THE PORTUGUESE AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL

CHANGES IN MALABAR: 1498-1663

THESIS SUBMITTED TO
THE PONDICHERRY UNIVERSITY
FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHlLOSOPHY (HISTORY)
JAMES JOHN
UNDER THE GUIDANCE OF
PROF.DR. K.S. MATHEW
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY *#/idiii/[/l/
PONDICHERRY UNlVERSlTY
PONDICHERRY
JULY 2003
1
James John
Department of History
Pondicheny University
Pondicheny-605 014
DECLARATION
I hereby declare that the doctoral thesis entitled 'THE PORTUGUESE AND
THE SOCIO-CULTURAL CHANGES IN MALABAR: 1498-1663" submitted to
the University of Pondicheny for the award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy is
an original research work carried out under the supervision and guidance of Dr. K.S.
Mathew, former Professor of the Department of History, Pondicheny University,
Pondicheny and that it has not been submitted for the award of any degree or diploma
in any other universities.
James John
2
Prof. Dr. K. S. Mathew
34, III Cross Street
Tagore Nagar
Pondicheny - 605 014
CERTIFICATE
This is to certify that the thesis entitled ' THE PORTUGUESE AND TIIE
SOCIO-CULTURAL CHANGES IN MALABAR. 1498-1663" submitted to
Pondicheny University for the award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by
Mr.James John, Department of History, Pondicherry University, Pondicheny is a
record of bona fide research work carried out under my supervision. It represents an
original work of the candidate and no part of it has been submitted to any other
university for the award of any degree, diploma, associateship or other similar titles.
(Supervisor)
4 ~, , dl - ~. @- -
Prpf. Dr. L.S. Viswanath
Head of the Department
Department of History
Pondichmy University
Pondicheny- 605 014
Pondichmy
21-07-2003
3
CONTENTS
PAGE NO.
CERTIFICATES
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
ABBREVIATIONS
Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION
1
1.1. Theoretical Frame 1
I. 2. Suwey of Literature
4
I. 3. Scope, Limitations and Purpose of the Research 8
1.4. Design of Study and Methodology
1.5. Sources
Chapter 11. PORTUGUESE SOCIETY AND CULTURE AT THE
CLOSE OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY
16
11.1. The Formation of Independent Portugal
16
11.2. Age of Discoveries 17
11.3. Portuguese Society and Culture
11.3. 1. Portuguese Clergy
11.3.2. The Nobility
11.3.3. The Commoners
11. 4. Various Aspects of Society and Culture
11.4. 1. The Muslim Question
11.4.2. The Jewish Question
11.4. 3. Idea of Mare Clausum
11.4. 4. Religious Sentiments
4
11. 4. 5. Culture of Building Fortresses and Churches
28
11.4. 6. Culture and Education
28
11.4. 7. Hospitals and Charitable Institutions (Misericdrdia)
29
11. 4. 8. Slavery 29
11.4. 9. Food Habits 30
11. 4. 10. Art and Architecture
30
Chapter 111. MALABAR SOCIETY AT THE ARRIVAL OF THE
PORTUGUESE 33
111. 1. The Hindus
111. 1.1. The Brahmins
111. 1.2. Nairs
111. 1.3. Tiva (Tiyos)
111. 1. 4. Vetfuvon
111.1.5. Mukkuvas
111.1.6. Puloyas and Parayas
111. 1. 7 . Tamil Che!ties
111. 1.8. Cujarati Merchants
111.2. The Christians
111.2. 1. St. Thomas Christians
111.2. 2. The Quilon Christians
111.3. The Muslims
Ill. 4. The Jews
111.5. Other Traits of Socio-Cultural Life
111.5. 1. Means of Transport
111. 5. 2. Worshipping Patterns
111.5.3. Festivals
111.5.4. Conai rs
111. 5. 5. Food
111. 5.6. Various Kingdoms in Malabdr
111.5. 7. The Lifestyle of the Royal@
111.5.8. Ship Building
5
111.5.9. Medicine
111. 5. 10. Mercantile Activities
111.5. 11. Lower Caste People and Ilntouchahilitj
111.5. 12. Dress
111. 5. 13. Women
111. 5.14. Art and Architecture
111. 5. 15. Renunciation
111.5. 16. Astrology
111.5.17. Death
Il l . 5. 18. Language
Chapter IV. THE INTERACTION BETWEEN THE
PORTUGUESE AND MALABAR SOCIETIES: 1500-1567
92
IV. 1. The lnteraction between the Portuguese and the Hindus of
Malabar 93
IV. 1. I. The Brahmins
94
IV. 1. 2. The Nairs
96
IV. 1.3. Chefties 99
IV. 1.4. The Lower Caste People
99
IV. 2. The Interaction between the Portuguese and the Christians 102
IV. 2. 1. The St. Thomas Christians
103
IV. 2.2. Quilon Christians 113
IV. 2.3. The New Converts
114
1V. 3. Interaction between the Portuguese and the Muslims 123
IV. 4. Interaction between the Portuguese and the Jews 129
IV. 5. Aspects of Society and Culture
133
IV. 5. 1. Mercantile Acthitics
133
1V. 5.2. Coinage 135
1V. 5.3. Shipbuilding 136
IV. 5. 4. Corsairs 137
IV. 5. 5. Portuguese and Kings of Malnbar
137
6
IV. 5.6. Portuguese and the Malabar Folk
IV. 5.7. Change in the Traditional C)ccupntions
IV. 5.8. Factories and Fortresses
IV. 5.9. The Urban Development of Cochin
IV. 5.10. Hospitals and Medicine
1V. 5.11. Houses of Charily or Holy House of Mercy (Misiricordia)
IV. 5.12. Churches and Monasteries
1V. 5.13. Erection of Dioceses
IV. 5. 14. Inquisition
IV. 5. 15. Education
IV. 5. 16. Art and Architecture
IV. 5. 17. ;Music and Theatre
IV. 5. 18. Food Habits
1V. 5.19. Disrespect for Indigenous Traditions
IV. 5.20. Changes in the Traditions of the Land
IV. 5.21. Moral Life
IV. 5. 22. The Portuguese Clergy in Malabar
IV. 5. 23. Mixed Marriages
IV. 5.24. Development of Vernacular Languages
1V. 5. 25. Changes in the Dress Code
IV. 5.26. Other Cultural Activities
Chapter V. INTERACTION BETWEEN THE PORTUGUESE AND
MALABAR SOCIETIES: 1567-1663 167
V. 1. The Interaction between the Portuguese and the Hindus of
Malabar 168
V. 1.1. The Brahmins 169
V. 1. 2. The Nairs
170
V. 1.3. Chetties 173
V. 1.4. The Lower Caste People
173
V. 2. Interaction between the Portuguese and the Christians 174
7
V. 2.1. The St. Thomas Christians
V. 2.2. Quilon Christians
V. 2.3. The New Converts
V, 2.4. The Christians and Various Councils and Synods
V. 3. The Interaction between the Portuguese and the Muslims
V. 4. The lnteraction between the Portuguese and the Jews
V. 5. Various Other Realms of Interaction
V. 5. 1. Mercantile Activities
V. 5.2. Coinage
V. 5.3. Shipbuilding
V. 5. 4. Corsairs
V. 5.5. Portuguese and Kings of Malabar
V. 5.6. Factories and Fortresses
V. 5. 7. The King of Cochin and the Urbanisation of Cochin
V. 5.8. Hospitals and Medicine
V. 5.9. Houses of Charity or Holy House of Mercy (MisPricordia)
V. 5. 10. Churches and Monasteries
V. 5. 11. Inquisition
V. 5. 12. Education
V. 5.13. Art and Architecture
V. 5. 14. Music and Theatre
V. 5. 15. Food Habits
V. 5.16. Disrespect for Indigenous Traditions
V. 5. 17. Changes in the Traditions of the Land
V. 5.18. The Portuguese Cl e r u in Malabar
V. 5.19. Mixed Race
V. 5.20. Development of Vernacular Languages
V. 5.21. Changes in the Dress Code
V. 5. 22. Historical Documents
V. 5.23. Padroado
V. 5.24. Fruits and Plants Brought by the Portuguese
V. 5.25. Breaking up of Portuguese Power in India
8
VI. CONCLUSION
SOURCES OF ILLUSTRATIONS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX
9
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
There are a lot of people who have extended their helping hands in the pursuit
of my present study. The first and foremost among them is Prof. K. S. Mathew, my
Research Supervisor who encouraged and supported me at every stage of my
research, opened his vast treasury of knowledge through discussions and suggestions
and allowed me to make use of the invaluable depository of his personal collection of
sources. I would like to express my heart-felt thanks to my Guru.
I would also like to thank the President of thc University of Nantes in France
for having admitted me as a doctoral student under the Memorandum of
Understanding with my parent University. 1 also thank the Universitq of Nantes for
the fellowship it offered for a period of 12 months, which helped me a lot to c q on
my research in Europe. The guidance and help extended by Prof: Jacques Weber of
the Department dc Ilistoire. Universite de Nantes is also acknowledged here. I thank
him most sincerely for the care, guidance and help he rendered to me during my
research in Europe especially in France. The help extended by Prof Batrice Giorgi-
Mignot, Prof. John-Pierre Rois, the Director of C.R.11.M.A. Nantes. Prof. Marcel
Launay and other mcmbers of the teaching and nun-teaching staff of the Universite de
Nantes is also acknowledged.
I would like to express my gratitude to 1. C. H. R. for having a-ardcd a Junior
Research Fellowship for a period of three years to pursue my doctoral research. My
gratitude is also due to lnstituto de Camdes, 1,isbon. Portugal for the one-month
Fellowship awarded to me for the study of Portuguese language in Lisbon (Curso de
VerZo).
My sincere thanks are also due to Mar Joseph Pallikaparampil, the Bishop of
Palai for having given me the necessary permission for continuing m) higher studies
and research in various parts of the world.
1 place on record my indebtedness to the s t a r and students of the University of
Pondicheny, Universite de Nantes, France, Llniversidade de [,isboil. Portugal, and
10
I'Alliance Francaise, Pondicheny from where I equipped myself for research by the
study of research methodology. French and Portugue~e languages, and Paleography.
I am very thankful to the Directors and staff of the Bibliotheque National de
France, Paris. Bihliotheque de Universite de Nantes. France, Bibliotheque C. R. H. M.
A. Nantes. France. Archive Departmentales de Nantes. Bihliotheque de Centre
Culture1 Calouste Gulbenkian. Paris. Bihliothequc Asiatique des Missions Etrangeres,
Paris. Maison de I'Asie Bihliotheque. Paris. Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa. Portugal.
Archivo Nacional de l'orre de l'omho. Lisboa, Archibo HistOrico Iiltrarnarina.
Lisboa. Biblioteca da Ajuda. [.isboa. Biblioteca da Lrniversidade de Lisboa. Biblioteca
do Seminario dos Olivais. Lisboa, British Library, London. England. l{ouston
University Lihrary. I1.S.A. Historical Archives of Goa. Panjim. Pondicherry
University Library, Pondicherry. I.C.H.R. Librarq. New Delhi. St. Thomas College
Library. Palai and St. Thomas Apostolic Seminary Library. Kottayam.
My sincere thanks are also due to Rt. Rc\'. blsgr. George Soubrier, the Bishop
ol' Nantes for his paternal care. 1 also acLnowledge my thanks to Paroisse Saint
Donatien. Nantes, its parishioners. Vicar I'ere Loiscau and other priests and the staff
of the church who made my stay in Paroisse Saint Donatien homely. I also thank the
MEP ijthers for their hospitality during my research in Paris.
I would also like to record my gratitude to His Eminance Cardinal lose
Policarp, the Patriarch of Lisbon and Dom Manuel Clemente. Auxiliary Bishop and
Rector of the Seminario Maior de Cristo Rei. I.irhon. Rec. Pe. Franc~sco Jose Tito
Espinheira, the Vice-Rector, Pe. AntOnio Fernando l s~xei ra, the Vicar and the
Parishioners of St. Joseph's Church Algeirio. L.ishon. for their hospitality and
generosity.
I owe a lot to Prof. L.uis Felipe Thomaz uho opened hi5 personal library for my
research, Dr. Genevieve Bouchon. Prof. Afzal Ahmad. Prof Maria da Rosa. Mlle.
Franqoise Coquenlorge, Dona 'Luisa, Dona Mariana. Dona Mimi, Mrs. Angela lvette
Noronha, Miss Elizabeth Schneider, Msgr. Philip Nairalakatt, the Manager of St.
7 homas College Palai, Rev. Dr. Mathew Maleparampil, the Principal of St. Thomas
College Palai, Sisters of S. H. F. C. Convent Pondicherry, Fr. Jose Thanikkal C. M. I.
11
Mr. Bino Joseph, Mr. Baby V.D.. Mrs. Joyce Joseph. and Miss Punithavathy for thc
assistance they extended to me at various stages of rn) research. My gratitude is also
due to my friends, all my well-wishers and family members for their support and
encouragement.
Finally 1 would like to thank those who helped me with the printing and
binding work of my thesis, especially Maran Computers Pondicheny and Omega
Computers Palai and all who have assisted me one way or other during my researches.
JAMES JOHN
12
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
1 . Map of Portugal in the Fifteenth and S~xteenth Centuries
2, The f'hoto of the Altar of the First Church
in Ramapuram (c. 1450).
3. ('oonun C'ros.\ in Mattancherry
4. Map of Malabar in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.
5 Map of the Fortress of Cannanore in the Sixteenth Century.
6. Map of the City of Cochin in the Sixteenth Century.
7. The f a~ade ol'the Old St. Thomas Cathedral at Palai
built in I'ortuguese style.
Page Number
16-17
13
ABBREVIATIONS
A. N.T.T
A.H.U.
B. A.
B.L.
l3.N.F
B.N.L
H.A.G.
Mal.
N.D.
Archivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo
Archivo Historico Ultramarino
Biblioteca da Ajuda
British Library
Bibliotheque Nationale de France
Biblioteca de Lisboa
The Historical Archives of Goa
Malayalam Language
Non-Dated
14
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
The Orient and the Occident are two different worlds of existence and
expression. During the middle ages the contact between the two became extinct. With
the geographical discoveries, in the premodern period the interest of the Occident in
the Orient increased. During the middle of the second millennium the closer ties
between the two worlds were revived once again. The interaction between the cast
and the west has been an important theme of historical retlection in recent years.
Portugal, a tiny country of the Iberian Peninsula took lead in this endeavour of
establishing contacts uith the oriental aor l d that was known for its religious
mysticism and luxuries including the much-needed spices. Portugal's dream prqject to
gain supremacy over the seas of the East by doing away with the monopolistic trade
of the East by the Moors was realised with the finding of a direct sea-route to India.
Thus a new phase of interaction between the East and the West began. Malabar.
which was the spice-growing strip of land. became the first focal point of Portuguese
activities in India. 'The socio-cultural change in Malabar that took place as a result of
Portuguese interaction is the theme of thc present research. It envisages the study of
the concepts like society, culture. socio-cultural changes, acculturation. subcultures
and culture patterns.
1. 1. Theoretical Frame Work
Nick Mansfield defines society as "a structured unit of individuals with
common characteristics and bonds."' It means that society is a web of relationships in
which each corresponds to the needs of the other members. So the society of a given
period is the web of interrelati~nship that exists among various individuals and social
b~oups of a specific geographical area and chronology.
I Nick Mansfield, Inrmductov Si ~c~ol ogy Canadian Perupeciri~er. Toroxu. 1982. p 82.
15
The term culture has different shades of meaning. For the ordinary man
culture is a refined way of life. Accordingly, culture is in the domain of the elite, witty
and literate folks.' This definition throws the illiterate outside the domain of culture.
Frank R. Vivelo adds 'totalist' and 'mentalist' view to the definition of
culture.' The 'totalist view' of culture interrelates a social group's self-concept, its
belief system and the instruments and mechanisms it uses to achieve its goals and
perpetuate i t s e ~f . ~ This view holds that culture is an interaction between who we are
and what we have. The mentalist view' of culture maintains that it is a thing of mind
shared by the members of the group. It is an ideational or conceptual system.'
According to this view, as it is a conceptual system. material elements do not come
within the purview of culture. Therefore 'mentalist view' is not acceptable. A more
comprehensive definition in the 'totalist line' is given by Raymond Williams. He
defines culture as the whole way of life of the pe opl e . ~ul t ur c . being a mode of living
proper to a society includes elements like language. customs, habits, techniques.
beliefs. ideas. attitudes. religions. material culture and values.' If culture is the way of
life of the people it is not something normative but positive.
Culture cannot exist in a vacuum. It requires some form of structure for
existence. It is the social structure that contains culture.' Though society and culture
are closely related both are distinct. The former is the "patterns of association and
relations through which persons influence or motivate one another"' whereas the
latter comprises "certain products of these regulations in the form of communicable
values, norms and standards.""'
The basic unit of culture is called Culrural Truil. There are so many cultural
traits in a culture. A group of related traits is called a (' ul~ure pullern. The higher unit
' ihid, p 55
' Frank R. Vivelo, Ct,/tura/ ,4,rlhmop0/i,~r tlun~lhihook, Neu York. 1978, pp 16- I8
' ! h i d . D 17.
' ~ h r d , p. 17
Raymond Williams. Culrurr undSociety I7HU-1950. Middleae*. 1971. p I 8
' K.S. Mathew. "Indian Ocean and Cultural Interaction", pp 97-132, in Indrco, vol 35, No. 2. Bombay,
September 1998, p. 101. See also S.C. Dube, Undrrslondmg Chungr. Anlhropolopcul end
Sociologtcal Persprct,ves. New Delhi, 1992, p. 13
Nlck Manstield, op cir . p. 68.
Howard Becker & Alvin Baskoff. ed.. Modern Sricroluyrcal Theuq,. Neu York, 1966. p 263.
l o rhrd, p. 264
16
of culture above culture pattern is ~ubcuiture." A subculture is a "group within
society that contravenes the prescribed norms and values of the larger group, yet lives
within the confines of the overall society."12
Social organism, just like a biological organism, undergoes change. Society
always seeks a balance. But due to internal and external pressures society may seek
new balance. This leads to social changes. "Social change refers to the intelligible
process in which we can discover significant alterations in the structure and
functioning of determinate social system."" So social change could be understood as
a variation from accustomed interaction patterns. But social change 1s not a total
change. Continuity and change go hand in hand. No society can change totally
ignoring its roots. Together with the variations in the accustomed interaction patterns,
changes also happen in the culture. which is the ultimate expression of the way of life
of a society.
According to M.N. Srinivas, one ofthe eminent and contemporary sociologists
of India, the two means of social change in India are "sanskritisation" and
.'westernisation". In ..sanskritisation". in order to raise their social position,
especially for an upward mobility in the caste hierarchy, members of the lower castes
adopt some customs of the Brahmins and give up some of their own which were
considered impure by the higher castes." .'Westernisation" is '.the change brought
about in Ind~an society and culture as a result of over 150 years of British rule."lb
The spreading process of the cultural traits and patterns from the society in
which it is born is called cultural diffusion." Social changes initiated by external
agents like the people of the West. may lead to acculturation and assimilation.
Acculturation is "the learning of accepted cultural ways and giving up of old ways by
W ~ J ~ W Book Encyclopaedia, "01. I V. London. 1992, pp. 490. 491
Nlck Mansfield, op ci t . p. 373.
' ~hrd., p. 263.
l4 M. N Srinivas, Social Change ~n Modern lnd,a. Califomla. 1966. p 7
Yogendra Singh. Moderniznlron oflnilran Trudrfiort A Swiernai,~ Siudy of Socral Change. New
Delhi. 1974. p. 5
le M. N. Srinivas, "A Note on Sanskr~i~zat~on and Westcm~zatlon" In <'u.\re in Modern India and Olho
E. sr w, London. 1962, p. 55.
" WorldBook Encyclopoedra, vol. I V, London, 1992, p. 493.
17
new members of the culture"." In acculturation. one group takes on the characteristics
of the other giving up most or all of their cultural ways. " It is usually the result of
prolonged contacts between two cultures. In many cases it is the result of conquests.
Assimilation is "the process by which one group diffuses and comes to share common
characteristics with another."20 This usually happens in the case of the immigrants.
The process of assimilation will lead to the disappearance of the minority group. ''
Acculturation when takes place as a result of western influence in the line of
colonialism. it involves different stages. In this process there is a .host cu~t ur e"~ and a
'guest culture.'" The stages through which this gradual penetration passes are i)
Occasional visits in which the members of the guest culture come either individually
or in groups to the host culture without the intention of staying for a long time.
Travellers and pilgrims are examples for this. 'The contacts of the guest culture during
such visits arc mainly with the creamy lair of the society like rulers, nobles or
religious leaders. ii) Prolonged Stay: 'This stage is dominated by the desire of the
members of the guest culture for a prolonged stay. This may be motivated either by
religious or commercial purposes. If' it is motivated by rel~gious purpose, the 'guest
culture' will be accompanied by missionaries and if it is with a con~mercial motive,
with the instruments of commerce. llere the scope of contacts is extended to the
common people. iii) Creation of Sphere of Influence: In this stage members of the
guest culture mill require the support of the ruling classes to serve their religious or
commercial purpose. As they are not in a position to obtain political power, they
create pockets of influence exploiting the weaknesses of the ruling classes promising
them material benefits or political power. Once the rulers become prey to these
temptations, making use of the influence they have created on the ruler, the guest
culture will work to obtain its ulterior motives. This stage is dominated by cunning
alliances and promises of military and economic aids. Once they create a sphere of
influence in a particular territory, the number of the members of guest culture
increases substantially in that territory, iv) Pockets of Self-Government: In this stage,
the guest culture either through alliances or military action or through contracts with
"Nick Mansfield. op cir . p. 369
I P
~btd., p. 75.
'O ihrd. p 369.
'' WorldBook Encvclooaedia. vol. IV. London. 1992. pp 493
:' The researcher (om, thts l c m to denote tne :.llurc ths: rrreoc, tbrr.jn .u 1t.w tro I,
"The researcher culnr the t c m to dcnJte Ihe <.llldre that ren:tratss nto thc nost c.It~rc
18
rulers of its sphere of influence, conducts territorial conquests and establish its own
system of government subject to the supreme authority of its mother country. Once
the 'guest culture' reaches this stage, it will do anything. including the use of force, to
satisfy its economic and religious objectives making use of the power it has. The
quest for maintaining their own tenitory, and influences and t o exert pressure on the
natives, the number of the members of the 'guest culture' will be considerably
increased, especially the number of military class and missionaries will be increased
with a view to maintaining law and order and evangelisation purposes respectively. v)
Supreme Poner of a Region or Country: This is the stage of full-fledged colonialism
and imperialism in which the legislative. cxecutive and judicial powers of the host
culture are exclusively in the hands of the guest culture.
In all these stages there will be reaction form the part of the host culture. The
reaction can be both positive and negative. There will be a section opposing the
penetration and influence of the alien cultural elements just as there will be another
section. which supports the alien culture in spite of occasional differences. The basic
reason behind the conflict between cultures is ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism is "the
belief that our own particular cultural ways are superior t o others.""
In each of the above stages, we can notice some cultural changes rcsulting from
the interaction, perhaps except in the lirst. The acculturation affects the society
according to the intensity of the interaction and also according to the response of the
society under interaction. The socio-cultural changes will be intensive if the
~nteraction is exhaustive and the pace of change will be less if the interaction is
minimal. The nature of change also depends upon the strength and response of the
society under interaction. If the society under interaction (host culture) is stronger the
response of the acculturation will be fission and a fusion in the societ) whereas, if the
host culture is submissive there will be more changes in the society in the line of the
guest culture.
In the present study we deal with acculturation that happened in Malabar as a
result of wesfernisation initiated by the interaction between Portuguese and Malabar
"Nick Mansfield, up cir , p. 370
19
societies. In this study. Malabar society is taken as a macro-cultural unit. different
religious groups it contains as subcultures and different varnas and jaris in each
subculture as culture patterns. In the interaction between the Portuguese and the
Malabar societies, the above stages can be found. In the first stage we see the
Portuguese travellers and discoverers like Jol o Peres de ~ o v i l h ~ o ~ ' who came to India
to get more information about the trade, trade routes and religion of India and Vasco
da ~ i a m a . ~ ~ the discoverer of India. Both did not have the intention of staying for a
longer period. In the second phase we see the arrival of Pedro Alvares ~ a b r a l " with
necessary instruments and personnel for a permanent stay for economlc and religious
purposes. In the third stage, making use of the enmity, disunity, superiority and
inferiority complexes of the native rulers, the Portuguese established pockets of self-
government in Cannanore and Cochin. In the tburth phase. through territorial
conquests, the Portuguese obtained territories like Goa where they implanted their
own system of administration. But they never crossed the fourth stage in India. As the
p e s t culture advances from the first stage to the following. the degree of
acculturation intensifies and reaches its zenith with the fifth stage. In Malahar the
Portuguese hardly crossed the third stage. For. the Portuguese had only a few
settlements and factories in Malabar and they were not always under the full political
power of the Portuguese. l' he native rulers had some control over them
1.2. Survey of Literature
Though a few studies have been done regarding the Indo-Portuguese relations of
this period, many of them focus on the political, economic and religious spheres of
Portuguese activity in Malabar.
" Femiio Lopes de Castanheda, H,sroria do Descnbrimentii X Conquesla du India Pr hi Porluyue~es,
LIMO I and II, Coimbm, 1924, p. 7. See also Frederick Charles Danvers. The Portu,qurxs in lndro
Being a Hislow ofthe Rises andDec11ne of their Easrrrn empire, vol I, London. 1966. pp 29-52
l6 Dam180 Peres, ed.. Drdrto do Vlugem de Vosco du Guma. PBno. 1945. pp. 58-96 See also Sunja?
Subrahmanyam, The coruer andlegendof Vorco da Garno. Cambridge, 1977. p. 128
'' William Brooks Greenlee, The Voyoge ofPedro Alvarer ('ohral to Brazil and lndro. New Delhl.
1995, pp. 72f See also K G Jayne, b b ~ c u do Garno a n d H, ~ Successo~s 1460-ljXll. New [)elhi. 1997
20
One of the earlier studies in this regard has been A. Mathias Mundadan's Thr St
Thomas Christians of Mulahar under Mar Jacoh ( I ~ Y X - I ~ ~ Z ) . ~ ' It deals with the
contacts of the St. Thomas Christians with the Ponuguese during the episcopate 01'
Mar Jacob. It is a work, which makes use of a lot of Portuguese as well as indigenous
sources. But it deals only with the St. Thomas Christians of that period. Another book
of the same author entitled Tradirions qf 9. Thoma.r ~'hrrstians.'~ discusses the
various traditions of the St. Thomas Christians. The second pan ol' the book gives a
detailed survey of the traditions of St. Thomas Christians up to the time of the arrival
of the Portuguese. This is also a historico-anthropolog~cal study about the St. Thomas
Christians. Another important work done in this line is 0 s Portugueses no hfuluhor
(1498-1580), by Jose Manuel Correia. It is a useful work on the Portuguese activities
in Malabar. But as the scope of the work is limited to a rather short period 1498-1580
many changes could not be brought out in the worL. The doctoral thesis of Jonas
Thaliath entitled The Synod of Diumper is a serious research, which deals w~t h the
feasibility, and the validity of Synod of Diamper which the Portuguese authors like
Gouveia uphold as the greatest achievement of the Portuguese missionaries in
Malabar."?he scope of this study is limited only to the historical background and the
juridical validity of the Synod. Genevieve Bouchon's French work Mumaie de
Cananor Un udversuire de i'lnde porruguise (ljOi-I5ZX), is a work which portrays
the native resistance to the Ponuguese on the pan of the Muslims of Malabar
especially the Marakkars." The St. tho ma^ C'hristiun.\ ' Kevoiurion written by Jacob
~ol l a~ar ampi l ' ~ is a well-researched treatise on the ecclesiastical histo17 of Malabar
during the Portuguese period. Then the Ph.1). thesis of .Joseph Thckkedath entitled
Troubled Days qf Francis Garcia S J , .4rrhblshop of Crangunore / 16- 11- j ~) ~' gives
the history of the St. Thomas Christians of Malabar during the middle of the
seventeenth century through the personality of Archbishop Francis Garcia. He has
consulted a mass of Portuguese sources Sor the study of this period. Another work by
the same author is The Hislory of' Chrlrriunily in lndiu. from rhr Middle of the
A Mathias Mundadan, The 3 Thomu ('hrisrrutn (I / ,Mo/ahor uniler ,blur ./ucoh ( 1498- I I J2) .
Bangalore. 1967.
" A. Math~as Mundadan. Tradrnon.7 O/SI Thomor Chnsiinrn, Bangalore. 1970
Jonas Thaliath. T.O.C.D., TheSynodofDjamper. Bangalore. 1999.
I ' Genev~hve Bouchon, Momolr de Cananor Un odvcrsnlre dr l'lndu poritiprsu (1507-1528). Pans.
1975
'' Kollaparampil, Jacob. The St. Thomas Chrlst~ans' Rmo/ufmn, Konayam. 1981
'I Joseph Thekkedath. Troubled Doys of Fronos Car ou S J.. Archbishop ~f C' r anga~or r / / MI - 5 9 ) .
Rome. 1972.
21
Sixteenth to the end o/the Seventrcnlh Century (1542-li00). vol. 11.'' This covers the
entire Portuguese period but confines itself to the area of ecclesiastical history. The
Doctoral thesis of Pius Malekandathil entitled Por~ugue~r ('ochin und the Muritimc
Trade of India: 1500-166. 3~~ deals with the urban development of Portuguese Cochin.
This is a well-treated book on the basis of various primary evidences kept in various
depositories around the world. But the thesis is mainly concerned with the urban
development and trade. The book edited by Prof K.S. Mathew entitled The
Porfugurse and rhe Socio-Culfurul Chunjies in India. 1500-1~00?" deals with various
aspects of socio-cultural changes in India. As it is an edited work on the basis of t he
proceedings of an international seminar, it contains a lot of vacuum and gives room
for thrther research on the socio-cultural changes in Malabar.
The present treatise is the result oi' an attempt to shed light on Malabar society
of the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries against the backdrop of socio-cultural
relationships and consequent transformation that occurred in the society due to the
interaction with the Portuguese society. Most of the previous *arks concentrated on
commercial or ecclesiastical aspect. This study envisages more emphasis on socio-
cultural aspects without laying stress on the trade aspect of t he Portuguese period in
Malabar.
I. 3. Scope, Limitations and Purpose of the Research
The research concentrates itself on Malahar. The Geographical segment
Malabar, mentioned in the Portuguese documents, comprises of the region beginning
with Mount Eli in the north and extending itself to Cape Cornorin parcelled out into
various kingdoms like Cannanore, Calicut. Cochin, Thekkenkur. Vadakkenkur.
Quilon. and Travancore and stretches out on the Western Coast of India as a distinct
strip of land. Though in some of the Portuguese documents the term Malabar is used
'' Joseph Thekkedath, The Hisrory of Chrruoanq m India, @rim rhe bi!ddle of the Sureenrh lo the End
o IheSevenreenrh Cenrury (1542-170fJ), vol 11. Bangalore. 1988.
"Pius Malekandathil, Porruwese Cochin and rhr Mor,rrme Trade of lndm 1500-1663 (Unpublished
p i s submlncd to the Pond~cheny University for PhD). Pondlchemy Universlty: Pond~cherry. 1988.
K S. Mathew. ed., The Porruprese and rhe Socro-Cuiiurul Chanzri in Ind,a, 1500-IXIIO, Tellicherry.
2001.
22
in the sense of the whole South-Westem Coast of India." in the present study it
confines itself to the area that is known at present as Kerala.
The period of the research begins with 1498 which marks the arrival of Vasco
da Gama, the Portuguese Admiral and it ends with 1663 in which Cochin, the centre
of Portuguese activity in Malabar, was captured by the Dutch who were the rivals of
the Portuguese in the Eastern possessions of the Portuguese especially the Esiado da
India. Such a long period of almost one and a half centuries is taken for this research.
To show tangible socio-cultural changes that happened in a societ). a study of a
longer period is inevitable because as pointed out hy Femand ~raudcl." the socio-
cultural changes take place in a long span of time. Therefore it waa considered
opportune to take this period. Secondly this period forms one thematic unit of
Portuguese influence in Malabar.
'The researcher had a lot of limitations. The first limitation was that the primar).
sources in connection with this thesis were mainly in foreign languages like
Portuguese. Spanish, Italian. French, German. and Latin. The scholar could overcome
this limitation to a great extent by intensive study of these languages from various
foreign universities and institutes. Secondly most of the primary sources related to
this topic were kept in various Archives and libraries in various parts of the world.
The researcher had to collect a host of primary sources from different parts of the
world within a short duration of time available. Thirdly as the research pertains to the
socio-cultural aspects and a vast Geographical area as well as extensive period, the
study could not be very deep. In spite of all these shortcomings, the researcher has
tried his level best to show justice to the topic under consideration.
The purpose of the study was to shed more light on the society and culture of
Malabar during the pre-Portuguese period and also to show the changes that happened
in the society and culture of Malabar over a period of one and a half centuries of
Poituguese interaction. The study also intends to show how the interaction affected
See 0. N. L., Fundo Geral, Reservudos, .Yo, 3141. In thls document the author Henr~ques Henr~qes
S.J. deals with the Grammar of the language of Malabar Though the document says it deals wl th the
language of Malabat, it actually deals with Tamil. This IS an example for the confusion that some of the
Ponuguese authors had regarding the geographical segment called Malabar.
" Femand Braudel. On Hisrary, Translated by Sarah Manhewr. Ch~cago, 1982, pp 27-52
23
the Malabar society and culture and how far ethnocentrism played a decisive role in
the socio-cultural changes in Malabar.
1.4. Design of Study and Methodology
In addition to the introduction and conclusion. the present study has four
chapters. The introductory chapter deals with parameters of study- the conceptual
framework, scope, survey of literature. I~mitations. sources and methodology of the
research.
The second chapter entitled the "Portuguese Society and Culture at the Close
of the Fifteenth Century'' portrays a short history of the formation of Portugal as well
as the fifteenth century Portuguese society and culture. Iberian Peninsula. the
Geographical area in which Portugal is situated. has a different socio-cultural milieu.
The study of the Portuguese society and culture will help us comprehend the
underlying principles of some of the activities of the Portuguese in Malabar during the
subsequent centuries. The Portuguese society and culture of the fifteenth century were
typically a west European one dividing the society into three estates- the clergy. the
nobles and the commoners. The former two were known as the privileged estates that
engaged in ecclesiastical. military and administrative functions respectively. The
commoners were the unprivileged section in the society. In economic terms, there
were three different sectors of production- Primary Sector in which agriculture,
fishing and animal husbandry dominated: secondary sector where certain industries
and crafts dominated and the Exchange sector where internal as well as external trade
flourished. The Portuguese society of this period was dominated by anti-Islamic. anti-
Jewish and fervent catholic mentalities. There developed certain institutions of charity
and an enlightened society. which had its roots in education. The efforts to open a
new maritime trade route to India, the chief source of spices especially pepper, was a
national dream of the Portuguese. To fulfill this dream various kings and princes had
started geographical explorations as a national enterprise. So economic aspirations
and missionary zeal were combined together in this dream project.
24
The third chapter entitled the "Malabar Society at the Arrival of the
Portuguese" describes the Malabar society as seen by the Portuguese at the inltial
phase of their contact with Malabar society. The fifteenth century Malabar society is
reconstructed on the basis of various primary sources. Malabar society and culture
had its roots in religion and cmte system. The S O C ~ ~ N was divided into various
religious communities. The main religious communities were the Hindus, Christians.
Muslims and the Jews. Each religious section is taken as a subculture. Among the
Hindus themselves there were different vurnas and jaris such as the ~ruhrnrns?'
Narrs, Tiwas. Mukkuvu~, YerIuva.\. PU~UVUS. Parrr,vas. ('hetries of Coromandel Coasts.
(iujarati merchants and so on. The mcmhership in a wr nu or jur~ was determined by
birth and each member had to follow the occupation of his vurna orjuri. There was a
strict hierarchy of varnus or jaris An upward mobility in the hierarchy was not
possible. Among the Christians. there were the St. Thomas Christians who were
ind~genous Christians and also the Quilon Christians who had already been latinised.
Among the Muslims there were indigenous Muslims who were converts from the
Muslims as well as the children born to the Malahar women from the foreign Musl ~m
merchants, and the Arab. Persian and other Muslim merchants who were here in
Malabar for the sake of trade. The former was k n o w as the .Mapillus and the latter
foreign Muslims. There was also a Jewish community that comprised the White Jews
and the Black Jews. In the present study each of the above is taken as a culture pattern
and its socio-cultural life is studied with the help of' primary as well as secondary
sources. As all cultural traits cannot be brought under the religious subcultures.
another part. which deals with various other traits of socio-cultural life in Malahar is
also given.
The fourth chapter is "Interaction between the Portuguese and Malabar Societies
1500-1567." It was in 1567 that the First Goan Provincial Council was convened. It
was the first council, which has been convened in lndia since the days of St. Thomas,
the Apostle, the founder of Christianity in India. After 1567 there had been a series of
Councils and Synods in lndia, which brought about a lot oT socio-cultural changes in
Malabar. From the first Goan Provincial Council onwards we find a deliberate attempt
on the part of the Portuguese to latinise the St. Thomas Christians, one of the major
''I Brahmins form part of the mditional vorno system of lndla whereas all the other sections uf the
Hindu society in Malabar formed pan of the jarr system
25
religious communities in Malabar. These attempts really affected the social
framework of Malabar. Till 1567. the interaction between the Portuguese and the St.
Thomas Christians of Malabar did not exceed other than some economic, socio-
cultural and religious exchanges. The St. Thomas Christians considered the
Portuguese as their co-religionists. Though there were stray attempts to bring the St.
Thomas Christians under the control of the Roman Church. the relationship was rather
peaceful. In this chapter the relationships between various religious communities like
the Hindus, the Christians, the Muslims, the Jews, the New Converts and the
Portuguese community, are dealt with. The most interesting thing is the emergence of
two other sections in the society such as the new converts to Christianity and another
community of Portuguese descent. As all areas of socio-cultural interaction cannot be
brought under the banner of religious subcultures, the other traits of cultural contacts
are discussed under the heading various other realms of interaction.
The tifih chapter depicts the interaction between the Portuguese and Malabar
Societies 1567-1663. Here also the interaction between various communities such as
the Hindus. Christians, Muslims. Jews and the New Converts, is discussed. The
intensity of interaction between different religious communities varied depending
upon the response and the degree of conract of various religious communities of
Malabar with the Ponuguese. During this period thc interaction between the
Christians and the Portuguese was deeper than uhat u a s common with other non-
Christian communities. The nature of the relationship between the I'ortuguese and the
non-Christians was not affected greatly: instead it remained almost unchanged. But
the contact between the Portuguese and the New Converts to Christianity was very
cordial, as they subjugated themselves to the Portuguese whereas the relationship
between St. Thomas Christians and the Portuguese u a s rather complicated. The
Portuguese through a series of Councils and Synods tried to bring the St. Thomas
Christians under the jurisdiction of Pope. the Supreme Pontiffol' the Catholic Church.
'These council and synodal decrees were sharp means of socio-cultural changes in
Malabar, which aiienated the Christians from the main stream of the society and also
created a change in the societal relationships. All these attempts on the part of the
Portuguese ultimately resulted in a fusion and fission in the society dividing the St.
Thomas Chri st i ~ns into two fractions one which surrendered itself to the Portuguese
and the other protested against the Portuguese. All those aspects that cruld not be
26
dealt with under the subculture level are clubbed together under the heading various
other areas of interaction which discusses different cultural traits. The study ends with
the occupation of Cochin, the most important stronghold of the Portuguese in
Malabar. by the Dutch in 1663.
The concluding remarks are incorporated in the last chapter. In addition to these
chapters, a select bibliography consisting of various primary as well as secondary
sources consulted for present research, as well as a documentary appendix and a list
of illustrations are also given.
The methodology applied in this thesis is mainly descriptive and analytical.
I'rimary sources collected from various depositories around the glob have been used
profusely for this study due to the dearth of indigenous sources
I. 5. Sources
Various Primary and Secondary sources essential for this research were
collected from various archives and libraries in India and abroad. 'The most important
Archives and libraries the researcher has consulted for the present work are given
with the important collection of sources.
1.5.1. Bibliotheque nationale de France, Paris
l'he codex of manuscripts called Manuscrits Portuguis is consulted at the
Bibliotheque Nationale de France. Besides some rare books are also made use of.
1.5.2. Archivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Lisboa, Portugal
Archivo National da Torre de Tombo of Portugal is a great depository of
primary sources for the present research. The collection of manuscripts named Corpo
Cronologico, Colecqrio de S Vicenre, Cartbrio dos Jesuilus, Cartus dos Vice-reis da
hdi a, chancelaria de D. Manuel, and Documenlos Rrmrridos du indiu, is used for the
27
present work. In addition to that some rare hooks belonging to Serie l'crmelhu are
also consulted.
1.5.3. Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, Portugal
The coliections entitled Reservados. ('olecciro Pomhulinu. Fundo Gerol and
many rare books included in the collection Retrrvados are used for the present
research.
1. 5.4. Archivo Hist6rico Ultrarnarino, Lisboa, Portugal
The main collection useful for the study of Indian History in Archivo
Historico Ultramarino is ( hi xu du indiu. Many documents which were classified and
kept according to the periods. are made use especially for the study of the seventeenth
century History of lndo Portuguese relations.
1.5. 5. Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisboa, Portugal
The codices like C'ddicr 49-IV-JY. ('ddicc 49-IV-50 and ('lidice 51-171.32 are
used for the history of the seventeenth century Malabar in this thesis.
1. 5.6. British Library, London, England
From British Libraq, the researcher has made use of the collection called
Additional. Addilional MS. 9, 853. ~ h i c h deals uith Ponuguese British relations and
ildditionul MS. 26.578 which is related lo the history of the dh4up~llu.\ in Malahar have
been consulted for the present work.
1.5. 7. The Historical Archives of Goa, Panjirn
The Codice Nos. Like 3025, 3027, 7693. 9529 and Mo n ~r i r ~ do Reino are
utilised for the study of Indo-Portuguese relations.
28
1. 5. 8. Various Archives and Libraries Consulted
Apart from the above libraries and Archives. the primary and secondary data
was collected from Bibliotheque de Universite de Nantes, France; Bibliotheque
C.R.H.M.A, Nantes, France; Archive Departmentales de Nanten; Bibliotheque de
Centre Culture1 Calouste Gulbenkian, Paris; Bibliotheque Asiatique des Missions
Etrangeres, Paris; Maison de I'Asie Bibliotheque, Paris; Biblioteca da Universidade
de Lisboa. Portugal; Biblioteca do Seminario dos Olivais. Lishoa, Portugal; Houston
University Library, U.S.A: Pondicheny University Librar), Pondicherry: I.C.H.K.
Library, New Delhi; St, Thomas College Library. Palai; St. Thomas Apostolic
Seminar) Library, Kottayam; and the personal collections of Prof K. S. Mathew in
Pondicheny and Prof. Luis Felipe Thomaz in Lisbon.
29
CHAPTER 11
PORTUGUESE SOCIETY AND CULTURE AT THE
CLOSE OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY
'The interaction between the Portuguese and Malabar societies is a unique
phenomenon as it was the first interaction between a Western European Society and
an Eastern Society on a lasting basis. A study of this interaction necessitates the study
of a short history of Portuguese society and culture without which we will not be able
to tind the underlying principles of interaction.
11.1. The Formation of Independent Portugal
Large tracts of land of Portugal were still under the .~otrro.s' in the twelfth
centur).. The Portuguese. being Catholics had a crusading spirit towards the moors. It
was the spirit of the time in Christian countries. The Portuguese wanted to liberate the
vast tracts of land under the Muslim domination. Affonso Henriques (~1106-85) of
Portugal realised this dream prqiect of the Portuguese. Accordingly, he defeated the
Moors near Ourique in 1139. After this victory, he declared himself the King of
Portugal. The monarchy established by Affonso Henriques marked the beginning of
Portuguese independence.2 In 1147. Santarem and Lisbori were recaptured with the
help of the French, German and English crusaders. In 1250. the Moors were driven
out of Algawe, the last province under the occupation of the Moors. These conquests
and raids against the Moors and their success were continued even outside Portugal.
In 1340, the combined forces of Portugal and Spain won over the Moorish kingdoms
of Granada and Morocco at the Salado River in Spain. Then. their attention turned
towards Africa. and Ceuta was conquered in 1415. The Spanish Granada, which was
the stronghold of the Moors in the Iberian Peninsula. was also captured in 1 4 9 2 . ~
I Muuruv is a term used by the Portuguese to sign15 the Muslims.
' H. V. Llvermore. "Portuguese History'' in pp. 48-81, H.V. Llvermore, ed.. Porlugal and Bruzrl: uti
Inlroducr~on. Oxford, 1970, p 48.
' Georg Schurhammer, Francis Rbvier. His L@, HIA Times, vol. I I , India (1541-1545). Translated by
Joseph M. Costelloe S. J.. Rome, 1977, D 138.
30
PORTUGAL
m THE ISTH AND I ~ H CENTURIES
31
11. 2. Age of Discoveries
The Portuguese attempts to explore African coast were dominated by three
factors. First, Portugal needed slaves for tilling the lands of Southern Portugal vacated
by the Moors. Secondly the Portuguese had the greed for gold, which was said to be
in ahundance in Africa. And finally, the Portuguese had a craving for pepper and
other spices for food, which was becoming a mania in E ~ r o p e . ~
Amidst the series of successes in the Iberian Peninsula and Africa. the Capture
of Constantinople by the Turks was a terrible shock to the ~hristendom.' It had its
economic consequences for Europc. The profitable spice trade between the Orient and
the Occident fell into the hands of the Turks who pocketed large amount of profits.
The Christian West had to depend upon the Moorish or Turkish merchants heavily for
the spices of the East, which were in high demand in Europe. Thus the Muslim
middlemen had drained much wealth from Euro~e.
Against this backdrop, enmity to the Moors, Christening spirit of the
Portuguese and the need for a new maritime trade route for trade in spices between
the East and the West were the driving force behind the maritime activities of the
Portuguese. Thus the series of expeditions and explorations became an affair of
national i nt er e~t . ~
Pope Alexander VI had assigned to Spain all lands south and west of a North-
South line dr a m in Atlantic between Azores and the Cape Verde Islands in 1493.
The Portuguere got the Eastern hemisphere for their further exploration.' Through the
Treaty of Tordesilhas of 1494 betueen Portugal and Spain, the Portuguese succeeded
in getting the line of demarcation, given by the Pope moved 370 leagues to the west.'
'l'hus Brazil fell under the Portuguese sphere.'
' Harry Johnston, Pioneers in l nd~a, New Delh~ and Madras, 1993, p 116
' t h~ d, p. 139 See also J 5. Trend. Porruycrl. London. 1957, p 143.
" K.S. Mathew, lndo-Porfuguese Trade undlhr F u ~ y e n ~JGermuny. New Delhi, 1997, p. I
' L e q Marla Jordao. ed.. Bullorium Pu~rona~as Porrugailiae Regum m Ecclesris .4fricae, .4.~raeulique
Oceaniae, Tomus l (1 171-1600). Olispone, 1868. pp. 270-271.
v o s d Hermano Saraiva, Htsrdria de Porrugal, Mem Martins, 1993, p. 151. See also Joaqulm
Verissimo Senao, Hisr6rro de P~orrugo~ ( 1415- 1495). Lisboa 1980. pp. 190-92.
'Crane Brinton, John B. Christopher & Robert Lee Wolff, 011. cil . 1964, p. 278
32
Against this backdrop. the Portuguese organised the maritime expedition to
India, the original source of the much-wanted spices for Europe. Vasco da Garna. a
member of an ordinary noble family was entrusted with thc task of leading a fleet to
India. The motto of this voyage was 'for Christians and spices'. The geographical
knowledge, spread in Europe through various travellers like Marco Polo (1264- 1324)
had inspired the Christian world. The Europeans had blindly believed that many
Asian countries were Christian and the only feasible thing was to bring them under
the jurisdiction of the Pope. The legend of Prester John, a great Christian ruler oft he
East also had encouraged the Christian world to take up the voyage to the ~a s t . ' "
11. 3. Portuguese Society and Culture
The society that had been emerging in Portugal after its conquest and gradual
annexation by Affonso Henriques was mainly an agrarian one. In the North of the
River Duro which was densely populated. the land was owned by the king. nobles and
the Church to one of which the people owed allegiance. The common peasants were
not free. There were different forms of slavery and serfdom in those areas. At the
same time. in the south there were better opportunities for the peasants. In the
southern areas from where the Moors were dricen out. much land was lying
uncultiva~ed. The virgin land was an attraction for these peasants who flocked to the
south where feudal restrictions were not very severe. The settlers were encouraged by
the grant of so many privileges. During Affonso Henriques large tracts of land were
entrusted to the Military Orders for the sake of security and settlement."
The emergence of King Dinis who was popularly known as the 'farmer king'
gave an impetus for added agricultural activities. Farming was the main economic
activity. They used to produce grain, wine. flax. hides and bee wax. They were
engaged in rearing cattle and sheep also." To meet the challenges of the growing
population. new tracts of land were opened for cultivation and these lands bere
ihid, p. 277.
I H. V. Livermore. "Ponuguese History;' pp 48-81, In H. V Livermore, ed . Porruyul and Br ei l an
~f l ~ruduc~i on. p. 54.
"Josd Hennano Saraiva, Pnnugal. A Compot?ion Hlsrog.. p 18.
33
entrusted either to Military or Monastic orders or to the town councils or free settlers.
Because of the demand for olrve oil and wine from abroad, vineyards and olive
groves were extended.')
They cultivated vegetable plants, cereals, fruits and wine. Agricultural
products were also exported. People engaged in rearing cattle and sheep and also in
fishing.14 The kings always encouraged the people to cultivate land and produce
more. Vineyards and Olive groves were given special attention.ls The people also
worked in flourmills and water mills, which were owned by the nohility.16
Many people earned their livelihood through fishing. It continued as one of
the bases of the economy of Portugal during the fifteenth century. Fish was exported.
Fishing continued to he a great occupation of the inhabitants of Viana do Castelo.
Ponte de Lima and Vila do Conde where people depended on the exponation of
fish.'' It was fishing that bred generations of seamen and crew for the later maritime
exdorations.
The main industries of this period were textile and leather. During this period
there developed weaving for artistic as well as commercial purposes. Linen was
cultivated in different parts of the country.'x The people also explored new iron
mines. From the iron so obtained they made nails. horseshoes and other iron
i~nplements. In addition to iron. silver. lead and precious stones were also explored.
Salt was either mined or panned. Besides. there was the ship-making industry.'"
These ships were mainly used for fishing purpose. But later on armed ships and ships
for international traffic were also constructed. For the ships, lateen sails, anchors,
cahles. ropes, wood. planks, iron and so on were used.2" During the fifieenth centuty.
the soap making became very popular. It was extended to the whole of the country.
I 4 '
Uamiao Peres, Htsl6ria d6, Porrugel, vol. I. PORO. 1969, pp 241. 245.246.
" Joaqu~m Verissilno Sengo, op L ~ I , p. 268, 270.
'' I hl d. pp 271, 272.
" hid. D. 274.
111
rhrd. bp. 280.281.
'' Josi Hermano Saraiva, Porru~ol A ('ompanron H~slor)., p 18. See also Datnlao Peres. up cir . vol.
1. PP. 242, 43. See alsa Joaquim Verlss~mo Scrrflo. up ccrl. p. 282.
f' E. Russel. Porrugal, Spain and rlrc Africon Allonl~c. 1343-1490 Chrvoln und Crusade /rum John
0fGounr lo Henry !he Nw~gulor, Hampshire. 1995, p. 6.
34
At the time of Prince Hennque, i t was to be produced only with the l i cen~e. ~' During
the fourteenth century there was an increase in the number of industries. One of the
main reasons for this increase was the coming of artisans from other countries. Thus
there developed metallic industry, making of arms. glass and so on.22
There developed internal trade and external trade in Portugal. Internal trade
was conducted in fairs and also through wandering merchants. In medieval
Portuguese society there were fairs. which were held espectally during feasts of the
Church. '1 he first ever-documented fair in Portugal was in the year 1229 held in
Castelo Mendo thrice a year. During the successive periods the number of fairs
increased and extended. It was an occasion for buying and selling commodities for
day-to-day life. The kings used to issue orders in such a way to protect the liairs." The
main commodities dealt with in these fairs were wine, \\heat, barley, rye, nuts.
chestnuts, pigeons, hens, cattle, sheep, goats, pigs. cows. horses, mules. donkeys.
linseed, iron and so on.'4 Between 1250-1300 some thirty official markets were
established. To encourage trade, the merchants visiting such official markets were
exempted from paying taxes. Agricultural products like wine, olive oil and honey
were taken to these markets. Foreign trade developed through the mouth of Duro.
Mondego and Tagus. Commodities like oil, honey. wine. fruits. fish and cork were
cxported to France, Flanders, England, West Mediterranean and Baltic Countries.
This gave an added impetus to the middle class traders and cultivators. When the
volume of trade increased. an urban middle class also developed along with it. The
Jews. who were there in abundance, participated in this fortune-seeking endeavour
and acted as middlemen between the Christians and the Moors." By the end of the
fifteenth century, Portugal was capable of exporting commodities she gained from her
overseas possessions such as sugar, wood, vegetable colours, and spices from the
coast of Africa. The main imports to Portugal included cereals, manufactured cloth.
weapons for war. and metallic objects. By this time the Port of Lisbon was in a
" Cana de D. Afonso V. Santarem. 9 de Setembro de 1455. in Monumenra Henr~oona, vol. XI I .
~~ .~ .
Co~mbm. 1973, n". 89, p. 174.
'' Joel Serrao, ed., D, aont l o de Hlsrdrio de Port a~al . vol. 111, Porto. 1992, p 302
" ,hid., vol. II, pp. 539-541.
'' J. B. Trend, op ctf . p. 86
'' Jose Hermano Saraiva, Porrugal A Componlon Htrrory. Tiverton. 1997. pp. 19, 23 See also
Joaquim Verissimo Serrho, Htsrdria dr Porrugal(1415- 1495). pp 286. 288. See also Joel SeMo. ed .
Diaonariu de Hlsrdrta dr Porrugal, val. 11, p. I 15.
35
position to receive large commercial ships coming from different countries." The
main areas from where imports were made were England. France. Flanders and
lreland.*' Through the trade with different countries of Western Europe, the
Portuguese understood the worth of maritime trade and its relevance for country's
economy. It was because of this that. even 'Maritime Exchange' was introduced in
Portugal as one of the earliest insurance organization in ~uro~e.'"ogether with it
touns also began to develop with a large number of traders and craftsmen. By the
fourteenth century. the merchants of Porto and Lisbon became so influential that they
were able to sign treaty with the Edward 111. the king of England. Capital began to be
accumulated in Portugal through trade and shipping.29 Along with the market oriented
production of commercial crops, the food shortage occurred in ~ o r t u ~ a l . ~ " Anyway
the trade was very prosperous during fourteenth century."
The society was divided into three estates as was common in Western Europe-
the clergy, nobility and the commoners.
11.3. 1 . Portuguese Clergg
The Church was well established. Under each diocese. there were many
parishes, which were run by the .secular clergy'. The regular clergy was living in
various monasteries and convents under different orders. On certain occasions. the
members of the military orders as bell as the third orders were considered as
members of the clergy.'2
There were a lot of clergy in Portugal during the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries. It was a privileged estate. The church had a proper organisation and
hierarchical structure. Pope was the Supreme Pontiff and head of' the Catholic
'h rhrd. pp 286, 288
?' I'edro Gomes Barbosa. "Notas Sohre o Comerctu Marltlrno Portugues Coln a Europa CrlstS (do akc.
Xlll a ~ni c ~os do XV)," pp. 15-27 in Portugolrar tlrstorrca, 2.a Sene. vol I, Lishoa. 1991, p 189
?' JosC Hermano Sara~va. Portugal A Componron H~iiocv, p 23
'' H. V. Livermore, "Ponuguese History,'. pp 56, 61, in H.V Livermore, ed.. Porrrrgal and Broril. on
Inlroducrion, pp. 48-81.
I" Jose Hermano Saraiva, Porruga1.A Compnnron tiiilnn.. p 24.
Damilo Pcres, op. cir.. vol. I, p. 233.
Joel S&o, ed., D~crondrro de Hrsrdrio de Porrugol, vol I I . p 76 See also Jose 14ermano Saralva,
Portugal A Amponton Hlstoy, p. 20.
36
Church. Though he resided outside the country, he had much control over the catholic
kings of Europe as even kings were subject to the authority of Pope. The Civil Laws
had nothing to do with the clergy and other ecclesiastical officers as they were subject
to the Canon Law. This made their position more secure. On the other hand the
society was subservient to the clergy because of their specific spiritual functions.
Thus church was like a separate state within the There were times when Pope
became more powerful than the king. For example, Pope succeeded in deposing king
Sancho I1 in 1245. '~ It shows how powerful were the Church and the clergy. The
clergy was represented in the courts by bishops. abbots. priors and temporally by the
masters of the military orders. The clergy could he judged only in an ecclesiastical
court."
The clergy had a lot of economic benefits. The people made generous
offerings to the clergy especially at the time of the administration of different
Sacraments. They were also given offerings for the celebration of divine cult. People,
in addition to the tithes, generously contributed to the construction of churches and
chapels. Man) left their material possessions with the church after their death.'"hus
Church became very rich. Almost all important buildings in Portugal were Church's
property. Many cathedrals and abbeys came into being. But at the same time the
clergy was exempt from paying taxes to the state." Because of all these factors the
clergy remained to be the most privileged estate in the society.
11.3.2. The Nobility
The second estate of Portuguese society comprised of the nobility. Their
origin can be traced from various sources. Some of them became nobles because of
the service that they rendered to the king: some others because of the high
administrative offices they held; still a fen others because of their more or less
extensive territoria: possessions and yet others because of the inheritance of the old
" Vitorino Magalhaes Godinho, Erlrurzrrada Anttga Socredude Purlugaesa. Llsboa. 1980. p. 86. 87
" William C. Atklnson, "Institution and Law," pp. 87-105 in H V Livennore, ed.. Prrrrugai and
Brmil. an Introduction, p 89
" Joel Sedo, ed.. Dtcronhio de Hatdria dr Porlugol, vol. I I . P. 77.
'' V~torlno Magalhaes Godinho. op. cir . pp 87, 88
Jose Hennano Saraiva, Porrugol: A Companion Hnl o~v. p. 20
37
aristocratic blood.3K Like the clergy, it was also a privileged class. They were also
exempt from the tributes to the king. Actually the distinguishing mark between the
noble and 'ignoble was in taxation. The nobles were exempt from taxation and at the
same time there were a lot of privileges from the royal exchequer.39
They had a lot of leisure time. Many of them were engaged in discoveries and
in getting knowledge from various sources. They also used to assist the king by their
counse~. ~" The qualities that were demanded from the nobles of this period were
devotion to chivalry and religion and crusade against the infidel." The Sate of the
nobility depended upon the king. Many nobles were surviving because of the regular
income from the king. At his pleasure he distributed crown land to the nobles. At the
same time king could impose restrictions on them. For example, they were forbidden
from owning fortresses." So their independence and power depended on kings will.
The nobility used to serve the king as the military class. But in the fourteenth
century. as there were no re-conquests the nohilit) had lost their role as the military
c ~a s s . ~'
Among the nobility there were different ranks. The members of the royal
curia. barons. the masters of the order of knighthood and certain abbots formed the
lirst rank of nobility called rhw-hornen.!. They had the right to put the title Dom
along with their names. They were lesser in number." They had large tracts of land
and a considerable amount of soveretgnty over them. They had a lot of tenants who
were protected by them. The second rank was of the lesser nobility known as
infanc5e.r.. who were without civil and military authority. They were many in number.
They were known as fidolps. 45
"Joel SerrBo, ed., D,r,rmdr,o L Hi ~i rj ri o du Port y~i i l . vol IV. p 385.
'" Wllllam C. Atkinson, ~'lnstirution and Law." pp 87-10? In H.V. Llvermore, ed.. Porrl1,qal und
Bra:il on lnrroduciron. p. 91
H. V. Livermore. "Portuguese History." pp. 48-81 in H V L.ivermore, ed.. Ponugal and Brazil an
inroducrron, p. 56,
'I P E. Russel, op. o l , p. 6
"Jose Hermano Saraiva. Portugal A Companion Hnlory. p 20.
'' lhrd, p. 24.
'' Joel Sengo, ed.. Dicionhrio de His16rio dr Porlufial, vol. IV, P. 385
'' H. V . Livermore, A Histo? rf Portugal, Cambr~dge, 1917, p. 91 See also Joel Senao, ed,
Dlcrundrio dr Hisrdria de Portugal, vol. lV, p 386
38
As we have already seen, due to the increase in trade. a new middle class had
originated in Portugal. John of Avis established a new nobility of middle class origin.
ignoring the old nobility. During the fifteenth century the new middle class men rose
in social status. For example in the Senate of Lisbon, in between 1432- 1451. there
were barbers. goldsmiths, belt makers, carpenters, shear men or cloth workers.
shoemakers, and weavers who were incorporated into the royalty.46 But in course of
time, they also became like the old nobility. Various rulers created different oftices to
accommodate the nobility. John of Avis created the Office of King of Arms for the
recording of all grants of title and privileges. Weak Afonso I I created additional ranks
of nobility such as marquis, viscount and baron. He bestowed upon them so many
excessive privileges that the kingdom reached at the brim of impoverishment. But
later on King John I1 succeeded in re-stabilising his power. "
11.3. 3. The Commoners
All those who were outside the clergy and nobility were considered as
nicmbers of the third estate. the unprivileged class. Among the commoners there were
different groups. Below the nobility stood the c a v a 1 r i r o . - i s who were the highest
class of the free commoners. They had to maintain warhorses and arms of their own
which were to he put at the service of the king whenever demanded. The tax
obligations fell only lightly or, them. Because of some special privileges, they were
counted equal to the infanq8es. the lesser nobility of the second estate. Being
warriors, they had very significant role in the state. '"
The rest among the commoners were unfree classes who were in some form of
serfdom. They were attached to the estates of the kings. nobles and the clergy. They
Sell prey to serfdom through capture, debt or personal preference. The serfdom was
connected with land. Therefore the land was normally sold with the serfs. Their
emancipation was possible under certain conditions. In addition to them there was an
intermediate unfree class comprising of juniors whose position is obscure. But it
seems that they could not move freely. Another class among the commoners was that
'" Joaquin Verissimo SerrZio, H,sl4rra de Qurrugili (1415- 1495). L~sboa. 1980, p. 252.
William C Atk~nson, ''Institution and Law: pp. 87-105 in H V Livermore, ed.. Porrupo/ and
Brorl /. an Infrodudion. p. 90.
H. V. Livermore, A Hsrov ofPorru~o1. Cambridge. 1947. p. Y l
39
of Clients (Muladas) who were freemen who had accepted shelter from a baron to
whom he paid taxes and offered other services. He had to submit almost half of his
possession to the baron or ecclesiastic in return to the protection he enjoyed from the
11. 4. Aspects of Society and Culture
The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries were periods of hectic transformation in
Westem Europe- a transition from medieval to modem world. It was a period of
hectic change. A new society was slowly evolving receiving from the past history and
cultural contacts. Two important mentalities of the society that evolved were hostility
towards the Muslims and Jews and the enthusiasm for national enterprise of maritime
activities
11. 4. 1. The Muslim Question
Even after the re-conquest of Portugal from the Moors, many Moors adopted
Portugal as their country and stayed there. They were allohed to have Mosques and
they could practise their religion. But lo reduce communication between the Moors
and Christians, the Moors were given separate areas for habitation. Such areas were
called .Iloururius. The entry of Moors in Christian houses and vice versa, and the
participation in their feasts were prohibited. The Monarch as wcll as the Church took
necessary measures to implement these restrictions. They were to have distinguishing
dress. Many of them worked as shoemahers, blacksmiths. carpenters. masons and
pottcrs. They were expected to pay tribute to the king. But by the time of Dom
Manuel, they here asked either to receive baptism or quit the country."
As we have already seen the antagonism towards the Muslims was very severe
in Portugal. It might have been because of the subjugation of Portugal by the Moors
for a long time. It was from the Moors that a good area of the country was liberated.
Secondly, the crusading spirit was still alive in Europe. Many rulers, due to their
attempts to get support from Rome were always ready to fight against the Muslims
4"
!hid.. pp. 91,92, 149.
'"0el Sedo, ed , Dicrondrio de Hlurarlo de Porlugoi, vol. I V, pp. 352-353.
40
who were considered as the perpetual enemies of the Church. Thus knowingly or
unknowingly an anti-Islamic spirit was there in the blood of the Portuguese. Though
the Muslims were living peacefully in Portugal during the fifteenth century, whenever
there was an opportunity they were compulsorily converted to ~hristianity."
11. 4. 2. The Jewish Question
Another crucial issue that developed during the closing decade of the fifteenth
century was the question of the Jews. Almost nothing is known about the origin of the
Jews in Portugal. But they were found settled in Lisbon, Santarim. Coimbra, Porto,
Guarda. ~ v o r a and Fario. By the thirteenth century they became very powerful
economically and politically. They were found serving as tax collectors, coun
doctors. astrologers and intermediaries between the Christians and the Moors. During
the fourteenth century, especially during the reign of Dom Dinis we see the Chief
Rabbi. Dom Judas as the administrator of his treasury. In 1390. D. JoIio I decided
that the Jews should have a distinguish~ng mark. He decided that they should have a
red star of six points or comers put on the chest in a \,isible manner. Those who
violated this were punished.52 The Jews had spiritual life of their own centred around
their houses. Synagogues and cemeteries in their areas. It was a small world, which
\*as inaccessible to the Christians. Sometimes there used to have conflicts between
the Jews and the Christians. For instance. in Viano do Castelo. the Jews used to eat
much flesh and eggs during the Lenten season and the Holy Week. 'This used to create
tension between the Christians and the Jews."
They used to engage in all sorts of occupations. The Jews used to work as
goldsmiths, dyers. blacksmiths, tailors. butchers. merchants. and cobblers. But they
here less interested in working on land. Rut among them we could see fanners, onc
who pressed fruits, contractors of fruits. and millers. '4
In Spain from the last decade of the fourteenth century onwards many Jews
were baptised. But many of them were not strictly practising Christianity Against
" Joaquim Verissirno Semao, Hisrdrio de Purrugvi (1415- 1495). pp. 254, 255.
rbrd., p. 256. See also H.V. Livermore, A Niw Hirtoq (4 Porragel, pp. 125, 126
Jnaqu~m Verissimo Semao. Histdr,u de Porrugul(1415- 1495), p 258
ihid.. p. 259.
41
such a background, in 1478, the Catholic monarchs of Spain obtained from the Pope
the right to establish an Inquisition to destroy heresy. Its actual intention was to
enquire into the activities of the new Jewish converts to Christianity and make them
observe strictly the obligations of the Church. Sloely the rulers decided to expel all
the Jews from Spain within four months from 3 1 March 1492."
At the same time the Portuguese Jews were in a better position enjoying so
many privileges in the royal courts. Therefore the attention of the Spanish Jews
turned towards Portugal, the king of which was ready to accept them at the payment
of a fixed amount in spite of the complaints from the Portuguese people. Thus about
60.000 Jews were admitted in ~or t ugal . ' ~ King Dom Manuel who had the intention of
establishing matrimonial alliance with Spain followed the example of the Spanish
monarchs who held that their daughters would not he sent to Portugal unless either he
converted the whole Jews or expelled them from the country. Thus the life of the
Jews became very miserable in Portugal and all scorned them." Even those Jews who
wcrc converted to Christianity also hid to face discrimination in Portugal as 'old
Christians' and 'new ~hristians' ."
11.4. 3. Idea of Mare Clausum
The two nations of the Iberian Peninsula- Spain and Portugal here holding the
doctrine of ,Wire Clau.\um according to which the exploration of the seas ol' the world
were the rights of these countries by virtue of various bulls issued by the Popes. No
other countries of Europe had right over the seas for further exploration.'q
11.4. 4. Religious Sentiments
Portuguese people of this period were very religious. There were Cathedrals,
Parish Churches and hermitages in rural as well as urban areas. Even the kings were
bely pious that they prayed and did works of Charity. The kings. clergy and the civil
H.V. Livennore. A New Hlsloy of Porluyal. Cambridge. 1979, p 126.
I lbtd., pp 126, 127.
' H.V. Livermore, A Hisroy ofPurruga1, pp 225, 226. See also Joaquim Verissllno Serrso.
$ p ~ ~ ~ ~ 0 l ( i 4 1 5 - 1495).pp 16-19.
Joaquirn Verlss~mo Serrao, Histdrzo de Por1ugill(1415- 1495). pp. 262,263.
5"
~brd.. p. 259 See also ti V. Llvermore, A Kn u Htvlnrv ~' orrrgal, p. 40.
42
nobility used to recite the Liturgy of the Hours. From sunrise to sunset, there were
spiritual exercises to be practised. The people used to keep the ancient traditions in
the fulfilment of the daily worships, feasts. novenas. vows. visit of shrines, solemn
celebration of feasts and so on."
11.4. 5. Culture of Building Fortresses and Churches
Even before the discovery of India, the Portuguese had started the building up
of fortresses and Churches. They were constructed with a view to showing military
presence of the Portuguese as well as Christian faith. Accordingly they had built both
churches and fortresses in Morocco, in the Atlantic Islands and on the Coasts of
Africa. The Churches and Chapels were built for the spiritual needs of the
occupants."'
11. 4. 6. Education
In medieval Portugal, according to the Canons of the I11 Council o i Lateran.
there was a School Master (Mesrre-e.$cola) in every diocese who was in charge of the
studies of'the diocese. These schools had their origin in thc seminaries. which %ere
estnbl~shed to train the candidates to priesthood. In addition to the diocesan schools
there here parochial schools
This kind of education developed mainly in ecclesiastical subjects. Schools of
rheology existed in Hraga, Coimbra and Alcoba~a even before the foundation of the
University of ~i s bon. ' ~ King D. Afonso V is considered as the protector of studies.
He used to give scholarships to students for carrying out studies in the liniversity of
I.isbon as well as in foreign universities in Italy and France. The students here
mainly selected from the nobility. Children of some jurists and doctors were also
selected. Many libraries took shape in convents and churches mainly for the use of
the clergy and the educated. These libraries housed books pertaining to breviary.
' O Joaquim Verissimo SeMo, Htstdrlo de Porrugol(1415- 1495). pp. 322, 324, 326
''j lhrd. pp. 200- 202.
'. Joel Lrr%o, ed.. Dicionrjrto de H~si dna de Purrugui. Vol I I , pp 419. 420. See also Shella R.
Ackerlind, Kfng Dlnr.7 of Porugol ond the Alfowrne Heritage New York. 1990. p 87
"' Wllliam C. Atkinson, "lnstltution and Law," pp. 87.105 in H V. Livermore, ed.. Porlugol and
B r ~ t i . an Inlroducrion, p. I 0 l
43
ecclesiastical music, theology, philosophy, and Sacred Scripture. Various convents
and religious houses began to specialise in subjects like Grammar. Philosophy. and
Theology. The kings used to encourage setting up a number of libraries in the
country.64
The number of books written during this period was not very numerous. By
the end of the fifteenth century. printing was started in Portugal. The first book was
printed in Chaves in 1489. But as many books had a single copy only. many of them
did not survive.b5
11.4. 7. Hospitals and Charitable Institutions (Misericordia)
Many hospitals as well as religious houses were established under the
initiatives of the crown in the fifieenth century. Rig and modern hospitals with the
assistance of the physicians and surgeons were established during the second half of
the fifieenth century The Physicians were given training and a Chief Physician
whose certificate was essential to practise examined them. Fake physicians were
caught and punished in the absence of proper license and certificates. There were also
pharmacies for supplying medicines. "
.Mr.\ericdrdia was a charitable institution in Ponugal to assist those who are in
need. It has its origin in various charitable institutions of the Christian world.
Mi . \ r r i ct i r di a~ were established in important places like Lishoa. Pono. and ~ v o r a . It
wjas considered as part of Christian charity."
After the African expansion of 1439. many Negroes were taken captives from
there to be sold or shared in Portugal. The Portuguese used to justify the slavery as
Part of the cruelty of the economic man and also as a phenomenon of all times."
" Joaqu~m Verissimo Senso. Hjstdria de Porrugol(1415- 1495). pp 3 10-312,320-322.
Jose Hermano Saraiva, Htsrdrio de Purrugal. p. 156
Joaqu~m Verisslmo Serrilo. Hirrdria du Porltigal(1415- 1495). pp. 328. 330- 332
Joel Semo, ed.. Uiczondr,~ de Hisldrda de Porrugul, vol IV, pp. 3 12-3 15
OR Joaquim Vsrisslmo Senlo, ~ t ~ ~ d r i ~ de Porrugol (1415- 1495). p 194, 195 See also J Lucio dr
Azevedo, &po:pocus dr Porrugol En,nlirn,m, L~sboa, 1973, p. 70.
44
These captives were baptised and made pan of the society. They participated in the
familial life of the master. Some of them inherited the property of their masters and
even married women of the land. The Church also helped them for the integration of
the slaves into the society. They worked as agricultural labourers. and domestic
11.4. 9. Food Habits
I he staple food of the Portuguese people consisted of cereals, meat. fish and
wine.'" They had only two principal meals- The Lunch and Dinner. Lunch was
between 10-1 1 am. and the dinner was between 6-7 pm. Lunch was the main meal of
the day. Among the kings. clergy and nobles there were three dishes in addition to
soup and desert. Among the less privileged the dishes might be two or even one. For
dinner therc were more or less two dishes."
'The basic nutrition was meat. Meat of cow, pork, sheep, calf. rabbit and birds
likc hen, duck. goose, and pigeon, here obtained through rearing or hunting. They
here also available in the market. Fish was part of the basic food of the ordinary
people. At the same time because of religious prescriptions use of meat was forbidden
in Lent. During Lent. the clergy and the nobles had to give up meat and resort to fish.
There was fasting for almost 68 days in a year. During Lent and hsting meat. eggs,
cheese, butter, fat and big fish were forbidden. The Church encouraged vegetables,
h i t s and small fish during the Lenten season."
11.4. 10. Art and Architecture
In the fifteenth century. the Gothic style, which came from abroad. nas still in
use in Portugal as was in other parts o f ~ u r o ~ e . " At the end of the reign of D. Jogo 11,
the gothic style gave way to a style. which could be called proto-~anueline.' J
:I Joaquim Veriss~mo SerrZo, Hisrririo dr Porfugul(14 15- 1499, p. 196.
' A. H. de Oliveim Marques, A Sooedode Medra,al Purfuguesu, Lisboa, 1971, p. 7
" Ihid. p 8.
'' {hid.. pp. 8. 9.
Joaqulrn Verlssimo SerrHo, Hi.rrrjrio dr Porfuga/( 1415- 1495). pp 34647
I h ~ d . p. 348.
45
It was only during the reign of King Dom Manuel that an architectural style
typical to the Portuguese originated. This new style was known as Manueline after the
name of King Dom Manuel. It was a style of decorat~on rather than a style of
architecture. This style was influenced by both foreign and native elements. The style
accepted both old and new without criticism. Even the contradictory principles were
accommodated. It was the reflection of indiscipline in the society. The spirit of
discoveries was also expressed in this style. Several civil, religious and military
buildings were constructed in this style in ~ortugal."
The Moor~sh architectural influence upon Christian building was evident; it was
because of the fact that Portugal was ruled over by the Moors for about 200 years in
the North and 600 years in the South. Portuguese architecture adopted a modest scale
and simple construction form. Limestones, white plaster and local granites were used
for constructions. Domes were seldom built in Portugal. Inside the Church there
appcared the images of saints made in human form.'6
The Portuguese developed interest in painting too. We can see specimen of the
practice of illumination in the manuscripts of the fourteenth century. The first mural
painting appeared in the Cathedral of Braga around the year 1330-34. Later on the
Portuguese were influenced by foreign elements like Italian paintings." Many
paintings had religion as their s u b j e c t s . ' ~ ~ artists worked in studios with the help of
assistants and a master painter. the paintings had a collectice character. Therefore
identification of the artist is rather impossible.'v
Thus the Portuguese society of the fifteenth century was a unique Western
society economically organised into three sectors of production such as agriculture,
industries and trade and commerce. Portugal had a rather favowable economy
'' 1 B Bury. "Architecture with Special Reference to the Sixteenth Centurq." pp 146-165 In H V
Llvermore, ed., Porr~gol and Bwi l : on Inrroducrron, p 147.
Y ' h ~ d . pp.152, 161. 163.
' Carlos de Azevedo, .'Painting; in pp. 166.173 in H. V. Livermore, ed., Porrugol and Errni l an
lnrroducrron, p. 166.
:: joaqulin Verissimo SerrBo, Hi.~rtirra dc Porru~ol(1415- 1495). p 350.
Carlos de Azcvedo, "Painting." pp. 166-173 in H V Livermore, ed.. Porrugal and Br cr l on
Intr,~duoron, p. 167.
46
because of the export of commodities but its land was not so fertile. Therefore the
Portuguese were compelled to turn their attention to the sea, which led to the
maritime activities and culminated in the geographical discoveries especiallq the
discovery of India. The Society was sharply divided into three estates; the former two
consisting of the clergy and the nobility had a privileged position in the society
uhereas the members of the third estate were having a life submissive to the
privileged estates. This means that there were social inequalities but the fate of the
last estate was less miserable when compared to the untouchables of the countries like
India. The predominant religion was Christianity whereas religions like Islam and
.ludaisni were tolerated. But by the last decade of the fifteenth century. this religious
toleration was given up because of the Royal policy. The Muslims and Jews who
were living in the society peacefully. though in separated dwelling places, were asked
either to quit the country or to get converted to Christianity. This spirit was inherent
in the hearts of the Portuguese people.
Another attitude of the time was the doctrine of Mirre C'lausum. which
advocated that by virtue of the Papal bulls. the Portuguese and the Spanish were in
charge of the whole sea. Christ. through his Vicar has entrusted them the Eastern Seas
o w which no power in the world had authority. Thus the Portuguese had a Euro-
centric attitude considering Europe as the centre of the uorld. The Kings and the
people had a zealous religious outlook. They were very much interested in practising
thcir religion through spiritual exercises and charitable activities like establishment of
hospitals. houses of charity, schools. beautifully built and decorated Churches and
tbrtresses. Though slavery was also there, they took it as part of their mission to
convert the people and civilise the people. Under Christian Charity they protected the
slaves. Thus the Portuguese Society, which was to encounter the Indian society of the
sixteenth century, was an entirely different one when compared to the Indian society.
The Portuguese society was a quite different ko~n Indian society culturall>,
economically, religiously and in cusioms.
47
CHAPTER 111
MALABAR SOCIETY AT THE ARRIVAL OF THE
PORTUGUESE
During the arrival of the Portuguese, Malabar society was a complex one
based on caste system. The indigenous sources for the reconstruction of the Malabar
society of this period are verq scanty. Against such a background the only way out is
to dcpend upon foreign sources that consist mainly of the Portuguese documents. The
Portuguese, being in the midst of a totally strange culture. were very eager to observe
and note down whatever they saw and experienced in India. They sent the detailed
reports of their experiences in India to Portugal. for their friends. relatives and
sponsors for official purposes as well as for the sake of satisfying the curiosity of the
Europeans. But these sources are not free from erroneous tendencies. For. the
Portuguese, being totally strangers to the indigenous culture. were not in a position to
understand the society deeply because of the difficulties with the indigenous language
and ethnocentrism. Especially in the initial stage of their contact, they were not in a
position to comprehend the underlying realities and principles of Malabar society:
especially the caste system was totally strange for them. Against such a backdrop it is
not possiblc to take the Portuguese documents in their face value.
When we carefully go through the documents we find that the Malabar society
of the sixteenth century was organised predominantly on the basis of religion and
caste. There were mainly four religions in Malabar during the arrival of the
Portuguese. They were Hinduism, Islam, Christianity and ~udaism' and among all
lhese religions there were different sections organised on the basis of rumu and.jati.
I "Narratives of the Journey of ABD- ER- RAZZAK in R H. Major, lndra In the Fifreenth Cenrun;.
Berng a culleciion of Narratives of Vovages ro Indro, Madras & Delhi. 1992. p. 17. See also "The
Iravels of Nlcolo Conti in the East in the Early Pan of the Fifteenth Century." ibid.. p 7. See also .'The
Anonymous Narrative", W B. Greenlee, op or . , p. 86 In the present study each rel~glous communlr).
is taken as a subculture within the Malabar society, which is taken as a unlt of culture. Each varna and
jar1 1staken as a culture pattern.
48
Though there were many other sections of society during this time2 they are
not taken into consideration on account of two reasons- the lack of adequate sources
and also because of the fact that some of these cultural patterns are not projected in
the Portuguese documents because of the lack of ample contacts with them. In the
following sections we will discuss the life and culture of the imponant subcultures
and culture patterns of Malabar sociery.
111. 1. The Hindus
The Hindu society was organised on the basis of varna and ju/i3 system and it
was the touchstone of Hindu society. The people were known under the banner of
their rarnu or iari that in their turn were determined by the biological descent of a
person. There were specitic functions. occupations and customs for each vurna and
luri. As is understood from various sources there was a hierarchy of varnas and.jari.7
and an upward mobility in this system was almost impossible. The contacts between
different vurnm and jatis in the same religion itself varied.
The noble people were divided into the four vurna namely. Brahmins.
Xlchatrbu.r, I'aishyus and Sudras according to the traditional concept in India. The
Brahmins were said to have originated from the head of the Brahma. the K.rhatrivus
including the kings from the right hand of the Brahma, the Vaishyas from the stomach
of Brahma and the Sudras from the feet of Brahma. The Brahmins of Malabar were
considered the highest varna in the hierarchy. Curiously we do not see Kshotriyas and
Voi\hvm in Malabar. The Nairs were considered as ~ u d r a s . ~
! Duane Barbosa says that there were e~ght cen castes of native hrathen in Malabar. See Duaiie
Yb o s a . The Book of Duorlr Borbo.su, vol. I I . New Delhi, 1989. p. 7
Here the terms vorna and jari are used to slgnlfy varlous cultural patterns that are there in the sub-
Sultures, whlch are dealt with on the basis of religion.
Faria e Sousa. Manuel de, Asra porrugreso, vol IV, Pbno. 1946, p. 261 Thoush nairr are cons~dered
belonging to the Sudm varna, as their occupation was fighting, they are treated In t h~s thesis as a juri
49
111. 1.1. The Brahmins
At the helm of the society stood the Brahmins the fact of which is ascertained
by all the available documents without any dispute.' Usually the Brahmins in Malabar
a e called Nambudiris, a generic term that is used in Malabar to denote the priestly
class. but the origin of the term is very much disputed. They were Vedic Brahmins
who wore the sacred thread called Poonool and they claimed that the whole landed
property originally belonged to them and to them alone.& In addition to these
,Mumbudiris. there were two other classes of Brahmins who were called Partars and
Embrandiris. The Purrars were originally from the eastern coast of lndia and their
headquarters was in Palghat whereas the Embrandiris were of the Canarese or Tulu
origin.'
Brahmins were the only upper vrirnu in Malabar. They were the only class,
which ranked socially higher than the Sudrus. Because they were the only horn
Hindu. All the rest in Malabar were converts to Hinduism. It was the Brahmins from
North lndia who served as missionaries of Hinduism and carried Hinduism to the
south.' Being members of the highest varnu they kept aloof from the rest of the
society. A nair might approach a Brahmin but not touch him. Other lower jaris could
come only within shouting distance of' his sacred presence.9
Brahminhood could not be obtained except through biological descent."'
When the Brahmin boys here seven, as Rarbosa points out, "they put over their
shoulder a strip of two fingers in breadth of untanned skin with the hair on it of a
certaln wild beast which they call ('r)wumrrgum, which resembles a wild ass. Then
for seven years he must not eat betel for which time he continues to wear this strap."ll
When they were twelve they were invested with the cord of three strands (pounool)
' Ludovlco di Vanhema. The kinerow ofLadoaico di I'orthema of Bnlojinn/ram 15112 l o ISOX. Edited
by Slr Richard Carnac Temple, London, 1928, p. 57 See also Luis Vaz de Cainires, The Lusiudr.
English translation by Landeg White. New York. 1997. p. 147.
' Willlam Logan, Malahar, vol. I, N ~ W elh hi, 1989, p 119 See also C A. Innes. Mndrac Dlrrrrcl
?=<fleers Maiahnr, Madras. 195 1. edited by Evans F B., p. 105.
C A lnnes, op , of., p. 107.
R S Whiteway, The Rise ofPorrupresr Power i n lndra 149'-ISSO. Pama. 1979. p I I
n
ibrd. p. I I
: y Duane Barbosa. op c~t , vol 11. pp. 33. 34.
)hid, P. 34.
50
that they were obliged to wear till their last breath. It was a very solemn function that
Barbosa compared it with the celebration in connection with priestly ordination in
western countries. After the investiture he might resume eating betel leaves but not
meat or fish at any cost.'* For a Brahmin his poonool was very important. It was the
distinguishing mark of a Brahmin. When a Brahmin made an oath, he did it touching
on this cord.13 A severe punishment given to a Brahmin was to take away his cord
which he always wore.I4 They went naked except for their middles to hide their
private members. When they went abroad they wore a cotton linen gown over their
shoulders." Upon the heads they wore a white cloth. They never cut off their hairs.
They had commonly round rings of gold hanging at their ears." Brahmin Noman had
only one cloth about her body, which covered her headstand hanged down unto her
knees. All the rest was naked. They had rings through noses, legs. toes. necks and
arms and upon each hand seven or eight rings or barcelettes, some of silver and gilt, if
they were wealthy."
The Brahmins were respected by all. It is evident from the very fact that even
the kings in Malabar paid great respect to the Brahmins. The kings would not do
anything without consulting the Brahmins. They adorned all high positions in the
royal courts. As respected by all, they were sent as ambassadors (emissaries) and
messengers." They sometimes even ruled over kingdoms. In small kingdoms like
Paraur, Idappilly, Cochin. Purakkad, and Mangatte the kings were from the Brahmin
caste."
'' ihrd, p 34
" Fran~o~s Pyrard of Laval, The Iru.yage o/Frunqok Psrord q(Lin,al ro rhe Earr Indies. rhe Muldtver.
jp MUI UCL~U~ ond Bro:,l, Translated by Albert Gray and M C.P. Bell. New Delhi. 2000. p. 374
[ hi d, p, 372.
"John Huyghen Van Linschoten, The Ibvuge d. / oh, ? Hiryghm I'un L ~ n ~ ~ h o r c n ru rhe Eosl lndre.\. vol.
!;New Delhi, 1988, p 247
ihrd, p. 248.
I7
rhrd. p. 248.
I n ihtd., p. 247.
K. M. Panikkar, Malabar and the Portuguese Being a H~stor) of the Relation, of the Ponuguese wlth
Malabar from 1500 to 1663, Bombay, 1929, p 15. See a l ~ o PC Manuel God~nho. Relus50 do Nnvo
ramlnho quej i r por Terra r Mar vmdo du India par0 Porragul no Ano de 1663, lntroduc2m e notas
Par A. Machado Guerrero, Llabaa. 1974, p. 44.
51
A specific life style was expected of the Brahmins. The Brahmins could lose
their caste by eating flesh, fish. and eggs, drinking liquor, by stealing and killing
another.20 Therefore they tried their level best to abstain from all these things."
In a Brahmin family only the eldest son got mamed and that too once in a
lifetime. He was treated like the head of the family and its possessions.22 They kept
their \hives well guarded and greatly honoured. When woman was seven years old and
man nine years, they got married but they came together only when the woman
became matured enough to bear the children.'"le would not allow any man sleep
with his wife as was there among different jaris in Malabar. If she died he would not
remany. At the same time if the wife wonged against her husband she was slain with
poison.'4 They followed Makkathayam by which the children were judged to be
belonging to the family and caste of the father and inherited the property of the
The rest of the male members of the family would not marry. This was to
avoid the division of the propert). of the farni~y.' ~ Instead they would enter into carnal
relations with nair women who would not deny the same as the Brahmins belonged to
the highest caste. The nair women in their turn considered it an honour. But a
Brahmin would not have such relations with women elder to him.27 At the same time
a Brahmin woman would not be entrusted to the nairs or any other castes in
marriage." The Brahman women were very chaste. They never had sexual relations
with anyone other than their husbands. Because of this reason their descendants were
not mixed. Consequently, unlike the nairs, their children inherited the property ''
They used to consult astrologers to fi x the hour of marriage. It was also to be
seen if both boy and girl were horn on the proper conjunction of the planets and
moon. To know all these, they took along with them their birth dates. The Brahman
'' Manuel de Faria e Sousa, op. crt. vol. IV. p. 261
? ' Tome Pires, The Suma Oriental. Translated and edited by Armando ConesBo, vol I .
Nendeln/L~echtenstein, 1967. p. 68
;: Duarte Barbosa. up crr . vol. 11, p. 34
-' John Huyghen Van Linschoten, op crl . vol. I . p 248
i" ihrd, p. 35.
Llnadim. Hisr6ria dur Portuguesei no Malabar. 16th Centur) Arab Manuscript translated and
Annotated by David Lopes, L~sboa, 1998, p. 45. See also C A Innes, (11, dl . , p. 97.
Zinadim, op. cit,, p 46.
-' Duane Barbosa. vol. I I p. 35.
:: Manuel de Faria e Sousa. op cir . vol IV, p. 258
Tome Pires, op. ci ~. , vol. 1, pp. 70-71.
52
who blessed the marriage was k n o w as Odicon or Curical. Just four days before the
mamage, they made a sacrifice in a pit of fire putting rice. butter. coconuts and
similar things. They lighted candle and put a portion of the rice for Ganupali, one of
their de~ties, so that he might not disturb the feast. The groom tied a thread, from
which hanged a tali of gold, on the neck of the bride.30 The tall was tied in honour of
the three gods and it was an indication that she was married. She wore it until the
death of her husband. When the husband died she took out roli as a sign that she was
now free. The priest took the hands of the bride and groom and recited certain
prayers. It was followed by a banquet. They did not copulate immediately afier the
marriage. They had to wait for the consunction of certain planets. When that hour
came, they were put together at the door of the bridal chamber, which was half closed,
and there the priest prayed certain things. Then they entered inside for consummation.
On another day, one bucket of water provided with living iish in it was brought to the
couples. And with one cloth. each one catching at hisher part went fishing in the
bucket as though they fished with net. Having caught the fish, they would take the
fish with right hand and put them on the head. It was helieved that those who caught a
lot offish would have a lot of children."
The Brahmins were allowed to have conjugal relations with any woman of any
lornil or jori beginning from the queen to the last. For others, if anyone mixed with
any woman of inferior caste, if it was a man he was killed, and if she was a woman
she was sold."'
They belonged to the priestly class. They generally lived in their own house in
their own villages or cities serving as priests in the temples. They had specific hours
of prayer and ritual^.^' Barbosa also described the temples where the Brahmins
offered their rituals. Outside the temple there was a stone that had the height of a man
with three steps around it. There was the most sacred part sanctum sanctorum set
apart in the middle of the temple. It was very dark inside. At the centre or the most
sacred part of the temple there was the idol of the god made either of gold, silver or
any other metal. In front of the idol three lamps used to bum perpetually. No one
'"Manuel de Faria e Sousa, op. cif . vol . IV. p. 258.
I , . ,
rhrd, p. 259.
" <hi d. P 260.
"Duane Burbosa, op. c i t , vol. II, p. 35
53
entered the sancturuy except the Brahmin who was the chief priest of the temple. He
offered flowers, rose water and aromatic grasses to the deity. He did it with great
devotion and preparation. The priests were very particular about body cleanliness.
After bath they used to put ashes on the forehead. He entered the temple only after
taking bath. They took out the idol once in the morning and again in the afternoon.
They brought out the idol on their heads, facing backwards and the congregation
joined him in procession with the accompaniment of music and during the procession
the Brahmin-women carried lighted lamps in front of the procession, The procession
confined itself to the walls of the temple. In this procession they used to cany
ceremonial umbre~las.)~ For the Brahmin priests number three was very important.
Often they made rituals and prayed three times. The stone at the door on which they
placed their offerings was washed thrice a day. On the same stone they fed the crows
twice a day as part of their rituals. Their respect for number three came from their
belief that God is" three persons in one God whom they confessed to have been since
the beginning of the wor ~d. ' ~ Being priests they were very privileged people. They
had the power of excommunication and absolution." The places of worship of the
Hindus were situated towards the east. They offered their prayers turning towards the
east, lifting both hands high and putting them on the top of the head; then they
prostrated on the ground, stretching their body to its full length, as was their cu~t or n. ' ~
The Brahmins had certain days of fasting, sometimes three or four days
together." Atier the death of a close relative like father. mother or elder brother, the
Brahmins abstained from carnal relations with their wives, the chewing of betel, and
the cutting of hair and naik4"
These Brahmins, when they came to know that their wives were pregnant,
cleansed their teeth and chewed no more betel, stopped trimming the beard and fasted
until del i ve~y. ~'
1' h i d , p 36.
'' The three persons in the Godhead, according to Hinduism, are Brahmu, I..of~u und Muhexwaran.
'" i hrd. p. 37.
'' Tome Pires, op cs.. p. 68.
IX .,
,9 The Travels of Arhanasius Niktin of Twer", in R. H Major, op at. p. 17
John Huyghen Van Linschoten.. op. crt.. vol. I. p. 251
4: Zinsdim, up. CI I . . p. 45.
Duane Barbosa, op. ci r , II, p. 37.
54
The kings as well as the people respected them very much. The most
important Brahmins were with the kings of ~ a l a b a r . ~ ~ The king did not do anything
without asking their counsel.43 They served the kings in all matters except in arms. As
respected by all kings, even during wars, they were generally sent as couriers to other
kingdoms with letters, money or merchandi~e.~' The king's respect for the Brahmins
was clear from the ceremony followed by king's marriage. On the first night of the
marriage, the king selected the most worthy and honoured Brahmin to sleep with his
wife to deflower her. The king paid him @ell for the work he did re~uct ant l y. ~~ When
the king was on travel, one of the Brahmins stayed with the wife of the king.46 The
author of the "Anonymous Narrative" wot e that the king had two wives and each one
of them was attended by ten priests and each one of them slept with her carnally to
honour the king and for this reason, the sons never inherited the kingdom but only the
nephews were the rightful heirs in ~al abar . "
'There was a person called Bruhminmor (Chief Brahmin) in the palace of the
lamorin. In all matters the king used to seek the advice of the Brahminmor who was
an old man.'%e was so venerated that as soon as he entered the royal residence or
palace, the King stood up and fell on his feet, and he with much seriousness and
serenity lifted him and put his hands on the head. The king took his seat only after the
Bruhminmor was seated on the chair."
Some of the Brahmins did menial services in the royal courts. They served the
kings as cooks. For example, the cook of the Zamorin of Calicut was a ~rahmin.' '
The Brahmins carried the food for the king to the idol and after certain rituals they
were taken to the king. After the king's meal. the leftover was taken h) the Brahmins
to the backyard where he clapped his hands thrice. at the sound of which a large
Tome Pires, up err. vol. I, p. 68.
"John Huyghen Van Linschoten , op a, . vol I . p 247
Duane Barbosa. r,p o r . vol 11. p. 37
Ludovlco di Varthema, op cir . p. 57.
'r !hid. p 58.
"The Anonymous Narrative." In William Brooks Greenlee. up cif.. p. 80.
la Femao Lopes de Castanheda, Hirrdria do Descohrimcnlo & (.onquisra da india Pelos Porrugue.rer,
I e l l . Coimbra. 1924. p. 46.
Frei Paulo da Trinidade, Conqu~sru Esp,rnaol do Or~enrs. Pane 1, ~ntroduqBo e notas de F. Fellh
Fp e s . 0 F. M. , Lisboa. MCMLXII, p. 86.
Duane Barbosa. r,p crr. vol 11. p. 23
55
number of crows came and fed up on them." There was also another reason for the
respect they got; it was none other than the knowledge they possessed. They had a lot
of books along with them." No Brahmin bore arms together with him, nor was he put
to death for any reason what~oever.' ~
When the Brahmins died they prepared pyre and cremated the body. Along
with the dead body, the wife of the Brahmin was also cremated after giving her
ornaments to her friends. The head of those wives who refused to die in p p e was
shaved off and while during her lifetime she never wore any jewel^.'^ The ashes from
the cremated body were scattered on the waters." Among the Brahmins. if someone
especially the mother, maternal uncle or the eldest brother, died, they abstained from
carnal relations. eating flesh and betel leaf and also from cutting hairs and nails.'"
They also celebrated the anniversary of their dead with big banquets."
I he Brahmins were of the most amuent varnu in the society. Their nobility
uas because of their economic position and religious supremacy. As they got the good
uill o f the kings. they projected themselves as the topmost varna in the society. They
kept their social position by imposing social taboos like rules regarding touch. The
Brahmins were the most affluent and wealthy class in Malabar. They owned most of
the land." It might be because of the land gants made by different kings.
After the Brahmins comes the nair jafi. They were the military caste, which
was the strength of the kings of Malabar. Though they were indigenous military jati
the! did not belong to the K.rhatriya caste, instead they belonged to the Sudras as they
$1 1.udovico di Varthema, op crr, p. 57.
'. Duane Barbosa, op. o r , vol. 11, p. 37
'' Tome Pires, op cir., voi. I, p. 68.
Thls ceremony called Sari wps not common in Malahar Faria e Sousa claims that there was no so11 In
Malabar. Manuel de Faria e Sousa, op cir.. vol. I V, p 264. But there are writers who held that there
?sari in Malabar. See John Huyghen Van Linschoten . op cir . vol I , p. 249.
"The Travels of Alhanasius Niktin of Twer". in R. H. Major. op c l t , p. 17.
'I' Zinadim. op o r , p. 45.
Manuel de Faria e Sousa, op. clr.. vol. I V, p. 222
Georg Schurhammer, S. J.. Froncrs Xwl er. His Lf i . HIS Timer. vol. 11, India (1 54 1- 1545). Rome
1977. p. 490.
56
were only convens to Hinduism. But they were considered superior to all other jaris
in Malabar except the Brahmins who belonged to the varna system.iq
Generally the nairs lived in the countryside. They did not seem to have
engaged in agricultural activity." But they used to go to the king whenever their
service was needed. There were many mathematicians and astrologers among t hem6'
They were very loyal to the king that it was the custom of the country that if the king
died, his nairs also died along with him6' For example in the battle between the
Zamorin and the King of Cochin, Narain, the apparent heir to the throne of Cochin,
was killed near Edappally. The survivors of war. especially the nairs. shaved their hair
off even to their eyebrows and devoted themselves to death." The nairs were always
ready to die for their masters rather than fbr their parents or relatives. But their enmity
to the opponents was merely professional. Even on the days of war, the enemies used
to sleep in the battlefield without any fear. But during daytime they fought like real
enemies.*
Because of their loyalty to the master the nairs were used in Malabar as
./anpadus i.e.. as guides on journey and to guard their property. In Malabar, it u8as a
serious matter to kill a jungada. The killing of a jangada would have serious
consequences lasting for generations together." Nai n also served as kings. For
example the Zamorin of Calicut was a n a i ~ . ' ~
The nairs were well educated and they had good manners. They were very shy
too. The nair men had long hairs like those of the ladies.b7 They moved rather cleanly.
Their cloths were washed in rice water. They also applied the paste of sandalwood
many times a day that they smelt sandalwood."' They had some taboos regarding
R.S Whiteway, op. err.. p. I I
"" K S. Mathew. Soort); In MrdirvulMoluhur. Konajam. 1979. P 35
bl Fran~ois Pyrard of Laval, op cclr . p 374
'. Torn.! Pires, op crr.. p. 67.
''I R. S. Whiteway, op, cir. p. 95.
'1 Gaspar Correa, Lendar do India. Livro Primeyro, Tomo I . Pane I. Coimbra. 1922. p, 355.
".s Wh~teway. op, crl , p. 12.
*'
Manuel Godinho, Rel a~do do Nwo Corninha que fir por Terra e Mar Yrndo da lndro para
P~rl ugal no Ano de 1663, lntroducsm e notas por A. Machado Guerrero. Lisboa. 1974, p. 44. See also
Semi0 Lopes de Castanheda. op ccr. Llvros I e 11. 3.'. p. 37
G-par Cornla, op ci l . L.1vro Primeyo. To~no I . Pane I , p 356
!hid. P. 357.
57
food. They could not eat on the sea. It was because of this religious reason that the
two nairs, who were taken to the ship for surety, were sent out one by one by Cabral
tbr eating outside."
As they were considered members of noble lati, they had some restriction in
the society. "And upon this occasion we ought not to pass by the Nuiros. These are
the Gentlemen of Muluhur. descended for the most part either from Royal Families.
or Brahmans, and are for that reason exceedingly haughty, proud and bold. If they
meet any of the common people in the Street. they cry out Po. Po. ir Give u'uy, Give
,(.UY,~.'~
They were well trained for war since childhood. From the very childhood their
body was being anointed with oil to make them best fighters. They were well trained
in the handling of their arms. There is a group among them who are known amoks.
They were ('huvers and very dangerous."
They always moved with arms such as round shield and a broad ~ u o r d . ' ~ A
nair boy was called a nair only after officially receiving arms. 'The children were
officially introduced to the techniques of war when they were 12 years Before the
arms were officially given to the nairs they could not bear arms and nor could they
enter in arms competition. After completing the required training there was the
ceremony of the initiation to the army of the king or the lord. On the day of the
initiation of the nair to the army, he went to the king accompanied with his relatives
and friends. First of all he was given 60,funde.s of gold.7' Then the king questioned
him if he was willing to guard the customs and laws of the land. If the answer was
yes, he was given arms. Then putting his right hand over the head of the nair. the king
prayed secretly. Then the king asking him t o guard the Brahmins and the cows
embraced him. Later the nair candidate declared that he adored the king. That day
"' Fern20 Lopes de Castanheda, op cir . Llvros I e 11, p. 90
"I Actually the meantng ofpu, is go away. Phillp Baldaeus, 4 True and Eraci Dercr,piron u/ rhe Mo. ~l
('eiehrarrd Emr-lndra Coasts ~j Molahar and Curommd~.i and Aho ofrhr hi e r,/Ce),lon. New Delhi,
1996, p 644.
'I That is to say, those who have obligation to d ~ e for the klng or the masters. They were very
dangerous. For they dtd not have love for their life. They were always ready to d ~ e to fulfil the will of
the master. ibtd, p. 644.
Geurg Schurhammer, S. I. . op. ctr.. p. 490
Fonum was a cotn used in Malabar. It IS equivalent to 3 Ponuguese crlcadus
58
onwards he was a cavalryman as well as a trooper of' the king. It was the Panikkur
who gave training in arms to the nair boys. These punikkars were experts in the
training in of arms. They gave gradual training to the boys. These Panikkurs, being
their teachers in arms were respected by the nairs very much. Even if the nairs were
great lords or older persons. the disciples would have to venerate him whenever and
wherever they met him. This was a custom of the land."
After this ceremony he would bear arms always and everywhere. It was said
that even the dying nair kept his arms close to his deathbed so that in case of necessity
he might make use of them. No nair, after a certain age moved without his arms."
The nairs always moved carrying arms like arrows. spears. and daggers and
were almost nude except for the waist to the knees. They were barefooted too. They
li\ed with the king or the lord whom they served. From dawn to dusk even leaving
hod and sleep they used to serve their masters. They were given, besides a dwelling
place. only a small sum of 200 r e ~ i s . ' ~ Many nairs were organised under some lords
of the land. For example the C'rrimal to whom the land in front of Cochin belonged,
had 1000 nairs. The ('oirnui of Chiravaipu had 300 nairs."
This training that the nairs got was an ongoing one. They had the obligation to
attend the lessons of arms for two months every. year all throughout their lives78 which
they used to do without fail.
Among the nairs one sect was known as ('~imu1.r.'~ They were nobles who
paid allegiance to the new Zamorin when elected. They took oath to the King on the
lighted lamp that they would be loyal and true to the kings they would serve."' It was
a ('uimui who administered the kingdom for thirteen days aiier the death of a king till
the next prince took the charge. " ~ e was also the chief treasurer of the kingdom. ''
:' Fernso Lopes de Castanheda, op crr . I.lvros I e 11. p. 38.
, Tome Pires, up. cr r , vol. I, p. 67
.: Fern80 Lopes de Castanheda, op ctr . Livros I e 11. p 37
, 1hl d. p 117.
, *rhrd, p 38.
' Originally a title uaed by some nain who belonged to the artstocracy above the ordinary nalrs. But
@Y had the same customs as those of the nairs.
8 , Duane Barbosa, op. cir.. vol. [I, p. 13.
~ b l d . p 13.
59
Among the nairs there were velichappuds. The evil spirit entered into this nair
and he moved around naked with a sword, making a strange sound in such a way that
even the king was afraid. He declared that he was god, and such and such things
should be done. The king generally did it, as it was the will of god. If the king did not
agree with that he shouted words of condemnation against him. '''
They respected the elders as well as their teachers. Among the brothers
themselves. they gave prime position to the eldest brother. The younger brothers
qeldom sat in the presence of his eldest brother. 84
According to the law of the land, they could not get married. The reiason might
be that. if they were married it might be a hindrance to the smooth discharging of their
functions as warriors. Family ties would take away his fighting spirit. At the same
time he could sleep with any number of nair women. Each nair spent one day, from
noon to next noon. with the women with whom he slept. "
I'he nair women had a deflowering ceremony. This was celebrated as a feast
according to the economic condition of the family." When a girl was 10 years it was
the age for a Malabar girl to know a man. When a nair girl was 10, the parentsn7 of the
girl brought some nairs from outside the country to take her virginity. When he came
he was received with a lot of celebrations. Afterwards he tied a rail round her neck.
which shc used to keep till the end of her life as a token of the liberty given to her.
Without this ceremony no nair girl was allowed to know a man carnally.x8 Once that
ceremony was over she could have any number of men she wanted. A Brahmin
woman was not used to have sex with a nair man. But nair women could sleep with a
Brahmin. A nair woman had so many lovers. The more men she had more prestigious
she was. Because of this reason, the fatherhood of a child %as not certain."
" ? i h ~ d . ~ 14
" Femao Lopes de Castanheda, op or.. 1.1vros I e II, p:39
TomC Plres. op cil., p. 67.
:: Fernso Lopes de Castanheda, op clr . LIMOS I e 11. p. 37
: Tom6 Pires, op. cil , p. 71
Though a 1s said parents m the onginal document, I I lnay be just mother as fatherhood of the children
;ere no1 identified among the nairs Fernao Lopes de Castanheda. OP cil.. P. 36
,hrd
60
The nair boys did not know anything about their father because no one was
concerned with it. A nair woman was considered more honoured when she had more
lovers who had carnal relationship with her. When someone entered in the room of a
nair lady. he left his arms at the door. The next one who saw the arms at the door
would not enter the room. But there was no problem between them.'"
Their heirs were their nephews. The sons of the nairs never inherited the
property of their parents.q1 It was because of the fact that the fatherhood of the child
was not known precisely. They were sure only about the motherhood. Therefore the
nephews inherited the property.
Killing of another nair as well as killing of a cow was considered great
offence. Sleeping with lower caste women, eating with a scoundrel and speaking ill of
!he king were considered offences. which might invite death penalty. If any nair
committed such a crime. other nairs killed him wherever they met. and they would
write on the dead body the reason. which invited the wrath of the nairs so that the king
might know it. "
The nairs were cremated with much solemnity in their enclosures or gardens
and their ashes were thrown into the ~ n n i n g water. His heirs. especially the nephew.
mourned for a year at his death,qi
111. 1.3. Tiva (Tiyas)
In a letter written by the king of Cannanore, the king informed the king of
Portugal that there were different jaris like nairs. finesY' and mucous in ~ a l a b a r . ~ '
These Tivus or TLvus were also known as Ez a ~ ~ u , ~ . They were considered as those
*'Gaspar Correa, op, or.. Tomo I . Pane I , p 356
: l Fern80 Lopes de Castanheda, op, ci r, Livros I e II. p 36
l h ~ d . p. 38.
Duane Barbosa, op. crr., vol. 11, pp. 54, 55
2 n e y were slaves oinairs and they used to treat palm trees and worked as soldiers.
They were fishermen or the seafarers ANT,-Corpo Cromilog~co, Pane I, Maqo 6- Doc 68, "Cana
do re1 de Cananor A El-Re, de Portugal" Cananor a 6 de Dezembro de 1507. fl 2.
61
Budhists who first rejected Brahminism but later on accepted ~i n d u i s m. ~' Ludovico
di Varthema calls them the third class of pagans in Malabar. These trvu.\ (Tiyuns)
were artisan^.^' They used to tend the palm groves. collecting coconuts and collecting
the palm wine, cany things, and fight wars. They were a kind of slaves attached to the
land of the nairs. Among the tiyu.5 the nephews inherited the property, as the identity
of the father of the child was not certain. The riyu women refused themselves only to
the foreigners. Their husbands also supported this kind of immoral activity. They
always tried to keep away from jatis lower than themsel\,es. There was also polygamy
among the ~i ya s . ' ~
The Hiruvus or Veltuvun was anotherjut1 in Malabar. The meaning of the term
li.ttul,un is one who hunted." They planted and gathered rice. They might not
approach either Nair or Brahmin within fifly paces unless they called them. Because
of this they always went by private ways through the marshes. The) went crying out
~ i t h a loud voice to avoid accidental confrontation with the higher caste people.'00
111. 1. 5. Mukkuvas
The Mucous or Mukkua~ were seafarers and fishermen.'"' The fishermen of
Malabar belonged to the lo\%est classes. Joseph the Indian says that everyone
molested the fishermen. They were not allowed to appear publicly. the violation of
which would cause severe punishments. They had their own temples. as was the
custom of each jut; in ~al abar . "? They were very expert seamen. Their children
inherited the property. The women were so loose in morality that they would sleep
uith anyone. They had to pay taxes on dried fishes. They ate fish abundantly. Some of
P.K. Gopalahshnan. Kerolorhrnde Surn$kuriko Cl~arrlrum. Tr~vandrurn. 1984, p. 28 1
97 Ludovico dl Vanhema, up ci ~. , p. 57.
Duane Barbosa, up at . . vol. 11, p. 60.
a, P K. Gopalakr~shnan, op crr., p. 296.
Ludovico di Vanbema. r~p crt , p. 57
::: B. N. L.. Fundo Grrol , Resewadox Cud N" 963. fl 5 1
Antony Vallavanthara, India In 1500 AD The Narrallves ofJoseph rhe I nd~an. Konaya~n. 1984. p
156.
62
them were very rich that they had big houses. But the kings could take possession of
them whenever he felt like. Therefore they used to bribe the officials of the king.'"'
They could not live with the people of the higher varnas and castes. They
always moved with their nets and small boats. They lived on the seashores and earned
their livelihood by selling fish.lU4 Among them there was another group called Valans.
hey were those who caught fish using nets.Iu5
111. 1.6. Pulayas and Parayas
The puluyas (polra) were considered the lowest of all classes in Malabar.
I'rrlum in Malayalam means spacious field. The pul uy\ werc those who worked in
I,~rlr~m~.' oh hey were mainlq agricultural labourers who used to work in paddy
fields.'" There were many polrus in and around ~oc hi n. " ' ~ As they were considered
impure. the nairs would not touch the polra.~.lOY The touch of apol ru was considered
as a high pollution.
The Puruyus were people who lived in hilly areas."' They lived eating roots
and flesh of the wild beasts. They used to cover their nakedness with leaves. They
usually kept away from the rest. The very sight of a puru.vcr made a man of superior
caste unclean and outcaste."'
111. 1. 7. Tamil Chetties
The Chettirs were from the Coromandel Coast. They were black and fat."' In
Calicuc there was a Chett~, street. The presence of such a street showed that there were
chciiies in Calicut either as residents or floating people. They were very skilled
Duane Barbosa, r,p cic., vol 11, p. 65.
I " Gaapar Colreia, up crr . Tomo I . Parte I, p 362.
U( ,
' I i P. K Gopalakrishnan, o p crr . p. 296.
ihrd. p. 296.
I OR
" R S Whiteway, op. crr.. p. 101
I",,
Fern80 Lopes de Caslenheda, op ccrr , Llvros I e 11. p 166
B N. L , Fundo Gerol, Re,servados. ('od N" 580. "Relac~on de la costa de Goa al cabo de Comoron
c de la gente que la abita y Reyes della y fonaleras de su Masertad, y de 10s Reyes del norte." dated
1617.fl. I9
il"
P.K. Gopalakrishnan, op. cir., p. 296.
:::Duane Barbosa, op o r , vol. 11, pp. 69. 70
!hid., p. 71.
63
traders.'" They used to treat commodities like jewels, pearls, gold and silver."' Being
wealthy merchants they had very special privileges. First, only the Brahmins and the
Chprtirs could sit in the presence of the king of Calicut. To move from one place to
another the people in Malabar used either palanquins or the runners. The former was a
right of the kings of Malabar that they shared with the cheflies "' In a commercial
region like Calicut they had special considerations. They were directly under the king.
If they committed some mistakes they were responsible only to the King who would
not take into account their mistakes seriously. ' I 6
They went nude, wore a small headdress, and under the headdress they wore
hair like the tail of an ox or a horse. They were devil worshippers. They used to speak
with the devils daily. The cher(y women were not very chaste like the natives of the
land.'" In case oft he death of the wife, the husband could remarry while the reverse
way was not possible.''x
'They had their own houses in the street that was assigned to them. They used
to shave their beards and wear finger marks of ashes mixed with sandalwood on their
chest. fbreheads and shoulders. They used to bore their ear lobes, which were adorned
with &old and precious s ~o n e s . " ~
They were so immersed in business that their children also entered into
husiness as soon as they were ten years of age. They also worked as moneychangers
and moneylenders. They lent moneq for interest.'*'
111. 1.8. Gujarati Merchants
There were Gujarati merchants in different pans of Malabar, especially in
Cochin, Calicut and Cannanore. They were in abundance in Calicut as merchants who
' N M Nampooth~ri, Suamulirr ('arrlrulhile Kaanooppuranyal. (Mal ), tdappal. 1987, p 48.
'The Anonymous Narrative", in William Brooks Greenlee, op cir p 82
I " Doc. No. 115. "Cana de D. Joao da Cruz. Embaixsdor do re! de Calecut. A El rei de Ponugal" 5.d
(l515), PP 257-260, in Antdnio da rilva Rego. Ducumenro~do Para a Hisrrino das Mtssiies do
2droudo Porruguss do Ortente hdio. vol 1. 1499-1522, Lisboa. 1947. p. 258.
jhld. PP. 257-260. 258.
::: "The ~ n o n ~ mo u s Narrative", in William Brooks Greenlee, op u i l . p 82
I I"
Duane Barbosa, up crr., vol. l l , p. 73.
ihrd. o. 72
64
dealt with all kinds of commodities. They were very rich. The5 used to live in very
big houses."' They were from Cambay in Gujarat and were fairer than the men of
Calicut. They used to adore the Sun. the Moon and the cows. They adored cow in
such a way that if someone killed a cow. they would immediately kill that man. They
were vegetarians. They did not eat anything that would die. They would not eat bread
or meat nor dink wine. If anyone ate meat he would be sent out of their society
~rrespective of their caste or wealth. They believed in enchantments and diviners.
The). had grown hairs and beards. They used cotton cloth and worc \eils and their hair
was wrapped about as the women used to do. They wore sandals. They had only one
wif'c and they were jealous and confined themselves to their whes who were very
hcautiful and chaste. Being very daring merchants they traded in cotton as well as
gold.'2'
Thus in Hinduism there was hierarchy of vurnus and j ut h, which were fornied
on the basis of the response to Hinduism, economic condition and occupation. Those
who accepted Hinduism readily were counted as higher castes. The nairs of Malabar,
though they belonged to the sudrus were considered higher iatis, whereas juris like
riyu.i because of their reluctance to accept Hinduism initially, were considered inferior
icrr~s. The kings of Malabar who were subsewient to the Brahmins, accepted this
di~ision of' society and encouraged the caste restrictions put forward by the Brahmins
assigning thern certain taboos, regulations and customs. This resultcd in the horizontal
division of society.
111. 2. The Christians
There were Christians in India from the very first centuq of Christian era.
They were called the Nu'uirunis or St. Thomas ~hristians.' " Among the .2uzronis there
were two categories, namely the Vadukkumhhagukkur and Thrkkumhhugukkur.
V~dakkumhha~ukkur belonged to the indigenous Christian community who were
believed to have been baptised by St. Thomas. one of the t wehe Apostles of
rhid, p 73.
122 .,
The Anonymous Narrative", In William Brooks Greenlee. op. cil.. p. 81.
'I' Dlogo Gonyalves S. I.. Hirrdrrn do Mulavor (Hs. Goa 58 des Arch. Rom. S.1 , Ed~ted by Josef Wicki
2.. Muoster, 1955, p. 91
Refer to footnote No. 125.
65
The Thekkumhhugukkar are believed to be the descendants of Thomas of Canai, a
Persian Christian merchant who immigrated to Malabar in the fourth century A.D."'
Besides them. when we come to the fifteenth century we find another group of
Christians who had belonged to the nuzrunis but now got latinised.12'
111.2. 1. St. Thomas Christians
The St. Thomas Christians or the Nuzrun~.\ are believed to be the descendants
of indigenous Brahmins converted into Christian~ty by St. Thomas. one of the
Apostles of Jesus ~hr i s t . ' ~' But the origin of St Thomas Christian~ty ticlm a
homogenous caste is not true lo reality; at leas1 according to the concept St. Thomas
Christians had during the sixteenth centur). about their own origin. They were
haptiscd from the native as well as foreign stocks that belonged to the nobility.'" Any
way it is certain that many Brahmin families got converted to Christianity receiving
b~ptism from St. Thomas. There are families like Sunguri. Pulumitum
il'dkal~~mullam). KuNi, and Kuliuvr (Kulikrr~~c) that trace their conversion to St.
~homas . ' ~' They were called nuzranis. as they were the followers of .lTuzrucn '.'"
Among the St. Thomas Christians there were two factions: The
ihrkkumhhugrrkkur or the Southists and Vudukktrmhhugakkur or the Northists. The
ibnner were around 30000 men during the sixteenth century"' They were the
hilowers of one Thomas of Canai, a Christian merchant migrated to Malabar around
the year A.U. 3 4 ~ . ? ~ He is said to have been from ~ r me n i a . " ~ He married and settled
I " Fr Bernard Thoma. Marlhome Chri.s~~onrkol. Mal . Ernakulam. 1992, pp 227f.
I"' The researcher terms them as Qurlon Chr~srrun.\ as the) were settled in Qullon.
P.V Mather. Aoa Indico, Cochin, 1986, pp 48f See also Flalnkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Srudies
heririu H ~ ~ l o n , Konayam, 1970, p 376.
Antonio de douvea. op cir . pp. 43-48
I: 0. N. L. . Fundo Geral, Resrmados Cod. N9 36. .'Nottc~as do Re~no do Malabar;' fl . 5
I he Syr~ac term Narroen means the one who is from Nazarerh I e, Jesus Chrlst They are also called
St Thomas Chrtsr~ans as they were converted to Chrlstianti) b) St Thomas, the apostle. L.K. Anantha
!rtshna lyer, Anrhrvpalogy oflhe Syrrun Chnrrrun~. Ernakulam. 1926, p I. Tome Plres, op crr. p. 73.
.I B N. L.. Fundo tier01 Rehemadox Cod. N". 36. .'Notjcias do Re~no do Malabar.'. fls. 6, 6v
' . Jacob Kollaparampil. The Bahyionian Orrgln o/ rhe. Sollrhrsd among the Sr Thoma.7 (.hrhrrom.
Roma, 1992. pp. 67. 89-92 See also .'The stone lnscript~ons In the Valiyapalli Church at Kottayam" m
V. Sobrahmanya Alyar, ed., Travancore Archeeo/og,grca/ Serres. vol. I V, Part II, Trlvandrum. 1999,
pt 166- 170.
Armenla in Portuguese documents IS a confusing usage. Many Portuguese authors have used it In
"rerent sense like 'one from the Middle East' or .a Nestortan' etc According to Araemanus Armenian
actually meant 'Syrtan' where as Kol l apmpi l gives another explanation that the East Syrian bishops
66
in Cranganore. The king who found favour with him gave him a lot of privileges
with land to build a Church in Cranganore. They did not mix with the other
faction of the St. Thomas Christians called Vadakk~mhhu~rrkkur. These Christians
lived in places like Cranganor, Cartune, Cottete, Diamper and the other places.'34
'rhey also followed the same Rite in liturgy as the other St. Thomas Christians who
were known as Vadukkumhhagakkar or the Northists. Both claimed superiority over
the other because of their pure rigi in."^
Though the St. Thomas Christians were converted to Christianity. they lived in
the same Socio- cultural background in which they received their faith. It might be
bccause of their geographical isolation with the rest of Christendom. ,A'uzrunis would
ha\e appeared as one of the several Hindu castes to an external obsenzer. In the social
hierarchy they stood next to the ~rahmins.' " "....They were almost on a par with the
Rrahmins and were respected and obeyed by all. They were at the top of the social
ladder. Many were the subordinate castes in their service and under their
pnitection."'37 The St. Thomas Christians were privileged people. In 1544. Mar Jacob.
the Chaldean Bishop of the St. Thomas Christians. entrusted the Portuguese some of
the copper plates with a lot ofwriting and told that they contained the privileges given
to the St. Thomas Christians by the 1.ords of the Land. The Bishop asked the
Portuguese to keep the same in case of his death.I7"he special privileges granted to
[he nu:runi.~ by kings Veera Rayhava Chakravarti and Sthaiiu Kavi Gupta through the
copper plate grants which survive even today, pointed to their pr~vileged position.'2u
They alonc could ride on elephants, a privilege exclusively set apart for the princes
and they alone could sit in the presence of the king. a privilege reserved only for the
The king of Cochin used to give them special privileges. Some
historians gave the reason for this special consideration. The Christians of St. Thomas
went to Malabar from a place called 'Greater Armenia'. Therefore the meaning of kt IS simply East
or Upper Mesopotamian. See Jacob Kollapararnpil. i,p crr pp 87. 88.
. Frei Paulo da Trin~dade. op. cir . Patie 11, p. 323
,ill
I" B N I,.. Fundo Gerai, Re~emadr,~. N O . 3 6 , "Noticias do Reino do Malabar" fls 6 . 6v
I(... Mathew. "The Role of the Kerala Church In Indian Culture:' pp. 119-121, In Jacob Velllan.
:j!. Thc Moiahar Church. Orientalia Christians Analetics 186. Roma. 1970. p 1 19
Alexandar Cherukarakunnel, "The Hindu Christians of India," pp 203-208. In Jacob Vell~an. ed.
cil , p. 203 See also Anantha Krishna lyer, Anthropoio~b' ofthe S,,rlan rhristiunr. p. 5 1
'' Manuel de Farla e Sousa, op. or ,vol. IV, pp. 387, 88.
i Y
,,, L K. A K. lyer. Tribes andCostes in Cochm, vol. 111. New Delhi, 1987, p. 438
C V. Cheriyan, A Histon) ofChrrstioniry in Keraia From the Miision ofSl Thomm to fhe Arrivui
i fl ' krco da Gamo AD 52-1498, Konayam, 1973, p. I 5 1 . See also Antonio de Gouvela. op o f , p 44
67
had a king of their own called Beliane. When the last king also died, the kingdom was
affiliated to Diamper and when the last heir of Diamper died, the kingdom was
annexed to the Kingdom of Cochin. It was because of this reason that the king of
Cochin had more right over those Chri ~t i ans. ' ~' The king of Perumpadappil had given
them so many privileges. which no other castes in Malabar had.142 They were
privileged to move accompanied by eighteen different musical instruments, carry light
during day time for accompaniment. move accompanied by the armed men and so on.
None other than the Christians of St. Thomas and the king of Perumpadappil could
use those privileges. If a thing belonging to a Brahmin became impure because of the
touch of a man of lower caste. the very touch ol' a St. Thomas Christian would purify
it in such a way that there was no more contamination afienvards. The Archdeacon of
St. Thomas Christians was the first among the 72 princes of the king of
Perumpadappil. The king of Perumpadappil was called a king only after the
Archdeacon crowned him.I4j
They were esteemed greatly by the Hindu kings because of the privileges left
up on them by different kings. They belonged to the nobility. The St. Thomas
Christians were respected and honoured more than the nairs who were the nobles of
the kingdoms. In the Kingdom of the Hills of Pande (Serra de Pande) the St. Thomas
Christians were called the "sons of Kings" (Filhos de reis).'" "The na:aran~s of India
held ver). high positions in the society. They were considered aristocrats and equal to
the Brahmins. 'They also held patronage over the low castes like the Kummalas. The
Rajah and the Prime Minister alone had authority over them. They had the right of
maintaining a bodyguard and a standing army of their own. The insignia of royalty
and nobility such as padipuru, pakul vilukku, unu ampuri, ukumpudi. puncha vadyu
and murhukkuda were their special privileges. Their bishops had royal dignity and
honours. The bishop and his archdeacon had the authority to hear and judge all cases
except criminal cases. These were granted to them by the ancient Rujus of Malabar in
sour Tumro Susanus or ~h e ~r d $ . " ' One of these four original metal plates is
I 42
Frei Paulo da Tnnidade, up. crl.. Parte 11, p. 329.
14,
R.N. L., Fundo Geral, Resrvados Cod No 36. fl. 5 .
ibid. n 5"
144 -
115
Frei Paulo da Trinidadc, op cl . . Pane 11. p. 322
Royal proclamations engraved on copper plates.
68
at Kottayam Pazaya Palli, and another at the Mar Thoma Seminary at
l ' hi r~val l a. "~
The St. Thomas Christians lived in between Cranaganore and Mylapore. In
('ranganore there were a lot of St. Thomas Christians who lived among the Hindus,
Jews and the ~ u s l i ms . ' ~ ' The Christians of St. Thomas inhabited in large number in
areas like Cranganore. Cochin, Quilon, Travancore and also on the Coromandel
~oasc.""herever they lived, they were subjected to the Hindu kings, paying their
taxes. obeying their officers, and observing their laws as long as it did not affect their
religious precepts.14q
The nuiranis engaged themselves in professions like agriculture, commerce
and military service. Their principal occupation was agriculture. They were the
cultivators ofpepper.li"he monopoly of pepper production was with the St. Thomas
Christians"' because they owned enormous landed property as a result of various land
grants. The H~ndu rulers as well as Brahmins who wanted the presence of St. Thomas
Christians for purifying the polluted things because of caste restrictions. made the
land grants to the St. Thomas Christians."' For agricultural purpose many St. Thomas
Christians used to stay in interior areas.'" There were also merchants among them."'
There werc a few St. Thomas Christians who engaged in pepper tradc. We see a letter
from a native Christian called Mathias from Kayamkulam. He said that he helped to
load the Portuguese ships with merchandise.lSs They also engaged in foreign trade.
,a<,
K J Mathew. "The Role of the Kerala Church in Indian Culture." In Jacob Vellian. ed.. op cil., p.
119.
147
Manuel de Farla e Sousa. op rir..vol. IV, p 386
14')
Phllip Baldaeus. op. cir.. p. 639
Anthnio de Gouveia, op cir., p. 163.
: 5 < , .,
Cdna do Padre ArmCnlo Jacome ~ b ~ n a para El-Rel" n.d., p 352-56. In Antonlo da Silva Rego,
Dooumenrasdo Para u HisrOria dm Mt s s f i e ~ do Podr oi i l i Porruguir do Ortenre lndra, vol 11. 1523-
1543. L~sboa. 1949, In p. 323.
1 \?
I " A N T T . Curpu Cmno1ogico. Parte I. Maqo 24. Doc 3, fl 2
I1 was believed that the touch of a St. Thomas Christ~an over polluted thlngs would purl@ it. The
Brahmins, used to call St. rhomas chrlstlans when something in their house got polluted because of
the touch of some lower jaris. plus ~alekandathil. Porrugusre Cochrn and rhu Marilime Trade of
lndla 1500-1663 (Unpublished thesis submined to the Pondicherry University for Ph.D.1, Pondicherry
Unlverslty. Pondicherry, 1988, p. 79.
' I Antbnio de Gouvela. up cir. p. 158.
H. Morse Stephens, Albuquerque. New Delhi, 2000. p 65
Cans de Matias, Cristao Native, A El-Re1 de Portugal" Quaequolam. 18 de Dezembro de 1504. In
Antdnio da Silva Rego, Documen,ac& par0 0 Hisrdrjo dus Mzasdr~ do Podmudo Porrugub do
*'tenre indra, vo~. I. 1499-1522, Lisboa. 1949, p. 25.
69
There were very prosperous merchants among them who frequented thc commercial
of Suria in Egypt. Persia and ~ r a b i a . " ~ There were many St. Thomas Christian
merchants in ~ u i l o n . ~ " Many St. Thomas Christians were good men of arms. They
%rere strong, fat and very healthy and the best men of war in the whole of Malabar:
some of the kings used to take them to fight the wars.'58 Besides, as they were very
rich they used to lend money for interests, which the Portuguese considered as a grave
sin. "'
The nuzrani men went naked except down the waist. From the waist to the
knee they used silk dress. On the upper arms they wore gold or silver ornaments or
armlets. Like the nairs the St. Thomas Christians grew kudumi on the head and a
metal cross inserted on top of it showed their identity as a Christians. But the old. the
widowers and those who made pilgrimage to the tomb of St. Thomas did not grow
their hair. The nazrani men. like the nairs. used to pierce the ear lobes as a sign of
their nobility. They used to move with swords, shields and lances, which they lefi
only at the door of the ch~r ch. " ~
The nuzrani women wore modest dress either in white colour or dipped in
indigo in such a way that it covered the whole body but the head. While going to the
church or visiting a hthanar they would cover themselves with a big veil that lefi
only their faces open. They used to wear all kinds of ornaments for the ears, arms,
neck and feet but not for the n o ~ e . ' ~ '
In a family, the head and the supreme person was the Bther. Grown up
children would never sit in the presence of their father. Women had separate quarters.
Even husbands and wives would not eat together. Wives would never address the
husband by name. Grown up boys and girls would not m~ngle with each other or talk
together. In the presence of the elders. the children never talked
I,,,
Manuel de Farla e Sousa. op cl r . vol. IV, p. 386.
117 .,
lnstmcaes de D Joilo Ill Dlrlgidas ao Padre iguel Vaz sobre a Crlstandade da Indla, almerim, 5 de
Marqo de 1546". pp. 258.66. In AntOnio da Silva Rego. DocummraCPo Para u H~sroria dus MI.YS<~~.Y do
Padrulrdo Ponugudr do Orrenrr indio, vol. 111. 1543-1547, Lisboa. 1950. p. 263.
' 1
'" Frei Paulo da Trinidade, up crt.. p 328. See also Ant6nio de Gouveia, op ci l . p. 164.
IW,
A.N.T.T., C'orpo Cronologico, Pane I , M a ~ o 83, doc. 71, fls Iv, 2
Ant6nio de Gouveia. up ci r. p 164.
Ih' B.N.L.. Fundo Grral, Reservados. Cud N9 36. "Nottclas do Re~no do Malabar." f l . 3 .
Ihi George Mark Moraes, A Histor). o/Chrtsrianrr). m Indra. Bomhay. 1964, p. 176.
70
The main food of the nazranis was rice together with curries. They rarely took
meat as they were among the Hindus who abhorred eating it. The St. Thomas
Christians whom Vasco da Gama met in Melinde did not eat the meat of cows.163
They believed that it would make them ill. They ate fish in abundance. as it was easily
a\,a~lable. They prepared various food items using honey, jaggery, palm sugar. milk
and butter.'"
St. Thomas Christians followed the customs of the Brahmins in Malahar The
social position was determined also by the customs and way of life of each group. We
can see a lot of common elements between the socio-cultural ceremonies and customs
ofthe Brahmins as well as the Christians of St. Thomas in Malabar.
Immediately after the birth of a baby. it was fed w~t h hone?. a custom
prelalent among the Hindus of Malahar. Among the Brahmins this ceremony was
Lnoun as . / ~rakarrnurn. ' ~~ The women were not allowed to go to the Church for forty
days after the childbirth if the offspring was a boy and for eighty days if it was a
&irl.lh" This was a Hindu as well as Jewish custom observed, as the women were
considered impure afier childbirth. On the fortieth or eightieth day of birth, depending
on the sex of the child, mother and child were taken to the church for dedication.
According Joseph the Indian. the children were baptised forty days afier birth unless
the situation demanded otherwise. Though children were rarely haptised before forty
days of their birth. there were cases in which baptism was administered afier months
and years.'" During baptism, the children were given baptismal names- names from
the Old Testament as well as the native one~. ' ~%efore Baptism the priest used to
bless some legumes and put them in the mouth of the child.169
"'I FernPo Lopes de Castanheda, Hu Ljvru Primerm do., de: do hmtorw do dercohrimenm & conrluolo
loind~a pelus Porruxuere,s, Coimbra. Julho. M. D Ll l l l (1554). p, x x v See also Caspar Conea.
"P Crt . Tomo I , Parte I, p. 41 I . See also Antdnlo de Gouveia, op crl. p 164
" ' hnt ~ni o de Gouve~a. lip at . . p. 164
I"' Placid Podipara, The Malabor Chrat,onr. Alcppey, n d . p. 29 Sce also E. Thurston. C'mres und
Fihes ofSouthern Indra. vol. I. Madras. 1909. p 129.
ll.6
See the Canons of the Synod of Diamper convened in I599 by Archbishop Menezis to weslernlse
the St. Thomas Christians according to the pattern of the Council of Trent. Scaria Zachara~a. The Acth
;;dDecree~ of the Synod ofDiomper ISYY. Edamanam. 1994. p . 204
I28
ihrd, p. 113.
11,Q
)hid. p. 204.
A.N.T.T.. Cartas dos Vrcr-Reis do India, No 55, fl I v
71
When the child became eleven months old, it was given boiled rice.'" This
custom was there among the Brahmins of Malabar. When the children became eight.
they were sent to the Kalaris for training in arms and fencing. They continued this
training under a master called panikar until they were twenty-tive. The students
respected this panikar very much. The panikars could be either Christian or Hindu. If
a Christian panikar was available no nazruni would go to a Hindu panikar If
Christian panikar~ were not available they would go to a Hindu Kalari. This training
was common for the nazranis and nairs of Malabar. These panihrs whether
Christians or Hindus, were respected by all throughout Malabar. The adult nazrunis
always carried with them weapons like swords and shields. which they left only in the
porch of the church when they went inside for worship. In wars the strength of a king
depended upon the number of the nmrani.s in the army."'
The nazrunis had their own places of worship, which resembled the Hindu
temples in external form except for a Cross on its fo~ndat i on. "~ The cross that they
had was what was called St. Thomas Cross. which was either painted or engraved. It
was kept in all the churches on account of the veneration to it. It was the only mark
that distinguished between a Hindu temple and a Christian ~hur ch. ~' ' This is evident
fiom the fact that Vasco da Garna. just after his landing in Calicut went to a Hindu
lemplc under the impression that it was a Christian Church."' In churches there used
to he wooden carvings of animals and birds like elephant, tiger, man lion. peacock.
Indian cuckoo, parrot, swan and so on.'" But in Quilon there were churches like those
of Europe and on the altars and walls there were painted crosses. There were no other
Images. On Sundays the people gathered together and attended sermons and other
of i c e s . ' ' ~he parish churches which had an elevated sanctuary. Kodimaram which
was a tlagstaff and oil lamps showed their close relationship to the Hindu temples."'
1.0
C V Chertyan. op. err, p 153
Antonio de Gouven, op ccrr p 165 See also Duane Rarbosa. op i, l vol 11, p 40.
I , ; Antony Vallavanthara, ed., op
, p 163
, Antdnio de tiouveia. op, cir p. 162.
I,<
I ' Gunden. Keralapa:hamo. (Mal ). Konayam. 1959. pp 1-3
"The stone inscriptions ~n the Valiyapall~ Church at Konayam" In K V Sobrahmanya Aiyar, ed . OP
vol. IV. Pan 11. pp. 166-170
117
Manuel de Farla e Sousa, op. o r , vol. IV, p. 386.
K. J. Mathew. "The Role of t he Kerala Church In l nd~an Culture", pp. 119-12 1 in Jacob Vcllian, ed .
['P CII , D. 120,
72
The social customs and manners of the nuzrunh were most evident in the
marriage celebrations that lasted for almost a week. The marriage customs were very
similar to Hindu Brahmin custom. Nobody other than the Brahmins and the Thomas
Christians could follow them."?he marriages were arranged. as it was considered as
a bond between two families. The parents of the boy and girl fixed the marriage. The
maternal uncle had a prominent say and role in all flnctions. They used to get tnarried
at an early age, as was the custom in Malabar. Marriages were usually conducted in
bridegroom's church or in some instances, if they were in some far away places in
their own houses, sometimes even without the presence of either a
kurhanarn'((hssanars) or witness. They recognised even the marriage between the
close rel at i ~es. ' ~" There was no specific ecclesiastical ceremony in the Church in
connection with marriage. Tying of the luli was sufficient for the validit) of the
marriage."'
Generally marriages were conducted on Sundays. Though the daughters did
not have the right to inherit the property of the father.'" on the occasion of marriage
douy was given to the family of the groom. The amount should be given on previous
Sunday of the marriage and it should be in odd number of Rupees and should be tied
up in a cloth. One tenth of the dourq is gicen to the Church. I'here was no additional
tithe of any son.' " The marriage celebrations began on the eve of the marriage when
thc bridegroom (Munovulun) and bride (,i4an13atp) underwent ceremonial bath in their
respective houses after which the bridegroom and bride with the consent of the
relatives underwent ~nrhorncharrul ' ~~ and m);l an~hi ~i drl ' ~. ' respectively. Both were
ceremoniously fed with sweets after securing the consent of the community once in
their respective houses and once after marriage in groom's houses. Before leaving for
marriage. the groom was blessed by the (;ur~r to whom he gave present (dakshina) of
I " Cherukarakunnel, Alexandar, "The Hindu Christians of Ind~a.'. pp 203-208, in Jacob Vellian, ed .
c ~ l . p 207.
I80
The priests of the St. Thomas Chr~stians were called the Karhanarr
Scaria Zachara~a. The Aclr ondDecrees of the Svnod of D~an~per I SYY, pp 17 1 - 179
Frel Paulo da Trlntdade, op, cir.. Pane II, p 327.
la' AntOnio de Gouveia, op. cir., p. 163
ibid, p 164.
:: Shaving of beard by the traditional barher
Decorat~on of hands using turmeric and a herb called henna.
73
cloth or money. A best man usually the hushand of his sister always accompanied the
groom.'86
The most important ceremony of marriage was ralrketr~.~" Tali was a small
gold ornament in the form of a leaf, usually brought by the best man of the groom. It
was ornamented with a cross of 21 beads to distinguish it from Brahmin luli. The
bridegroom tied the tali around the neck of the bride using a thread drawn out from
the bridal veil known as mantrukodi The married women always wore the luli until
their death. On their death it was either buried with them or else deposited on the
church t r e a s ~ ~ . ' " Manuvalan covered the head of the Manavutty with mantrukodi as
a sign of future protection.
Marriage was an occasion to display the privileges granted to them by various
kings. For example, Vulla.yum Kortmpodavuni was a privilege. which meant a
privileged seat made of wool underneath and the white cotton cloth spread on which
the chief guest sat in the marriage pandul.!RY During marriage they followed some
customs. which they had inherited, from the Hindus like making ilgures behind the
doors. nrllum neerum veerhthal, making circles into which they put rice.''" All these
wcre to make the marriage fortunate. successful and fertile.
The groom and bride began to cohabit only after the ceremonies called
Aduchulhrrra and ~Valamkuli. which were conducted on Wednesday evening. In
udurhuthuru, the mother-in-law of the groom asked the bridegroom who was in the
bridal chamber with his best man to come out of the chamber, which he denied. After
repeated requests. when he was assured of certain articles which she would give him
a d when she had sung his glories in the vu/hiithurappot/u the bridal chamber was
opened. Nalamkul~ was a ritual bath done on the fourth da! of the marriage. Next
morning they went to groom's house. l'hey never went to the church before
nulumkuli. Usually they went to the church only on the next ~ u n d a y . ' ~ '
8 6
l h7
C.A. Innes. op ci r, p. 204
1"s
Tyi ng of rair.
I"*
Placid Podipara. op. cl r. p. 49.
1%)
L..K A.K. lyer T~i bes andcast es m Cochm, vol. I l l , New Delhi. 1987. P. 447
, C A. Innes. op cir . p 179
' ' I 'hid, p. 204, 205 see also Scaria Zacharaia, op o t , p 179
74
Following the custom of their Hindu counterparts. marriage was considered as
an indissoluble bond among the St. Thomas Christians. Divorce was unheard of
among the nazranis of Malabar as reported by Joseph the Indian. The couples were
separated only through death.'" But the Synod of Diamper lamented over the
existence of polygamy among the nuzranis. It might have been concubinage. which
was vev common among various sections of the people of Malabar society. "I'
The Nuzrani.r had many superstitious practices and beliefs, which they shared
with their non- Christian counterparts. They believed in horoscopes. good and bad
days for celebration. killing of babies born on bad days, taking of two grains back
when they measured a bushel of grain and so ~ n . ' ~ %v e n the Kathunars used books of
charms and sorcery. It is said that all Kurhanurs had copies of such books, which were
used fi r finding out good or bad days for marriage and other omens.lq'
The nnrranis fasted on certain days and certain periods of the year. On fasting
days they took bath in the early morning. Their Lent was so rigorous that they would
neker eat more than once during the day before the sun set. They began i t on the first
Sunday of Lent. And they never ate fish, or eggs, or milk products. or wine, nor
would &ey go to their wives during the entire Lent. During the Lent they went to the
church daily and prayed three times a day- by morning in standing posture. the other
late evening and the other at mid night praying prostrating on the floor. With the same
rigorous manner they used to fast before advent. On the days of the saints also they
hstcd though it was not obligatory. Many used to fast in honour of Our Lady from the
first of August till the Assumption of Our Lady. and from 1 September till the Feast
of Nativity. There was also a fasting called that of the Apostles which used to start on
tile first day of the feast of Pentecost for 50 days continuously though it was not out of
obligation but out of devotion. There was also ibfoonnuno)~umhu, which was for three
days. People used to enter in the church during Lent when the Kulhunurs were
Praying Divine Office chanting. They used to put their palms between the palms of
I,,?
Anton) Vallavanthara, op, cr r , p. 176. See also Manuel de Farla e Sousa, op .cil.. vol. IV, 46. p.
387.
I V i
I*
%aria Zacharaia, The Acls and Decrees of the Synod o/dromprr iSY!? p. 178.
,,,5 K S. Mathew, "Indian Ocean and Cultural Interaction," Indrco. vol.35, No 2. 1998, pp 107, 108
*nfbnio de Gouvelp, op, ci ~. . pp. 162, 163
75
the Kathanar and used to kiss their hands as a sign of peace and obedience. This was
called the giving or taking the casruri But it seems that they ate meat on Saturdays
and Wedne~days. ' ~~
They celebrated feasts like Resurrection, Nativity. Trinity, Assumption of the
Blessed Virgin Mary, Epiphany, Puthunjayar and ~ u k r a n a ' ~ ' in which even the non-
Christians used to take The lamps and ceremonial umhrellas, which were used
in the feasts, resembled those of the temples. There had been givinc and taking of
paraphernalia to and from the temple.'99 The heathen musicians and pagans used to
attend and participate in the liturgical worships and feasts. Similarly the nazrurli.\ uscd
to participate in Hindu festivals like ~ n a r n . ~ ~ ~ They did not And any danger to their
faith in this exchange of visits as the Christians and the Hindus had the same socio-
cultural background.
At the same time the Christians of St. Thomas had their own worshipping
patterns. Thcy used to go lo the church after taking bath wearing clean washed
cloths."" Before entering the church, they used to wash their feet. They prostrated in
such a way in the church that the forehead touched the In the Church they
made the sign of the cross from right to left contrav to the Portuguese custom of
making the sign of the cross from left to They did not have auricular
confessicn. In the Eucharist the host was made using salt. oil and olive. The chalice
was never lifted. The Eucharist was divided into different pans."14
They worshipped Christ. They also had faith in Holy trinity. God was called
Tomhiirun. which the Christians call even today. The Hindus also called their
Supreme God as ~ a mh r a m. ' " ~ They had sacraments as in the West hut it was not
I l h
trel Paulo da Trinldade, op cor , pane 11, p 327 See also Antonlo de Gouveia, IJP ci l , pp Ihl ,
1 il
L~ukrono 1s the Commemoration of St. Thomas the Apostle
I,8j '"ntony Vallavanthara, op. o r , p 176.
'It
C V. Cheriyan, op cir.. p. 140.
:,,, Scdria Zacharaia. The ~ c r s and Decrees of rhe Synod of Dtomper I J Y V , pp 24. 42.
!,,> " L.. Fundo Gerui, Resenwdos, Cod No 4534, fl. 24 1
E R Hambye. "Us et Costumes Chretjennes des Spe ns de I'lnde au XVI' Siecle," pp 261-280 In
k,;()r~enlSyr!en, vol. X , Fasc. 2, 2"'Trim. 1965, Vernon, 1965, pp. 274. 75
."ii
Ant ho de Gouiela, op. t i t . , p 162.
,,,> A N.T.T, Curtas dos Vice-Reg\ du India, N" 55, tl. Iv.
Antony Vallavanthm, op car , p. 17.
76
~h~ photo of the Altar of the First Church in Ramapurnm (c. 1450).
77
,dministered in the same manner as it was in the West. This is evident from the
comment of Gouveia that the nazranis did not have the sacraments of confirmation.
reconciliation and the Last Sacrament (Extreme Unction). The reason for this was that
the Sacraments of baptism. Confirmation and Eucharist were administered together in
Malabar on the day of baptism according to the Oriental Tradition. They did not have
auricular Confession. Instead they expiated their sins by throwing incense to the
furnace in the middle of the church and by diverting with hands some of the smokes
10 their ~hests.~~'"nstead of Extreme Unction what they had was a blessing of the
body. If someone among the nazrunis became sick hisher whole family would come
and stay inside the church and anoint him or her with the oil of the lamp kept in the
~hurch. Even the sick Hindus anointed themselves with this oil.""
Their liturgical day began in the evening. Their feasts used to begin from
ckening to evening and not from mid night to midnight. They did not do any
forbidden works on Sundays to keep the sanctity of the day. On Sunday soon afier the
sunset they worked as it was already ~onday.~'"he liturgical day, like all the
oriental churches. began with vespers. The office was sung not only by the priests hut
also by the faithful. The night prayer called Lelya was at 2 hrs in the morning
according to the Chaldean tradition. It was followed by the supra, the Morning
Praycr. The faithful also participated in Lciyo and ~ u ~ r a . ~ " ~ It might be because of this
reason that the synod of Diamper complained that the people stayed in the church
during n~ght. During the liturgical offices. they gave peace to another. first touching
the hands of the senior-most priest in the Church and kissing his hands.'''
Qurhana or the Holy Mass followed the morning prayers. Iioly Mass was not
celebrated on days other than Sundays and Feast days. It was forbidden to celebrate
Mass without the presence of an ordained minister, They used the fermented bread for
the Eucharist. The wine was made of the raisins imported from Muscat and
iw,
207
AntOnlo dc Gouve~a. op, cir, pp 158.159
Scaria Zacharaia, The Acts and Decrees ojthe SvnodofDiarnper IJYV. P. 197.
?W
Frei Paulo da Trinidade, op. cit . Parte 11. p. 328
E. R. Hambye, Us el Costumes Chretlennes der Syrlens de I'lnde au XVI ' Slecle." pp 261-280 in
&;()r~entSvrien. vol. X Fasc. 2. ?""Tri!n 1965. Vernon. 1965. p. 269
8. N. L., Fundo Geral, Reservados, Cad No. 4534, fl 24 1
78
Homuz. 2" Three Anaphoras or Eucharistic Prayers were used - that of Adai and
Mari. that of Nestorius and Theodore of' Mopsuestia. The communion was distributed
in double species separately. All those who went for the Holy Eucharist used to
receive Holy Communion without confessing prior to the Mass. contrary to the
custom in ~ u r o p e . " ~
There were charham2I3 among the St. Thomas Christians which were
occasions of feasting and banquets. Churhum.\ were conducted on the anniversary of
death. On that day people gathered with feasting to commemorate the dead."'
The nuzranis had priests, deacons and sub deacons. 'l'he former was called
Cbssunur or Kulhunar and the latter two were called C'humuses or Semu.\u.\. The
halhnnurs were dressed in a pair of drawers and a shirt loosel? worn ovcr it."' They
did not have tonsure but at he top of their head they kept a little hair.21h They were
ordained when they were quite young. i.e. to say when they were 17. I 8 or 20 years of
age. The mlnimum age for Ordination was 14 years. They were ordained quite young
because of other reasons. Sometimes the succession of the Bishops in Malabar used to
he interrupted because of various reasons. Then it might take years for the arrival of
another Bishop from Iraq. It used to interrupt ordinations. Against such a backdrop.
for the uninterrupted service, even young candidates were ordained before the
Bishops Most of them got married after their ordination. The wives of the
priests were respected very much in the church. They used to aenr a cross at their
neck over their dress to distinguish themselves as wives of Kuthiiniir.5 "' The priests
always kept conjugal chastity and widowers did not gel married."' Even on days
ahen priests celebrated Mass, the husband and wife could live together. All were
careful to pray the divine office in Chaldaic language, in high pitch singing. None
' I ' E R Hambye. '. Us et Costumes Chrkt~ennes des Syr~ens de I'lnde au XVI' Slccle." pp 261-280 in
f (hien1 Svrrm, vol X. Fasc. 2, Zrn' Tnm 1965. pp 269. 70
.I?
!I,
! hi d, pp 271. 73. See also B. N. L , Fundo Gerul. Re.ri,n,ad,~. Cod ,K" i.531. fl 24 l
! , 4 The banquet followed by prayers in commemoration of the dead.
!I,
B.N L. , Fundo Geral, Rrservodos, Cod N" 4531, fl. 241
?I,,
Antonlo de Gouve~a, op. cii. pp. 159. 60.
?I7
Anfony Vallavanthara. op crl.. p. 172.
Anthnio de Gouvcla, op, crr., p. 159. See also E R. Hambye, " Us et Costumes Chret~ennes des
Syriens de I'lnde au XVI' Sj&cle," pp. 261-280, In L'Orrenr Syrren. vol X Fasc. 2, Zrne Trim 1965, p
265.
218
Anthnio de Gouveia. up mi, p 159
Manuel de Faria e Sousa, op crr.,vol. IV, p. 387
79
would miss it. But apart from that they never found to be obliged to pray."" People
used to participate in the Eucharistic celebration on Sundays. It was not out of
devotion that they went for Sunday Mass, but it was out of necessity that they went
for it.221 This means that the people were practising the faith that they got from the
finefathers.
There was rigorous formation for the priests in Angamaly. The medium of
formation was Syriac which was the liturgical language of the nazranis. Scripture and
c~lher branches of knowledge especially based on Syriac Fathers were taught there in
Angamaly. The students had to learn reading and writing. The Pn~phet s and Old
restament were given more importance. The Hebrew and Syriac manuscripts of the
Bible were used for this f~rmat i on. ' ~'
Most of the Portuguese authors accused the St. Thomas Christians priests and
hlahops of Simony. It is said that the Bishops used to live in open simony for
conl'erring Holy Orders. consecrating altar stones, blessing the Churches. absolving
tiom excommunication whereas the priests did the same in Baptism and
~' ommuni on. "~ It was not considered something absurd in Malabar because there was
no monthly allowance for the priests as was the custom in Europe. The priests had to
live with what they used to get from the people. To make their living they also used to
engage in secular services. They served the kings as collectors. paymasters and tax
The St. Thomas Christians had a hierarchical set up of their own. It consisted
of one Metropolitan and three Suffragan Bishops. They used to come from the
monasteries of the North of Iraq, especially that of Mar Eugene which was under the
jurisdiction of the Chaldean Patriarch. But the priests were from Malabar itself There
1!0
17 I
Frei Paulo da Tr~nidade, op crr, Pane I I , p. 327.
-,2 AnMnio de Gnuvela, up or. , p. 160
B N. L., Fundo Gernl, Resenrodos, Cod N9 4534, fl 24 1. See also E. R. Hambye, " Us el Costumes
Chretiennes des Syi ens de I'lnde au XVI' Stkcle." pp 261.280. In L 'Orienl .?vrlrim. vol X. Fasc 2. p
266.
227
Ant6nlo de Gouvela, op cir , p. 160 See also Frei Paulo da Trinidade, op ci l , Parte 11, p 327
Ant6nio de Gouvela, op cir., p. 160.
80
was unhindered succession of priests from certain families."' Besides, there was an
Archdeacon who was from Malabar itself. He had different roles. He had to look after
the temporal affairs of the Church. Therefore he controlled the economic affairs of the
Church. Sometimes he played the role of the Vicar general. In the absence of the
Bishops, he was the administrator. He was the leader of the St. Thomas Christians in
the socio-cultural affairs. He had legislative. iudicial, executive. and non-
csilesiastical powers.226 The Spiritual Head of the Church was the Patriarch of
~a b y l o n i a . ~~' It was this Patriarch who sent Bishops to India and was commemorated
in the Liturgy, The narrani s never commemorated Pope in their Divine ~i t u r g y . " ~ It
X ~ S not out of antipathy towards the Pope. but because of the lack of direct contact
with the Pope because of geographical inaccessibility and political disturbance created
afier the rise and spread of Islam.
Being the head of the Christians, the Bishop used to administer justice to the
faithful. But there were people who were qualified as bad Christians who took
complaints to the king. But in many cases. fiom the king both parties might not get
any benefit. Therefore they generally approached the bishop who under common
consensus from the parties chose four. six or eight Christians of ability and
understanding before whom the parties spoke fieely putting forhard their points.
t i e r listening to them the bishop and his colleagues gave \,crdict. signing a decree
for which no further appeal was possible.22v
They had a very high social status. As the social customs dictated the social
?talus, being converts from the noble castes the na;rirni.r followed untouchability
beeplng away from the inferior castes. They did not touch the inferior castes. They
used to shout on the way so as to avoid the people of lower castes coming on their
ha) . This was because they were in the company of'the Brahmins and Nairs who had
specific regulations regarding the touch of inferlor castes. If' they had touched the
??5
E. R. Hambye, " Us et Costumes Chretlennes des Syrlens dr I'lnde au XVI ' Sitcle," pp. 261-280.
In L'OrrmrSvr,en, vol X, p. 264. See also A. Mathias Mundadan. Tradirrnn nfSr Thomas C'hrrsriuns.
Bangalare. 3 % 1970, p 138.
Jacob Kollapararnpil. The Archdeacon of All-lndla (A Htsror~co- Jur~d~cal SIuIS). Rome, 1972, pp
189-205
...
:>,
?,& Frei Paulo da Trinidade, op, cir, Parte 11. p. 328
I>9 Antony Vallavanthara, op. err.. p. 170.
AntOnio de Gouveia, op. clr., p. 163.
81
lower castes the contact with the higher castes would have been impossible and the
~hri st i ans would have lost their reverence, the king and the higher castes had for
them. They could kill those belonged to the lower castes thai crossed their way within
the "rohibited distance. But the nuzrunis on such occasions if the matter would not
come to the knowledge of the nairs did not follow the barbarous untouchability.'"'
Before death. the nuzranis made the last will and when the) did not have sons
the property went to a close male relatives. but never to their daughters even if they
acre in extreme poverty.231 The wives after the death of their husbands were paid
hack their d o wv and they could leave and marry again after one year.')'
'They buried the body of their dead. not always in the Church hut in some
Instances in unconsecrted places like their garden or household. When someone died
man) C'hristians gathered together. ate together for 8 days. and prayed for the dead.'"
The ceremonies in this regard were initiated bg a Kurhirnrrr as in the case of the
Brahmins it was done by a Brahmin priest.23"n connection with solemn burials
( ~hui um or Si-adhumZ3~ was c~nduct ed. "~ he! also had some superstitious baths
Inown ss IJulakrrli in connection with death."'
The missionary activity of the St. Thomas Christians hefore the arrival of the
I'ortuguese was rather negligible. Although they received non-Christians, they were
not interested in the conversion of the lower caste people because ol'the caste system
that existed in the s ~c i e t y, ~"
' bi d. 168
' ' lhid p. 163
: .:
:;j Antony Vallavanthara. op crr p. 174.
,,4 'hid, p 174 See also Ludovlco dl Varthema, op el. p 61
loseph Wicki, Documenra lndrca, vol. 111. Roma. 1954, p. 805.
:,,,A solemn dinner offering from which the r~ch and the poor part~c~pated alike
?-, Anl(mio de Gouveia, op. cir . p. 167.
C A. Innes, op cir.. pp. 204, 205 See also Scaria Zachara~a. The Acn ond Decrees offhe Svnod o/
Dlamper 1.599, p. 179.
?'%
A. Mathias Mundadan, Traditronr o f 9 . Thomar Christians, p. 154.
82
111.2.2. The Quilon Christians
It seems that in Quilon, the St. Thomas Christians already got latinised
because of the presence of some European missionaries prior to the Portuguese. It is
said that Frey JordZo, a Dominican reached together with his companions in Malabar
In 1320."" He spent a few years in Quilon as a mi s s i o n a ~ among the Christians there
In Quilon. He was later on nominated as the Bishop of Quilon. tie is s a ~d to have
L.atinised Qu i ~ o n . ' ~ ~ Another argument in support of the prcsencc of European
niissionaries in Malabar is the mention of' a European papal delegate b) name John
de' Marignolli, who stayed with the St. Thomas Christians of Quilon for almost 14
months between 1338 and 1353. He mentioned that these St. Thomas Christians were
proprietors of pepper gardens. He also said that he used to get a perquisite of 100 gold
/rrnum.\ e ve y month and they gdve him one thousand ,funurn.\ when he left that
place.'" Secondly, there was mention about a church. uhich was there in Quilon prior
io the Portuguese. dedicated to the Our Lady of Sorrobs. This was not a name heard
In Malabar. This church claims to ha\ e three altars. which was not common among
the St. Thomas Christians. On the middle altar there was a golden cross where as the
two side altars had crosses made of silver. ' fh~rdly. it was said to have been revealed
hy the natives that there were t n o saints in that church in two chapels. Among the St.
I'homas Chr~stians there was no custom of using the images of saints in the Churches.
Therefore it can be concluded that some ol' the St. Thomas Clir~stians of this area
came under the Latin Missionaries who happened to be there and when the flow of
missionaries stopped they were left unattended hy the St. Thomas Christian prelates.
That is why it was said that many Christians of 30 and 40 years of age were baptised
h!. the Portuguese, as they did not have the memory of baptism among them.z42
!,"
,,, B N. L. Fundo Gerol, Resemodos Cod N" 177, f l . 322v
:,, V. Nagam A~ya, The Trovoncorr Sfore Munuul. vol I . Nelr Delhl. 1989, p 270
Henry Yule. Coihoy and the w q ~hi i her being u Col l eai on o,fMrdia,al noircr.5 on Chino, vol. 111,
New k l hi , 1998, pp.191, 207. See also A. Math~as Mundadan, .'In Search of Christ~ans and Spices,"
209-227, in Vice-Almrronie A. Teireiru do Mulo em b4emorruirm. vol. [I. Lisboa. 1989, p. 209.
'' Joquim Vcrissimo SelTBo, Comeniarios de Afinro D Albuquerque, p. 20
83
In Quilon there were Christian chiefs who were called Modalial, which means
headmen in Tamil. They were owners of pepper. John de' Marignoll~. is said to have
stayed with them.24'
The Christians of St. Thomas, being members of another religious community
had a different faith. But their faith was expressed through the same socio-cultural
background. which they shared with the Brahmins and other high caste Hindus of
Malabar. Very often they followed certain custon~s. which were contran to the very
basic principles of brotherhood and love of the Christians. But because of the socio-
cultural requirements they had to follow such things as untouchability for the smooth
cohabitation with other high caste Hindus. The St. Thomas Christians had a high
social status because of their noble origin and the privileges conferred upon by the
local Ra.jas. In Malabar. as the social status was preserved through the customs and
manners, they had to keep some of the superstitions and inhuman practices which
were not befitting Christianity.
111. 3. The Muslims
The Portuguese used the term Molrros to signify the Muslims. It seems that
Islam reached Malabar as soon as it debeloped in Arabia. in the seventh century. After
the decline of thc Roman maritime domination, the Arabs became the masters of
Indian trade. Most of the rich Arab merchants received Islamic faith in the very
beginning of the origin of Islam. Being zealous missionaries, these Arab merchants
when they reached Malabar preached the message oflslam in ~ a l a b a r . ' ~ ~
In Malabar there were two groups of Muslims. namely the foreign Muslims
"ho used to trade with India in areas like Cannanore, Dharmadam. Pandarane,
Calicut, Cranganore and Quilon and the native Muslims who were horn for the
foreign Muslims from the native ~omen. ' ~"he native Muslims of Canara were
called the Nuireis and those of Malabar Coast were known as the Mapillas. The
!Mapillas belonged to the mother in accordance with the matriarchal descend of
! 4i
,,Henry Yule, op. crt. vol. 111, p 257.
!,, P K Gopaialvishnan. op ccir., p. 298.
'hid.. p. 302.
84
hlalabar.24b They were distinguished from the foreign Muslims in dress, customs and
way of life.'47 Being converts from Malabar. they spoke Malayalam and wore the
dress of the nairs and followed the matriarchal system. which was vely common in
~ a l a b a r . ' ~ ~ The foreign Muslims in Malabar were tiom places like Arabia. Persia,
Gujarat and many other nation^?^'
lslam spread in Kerala because of different reasons. There was the story of the
conversion of Chrrumanperumul to slam.^'" Another factor that encouraged the
spread of lslam in Malabar was the temporary marriages uhich allowed the Arob and
Persian seamen to marry in the ports where they went I'or trade. In Malabar they
senerally married the low caste women. The children born of such marriages were
hrought up in Sunni Islamic faith. From the veQ childhood they were trained as
tradesmen and seamen. As they knew Arahic. Persian and local languages they
became brokers also.'" Yet another cause for the conversion to lslam was that as
soon as the low caste people became Muslims, their social status went up as they went
out of' the traditional hierarchy of castes. This attracted the lowcr castes to slam.'^^
l'hc kings also gave liberty Ihr the Muslims to mix freely with the natives especially
the noble classes. This was an added impetus for conver~i on. ~" Besides. boys were
taken from Malabar to Mecca so that they might he made Muslims."' l' he
relationship of foreign Muslims was not always cordial with the Mapillas. There was
stilf'competition between them?''
lib
Andre Wink, A/-hind (he ~ ~ k i ~ ~ "/lhe Indr,-/,~lornrc World vol I, Early Med~eval India and the
Expans~on of lslam 7Ih-l centuries, ~e i de n. 1991, p 72 Sec alio Joeo de Barros. Da Arra. Decada
Prlmelra, Pane Segunda, Lisboa, 1973, p, 331
24-
!dl
frei Paulo da Trinidade, op err, Pane 11. p. 244
V D Souza, "Kinship, Organisation and Marriage Custotnr among thc Moplahs on the South-west
roast of Indla" In I. Ahmad, ed., Fumily, Kinship and Mnrriuyr urnon(: rhr .Wulirmr In lndra. Del h~,
iY7h. p 141.
?"')
2 5 G JnB0 de Barros. op of . Decada Primeira, Pane Segunda. p 33 1
?I I
Sreedhara Menon, A Survey o/Kerala his tog^. Kotta>am.1970. p. I0 I
Cienev~eve Bouchon, lnde D Q ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ , in& Relrorrvre I-IVH-1630. Etudes d'histoire indo-
p w i s e . Paris. 1999, p 228
1m ' hi d, pp 35.39.
Frel Paul0 da Trinidade, up crr., Pane 11, p. 244
Puente. D loseph Martinez de la, (.ompendro de I m Usloria, de liu Docuhrrmenlos. <'onqurslar. Y
Guerra~ de lo lndra Onen~al,y sus ~ ~ l ~ . ~ desdr lor Tempos del lr~funle Don Enrique de Porluyal Su
mvmlOr, hermano del Rey D. Duarre, hasfa 10s del Rc,v D Ficlrps I1 De Pi,rluyal . .v I l l De Co~l ri u.
Madrid. 1681. p. 133.
2.'
Gaspar Correa, op, crl , Livro Prirneyro. Tomo I . Pane I, p 189
85
Thus different colonies of Muslim merchants both Arabs and non-Arabs.
originated in Malabar port towns. They continued their peaceful means of propagation
of Islam and lived in harmony with the natives.""
The development of Calicut as one of the important emporia of trade was due
to the Muslim merchants. They were very rich and they dealt with a lot of
comniodities. They mainly traded in spices especially pepper, cardamom. ginger.
certain drugs, cinnamon that came from Ceylon, cloves tiom Malacca and other
am ma tic^.'^' They had the monopuly of Red sea trade.'"
Initially during the visit of Ibn Batuta we see that the Muslims were said to be
respected by all. But they were not allowed to enter the houses of the Hindus. and the
natives did not eat with theni. Gradually their social position went up. The Muslims
occupied a position next to the nairs o f ~ a l a b a r . ~ * ~ As they brought wealth to Calicut.
the rulers respected them and this in its turn led to the uplift of their social position.
H) the end of the fifteenth century we see that the Muslim merchants became
vep influential in Calicut. Thcre were two main officers u h o were responsible for the
trading activities of Malabar. 'Thcy were Pardei u h o was the leader of the foreigners
and the leader of the Mapilia ' I' hepord~si meant all other foreigners outside Malabar
cven if they were from the nearest kingdoms.'hn In the beginning of the sixteenth
century we see that the overseas trade was in the hands of the Pardesi merchants and
the coastal trade in commodities like food stuffs. cotton and so on was in the hands of
the .1.fupillas. They, in their rum. exchanged these consumer goods with Christians
and Eu'airs who produced ginger and pepper in the hinterlands. Sometimes they
engaged in small-scale trade with Ceylon and Malacca. 201
-16
2; :
P K. Gopalakrlshnan. op ci l . . p 302
>58
Frel Paulo da Trrnidade. op. cri., Parte 11, p 244.
DGcodas do Arra de Joao de Berros. CD No. 05. Comm~ss%o Naclonal para as Comemora~aes
Ponugueses & Centre for the study of the Portuguese Discover~es, Oxford, Blmeira Dkcada, Livro 1V.
$P~IUIO IX, p. l
Genevieve Bouchon, lnde Dicouvrrre, Indc Rerrouvie 1498-1630, Eludes d'hnroire indo-
PWugai~e, p. 68.
26,)
h d . pp. 229, 30.
I hid.. p. 231.
86
They had Mosques and Friday celebrations. The Mosques were built in the
traditional style of the Hindu temples using wood.262 There were Mosques in various
ports of Malahar like Cranganor. Darmapatam, Pandarane. Jarpatam, Quilon,
Canjarcote, Chale and Calicut. Islam developed around these mosques. Many of the
cities of Malabar were built with the help of the ~us l i ms . ' ~"
If one among the Muslims committed some serious offences. he was killed
with the permission of the Chief of the community. Then the dead body was taken,
washed. vcsted, prayed over and it was huried in the ~ e m e t e ~ . " ~
People tried to keep a distance from the Muslims. No one entered the house
ol' a Muslim without his permission.2" 'The Muslims were very eager to keep their
religious precepts. They used to go to Mecca for pilgrimage. Most of the pilgrims
wcre from noble classes.2hh
111. 4. The Jews
It is \cry difficult to trace the origin of the Jews in Malabar. According to
rarlous authors, their origin ~ar i ed hetueen the reign of King Solomon and the eighth
century A.D.'" The traditions of the Jews of Cochin maintained that the just after the
destruction of the second temple in .lerusalem in the first centuy, ten thousand Jews
sought refuge in India and they were received bq the flindu rulers who allowed them
!o settle wherever they wanted. Somehow most of them opted for ranga an ore.^"'
Fnrm the copper plates, which are in the custody of the white Jews of Malabar. it is
clear that they had a very high position in the societ), as they were prosperous
21,:
Dale, Isiomic Socrer?, on rhe Suurh Asrut, fiontrer ihe Mop~iiur 4 Uuiohor 1498-1022, Oxford,
1980. pp. 26.27
26,
I M
Zinadim, up c ~ r . pp. 40.49, 50.
165
rbid. p. 51
>hi,
[bi d. p. 5 I
i6i Manuel de Faria e Sousa. op. cir , vol. I. pp. 144.145
Mosseh Pereyra de Paiva, h'oricius dos Judros dc C'ochtm. Mondados pot Mosseh Perevra de Paiva.
Npvamente publ~cadas com uma introduc~Bo de Moses Bensabat Amzalak em Lisboa, 1923, pp. 9, 10
Kerolu and Her Jnus, This is published by the Jewtnh community in Coch~n basing on a paper read
Mr. S.S. Koder before Kerala History Assoc~ation in 1965, his article In the Souvenir printed on the
Occasion of the inauguration of the Nehru Memorial Town Hall. Manancherri in 1968 and MISS Flona
Halleg~a's thesis "The Jewish community of Coch~n-~ts twlight years" for her Master's Degree In
wrlnen in 1984, pp. 2, 3.
87
merchants.26y F O ~ long nothing was known outside India about the Jews of Malabar.
Benjamin of Tudela has mentioned about the black Jews of Malabar. Europe actually
came to knou about it through the tra~lels of Marco Polo as well as Vasco da
~ama. *"
Jacob d'Ancona during his visits lbund that the Jews were in very good
position in Malabar. They were looked after well by the kings of the land by
extending all kinds of help.*" In the thirteenth century he visited Singolr, which was
identified to be Cranaganore where there were around 1000 Jews. He witnessed that it
was a very good trading post where Jews were exempted from paying tolls and
tributes. They were respected by the kings very much because of their knowledge of
the world, fluency in different languages and arts from which they reaped much
profit. He testified that the Jews of Cranganore observed the precepts of their faith."2
Whercver they lived. they were very much favoured by the kings.2" It might
haw been because of the fact that they were \cry good merchants and they brought
much wealth to the lands where they lived. Some oft he privileges granted to them by
the kings of the locality were those including permission to ride on elephants, to have
a herald to go before him to announce his name. to carry a lamp during day time, walk
upon carpets spread on the floor, and to have trumpets and drums before h i m. 2 7 ~ h e r e
nJere so many Jews in the kingdom of Cochin. The king of Cochin was called the
'king of the ~ews. ' "' The Jewish presence in different pans of Malabar like Calicut.
Mount Eli. and Quilon is attested by different travellers of this period.'7"
These Jews had believed in some omens. If the Torah fell down in the
presence of a traveller it was believed that it was a bad omen and that person would
be asked to fast for one day. They believed that the one who let the Torah fall down
:b,,
27"
Mosseh Pereyra de Pa~va, op.cir, pp. 10-14.
:71
ihld,pp 14.
?,?Jacob D' Ancona. The City vfLiphl. L.ondon, 1997. p. 79.
?71
pp. 80, 8 1.
?,I
JOlo de Barros, op crr . Decada Primeira. Parte Segunda. p. 33 1
? I ,
Jacob D' Ancona, op c~r. , pp. 80, 8 1
Padre loam de Lucena. Hisrorro do C'ido do padre Fnr~i c~sco de Rin,ier e do que liierdo nu India o
. .
murl Rrliglosos da comprrnhio de lesu. Compsra peio Podre loam de Lucefzu da me.vmu Com~anhi u
9 p e s narural da Villa de Trancoso. 1.1sboa. 1600, p 54.
Kerala and Her Jews, pp. 5 , 6
88
would die in the following year. Because of that they all used to spend the day in
prayer and fasting."' This shows the Jewish mode of fasting and penitence. It seems
that they were not well aware of all the precepts of their religion because the Jews
enquired Jacob D' Ancona of the things that were forbidden on the Day of
~tonement. ~' "
He also testified that during this period there were 380 Jebish families in
Quilon who used to engage in spice trade. The Jews were buried here in cemeteries.
In Quilon there was a cemetery for the Sews where there were many grabes in which
there were white stones with inscriptions in
During the pre-Portuguese period there was a flow of European Jews to
hlalabar. But after the death of Joseph Rabhan, there was division in the Jewish
society. Many of them fled to Cochin in the latter half of fifteenth century In 1524
there was an onslaught of the Jews by the Muslims under the pretext that they were
interfering in the pepper trade. During these riots. the houses and synagogues of the
.Sews were burned. The destruction was so grave that in the beginning of the sixteenth
century. when the Portuguese reached Malabar. there were only a few Jews in
Cranganore. Those left there. were in a pathetic condition. Because of the special
consideration the king of Cochin had towards the Jews, he gave them a place to build
Jewish town in 1567 and Cochin synagogue in 1567 near his palace.'x0 They were
well respected in Cochin that the king used to give all helps to him."'
111.5. Other Traits of Socio-Cultural Life
It was forbidden to kill certain types of animals and birds especially i f they
belonged to some temples. Correa. in his Lendus do India describes an incident which
took place in 1516. Gaspar da Silva. one of the Portuguese noblemen. killed a re%
peacocks, which belonged to the temple of Diamper. Then one of the C'oimuls of the
region intervened, warned him of the consequences, and asked them to quit the place.
: I 8
Jacob D' Anconk op. cir.. p. 81
1'0
l hl d. p. 81
1x0
~ h r d , p. 83.
, Kerala and Her Jews, p. 6.
Frei Psulo da Trinidade, op. crr , Pane 11. P 244 89
~ u t as the noble man did not pay heed to the warning, there was a terrible fight
hetween the people of the Chimu1 and the Portuguese. In that fight four servants of
that nobleman died. 282
The ash of cow dung was used for purification. They were put on the
Ibrehead, hand and the chest. They purified their roads as well as houses with cow
dung. It was also applied on the floor. It was applied every day on the way between
the palace of the Zamorin and the temple.2n3
Pipinos, oranges, lemons. citron and the other fruits of Malabar were entirel)
different from the fruits available in Portugal. There was neither grape nor Gne. The
oil was from the palm tree?n4
In Malabar oath was made b! putting the hand over the head of a son if he has
one. if not on a COW.^" To prove crimes there were various means. The first means
was to soak the hands of the suspected person in boiled oil or butter. Then the hand
would be covered for three days. On the third day when it was uncovered, if the hand
was in a worse situation the crime was proved and he was punished and if the hand
u a s clean he was judged as innocent. If the accused was not found culpable, the
accuser had to pay him the stipulated amount. A second method used to prove crime
in and around Cochin was by taking the accused to a river that ran between Cochin
and Cranganore in which there were a lot of crocodiles. 'J'hc Brahmins made a prayer
to invoke the crocodiles near the temple and the? would come to the bank. The
accused had to stand on the side of the river. If he were culpable, the crocodiles would
attack him whereas if he was innocent, the crocodiles used to leave behind by him
ivithout attacking him. This was considered as more horrible.2nh Yet another mode
&as to put the hands of the accused into an earthen pot tilled with vipers. The person
182
!h
Gaspar Correa. op. o, . Liwo Primeyro. Tomo I . Pane I I , pp 476.477
:I4
Manuel de Faria e Sous. up cir .vol I V, p. 253.
This is from the letter of King D. Manuel written to the Card~nal Protector, informing him about the
d~scovery of the new trade route lo India Dated 25 August 1499 Tarts de El-Rei D. Manuel Ao
Cardial Protector. 25 de Agssto de 1499." AntOnio da Silva Rego. Docurncnro~Co Pora a H~srdriu dui
do Podroodo Porrugu8s du Orienle. jndra vol 1. 1499- 1522. p. 8.
?Ib Manuel de Faria e Sousa, op cir.. vol. I V, p 254.
lhid. p. 254.
90
took a ring or lemon and put it ins~de the jar to irritate the vipers. Ifthey bit him he
was culpable and if not he was set free. This was a method used in ranga an ore.^^'
The Hindus had different days of fasting. One of the fastings was known as
Egadexi. (Ekadesi) which was on all first ten days of all lunar months. Yet another
one was Givrraserii. (Sivaratri) which was usually in February. During this fasting
they did not eat. drink and sleep during 24 hours going round the temple reciting the
evrnts of their Sacred ~ e x t s . * ~ ~ In addition to that there was Tiruvadiru, which was on
the 22" day of the lunar month. This was for women. On such days they ate only
some Besides, following the death of close relatives one had to abstain from
eating meat, fish, wine, eggs and betel leaf for one year. Moreover, there was monthly
fasting. Those who did this had to wash themselves on the last day of October, wear
clcan cloths, visit the temple of Vishnu in the early morning of I November and the
first ten days of December. They ate only milk and plantains and they never looked at
women these days nor did they remember any other things than the names and things
relatod to Vishnu. Coming year he had to begin the same on the first day of December
up to the I0 January. He had to do this for I2 years. After 12 years of fasting for 40
dabs beginning from 1 November like this he was counted as a saint.*""
Tuli that a man tied on the neck of a woman. was a sign of protection and
ownerchip. There were vulgar woman in Malabar who used to untie the tali to attract
more men because of her appetite for luxuries.2y'
Some believed that they got polluted by the touch of a person of the lower
caste. They were purified after a bath. Some ate in the leabes of bananas so that the
plates might not get ~ontaminated.~" There were some people who cooked for
themselves so that they might not get polluted.z93
" ' !hid. p. 260.
?Y?
>,,I
B.N.L.. Fund" Geral.
dhrd. fl. 4
Resrrvadvs Cod 36, "Not~c~as do Reino do Malabar il 91
111.5. 1. Means of Transport
There were Palanquins, which were used by the kings and the nobles. Vasco
da Gama was taken to the Zamorin in a palanquin. Lower caste people carried it.
There was facility inside the palanquins either to sit or lie down.294 On certain solemn
occasions, the kings and noblemen used to travel on the back of elephants.2q5
Another means of transport. which the people of Malabar used, was
chnngudam *hich was used by joining together two long and narrow boats.2qh In
Malabar there were many ships. There was mention ahout v e v hig vessels. which
could carry even seven elephants.'q7
111.5.2. Worshipping Patterns
The worshipping pattern of the Malabar people was quite different. The priests
\rho did service inside the temple were naked except for the thighs till the knees.
Rcsides they used a sash. They did not cover the head during worship. When Vasco
da Gama and friends entered a temple in Calicut thinking that it was a church they
were sprinkled with water. Then they were given sandal powder to be put on the
Ibrehead. Though they wanted to put ashes on the upper arms, as the> were vested it
\%,as not possible.2'8 The (:alual who was guiding Gama and friends, fell to the ground
with folded hands over the head thrice and then they continued their prayers
standing2" This points to the worshipping postures of the pcople of Malabar.
The main god of the Hindus was Brahma who was considered as the
beginning and the end. The image of thia god had vulgar eyes and one more on the
forehead. Vishnu was his brother. He was the god of change and transformation. He
had different forms. He even took the form of pork during incarnation.""he had 26
3 4
29%
Ferngo Lopes de Castenheda, up, cit.. Livros I e 11, p 43
2% Gaspar Correa, up. cir., Tomo I l l , Parte I, p. 340.
,,. Fernso Lopes de Castanheda, op, cit. Livros I e 11, p. 43
~hr d. pp. 83. 84.
291
rhrd, p. 44.
?U9
100
lhrd, p. 45.
Manuel de Fariae Sousa, op. cit .vol. I V, p. 219
92
hands each having different things. He had cobra as ornament."' God had four
children. The first one had the face of an elephant and was called Ganupari, the
second had the face of a monkey. the third was Subratnunyun and the fourth was
pa~rucali.)~'
The gods of the Hindus were known as Brahmu. Vishnu and Maheswaran.
Bcsides. each individual had a god of his own which may be a cow, snake. monkey.
sun or moon.3n3 The Hindus used to adore and offer sacrifices to snakes so that they
might not attack them with ~ e n o m . ~ " ~
The ordinary sacrifices were with rice and cherhi pu.3U' There was also the
sacrifice with fire. Such sacrifices were very costly, as many aromatic drugs were to
he used.30h In July there was a solemn feast in which juiis like nalrs. mason and
carpenters (Atrrri), blacksmiths (('ollun). goldsmiths (Thuiran), and bronze smiths
(.l!oouri) went with one or more chicken to a designated temple and cut the neck of
the chicken on a particular stone and allowed the whole blood to be tlown. Then they
oll'ered some money in the temple as sign o i the expiation of their sins and they went
home with the cut chicken to cook them so that it might he eaten with the toddy from
coconut tree. Then there were celebrations lasting for so many days.307
Their baths were for purifying the souls rather than bodies. They believed
that venial sins were forgiven by bath or falling of water on the head. Some such sins
Here touch by a lower caste man, the touch of a dead bod) or its relatives within 15
days of their demise and the touch of a lower caste woman.30x
101
h d , p. 220.
i"?
llli
h d , p. 221.
?,Y
B N. L., Fund" Grrui. Reservodos Cod N" 36. "Noticias do Reino do Malabar", fl 2
Manuel de Faria e Sousa. op cr r . vol. IV, p. 250
Flower of a plant called cherhr which is like jasrnlne flower, but blossoms in bunches and red In
c0lour
,!.,
;,,. B N. L.. Fundo C;erol, Reservodor Cod. N4 36. "Nor~cias do Relno do Malabar", f l . 4
.,, ( bi d, fl. 4 .
"" Manuel de Faria e Sousa. op cr~. , vol . IV, pp. 250. 25 1
93
111.5.3. Festivals
There were many festivals in Malabar. Each festival was an occasion for the
people to celebrate. One of the main festivals was celebrated in Malabar during the
Monsoon. It was onam. It was generally celebrated in the month of August. In this
feast, the king used to be present together with his Lords. Both men and women used
to participate in the celebrations wearing good dress and golden ornaments. During
the initial days they had different games with arms in the afternoons. The people were
in groups according to their tribes. On the principal day they all came together to
battle of combat with arms in which many became dead. In connection with this
feast. there was fire-works in Cochin, which was very nice to see."" On feasts
elephants were used for processions and other celebrat~ons in the temple. Such
elephants were decorated
111. 5.4. Corsairs
There used to be many sea pirates in Malahar at the time of the arrival of the
Ponuguese. There were a lot of pirates on the Malabar Coast especially in areas closer
to Cannanore.'" It was quite common in places of great commerce. This points to the
existence of good and prosperous maritime commerce. There were many famous
corsairs in Malabar. For example Patemarcar was a notorious corsair ol' Cochin who
was always against the ~ o r t u ~ u e s e . " ~ There were very big ships, which even
contained I000 ho/us"l" Besides, there were small ships. which dealt with port-to-
port trade. The corsairs or pirates attacked ships of all sorts irrespective of the size of
the ships?l4
,,">
ciaspar Correa, op cir., Li vro Primeyro, Tomo I . Pane 11. pp 570.571. See also Dl ogo Conpalves S
! . w ~ 1 1 . p 59.
:Ib B N. I.. Fundo Gerol Rerervados Cod N" 36, "Noticias do Re~no do Malabar", fl. 4v.
' I B. N L.. Fundo Geral, Cod \I" 5811, "Relacion de la costa de Goa a1 cabo de Comoron
c de la gente que la abita y Reyes della y fortalezas de su Magestad. 4 de 10s Reyes del none." (dated
1617).fl 7n
i l l
,,, Gaspar Correia, op cs. L ~v r o Prirneyro. Tomo I. Pane II, pp 680
A measurement. 5 bolas = 3 loniis
' I i This is from the lener of Kl ng D. Manuel wrlnen to the Card~nal Protector, informing hi m about the
dl scove~ of the new t d e route to India. Dated 25 August 1499, rhi s 1s from 'Tans de El-Rei D
Manuel A0 Cardial Protector. 25 de ApBsto de 1499.'' I n Ant6nio da Silva Rego. Docurnenlaqriu Par"
Hf srdrJ~ dos Missdes do Podroodo Purrupix do Or ~enf e~l nd~o vol 1. 1499-1 522. pp. 8.9
94
111.5. 5. Food
Rice was the staple food of the people. But rice was not cultivated in
abundance. There was lack of foodstuffs in Malabar. Rice was brought to Calicut
from ha tical."' In Cochin there was a principal moor called Ma ne Marcar h h o had
70 ships. which carried foodstuffs to Cochin. Cochin also did not have enough rice
because the whole land was full of palm trees. Though the people had some
cultivation of rice it was not enough for subsistence of the family. The people of'
Malabar ate a lot of rice as well as vegetables and dricd fish.'lh The rice was
cultivated in abundance in areas between Mount Eli and Goa They served as sources
for rice in Malabar. A lot of rice was imported to Malabar liom Coromandal ~oas t . "'
Some of the Hindus ate fish, and meat but they seldom ate the flesh of a
coa.""here were fruits like jackfruit. figs (plantains) and mangoes. It was affirmed
that thc water in Malabar was very tasty."'
111. 5. 6. Various Kingdoms in Mal abar
"Among the Malabar kingdoms Cannanore. Calicut, Cochin. Quilon and
'Ira\ ancore were the largest and most powerful during this period. hut at least twenty-
five other political entities of some importance existed, most of them subject to a
greater or lesser extent to one of the five units. Most significant of the lesser lordships
&ere Cranganore and Porca (Purakkad) which were loosely subjcct to Cochin, Cale
Coulam (Kayam Kularn) subordinate to 'Iravancore, and Ponnanl. a town on the river
ofthe same name, and a satellite of ~a l i c ut . " ~"
T I 5
1 1 ,
Gaspar Cone~a, op crr . L~vro Primeyro. Tomo I , Pane I. p 4 1 1
lhrd. p. 428
3 , -
1 "
lbrd.. pp. 428.429
B N. L . Fu,ado Gerol, Re.ve.rervados cod h'" 580, "Relacion qulnta de 10s Rltos y Costumbres de ia
!;;tllldade dela lndia y delos Arboles y frutas" Lema do sec XVII- fls 21.25.
,?,> Femao Lopes de Castanheda, up, cit., L~vros I e 11, p. 44.
Dlsney. A R.. Twilight of the Pepper Empire. Portuguese Trade In Southwest lndia in the early
Century, Cambridge, 1978, p. 8.
95
MALABAR
IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES
. M
r 120
96
Calicut was described as the metropolis of great Malabar and the kings of
Cananore. Cranganore, Cochin and Quilon were feudatories of the Zamorin, the king
o f ~ a ~ i c u t . ~ "
A. Cannanore
The kingdom of Cannanore extended from Mount Ely to Bergara (Badagara)
and il was a very populous There was ginger in abundance in ~annanor e. ' ~~
There %as also a spacious harbour in Cannanore. This added to the trading
infrastructure of Cannanore. The country produced pepper, cardamom. ginger,
mirabolans. and tamarind^.'^^
Calicut was a very large and rich city, whose king was called the Zarnorin who
has like an emperor to whom all other kings in Malabar owed allegiance. In Calicut
therc liled people of all regions of India. There were more than 15000 Moors living
there.'" It was a very famous port for the merchandise of India. Calicut was the best
port in India: it treated all types of rich merchandise.326 The merchandise included
spices like cinnamon. clove, pepper. ginger. nutmeg. benzoin. amher. musk, pearls.
rubies. and all kinds of stones and precious merchandise."' It was a vety peaceful
city. It was so peaceful that the Portuguese could walk through the streets secure as if
' D loseph Manlnez de la Puente, Compendra de Lri t 1, ~r or i a~ de lor Doi uhr mn~~~~i l o~ Conquirlus. Y
G'urrror de lo lndm Or,enral,v Sus lrlas dade lor Tiempor &I infante Don Enrryur de Pnrlugal Su
on'unlor hcrmuno drl Rcj D Drorrr, ho.\ro /or de/ R<,y D Fe/i.irpe // DL. Porr11~01 ). / I / De Cmriia.
Madrid. 1681,p 116.
'-' Phillp Baldaeus, up. or. , p. 622.
72,
Vltorino Magalhaes Godinho, Ox Deacuhrimenror e o Economiu ,Uundirii vol 11.. 1.1sboa. 1965, p.
?4
12.
Ph~l i p Baldaeus. op crr., p. 623.
??<,
D loseph Man~nez de la Puente, op, cir., p 14
"Cana de Affonso de Albuquerque, dando pane a El Rey das grandems de Calecu1.e Par, que com
elle fizera por cuja caum expulsara do Seu Rein0 0s Mouros opristos a ella, e desprezara as persuaGos
dos Re~s de Cochim. e de Cananor, que a estorvavso Que o dito Key Ihe dera Ofliciaes, e materiaes
Para a consmcpao de huma Fonaleza nos seus Portos. pedindo honarasse 0s t~nbalxadores, que
enviava a S A E lhes deri e prezentes para o seu Rey . Rainha etc Que tambem se interessarso na
$ '' I n A.N.T.T. Corpo C'ronologico, Pane Pnme~ra. M a ~ o 14 (1 Nov I ? 13- 15 Mar 1514).
This is from the lener of King D. Manuel written to the Cardinal Protector. informing hi m about the
discovery o f the new trade route to ~ndl a. ~ a t e d 25 Auguat 1499. This 1s from "Cans de El-Rei D.
Manuel An Cardial Protector. 25 de ~ g d s t o de 1499 " I n Antonio da Silva Rego, Documenruc8o Puru
a Hislorla das M,srde.q do p~dr oado Porlupuas do iurrmre. lndra. vol 1. 1499-1522. Lirboa. 1991. p
97
they were in ~i s bon. ' ~' The fishermen and the ordinary men used to sell things like
plantains. fish. and coconuts to the Portuguese in return for money or pieces
of
The Zamorin was the richest and mightlest king in Malabar. After him came
the kings of Cannanore and ~ u i l o n . ' ~ ~ He had a lot ofnairs One of the reasons for the
prominence of Calicut was this military strength. In 1504 the Zamorin came to Cochin
to wage war against the combined forces of t he Portuguese and the king of Cochin
with a force of 47000 nairs. This points to the military strength of the Zamorin. Due to
this military upper hand of the Zamorin. there were a lot of ('urmals as well as lesser
kings to support him. For example, the kings of l' anore, Beipur. CotogHo, Lord of
Cranganore. Lord of Repelim. Lord of Benalacheri. Lord of Beipur. Lord of
I'apuranguri, Caimal of Mangate and so on were there together with the Zamorin in
h ~ s battle against ~ochi n. "' Correa says that the Zamorin of Calicut had 200,000 men
of arms."' The real strength of the Zamorin was the cha~ters he had. Whereas the
King of Cochin had only 80.000 chovers. the Zamorin had a lot of them.'3i
The kingdom of Cochin was situated south of Calicut on the coast. Thc king of
Cochin was also a Hindu and his customs were like those of Calicut. But he was poor
when compared to the Zamorin and the kingdom was thinly populated. He was not an
independent king. The King of Cochin was not permitted by the Zamorin to mint
coins."4 There was enmity between the king of Cochin and the Lord of Repelim who
was an ardent supporter of the Zamorin. The basic reason for this hatred was the
taking of the Island Aml from Replim by the king of Cochin. "'
i?*
'.%ern~io Lopes de Castanheda. (III c i ~ . Livros l e I I , p. 57
730
i h~d. p 58.
. hi d, p. 35.
"' ihld. p 144.
i i l .
;,, Gaspar Conea. op ci r. Ltvro Primeyra. Torno I . Pane I, p 77
124
ihrd. p. 353.
I , (
Fernlo Lopes de Castanheda, up cr r , Livros I e 11, p. 89.
' hi d, p. 106.
98
Cochin had a lot of pepper producing hinterland. Though it was relative]) a
small kingdom. it used to supply pepper sufficient to load 20 ships every year.'20 But
there are authors like Vitorino MagalhHes Godinho who claimed that Cochin had
insufficient quantity of pepper.j3'
There were a number of ('uimals in Cochin The (hi mal . ~ were the lords of'the
land of Cochin. They were like vassals of the king like the dukes of ~uro~e. ~' "he
king of Cochin could gather around 150.000 men for war. It is not clear if they were
all nairs. Among these only 80.000 had the obligation to die for the king as chavers."'
D. Quilon
Before Calicut received the prime posttion in maritime trade, Quilon was the
most important port in Malabar. At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese. Quilon
\\as already in de~line.?"~ here were a lot of Muslims as well as Hindus in Quilon.
rhcre were big houses. temples and Mosques there. There was also a Christian church
in Quilon, which was said to have been miraculously huilt by St. Thomas, the apostle
and the propagator of Christian laith in India. There were almost 12000 houses of
Christians in Quilon who were continuing from generation to generation.34'
According to the custom of the land the kingdom of Quilon was ruled hy a
Queen and not by a king.'" It was also a centre of trade. The main merchandise in
Quilon was pepper?43
-
il,,
.,. Gaspar Correa, op. crt . ~ o m o I . pane I , p 3 I 5
Vilorlno Magalhaen Godmho. Oi Desi ohr, menl a~ c a Econaniia . I d u~d ~a l , vol. II. Lisboa. 1965, p.
I
' i d
. I , ,
Gaspar Correa, op, cr~. . Tomo I . Parte I , p. 2 14
i i o
! hi d. p 353.
Vitorino Magalhaes Godinho, 0 s Descohrimsnlo,~ e a Economrn Mundtal vol. II. Lisboa 1965, p
31
''1 Fernlo Lopes de Castanheda, op, or . , L~vros I e 11. p. 127
Gaspar Correa, op cit , Livro Pnmeyro. Tomo I. Pane I, p. 3 15
!hid. p. 220.
99
111.5. 7. The Lifestyle of the Royalty
'The oriental rulers were guided by custom of thcir land rather than their
personal interests. They were not ready to break the customs of the land even in
chanying circumstances.
The kings had battles between themselves. They themselves took part in
person in these battles. When they died in the battle the) were cremated with a lot of
sandalwood. All his brothers, relatives and closer ones died along with him and were
cremated together. After the cremation even the small bol s stayed shaving off their
hair. without chewing betel for 13 days.'"
The Zamorin, at the time of thc reception of Vasco da Gama, was vested in all
kinds of luxurious articles. He used to gargle with water. which was kept in
abundance. each time after chewing betel. An old man who usually stood close to the
Lamorin's cot gave the betel to him. Other people used to stand with their left hand in
liont of their mouth as the king was there. It was a courtesy in Malabar. The king
received Gama in the Indian style by bending the body thrice with joined hands. They
uerc allowed to sit in front of' the Zamorin. Then they were given water to wash
hands and drink.34i
In important matters, the king used to take decision only after discussing with
the C'uimuls. Lords and relatives of the king. When there arose a discussion between
the king of Cochin and the Viceroy regarding the roofing of Viceroy's house, as it
uas a matter against the custom oft he land, the king of Cochin declared that he would
give an answer only after consulting with his Cuimals. lards. friends and r e l a t i ~e s . ' ~~
The kings of Malabar had a hierarchy of position. 'There were alliances
between various kings of Malabat. Then the parties were known as 'brothers in arms'.
iii
34%
Fernlo Lopes de Castanheda, op. at. Llvros I e I I , p 36
i 4 t
~bl d., p 46.
Gaspar Correa. op. crr., Lwro Primeyro. Tomo I . Parte 11, p 63 1
100
According to this alliance. both kings who entered into this alliance had to die for the
"[her in
The king as well as the nobles did trvurum with fasting. In this ceremony, they
offered rice. coconuts, and butter burning them in praise of the golden idols, which
were there in abundance in Malabar. In these sacrifices, they prayed for their own
riches and also for the vengeance and death of their enemies. Many had in their
houses a few demons called Kutlichathun. to whom they offered things. They entered
the bodies of others for vengeance. 'The) were sometimes said to have transformed
into animals and they did harm to the persons.'4"
111.5.8. Ship Building
There were very big and small ships in hlalabar. The small riverboats were
know as tone. There were also very big ships in Malabar. For example, during the
arr~val of Pedro Alvares Cabral. they saw in Calicut a ship, which carried seven
clephants and other merchandise. 7'wo Muslinis called Mamale Mercar and Cherina
Mercar owned the ship.34v
Ill. 5. 9. Medicine
Diseases were generally considered as the result of the wrath of gods.
Therefore remedy mainly was in fulfilling the vows made to gods."" In their
diseases, they went to the sorcerers and not to the doctors. They believed that the
diseases were caused by demons, which were inside men. Some ~ o r k s were done to
exorcise these demons. Sometimes ofkrings were made to Putruculi for this
purpose3" to placate her.
3 , -
,hi d. Tomo Ill . Parte 11, p. 699.
,A,,
'"Manuel de Faria e Sousa, op crr, vol IV, p 249.
Drcodor do ~ s r o de JO& de ~ar r us, CD No 05, CommissZo Nac~onal para as Cornernora~des
Ponugueses & Centre for the Study of the Ponuguese Diacover~es. Oxford. Pritnelra Decada, Livro V.
$,;pitulo Vi , p. 2
Fernso Guerreiro, Relaqam Anna1 Das Cou~os qur Frrerom 0.v Pudres do Compunhrcl de Iesui, nos
Pwr r do lndra Orienral, & em alprmas uurrus do conqurrla dr ~r e Rono no% onno.! de 607 I 608 &
d~ Processv do cunvsrs80 & dhr,srandade doquellos parre.$, cum murs huu udd!com d relcl~urn de
, 4j h~~j ~i u. L~sboa. 161 I . p. 64.
Farme Sousa. Manuel de, op. cir., vol IV, pp. 249.250
101
Coconut oil was applied to heal wounds. We see that the wounded Portuguese
reaching Cochin after the flight from Calicut applied Coconut oil together with
lime juice, on their wounds. And it is said that they recovered within a few days. jS2 It
is clear that here the Portuguese were applying the native medicine, They knew the
of ginger which served as a very good digestive. The people in Malabar
used the ginger juice as an appetiser so that they might eat more.353
111. 5. 10. Mercantile Activities
Calicut was a very important emporium of trade. There was not a single item
that was not available in Calicut. It used to trade in commodities like stones, pearls.
aljofar. camphor, musk, sandalwood, aloes wood. sealing wax. porcelain. Chinese
luxuries, gold, cotton, vestments. copper. rosewater. coral and so on. The main
commercial people in C'alicut were the Moors. In Calicut there werc Moorish
lnerchants who had even possessed 50 ships. E ~ e l y year at least 600 ships came in
this port."4
The moors of Calicut had trade relations with Quiloa. Mombaqa and
Moqambique because of the gold that these places had. It is said that these Muslims of
Calicut had much hatred towards the Christians who were their rivals in trade."
There were moors from Cairo in Calicut who used to bring merchandise from Mecca
and on their return they used to take rich merchandise like spices from ~alicut. "'
Trade had much importance in Calicut. We see that the lower caste people
were neglected in the land. But when these very same people were converted to Islam.
there was a change in the life style of these people. 'They got more freedom and now
they were at the status of the touchable. What must be the reason behind it? It points
to the fact that Malabar kingdoms especially like Calicut gave much prominence to
trade. The whole economy rested on the prosperity of trade. The Moors controlled the
' S?
,>, Gaspar Correa, op c ~r . Livro Prlmeyro, Tomo I . Pane I. p 2 17
:\,
D, loseph MartInez de la Puente. op, a,, p. 59.
,,\ Fernao Lopes de Castanheda, up crl.. Llvros l e 11, p. 35
>%l
i b d . p. 35.
Gaspar Correa op crr. Livro Pnmeyro, Tomo I, Pane I. p 75
102
trade, before the arrival of the Portuguese in Malabar. The Moors had become very
r l ~ h because of their commercial enterprise as middlemen in the trade between India
the Christian west.'>'
There were small retail shops on the road. In these shops food materials were
put in abundance for selling. There were food Items like fish. plantains. eggs. and
chicken. They were sold very cheap too. But there was no bread because there was no
cultivation of wheat in ~ a l a b a r : ~ ' ~
'The price of pepper varied from place to place. At the time of the arrival of
Vasco da Gama, the price of pepper in Calicut was 70.funum.s or 4 It5 crzcudo\ in
('alicut whereas in Cranganore the price was 55 l/r funurns or 3 '/; c r u ~ u d o . ~ ? ~ ~
111.5. 11. Lower Caste People and Untouchability
Theiulis like Erhuvus. Pulrryas. Pa r uyu~ Verluvuns. Aruyan. Cblun. Ausuri.
and Kollun, as they were reluctant to accept the Brahmin domination, were
degraded in the Hindu Ibld.
'The loner caste people could carry arms only for their defence. These lower
caste people used to be labourers. A lot of lower lari.\ in Malabar had recuived Islam
as it offered more freedom. When he became a Moor, he could touch anyone. could
go anywhere without any curtailment of freedom as they were now outside the law
and custom of the iuti system. The lower class people used to live in the woods or in
the countryside. These l oner caste people could eat only some herbs or roots from the
land. But when they became Moors, they could eat whatever and wherever they liked.
When they were converted to Islam they were given the cloths and vests of the
\ 4 u s l i m~? ~~
i 5 X
' rbrd, p. 76.
Gaspar Correa. op ccrt., Livro Primeyro. Torno 1 , Pane 11, p. 624
Vltorlno Magalhaer Ciodmho, 0 3 L)r,scohrimenrm e a E'onomro Mundrol vol. 11. 1.1sboa. 1965, p
42
1,w
h p a r Correa, op oc, Livro Pr~meyro. Tomo 1, Pane I, p 76.
103
The fishermen and other lower caste people who did the service t o the boats
lived in the shore of the sea where as the nobles and merchants used to live inside the
land.'"
Even the children of higher varnas orjari.r did not touch one who was touched
h? an untouchable. They did not allow the members of the lower laris to touch on the
wells or houses. No one could drink a glass of water touched by a lesser noble.
Besides, there were regulations in using a cloth touched by an untouchable. eating of'
rlce touched by a low caste man before purification. eating rice cooked by a person of'
the lower caste and sexual relationship with a lower caste women.'"'
Polyandry was practised among some of the lower castes in Malabar. The
goldsmiths. ironsmiths and moulders. had only one wife for e\.en bur brothers. This
\\as for not getting the inheritance divided."' The condition of the lower caste women
was hetter than the higher caste women. The women of lower castes went out to work
and also they ate with men.'b'
111.5. 12. Dress
'The dress of the men of Malabar was one big piece of cloth worn at the waist,
ahich covered up to the sole of the Soot. On the head they wore a kind of a small
turhan or headdress. Besides there was another piece of cloth for cleaning the face.
They moved around barefooted and they did not use covering on the feet whether it
was winter or summer. To distinguish one caste from the other, they had either some
dist~nguishinp mark on the hce, forehead, stomach, ears. nose or upper a m . jfi5
111. 5. 13. Women
The catholic. Jewish and Muslim women went covered. They never went out
ortheir houses except to the church. or to assist in some funerals. the marriage of their
10:
16' dud. p 188.
I / ?
Manuel de Faria e Sousa, op crr.. vol IV, p. 251
I<*
hid, p. 260
, , $ 0. N. L.. Fundo Geral, Rrservodo,y Cod MU 36, "Notlcias do Relnu do Malabai' , fl 3
thrd, fl 2v
104
close relatives and friends. They never ate with men whether they were with sons or
husbands. There was severe punishment for those who insulted women. The women
(,f high castes like Brahmins very rarely went out. that also for Ljisit~ng the temples
and to wash in the river.j6"
At the same time there were women who were living a very free life. The nair
uomen and the tiya women were examples of the same. About the free sexual life. the
I'ortuguese wrote that in Calicut a boy of 8 years already knew women earnestly. It
uas also said that the virginity of a girl bas sold in Calicut for one funom. which was
equal to 17 reis.'"
111.5. 14. Art and Architecture
The houses of the ordinary people in Malabar were made of cla). They made
large squire type bricks and dried them in water. It was used for walls. The roof was
thatched with leaves of coconut trees. All the buildings were squire types with a
courtyard in the middle. The %oodcarvings were very attractive. A few of the houses
werc even two-three storied. These houses had very good porches.'h"
The house of the king Zamorin as well as the temples and Mosques were made
of stone and lime. They were also tiled ones. But the houses of the ordinary people
could not hc tiled.3bu The houses were cmered with palm leabcs. It was the custom of
thc land that no one could tile his house. Tiling of houses was reservcd for palaces
and temples of worship.?70 Many houses were made of uood in ~ochi n. ' "
The palace of the King of Calicut was very big and seemed to have been built
in a quadrangular shape. For, the Portuguese authors say that it was built in such a
v*
. . h i d , fl.3
Crrinlca do De~cohrrmenr e Cvnquisra do indro Pdox P~ o r r u ~ e s e ~ lCOd~ce Anon~mo, Museu
Zt8nlc0, Egcnon 20.90). Coimbra. 1974, pp 9.12
In9
Fran~ols Pyrard of Laval, op ci r. pp. 403-404.
Femao Lopes de Castanhcda, up ctt L~vros I e 11. p. 35
,,, Gaspar Correa, op cir , Livro Prxmeyro. Tomo I . Parte I , p. 184
' b d . Tomo l , Parte 11, Coimbra, 1921, p. 624.
105
way that the trecs even stood inside the palace. The garden around the palace as well
as different tanks of water added to the beauty of the palace. j7'
The walls of the temples were painted with many images. Some of these
images had their teeth pro.iecting outside: some other images had four hands and some
of them looked diabolic. Inside the temple there was an elevated pan which was set
apart for prayer. It was at the middle of the temple. The architectural style was in such
s a y that there was no much light inside the temple.373 The Churches of the St.
'Thomas Christians were built afier the model of the Hindu pagodos.'7'
111.5. 15. Renunciation
There were many sunyc~sir in Malahar during this period. A .surljlrr.\r had more
dignity than a king. There were peculiar ceremonies in connection with renunciation
of this world fbr sanyusa. When one became a san)~u.si. his statue was made with a
straw and was burnt as if he was dead to his relatives and to himself After having
done this he was taken to a stream and his hairs were cut and he was asked to dive 72
limes in water. Then his poonool was taken out as a sign that now he bade farewell to
the riles of the Brahmins. Then he was given a cloth soaked in red soil. He no more
\ested in white cloths. Then he was also given another cloth and a cap of'straw. Then
he stayed for three or four days at the Order of the master. Afterwards he could not eat
flesh. fish. and betel. He could not we n look at women. If he accidentally saw a
Woman he had to cover his eyes with cap till she was out of sight. He had to eat what
was given without wasting it. He had 10 live inside or around the temple and succeed
his master. He need not make courtesy to anyone. The king and the Brahmins had to
make courtesy to him. He could not touch money. tlis cap could not he taken by
anyone while he was walking. If he did something against the ~nstitution, the
' T i
'
Fernto Lopes de Castanheda, up c~r . , Livros l e I I . p 45
i l l
rhtd, p. 44
Michael Geddes, The Htsmry of rhe Church ~/ Mal ahar . from Ihe tlme o/ r u berngfirsl d~scover'd
h i the Porrugue:es ,n rhe yeor l j o l (;,ving on ~ccvunt of The Pcrrecutron.$ and Vroienr Merhods olrhe
Roman Prclores. 10 ~ e d ~ ~ ~ (hem rrr the suh,eoion UJ rlte Church of ROME. Toperher wjith {he Synod of
Dramper Cclebraredm rhe year ofour ~ o r d I ~ Y Y Wrrh Some Remorkr upon rhe Failh und Dvcrrznp of
'he Chrisrians of St RO~ OI in rhe Indtes, agreerng wtrh the Church of England I n oppoarriun lo rho!
'!(Rome. ~o nddn, 1694. p. 8
106
~ r ~ h m i n s could complain to the king. If it was proved. the king could put turmeric
powder on him and thus his dignity as sunymi could be taken back."'
111.5. 16. Astrology
There were many astrologers in Malabar. People believed greatly in astrology
and horoscopes. In Calicut there were very talented astrologers who were able to
foretell with the help of a single glass of water the position of the lost ships and so on.
Some of the astrologers prophesied that the coming of the Portuguese was the
beginning of the kl l of the Moors. "'
111.5. 17. Death
In connection with death there were a lot of ceremonies in Malabar. In case of
death of boy below seven years of age. there \+ere no ceremonies. "' From seven
year?. as soon as one died, he was burnt on the south. South waq considered as the
placo of the dead: for, South was regarded as the dwelling place of ~urnrm."~ The
close relatives ol'the dead did not cut their hair nor shabe off their beard ibr one year.
'They would not sleep with women for one year. For fifteen days they would sleep on
a mat and they did not enter the temples. When those days were over, they put the
ashes in the sea. Then they washed themselves and wore clean cloths. Later they
puritied the persons and houses with the urine and milk of cows. On all days of
fdsting and purification, a little rice was put in a banana leaf in the form of a vessel
considering that it was the mouth of the dead. Then crows were called so that they
might eat it. These crows came there punctually for this purpose. If the) did not come.
i t was put in a tank so that the fish could eat them. On the anniversary of death. a
banquet was there. In this banquet no poor people were i n~i t e d. " ~
'.' Manuel de Faria e Sousa. op CI I . . vol IV, p. 262
"' DL:coda( do A S ~ O de Joao de Barros, CD. NO. 05. Corntn1ss.90 Nacional para as Cornernora~Oes
Pmtugueses & Centre for the Study of the Portuguese Dlscover~es. Oxford, Prlmeira Decada, Llvro I V,
$pftulo IX. p. 2.
,, Manuel de Faria e Sousa, up. or. vol. IV, p 262.
;.: According to the Hindu rel~gious concept Yoman is the kod of death.
lhrd, p. 263.
107
In Calicut and other pans of Malabar, the dead who belonged to certainju/i.r
wrre buried, some inside their houses, some at the entrance of their house and others
in the garden.3R0
111.5. 18. Language
In addition t o Malayalam, the vernacular language. Arabic was also used in
('alicut. Arabic was used as the language of commerce in Calicut. For. we find that
Dom Manuel's letter to the king of Calicut was written in two languages- Portuguese
and Arabic."' ~ v e n the Christian merchants spoke Arabic. The Christian merchants
uhom Vasco da Gama met in Melinde spoke with him in Arabic. This shows that the
language of the mercantile people was ~ r a b i c . " ~
There was a common language in Malabar which was called Malayalam.
Besides. certain sections had languages of their own. I-or example the Hindus used
Sanskrit and St. Thomas Christians used Syriac language in their liturgy.'"
I'he Malabar society oi' the sixteenth century Nas a unique cultural unit habing
a life style ol' its own. The people had different affinities on thc basis of religion,
vorxur and jatis Religious wise the society was divided into the Hindus. Christians,
Muslims and the Jews. Among the tiindus there was a hierarchy of vurnu.r and jolt.\
uhose social position was determined. Christians. Muslims and also the Jews had
d~fferent sections anlong them. The very social position determined the life style.
'Therefore each had to lead a prescribed socio-cultural life within the framework of the
wciety. 'The socio-cultural framework which existed in Malabar at the timc of thc
arrival of thc Portuguese was very complex with the above uniquc cultural traits.
:*I' D loseph Martinez de la Puente. up cit . p 67.
;:: Femao Lopes de Castanheda. up. ci i . , Livros I e 11, p. 78.
Fernso Lopes Castanheda, Ho Lmro Primerro dus dez do hr~torio II de.\cobrrmento B conqurto du
$$[lpeIos Portugueses, Coimbra, Julho. 1554, p, xxv.
R. N. L.. Fz~ndo Geral, Resewador Cud A"' 36. "Noticias do Relno do Malabar", fl. Zu
108
CHAPTER l V
THE INTERACTION BETWEEN THE PORTUGUESE
AND MALABAR SOCIETIES: 1500-1567
The contact between India and Portugal. which was opened through the First
Voyage of Vasco da Gama, was a unique eient in the h~story of both Portugal and
India. As far as the Portuguese were concerned it was the culmination of the efforts of
their national endeavour, which had begun decades ago. It was the success of the
journey in search of the 'Christians and the Spices'. As far as India was concerned it
was the beginning of Vasco da Gama epoch in Indian history.' It was the beginning of
a contact with a West European country on a permanent basis, which lasted for over
one century and a half in Malabar. The scope of this chapter is to deal with the
intoraction between the Portuguese and Indian societies at various lebels up to the
convocation oi'the First Provincial Council of'Cioa. which had a lot of socio-cultural
and ecclesial implications. Up to the First Provincial Council of Goa the Portuguese
were following a rather persuasive policy in the socio-cultural realms. Through
various stin~ulations, charitable activities, donations, encouragements and various
types of economic relationships they were influencing the societ) directly or
indirectly. But with the First Provincial Council of Goa, we can find a deliberate
attcmpt on the part of the Portuguese to bring about changes in the society, culture
and religion of India especially those of Malabar. From the First Provincial Council
onwards there were attempts on the part of'the Portuguese to introduce legislations for
bringing about changes in the societal relationships.
During the period up to 1567 there were different kinds of relationships with
various sections of the society depending on the response of various societies to the
Portuguese activities. When interests of both interacting communities clashed there
developed antagonistic tendencies. The relationships with every community varied
geographically also depending upon the attitude of the ruler of each territory. As the
I K M. Panikkar. A~ i a ond Wer~ern Dorn~nunce, London, 1974, pp. 21-29
109
portuguese reached Malabar for mercantile and religious motives, wherever ditTerent
sections of the society went against these policies the relationship became bitter.
[V. 1. The Interaction between the Portuguese and the Hindus of
Malabar
Though the Portuguese had a rather friendl!, relationship with the Hindus. to a
gleat extent it depended up on the response of each caste to the needs of' the
Portuguese as well as on the mentality of the rulers who ruled over diff'erent castes in
\arious kingdoms. The Portuguese had an aversion towards the religion of the
ll~ndus. The Hindus used to say that there was only one God. Rut when they were
questioned further they used to say that he was water. he was wind and so on. The
Portuguese counted such ideas ridiculous and they tried to show the lack of rationale
behind this belief. In spite of the severe criticisms raised against their religion. the
people were not ready to give up their traditional faith Therefore the Indians were
depictcd as 'people who were disinterested to lcarn anqthing new'.'
Many a time the Portuguese did not respect the religious feelings of the
llindus. For example, the I-lindus considered cow as a sacred animal. Therefore.
respecting the religious feelings of the Hindus, even the other religious communities
like St. Thomas Christians kept away from eating beef. But the Portuguese, without
respecting the indigenous Hindu tradition, used to kill cows, which was always a
matter of concern for the Malabar kings and the people.3
The response of the higher vornas or,jutz.\ in the society was rather negative to
the activities of the Portuguese because they had a high social status whereas the
lower iuti.c when joined with the Portuguese had some upward mobility in the social
"tmcture. Therefore the upper yarnas and Jotic were reluctant to establish a cordial
' Doc 41. "P. Nicolaus Lanc~llotus S. I.. P, lgnatio de Loyola. Romaln Coulano I 8 lanuam 1555," pp.
3.
-dl. 231 In Josphus Wicki S.I., ed., Documenra lndrco l l JJ3- 155' ) . vol Ill. Romae. 1954, pp 228-
233
Lener of the King of Cochin written in 1510, in Reymundo Antonio Bulhgo Pato, ed, Canar de
I'ffun.\o dr AIhuquerqur Sepidus de Duc~ment o. ~ que os rlucrdom P11h1rcadu.s dc Ordem do Cliri3e de
110
relation with the Portuguese while the lowerjati. were verb eager to develop healthy
with the Portuguese.
IV. 1.1. The Brahmins
The first interaction between the Brahmins and the Portuguese was in the
temple of Calicut. The Brahmin priests welcomed the Portuguese to their temple and
thu I'ortuguese accepted the invitation thinking that it was a church. There they came
into contact with the Brahminirol nay of prayers and sacrifices.'
The Portuguese did not have much interaction with the Brtrhmins of Malabar.
' I hey were mainly working in royal courts and temples. Besides, due to their topmost
position in the hierarchy of varnus, they were not to approach the Portuguese. They
approached the kings without any difficulty As they were not the producing class and
the fighter class. the Portuguese were not very much interested in the Brahmins
economically and militarily. tlowever, they were interested in the Brahmins for
conversion purposes. The Portuguese were well aware of the fact that the conversion
of'klrahmins to Christianiv would accelerate contersions in Malahar. But conversions
uere \cry rare from the Brahmin varna.
The Portuguese missionaries used to engage in religious discourse with the
Brahmins. In Calicut the Franciscan friars entered into disputes with the Brahmins
and the missionaries used to win. One Brahmin who understood the futility of his
religion received baptism and changed his name to Miguel de Santa aria.'
During the second visit of Vasco da (iama, a Brahmin from Malabar wanted
10 see the life of the Christians in Portugal. Therefore, he together with his son.
nsphrw and servant went to Lisbon in a Portuguese s h~p. lie later on became a
Christian.Vhis was a great change during,that period because there was great stigma
\LJeflClo5 Moraer. Polrlicus e Br/ia~-Lerrras do Acdrmio Reol da.7 Sciencraa de Lfrhoa r Soh Dtrrcc8o
$ Rrymundo Antonzo dr BulhljoPo~o. Tomo IV. Lisboa. MDCCCCX, p. 43
,'oao de Barros, op o r . Decada Primeim, Parte PrimeIra, pp 332-33
N L. Fundo G'rral, Re,~ewedus Cod N" 177, fl. 38.
'""20 de Barros, up o~ , Decada Prirneira, Parte Segunda, p. 66
111
for the Brahmins in connection with sea voyage. The crossing ofthe sea and eating in
the sea were forbidden. This shows that due to the interaction with the Portuguese
there were even attitudinal changes in Malahar even among the Brahmins. the apex
vuma in Malabar.
The Portuguese used to make use of the influence that the Brahmins had in the
royal courts. For example in 151 3 a h'amhiar of Calicut and two Brahmins ofthe king
01' Calicut helped to alleviate the discord that existed between the Zamorin and
Albuquerque. As a reward for that Af i nso de Albuquerque asked Gon~al o Mendes.
the factor of Calicut to give an amount of 25 purdoo,s7 to these three.'
Even the Brahmins were employed by the Portuguese to convey messages
from one place to another safely. The Portuguese knew well that if Brahmins were
employed the safe passage would be easy and hence communication would be safe.
Vie see a Malabar Brahmin canying the message of a Portuguese in I5 10.'
The Brahmins were never murdered in Malabar as they were respected very
much by the society. This was an age-old custom of the land. That was why they were
employed as messengers. But the Portuguese. though well aware of this fact at times
d ~ d not see any harm in murdering a Brahmin. In the battle against the Zamorin, the
Portuguese murdered the Brahmin who used to give betel leaves to the m am or in."'
[hi des. a Brahmin sent by the Zamorin to sp) over Vasco da Gama was caught by
the Portuguese and Gama humiliated him to the extent that his lips and ears were cut
off and sewed a pair of dog's ears to his head. Thus he sent him back to ~arnorin."
fardo'o Is a Ponuguese coln eqivalent to 320 RCIJ See Afzal Ahmad. 0, Por1uguae.s nu Auo.
Llsboa. 1997. p 153.
' The lencr of Affonso de Albuquerque dared 29"' Decembcr IS13 In Re)rnundo Ant6n1o Bulhgo Pato.
cd.. Carlua dr Aflon~o dr ~ l h u ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ,yexrfdas dr Documml o~ que a3 eiui~dom Publrcadu~ dc
(kdern do Clmsr de si,encio3 .bforoa, P ~ / ~ I , ~ ~ ~ Bi.llos-Letrra~ da Acdemiu Real dor Screncra~ de
l.i\hou e Soh DirecL.do dr Rqmundo ~nt onl o di, Bul hC~ Polo. To~no II, L.~sboa, MDCCCXCVIII, pp
118.119
Henr~que Lopes de Mendonpa, ed., ~ . ~ r t m de Alhuqurw<juc Segtrrdu.\ dr Documenlu~ qur us
Eilicrdam Puhlrcudo,~ de do cio,yse dr Screncim Mor ue~ Piriitico.! r, BeNm-Lelru\ u'il
A~udrmia Rrul dus Screnaus dde /fsbuo soh Drrec~rio de Rq~mundo Anronro de Bulhfin Polo, Tomo
XI. Llsboa. MDCCCCXV. p. 412.
, , J o b de Barros, ap crt , Decada Prlmeira, Pane Segunda, p. 128.
0. K. Nambiar, Porruyuese Pirotes ilndlndfun Srumen, My*ore. 1955, p. 52.
112
The Brahmin women were said to be the most decent and honoured women in
Malabar. The Portuguese even married Brahmin women. Margayda Vaz, was a
Brahmin woman who married Domingos Gon~alluez and they were living in
cochin.12 Thus though very minimal, there were relationships between the Brahmins
and the Portuguese at different levels of their socio-cultural life.
IV. 1.2. The Nairs
We cannot generalise anything about the relationship between the nairs and
the Portuguese. For. the allegiance of the nair was to his immediate lord who kept
hlm. Therefore the reciprocal relationship between the nairs and the Portuguese
depended on the relationship their immediate lord had towards the Portuguese.
The Portuguese were interested in nair jnti because they were considered as
noble people as well as warriors. As the success of the kings in Malabar was
determined by the number of nairs each king had, the Portuguese were always happy
to create ties with the nairs. We see the Portuguese fighting together with them, and
employing many of them in their services in factories and fortresses. Rut the
cunversion of' the nairs to Christianity was something very difficult." For surety.
Cabral took two nairs to his ship. The) were allowed to go one b> one to eat in the
land as the Portuguese respected thc habits and traditions of' the nairs regarding
eating.'"
In the fortresses of the Portuguese. many nairs %,ere appointed for a fixed
salary. In 1525. in the fortress of Cannanore. there were 6 nalrs who were at the
service of the Portuguese earning an annual salaq of 5250 rri.s.'?n the fortress of
Henr~que Lopes de Mendonqa, ed.. op crr p 190
:;
N . F. Manuscrrrs Porlugots 1. fl . 288
Fernlo Lopes de Castenheda. L~vro I e 11, p. 90.
I( .,
6105 XX. 10-13- Codice 10243 corresponden~e aos orqarnentos e verbas e outras assuntos a
'espeito das lndias Ocidenmis e ouuas teras pertcncenler a Portugal, 1525, Agosto. 8." p. 129. In
Ant6nio da Silva ego, AS Gwrras da Torre do T ~ mh o vol. XI1 (Gav. XX. Ma~os 15 e 16- XXIII,
M ~ o s 1-8) Li sba, 1977, pp. 65.148, Real is former Portuguese silver coin.
113
Cranganore and Cochin there were,jumgudu nairrl%ho used to gain 9600 reis per
year. One Punikar and four nairs were there in the fortress of Cochin." There were lot
of nair writers who used to engage in the trade of pepper in the City of Cochin. They
were in the service of the Portuguese and were paid 800 reis per month. Another nair
was there to weigh the pepper in Cochin. They also entered the service of the
Portuguese as arms men.'' This is an example for the change of occupation that
happened among the nairs. Nairs, who were the fighting class in Malabar who uscd to
~e n' c the kings of Malabar. now engage in other occupations under the king of
Portugal.
The nairs who were the soldiers of the native kings. by this period began to be
employed in the service of the Portuguese as accountants. interpreters, and agents of
[he Portuguese. Also many of them changed to agriculture as commercialisation of
agriculture led to profitable farming.19
The Portuguese sought for the conversion of the nairs to Christianit) as the)
\\ere of noble julr. The Portuguese succeeded to a great extent in this effort. Many
nairs as well as many honourable men like I'anikurs also received baptism." There
mere also cases of the conversion of nairs receiving Portuguese names at the time of
their baptism. In Cochin there was a nair who after becoming a Christian changed his
nanic to Diogo."
"'.l<rmjiuda comes from the Malayalam word changiirhi uh~cl i means a fr~end. A iompdii hi i ~r i i one
uho accolnpanled ~nd~v~dual s for the~r securlt).. They were to be pa~d well In return for the payment.
c\m st the cost of their life such/omgudor prorecled thelr md5tcrs whom they accompan~ed .Iun~gadir
!uir.\ were quite common In Malabar.
"6105 XX, 16.13- Codice 10243 correspondente aos orcamentos e verbas e outras asauntos a
respelto das lndlas Ocidentais e outras tenas pertencenter a Portugal. 1525. Agosto, 8," p. 130, 132 In
Antdnto da Silva Rego. As timrvelou do Torre i, Ibmho, vol XI1 (Ciav XX. Macos I S e 16- XXI I I .
Maws 1-8), Lisboa, 1977. pp. 65- 148
I' Antonlo da Silva Rego. As Gwer u~ do Torre do Ti~mho. vol XI1 (Cav XX. Maqos I ? c 16- XXI I I .
Mdws 1-8. p. 130.
" I( S Mathew, "Indian Merchants and the Portuguese Trade on the Malabar Coast dur~ng the
Sixteenth Century," pp 1-12. in l'eotonlo R. de Souza, ed , In&,-Porlugueie H~sr on Old l.%iuw, ~YCH
pions, New Delhi, 1985, p. 9
Cans I X of 1512 Abri l I , from Cochm pp 29-65 In Reymundo Antonio Bul hl o Pato, rd.. <'urlu.s dde
df / oso de Albuquerque Seguidos de Documrnlos que ar i~lucidam Puhlrcadns de Ordem do Cl o. ~re de
' c' e~ci o. ~ Mor ae~. PoIir,cn.~ e Brllos-Lelrra.5 dda Acdernio Reol dm Sc~rnci u de Lishou e Soh DirrccPo
FRevmundo Anlonru de Bulhrjo Palo. Tom0 I, Llsboa, MDCCCLXXXIV, p. 44.
LefierorAffonso de Albuquerque dated 13 December 1509, In Reymundo Antonio Bul hl o Pato. ed .
('wl"" de Affomo de Alhuqurrque Segutdas de Docvmenr,n que or eiuodarn Puhlrcarlo\ de Ordem do
114
When the influence and power of the Portuguese increased by the second half
<,f' the sixteenth century, the number of nairs who got converted in Cochin increased.
might be because of the fact that their king was loyal to the Portuguese and the
latter employed a lot of the former in their service. A Kuruppu. who was in the
service of the king of Cochin also offered to be baptised, together with all the
members of his family."
Pedro Alvares Cabral took in his shrp a nair of 18 years to Lisbon. When he
uas asked about it he declared that he was a nair by birth and then he was a noble of'
ihe king of Portugal. He was given education in Portugal to read and write. Later on
he requested for baptism and he was baptised with Vasco da Gama and Pedro
Ala\arrs Cabral as godfathers and Bishop Calcadilha as the minister. He was given
the name Dom Manuel and was made a fidaigo of the king of Portugal. From Portugal
hc used to communicale with the king of Cochin. He died in ~ v o r a in ~or t ugal . ' ~
The king of Cannanore wanted to establish friendship with the King of
Purrugal. Thererore he sent a nair to Portugal as his ambassador. He was well
received by the king. On his return journey to India in 3502 along with Vasco da
tiama he was given a lot of presents."
On the part of the t'ortuguese there wab an attempt in vain to convert the king
of Cochin to Christianity. Affonso de Albuquerque prescnled this matter before the
alng through Duarte Barbosa, the translator. Though the king confessed that
Christianity was the true religion he expressed his inability to get converted, as it
would result in the suffering of the people whom he was entrusted with. But his uncle
Clurce de aomcrar Moraes, Polrricrrs e BrNm-Lerrrm da Acdenrla Real da, ~ Screnciu~ de Lfshoa r Soh
{@CCO de Reymundo Anton~o dr Bulb60 Palo. Tomo IV. L~sboa, MDCC'CCX. pp. 2 16
" DOC. 64. "P. Melchior Nunes Barrero S.I. Soci~ Europaeis. Cocino. 31 Decembrbs 1561." pp. 398-
2:. In Josephus Wicki S. J., ed. Docummla l nd~ca (1561- 1563). vol V, Romae. 1958, p 41 1
gas^^ Correa, op, a/.. L~vro Primeyro. Tomo I, Parte I. pp. 231,232.
Paul0 da Trinidade. op cir.. Pane 11. Lisboa, MCMLXI V, p. 249.
115
who had faith in Christianity, used to go to the Church and show reverence to the altar
and the ~ r o s s . ~ '
The Portuguese men mamed nair women who were quite notorious for their
sexual licentiousness. Maria Fernandez was a nair woman who became the wife of
Joham Gomcalluez, a ~or t ugue s e . ~~ Thus the Portuguese had a lot of interaction with
the nairs whom the Portuguese took to their service. Whereas the response of the nairs
in the kingdoms where the Portuguese had much influence was positive. but of the
nairs in the inimical kingdoms of the Portuguese was not so cordial.
'The (' hertics were much-respected merchants from Coromandal Coast who
dealt in inter-regional trade. They were not a threat to Portuguese trade. Therefore we
do not see any inimical relationship between the Cherries and the Portuguese. But
there were cases of the conversion of the C'hetties. JoZo da CNZ was a Chr t l i who was
sent to Lisbon in 1513 when he was fifteen years of age, as an agent of the Zamorin to
rhc court of King Manuel in Lisbon. He received baptism with the name Jolo da Cruz
and was conferred the title of nobility along with the robe of the Order of Christ in
1515."
1V. I . 4. The Lower Caste People
The Portuguese had a lot of relationships with the lower caste people. They
were not concerned with keeping distance from them, as they were already
downtrodden people. The fishermen and other people went to see the ship of Gama in
-' C0na of 1514 December 20, from Cochin pp. 367-369 In Reymundo Antonio Bulhao Pato. ed..
( ' ~r t m dc, Af f cm. ~ de ~ i h ~ ~ u e r ~ u e Seprdua de Docurnrn1u.s que as eluc~dom Puhl~cirdas de Ordem da
Cl ~. ~se de screncras Moraes, Polnicos r Bel l u~- Lct ro. do Acdemro Real do.! Soencrus de Li,\horr e Soh
Dirrcqdii de Rrymundo Antonio de Bulhrio Patu. Tomo I . 1.1sboa. MDCCCL.XXXIV, pp 367, 368
jo Henrique Lopes de Mendonpa, ed., rip o t , Tomo VI, Lisboa. MDCCCCXV, p 190
Geore Schurhammer S . J., Francrs Xavier HI S L~fe. HI S T~mes. vol 11, lndla (1541-1545).
Translated by lospeh M. Castelloe S. J , Rome 1977. p. 261
116
Calicut and they sold things like fish, chicken. plantains, coconuts and so on for
money or for a piece of bi s~ui t . ' ~
The fishermen were very eager to establish good relationship with the
Portuguese. The ArelZ9 of Cochin wanted to be convened. But there was a problem as
to the approach of the king towards the fisher flock after the conversion. The king of
Cochin in his letter dated 1 December 1512, assured the king of Portugal that if the
Arc1 and his kith and kin got convened to Christianity. he would continue to give
them the same honour that they used to receive from him."' The A w l was very
powerful because all fishermen. navigators and boatmen were under his jurisdiction.
lJnder such circumstance, because of the great influence he had on the coastal areas.
Affonso de Albuquerque wanted all A~.el.\ of Calicut, Porca (I'urakkad) and
Calleculam (Kayamkulam) to get baptised." The Mukkuvus and other fishermen and
thc Mariners of Cochin who got convened to Christianity, came under the jurisdiction
of the king of
With the reception of baptism there were changes in their traditions. The
,\!ukkuvu.\ used to offer money in the temple. But after the conversion they began to
ofkr money to St. Antony who they believed to be the giver of abundant fish. They
also began to offer to St. Antony coconuts, candles and oil."
The Portuguese used to make use of the service of the lower caste people. For
example, there is mention about 8 black Malabar people who used to work in the
Portuguese ships for almost one month.34
rema0 Lopes de Castenheda. op cir., Livro I e II. ediq8o. p. 58
-' 4rd 1s the chief of the fi rhenen or captain or pl ot of the fon. At times he used to be a very m~ghry
Person See Dalgadc. (;ioirdrio Luso-As!&tjrrco, vol.l. Hamburg, 1982. p 53.
.\ N T. T. (;,rpo Cronolr~gicu. Pane I, Ma ~ o 12. doc 35, fl. Iv
;: h d . Pane 1, Maqo 16, doc 49, fl. 1.
Cans Ll l l of 1514 October 20, pp. 269.270 in Rey~nundo Antonio Bulhao Pato, ed . ('orlas de
Ani~nrii de Alhuyuerque Sepi dos dr Documrnlos q i r p 0,s elucrdam Puhiicuda\ dr Ordcni da ('lassr de
""nL.loi Moron. Po111tca.y e Bellas-Lertror do Acdrmto Re01 dor Scrrncrus de Llshoo e Soh D l r e ~ ~ P o
$ R~ymundo A~nloniu dr Bulhzo Puro, Torno I. Lisboa . MDCCCLXXXIV, p. 270
; ; AN T.T., C'nrlos do.^ IVicr-Rers do India, N" 48. fl I
The letter of Affonso de Albuquerque dated on 19' ~ January 1510, in Reymundo Antonio Bulhao
Pato, ed., Ca~a. 9 dr A ~ ~ O ~ O dr Albuquerque Segurdas dr Do~umenr s yur o.5 riur,dum Plrhlicadas de
( Mem da Clus~r. dr soencras Moroes, Politicor u Bellas-Lrrlrm da Acdrmio Rcai dm S~.iencim de
117
The Portuguese employed a new tactics of war in Malabar. Generally. the
warriors in Malabar were the nairs, the tiyyas. St. Thomas Christians and the Jews.
The lower caste people were not traditionally employed in wars. But the Portuguese
employed t hepoi eu~. the workers of paddy fields, as warriors in Cochin in the battle
against the combined forces of the Zamorin in 1504. The nairs could not touch a
poieu. Therefore when the nairs accidentally met poleas in the battlefield. they were
perplexed and it resulted in the utter collapse ol' the nair warriors. Thus thcre was a
change in the tradit~onal occupations of the people of Malabar because of the
interaction with the Portuguese. With this victory the king of Cochin ga\e poieas
more liberty. He allowed them to cany arms taken from the nairs and also to be
vested in cloths, which were forbidden for the polcus according to the law ot.the land.
Before this incident, they were allowed to cover their private parts with some roots or
some herbs. With this permission to cany arms, the poiuas were considered as
honoured people because they were now in a better position than many others who did
not hale the right to bear arms. It is said that the king of Cochin got an upper hand in
Malabar with this battle." This was actually a great change that happened in the
society because the polras were despised people who did not have the basic rights of
hurnan beings. Now they entered the battlefield. which was generally resemed for the
high caste people and were also given permission to clothe and cany arms
002984
A lot of Iravus (Tiyus) in and around Cochin came under the influence of the
I'~muguese missionaries by 1518. As is testified by Pe. SebastHo Pires. the Vicar of
Cochin on 8 January 1518, majority of them had hecomc ~hr i st i ans. ~' It was because
of the fact that the relationship with the Portuguese helped them to ascend the social
ladder. Thus the relationship between the Portuguese and the lower caste people were
cordial when compared to the high caste people. It was because of the fact that
the relation with the Portuguese helped them to ascend the social ladder in their
Position and the lowerjulis in their turn were very loyal to the Portuguese.
Llyhoa e Sob Darccao de Xqvmund~, Anronio de Bulhrir, Puro, Tomo II. Lisboa. MDCCCXCVIII. p.
67
'' Fernto Lopes de Castenheda, op cil., Livro I e IT, ediqiio, p 166 See also Gaspar Correa, op ~ 1 .
i ~ o Primeyro. Tomo I . Pane I . Co~mbra. 1922, pp. 469,470
A. N. 7 . T.. Corpo Cronolog,co. Parte I . Maqo 23, doc. 5, fl 2
118
IV. 2. The Interaction between the Portuguese and the Christians
The Portuguese had incorporated missionay activity together with the
commercial endeavour perhaps to get the support of the ~ o ~ e . " When the Portuguese
reached Calicut they were under the impression that the whole Malabar was
(.hristian.'"herefore they took a Hindu temple for a Christians Church, took a statue
of the temple for Ow Lady's statue and Hindu Priests fnr Christian priests and so on.
I'hinking that it was a Church. they prayed there in the Hindu temple. Later on they
found that it was not a ~ h u r c h ? ~ Because of their misreading they took even the
Zamorin for a Christian king.4" The king of Portugal. Dom Manuel in his letter to the
Zamorin sent through Pedro Alvares Cabral after the discovery of lndia by Vasco da
(iama. addressed the Zamorin as a Christian king.4'
In the fleet of Pedro Alvares Cabral special arrangements were made for the
\lissionaries. They were taken to lndia with three intentions- preaching of gospel in
Ind~a. reforming the already existing Christians in India and assisting the Portuguese
in India. The former two intentions were for new conversions and the reformation of
the St. Thomas ~ h r i s t i a n s . ~ ~
Because of the efforts of the Portuguese. the Christians both new and old got a
lot of benefits. The lener of the king of Cochin to the king of Portugal described the
contract made between Vasco da Gama and the king of' Cochin according to which
the Christians whether new or old, if committed a crime or wrong, would be entrusted
lo the captain of the fortress whereas when a Muslim or a Hindu committed some
( $ K. S Mathew, Indo-Ponugue.~r ~ r a d e ondrhe Firggera ofGerrna,?~, New Delhi, 1997, p, 3
G Ravenste~n, ed. & Trans.. The ~~, ur na l rgvasco da Gumo 14YCllOY. Nea Del h~. 1995. pp
68. 69.
Frei Paulo da Trinidade, op ' i t . , Part 11, pp. 296, 97. See also E G Ravenstein, ed. & Trans.. up
C". pp. 652-655.
''I E. ti. Ravenstein, ed L Trans.. op ' I , . , p. 65.
;: B. N L. Fundo Geral. Rrservodos ( b d N" 7638, fol. 125
Fernlo Lopes de Castenheda. op. LO. Livro I e [I, p. 71
119
crimes they should be entrusted to the king of C~c hi n. ~' But the relationships of the
Portuguese with the Christians both new and old varied.
IV. 2. I . The St. Thomas Christians
There is no reference in Portuguese documents to the meeting of any St.
Thomas Christian in Calicut during the first Voyage of Vasco da Gama. Actually they
did not meet Christians there for it seems to be a pon avoided by the St. Thomas
Christian merchants due to some religious conflicts or so. But st111 the Portuguese
rctained a wong notion that there were a lot of Christians in the City of Calicut. In
the letter of the Portuguese king Dom Manuel to the Cardinal Protector written in
1499. after the discovery of India, it was written that there were a lot of Christians in
the City of Calicut and that these Christians were heretics.44 This was a wong
assenion, for there was no mention of any interaction between the Portuguese and St.
Thomas Christians at any stage of their first voyage. It was only during the voyage of
Cabral that they confirmed that those whom they met in Calicut were not ~ h r i s t i a n s . ~ ~
Still the Portuguese took the hasty conclusion that they met St. Thomas Christians in
Cni~cut and that they were heretics. Not only did the Portuguese give such a wong
concept hut also communicated and perpetuated this idea all throughout Europe. Rut
during the arrival of Pedro Alvares Cabral. they met St. Thomas Christians. The St.
'Thomas Christians in their turn were very happy to find their co-religionists in India.
A few Christians even went with the Portuguese to Lisbon. Two prlests from
Crangnnore, Mathias and Joseph the Indian went to Lisbon in the fleet of Pedro
Alvares Cabral."
The Hindus and Muslims sometimes persecuted St. T'homas Christians
probably on account of religious and commercial rivalries. It is not clear if this
Persecution began after the arrival oft he Portuguese in Malabar, due to the common
religion of the Portuguese and the St. Thomas Christians. Any way the St. Thomas
41 .,
Cana do Rei de Cwhim, ao Re) de Portugal," N.D., p 74. in Ant hn~o da Sllva Rego,
Do~urnenta~ijo ;,oro a ~ i r t d n ~ dos do pudroudo PorruguB~ do Or i eni Iniira, vol. 1. 1499-
1522% Lisboa. 1947. pp 74. 75
A N.T'T.. Culrcqrio de S I'icenre, Livro 14, fl. I v
The Anony~nous Narrative" in William Brooks Greenlee, up cil . p. 79.
120
Christians had a feeling of insecurity. Under such a condition the St. Thomas
Christians approached Vasco da Gama, the famous Portuguese Admiral in the name
of Jesus, to get protection for them against the infidels. .4s a tokcn of their readiness
to enter into relationship with the Portuguese, they entrusted him the .staffof Justice'.
which they had. It was a red staff like a sceptre adorned at two points with silver.
(;ma was very pleased with it.'' The Portuguese were determined to protect the
Christians of St. Thomas. In 1505, Francisco da Almeida took such a decision to
protect the St, l'homas ~ h r i s t i a n s . ~ ~
The St. Thomas Christians here very happy to find their co-religionists
engaging in trade. They were mainly the cultivators of pepper, which was the prime
commodity of Portuguese commerce. They lived mainly in the hinterlands of
Malabar. llsually the chief economic activity in the hinterland was agriculture. The
hilly areas of Malabar were apt thr the cultivation of pepper. Therefore. the
Portuguese came into contact with them directly so that pepper could be obtained
directly fiom its source avoiding the Muslim intermediaries. There were a few St.
Thomas Christian merchants who engaged in pepper trade too.'" The) helped the
Portuguese in the trade of pepper. One Mathias of Quaequllom (Kayamkulam), a St.
rhomar, Christian merchant used to help the Portuguese in this endeavour. He was a
great merchant. He himself supplied two ships of' pepper for the Portuguese. He
supplied it as a representative of the Christians. At the end of the letter sent by
Mathias to the king of Portugal he added that all the Christians of Malabar kissed the
hands of the king of Portugal. Usually the kissing of the hands was a means of
expressing the sentiments of reverence. hhich the St. Thomas Christians used to do to
their prelates. Thus kissing the hands of the king of' Portugal was an expression of the
reverence the St. Thomas Christians had for the Portuguese king uho was a Christian.
::Jo&o de Barros. op at, Decadcr Prrmeira. Parte Primaira. L~sboa, 1973, p. 446
rhrd. Pane Segunda. Listma. 1973, p. 63.
::Jose Manuel Correia. 0s Ponugueses no .ZioiaharllSYR-lj8O~, Lisboa. 1997. p 142
Pe Sebastaim Gonpalves, Primeiro Parre do Hirorro dor Relik.io~os do Componhia dk ./erus e do
Yuefiierorn corn a divrno graca c ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ # ~ d~, s iIn/cis o h ' o ~ o Sondo Fee C'urhol,iu nov Reyno.~ e
ProwtIcia> do indiv Or,enfal, Composto pello PC. Sebasralm Gonpalves relig~o\os da mesma
Companhia. PortuguCs, natural de Ponte de Lima. (Original. Blbl. Nacional. Fundo Geral 915)
Published by Jose W~cki . S. I., vol. 11, HistOria da Companhja de Jesus (1546-1561) Colmbra. 1960, p
21
121
They had a very cordial relationship with the Portuguese right from the beginning.
They intermingled with them and helped them in their pepper trade.'"
Though a few St. Thomas Christian merchants were in very good terms with
the Portuguese, most of the St. Thomas Christians were ignorant of the activities of
the Portuguese in Cochin. Instigated and misguided by the Muslim merchants who
were the intermediaries in pepper trade, the St, l'homas Christians had believed that
the Portuguese would cheat in trade and that they &ould make those who approached
[hem. slaves and would take them to Portugal. Therefore instead of bringing the
pepper to the Portuguese factories, they sold it to the Muslim merchants. Against such
a backdrop, Mar Jacob, the bishop of the St. Thomas Christians encouraged the St.
rhomas Christians to visit the fortress. converse with the Portuguese, and sell the
pepper to the Portuguese." This affected the relationship between the St. Thomas
Christians and the Muslim merchants who pocketed a lot of profit in the pepper trade.
I'herefore the Muslim merchants robbed and killed many St. Thomas Christians and
burned many of'their Churches and houses."
St. Thomas Christians were very good warrior^.^' It was recorded that among
them there were almost 25000 men of war in the first half of the sixteenth c e n t u ~ ~ . ' ~
So the Portuguese were very eager to have good relationship with the St. Thomas
Christians for their material gains. They used to live in abundance in Cranganore as
hell as Mangatte. It is said that as there were a lot of St. Thomas Christians in
Mangatte. the king of'Mangatte was a very close friend of the Portuguese. Because of
this reason, the Portuguese could move through the kingdom of' Mangatte more freely
than they walked in ~i s bon. ~'
'"The letter is dated 18th December 1504 in Reymundo AntOnio Bulhlo Pato. ed.. ('artus de Ailonso
dt' Albuqueryur Seguidos dr Documenros yur 0.6 eiuiidam Puhhcudu.~ de Ordem du C1rn.w de
.T~rencras Moroe.~, Poiir~car e Beila,~-Le~rra.y da Acdemta Reai dus Sounous dr Lirhoa e B,h D~ r r c ~ d o
dcz Reymundu Anronro de Buihrir, Polo. Tomo 11, Lisboa. MDCCCXCVI I I , p 268.
A. N T. T.. Curras dus Vice-Reru da I nl a , No. 99, fls I - l v
: hr d, fls. Iv.
'' 8. N. F., Monuscrrrs Porhrgais I . fl. 295v.
:: A. N.T.T. Carlos dos Vtce-Rers do lndra, No. 99, fl I \
B. N. F.. Manuscrtrs Portugais I. fls. 296-297
122
But from the very beginning of the arrival of the Portuguese in Malabar,
somehow, the Portuguese got the idea that the St. Thomas Christians were
~estorians'%ay he because, their prelates were from the Middle East which was the
seat of ~estorianism." But Francis Xavier. the most zealous missionary of the
Company of Jesus had noticed in one of his incomplete letters of 1548 that he met the
Bishop of the St. Thomas Christians and that he was a saintly man who worked for
[he well-being of his flock."
It became the "burden" of the Portuguese to make the St. Thomas Christians
-true Christians" liberating from the heresy of Nestor and bring them under the
Catholic Church and Pope. With this view. the missionaries started preaching and
mingling with the St. Thomas Christians. But it did not produce the fruits which they
expected as the St. Thomas Christians were adamant to their old faith and traditions.
Therefore the Portuguese introduced another technique to transform them. It was to
give education in Roman Catholic faith to the candidates to priesthood. With this
v~cw Frei. Vicente de Lagos started a college for the Children of St. Thomas
Christians in Cranganore in 1541.'' The Portuguese King gave financial help in this
endca~our . ~~ The formation of candidates to priesthood produced some positive
results in favour of the Portuguese. For example, instead of the host for the Holy Mass
that was made in the indigenous manner. the Portuguese host began to be used in the
1101) tucharist. The sacraments of confession and extreme unction were introduced.
"' It was a heresy that existed in the Church It was rather a thrulog~cal conrrovers) between the East
and the west.
' Many Portuguese documents call the prelates of the St Thornas Chr~stians as Armenian bishops. Rut
these B~shops were actually Chaldeans and not Armenians What the Ponuguese sources meant was
upper Mesopotamla without disiinguish~ng between the Chaldeana and the Armenians See Georg
Schurharnmer. "Armenian Bishops i n Malabar." pp. 141-148 i n Arqur,,o do Cenrro Culrural Por l upi ' r .
~ i . IV, Paris, 1972. pp 147, 148 See also Fre~ Paulo da Tr~n~dade. r,p ca, Pan 11. Lisboa,
MCMLXIV, p. 326. See also B. N L , Fundo Geral, Re~e,?,ado~ Cod .V" 33. Antdnio Reheiro.
;Hlstbria Verdadeira da Christandade de S. Thome Apostolo no Malabar," fl 3v
' 3524, XV. 16-39, pp 55-56 in Ant6n1o da Silva Rego. As Clivero,s <lo Torre do Tomho, vol. V . (Gav
XV. Maws 16-24), Lisboa. 1965. p. 56.
According to Frei. Paulo da Trinidade, 11 was In the year 1540 But other documents state it to be
See also Thekkcdath Joseph, Hzsrory of Chrisrron,ty m lndro. vol. 11, Bangalore. 1982, p 34 See
of the king of Portugal to Mamm Atfonso de Castro. Doc No. 24. dated 17 January 1607 In
Rdymundo Antonio de Bulhiio Pato, Dvcumenroj remerid", D itzdio nu Li v r w dm Monqd~s. Tomo I,
,Llsboa. MDCCCLXXX. p. 83.
IFrei Paul0 da Trmidade, up of . , Pan 11, pp. 331,332.
123
The images of Jesus, MW and saints began to be used in their churches whereas there
was only one St. Thomas Cross in their ancient Churches."'
The college started by Fr. Vicente was the main means of latinisation during
this period. The objective behind this was to form a clergy among the St. Thomas
Christians who would be supporters of the Portuguese. The Ponuguese, to a great
caent. succeeded in this efforr. By the year 1562. the Bishop of Cochin ordained 14
candidates of this college at Cranganore. They were made parish priests in different
parts of his diocese.62
But the St. Thoms Christians were not ready to accept these new priests; they
were not ready to move from their old way of life. The main reason for this the
Portuguese found was the coming of the schismatic Bishops from Babylonia.
Therefore they decided to bring the prelates of the St. 'Thomas Christians under the
obedience of Rome. The Bishop of St. Thomas Christians. Mar Jacob, who reached
Malabar in 1503 along with two other bishops. chose Cranganore as his residence.
But Mar Jacob was the last to reside in Cranganore. He had very good relationship
with the Portuguese missionaries. He and his companions celebrated Holy Mass in
Cannacore on ~ur hunj u~ur ~' after the Holy Mass of the Portuguese. Mar Jacob
testified that the Ponuguese :ikcd that Mass verq much."' But the Portuguese were not
\en. happy with the way he administered sacraments like baptism. That is why the
Ling asked Mar Jacob to entrust some Portuguese priests the baptism of the St.
Thomas Christians to which Mar Jacob did not react positi\ely. He said that the way
he baptised was according to the biblical tradition. that the way of the administration
of the same was different due to the dii'ference of the law of Peter and law of Thomas
and that the change in the customs of the St. Thomas Christians would create troubles
in the community itseK6' In 1530, he brought some boys from the interior areas of
Malabar and entrusted the Franciscans to impart them education. He lived along with
the Franciscans in Cochin during his last days. tie died in Cochin in 1550. Francis
'had pp. 332,333.
' hi d. pp. 252.254.
I ' hrst Sunday after the resurrection ofJesus.
* "Three Leners of Mar Jacob, ~ i ~ h ~ p of Malabar 1503-1550:' p. 337 in Georg ~churhammer S I .
otlentolia, Lisboa. 1963, pp. 333-349.
124
Xavier had attested him to be a saintl~ man. The closeness with the Portuguese
missionaries made some changes in his mentality. It was he who introduced oral
confession in Malabar among the St. Thomas Christians. Another bishop- Mar Thoma
who was here, was in charge of the St. Thomas Christians of the southern part of
Malabar and he had his seat in ~ui l on. "
'l'he next attempt was to bring Mar Joseph under the Roman Church.
~ccordingly Mar Joseph (1556- 1569), the prelate of the St. Thomas Christians was
sent to Rome and he came back as catholic. But when he reached Malabar, he began
to act contrary to the promises he made in Rome and began to propagate the same
kith he had professed. Therefore again the Viceroy sent him to Portugal where he met
the Queen Dona Catarina and Infanta Dona Maria who sent him to the Inquisitor
General Infante Cardinal Dom Henriques to whom he promised obedience and
uillingness to clean the Malabar Church from errors. Therefore he was sent back
again to Malabar. In the absence of Mar Joseph. another Bishop, Mar Abraham,
whose episcopate was from 1568 to 1597" had reached Malabar again from
Babylonia. When Mar Joseph Reached Malahar, there was a schism in the church
between the supporters of Mar Joseph and those of Mar Abraham. Mar Abraham was
caught by the Portuguese. with the help of the King of Cochin, and he was sent to
I bme where he was given from the first Order till priesthood. as they found that the
priesthood of Mar Abraham was not valid. Then according to a letter from the Pope.
the Patriarch of Venice ordained him a Bishop. On his return to Malabar he was
detained in Goa in the Monastery of the 1)ominicans from where he managed to
cscape on a Good Friday. The St. Thomas Christians received him with great
happiness. But as the Portuguese were determined to catch hold of him, he stayed in
the interior areas of Malabar away from the kingdom of Cochin where the Portuguese
had great influence. 'Though in his letters to the Portuguese he was a catholic, he had
C Chediyath. Munhomarleehoyude Indian Sahha. (Mal 1. Kottayam, 1988, p. 140
Qeorg Schurh-er S. J. . Fronas Xwi er HI S Ldfi. Hi., Tinter. vol. 11, India (1541-1545). pp. 487.
2?4495.
G. Chediyath & G. Appachet~y, Indyvudr Meihrapoiirho Mar Ahruhrrm. (Mal.), Konayam, 1990. p.
125
been professing his old faith!' Thus the Portuguese efforts to bring the prelates of the
st. Thomas Christians under the obedience of Rome did not find success.
At times. the Portuguese using the influence they had with the ktng of Cochin,
called the prelates of St. Thomas Christians and compelled them to obey the Catholic
prelates and accept the sacraments of the Catholic
The Jesuit mission in Malabar was a turning point in the history of the St.
Thomas Christians. The Jesuits were very keen to latinise the St. Thomas Christians.
he Jesuits used to call the St. Thomas Christians in and around Cochin to
indoctrinate them. In the college of the Jesuits. Christian doctrines were imparted
twice a day. On Sundays and Feast days these missionaries used to go to different
parts of Cochin with this intention."
The ground for the discord between the St. Thomas Christians and the
Portuguese was not something related to faith but it was something related to the
,iurisdiction of the Portuguese. About the faith of the St. Thomas Christians, Frei
Paulo da 'Itinidade, a Franciscan friar from Portugal wrote:
"These Christians always used to keep the faith in Holy Trinity which is the
foundation of all Christian Faith, adore Our Lord Jesus Christ and venerate
His Holy cross in a special way. They called themselves Christians and used to
receive the sacrament of Baptism and Eucharist. What is to he marvelled at is
tha:. in spite of living among so much infidels, femts of the gentile temples,
persecution from the gentile kings in whose land they live and the poverty and
misery of some of them, they never left their faith and became an infidel,
Muslim or Jew.""
h: Frel Paulo da Tr~n~dade, up. ca. Pan 11, Lisboa. MCMI . XI V, pp 342-346
::A. N T T.. Carro~ dos Vice-Reis do Indra. No. 55. fls. I - l V
D ~ c 114. "Exerta e Llneris P Antonii de Heredia S I., Cochino Exeunte Anno 1552." pp. 555, 556
!: loseph Wicki S J., ed., Ducumenra lndica (1550- 1553). vol 11. Romae. 1950. pp 228-23 1
Frci Paulo da Tr~ni dad~, op ~i r . . Part 11. Lisboa, MCMLXI V, p 356 This statement is an answer to
[he assert~on of some authors like Fr. John Pallath who held that the St. Thomas Christians were not so
P' ou and that it was the Portuguese who led them through the ways of piety. Fr. John Pallath 0. C. D .
Pirrru8al Yugothile fiorarhavo Sohho. Kalamassery. 1998. p 16.
126
So their only suspicion was that their prelates came fiom the Middle east
which was quite confusing them. According to the Portuguese, Middle East.
Babylonia was the seat of Nestorian heresv. Secondly the St. Thomas
~hristians did not commemorate Pope in their Divine Liturgy. It was on account of
the fact that the tradition of the St. Thomas Christians was different. They were
(bllowing the law of Thomas. Besides, the establishment of relationship with Rome
was not possible because of the political disturbances in the Middle East afier the rise
of Islam. For the St. Thomas Christians, the law of Thomas had nothing to do with the
L;aw of Peter. That is why they resisted the Portuguese artempts.
In spite of the precautions received by the Portuguese to control the entry of
the Bishops from the Middle East to Malabar. many used to come and they used to
remain in the interior areas where the Portuguese did not have much influence. Thus
i \ e see Mar Simon's anival in Malabar. In a letter written on 13 Januarj 1558 by Fr.
Franciscus Perez mention was made about this bishop who remained there in the
h~ntrrland of Malabar where St. Thomas Christians were in abundance. He stated that
already there were many supporters for this Bishop who gave their children to this
Ri::hop to be ordained priests. At the same time he mentioned that there was another
group of St. Thomas Christians who did not consider him a ~ i s h o ~ . " This shows that
by that time the Jesuits were able to create at least some supporters for them who
\i'ould remain loyal to them and object to the Bishops from the Middle East.
Though the Portuguese continued their efforts to bring the Bishops of the St.
Thomas Christians under the obedience to Rome. and sent two of them to Rome with
the same view, it did not produce fruits as they expected. Once they returned to
Malabar afier the confession of catholic faith, they began to administer sacraments
and sacramentals in the same way they used to do. But the Portuguese missionaries
continued their efforts to make the ceremonies and administration of sacraments in
- -
' Doc. 4. "P. Franc~scus Perez S.1 P Michaeli de Torres S.1 Provincial1 Llsltaniae, Cocino 13 lanuarri
lS58." In p. 40 in Josephus Wjcki S. J., ed., Ducumenra lndica (1557- 1560), vol. I I . Romae. 1956. pp.
38-48.
127
the same way as the Portuguese used to do. A few priests reconciled with the
p,rtuguese missionaries."
There was no regular source of income for the maintenance of the Malabar
ish hops. Therefore they used to get money from the people for the administration of
sacraments, which according to the precepts of the Roman Church was simony. It was
said that there were a lot of people in Malabar who were born as Christians but died
~i t hout receiving baptism, as they did not have money to give to the ministers of
he Portuguese king, under such a circumstance decided to help the
I3ishops of St. Thomas Christians. The king informed Mar Jacob that he would pay
him an amount of 20000 reis every year. Thus the Portuguese took initial measures
for the protection of the clergy of thc St. Thomas ~hristians."
The St. Thomas Christians did not have faith in the Portuguese priests. The
I'onuguese complained that it was because of the Nestorian priests of ~al abar . ' "
Actually the St. Thomas Christians might have thought that close relationship with
the Portuguese missionaries would endanger the identity of their Church.
'The St. Thomas Christians. moved by their fillow religionists. supplied their
merchandise to the Portuguese. Christian merchants supplied their pepper and spices
to thc ~ortuguese." The Portuguese on their turn uscd to help the St. Thomas
Vhristians. In 1510 Affonso de Albuquerque entrusted to the two Rishop of the St.
Thoma Christians in Cranganore one thousand funams for the restoration of their
church." The king of Portugal supplied them with Latin L'estments and Church
obiccts like chalice, bell, images, altarpieces and other things necessary for divine
DOC 30, "P. Melchior Nunes Barreto 3.1, Pavi Generali. Komam Cocino, 15 lanuarrl 1559." pp
230. 231 in loseph Wicki S J., e d , Docurnen~a lndrco (1557- 1560). vol. IV, Romae, 1956, pp. 225-
234
,: A N T.T . Corpo Cronrrlogicn. Parte I . Ma p 24, Doc 3. 11 3
See Appendix .'Three ~~n~~~ of ~ a r lacob, Bishop of Malabar 1503-1550." In G. Ched~yath. op
crl. p 145.
;6 B N. L.. Fundo Geral, Resrrvudr,.~ Cod No 4534, f l . 241
,; Frel Paul0 da Trinidade, op cit., Pan 11, pp. 333.
Keyinundo Antdnio Bulhao pato, M. , c ~ ~ ( ~ , T de Affvnsv de Albzrquerquc Segu~das de Dacumenrtir
qUe us eluc~dam P u b l ! ~ a d ~ de ordem do Clas.ve de soencras M,~raes. Po/il~cas e Bellas-Le1Ira.s do
Acdemra Real dm Scirncla8 de ~~~h~~ soh D, ~ ~ c @o de Rqmundr~ Anlonro de BulhJu Palo, Tomo
IV. Lisboa, MDCCCCX, p. 31 1. See also A N.T.T. Corpo Cr~itiolopico. Pane 11. Maco 23. doc. 186
128
The St. Thomas Christians used to adore only the cross because they had only a
cross in their churches. But by the second half of the sixteenth century we find that in
one or two places where they had more interaction with the Portuguese, there were
other images in the churche~. ' ~
Because of the relationship with the Portuguese. the Muslims of Calicut
destroyed one of the Churches of the St. Thomas Christians in Quilon. named after St.
Thomas the Apostle. The Muslims destroyed the Church to avengc the ~or t ugue s c . ~~
This means the Muslims were aware of the fact that the Portuguese and the St.
1 hnmai Christians of Malabar were co-religionists and therelhre to avenge the
Portuguese an attack on the St. Thomas Christian Church would be enough. This
shows that the traditional balance that had been maintained in Malahar had been
destroyed then.
By the second half of the sixteenth century, the Portuguese were able to create
at least a ver). little interest among the Cur..cunurs of St. Thomas Christians for the
learning of Latin. A few unmarried Cassunurs from Malabar went to Cochin to learn
a little Latin so that they could pray. celebrate Mass and administer sacraments in
t at in."
A1 the same time the prelates of the St. Thomas Christians preferred to stay in
the interior areas of Malabar for fear of the Portuguese. For example. some of the
prelatcs who reached Malabar remained in Angamaly where the Portuguese did not
have any hold. The St. Thomas Christians used to live there in very friendly relations
with thc ruler of Angamaly. Therefore the Portuguese could not catch hold of their
prelates. IJnder such circumstances the Portuguese decided to enter into friendly
8: A N 1 T. (.orpo (.ronologico, Pane I . Ma p 83, doc 7 1 . fl. I v.
N. L.. Fundo Geral. Reservados Cod N" 1534, fl 241
*I ..
Trelado no Contrato das Pazes que o Gouernador Lopo Soares fer em CoulHo corn a Reynha e
Kr%edores da Terra no ano de 516,- (pp. 30.34) Rodrlgo Jost de Lima Felner. ed., Suh~i di o. ~ Poro a
Hl~lorlo do indw Porruguera puhlicrrdos dc 0rdc.m dc~ Sctencra.~ Moraa Polil~cus r tlellm-Leltrm do
$demla Real das Sc~encios de Lohuo. L~sboa. MDCCLXVIII. pp 30, 3 I
Doc 63. "P. Melchior Nunes Barer0 S I, Rector, PI lacobo Miron S I.. Provlnclali Lusitaniae.
CO~lno. 15 lanuani 1565," pp. 425- 428. In loseph Wtckl S. 1.. ed.. Ducumenro l nd~ ~ . o (1563- 1566).
VoI VI. Romae. 1960, p. 428.
129
relations with the Cairn01 of Angamaly and gave him a lot of presents. Then onwards
,he ruler of Angamaly began to support the ~ortuguese.'"
Thus the relationship between the Portuguese and the St. Thomas Christians
was rather complicated. Though they belonged to the same religion. their way of life
%,a quite distinct. The Portuguese wanted to change the life style oft he St. Thomas
Christians in accordance with the norms marked by them.
IV. 2.2. Quilon Christians
We do not find much resistance to the Portuguese on the part of the St.
Thomas Christians in Quilon. It shows that the St. Thomas Christians in Quilon were
already familiar with the Latin traditions" may be because of the western missions of
earlier centuries. One of the silver crosses that was there in the Church of our Lady of
Mercy belong~ng to the Quilon Christians was presented to the king of Portugal. The
king of Portugal in his turn sent a lot of vestments required for the church.
Albuquerque left Fr. Rodrigo. a Dominican priest to instruct them in faith. He did a
lo\ of mi ssi onq works. He even baptised a lot who were 30 or 40 )cars of age, who
did no! have the memory as to if they were baptised or not.R'
In Quilon there was a college of the Portuguese where man) children of the
Malabar Christians studied. One Fr. Dom Cion~alo did a lot of things among these
Christians and also among the Christians of the Portuguese descent." Thus the
Portuguese had rather close relationship with the Christian5 ol'Quilon.
:: B N L , Fundo Geral. Resrrvodor Cod No, 1534. f l . 24l v
N L., Fundo Gerol, Reservados cod N" 177. fl 322v. See also V Nagam Alya. op clr . vol I.
New Delht.1989, p. 270. See also joaquim ~ e r ~ s s i mo SerrBo. Comenrarro.; de Alunso D Albuquerque.
:;' Ed@. Tomo I , Parte I and 11, p. 20.
Joaqulm Verlssimo SerrHo, ed.. Comenrar,os dt. ~ f o mi i D Albuquerque Tomo I . Parte I and II, pp.
19.20
"Doc 3 I, "P. Melch~or Nunes Barreto S.I. Soc~is Lusltanls, Cocino. 15 lanuarri 1559.'' pp. 234- 252.
in loseph Wicki S. J . , ed.. Donrmentolndica (1557- 1560). vol IV, Romae, 1956, P 248.
130
[V. 2.3. The New Converts
As missionary activity was not there in the original plan of the Portuguese
,oyage to India, there were no missionaries together with Gama during his first
Jroyage. In the roll-book of the ship the names of two priests, who perhaps might have
heen incorporated into to this voyage to serve as chaplains in the ship. are recorded."
The second fleet that reached Malabar under Pedro Alvares Cabral consisted of 1300
men and (I Franciscan friars who were the first Portuguese missionaries to reach
~a l a ba r . ~' These missionaries were taken in the fleet to help the Portuguese soldiers
as chaplains and also for the missionary actlvit) in India. The Portuguese. as soon as
they reached Calicut under Cahral raised a Portuguese flag and arranged altar for the
Holy Mass in the house given by the Zamorin for the Portuguese to sray. I he two
favours that Cabral requested the Zamorin were the permission for free trade and
of Christian faith. The Zamorin granted permission for the same. The
Moors were against that. First missionary preaching was done through the interpreters
and the idea they preached was the uniqueness of Christianity and the need for
conversion. A few of them got converted and one Yogi received the name Miguel
aiier baptism.'9
This Miguel followed the Portuguese to Cochin where they reached in 1500.
['he bur friars who stayed in Cochin for assisting the Portuguese in their spiritual
needs also engaged in the preaching gospel in Cochin with the help of Miguel, who
has originally from Calicut. The king of Cochin, though did not object to it, never
received baptism.90
The Portuguese were never concerned with the caste or juli distinctions They
dssociated freely with all classes of people. For example among the converts in
Quilsn, there were many from the blacksmiths, carpenters, and naikas."' At the same
: See the "Muster-Roll of Vasco da Gama's Fleet" in E U Ravenstem, ed & Trans , up cii . p 177.
0. N. F.. Munu~cr, r~ Porrupais I . fol. I v. See also Joao de Barros, op crr.. Decada Prlmelra. Pane
Prlmesa, pp. 384,385
Frei Paulo da rrin~dade, op crr.. Part II, pp. 293. 294
lhld. a 16R
"I ' r
Doc. 67, "Fr. L.De. Gouve~a S.I. Ex Comm. Sociis Goanis, Coulano 7 Aprilis 1560.' pp 543-546, In
Juse~hus Wlcki S. J.. ed.. Dorumenro lndicir (1557- 1560). vol. I V. Rotnae. 1956, p. 544.
131
time the Portuguese were happy with the conversion of the higher caste of people as
they thought that it would f~cel erat e the pace of conversions in Malabar. Thereibre
[hey immediately reported in their documents details about the conversions of the
higher varnas and iatis. For example the willingness of the conversion of a teacher of
the prince who was to succeed the throne was expressed in the same doc~ment . ~'
In the beginning the people were not much interested in conversion to
Christianity. But later on, the various needs arising from their social life compelled
the people to conversion. In Quilon only a few people were interested to be converted
10 Christianity. These few were actually those who lived in sheer poverty." Four
"4 .
c1rel.S in Quilon came asking for baptism in 1561 and they claimed that they had
4000 souls with them to be converted."
The arrival of the zealous Jesuits in Malabar added a new nuance to the
Portuguese missionary activity in Malabar. In Cape Comorin there was Travancore
Mission, the Jesuits converted a lot of indigenous people to Christianity. Many of
then1 were from the Prrruvu community. Ry 1554, the number of Christians newly
hapti7ed in Cape Comorin was around 125 000. If the Jesuits converted such a large
nunibcr to Christianity within a short span of missionarq acti,ities. it points to their
trcrnendous eff'orts. But the Portuguese also had the responsibility of protecting these
newly converted Christians fiom the attack of the Muslims and others and from the
exploitation of some Portuguese. The .Jesuits reached Malabar only in 1542. The first
group of' Jesuits who reached Malabar consisted of only four.'" To say that by then
there here 125000 Christians in Cape Comorin itself shows lhat these Christians were
not properly instructed in faith. But rather they were baptized exploiting the social
"' Doc 64. '.P. Melchior Nunes Barreto S.I. Soclt Europaeis, Cocino. 3 I Decembrls 156.'' pp 398-423,
Josephus Wtcki S.J., ed.. Ducurnenro lndjcu (1561- 1563). vul V. Romae. 1958, p. 41 3.
Doc 41. "P. Nicolaus Lancillotur S I.. P lgnario de Loyola, Romam Coulano 18 lanuarri 1555." pp
:,28-?33, In Josphus Wl ckl S.I., ~ d . . Docurnenlo lndrco ( 1553- / 5j 71, vol Ill. Romae, 1954, p. 23 l
, , %Are/ was the governor of the seacoasts who had large authorities
DOC 64. '.P. Melchior Nunes Barreto S.I. Soc~i Europae~s. C'oclno. 3 1 Decembr~s 1561, pp 398-423,
; Josephus Wick1 S. J., ed., Documenla lndrca (1561- 1563). vol. V. Romae, 1958, p 415.
' Refer to "Lista das Pesoas da companh1a que se mand460 a India dos annos de 1541 ate o ano de
1556 lnclusiue e das Cams que ate este tempo se receberilo" f I I i n B A,. Chdrcr 49-11'-4Y .Iesurra~
Asla. fl. l I. See also '.Journal des Voyages des Portugals 1497-1632" i n B h F.. Manuscrifs
P(1rluxots 46, fl . 43.
132
necessity, which arose from the conflict between the Moors and the ~aravos.~' In
cochin even Panikars and honourable men were convened to ~hr i s t i ani t y. ~'
Many Hindu women came for conversion. Due to the continuous wars in India
only very few Portuguese women travelled to India. There would rarely be more than
a dozen women in a ship that contained almost six hundred to eight hundred men.w
Under such circumstances, the Portuguese men used to mingle with Malabar women
fieely. During the Viceroyalty of Almeida. it was found that many Portuguese men
entered on friendly relations with native Hindu and Muslim women. Mothers used to
go to the Portuguese with their virgin daughters with a view to earning money.
Against such a backdrop the Viceroy prohib~ted the Portuguese from sleeping with
non-Christian women with severe punishments. Therefore many women came for
baptism. Later as it was found that baptism was motivated by economic benefits
rather than conviction in the matters of faith. The missionaries were asked to see if
cunvcrsion was motivated by pure faith in Jesus ~hrist. "' (' Anyway, a new mixed
community of the Portuguese and indigenous people began to grow around the
tbnresses.
As the people were not well instructed in faith before baptism, there were
carcchism classes in which the doctrines related to the Catholic faith, the life of saints
and Catholic life were given. Generally on Sundays the men and on Saturdays the
uomen were convened in various places for these religious instructions. Thus slowly
thc falsity of the Hindu religion was imparted t o them. Gradually they became
" Doc 35, "Alres Brand50 S.I. Ex Comm. Soclls Coimbricens~bus. Goa 23 Decembrls. 1554,'' pp
163-196. In Josphus Wicki S.1, ed., Documento lndrca ( 1553- l j j 71, vol I l l , Romac, 1954, p 192. See
di m Padre loam de Lucena, Hrsrdna da If,do dr, Padre Fr ano~co dr Xuvrer E do que,fizer/iu nu I nd~a
0.5 muis Relrgrmor da companhio de lesu. Comp<sro pelo Padre loam de Lucena da mesmo
:)m~onhro Purtuguc~ narurol da Villu de Trancoro, L~sboa, 1600. p 81
Cans IX of 1512 Abril 1, from Cochin pp 29-65 i n Reymundo Antonlo BulhBo Pato, ed , Carrrr., dt,
4lir,mn de Albuquerque segurdas de ~ocumenr ~, r que ar elucrdam PuhDcoda~ de Ordem da Classe de
"'encra.\ Moraes, Pol;r,ca~ e Bellas-Lefrrm do Acdemra Real das Screncim de Lrvhoa e Sob Direc~rjo
$; Rrymundr, ~nronrv de Bulhrio Paro, Tomo I . Lisboa. MDCCCLXXXIV, p. 44.
,wc R Boxer. Race Relar#onr m rhe Porruguese Cokiniol Emptre 1415-1823. Oxford. 1963, p. 58.
Gaspar Correa. op. cir.. Liwo Primeyo. Tomo I, Pane 11. p 625
133
Interested in faith; went to the church very often; gave offerings to the churches in
times of their necessities and sought the help of Christ in their illness.""
In Malabar, the people used to live together. Sometimes many relatives lived
together under the same roof. People, afier being converted to Christianity, also went
on living together with their relatives many of whom were non-Christians. They even
shared house even with the Muslims. Affonso de Albuquerque. on reaching Cochin
found this strange way of life of the new Christians. Hc ordered the Christians to live
in separate quarters away from the inlluence of the Hindu elements. For this purpose
the king of Cochin gave the Portuguese separate land.'" Thus the nev,ly baptised
were separated from the very society and culture in which they had been living for
centuries. As was the custom earlier in l'ravancore, one of the priests of the temple
went to a newly converted Christian's house for getting some offering for the temple.
Ile refused to give telling that he would not give offering to the idols. as he was a
rhristian then."" This shows a definite rupture in the social relationships along with a
change in the custom of the land, which they had been living for centuries.
The Portuguese had great concern for the new converts. They were quite eager
nut only to confirm them in Christian faith and doctrines but also to look after their
material well-being. At tiines foodstuffs were distributed to the new converts.
Aftbnso de Albuquerque mentions about the rice distributed to hundred Christians
from ~ a l a b a r . " ~ One of the means of conversion that the missionaries applied in
Malabar was to help the people in their necessities and thus get the confidence and
love of the people. For example, when Francis Xavier reached ra\'ancore in 1544, it
\\,as the time of severe famine. He left for Cochin and returned with a lot of food
I Ui Doc 42, "P. Henricus Henriques S. I. P lgnatlu de Loyola. Romam, Cocino 20 lanuarll 1555,'. pp
233.242, in Josphuj Wlcki S. I., ed., Ducumenru l ndi cui i 5j 3- i Sj ~j . vol. 111, Romae, 1954, p. 239.
lo' Cans IX of 1512 Abril I, from Cochin pp. 29-65 In Reymundo Antonlo Bulhilo Pato. ed.. Carrm de
Aflvn~o de AIhuquerque Seprdas de Documenrtis yue as eiucrdum Puhl ~cudu~ de 0rdt.m do Clnrse de
\c~unc!us Morues. Pnlrncas e Bellm-Letrras do Qcdemra Rroi das Soencras de Lrshoo e Soh D~ r e c ~ Co
fi Kymundv~nronrv de Bulhdo Pato, Tomo I. Llsboa. MDCCCLXXXIV, p 4.1
,a Pe. Sebastaim Gongalves. op cir., vol. Ill, p. 227.
Letter of Affonso de Albuquerque dated 1 7Ih ~cpt ember I5 12. In Re p u n d o Antonio Bulhao Pato,
ed.. Carlos de Aflonso de Albuquerque Seprdas de Ducumenrr,~ que as eiuodum Puhlicodar de
Ordm da Clus.se de screncras ~ or a e s , Polrtrco~ e Beiia.~-Lerrrus da Acdemla Real das Sciencrm de
Li.sboa e Sob Dtreccijo de Reymundo Anronro de BuIhCo Palo, Tomo 11. L~sboa. MDCCCXCVIII, p.
96
134
supply. Thus lot of people were converted."" With the entry of the Jesuits in Malabar
under the zealous Francis Xavier, there was a new vitality in conversions. The
tniss~onaries used to reach with helping hands in times of misfortunes and diseases. In
1563 small pox took the life of so many. As it was contagious, the gentiles as well as
Christians fled from their houses to far away places leaving behind mercilessly their
infected kith and kin. But the Portuguese missionaries visited them giving them food
and drink.Io6
With the missionary activity of Francis Xavier. the number of baptisms
increased. He wrote to Francisco Mansilhas on 8 December 1544 that he had baptised
many Mukkuvas of Travancore. He also instructed in the same letter to set up schools
in each village of T'ravancore and appoint teachers for them."" Within a month he
baptised almost 10000 in the kingdom of Travancore. The method he applied for
conversion was very simple. The people were gathered in different places and prayers
uere taught and then they were baptised. At the time of baptism new names were
pven to them. It was given in writing so that the people might not forget it."'"t itself
shows that there was no much preparation before the baptism.
Afier conversion the names of these people changed and they had close
association with the Portuguese. They adopted Portuguese names and their old names
utre not used any more. So these converted Christians had a tendency to imitate the
I'ortuguese. We come across 20 Malabar Christians who were working in the
Portuguese ship named Holy Spirit. having Portuguese name^.'"^ The Christians were
employed by the Portuguese in various spheres of their activity may be because of
111,
' Pe. Sebastaim Goqal ves, op. czr.. vol. I , p. 162.
, .
N L., Fundo Geral, Reservados Cod N" 4534. tl 41 9v.
7'0 Francisco mansilhas in Punicale," pp. 104.107, In M Joseph Castelloe S.J.. ed.. & translator.
~ ~ , L r l t e r s and lnstrunionr cd Francrs Xirvier, Anand. 1993, p 104
TO his Companions Living ~n Romen from Cochin on 27'h January 1545. pp 116-120. in M Joseph
:a;\tellm S. J. , ed.. op crt, p. 117.
Letter of Affonso dc ~ l b ~ ~ ~ ~ q ~ e dated 27 December 1509. In Reymundo Antonio BulhZo Pato.
ed . Cartos de de ~ l h ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ seyuida< de Docurncnruj que as rluodurn P~,hlicadu.> ddt,
(Irdem du Cl o~se de rctencra8 M ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ , ~ ~ l i r i c a s e Bellas-Lrilrus da Acdem~o Real dus Sciencivs d@
1,l~hoa e Sob DlrecC& de ~ ~ y mund" Antonio de Bvlhiio Pato. Tomo IV. Lisboa. MDCCCCX, p 229
135
their loyalty to the Portuguese. They were employed in Portuguese ships and they
\+)ere paid well."'
To protect and maintain the new Christians, the Portuguese missionaries
appo~nted (bnacapoIe.\"' (Kanakkapillas) who were to see to the spiritual growth of
[he people. They were people who led exemplary Christian life. Actually it was their
duty to translate the prayers to the local languages and teach the new Christians. They
were also taught the baptismal formula so that they might use them in extreme
necessit~es. It was their duty to look after the cleanliness of the Church. teach the
doctrines of Catholic faith nvice a day for the boys in the morning and for the girls in
the evening. It was also their duty to enquire about the impediments, puhlic sins.
discord among Christians and so on. For this he was paid 4000,/unde.s each year. They
wcre like the procurators and looked afier to the well being of the Ctuistians as lay
peop~e. "~
At times, the conversions affected the land in such a way that the kings had to
intervene asking to stop con\ersions. When the number of converts reached almost
i 5ilOO on the coast of Cape Comorin. the king called the missionaries and instructed
them t~ot to baptise anymore."' There were cases when the Hindus and Muslims got
con\ened to Christianity, they were removed from the office that they had in the
kingdom. At times. in addition to that the kings also imposed economic burden upon
them. Finding it as a hindrance to conversion, the Portuguese instructed the queen of
Quilon that when some Hindus or Muslims became Christians there should not be any
chanae in the office and problem with their hereditary rights and their transfer.
' ' Letter of Afionso de Albuquerque dated 20 November 1509, in Keymundo Anton10 Bulhao Palo.
~ d . ('orla? de Affonxo dr A/~uquerque Seyuidoc de Docz,mo,ro$ rjue <I.\ eeiec~dum Publrcndus (le
( ) r i m do CIarse de scirncios &foraeS, polil,cm e Bcilos-Lerrru do Acdemra Real das Sciencius de
1.lrhrla r, Soh Drrec@o de ~ ~ m t r n d o Antonio de' Bzuih50 Polo. Tomo IV, L~sboa, MDCCCCX. pp
201. 203.
' I 1 They were scribes, accountants, administrator and catechist3 It was their duty to write prayers on
"io and distribute it the people to bc learned by heart Fur detd~l, \ee "To Franctsca mans~lhaa
;n.Punicaie," pp, 104.107, in M. Joseph Castelioe S. J . ed.. up. i t ! . p. 106
loam de Lucena, op cir . pp 91. 92.
DOC. 34 "P Franciscus H~~~~~~~~ s.1. sociis in Lusitaniam." Coch~n. 8th December 1547, pp 228-
231. In Josephus wl cki S. J. , ed., ~~~~~~~t~ lndrcu (1540- 1549), v o ~ I . Rotnae, 1948. p. 229.
136
tconomic burden of all types levied as a result of conversion were also prohibited. 14
k'hen King D. J ol o was apprised of the fact in 1543, that the king of Cochin used to
ct~nfiscate the propem of those who were convened t o ('hristianity, the king wo t e to
the King of Cochin directly asking him to favour the ~hristians. "' According to an
agreement made between Jorge Temudo, the bishop of Cochin and the King of
Cochin in 1560, those convened to Christianity were given some special privileges.
When some of the Christians committed crimes in the land of Cochin, the king of
Cochin and the Bishop of Cochin or one nominated by him would judge him. If
someone committed some wrong against the Christians, the king and the Bishop of
Cochin according to the law would judge him. Besides, the Christians of Cochin
would be obliged to help the king of Cochin in his wars."h
As soon as someone became converted to Christ~anity. he was brought to the
jurisdiction of the captains and the priests so that he might no more be oppressed.
'l'hcre were many cases where the Christians were oppressed by the Muslims, Hindus
and ~ews. "'
Their social customs changed with conversions. The marriage rites became
enlirel; different. The Portuguese demanded legitimate priests and witnesses Ibr
marriage. For marriage lhere should not have impediments like a former marriage
rclatlonship or consanguinity. Persons who did not have any ecclesiastical
impediment only could marry. The priest. properly vested would go to the door of the
church and would enquire once more about the impediments. IS no impediment was
hi nd. the priest would put one end of his stole over his left hand. over it was put the
right hand of the bride, that of the groom above it and the other end of the stole was
put over that and he prayed in the name of the Trinity. Then their hands were put
between the hands of the priests covered with stole and soon the groom would say
114 ...
lrelado da Capltolapao das Pazes que fez o Gouemador Mamn Afonso de Sousa." CoulBo, 25
p:;tober 1543, (pp. 36-38) Rodrigo JosC de Lima Felner. ed.. up cit . p 38
Pedro Teixeira, The 7ravrl.v of Pedro Trirrrru with hl i "King3 <dHurmu:'' and Erhocls Irom hrs
' h g . ~ f'rnra", Translated and annotated by William F Sinclatr. with funher Notes and Introduction
b) Donald Ferguson, Nendenl L~cchtenste~n. 1967. p. 356
/ \ b
I,:
Pe. Sebastaim Gon~alves, op cit . vol Ill. p. 105.
Doc 108, .'P. Melchior Nunes Barnto S.I. Viceprov~nclalls. Patri Dr. lacobo Miron S.I.. Provlnclali
Lusltaniae, Cocino. 20 lanuarri 1566," pp. 673.714, In Josephus Wick! S J . ed. Documento lndrca
(1563- 15661, vol. VI. Romae, 1960, p. 678
137
that he received the bride given by the Roman Church and the bride would also do the
same thing. Then the priest gave the blessings to join them together in matrimony in
the name of the Holy Trinity. Then Holy water was sprinkled upon them. Thus the
ceremony ended.""
Some of the people of lower castes after their conversion to Christianity could
touch the nairs and could walk freely through the streets of' the king."' This was a
great change that was affected in a traditional society like Malabar where upward
mobility in caste system was no1 at all possible.
The Portuguese attempted to convert the kings. The most important
conversion was that of the king of Tanore. He was said to be a Brahmin king. Though
in~tiall! he was in the camp of the Zamorin, later on he stood against him and became
a tiicnd of the Portuguese. That friendship took htm to baptism. He was baptised in
1518 uith the name D. JoZo after the name of King JoZo I11 of Portugal. The Captain
of the tbrtress of Tanore was his godfather. Even alier his baptism, he used to keep
hispi~onool but a cross was put on it. He used to keep a crucifix on his neck until his
last breath. Even afier his baptism he had to live like a Hindu because of his
obligations towards his subjects and kingdom. But in the heart of his heart he was a
Christian. After baptism, he received the sacrament of confirmation in Goa. uhich
was a splendid celebration."" But this very baptism had creatcd some conflicts in his
mind that inside the palace he prayed kneeling like a Christian while in the presence
of others he went to the t emp~es. "~
Among the new converts in Cochin there were three different classes such as
Cupirjucares (Kuppayukkr) who were the ~e . s t i ~os . ' " Mienulii puregia or
:Munnoorruparisha which is to say the Community of 300 men and CarucotigeN who
Pe Sebasta~m Gonqalves, op, cir . vol. I l l . p 227 ff.
l i .,
Crlstandade de Cochim. Pedro de Mescarenhas a El-rel." pp. 224-227. in Antonio da Silva Rego.
~"cumenlocio Para u Hlsidrro dus Mr,~sdr dri Podroado Pori~quds 'lo Orrenie India, vol. 1. 1499-
122. Lisboa, 1947. p. 226.
,. Fret Paulo da Trinidade, op ol , Pan 11, pp 299- 304
;' ihrd., p. 313.
I.. Mesr~o denoted a perwn born of parents of different races. for example, born of a I'ortuguese man
and an lndtan woman and vice versa see K S. Mathew. Porrugves~, Trude w~r h Indro In rhe Sixrrenrh
Cmrur~. New Delhi. 1983, p. 279.
138
were Mukkuu~, the fisher flock who were said to have been baptised by St. Francis
Xavier.'23 Though there is mention about a third caste, they were said to have been
baptised only after the Portuguese leti Cochin. They were ~unducar . ~' "
In addition to them there was a new community of the Portuguese in Malabar
especially in Cochin. Portuguese came to the East either as servants of the crown or
those of the church. The lay people who mwi ed after reaching India were allowed to
settle down in respective countries either as citizens or as traders. Such married
people were called cusados The rest were called soldudos or soldiers who were
relieved from the service of the state as soldiers only after their marriage, death.
desertion, or incapacitation by severe wounds or disease.""n Malabar there were a
lot of Portuguese men. Even when Goa became the centre of the Portuguese activ~ty
in India. in 1536 we see at least 400 Portuguese soldiers in Cochin.lz6
Several children of the Portuguese parents were admitted in different colleges.
In the college at Cranganore, there were many children of the Portuguese descent. In
1562. about 14 of them were ordained priests and another 14 became religious in the
Orders of the Franciscans and Dominicans. They were well instructed in good
manners. grammar and ecclesiastical music. One of them, Fr. Andre de Santa Maria,
later on became the bishop of ~ochi n. ' "
When we examine as a specimen the New Christianity in Cannanore in 1514,
we can just get an idea of the conversion from different religious communities. In
1514, according to the letter of Afonso Velho, the Vicar of Cannanore. there were
altogether three hundred and forty Christians in Cannanore. Among them hundred and
sixty-four were men and hundred and seventy were women. Out of these, thirty-four
men and forty-eight women were from the Muslim community, five men and three
women were Nairs, seventy-three men and eighty-five women were from among the
Tl~yus and Mukkuvas. and out of the twenty two boys thirteen were tiom the Muslims
124
"' B. N.L.. Fundu Geral Rosetvodos cod, 36, "Nol~c~as do Rrlno do Malabar:' fls. 6v-7v
They have other names such as ~ o r c o r or , ~arucacar or Gunuril Par,jro (E:hunoortlpanshu) which
%Y a community of 7 0 0 They were not bapt~sed at the time when Portuguese lefl Cochln
I26
C R. Boxer, op. cir, p. 58.
Gaspar Correa, op. cir . p. 703.
139
and nine were from the Hindus. Thirty-three children were from the lower castes. The
children of the Portuguese casados married to the native women were thirteen. Then
the children born to the Portuguese from the salves were twenty four- twelve boys and
twelve girls.'"
The association with the Portuguese made a change in the names, life styles,
occupations. reception of salaries, and also social positions. A11 Portuguese kings used
to admonish the viceroys to take care of the nev. Christians very well and to do them
economic favours. "'
Thus under the Portuguese the new converts enjoyed a lot of benefits. The
Portuguese were always ready to look afier their needs both spiritual as well as
material. So under the Portuguese they remained as different ethnic community
dominated by the bonds of Christian religion.
IV. 3. Interaction between the Portuguese and the Muslims
The Portuguese. from the very. beginning of their arrival in Calicut realised
that the Muslim merchants would be a threat to their dream of maritime supremacy,
which was based on the monopoly of the spice trade from India. At the same time the
response of the Moors to the arrival of the Portuguese was very. negative as they were
afraid that it would affect their pockets because they were monopolistic traders
hetween the East and the West. This is clear from the first response of' the Muslim
merchants in Malahar at the arrival of Vasco da Gama expressed by Barros- "ficLam
nlui tristes.""" Against such a backdrop the Muslim merchants wanted to oust the
Portuguese from the Malabar coast. So they instigated the Zamorin saying that the
Portuguese were spies and that they would come again with great forces to plunder
and conquer the ~ount r y. ' ~'
I18
" Fret Paulo da Trinidade, op or, Pan.ll, p. 336.
,251
A N T. T., Corpo Cronologrco. Parte I , M a p 17, doc 27, fls. I v, 2.
110
Pedro Teixeira, op ctr.. p. 354
,,, It means they remalned very sad Joao de Barros. up co,.. Decada Primema, Parte Prlmeira. p. 340
Gaspar Corre~a, op. cn.. Livro Primeyro. Torno I, Parte I , p 77.
140
The Muslim merchants were alarmed hy the arrival of the Portuguese on the
Malabar Coast. It is said that the astrologers of Malabar who were even talented to
show the lost ship in a glass of water. could foretell the death knell of Moorish
merchants.'32 The Portuguese wanted a preferential treatment in Calicut from the
zamorin. But the Muslim merchants who had been trading with Calicut for a long
time were not ready to surrender the privileges they had been enjoying, being the
principal merchants of Calicut. This added to the resentment between the two.""
The Portuguese never missed an opportunity to attack the Muslims. Cabral
attacked without any provocation a ship which belonged to Mamale Mercar and
Cherina Mercar which was calwing seven elephants. As soon as he understood that
the Zamorin had an eye on those elephants, the Portuguese seized them and prrsentcd
them to the ~amorin."?he religious antipathy that was there in Iberian Peninsula
against the Moors also added to their enmity to the Moors in Malabar. So the
Portuguese were keen to inflict damage on the Muslim merchants whenever they got
an opportunity. There were many instances where the houses and Mosques of the
Muslims were burned by the ~ o r t u ~ u e s e . " ~ They demolished Mosques which were on
the shore of Cochin and they constructed Church there."' The Portuguese did not
hesitate to do inhuman atrocities against the Muslims. hlany of them were taken
captives. sold as slaves and so many others were killed."'
Thus the Portuguese, from the very beg~nning had considered the Muslims as
their enemies not only in temporal matters hut also in spiritual life because of the
hatrcd the Muslims had for the ~hr i st i ans. "~ May be because of that the Muslims
*ere always there with the forces of the Zamorin to fight against the combined forces
of the king of Cochin and the ~or t uguese. "~ The Portuguese in their turn considered
I]. Joan de Barros, dp cir , Decada Pr~meira, Pane Prime~ra, pp 341
I$*
' ' I {hid. pp. 351-357
Jog0 de Barros, op. or , Decada Prime~ra, Pane Primelra, pp. 426-427
I,, .
Carts IX dated 1 Apr~l 1512, from Cochin pp 29-65 In Keylnundo Antonto Bulhao Pato, ed.. C'onu%
de Afinso de Aibuquerquc Seyu~das de Documrntos qur o . ~ elucrdam Puhlicadas de Ordem da Cl ane
dc sclrncras Morues. Po1111co.s r Bellas-Lntrus do Acdcmra Real dm Sctencias de L~shoa e .Soh
{ P CC~ O de Reymundo Antonio de Bulh80 Pulo, Tomo I. Lisboa, MDCCCLXXXIV, p 49.
,;,Dr. J. Leyden, "History ofthe Mapillas" Manuscript kept i n B. L. Add 26.578, fl. I Iv.
138
~ h l d . fls. 14, 14v
,," Pe. Sebastaim Gonqalven, vol. I , Vida do B P. Francisco Xavier. p. 88.
Dr J. Leyden, "History ofthe Mapillas" Manuscript kept in B. L.. Add 26.378. tl I?.
141
the fight with the Muslims as a continuation of what had happened in the Iberian
peninsula which was always in continuous enmity and conflict with the Moors and
that the ultimate success would be with the Portuguese as was the case in P~r t uga l . ' ~"
The Muslims used to 60 for pilgrimage to Mecca. The Portuguese captured
one of the ships, destined to Mecca, carrying almost 260 Musl~m noble pilgrims from
('alicut, and they were killed. Besides them there were around 70 women and
children. According to the Portuguese it was a vengeance for the killing of the
Portuguese in Malahar. Then 20 Muslim boys among them were captured and they
acre converted to Christianity in retaliation to the conversion of a Portuguese boy to
Islam by taking him to ~ e c c a . ' "
The Portuguese never respected the religious feelings of the Muslims. When
the) built fortress in Cochin. they demolished a Mosque. which was there on the coast
of the sea. In its place they built a Church.14' On 3 January 1510, the Portuguese
burned the chief Mosque in ~ a l i c u t . ' ~ ~ The Portuguese persecuted Muslims in
whatever way possible. Cruelties of this sort were done only to the Muslims while all
other sections of the society like nairs did not have any problem.144
At the same time the Portuguese used to make use of the service of Muslims if
it was beneficial to them. For example on certain occasions the Muslim pilots were
employed by the ~ o r t u ~ u e s e , ' ~ ~
There were cases where the Portuguese gave asylum to some of the Moors
even without the consent of the native kings. In Cochin. the Portuguese gave shelter
lo Quoja Lequi (Khoja Bequi) a Moor from Calicut, in their castle without the consent
t i t i
Joao de Barros. up cit , Decada Pr~meira. Pane Primeira. p 450.
I" Manuel de Faria e Sousa, up, ci r , vol I. p p 144, 145 See also D loseph Manlner da la Puenre. up
~ i 1 . n In
.
"zinadim. Htsrdrio d m Pcstugurses no Mol ahar, Lishoa. 1998. p 54
ihid. p 60.
: W hid. pp. 63. 65.
Letter of Affonso de Albuquerque dared 22 December I514 in Reymundo Antonlo Bulhilo Palo, ed .
( ' ~ ' 1 ~ s dr Affomu de Albuquerque Seguidos de Documrnros que as riucidum Puh1rcado.s dc. Ordem du
(' / u~s@ de sciencros Moroes, Politrcas e Bellus-Lertrur di, Acdemrrr Reol dus Sciencior de L~shoo e Soh
D1recfdo de Rqvmundo Antonio de Bulhrio Paro. Tomo 11. Lisbua. MDCCCXCVIII, p 123.
142
of the ~ i n g . " ~ It shows that the Portuguese when they tbund that certain activities
help their commercial interest, they would not pay heed to the demands of even
their dearest king in Malabar. Here we see that the Portuguese put aside their
animosity to the MOOIS. It points to the fact that the Portuguese rivalry to the Moors
was not primarily religious but commercial.
The indigenous Muslims had rather good relationship with the Portuguese. It
was because of the trade relationship both of them had. Khqia Bequi, the leader of the
indigenous Muslims was in very cordial relationship with the Portuguese. He told the
Portuguese captain that he liked the Portuguese as they could sell their commodities
to the Portuguese for a just price. He used to take the Portuguese to his house and
treat them well. He used to go to the king several times in favour of the ~ortuguese' "
and give news secretly to the ~ort uguese. ' ~"
Cotiale was a very rich Muslim from Tanore. He was in very good terms with
the Portuguese. He used to conduct trade with Portuguese curtazrs. He mainly dealt
with the commodities of the land like rice. which he used to bring Srom the Maldives
to Calicut. Though the Portuguese first caught him, later he became one of their great
fiends. The Portuguese. whenever they went to visit him, were treated like brothers.
He had a house well furnished with cots, beds, chairs, and tables in the European
fishion. He used to honour them by supplying wine.149 Thus we can see that some of
the Muslim merchants had already adopted European life style in Malabar. The
Portuguese used to be very friendly towards him as long as their commercial interests
did not collide.
Whenever the commercial aims of the Portuguese clashed with those of the
Muslims, their friendship was broken. It happened in the case of Timoja. Coje Bequi.
and Cotiale. Cotiale was caught when he moved with two armed ships laden with
-
146
Lener of the King of Cochln written in 1510. In Reymundo AntOnlo Rulhilo Pato, ed., Corrar de
4j/(l/f\o dr, Alhuiluerque Seguida5 de Dorumenr~, ~ ,sue rus elucidom Puhlicuda~ de Ordem da Cl a. \ e dr
Jcrf'ncias Morae, Pulrrrca~ e Bellas-Leura,~ da Acdrmio Real dm Scirnr rur de Lishva e Soh Dirrcqdo
d~ Rvmundu Atironlo de Bulhijo Para. Tomo IV. L~sboa. MDCCCCX, p 43.
::~~~parComea. up cir., Livro Primeyro. Tomo I . Pane I , pp 190-92
[hid. Livro Primeyro. Tomo I. Parte 11, p. 498.
143
pepper to Mecca. Later on he became a corsair against the Portuguese and joined
hands with Patemarcar, another corsair of Cochin.15' These facts show that behind thc
enmity between the Portuguese and the Moors uas the clash of interests in economic
affairs rather than religious war.
But the foreign Muslims were deadly against the Portuguese because of their
commercial rivalry. They were furious at the preferential treatment some of the kings
in Malabar used to give to the Portuguese. For example the king of Cochin and Queen
of Quilon. according to the contract they had made, had to first fill the ships of the
Ponuguese with the commodities that the kings collected, at a fixed price. The foreign
Muslim merchants were very jealous of it and they used to raise allegations against
the Portuguese saying that they used to touch the lower caste people, eat beef and
pork. kill cows, sleep in the houses of the lower caste people and sleep with the
women of lower castes, take women by force and so on.15'
Some of the Muslims also availed themselves of the opportunity they got to
attack the Portuguese. The Moors killed three friars of the Franciscan order. who
reached Malabar in the fleet of Cabral, while engaging in preaching in ~ a l i c u t . " ~
Kunhali, a corsair bumed the houses of some Portuguese and a few of their ships.'s3
The antipathy that the Muslims had towards the Portuguese was expressed by the
burning of the Church of the St. Thomas Christians at Quilon in 1505. The
Ponuguese factor at Quilon wanted Moorish ships to be filled with merchandise only
atier the Portuguese ships were filled. Therefore the factor seized the oars and sails of
the Muslim ships. This led to the murder of the factor and his companions. In addition
to that, they burned the Church of St. Thomas along with a Portuguese deacon and
forty St. Thomas Christians who had taken refuge in that Ch~r ch. ' ~' This undermined
the social relationship and religious tolerance that had been there in Malabar for
centuries.
14"
[ hi d, Livro Segundo, Tom0 I], Parte 11, p. 679 See also ~hr d. 1.1vro Terceiro, Tomo Ill. Parle I, p.
228
::: l,h!d, Livro Segundo. Tomo 11, Parle 11, pp. 679,680
152
! bi d. Livro Pnmeyro. Tomo I. Pane I, pp 192. 193
15;
Frel Paulo da Trinidade. op,cir, Pan 11, p. 292.
,,a Jolo de Barros, op ci r, Decada Quana, Pane Primeira, pp. 520.
Gaspar Correa. op crr., Livro Primeyro. Tomo I. Pane 11, pp. 579-80. 594
144
At the same time, there were instructions from the part of the Portuguese
(;ovemment to the Viceroys and Governors to encourage the Christian and Hindu
merchants against the Muslim merchants. Such changes in the occupation of the
people affected the balance of the society.'" It had its effects. We see Ittikunju, a nair
merchant from Cranganore supplying the Portuguese large quantity of
Whenever the Muslims got an opportunity to attack the Portuguese. it was
a l ~a ys utilised. Ada RajHo (Ali Raja). the administrator of the city of Cannanore. was
at first in good terms with the Portuguese. When their commercial acti%ity was found
to he at the ruin, Ada RajBo, gathered together all the Muslims on the coast to attack
the Portuguese. On 15 May 1559, Ada Rajao came with a force of 100000 Moors and
Kairs among whom 10000 were gun founders. 'They came towards the fortress and
aome even entered inside the fortress. 'I'he women and children spent the time praying
and the priests consoled them. In that terrible fight in which 15000 died from the side
of Ada Rajio and 25 on the part of the Portuguese, the victory was with the
Portuguese. To thank God for the victory a procession was held.'"
Many Portuguese men married Muslim women. The Church as well as the
state encouraged such matrimonial relationship as a means of conversion to
Christianity and thereby the salvation of the Muslim souls. In Cochin there were
Muslim women who received baptism in the Church, like Briatiz Nunez who was the
wire of Afonsa da ~ o t a , ' ' ' Many Muslim women were attracted to Christianity just
because they did not have enough freedom as they had to remain inside the house.
Once they became Christians. they had better exposure. Therefore some of the
Muslim women left their husbands behind andjoined with the Portuguese men.Is'
"' K S. Mathew. "lnd~an Merchants and the Portuguese Trade on the Malabar Coast dur~ng the
Sixteenth Century," pp. 1-12, in Teotonio R de Soula, ed.. indo-Porluyiiese Hrslog Old Issue.\, krv
$(;ci.n(lm. New Delhi, 1985, pp. 1-2.
ill
Hennque Lopesde Mendon~a, ed., op. cir., Tom. VI I . p 174
,,, Frel Paulo da Trinidade, ~ p . c t r . Pan 11, Lisboa, pp. 252- 254.
,,, Henr~que Lopes de Mendon+ ed., op. crr Tomo VI , Llsboa, p. 190
Gaspar Correa, op, cit., Livro Primeiro, Tomo 1, Pane 11. p. 625.
145
The victory against the Moors was considered as a great thing. That is why the
kings of Portugal used to attach much importance to the bictory over the Moors. The
letter of 1 July 1550 asks the Provincial of the Dominicans in Lisbon to inform all the
('onvents to give thanks to God for the success the Ponuguese had in Calicut over the
~us l i ms . ' ~" Thus the most antagonistic relationship that arose in Malabar was
betueen the Portuguese and the Muslims.
IV. 4. Interaction between the Portuguese and the Jews
In Malabar there were black Jews as well as thc white Jews. The white Jews
were mainly from the foreign stock.16' At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese.
thcre were Jews in Cochin. 'The German Traveller who reached Malahar in the fleet of
l mei da in 1506 noticed their presence in Cochin.'" The first notice of the
interaction between the Ponuguese and the Jews is the mention of Martim Pinheiro, a
Jcu from Lisbon taking along with him a chest filled with Hebrew books he had
collected from one of the Synagogues in Portugal, which was destroyed during the
expulsion of the Jews from Portugal by Dom Manuel in 1497. He sold these books to
the Jeus in Cochin for a high price. When the Viceroy heard about it. from the king of
Cochin. he asked them to entrust the hooks to the Viceroy and give back the money to
the .lews. When the king of Portugal came to know about it he scolded the Viceroy for
his actionlb3.
Because of various reasons, the Jews were inimical to the Portuguese.
ccording to the principle my enemy's enemy is my friend. the Jews of Calicut
supported the Zamorin against the Portuguese. In the Har between Calicut and the
king of Cochin in 1536, the Jews openly fought against the King of Cochin and the
P~r t uguese. ' ~
,,,v
A N T. T . Carpo Cronoii,y,cu. Parte Prime~ra, MaGo 4, doc. 3 1.
: y (
Sebastaim Gonqalves. op clr.. vol I, p. 91
'- Walter J. Ftschel, .'The Contribut~on of the Cochin Jews to South l nd~a and Jew~sh Clvlllzatlon." pp
15-41. In P S, velayudhan & others, ed.. The Cochin S,,nap,,gae 400"' Pnntoer~an, ('rlehruirnns
Fmmrmoronon volume. Coch~n, 197 I . p. I 8.
" Walter J. Ftschel, .'Their Contribution In the Realm of Culture & Literature.'' pp 48. 49, in P. S.
z budha n & Others, ed.. r,p crf., pp. 43-64
Gaspar Correa, up. car, Livro Terceiro. Tomo Ill. Pane 11. p 762
146
The Portuguese, through their different attempts had understood that it was not
,,yy to convert the Jews of Malabar into Christianity. Therefore. the missionaries
wote. that the sect that was most difficult to be converted was of the ~e ws . ' ~'
There were religious confrontations between the Portuguese and the Jews. In
Parur, near the fort of Cranganore, there was a synagogue of the Jews, by the bank of
the river. At the time the Christians used to celebrate the Passion and death of Jesus,
the Jews used to mock the Christians by making a figure of Jesus and they used to do
ahatever the Jews were said to have done to Jesus from the prison to the cross. 'They
did that with great shouting. Enraged at this, the Ponuguese went to that synagogue.
nut they had shut the door of the synagogue from inside. Later on they managed to
open the synagogue and asked them to adore the image of Christ. To punish the Jews.
more Portuguese came from Cochin and they set fire to the Synagogue, which was
fully destroyed in the fire. Though they rebuilt it, they neber repeated the same act.'''
Cruel activities of this nature on the part of the Portuguese created a rupture in the
societal framework of Malabar.
There were also problems between the Jews and the Muslims of Cranganore.
I'he reason might be mainly economic. In 1523. the Muslims sent representation to
the Muslims of other cities to avenge the Jews. Consequently the combined Muslim
hrces reached Cranganore in 1524 and killed many Sews and destroyed their
Slnagogues. At the same time the Muslims also attacked the houses and churches of
the Christians too.'67 The hatred towards the Christians in this regard was generated
by the religious and commercial policy of the Portuguese.
Because of the Portuguese atrocities, many of the Jews had to leave areas like
Cranganore and Parur. They left for Cochin where there were a lot of their fellow
religionists. In the beginning of the sixteenth centurq there was a flow of Jews from
Europe to Malabar seeking fortune in Malabar. In the Iberian Peninsula, the fate of the
"' Padre loam de Lucena, op or . p. 55
;: Frei Paulo da Trlnidade. op, cir , Pan I I . p 340.
zlnadlrn, up. ci r . pp. 69. 70. 147
Jews was quite miserable. because of the expulsion of the Jews in Spain and Portugal.
she only way to escape expulsion was to become Christians. Evcn those who received
haprism were persecuted very much in the Iberian Peninsula accusing them of occult
Jewish practices. The sword of inquisition was hanging over their head. Under such
circumstances many Jews fled to eastern countries. Many of them reached Malabar
seeking fortunes here. In Malabar they could find their co-religionists. So, many of
them could practice Jewish traditions here. Now it was a matter of great concern for
the Portuguese masters as to what was to be done with these Jews. Therefore Affonso
de Albuquerque sought the advise of the king of Portugal regarding the management
of the Spanish Jews in Malabar who reached here via Cairo as merchant^.'^^
Thus the number of the Jews in Cochin increased. Man) white Jews used to
come fiom Turkey to Malabar. Besides them there were many indigenous black Jews
also. One white Jew who came from Turkey was very well versed in Hebrew Bible
and he conversed with many new Christians. Though the Portuguese wanted to
convert these Jews, it was not easy as they were "blind" according to the
~onuguese.l"?he king of Cochin was very friendly with the Jews. He gave asylum
to the Jews who reached Cochin, may be because of the fact that they were very
daring merchants who could bring wealth to Cochin. He allowed them to settle down
in Mattancheq, near his palace where he permitted them to build a Jew Town and
accordingly the Jew Town came into being in 1567."'
rhere were commercial relationships between the Portuguese and the Jews.
We find the Jewish merchants bringing textiles from Camhay to Malabar to be
exchanged for pepper and other ~ommodi t i es. "~ Though religiously the Portuguese
and the Jews were enemies, they had commercial relationships.
IN CW XLII. pp. 243-248 In Repundo Antonlo Bulhao Pato. cd . Carla! de Afiinso de Albuquerque
S'axuidrn de L) o~ment or que os eluodum Puhlicodos de Ordem do Clu.~he de rcrenclus Murae.~,
P~~l l i cer e BeNuu-Letrras do Acdemra Real dus Scrmcra.5 de Lbhou r Siih L)rrecciio de Revinundo
f;lon~o dr Buihdv Pafo. Tomo I, Lisboa, MDCCCLXXXIV. P 244.
DOC. 31. "P. Melchlor Nunes Bmt o S I , Soci,s Lusltanis, Cocino, 15 lanuarrl 1.559," pp 234-252
/:;o~ephus Wicki s.J.. ed. Documenrrrlndrcu(1557- 1560)- vol. lV3 Romae, 1956. P 247.
, P. S. Velayudhan &Others, ed.. op, crr.. See the introduction, p. viii
' I A. N. T. T . Carrm do3 V8cerrrs de lndro. No. 95.
148
Due to an order from the king of Portugal in 1565, the Jews were forbidden
from entering and staying in Portuguese I'ortresses under severe punishments
including confiscation of their material possessions.172 The Jews abandoned their
residence in Cranganore in 1565 and took refuge in Cochin where the king permitted
them to stay near his
The king of Cochin appointed a ,Mudaliur, the chief of the community who
was the chief spokesman of the community. having special privileges. The Muduliar
htd some right to enforce law, give certain punishments and impose fines subject to
the final decision of' the King. But capital cases were dealt only with the King. The
tirst Mudaliur was Barukh Joseph who was there in Cochin by the first half of the
sixteenth
Many Portuguese new Christians who got converted from Jewish religion
decided to try their fortune elsewhere other than Iberian Peninsula. This led them to
India. Once they reached Malabar. they had two possibilities: either they could be
lojal to the Portuguese and remain as Christians or they could join with their fellow
Jeu,s who were there in Cochin and surrounding areas. The latter group could evade
the wrath of the Portuguese by remaining in the kingdom of the enemies of the
Portugue~e."~
In places like Quilon the Jews. Muslims and the Christians used to live
together without creating a rupture in the social But ~ i t h the Portuguese the
situation changed.
1'2
H A.G . No. 0.529 ProvrsGrs ufuvor do Crrsrimdir~le ieii513-IXl0i. fls. 79v. 80.
I,' Mosseh Pereyra de Paiva, op. at.. p. 16.
I " Walter 1. Firchel. "The Contribution oft he Cochln Jews to South l nd~a and Jew~sh Civil~zation.'. pp
/4-41. in P. S. Velayudhan & Others, ed., op crl . p 20
Doc. 4, "P. Franciscus Perez S.1 p. Michael! de Torres S.I. Provlnclall Llsltaniae. Cocino 13
lanuan1 1558,'. in pp. 38.48, in Josephus Wick, S.J.. e d, Uricunrenla lndica (1557- 1560). vol 11,
$mae, 1956, p. 40.
Schurhammer, Georg, S. J.. f runci , ~ xuvrer Hi5 Lilr. HIS Tdmes. vol 11, l nd~a (1541-1 545). Rome
1977.p.291.
149
IV. 5. Aspects of Society and Culture
All aspects of the interaction between the Malabar society and culture and the
portuguese cannot be brought under the hcad of religion. xorna and lati. There are
different other traits of culture which somehou affected Malabar society and culture.
They are foll~wing.
1V. 5. 1. Mercantile Activities
The main motive behind the coming of the Portuguese was commercial, to
obtain the monopoly of spice trade ex~icting the Muslim intem~ediaries.~" The
Portuguese used to take a lot of spices like pepper and ginger from Malabar to
I'ortugal. Along with spices, they found that Cochin was source of a much-wanted
cornmodity- wood such as angelim and teak, which wcre used for shipbuilding.17x
During the second visit of Gama. an agreement was signed between the King
of Cochin and Vasco da Gama on the price of pepper. This was the first contract that
the Portuguese signed in Cochin for the sake of protecting their commercial
interest^."^ At the time Vasco da Gama reached Calicut, the price of pepper was 70
/utlJc.\ or 4 115 cruzado.! per quintal. In Cranganore it was 55%,funrie or 3% cruzados
pcr quintal. Vasco da Gama fixed the price of pepper with the king of Cochin on 3
J a n u a ~ 1503 as 2% cruzados per quintal. According to the contract. the paqment was
to be made in gold and a small percentage in copper.''"
The third fleet under the captainship of logo da Nova was little more trade
oriented, as there were foreign capitalists like the Florentine merchants called Fernso
Vinet and Bartholomew ~ a r c h i o n i . ~ ' ~ The free trade that was there in Malabar was
controlled. During the Pre-Portuguese period, people could come and purchase any
1'1
t i "
Zlnadim, op, crr , p 53
Pe Manuel Godinho. op crr , p 2 1
IRO
I nn Fernao Lopes de Castenheda, op, crr , Livro I e 11. p 99
Vitorino Magalhles Godinho. Or Descohrimenms r ii Er.o,tomra Mundioi, vol. 11. L~sboa, 1965. p
42
l a Joao de Banos, op. cir., Decada Primeira, Pane Primeira. pp 463,464
150
,,mmodity from whichever port they liked and also they could take it to whatever
destinations without the interference of any external agent. But there was a change in
this conventional free trade. In 1502 the Portuguese introduced some passes for the
safe conduct of ships laden with merchandise.ln' 7'0 get this pass of safe conduct
known as cartazes, the merchants had to pay a certain amount to the ~onuguese.' " If
anyone moved in the lndian Ocean without these passes. the Portuguese used to
confiscate such ships together with the merchandise.lM By the year 1517 we find the
pi,nuguese confiscating two ships that belonged to the king of Cambay and its captain
Coge Bequim was taken captive, as they did not have cur ~mr s from the Port ugue~e. ' ~'
The Muslim merchants who were to trade in the lndian Ocean had to pay for the
i . rrr/ ozc~. ' ~~ Thus the Indian Ocean was fully brought under the control of the
Pcmuguese that no ships could ply in the lndian Ocean without Portuguese carfuzrs.
The Portuguese used to adopt serious steps uhen illegal trade was carried on
in the lndian Ocean. They were guided by the theory of Mare Clausam, the closed
sea. The Portuguese fleets used to ply in the Indian Ocean to capture the ships, which
engaged in illegal trade. In spite of all these precautions, the people used to engage in
illegal trade. In 1528, the Portuguese Governor noticed a fleet of 30paruos of Calicut
going armed to brlng rice to ~ a l i c u t . ' ~ ~ The main commodity that was dealt with by
these merchants was rice. The cultivation of rice was less in Malabar. So there was
the shortage of food items that was to be balanced with imports from areas like
Coromandel. Batecala and Maldives.
Rice was imported to Cochin and other kingdoms. But theparuos used to hold
up them on the way. Therefore, the king of Cochin requested the Portuguese to give
security to the ships laden with rice coming from Coromandel to Cochin. The modus
opcrundi of thepuraos was that they would rob the ship that stayed at the back.Ix8
'1 Gasper Conela. op crr., Tomo I. p. 298
" J ~ o e Manuel Correia, op. cr r , pp. 40. 41
,::Dr. J. Leyden, "Hlstory of t he Mapillas," Manuscript kept in B L., Add 26, 578, fl I2v
Fern60 Lopes de Castenheda op c r r Livro Ill e lV. p 406.
I : Zlnadlm, up. cit., p. 57.
:I Gaspar Correa, op. ci r , Livro Terceiro. Tomo Ill. Parte 1. p 278
'hrd.. pp. 335, 336.
151
According to the demands from the West, there was a boost in the indigenous
market.
Because of that the producers of both primary and secondagv sectors
increased their production. This was an encouragement for the Malabar economy as a
whole.ls9 It seems that by the mid-sixteenth century, the Portuguese trade declined.
We see reports that there was a lot of pepper in Cochin and Quilon but the Portuguese
did not have money to buy it."O
Side by side with the official trade of the Es~udo du Indiu. the trade of the
private fortune seekers also increased. The private traders were mainly the rusudos.
The casudos and sailors were allowed to take together with them a cenain quantity of
spices.1q1 But when the trade of private individuals began to be a hindrance for
official trade, the treatment of pepper trade by all indibiduals was forbidden by the
Ling through a letter dated 7 February 1 522.Iq2
Thus during the Sixteenth century Indian Ocean regions were brought under
the world economy and capitalism and its features penetrated to lndia and other
countries of the Indian Ocean littoral. Competition among different trading
communities increased although Portuguese could control it through its own
rnechmism. The profitable Indian trade of the Portuguese was an eye-opener to other
westem European countries who also followed the course of the Portuguese gradually.
'Together with the development of trade and money economy a new middle class also
originated in Malabar. This was a great change in the society.
I V. 5. 2. Coinage
The gold coin used in Cochin was called,fanrit), which &as described by the
Portuguese as the 'lower gold' (ouro baixo). The,fande.s were used also in Cannanore.
,"V
K S Mathew. "lnrroduction." in K. S. Mathew, ed . Studies m Mor l t ~mr H ~ ~ t o r v . Pondicherry.
1990, p. x ~ i i
19..
Carta de Ruy Gonpalves dc Cam~nha para D Joiio de Castro," Coch~rn. 6 de Dezernbro de 1547. In
y$ 96-100, Elaine Sanceau, Colecpjo deSrio Lour en~o, vol. 11, Lisboa, 1975, p. 96.
Genevieve Buohon, "Glimpses of the Beginnings of the Carreira da lndia 1500-1 5 18," pp. 189-20 1 ,
J;Cenevikve Buchon, lnde D&couverre, lnde Retrot,vie 1498-1630. Paris. 1999. pp 197. 198
' HAG. . 3027, Provis6es. alvaris eeregimenror. vol.1. 1518-1526, fl. lOV
152
Calicut. and Quilon. There was also pe ps brancas, which had the same weight of the
fanrio. It was called chakram in ~ravancore.~' "
In the first quarter of the sixteenth century. Dom Henrique de Menezes asked a
1i.w minters to be sent to Cochin to strike cruzado.< 194 By 1530, the king sent Fern20
de EstevHo as minter for Cochin and a mint was started in ~ o c h i n . ' ~ ~ a t e r on by
1544 copper coins also began to be minted in Cochin during the Governorship of
Martirn Afonso de ~ o u s a . ~ ' ~
1V. 5.3. Shipbuilding
The Portuguese found Malabar Coast to be very good for shipbuilding. There
were woods like teak and angelim which could resist the worms and saline water. The
nature of the wood as well as the season of cutting the tree was very important. Life of
the people on board depended upon the strength of the wood. If it were cut out of
season, it would be unable to resist the waves. The wood should be of tough, dry. of
bitter and resinous sap and pliable. These qualities are combined only in two woods
namely. the teak1" and an~cl i m '"' These two woods were ver). abundant in
Malabdr.lv" Because of this factor the Portuguese started shipbuilding in Malabar.
Cochin had abundant hintelland, which provided these woods. Therefore in Cochin
sh~pbuilding was started. Under the order of Albuquerque the work of the ship called
Santa Catharina was started and was completed in the year 1517 when L,opo Soares
was the Governor. This ship was of 800 ionf:.~.'~" The ship SBo Pedro which
accompanied Francis Xavier was built in lndia.""
I Y' Vitorino MagalhPes Godinho. 0 s Descuhr,menlm r a Ecunomro M?mdiu/, vol. I. 1963. pp. 312.
314
I V i
0u:ado nas ancient Portuguese gold coin.
K S Mathew, .'Trade in the lnd~an Ocean durlng the S~xteenth Centun and the Portuguese: pp.
13-28, in K. S. Mathew, ed.. Srudres In Maririmc H~srorv. Pond~cherry. 1990, p 19
1%
Gaspar Correa, up cir . Livro Segundo. Tolno IV, Pane I . p 337
11s botanical name is Tecona grandis or Andira racemosa.
,+, Angelim amargosa oi its botanical name is Andira vennlfuga.
200 JO%O Baptista Lavanha, Llvropnmerru da Archirecrsril Nwal, Lisboa, 1996, pp. 140, 14 1
?,,, Gaspar Correa, op clr , Livro Segundo, Tomo 11, Parte II, p 488
Quirino da Fonseca, 0 s Portupeses no Mar. Lisboa, 1926, p 325
153
IV. 5. 4. Corsairs
Though the Portuguese tried to control the Indian Ocean trade, they could not
find an easy solution to the problem of sea pirac). There were many big and small
groups of corsairs in Malahar. The areas like Muterte (Muthedath) and Porkad
(puraiikad) were strong centres of piracy.'0' Some of the principalities encouraged
corsair activities. At times, it affected the lndian Ocean commerce of the Portuguese.
Therefore, the Portuguese were very keen on taking action against them. The ('uimul
of Muthedath was punished by the Portuguese for thc piracy that he committed
against the Portuguese ship. In the hattle, the Portuguese killed the ('uimai of
Muthedath and they cut down almost 10.000 coconut trees between Purakkad and
Cochin."' In spite of these type of measures adopted by the Portuguese, Corsair
actixity continued to he very common along the coastal areas of Malabar as a
substitute for trade. The Portuguese could not find an eas) solution against piracy.
1V. 5. 5. Portuguese and Kings of Malabar
At the time of the arrival of Vasco da Gama, there was a political balance in
Malabar centred on Calicut. The three independent kingdoms in Malabar were
Calicut. Cannanore and Quilon. But the pre-eminence was for Calicut. All the other
lings and lesser nobles were under the Zamorin who never allowed anyone other than
thc kings of Cannanore and Quilon to mint coins or tile their houses'" But with the
anikal of the Portuguese that power balance was disturbed. The Portuguese who left
for Cochin after the boniharding of Calicut In 1500, helped the king of Cochin to
rcaliae his dream for an independent Cochin. Resides. thc kings of ~annanore"' and
Quilon also supported the Portuguese for the growth of their trade. These kings were
hell aware of the fact that the development of Calicut as the most important
cmporium of trade in India was due to the maritime trade of the foreign Muslim
merchants. Therefore the above kings wanted to establish healthy relationship with
.,#!
(ieorg Schurhammer S. J. . Front$ Xmrrr Hi,r Lf e, HI., 7)mes. vol. I!, l nd~a (1541-1545). Rome
1977. p. 290.
6 1
Georg Schurnamrner, S.J , The Mtssior, Work ~ f r h u Jesurrs in A4utheiloth ( al ~m Arrhunkoii and
P(1rokodinrhe 16' ~and /7'"C'~enrurreu, Allepppey, 1957, pp. 4. 5.
?I*
10"
jog0 de Bwos, up cir.. Decada Pr~meira, Pane Sepunda, p 327
Frei Paulo da Trinidade, up or.. Parte 11, p. 248.
154
the Portuguese and build mercantile states like that of the Zamorin. The force behind
the kingdom of the Zamorin was the money that he used to get from trade. That is
why the Queen of Quilon invited the Portuguese to Quilon sending an emissary to
cochin.""
Before the arrival of the Portuguese, the political hegemony was in the hands
of the Zamorin who exercised it at his will. The kings of Calicut used to crown
themselves in the temple in Repelim (Edappally) where all the Malabar kings used to
come to show their respects on the occasion of his crowning ceremony. But in 1535
the Portuguese guarded the wa) to Repelim such a way that the Zamorin could not go
to Kepelim. Thus the crowning ceremony did not take In 1524 there was a
\\ar between the Zamorin and the king of Cranganore. The cause hehind this war was
the secret alliance that the k~ng of Cranganore. who was formerly an ally of the
Lamorin, made with the king of Cochin. Infuriated at this action of the King of
Cranganore, the Zamorin sent his troops to Cranganore. destroyed a lot of land, killed
a host of men and the Church of St. Thomas and its surroundings were burned by the
Lamorin. The King of Cranganore managed to escape from
With the giving of asylum to the Portuguese in Cochin a new type of
relationship started between the king of Cochin and the king of Portugal. The king of
C'och~n in one of his olus sent to the king of Portugal held that hoth of them were
hrothcrs. This was the beginning of a novel relationship, which had lasting
iniplications in ~al abar . " ~
Even when the kings of Cannanore and Quilon wanted to establish good trade
rclationship with the Portuguese. they were not verq happy with the cruelties the
Portuguese perpetrated in Malabar. A letter written by the king of Cannanore on 6
1)ecemher 1507 to the King of Portugal, mentioned that all the kings of Malabar were
not as had as the king of Calicut and he described all he did from his part for
!W,
Gaspar Correa, op, crt, Livro Primeyro, Tomo I, Pane I, p 219 See also B. N. F. , Manurcrrri
I'orrugo,.~ I , fol. I
?<,.
2qe Fernlo Lopes de Castenheda, op crf., Livro VII. Vl l l e IX, p. 407.
l , N Gaspar Correa, op ,pit., Livro Segundo, Tomo 11, Pane 11, p. 786
rbrd.. Livro Primeyro, Tomo 1, Pane I, p. 215.
155
establishing a good trade relationship with the Portuguese in spite of the robbing and
killing of the Portuguese in ~alicut.?"'
The Portuguese king sent through Vasco da Gama during his second voyage a
lot of presents like gold, silver. brocade, silk and a crown of' gold to the king of
Cochin. Again the loyalty of the king of Cochin was rewarded with a c r o m of gold
sent through Francisco de Almeida. The viceroy himself crowned the king."' Later on
the crowning ceremony became very solemn in which the Portupucse had a lot of say.
,\fter the death of the king of Cochin, the new heir used to go along with his men to
the Captain of the city and would inform the Captain about the demise of the king.
And all of them would express their condolence at the death of the king and
congratulate the new king. And they used to go to the city. After a few days
arrangements were made for the dead body of the king to be burned for which the heir
came accompanied by an army of almost 20000 men. The Portuguese Captain along
uith the ca.cudo.c of the city, richly vested, would wait outside the city. When one
group came at the sight of the other. the heir who came on elephant and the captain
who came either on horseback or in palanquin would embrace each other. Then they
Nent to the City through the streets, which were well decorated with rich catpets and
windou curtains. They went to the parish church where the counsellors who would be
naiting for him with their rods in their hands, took guard of the king. There would be
a lot of people and officials in the church. After having receibed him in the Church,
the Captain would lead him to the big Chapel and took the naked sword of the king in
the palm of the captain's hand. the king in his turn would put ober it hispoonool and
put his hand over it swearing vassalage to the king of Portugal. I-labing done this oath,
the Captain would put the crown on his head. Wearing that crown. the king would
sign the term of the oath he made and the captain and councillors would also sign the
same. Once that was over, the king would go out of the church accompanied by all
until the end of the city where he took leave of the Captain and others."' This is a
.,,I
Letter of the king of Cannanore addressed to the king of Portugal dared 6"' December 1507, pp 400-
In Reymundo Antdnio Bulhso Pato, e d , (briar de Aff(i,nso de Aihuqurryue Seguidos dc
Dncumrntor q u p 0,s e/~,crdam puh1,codo.y de Ordcm do ( %a r e de .sci',n'ias ,liirues. Poli1,cm e Bellus-
Lelira~ do Acdemi ~ Real das Scr~noar de Lbhoo e Soh Dlreccdo de Rqmundo Anronio de Bnihflo
y. Tomo 11. Llsboa. MDCCCXCVIII, p 400.
:,> Frei Paulo da Trinidade, up cit . Pan [I. p. 365
jhtd. pp 366
156
clear example of the change that happened in the tradition of a kingdom. Before the
contact with the Portuguese, the installation of the king was a quite different
ceremony performed by the Brahmins. But now, the most important ceremony
became the declaration of vassalage to the king of Portugal and the crowning of the
king of Cochin by the Captain. This shows how much change there was in the
traditions of the land because of the Portuguese presence and their influence in
Cochin. The crowning ceremony by the Portuguese captain was under certain
conditions including that the king of Cochin would not receive any favours from other
kings.""
Another custom that developed in Cochin was that on the New Year day. On
1. January. the Counsellors of the City and other officers of the municipal council
would go to wish the king. After having wished. they would present to him in a silver
tray a stipulated quantity of gold as a gesture of their thanks for having given them
that land. Yet another custom was that whenever the king of Cochin visited the City,
the captain went to the door of the city and entrusted the king the key of the
'This shows that the Portuguese were also loyal to the king. Though the City belonged
to {he Portuguese and it was organised and administered in the European way with
counsellors and other officers, they had accepted the overlordship of the king of
Cochin.
The king of Cochin used to acknowledge his loyalty to the king of Portugal. In
a letter written by the King of Cochin to the king of Portugal, the former enumerated
whatever he did for the king of Portugal including the wars he waged for the
Portuguese, his good will to load the Portuguese ships and all other services. He also
acknowledged that he had no other friend or brother other than the king of Portugal.
He also thanked the king for the Crown sent and also for the annual present of one
glass of gold presented every
11,
D loseph Manlnez da la Puente. Compendru dr lor Hisriir~ar dr los Discuhrimenro!. ('onqursrur. Y
(;'erroa de l a hdro Orrenriri y SUS lslos desde lo, T,empi, dc lnfonre Don Enrryur dr. Porrugul Su
'"enror, hermano del Rev D Duarle- hasra 10s del Rev D Felipe 11. De Porlugal. .v 111 De Ca.?rila.
Madrid, 1681.p 155.
?I 4
! , I
Fre~ Paulo da Trinldade. op o r . Pan 11, p. 366.
Letter of the King of Cochin wi nen in 1510, in Reymundo Antdnio Bulhao Patu, ed.. Corlur de
&nn.so de Albuquerque Segu,do~ de Donrmenros gue as eluctdom Puhlrcadas dr Ordcm do C'lu,ol.~u dr
157
By the early decades, some of the kings of Malabar became subservient to the
Portuguese. For example, the Queen of Quilon wanted to get a pass from the
1,ortuguese in 15 16. The Portuguese put forward certain conditions before the queen
for issuing a pass. The conditions were as follows a) The Church of St. Thomas in
Ouilon, destroyed by the Moors of Calicut should be rebuilt in the same place it was
without lacking anything b) The Christians of Quilon should be treated well c) To
repair for the loss of the goods that occurred because of the murder of Antonio Saa in
Ouilon. a quantity of 500 hares of pepper was to be given to the Portuguese and its
cost would be paid only in three years time d) The Portuguese were to be given
pepper, drugs and other spices at the price and weight of Cochin and they should not
be sold outside without the Portuguese license e) The king had no right for any
payment Sor the goods that were loaded and unloaded in the port of Quilon f)
fveryone in the kingdom should be judged for his deeds according to justice and not
according to caste or religion g) when any Muslim or gentile was converted to
Christianity no condition should be put and h) no i'a:d\,our should be given to any other
people in the port of Quilon. In return, alliance in war was declared in case the king of
Ouilon fought war with the enemies of the Portuguese and security was promised for
the ships of Quilon port."h Thus we find that the traditional freedom, the Malabar
kings used to enjoy, was curtailed because of the intervention of the Portuguese.
The change in the power structure of Malabar was very evident after a few
years of Portuguese presence in Malabar. When the Zarnorin wanted to send two ships
of pepper to Mecca in 1512, he aked permission from the Portuguese pleading that
lie would not ask such favour again.2" The viceroy permitted it. We see that the
Lamorin who had been the overlord of Maiabar was now at the mercy of the
f'ortuguese. The kings of Malabar who depended upon the Portuguese, lost
,iurisdiction over some of their subjects. For example the Portuguese and the
Christians, in case of crimes were entrusted to the captain of the fortresses whereas
"iencrus Moraes, Polrtrcm e Bellns-Lrttrm do Acdemra Real do,^ Souncior de Lishou e Soh D~reccCo
de Rvmundo Antonio de Bvlhiiu Pato, Tomo IV, Lisbon. MDCCCCX, p. 42.
?I<, ,, Trelado no Contrato das Pazes que o Gouernador I.opo Soares fez em Coulilo corn a Reynha e
Regedores da Term no anode 5 16,'' (pp. 30-34) Rodrigo Jose de Limn Felner, ed., op crt . pp. 30-33
?I'
Gaspar Correa, op crr., Livro Segundo. Tomo I I Parte I , p 334.
158
the Hindus and Muslims were to be entmsted to the king even if they did something
wrong to the ~ o r t u ~ u e s e . ~ "
In serious socio-cultural issues, the king of Portugal used to intervene. For
example. when the Portuguese slaughtered cows indiscriminately without respecting
the indigenous culture, the King of Cochin. wrote to the king of Portugal. It had its
results. The butchering of cows was prohibited in Cochin in I543 and it was decided
that if a Portuguese or a Christian killed a c o ~ . he should be entrusted to the Captain
fbr punishment.21v
The relations between the Portuguese and the Indian kings depended upon the
economic needs of the Portuguese. If the Portuguese needed some economic benefits
iiom the Malahar kings, they enriched the relationship. For example when the
Portuguese wanted some trade benefits. they entered into peace with the Queen of
~ui l on. " ~ So peace and tranquillity depended on the needs of the Portuguese in
Malabar.
There was very friendly relationship between the King of Travancore and the
Portuguese. As the King of Travancore did not have much merchandise needed for
commerce. their relationship was: mainly religious. The Portuguese were ver) much
interes~ed in the Christians of the coasts of Travancore. A contract was signed
between them stating that the King of Travancore would give great privileges to the
Christians. help in the construction of Churches and that this contract would last till
the duration of the sun and moon.'2t
IV. 5. 6. Portuguese and the Malabar Folk
In the second siege of Goa, Albuquerque made use of the service of almost
300 men from Malabar. It shows how the Portuguese could make use of the service of
:I8
"Trelado da Capitola$$.o das Pazes que fez o Gouernador Man~rn Afonso de Sousa". Coulilo. 25
p'tober 1543, (pp. 36-38) Rodrigo Jose de Ltma Felner, ed . op L I I , Lisboa. MDCCLXVIII, p. 37
thrd. o 78
' 2" ' -
?>, Fernen Lopes de Castenheda. op cir, Livro 111 e IV. Coimhra. 1928. PP 383.384
P'. Sebastaim Gonwlves. vol. Ill, pp. 227. 228
159
the Malabar people within a short duration of time. The Portuguese might have
employed the soldiers either for money or because of religious affinity."*
In Malabar itself different races of the Portuguese developed. The European
born Portuguese were called Reinol. The second race was the Portuguese who were
horn in India from pure European parents. Thirdly there were C'u.v/iqos who were horn
of the European father and Eurasian mother. The last race was that of Mrsri~os who
were half-breeds.22"
1V. 5. 7. Change in the Traditional Occupations
According to the custom of Malabar, the occupation of a particularjuti was
determined by birth. One had to follow the occupation of his father till his last breath.
On whatever conditions, the change of occupation was not possible among the Hindu
fold."J But with the Portuguese a change began to happen in this tradition. This
happened in the case of Poleas, Muslims and Nairs.
The poleas became warrior class. They were actually the workers in the paddy
fields. In 1504, the poleus helped the king of Cochin against the forces of the
7,amorin. The forces of the Zamorin could not withstand the attack of the poleas
because of the caste restrictions. Afler this victory, the poleus like the Nairs began to
carry arms with the permission of the king.22s
The Muslims who were the chief mercantile community in Malabar now
turned to waging wars. They were always there in enormous number to fight against
the Por t ~gues e. ~~%an~ Moors joined with the king of Calicut to fight against the
combined forces of the king of Cochin and the ~or t ugues e. ~~' The intention of the
-'- Ph~lip Baldeus, p 606.
:21
124
C R Boxer. op ci t, pp 62.63
22s
Jo8o de Barros, up, ci t., Decada Primeira, Pane Segunda. P 329
Fern60 Lopes de Castenhede op crr , Llvro I e 11, Coimbra. 1924, p. 166. See also Gaspar Correa.
: { <I t . , LI V~O Primey~o. Torno I, Parte I. p. 469.
!!i
Zinadlm. op.c,c, p. 57
Femao Lopes de Castenheda, op. clt., Livro I e I!, Coimbra, 1924. p. 356
160
~us l i ms in this regard was to protect their commercial interests in Malabar for which
there were new rivals from Europe.
The nairs who were mainly the fighting class now, were encouraged by the
Portuguese to take up farming activities, trade, accounting and so on.
IV. 5.8. Factories and Fortresses
With the arrival of the Portuguese the European system of fortresses was
implanted in Malabar. In 1503, Francisco da Albuquerque and friends decided to
huild a fonress in Cochin by the side of the river. For security's sake it was built on
the upper part of the city. It was constructed with timber like coconut trees and other
trees. The work of the fortress was begun on 26 September 1503. The king supplied
workers. The king himself used to watch the construction. It was named after King
Manuel. The opening of the fort was done solemnly with a procession in which
crucifix was taken around the fort. Trumpets accompanied the procession. When the
procession entered the fortress, the Vicar blessed it. A Solemn Mass followed the
h ~ e s s i n ~ . ~ ~ ~ Although it was renovated in 1508, it was the first fortress built in Indian
soil by a European power. It sewed a s the centre of Portuguese activity in Malabar.
The Ponuguese Viceroy, Francisco da Almeida wanted to build a fortress in
Cannanore. When the Ponuguese convinced him of the need for a fortress for
defending themselves against the Muslims, the king gave permission for the same.
'The building up of the fortress commenced on 23 December 1505. The work was
done very speedily that within five days the walls and tower for the protection of the
fort were completed. The fortress was given the name Santo Angelo and Lourenqo
Brino was made the captain of the fortress. Later on a Convent for the Franciscans
and a Church dedicated to St. Antony were also The fon, which was built in
Cannanore, was renovated in 1526 with a tower and fifteen feet high wall made of
stone.230 Dom Francisco de Almeida built the fort of Quilon in 1509. There were
? I 8
22Y
l bl d, pp.119-120. See also B. N. F.. Manuscrrts Porluyiiri I ful. 3
-3"
Frei Paulo da Trinidade, r p cb., Parte 1 1 , pp. 249, 250
Gasparcorrea, op, cit.. Livro Terceiro. Tomo Ill, Parte I , p 16.
161
162
artilleries, House of Charity. Hospital. ecclesiastics, captain and so on in the fort.
Around this fort there were about 60 houses of the ~ort uguese. ~" In 1513, the
Zamorin who was a friend of the Portuguese, granted permission for the Portuguese to
build a fortress in ~a ~i c ut . ' ~'
The fort of Chale began to be built in 1 5 3 2 . ~ ' ~ The stones for the fortress were
collected from the debris of an old mosque. There were houses for the captain.
soldiers, and other officials and also a church inside the fortress.234
Inside the ton of Cranganore, which was fbunded by Antonio de
~lbu~uerque,"' there was a College for the St, Thomas Christians and a Church was
also there attached to it.''h There was a Captain, artillery for defence, hospital and a
housc of Charity in the f~rtress.' ~'
The fortresses were independent entities, which were outside the jurisdiction
ol'the local kings. When the Portuguese approached the king of Cannanore to build a
fortress with stones, the latter said that, as that tip of land belonged to the Portuguese,
thuy could do whatever they liked with that piece of land.'3x
In every fort there were offices for the secular administration, religious
acti~it~es, military installations, charitable institutions and so on. She Supreme
authority in the fortress was the Captain. Captains were occasionally given civil and
military jurisdiction within the purview of the fortress. Thus we find the king, Dom
B. N L.. Fundo (;era/. Rrservados, Cod 29, "Relacilo das planlas, e Descr~ppaes de todas as
Fonalezas Cidades e Povoaqaes dos Portuguezes na Ind~a." fls. 4%' . 49
?'I
? , I
Fre~ I'aulo da Tr~nidade, op cir , Pan 11, p. 289.
>!a
1h1d Llvro VII. Vlll e IX. p. 271.
3%
Joi o de Barros, op crl., Decada Quana. Pane Primeira. p. 475
B N. L., Fundo Geral. Rc.servodos Cud N" 29. "Relacilo das plantas, e Descrippks de todas as
Fonalezas Cidades e Povoa~aes don Portuguezes na India." f l 42v
?i h
B.A.. Cddice 49-IP'-50, Jr.suiin.r no Axlo. "Trellado de outra cana do padre Mestre franclsco que
:;;reueo ao Padre Mestre sirnko no aAo de 1549." ff. 14-16 dated 20. January 1549. Coch~n, fl I Sv
6. N. L., Fundo tierul, Raervados CodNS 20, "Relacilo das plantas. e Descripcaes de todas as
Fonalezas Cidades e Povoapks dos Portuguezes na India." fls. 4 4 . 4 4 ~.
27"
A M. Mundadan. "The Portuguese and the Beginning of Latln Christian~ty in Cannanore (KeralaY'
'n lice-Almiranle A Teueira da Mora em Memoriuom, vol. 11. pp. 2 19-227, Lisboa. 1989, p. 209.
163
blanuel appointing D. Aires da Gama as the Captain oft he fortress of Cannanore with
civil and militagv j uri ~di ct i on. ~' ~
When Pedro Alvares Cabral left for Portugal, he left one of his men Gon~al o
Barbosa, as factor in Cochin in 1501. In Cannanore also another factory was
opened.'4n This was an arrangement to facilitate trade by purchasing and storing
commodities needed for the next Portuguese fleet. These were to be centres of
Portuguese trade in the subsequent years. By 1509 in the factories. there developed
difkrent production units. There was a gunpowder factory in the fortress of
Cannanore. The water in Cannanore was ideal for the refinement of saltpetre from
Ilonvar. Sulphur was also available there. There was another building for grinding
charcoal."'
These fortresses and factories were built to facilitate trade and also with a
\icw to military diplomacy. Through a system of different fortresses in strategic
places. the Portuguese could control the whole coast.
IV. 5. 9. The Urban Development of Cochin
Cochin, which was a small kingdom at the beginning of sixteenth century, by
the efforts of the Portuguese, became a well-known trading centre within a decade. By
1510 Cochin was counted as the main factor?; in the whole of India'" It was at the
cost of Calicut that Cochin gained such a prominence.
The relationship between the Portuguese and the king of Cochin began with
the bombardment and desertion of the Portuguese from the City of Calicut. From
Calicut. as led by Gaspar da India, they reached Cochin, where the king was very
23,l
2m
A N T.T.. Chuncelur~u de D Manuel, I. Ilv. IO;fl. 122, Letter ofthe King dated 24 February 151 8.
?i l
N F . Manuscrrrs Parrugot.~ I , fol 2
(ienrvldve Buchon, Regenr cflhe Seo Cununore's Rurponre ro Por r u~eae &ponn&ron. 1507-1528,
Delhi. 1988. p. 99.
lil
Letter of Atfonso de Albuquerque of 4 November 1510. in Rcymundo Antbnlo Bulhao Palo. ed .
Gr i m de Affin.vo de Albuquerque Sepi der dr Documenlor yue us elucidum Puhlrcadu.~ de Ordrm do
rluisr dr .,ciencios Morues, Poli~,cuj r Bel1u.~-Lertru,\ dilrr Acdemra Reui dot Scrmciu.\ de L~shoa r
SuhDireccdo de Reymundo Anlonro dr Bulhao Pulo. Tomo I. Llsboa. MDCCCLXXXIV, p 424.
164
165
eager to give asylum to the enemies of the Z a ~ n o r i n . ~ ~ ~ The king of Cochin knew the
importance of foreign trade from the lessons of the Zamorin who could make Calicut
a major emporium of trade on the Western coast with the help of the Muslim
merchants.
The king of Cochin had no option other than supporting the Portuguese. For,
the Zamorin was never prepared to accept the king of Cochin's position as an
independent kingdom. Therefore there was no possibility of compromise with the
Zamorin. The next possibility was to support the Portuguese against the Zamorin, his
perpetual enemy. The Portuguese responded positively to it. For them a base was
needed in Malabar. It would not be available elsewhere. When the needs of both
parties corresponded, the relationship became smoother. The Portuguese helped the
king of Cochin in different ways even b) the annexations of certain principalities. For
example, NicolZo Coelho murdered the ('uimui of the Island of Cheravaypil and put
that under the obedience of the king of ~ochin.""
In Cochin there was a city of the great king of Portugal. Cochin became the
first colonial city in India. Cochin had a mixed population consisting of the Hindus,
the Muslims, the Jews, the St. 'I'homas Christians and the Portuguese cusados and
so~diers.~" Cochin became the first city in India to be called a City in terms of the
kuropean standards. On March 12, 1527, King John 111of Portugal raised Santa Cruz
Cochln to the status of a City on par with the city of ~ v o r a in Portugal. The king
granted all the privileges enjoyed b) the cities of Portugal to the city of ~ o c h i n . ~ ~ ~ In
this city elections were held in the European mode.24'
Cochin served as the base of Portuguese activity in the orient. It was the initial
residence of the Viceroys till 1530 when Nuna da Cunha sh~fied the house of accounts
? 4 i
R. N F.. Monu.scrrrs Porrugio~s I , fol lv See also Joan de Barro~, op or, Decada Primeira, Parre
Prime~ra. p. 440
?,I
24%
Joao de Barros. op crr , Decada Prime~ra, Parie Segunda. p 92
Doc 35. "Aires Brandilo S.I. Ex Comm Sociis Coimbr~censibus. Goa 23 Decembr~a. 1554," pp
163-196 In Josphus Wicki S.1, ed.. DocumrnrirInd,ca. 11553-1557). vol Ill, Romae. 1954, p. 192.
146 ..
Trelado da Patente per que El-rei Dotn Joilo Noso Senhor fes a v~l a de Cochim s~dade e a Petlsao
Porque foi teerladada Juridiquamenle de Pur~alnlnho em que Prirne~ro estava em Pupel." pp 1-3. in
K.S Mathew & Afial Ahrnad, ed . op or. p 1.3.
24,
"Da Provilao do Vizo-Rei Dorn anfso Sobre a eleisilo da Stdade." (hi d. 1990. pp 40-41
166
and other offices to ~ o a . 2 ~ ' Cochin sened as a base when Affonso de Albuquerque
captured Goa both in February 1510. hhich did not last longer, and in Novemeber
1510 in which Goa came under the Portuguese to be the capital of the Esladr~ do hdi o
1ater.2~'
Once the Portuguese got hold of Goa and Diu. their attention was diverted
from Malabar especially from Cochin because then they were aware of the fact that in
Malabar, their foothold was almost secure. For the king of Cochin was very powerful
and there were other supporters like the kings of Cannanore. Quilon who were always
willing to help the Ponuguese. Now the Portuguese wanted to keep away the Muslim
interference in the lndian Ocean trade, t or the control of trade they wanted to secure
posts on the Western Coast. Goa was a place almost at the middle of the Western
Coast. To control the lndian Ocean a middle post will be easier than moving the tleet
from Cochin which is at the southern most part of the coast. From Goa the
Portuguese tleei could move to any point on the Western Coast very easily. Therefore
they decided to control the lndian Ocean by building different fortresses at strategic
points and also to patrol in the lndian Ocean to control trade.
By the middle of the sixteenth centur). Cochin had great commerce with
Brmgala. Pegu. Sion, Malsqua. China and other parts of the ~ri ent . "" Thus by the
second half of the Sixteenth century Cochin became a renowned emporium of trade. It
war at the coast of Calicut that Cochin developed as an international commercial
centre.
IV. 5. 10. Hospitals and Medicine
The Portuguese who were familiar with hospitals and medicines in Portugal
applied their medicinal knowledge in Malahar also. 'Those soldiers who were
218
?4O
Gaspar Cornea op, or, L~vro Tercelro, To~no Ill. Pane I . p. 388.
2311
B N. F.. Manuscrrrs Porlugob I, fl 7.
DOC 31. "P Melchior Nunes Barreto S.I. Sociis Lusltanls. Coclno. 15 lanuarrl 1559." . pp. 234-
252, in Josephus Wick1 S.J.. od., Documenlo lndico (1557- 15601, vol IV. Romae. 1956. p. 245.
167
wounded were given treatment in Cochin. On their wounds hot coconut oil together
with limejuice w s applied and they recovered within a few days.2"
The Portuguese also had taken the responsibility of opening hospitals in
different parts of Malabar. It was with the purpose of helping the wounded and sick
Portuguese as well as for charitable purposes. There were a pmvrdor,"' who used to
administer the hospital, a secretary, a surgeon, ph>sician. nurses and other servants in
the hospital.2S3
The first hospital established by thc Portuguese in India was in Cochin in1505.
Francisco da Almeida took the initiative in this regard. It was followed by the
hospitals in Cannanore. Quilon, Cranganor and in other localities ol' Portuguese
e~tahlishments.'~"
It seems that the hospital in Cannanorc was rather big with almost 60 beds. In
1510 sixty bed sheets for the sake of' thc hospital in Cannanore were asked for."'
Attached to the hospital there were pharmacies with pharmacist or apothecary.
D~Sfcrent medicines were used for curing the sick.?'%ach sick was given one carrilho
of wine every day and free food was also given."'
But many a time the state of the hospitals was decaying. We see Francis
Xa,ier wiling to the king of Portugal on 20 January 1548 asking him to entrust the
seudorcs da,fozenda"' to take care of the hospital. There were lot of sick people who
served in the fleet in this hospital.2sv It was the Ling of Portugal who supported
economically the day-today running of the hospita~.' ~"
2'2
"I Gaspar Correa, op cr r . Lwr o Primeyro. Tomo I. Pane I , p 217.
l'i
Superinlendent o f a charitable i nst~tuti on
Genevieve Buchon. Rryenr o/ , he Sea: (' unanorp' s Re~pome 10 Porruyueie hpanrion. 1507-1528.
P 151. See also A N. T T., Corpo C r o n o l ~ ~ ~ c o . Pane 11. Maqo. 23. Doc 105 See also l ose Manuel
Cclrreia, op cir.. pp 185. 186.
:I*
253
Jose Manuel Correia, op, cl r 1997, pp. 182. 183
,<'A.N.T.T.. Corpo Cronoloyico. Pane 11. Maco 23. doc 194
-'" lhrd. doc. 52.
?17
15d A N.T.T., Corpo Cronoloytco. Pane II, Maco 34, doc 59 See also Maqo 34, doc 91
Comptroller of finance.
219 .,
1,s
To John 11. Ki ng of Ponugal." pp. 187.192. I n M Joseph Castelloe S. J. . ed . op ctl.. p. 191
B N. L., Fundo Grral, Rexen,odos Cod N" 4533, fl. 4 7 0 ~
168
IV. 5. 11. Houses of Charity or Holy House of Mere) (MisPricordia)
Imitating the houses of Miskricordia in Portugal. they established holy house
of mercy (Misericordia) with a view to helping the poor and the needy. In different
parts of the Portuguese possessions, houses of this type of charity were established. In
Cochin there was a Misdrlcordia, which used to assist the poor and the needy.2h' It
was established in 1527. Soon in other parts of Malabar such as Cannanore.
(.ranganore and Quilon, such houses of charity and compassion came into being.262
'Ihe money for the day-to-day running of the same was obtained from royal treasury
as well as from private individuals. In confessions, the cases of restitutions were
directed to the houses of
IV. 5. 12. Churches and Monasteries
A lot of Churches were constructed. The king of Portugal had ordered that
churches should he constructed in all areas of the ~hr i s t i a ns . ' ~ Inside every fort there
\+ere churches. The first Church that was built by the Portuguese in Malabar was in
the fort of Cochin, dedicated to St. ~ertholomeu."' The Franciscan friars were
looking after this place as a centre of their missionary activity in the absence of any
other residence for them."'
'The first Franciscan friars who reached Cochin for missionary activities stayed
in the fortress. Later on when the number of the friars increased, a convent was built
in Cochin in 1523. It was built with the money received from the Portuguese royal
exchequer. The convent was named afier St. Anton) of Padua.'" Another monastery
!1,2
." A.N.T.T. Corpo Cronologic.icu. Pane II. Maqo 145. Doc l5l.11. I
!61
Jose Manuel Correia. op.cir, p. 196.
Doc 15. "P. Melchior Nunes Barreto S.I. Recctur Soccils Goanls. Coclno. 16 August1 1558." pp
! : -96. In Josephus W~cki S J., ed.. Documrnro lndrca (1557- 1560). vol. I V. Romae. 1956, p 92
?h5
Pedro Te~xeira. op crr . p 355.
?M,
0. N. F . Marmrcrir.~ Purrugab I , fls 3 . 3 ~ .
?&, Frei Paulo da Trinldade, op. crr . Pan I I , p. 368.
rhrd.. pp 369. 370.
169
was that of the Dominicans. The Dominicans had a very beautiful convent in
~ochin.' ~'
The other main churches were the Church of Santa Cruz and the Church of St.
Francis Assisi, St. Dominic, of Augustinians. Madre de Deus of the Jesuits and the
Chapels of St. Sebastian. Misericordia. St. Bartholomew, Guadalupe and so on. When
Cochin was made a diocese. the Church of Santa CruL was converted into the
Cathedral of the ~ i o c e s e . ~ ~ ' Inside the College of Cranganore, which was established
hy Fr. Vicente de Lagos, there was a Church, dedicated to the Patronage of St.
.lames.''" This Church was built in the Western mode as the college was meant to
latinise the St. Thomas Christians.
In the fortress of Cannanore there *ere a Church of Mercy (Mi.tericordiu)
*ith a chaplain. and a convent of the ~ranciscans.~" There were also a parish church
ded~cated to St. James. a chapel of Our Lady of Victory. and a Franciscan
~onas t e~. " '
In Palleporto (Pallippuram) there was a house of the Paulist fathers.273
Besides. religious houses of the Dominicans, Franciscans and so on came into being
in ~alabar."'
IV. 5. 13. Erection of Dioceses
On 12 June 1514, the first Padroado diocese of Funchal was erected. The
patronage of the diocese including the presentation of the prelate as well as other
benefices helonged to the king of Ponugal who was the perpetual administrator of the
-3"
26"
Fr. Luis de Sousa. Hisrdrro deS Dom~ngor, vol II. Pdno. 1977. p. 368
A M. Mundadan, "The T o m of Cochln and the Portuguese." pp. 253-263. i n I1 Seminurro
~nr~mucionul de Hrsrorro I ndo- Por r up~, ~. Adu. L~shaa. 1985, p 263
!,I,
B A.. Crjdire 40-IV-50 Jerurro.~ nu Asw. .'Trellado de outra cana do padre Mestre Francisco qur
;yeUeo a0 Padre Mestre simao no aRo de 1549," dated 20. January 1544. Cochin, tls l j V , 16.
0. N. F. . Manuscrils Porrugars I , fl. 287v
211
Ceorg Schurhammer, S. J., F~.~ncisXm,,er HaLl l e. HIS Timri, vol II, India (1541-1545), p 288
?,4 0. N. F. . Monuscr~ir Porrugorh i , fl. 298
B. N. L., Fundo Gerai, Reservodos ( hd h'" 177, fl 3 2 2 ~ .
170
Military Order of christ."' All the Christians of Malabar, except the norranis were
under the jurisdiction of the diocese of Funchal. King Jolo 11requested Pope Paulo 111
to make Funchal an Archdiocese to whose jurisdiction should be the diocese of Goa.
i'he king also had requested for the right to present Archbishops, Bishops and other
dignitaries. The territory of the new diocese of Goa began with Cape of Good Hope
including lndia and China. Together w~t h the bull of' 1534 erecting the diocese of
Goa. it gave a clear definition of the Padroado right of the Portuguese by which the
king had the right to present the candidates for bishoprics and from the part of the
king he had to meet the necessary requirements of the diocese including the payment
of the ecclesiastical dignitaries. build~ng up of the churches, convents chapels and
other things required for divine Fr, JoBo de Albuquerque, a Franciscan, taras
appointed as the Bishop of Goa and Fr. Vicente of the same ordcr as Coadjutor with
right of succession. They all lcft for lndia in 1538 and in the next year the former was
appointed as the Bishop of all lndia and Goa was made the capital of all bishoprics in
India."'
The diocese of Cochin was erected on 4 February 1 558.'lR The diocese of Goa
was raised to the status of Archdiocese with Cochin and Malacca its suffragan
dioccses. 'The territory of the diocese of Goa extended from the Cape of Good Hope
lo Hormuz and from there up to Cannanore. The limit of Cochin was from Cannanore
to Hengala and Pegu with all the Chr~stians of the eastern Coast of India. The St.
Thomas Christians of Cochin, Cranyanore. Quilon and those of the hilly regions of
Malabar were under the Armenian Bishops. A Dominican priest Jorge de Temudo
was appointed as the Bishop of ~ o c h i n . ~ "
IV. 5. 14. Inquisition
During this period, a branch of Inquisition. which has very prevalent in
Europe, came into being in Goa. In all Ponuguese possessions only Goa had a proper
?'i
:,o
(iervasis I. Mulakara, H,rio!y rfthe Dwcese ofCochin, vol I, Rome. 1986, p. 25
>7,
A M. Mundadan, St. Thomay Chrrsrions I4YR-1552, Bangalore, 1965, p 38
271
Pedro Te~xeira, up ctr . pp. 95. 96.
:'1
Fortunato de Alme~da, Htstrino do Igrejo em Porrugul. vol. 11, Pone. 1918. p. 25
Pedro Te~xeira. up. o r , p. 97.
171
Tribunal of Inquisition. The whole Malabar was under this lnquisition, which was
quite notorious for its atrocities and crueltie,. It was established in Cioa in 1560. The
tribunal had got its commissaries in all the Portuguese f or t r e~ses. ~~" The Jesuits
wanted a branch of Inquisition in Cochin too. According to P. Melchior Nunes
Barreto, in Goa it was established to clean the faith. In Cochin also it was needed just
because the people of Malabar also lived mixing with the Muslims, Jews and the
Hindus. He contradicted the views of some who informed Portugal that an lnquisition
was not needed in Cochin. His view was that if there was an lnquisition the people
would live well and that it would prevent the flow of white Jews Srom Turkey and
Persia and the Syrian ~ i s h o ~ s . ~ ~ '
IV. 5. 15. Education
In Malabar there was no formal education in the western mode befbre the
arrival of the Portuguese. The education that prevailed in Malabar was mainly
religious which was denied to the vast majority. From the very beginning the
Portuguese paid their attention to education. As was their custom in Portugal,
religious education was the most important objective. Therefbre it was imparted
attached to some relig~ous houses. Actually reading and writing were taught to serve
the religious purpose. Around the year 1507, the boys of the honourable Christians
were taken from Cochin to be instructed in catholic faith. The) were sent to the public
schools to study witing and reading,>'>
The children were given incentives to frequent the school. In the fort of
Cochin. in 1512, there were 17 Christian boys who were Ieamtng to read. Every week
the) were given one,fordo (hale or pack) of rice for their food.283
:I"
Mr. Dellon, N u r r o ~ d ~ do Inqurri~do de Goo E,xcr,pru em f ' r uncc por Mr Dellon, Verlrdu em
Pl~rtuguer, e Accrr~centodu corn Varrnr Mernorius. C'oiot Dor~umenlos, e urn oppettdrce. Conlmdr, rr
h'oldcra que do Mi ma l nqn, ~Co Deu o Inglel cloud,^ Buchanan. Por Mi p e l Vicenle D'Ahreu. Nova
$on, 1866, p. 3
Doc. 30, "P. Melchior Nunes Barreto S.I. Patr~ Generali. Romaln Cocino, 15 lanuarri 1559,'. pp
225-234, in Josephus W~cki S.J., ed., Documenlo lndrco (1557- 1560). vol. IV. Romae. 1956, pp. 229.
230.
?82
Femlio Lopes de Castenheda. op crr. Livro 1 1 1 e IV. p 197
A. N T. T , Corpo C~onol og~m. Pane 11. Mato 70. doc 59
172
The Jesuits opened the college of Madre de Deus in Cochin at the request of
the people of Cochin. The efforts of Francis Xavier mere there behind its foundation.
I559 there were about 250 boys who used to learn the doctrines of the Church, and
manners.284 It was this college, which was transferred to Vaipincotta after
a new building there. It was for the sake of the St. Thomas Christians
that it was transferred to ~ai pi ncot t a. ~' ~ Children of the principal men of the land
were sent to the Jesuit College in Qu i ~ o n . ~ ' ~
The children were helped by the missionaries to read and also to assist in the
Holy Mass. Thus some of the Malabar children. especially those converted to
Christian faith were taught to read. We can see the beginning of Western education by
the Portuguese missionaries who imparted it primarily as a means for evangelising the
peop~e.2R7
The students of the school after many )ears oftraining became well versed in
letters. They were also trained in humanism and other vtrtues. Some of the students
used to move from house to house asking for old cloths for those admitted in the
hospitals. 'They visited the hospitals with bread and other food items and also helped
in the cleaning of the hospitals. With the help of these students the missionaries
attracted many to Christimity. These boys in their turn had become agents of
imparting education to the elders and slaves of the land.'xx
In the college at Cranganore, dedicated to St. James, along with St. Thomas
Christians students, many orphans and children of the Hindus were admitted. The
intention behind this was none other than the propagation of Christian faith. There
:yn
PC Sebastatm Gongalves, op cir, vol. II, p 210. See also Doc 3 1. "P Melchior Nunes Barreto S.1,
Soclls Lusitanls, Cocino, 15 lanuarri 1559." pp. 214- 252. in Josephus Wlcki S. J . ed.. Documento
kd1:dii.a (1557- 1560), vol. IV. Romae. 1956, p. 237.
?Rd
PC. Sebastaim Gongalves, op, crt.. vol 11, p 21 1
Doc. 42, "P. Henricus Henriques S.1 P lgnatio de Lojola. Rornam, Coclno 20 lanuarti 1555," pp
:21-242, in Josphus Wicki S I., ed., Documenlo tndrco ( 1553- 1j JI ) . vol. 111. Romae. 1954. p 239
Letter of JuliHo Nunes, the Vtcar of Cannanore to King Dom Manuel of Portugal dated I 4 October
'510. pp. 308-312, in Reymundo AntOn~o Bulhgo Pato, ed. (brcus dr Ajfbnso dr Alhuqurrqtrr
S'%urdas dr Documrnros yue os elucrdam Publicadas de Ordem da Cl use de soencius Morues,
P(~1iticus e Bellas-Letrras do Acdernta Re01 das Screncras de Lnhoa e Sub Di r r c~r i o de Reymundo
Antonlo de Bulhdo Puto. Tomo Ill, Lisboa, MDCCCCIII, pp. 3 I I
173
wcre many colleges of this nature in Malabar. In these colleges students were
instructed in the doctrines of the Church, grammar and good manners. They were
taught to read and to handle ecclesiastical music.'" Fr. Vicente used to beat the
students for not having anended the lessons in the college. Many a time it infuriated
the parents of the students29u.
IV. 5. 16. Art and Architecture
The first Portuguese architectural expression in Malabar was the construction
of fortresses, which is dealt with under a different titlc. Though the first fortress was
made with wood, which was the main building material in Malabar, soon thc
Ponuguese found out its weakness and opted for masonly fortresses. The people of
hlalabar were not familiar with the fortress system.
Then new buildings like Churches and Chapels (Capelas) were built in
Malahar. The earlier churches were made in the form of the Hindu Temples
respecting the traditional Chstuvastru whereas the new buildings were constructed
with stones and lime.2q' In the construction of some Churches, there was the influence
of Marrueline style. The Franciscans founded the Church of St. Francis in Fort Cochin
in l500. It was fortified in 1503. It was reconstructed and completed in 1516 and it
was ded~cated to St. Antony. In 1552. the Franciscan college and seminary were
anachcd to this church. In all these Churches the Portuguese style of architecture was
~ i s i h l ~ . ' ~ ~
:dX
DOC. 64, "P Melchior Nunes Barreto S.I. Socu Europaeis. Coclno, 3 l Decembr~s 1561." pp. 398-
123 in Josephus Wicki S. J. , ed. , Documrnl o/ ndr~o( 1561- 15631, vol V. Romae. 1958, pp 413,414.
110
liHl
Fie1 Paulo da Trinidade, op, cif . Pan 11. p 335
29,
,hid. p 337.
Cana LXlV of 1514 October 25, pp. 298-300 In Rey~nundo AntOnlo Bulh%o Pato. ed.. Carla.\ de
I / ton. ~u de Alhuquerque Seguidor de Docwmenrus qzre as eiuodom Puhlriadirs de Ordem do Ci a. ~re di.
~ciuniral Moroes, Poiiricar r Beilw-Lrffras du Acdcmw Real das Scienou.~ de Lishoo e Sob Dr,-ec@,,
2; Rt.ymundo~ntonru de Bulhrio Pafo, Tomo I . Lisboa. MDCCCLXXXIV, p 299.
Jose Manuel Fernandes. "Vestigios do Manuelino na Arqultectura Rel~giosa de Influencia
PonQ2~esa na india: Malabar, Coromandel. Goa", pp 136-154, in Ocean05 Indo-Porfupesmmr~..
Numeros 19120- seternbrol dezembro. 1994, Comissao Nac~onal cotnemora~des doh descohrimenros
Ponugueses, p. I 37.
174
According to a letter of Frei Louren~o de Goes to the King of Portugal dated
28 December 1536, the first Church which was built among the St. Thomas Christians
in the Portuguese manner was in the place of Mar Simon who lived 8 leagues away
from Cochin.'" For building churches and other buildings. stones and lime were
used. The measurements were also taken but according to the European manner.2q4
The Portuguese an and architecture were seen mainly in decorative art and it
was through the missionary activity that it spread all over the areas of Portuguese
influence. Ivory carving was one among them. Majority of the indo-Portuguese ivory
artefacts were of religious nature.29'
Paintings and decorations in the churches were used following the tradition in
Europe. The Vicar of Calicut wanted to do an altarpiece. Through the ambassador of
the king of Calicut the Portuguese managed to get a painter. They decided to paint the
whole passion of Christ on that altarpiece with the help of that painter. The estimated
cxpense for that altarpiece was 800 cru:udos."" Another altarpiece. which Jo5o
Pereira requested from the king of Portugal. was for the St. James College of
Cranganore, which was under Frei. Vicente. Jo5o Pereira was very particular that the
altarpiece should be with the whole life of St. Thomas the Apostle as the Christians in
Cranganore were very much devoted to St. horna as."' This shows that the Portuguese
were very much interested in building and decorating the neu churches in Malabar
with the Portuguese style of an and architecture.
IV. 5. 17. Music and Theatre
The Portuguese introduced the western Music especiallq in the divine worship
in Malabar. High Mass with the accompaniment of Organs became very common.29x
: , , >
2, il
Mar Slmon lived in Kaduthurulhy A N T.T . C'orpo Cro,volog~co. Pane I . Ma p 58, Doc. 23, fl Iv.
2YI
A N T T.. Corpo Cronologrco, Pane I. Maw> 16, doc 67. tl. 1
John Corre~a- Afonso, .'lndo.Ponuguesc lvorles of the Herar Collection". pp, 339-347, in Occono~
~ndo-Porruguesme,zre. Numeros 19120- setembro dezembro, 1994. Comlsslo Nac~onal comemoray6es
descobrimentos Ponugueses. p. 340.
A N. T. T.. Corpu Cronvlogicu Pane I. Mayo 19. doc 85. fl I v One iru;adu i s equal lo 400 rel.7.
Ahmad. 0 . v Pnrrupeses na Asia. 1997. p 154
291 A, N. T. T., Corpo Cronologico, Pane I. Ma ~ o 80, doc. 7, fl . I v
Gaspar Cornea, up, cg.. Livm Prlmeyo, Tomo I, Pane I , p. 190.
175
There were solemn celebrations of Divine Liturgy and trumpets accompanied the
processions on feast days. It was so beautiful that even the nairs, (himuls, and also
the princes used to come to watch it.'YU
A new type of Music originated in Malabar due to the foreign missionaries.
The Jesuit missionaries used to teach the children music in the indigenous language as
part of their catech~sm. It was clear that the Portuguese missionaries would be
applying the Portuguese tunes to the ?'amil or Malayalam 'This definitely
ga\e a stimulus for the development of' I.iturgical music in a different style in
Maiahar.
Another mode of music that was introduced in Malabar was the singing of the
Mass and Passion in polyphony. On Good Friday evening a song of lamentation of
Our Lady, which is believed to have been of St. Bernard was sung which made the
liqteners cry.'"'
The students from Malabar, under the training of their teacher, a religious
brother, as pan of their talent show, performed a tragedy, which began with the sin of
Adam and ended with the death of Abel. The drama had five acts. Each act had song
accompanied by flutes, violin and so on.3"'
IV. 5.18. Food Habits
Rice remained to be the staple food of the people of Malahar Till now the
impon of rice from the Coromandel and Canara coast was a profitable business of the
Muslim merchants and the Che1tie.s of Coromandel Coast. Now the Portuguese
through their carrai system managed to control the food supply. The rice used to be
!n
ll0
ihrd. Pane 11, p 627
,", Padre loam de Lucena, 00. d , p. 55.
101
8. A.. 49-IV-50, f l . 490.
DOC. 60, "P. Francxscus Lopes S.I. Ex Cornm.. SDCII Ulysiiponens~bus Ad S. Rochi. Coc~no. 6
lanuary 1565," pp. 407-416. in Josephus Wicki S.J.. ed.. L)(,rvmenlu lndicu (1561- 1566), vol. VI.
Romae. 1960. p. 4 14.
176
brought to the Malabar Coast through the ports of Quilon and Kayamkulam where the
pomguese had considerable intluence."'
The food habits of the people began to change. In Malabar biscuits began to be
"sed. Biscuits were new to Malabar, because at the time of the arrival of the
portuguese the natives were not familiar with biscuits. Therefore, the natives
exchanged chicken, and fish for a piece of b~scuit. But after a decade we see that
biscuits were made in ~al abar . " ' ~
The Portuguese way of cooking slowly crcpt into the country. In the dinner
hosted by the King of Tanore, to the Portuguese in Goa. the Portuguese dishes were
served and special cooks were brought fiom the Portuguese fleet for this purpose.
'I'his shows a change at least in the mentality of a Brahmin king in the case of food.'"'
Within a few decades of Portuguese activ~ties in Malabar, there occurred
famines, especially in Calicut. There was shortage of rice as the Portuguese controlled
the Indian Ocean trade especially trade in rice, which was the monopoly of the Moors.
Bur at times. they obtained rice from the pur uo but it was sold in Calicut for high
price.'O"hus within a short period a kingdom of plenty could be transformed into a
place of famines because ol'he commercial policy and control of the Portuguese.
I V. 5.19. Disrespect for Indigenous Traditions
At times the Portuguese used to disrespect the indigenous culture. The
Portuguese being non-vegetarians used to go for hunting and eating tlesh of the
anlmals and birds hunted. In 1516, Gaspar da Silva, one of the Portuguese noblemen
and seven of his sewants went to the river near Diamper in a Tony. They went to hunt
the peacocks of the temples there. One of the ( ' u~n~ai s forbade them from doing that.
But they did not pay heed to his words and when one of the wounded peacocks fell
I",
Fernlo Lo~es dc Castenheda, op err, Livro V e VI, p I I . See also Gaspar Correa, op or. Llvro
[;lme~ro, Tomo I, Parte I. p 429.
Henrlque Lopes de Mendon~a. ed.. up, or.. Tomo VI. Lisboa. MDCCCCXV, p. 142.
, , Frei Paula da Trinidade. op ,par., Pan 11, p. 3 10.
Gasparcoma, op, c r ~. , LivroTercetro. Tomo 111. Pane I, p 387.
177
near the house of the Caimui he felt pain and he asked the Portuguese to leave the
land in the boat. But when they resisted there was a terrible fight between the people
01' the land and the Portuguese, which ultimately resulted in the death of the four
,,wants of the nobleman. As they went for hunting without license, they were sent to
the fort and they had to remain there all throughout the winter.)" Though such things
happened, it was true that the Portuguese authorities used to take serious measures
against such people who violated the law of the land.
In Malahar cow was considered as a sacrcd animal of the ~i ndus . " ' ~
Kespecting the religious feelings of the Hindus even the othcr sections of the people
refrained from eating beef. But there were incidents where the Portuguese used to
butcher cows indiscriminately. The king of Cochin complained about the same to the
king of ~or t uga l . ' ~
IV. 5.20. Changes in the Traditions of the Land
Malabar was a land whose customs were determined by age-old traditions.
'The I'ortuguese changed certain traditions that had existed in Malabar for centuries.
One of the traditions of Malabar was that no house other than that of the kings and
temples could be tiled. The Portuguese wanted to change this tradition. The
Portuguese Viceroy used to stay in a house roofed with oici and cane. The Viceroy
uanted to tile it. With this intention he set ablaze his own house without the
knowledge of the king of Cochin and asked permission lrom the king of Cochin to
huild a house with stone and tiles. The viceroy held that he was afraid of fire and that
Moors would kill him any time, as there was no security. But the king did not give a
reply that day, as it would undermine the custom of the land. The king gave
permission only after consulting the Lhimuls, other lords and his relatives. The king
maintained that being foreigners, as the law of t he land was not applicable to them,
the Portuguese could tile their house. But he was still quite afraid and therefore he
l,,B
'I' )hid Livro Segundo., Tomo I 1 Pane I, pp. 476.477.
Laurance A. Noonan, John of Empub and Hrs Relatrons nrlh Afi~nsu de Albuquerque. Lisboa. 1989,
P 145
178
asked them to postpone the construction work for some moru time for fear of other
kings.""
IJsually the wanior castes in Malabar used to serve either the king or the lords
of the land. But some of the people of Malabar began to serve the Portuguese as
soldiers. In the ship destined for the kingdom of Prester John. there were 800 Malabar
people. The ship was equipped with the Portugue~e.~"
IV. 5. 21. Moral Life
At the beginning stage of interaction. the number of Ponl~guese women was
her?; few in Malabar. The European women were forbidden from sailing to India. But
s11me women somehow managed to reach India. The first reference of such a woman
\bas in 1505. A son was born from a Portuguese woman to the fidalgo Antdnio Real
in 1503. " ~ Under such circumstances, the Portuguese men used to go after native
women who used to go after the Portuguese. We see the missionaries complaining
about the immoral life of the Portuguese in Malabar. The Portuguese bought a lot of
male and female slaves and slept with them. There are also references to a lot of
Pofluguese who had many children from various ~omen. ~l ?he Portuguese men even
used to intermingle with the Hindu women. Their mothers for the sake of some
eaming brought the virgin girls to the Portuguese. Almeida inten~ened in such a
ailuation prohibiting the immoral interaction with the gentile women under
Many cvr s ud~~~ as well as bachelors had four to six female slaves with whom they used
to enter in illicit relationship. Some of the cusudo.~ compelled the female slaves to
eam a Rxed sum, even through prostitution. This lowered the moral standard of the
people in Portuguese towns."' Several times. the Portuguese used to take the native
'I" "Cana do Re1 de Cochim ao Rei de Ponugal" Non-dated. . pp 74. 75. In Antbnlo da Silva Rego.
!~ocurnenlu@jo PUTO o Hi x r ~ r , ~ do, M,,~.vdes do Pudroado PorfrigrGs do ,Or~e~?li. Indra, vol. 1. 1499-
1522. Llsboa. 1947, p. 75.
i l U
tiaspar Correa. op, cir , Livro Primeyro. Tomo I. Parte 11, pp. 628- 632
LIMO Segundo. Tomo 11. Pane II, p. 488.
i t ,
Diogo do Couto, op, cir , Decada Quinta. Pane primesa, p. 8
"Cana do Padre Nicolau Lanc~loto ao Padre lnaclo de Loiola," pp. 32-38, In A da Silva Rego, ed ,
+menfupdopara a hisrhiadopadroudr~pr,nt,pb do Orienfe Indro, vol VII. Lisboa. 1952, p 37.
, Gaspar Correa. op, crr, Livro Prlmeyro, Tolno I, Parte 11, p. 625.
I' Schurhammer, Georg, S. J. , Fruncis Xovrer H,s Li/r HI S Tlme.~, vol 11. lndla (1541-1545). Rome
1977, p. 214.
179
women by force. In 1528, to avenge the are1 of Porca, the Portuguese took many
women of the land including the mother of the proper arrl hi ms e~f . "~
Many children were born to the Malabar women from the Portuguese. In a
letter dated 27 November 1514, the names of 29 children who were frequenting the
schools were given. Attached to their names. the names of their fathers or mothers
were given. Most of the names were those of their mothers. This means that the
names of the fathers of many ofthem were not known?"
It was only after 1545 that the king began to send on a regular basis the orphan
girls to India. The intention of this was to make them wives of Portuguese men
serving in lndia and thus to increase the number of Portuguese population in lndia.""
Even then the abuses continued. Therefore on May 4, 1551, Dom Afonso de
Noronha issued an order preventing the coming of the unmarried women to the part of
the city where the (b.sudo.,s ~i v e d . " ~ When such measures did not give the desired
effect, the Governor Francisco Barreto ordered the officials of the Clt!, of Cochin to
oust the casudos from the city if they continued their immoral life."'
Another element that led to the degradation of moral standards was the
perm~ssion to conduct private trade. This led to the yearning for private profit by
using any means. The private fortune seekers used to apply all means to till their
pockct even using illicit means. Though such people went for annual confessions.
they never took interest for restitution.'*' Even Portuguese clerics were not free from
such fortune seeking."'
-,I6
i t 7
(iasparcorrea, up cri., Livro Pr~meyro, Tomo I, Pane !I, p 280.
' I 8
A.N.T.T.. Corpo Cronolugrni. Pane TI. M a ~ o 52. Doc. 72.
Germano Comela. Htarririo do Colonizo~.fio P~orrupruirr nu Indru. Lisboa. 1950, p. 30.
i l l ,,
Da Provirilo do Vizo-re, Dom Afonso de Noronha que Nenhuma soltelra vira entre 0s Casados
: ; ; l a Cidade", i n K.S. Mathew & Afzal Ahmad, ed , op ccrl , pp. 29. 30.
"Da ProviZeo do Governador Francisco Bameto sobre poder Botar a Sidade or Casados que nela
v'veren Mal", i n K.S. Mathew & Afzal Ahmad. ed.. op cir. p 32.
Georg Schurfiammer, S.J, Franci3 Xavtrr His LifL.. Hi s T~mrs. vol II, lndia (1541-1545).
Translated by Joseph M. Castelloe S. J., Rome 1977. p. 215. See also"Doc 201. Relaorio do Blspo de
Dume a El- Rei? pp 443.457 in A. da Silva Rego, ed.. Doiumenra$& para a hlsrciria do pudroado
PzIugub do Orrentr, lndro, vol. I, Lisboa. 1947. pp. 445-446.
ibrd. vol. I. p. I 13.
180
In Malahar there were a lot of New Converts to Christianity as well as a lot of
Portuguese Christians who used to live publicly in mortal sins. The life of the
Portuguese Christians was many a time scandalous lo the nen Christ~ans In ~al abar. "'
At times the inflow of the people from other parts of India added to the moral
decay of Malabar. There is mention about the Canarese people who reached Cochin
from Goa. They used to rob the people of Cochin and enter into adulterous
relationships, which added to the misery of Cuchin?"
IV. 5.22. The Portuguese Clergy in Malahar
Most of t he Portuguese clergy were very zealous. They engaged in missionary
act~\.ity. The work some of the missionaries. especially the Jesuits did on the Malahar
Coast was amazing. They worked day and night to increase the number of the
Christians in Malabar by preaching, teaching, haptising and helping them in their
matcrial needs.
At the same time there were members of the clergy who engaged in worldly
afliiirs. There are mentions in Portuguese documents of the clergy who were
drunkards, very low in morality. paedophilic and those who used to engage in
commercial activity to gain profits for themsel\,es. There wcre cases of Ponuguese
clergy who were caught in adulterous relationships."' In 1525 one Portuguese I'riar
went to the mountainous part of Malahar to buy the woods for the construction of
their monastery. There a woman distracted him, he had temptation and he began to
move with her. It was a scandal to the friars as well as to the people The authorities
gave him severe penance. He was taken through the streets in a shameful manner. He
was given severe penance in the monastery that he had to pray with stretched hands.
i?,
Doc. 15, "P. Melchior Nunes Barreto S.1, Kerntor Soccils Goanis. Coclno, 16 Augustl 1558." pp
85-96. in Josephus Wicki S. J. . ed., Documenru lndioo (1557- 1560). vol. IV. Romae. 1956. p YO.
3%
;>s
B N. L., Fundo Gerol, Re~ervodus, Cod N" 4534, f l . 4'10~
Letter of Juli80 Nuner, the Vicar of Cannanore to King Dom Manuel of Ponugal dated 14 October
1510, pp. 308.312, in Rsyrnundo AntOnio Bulhao Pato. ed., ('arlns de Agonso de Alhuqueryue
Sepr~dru de Documanrus yue os rhcrdam Puhlrcoda~ dr Ordem do Ciosse de .rciencia.~ Moroes.
Polrlicas e Be1la.s-Lorrus da Acdemra Rtal das Sczencrar d'* Llshou e Soh D~rccc,Zn de Rqvmundo
Anronio de Bulhio P~ato, Tomo 111, Lisboa, MDCCCCIII. pp. 308-3 10.
181
tle was forbidden from celebrating Holy Mass; he had ro eat standing after all others
had eaten; had no permission to go out of the monastery: he was not allowed to have
contacts with outside people; and had to work in the kitchen and wash the cloths.'2h
such was the penance that was giren to the scandalous clerics.
IV. 5.23. Mixed Marriages
Many Portuguese married here in Malabar. The number of the ca.sudos was
increasing. In 151 2 more than 500 Portuguese got married in Malahar. Many of'them
were Carpenters, blacksmiths. and bombers. In Cochin and Cannanore there were
almost 100 cu.vudos in the year 15 12. There were also cases where many Portuguese
men lived with native women without marrying them.'"
The children born of the marriages including mixed ones were glven grrat care
and help by the Portuguese. Such children were given financial help by the king of
~ o r t u g a ~ . ~ ~ ~
Many Portuguese married native women. The Portuguese had great concern if
such women became widows. In that case they were given special tinancial assistance
fbrm the royal treasury. We find a letter of Affonso de Albuquerque ordering to give
an amount of 3000 reis to Luzia, a Malabar woman who was the widow of Pero
l.opez, who died recently.'2y
120
12'
Gaspar Correa, op cil.. Livro Sepundo, Tomo II. Pane II, p. 93 I
Cana I X of 1512 Abral I , from Cochin pp 29-65 In Reymundo Antonlo Bulhso Pato. ed.. CONUS dr
,?fi,nso dr Alhuquerquc Sr,pidoi de Donrrnenros yue as el~icrdam Puhlrcoduv de Ordern do Cl a~. t e dr
scrmcim Morues. Polirtcos r Bei i ~~~- Lcnr ui do Acdcmlil Ruol d u ~ ,Tnencio.~ de Lirhou e Ajh D~rrccBn
dr Rrymundo Anf on~o dr Rulhrjv Palo. Tomo I. Lishoa. MDCCCLXXXIV. p 63. See also A. N. T T..
Cnrpo Cronolugico, Parte I. Mato I I , doc. 50, fl 13.
llil
Letter of Affonso de Albuquerque dated 13 December 1509. In Reymundo Antonio BulhZo Palo,
ed. Carlos de Afonio de Albuquerque Sryu,dm de Docrrmenlos que as rlucidarn Puhlicudar de
Ordern do Clarse de scienclas Mrwars. Poliriiils r BeNm-Lerrrm do dcdrrnta Rrol dm Sc~mcros de
Llsboa r Sub Di recci o de Reymundo Anronio dr BulhJo Polo, Tomo IV, Llsboa, MDCCCCX. pp.
214,215.
119
Letter of Affonso de Albuquerque dated 26 December 1509. rhtd. p 255
182
IV. 5.24. Development of Vernacular Languages
The Portuguese tried to understand the language of the people; especially the
Jesuits were very much interested in learning the language of the people and reaching
the people through their o m language. Francis Xavier translated the articles of faith,
commandments of God and their explanations, the Christian prayers and General
Confession into the language of ~al abar. "" The language of. Malahar need not be
necessarily Malayalam; the Portuguese also considered Tamil as the language of'
~al abar. "'
Many Portuguese words were adopted in Malayalam language like Mrsu.
(' ad~i ru, .lunciu, mestre, loulhu and so on. Besides, a lot of Portuguese-Asian
vocabulary also came into being which was necessitated by commercial and religious
needs.'"
IV. 5.25. Changes in the Dress Code
The Portuguese dressing pattern was strange to the Indians. But after some
time oi' interaction many Indians were curious to imitate the I'ortuguese dress code.
We find the king of Tanor dressed as a Portuguese in crimson satin and damask, with
shoes of black velvet and white plume in his black cap. This shows that the upper
class in Malabar, especially the nobility and the royal people were fascinated by the
western mode of dressing and at least some of them imitated it. "'
IV. 5.26. Other Cultural Activities
The Portuguese used to participate in some of the Hindu feasts as onlookers.
In 1519, the king of Cochin invited the Portuguese to see the festal celebrations that
3,"
11,
Padre loam de Lucena, op cir . p 86.
For. In the Biblioteca Naclonal de Ltsboa some tnanuscripts are kept wlth the name the Grammar of
Malabar language Henriques Henriques, Arre du Lingua Malohor, but it w& Tam11 B. N. L., Fundi,
$?I. Re~rwvdos. N" 3/ 41.
Charles Borges, "Intellectual Movements In the Indian Ocean Kegton. Churchmen, Travellers and
Chroniclers in Voyage and in action", pp. 2 1-34, in K.S. Mathew, ed.. lndion Ocean and Cul ~urol
lnlrroclion AD 1400-IXOO. Pondlcheny, 1996, p 23 See also Jose Manuel Correia, r,p co . p. 218
183
were there in a Hindu temple in connection with the greatest feast of winter. The
Governor as well as some other Portuguese went to see the artificial fire and crude
battles, which they enjoyed a lot. They went because of the invitation of the king of
Cochin as he used to supply pepper for them.'j4
In addition to the feast celebrated in Malabar, the feasts of Corpus Christi,
Easter, Pentecost, Trinity, Finding of the Holy cross. Assumption of Blessed Virgin
Mary, All Saints and Christmas began to be celehrated in the Churches.33s
The general awakening that resulted due to the renaissance in Europe
stimulated the eastern enterprise of the Portuguese. The ulterior motive of the
Portuguese discoverers was the establishment of a commercial tie with India with a
view to evicting the Muslim middlemen from the Eastern trade. When ample
encouragement from the part of the Church was offered the motto of the Portuguese
hecame "in search of Pepper and Christians". Rut the actions of the Portuguese throw
light on the fact that their prime motive was economic. It is clear from the fact that.
though the Portuguese were very hard on the Muslims on the basis of religious
antagonism, they were very sofi on the indigenous Muslims. Both foreign Muslims as
well as the native Muslims were of the same religion. The only distinguishing mark
was that the latter were frier~dly with the Portuguese in their trade. Therefore it is clear
that the economic interest of the Ponuguese was dominating over the religious
interests. The relationship of the Portuguese with different sections ol' the society
depended on the response of each cornmunit). to the commercial interests of the
Portuguese. That is why we find that the Portuguese had some enmity towards the
commercial communities like the Muslims, and Jews who were their rivals in trade
where as with other communities. the Portuguese had only fewer relationships.
The secondary motive of the Portuguese was proselytirat~on. The Portuguese.
by different means tried to convert people, especially those of the forlorn classes. The
3 , :
$74
Aubrey F G. Bell. GoApar Corrlo. Humphrey Milford. 1924. pp. 38. 39
1;5
Gaspar Correa, oy, cn , Livro Segundo. Tomo 11. Pane II, p 571
Doc. 31, "P. Melchior Nunes Barreto S.I. Soctis Lusltanis. Coctno. 15 lanuarri 1559," pp 234-252,
In Josephus Wicki S.J., ed., Documenla lnd,ca (1557- 1560). vol. IV. Romae. 1956. p 239.
184
response of the upper castes to the call for conversion was rather negative. Only a few
got converted from the upper classes. The lower caste people responded positively to
the Portuguese call to conversions because of various reasons. Some of the reasons
were economic favours from the part of the Portuguese, and the possibility for the
upward mobility in the society.
Another attempt from the part of the Portuguese was to bring the St. Thomas
Christians under the Roman Church. During the scope of this chapter, the activities of
the Portuguese in this line confined mainly to persuasions. formation of clerics in
western lines and also imparting of western education, influencing the prelates of the
St. Thomas Christians. But this did not find much success.
But the Portuguese succeeded in bringing about great changes in the society
and culture of Malabar by establishing fonresses, control over the Indian ocean trade.
missionary activities. imparting of Western education. charitable institutions like
hospitals and houses of charity, colleges and schools. good relationships with some of
the native kings, mixed marriages, art. architecture, drama and music in the western
mode. and different standards of moral life.
185
CHAPTER V
INTERACTION BETWEEN THE PORTUGUESE AND
MALABAR SOCIETIES: 1567-1663
The period under consideration is marked by different Councils and Synods.
By the middle of the sixteenth centurq the Portuguese managed to secure their
commercial motives in Malabar by the control of the whole Indian Ocean. Now their
dnention turned towards religious motiies. The implantation of various religious
orders and the increase in the number of the Portuguese missionaries added to the
fervent missionary activity in Malahar. During the period up to 1567, the Portuguese
maintained a rather good relationship with the St. Thomas Christians, which u'as
quite essential fbr the establishment of their maritime commercial inlerest. They were,
in good faith, convinced that the St. 'l'homas Christians were following the bishops
tiom the Middle East and therefore heretics. In the initial stage they wanted to protect
this Christianity. But after 1567 the relationship between the St. 'Thomas Christians
and the Portuguese took a new turn. There was a series of Councils and Synods,
uhich were meant to "make the Christians of India true Christians". When the
attempts on the part of the Portuguese hccame severe, the resistance also became
strong. During this period, although tradc was there, the most important focus of the
Portuguese was on the attempt to bring the St. Thomas Christians undcr the obedience
to Rome. The relationship with other culture patterns in Malabar also was guided on
the basis of this.
Though the Dutch reached Malahar years back. the year 1663 is considered as
the end of Ponuguese interaction in Malabar as in the same year the Dutch captured
Cochin. the stronghold of the Portuguese on the Malabar Coast. With the capture of
Cochin the Portuguese had to tlee from Malabar lcaving behind their material
possessions.
186
V. 1. The Interaction between the Portuguese and the Hindus of
Malabar
The relationship between the Hindus and the Portuguese remarried almost the
same as in the above period. There was occasional intermingling with dif'ferent castes.
Rut by now both the parties became aware of their differences and limitations. Atier
the Council of Trent there was a change in the approach to the Hindus as their life was
considered to be scandalous to the new Christianity.
The free mingling with the gentiles was prohibited by various laws
promulgated in thc councils and also by royal orders. On 14 September 15x2, thc king
ordered that for the good of Christianity. gentile rites and ceremonies and provisions
to the temples should be forbidden in (ioa as well as in parts where he had
overlordship.'
Intermingling at various socio-cultural levels was prohibited. The service of
the gentiles in ecclesiastical affaira was prohibited. The service of thc gentiles was
made use for painting the Churches. But with the Procincial Council of Goa it was
forbidden to make use of the service of thc gentile painters for doing eccles~astical
paintings without the explicit permission from the prelate.'
In Cannanore, which was another sphere of influence of the Portuguese, there
was a homo, controlled by the gentiles.' 1 he Portuguese toleraled it. 'Thc reason for
this toleration was that in such markets on)) consunlption goods were dealt with.
rherefore it was not at all a threat for the Portuguese maritime commerce. But
wherever the interaction became a threat to the maritime dream of the I'ortuguese, it
was forbidden.
The interaction between the different religious communities and the
Portuguese shall be dealt with below.
1 H. A. G., 7693, Leu ofmor do Crixrondodr 1352-18.13, fl I I
:lard, fl. 22.
'Edward Grey, ed. , The Tr~vr1.s ~ / P P I L ' I ~ , (it-/ Lu,,uile ,n l,!dro. vol I I . Ne\x Delhi. 1091. p 383
187
V. 1.1. The Brahmins
The Brahmins were there in various kingdoms serving kings as clerks and
officers in Alfhndegus. They were very faithful to the kings. It was not possible to
evade them.4
The king Zamorin respected the Brahm~ns very much. It was said that the
reason for the expelling of the Portuguese from Calicut and the ruin of their fortress
and towns was the slander against the Brahm~ns for which the Zamorin wanted to
revenge. The Brahmins claimed that unless the Zamorin avenged the Portuguese for
~ t , the ruin of the house of the Zamorin would be imminent. This pro\oked the
Lamorin to act against the ~ortuguese?
The Brahmins used to serve in the temples as priests. There were a lot of
tbahmins in a temple at Chllrgryra ,Mangaldo (Kulasekharamangalam). The temple
was constructed with timber in four storeys over four /ones. The upper storey was for
the Brahmins who served there. In the second there were a lot of women who were
dancing girls. They used to earn for the temple through their lives. 'The third one was
occupied by the nairs, the tburth by Musicians and musical instruments and the last
\%as for the common people." In certain templcs they used to offer sacrifice with the
hlood ol ' cock~. ~
The Brahmins of Malabar were not vep happy with the way Dom Menezis the
Archbishop of Cioa behaved in Malabar. His attitude towards the Hindus as well as
the Nuzranis provoked the Brahmins. The Brahmins of Malabar who were generally
\'cry meek and peace loving wanted to see Archbishop Dom Menezis murdered in
Malabar. They considered that the murdering of the Archbishop would be a service to
their gods. They considered the Portuguese as having come to take the St. Thomas
FranCois b a r d of Laval, Tile Vqyujie (,/ tFron(ni $ Pyr.o,iI id Luvi i l Ir, rhe East b~dres, thr rWu/d~li\'ei
jhr Moluccas ondBre-11, Translated by Alben Gray and H C' 1'. 8211. New Delhi. 2000, p 362
rhrd., p. 374.
I AntOnto dc Gouveia. op crr., Lisboa 1988, p 125
D. loseph Maninez de la Puente. op cii . p. 59
188
Christians from their patriarch.' This attitude was the result of the zealous missionar)
endea\,our of the Portuguese, even at the cost of hurting the religious feelings of the
Hindus and of the St. Thomas Christians in Malabar.
The Portuguese managed to convert Brahmins, though small in number. But
because of the caste regulations and also to indicate the superior status of such
converts, they continued to wear poonool Then there arose a doubt as to the
feasibility of using poonool by a converted Brahmin. 'The problem was referred to
Pope and also to the Inquisitor General. After proper studies. Pope Gregory XV.
issued a Brief in 1623 in which it was permitted to use poonool provided it was not to
vcnerate the false gods. It also admonished such individuals to wear a cross on the
ixx,nool.u The response of the Brahmins to the rnissionar). endeavour was very poor.
V. 1.2. The Nai n
The nairs remained to be the main civil senants of the kings of Malabar. Even
In the first quarter of the seventeenth century we find the nairs sewing the kings oS
Malabar as clerks and officers."'
Many nairs and punikur~ were there in the service of the Ponuguesc in
different fortresses in India. The Portuguese paid them every month for the sewices
they rendered to the Portuguese as u,riters, weighing men, translators and /umgudu,"
At times so many nairs had to suffer on account of the conversion to
Christianity. The Queen of Changanate murdered some of the nairs in Changanate,
who received baptism and became ~hristians.' ' It might have been with a view to
d~scouraging further conversions. Once converted those people would belong to the
jurisdiction of the king of Portugal. The gain of a nair. Ihr the Portuguese would he a
loss for the queen. Being warrior caste. it would be a loss for the queen.
"nlonto de Gouvela op cir . p. 123
' Frri Paulo dc Trlnldade, op. crr.. Parte 1 1 , p. 3 17
' I ' Franco~s Pyard of Laval, r~p. or. p. 362
I H. A G., 3025 Idem das furralca, do Indro. vol 1. 1568. f l 63%'
'. Antonto de Gouveia up. cir , p. 234.
189
The nairs tried to maintain very good relationships w~t h the St. Thomas
Christians. The nairs in the kingdom of Cochin always stood with the suffering St.
Thomas Christians. There were occasions when the nairs stood against the Portuguese
missionaries who, through force, persuasions. influence and threats tried to intervene
in the age-old customs of the St. Thomas Christians. When the Archbishop tried to
give confirmations and ordinations to the St. 'Thomas Christians against the will of the
Archdeacon in Diamper, the nairs intervened. A nair who was a governor of the land
threatened the Archbishop Menezis asking if he was the one uho spoke ill of their
gods and temples. and if he was the one who came to change their laus and remove
the customs of the St. Thomas Christians. They threatened the life of the Archbishop
as well as those who followed him telling that they would confiscate the property of
those who followed the Archbishop.'' The Archbishop had to face resistance from the
nairs in Carturte (Kaduthuruthy) also. The intention of the nairs was to kill the
Archbishop and free thc St. Thomas Christians and the kings of Malabar from
vassalage of the ~ortuguese." But thc nairs themselves were not always following the
same policy everywhere. Some of the nairs were accompanying the Archbishop as
bodyguards carrying arms with them on his visit in ~a1abar. l '
At the instigation of the nairs in Carturte one magician came to murder the
Archbishop through his black magic. He was caught red-handed and the queen of
Vadakenkur entrusted him to the Archbishop who sent him to the galleys in Cochin."
There were a lot of similarities between the St. Thomas Christians and the nairs. Both
had caste regulations, both were barrier castes, and both had the same dressing
pattern at the beginning of the seventeenth centur).. The nairs and ('hegos (Tiyas)used
to go to the Church to fulfil their vou. touards the Church."
rhrd., pp. 120. 121.
"rhd., pp 122. 123.
' r hr d. . p. 121.
h
. ~ b r d , p p 135
I rhrd.. p 21 l
190
Three nairs received baptism in Curelangate (Kuravilangad) during the visit of
the Archbishop after the Synod of ~i am~er. ' ")ne of these nairs who lived near the
Church of Kuravilangad. in spite of the fact that he had deep faith in Jesus, was
reluctant to receive baptism as it would affect his property rights and pre-eminence
that he had in the palace.'y One of the nephews of the Zamorin, Uniare who was a nair
approached the Ponuguese requesting baptism and the question was raised to the king
of Portugal who responded to it positively as it would result in the betterment of
relationship between the Portuguese and the ~ a mo n n . ' ~ He was baptised bg Francisco
Roz and was living under disguise."
At times. the nairs used to ventilate their wat h towards the Portuguese by
attacking the missionaries. In 1600 the nairs burned one Church in Tumbolim and
destroyed a cross. It was said to be done at the instigation of the prince of Cochin. But
the king found out three culprits and did everything to reconstruct the same."
In Calicut, the nairs also had changed their attitude towards the Portuguese. It
Mas reported by Pietro del I.avalle, that during his stay in Calicut, he spent one whole
n~ght with some nairs of Calicut. They saw that he safely entered tho boat and they
spent some time holding his hands as an expression of kindness towards him.'3 It
shows that there was a change in the attitude of the nairs towards the Portuguese.
They were no more concerned with caste distinctions.
The king of Mangate was in support of the Archdeacon of the St. Thomas
Christians when there was conflict bet\\een the Portuguese and the Archdeacon. It
was he who protected the Archdeacon from the hands of the Portuguese lest they
l i
(bad., p. 259.
'"Frei Paulo de Trinidade, r~p eel, p 359
' ' I H A. G., Mon~Liea do Rrmo, ,No 8, vol. 1, 1601-1602, dated 25 January 1601, fls 34v. 8 9 ,
AntOnto de Gouveia, op crr.. p. 280. See also Dlogo dc Couto. Uu Ai i o, Deiada XII, Lisboa, 1974,
PP. 342. 343. It seems that he is the same person abour whoin reference is made by Frei Paulo da
Trintdade. He mentions that a prlnce of the Zamorin callcd R,u/echoralli. was baptised b) the Jesuits In
1598 He also says that he was confirmed secretl) In Goa In 1600 See Fr e ~ Paulo dc Trin~dade. (tp r.11 .
Pane 11. p 3 16.
'i B. L . Addrr~onal Ms 9853. "Annua do Sul de 602: fl 23
- ' Edward Grey. C J ~ car.. p 379.
191
should catch him. The Portuguese were looking forward to catch him as the
Archdeacon succeeded in bringing a Christian from the Middle East to Malabar.'"
By the end of 1663, when the Dutch began ro capture the Portuguese fortresses
in Malabar one by one, there were some nairs who were very loyal to the Portuguese.
The nairs took arms in favour of the ~ortuguese." It shows that the response of the
nairs to the Portuguese activities was mixed depending on the circumstances.
V. 1. 3. Chenies
The C'hellies carried on their trade in Malabar smoothly. Though they were
rich merchants who even had many ships. we do not lind any conflict between the
churrie., and the Portuguese during this period.'h It might be because of the fact that
the ch~rf i es were not competitors to the Portuguese in maritime trade. ?'heir trade
might have been in essential commodities between the tastem and western coasts of
Indla.
V. 1. 4. The Lower Caste People
With the efTorts of'!he Jesuits, the number of conversions increased. In 1568
there was a general baptism 01'374 persons fiom different castes like Nairs, Ezhuva~.
Mukkui.u.s and ~uloyas. " Another baptism was adminiatered in September 1568 for
148 persons of high dignity." During the Octave ol' Epiphany 168 Tiyya.5 received
Archbishop Dom Menezis, after the sqnod of lliamper, took effhrts to see that
the Malieirs (Malaymayas) in the Serra get converted. They were the vassals of the
See Letter of the king of. Ponugal to Vlceroy Kuy L.ourenqo de Tavora. Doc No 195. dated 10
March 161 1 in Raymundo Antonlo de Rulhao Pato, Doa,menlrii rprne~ido, do llndru otr Li\,rn.$ dm
%~ Re s . Tomo 11. Llsboa. MDCCCLXXXIV, p' 79
A ti U. Coixa do lndro N" 45. Doc No 220. dated I I May 1663
'" Francois Pyrard of Laval, op c i ~ , p 345.
- 7 ,,
Doc.138 F.loannes Rodriguez S . I . Soclti Provinc~ae Baeticae. Coclno 24 lanuarl 1569." pp 663-
$74 in Documenio Indrco, vol VII. Roma. 1962. p. 669
l hrd. p 670.
'' ~hr d , p. 670.
192
kings of Turubule (probably Thodupuzha) and Punhati I'erumai (Perumal of
poonjar). They used to live separately distinct from other people.3o
V. 2. Interaction between the Portuguese and the Christians
During this period the attention of the Portuguesc turned towards the
1.atinisation of the St. Thomas Christians and the conversion of the non-Christians in
Malabar. The Portuguese began to look after the needs of'the Christians in Malabar.
'The wine required for the divine cult in Malabar was ohtamed from Madeira. We find
the communications on the part of the Jesuits requesting the same from Portugal.
tvcry year wine was hrought to Malabar for the use of the Jesuits as well as divine
cult in ~ a l a b a r . ~ ' Together with caring of the existing Christians. conversion process
also was accelerated.
V. 2. I . The St. Thomas Christians
The St. Thomas Christians mainly lived in the kingdoms of Cochin,
Angamaly. Mangate (Alengad). Paru (Parur). Carturti (Kaduthuruthi), Cotteta
(Kottayam), Porca (Purakad). Marta, CalicoulHo (Kayamkulam), Travancore and
Inany other ki ngd~ms. ' ~
There was increase in the number of Churches the St. Thomas Christian had.
It IS said that earlier they did not have more than four churches. But bq the )ear 1578.
the number of their churches increased to almost sixty."
During this period, the relationship between the St. Thomas Christians and the
Portuguese was taking another shape. The stage of persuasion in religious realm was
:" Antonto de Gouve~a, op. cic , pp 206. 209
'I A N. 7. I.. Corrhrro dt i .Je~uiriir. Maqo. 82. Doc 46, dated Januar) 1580. fl lv See alro, doc N"
46.
B. N. L . Fundo Geroi, Rwen,udor Cod n." J6-/ Telxeira Franc~sco. '.V~da do Ill m" D.Francisco
Garcla, areceblspo de Cranganor, em que re relatam os sucessos da rua epreja no ieu tempo e no de
seus antecessorer." fl. 7.
I' Doc. 38, "Cristandadc de S. ThomC,' Cochtn 4 January 1578, pp 394-403. In Siiva Rego, Antonio
da. Doamenracao Poro o Hjsrdrio do,, Mivsiies do Podroado Porlagui-r do Orrenre Indiil vol XI I .
193
almost ended. The Portuguese were determined to bring the St. Thomas Christians to
the obedience of the Roman Church. The canons of the Council of Trent gave the
gound for their argument. The council of Trent in its eagerness to fight against
protestant reformation had asked to convene Provincial Councils to implement the
Canons of the Council of Trent in their respective dioceses. Making use of this
opportunity. the Portuguese convened a series of Provincial Councils in Goa to which
the Prelates of the St. Thomas Christians were also invited.
Still, the Ponuguese. to control the priestly formation among the St. Thomas
Christians, decided to give 300 purdaos for the foundation of a seminary in
~ n g a r n a l ~ . ' ~ u t it seems that it did not take place. For. the Portuguese were not
happy with having a seminary in Angamaly, which was in the kingdom of Calicut, the
archenemy of the Portuguese in Malabar. At the same time there were priests from
Malabar who got training in the Latin seminaries and were working together with the
Portuguese missionaries to bring the St. Thomas Christians to the obedience of
~onl e. " In 1577, the Jesuits applied a new technique by which a new seminary was
established in Vaipicotta. Here the formation was given in Syriac language but in
I.atln ~ i t e . ~ ' But the St. Thomas Christians did not accept the seminarians and priests
who wtre trained in Vaipicotta. A boy from Kaduthuruthy who had his training in
Vaipicotta, during the Divine office at Kaduthuruthy Church. as was taught by the
I'ormators in Vaipicotta, first prayed for the Pope instead of the Patriarch of Babylonia
whom the St. Thomas Christians comrncmorated in their liturgy. Instigated at this. the
(.u.\~unurs and the people beat him a lot and threw him out of the ~hur ch. "
The Portuguese were totall) against the bishops of the St Thomas Christians
who were said to be heretics. Though initial11 the Portuguese had vep good contacts
with them giving mutual respects. now the attitude of the Portuguese changed
altogether. Alexis Menezis in his letter noticed that they had more hatred towards the
Schismatic bishops than the Hindus. For. they would be very dangerous. Therefore
the Archbishop swore that no schismatic bishop would bc allowed to pass to Malabar
l4 A. N, T. T., Corldrro dos J e s ui ~m, Maqo, 83, Doc, 44, dated 6 F e b r u a ~ 1589, fl. 2\
H A G , No 2A Mon~des do Rerno. vol 1. 1583.1595. dated 16 March 1584. fl 5
"' M~chael Geddes. op ~ . r r . p 10
194
without his license." After the death of Mar Abraham in 1597, no Chaldean bishop
was allowed to enter Malabar. In Hormuz special arrangements were made to prevent
the passage of Armenian and Chaldean Bishops to ~ a l a b a r . ~ ' Even those Bishops,
who entered under disguise, were also caught by the Portuguese and sent back. This
infuriated the St Thomas ~hr i s t i ans . ~'
During the period of Mar Abraham, there was another bishop in Carturte
(Kaduthuruthy). He was called Mar Simon who had his seat at Kaduthuruthy. He was
\cry popular. He had a vlcar General called Jacob. whom the Portuguese tried to bring
to their side." But it did not produce the desired fruit because of the stiff resistance
from Jacob and his followers. The Portuguese succeeded in sending him to Goa,
Kome and Lisbon. Kome found that he was not even an ordained priest Therefore he
was detained in I.isbon from where he continued to wi t e letters to the St. Thomas
Christians in Malabar 42
There were some St. Thomas Christian communities in distant areas who did
not have pastors to guide them. There was a community of St. Thomas Christians in
the kingdom of Travancore who did not have pastors since long time. Many of the
Christians were not even baptised. Since fifty years there had not been baptisms. It
was said that they stayed there worshiping ~ n a k e s . ~ h u c h a situation was actually
created by the Portuguese. That Christianity had been survi\.ing in India for centuries.
Now the curious thing that happened in fill) years affecting their baptism was nothing
other than the coming of the Portuguese. Their prelates were not allowed to move and
practise independently on account of the intervention of the Portuguese missionaries.
Rut the credit for the conversion and christianisation of this community went to
Archbishop Menezis.
- - -
'' AntOnto de Gouvela, up. ctr.. pp 68. 69.
" A . H. U. Caixa do i ndo ,V" 001. Doc. No. 20. dated 1597. tl 5~
'" Fre~ Paulo de Trinidade. op crl . p. 349.
4 h ~ c h a e l Geddes, op. c i i . p 41
" rhrd. p. 42.
I' AntOnto de Gouveia. up ci f . pp 60, 6 1
'' ibid, pp. 230.23 1
195
Some of the St. l'homas Christian priests had very good relationships with the
Hindu kings. Even the king of Cochin was in very good terms with them. This was
really a hindrance for the Portuguese to advance with their plan of transibrming the
Church of the St. Thomas Christians to the obedience of ~ o me . " From the time of
Mar Abraham. there occurred substantial changes in the priesthood. Up to that period
even the manied persons were admitted to priesthood. But from the time of Mar
Abraham, according to the instruction of the Portuguese missionaries, no marr~ed man
was ordained as priest.4'
Alexis Menezis determined in 1597 to visit the Churches of the St. Thomas
Christians with a view to bringing the Christians of St. Thomas to the obedience of
the Roman Church. He found that the provincial Councils did not produce desired
effect in Malabar, and hence a council for the St. Thomas Christians would be the
only means to bring them under the yoke of Rome. Thus he proceeded with the idea
of holding a Synod at Diamper. In this effort the Jesuits who were familiar with them
would accompany him. tle complained that those Christians were under the clutches
of heresies on account of the coming of the schismatic bishops who had been there till
now. He was planning to convene a synod calling all priests with a view to teaching
them cleaning and burning their books.4b
When the Archbishop started his visit in Malabar, the response of the St.
l'homas Chr~stians was mixed but most of them including the Archdeacon &ere
totally against the policy ol' the Archbishop who wanted to give confirmation and
ordinations. The first destination of visit was Vaipicotta where there uas a I..atinised
St. Thomas Christian conlmunity who were l'ollowing the Jesuits who established
seminary there in 1577."
The Portuguese knew about the obedience that the St. Thomas Christian
priests had towards the prelates who ordained them. Therefore Dom Menezis decided
A, H. LI, Cuuo do /ndru No 1/01, Doc. No. 20, dated 1597. tl. 5v.
" E. R. Hambye, '' 11s et Cosiumes Chrdf~ennes des Syriena de I'lndc au XVI' Siecle." pp 261-280. In
L'Orrmr Syrten, voi X Fasc. 2, 2mTri~n 1965, p. 265
' "A.H U, Cairo do lndru h/" 001, Doc No. 20, fl 4v
196
to ordain some of the candidates as there had not been ordinations for almost two
years. In Diamper about 38 candidates were ordained in spite of the stiff resistance
from the Archdeacon and the nairs. Before the ordination, the candidates' knowledge
of Syriac language was examined. Then they were asked to condemn the errors of
Nestorius, confess catholic faith and to promise obedience to the Pope and Roman
Catholic Church and that they would never obey anyone other than those appointed by
the This was an attempt on the part of the Archbishop to create a group of
priests who would always be loyal to him. They assumed that through these priests
they could influence the people.
In Carrurle the Archbishop, by making use of the technique of revealing
becrets and asking thc opinion of the people individually. succeeded in taking into
confidence two very important persons of the community called ltimalo ~M~pul a
(Ittithomman Mapilla) and I~imanr Mapulu (Ittiniani Mapilla) to his side. But the
common people and the (hssanares were against the ~ r c h b i s h o ~ . ~ ' Through his
efforts, financial helps. tactics and policies he could attract a lot of people to his side
convtncing the need of obedience to Rome and introduction of image worship.i0
The Archbishop visited churches like Dianiper (lldayamperoor) Cariutre
(Kaduthuruthy), Nagpili (Muttuchira), Molandurte (Mulanthuruthy), Nararne, and
Cranganore as a preparation for the Synod. When the Archbishop requested the
people of Parur to go forward to receive the sacrament of Confirmation. the people
did not agree with that idea. They Sound it as an instrument of making the St. Thomas
Christians the vassals of the king of ~ortugal."
Afier preparing the necessary ground through visits, the Synod was convened
in 1599 in Diamper. The Archbishop made provisions in the synod for the Ca.rsanars
in Malabar. Vicars were assured a sum of 300funcie.\ and other benefits. He made
arrangements so that they might be provided from the Archbishop's treasury and from
'. Letter of Chr~stopher de Castro S. J. dated 30 Dece~nber 1581 In Jose1 W~cki . cd., Docummlu
i nd~co, vol XII, p. 53 1
"Antonto de Gouve~q op crf p. 121
' "i hr d. , p 126.
'\rhd.. pp 129.134,
197
1601 it began to be paid from the royal treasury. Because of this the priests of
Malahdr began to live rather comf or t ab~y. ~~ The Archbishop Menezis succeeded in
holding the synod and getting over to his side a good majority of cussunurs and the
people. According to Jornudu the synod was a great success."
The Portuguese held that as a result of the Synod of Diamper, so many pagan
customs among the St. Thomas Christians were abolished. It was true that both the St.
'Thomas Christians and the Hindus in Malabar shared some oft he social and cultural
customs in common. But both had different significance and explanations. It was not
easy to change the social customs. as it would bring about changes in the social
position. For, social position was determined by the social cu~t oms. ' ~
Even after the synod he visited Churches like Dianiper. Cotette (Kottayam) in
l'hekkenkur. Coramallu (Kudamaloor) Porca (Purakkad). Paru (Parur), Molandurte,
Angamalle. Agaparambim. Mangate (Alengad). Vaypicotta. MutBo. Paliportio,
Calucate (Kaloorkkad) in the land of Porca, Cranganore, Nhagrica (Njarakkal), Porca
(I'urakkad). Calecul&o (Kayamkulam), Coulfio (Quilon), Tevalecare in the land of
Cenganate, Crundara. Calare (Kallada). Caramanate. Catiapely (Karthikappally),
Hatimena. Caricolanagare. Podiagabo or Mavelicare. Naranio, Changanor
(Chenganore). Changanagere (Changanacheny) Polygunde (Pulinkunnu), Prouto
iPira\om)where the Church was dedicated to the Holy Kings, Molecalao
(Mulakkulam), Baragore (Vadakara). Aracore (Arakkuzha), ' r u ~ b u l e (Thodupuzha),
Malucompil (Maylacombu). Marubuli. Corolengate (Kuravilangad), lgnapeli
(Elanjipally). Palla (Pala). Codemangaltio (Kothamangalam). lrdtur (Erattupetta), and
Palurte (Palluruthy) with a vie^ to implementing the canons of the Synod even in the
interior areas. He administered sacraments like Baptism. Confinnation, and Extreme
Unction, then annuled many marriages of the C'u.ssunur~, and established peace with
many small kings.
rhi d, pp 104-106.
chid.. p 178.
?he Intention of Gouvea in writing the Jornudu was to glve wide puhlir~ty to the great deeds of Dom
Menens. So whatever be the results and aftermaths in Malabar he would not he concerned with that
" Cherukarakunnel Alexandar, "The Hindu Chrlst~anr of India". pp 203-208 in Jacob Velllan, ed.. up
' 1 1 . p 204.
198
After the synod, the Archbishop wanted to create a separate bazaar and
settlement for the St. Thomas Christians in Cranganore with the bishopric of the St.
Thomas Christians so that they would never he under the Hindus. But the King of
Cranganore. afier consultation with the king of Cochin denied it." Because he knew
well that a separate existence of St. Thomas Christians would be a loss to the military
might and economic affairs of his kingdom. Anyway the efforts of the Portuguese
Archbishop to separate the St. Thomas Christians geographically from the society in
which they had been living for centuries did not take place in places other than
Cranganore. In Cranganore the situation was different. The St. I'homas Christians
were separated from the rest of the society As pointed out hy Prei Paulo da Trinidade,
the St. Thomas Christians in Cranganore had separate quarters from the gentiles. They
nu& lived in villages around their churches.'"
The success of the Synod of Diamper was brought to the notice of the king of
I'ortugal. He also expressed his great happiness in having brought that Christianity to
the obedience of the Roman Church. He assured that that Christianity would receive
all k~nds of favours from the Captain of the ~ortresses.~'
'She Portuguese were waiting for an occasion to prevent the coming of the
Prelates from Middle East to Malabar. Actually they had already made arrangements
In Hormuz to prevent the passage of the Babylonian As boon as the king of
I'ortugal got the news of the death of Mar Abraham. the prelate of the St. Thomas
Christians, the king sent a letter to the Pope asking the Pope to reduce that
Archbishopric of Malabar to a suffragan diocese of Goa. Pope Clement Vlll
convened Archbishopric of Angarnaly to a bishopric by a brief dated 20 December
1599. Besides, the king of Portugal also nominated Franciso Roz. a Jesuit to he their
Bishop. He was selected because he knew the language. and letters of the St. Thomas
'' Antdnto de Gouve~a. , op. cir , p. 268
" Fre~ Paulo de Trinidade, up cir . p. 334
" H A 6.. Monqiiesd,~Re,no, No.8, vol 1, 1601-1602. daled 22 January 1601, fls 85v, 86
lb Diogo do Couto I I ~ cir Decada XII, p. 297
199
Christians. He was to be consecrated in lndia." Through an Apostolic letter of Pope
Clemente Vlll dated 20 December 1599, the Archdiocese of Angamaly was made a
suffragan diocese of Goa and was entrusted to the king of Portugal under the
Padroado Kight."
After the Synod of Diamper, the Portuguese Jesuits under Padroado governed
the Christians of St. ~hornas." The first among them was Francisco Roz who was
followed by Estevgo de ~ r i t t o . ~ ~ AS Francisco Koz felt that his life would not be
secure in Malabar on account of the fact that he had to work among the St. Thomas
Christians. he nominated Estevgo de Rritto. a .lesuit, to be the his future successor in
case of his d~dt h. ~'
Francisco Roz, the bishop of Angamaly. after assuming his see. staned
\kiting the St. Thomas Christians in the hilly regions. He informed the king of
Portugal that he was doing a lot of works among them. He informed that he succeeded
in gening to his side some of the Vicars and priests who were simoniac in the
administration of Sacraments. He was trying to transform them gradually. He also
requested for wine as it was heard that there was no Holy Mass in some areas due to
the lack of sacramental wine. He also informed the King of Portugal that he had
requested the Captain of Cochin to help the St. Thomas Christians in whatever way
pos s l b~e. ~
The Portuguese used the service of the St. Thomas Christians for military
purpose. The St. Thomas Christians were made use of in the conquest for ~ e y l o n . ~ ~
'"See the letter of the K~ n g of Portugal to the V~ceroy of lndla dated 18 March 1600 in H.A G., No 1.
~M(~ncnrs do Reino, vol I. 1560-1601, fl 97
"" Anlimio da Silva Rego. O Padroad" Por r ugul do Ortenlr E ~ h t i ~ o l f r i i i r r co. L.isbod. 1940, p. 19.
"'Jacob. Kollaparampil. The Si Thomas Chrrsltanr ' Raai ~l ul r o~i , Koi1a)am. 198 1. p 40
" A H U.. Cutxa do Indtu No, 38. Doc. No 46, dared 13 September 1653. fl. I .
"' See Letter of. the king of Portugal to ~ o u r e n ~ d de Tavora, the Vtcerey. Doc ,No. 101. dated 21
January 1610 in Raytnundo Antonlo de Bulhso Paro, L)ocnmmll,% remeftdor da lndta os Livroi do3
J ~ ~ ~ I I F o ~ . ~ , Tomo I , Ltsboa, MDCCCLXXX, pp. 285. 286
H A. G., Mo~,,&!.i do Reino, No 8, vol. 1, 1601-1602, dated25 Januan 1601. fl 35v
<,$
tbrd.. fl. 165.
200
The relationship between the Portuguese and the St. Thomas Christians
worsened in the beginning of the Seventeenth century presumably because of' the
synod of Diamper which was convened to latinise the St. Thomas Christians and to
bring them under the obedience of the Portuguese missionaries and Rome. In religious
realm they were helpless as the St. Thomas Christians were at that time not in a
position to get a prelate for them from the Middle East. Therefore, it seems that they
joined with the Muslims and the Jews in the trade. 'The St. Thomas Christians, the
main cultivators of pepper, used to take their pepper to the pezo" of Cochin. But
after the synod. they supplied their pepper to the Musl~ms and Jews who took it
~hn~ugh the hinterland to other places. Due to this the king of Portugal did not get
enough pepper to fill his ships of 1604. It was a matter of great concem for the
Ponuguese king."7
The See of the St. Thomas Christians i.e. Angamaly, was an Archbishopric.
But the Portuguese made it a suffragan diocese of' the Archdiocese of Goa, which was
a matter of great concem Ibr the St. Thomas Christians. Thus Francisco Roz was
appointed as a bishop and not as an Archbishop. They felt that their diocese, though
lirst in India, was debased by the Portuguese. The Archdeacon and the clergy of the
St. Ihomas Christians wrote in 1606 to the king of Portugal about this debasement,
which, they felt, to be grave. Because of this, the hing of Portugal sent a letter to the
lloly Father asking him to restore the title of Archiepiscopate to their prelate."x
I'ahing into account. the request of the Archdeacon, Pope Paul V, by his Bull dated 22
Dccetnber I608 restored co the See oEAngamaly the title of Archbishopric again."
The St. Thomas Christian Prelates had their see in Angamaly which the
Portuguese wanted to transfer to the fortress of ranga an ore."' The reason for such a
transfer of the sea might have been that in Angamaly, the Portuguese did not have
'*Weighing place
" A . N. T. T., (.n/ecca~ddeS I'jcentr, vol XIV. fla 163. 163". dated 15 March 1605
'" See Lener of [he kine of Ponueal to Manim Affonso dr Castro. Doc No 24, dated 17 January 1607
in Raymundo ~nl onl ol de ~ ~ l h a ~ ~ p ~ t ~ , Dr,cvmenl<u remi.trdo.\ do indio iiu Ltvro? dm Monci i e, Tolno
I!, Lisboa. MDCCCLXXX. pp. 89.336.
"' V. Nagam Aiya, up. cir . vol 11. p 180.
"I See Lener of the king of Ponugal to Manim Affonso de Castro. Doc No. 24. dated 17 Januar) 1607
In Raymundo Antonio de Bulhao Pato. Ducumrnros remerid,,\ du indlo ON Ltvrru dar Mc,n~dr.i. Tomo
1. is boa, MDCCCLXXX. p. 81
201
much hold. But in Cranganore they had a fortress and Cochin was very close to
Cranganore. Therefore for security's sake Cranganore was selected. The see was
shifted to Cranganore through a Papal Bull dated 3 Deccmher 1609." But the transfer
of the See to Cranganore was a matter of great concern for the St. J'homas Christians
as they were very much attached to Angamaly. The Jesuits wanted to transfer the
seminary at Cranganore to Vaipicotta because the Portuguese were not happy with
two seminaries in a small place like ranga an ore."
Through various efforts of the Portuguese missionaries. especially of the
Jesuits. there was a change in the attitude of some of the St. Thomas Christians.
Earlier they would not compromise with the customs of the Roman Church. But hy
161 1. we find thcre were staunch supporters for the European m~ssionaries. At least a
small minority was ready to deal with the Roman Church. Many people began to go to
receive sacraments like confessions in the western mode. One missionary testified
that in one of the Churches in Malabar, he heard 600 confessions on a single da) of
Lent." This shows the changes that occured in the attitude of the St. Thomas
Christians in Malabar.
In the Churches and in the celebration of Divine Liturgy. Portuguese
influences became quite tangible. The Holy Cuchar~st was being celebrated with the
Portuguese hosts and wine. People began to receive sacraments of confession and
extreme ~nc t i on. ' ~
In 1626 during the time of EstevHo de Brito, the Archbishop of Cranganore, in
a meeting of the Archbishop, Archdeacon, Jesuits and the laity, decision was taken to
create a retreat house in Edappally for the priests of the Archdiocese of Cranganore. It
has with a view to leading the diocesan priests to religious life. The intention of the
I V Nagam Aiya.. up cir.. p 180
"See Letter of the king of Portugal to Martim Affonao de Caslro. Doc No ?I, dated I 7 January 1607
In Ravmundo Antonlo de Bulhlo Pato. Doctirnmlos rrrnarrdtli, da lndiri ou Lr i r m d u ~ Moncijes, Tomo
!, ~~shoa. MDCCCLXXX. pp 84. 8 5 .
' I Fernso Guerreiro, Relaqarn Anna1 Das ('ousur que Fireram os Padre.\ do <'ornpanhro de Iesus, nar
Parrn do India Oricnral, & em ai pmas ourrui do conquisla dc,sicsre R e y o nos annos de 60' 1 608 R
do processo do conversiro & Chri ~t ondudu duqueNar parlea, corn niou hr u uddr(am a rrlucam dr
Elhlopia, Lisboa, 161 1, p 65v
Frei Paulode Tnnldade, op col. vol II, pp. 332. 333.
202
Archdeacon behind this was to use these priests as preachers, missionaries and
confessors." When their number increased to seven another house was established in
Angama~y." In the following years due to the tension between the Archdeacon and
the Archbishop, a few members left the Congregation. The Archdeacon wanted to get
the congregation independent of the Archbishop who never wanted the intervention of
anybody other than the Jesuits for their formation. As there was no mention about this
congregation in the documents after 1657. it is inferred that the congregation
somehow disappeared not later than 1657." The Congregation, which was named
after St. Thomas the Apostle. did not have any vows but had rigorous community life
and timetable. They had to wear a badge with St. Thomas Cross and had tonsure and
grew hair backward." It shows that following the spirit of the Council of Trent there
developed ascetic life in Malabar in the Western mode.
The difference of opinion between the Archdeacon George of the St. Thomas
Christians and the Archbishop of Cranganore became very acute. The Archbishop
wanted to evict the Archdeacon from the affairs of the Church. The Archdeacon
refrained from obeying the Archbishop. The Dominicans in this case supported the
Archdeacon whereas the Jesuits supported the Archbishop. The Jesuits as well as the
Captain of Cochin affirmed that the Archdeacon was schismatic. The Archbishop of
Cranganore was of opinion that the Dominicans were supporting the Archdeacon and
they were using pulpits for this purpose. In this conflict between Ihc Dominicans and
the Jesuits. the king of Portugal favoured the Jesuits a they had been with these
Christians for long time. The king asked the Jesuits to take special care in the
cultivation of this ~hr i s t i ani t ~. ' ~ At the same time through a letter dated 8 January
1635 the king ordered the Dominicans to go out of Serra and stop all communication
including letters, with the Archdeacon.'"
" k. R. Hambye S J, ' The Congregation of St. Thomas the Apostle A socleb ibr Prlrsta In Malabar.
XVl l century." pp 123-136, in Jacob Vellian. ed . up ~ i o p 123. 124
6~,hd.. p. 125
' fhrd.. pp 126-128
"hid., pp. I 3 I. 136.
" A. N. T T.l Doc~menl os Remelidos do lndro. l ot no 11. L ~v r o 37, Doc 193. dated 27 March 1636, fl .
387.
fhld.. fl. 387v.
203
Est evb de Britto, who succeeded Francisco Roz who died on 18 February
1624, ~' tried to reconcile with Archdeacon George de Cruz (1577-1637). As part of it
he delegated the Archdeacon the power of nomination of parish priestr, suspensions,
excommunications, and dispensations. Though later on he wanted to get rid of the
~rchdeacon from these affairs, the Archdeacon did not give back the original of his
letter. Thus the Archdeacon was practically ruling the Christianity of Serru till his
death in 1637. Afier hls death he was followed by his nephew Thomas de Campos
nominated by Archbishop ~r i t t o. ~' In spite of all these circumstances the St. Thomas
Christians were obedient to the Roman Church." This means that to a great extent the
Portuguese missionaries succeeded in bringing the St. Thomas Christians under the
Latin hegemony.
But his successor Bishop Francisco Garcia was not read) to give such
authority to the Archdeacon Thomas which cnragcd him. So he was in open revolt
~ i t h the Archbishop. The Jesuits were not in favour of accommodating Archdeacon
in the temporal affairs of the Church. The C'crssanars in Malabar were divided
between the Archbishop and the Archdeacon. The Archdeacon proceeded to
Angamaly and began to celebrate Mass there. Against such a backdrop the
Archdeacon wrote the .lacobite Patriarch of Antioch and the Nestorian patriarch of
Babylon to send an Archbishop to ~ a l a b a r . ' ~
'The St. Thomas Christians knew that they would not get justice from the
Jesuits. Therefore they asked Rome to send some priests of other orders like
1)uminicans and Franciscans. But the Jesuits were not ready to sacrifice their
rnunopoly in Malabar for the sake of wi n g a hrlorn Christianity. This added to the
wrath of the St. Thomas ~hri st i ans. ' ~
R 1 See the Parur Romo-Swan Church lnscri~tion of A D. 1624 in T. A. Gop~natha Rao, ed , op cir .
vol. I, pp. 423, 424
" D. Felroli S. J . The Jesurr,~ in Malohnr, vol 11. 195 I . p. 26 Ferroli depicts the rights glven to h~r n as
a favour he received from Archbishop Britto. But 11 was the r ~ght the Archdeacons had been continuing
for centuries as pan of the tradition of the St Thomas Christians For deta~led ~nformatlon of the
trad~tional powers of the Archdeacon of the Si Th o ~n a Chrlstlans see Jacob Kollapararnbil. The
$chdeaco,n ofAll-India ( A Hrstnrzco-./uridicui Srudsi. Rome. 1972, pp. 189-205.
B. N. F.. Monuscrirs Porrueab 1. fl 296
D Ferroli S. J , op c k . pp. 27-29.
See the letter of t he Viceroy wrtnen to the king of Portugal on 15 January 1648 in 0. Ferroli S J .
( Jp cir , p 3 1
204
The relationship between the St. Thomas Christians and their prelates who
were from the Western churches became worse. The prelates were not at all in a
psition to control them because of the divisions in the society. The letter of the
procurator of the Archbishop of Angamaly himself mentioned it in his letter dated
December 1648." The relationship between Archhishop Garcia and the ~ar nhun. ~~'
became worse.88
The stipend for the Bishop. Archdeacon. the prlests and other officers in the
church of the St. Thomas Christians was paid from the Portuguese treasuD This
was a real support for the Malabar clergy who did not have any regular source of
income. But due to financial strain, the stipend of the Archdeacon of the St. Thomas
Christians and some other officers were pending since 1645. The petition of the
Archbishop of Cranganore in this regard was accepted and order was issued in f a ~our
of that." It shows that the Portuguese were now not in a position to look after the
affairs of the Malabar church because of financial problems
In a vacant sea Archdeacon was supposed to be the administrator. Ignoring all
the traditions of this land the Jesuit missionaries tried to put the St. Thomas Christians
under their yoke. Now with a view to ending the generation of the I'ussanur.c oft he
St. Thomas Christians. Dom Garcia decided not to receive many candidates in the
Seminary at Vaipincotta. He felt that the coming of Bishops from Babylonia would
encourage funher ordinations in Malabar. It was to avoid such a situation that Bishop
D, lgnacio Caldeo was done away with by throwing him into the sea with an anchor
tied on the neck."
'"A N. T T.. Corrdrio dos Jesurtii,. Maw. 83, Doc 47, fl . I v.
" They were indigenous order of religious priests u'ho led auitere life The) were contemplative and
vegetarians They controlled the see of Angamaly They had houses at Angarnail. Etepul ~ (Edappally)
and Coroiangate (Kuravilangad) Doc 97. "Sobre oh Cristaos de S Thome (1786-1787). pp 851-875.
In Ant6nio da Silva Rego, Documenlu~cir, Para y H,,rdr,ii 'lo.! Mnidcr do Padrvudo Porrugui~ do
Orrcnlc. India, vol X11. (1572.1 582). L~sboa. 1947. p 856
'' ihid., pp 851-875.
BY B N F , Monuscrirs Portugo/,\ 1. tl 197v
" A. N. T. T , Corrririo dos Je.suirm, Ma ~o , 82, Doc. 56, dated 23 November 1648, fls 1-2
According to Doc. 97. "Sobre os Crlstaos de S.Thame" (1786-1787). pp. 851-875, In AntOn~o da
Silva Rego, DorumenrucZo Puro a H,rrdria dos il.lrs.vriu.$ do Padroodo Porrr,guPs do Orlcnlc India .
vol. XII, (1572-1582), Lisboa, 1947. p. 856. i t was this ~ncldent of the holnic~de of bishop lgnaciu
205
On 23 August 1652 at the time of Francisco Garcia. one man by name
~hdl al l a appeared in Meylapore (Mylapore), claiming that he was with the title of the
Archbishop of Damascus and that he was in lndia at the invitation of the Archdeacon
to govern their church.q2 At this juncture the Archdeacon and his supporters were in
rebellion with the Archbishop. perverting that Christianity with errors.v3 The
Portuguese wanted to send them to Portugal without permitting him into Malabar. for
the Portuguese knew that once hc entered Malabar, Archdeacon would defend him
with the help of the gentile kings. Secondly their past experiences with Mar Abraham
and Mar Joseph who even after returning from Rome lived the same way they used to.
also compelled the Portuguese to take such a view. In addition to that the Portuguese
were also concerned with the salvation of 200,000 souls of the St. Thomas
~hnstians.''
'The St. Thomas Christians had come to know ahout thc arrival of a Prelate
liom the Middle East, through two deacons from Vaipicotta who were on pilgrimage
to Mylapore. They were also informed that he was under the custody of the
Portuguese who would take him to Cochin and from there to Goa. The coming of thls
prelate to lndia caused lot of perturbations In that Christianity. They were totally
unhappy with the Jesuits. The people of Vaipicotta rose against the Jesuits and seized
the church, and seminary, and the seminarians were compelled to quit it. The ship
destined to Goa left without leaving Ahatalla in ~ochi n. " I t is said that Ahatalla had
h111os of Pope Urban stating that he was sent to be the Patriarch oft he ~erra. " Under
auch circumstances, the Archdeacon and his followers denied obedience to their
legitimate Prelate Francisco Garcia appointed on the basis of Pudruudo right of the
Caldeo which led to the Oath o f C'oononcros.~. But accord~ng to the B N. L . Fllndo tierni. Reservudo.~
Cod .V" 464, fl .1 I v, it was followed by Ahatalla inc~dent.
'' B t4. L . Fundo t i cral , Resrrvodos Cod N4 464 fl. I l v
'" The document says so because the only way to substantlate the posltlon of the Ponuguere
m~s~i onari es was to amibute heresy on the Archdeacon who was i n rebellion with the Archbishop for
lsnorlng the trad~tions ofthe St Thomas Christians
'I A H U. Cai r o do lndta. N" 38. Doc. N o 46, dated 13 September 1623. fl 1-2 See also D. Fer r ol ~
s. J . op cic . pp. 32-33,
B N. L., Fundti Geral. Reservodos Cod 461, fl . I I See also D, Ferroli S J . up cir p 3 3
a "Documentos Anexos," No. 14 b, ~n Boli.lr,n do Fi l sal ecu Ollronrartnu f ' orru~ucsa. N" 23. Lisboa.
1963.p. 178
206
Portuguese and also declared non-cooperation to the ~es ui t s . ~' This led to a rebellion,
ushich is locally known as Coonankur~\u.tut~um.~
('r>onankurisusatyam is said to be an oath made by the St. Thomas Christians
under the leadership of their Archdeacon that they would never obey the Jesuit
fathers. I t is said that they made the oath holding a rope tied to a cross in
Mattancheny. It was on 3 J a n u q 1663. The oath was made in the presence of the
lighted lamp and crucifix by touching the Rible in the main altar."" It is said that about
thirty-three thousand St. Thomas Christians had gathered in att tan cherry."'^ With
this oath the St. Thomas Christian community was sharply dlvided into two- one
faction accepting the Jesuits (though not open heartedly) and the other fraction
ti~llowing the Archdeacon, the trad~tional temporal head of the St. Thomas Christians.
'lhe Portuguese had no other interests in Malabar than protecting the l'udroudo rights
ofihe Portuguese and the interests ofthc Jesuits.""
The Ca.ssanars and other leaders of the St. Thomas Christians decided to
consecrate Thomas de Campo as the Bishop by the laying on of hands by twelve
caJsunars. The consecration was arranged in the Church of Managatte on 22 May
1653. To justify their acts the ('assunors including Kallucheny lttithomrnan and
Parampil Chandy forged a document of the Pope authorising the twelve C'u.s.~anars to
consecrate the bishop. The Raja of Cochin supported the St. Thomas Christians.""
Thereafter the Iayrng upon of hands, Thomas de Carnpo acted as Bishop of the rebel
St, l'homas Christians with the name Mar Thoma. Due to the hatred the St. Thomas
Christians had towards the Jesuits, they were terrified and new- again were allowed
to enter the kingdom of ~angat t e. ' "'
% A H U. Carxa do Indro, No 38, Doc No 46, dated 13 September 1653. fl ?
""n the local language ~t means the oath of Coonan Cross or Oath of bent crou
'"' Kollapararn~~l Jacob. The SI Thumn,i ('hrarran$ ' Re~~olai,~rn. Konaham. 1981, p 110 See also R. N
L . ~ u n d i , ~e, : al , Rerervodor Cod hrD 464 fl 12"
i n
Doc. 97, .'Sobre as Cr~stBos de S.ThomC" (1786-1787). pp 851-875. In Antonlo da Silva Rego. ed.,
Docummioc~;,~ Paro u Hisrorio do, illr.rsriei &I Pailroo&, PorrzrguP.~ do Orient', lndio, vol. XII.
!!:7?-1582). Lisboa. 1947,pp 856.857
D Ferrol~ S. J . op a1 pp. 34. 38.
I n ' ibrd, pp 35. 36
'Oi B N. L . Fundo Geral, Resrrvadr,~ Cod N " 33. Rebelra dos Santoi. .'Historia Verdadeira da
Chr~siandade de S Thome Aposrolo no Malabar." fls. Xv. 9
207
The reasons that led to the oath of ('oonancro.~.~ was the attempt of the
Portuguese to reduce the difference between the St. Thomas Christians and the
Roman church and the resistance to it tiom the pan of the Archdeacon and the
supporters. The means they applied to remove the difference between the two
churches were various synods and councils convened by the Portuguese, the
intervention in the priestly formation of the St. Thomas Christians in the Latin style,
the reduction of the power of the Archdeacon. transfer of the see of Angamaly to
Cranganore, preventing the entry of the prelates ofthe St. Thomas Christians from the
Middle East. appointment of Jesuit bishops using Pudroudo right and so on. All these
kctors combined together created a response in which the St. Thomas Christians
ventilated their suppressed feelings in the form of an oath which led to the division of
the St. Thomas Christian community which has been living together for centuries
undivided. The Portuguese themselves have analysed the reason h r the revolt.
According to the Portuguese the reason for the revolt was the wish ol' the St. Thomas
Christians to continue the customs of the Babylonian Patriarch which were more
liberal than those imposed by the Roman Church.""
The king of Cochin, in all these perturbations, in the hcan of his heart sided
with the ~r chdeaconl "~ who was a native ofthe land. But his contract with the king of
Portugal as 'brothers in arms' compelled him not to take an open stand against the
I'onuguese. Even under such circumstances, some of the St. Thomas Christians used
to render whatever service they could do for the sake of the King of Portugal. Some of
them helped the Portuguese in the pepper trade."lh
Many priests of the St. Thomas Chr~stians \\ere not serving that Christianity
now."" The reason behind it might be either the married clergy were ibrbidden from
serving in the Church or the payments were not made because of the financial decay
of the Portuguese state. Therefore they had to look for other substitutes for their
livelihood. The stipend of the clerics had not been paid fbr a long time.'"'
IIU ..
Docurnentos Anexas". No 27 in Bu/ ~. ~i r n du F,Irnoii.~o 1'11raniurinu Porlugae.va. NU 23, p 17 1
0 1 ,
lo' B N L , Fundo ti crol . Re~rrvodr,r Cod N " 464, fl . 40.
A. H U, i'otxo do lndiu N" 38. Doc No. 39. dated 23 June 1653, fl I
I"' ihid., f l , l
'I" hid.. fl. I
208
When Garcia informed Rome of the situation in Malabar, the Pope sent the
Carmelite priests. They reached Malabar, and worked independently trying to
reconcile both parties. Archdeacon would not he satisfied unless by getting his
Episcopal ordination ratified by the Pope. As his Episcopal ordination was not valid it
was not very easy. Therefore the Carmelites could not find an easy solution to the
question. There was a large number amounting to 150.000 Christians in support of the
Archdcacon. "''
Dom Francisco Garcia. the Archbishop of the St. Thomas Christians died in
the first week of September 1659."' Following the death of Archbishop Dorn
Francisco Garcia. Francisco Barreto of the Company of Jesus was nominated to be the
bishop of Angdmaly. But there was resistance on the part of the St. Thomas
Christians. Actually Garcia had nominated him before his death. The Apostolic
Commissary Frey Jacintho de SBo Viqentc. a Carmelite, declared that Archbishop
could not make such a nomination."' In 1659 a Carmelite, Giuseppe da S. Maria
(Sebastiani), an Italian, was consecrated bishop and was appointed as the Vicar
.4postolic of the Serra under the Propaganda. With this the period of Padroado ended
among the St.Thomas ~hr i st i ans. "~ He had to deal with the Portuguese missionaries
who were exponents of Portuguese Pudroudo in Malabar and also the Archdeacon
who was leading the anti-Roman fract i on. "he also continued his t.ffons to dissuadc
the Archdeacon, which became futile. When Cochin fell to the Dutch. Giuseppe
(Joseph) da Santa Maria consecrated Chandy a ('utranar of Kuravilangad as Bishop,
which was a blow to the party ofthe ~rchdeacon. ' "
10'1
D. Ferroli S. J.. op ca., pp. 40- 45, 52.
I n A. H. U.. Cai ro du Indro,hf4 14. Doc No 71. dated I6 Marqo 1662.
I ' rhrd
Thomas Pallipurathukunnel, A Double Reg~mr I n the Uulnhor Church 11653- I q16/ . Alwaye, 1982.
PI,'.
114
Philip Baldaeus, op crr., p. 636.
D. Ferroli S. J.. op. crr, pp. 58-60.
209
There were a lot of St. Thomas Christians who Ibllowed the Archdeacon. the
false bishop of ~al abar . "' Though there were efforts on the part of various
missionaries. they were not ready to subject themselves to the obedience of ~ o me . " "
Thus after one and a half centuries of Portuguese interaction in India, the St.
Thomas Christians of India who have been standing united for centuries were divided
into two factions one which followed the legitimate bishops appointed by the Holy
Father and the other faction following the Archdeacon. This was the result of the
Portuguese efforts to alienate the St. Thomas Christians from the socio-cultural life
that they have been living for centuries and to lessen the difference between the St.
Thomas Christians and the Portuguese Christianity by bringing them under the
ohedience of Rome.
V. 2. 2. Quilon Christians
No mention is made in the Portuguese documents about the existence of such
a community during this period. Therefore we can infer that they might have
subjected themselves to the Portuguese missionaries joining themselves with the new
converts. It was not difficult for them to adapt to the demands of the Portuguese
missionaries as they had eariier connections with the European Missionaries.
The Church of Quilon, which belonged to the St. 'l'homas Christians,
dedicated to St. Thomas, was left for the Portuguese. For, on account of the tights.
many Christians died there. 'l'he St. Thomas Christians huilt another Church dedicated
to St. Mary and they were living there at the end of the sixteenth century without
proper cas.tanors to baptise them.'"
I,,
A H . U , ('oixo do India .V" 41, Doc No. 18. Lener of Fie? Joseph da Santa Maria, a Carlnellte
Prle.;t from Cochin dated 22 August 1661
I B
A H . U , Cuixa do
hf" 44. Doc. No. 26. Letlers of Frei Lucas da Cruz dnd Pullno Castelh~no
Fretas from Goa, dated 16 September 1661
1 1 7
Ant6nto de Gouveia, op c i , p. 230.
210
V. 2.3. The New Converts
After 1567, the number of conversions in and around Cochln increased. Onc
of the reasons was the permission the king of Cochin granted to the Portuguese to
convert the people. In 1568 about 374 people received baptism from various,jari.i like
Nairs, Ezhavas. Arayas and ~u 1 u ~u . v . " ~ Soon there was another solemn baptism in
which 140 persons belonging to various noblest and richest families got ~onver t ed. "~
It was followed by baptisms of 220 and 80 persons respectively. The majority of these
Christians lived in Pallurnthy where the king allowed the Portuguese to build a
Church. Next year in 1569 another group of 700 people received baptism. At the same
time there were cases where the king of Purakad deprived the Arayas of their
po~sessions on account of the conversion to ~hr i s t i ani t y. "~ Thus depending upon the
altitude of the kings there took place baptisms. The Portuguese king also encouraged
conversions by granting various benefits to the new converts. The king asked the
viceroy to present baptismal dress to the new converts at the expense of king's
But in Calicut. the number of conversions was very The reason was
that the Lamorin in the heart of his hean was not in favour of conversions. Exploiting
that situation. the Muslims used to persecute the Christians. The existing few
Christians could continue in faith just because of the peace treaty with the Zamorin
and the ~ o r t u ~ u e s e . ' ~ ' Even in the coastal areas of Quilon, the number of conversions
went down. I t was because of the enmity of the gentiles towards the new converts.
Always the gentiles used to create
X .,
Doc 138 P, loannes Rodriguez S I , Sociis Provbnc~ae Raetlcae. Coclno24 ldnuarl 1569," pp. 663-
674. In loseph Wick,. Documenlo lndicn. vol Vll. Roma. 1962, p 669
' I Y f hi d. p. 670
120
Georg Schurhammer. S J . , The M,,s\ivn Ubrk orrhr .lesuir~ (11 Mi ~~l vdur i i ialiiri Arrhunkol) and
Porokod m the 1 6 ' ~ ond 17" Cenruricr. pp. 6-8
"' Doc 14, "Vestidor para os Gentios que sc convenersem". Almeirim. 25 .lanuary 1571. pp 69-70, in
4nt6nio da Swa Rego, Documenro~rjo Puru o Hiiriiriu dm .M~,irim dc, f'iidroudo Porruguic dri
Urlence lndro (1569-1572), vol. XI , Lisboa. 1947. p. 69.
'' Femao Guerrelro. Rzlaqum Annul Dop C O U , ~ yue I.i;crom o r I'udrcr cia ('ompanhlu di. 1eru.s nus
purres do India Orlrrenrol. & em olgumos oatrm do ciinyursra desrr Re) nc no\ onno dr 607 1 608 &
do procusso do conversbu R Chrrsrondode doquellm purre.7. com mait huu uddi(am n r el a~am de
E~hiupra. Lisboa. 161 1. p. 63.
1'1
I.' rbrd., p. 63.
ihrh, p. 67.
211
The conversion sometimes created some socio-cultural issues in the society.
There were cases when gentiles received baptism, some of their wives were not
willing to be converted. This led to problems like giving up of husband as if he was
dead."' The Portuguese took special interest to protect the Christians. As part of their
religious favour. they sometimes even supported the criminals. In Cannanore, one of
the Christian nairs, took refuge in the chapel of the fortress against the wrath of the
king of Cannanore for the crime of murdering one of King's nairs.""
At times there were persecutions on the part of the Hindus towards the new
converts. There were occasions where the gentiles destroyed their churches. Another
problem the Portuguese had to tackle was the conversion of the lower jaIi.7 to
('hristianity. Sometimes separate churches were to be made for them.'"
Though in Christianity all were considered equals, some times the lower caste
people such as Ezuhvas and the fishennen had to assist the Mass from the porch of the
Churches whereas the foreigners and the slaves of the St. Thomas Christians could
entcr inside the church. The Portuguese claimed that it was for avoiding scandal to the
converts from the Nairs and the Brahhmins. 1'0 evade such a situation. a separate
church was built very close to the older church in Purakkad for the converts from
lower castes.""
On the coast of Travancore there were 32 churches. mrhich were run by the
Jesuits with the money from the Portuguese crown. There were a lot of people on the
way of conversion to whom were also given money as they were in utter poverty.12"
The number of converts from Nairs. Nambudiris and the Moors were few in
121
i 26
Fr an~oi s Pyrard of Laval. op crt . p 390
Genevieve Bouchon, Regent OJ rhe Sea Canonore'r Response lo i'orllrguerc, E*pan.~ron. 1507-
I j z x, p. 129
121
Georg Schurhammer, S.J.. The .M,.wron M'irrk o/ r l ~ c . l c~ui t r i n hiulheduth (elius Arthunkui) and
I'orakad in the 16' ~ and l Th Cmturies. pp 13. 16
In8
B L., Addrtronal MS 9853 '.Annua do Sul de 602" fl 25. See also Georg Schurhammer. S J . The
Misrion Work of rhe Jesulls in Mulheduih (ulim
4rrhrmkaiJ and Porokad in rhe 16'" and 17"'
Cenrurier. p. 26.
129
H A. G., Mon,n~des do Reinu No.& vol 1. 1601 -1 602. dated 22 Januar) 160 1 , fl 84
212
Travancore. Most of the converts were from the Mukkuvus and Puruvus."" Between
1600-1604 there was a persecution in Travancore. About 20,000 Christians had to flee
and their churches were demolished. But later on. at the effort of Pe. Nicolo de
Espinola, the king rebuilt the churches and allowed the people to come back."
The "Annual da Vice Provincia de Sul de 601' says that at the beginning of'
the seventeenth century 200 persons were baptised in Mutone and many of them were
toddy-tapers.13'
The Jesuits were still very zealous in their missionary endeavour. They had
different houses. In Calicut they had a house with two Jesuit priests. In Tanor they
were still engaged in the conversion of the gentiles and also in the administration of'
sacraments for the other Christians. They were very strong in their Travancore
mission. The principal churches of the newly baptized Christians in Travancore were
Upper Quilon, Paimel. Mampolim. Putentopo, Agenga. Reitora, BringZo, Puduturrei.
Coleche, CariapatHo, Santa Luzia, Topo. Raquiarnangalb, Covalao and Cape
omo or in."'
In 1622, we find that again on the part of the king of Cochin. there were
oh.jections towards the Christians. He maltreated man} of'them, which remained to he
a hindrance for further conversions. Thercfore the king of Ponugal wrote to the king
ot'Cochin to favour the Christians in ~ochin.~' "here were occasions earlier. because
of the attitude of the king of Cochin who used to kill and take the properties of the
baptised, when many nairs and (hirnuls restrained kom recei\,ing baptism. Some of
them secretly went for ~at echi s m. ~~' The new convens from the noble castes like
Brahmins and the Nairs were very few in areas like ~ochi n. ""
I?/J
B. N L., Manuscrrt~ Porrugars I . fl 3 11v
D Ferrol~ S J , up cir . p 96
I' B. L., Addrl,onol Ms 9853. fl. 2v
' I Pe. Manuel God~nho, op. cil., p 238.
" A N. T. T . Col rc~i i o dr S I'rcenre, vol 19, fol. 52 dated 3 March 1622.
""Doc.138 P. Hieronylnus Rodrigues S.1 . Sociis I.uslrsnis. Cocino 25 lanuari 1569." pp 677-695 In
(7;eph Wicki, Documrnra ln~licu. vol VII, Roma. 1962. pp 689.690
B N F. . Manuscrirs Porlugora I , tl 302v.
213
By the second decade of the seventeenth century, the Dominicans had started
missionary work in the Sewd to convert the gentiles oft hose areas."' By 1644, there
were 2600 Christians in the mission of St. Andre, which consisted of Churches like
Manacodarn, Kadakarappdli. St. Andrew. Kattur and Thumpoli, and there were
almost 140 Christians in l'anore and Calicut.13"n Calicut, due to the benevolence of
the Zamorin the Portuguese Jesuits could do a lot of missionary works. In 1654 there
were some conversions and the number of new Christians in Calicut town as well as
outside the town amounted to 320."" When the members of the higher castes got
converted they did it on condition that they would not be compelled to eat beef and
that their dress would not be changed. This many a time created a feeling among the
Portuguese that they were not true ~hr i s t i ans . ' ~'
In the coastal areas of T'ravancore, the Portuguese raised a large number of
Christians. Most of the Puruvus of the Travancore shore became Christians. They had
a lot of Churches a l ~o. ' ~' I ' he benefits enjoyed by the new converts, the restrictions
imposed on the Hindus by religious precepts, and the service-mindedness of the
missionaries attracted so many to the Christian fold.
V. 2. 4. The Christians and Various Councils and Synods
The Provincial Councils were held in India in accordance with the
requirements of the Canons of the Council of rent.'^^ The Council of Trent was
counterretonnative in nature. To execute the canons of the council it had taken
resolutions to convene Provincial Councils.14'
I?.
A. N T T.. Docummro.~ Rernnrdos do lndio, Tomo I!. Llvro 40. Doc 159. dated 26 March 1630,
fl.319
in8
tidorg Schurhammer. S. J . Thr, Mi~srirn Work I!/ the Je.5uir.t m \4iir/zcduih Ol i m Arrhankali and
Porokad in the 16' ~ und I wh ~rmturres. p 33
110
ll,,
D. Ferrol~ S. J., op ct t , p 258
Fran~ols Pyrard of Laval, up. <i t . pp 377, 378.
''I Phlllp Baldaeus, op, cb.. p. 645
I*' B. N. L.. Fundo t i erel , Rsen;od,n (.(id h' " 116. "Not~c~a dc Colno. e quando Se eriglo a cathedral
de Goa, e dos Bispos, e Arceb~spos que nella houve antes, e depo~s da i oa ereccam Com outras Couzai
Inan, penencentes ao d~to Arceb~spado." fl 105v
Id' A. Da Silva Rego, Treni' a Impact on the Porfz,gurse Parronoyi, Afiurrin?. L~sboa. 1969, p 67.
214
V 2. 4. A. 'The First Provincial Council of Goa
The First Provincial Council of Cioa. the first ever-held council in India since
the days of St. Thomas the Apostle. %as convened in 1567. The decisions of the
council were to be implemented in (ioa. Malabar. Moqambique and Malaqua. As the
Archdiocese of Angamaly was not under this Province. the St. Thomas Christians
were not bound to obey the decrees of the Council. But it was binding on the diocese
of Cochin, which was under the Cioan province. In accordance with the spirit of the
Council of Trent, it accepted the Apostolic and Ecclesial traditions and sacred
Scripture. seven sacraments, transubstantiation, purgatory and the position of the
Roman Church as the mother and mistress of all other ~ h u r c h e s . ' ~ ~ The Council
through its various decrees dealt with a lot of socio-cultural issues, which had great
impact on Malabar also. The question of conversions was discussed in the Council.
The council declared that forced conversions were not to be encouraged.'45 The
forcible taking of children tiom the Hindu parents with a vie^ to baptise them was
also forbidden. But such children could be baptised after they had reached the age of
discernment. In such cases those children could be accommodated in the houses of
virtuous Christians. The counc~l also ordered to bring up the orphans in the house of
the honourable men. teaching them good manners with a view to future conversions
lest their Hindu relatives should exploit them.14' The conversions were to be
encouraged by building up churches in different places. appointing clergy in places
where there were a lot of infidels.'" preventing the infidels from admonishing others
either by word or deed to join their religion,"' asking the kings not to confiscate the
property of those got converted to Chr~st i ani t y. ' ~~ and hy preventing concubines.
second marriage and such types of unions among the infidels lest the people should be
attracted to gentile religion's0. The non-Christians were forbidden from preaching
their religion publicly and people were forbidden from hearing such public preaching.
I4
J.H. DP Cunha R~vara, Archivo Porfitpr~e: Orre,tlui Faaciculo 4, Sew Delhl. 1992, pp 5-9.
4 6
I e r ~ h r d . pp. 7, 8.
,I'
rhrd. pp. 9. 16
4 "
1hrd.p 21.
I 49
rhi d. p, I 1
l i,,
!hid.. p. 20.
rhi d. D. IS.
215
The books containing precepts of Hindu religion were also forbidden, as they would
be scandalous to the new converts."'
Another area of intervention of the council was caste system. Though the
Council did not want to encourage caste system, it tolerated it. The council pondered
over the situation where no one would eat with people of lower castes, as there was
threat of losing ones caste. Therefore the Council admonished the faithful not to give
food to the members of the lower castes if they were not ready to become Christians.
At the same time the council provided room for supplying food to the lower caste
people in case of extreme necessity.15'
Idolatry was yet another concern of the Council. Idolatry on the pan of the
gentiles could he a scandal to the new Christians who were obliged to adore the Only
True God. Such worship of idols would resucitate among the new converts the
memory of their past and it would endanger their catholic life. Therefore the synod
asked to destroy all idolatrous places in the province. It also insisted upon the
destruction of private as well as public veneration to Mohammed. The Council also
prohibited the Hindu customs like sari, anointing with oil, sandal and other things,
ceremonial washingr, fasting. pilgrimage. casting of thread, putting of sandal on the
forehead and chest, supplication with and without rice, diabolic marriage rites, the
burning of dead bodies. giving of food to the corpse. or supply of food to others in the
name of the dead and any other public or occult ceremonie~.' ~'
The council also took measures against the inordinate intermingling between
the Christians and the non-Christians. The favour some of the Christians showed
towards the rites of the infidels, lending of jevels. musical instruments, artillery and
other things used for the feasts, burials, and lending of boats for the feasts and
~ilgrimages of the heathen and so on were forbidden under pain of
e~communication."~ The processions on the feasts and pilgrimages of the non-
152 '
rhrd. pp. 8. 9.
IS,
~hrd, pp. 13, b4. All these were not enforced eveywhore In placer like Goa. where the Portuguese
were the supreme power, it wan easy to enforce all these l aws
1s
Ibid, p. 14
216
Christians used to pass through the neighbourhood of Christian's residences. To
protect the new Christians. the council prohihited under pain that such pilgrimages
and feasts could never be conducted in and through the land of the Christ~ans. '"
Decree 23 affirmed that the mixing of' the infidels with the new Christians
created a lot of problems. Therefore the Council ordered that no native Christian
should live with the infidel in the same house. If anyone acted contrary to it, the
prelate could punish him. They were also forbidden from serving the infidels in their
houses. Even if they worked in some of the fields of the gentiles. they should never
support the idol worship and Hindu way of life.' i6 Through decree 25, the council
demanded Christian women and boys to refiain from visiting the houses of the
Muslims except with their masters or parents. Anyone who violated this could be
given a penalty of 50 ('r~c:udos."'
Other two areas where the contacts with the infidels were to be checked were
those of arts and medicine. The council noticed that even the pagans were emplobed
Ibr making church articles. images and so on. Decree 28 admonished Christians not to
entrust to the Hindus h e painting of anything related to divine cult and also asked not
to employ them for making sacred objects like cross. paten. and challce which were
used lor Divine Cult. No painters were allowed to paint the mystery 01' Christian faith
without the prior authorisation of the concerned prelate."x The next decree forbade
the Christians from approaching an infidcl doctor. as the council doubted a lot of ekils
in that. It held that the Chr~stians could go to the heathen doctor only on inevitable
circumstances and that also with the permission of the prelate.15v
Another area of Portuguese intervention was slavery. In India there were a lot
of domestic and agricultural slaves who did not have much liberty. Decree 17 makes
]mention of the custom among the foreign Muslim merchants who brought a lot of
heathen slaves so that they could be made Christians in their native lands. The council
i l 5
156
lhid, p. 15.
1%)
h i d . pp. 2 ! , 2 2 .
5 "
1h1d. p. 23.
i $9
h d , pp. 24. 25. 45-46.
lhld. D. 25.
217
prohibited the pusage of such slaves and masters through the area of Christians and
asked the Christians not to travel under pain of excommunication in such ships
containing slaves and their masters. This punishment was extended to the pilots.
captains and masters of such ships. The prelate or the vicars were to be informed
about such ships as soon as they disembarked fiom the ships. As it was a violation of
[he conditions of the carfazes they were to be given severe punishments and the
concerned slaves should be entrusted to the Christians. Decree No. 16 further insisted
that no infidel could have a Christian slave and if there was any slave who desired to
become Christian, under the custody of the infidels. he should be liberated.'"" The
severe punishment with fire or extraordinary means, which would sometimes amount
to death. was prohibited. It also asked not to employ them on Sundays and other
holidays. The vicars were entrusted with the task of instructing the slaves working in
commercial centres.'"'
The council also took measures to remove some ol'the gentile customs such as
caste system, mixed marriages, ceremonial mourning over the dead body, visit to
temples. offering of money and gifts to the temples, participation in heathen festivals
and marriage celebrations and the use of heathen names among the ~hri st i ans. ' "
The council also asked the Municipal administration to limit the residential
areas of Muslims, the foreign gentiles and public women. It was to aboid many evils
from the ~o c i e t y . ' ~'
There arose the question oi' the Armenian and Georgian Christians who used
to mobe around in India in their native dress. The council asked them to adopt the
dress of the Christians of the land. At the same time the council asked the native
Christians as well as the Christian women to adopt a distinguishing dress.""
,ill,
rhrd, pp 17, IS, 19
' I lhld DD 30. 5 1
218
In the Churches and Chapels of the religious, both men and women werc
asked lo have separate places according to the decision of the prelate. It was with a
view to participating in the divine worship more honestly l h ' The Council also made
arrangements for the payments of the ecclesiastics serving the Churches and
convents.""
'These decrees had their bearing on Malabar as the bishop of Cochin took part
in the same.''' He was supposed to implement them in his diocese which was
consisted of the new converts h r m Malabar and also the Portuguese and mixed
Christians who lived in Malabar.
V. 2.4. B. The Second Provincial Council of Goa
The Second Provincial Council of Goa was held in 1575. I)om Henrique de
' l' a~ora, the Bishop of Cochin and Mar Abraham, the Archbishop of Angamaly were
~nvited for this council together with other prelates of the Province.'" But Mar
Abraham did not attend it on account of his previous experiences of maltreatment on
the pan of the Ponuguese in Cioa during his return from ~ o m e . ' ~ ~ 1-le had lost his faith
in the Latin ~ i s h o ~ s . " ~ But as the Bishop of Cochin participated in the Synod it had
its impact in Malahar.
This council also framed decrees with a vie^ to improving the fate of the
orphans, slaves, and new converts. Rut the decrees were tbrmed in such a way as to
avoid scandals to the new Christians and also to encourage further conversions.
One of the new issues that was dealt with in this council was the improvement
of the fate of the widows. The widows used to shave off their hairs to show that they
were widows and they could never get married again. The Council ordered to see that
no widow shaked off her head. It also declared that the widous could remany. The
14,
Ibh
~ h ~ d , p JI
t i ,
rh~d. p. 42.
, , l
hid. p 3.
:<,0
{hid. pp. 79. 80
V. Nagam Atya. up a,.. vol. !I, p 166
219
confiscation of the property of those hindered it was also ordered by the Council.17'
Another concern of the council was the misery of those in the galley. It passed decrees
to Improve their tatu us."^
Though Mar Abraham, the Archbishop of Angamaly did not take part in the
council, decrees were framed for the St. Thomas Christians also. It declared that one
of the reasons for the abuses among the St. Thomas Christians *as the coming of the
prelates from Chaldea. Therefore to get rid of the abuses, their bishops should be one
presented by the king of Portugal. It was also mentioned in the decree that as the
Archbishopric of Angamaly did not have suffragan dioceses and the Chaldean
churches were far away. the Archbishop of Angamaly had an obligation to participate
in the Provincial Councils of ~oa. ". '
V. 2. 4. C. The Third Provincial Council of Goa
'The Third Provincial Council. held in Goa in 1585. bas attended by two
prelates from Malabar- Mar Abraham. the prelate of the St. Thomas Christians and
Dom Matheus. the Bishop of ~ o c h i n . " ~ Mar Abraham attended the Council, as there
was a letter from the Pope requesting him to attend the same. Pope had given a letter
of safe conduct to Mar Abraham so that there might not be disturbance on the part of
the ~or t u~uese. "' The council dealt with the decrees related to the previous councils.
The Council passed decrees against idolatry, gentile rites."" making of
temples."' mystical conversation and co-habitation of the infidels with the
Chri~tians,' ~' treatments under the infidel ph!,sicians,'7y service of infidel accountants
under the Christian masters in their negotiations and their entry into the houses of the
"nt ~nl o dr Gouveia. . op crr.. p 61.
'I J H. Da Cunha Rivara, op clr Fasciculo 4, p 97
I" rhrd. DD 97. 98
" ! hi d, b: 99.
I' V Nagam Aiya.. op ccir. p. 170 See also B N L.. Fundo Gerul. R~\rmador (' od N" 1/15, fl. I I I
'' Michael Geddes. on r 11.. o. 32
. ,
jh J.H Da Cunha Rivara. op cir . p. 121
thl d. p 123
a ! hi d. p. 130.
79 . .
rhrd, p. 133.
220
~hristians,"" simony and usuq among the priests of ~ a l a b a r . " ~ the use of mixed
wine for the mass.'" opening of the Churches during the night,IK3 and superstitions of
the ~r a h mi n s . " ~
The Council also decided not to issue cartuzes for the ships destined to Mecca
for pilgrimage. It also forbade the Portuguese ships from taking the relics of the
infidels and ashes.''' In the marriage celebrations of the gentiles diabolic rites and
customs were applied. The council found it as a scandal to the new converts. The
council decided to request the king of Portugal to issue orders prohibiting gentile
ceremonies and public feasts oft he gentiles.1xh
In Malabar many Christian children had their learning from some of the
infidels. Especially, the St. Thomas Christians used to undergo training in arms under
thc heathen masters like P~ni kurs. Before the starting of such learning the students
were taken for initiation to certain temples or images. The Council prohibited the
Christians from these kinds of' idolatries and training under the infidel masters, as
there were Christians masters.lR7
The Councils also lamented over the situation where the new Christians were
deprived of their property, honour. and offices. which had been there and imposing
upon them ne\* and uniust tributes as a consequence of their conversion. This was
done especially by the king of Cochin and his other vassals. The council requested the
king of Portugal to write to the king of Cochin on this matter."'
The Council took special attention in the case of the St. Thomas Christians.
Their prelate was asked to make a confession of faith accepting the teachings of the
Catholic Church. He was asked to punish the heretics. It took special care in the case
110
~hr d. p 135.
l a' rhid, pp. 150-151
IX' ibid. o. 160.
l a' !hid.. b. 170
la' !bid. pp. 124. 125.
$80
I X' rhld. pp. 126, 127
181
rhid. p 127.
hid. D 132.
221
ofthe priests of the St. 'Thomas Christians who did not have enough means to survive
either on the part of the Church or on the part of the people. The council requested the
king of Portugal to send an amount of 1000 cruzudos for the maintenance of the
clergy of that Ch~i st i ani t y. ' ~~ The age for the reception of Holy Order was fixed as 25
and the priests were forbidden from receiving rnoney for the administration of
sacraments, and marital relationships according to the directives of Canon Law.
Clerics who received any sacred orders over sub-deaconates were forbidden from
maming and if they married that would be null and they would be excommunicated.
Mar Abraham was asked not to ordain any more priests as there were enough and
more priests in Malabar. Besides, the ordained priests were asked to always wear
tonsure, and religious habit and to abstain from all kinds of simonies. Besides. the
Council insisted upon the establishment of seminaries in each bishopric with a view
to creating a clergy familiar with the system of the Roman clergy.'yu The priests
ordained for one diocese must remain in their own diocese and they should not be
admitted to celebrate sacraments without cel chr e~. ' ~'
It was also decided to translate the Missal and Roman Breviary into Syriac for
thc use of the St. Thomas Christian priests. Many other prayers and catechism books
here translated into Malayalam. The need for erecting seminaries in each diocese of
the Province was also inbistsd upon in the
With this synod. the Archbishop Mar Abraham accepted the decrees of the
two previous Councils held in ~ 0 a . l " Therefore it could be certainly asserted that the
Provincial councils affected the St. Thomas Christians only after the third Provincial
Council held in 1585. It was made mandator). through the canons of the Councils that
no bishop could come to India without presenting his credentials to the Archbishop of
Goa, whether he came from Rome or Chaldean Church.lg4 This was an attempt on the
I"',
B N. L. , Fundo Ceral, Rcsrn.odor C o d ,Af" 116, fl I I Iv-l I2 see also J H Da Cunha R~vara. "I,
c o , p p 144-145.
,YO
ihrd.. pp. 145-146
I Y1 Authorizing lener of the bishop gve n to a priest glvlng h ~ ~ n permlsslon lo celebrate D~vi ne Liturg)
In other places. ihid. p. 147.
I Y2
,"I
ihid. pp 149. 152.
I*
#hid. p. 148
rhld, pp. 151. 152.
222
pan of the Archbishop of Goa lo intervene unnecessarily In the affairs of the Malabar
Church.
Mar Abraham. the Archbishop of Angamaly, though promised to follow the
canons of the Third Provincial Council of Goa, did not practise it when he reached
back ~al abar. "'
V. 2 . 4 . D. The Fourth Provincial Council of Goa
The fourth Provincial Council was held in Ooa in 1592. "~ The council
confirmed the canons of the previous Provincial Councils held in Goa. In addition to
that the entry of the infidels into the houses where there were women was restricted to
the drawing room under threat of punishment.1v7 the living of the public women in the
streets or neighbourhood whcre the spinster Christians lived.'qR the sewice of the
Christians in the factory of the gentiles,199 and the senice of the priests in royal
places2uu were prohibited.
V. 2. 4. E. The Synod of Diamper
The Synod of Diamper was convened on 20 June 1599 in the All Saints
Church, in the kingdom of' ~ i a m ~ e r ~ " ' with a view to bringing the St. Thomas
Christians of Angarnaly Archdiocese under the obedience of ~omc.' "' The Canons of
he Synod of Diamper show that, the synod was convened. as the canons of the
Provincial Councils were not fruitfully implemented in Malahar on account of the
disinterest of the Prelate. Archdeacon and the people as a whole. This made Dom
Alexis Menezis, the Archbishop of Cioa to convene a Synod at Diamper in Malabar.
As we have already seen. for the preparation of the ground he Archbishop Dom
Menezis visited various churches of the St. Thomas Christians.
ICtb
I" Fr e~ Paulo de Tri n~dade. up ' r r . p. 347
J H Da Cunha Rivara. on, ci i . 0 185
223
Regarding the validity of the synod and its conduct there have been so many
studies. There were many scholars who maintained that Dom Menezis did not have
the right to hold a diocesan synod in Malabar, as he did not have any jurisdiction over
the St. Thomas ~hristians."'
The synod made decrees to minimise the degree of contacts between the St.
Thomas Christians and the Hindus with whom they had been living for centuries.
Various realms of contacts were cut off. When the children of the St. Thomas
Christians became eight years old, they were laken to some Kirluri.\ for the training in
arms. The training was usually under a punikar who generally was from the Hindu
religion. The synod forbade the Christian children from going to a heathen punikor.
Hut they could go to a heathen Punihr if there was no Christian master in the
neighbourhood. But it was to be assured that such Hindu masters did not demand the
students to adore the idols. It was entrusted to the church to establish schools for the
children and the schoolmasters were to see that no idols bere kept in such schools for
the sake oft he heathen children.'"hnother area of contacts bet wen the Hindus and
the St. Thomas Christians was the employment of heathen midwives for the delivery
of Christian women. The synod wanted Christian midwives to assist the Christian
women during their delivery so that their servlce could be used f i r the baptism of the
child, in case need
Another area of Portuguese intervention was slaver). In Malahar there were
many domestic slaves and there was the sale of the same. l' he council did not want
the Christians to keep infidel slaves without baptizing them. Besides, the sale of
Christian slaves to the Hindus. Muslims and the Jews was prohibited by the synod.20h
In Malabar. at times newly born children were abandoned under some trees or
in some ditches by their parents because of various reasons including an unfavourahle
"' J H Da Cunha Rlvara. up cr r . p. 281
201
!<I4
For detalled discussion about the Issue see Jonas Thal~ath, 11p c", pp 169-174
Scarla Zachar~a, ed., The Acls and Decret ~ of thi, Siirvrd o/ D~umper I SVY. Edamartam. 1994. pp
i ) $97.
~h r d , p. 115.
224
horoscope. The synod insisted that the Christians should take such children home and
bring them up in Christian faith as an act of charitp. It was made the obligation of the
Parish Priests to see how they were brought up."17
The names of the St. Thomas Christians were adopted either tiom the Old
Testament or from native stocks and generally they were called by a different name
other than the baptismal name. The synod admonished the parish priests to give
names only from the New Testament and also to call the people only by their
baptismal names.'"'
The celebration of marriage was an occasion for the St. Thomas Christians to
demonstrate them privileges and also to show the traits of their socio-cultural life.
They commonly shared some of these customs with their non-Christian counterparts.
The Synod considered such customs and ceremonies as heathen and many of them
were prohibited. Accordingly, the selection of auspicious day for marriage, the
conducting of marriage just by tying a rali by the neck of the bride outside the church,
the marriage without the presence of priests and witnesses?"' the marriage between
close relatives. the marriage of boys below fourteen and girls below twelve, insistence
on more dowry after marriage,210 and the drawing of certain figures and circles in the
ponrhal as a symbol of fertility"' were forbidden. The newly married couple used to
go to the church only afier the fourth day of their marriage. The synod Ibund it to be
an imitation of the Jewish practice and asked the couple to go to the Church from the
very first day of their marriage."'
The synod also attributed polygamy to the St. Thomas Christians. The synod
asked the St. Thomas Christians to get rid of all their wives except the first.I3 But the
Joseph the Indian, a native priest of Cranganore, in his accounts, held that the St.
.'00
20-
rhi d, p. 1 16.
?"li
1brd. pp. 116. 117
2"U
rhi d, pp. 1 19, 120.
rhi d. . pp. 162. 171. 174. 177.
'"' rhid.. pp 174. 177.
'" i hi d. p. 178.
'" rhi d. p. 179
' " i h ~ d . ~ . 178
225
Thomas Christians were monogamous and that dnorce was unheard of among the St.
Thomas ~hr i st i ans. ~"
Yet another area of intervention of the synod was the reformation of the clergy
of Malabar who were leading a deplorable life due to the lack of economic means for
subsistence, sewing the heathen kings in military and administrative spheres and also
engaging in simony and worldly business. Some of the priests used to get protection
from the kings against their prelates. The synod came forward with bs o ,fac/o
excommunication measures against such priests ' I ' 7'0 keep the dignity of priesthood.
they were also forbidden from eating in public and dining with infidels. Muslims and
Jews under pain of excomm~ni cat i on. ~' ~ Changes were made in their traditional habit.
I'hey were forbidden from moving in secular dress and the use of indigenous habit for
the priests. The priests were asked to wear the European dress. always and
everywhere. Against the custom of the Malabar priests. it was maintained that they
could shave off their beard. They were also asked to cut their heir lest they should be
a hindrance to drinking the blood of ~ h r i s t . ~ "
An additional problem that the synod tackled was that of the married clergy. It
\%as against the tradition of the Western Church. Though there were married clergy in
other churches too, there was an exceptional situation in Malabar. This was a unique
tradition. Here. the priests used to get married even afier their ordination.*IR The
rcason might be the ordination of Malabar priests when they were quite young. The
wives of the cabsanars were much respected in Malabar and they were identified by a
cross worn around their neck."' The priests uho were married were suspended
through regulations of the synod.22n The married clergy was to restore their priestly
!I1
Antony Vallavanthara. np crt.. p. 178. It I S highly probable that what Portuguese meant by
polygamy was the stay of the female slaves as well as concuhlne5 In Malabar In the houses of t he~r
masters, which was pan of the socio-cultural llfe
! I 5
Scarla Zachar~a, ed.. Thp Act., and Decrees ofthe Si nod of Uluniper 1590. p 164
' I " ( hi d. p, 162.
'I' rhrd, b, 163
IX
:I0
Diogo do Couto, op cr t , Decada XII, Lishod. 1974. p. 301
I10
Antbnio de Ciouveia. . op. cir . p. 159.
Scarla Zacharla, ed., The 4crs and Uecrcer ofthe Svl od ( I / Uiun~pcr I j Y V , pp. 164-165
226
ministry only after leaving their wives. The wives ofthe priests. who were reluctant to
leave, were threatened with degradation in the church."'
According to the custom of the Hindus, the St. Thomas Christians used to fast
on fixed days. On such days of fasting, they used to take bath early in the morning and
keep away from the lower caste people including the nairs. The synod condemned it
as a gentile practice.22' The synod also accepted untouchability to a great extent
because of the privileged position the St. Thomas Christians had in the society. At the
same time it instructed that if a St, Thomas Christian touched a person of a l o ~ c r
caste unknowingly, he was not to run to take bath. Such people should be punished."'
Together with prohibiting some of the socio-cultural customs related to
marriage,224 the synod also intervened in some of the customs related to childbirth. In
Malabar after the childbirth the uomen were allowed to go to the Church only after
forty days if the baby was a boy and eighty days if it bas a girl. 'This was a Hindu as
uell as Jewish custom, which considered women as impure after childbirth. This war
condemned by the synod.2"
The burial of' thc Christians outside Church."' consultation with magical
books, witches and hrtune-te~iers,' ~' buying and selling of ~hi l dren, "~ participation
In the heathen ordeals and oaths, festivals like ~narn. "~ selling of liquors in inns
owned by the ~hristians,'"' and the use of false weights"' were also forbidden by the
synod.
The dressing pattern of t he St. Thomas Christians also underwent changes.
The external appearance of the Christians resembled that of the nairs who went naked
"' ihrd, p. 166
,,,
"-rhrd,p. 118.
"' rh, d. p. 203.
'" i hrd, p. 202
"' rhrd. p. 203
"" rhi d. pp. 197. 198
"' ~hr d. p 205.
"8 .
-' ihrd, p 205
l ' V~hrd, pp 208. 204
"" i hrd. p 209
i hrd. pp. 210. 21 1 .
227
except down the waist. From the waist to the knees they used silk dress. Like the nairs
they grew their hair in Kudumi into which a cross inserted would show their Christian
identity. The men used to bore their ears and adorned them with golden ornament^."^
Among the St. Thomas Christians. the inheritance was through the sons and
never through the daughters. In situations where there was no male offspring. even if
there were daughters, the property uent to the closest male relative. The synod judged
that, inheritance should be given to the daughters in case of the absence of sons to
inherit.*"
The St. Thomas Christians. being agricultural people lived in scattered
\fillages amidst the infidels. The synod asked the Christians to live together in existing
villages or to build new villages with parish churche~. "~ The intention of the synod
was to separate the Christians from the gentiles and lessen their contacts so that the
heathen practices would not creep into Christianity. Hut it seems that the Portuguese
did not succeed hl l y in separating the St. Thomas Christians from the infidels. By the
middle ofthe seventeenth centur) also we see the St. Thomas Christians living among
the infidels, Moors and the Jews in places like Chanota and ~arur. ?"
From the decrees of the Synod it is clear that thc synod promulgated such
legislations just because the decrees of the Provincial Councils of Goa did not become
very popular in Malabar due to various reasons. So the Synod was convened in a
place in Malabar and also in a place where the Portuguese had much intluence.
Through these decrees the Synod \*.as trying to westernize and latinise the St. Thomas
Christians.
?:?
Scaria Zacharia. ed.. Randu Prochrrno Gadh~iiKrr~hikul. Mal.. Chaiiganacheny. 1976, pp 206.
207
21,
Scaria Zacharia, ed . The Acn. undDr cr r e~ ofrhe Svnod of Diomper I SYY, p 21 I
'I' ihid . p 2 I >
211
B N F.. Munrr~criis Portugur~ I . fl 2 9 6 ~ .
228
V. 2. 4. F. The Fifth Provincial Council of Goa
The titih Provincial Council of Goa was held in Goa in 1606 under the
presidentship of Dom Aleixo ~enezi s. ' " Most of its decrees are concerned with the
conversions and the protection of the new converts. Many of these issues were treated
in the previous Provincial Councils. The plight of the widows in India was very bad.
Therefore the synod ordered that no Christian widow who was below fifty years of
age should shave off her hair.'"
Thus all these Councils and Synoda became instrumental in bringing about
drastic changes in the society by which the social fabric, which had been there for
centuries. was disrupted. The way of life of the new converts as well as that of the St.
'Thomas Christians changed a lot. A new lifestyle, which was far from the traditional
one, originated in Malabar.
V. 3. The Interaction between the Portuguese and the Muslims
A lot of Arab Muslims used to travel in Portuguese ships. The First Provincial
Council of Goa forbade the travel of the Arab Muslims in the Portuguese ships.
Besides, the Muslims were asked not to take along with them the books and relics
related to their religion through the areas of the Christians. In case. they travelled
through such lands, the Vicar of that place could examine their haggage."' All these
were introduced with a view to controlling the spread of Islam in India. This created a
rupture in the relationship betujeen the Portuguese and the Muslims.
The Muslims of Malabar were against the Archbishop Meneszis' visit in
Malabar in his effort to bring the St. Thomas Christians to the obedience of ~or ne?"
They entered Into terrible fight with the St. Thomas Christians in Tevalacare as they
"9. H. Da Cunha Rivara, op cil . pp 201
' "i hrd, p. 21 1
""b~d.. a. 26
lii '
Antdnto de Gouveia, op ccir . p. 123.
229
welcomed the Archbtshop. In this fight the nairs of that area stood with the St.
Thomas
The Muslims who resided in the interior areas dissuaded the Areis.
(Muluyuruyus) from receiving baptism. In ('unhorupuiy (Kanjirappally) also the
Muslims were against these new christians.'" Besides. there were occasions when
the missionaries had to suffer a lot from the Muslinls. A certain Fr. Francisco Baptista
was taken captive in Kunhali. Sometimes, the missionaries were physically wounded
by the Muslims or they wcre put in captivity.'4'
Though the Portuguese used every means to control the lndian Ocean trade
w~t h (' urlaze~. we see that the Muslim merchants got pepper for Mecca from the king
of Cochin himself. The means they applied for this was offer of higher prices ibr the
commodity. The king of Cochin actually misused the ('urrm. Therefore the king
asked not to issue cur/u:es to Malabar kings.'" As i t was favourable fbr the king of
C'ochin, in spite ofthe contracts he had with the Portuguese. he supplied pepper to the
Muslims. On account of this phenomenon, the Portuguese found it difficult to get
enough pepper for their ships. Thus by offering better prices the Musl~ms tried to
maintain their trade.
The principal reason for the enmity between the Portuguese and the Muslim
nierchants was the control of trade by the Portuguese using c~rla:es.~'"I'he Ivluslim
merchants used to move sithout carlazes. Tlie Portuguese confiscated such ships.
This added to the enmiry between the two.'4'
zro
24,
(hid.. p 236.
:I>
ihrd., p 208.
141
Frei Paulo da Tr~nldade. op ol Pan II. pp 256. 257
See Lener wi nen by El Rei to Dom Manim Affi,nso dc Castro, the Viceroy doc. No. 8 dated 6
March 1605 in Raymundo Antonlo de Bulheo Pam, l l ocum~~ni ~ar tcvnciid~,,~ do lndra ou LivrrJr
*Von~Ce.s, Tomo I. Lisboa. MDCCCLXXX, p 36
?W
For detailed study of ranozs, please see K S Mathew. "Trade In the Indian ocean and the
Ponuguese System of Cartares." pp 69-83 in Malyn I'iewitt. The Firs, Porru~ucse Cr~loniol EmpTrc.
Exter. 1986
245
Philip Baldaeus. op ar, p. 623
230
The Portuguese never got rid of an opportunity to eradicate those who were
threats to the maritime trade of the Portuguese. Kunhali Marakkar, a corsair in the
Indian Ocean became a threat to the Portuguese. At the initial stage as he had the
support of the Zamorin, the Portuguese could not do anything against him. By the end
ofthe sixteenth century, when he became a threat to the Zamorin himself by assuming
the title 'King of Kotta'. the Emori n promised to entrust him to the ~ o r t u g u e s e . ~ ~ ~
V. 4. The Interaction between the Portuguese and the Jews
The Portuguese with an Iberian eye looked at the Jews in Malabar. In the
Iberian Peninsula. most of the Jews were converted to Christianity. They doubted
occult Jewish practices among the newly converted Jews. They found that the Jews
would be a threat to the new converts. Therefore, the attempt of the Portuguese was to
Leep away the Jews from the new converts as well as trade, which was another area of'
competition with the Portuguese. But the Portuguese atler the efforts of decades found
that the Jews in India were not responding positively to the efforts of the Portuguese
to convert them. Therefore the Ponuguese took the conclusion that the Jews were the
lcast interested in conversion^.^^'
Through a decree of the First Provincial Council of Goa, the Christians were
forbidden under penalty of 100 prtrduos the bringing and taking of any Jew to any
commercial centre where Christians traded.'" This was to keep the Jews away from
thc trade and thereby to get rid ofthe competition on their part.
In the third Goan Provincial Council also, decrees were enacted regarding the
communication between the Christians and the Jews, As the presence of the Jews
would create some problems for the Christian faith, the council instructed not to lend
houses to the Jews in towns and also among the Christians in places like Cochin
240
H. A G., Mon~rier do rerno No 26. vol. 1. 1505-1601, dated 21 November 1598, fl 421. See also
K. K K N. Kurup. "The House of Kunhali Marakkar and the Portuguese: An analycis of the Natlve
Resistance against the Colon~al Expans~on." pp 1-6. ,n K S Mathew. Teotonio R de Souza and Pius
Malekandathil, The PortuKur~r and r k Socio-('ulraral ('i?anp',~ m l,>dro 1500-1800. Tel t i cheq,
2001. p 3.
247
248
Padre loam de Lucena, op c i ~ . p 54.
J.H Da Cunha Rivara, op c r ~ pp. 23-24
231
under a penalty of 100 crurodos. They were also forbidden under monetary
punishment from entering the houses ol' the Christian~.'~'
Though the Portuguese were deadly against the Jews on account of religious
and commercial rivalries, the St. Thomas Christians maintained or improved their
relationship with the Jews. During the period before 1567, the relationship between
the St. Thomas Christians and the Jews had worsened instigated by the activities and
propaganda of the Portuguese against the Jews. But during this period under review
we find there was co-operation hetheen the Archdeacon. the temporal leader of the
St. Thomas Christians and the Jews. It was through a Jcw that the Archdeacon
managed to get an Armenian in his support in I61 I .2s0
At times, the missionaries preached in the Synagogues. We find that the
Archbishop Menezis used to send Francisco Koz, as he knew the language of the land,
to preach in the synagogue. But it did not produce any result, as they were not open to
it,2sl
The Jews also stood with the St. Thomas Christians, klindus, and the Muslims
of Maiahar in their resistance to the visit of Archbishop Dom Menezis in Malahar as
part of his attempts at making St. Thomas Christians the subjects of the Church of'
Kome,?s'
The king of Cochin, who died by August 1637, was not in very good terms
with the Portuguese. The reason behind it, as given by the Portuguese was that, he
was guided by a Jew by name Samuel Cashel who was his chief regent. This affected
the Portuguese negatively because with him there were alterations in the price of the
the time the Portuguese lcft Cochin, there was a Jewish settlement in
" ' ~ b i d , p 131
i5ll
See Lener of the king of Portugal to Vlceroy Ru) Luuren~o dr Tavora. Doc, No 195, dated 10
March 161 1 in Raymundo Antonio de Bulhso Pato. Docsmenlm remrodoc do /nd,o ou Lzuo., do8
MoncBrs. Tomo I t . Lisboa, MDCCCLXXXIV, p 79
?JI
Antdnto de Gouvela, ou. c ~ t . P. 25 l
!>I
. .
25;
dh~d,, p. 123.
A. N. T , T.. Documenros Rsmet~dos do indra, Tomo 11. Livro 42. Ooc 25, dated 25 November
1637. fl . 21.
232
Cochin outside the fortress. They li\ed uithout much communication with the
~hri st i ans. "~
V. 5. Various Other Realms of Interaction
The interaction between the Portuguese and Malabar socletles cannot be
confined to the above religious sections. It affected various other realms of social,
cultural, economic and political life of Malabar.
V. 5. 1. Mercantile Activities
When we examine the volume of cargoes at the end ol' the sixteenth century
we find that there was a decline in the pepper and spice that belonged to the crown.2ss
The reason behind it was the increase of illegal trade during this period. The pribate
fortune seekers always found new routes of' trade and new ports from where private
trade could be carried on. This affected the Portuguese trade. Therefore the king
ordered that no individual of whatever quality, whether Christian, Muslims or Hindus
should load mcrchandise in small or big quantities. and that the ships canying such
merchandise be confiscated and burned and that the Moors in such ships be taken
captive.2sh The king ordered the captains and the soldiers to take care guarding the
Malabar Coast so that illegal trade and movement of merchandise might not happen.
'" But the Esludo do india did not succeed in controlling the illegal trade. Thcrefore
again the king of Portugal wrote a letter to the Viceroy on 16 April 1597 preventing
all from trading in pepper and taking it to other ports under serious penalty and asked
them to take pepper to the royal fortresses in India to be weighed there and sold to the
Portugue~e."~
I" Philip Baldaeus, op clt . p 63 1
?I5
Afial Ahmad, Pornrpcuujc Trade and So~io-Lronrmic C'i~unyeb on the M.e.\tern Cooit <!f lndru
11600- 1663). Delh1,2000. p. 199.
211
Doc. 21, "Reglmmto dado por El-Re1 Dom Sebat1.30 a Doln Luis de Atdlde. L~sboa, dated 27
iebmary 1568, pp 58-87. in Anur Basillo de ba. Documenta(.io para a Hotdrru dui Mls~des do
Padroodo Porruguk do Orrenfa (1568-1579). vol. IV. Lisbon. MCMLVI, p. 65
25,
Doc. 22. "Novo Rcg~rnento para o Trato da Plmenta e dc Outro Especiarias." ~vor a, dated I March
1570. pp. 88.107, In Anur Basilio de Sa. Documeniac.Co pura o Hbtorra dus Mt ~ ~ l i e s hi Podroudo
Por I uf pb do Orirnrr. (1568-1579). vol IV, L~shoa. MCMLVI. p. 91.
?I8
A.H.U.. Cuua du lndiu 001. Doc. No. 19.
233
The Muslim and C:arnatic merchants used to collect pepper from interior areas
evading the Portuguese. This illegal trade increased the price of pepper, which was
390-400 funurns per cundi. This rose to 450 funurns by the year 1640.~" The reasons
that could be attributed to the rise in price might be the existence of illegal trade and
rival trade.
In spite of different warnings and threat of punishment illegal trade was
carried on between thc residents of the E.j/udo dir lndin and the illegal traders
including pirates. The king threatened with severe punishment against the illegal
traders irrespective of the state, condition and quality of the persons.'6" But the illegal
trade was carried on. The royal officers through illicit means supplied licenses to the
rich merchants to c a q on trade with prohibited ports.26' The wood was one of the
principal commodities exponed from Cochin. The abundance of it. especially the apt
wood for making ships uas an attraction for the ~onu~ues e. ~' '
'There were very famous traders who were very rich. Ada Kajio was
considered the richest merchant in the whole of south India. He was indebted to the
Portuguese for the commercial relations that made him very rich.'"1t is asserted by
some scholars that the Portuguese encouraged the Christian and Hindu traders against
the Muslim rner~hants.' "~ Before the arrival of the Portuguese, the Hindus in Malabar
were not generally interested in trade. They were pushed to trade hy the ~or t ugues e. ~~'
This was to break the monopoly of the Muslims in the trade in Malabar. This played a
great role in bringing about changes in the socio-cultural life in Malabar.
!(I
Philip Baldaeus. op ccN., p 622.
A N. T. 'I.. Documenru~ Rerneridos do indtu. I'oino 11, Llvro 32, Doc 76, dated 24 February 1635.
n 181
?bi
Scammell. G V . "The Patterns of European Trade in the lnd~an Ocean C 1500-1700. In K.S
Mathew, ed , Srudres m Moririmu Hisrr,r),. Pondicherg. 1990. p j
'" "Ljvro das MonqBes". N? 22.0. Doc.31 from I.lrbon dated 20 March 1652. In Boleiirn do
Frlmoicca Orrumormo Ponugresa. N'. 2 I. L~sboa, 1962, p 427.
26,
!M
Frei Paulu da Trinidade, op crr, Pan. 11, p. 263
K. S. Mathew, Indian Merchants and the Purluguese Trade on the Malabar Coast durmg the
Sixteenth Century", pp 1-12, in Teotonio R, de Souza, ed indoio-Porluyuese H i r l o ~
Ol d l.s.sue~. .Sew
&J~e.srruns. New Delhi. 1985. p 1
A. de S. S. Costa Lobo. Memhrrus de t i m S o l d u i ~ da lradio. Llsboa. 1987. p. 66.
234
There is little mention in the Portuguese documents about the ships going to
lndia after 1640. The year 1640 is marked by the end ofthe reign of the Spanish kings
In ~ o r t u ~ a l . ~ ~ ~ lt seems that atier this period the policy of Portugal changed. The
growing threat of the Dutch in the lndian Ocean trade might have been the other
reason, which led to the lessening of Portuguese sea borne traffic in the lndian Ocean.
Still there was trade hetween the different ports of Malabar and other ports in
India. There were ships from the ports of Cochin, Cannanore, and Calicut in Surat by
[he middle of the seventeenth century.267
In places like Calicut there were shops where Portuguese goods like swords.
arms. books, cloths of tioa and other goods were available. They also sold stolen
things brought from Portugal in lndian vessels. The Christians were forbidden fiom
buying such things.'6'
V. 5. 2. Coinage
In Cochin. according to the request of tiaspar Alexandre. the Procurator
general of lndia. permission was given on 28 March 1577 by the Governor to elect a
competent person to issue coins called Ba:aruco.s, which was a copper coin."'
The coins which were in circulation in Cochin in the year 1587 were
Sunrhomes dourn. Vent0.c soldunos de Turyuiu. Pu,yodes velhos, Pugodes Novas,
mudrufuxuos de Camha~a, hum porduo de 8 reuia. Purucois de pruiu r~elhos,
purucois de malaca. Xerafin.\ iie praru. lurin.\ compridos dourrnus, huu tunga du
praru, and hum vinrrm dr prutu ""
?M,
?I>?
0. N. L.. ColrcpTu Pomhulrnrr Nu. 265. fl lS8v
?LIX
Pe Manuel God~nho, up, clr , p 67
Edward Grey, ed., up ~ I I . . vol 11, p 362.
"" "Da Provi do do Governador Ant6nio Munis Barreto en que a S~dade posa eleger Hum Homem
Pera fazer Moeda de Bazarucor", pp. 61-62, In K. S. Marhew & Afial Ahmad. ed . up cil.. p. 61
2711
"Appendix Ill". In K. S Mathew & Afzal Ahmad, ed.. ip i 1 1 . p 138
235
V. 5.3. Shipbuilding
Cochin continued to develop as: an important centre of shipbuilding because of
the availability of good timber.'" Since shipbuilding was very important for maritime
activities. the Portuguese felt the need of a man who would devote himself to look
after to the construction of ships. In 1573, the Viceroy asked the municipality to elect
a person for this purpose.2" To encourage shipbuilding and to relieve the E.\/udo du
India tiom its financial burdens in this regard. one per cent was collected from the
port and this was assigned for shipbuilding.273
A ship, made in Cochin was named after the city of Santa Cruz in Cochin.
This ship was made by the King of Cochin in honour of the Portuguese. It was of
1600 tons. It was sold to the ~ o r t u ~ u e s e . ~ " It shows that by the end of the sixteenth
century the Malabar ports were able to construct ships. which could ply even in the
waters of Europe.
There were different types of ships in Malabar. ~ u n c h u a , s , ~ ' ~ empalega. \~7h
ha/(ie."' and tones, were some among them.278 All the ships built in Cochin were
quite heaut i f~l . "~ Some of the tones were well decorated like a house covering the
roof with 01a.'~'
?'I
J o d JordAo Fel gue~ra. "Arcas Indo-Ponuguesas de Cochlm," i n Oreotira, htd~j-Porruguusmonre,
Nuinero 19'20-setembrol dezembro. 1994. Comissso Nac~onal Corncmora~ircc dc Descobrimentos
Ponugueses. pp. 34-41
"' .'Da ProvlzAo do Vizo-Re, Durn Anlonlu de Noronha para S~dadr rlegar OIi cl al \ para fahr~que das
Gales e Recadasso do Hum Poresnto." p 47, i n K.S. Mathew & Afzal Ahmad, ed.. up or . . p 47
"' .'Do Vlzo-Rei Dom A n t h o dc Noronha que Trata Sobre o hum por Sento qur a sidade de Cochim
da para as Gales etc. ",dated 30 October 1572. p. 58-59. In K S. Mathew& Afral Ahmad. ed . op cot,
p 59.
211
P A T~ele, The l'oyoye "/John I hqqhrn inn L,,~rihoren lo rllc Eusi indter, vol T I . New Delhi.
1988. p. 218
1-1
2 5
A cargo sh~p
' 77
A Malabar canoe which was also used for fishing. B N t .. Manu\crilr Porrrrgarr I . fl . 303v.
A small light rawmg boat M G, da Costa. ed., The Iltnrrariu i r f Jeriinirnrr Loho. Translated by
Donald M. Lockhan. With an Introduct~on and Notes by C. F. Beck~nham. London. 1984, p. 44.
27%
Carved out of a single piece of wood Some of thein were qulle b ~ g P A T~el e, ojl, i r r . , vol. 11. p
227.
?N
R~chard Camac Temple, ed., The Trmeh ?/Perer hlundoj, m Europe undA.\~a, 161lX- 1667. Edited
by Sir Richard Camac Temple. vol. 111 Travels In England. India, Ch~na etc. 1634- 1638, Nendeln!
Liechtenstein. 1967. p. 112
18" oI
o IS the palm leaf B. N. F.. Mnnuscrirs Porlugoo 1. f l . 303v.
236
The advantage of the ships built in Cochin over the ships built in Portugal was
that the ships built in Cochin were durable and less expensive than the ships that were
built in ~ o r t u g a l . ~ ~ ' At times ships built in Cochin by the Portuguese were sold to the
private traders. We see a ship made in Cochin being sold to a man in
V. 5.4. Corsnirs
1)uring the period when the Portuguese controlled the trade. the illegal trade
increased together with the increase in corsairs. Actually this was a compensation.
When free trade was not possible, some other substitute must he fbund out. It was this
that made many Muslims like Kunhalis. pirates. Their wrath towards the Ponuguese
was ventilated at times by persecuting the Christians and the Portuguese
missionaries.'" No one including the Lamorin was in a position to take action against
these pirates as they had ver). good hideouts and other skills.'R4 Kunhali was the
greatest corsair in Malabar. Another corsair of Malabar Coast was llamado Cutimuza
who was the nephew and General of ~ u n h a l i . ~ " Kunhali had a fortress in the
European fashion from where he controlled piracy. It was the rulers of Malabar who
supported the growth of Kunhali, may be as an alternative to the Portuguese. But later
on he disobeyed his very master the Zamorin and rebelled against him. By 1600, the
Portuguese tried to capture Kunhal~ with the help of the Zamorin. The Portuguese
beheaded him.'"'
The methodology the pirates used to apply was to attack the ships carrying
merchandise all of a sudden. In this endeavor the pirales used to have seven to eight
ships.'X7 The Lamorin had made understanding with some of the corsairs who paid
him tributes. Every year thousands of' men used to move from Calicut to the sea to
engage in piracy. They used to go to the Zamorin with presents and compel him to
break the peace with the ~o r t u g u c s e . ' ~~
2x1
Doc I I dated 22 February 1585, In Cunha R~vara, op crl.. p. 46
2111 r
281
P Manuel Godinho. op czi . p 80
214
AntOnto de Gouve~a, op ol p 95
181
P A. Tiele, OP ci l . p 170.
'86
D loseph Mdrt~nez de la Puente, op crr.. p 59
2111
Franco~s Pyrard o f I-aval. op. cir., pp 350-356
la8
A de S. S. Costa Lobo. o p crr.. p. 69.
Francois Pyrard of Laval. op crr. p, 357
237
238
ambassadors to the Moorish kings at his own authority, compelled even some of the
Portuguese to navigate with his cartazrs and kept titles like King, Defender of the
Law of Muhammad, and the Lord of the Sea of the ~ o r t u g u e s e . ~ ~ ~
Against such a backdrop, the Portuguese joined hands with the Zamorin and
captured him in 1600. He was taken to Goa. where he was cut into pieces, as he did
not accept the option to receive baptism.2vr
V. 5. 5. Portuguese and Kings of Malahar
There were many kings in Malabar who used to receive from the Portuguese a
fixed annuity each year. The kings of Cochin, the king of Vadakkenkur (Rcy da
pimenfa), and his mother, brother king of Mangatte. king of Porca. king of Diamper.
king of Paru were some among them. They were paid this annuity for favouring
pepper trade of the Portuguese by evicting all other competitors from the market "' It
shows that all these kings of Malabar were in very good relationship with the
Portuguese because of economic gain from the Portuguese. Even the Zamorin was
interested in gening presents from other people. The magnanimity of the Zamorin
depended on the presents that the traders gave him.'" The Portuguese well
apprehended the mood of the local rulers and they always offered presents to the
kings in Malahar. The kings, without understanding the underlying motives behind
them accepted the gifts and danced according to the tune of the ~ortuguese."~
In the conflict between the Archbishop Francisco Garcia and Archdeacon
George, which led to the Oath of Coonanrrorr. the Queen of Cochin supported the
~ r c h d e a c o n . ~ ~
?",
Fre~ Paulo de Trinidade., op CC" p. 70
"' ~hrd, . o 271
I" {bid., bp. 272. 280.
'" H. A C., 3025, Idem dasforru1e:rn dulndro. vol 1. 1568. f l . 64v
297
2V8
Fmn~o i s Pymrd o f Laval, op cif , p 366.
>*
AntOnto de Gouve~a. . op.c!r. p. 226.
"Li v o das Moncaes."N". 2 38. Doc 232 the letter of Francisco Garcia to the Viceroy o f India from
Cochin dated 30 ~ u n e 1653, In Bolerrm du b~,lmoleca Ulrramar,no Porrugursa, No. 23. Lishoa. 1963. p
165.
239
The relationship between the king of Kayamkulam and the Portuguese was
very bad at the end of the sixteenth century. It was on account of the destruction of a
Church belonging to the diocese of Cochin in which the Franciscans lived. The
enmity had resulted in the closure of the river between Kayamkulam and Quilon
affecting the passage of Portuguese commodity through this river. The Archbishop
Menezis established peace between the two and got concessions for the Christians and
he obtained on an oku in writing. This helped the trade and the increase in conversions
and good of the ~hristians.' ~"
By the end of the sixteenth century there uas a change in the attitude of the
Zamorin. Because of the diplomatic approach of the Portuguese, they could inject
hatred towards the Muslims in the hean of the Zamorin who in his turn handed over
Kunhali to the Portuguese. The Zamorin also permitted a few missionaries to preach
in ~al i cut . "~ He also gave place fbr the Jesuits to build a Church in ~al i cut . ' ~* Even
that time the Zamorin continued to be the unquestionable head of the Malahar king.
For we find that even in the Feast of ~ a m o n ~ u ~ ~ ' held in 1600, all the kings of
Malabar showed respect to him. Some Portuguese were also present in this Momongu.
V. 5. 6. Factories and Fortresses
Imitating the fortress of the Portuguese. Kunhali made a fort. The Portuguese
did not want to have a fon owned by a Muslim who would be a threat to Portuguese
trade. Therefore they razed that fonress to the g r ~ u n d . ' ~
The fortress of Cannanore had a House of Charit! (Mis~ricordiu), hospital, a
Vicar who belonged to the Franciscan Order, 40 inhabitants and about 20 indigenous
people.30s But in the seventeenth century h e find that, the fort of Cannanore was
il*
AntOnto de Gouveia, , op crr . p 227
iii?
"' I H. A. G.. Mon~des do Retno. No 20, vol. I, 1593-1601, dated?] November 1598, fl. 421
101
H. A G. , Mon~Ber do Retno, No 9 10. / I , vol 1.1604-1609, f l . 79v.
It was a feast held near the rwer in Tanor ~n ever) 12 years In which all the kings o f Maiabdr
together with the lords participated. It was an occuion for the Zdmorln to prove his overlordship and
suzerainty. See Diogo do Couto, op cir , Decada XI I . pp 373-378
,,I
1"'
Franqo~s Pyrard o f Laval, op c ~ i , p. 356.
Relacdo daplonras. & deicrrpsdes de rodoi oi Forrri i e; ~~. Cidudes F Povucbrs qtre os Pr,rrugueze\
fern nu E.srodo do lndra Orrmrol M.s Do .Ticulo,YWI, Lisboa. MCMXXXVI . p. 56
240
neglected to a great extent. Pietro del Lavalle noticed during his journey that its wall
had decayed."by the time Franvois Pyrard of Laval vislted Caltcut in 1607, both
Portuguese forts which were built one after the other in Calicut were in ruins.3n7
The fortresses were the signs of Portuguese power in India. So the Portuguese
took great care in the protection of the fortresses. The fort of Cochin was given
extreme importance. For, it was the backbone of Portuguese activities in Malabar.
The Portuguese were suspicious of the deteriorating condition of the fortress of
~ochin.~""herefore, the king of Portugal decided to send engineers to examine the
strength ofthe fortress of ~ochi n. ~"'
In every fortress there were different officials like Captain. hctor, Alcuidemor.
clerk. storekeepers. clerks, bailiff of the fortress. rounds-men, condes~rrhre, doorman.
vicar and so on who were paid by the state."'
V. 5.7. The King of Cochin and the lirhltnisation of Cochin
The relationship between the king of Cochin and the Portuguese continued
without much rupture. But at the same time there were complaints against the king of
Cochin regarding the disinterest he showed on Christianity " I as well as on trade. The
Portuguese did not get enough pepper in the weighing centre of Cochin. They
assumed that it was because of the disinterest of the king of Cochin as he had a lot of
money. "' Actually the Portuguese were responsible for the economic prosperity of
Cochin.
1m
107
Edward Grey, ed.. op crr, p. 382.
Franqo~s Pyrard of Laval, op crl. p. 374
'O"D~ P r o v ~ d o do VizrrKei Matias D'Albuquerque sobre as Obras do Qaes". pp 94-95, in K.S.
Mathew & Afzal Ahmad. ed., op crr . p. 94.
i " V
See Lener of the king of Portugal t o Mart ~m Affonso, Doc. No 25. dated 18 January 1607 In
Raymundo Antonlo de Bulhao Pato, Dont mwr o~ remctrdu~ do lndru orr L i v r n dar MonfBes, Tomo I.
Lisboa. MDCCCLXXX. p 93.
'lo Stmxo Botelho, ..O Tomb0 do Estado da India" In S~i hvrdro Pilro a Hi$!orio do indm POT ~ U~ I I CU
Pubiicado.~ de O~ d e m do Clarse de Si~ncios Moroe,. Poirtrco.t e Bellm-Lrrrrrrr do Academrv Real d u ~
acrenom de Lrshoa e soh o D i r e c ~ b de Rodrrgo .lori de L ~ ma Felner. L~sboa. MDCCCLXVIII, pp.
29-30.
"I H. A .G., Mon,n(.dc,j do Rein", ,W0,2B, vol 1. 1595-1601. dated 21 November 1598, fl. 42l v
241
The king of Cochin was not satisfied with the visit of Dom Menezis in Serru
for bringing them under the obedience of Rome. For he knew well, that the gain of the
Archbishop would be a loss for him. For. if they had joined with the Portuguese, the
king would lose 50.000 valiant Christian warriors. Therefore the king on the visit of
the Archbishop in Mulun,huruthy supported the Archdeacon who unposed some
rhungum (tax) on those who visited the Archbishop. The king of Cochin did not show
his dislike to the Portuguese outwardly. It was just because the king knew well that
strained the relationship with the Portuguese would affect the money that he got from
the port of Cochin. But secretly the king had reached an agreement with the
Archdeacon of the St. Thomas Christians that he would give 150,000 nairs in case of
a conflict with the ~ort uguese. ~' "
The custom of the crowning of the king of Cochin by the captain of the
fortress of Cochin was continued even in the seventeenth century Afier the abdication
of Rarnabrama (Ramavamla) the king of Cochin for Sanyasa in 1600 his successor
Codobrama (Godavarama) was anointed king and %as crowned by thc captain of
Cochin after the new king having made his oath of allegiance to the king of Portugal
in 1602.""
The king of Cochin did not show much interest in Christianit) and he was not
in favour of conversions. He used to persecute them. take their properties, and
demolish their churches. He did not show respect to the Bishop of Angamaly and to
the other religious.315 l'he king of Cochin continued his disinterest in Christianity and
in the Portuguese for the rest ofthe period.i'"
112
i l l
H A. G., Moncfius do Rerno No 3A, vol. I. 1585-1 589. dated 6 February 1587, fls 174. 174v.
Antonto de Gouvea. op crc., pp 139, 14 1
"' Dm. 59. "Discurso sobre a Morte d' El Re1 de C'ochim Ranlabrama que morreo ~ndo pera a Ganpa
de Bengala. E Fonna com que se torso os Reis de Cochim. e confiss.30 que El Re1 V~ragel a fezjurando
verbalmente e por escrito rer Vasalo de Sua Mageqtdde 0 que aqui se ajunta por Coriosidade, e Cousa
Cuja Mi mori a pode vi r a ser Necessario o que jh acontaceu como sr vera Neste L)~scurso", pp 355-
361, i n Antonio da Silva Rego. ed.. Donrmen/a<iro Illoarnorma Porrugues:~u vol Ill. Lisboa, 1963,
pp 356-360
' I 5H. A. G., Mo,i<desdo Rerno, No.9, l U, l i , vol. 1. 1604-1609, dated 23 March 1604, fl 46
1 , b
Doc. 22 dated January 1624 i n Repundo Antonio de Bulh%o Pato. Docwmenros Rrmrltdor du
hdr e uu Livror du Mnocdes. Tomo X , Lisbaa. MCMLXXXII. pp 22-24
242
This might be the reason why the Portuguese viceroy was not happy with the
king of Cochin. The Viceroy cast the refreshments. the king of Cochin sent for him
during his siege of Malacca into the sea. The king of Cochin received so many insults
from the Portuguese on account of his friendship with the Portuguese."'
When the Dutch reached the harbour of C'ochin, the Portuguese did not allow
the k~ng of Cochin to enter their town. The Zamor~n laughed at what happened to the
king of Cochin due to his friendship with the ~ o r t u ~ u e s e . ~ ' "
The Portuguerse played a significant role in the urbanisation of Cochin. In
1571, the king Dom Sebastian of Portugal permitted the Portuguese to build a new
Municipal house according to the status of the city."' This was a milestone in the
development of the city of Cochin.
With the arrival of the Portuguese. there developed the city of Cochin. It
became the biggest port city in the Estado da inditr."" The City of Cochin developed
as two entities, the Portuguese Cochin, the administration of which was solely in the
hands of the Portuguese and the native Cochin which was densely populated. Its
administration mas the prerogative of the king of Cochin. The latter was in the Indian
fashion. It had very broad streets also.'"
On account of being a port city that was the centre of pepper trade. there
emerged the commercial houses and other related facilities in Cochin. This itself led
to the b~owt h of the city of Cochin day by day. Therefore more officials were posted
in the city3'*
111
Fran~ois Pyrard of Laval. op ci l , p 375.
118
rhid.. p. 375.
'I" .'Da Provide do Vizo-Re, Dom Ant6nio de Noronha do Baluarte e Ch8o en que se fes a CPlnara
desta Sidade", pp 53-55. ~n K. S. Mathew & Afzal Ah~nad. ed . op iil , p 53
12" .. Relaqao das cidades e fomlezas da India." fls. 1-40> Written from Coa on I2 Decemher 1571 in
B A,. Cud JI - Vl l - 32, fl. l v
12,
'22
Philip Baldarus. op, rrr, p. 608
"Da Provide do Governador Antdnio Munis Barreto pard a S~dade farer Dous Juizes dos Orfios"
dated 14 February 1575, p. 62, in K.S. Mathew & Aka1 Ahmad. ed.. op crl . p. 62
243
The Portuguese made good roads as well as jetties in Cochin for easy traffic
and transport of goods.'2" The infrastructural hcilit) is very necessary for the
de\.elopment of any city. The Portuguese, though for facilitating the easy transport or
their commodities and conduct of trade, were very eager to provide these facilities.
When the number of inhabitants increased in Cochin, there was shortage for
food materials. Therefore there developed black-marketing in the case of rice, which
was the staple food of Malabar. Hence, the king of Portugal decreed on 22 January
1593 to sell the rice only through the shops. which are under the jurisdiction of the
Municipality of ~ochi n. ~*' Thus the Portuguese tried to ma~ntain a very good system
of distribution of provisions in Cochin.
Raldaeus testifies that by the end of Portuguese rule, the city of Cochin was on
par with many best European cities. Extent of the city was almost two English
miles,.32i The buildings were beautiful and uniform. The streets were large and
~traight.3' ~
V. 5. 8. Hospitals and Medicine
The Portuguese with great care looked after the hospitals. For the hospital in
Cochin an amount of 300,000 rcis was giken each year for the food of the sick.
payment of the physician. surgeon, pharmacist, and servants."'
In 1580. when there was a spread of small pox on the coast of Cochin. the
.lesuits hired a house and turned it into a hospital. Through their tender care many
were saved from death.32n One of the remedies adopted b) the Portuguese for burning
'" K. S Mathew & Afzal Ahmad. ed.. op cit.. pp 86. 87.
i ?P
"Da Proviz8.0 do Vizo-Rei Marlas Dalbuquerque para se vender Arros pel0 Meudo, nas But~quai da
Sidade," pp 90-91. in K.S. Mafheu & Afzal Ahmad. ed. ol ~ o r . p 91
"' Philip Baldaeus, up crr . p 63 1
l i b
I l i
Sir Richard Camac Temple, op " 1 , VOI I l l , p I I I
121
H. A. G . 3025 Idem du~/ l , r ! ul er u~ da indiu. vol. 1. 1568, fl 66.
Georg Schurhammer, S . J. . The ,M,s,~,on Work of the Jerurt~ m Mullicdulh iulrus. Artl~unkul) and
Porakud In the 16Ih and I 7'h Cenrurres. p 8 .
244
fever was venesection, which was done fike to six times a da) on ccrtain occasions.""
There was a hospital in Cranganore too.
V. 5. 9. Houses of Charity or Holy House of Mercy (Misericordia)
The Mi si r i cor di a was functioning for the well-being of the people. Several
rMi si ri cordi us were maintained in all Portuguese settlements.'" A lot of charitable
works like, keeping of goods, safe transmission of the Bills of Exchange, helping of
the poor, sick and the imprisoned. upkeep of the orphans. help in the marriage of the
young maids, upkeep of the women of low moral standards after conversion, and
redemption of slaves were all part of the Portuguese M~ ~ e r i c o r d i u s of this period.
Measures Here also taken so that the help might reach the deseming public. They
were administered by the secular con fie re^.'^^ The Misericordia at Cochin used to
give an amount of 30parduo.s every month to the orphan girls for their
To facilitate conversions. the .Ifisi.rl.ricordius used to give cloths to the newly
haptised. This many a time attracted so many to Christian folds.'" Thus Mi ser i cor di a
was the extension of Christian charity and it was used as an instrument for
conversions.
"'I Phi l ~p Baldeus. op i . i / , p. 608.
110
B N I... Fiindo (krai . Rerrrvodc~.\ ('od ,+" 29, "Rela@o das plantas, c Dcscr~pfhes de todas as
Fonalezas. Cidades e Povag6es dos Ponuguezes na India," fl 44v.
"' rhid., fl . 44v
I,?
iii
Edward Grey, ed.. op CII., pp. 382. 383
Si mh Botelho. "Tombo do Estado da India." Lisboa, 1632, i n Srrhsid~a\ Poro a Hrrtiiria du India
Porruguc:~ Puhlrcodos de Orden, de (' l o~.\e de Sciencias Morse*. Poirrrca e Beilea- Lelrrar do
Ac~dzmi u Real dos snenrios did Lrshoo p soh a Di r c r ~Li de Rodrryo .ior'~ dr 1.imu Feiner, Lisboa.
1868. p. 22
314
"Doc I 40 P. Hieronymus Rodrigues S I , SOCIIS Lubltanis, Cocino 2 5 lanuarl 1569." pp 677-695 In
losep Wick], ed., Documents indica, vol VII. Roma. 1962, p. 688. 245
V. 5. 10. Churches and Monasteries
The number of Churches and religious houses increased considerably during
this period. In 1580 a house was built in Cochin for the Augustinians which was taken
over by the Dutch on 6 January 1663 when Cochin fell to the ~utch:"'
In 1591 the Zamorin himself laid the foundation stone of a church in Calicut.
The Jesuit built this church and it was quite beautiful. It was situated in the shore and
had an enclosure and cemetery attached to it. There was large number of newly
converted people there.3"
In Cochin there were a lot of Churches built. There was a Church of St.
Antony that belonged to the Franciscans. Out of the city of Cochin there was a Church
dedicated to St. ~ohn.'" Other churches were the cathedral, the Jesuit church, the
churches of the Austin friars, the Dominicans and so on.33"
Because of the repeated requests fiom the king of Tanore, a new Jesuit house
was opened in Tanore in 1606. A Church mas also built there. The king of Tanore was
present personally on the occasion of the hosting of the flag in the Church. which was
built as the best budding in that locality. On the same day the king permitted the
people of Tanore to receive baptism ~f anyone wanted.339
Processions were made from one church to another and on certain occasions
the processions lasted for hours together. Once a procession was held in Cochin,
which began at 7am. from St. Antony's Church which belonged to the ~ranciscans."'
315
Doc. 24. "Manual Eremetico da CongregaCao da lndia Or~ental dos Eremitar dr N P.S Agostlnho",
1817, pp. 95-833. In Silva Rego. Antdnio da. Lliicumi.niu(Co Pora o Hirl~irru iiui M~ssiies do
Pudroado Porrugulr do 0nenle.jndia (1569-1572). vol XI, L.lshoa. 1947, p 153
i16
31,
Franqois Pyrard of Laval. up, crl.. vol. I. p 406
lil
Frei Paulo da Trintdade. Pan 11. op ( r r p. 143
119
Philip Baldaeus. op or. , p 632.
Fernso Guerreiro. Rel a~am Annul Das ('ouro, y~t e Fceram 0.s Padres da ('omponhra de ie.~u\, nos
purles da India Orrentoi & em ai pmas ourru do mnyrirta deice Rqvno nos anno5 de 607 1 608 &
do proccsso do conver.siio & Chri.standade dor~iiellas ,,ar/e.s cum mar huo addicam u r el a~om de
Ethiopia, Lisboa, 161 1. p. 63v.
140
This church was rebuilt in 1580 with the offerings received From the people Frei Paula de
Trinidade, up, cit.. Part I l , p 369
246
The Franciscan friars took crucifix accompanied by ludinhus (Litiny) and i t proceeded
to the Church of St. John which belonged to the contemplatory Franciscan monks and
was outside the City of Cochin, entered the church of the college of the Jesuits and
continued up to the Church of S. Domingos. When the procession ended in St.
Antony's Church it was 5 pn~.' 4' At times penitential processions and exposition of
blessed sacraments were also held."'
By the third decade of the seventeenth century there were four churches in the
fortress of ~annanore.' " Due to the efforts of the Portuguese many churches began to
be tiled. For example, when the Christians first asked permission to tile the Church
dedicated to Virgin Mary at Cranganore, the governor of the land did not consent to it.
But later on hc gave permission."4
V. 5. 11. lnquisition
The Holy Fathcr wanted to have a Tribunal of the Sacred Inquisition in every
country. Accordingly it was established in Portugal. Later on the Bishop of Cochin
felt the need of hahing one in India, as there were secret mingling between the
Christians converted from the Jews and the Jews of ~ a l a b a r . ? ~ ~
The main motive of the Inquisition in Goa, which was the capital of the
Inquisition In India, was to enquire about the apostasy that was there in Goa and other
part of India. It also dealt with heresies. and schisms also. Though the centre of t he
activity of Inquisition was Cioa3'(' there was a Commi ssq of the Iloly Office in
Cochin. In 1556 the commissary in Cochin was frey Joam Rangel, a Dominican
The Inquisition proper was there only in Goa in India. Rut in every fonress
'" Frei Paulo da Trinidade, op cii . Pan. 11. p. 14;
"' (hid., p 144.
143
744
Edward Grey, ed., op o r . p. 382
i 4r
Frei Paulo de Tr ~n~dade, up rir Pan II, p 358
l4b
Pe. Sebastiam Gon~al ves, op cl r, vol .l l . Historia dacompanhlade Jesus(lj46-1561), p. 317.
I n Goa i t was established In 1560 and the Inquisitor General was Alex10 FalcBo. The Activities of
this lnqutsition was severe than that of Portugal. Thei r were cases. some o f the Jews were burned In
Goa and their property was confiscated. see BaiBo. Antbnlo. o Inyurbiqdo de Goo lrnlollvv dr hururro
da suo origem . ~srvbelrcimetiro, evo/u(&~ e aiin<8,, Onrroducio u Correspondencia 40.5
inqursidorrs da lndro 1569-1630). vol 1. 1949. pp 7. 9
117
B. N. L.. Fundo Gerol, re servo do,^ Cod Yo 464, fls 3 7 ~ . 38
247
there was a ~ o mmi s s a ~ y . ' ~ ~ But it does not seem that this office of the Commissary in
Malabar was as strict as it was in other parts of the world. In Malabar it worked as an
agent of Padroado to implement its interests in Malabar.
The proceedings and punishments of the Inquisition were applicable only to
the Christians both native and foreign and the new Christians especially the Jewish
Christians. The Hindus and the Muslims were not suh.iected to it. But they could also
he punished provided they some how intervened against the conversions.34q Some
cases like a Christian entering into a second marriage making the first wife a widow.
was punished by the Inquisition. For such individuals a prison was built in Cochin by
the Vicar ~eneral.""
Fran~ois Pyrard de Laval testified that he saw in Cochin three Dutch men
heing put in the gallows as part of Inquisition. Later they were hanged. It was done
just because they were ~utherans."'
V. 5. 12. Education
The education imparted during this period was mainly religious. It was
imparted through various schools and colleges. The Portuguese could not maintain
educational institutions as they used to do during the earlier period. In a letter of the
first decade of the sebenteenth century, it is mentioned that the Jesuit College in
Cochin was in great poverty that i t was very difficult to maintain so many people who
were needed for service in that college."'
No one came out as priests successfully from the seminary, which was
established by the Franciscans in Cranganore in 1541 for the formation of the clerics
"" Antdnio Baiza, cr Inpu~srqdo de Gnu renlntivu de hmrorro do sua orlprm. rsrohrircimmru.
~~~oI u( . 50 e eximqrio, vol I . p. 12.
,",,
ilii
rhrd. p I I
Cana das lnqu~sidores Silva e Fel~elra para o lnquis~dor Geral, acerca duma prisao feita pelo
vicarlo eeral do bispado do Cochim. de 23 dc Derembro dc 1608, in Ra~ao. Antbnlo, ihrd, vol I I .
630, p. i s 2
3 5 ,
Genev~tvc Bouchon. "A French Traveller In Portuguese Ind~a (1601-1610) Franco~s Pyrard de
Laval." pp, 335-343. in Genevieve Bouchon. lnde D~.coaverrc lnde Rerroa~,ee 1498-1630. Parls. 1999.
pi2 339
A. N. T. T.. Carrdrio dos .Jesuria,s. Ma w 83. Doc. 7, n d.. fl. I
248
of the St. Thomas Christians. At the same time there was a seminary in Cochin where
there were a lot of students. Therefore at the instruction of the bishop of Angamaly.
the king asked not to have two seminaries in a small place like ranga an ore.^" An
extension of the college of Cochin was there in the residence of St. Andre in
~ut e r t e . " ~ When formation in Latin failed, the Jesuits started another seminary in
Chanota or Vapincotta in 1587 where they started teaching Syriac too. But the
response of the St. Thomas Christians to the students who studied in this seminary
was rather negative. The students in Vaipincotta were trained to pray for the Pope and
the Catholic Church. The St. Thomas Christians said that the Pope did not have
anything to do with their church."' But in the seminary of Vaipicotta Syriac and
Latin were taught. The priests of the seminary also studied Malayalam reading and
w~i t i ng. "~
The Jesuits controlled all seminaries in Malabar. They were the rectors of the
colleges of Cranganore, Cochin. Quilon and ~ai ~i cot t a. ' " The seminary of Vaipicotta
did not have enough students. The reason might be the lack of peaceful condition in
the church. In 1653. there were only 50 students in the Seminary of ~a i ~i c ot t a . ' ' ~
To encourage education in Malabar the masters of the school were paid by the
~ o r t u g u e s e . ~ ~ ~ For the students who studied in various schools. food, clothing and
i s ,
See Letter of the king of I'onugal to Viceroy Ruy Gonl;alves. Doc. No 105. dated 23 January IhID
In Raymundo Antonio de Bul hl o Pato. Ducumenros remeirdos du india oli Lkros du,s .Mon(.des, Tomo
I. Lisboa. MDCCCLXXX. p 297
' $4
Fernan Padre Guerrero, Reluaun I nuul de 10s C'osos Qur Hun Hrcho 103 Podre.\ de iu CumpuAlu
ile lesu,s en lu l nd~o Or r r n~ul y l apon. m kn anos di 600 1,601 Y dcl progrs\ o ile lo conver.sron y
C'hr~srunduddr uquellaspurrcs.. En Valladol~d. 1604. p. 86
ill
i t 6
Antbnto de Gouveia, up. ri l . , pp. 68,69.
Fernan Padre Guenero. Rrl eoon Anuui dr /us Coxor pue Hun Hecho 10s t'adrr\ de 10 (hmpoiiro
de lesus m lo India Orrenroi y l apon. en I[I.S unos dr 600. y 601. Y del progrcxro dr la converston )
<hns~andud de aquellus purler.. En Valladolid, 1604. p. 88
.'7
A. N. T. T , Carfdrto dos Jesuilus, Maw, 86, Doc. 142, dated 4 November 1648, fls. I - I v.
158
A. H. U. . Caaa du lndia W 38. Doc. No. 39, dated 23 June 1653, tl. l
350
H. A G.. 3025 Idem dur/ur~ul r:as du lndra. vol 1. 1568, fl . 65.
249
other helps were offered by the king of Portugal '" In colleges like Cochin the
children were also initiated to science^.'^'
Syriac language had a great fascination for the St Thomas Christians.
Therefore the Jesuits were well aware of the fact that the St. Thomas Christians could
not be pleased if Syriac language was omitted from the curriculum. Besides, to
encourage the study of Syriac, a seminary as well as a press was established in Rome.
In the Jesuit seminary at Cranganore there was a vey good library, the structure of
which was superior to many libraries in Europe. In 1622. a Syriac dictionav and
Syriac grammar books were published in ~ o m e . ~ ~ ~
V. 5.13. Art and Architecture
European style of houses emerged in Cochin. Each house had a courtyard and
a separate garden in the midst of which it was built. The houses were surrounded by
high walls that it was not possible to peep from one house to the other. In the islands
near Cochin. the Portuguese built many summer resorts where they could come and
take rest.363
Cochin had magnificent buildings such as Churches and seminaries. The
college of Cochin, which was a three storeyed building, had almost thirty apartments.
It was surrounded by veq strong walls. Many churches were adorned with lofty
steeples. The cathedral church and the Jesuit church were examples of this style of
Architecture. European type of bells also adorned these churches."' Some Churches
7u,
Simao Botelho. "0 Tombo do Estado da India" in Suhrrdios Pora u H~.rrlir,a do lndiu Ponuguero
Puhlicodo~ de Ordcm do ~l usse de Sienaas Moroer. Poliricus e Eella\-Leltror do Academia Real du.5
scdencros de Lishoa e soh a Di rec~l i o dr Rodrigu ./osd de Lima Felner. Lishoa. MDCCCLXVIII, pp
27. 28.
'" Ferngo Guerreiro, Relaqam Annual Das Cousas que F~zeraln os Padres da Companh~a de lesus, nas
partes da India Or~ental. & em algumas outras da conquista deste Reyno nos annos de 607 1 608 &
do processo da conversso & Chr~standade daquellas partes, com mais hua addqam 4 relavam de
Ethiopia, Lisboa. 161 1. p. 62v.
'" Phi l ~p Baldaeus. op ~11, . pp. 630.63 1 .
i*?
rb~d., pp. 603,632.
"* ihid , p 632.
250
were beautified with pillars in double rows. Cathedral Church, churches of the
convents of Austin Friars and the Dominicans %ere constructed in this f a ~ h i 0 n . j ~ ~
The Portuguese continued to build churches in the European manner. In
Malabar, there were Churches which did not have enough space for celebrating divine
office. For example the Cathedral of the Cranganore Archdiocese was very small. It
was very difficult to celebrate Divine office decently there. Therefore the Archbishop
requested for money from the king of Portugal for building up a Church with more
facilities and decorations because at that time many of the churches in Malabar were
worse in decorations than the temples in ~ a 1 a b a r . I ~ ~
The number of Churches in Malabar increased. The structure of the churches
also became different. Earlier the Churches in Malabar were in the fashion of the
temples of the gentiles. They were built now in the European fashion and also
according to the norms of Europe in construction, cleanliness and One of
the living examples for such a change was the St. Mary's Forane Church
Kaduthuruthy. The slab inscription of the church shows that the extension of the
church was started by Mar Abraham in the year 1 5 9 0 . ~ ~ ~ The eastern part of the
church has an indigenous style whereas the Western facade seems to be done afier the
synod of Diamper in the fashion of the Goan Churches. The style of the Church shows
that it was done by some indigenous architects who were inspired by the architectural
patterns of the Portuguese. It has some similarity with the Churches like Bom Jesus
and Se Cathedral. The old St. Thomas Cathedral at Palai is also another example of
the intluece of Portuguese architecture in native Church bui~ding."~ The Church of
St. Francis in ~ o c h i n ? ' ~ the Church of Our Lady of Hope in vai pi d7' and the Church
"' ib~d., p 632
?M
A. H. U, Caixa da IndroN" 36, Doc. No. 51, dated 22 February 1651
16' Frei Paulo de Trinidade, op cil.. Part 11, p. 333.
'" Falk Reitz. "The Western Fa~ade of St Mary's (Martha Mariam) Forane Church at Kaduthuruthy
Konayam Dt., Kerala." in Berliner Indologi.~cheS~udien, Band 13/14.2000, Reinbek, p 418.
?el)
i 70
rhid.. pp. 419,425.
JosC Manuel Fernandes. "Vestiglos do Manuelino na Arqultectura Relig~osa de InfliBncia
Ponuguesa na indla Malabar. Coromandel. Goa." pp 136-154 In Oieunoa, lndrj-Ponugues~nente.
Numeros 19120 Sctembrol Dezembro. 1994. p. 137
'" ibid. p 139.
251
252
of Our Lady of Life in ~ a t t a n c h e n ~ " ~ were some of the Churches in Malabar in
which Manueline style of Architecture was prevalent.
Besides, the Churches of the St. Thomas Christians had no images inside the
churches except the crosses. But now their churches were adorned with the images of
Christ, Our Lady and those of saints.373 All these show the impact of the Portuguese
In Malabar.
The palace of the king of Cochin was built near the temple in Mattancherry in
the European fashion with bricks and mortar. It was with spacious and lofty
apartments."' Cochin was very famous for crafts on wood. In Cochin beautiful ships
were made. Besides, handsome chists and drawers were made in Malabar with
timber."' Another area of the influence of Portuguese art in Malabar was the
decorative art. This was mainly seen in church art. So many ivory artifacts were made
in churches including different images. This decorative an found place in religious
circ~es.~"
In the processions conducted in the church whether penitential or ordinary, the
tableaus were used. In a procession organized by the Augustinians in Cochin. the
tableau of Jesus carrying cross was presented.177
V. 5.14. Music and Theatre
In churches there were official choirs and the Portuguese paid the boys of the
choirs. Besides, to encourage the liturgical muslc, an organist was also employed who
was paid by the ~ort uguese. "~
372
i,,
bid., p. 143.
il.
Frei Paulo de Trlnldade, op crf . p 333
i l l
Philip Baldaeus. op c~r p 632.
il,,
Sir R~chard Camac Temple, ed.. op cil.. vol. I l l , p. l I 2
John Cornla-Afonso. .'Indo-Portuguese Ivories of the Heras Collect~on." pp 339-347 In O' rut~or.
Indo-Ponuguesmente. Nlimeros 19/20 Setembroi Dezernbro. 1994. Commlssao Nac~onal
Cornemorap3es dos Descobrimentos Portugueses. p. 340
ill
i 7R
Frei Paulo da Trin~dade. op cil., Pan 11. p 144.
H. A G., 3025 Idem dosfi,rla/r:u.$ dofnd~a, vol.1. 1568. fl 65.
253
Archbishop Menezis during his visit in Curt urre in 1599 brought some singers
and the choir from Cochin for solemnising the offices of the Hol) week. It was with a
view to showing the richness of the music of the Roman c h~r c h. " ~
The people of Malabar were very well versed in composing songs about what
happened in the immediate past. The St. Thomas Christians composed a song in their
mode, in praise of the Synod of Diamper, Archbishop Menezis and his activities in
Malabar. The children used to sing it in all places where the Archbishop vi~ited.~' "
Another development in music was the singing in polyphony.'x1 The Portuguese
introduced it in Malabar.
Imitating the European plays different plays came into being in Malabar. One
among them was Pusch which was a passion play presented especially on Good
Friday depicting the events fiom the Condemnation of Jesus to death till the death on
the cross. In this Passion play there were 11 puschs (scenes). It was presented with the
help of doles moving on thread and also at times a few actors. Because of the nature
of the presentation. people used to cry and faint. Such pu.\ch.r were held in churches
like Pamr, Vendurnthy, Vaipin and so on. As it was like tableau, and was without
dialogues, it did not get much popularity..3x2 7'0 repair for this another play developed.
It was called C'uhvitrunadakom. It is said to have been developed in Malabar as a
result of Europeanisation. even before the synod of Diamper. The earliest
C' hav~ttunudukom was on the History of Charlemagne. Though it developed first on
the coastal areas of Cochin and Cranganore, after the Synod of Diamper, together
with the Romanisation, it spread to the interior areas of Malabar. It became vet?
popular and was presented on Christmas. Easter. Parish kstivals. and mar~i ages. ~~'
After the Synod of Diamper. it developed as a substitute for koofh and koodiyortam.""
i",
1W"
Antbnto de Gouve~a. op. ~ i r . p, 126.
ibid., p 187
7x2
'" Costa. M. G. da. (ed.), op. at , p. 46.
Sebeena Ra~hv. Chav~fiunerokom. .4 HlrIor,caiS~udL.(Mal ). Konayam. 1980. p 79
i s :
. .
184
{hid. pp. 79-81,
Both these were indigenous an. The Synod of Diamper forbade the Chr~st~ans from participating In
such pagan feasts and presentations. Then a substitute for the same was needed ihril.. p 82
254
Thus as a result of the contacts uith the Portuguese, new forms of Arts, plays,
music and other presentations developed In Malabar.
V. 5. 15. Food Habits
Rice remained to be the staple hod of the people of Malabar. Rut at times,
Captains and influential persons of Cochin used to hoard the rice for the sake of
selling it at a high price. Besides, rice was not so easily available in all parts of
Malabar Therefore the hoarding resulted in artificial scarcity for the food materials.
But the Viceroys used to take punitive measures against such hoarder^."^
There were changes in the food habit of the superior castes in Malahar. We
find that. Governor of Calicut. a nair who used to govern Calicut in the absence of the
Zamorin. was not reluctant to eat anything other than the flesh of the cow and oxen.
Now he would eat anything.?" The naira were vegetarians. Now due to the contact
with the Europeans, the attitude of some of them changed.
Though the St. Thomas Christians never ate beef on account of their respect
for the traditions of the Hindus of the land, there was a change in their attitude due to
their interaction with the Portuguese. The St. Thomas Christians, during the visit of
.4rchhishop Menezis, made all kinds of arrangements and support to those who were
with the Archbishop to kill a cow for their food.'x7 Thus one of the age-old traditions
of St. Thomas Christians was broken. Along with it, the communal harmony and
respect for the culture of others also disappeared at least from some of the people of
Malabar.
385 ..
Da Provi ao do V~zo-rei Matias de Albuquerque pasou a Esta Sidade sohre os Capitees e mais
Officiais da Cimara em Qoanto servirem os Ditos Cargos n5o rratC em Arros" dated 31 October 1593.
pp 95-97. in K S. Mathew & Af nl Ahmad, ed . op " 1 . pp. 95-96
386
18'
Franqois Pyrard of Laval. op cii.. p 367
Antbnto de Gouveia, rip. cil , p. 2 17.
255
The Portuguese also introduced new food items like cakes, bolo, bread.
biscuits, cutlets. and stew.)" The European hod items became popular at least in
areas where the Portuguese had many contacts.
V. 5. 16. Disrespect for Indigenous Traditions
l'hough the killing of the cow was very offensive to the Hindus, the
Portuguese continued it. One such occasion was the visit of the Archbishop Menezis
in Angamaly after the Synod of Diamper. I'hose who accompanied the Archbishop
wanted to eat beef. With the help of some of the native Christians they killed one
behind the Church in Angamaly. This enraged the Brahmins and other Hindus of the
land. Immediately they took the case to the King of Mangatte (Alengad) who called
the two kings of Angamaly together with their Brahmin Governors and the council
wanted to punish the culprits. But due to the problems that would create in the
relationship between these kings and the Portuguese, it was judged to be a false
accusation of the Hindus. Anyway, with this the Archbishop ordered his followers
never to kill cows.'X9
V. 5.17. Changes in the Traditions of the Land
Usually the kings' courts were adorned with people from higher caste. At the
time Portuguese reached Malabar. the Brahmins used to serve the court of the
Zamorin. But by the third decade of the seventeenth century, as reported hy Pietro del
Lavalle, there uas a young Portuguese sening in the palace of the king ol' Calicut.
Though he had maintained his Portuguese name and religion. he was in dress and
customs like an India and he spoke Indian language.'9n
One of the great changes that occurred in Malabar due to the interaction with
the Portuguese was in the right to tile houses. According to the custom of the land
only a few kings in Malabar and some of the pagodus were allowed to tile the roofs.
il*
It"
Fr. John Pallath O.C.l)., op. cil., p. 351
L'X1
Antbnto de Gouveia. up ci l . p. 217.
Edward Grey, ed., op crr.. p. 366.
256
At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese, the king of Cochin was not allowed to tile
his palace on account of his subjection to the Zamorin. On 15 august 1600 the
Portuguese viceroy ordered the residents of the city of Cochin to tile the roofs of their
house^.'^' Even in Calicut during the first half of the seventeenth century we see that
some of the houses of the servants of the king were tiled. This was a great change that
happened."'
Lavalle also reported that though in public kings like the Zamorin used to keep
a distance as part of the caste regulations so that there might not be any pollution. in
private the Zamorin used to be very cordial to the Portuguese. On such private
encounters with the Portuguese, the Zamorin did not observe caste distinctions. There
were occasions when the Lamorin ate and drank wine, which was forbidden by the
custom of his religion, In the company of the ~ort u~uese. ""
The king of Porca in his effort to win the war against the Queen of
Vadekkenkur, on the advice of a Cussanur used flag marked with a cross. It achieved
him victory over the Queen of ~a de kke nkur . ' ~~ During the Portuguese period, there
arose a lot of stories regarding the miraculous power anached to Christianity.
The forces of Malabar who traditionally made use of bows, arrows, etc now
became disciplined like the forces of Europe and they began to employ musquets and
great cannons. They became so experts in the use of modem weapons that cach one
was skilled in repairing their guns and arranging t h ~ m. ' " ~
V. 5. 18. The Portuguese Clergy in Malabar
There was discord between the bishops of Cochin and Angamaly on the
jurisdiction of both of them. The discord reached such an extent that it generated
much scandal for the people including the.Christians as well as the non-Christians. It
'"I . ' ~ a provi&o do con& Vlzo-re1 Dom francisco da Gamn que Trata bobre re cubrlra as Cazas dc
Talha," p. 99, 11, K. S. Mathew & Afzal Ahmad, ed.. op i . 11. p 99
792
191
Frangois Pyrard of Laval, op ci l p 367.
3%
Edward Grey, ed., op uir . p. 376.
Antbnto de Gouveia, up, crl , p. 225.
257
was created by a situation b) which the Christians of St. Thomas were brought under
the Padrwdo by which there was to be clear demarcation of ecclesiastical territories.
One of the solutions given to i t by the king of Portugal was to look after the souls of
the Latins and Syrians separately.3qb
The relationship between the members of various orders and congregations
became very bad. The kmg of Portugal was informed of the rivalry between the
Jesuits and the Augustinians in India. This really resulted in scandal to the public as
well as in the selfishness of each religious order.3q7 The Dominicans also began their
work in Serra. The Dominicans supported the Archdeacon of the St. Thomas
Christians in the conflict between the Archdeacon and the Archbishop of Cranganore.
This resulted in tension between the Jesuits and the Dominicans and through an order
of the king of Portugal the 1)ominicans were asked to keep away tiom Malabar and
communication with the ~rchdeacon. "~ Then the Discalceated (barefooted)
Carmelites appeared in Malahar. The Portuguese were not happy with this. as the
Carmelites were sent from Rome ignoring the propaganda right of the Portuguese
king. Therefore we can see letters asking the king of Portugal to expulse the
Carmelites from ~ndia.' ~' Frey Joseph the Santa Maria, the Carmelite Descalqus.
presented document tiom Rome appointing him as the Governor and administrator of
the Malabar ~hristians."' The Jesuits on account of their privileged position in
Malabar and the Padroado rights always gained favour from the king of Portugal.
At times there were problems in the religious orders themselves. By 1634.
there originated differences among the Portuguese Dominicans and the native
Dominicans in India and the latter was in Favour of a separate Province for the nathes
and the former against it. The decision of the king was in fabour of the Portuguese
i Y5
Baldaeus. Ph~l ~p. (1" ccir.. p 644
'% See Letter of the king of Portugal to Rut Lourenqo de Tavora. Doc, No 119, dated 20 Februar?.
1610 I" Raymundo Antonio de BulhBo Palo, L)ocumenros remetidm du lndrrr ou L8vru.i d a ~ Mon~liec,
Tomo I , Lisboa. MDCCCLXXX. p 345. 346. See also Cieorg Schurhammer, S. J . The M~sr,on H'ork
ofthe Jesuit., in Murhedalh ialras .Arthunkall ond Prirakad in rhc 16"' ond I *"enlurirs, p 22.
i"7
198
A. N T T., CuIecqZ,~ de S licente. vol !9. fol. 50, dated 3 March 1622.
A N. T T , Documentus Remerrdos da lnd,o, Tomo 11. Llvro 37. Doc 193. dated 27 March 1636.
fl. 387v.
iw
A. N T T., Documenrur RemclrBii do /i,ldra. Tomo I I . Llvro 42. Doc. 20, dated 29 Novemher
1637, fl. 15.
4w
A.H.U. Carxada lndru44. Doc No. 23. fl I . dated I2 September 1661
258
~ o m i n i c a n s . ~ ~ ~ Naturally these kinds of differences affected the activity of the whole
Order in the respective regions.
V. 5.19. Mixed Race
There were mixed marriages in Malabar. As a result of the mixed marriages,
different classes of mixed races originated. The married Portuguese were called
Cazudos and the single Portuguese were called Soidados. The Children born of the
Portuguese men and Indian women were called Mestiqo and the children of the
Mcsliqos were called ~a.sticos.?~'
Some of the natives of Cochin had already entered the religious orders. For
example P. Fr. Manuel da Coni.ei$Bo was the son of a Portuguese ('asado who
reached India after the marriage. He received the habit of the Franciscans and took
profession.4"3
In course of time, the religious atmosphere of the mixed races began to be
complicated. 'Therefore the Portuguese extended their missionary activity to the
children oft he Portuguese and rnastlqos. They were quite large in number.4o4
Because of the efforts of thr Portuguese missionaries about nineteen Chinese
came to Cochin to be baptised here. After baptism they remained to be rich and
honourable.
V. 5.20. Development of Vernacular Languages
There were sincere efforts on the part of some of the Portuguese to learn
Malayalam, the language of the people. At the end ot' the sixteenth cent up we find
40,
A. N. T. T.. Documml ~~s Remeridoa ilii iniltu. Totno 11. L~vro 32. Doc. 97, dated 17 Fehruan 1635,
fl. 226.
4"2
Phll~p Baldaeus, op crl.. p. 608
"O' Frei Paulo da Trindade, op crr. Pan I. inrrodu@o r notas de F. Feltr Lopes , 0 F M . Lishoa.
MCMLXII. p. 149
" ".'Doc.l38 P Hieronyrnus Rodrigues S.l . Soclls Lus~tsn~s, Cocino 25 lanuarl 1569." pp 677-695 In
loseph W~cki, ed.. Documrnra Indico, vol. VII. Roma. 1962, p 686
259
missionaries like Francisco Roz preaching to the people of Malahar in Malajalam. He
accompanied the Archbishop during his visit in ~a l a bdr . ~" '
In the seminary at Vaipicota, the languages like Malayalam and Syriac were
taught. The Jesuit missionaries took interest to learn these languages and teach them
in the very semina~y."' ~ This helped the development of Malayalam language. In
Rome a seminary was established to teach Syriac language. In 1622 a Syriac
dictionary and a few Syriac grammar books were published in Rome. The Dutch
traveller Baldaeus attested that he saw many books of Malabar language printed in
Portuguese characters. It was for the purpose of teaching ~at echi sm. ~" Many
Malabareans also became well versed in Portuguese languages. There were many
paruvus in Malabar who used to speak Portuguese as fluent as in ~i s bon. ~" '
V. 5.21. Changes in the Dress Code
When Archbishop \isired the Christians in Tevalecare, after the Synod. he
found that the priests of that land were having long hairs and they did not have a
crown as the priests used to have. They moved around like lay people with swords
and shields, entering into trade and living with women and Children. The Archbishop
ordered the priests to cut their hair and to ware c r o w like the other priests.40'
The people of Malabar used neat dress.J1u The provincial councils instructed
the Christians to wear distinguishing dress so that the Christians could be recognised
from the non-Christians.
105
iU(i
Antonio de Gouvca. op crr.. p 251
Geoig Schurhammer. S I., The Mi.\riun Work ,I/ rlri, . l uv~r. ! m Mulhedoih iali'a Irrhunkali and
Pvrakadin !he 16"' ond I Yh C'eLurle.~, pp 20. 2 I
(ill
Philip Baldaeus, op ccrl. p. 631
'"R ihid., p 63 1
4w
4 I O
Ant6nto de Gouveia, op crl.. p 235.
M. G. da Costa, ed.. op clr . p 46
260
V. 5. 22. Historical Documents
The Portuguese, in the pretext of cleaning the St. Thomas Christians from
heresy burned a lot of books. During the visit of Archbishop. after the Synod, he
burned a lot of books kept in the St. George Church of Coricolangare. In the same
way the Ponuguese burnt many indigenous books even without examining their
content. This was a terrible loss to the history of ~al abar. ' "
At the same time several Portuguese documents came into being. Later on in
the absence of the indigenous literature, the Ponuguese documents served as valuable
source for the reconstruction of the histor). of Malabar.
V. 5.23. Padroadu
Podroado or Patronage is a right, which is acquired by the legitimate titles of
lbundation and dotation.'"' The king of Portugal obtained right over the churches of
newly discovered land. It was first established in Malabar with the erection of the
diocese of Cochin. But it was extended to the St. 'l'homas Christians with the death of
Mar Abraham. Among thc St. Thomas Christians it ended with the Carmalites who
were apponted bishops by the Propaganda tide.
V. 5.24. Fruits and Plants Brought by the Portuguese
Jambo (Eugenia Jambolana) was hrought by the Portuguese from ~al acca. "' ?
l'he Portuguese spread the cultivation of pineapple. papaya, tapioca, cashew nuts and
so on in ~al abar. "'
" ' AntOnto de (iouvela. op c i l , p 250.
I,!
4 l i
Rev. R e Angelicus, Appendix ro rile Por l upr ui e Purronugc ofl l l e Orri,nle Madras, 1859. p. 5. 6
$ 1 4
P.A. Tiele. op. cir vol. Il. p. 29.
Fr John Pallath 0 C D.. op c r l , pp. 35 1 . 352
261
V. 5.25. Breaking up of Portuguese Power in India
All other merchant communities were fed up with the Portuguese, as they
exerted much control in the Indian Ocean trade. Therefore, they were ready to
accommodate any rival company of the Portuguese. In Calicut actually, the merchants
were very friendly with the French traders.?"
The Portuguese began to lose their possessions one by one in Malabar. In 1661
the Dutch became the masters of ~ u i l o n . ~ ~ ~ Cranganore also fell to the Dutch in
1662.'" One of the most important factors that led to the disruption of Portuguese
power in Malabar was Protestantism. Various Popes by way of several bulls had
bestowed upon the Portuguese absolute power in the Eastern ~eas. ' " Therefore it was
impossible for any catholic powers in Europe to fight against the Portuguese, as it
would be against the Papal Hulls. The Dutch, on account of being Protestant
Christianity was not obliged to respect the Papal Bulls. 'Therefore they could attack
the Portuguese who were ardent Catholics.
In 1663 when the Dutch conquered the city of Cochin, the Portuguese handed
oker the keys of the cit) of Cochin to the Dutch General. According to the articles of
surrender. the Franciscans had the liberty of the exercise of their religion under state
prolection. and the Portuguese priests had liberty to cany along ui t h them the images.
relics. and Church ornaments that belonged to them."' With thc fall of Cochin t o the
Portuguese. the Portuguese missionaries were compelled to quit Cochin. Only two
Franciscans were allowed to continue In Cochin."" The .Jesuits were the worst
sufferers. Their college in Cochin was completely destroyed h: the ~ut ch. ' " They
demolished many churches and buildings in Cochin that belonged to the Portuguese
mi s s i ~nar i es . ~~'
4 1 5
i t < ,
Franqois P}~ard of Laval, op cir . p 367.
I , ,
Philip Baldaeus, op cir p. 630.
Fr Achilles Meersman. Annuol Renarir of ihc Porruaveae Frunoacuns m lndru 1'13-1833. Lisboa.
1972, p, 6
I l b
PIP
K. M. Pantkkar, op cit . p. 56
420
Baldaeus. Philip. op to, pp. 635.
121
Fr. Achilles Meenman. op ccrr.. p 6.
122
C. C. de Nazareth, M~r r a~ Lus,rano, no Orienre, vol. 11, Lishoa, 1913. p 39
Ph~lip Baldaeus, op cr r , p. 635.
262
Thus this period is dominated by fervent missionary activity and Latinisation through
various Synods and Councils that resulted i n dissatisfaction and stiff resistance on certain
occasions. The colonial attitude of the missionaries especially the Portuguese Jesuits took
the St. Thomas Christians to the tission dividing the society vertically into two with the
oath of ('oonan Cross. The various non-Christian sects continued to be severe enemies of
the Portuguese. The Portuguese attempt to isolate the Christians from the socio-cultural
background i n which they lived found great success during this period. Even special
residences were devised in certain areas for the Christians to avoid all kinds of
communication between the Christians and the non-Christians.
263
CHAPTER V1
CONCLUSION
In the initial chapter of the present research a question was raised as to how far
the first interaction with a European society and culture on a permanent basis affected
Malabar through acculturation. In the subsequent chapters an attempt was made to
show how the interaction of the Portuguese affected different religious communities
and predominant jaris of Malabar through their responses. Acculturation played a v e v
significant role in the transformation of Malabar society. The native response to the
Portuguese interaction varied depending on the attitude of the Portuguese and the
response of the native religious communities, varnas and,jali.s.
Lusitanian society and culture were quite different from those of Malabar.
Independent Portugal was formed by waging war against the Muslims and slowly
conquering various strips of land from them. The society thus formed was divided
economically into three sections. namely the primary sector of production, which
concentrated itself on agriculture. animal husbandry and fishing, secondary sector of
production that laid emphasis on textile. leather and metal industries and tertiary sector.
which concentrated itself on internal and external trade. Again the society was divided
into three estates. viz., the clergy. nobles and the commoners. The former two were
known as the privileged estates and the latter unprivileged estate. Some of the basic
traits of the Lusitanian culture were their ardent catholic faith. enmity to the Muslims
on account of their unique histor) of unification, and the maritime dream as a national
endeavour. The aim of the Portuguese maritime endeavour was to gain monopoly over
the spice trade between the East and the West. which was in the hands of the Muslims
since the fall of Constantinople to the Turks. who were their perpetual enemies.
Missionary work was just a secondary motiie. Later on they found that missionary
activities would be very helpful for getting the support of the Catholic Church for
realising their commercial dreams. They secured from the Pope several Bulls by which
they avoided the possibility of an) potential threat from the other West European
countries. The right over the Eastern Seas was given to the Portuguese by the Pope.
They believed that Pope, being the Vicar of Christ had, the authority to entrust seas and
264
lands to whomever he wished. Due to this helief the Portuguese perpetuated the idea of
Mare Clausum.
The Malahar society and culture of the fifteenth century constituted a unique
one. The Malahar society seen by the Portuguese was a society di\ided on the basis of
religion, vurnu and jali. It was divided into different sub-cultures on the basis of
religion. The predominant religions of this period in Malabar were Hinduism,
Christianity. Islam and Jewish religion. There were different vurnus and jaris in
Malahar such as the Rrahmins, Nairs. Tip.,. L'ettuvuns, Mukkuvus. Puiuya, Paruyiyas
and the Tumrl Chetties and Gujuruti Merchants who were outsiders. Each of these
groups was a culture pattern. The socio-cultural relationship of each religious
community, rurna and jali was determined by the traditions that existed in the society.
There was no room for a change in the age-old traditions. In the Hindu society of
Malabar there mas a hierarchy of vrrrna\ and jutis, which was set up on the basis of the
response of each jut; to the missionary uork of the Hindu Brahmins. The occupation of
each varna and juti was determined by birth and there was no possibility of an upward
movement in the hierarchy of vurnus and jutis There were clear precepts and traditions
regarding the internal life as well as the intermingling of each varnu and juti. Among
the Christians there were St. Thomas Christians and Quilon Christians. among the
Muslims thcre were indigenous Muslims known as Mupillas and thc foreign Muslims
and among the Jews also there were Black and White Jews. The Christians were
generally agriculturists and traders who dealt with pepper and other spices. The
Muslims and the Jews were also tradera who engaged in short distance as well as
foreign trade. Politically Malabar ua s divided into several petty kingdoms including
Cannanore. Calicut. Cochin, Quilon, Tralancore and other principalities. All had
accepted the overlordship of the Zamorin whose power was on account of his origin
connected with ('heruman ~erumul ' legend and the enormous wealth brought by the
Muslim and other merchants from various pans of the globe. Malabar society as a
cultural unit had a life pattern of its own.
In the initial period of interaction. that is. from 1498 to 1567. the Portuguese
emphasis was on safeguarding their monopoly of trade in Malabar. When it was found
I Diogo Goncalves S I., Htrrdrre do Mulm~ur ( H b Goa 58 dei Arch. Rotn S.I.), Edlted bq Josef Wichi
S.I., Munster, 1955, pp. 3f
265
that they would not be capable of realising their commercial dreams with the help of
the Zamorin, they moved to Cochin where the king gave them asylum and staunch
support. Basing on Cochin they began to realise their commercial interests. As part of
it, they waged wars with the Zamorin and brought the ~ l e r s of Cannanore and Quilon
to their side. Through a system of fortresses. fleet and carlazes, they gained mastery
over the Indian Ocean Trade. Within a short span of time the commercial supremacy in
Malabar passed into the hands of the Portuguese from the Muslims. In this process, the
Portuguese developed both friendly and hostile relationships with different culture
patterns depending on their needs. Whenever a culture pattern went against the
Portuguese commercial designs. there occurred clashes. For example, the Portuguese
maintained rather good relationships with the Hindus of Malabar whereas the
relationship with the Muslims was rather disappointing. It was because of the fact that
the Hindus. as they belonged to the non-commercial class, were not at all a threat for
the Portuguese. The Portuguese succeeded In converting at least a few Brahmins and
Nairs. Some of the Brahmins, due to their contacts with the Portuguese even ventured
to travel to Lisbon crossing the seas. which was a religious taboo for the Brahmins. The
Portuguese availed themselves of the service of many of the Hindus especially the
Nairs in their fortresses and other establishments. Regarding the relationship with the
Muslims. the Portuguese had two standards. They maintained a rather good relationship
with the indigenous Mupiilu Muslims, as they werc not competitors in long distance
spice bade. But whenever their commercial interests clashed the Portuguese did not
hesitate to change their attitude from friendship to hostility. But they remained hostile
to the foreign Muslims who engaged in maritime long distance trade. Religious
antipathy towards the Muslims was only secondary. For, we see that the Portuguese had
rather good relationship some of the Muslims. The enmity between the Muslims and
the Portuguese started only when their trade interests clashed. Though the Portuguese
attributed heresy to the St. Thomas Christians. they had good relationships with the St.
Thomas Chri~tians because they were the cultivators and traders of pepper, the much-
wanted commodity of the Portuguese. The Portuguese made use of the religious affinity
they had. to handle the St. Thomas Christians. Their relations with the Jews was also
not so friendly as they were stiff competitors to the Portuguese in long distance trade.
Besides, the inquisition against the new Christians in Portugal also worsened the
relationship between the Portuguese and the Jews. During this period two new sections
emerged in Malabar. They were the mixed races as a result of the mixed marriages and
266
the new converts. The mixed races had a life style different from the life style of the
indigenous people as well as the Portuguese. The new converts from the Hindu and
Muslim fold also created a different section in the society who followed the Portuguese
in some of the social customs and religious precepts and worship. The conversion to
Christianity brought about a lot of changes in their way of life. The converts from the
lower castes enjoyed a lot of freedom after their conversion. For, they were no more
subject to the law of the land after conversion but they were under the jurisdiction of
the king of Portugal. This made them free and changed their way of life. The iJarna and
iari restrictions were relaxed after the conversion. As we have already seen. the number
of converts from the lower,juris was higher than that of the higher castes and jutis They
became staunch supporters of the Portuguese. Many of them imitated the western way
of life and liturgy. The arrival of the Jesuits on the Malabar coast was an added impetus
to the missionary activity which was at a dormant stage. Exploiting the social situation
prevalent on the coastal areas. many people were baptised by the missionaries. The
fortress at different coastal areas worked as centres of Portuguese activity in Malabar.
There were a lot of changes in the society and culture in the field of social welfare with
the establishment of schools. hospitals, and houses ofcharity. New Churches. houses of
the religious orders. diocese. towns like Cochin. fortresses, forms of art and
architecture, music and theatre, coinage, food habits, moral standards. language styles
and dress codes developed in Malabar due to the Portuguese contacts. There were
changes in the occupations of some of the jutir For example the Pulayas who were
agricultural labourers began to fight in wars. This was a drastic change in the jafi set-up
of Malabar. Besides the power balance among the Malabar kings was also disrupted.
The pon of Cochin was developed at the coast of Calicut and the position of the king of
Cochin was stahilised at the coast of the Zamorin. Though this period was that of
Portuguese commercial supremacy in Malabar, some of the has~c traits of Portuguese
culture, as we have stated earlier, were ~mplanted.
'The period beginning from 1567 to 1663 was predominantly a period of
religious upheavals in Malabar. Though trade tlourished, illegal trade and corsair
activity coupled with the coming of the other European competitors and the presence of
Spanish crown in Portugal crippled the trading activity of the Portuguese in Malabar.
Several royal orders were sent by the crown prohibiting illegal trade by people of all
standards. The relationship with the Hindus remained almost the same without
267
interfering much in their activities by the Portuguese. But there were changes in the
occupations of some of them. Now the Hindu and Christian merchants were favoured
and encowaged instead of Muslim merchants. Some of the Nairs who were originally
warriors ~ r n e d to trade. The relationship with the Muslims and Jews remained
unaffected. Those Muslims, who engaged in illegal trade and piracy as a substitute for
trade. were done away with by the Portuguese. Many Muslims had to resort t o arms
instead of trade. As the fate of the converts from lower jatis improved. many of them
came for conversions, which affected the land so much. that the kings had to forbid
conversions by threatening the converts with the confiscation of their property. Many
T~yus. Mukkuvus. Parava.!, and a few Nairs received baptism as a result of the
missionary activity of the Portuguese missionaries. The Portuguese gave the new
converts so many benefits and privileges and their cause was looked after well.
Drawback of the Portuguese presence during this period was that they alienated the St.
Thomas Christians from their fold by accusing them of heresy. It was a period of bittcr
competition between various European religious congregations, the provincial councils
and synods which were held to implement the canons of the council of Trent, which
was convened as a counter reformative movement. Though reformation did not have
any bearing for Malabar, the counter reformative canons were imposed up on Malabar
through various Provincial councils. As it did not produce desired effect in Malabar, the
Synod of Diamper was cun\.ened to bring about the socio-cultural and religious
changes in Malabar, especially among the St. Thomas Christians. Another important
motive behind the Synods and councils was to lessen the difference between the
Christians of India and Portugal. The synod succeeded to a great extent in alienating the
St. Thomas Christians from the socio-cultural and religious life that they had been
living for centuries. The communications with the Middle East from where their
spiritual leaders came and the other non-Christian sects were controlled. Socio-cultural
mingling with their non- Christian counterparts was forbidden. Their system of nuzrani
ecclesial administration was substituted with ~adr oado system in Malabar and they
were brought under the Pope. Enraged at this, the St. Thomas Christians did not co-
operate with the Portuguese missionaries and the Portuguese administration. This
affected even the very commercial existence of the empire because the St. Thomas
Christianr. after the synod of Diamper did not co-operate with the Portuguese in trade
and other activities, as they used to do earlier. As the traditions of the St. Thomas
Christians were not respected during subsequent years. they continued their non-
268
cooperation with the Portuguese. Enraged at the activities of the Portuguese
missionaries during Bishop Francis Garcia. a section of the St. Thomas Christians
protested against the Jesuits and Bishop Francis Garcia leading to a split in the St.
Thomas Christians who were hitherto united as a single community.
Coonankuri.susatyam was a protest of the St. Thomas Christians to the activities of the
Portuguese missionaries especially the Jesuits among them. The Jesuits had prevented
the amval of their prelates from the Middle East, the age-old traditions of the St.
Thomas Christians were forbidden under the banner of heresy and their Archdeacon's
privileged position was ignored. Through Coonunkurisusutyam, one faction of the St.
'Thomas Christians sided with the Portuguese accepting catholic faith and the other
faction under the leadership of the Archdeacon broke off from the Portuguese. Thus
atier almost half a centuv of Padroodo activities among the St. Thomas Christians.
they were sharply divided. Many cultural traits of the Portuguese continued to play
their role in Malabar.
At the end of the Portuguese activities in Malabar, only the new converts, and a
faction of the St. Thomas Christians stood with the Portuguese. The latter stood with
the Portuguese because of the religious affinity and the respect they had for the Pope.
The new converts. though from different varnus or jatis were moulded into one
community by the Portuguese under the banner of Roman Catholicism. All other
sections like the Hindus except those who were in the service of the Portuguese, the
Muslims. the Jews and the rebelled faction of the St. Thomas Christians remained to be
the strong opponents of the Portuguese. In this process. the relationship between the
different culture patterns of the society also changed. The Muslims and the Jews
became enemies of the Christians: the St. Thomas Christian factions themselves had
conflicting views. The way of life of each of the culture pattern changed according to
the needs of the time.
The Portuguese had more contacts with only those sections of' the society.
which had either some kind of religious or economic relationships. The relationships
they developed were either friendly or hostile depending on the situation and the
correspondence of interests. When their interests clashed, there were violent conflicts
and where their interests corresponded they had friendly relations.
269
Thus acculturation that started in Malabar as result of the contacts with the
Portuguese brought ahout a lot of changes in the frame of the society and in the culture.
which is the expression of the society. In this acculturation process the influence of the
kings, the religious affinity and trade relations worked as means of socio-cultural
change. The impact of change was more felt on the coastal societies on account of the
intense interaction of the Portuguese on the coastal areas. In the hinterland it affected
only the St. Thomas Christians who being the producers of pepper and members of a
common religion had more contacts with the Ponuguese. Those Hindus and Muslims
who were converted to Christianity and were employed by the Portugucse were mainly
from the coastal societies.
It was the cthnocentrism, the feeling that one's culture is superior to the other.
of the Portuguese that played a great role in Malabar. They tried to minimisc the
difference between Malabar culture and Portuguese culture thinking that their way of
life was superior to that of India. The same ethnocentrism of the Malabar societies
paved way for confrontations with the Portuguese at various levels. As a result of the
confrontation between two cultures. there occured fission and fusion in the society that
underwent acculturat~on. In this process of acculturation the new converts and a faction
of the St. Thomas Christians fused with the Ponuguese whereas majority of the
Hindus. Muslims, Jews and a faction of the St. Thomas Christians broke away from the
Portuguese leading to a fission in the society
The Portuguese idea of more C'luusurn was broken with the emergence of
Protestantism in Western Europe. It was not poss~ble to have a threat on the part of' the
catholic countries of Europe to their maritime empire of the East on account of the
Papal Bulls that the Portuguese obtained in rcward of the meritorious seni ce Portugal
did for the Catholic Church through the geographical discoveries. the crusade against
the Muslims and propagation of faith.
With the capture of Cochin by the Dutch who were Protestants, the Portuguese
interaction in Malabar ended but the socio-cultural traits they left in Malahar continued
affecting society and culture for centuries to come. Thus the socio-cultural changes in
Malabar that happened as a result of Ponuguese interaction show that socio-cultural
changes happens in "host cultures" due to the power. influence and religious affinity of
the "guest cultures".
270
SOURCE OF ILLUSTRATIONS
1. Map of Portugal in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. It is drawn by Mr. V.
D. Baby on the basis of the details given by the researcher depending on Joel Serrlo
Br. H. de Oliveira Marques, ed., Nova Historla de Portugal, vol. V, Lisboa. 1998, p.
726
2. The Photo of the Altar of the First Church in Ramapuram (c. 1450). It is taken
from Joseph Manam. ed., Avarnuee~~dunungaiude Suvarnu Varshangui. Palai. 2000.
3 Coonan ('rots In Mattancherry, hid
4. Map of Malabar in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. It is drawn by Mr.
V. D. Baby on the basis ofthe details given by thc researcher.
5 . Map of the Fortress of Cannanore in the Sixteenth Century.T'his is from Luiz da
Silveira, ed.. Livro dus Piuntuf Fortaiczu.~. ('idade.! dos Reinos e Pro~,bcrur.c, Lisboa.
1991. p. 411.
6.
Map of the City ofCochin in the Sixteenth Century.This is from Luiz &a Silveira.
ed. Livro das I'lanru.~ Forra/e~a.s.('idudes do.\ Kcino~ e Proilinciui.~. I.ishoa, 1991. p.
414
5. The facade oft he Old St. Thomas Cathedral at Palai built In Portuguese style.
(Photo taken by the researcher )
271
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DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX
1
H. A. G., 11. Livro das Mong6es do Reino, 8, vol. 1,1601-1602, fl. 89-95
(Written by the king of Portugal to the Viceroy on 25 January 1601 from Lisbon on
the conversion of a nephew of the Zamorin of Calicut.)
E assi me escreveo que no Caminho que fezera a sera de Angamalle Ihe ver a
pedir hum sobrinho do famorim que se chamava Lfniare o sacramento do Rauptismo
que Ihe dera se cenamente e por ser pessoa de que o dito camorim faz' hui t a Conta.
vos (f. 89v.)emcomendo do que faqeis corn elr todos os bons ofiicios que
vosparecerem nefessarios- e que entodos os amos sc dem os dous mil pardaos que
acusta de minha fazenda mandodar pera os Baptismos. (fl. 90) .......
E por que tambem me escreve que sera de meu serviqo e hem da fortzQe
cranganor e do Cstello de Cima de Cochim serem os Capitaens deles suburdenados ao
capitgo de Cochim; emcomendou os q' pratiqueis esta matteria com ho arqebispo e
outras pessoas de experienqia e me avisseis do que nisto vos parever. Escrita em Lix
a 25 de janeiro de 160 1
Rey (n. 95)
2
A. N. T. T., ColecqPo de S. Vicente Vol. 19 (Microfilme), tl. 8.
(This is a letter written by the King of Portugal to the Governor of India on 21
December 1621 on the Archbishopric of Cranganore.)
Govemadores amigos, Eu El Rey vos encio muito saudar. como aquelles q
amo . No despatch0 ordinario de 4 de prezente, enviastes quatro consultas da mesa da
Consciencia cordes tocantes a materias da lndia. Ilua sobre o estado em que se acho
Arcebispo de Cranganor: e por quanto Ihe esta jadado coadjutor, e futuro sucessor se
en~arregaram.~' ao novo Viso rey da India. que entendadndo. que o Arcebisp esta de
todos impedido, lhea conselhe que ser recolha, e deixe o govemo ao coadjutor, e
avizedo que fizer. Outre sobre o pagamento do Bispo, e clero de cochim, e
desempenho da prana daquella Igreja. E tambem se encarregaram '" ao mesmo Viso
294
Rey, que procure que com effeito. c toda a brundade. se t'ara este pagamento, e se
desempenhe a paratta, lembrando Ihe, quao' precisa obriga~ao he esta, E que me
haveres par bem servido, de que satisfaqa aella. Outra obrea mudanqa do seminario.
eestudos, que os Religiosos da companhia de Cioa fizerHo E tamborn se ordinara ao
Viso rey que se informe desta materia, e avise do que achar, e se Ihe offerecer. Outra
sobre o q escreveo o Administrador da jurisdiqlo Ecclesiastics de Moqambique a
cerca da fizenda de Dom Estevio de Ataida, e fareis que pola\.ia. pordonde se deu
esta comisslo, se consulte, aqui se deve agora encarregar. E senta no Pizdo a 21 de
Dez 62 1
Rey.
3
A. N. T. T., Colecqio de S. Vicente Vol. 19, (Microfilme), fl. 52.
(This is a letter written by the King of Portugal to the Governor of India on 3 March
1662 on the evil done by the king of Cochin to the new converts.)
Governadores amigos. Eu El Rey vos envio muito saudar, como aquelles q
amo. Tenho entendido que El rey de Cochim leva ma1 que seus vassallos se fa&
Christlos, e que em algua's occasides se veo molestar, trattar mal, e tomar as
faendas. algu's pollo mesmo Respeito. e por que seria de gra'de impedimenta a
convers8o permitter que passe a diante . e convem muito ao sen' i ~o de D' e hem das
Almas daquella gente Sacilitar lhes o carninho, de \irem no conhecim.'" de nossa s."'
fee hey q hem que com palavaras significati\as de quanto eu o cstamarey, se escreva
a El rey de Cochim, e se Ihe encomende muito o Savor . e bom acolhim.'" que deve
fazer aos Christies, e novamente convertidos, encarregando se o mesmo ao Conde
Viso Rey, para que de mais do que de sua pane ha de fazcr, e procurar corn El rey de
Cochim, hqa o mesmo com os mais Reys Vezinhos, e Vassailos do estado. Escritta
em ~ ' . a 3 de Marco de 622.
295
4
A. N. T. T., ColecqHu S. Vicente, Volume 14, fls. 159, 159v.
(This is part of a letter written by the King of Portugal to the Bishop of Angamly on
I I March 1603 on the Transfer of the See of Angamaly to Cranganore)
Reverendo Bp'o Amigo: Eu El rey vos envio muitos saudar
.....
Vy o q' me escrevestes sobre se mudar a See de Angamale para a fortaleza de
Cranganor. E par entender qC sera mui conveniente fazer se. desmemhrando se do
vosso bispado o tenho ass; supplicado ao santo padre, e se o despacho vier a tempo
q' possar hir nestas naos o enviarei. e nos rogo q' nisto deis todo o favor e ajuda q'
for necessaria.
6 tamhem me pereqeo acertado o que me escrevestes sohre se eryir hu' novo
bpado. Na cidade de S.Thome para governo da christanddae q ha no district0 dos
baixos de Remanancor ate tencasim posto q' n3o entrara nelle, a iha de Ceil2o q'
pareqeo dever ficar nesse nosso bp.du de Cochim. e breveme'te o Mandarei assi proper
a sua Sanctidade para nisso ordanar o q for servido. (fl.159)
. .. . . .. . .. ... escrita em Lix.' a 1 I de Marqo de 603. Re) (fl.159~).
5
A. N. T. T ., Colec@o S. Vicente, Volume 14, fl. 163, 163~.
(Copy of a letter written by the king of Portugal on 15 March 1605 on the illegal trade
on the Malabar coast)
R. ~ " Bp.' amiguo. Eu El rey vos envio muita saudar. tk cou enformado, q na
cargua da Pimenta que trouxerao as Naos. que o anno passado de 603. Vierlo desas
partes, secometergo muitas desordems. conrao' bem de rninha t:d7.d\or culpa de
alguns' Ministros meus, e de
outras pessoas. que nisso i nt cnkri o, contra sua
obrigaqao, e Bdelidade, que devem, a meu servic;~: E que por Comerem na carguas da
dina Pimenta, mouros, e Judeus. E a atravesarem. E esconderem polla terra dentro.
oreqeo muito o preqo della, E veo a faltdr para a cargua das di t t a Naos, no que
tambem reqeberHo perda os Christlos da terra. que a costumavlo t ruer ao pezo de
296
Cochim: e que El rey da quella Costa mandava quatro mil quintais cada anno Meca.
E porque todas estas cousas s3o de tanta considera$io . como se deixa Ler, e pedem.
que se lhes acuda cox Remedio, castigando os que nellas forem culpados, para que
assy se atelhem os grandesdanos E inconven~entes que se podem seguir ao bem, e
ConsewapTio desse stado, sesse fossem continuando, me pareceo, que devia mandar
tomar ver da deira enformaqao do modo que em tudo o sobre dito se procedeo . E
tirar hua' devassa dos ministros, e mais pessoas. que na cargua da ditta Pimenta.
cometerio exepessos E forio culpados em ajudar o ditto Rey Co' Cons.' ou
dinheiro, para a cargua de suas naos, e metergo. ou consentirio nomeneo da Pimenta.
Judeus, ou Mouros. E por comfiar de nossa virtude . E zello , que me servireis neste
negoqeo a minha staisfaqHo. e co' a intereza , e verdade, que elle Reguere; hey por
bem de vos cometer esta devassa. por virtude desta minha carta. sem que para isso
seja necessaria outra Provisio, E vos encomendo, E encarreguo muito, q tanto que a
Receberdes a comeqeis atirar, perguntando as testamunhas por interropatorios, que co'
ella yrao, assynados por hum dos meus secr."' que me servem no Cons.' da India; e
pareqendo vos. que para se saber, e apurar melhor averdade , com vira acreqentar mais
algu's, o podereis fuer, corn forme a ehrmaqio que da materia tiverdes: E para que
aja nella o segredo (fl.163)de vido, vos mesmo escrevereis os ditos daa testamunhas.
Eassynareis co' rllas e despois de tirada a ditta devassa. maemviarcis por was nas p
m." naos. Escrita em Vld a 15 de mar$o de 1605.
Key (fl. l63v)
6
A. H. U., Caixa da 1ndia 44, (1661-1663), Doc. 18.
(It is a letter from Frey Joseph de Santa Marla from Cochin on 22 August 1661 on the
Christians of St. 'l'homas and the death of the Archbishop of Cranganore)
Por outras cartas minhas tenho dado noticia . da outra vez q' na India ewive. P
Ser eni ~s. ~ Rainha May' de tudo o q se ohrou na Christand.? de S. Thome da Serra dos
Malavares, juntamt.' co' hua dos Principais. Ecabe~as della. pela quai se offereciio
por vassalos, e subditos fidelis~.~' a V. Mg.". Agora me acho de novo ocupado no
mesmo emprego de Commissr.", e Administrador Apostolico, obrigado da obediencia.
q todos, e em particular os Religiosos observantes deve' ao Vigr." de Xp'o, e o
exercito co' dignid.' episcopal, p q' havendo passado a melhor \ids o Arcebp." d
297
298
Igrejas, e Ihe deram a obedicnc~a com bjeracam p."' c as mais o fizeram senlio fbra a
contardiqam q' temos referido.
Voltou este Padre a Roma. dei xando em seu lugar a Pe fr. Viscente de S.
.lasinla que veo por esse reyno na (fl.l)Armada do Conde de Vitapouia encomendad
q por V ~ g " e sete anno tomou avir feito Bispo de Hierapoly incesaldo ~eg. *' vcs
por Sua Santidade a acabar de acomodar esta schisma q' decra haja nove annos e
reduzir de tudo aquela Christanddae. Chegou a Cochim e antes de Sair daquella
Cidade Ihe vieram dar m' " Igreja, das da schisrna ao obediencia sojeitando se a
lgreja Romana detestando seus erros e ao falsso Arcediago ele espera q' na vizita
em que fica deprez." acabe do com por este neg.', que he o maior q' ouhe na lndia
ha ml"b annos em semelhante rnateria.
Nam se acomodam corn isto os P." da Compnahia . porq' acham que he
menoscabo da sua Religiao n8o ser esta reducsam por sua via; e agora disem q' o q'
setem o brado he em precuir da purischi~a Real e do M.'" , . vmg d' tem de nornear
Bispos, como se este viera nomeado na Serra, ou se offeresera outro rnco algum p"
esta reduesarn e le Contraminar o Arcediago q' este s, q he eficasossimo, coffeito u
tem mostrado (11. lv.) pela dependencia q' tem das ordens aqueles ChristPos q' coln so
as menores tem logo de comer confirme aos seus costumes.
Qualquer pequena altersam que o--ler nesta materia podera danar tudo, e
accuzar grande escandalo, porque como estes Christsos estam pelo senam, sojeitos
adiversos Regulos gentios e tem pouca dependensia dos Ponugeses, nern tem em as
Armas de ~ m g . ~ ' por severem tam distantes das pray* farem o q' lhes pareser sem
poderem ser repremidos, e se pa elles se levantarern bastou nPo Ihe deixarem
entrar o Arcebispo Schismatico. q foy encerado aessc Reyno. q' sera se Ihe
entenderem com hum Bispo Catholico q' conhesem, e Ihe tem grande amor q' os ten1
reduzindo Pareseonos q' deviamos de dizer a vmdr o q' sentimos em materia tam
grave V M" fara o q' ter servido Deos g.de a Real e catholica pessoa. de V M ~ '
como desejamos
Goa 16. De Setr.' 1661
Frei Lucas da Cnu
paulino Castelhno de freitas
299
8
A. H. U. Caixa da lndia 44, (1661-1663), Doc. 71
( It is a document on the death of Dom Francisco Garcia. the Archbishop of
Cranganore dated 16 March 1662)
002984
0 s Governadores da India Francisco de Mello de Castro. e Antonio de Sousa
Coutinho, escrevem a V M ~ . ~ ~ em carta de 20 de Dezembro de 659. que o Arcebispo
da Serra I)om Franqisco Garcia iidlieyeo em os primeiros de Setembro do mesmo
anno. e que foy perda, por ser ounico Prelado, que havia naqelle Estado. e co' sua
presenqa atrahia algu's dos principaes Cassanares daquella Christandade, e' delles
seguiio m.'"' dos povos. Que deivou nomeado por Governador a Fran.'" Baneto.
Keligioso da Companhia, Bispo Elleito de Angamalle. que acabou de ser Provincial
daquella Provinqia, a que pos duvida o Comissdrio Apostolico Frey Jacintho de Si o
Viqente. Carmelita descalqo. dizendo ni o poder o Arcebispo k e r a dita nomeaqPio,
coe que logo Francisco Barreto disistio e o Commissario escreveo se devia fazer
Governador (que depresente penenqia ao do Arqebispado) por quanto se queria hir
para Roma. por nHo ter, que tomcr, e outras cousas. que aisso o obngavlo, de que
elles Governadores dl o conta a V M~ . ~ ' . para mandar. o que mais for servido.
Ao Con~el ho Pareqo representar a V M ~ . ~ ' , o que os Governadores da India
escrevem (de mais da morte do Arqebispo. de que ja se deu noticia a V M~ . ~ ' ) para
Ihe ser presente o estado, em que se acha a Christandade da Serra por que posto que
em Koma assistem Religiosos da Companhia . vindos da India, atratar do remedio da
mesma Christandade, conviri, que VM. ~' . co' comunicaqio de Concelho de Estado, e
seu pareqer, procure o mesmo, havendo lugar
Em L x . ~ a 16 de Marqo , de 662.
Signed by
Jeronimo de Melo de Castro,
Luis Mendes de Elvs. Selbiano Dourado. Francisco
de . ... Sottomaior.
300