient in
substance, or on the date the
House votes to overturn or
affirm the finding of the said
Committee that the verified
complaint and/or resolution,
as the case may be, is not
sufficient in substance.
In cases where a verified
complaint or a resolution of
impeachment is filed or
endorsed, as the case may be,
by at least one-third (1/3) of
the Members of the
House,impeachment
proceedings are deemed
initiated at the time of the
filing of such verified
complaint or resolution of
impeachment with the
Secretary General.

RULE V
BAR AGAINST
IMPEACHMENT

Section 14. Scope of Bar. No
impeachment proceedings shall be
initiated against the same official
more than once within the period of
one (1) year.



Section 17. Bar Against
Initiation Of Impeachment
Proceedings. Within a period of
one (1) year from the date
impeachment proceedings are
deemed initiated as provided in
Section 16 hereof, no impeachment
proceedings, as such, can be
initiated against the same
official. (Italics in the original;
emphasis and underscoring supplied)
On July 22, 2002, the House of Representatives adopted a Resolution,
[2]
sponsored by Representative Felix William
D. Fuentebella, which directed the Committee on Justice to conduct an investigation, in aid of legislation, on the manner
of disbursements and expenditures by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Judiciary Development Fund
(JDF).
[3]

On June 2, 2003, former President Joseph E. Estrada filed an impeachment complaint
[4]
(first impeachment
complaint) against Chief Justice Hilario G. Davide Jr. and seven Associate Justices
[5]
of this Court for culpable violation of
the Constitution, betrayal of the public trust and other high crimes.
[6]
The complaint was endorsed by Representatives
Rolex T. Suplico, Ronaldo B. Zamora and Didagen Piang Dilangalen,
[7]
and was referred to the House Committee on
Justice on August 5, 2003
[8]
in accordance with Section 3(2) of Article XI of the Constitution which reads:
Section 3(2) A verified complaint for impeachment may be filed by any Member of the House of Representatives or by any
citizen upon a resolution of endorsement by any Member thereof, which shall be included in the Order of Business within
ten session days, and referred to the proper Committee within three session days thereafter. The Committee, after
hearing, and by a majority vote of all its Members, shall submit its report to the House within sixty session days from such
referral, together with the corresponding resolution. The resolution shall be calendared for consideration by the House
within ten session days from receipt thereof.
The House Committee on Justice

ruled on October 13, 2003 that the first impeachment complaint was sufficient in
form,
[9]
but voted to dismiss the same on October 22, 2003 for being insufficient in substance.
[10]
To date, the Committee
Report to this effect has not yet been sent to the House in plenary in accordance with the said Section 3(2) of Article XI of
the Constitution.
Four months and three weeks since the filing on June 2, 2003 of the first complaint or on October 23, 2003, a day
after the House Committee on Justice voted to dismiss it, the second impeachment complaint
[11]
was filed with the
Secretary General of the House
[12]
by Representatives Gilberto C. Teodoro, Jr. (First District, Tarlac) and Felix William B.
Fuentebella (Third District, Camarines Sur) against Chief Justice Hilario G. Davide, Jr., founded on the alleged results of
the legislative inquiry initiated by above-mentioned House Resolution. This second impeachment complaint was
accompanied by a Resolution of Endorsement/Impeachment signed by at least one-third (1/3) of all the Members of the
House of Representatives.
[13]

Thus arose the instant petitions against the House of Representatives, et. al., most of which petitions contend that
the filing of the second impeachment complaint is unconstitutional as it violates the provision of Section 5 of Article XI of
the Constitution that [n]o impeachment proceedings shall be initiated against the same official more than once within a
period of one year.
In G.R. No. 160261, petitioner Atty. Ernesto B. Francisco, Jr., alleging that he has a duty as a member of the
Integrated Bar of the Philippines to use all available legal remedies to stop an unconstitutional impeachment, that the
issues raised in his petition for Certiorari, Prohibition and Mandamus are of transcendental importance, and that he
himself was a victim of the capricious and arbitrary changes in the Rules of Procedure in Impeachment Proceedings
introduced by the 12
th
Congress,
[14]
posits that his right to bring an impeachment complaint against then Ombudsman
Aniano Desierto had been violated due to the capricious and arbitrary changes in the House Impeachment Rules adopted
and approved on November 28, 2001 by the House of Representatives and prays that (1) Rule V, Sections 16 and 17
and Rule III, Sections 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9 thereof be declared unconstitutional; (2) this Court issue a writ of mandamus
directing respondents House of Representatives et. al. to comply with Article IX, Section 3 (2), (3) and (5) of the
Constitution, to return the second impeachment complaint and/or strike it off the records of the House of Representatives,
and to promulgate rules which are consistent with the Constitution; and (3) this Court permanently enjoin respondent
House of Representatives from proceeding with the second impeachment complaint.
In G.R. No. 160262, petitioners Sedfrey M. Candelaria, et. al., as citizens and taxpayers, alleging that the issues of
the case are of transcendental importance, pray, in their petition for Certiorari/Prohibition, the issuance of a writ
perpetually prohibiting respondent House of Representatives from filing any Articles of Impeachment against the Chief
Justice with the Senate; and for the issuance of a writ perpetually prohibiting respondents Senate and Senate President
Franklin Drilon from accepting any Articles of Impeachment against the Chief Justice or, in the event that the Senate has
accepted the same, from proceeding with the impeachment trial.
In G.R. No. 160263, petitioners Arturo M. de Castro and Soledad Cagampang, as citizens, taxpayers, lawyers and
members of the Integrated Bar of the Philippines, alleging that their petition for Prohibition involves public interest as it
involves the use of public funds necessary to conduct the impeachment trial on the second impeachment complaint, pray
for the issuance of a writ of prohibition enjoining Congress from conducting further proceedings on said second
impeachment complaint.
In G.R. No. 160277, petitioner Francisco I. Chavez, alleging that this Court has recognized that he has locus
standi to bring petitions of this nature in the cases of Chavez v. PCGG
[15]
and Chavez v. PEA-Amari Coastal Bay
Development Corporation,
[16]
prays in his petition for Injunction that the second impeachment complaint be declared
unconstitutional.
In G.R. No. 160292, petitioners Atty. Harry L. Roque, et. al., as taxpayers and members of the legal profession, pray
in their petition for Prohibition for an order prohibiting respondent House of Representatives from drafting, adopting,
approving and transmitting to the Senate the second impeachment complaint, and respondents De Venecia and
Nazareno from transmitting the Articles of Impeachment to the Senate.
In G.R. No. 160295, petitioners Representatives Salacnib F. Baterina and Deputy Speaker Raul M. Gonzalez,
alleging that, as members of the House of Representatives, they have a legal interest in ensuring that only constitutional
impeachment proceedings are initiated, pray in their petition for Certiorari/Prohibition that the second impeachment
complaint and any act proceeding therefrom be declared null and void.
In G.R. No. 160310, petitioners Leonilo R. Alfonso et al., claiming that they have a right to be protected against all
forms of senseless spending of taxpayers money and that they have an obligation to protect the Supreme Court, the
Chief Justice, and the integrity of the Judiciary, allege in their petition for Certiorari and Prohibition that it is instituted as a
class suit and pray that (1) the House Resolution endorsing the second impeachment complaint as well as all issuances
emanating therefrom be declared null and void; and (2) this Court enjoin the Senate and the Senate President from taking
cognizance of, hearing, trying and deciding the second impeachment complaint, and issue a writ of prohibition
commanding the Senate, its prosecutors and agents to desist from conducting any proceedings or to act on the
impeachment complaint.
In G.R. No. 160318, petitioner Public Interest Center, Inc., whose members are citizens and taxpayers, and its co-
petitioner Crispin T. Reyes, a citizen, taxpayer and a member of the Philippine Bar, both allege in their petition, which
does not state what its nature is, that the filing of the second impeachment complaint involves paramount public interest
and pray that Sections 16 and 17 of the House Impeachment Rules and the second impeachment complaint/Articles of
Impeachment be declared null and void.
In G.R. No. 160342, petitioner Atty. Fernando P. R. Perito, as a citizen and a member of the Philippine Bar
Association and of the Integrated Bar of the Philippines, and petitioner Engr. Maximo N. Menez, Jr., as a taxpayer, pray in
their petition for the issuance of a Temporary Restraining Order and Permanent Injunction to enjoin the House of
Representatives from proceeding with the second impeachment complaint.
In G.R. No. 160343, petitioner Integrated Bar of the Philippines, alleging that it is mandated by the Code of
Professional Responsibility to uphold the Constitution, prays in its petition for Certiorari and Prohibition that Sections 16
and 17 of Rule V and Sections 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 of Rule III of the House Impeachment Rules be declared unconstitutional and
that the House of Representatives be permanently enjoined from proceeding with the second impeachment complaint.
In G.R. No. 160360, petitioner-taxpayer Atty. Claro Flores prays in his petition for Certiorari and Prohibition that the
House Impeachment Rules be declared unconstitutional.
In G.R. No. 160365, petitioners U.P. Law Alumni Cebu Foundation Inc., et. al., in their petition for Prohibition and
Injunction which they claim is a class suit filed in behalf of all citizens, citing Oposa v. Factoran
[17]
which was filed in behalf
of succeeding generations of Filipinos, pray for the issuance of a writ prohibiting respondents House of Representatives
and the Senate from conducting further proceedings on the second impeachment complaint and that this Court declare as
unconstitutional the second impeachment complaint and the acts of respondent House of Representatives in interfering
with the fiscal matters of the Judiciary.
In G.R. No. 160370, petitioner-taxpayer Father Ranhilio Callangan Aquino, alleging that the issues in his petition for
Prohibition are of national and transcendental significance and that as an official of the Philippine Judicial Academy, he
has a direct and substantial interest in the unhampered operation of the Supreme Court and its officials in discharging
their duties in accordance with the Constitution, prays for the issuance of a writ prohibiting the House of Representatives
from transmitting the Articles of Impeachment to the Senate and the Senate from receiving the same or giving the
impeachment complaint due course.
In G.R. No. 160376, petitioner Nilo A. Malanyaon, as a taxpayer, alleges in his petition for Prohibition that
respondents Fuentebella and Teodoro at the time they filed the second impeachment complaint, were absolutely without
any legal power to do so, as they acted without jurisdiction as far as the Articles of Impeachment assail the alleged abuse
of powers of the Chief Justice to disburse the (JDF).
In G.R. No. 160392, petitioners Attorneys Venicio S. Flores and Hector L. Hofilea, alleging that as professors of law
they have an abiding interest in the subject matter of their petition for Certiorari and Prohibition as it pertains to a
constitutional issue which they are trying to inculcate in the minds of their students, pray that the House of
Representatives be enjoined from endorsing and the Senate from trying the Articles of Impeachment and that the second
impeachment complaint be declared null and void.
In G.R. No. 160397, petitioner Atty. Dioscoro Vallejos, Jr., without alleging his locus standi, but alleging that the
second impeachment complaint is founded on the issue of whether or not the Judicial Development Fund (JDF) was spent
in accordance with law and that the House of Representatives does not have exclusive jurisdiction in the examination and
audit thereof, prays in his petition To Declare Complaint Null and Void for Lack of Cause of Action and Jurisdiction that
the second impeachment complaint be declared null and void.
In G.R. No. 160403, petitioner Philippine Bar Association, alleging that the issues raised in the filing of the second
impeachment complaint involve matters of transcendental importance, prays in its petition for Certiorari/Prohibition that (1)
the second impeachment complaint and all proceedings arising therefrom be declared null and void; (2) respondent
House of Representatives be prohibited from transmitting the Articles of Impeachment to the Senate; and (3) respondent
Senate be prohibited from accepting the Articles of Impeachment and from conducting any proceedings thereon.
In G.R. No. 160405, petitioners Democrit C. Barcenas et. al., as citizens and taxpayers, pray in their petition for
Certiorari/Prohibition that (1) the second impeachment complaint as well as the resolution of endorsement and
impeachment by the respondent House of Representatives be declared null and void and (2) respondents Senate and
Senate President Franklin Drilon be prohibited from accepting any Articles of Impeachment against the Chief Justice or, in
the event that they have accepted the same, that they be prohibited from proceeding with the impeachment trial.
Petitions bearing docket numbers G.R. Nos. 160261, 160262 and 160263, the first three of the eighteen which were
filed before this Court,
[18]
prayed for the issuance of a Temporary Restraining Order and/or preliminary injunction to
prevent the House of Representatives from transmitting the Articles of Impeachment arising from the second
impeachment complaint to the Senate. Petition bearing docket number G.R. No. 160261 likewise prayed for the
declaration of the November 28, 2001 House Impeachment Rules as null and void for being unconstitutional.
Petitions bearing docket numbers G.R. Nos. 160277, 160292 and 160295, which were filed on October 28, 2003,
sought similar relief. In addition, petition bearing docket number G.R. No. 160292 alleged that House Resolution No. 260
(calling for a legislative inquiry into the administration by the Chief Justice of the JDF) infringes on the constitutional
doctrine of separation of powers and is a direct violation of the constitutional principle of fiscal autonomy of the judiciary.
On October 28, 2003, during the plenary session of the House of Representatives, a motion was put forth that the
second impeachment complaint be formally transmitted to the Senate, but it was not carried because the House of
Representatives adjourned for lack of quorum,
[19]
and as reflected above, to date, the Articles of Impeachment have yet to
be forwarded to the Senate.
Before acting on the petitions with prayers for temporary restraining order and/or writ of preliminary injunction which
were filed on or before October 28, 2003, Justices Puno and Vitug offered to recuse themselves, but the Court rejected
their offer. Justice Panganiban inhibited himself, but the Court directed him to participate.
Without necessarily giving the petitions due course, this Court in its Resolution of October 28, 2003, resolved to (a)
consolidate the petitions; (b) require respondent House of Representatives and the Senate, as well as the Solicitor
General, to comment on the petitions not later than 4:30 p.m. of November 3, 2003; (c) set the petitions for oral arguments
on November 5, 2003, at 10:00 a.m.; and (d) appointed distinguished legal experts as amici curiae.
[20]
In addition, this
Court called on petitioners and respondents to maintain the status quo, enjoining all the parties and others acting for and
in their behalf to refrain from committing acts that would render the petitions moot.
Also on October 28, 2003, when respondent House of Representatives through Speaker Jose C. De Venecia, Jr.
and/or its co-respondents, by way of special appearance, submitted a Manifestation asserting that this Court has no
jurisdiction to hear, much less prohibit or enjoin the House of Representatives, which is an independent and co-equal
branch of government under the Constitution, from the performance of its constitutionally mandated duty to initiate
impeachment cases. On even date, Senator Aquilino Q. Pimentel, Jr., in his own behalf, filed a Motion to Intervene (Ex
Abudante Cautela)
[21]
and Comment, praying that the consolidated petitions be dismissed for lack of jurisdiction of the
Court over the issues affecting the impeachment proceedings and that the sole power, authority and jurisdiction of the
Senate as the impeachment court to try and decide impeachment cases, including the one where the Chief Justice is the
respondent, be recognized and upheld pursuant to the provisions of Article XI of the Constitution.
[22]

Acting on the other petitions which were subsequently filed, this Court resolved to (a) consolidate them with the
earlier consolidated petitions; (b) require respondents to file their comment not later than 4:30 p.m. of November 3, 2003;
and (c) include them for oral arguments on November 5, 2003.
On October 29, 2003, the Senate of the Philippines, through Senate President Franklin M. Drilon, filed a
Manifestation stating that insofar as it is concerned, the petitions are plainly premature and have no basis in law or in fact,
adding that as of the time of the filing of the petitions, no justiciable issue was presented before it since (1) its
constitutional duty to constitute itself as an impeachment court commences only upon its receipt of the Articles of
Impeachment, which it had not, and (2) the principal issues raised by the petitions pertain exclusively to the proceedings
in the House of Representatives.
On October 30, 2003, Atty. Jaime Soriano filed a Petition for Leave to Intervene in G.R. Nos. 160261, 160262,
160263, 160277, 160292, and 160295, questioning the status quo Resolution issued by this Court on October 28, 2003
on the ground that it would unnecessarily put Congress and this Court in a constitutional deadlock and praying for the
dismissal of all the petitions as the matter in question is not yet ripe for judicial determination.
On November 3, 2003, Attorneys Romulo B. Macalintal and Pete Quirino Quadra filed in G.R. No. 160262 a Motion
for Leave of Court to Intervene and to Admit the Herein Incorporated Petition in Intervention.
On November 4, 2003, Nagmamalasakit na mga Manananggol ng mga Manggagawang Pilipino, Inc. filed a Motion
for Intervention in G.R. No. 160261. On November 5, 2003, World War II Veterans Legionnaires of the Philippines, Inc.
also filed a Petition-in-Intervention with Leave to Intervene in G.R. Nos. 160261, 160262, 160263, 160277, 160292,
160295, and 160310.
The motions for intervention were granted and both Senator Pimentels Comment and Attorneys Macalintal and
Quadras Petition in Intervention were admitted.
On November 5-6, 2003, this Court heard the views of the amici curiae and the arguments of petitioners, intervenors
Senator Pimentel and Attorney Makalintal, and Solicitor General Alfredo Benipayo on the principal issues outlined in an
Advisory issued by this Court on November 3, 2003, to wit:
Whether the certiorari jurisdiction of the Supreme Court may be invoked; who can invoke it; on what issues and at what
time; and whether it should be exercised by this Court at this time.
In discussing these issues, the following may be taken up:
a) locus standi of petitioners;
b) ripeness(prematurity; mootness);
c) political question/justiciability;
d) Houses exclusive power to initiate all cases of impeachment;
e) Senates sole power to try and decide all cases of impeachment;
f) constitutionality of the House Rules on Impeachment vis-a-vis Section 3(5) of Article XI of the
Constitution; and
g) judicial restraint (Italics in the original)
In resolving the intricate conflux of preliminary and substantive issues arising from the instant petitions as well as the
myriad arguments and opinions presented for and against the grant of the reliefs prayed for, this Court has sifted and
determined them to be as follows: (1) the threshold and novel issue of whether or not the power of judicial review extends
to those arising from impeachment proceedings; (2) whether or not the essential pre-requisites for the exercise of the
power of judicial review have been fulfilled; and (3) the substantive issues yet remaining. These matters shall now be
discussed in seriatim.
J udicial Review
As reflected above, petitioners plead for this Court to exercise the power of judicial review to determine the validity of
the second impeachment complaint.
This Courts power of judicial review is conferred on the judicial branch of the government in Section 1, Article VIII of
our present 1987 Constitution:
SECTION 1. The judicial power shall be vested in one Supreme Court and in such lower courts as may be established by
law.
Judicial power includes the duty of the courts of justice to settle actual controversies involving rights which are legally
demandable and enforceable, and to determine whether or not there has been a grave abuse of discretion
amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction on the part of any branch or instrumentality of the
government. (Emphasis supplied)
Such power of judicial review was early on exhaustively expounded upon by Justice Jose P. Laurel in the definitive
1936 case of Angara v. Electoral Commission
[23]
after the effectivity of the 1935 Constitution whose provisions, unlike the
present Constitution, did not contain the present provision in Article VIII, Section 1, par. 2 on what judicial power
includes. Thus, Justice Laurel discoursed:
x x x In times of social disquietude or political excitement, the great landmarks of the Constitution are apt to be forgotten
or marred, if not entirely obliterated. In cases of conflict, the judicial department is the only constitutional organ
which can be called upon to determine the proper allocation of powers between the several departments and
among the integral or constituent units thereof.
As any human production, our Constitution is of course lacking perfection and perfectibility, but as much as it was within
the power of our people, acting through their delegates to so provide, that instrument which is the expression of their
sovereignty however limited, has established a republican government intended to operate and function as a harmonious
whole, under a system of checks and balances, and subject to specific limitations and restrictions provided in the said
instrument. The Constitution sets forth in no uncertain language the restrictions and limitations upon
governmental powers and agencies. If these restrictions and limitations are transcended it would be
inconceivable if the Constitution had not provided for a mechanism by which to direct the course of government
along constitutional channels, for then the distribution of powers would be mere verbiage, the bill of rights mere
expressions of sentiment, and the principles of good government mere political apothegms. Certainly, the limitations and
restrictions embodied in our Constitution are real as they should be in any living constitution. In the United States where
no express constitutional grant is found in their constitution, the possession of this moderating power of the
courts, not to speak of its historical origin and development there, has been set at rest by popular acquiescence for a
period of more than one and a half centuries. In our case, this moderating power is granted, if not expressly, by clear
implication from section 2 of article VIII of our Constitution.
The Constitution is a definition of the powers of government. Who is to determine the nature, scope and extent of
such powers? The Constitution itself has provided for the instrumentality of the judiciary as the rational way.
And when the judiciary mediates to allocate constitutional boundaries, it does not assert any superiority over the
other departments; it does not in reality nullify or invalidate an act of the legislature, but only asserts the solemn and
sacred obligation assigned to it by the Constitution to determine conflicting claims of authority under the
Constitution and to establish for the parties in an actual controversy the rights which that instrument secures
and guarantees to them. This is in truth all that is involved in what is termed "judicial supremacy" which properly
is the power of judicial review under the Constitution. Even then, this power of judicial review is limited to actual cases
and controversies to be exercised after full opportunity of argument by the parties, and limited further to the constitutional
question raised or the very lis mota presented. Any attempt at abstraction could only lead to dialectics and barren legal
questions and to sterile conclusions unrelated to actualities. Narrowed as its function is in this manner, the judiciary does
not pass upon questions of wisdom, justice or expediency of legislation. More than that, courts accord the presumption of
constitutionality to legislative enactments, not only because the legislature is presumed to abide by the Constitution but
also because the judiciary in the determination of actual cases and controversies must reflect the wisdom and justice of
the people as expressed through their representatives in the executive and legislative departments of the
government.
[24]
(Italics in the original; emphasis and underscoring supplied)
As pointed out by Justice Laurel, this moderating power to determine the proper allocation of powers of the
different branches of government and to direct the course of government along constitutional channels is inherent in all
courts
[25]
as a necessary consequence of the judicial power itself, which is the power of the court to settle actual
controversies involving rights which are legally demandable and enforceable.
[26]

Thus, even in the United States where the power of judicial review is not explicitly conferred upon the courts by its
Constitution, such power has been set at rest by popular acquiescence for a period of more than one and a half
centuries. To be sure, it was in the 1803 leading case of Marbury v. Madison
[27]
that the power of judicial review was first
articulated by Chief Justice Marshall, to wit:
It is also not entirely unworthy of observation, that in declaring what shall be the supreme law of the land,
the constitution itself is first mentioned; and not the laws of the United States generally, but those only which shall be
made in pursuance of the constitution, have that rank.
Thus, the particular phraseology of the constitution of the United States confirms and strengthens the principle,
supposed to be essential to all written constitutions, that a law repugnant to the constitution is void; and
that courts, as well as other departments, are bound by that instrument.
[28]
(Italics in the original; emphasis supplied)
In our own jurisdiction, as early as 1902, decades before its express grant in the 1935 Constitution, the power of
judicial review was exercised by our courts to invalidate constitutionally infirm acts.
[29]
And as pointed out by noted
political law professor and former Supreme Court Justice Vicente V. Mendoza,
[30]
the executive and legislative branches
of our government in fact effectively acknowledged this power of judicial review in Article 7 of the Civil Code, to wit:
Article 7. Laws are repealed only by subsequent ones, and their violation or non-observance shall not be excused by
disuse, or custom or practice to the contrary.
When the courts declare a law to be inconsistent with the Constitution, the former shall be void and the latter
shall govern.
Administrative or executive acts, orders and regulations shall be valid only when they are not contrary to the
laws or the Constitution. (Emphasis supplied)
As indicated in Angara v. Electoral Commission,
[31]
judicial review is indeed an integral component of the delicate
system of checks and balances which, together with the corollary principle of separation of powers, forms the bedrock of
our republican form of government and insures that its vast powers are utilized only for the benefit of the people for which
it serves.
The separation of powers is a fundamental principle in our system of government. It obtains not through express
provision but by actual division in our Constitution. Each department of the government has exclusive cognizance of
matters within its jurisdiction, and is supreme within its own sphere. But it does not follow from the fact that the three
powers are to be kept separate and distinct that the Constitution intended them to be absolutely unrestrained and
independent of each other. The Constitution has provided for an elaborate system of checks and balances to
secure coordination in the workings of the various departments of the government. x x x And the judiciary in turn,
with the Supreme Court as the final arbiter, effectively checks the other departments in the exercise of its power
to determine the law, and hence to declare executive and legislative acts void if violative of the
Constitution.
[32]
(Emphasis and underscoring supplied)
In the scholarly estimation of former Supreme Court Justice Florentino Feliciano, x x x judicial review is essential for
the maintenance and enforcement of the separation of powers and the balancing of powers among the three great
departments of government through the definition and maintenance of the boundaries of authority and control between
them.
[33]
To him, [j]udicial review is the chief, indeed the only, medium of participation or instrument of intervention of
the judiciary in that balancing operation.
[34]

To ensure the potency of the power of judicial review to curb grave abuse of discretion by any branch or
instrumentalities of government, the afore-quoted Section 1, Article VIII of the Constitution engraves, for the first time
into its history, into block letter law the so-called expanded certiorari jurisdiction of this Court, the nature of and rationale
for which are mirrored in the following excerpt from the sponsorship speech of its proponent, former Chief Justice
Constitutional Commissioner Roberto Concepcion:
x x x
The first section starts with a sentence copied from former Constitutions. It says:
The judicial power shall be vested in one Supreme Court and in such lower courts as may be established by law.
I suppose nobody can question it.
The next provision is new in our constitutional law. I will read it first and explain.
Judicial power includes the duty of courts of justice to settle actual controversies involving rights which are legally
demandable and enforceable and to determine whether or not there has been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to
lack or excess of jurisdiction on the part or instrumentality of the government.
Fellow Members of this Commission, this is actually a product of our experience during martial law. As a matter of
fact, it has some antecedents in the past, but the role of the judiciary during the deposed regime was marred
considerably by the circumstance that in a number of cases against the government, which then had no legal
defense at all, the solicitor general set up the defense of political questions and got away with it. As a
consequence, certain principles concerning particularly the writ of habeas corpus, that is, the authority of courts to order
the release of political detainees, and other matters related to the operation and effect of martial law failed because the
government set up the defense of political question. And the Supreme Court said: Well, since it is political, we have no
authority to pass upon it. The Committee on the Judiciary feels that this was not a proper solution of the
questions involved. It did not merely request an encroachment upon the rights of the people, but it, in effect,
encouraged further violations thereof during the martial law regime. x x x
x x x
Briefly stated, courts of justice determine the limits of power of the agencies and offices of the government as
well as those of its officers. In other words, the judiciary is the final arbiter on the question whether or not a
branch of government or any of its officials has acted without jurisdiction or in excess of jurisdiction, or so
capriciously as to constitute an abuse of discretion amounting to excess of jurisdiction or lack of
jurisdiction. This is not only a judicial power but a duty to pass judgment on matters of this nature.
This is the background of paragraph 2 of Section 1, which means that the courts cannot hereafter evade the duty to
settle matters of this nature, by claiming that such matters constitute a political question.
[35]
(Italics in the original;
emphasis and underscoring supplied)
To determine the merits of the issues raised in the instant petitions, this Court must necessarily turn to the
Constitution itself which employs the well-settled principles of constitutional construction.
First, verba legis, that is, wherever possible, the words used in the Constitution must be given
their ordinary meaning except where technical terms are employed. Thus, in J.M. Tuason & Co., Inc. v. Land Tenure
Administration,
[36]
this Court, speaking through Chief Justice Enrique Fernando, declared:
We look to the language of the document itself in our search for its meaning. We do not of course stop there, but
that is where we begin. It is to be assumed that the words in which constitutional provisions are couched
express the objective sought to be attained. They are to be given their ordinary meaning except where technical
terms are employed in which case the significance thus attached to them prevails. As the Constitution is not
primarily a lawyers document, it being essential for the rule of law to obtain that it should ever be present in the peoples
consciousness, its language as much as possible should be understood in the sense they have in common use. What it
says according to the text of the provision to be construed compels acceptance and negates the power of the
courts to alter it, based on the postulate that the framers and the people mean what they say. Thus these are the cases
where the need for construction is reduced to a minimum.
[37]
(Emphasis and underscoring supplied)
Second, where there is ambiguity, ratio legis est anima. The words of the Constitution should be interpreted in
accordance with the intent of its framers. And so did this Court apply this principle in Civil Liberties Union v. Executive
Secretary
[38]
in this wise:
A foolproof yardstick in constitutional construction is the intention underlying the provision under consideration. Thus, it
has been held that the Court in construing a Constitution should bear in mind the object sought to be accomplished by its
adoption, and the evils, if any, sought to be prevented or remedied. A doubtful provision will be examined in the light of the
history of the times, and the condition and circumstances under which the Constitution was framed. The object is to
ascertain the reason which induced the framers of the Constitution to enact the particular provision and the
purpose sought to be accomplished thereby, in order to construe the whole as to make the words consonant to
that reason and calculated to effect that purpose.
[39]
(Emphasis and underscoring supplied supplied)
As it did in Nitafan v. Commissioner on Internal Revenue
[40]
where, speaking through Madame Justice Amuerfina A.
Melencio-Herrera, it declared:
x x x The ascertainment of that intent is but in keeping with the fundamental principle of constitutional
construction that the intent of the framers of the organic law and of the people adopting it should be given effect.
The primary task in constitutional construction is to ascertain and thereafter assure the realization of the purpose of the
framers and of the people in the adoption of the Constitution. It may also be safely assumed that the people in
ratifying the Constitution were guided mainly by the explanation offered by the framers.
[41]
(Emphasis and
underscoring supplied)
Finally, ut magis valeat quam pereat. The Constitution is to be interpreted as a whole. Thus, in Chiongbian v. De
Leon,
[42]
this Court, through Chief Justice Manuel Moran declared:
x x x [T]he members of the Constitutional Convention could not have dedicated a provision of our Constitution
merely for the benefit of one person without considering that it could also affect others. When they adopted
subsection 2,they permitted, if not willed, that said provision should function to the full extent of its substance
and its terms, not by itself alone, but in conjunction with all other provisions of that great document.
[43]
(Emphasis
and underscoring supplied)
Likewise, still in Civil Liberties Union v. Executive Secretary,
[44]
this Court affirmed that:
It is a well-established rule in constitutional construction that no one provision of the Constitution is to be
separated from all the others, to be considered alone, but that all the provisions bearing upon a particular subject
are to be brought into view and to be so interpreted as to effectuate the great purposes of the
instrument. Sections bearing on a particular subject should be considered and interpreted together as to
effectuate the whole purpose of the Constitution and one section is not to be allowed to defeat another, if by any
reasonable construction, the two can be made to stand together.
In other words, the court must harmonize them, if practicable, and must lean in favor of a construction which will render
every word operative, rather than one which may make the words idle and nugatory.
[45]
(Emphasis supplied)
If, however, the plain meaning of the word is not found to be clear, resort to other aids is available. In still the same
case of Civil Liberties Union v. Executive Secretary, this Court expounded:
While it is permissible in this jurisdiction to consult the debates and proceedings of the constitutional convention in order
to arrive at the reason and purpose of the resulting Constitution, resort thereto may be had only when other guides fail
as said proceedings are powerless to vary the terms of the Constitution when the meaning is clear. Debates in the
constitutional convention "are of value as showing the views of the individual members, and as indicating the reasons for
their votes, but they give us no light as to the views of the large majority who did not talk, much less of the mass of our
fellow citizens whose votes at the polls gave that instrument the force of fundamental law. We think it safer to construe
the constitution from what appears upon its face." The proper interpretation therefore depends more on how it
was understood by the people adopting it than in the framers's understanding thereof.
[46]
(Emphasis and
underscoring supplied)
It is in the context of the foregoing backdrop of constitutional refinement and jurisprudential application of the power
of judicial review that respondents Speaker De Venecia, et. al. and intervenor Senator Pimentel raise the novel argument
that the Constitution has excluded impeachment proceedings from the coverage of judicial review.
Briefly stated, it is the position of respondents Speaker De Venecia et. al. that impeachment is a political action which
cannot assume a judicial character. Hence, any question, issue or incident arising at any stage of the impeachment
proceeding is beyond the reach of judicial review.
[47]

For his part, intervenor Senator Pimentel contends that the Senates sole power to try impeachment cases
[48]
(1)
entirely excludes the application of judicial review over it; and (2) necessarily includes the Senates power to determine
constitutional questions relative to impeachment proceedings.
[49]

In furthering their arguments on the proposition that impeachment proceedings are outside the scope of judicial
review, respondents Speaker De Venecia, et. al. and intervenor Senator Pimentel rely heavily on American authorities,
principally the majority opinion in the case of Nixon v. United States.
[50]
Thus, they contend that the exercise of judicial
review over impeachment proceedings is inappropriate since it runs counter to the framers decision to allocate to different
fora the powers to try impeachments and to try crimes; it disturbs the system of checks and balances, under which
impeachment is the only legislative check on the judiciary; and it would create a lack of finality and difficulty in fashioni ng
relief.
[51]
Respondents likewise point to deliberations on the US Constitution to show the intent to isolate judicial power of
review in cases of impeachment.
Respondents and intervenors reliance upon American jurisprudence, the American Constitution and American
authorities cannot be credited to support the proposition that the Senates sole power to try and decide impeachment
cases, as provided for under Art. XI, Sec. 3(6) of the Constitution, is a textually demonstrable constitutional commitment
of all issues pertaining to impeachment to the legislature, to the total exclusion of the power of judicial review to check and
restrain any grave abuse of the impeachment process. Nor can it reasonably support the interpretation that it necessarily
confers upon the Senate the inherently judicial power to determine constitutional questions incident to impeachment
proceedings.
Said American jurisprudence and authorities, much less the American Constitution, are of dubious application for
these are no longer controlling within our jurisdiction and have only limited persuasive merit insofar as Philippine
constitutional law is concerned. As held in the case of Garcia vs. COMELEC,
[52]
[i]n resolving constitutional disputes, [this
Court] should not be beguiled by foreign jurisprudence some of which are hardly applicable because they have been
dictated by different constitutional settings and needs.
[53]
Indeed, although the Philippine Constitution can trace its origins
to that of the United States, their paths of development have long since diverged. In the colorful words of Father Bernas,
[w]e have cut the umbilical cord.
The major difference between the judicial power of the Philippine Supreme Court and that of the U.S. Supreme Court
is that while the power of judicial review is only impliedly granted to the U.S. Supreme Court and is discretionary in nature,
that granted to the Philippine Supreme Court and lower courts, as expressly provided for in the Constitution, is not just a
power but also a duty, and it was given an expanded definition to include the power to correct any grave abuse of
discretion on the part of any government branch or instrumentality.
There are also glaring distinctions between the U.S. Constitution and the Philippine Constitution with respect to the
power of the House of Representatives over impeachment proceedings. While the U.S. Constitution bestows sole power
of impeachment to the House of Representatives without limitation,
[54]
our Constitution, though vesting in the House of
Representatives the exclusive power to initiate impeachment cases,
[55]
provides for several limitations to the exercise of
such power as embodied in Section 3(2), (3), (4) and (5), Article XI thereof. These limitations include the manner of filing,
required vote to impeach, and the one year bar on the impeachment of one and the same official.
Respondents are also of the view that judicial review of impeachments undermines their finality and may also lead to
conflicts between Congress and the judiciary. Thus, they call upon this Court to exercise judicial statesmanship on the
principle that whenever possible, the Court should defer to the judgment of the people expressed legislatively,
recognizing full well the perils of judicial willfulness and pride.
[56]

But did not the people also express their will when they instituted the above-mentioned safeguards in the
Constitution? This shows that the Constitution did not intend to leave the matter of impeachment to the sole discretion of
Congress. Instead, it provided for certain well-defined limits, or in the language of Baker v. Carr,
[57]
judicially discoverable
standards for determining the validity of the exercise of such discretion, through the power of judicial review.
The cases of Romulo v. Yniguez
[58]
and Alejandrino v. Quezon,
[59]
cited by respondents in support of the argument
that the impeachment power is beyond the scope of judicial review, are not in point. These cases concern the denial of
petitions for writs of mandamus to compel the legislature to perform non-ministerial acts, and do not concern the exercise
of the power of judicial review.
There is indeed a plethora of cases in which this Court exercised the power of judicial review over congressional
action. Thus, in Santiago v. Guingona, Jr.,
[60]
this Court ruled that it is well within the power and jurisdiction of the Court to
inquire whether the Senate or its officials committed a violation of the Constitution or grave abuse of discretion in the
exercise of their functions and prerogatives. In Tanada v. Angara,
[61]
in seeking to nullify an act of the Philippine Senate
on the ground that it contravened the Constitution, it held that the petition raises a justiciable controversy and that when
an action of the legislative branch is seriously alleged to have infringed the Constitution, it becomes not only the right but
in fact the duty of the judiciary to settle the dispute. In Bondoc v. Pineda,
[62]
this Court declared null and void a resolution
of the House of Representatives withdrawing the nomination, and rescinding the election, of a congressman as a member
of the House Electoral Tribunal for being violative of Section 17, Article VI of the Constitution. In Coseteng v. Mitra,
[63]
it
held that the resolution of whether the House representation in the Commission on Appointments was based on
proportional representation of the political parties as provided in Section 18, Article VI of the Constitution is subject to
judicial review. In Daza v. Singson,
[64]
it held that the act of the House of Representatives in removing the petitioner from
the Commission on Appointments is subject to judicial review. In Tanada v. Cuenco,
[65]
it held that although under the
Constitution, the legislative power is vested exclusively in Congress, this does not detract from the power of the courts to
pass upon the constitutionality of acts of Congress. In Angara v. Electoral Commission,
[66]
it ruled that confirmation by the
National Assembly of the election of any member, irrespective of whether his election is contested, is not essential before
such member-elect may discharge the duties and enjoy the privileges of a member of the National Assembly.
Finally, there exists no constitutional basis for the contention that the exercise of judicial review over impeachment
proceedings would upset the system of checks and balances. Verily, the Constitution is to be interpreted as a whole and
one section is not to be allowed to defeat another.
[67]
Both are integral components of the calibrated system of
independence and interdependence that insures that no branch of government act beyond the powers assigned to it by
the Constitution.
Essential Requisites for Judicial Review
As clearly stated in Angara v. Electoral Commission, the courts power of judicial review, like almost all powers
conferred by the Constitution, is subject to several limitations, namely: (1) an actual case or controversy calling for the
exercise of judicial power; (2) the person challenging the act must have standing to challenge; he must have a personal
and substantial interest in the case such that he has sustained, or will sustain, direct injury as a result of its enforcement;
(3) the question of constitutionality must be raised at the earliest possible opportunity; and (4) the issue of constitutionality
must be the very lis mota of the case.
x x x Even then, this power of judicial review is limited to actual cases and controversies to be exercised after full
opportunity of argument by the parties, and limited further to the constitutional question raised or the very lis
mota presented. Any attempt at abstraction could only lead to dialectics and barren legal questions and to sterile
conclusions unrelated to actualities. Narrowed as its function is in this manner, the judiciary does not pass upon questions
of wisdom, justice or expediency of legislation. More than that, courts accord the presumption of constitutionality to
legislative enactments, not only because the legislature is presumed to abide by the Constitution but also because the
judiciary in the determination of actual cases and controversies must reflect the wisdom and justice of the people as
expressed through their representatives in the executive and legislative departments of the government.
[68]
(Italics in the
original)
Standing
Locus standi or legal standing or has been defined as a personal and substantial interest in the case such that the
party has sustained or will sustain direct injury as a result of the governmental act that is being challenged. The gist of the
question of standing is whether a party alleges such personal stake in the outcome of the controversy as to assure that
concrete adverseness which sharpens the presentation of issues upon which the court depends for illumination of difficult
constitutional questions.
[69]

Intervenor Soriano, in praying for the dismissal of the petitions, contends that petitioners do not have standing since
only the Chief Justice has sustained and will sustain direct personal injury. Amicus curiae former Justice Minister and
Solicitor General Estelito Mendoza similarly contends.
Upon the other hand, the Solicitor General asserts that petitioners have standing since this Court had, in the past,
accorded standing to taxpayers, voters, concerned citizens, legislators in cases involving paramount public interest
[70]
and
transcendental importance,
[71]
and that procedural matters are subordinate to the need to determine whether or not the
other branches of the government have kept themselves within the limits of the Constitution and the laws and that they
have not abused the discretion given to them.
[72]
Amicus curiae Dean Raul Pangalangan of the U.P. College of Law is of
the same opinion, citing transcendental importance and the well-entrenched rule exception that, when the real party in
interest is unable to vindicate his rights by seeking the same remedies, as in the case of the Chief Justice who, for ethical
reasons, cannot himself invoke the jurisdiction of this Court, the courts will grant petitioners standing.
There is, however, a difference between the rule on real-party-in-interest and the rule on standing, for the former is a
concept of civil procedure
[73]
while the latter has constitutional underpinnings.
[74]
In view of the arguments set forth
regarding standing, it behooves the Court to reiterate the ruling in Kilosbayan, Inc. v. Morato
[75]
to clarify what is meant
by locus standi and to distinguish it from real party-in-interest.
The difference between the rule on standing and real party in interest has been noted by authorities thus: It is important
to note . . . that standing because of its constitutional and public policy underpinnings, is very different from questions
relating to whether a particular plaintiff is the real party in interest or has capacity to sue. Although all three requirements
are directed towards ensuring that only certain parties can maintain an action, standing restrictions require a partial
consideration of the merits, as well as broader policy concerns relating to the proper role of the judiciary in certain areas.
Standing is a special concern in constitutional law because in some cases suits are brought not by parties who have been
personally injured by the operation of a law or by official action taken, but by concerned citizens, taxpayers or voters who
actually sue in the public interest. Hence the question in standing is whether such parties have alleged such a personal
stake in the outcome of the controversy as to assure that concrete adverseness which sharpens the presentation of
issues upon which the court so largely depends for illumination of difficult constitutional questions.
x x x
On the other hand, the question as to "real party in interest" is whether he is the party who would be benefited or injured
by the judgment, or the 'party entitled to the avails of the suit.
[76]
(Citations omitted)
While rights personal to the Chief Justice may have been injured by the alleged unconstitutional acts of the House of
Representatives, none of the petitioners before us asserts a violation of the personal rights of the Chief Justice. On the
contrary, they invariably invoke the vindication of their own rights as taxpayers; members of Congress; citizens,
individually or in a class suit; and members of the bar and of the legal profession which were supposedly violated by the
alleged unconstitutional acts of the House of Representatives.
In a long line of cases, however, concerned citizens, taxpayers and legislators when specific requirements have been
met have been given standing by this Court.
When suing as a citizen, the interest of the petitioner assailing the constitutionality of a statute must be direct and
personal. He must be able to show, not only that the law or any government act is invalid, but also that he sustained or is
in imminent danger of sustaining some direct injury as a result of its enforcement, and not merely that he suffers thereby
in some indefinite way. It must appear that the person complaining has been or is about to be denied some right or
privilege to which he is lawfully entitled or that he is about to be subjected to some burdens or penalties by reason of the
statute or act complained of.
[77]
In fine, when the proceeding involves the assertion of a public right,
[78]
the mere fact that
he is a citizen satisfies the requirement of personal interest.
In the case of a taxpayer, he is allowed to sue where there is a claim that public funds are illegally disbursed, or that
public money is being deflected to any improper purpose, or that there is a wastage of public funds through the
enforcement of an invalid or unconstitutional law.
[79]
Before he can invoke the power of judicial review, however, he must
specifically prove that he has sufficient interest in preventing the illegal expenditure of money raised by taxation and that
he would sustain a direct injury as a result of the enforcement of the questioned statute or contract. It is not sufficient that
he has merely a general interest common to all members of the public.
[80]

At all events, courts are vested with discretion as to whether or not a taxpayer's suit should be entertained.
[81]
This
Court opts to grant standing to most of the petitioners, given their allegation that any impending transmittal to the Senate
of the Articles of Impeachment and the ensuing trial of the Chief Justice will necessarily involve the expenditure of public
funds.
As for a legislator, he is allowed to sue to question the validity of any official action which he claims infringes his
prerogatives as a legislator.
[82]
Indeed, a member of the House of Representatives has standing to maintain inviolate the
prerogatives, powers and privileges vested by the Constitution in his office.
[83]

While an association has legal personality to represent its members,
[84]
especially when it is composed of substantial
taxpayers and the outcome will affect their vital interests,
[85]
the mere invocation by the Integrated Bar of the Philippines or
any member of the legal profession of the duty to preserve the rule of law and nothing more, although undoubtedly true,
does not suffice to clothe it with standing. Its interest is too general. It is shared by other groups and the whole citizenry.
However, a reading of the petitions shows that it has advanced constitutional issues which deserve the attention of this
Court in view of their seriousness, novelty and weight as precedents.
[86]
It, therefore, behooves this Court to relax the
rules on standing and to resolve the issues presented by it.
In the same vein, when dealing with class suits filed in behalf of all citizens, persons intervening must be sufficiently
numerous to fully protect the interests of all concerned
[87]
to enable the court to deal properly with all interests involved in
the suit,
[88]
for a judgment in a class suit, whether favorable or unfavorable to the class, is, under the res judicata principle,
binding on all members of the class whether or not they were before the court.
[89]
Where it clearly appears that not all
interests can be sufficiently represented as shown by the divergent issues raised in the numerous petitions before this
Court, G.R. No. 160365 as a class suit ought to fail. Since petitioners additionally allege standing as citizens and
taxpayers, however, their petition will stand.
The Philippine Bar Association, in G.R. No. 160403, invokes the sole ground of transcendental importance, while
Atty. Dioscoro U. Vallejos, in G.R. No. 160397, is mum on his standing.
There being no doctrinal definition of transcendental importance, the following instructive determinants formulated by
former Supreme Court Justice Florentino P. Feliciano are instructive: (1) the character of the funds or other assets
involved in the case; (2) the presence of a clear case of disregard of a constitutional or statutory prohibition by the publi c
respondent agency or instrumentality of the government; and (3) the lack of any other party with a more direct and specific
interest in raising the questions being raised.
[90]
Applying these determinants, this Court is satisfied that the issues raised
herein are indeed of transcendental importance.
In not a few cases, this Court has in fact adopted a liberal attitude on the locus standi of a petitioner where the
petitioner is able to craft an issue of transcendental significance to the people, as when the issues raised are of
paramount importance to the public.
[91]
Such liberality does not, however, mean that the requirement that a party should
have an interest in the matter is totally eliminated. A party must, at the very least, still plead the existence of such interest,
it not being one of which courts can take judicial notice. In petitioner Vallejos case, he failed to allege any interest in the
case. He does not thus have standing.
With respect to the motions for intervention, Rule 19, Section 2 of the Rules of Court requires an intervenor to
possess a legal interest in the matter in litigation, or in the success of either of the parties, or an interest against both, or is
so situated as to be adversely affected by a distribution or other disposition of property in the custody of the court or of an
officer thereof. While intervention is not a matter of right, it may be permitted by the courts when the applicant shows
facts which satisfy the requirements of the law authorizing intervention.
[92]

In Intervenors Attorneys Romulo Macalintal and Pete Quirino Quadras case, they seek to join petitioners
Candelaria, et. al. in G.R. No. 160262. Since, save for one additional issue, they raise the same issues and the same
standing, and no objection on the part of petitioners Candelaria, et. al. has been interposed, this Court as earlier stated,
granted the Motion for Leave of Court to Intervene and Petition-in-Intervention.
Nagmamalasakit na mga Manananggol ng mga Manggagawang Pilipino, Inc., et. al. sought to join petitioner
Francisco in G.R. No. 160261. Invoking their right as citizens to intervene, alleging that they will suffer if this insidious
scheme of the minority members of the House of Representatives is successful, this Court found the requisites for
intervention had been complied with.
Alleging that the issues raised in the petitions in G.R. Nos. 160261, 160262, 160263, 160277, 160292, 160295, and
160310 were of transcendental importance, World War II Veterans Legionnaires of the Philippines, Inc. filed a Petition-in-
Intervention with Leave to Intervene to raise the additional issue of whether or not the second impeachment complaint
against the Chief Justice is valid and based on any of the grounds prescribed by the Constitution.
Finding that Nagmamalasakit na mga Manananggol ng mga Manggagawang Pilipino, Inc., et al. and World War II
Veterans Legionnaires of the Philippines, Inc. possess a legal interest in the matter in litigation the respective motions to
intervene were hereby granted.
Senator Aquilino Pimentel, on the other hand, sought to intervene for the limited purpose of making of record and
arguing a point of view that differs with Senate President Drilons. He alleges that submitting to this Courts jurisdiction as
the Senate President does will undermine the independence of the Senate which will sit as an impeachment court once
the Articles of Impeachment are transmitted to it from the House of Representatives. Clearly, Senator
Pimentel possesses a legal interest in the matter in litigation, he being a member of Congress against which the herein
petitions are directed. For this reason, and to fully ventilate all substantial issues relating to the matter at hand, his Motion
to Intervene was granted and he was, as earlier stated, allowed to argue.
Lastly, as to Jaime N. Sorianos motion to intervene, the same must be denied for, while he asserts an interest as a
taxpayer, he failed to meet the standing requirement for bringing taxpayers suits as set forth in Dumlao v. Comelec,
[93]
to
wit:
x x x While, concededly, the elections to be held involve the expenditure of public moneys, nowhere in their Petition do
said petitioners allege that their tax money is being extracted and spent in violation of specific constitutional protection
against abuses of legislative power, or that there is a misapplication of such funds by respondent COMELEC, or that
public money is being deflected to any improper purpose. Neither do petitioners seek to restrain respondent from wasting
public funds through the enforcement of an invalid or unconstitutional law.
[94]
(Citations omitted)
In praying for the dismissal of the petitions, Soriano failed even to allege that the act of petitioners will result in illegal
disbursement of public funds or in public money being deflected to any improper purpose. Additionally, his mere interest
as a member of the Bar does not suffice to clothe him with standing.
Ripeness and Prematurity
In Tan v. Macapagal,
[95]
this Court, through Chief Justice Fernando, held that for a case to be considered ripe for
adjudication, it is a prerequisite that something had by then been accomplished or performed by either branch before a
court may come into the picture.
[96]
Only then may the courts pass on the validity of what was done, if and when the latter
is challenged in an appropriate legal proceeding.
The instant petitions raise in the main the issue of the validity of the filing of the second impeachment complaint
against the Chief Justice in accordance with the House Impeachment Rules adopted by the 12
th
Congress, the
constitutionality of which is questioned. The questioned acts having been carried out, i.e., the second impeachment
complaint had been filed with the House of Representatives and the 2001 Rules have already been already promulgated
and enforced, the prerequisite that the alleged unconstitutional act should be accomplished and performed before suit,
as Tan v. Macapagal holds, has been complied with.
Related to the issue of ripeness is the question of whether the instant petitions are premature. Amicus curiae former
Senate President Jovito R. Salonga opines that there may be no urgent need for this Court to render a decision at this
time, it being the final arbiter on questions of constitutionality anyway. He thus recommends that all remedies in the
House and Senate should first be exhausted.
Taking a similar stand is Dean Raul Pangalangan of the U.P. College of Law who suggests to this Court to take
judicial notice of on-going attempts to encourage signatories to the second impeachment complaint to withdraw their
signatures and opines that the House Impeachment Rules provide for an opportunity for members to raise constitutional
questions themselves when the Articles of Impeachment are presented on a motion to transmit to the same to the
Senate. The dean maintains that even assuming that the Articles are transmitted to the Senate, the Chief Justice can
raise the issue of their constitutional infirmity by way of a motion to dismiss.
The deans position does not persuade. First, the withdrawal by the Representatives of their signatures would not,
by itself, cure the House Impeachment Rules of their constitutional infirmity. Neither would such a withdrawal, by itself,
obliterate the questioned second impeachment complaint since it would only place it under the ambit of Sections 3(2) and
(3) of Article XI of the Constitution
[97]
and, therefore, petitioners would continue to suffer their injuries.
Second and most importantly, the futility of seeking remedies from either or both Houses of Congress before coming
to this Court is shown by the fact that, as previously discussed, neither the House of Representatives nor the Senate is
clothed with the power to rule with definitiveness on the issue of constitutionality, whether concerning impeachment
proceedings or otherwise, as said power is exclusively vested in the judiciary by the earlier quoted Section I, Article VIII of
the Constitution. Remedy cannot be sought from a body which is bereft of power to grant it.
J usticiability
In the leading case of Tanada v. Cuenco,
[98]
Chief Justice Roberto Concepcion defined the term political
question, viz:
[T]he term political question connotes, in legal parlance, what it means in ordinary parlance, namely, a question of
policy. In other words, in the language of Corpus Juris Secundum, it refers to those questions which, under the
Constitution, are to be decided by the people in their sovereign capacity, or in regard to which full discretionary
authority has been delegated to the Legislature or executive branch of the Government. It is concerned with issues
dependent upon the wisdom, not legality, of a particular measure.
[99]
(Italics in the original)
Prior to the 1973 Constitution, without consistency and seemingly without any rhyme or reason, this Court vacillated
on its stance of taking cognizance of cases which involved political questions. In some cases, this Court hid behind the
cover of the political question doctrine and refused to exercise its power of judicial review.
[100]
In other cases, however,
despite the seeming political nature of the therein issues involved, this Court assumed jurisdiction whenever it found
constitutionally imposed limits on powers or functions conferred upon political bodies.
[101]
Even in the landmark 1988 case
of Javellana v. Executive Secretary
[102]
which raised the issue of whether the 1973 Constitution was ratified, hence, in
force, this Court shunted the political question doctrine and took cognizance thereof. Ratification by the people of a
Constitution is a political question, it being a question decided by the people in their sovereign capacity.
The frequency with which this Court invoked the political question doctrine to refuse to take jurisdiction over certain
cases during the Marcos regime motivated Chief Justice Concepcion, when he became a Constitutional Commissioner, to
clarify this Courts power of judicial review and its application on issues involving political questions, viz:
MR. CONCEPCION. Thank you, Mr. Presiding Officer.
I will speak on the judiciary. Practically, everybody has made, I suppose, the usual comment that the judiciary is the
weakest among the three major branches of the service. Since the legislature holds the purse and the executive the
sword, the judiciary has nothing with which to enforce its decisions or commands except the power of reason and appeal
to conscience which, after all, reflects the will of God, and is the most powerful of all other powers without exception. x x x
And so, with the bodys indulgence, I will proceed to read the provisions drafted by the Committee on the Judiciary.
The first section starts with a sentence copied from former Constitutions. It says:
The judicial power shall be vested in one Supreme Court and in such lower courts as may be established by law.
I suppose nobody can question it.
The next provision is new in our constitutional law. I will read it first and explain.
Judicial power includes the duty of courts of justice to settle actual controversies involving rights which are legally
demandable and enforceable and to determine whether or not there has been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to
lack or excess of jurisdiction on the part or instrumentality of the government.
Fellow Members of this Commission, this is actually a product of our experience during martial law. As a matter of fact, it
has some antecedents in the past, but the role of the judiciary during the deposed regime was marred considerably
by the circumstance that in a number of cases against the government, which then had no legal defense at all,
the solicitor general set up the defense of political questions and got away with it. As a consequence, certain
principles concerning particularly the writ of habeas corpus, that is, the authority of courts to order the release of
political detainees, and other matters related to the operation and effect of martial law failed because the
government set up the defense of political question. And the Supreme Court said: Well, since it is political, we have
no authority to pass upon it. The Committee on the Judiciary feels that this was not a proper solution of the
questions involved. It did not merely request an encroachment upon the rights of the people, but it, in effect,
encouraged further violations thereof during the martial law regime. I am sure the members of the Bar are familiar
with this situation. But for the benefit of the Members of the Commission who are not lawyers, allow me to explain. I will
start with a decision of the Supreme Court in 1973 on the case of Javellana vs. the Secretary of Justice, if I am not
mistaken. Martial law was announced on September 22, although the proclamation was dated September 21. The
obvious reason for the delay in its publication was that the administration had apprehended and detained prominent
newsmen on September 21. So that when martial law was announced on September 22, the media hardly published
anything about it. In fact, the media could not publish any story not only because our main writers were already
incarcerated, but also because those who succeeded them in their jobs were under mortal threat of being the object of
wrath of the ruling party. The 1971 Constitutional Convention had begun on June 1, 1971 and by September 21 or 22 had
not finished the Constitution; it had barely agreed in the fundamentals of the Constitution. I forgot to say that upon the
proclamation of martial law, some delegates to that 1971 Constitutional Convention, dozens of them, were picked
up. One of them was our very own colleague, Commissioner Calderon. So, the unfinished draft of the Constitution was
taken over by representatives of Malacaang. In 17 days, they finished what the delegates to the 1971 Constitutional
Convention had been unable to accomplish for about 14 months. The draft of the 1973 Constitution was presented to the
President around December 1, 1972, whereupon the President issued a decree calling a plebiscite which suspended the
operation of some provisions in the martial law decree which prohibited discussions, much less public discussions of
certain matters of public concern. The purpose was presumably to allow a free discussion on the draft of the Constitution
on which a plebiscite was to be held sometime in January 1973. If I may use a word famous by our colleague,
Commissioner Ople, during the interregnum, however, the draft of the Constitution was analyzed and criticized with such
a telling effect that Malacaang felt the danger of its approval. So, the President suspended indefinitely the holding of the
plebiscite and announced that he would consult the people in a referendum to be held from January 10 to January
15. But the questions to be submitted in the referendum were not announced until the eve of its scheduled beginning,
under the supposed supervision not of the Commission on Elections, but of what was then designated as citizens
assemblies or barangays. Thus the barangays came into existence. The questions to be propounded were released
with proposed answers thereto, suggesting that it was unnecessary to hold a plebiscite because the answers given in the
referendum should be regarded as the votes cast in the plebiscite. Thereupon, a motion was filed with the Supreme Court
praying that the holding of the referendum be suspended. When the motion was being heard before the Supreme Court,
the Minister of Justice delivered to the Court a proclamation of the President declaring that the new Constitution was
already in force because the overwhelming majority of the votes cast in the referendum favored the
Constitution. Immediately after the departure of the Minister of Justice, I proceeded to the session room where the case
was being heard. I then informed the Court and the parties the presidential proclamation declaring that the 1973
Constitution had been ratified by the people and is now in force.
A number of other cases were filed to declare the presidential proclamation null and void. The main defense put
up by the government was that the issue was a political question and that the court had no jurisdiction to
entertain the case.
x x x
The government said that in a referendum held from January 10 to January 15, the vast majority ratified the draft of the
Constitution. Note that all members of the Supreme Court were residents of Manila, but none of them had been notified of
any referendum in their respective places of residence, much less did they participate in the alleged referendum. None of
them saw any referendum proceeding.
In the Philippines, even local gossips spread like wild fire. So, a majority of the members of the Court felt that there had
been no referendum.
Second, a referendum cannot substitute for a plebiscite. There is a big difference between a referendum and a
plebiscite. But another group of justices upheld the defense that the issue was a political question. Whereupon,
they dismissed the case. This is not the only major case in which the plea of political question was set
up. There have been a number of other cases in the past.
x x x The defense of the political question was rejected because the issue was clearly justiciable.
x x x
x x x When your Committee on the Judiciary began to perform its functions, it faced the following questions: What is
judicial power? What is a political question?
The Supreme Court, like all other courts, has one main function: to settle actual controversies involving conflicts of rights
which are demandable and enforceable. There are rights which are guaranteed by law but cannot be enforced by a
judiciary party. In a decided case, a husband complained that his wife was unwilling to perform her duties as a wife. The
Court said: We can tell your wife what her duties as such are and that she is bound to comply with them, but we cannot
force her physically to discharge her main marital duty to her husband. There are some rights guaranteed by law, but
they are so personal that to enforce them by actual compulsion would be highly derogatory to human dignity.
This is why the first part of the second paragraph of Section I provides that:
Judicial power includes the duty of courts to settle actual controversies involving rights which are legally demandable or
enforceable . . .
The courts, therefore, cannot entertain, much less decide, hypothetical questions. In a presidential system of
government, the Supreme Court has, also another important function. The powers of government are generally
considered divided into three branches: the Legislative, the Executive and the Judiciary. Each one is supreme
within its own sphere and independent of the others. Because of that supremacy power to determine whether a
given law is valid or not is vested in courts of justice.
Briefly stated, courts of justice determine the limits of power of the agencies and offices of the government as
well as those of its officers. In other words, the judiciary is the final arbiter on the question whether or not a
branch of government or any of its officials has acted without jurisdiction or in excess of jurisdiction, or so
capriciously as to constitute an abuse of discretion amounting to excess of jurisdiction or lack of
jurisdiction. This is not only a judicial power but a duty to pass judgment on matters of this nature.
This is the background of paragraph 2 of Section 1, which means that the courts cannot hereafter evade the duty
to settle matters of this nature, by claiming that such matters constitute a political question.
I have made these extended remarks to the end that the Commissioners may have an initial food for thought on the
subject of the judiciary.
[103]
(Italics in the original; emphasis supplied)
During the deliberations of the Constitutional Commission, Chief Justice Concepcion further clarified the concept of
judicial power, thus:
MR. NOLLEDO. The Gentleman used the term judicial power but judicial power is not vested in the Supreme
Court alone but also in other lower courts as may be created by law.
MR. CONCEPCION. Yes.
MR. NOLLEDO. And so, is this only an example?
MR. CONCEPCION. No, I know this is not. The Gentleman seems to identify political questions with
jurisdictional questions. But there is a difference.
MR. NOLLEDO. Because of the expression judicial power?
MR. CONCEPCION. No. Judicial power, as I said, refers to ordinary cases but where there is a question as to
whether the government had authority or had abused its authority to the extent of lacking jurisdiction or excess
of jurisdiction, that is not a political question. Therefore, the court has the duty to decide.
x x x
FR. BERNAS. Ultimately, therefore, it will always have to be decided by the Supreme Court according to the new
numerical need for votes.
On another point, is it the intention of Section 1 to do away with the political question doctrine?
MR. CONCEPCION. No.
FR. BERNAS. It is not.
MR. CONCEPCION. No, because whenever there is an abuse of discretion, amounting to a lack of jurisdiction. . .
FR. BERNAS. So, I am satisfied with the answer that it is not intended to do away with the political question
doctrine.
MR. CONCEPCION. No, certainly not.
When this provision was originally drafted, it sought to define what is judicial power. But the Gentleman will
notice it says, judicial power includes and the reason being that the definition that we might make may not
cover all possible areas.
FR. BERNAS. So, this is not an attempt to solve the problems arising from the political question doctrine.
MR. CONCEPCION. It definitely does not eliminate the fact that truly political questions are beyond the pale of
judicial power.
[104]
(Emphasis supplied)
From the foregoing record of the proceedings of the 1986 Constitutional Commission, it is clear that judicial power is
not only a power; it is also a duty, a duty which cannot be abdicated by the mere specter of this creature called the
political question doctrine. Chief Justice Concepcion hastened to clarify, however, that Section 1, Article VIII was not
intended to do away with truly political questions. From this clarification it is gathered that there are two species of
political questions: (1) truly political questions and (2) those which are not truly political questions.
Truly political questions are thus beyond judicial review, the reason for respect of the doctrine of separation of
powers to be maintained. On the other hand, by virtue of Section 1, Article VIII of the Constitution, courts can review
questions which are not truly political in nature.
As pointed out by amicus curiae former dean Pacifico Agabin of the UP College of Law, this Court has in fact in a
number of cases taken jurisdiction over questions which are not truly political following the effectivity of the present
Constitution.
In Marcos v. Manglapus,
[105]
this Court, speaking through Madame Justice Irene Cortes, held:
The present Constitution limits resort to the political question doctrine and broadens the scope of judicial inquiry into areas
which the Court, under previous constitutions, would have normally left to the political departments to decide.
[106]
x x x
In Bengzon v. Senate Blue Ribbon Committee,
[107]
through Justice Teodoro Padilla, this Court declared:
The "allocation of constitutional boundaries" is a task that this Court must perform under the Constitution. Moreover, as
held in a recent case, (t)he political question doctrine neither interposes an obstacle to judicial determination of
the rival claims. The jurisdiction to delimit constitutional boundaries has been given to this Court. It cannot
abdicate that obligation mandated by the 1987 Constitution, although said provision by no means does away with
the applicability of the principle in appropriate cases.
[108]
(Emphasis and underscoring supplied)
And in Daza v. Singson,
[109]
speaking through Justice Isagani Cruz, this Court ruled:
In the case now before us, the jurisdictional objection becomes even less tenable and decisive. The reason is that, even if
we were to assume that the issue presented before us was political in nature, we would still not be precluded from
resolving it under theexpanded jurisdiction conferred upon us that now covers, in proper cases, even the political
question.
[110]
x x x (Emphasis and underscoring supplied.)
Section 1, Article VIII, of the Court does not define what are justiciable political questions and non-justiciable political
questions, however. Identification of these two species of political questions may be problematic. There has been no
clear standard. The American case of Baker v. Carr
[111]
attempts to provide some:
x x x Prominent on the surface of any case held to involve a political question is found a textually demonstrable
constitutional commitment of the issue to a coordinate political department; or a lack of judicially discoverable and
manageable standards for resolving it; or the impossibility of deciding without an initial policy determination of a kind
clearly for non-judicial discretion; or the impossibility of a courts undertaking independent resolution without expressing
lack of the respect due coordinate branches of government; or an unusual need for questioning adherence to a political
decision already made; or the potentiality of embarrassment from multifarious pronouncements by various departments on
one question.
[112]
(Underscoring supplied)
Of these standards, the more reliable have been the first three: (1) a textually demonstrable constitutional commitment of
the issue to a coordinate political department; (2) the lack of judicially discoverable and manageable standards for
resolving it; and (3) the impossibility of deciding without an initial policy determination of a kind clearly for non-judicial
discretion. These standards are not separate and distinct concepts but are interrelated to each in that the presence of
one strengthens the conclusion that the others are also present.
The problem in applying the foregoing standards is that the American concept of judicial review is radically different
from our current concept, for Section 1, Article VIII of the Constitution provides our courts with far less discretion in
determining whether they should pass upon a constitutional issue.
In our jurisdiction, the determination of a truly political question from a non-justiciable political question lies in the
answer to the question of whether there are constitutionally imposed limits on powers or functions conferred upon political
bodies. If there are, then our courts are duty-bound to examine whether the branch or instrumentality of the government
properly acted within such limits. This Court shall thus now apply this standard to the present controversy.
These petitions raise five substantial issues:
I. Whether the offenses alleged in the Second impeachment complaint constitute valid impeachable offenses
under the Constitution.
II. Whether the second impeachment complaint was filed in accordance with Section 3(4), Article XI of the
Constitution.
III. Whether the legislative inquiry by the House Committee on Justice into the Judicial Development Fund is an
unconstitutional infringement of the constitutionally mandated fiscal autonomy of the judiciary.
IV. Whether Sections 15 and 16 of Rule V of the Rules on Impeachment adopted by the 12
th
Congress are
unconstitutional for violating the provisions of Section 3, Article XI of the Constitution.
V. Whether the second impeachment complaint is barred under Section 3(5) of Article XI of the Constitution.
The first issue goes into the merits of the second impeachment complaint over which this Court has no
jurisdiction. More importantly, any discussion of this issue would require this Court to make a determination of what
constitutes an impeachable offense. Such a determination is a purely political question which the Constitution has left to
the sound discretion of the legislation. Such an intent is clear from the deliberations of the Constitutional Commission.
[113]

Although Section 2 of Article XI of the Constitution enumerates six grounds for impeachment, two of these, namely,
other high crimes and betrayal of public trust, elude a precise definition. In fact, an examination of the records of the 1986
Constitutional Commission shows that the framers could find no better way to approximate the boundaries of betrayal of
public trust and other high crimes than by alluding to both positive and negative examples of both, without arriving at their
clear cut definition or even a standard therefor.
[114]
Clearly, the issue calls upon this court to decide a non-justiciable
political question which is beyond the scope of its judicial power under Section 1, Article VIII.
Lis Mota
It is a well-settled maxim of adjudication that an issue assailing the constitutionality of a governmental act should be
avoided whenever possible. Thus, in the case of Sotto v. Commission on Elections,
[115]
this Court held:
x x x It is a well-established rule that a court should not pass upon a constitutional question and decide a law to be
unconstitutional or invalid, unless such question is raised by the parties and that when it is raised, if the record also
presents some other ground upon which the court may rest its judgment, that course will be adopted and the
constitutional question will be left for consideration until a case arises in which a decision upon such question
will be unavoidable.
[116]
[Emphasis and underscoring supplied]
The same principle was applied in Luz Farms v. Secretary of Agrarian Reform,
[117]
where this Court invalidated
Sections 13 and 32 of Republic Act No. 6657 for being confiscatory and violative of due process, to wit:
It has been established that this Court will assume jurisdiction over a constitutional question only if it is shown
that the essential requisites of a judicial inquiry into such a question are first satisfied. Thus, there must be an
actual case or controversy involving a conflict of legal rights susceptible of judicial determination, the constitutional
question must have been opportunely raised by the proper party, and the resolution of the question is unavoidably
necessary to the decision of the case itself.
[118]
[Emphasis supplied]
Succinctly put, courts will not touch the issue of constitutionality unless it is truly unavoidable and is the very lis
mota or crux of the controversy.
As noted earlier, the instant consolidated petitions, while all seeking the invalidity of the second impeachment
complaint, collectively raise several constitutional issues upon which the outcome of this controversy could possibly be
made to rest. In determining whether one, some or all of the remaining substantial issues should be passed upon, this
Court is guided by the related cannon of adjudication that the court should not form a rule of constitutional law broader
than is required by the precise facts to which it is applied.
[119]

In G.R. No. 160310, petitioners Leonilo R. Alfonso, et al. argue that, among other reasons, the second impeachment
complaint is invalid since it directly resulted from a Resolution
[120]
calling for a legislative inquiry into the JDF, which
Resolution and legislative inquiry petitioners claim to likewise be unconstitutional for being: (a) a violation of the rules and
jurisprudence on investigations in aid of legislation; (b) an open breach of the doctrine of separation of powers; (c) a
violation of the constitutionally mandated fiscal autonomy of the judiciary; and (d) an assault on the independence of the
judiciary.
[121]

Without going into the merits of petitioners Alfonso, et. al.s claims, it is the studied opinion of this Court that the issue
of the constitutionality of the said Resolution and resulting legislative inquiry is too far removed from the issue of the
validity of the second impeachment complaint. Moreover, the resolution of said issue would, in the Courts opinion, require
it to form a rule of constitutional law touching on the separate and distinct matter of legislative inquiries in general, whi ch
would thus be broader than is required by the facts of these consolidated cases. This opinion is further strengthened by
the fact that said petitioners have raised other grounds in support of their petition which would not be adversely affected
by the Courts ruling.
En passant, this Court notes that a standard for the conduct of legislative inquiries has already been enunciated by
this Court in Bengzon, Jr. v. Senate Blue Ribbon Commttee,
[122]
viz:
The 1987 Constitution expressly recognizes the power of both houses of Congress to conduct inquiries in aid of
legislation. Thus, Section 21, Article VI thereof provides:
The Senate or the House of Representatives or any of its respective committees may conduct inquiries in aid of legislation
in accordance with its duly published rules of procedure. The rights of persons appearing in or affected by such inquiries
shall be respected.
The power of both houses of Congress to conduct inquiries in aid of legislation is not, therefore absolute or unlimited. Its
exercise is circumscribed by the afore-quoted provision of the Constitution. Thus, as provided therein, the investigation
must be in aid of legislation in accordance with its duly published rules of procedure and that the rights of persons
appearing in or affected by such inquiries shall be respected. It follows then that the right rights of persons under the Bill
of Rights must be respected, including the right to due process and the right not be compelled to testify against ones
self.
[123]

In G.R. No. 160262, intervenors Romulo B. Macalintal and Pete Quirino Quadra, while joining the original petition of
petitioners Candelaria, et. al., introduce the new argument that since the second impeachment complaint was verified and
filed only by Representatives Gilberto Teodoro, Jr. and Felix William Fuentebella, the same does not fall under the
provisions of Section 3 (4), Article XI of the Constitution which reads:
Section 3(4) In case the verified complaint or resolution of impeachment is filed by at least one-third of all the Members of
the House, the same shall constitute the Articles of Impeachment, and trial by the Senate shall forthwith proceed.
They assert that while at least 81 members of the House of Representatives signed a Resolution of
Endorsement/Impeachment, the same did not satisfy the requisites for the application of the afore-mentioned section in
that the verified complaint or resolution of impeachment was not filed by at least one-third of all the Members of the
House. With the exception of Representatives Teodoro and Fuentebella, the signatories to said Resolution are alleged to
have verified the same merely as a Resolution of Endorsement. Intervenors point to the Verification of the Resolution
of Endorsement which states that:
We are the proponents/sponsors of the Resolution of Endorsement of the abovementioned Complaint of Representatives
Gilberto Teodoro and Felix William B. Fuentebella x x x
[124]

Intervenors Macalintal and Quadra further claim that what the Constitution requires in order for said second
impeachment complaint to automatically become the Articles of Impeachment and for trial in the Senate to begin
forthwith, is that the verified complaint be filed, not merely endorsed, by at least one-third of the Members of the House
of Representatives. Not having complied with this requirement, they concede that the second impeachment complaint
should have been calendared and referred to the House Committee on Justice under Section 3(2), Article XI of the
Constitution, viz:
Section 3(2) A verified complaint for impeachment may be filed by any Member of the House of Representatives or by any
citizen upon a resolution of endorsement by any Member thereof, which shall be included in the Order of Business within
ten session days, and referred to the proper Committee within three session days thereafter. The Committee, after
hearing, and by a majority vote of all its Members, shall submit its report to the House within sixty session days from such
referral, together with the corresponding resolution. The resolution shall be calendared for consideration by the House
within ten session days from receipt thereof.
Intervenors foregoing position is echoed by Justice Maambong who opined that for Section 3 (4), Article XI of the
Constitution to apply, there should be 76 or more representatives who signed and verified the second impeachment
complaint as complainants, signed and verified the signatories to a resolution of impeachment. Justice Maambong
likewise asserted that the Resolution of Endorsement/Impeachment signed by at least one-third of the members of the
House of Representatives as endorsers is not the resolution of impeachment contemplated by the Constitution, such
resolution of endorsement being necessary only from at least one Member whenever a citizen files a verified
impeachment complaint.
While the foregoing issue, as argued by intervenors Macalintal and Quadra, does indeed limit the scope of the
constitutional issues to the provisions on impeachment, more compelling considerations militate against its adoption as
the lis mota or crux of the present controversy. Chief among this is the fact that only Attorneys Macalintal and Quadra,
intervenors in G.R. No. 160262, have raised this issue as a ground for invalidating the second impeachment
complaint. Thus, to adopt this additional ground as the basis for deciding the instant consolidated petitions would not only
render for naught the efforts of the original petitioners in G.R. No. 160262, but the efforts presented by the other
petitioners as well.
Again, the decision to discard the resolution of this issue as unnecessary for the determination of the instant cases is
made easier by the fact that said intervenors Macalintal and Quadra have joined in the petition of Candelaria, et. al.,
adopting the latters arguments and issues as their own. Consequently, they are not unduly prejudiced by this Courts
decision.
In sum, this Court holds that the two remaining issues, inextricably linked as they are, constitute the very lis mota of
the instant controversy: (1) whether Sections 15 and 16 of Rule V of the House Impeachment Rules adopted by the
12
th
Congress are unconstitutional for violating the provisions of Section 3, Article XI of the Constitution; and (2) whether,
as a result thereof, the second impeachment complaint is barred under Section 3(5) of Article XI of the Constitution.
J udicial Restraint
Senator Pimentel urges this Court to exercise judicial restraint on the ground that the Senate, sitting as an
impeachment court, has the sole power to try and decide all cases of impeachment. Again, this Court reiterates that the
power of judicial review includes the power of review over justiciable issues in impeachment proceedings.
On the other hand, respondents Speaker De Venecia et. al. argue that [t]here is a moral compulsion for the Court to
not assume jurisdiction over the impeachment because all the Members thereof are subject to impeachment.
[125]
But this
argument is very much like saying the Legislature has a moral compulsion not to pass laws with penalty clauses because
Members of the House of Representatives are subject to them.
The exercise of judicial restraint over justiciable issues is not an option before this Court. Adjudication may not be
declined, because this Court is not legally disqualified. Nor can jurisdiction be renounced as there is no other tribunal to
which the controversy may be referred.
[126]
Otherwise, this Court would be shirking from its duty vested under Art. VIII,
Sec. 1(2) of the Constitution. More than being clothed with authority thus, this Court is duty-bound to take cognizance of
the instant petitions.
[127]
In the august words of amicus curiae Father Bernas, jurisdiction is not just a power; it is a solemn
duty which may not be renounced. To renounce it, even if it is vexatious, would be a dereliction of duty.
Even in cases where it is an interested party, the Court under our system of government cannot inhibit itself and must
rule upon the challenge because no other office has the authority to do so.
[128]
On the occasion that this Court had been
an interested party to the controversy before it, it has acted upon the matter not with officiousness but in the discharge of
an unavoidable duty and, as always, with detachment and fairness.
[129]
After all, by [his] appointment to the office, the
public has laid on [a member of the judiciary] their confidence that [he] is mentally and morally fit to pass upon the merits
of their varied contentions. For this reason, they expect [him] to be fearless in [his] pursuit to render justice, to be unafraid
to displease any person, interest or power and to be equipped with a moral fiber strong enough to resist the temptations
lurking in [his] office.
[130]

The duty to exercise the power of adjudication regardless of interest had already been settled in the case of Abbas v.
Senate Electoral Tribunal.
[131]
In that case, the petitioners filed with the respondent Senate Electoral Tribunal a Motion for
Disqualification or Inhibition of the Senators-Members thereof from the hearing and resolution of SET Case No. 002-87 on
the ground that all of them were interested parties to said case as respondents therein. This would have reduced the
Tribunals membership to only its three Justices-Members whose disqualification was not sought, leaving them to decide
the matter. This Court held:
Where, as here, a situation is created which precludes the substitution of any Senator sitting in the Tribunal by any of his
other colleagues in the Senate without inviting the same objections to the substitute's competence, the proposed mass
disqualification, if sanctioned and ordered, would leave the Tribunal no alternative but to abandon a duty that no other
court or body can perform, but which it cannot lawfully discharge if shorn of the participation of its entire membership of
Senators.
To our mind, this is the overriding consideration that the Tribunal be not prevented from discharging a duty which it
alone has the power to perform, the performance of which is in the highest public interest as evidenced by its being
expressly imposed by no less than the fundamental law.
It is aptly noted in the first of the questioned Resolutions that the framers of the Constitution could not have been unaware
of the possibility of an election contest that would involve all Senatorselect, six of whom would inevitably have to sit in
judgment thereon. Indeed, such possibility might surface again in the wake of the 1992 elections when once more, but for
the last time, all 24 seats in the Senate will be at stake. Yet the Constitution provides no scheme or mode for settling such
unusual situations or for the substitution of Senators designated to the Tribunal whose disqualification may be sought.
Litigants in such situations must simply place their trust and hopes of vindication in the fairness and sense of justice of the
Members of the Tribunal. Justices and Senators, singly and collectively.
Let us not be misunderstood as saying that no Senator-Member of the Senate Electoral Tribunal may inhibit or disqualify
himself from sitting in judgment on any case before said Tribunal. Every Member of the Tribunal may, as his conscience
dictates, refrain from participating in the resolution of a case where he sincerely feels that his personal interests or biases
would stand in the way of an objective and impartial judgment. What we are merely saying is that in the light of the
Constitution, the Senate Electoral Tribunal cannot legally function as such, absent its entire membership of Senators and
that no amendment of its Rules can confer on the three Justices-Members alone the power of valid adjudication of a
senatorial election contest.
More recently in the case of Estrada v. Desierto,
[132]
it was held that:
Moreover, to disqualify any of the members of the Court, particularly a majority of them, is nothing short of pro
tanto depriving the Court itself of its jurisdiction as established by the fundamental law. Disqualification of a judge is a
deprivation of his judicial power. And if that judge is the one designated by the Constitution to exercise the jurisdiction of
his court, as is the case with the Justices of this Court, the deprivation of his or their judicial power is equivalent to the
deprivation of the judicial power of the court itself. It affects the very heart of judicial independence. The proposed mass
disqualification, if sanctioned and ordered, would leave the Court no alternative but to abandon a duty which it cannot
lawfully discharge if shorn of the participation of its entire membership of Justices.
[133]
(Italics in the original)
Besides, there are specific safeguards already laid down by the Court when it exercises its power of judicial review.
In Demetria v. Alba,
[134]
this Court, through Justice Marcelo Fernan cited the seven pillars of limitations of the power
of judicial review, enunciated by US Supreme Court Justice Brandeis in Ashwander v. TVA
[135]
as follows:
1. The Court will not pass upon the constitutionality of legislation in a friendly, non-adversary proceeding, declining
because to decide such questions is legitimate only in the last resort, and as a necessity in the determination of real,
earnest and vital controversy between individuals. It never was the thought that, by means of a friendly suit, a party
beaten in the legislature could transfer to the courts an inquiry as to the constitutionality of the legislative act.
2. The Court will not anticipate a question of constitutional law in advance of the necessity of deciding it. . . . It is not
the habit of the Court to decide questions of a constitutional nature unless absolutely necessary to a decision of the case.
3. The Court will not formulate a rule of constitutional law broader than is required by the precise facts to which it is to
be applied.
4. The Court will not pass upon a constitutional question although properly presented by the record, if there is also
present some other ground upon which the case may be disposed of. This rule has found most varied application. Thus, if
a case can be decided on either of two grounds, one involving a constitutional question, the other a question of statutory
construction or general law, the Court will decide only the latter. Appeals from the highest court of a state challenging its
decision of a question under the Federal Constitution are frequently dismissed because the judgment can be sustained on
an independent state ground.
5. The Court will not pass upon the validity of a statute upon complaint of one who fails to show that he is injured by its
operation. Among the many applications of this rule, none is more striking than the denial of the right of challenge to one
who lacks a personal or property right. Thus, the challenge by a public official interested only in the performance of his
official duty will not be entertained . . . In Fairchild v. Hughes, the Court affirmed the dismissal of a suit brought by a citizen
who sought to have the Nineteenth Amendment declared unconstitutional. In Massachusetts v. Mellon, the challenge of
the federal Maternity Act was not entertained although made by the Commonwealth on behalf of all its citizens.
6. The Court will not pass upon the constitutionality of a statute at the instance of one who has availed himself of its
benefits.
7. When the validity of an act of the Congress is drawn in question, and even if a serious doubt of constitutionality is
raised, it is a cardinal principle that this Court will first ascertain whether a construction of the statute is fairly possible by
which the question may be avoided (citations omitted).
The foregoing pillars of limitation of judicial review, summarized in Ashwander v. TVA from different decisions of the
United States Supreme Court, can be encapsulated into the following categories:
1. that there be absolute necessity of deciding a case
2. that rules of constitutional law shall be formulated only as required by the facts of the case
3. that judgment may not be sustained on some other ground
4. that there be actual injury sustained by the party by reason of the operation of the statute
5. that the parties are not in estoppel
6. that the Court upholds the presumption of constitutionality.
As stated previously, parallel guidelines have been adopted by this Court in the exercise of judicial review:
1. actual case or controversy calling for the exercise of judicial power
2. the person challenging the act must have standing to challenge; he must have a personal and substantial
interest in the case such that he has sustained, or will sustain, direct injury as a result of its enforcement
3. the question of constitutionality must be raised at the earliest possible opportunity
4. the issue of constitutionality must be the very lis mota of the case.
[136]

Respondents Speaker de Venecia, et. al. raise another argument for judicial restraint the possibility that judicial
review of impeachments might also lead to embarrassing conflicts between the Congress and the [J]udiciary. They stress
the need to avoid the appearance of impropriety or conflicts of interest in judicial hearings, and the scenario that it would
be confusing and humiliating and risk serious political instability at home and abroad if the judiciary countermanded the
vote of Congress to remove an impeachable official.
[137]
Intervenor Soriano echoes this argument by alleging that failure of
this Court to enforce its Resolution against Congress would result in the diminution of its judicial authority and erode
public confidence and faith in the judiciary.
Such an argument, however, is specious, to say the least. As correctly stated by the Solicitor General, the possibility
of the occurrence of a constitutional crisis is not a reason for this Court to refrain from upholding the Constitution in all
impeachment cases. Justices cannot abandon their constitutional duties just because their action may start, if not
precipitate, a crisis.
Justice Feliciano warned against the dangers when this Court refuses to act.
x x x Frequently, the fight over a controversial legislative or executive act is not regarded as settled until the Supreme
Court has passed upon the constitutionality of the act involved, the judgment has not only juridical effects but also political
consequences. Those political consequences may follow even where the Court fails to grant the petitioners prayer to
nullify an act for lack of the necessary number of votes. Frequently, failure to act explicitly, one way or the other, itself
constitutes a decision for the respondent and validation, or at least quasi-validation, follows.
[138]

Thus, in Javellana v. Executive Secretary
[139]
where this Court was split and in the end there were not enough votes
either to grant the petitions, or to sustain respondents claims,
[140]
the pre-existing constitutional order was disrupted
which paved the way for the establishment of the martial law regime.
Such an argument by respondents and intervenor also presumes that the coordinate branches of the government
would behave in a lawless manner and not do their duty under the law to uphold the Constitution and obey the laws of the
land. Yet there is no reason to believe that any of the branches of government will behave in a precipitate manner and
risk social upheaval, violence, chaos and anarchy by encouraging disrespect for the fundamental law of the land.
Substituting the word public officers for judges, this Court is well guided by the doctrine in People v. Veneracion, to
wit:
[141]

Obedience to the rule of law forms the bedrock of our system of justice. If [public officers], under the guise of religious or
political beliefs were allowed to roam unrestricted beyond boundaries within which they are required by law to exercise the
duties of their office, then law becomes meaningless. A government of laws, not of men excludes the exercise of broad
discretionary powers by those acting under its authority. Under this system, [public officers] are guided by the Rule of
Law, and ought to protect and enforce it without fear or favor, resist encroachments by governments, political parties, or
even the interference of their own personal beliefs.
[142]

Constitutionality of the Rules of Procedure
for Impeachment Proceedings
adopted by the 12th Congress
Respondent House of Representatives, through Speaker De Venecia, argues that Sections 16 and 17 of Rule V of
the House Impeachment Rules do not violate Section 3 (5) of Article XI of our present Constitution, contending that the
term initiate does not mean to file; that Section 3 (1) is clear in that it is the House of Representatives, as a collective
body, which has the exclusive power to initiate all cases of impeachment; that initiate could not possibly mean to file
because filing can, as Section 3 (2), Article XI of the Constitution provides, only be accomplished in 3 ways, to
wit: (1) by a verified complaint for impeachment by any member of the House of Representatives; or (2) by any citizen
upon a resolution of endorsement by any member; or (3) by at least 1/3 of all the members of the House. Respondent
House of Representatives concludes that the one year bar prohibiting the initiation of impeachment proceedings against
the same officials could not have been violated as the impeachment complaint against Chief Justice Davide and seven
Associate Justices had not been initiated as the House of Representatives, acting as the collective body, has yet to act on
it.
The resolution of this issue thus hinges on the interpretation of the term initiate. Resort to statutory construction is,
therefore, in order.
That the sponsor of the provision of Section 3(5) of the Constitution, Commissioner Florenz Regalado, who
eventually became an Associate Justice of this Court, agreed on the meaning of initiate as to file, as proffered and
explained by Constitutional Commissioner Maambong during the Constitutional Commission proceedings, which he
(Commissioner Regalado) as amicus curiae affirmed during the oral arguments on the instant petitions held on November
5, 2003 at which he added that the act of initiating included the act of taking initial action on the complaint, dissipates
any doubt that indeed the word initiate as it twice appears in Article XI (3) and (5) of the Constitution means to file the
complaint and take initial action on it.
Initiate of course is understood by ordinary men to mean, as dictionaries do, to begin, to commence, or set going.
As Websters Third New International Dictionary of the English Language concisely puts it, it means to perform
or facilitate the first action, which jibes with Justice Regalados position, and that of Father Bernas, who elucidated during
the oral arguments of the instant petitions on November 5, 2003 in this wise:
Briefly then, an impeachment proceeding is not a single act. It is a comlexus of acts consisting of a beginning, a middle
and an end. The end is the transmittal of the articles of impeachment to the Senate. The middle consists of those
deliberative moments leading to the formulation of the articles of impeachment. The beginning or the initiation is the filing
of the complaint and its referral to the Committee on Justice.
Finally, it should be noted that the House Rule relied upon by Representatives Cojuangco and Fuentebella says that
impeachment is deemed initiated when the Justice Committee votes in favor of impeachment or when the House
reverses a contrary vote of the Committee. Note that the Rule does not say impeachment proceedings are initiated but
rather are deemed initiated. The language is recognition that initiation happened earlier, but by legal fiction there is an
attempt to postpone it to a time after actual initiation. (Emphasis and underscoring supplied)
As stated earlier, one of the means of interpreting the Constitution is looking into the intent of the law. Fortunately,
the intent of the framers of the 1987 Constitution can be pried from its records:
MR. MAAMBONG. With reference to Section 3, regarding the procedure and the substantive provisions on impeachment,
I understand there have been many proposals and, I think, these would need some time for Committee action.
However, I would just like to indicate that I submitted to the Committee a resolution on impeachment proceedings, copies
of which have been furnished the Members of this body. This is borne out of my experience as a member of the
Committee on Justice, Human Rights and Good Government which took charge of the last impeachment resolution filed
before the First Batasang Pambansa. For the information of the Committee, the resolution covers several steps in
the impeachment proceedingsstarting with initiation, action of the Speaker committee action, calendaring of
report, voting on the report, transmittal referral to the Senate, trial and judgment by the Senate.
x x x
MR. MAAMBONG. Mr. Presiding Officer, I am not moving for a reconsideration of the approval of the amendment
submitted by Commissioner Regalado, but I will just make of record my thinking that we do not really initiate the filing of
the Articles of Impeachment on the floor. The procedure, as I have pointed out earlier, was that the initiation starts
with the filing of the complaint. And what is actually done on the floor is that the committee resolution
containing the Articles of Impeachment is the one approved by the body.
As the phraseology now runs, which may be corrected by the Committee on Style, it appears that the initiation starts on
the floor. If we only have time, I could cite examples in the case of the impeachment proceedings of President Richard
Nixon wherein the Committee on the Judiciary submitted the recommendation, the resolution, and the Articles of
Impeachment to the body, and it was the body who approved the resolution. It is not the body which initiates it. It only
approves or disapproves the resolution. So, on that score, probably the Committee on Style could help in rearranging
these words because we have to be very technical about this. I have been bringing with me The Rules of the House of
Representatives of the U.S. Congress. The Senate Rules are with me. The proceedings on the case of Richard Nixon
are with me. I have submitted my proposal, but the Committee has already decided. Nevertheless, I just want to indicate
this on record.
x x x
MR. MAAMBONG. I would just like to move for a reconsideration of the approval of Section 3 (3). My reconsideration will
not at all affect the substance, but it is only in keeping with the exact formulation of the Rules of the House of
Representatives of the United States regarding impeachment.
I am proposing, Madam President, without doing damage to any of this provision, that on page 2, Section 3 (3), from lines
17 to 18, we delete the words which read: to initiate impeachment proceedings and the comma (,) and insert on
line 19 after the word resolution the phrase WITH THE ARTICLES, and then capitalize the letter i in impeachment
and replace the word by with OF, so that the whole section will now read: A vote of at least one-third of all the
Members of the House shall be necessary either to affirm a resolution WITH THE ARTICLES of Impeachment OF the
Committee or to override its contrary resolution. The vote of each Member shall be recorded.
I already mentioned earlier yesterday that the initiation, as far as the House of Representatives of the United States is
concerned, really starts from the filing of the verified complaint and every resolution to impeach always carries with it
the Articles of Impeachment. As a matter of fact, the words Articles of Impeachment are mentioned on line 25 in the
case of the direct filing of a verified compliant of one-third of all the Members of the House. I will mention again, Madam
President, that my amendment will not vary the substance in any way. It is only in keeping with the uniform procedure of
the House of Representatives of the United States Congress. Thank you, Madam President.
[143]
(Italics in the original;
emphasis and udnerscoring supplied)
This amendment proposed by Commissioner Maambong was clarified and accepted by the Committee on the
Accountability of Public Officers.
[144]

It is thus clear that the framers intended initiation to start with the filing of the complaint. In his amicus curiae brief,
Commissioner Maambong explained that the obvious reason in deleting the phrase to initiate impeachment
proceedings as contained in the text of the provision of Section 3 (3) was to settle and make it understood once and
for all that the initiation of impeachment proceedings starts with the filing of the complaint, and the vote of one-
third of the House in a resolution of impeachment does not initiate the impeachment proceedings which was already
initiated by the filing of a verified complaint under Section 3, paragraph (2), Article XI of the Constitution.
[145]

Amicus curiae Constitutional Commissioner Regalado is of the same view as is Father Bernas, who was also a
member of the 1986 Constitutional Commission, that the word initiate as used in Article XI, Section 3(5) means to file,
both adding, however, that the filing must be accompanied by an action to set the complaint moving.
During the oral arguments before this Court, Father Bernas clarified that the word initiate, appearing in the
constitutional provision on impeachment, viz:
Section 3 (1) The House of Representatives shall have the exclusive power to initiate all cases of impeachment.
x x x
(5) No impeachment proceedings shall be initiated against the same official more than once within a period of one
year, (Emphasis supplied)
refers to two objects, impeachment case and impeachment proceeding.
Father Bernas explains that in these two provisions, the common verb is to initiate. The object in the first sentence
is impeachment case. The object in the second sentence is impeachment proceeding. Following the principle
of reddendo singuala sinuilis, the term cases must be distinguished from the term proceedings. An impeachment case
is the legal controversy that must be decided by the Senate. Above-quoted first provision provides that the House, by a
vote of one-third of all its members, can bring a case to the Senate. It is in that sense that the House has exclusive
power to initiate all cases of impeachment. No other body can do it. However, before a decision is made to initiate a
case in the Senate, a proceeding must be followed to arrive at a conclusion. A proceeding must be initiated. To
initiate, which comes from the Latin word initium, means to begin. On the other hand, proceeding is a progressive
noun. It has a beginning, a middle, and an end. It takes place not in the Senate but in the House and consists of several
steps: (1) there is the filing of a verified complaint either by a Member of the House of Representatives or by a private
citizen endorsed by a Member of the House of the Representatives; (2) there is the processing of this complaint by the
proper Committee which may either reject the complaint or uphold it; (3) whether the resolution of the Committee rejects
or upholds the complaint, the resolution must be forwarded to the House for further processing; and (4) there is the
processing of the same complaint by the House of Representatives which either affirms a favorable resolution of the
Committee or overrides a contrary resolution by a vote of one-third of all the members. If at least one third of all the
Members upholds the complaint, Articles of Impeachment are prepared and transmitted to the Senate. It is at this point
that the House initiates an impeachment case. It is at this point that an impeachable public official is successfully
impeached. That is, he or she is successfully charged with an impeachment case before the Senate as impeachment
court.
Father Bernas further explains: The impeachment proceeding is not initiated when the complaint is transmitted to
the Senate for trial because that is the end of the House proceeding and the beginning of another proceeding, namely the
trial. Neither is the impeachment proceeding initiated when the House deliberates on the resolution passed on to it by
the Committee, because something prior to that has already been done. The action of the House is already a further step
in the proceeding, not its initiation or beginning. Rather, the proceeding is initiated or begins, when a verified complaint is
filed and referred to the Committee on Justice for action. This is the initiating step which triggers the series of steps that
follow.
The framers of the Constitution also understood initiation in its ordinary meaning. Thus when a proposal reached the
floor proposing that A vote of at least one-third of all the Members of the House shall be necessary toinitiate
impeachment proceedings, this was met by a proposal to delete the line on the ground that the vote of the House does
not initiate impeachment proceeding but rather the filing of a complaint does.
[146]
Thus the line was deleted and is not
found in the present Constitution.
Father Bernas concludes that when Section 3 (5) says, No impeachment proceeding shall be initiated against the
same official more than once within a period of one year, it means that no second verified complaint may be accepted
and referred to the Committee on Justice for action. By his explanation, this interpretation is founded on the common
understanding of the meaning of to initiate which means to begin. He reminds that the Constitution is ratified by the
people, both ordinary and sophisticated, as they understand it; and that ordinary people read ordinary meaning into
ordinary words and not abstruse meaning, they ratify words as they understand it and not as sophisticated lawyers
confuse it.
To the argument that only the House of Representatives as a body can initiate impeachment proceedings because
Section 3 (1) says The House of Representatives shall have the exclusive power to initiate all cases of impeachment,
This is a misreading of said provision and is contrary to the principle of reddendo singula singulis by equating
impeachment cases with impeachment proceeding.
From the records of the Constitutional Commission, to the amicus curiae briefs of two former Constitutional
Commissioners, it is without a doubt that the term to initiate refers to the filing of the impeachment complaint coupled
with Congress taking initial action of said complaint.
Having concluded that the initiation takes place by the act of filing and referral or endorsement of the impeachment
complaint to the House Committee on Justice or, by the filing by at least one-third of the members of the House of
Representatives with the Secretary General of the House, the meaning of Section 3 (5) of Article XI becomes clear. Once
an impeachment complaint has been initiated, another impeachment complaint may not be filed against the same official
within a one year period.
Under Sections 16 and 17 of Rule V of the House Impeachment Rules, impeachment proceedings
are deemed initiated (1) if there is a finding by the House Committee on Justice that the verified complaint and/or
resolution is sufficient in substance, or (2) once the House itself affirms or overturns the finding of the Committee on
Justice that the verified complaint and/or resolution is not sufficient in substance or (3) by the filing or endorsement before
the Secretary-General of the House of Representatives of a verified complaint or a resolution of impeachment by at least
1/3 of the members of the House. These rules clearly contravene Section 3 (5) of Article XI since the rules give the term
initiate a meaning different meaning from filing and referral.
In his amicus curiae brief, Justice Hugo Gutierrez posits that this Court could not use contemporaneous construction
as an aid in the interpretation of Sec.3 (5) of Article XI, citing Vera v. Avelino
[147]
wherein this Court stated that their
personal opinions (referring to Justices who were delegates to the Constitution Convention) on the matter at issue
expressed during this Courts our deliberations stand on a different footing from the properly recorded utterances of
debates and proceedings. Further citing said case, he states that this Court likened the former members of the
Constitutional Convention to actors who are so absorbed in their emotional roles that intelligent spectators may know
more about the real meaning because of the latters balanced perspectives and disinterestedness.
[148]

Justice Gutierrezs statements have no application in the present petitions. There are at present only two members
of this Court who participated in the 1986 Constitutional Commission Chief Justice Davide and Justice Adolf
Azcuna. Chief Justice Davide has not taken part in these proceedings for obvious reasons. Moreover, this Court has not
simply relied on the personal opinions now given by members of the Constitutional Commission, but has examined the
records of the deliberations and proceedings thereof.
Respondent House of Representatives counters that under Section 3 (8) of Article XI, it is clear and unequivocal that
it and only it has the power to make and interpret its rules governing impeachment. Its argument is premised on the
assumption that Congress has absolute power to promulgate its rules. This assumption, however, is misplaced.
Section 3 (8) of Article XI provides that The Congress shall promulgate its rules on impeachment to effectively carry
out the purpose of this section. Clearly, its power to promulgate its rules on impeachment is limited by the phrase to
effectively carry out the purpose of this section. Hence, these rules cannot contravene the very purpose of the
Constitution which said rules were intended to effectively carry out. Moreover, Section 3 of Article XI clearly provides for
other specific limitations on its power to make rules, viz:
Section 3. (1) x x x
(2) A verified complaint for impeachment may be filed by any Member of the House of Representatives or by any citizen
upon a resolution of endorsement by any Member thereof, which shall be included in the Order of Business within ten
session days, and referred to the proper Committee within three session days thereafter. The Committee, after hearing,
and by a majority vote of all its Members, shall submit its report to the House within sixty session days from such referral,
together with the corresponding resolution. The resolution shall be calendared for consideration by the House within ten
session days from receipt thereof.
(3) A vote of at least one-third of all the Members of the House shall be necessary to either affirm a favorable resolution
with the Articles of Impeachment of the Committee, or override its contrary resolution. The vote of each Member shall be
recorded.
(4) In case the verified complaint or resolution of impeachment is filed by at least one-third of all the Members of the
House, the same shall constitute the Articles of Impeachment, and trial by the Senate shall forthwith proceed.
(5) No impeachment proceedings shall be initiated against the same official more than once within a period of one year.
It is basic that all rules must not contravene the Constitution which is the fundamental law. If as alleged Congress
had absolute rule making power, then it would by necessary implication have the power to alter or amend the meaning of
the Constitution without need of referendum.
In Osmea v. Pendatun,
[149]
this Court held that it is within the province of either House of Congress to interpret its
rules and that it was the best judge of what constituted disorderly behavior of its members. However, inPaceta v.
Secretary of the Commission on Appointments,
[150]
Justice (later Chief Justice) Enrique Fernando, speaking for this Court
and quoting Justice Brandeis in United States v. Smith,
[151]
declared that where the construction to be given to a rule
affects persons other than members of the Legislature, the question becomes judicial in nature. In Arroyo v. De
Venecia,
[152]
quoting United States v. Ballin, Joseph & Co.,
[153]
Justice Vicente Mendoza, speaking for this Court, held that
while the Constitution empowers each house to determine its rules of proceedings, it may not by its rules ignore
constitutional restraints or violate fundamental rights, and further that there should be a reasonable relation between the
mode or method of proceeding established by the rule and the result which is sought to be attained. It is only within these
limitations that all matters of method are open to the determination of the Legislature. In the same case of Arroyo v. De
Venecia, Justice Reynato S. Puno, in his Concurring and Dissenting Opinion, was even more emphatic as he stressed
that in the Philippine setting there is even more reason for courts to inquire into the validity of the Rules of Congress, viz:
With due respect, I do not agree that the issues posed by the petitioner are non-justiciable. Nor do I agree that
we will trivialize the principle of separation of power if we assume jurisdiction over he case at bar. Even in the
United States, the principle of separation of power is no longer an impregnable impediment against the interposition of
judicial power on cases involving breach of rules of procedure by legislators.
Rightly, the ponencia uses the 1891 case of US v Ballin (144 US 1) as a window to view the issues before the Court. It is
in Ballin where the US Supreme Court first defined the boundaries of the power of the judiciary to review congressional
rules. It held:
x x x
The Constitution, in the same section, provides, that each house may determine the rules of its proceedings. It appears
that in pursuance of this authority the House had, prior to that day, passed this as one of its rules:
Rule XV
3. On the demand of any member, or at the suggestion of the Speaker, the names of members sufficient to make a
quorum in the hall of the House who do not vote shall be noted by the clerk and recorded in the journal, and reported to
the Speaker with the names of the members voting, and be counted and announced in determining the presence of a
quorum to do business. (House Journal, 230, Feb. 14, 1890)
The action taken was in direct compliance with this rule. The question, therefore, is as to the validity of this rule, and
not what methods the Speaker may of his own motion resort to for determining the presence of a quorum, nor what
matters the Speaker or clerk may of their own volition place upon the journal. Neither do the advantages or
disadvantages, the wisdom or folly, of such a rule present any matters for judicial consideration. With the courts the
question is only one of power. The Constitution empowers each house to determine its rules of proceedings. It
may not by its rules ignore constitutional restraints or violate fundamental rights, and there should be a
reasonable relation between the mode or method of proceedings established by the rule and the result which is
sought to be attained. But within these limitations all matters of method are open to the determination of the House, and
it is no impeachment of the rule to say that some other way would be better, more accurate, or even more just. It is no
objection to the validity of a rule that a different one has been prescribed and in force for a length of time. The power to
make rules is not one which once exercised is exhausted. It is a continuous power, always subject to be exercised by the
House, and within the limitations suggested, absolute and beyond the challenge of any other body or tribunal.
Ballin, clearly confirmed the jurisdiction of courts to pass upon the validity of congressional rules, i.e, whether
they are constitutional. Rule XV was examined by the Court and it was found to satisfy the test: (1) that it did not
ignore any constitutional restraint; (2) it did not violate any fundamental right; and (3) its method had a reasonable
relationship with the result sought to be attained. By examining Rule XV, the Court did not allow its jurisdiction to be
defeated by the mere invocation of the principle of separation of powers.
[154]

x x x
In the Philippine setting, there is a more compelling reason for courts to categorically reject the political question
defense when its interposition will cover up abuse of power. For section 1, Article VIII of our Constitution
wasintentionally cobbled to empower courts x x x to determine whether or not there has been a grave abuse of
discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction on the part of any branch or instrumentality of the
government. This power is new and was not granted to our courts in the 1935 and 1972 Constitutions. It was not also
xeroxed from the US Constitution or any foreign state constitution. The CONCOM granted this enormous power
to our courts in view of our experience under martial law where abusive exercises of state power were shielded
from judicial scrutiny by the misuse of the political question doctrine. Led by the eminent former Chief Justice
Roberto Concepcion, the CONCOM expanded and sharpened the checking powers of the judiciary vis--vis the Executive
and the Legislative departments of government.
[155]

x x x
The Constitution cannot be any clearer. What it granted to this Court is not a mere power which it can decline to
exercise. Precisely to deter this disinclination, the Constitution imposed it as a duty of this Court to strike down
any act of a branch or instrumentality of government or any of its officials done with grave abuse of discretion
amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction. Rightly or wrongly, the Constitution has elongated the checking powers of
this Court against the other branches of government despite their more democratic character, the President and the
legislators being elected by the people.
[156]

x x x
The provision defining judicial power as including the duty of the courts of justice. . . to determine whether or not there
has been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction on the part of any branch or
instrumentality of the Government constitutes the capstone of the efforts of the Constitutional Commission to upgrade the
powers of this court vis--vis the other branches of government. This provision was dictated by our experience under
martial law which taught us that a stronger and more independent judiciary is needed to abort abuses in government. x x x
x x x
In sum, I submit that in imposing to this Court the duty to annul acts of government committed with grave abuse of
discretion, the new Constitution transformed this Court from passivity to activism. This transformation, dictated by our
distinct experience as nation, is not merely evolutionary but revolutionary. Under the 1935 and the 1973 Constitutions,
this Court approached constitutional violations by initially determining what it cannot do; under the 1987 Constitution,
there is a shift in stress this Court is mandated to approach constitutional violations not by finding out what it
should not do but what it must do. The Court must discharge this solemn duty by not resuscitating a past that petrifies
the present.
I urge my brethren in the Court to give due and serious consideration to this new constitutional provision as the case at
bar once more calls us to define the parameters of our power to review violations of the rules of the House. We will not
be true to our trust as the last bulwark against government abuses if we refuse to exercise this new power or if
we wield it with timidity. To be sure, it is this exceeding timidity to unsheathe the judicial sword that has
increasingly emboldened other branches of government to denigrate, if not defy, orders of our
courts. In Tolentino, I endorsed the view of former Senator Salonga that this novel provision stretching the latitude of
judicial power is distinctly Filipino and its interpretation should not be depreciated by undue reliance on inapplicable
foreign jurisprudence. In resolving the case at bar, the lessons of our own history should provide us the light and not the
experience of foreigners.
[157]
(Italics in the original emphasis and underscoring supplied)
Thus, the ruling in Osmena v. Pendatun is not applicable to the instant petitions. Here, the third parties alleging the
violation of private rights and the Constitution are involved.
Neither may respondent House of Representatives rely on Nixon v. US
[158]
as basis for arguing that this Court may
not decide on the constitutionality of Sections 16 and 17 of the House Impeachment Rules. As already observed, the U.S.
Federal Constitution simply provides that the House of Representatives shall have the sole power of impeachment. It
adds nothing more. It gives no clue whatsoever as to how this sole power is to be exercised. No limitation whatsoever
is given. Thus, the US Supreme Court concluded that there was a textually demonstrable constitutional commitment of a
constitutional power to the House of Representatives. This reasoning does not hold with regard to impeachment power of
the Philippine House of Representatives since our Constitution, as earlier enumerated, furnishes several provisions
articulating how that exclusive power is to be exercised.
The provisions of Sections 16 and 17 of Rule V of the House Impeachment Rules which state that impeachment
proceedings are deemed initiated (1) if there is a finding by the House Committee on Justice that the verified complaint
and/or resolution is sufficient in substance, or (2) once the House itself affirms or overturns the finding of the Committee
on Justice that the verified complaint and/or resolution is not sufficient in substance or (3) by the filing or endorsement
before the Secretary-General of the House of Representatives of a verified complaint or a resolution of impeachment by at
least 1/3 of the members of the House thus clearly contravene Section 3 (5) of Article XI as they give the term initiate a
meaning different from filing.
Validity of the Second Impeachment Complaint
Having concluded that the initiation takes place by the act of filing of the impeachment complaint and referral to the
House Committee on Justice, the initial action taken thereon, the meaning of Section 3 (5) of Article XI becomes
clear. Once an impeachment complaint has been initiated in the foregoing manner, another may not be filed against the
same official within a one year period following Article XI, Section 3(5) of the Constitution.
In fine, considering that the first impeachment complaint, was filed by former President Estrada against Chief Justice
Hilario G. Davide, Jr., along with seven associate justices of this Court, on June 2, 2003 and referred to the House
Committee on Justice on August 5, 2003, the second impeachment complaint filed by Representatives Gilberto C.
Teodoro, Jr. and Felix William Fuentebella against the Chief Justice on October 23, 2003 violates the constitutional
prohibition against the initiation of impeachment proceedings against the same impeachable officer within a one-year
period.
Conclusion
If there is anything constant about this country, it is that there is always a phenomenon that takes the center stage of
our individual and collective consciousness as a people with our characteristic flair for human drama, conflict or
tragedy. Of course this is not to demean the seriousness of the controversy over the Davide impeachment. For many of
us, the past two weeks have proven to be an exasperating, mentally and emotionally exhausting experience. Both sides
have fought bitterly a dialectical struggle to articulate what they respectively believe to be the correct position or view on
the issues involved. Passions had ran high as demonstrators, whether for or against the impeachment of the Chief
Justice, took to the streets armed with their familiar slogans and chants to air their voice on the matter. Various sectors of
society - from the business, retired military, to the academe and denominations of faith offered suggestions for a return
to a state of normalcy in the official relations of the governmental branches affected to obviate any perceived resulting
instability upon areas of national life.
Through all these and as early as the time when the Articles of Impeachment had been constituted, this Court was
specifically asked, told, urged and argued to take no action of any kind and form with respect to the prosecution by the
House of Representatives of the impeachment complaint against the subject respondent public official. When the present
petitions were knocking so to speak at the doorsteps of this Court, the same clamor for non-interference was made
through what are now the arguments of lack of jurisdiction, non-justiciability, and judicial self-restraint aimed at halting
the Court from any move that may have a bearing on the impeachment proceedings.
This Court did not heed the call to adopt a hands-off stance as far as the question of the constitutionality of initiating
the impeachment complaint against Chief Justice Davide is concerned. To reiterate what has been already explained, the
Court found the existence in full of all the requisite conditions for its exercise of its constitutionally vested power and duty
of judicial review over an issue whose resolution precisely called for the construction or interpretation of a provision of the
fundamental law of the land. What lies in here is an issue of a genuine constitutional material which only this Court can
properly and competently address and adjudicate in accordance with the clear-cut allocation of powers under our system
of government. Face-to-face thus with a matter or problem that squarely falls under the Courts jurisdiction, no other
course of action can be had but for it to pass upon that problem head on.
The claim, therefore, that this Court by judicially entangling itself with the process of impeachment has effectively set
up a regime of judicial supremacy, is patently without basis in fact and in law.
This Court in the present petitions subjected to judicial scrutiny and resolved on the merits only the main issue of
whether the impeachment proceedings initiated against the Chief Justice transgressed the constitutionally imposed one-
year time bar rule. Beyond this, it did not go about assuming jurisdiction where it had none, nor indiscriminately turn
justiciable issues out of decidedly political questions. Because it is not at all the business of this Court to assert judicial
dominance over the other two great branches of the government. Rather, the raison detre of the judiciary is to
complement the discharge by the executive and legislative of their own powers to bring about ultimately the beneficent
effects of having founded and ordered our society upon the rule of law.
It is suggested that by our taking cognizance of the issue of constitutionality of the impeachment proceedings against
the Chief Justice, the members of this Court have actually closed ranks to protect a brethren. That the members interests
in ruling on said issue is as much at stake as is that of the Chief Justice. Nothing could be farther from the truth.
The institution that is the Supreme Court together with all other courts has long held and been entrusted with the
judicial power to resolve conflicting legal rights regardless of the personalities involved in the suits or actions. This Court
has dispensed justice over the course of time, unaffected by whomsoever stood to benefit or suffer therefrom, unfraid by
whatever imputations or speculations could be made to it, so long as it rendered judgment according to the law and the
facts. Why can it not now be trusted to wield judicial power in these petitions just because it is the highest ranking
magistrate who is involved when it is an incontrovertible fact that the fundamental issue is not him but the validity of a
government branchs official act as tested by the limits set by the Constitution? Of course, there are rules on the inhibition
of any member of the judiciary from taking part in a case in specified instances. But to disqualify this entire institution now
from the suit at bar is to regard the Supreme Court as likely incapable of impartiality when one of its members is a party to
a case, which is simply a non sequitur.
No one is above the law or the Constitution. This is a basic precept in any legal system which recognizes equality of
all men before the law as essential to the laws moral authority and that of its agents to secure respect for and obedience
to its commands. Perhaps, there is no other government branch or instrumentality that is most zealous in protecting that
principle of legal equality other than the Supreme Court which has discerned its real meaning and ramifications through its
application to numerous cases especially of the high-profile kind in the annals of jurisprudence. The Chief Justice is not
above the law and neither is any other member of this Court. But just because he is the Chief Justice does not imply that
he gets to have less in law than anybody else. The law is solicitous of every individuals rights irrespective of his station in
life.
The Filipino nation and its democratic institutions have no doubt been put to test once again by this impeachment
case against Chief Justice Hilario Davide. Accordingly, this Court has resorted to no other than the Constitution in search
for a solution to what many feared would ripen to a crisis in government. But though it is indeed immensely a blessing for
this Court to have found answers in our bedrock of legal principles, it is equally important that it went through this crucible
of a democratic process, if only to discover that it can resolve differences without the use of force and aggression upon
each other.
WHEREFORE, Sections 16 and 17 of Rule V of the Rules of Procedure in Impeachment Proceedings which were
approved by the House of Representatives on November 28, 2001 are unconstitutional. Consequently, the second
impeachment complaint against Chief Justice Hilario G. Davide, Jr. which was filed by Representatives Gilberto C.
Teodoro, Jr. and Felix William B. Fuentebella with the Office of the Secretary General of the House of Representatives on
October 23, 2003 is barred under paragraph 5, section 3 of Article XI of the Constitution.
SO ORDERED.
Davide, Jr., C.J., no part.
Bellosillo, J., see separate opinion.
Puno, and Ynares-Santiago, JJ., see concurring and dissenting opinion.
Vitug, J., please see separate opinion (concurring).
Panganiban, and Callejo, Sr., JJ., see separate concurring opinion.
Sandoval-Gutierrez, J., see separate and concurring opinion
Quisumbing, J., concurring separate opinion received.
Carpio, J., concur.
Austria-Martinez, J., concur in the majority opinion and in the separate opinion of Justice Vitug.
Corona, J., will write a separate concurring opinion.
Azcuna, J., concur in the separate opinion.
Tinga, J., concur. Please see separate opinion.





















CASE DIGEST
ERNESTO B. FRANCISCO, JR. vs. THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
G.R. No. 160261. November 10, 2003.


FACTS:
On July 22, 2002, the House of Representatives adopted a Resolution, sponsored by Representative Felix William D.
Fuentebella, which directed the Committee on Justice "to conduct an investigation, in aid of legislation, on the manner of
disbursements and expenditures by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Judiciary Development Fund (JDF)."
On June 2, 2003, former President Joseph E. Estrada filed an impeachment complaint against Chief Justice Hilario G.
Davide Jr. and seven Associate Justices of this Court for "culpable violation of the Constitution, betrayal of the public trust
and other high crimes." The complaint was endorsed by Representatives Rolex T. Suplico, Ronaldo B. Zamora and
Didagen Piang Dilangalen, and was referred to the House Committee. The House Committee on Justice ruled on October
13, 2003 that the first impeachment complaint was "sufficient in form," but voted to dismiss the same on October 22, 2003
for being insufficient in substance. To date, the Committee Report to this effect has not yet been sent to the House in
plenary in accordance with the said Section 3(2) of Article XI of the Constitution. Four months and three weeks since the
filing on June 2, 2003 of the first complaint or on October 23, 2003, a day after the House Committee on Justice voted to
dismiss it, the second impeachment complaint was filed with the Secretary General of the House by Representatives
Gilberto C. Teodoro, Jr. and Felix William B. Fuentebella against Chief Justice Hilario G. Davide, Jr., founded on the
alleged results of the legislative inquiry initiated by above-mentioned House Resolution. This second impeachment
complaint was accompanied by a "Resolution of Endorsement/Impeachment" signed by at least one-third (1/3) of all the
Members of the House of Representatives.


ISSUES:
1. Whether or not the filing of the second impeachment complaint against Chief Justice Hilario G. Davide, Jr. with the
House of Representatives falls within the one year bar provided in the Constitution.

2. Whether the resolution thereof is a political question has resulted in a political crisis.



HELD:
1. Having concluded that the initiation takes place by the act of filing of the impeachment complaint and referral to the
House Committee on Justice, the initial action taken thereon, the meaning of Section 3 (5) of Article XI becomes clear.
Once an impeachment complaint has been initiated in the foregoing manner, another may not be filed against the same
official within a one year period following Article XI, Section 3(5) of the Constitution. In fine, considering that the first
impeachment complaint, was filed by former President Estrada against Chief Justice Hilario G. Davide, Jr., along with
seven associate justices of this Court, on June 2, 2003 and referred to the House Committee on Justice on August 5,
2003, the second impeachment complaint filed by Representatives Gilberto C. Teodoro, Jr. and Felix William Fuentebella
against the Chief Justice on October 23, 2003 violates the constitutional prohibition against the initiation of impeachment
proceedings against the same impeachable officer within a one-year period.

2.From the foregoing record of the proceedings of the 1986 Constitutional Commission, it is clear that judicial power is not
only a power; it is also a duty, a duty which cannot be abdicated by the mere specter of this creature called the political
question doctrine. Chief Justice Concepcion hastened to clarify, however, that Section 1, Article VIII was not intended to
do away with "truly political questions." From this clarification it is gathered that there are two species of political
questions: (1) "truly political questions" and (2) those which "are not truly political questions." Truly political questions are
thus beyond judicial review, the reason for respect of the doctrine of separation of powers to be maintained. On the other
hand, by virtue of Section 1, Article VIII of the Constitution, courts can review questions which are not truly political in
nature.