Dr. Luisa Maffi is a linguist, anthropologist, and ethnobiologist. She is cofounder and president of Terralingua: Partnerships for Linguistic and Biological Diversity. In extreme cases, the breakdown of communication and transmission is interrupted.
Dr. Luisa Maffi is a linguist, anthropologist, and ethnobiologist. She is cofounder and president of Terralingua: Partnerships for Linguistic and Biological Diversity. In extreme cases, the breakdown of communication and transmission is interrupted.
Dr. Luisa Maffi is a linguist, anthropologist, and ethnobiologist. She is cofounder and president of Terralingua: Partnerships for Linguistic and Biological Diversity. In extreme cases, the breakdown of communication and transmission is interrupted.
Dr. Luisa Maffi is a linguist, anthropologist, and ethnobiologist. She is cofounder and president of Terralingua: Partnerships for Linguistic and Biological Diversity. In extreme cases, the breakdown of communication and transmission is interrupted.
der and President of Terralingua: Partner- ships for Linguistic and Biological Diversity. Terralingua is an international NGO based in Washington, DC, devoted to supporting the worlds linguistic diver- sity and to exploring the links between linguistic, cultural, and biological diver- sity, through research, information, edu- cation, and policy. She is editor of On Biocultural Diversity: Linking Language, Knowledge, and the Environment (2001). Email: [email protected] Endangered languages, endangered knowledge Luisa Maf In the life of languages, change is the rule rather than the exception. Pervasive variation occurs within any given speech community, and speakers in each generation use their language or languages slightly differently from their pre- decessors, in both unconscious and conscious ways (Stross 1975). Through these processes, languages keep responding and adapting to their users communication needs (Kay 1977), serv- ing as dynamic bridges between the past and the future and as vehicles for the continued, and con- tinuously innovative, trans- mission of a communitys knowledges, beliefs, values, and practices (Maf 2001a). Under these normal circum- stances, it is accurate to say that languages do not die: they only get transformed. But then, we also know that in some cases langu- ages do die (Crystal 2000, Dixon 1997). That is when, rather than being transfor- med through use and inter- generational transmission, a given language becomes increasingly restricted in use, and ulti- mately ceases to be passed on from one gener- ation to the next. In such cases, the ow of communication and transmission is interrupted because speakers voluntarily or unwillingly shift to another, generally dominant, more pres- tigious, more powerful language and choose not to teach their native language or languages to their children. In extreme but far from rare instances, the breakdown of communication and ISSJ 173/2002 UNESCO 2002. Published by Blackwell Publishers, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. transmission may even be due to decimation of the speakers because of natural disasters, dis- ease, war, or genocide. Both phenomena are known, or can be inferred, to have occurred throughout the history of humanity. Yet, while language change has long been an object of study for linguists (and in fact can be said to be one of the very roots of the emergence of the modern discipline of linguistics in the nineteenth century), language death is a more recent focus of attention. Scholarly inter- est in this issue manifested itself sporadically from the late nineteenth century on. Linguists who had taken up the study of indigenous and minority languages some- times expressed concern for the future prospects of these languages and their speakers in light of ever- increasing social, political, and economic change. It was only during the decade of the 1990s, though, that this concern came to a head with a rapid and exponential rise of interest in the issue (Crystal 2000, Dixon 1997, Dorian 1989, Grenoble and Whaley 1998, Hale et al. 1992, Robins and Uhlenbeck 1991). To a large extent, this rise of interest was due to the accumulation of a growing mass of data not only on the grammati- cal and lexical features of the worlds langu- ages, but also on the state of vitality of the languages (see e.g., Grimes 2000). From Europe to the Americas, Australia and Oceania, Asia, 386 Luisa Maf Africa, the message was the same: the indigen- ous and minority languages of the world were disappearing at an alarming and accelerating rate, replaced by a small number of ever- expanding, majority languages (referred to as killer languages in Skutnabb-Kangas 2000). At the outset, clarion calls about this langu- age endangerment crisis were issued by linguists mostly out of a professional preoccupation that this ongoing language loss projected to thre- aten the survival of 5090% of the worlds 6800 languages in the next 100 years (Krauss 1992) spelled the impending demise of linguists very object of study. These scholars would point out that, in order to adequately characterise the notion of human language, it is necessary to have access to the fullest poss- ible variety of human languages, their sounds, their ways of expressing grammatical categories and relations, and so forth. In this case, the appeal tended to be to the linguistic profession to refocus its priorities from the elaboration of abstract models of grammar (based on English and a few other major, well-described languages) to the old-fashioned task of doing linguistic eldwork to describe and document as much as possible of the worlds endangered languages, so as to preserve them for posterity. To outsiders, and particularly to the mem- bers of indigenous and minority language com- munities, this initial call to action may have sounded self-serving for the linguistic pro- fession. Nevertheless, during the 1990s it became increasingly recognised within the pro- fession that the posterity in question should rst of all include the descendants of the last uent speakers of these languages, so as to help maintain or, as the case may be, restore the life of languages. A small but highly mot- ivated group of linguists have actually chosen to put their skills to the service of linguistic communities seeking to establish language revi- talisation and language education programmes (e.g., Hinton 1994). A few non-prot organis- ations were created to pursue the purposes of this salvage linguistics (such as the Foun- dation for Endangered Languages in the UK, the Endangered Language Fund in the U.S., the Society for Endangered Languages in Germany, and the Clearinghouse on Endangered Languages in Japan). These organisations have contributed to raising general awareness of the UNESCO 2002. language endangerment crisis and to gathering information and promoting research about indigenous and minority languages, including by offering small grants. Some of the recipients of such grants have been members of language communities researching their own languages, and in general grant policies have stressed the importance to make research data available to language communities in useful form and have also invited work aimed at setting up language maintenance and revitalisation programmes. International organisations such as UNESCO also have variously taken on the issue of langu- age endangerment, such as with the publication of an atlas of endangered languages (Wurm 1996) and the compilation of Red Books of endangered languages and of a World Langu- ages Survey. At the same time, other reasons for concern emerged during the 1990s, centred on what might be lost to the speakers themselves, and to humanity at large, through the erosion of the worlds linguistic diversity. The consequences of linguistic diversity loss began to be discussed also in terms of human rights, ethics, and social justice and of maintaining cultural identity and heritage (Skutnabb-Kangas 2000, Skutnabb- Kangas and Phillipson 1994, Thieberger 1990). Links were suggested between linguistic (and cultural) diversity and biodiversity as distinct but mutually supporting manifestations of the diversity of life on earth (Harmon 1996, Krauss 1996, Maf 2001a, Maf et al. 1999, Muhlhausler 1996). Research pointed to the interrelations between language and the environ- ment, particularly through the mediation of tra- ditional ecological knowledge, language being the main repository of and transmission vehicle for knowledge (Maf 2001a, b). Out of the coalescence of environmental, cultural, linguis- tic, and human rights issues an interdisciplinary eld has arisen that has come to be known as biocultural diversity. The emergence of this eld has both given rise to and been promoted by another non-prot organisation, the inter- national NGO Terralingua: Partnerships for Linguistic and Biological Diversity. Terralingua was created in the mid-1990s with the specic purpose to support and foster the worlds linguistic diversity and to explore the links between linguistic (and cultural) diversity and biodiversity. Terralinguas work, carried out 387 Endangered languages, endangered knowledge through a programme of research, information, education, and policy advocacy, has begun to call international attention to new approaches to joint conservation of both natural and cultural resources (Maf 1998, Maf et al. 1999, Oviedo et al. 2000, Posey 1999). It has also brought to the fore the issue of linguistic human rights as a key aspect of protection and promotion of linguistic diversity (Skutnabb-Kangas 2000, Terralingua 1998). The responses to the linguistic diversity crisis developed by scholars during the 1990s and into the twenty-rst century have thus tended to fall into two categories: those aiming to document languages and preserve a record of them in grammars, dictionaries, and texts, and those aiming to support and promote linguistic diversity as such, as a key component of the diversity of life. These two classes of responses are by no means mutually exclusive, either in theory or in practice. Both of these approaches are needed, given the multifaceted nature of the problem (and proponents of one approach have generally acknowledged, and sometimes embraced, the rationale and modus operandi of the other). What is perhaps even more needed, though, is the eventual integration of this variety of efforts into one well articulated, solidly grounded, and clearly ident- iable domain at the intersection of research and practice, in a way somewhat comparable to what relatively new elds such as conservation biology and ecosystem health have accomplished in relation to biodiversity and ecosystems. Such a specically dened eld of linguis- tics, in which the currently dispersed efforts to confront the language endangerment crisis could be synergised and concepts, terminologies, and methodologies could be claried, harmonised, and strengthened, would probably bestow to this kind of endeavour the legitimacy and authority it does not yet possess within linguistics and it might even signicantly contribute to revi- talising linguistics as a discipline and conferring it new relevance within and beyond academia. Under such a scheme, students would be able to enter, and train for, an integrated eld of research and action that would have dened its own goals, theory, methodology, and whose legitimacy would be recognised both within aca- demia (and thus within the academic merit UNESCO 2002. system) and outside of it (such as in non- academic education, especially at the grassroots, as well as in non-prot service organisations, and so forth). And the currently bemoaned lack of funding for work in support of endangered languages might be more easily overcome because of both the distinct real world nature and higher visibility of this eld. It is interesting to note that one of the rst books to provide a popular review of the linguistic diversity crisis, David Crystals Lang- uage Death (Crystal 2000), advocates something similar in contemplating top priorities for action. The name that Crystal suggests for this eld-to-be is preventive linguistics, based on an analogy with medical matters. This label lends itself to ambiguity of interpretation and may not go down well with many of the poten- tial members of the eld or potential users of its results (especially indigenous and minority language speakers). Alternatively, a label of conservation linguistics might be suggested, by analogy with conservation biology, and following a distinction between preserving (ex situ, i.e., in books and other material records) and conserving (in situ, i.e., within the speech community), as suggested in Maf (2000). Objections might be raised in this case as well (e.g., Skutnabb-Kangas 2000: x, footnote 1), due to earlier negative connotations of the word conserve the sense in which people associ- ate it with keeping in a museum or freezing in time. The point, however, would be to pro- mote the identication of this word, as referred to language, with maintain in context and maintain through continued use and develop- ment, in a way similar to how the word is increasingly understood in relation to biodivers- ity. And the analogy might be pushed even further, along the lines of the progression from preservation to conservation to land ethic to ecosystem health advocated by environmental philosopher J. Baird Callicott (David Rapport, pers. comm. 2001). Following this analogy, one might suggest that the ultimate goal in the case of languages should be ensuring the health of linguistic ecologies, or of what has been termed the logosphere, the web of the worlds langu- ages (Krauss 1996). Whatever label might eventually come to be chosen for such a eld, it may be useful to review what the eld would need to accomplish 388 Luisa Maf in order to advance the integration of scholar- ship concerned with language endangerment and linguistic diversity and to promote its relevance to policy and applied work. Several similar points are made by Crystal (2000). First of all, an emerging eld of conservation linguistics (if for convenience we choose to use this term here) should, of course, develop its own theor- etical perspective. As Crystal notes, at this time there is not even a coherent terminology to refer to the phenomena involved in the loss of linguistic diversity (language endangerment, language obsolescence, language death, and so forth). It should also be recognised that such terminology is not ideologically neutral, and that some might prefer to make explicit refer- ence to the agency behind, say, language death, and speak instead of language murder (Skutnabb-Kangas 2000). We also need to dene what exactly we mean by linguistic diversity to begin with: just language rich- ness, or do rarity and endemism play a role too, as they do in the denition of biodiversity along with species richness? What else may be involved? At the theoretical level, other issues to be addressed include identifying the specic structural and functional changes in a language that allow us to conclude that the language is becoming obsolescent rather than undergoing normal change (Hill 2001); the range of known circumstances that lead to lang- uage loss and shift to dominant languages; and the conditions under which one can say that a language has become endangered, obsol- escent, or dead. In all instances, the appro- priate conceptual vocabulary and methodology need to be elaborated on the basis of a solid typology of the relevant phenomena. Although concerned linguists may feel as if it is a drop in the bucket, much work has already been done on situations of language loss and language shift around the world. This scholarship needs to be brought together in a comparative and synthetic fashion. We may discover that we actually know more than we thought and we would certainly also discover where the gaps are. As Crystal (2000) also points out, having a well-developed theoretical framework is essential to guide the task of gathering infor- mation about, and assessing and monitoring, the state of the worlds languages. To evaluate the current conditions and future prospects of a lan- UNESCO 2002. guage, it is not enough to just know the sheer number of speakers of the language at a given time; it is also necessary to have details about trends in the number of speakers over time, and to correlate these with speaker population demographics, sociolinguistic factors, socio- political and economic context, and so forth. This approach is analogous to that taken in assessments of biodiversity or the state of the worlds ecosystems, which commonly seek to determine current conditions, threats and trends, and future prospects (as well as response options, on which more below). In turn, also by analogy with biodiversity, monitoring of global trends in linguistic diversity would benet from the development of indexes measuring the vitality and continuity of the worlds languages, thus allowing for the identication of long-term trends in lieu of the current sketchy data and off-the-cuff projections. Furthermore, referring to the work of Ter- ralingua, Crystal argues that the links with ecol- ogy are not just metaphorical or only pertaining to the ecology of languages per se (Haugen 1972, Muhlhausler 1996). This and other work, especially by ethnobiologists and ethnoecolog- ists, suggests that linguistic ecologies and bio- logical ecologies are mutually related through human knowledge, use, and management of the environment and through the languages used to convey this knowledge and practices (Maf 2001a, Oviedo et al. 2000). This two-way relationship needs to be brought out and studied in depth. It is generally agreed upon that small- scale societies with a history of continued and unchallenged occupation of given territories will over time tend to develop and maintain detailed and accurate knowledge about their ecological niches, as well as about sustainable ways of extracting and managing natural resources. Their ways of speaking, oral traditions, and ver- bal art forms will transmit this knowledge. His- torically, cases in which a dynamic balance between humans and the environment on which they depend has not been sustained are largely linked to the rise of complex civilisations, living and expanding their dominant reach beyond the connes of local ecosystems. By and large, this has happened to the detriment of indigenous and other local societies, whose control over their lands and resources and freedom to prac- tice their ways of life and use their languages 389 Endangered languages, endangered knowledge A bush school in Mali. J.-L. Manaud/Hoa-Qui UNESCO 2002. 390 Luisa Maf have been undermined or taken away. (See ref- erences in Oviedo et al. 2000, Skutnabb-Kangas 2000, and Maf 2001a.) Although we need a better understanding of the nature and extent of the links between language and knowledge or language and culture, initial evidence suggests that losing ones heritage language(s) often implies losing the knowledges, beliefs, values, and practices that the language(s) encode(s) and convey(s) (Zent 2001). On these grounds, it then makes sense to entertain the goal of assessing and monitoring the state of biological and linguistic (and more broadly cultural) diversity in an integrated fashion. A project for a Global Biocultural Diversity Assessment, recently set up by Terra- lingua, proposes to do just that, in connection with major environmental assessments such as the current international effort known as Millen- nium Ecosystem Assessment. It can be expected that this kind of interdisciplinary work, predi- cated on close collaboration between natural and social scientists (and on training of a new generation of scientists with interdisciplinary skills), will yield a much more sophisticated understanding of the complex and interlinked phenomena that affect the various manifes- tations of the diversity of life, and that it will provide more effective tools for action geared to the elaboration of policy and other response options to the diversity crisis. This is not to say that a considerable amount of work has not already been done in terms of policy and other responses to the crisis. Such work concerns especially, on the one hand, the formulation of linguistic human rights, including linguistic rights in education, and the protection thereof; and, on the other, the development of a wide variety of language maintenance and revitalisation programmes and projects around the world. (For reviews, see Fishman 1991, 2000, Hinton and Hale 2001, Skutnabb-Kangas 2000, Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson 1994). Yet, linguistic human rights continue to be violated or at least not enforced all over the world, and language communities continue to struggle to establish and sustain language programmes, often with little or no outside help when such programmes do not encounter resistance or outright opposition. Here, too, there is an urgent need to globally assess the state of affairs and identify the gaps. UNESCO 2002. In relation to linguistic human rights, per- haps the main gap at the international level is the lack of an established framework for the protection of such rights. Although a Draft Uni- versal Declaration of Linguistic Rights was sub- mitted to UNESCO in 1996, it has not fared well in terms of approval by this agency; nor have alternative processes emerged to address this need. In some cases, regional policies (such as the European Charter on Regional and Min- ority Languages, adopted in 1992 and signed by an increasing number of European countries since) appear to have made greater strides. However, the ultimate litmus test lies in country-level policies, and at this level the available data suggest that the picture world- wide is not good. By and large, individual coun- tries at best pay lip service to linguistic human rights but do not adequately implement them particularly in terms of providing opportunities for education in indigenous and minority langu- ages or they apply benign neglect; at worst, they actively suppress these rights (Skutnabb- Kangas 2000). As concerns indigenous and min- ority language support programmes in general, countries rarely take an active and constructive role in accepting and promoting linguistic diver- sity in their midst. Rather, they tend to push for monolingualism in the national languages, putting forth misguided arguments, such as that multilingualism threatens national unity or that language programmes are too costly (Skutnabb- Kangas 2000). It is to the country level, therefore, that much of the focus of language-related policy action needs to turn, taking into account the local political, economic, and social realities, while at the same time not losing sight of the global perspective on issues of linguistic diver- sity and language endangerment. One can only illuminate and strengthen the other. The same can be said in relation to language maintenance and revitalisation programmes and projects. Global (or even regional) reviews of what has been and is being done will be extremely useful in providing a typology of this kind of responses, and in suggesting what works (or does not work) where and under what circum- stances. On the other hand, the pressure needs to be on national governments and other dom- estic institutions to devise or support, and fund, such policies, programmes, and projects. 391 Endangered languages, endangered knowledge In connection to response options, it is thus evident that a major task for those concerned with the fate of the worlds linguistic diversity continues to be one of raising, and in fact main- taining a high level of, public awareness and attention to this issue. Creating a climate that will induce governments and other relevant administrations to develop adequate language policies, language education programmes, and so forth has as one of its preconditions a well- informed public: a public favourable to linguis- tic diversity as a benet for the health and vitality of both human societies and ecosystems rather than suspicious of it as a potential or actual threat to societal cohesiveness and stab- ility. Achieving this aim will require a major creative effort on the part of all concerned. Linguists, in particular, will need to focus on fully developing and communicating innovative concepts such as the logosphere (Krauss 1996), linguistic ecologies (Muhlhausler 1996), languages as resources (Maf 1998), and maybe even linguistic services (analogous, and perhaps linked, to the ecosys- tem services provided by Earths ecosystems). A climate of public awareness is also one precondition for calling the attention of funding institutions, that so far have hardly taken langu- age issues into account (with the obvious excep- tion of research foundations in which case, however, the focus has traditionally been on linguistic theory rather than language descrip- tion or applied linguistics, let alone language policies). Initial signs of change are currently visible in this domain, as a consequence of the growing awareness of the linguistic diversity crisis that developed during the 1990s. Among research foundations, the US National Science Foundation has started a line of funding for description of endangered languages. Major private foundations such as the Ford Foun- dation, MacArthur Foundation, and Volks- Wagen Foundation have begun to offer funding for work on endangered languages, language maintenance, and language policy. It is essential to keep this momentum so that such lines of UNESCO 2002. funding will become well established and increasingly adopted by other funding agencies. Still, those who care about the loss of linguistic diversity, as a part of the diversity of life, themselves often feel at a loss when it comes to making others care. In the face of the crisis, the message hardly seems to get out fast enough, far enough, wide enough, convincingly enough. For each small victory noted, there always seem to be so many more defeats, whether in terms of deaths of last uent speak- ers of given languages, suppression of linguistic human rights, abolition or failed implementation of language education policies, and so forth. Whatever hard-won progress there may be, it never appears to be immune from being drasti- cally reversed. The approach advocated here, as a necessary step, is one in which science (both social and natural), information, education, pol- icy, advocacy, applied work, all join hands and support one another to face the crisis. But this is not all. This is a necessary, yet not a sufcient step. These elds speak to the rational in us, but we also need to appeal to peoples emotions and sense of aesthetics. Lan- guage and languages are not only useful tools; they are also a thing of beauty, and the loss of the many voices of human language is also a tremendous loss of beauty. To convey this message, we need art too. Thats undoubtedly why so many writers, and so many scientists turned writers, have been pouring a growing ow of ink into crafting impassioned medi- tations and personal accounts about the loss, about its impact on the human spirit, on the human species, on life as we know it. We need more of this wordsmiths (and why not, as Crystal suggests, also visual artists and musicians) who will speak not just to our minds but to our hearts and souls. Science and art can also join hands to shake us, move us, inspire us away from short-sighted destructive behaviours, point us toward a more sustainable future in which the diversity of life can again fully thrive and be cherished, for the physical, cultural, and spiritual well-being of present and future generations. 392 Luisa Maf References Crystal, D. 2000. Language Death. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dixon, R. M. W. 1997. The Rise and Fall of Languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dorian, N. (ed.) 1989. 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