The Slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna":

A Comparative Study of the Responses of

ijasan ijanafi, Mu1).ammad 'Abid al-Jabid and Nurcholish Madjid
A thesis submitted to
the Faeulty of Graduate Studies and Researeh
in partial fulfillment of the requirements of
the degree of Doetor of Philosophy
by
Yudian Wahyudi
The Institute of Islamie Studies
MeGill University, Montreal, Canada
(2002)
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ii
Author
Title
Abstract
: Yudian Wahyudi
: The Slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna": A Comparative
Study ofthe Responses ofijasan ijanafi, Mul}.ammad 'A:bid al-
Jabir1 and Nurcholish Madjid
Department: Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University
Degree : Doctor of Philosophy
This thesis compares and contrasts the responses of ijasan ijanafi
(Egypt, b. 1935), Mul}.ammad 'A:bid al-Jabir1 (Morocco, b. 1936) and
Nurcholish Madjid (Indonesia, b. 1939) to the slogan "Back to the Qur'an and
the Sunna," a slogan that many modem Sunni reformers consider as the ideal
solution to the decline of Islam in the modem age. The comparison is analyzed
in the light of ijanafi' s three dimensional Islamic reform project known as
Heritage and Modernity (Al-Turah wa al-TajdTd). Their responses to the
factors that have led to the decline of Islam in the modem age will be
compared from the perspective of the first and second dimensions of his
project, which examine the implications of the classical Islamic and Western
heritages, respectively, for the reform of Islam. It is, however, in the context of
the third dimension of ijanafi's project, which deals with the theory and
practice of interpretation, that we will examine their hermeneutics of the return
to the Qur' an and the Sunna. In the process we will demonstrate how their
respective backgrounds, political influences and concerns have led each of
iii
them to adopt a position that is, at one and the same time, radical and
traditional.
IV
Auteur
Titre
Department
Diplme
Rsum
: Yudian Wahyudi
: Le slogan du "retour au Coran et la Sunna": Une tude
comparative des rponses d'Hasan Hanafi, de Muq.ammad
'Abid al-Jiibir"i et de Nurcholish Madjid
: Institut des tudes Islamiques, Universit McGill
: Doctorat s Philosophie
Cette thse compare les rponses d'ijasan ijanafi (n en Egypte 1935),
Muq.ammad 'Abid al-Jiibir"i (Maroc, 1936) ainsi que Nurcholish Madjid
(Indonsie, 1939) au slogan du "retour au Coran et la Sunna, un slogan que
plusieurs sunnites considrent comme tant la solution idal au dclin de
l'Islam de l're moderne. La comparaison est ici analyse la lumire du
projet de rforme islamique tridimensionnelle de ijanafi, mieux connue sous le
titre Hritage et Modernit (al-Turiith wa al-Tajdid). Ces rponses face aux
facteurs expliquant le dclin de l'Islam de l're moderne, seront donc
compares la premire et la seconde dimension du projet de ijanafi qui
examinent l'implication des hritages musulmans classiques et occidentaux
face la rforme de l'Islam. Cependant, ce sera dans le contexte de la
troisime dimension du projet de ijanafi, qui explique notamment la thorie et
la pratique de l'interprtation, que l'attention sera porte sur leurs
hermneutiques concernant le retour au Coran et la Sunna. Au cours de cette
recherche, il sera dmontr comment le vcu, les influences politiques ainsi
v
que les intrts personnels de ijanafi, al-Jabid et Madjid leur ont amen
adopter une position qui est la fois radicale et traditionnelle.
VI
Table of Contents
Dedication, ii
Abstract, iii
Table of Contents, vi
System of Transliteration, viii
Acknowledgements, ix
Introduction, 1
Chapter 1: The Slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna" as
the Ideal Solution to the Decline of Islam in the
Modem Age: A Historical Introduction, 14
Chapter II: ijasan ijanafi, Mul;1ammad 'Abid al-Jabiii and
Nurcholish Madjid: General Similarities and
Differences, 114
Chapter III: The Hermeneutics of the Retum to the Qur'an
and the Sunna, 207
Conclusion, 295
Bibliography, 309
Appendix: A List of English-Arabic Terms, 353
VIl
System of Transliteration
Here 1 follow an adapted version of the transliteration system for
Arabie of the Institute of Islamie Studies, MeGill University. However, all
Indonesian words or names derived from Arabie are written in the form most
eommonly cited in the sources. For example: "Nureholish Madjid" rather than
"Nur h l i ~ Majid," "Nur h l i ~ MaJd" or "Nur h f i ~ MaJd" and
"Nahdlatul Ulama" rather than "Nahqat aI- 'Ulama'." The same aIso applies to
non-Arabie derived Indonesian words or name, regardless of their old or new
spelling. Some differences between the old spelling and the new one (1971
onward) are as follows: (1) dj beeomesj, sueh that Djakarta becomes Jakarta;
(2) j becomes y, such that jang becomes yang; (3) nj becomes ny, so that, for
example njanji becomes nyanyi; (4) sj beeomes sy, so that sjari'ah becomes
syari'ah; (5) tj becomes c, so that Atjeh becomes Aceh; (6) ch becomes kh, as
when Cholish beeomes Kholish; and (7) oe beeomes u, such that oelama
beeomes ulama.
Vlll
Acknowledgements
Without the help and contribution of many people, this dissertation
would have never been completed. First and foremost 1 would like to thank
K.H. Abdurrahman Wahid (former President of the Republic of Indonesia) for
introducing me to Prof. ijasan ijanafi's Les mthodes d'exgse (even though
its language in 1992 remained something of a barrier to me), and Min al-
'Aqfda ila- al-Thawra (From Theology to Revolution). Profs. Howard M.
Federspiel and A ner Turgay, my supervisor and co-supervisor respectively,
have also my undying gratitude for showing such tremendous patience and
understanding with respect to the nature of my project. Their critical
evaluations gave my dissertation its present form. 1 thank as weIl Mr. Steve
Millier not only for editing my English, but aIso for encouraging me to take up
the study of German to access certain vital sources in this language. 1 am
grateful also to Miss Jane Tremblay for translating my Abstract into French.
1 would also like to thank the Indonesia-Canada Islamic Higher
Education Project (Wendy Allen, director; Susy Ricciardelli, Lori Novak and
Joanna Gacek) for providing me with a full scholarship to do my Ph. D.
program at the Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University. 1 would also
like to acknowledge my debt to Profs. Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Ahmad Syafii
Maarif, Sjafri Sairin, Nourouzzaman Shiddiqi, Muin A Umar, Zarkasy A
Salam, Saad A Wahid, and Martin van Bruinessen for encouraging me to
continue my studies at McGill University. K.H. AR. Fakhruddin (former
IX
chairman of the Muhammadiyah) also very kindly suggested that 1 write my
dissertation on K.R. Ahmad Azhar Basyir's legal philosophy, a sympathetic
offer that 1unfortunately had to decline since it is the focus of my wife's RA.
thesis.
1
Nor will 1 ever forget the "brave" step taken by the Department of
Religious Affairs of Indonesia, under the leadership of Munawir Sjadzali
(Minister), Tarmizi Taher (Secretary General) and Zarkowie Sojoethie
(Director General of Muslim Institutions and Societies), in commencing the
Program Pembibitan Calon Dosen IAIN se-Indonesia (Pre-Departure Program
for the Candidates of all-Indonesia Lecturers of the State Institute of Islamic
Studies) in 1988. "Brave" since it endeavoured objectively to select the best
recent graduates of the IAIN and train them in preparation to study at Western
universities.
2
1 would also thank Prof. ijasan ijanafi for personally helping me to
gain access to his works and writings on his thought. Without his help, it
would have been impossible for me to obtain a copy of Dr. lam'a's
I For a summary of this thesis, see Siti Randaroh, "Rubungan antara
Maslahat dan Adat: Studi tentang Pemikiran Ahmad Azhar Basyir [The
Relationship between Public Interest and Custom: A Study of Ahmad Azhar
Basyir's Thought]," in Yudian Wahyudi, ed., The Qur'a-n and Philosophical
Reflections (Yogyakarta: Indonesian Academie Society XXI, 1998): 3-26.
2Nineteen graduates of the Program Pembibitan published a collection
of articles based on papers written during their course of study at McGill
University to celebrate its tenth anniversary. See Yudian Wahyudi, Akh.
Minhaji and Arniml Radi, eds., The Dynamics of Islamic Civilization: Satu
Dasawarsa Program Pembibitan (1988-1998) [A Decade of the Program
x
dissertation. Prof. ijanafi even invited me to present my dissertation proposaI
at Cairo University, an academic honor that I happily accepted. After my
presentation, Dr. Yumna rarlf al-Khuli suggested that I contact her former
student Dr. al-Barbar1, whom I subsequently visited in his home town of
Manoufia. He generously provided me with a number of "not-easy-to-find"
books on both ijanafi and al-Jabir1, including his own newly published book. I
will never forget how, on our way back to Cairo from Manoufia, my
Indonesian colleagues Arif Hidayat and Syafaat el-Mukhlas and I almost lost
our lives due to the "adventurous courage" of the driver of the public transport
that we were taking!
Dr. 'Ali Mabrik also spent considerable time answering my
preliminary questions conceming ijanafi's reform project and gave me a
number of his works, for all of which I am most grateful. The Cairo branch of
the KMNU (Students of the Indonesian Nadlatul Ulama) then cordially invited
me to deliver a speech on the epistemological problems of the retum to the
Qur'an. In addition, two other Cairo-based Indonesian student associations
kindly invited me to deliver "A Critieal Evaluation of the Baekwardness of
Islamie Civilization" and "Why Should We Study Islam in the West?", topies
that formed two important themes in Chapter II of this dissertation.
1 would also like to thank here Mr. Edward A. Silooy, who lent me his
colossal support during my terms as president of the Indonesian Students
Pembibitan (1988-1998)] (Yogyakarta: Forum Kominikasi Alumni Program
Xl
Association in Canada (PERMIKA) and the Indonesian Academic Society in
1997 and 1998-1999, respectively. Without his generosity, it would not have
been possible for the PERMIKA to publish and launch Pengalaman Belajar
Islam di Kanada,
3
Petunjuk Praktis Belajar di Institute of Islamic Studies,
McGill University, Montreal, Kanada,4 and Islam and Development: A Socio-
Religious Political Response.
5
His benevolence also made it possible for the
Indonesian Academic Society to publish and launch The Qur'a-n and
Philosophical Reflection,
6
Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim,7 and An
Examination of Bint al-Shafi" s Method of Interpreting the Qur'a-no
8
Pembibitan Calon Dosen IAIN se-Indonesia, 1988).
3See Yudian Wahyudi Asmin, ed., Pengalaman Belajar Islam di
Kanada [The Experience of Studying Islam in Canada] (Yogyakarta:
PERMIKA-Titian llahi Press, 1997). It was launched at McGill University on
May 2,1997.
4See Akh. Minhaji and Iskandar Amel, Petunjuk Praktis Belajar di
Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University, Montreal, Kanada (A Practical
Guide to Studying at the Institute of Islarnic Studies, McGill University,
Montreal, Canada) (Yogyakarta: PERMIKA-Montreal in collaboration with
Lembaga Penterjemah & Penulis Islam Indonesia, 1997). It was launched at
McGill University on November 10,1997.
5See Sri Mulyati, Ujang Tholib and Iftitah Jafar, eds., Islam &
Development: A Politico-Religious Response (Yogyakarta: PERMIKA-
Montreal in collaboration with Lembaga Penterjemah & Penulis Muslim
Indonesia, 1997). It was launched at McGill on December 10, 1997.
6See footnote 1 to these acknowledgements. It was launched at McGill
University on June 22, 1998.
7See Achmad Zaini, Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim: His Contribution
to Muslim Educational Reform and Indonesian Nationalism during the
Twentieth Century (Yogyakarta: Indonesian Academie Society, 1998). It was
launched at McGill on January 25, 1999. For a review of the book, see R.
Michael Feener, "[A Review of] Achmad Zaini's Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid
Hasyim: His Contribution to Muslim Education Reform and Indonesian
xii
Sorne of the material appearing in this thesis, it should be noted,
formed parts of earlier studies that were presented to various forums, although
never heretofore published. Thus my paper on "ijasan ijanafi's Concept of al-
Turath wa al-Tajdid" presented to the XXXVIth International Congress of
Asian and North African Studies, held in Montreal from August 27 to
September 2, 2000, forms the backbone of Chapters II and III. Similarly,
"Moroccan and Indonesian Responses to the Call 'Back to the Qur'an and the
Sunna' ," read at the 34
th
Annual Meeting of the Middle East Studies
Association held in Orlando, Florida, from 17-19 November, 2000, forms a
part of Chapter 1. Likewise, my paper entitled "Arab Responses to ijasan
ijanafi' s Muqaddima fi '/lm al-Istighrb [Introduction to Occidentalism],"
presented at the conference "Orientalism Reconsidered: Emerging Perspective
in Contemporary Arab and Islamic Studies," held April 18-19, 2001 by the
University of Exeter on the occasion of rewarding honorary degrees to Profs.
Mohammed Arkoun and Edward W. Said, constitutes a very small part of my
Chapter II, and is under review for publication.
Other papers accepted for other conferences but never presented (due to
etiher schedule conflicts or visa problems) include: "Ahmad Khan's and
Afghani's Responses to Imperialism," which was to be presented at the Annual
Nationalism during the Twentieth Century Indonesia," Middle East Studies
Association Bulletin vol. 33 no.l (Summer 1999): 86.
8See Sahiron Syamsuddin, An Examination of Bint al-Shafi"s Method
of Interpreting the Qur'an (Yogyakarta: Indonesian Academie Society, 1999).
It was launched in Toronto on 30 November 1999.
xiii
Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic American Academy of Religion and Society of
Biblical Literature, held on March 15-16, 2001, in Jamaica, New Brunswick
(now forrning a very small part of my Chapter 1); "Egyptian Responses to the
CalI "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna" due to be read in New Jersey at the
same time 1 had to be in Exeter (now forrning part of my Chapter 1); and "Was
Mu'tazilism an Expression of Islamic Left?: A Comparison of Egyptian,
Moroccan and Indonesian Contemporary Responses" accepted for the 35
th
Annual Meeting of the Middle East Studies Association, held in San Francisco
on 17-20 November, 2001 (now forrning a portion of Chapter II).
As 1 approach the end of these acknowledgements, 1 would like also to
extend my very deepest gratitude to K.H. Hamdani B.Z., K.H. A. Malik
Madani (of the Shad'a Faculty, the Sunan Kalijaga IAIN, where 1 teach
Falsafat al-TashrT' al-Islam,- or "Islamic Legal Philosophy"), Thoha Hamim,
Faisal Ismail, Akh. Minhaji, Ahmad Hakim, M. Nafis, Iskandar Amel, Fuadi
Mardhatillah, Ruswan Thoyib, Sahiron Syamsuddin, Achmad Zaini, M.B.
Badruddin-Audiba, Lathiful Khuluq, Didik Eko Pujianto, Ratno Lukito,
Fauzan Saleh, M. Ali Ridho, Hamdiah Lathif, Mbak Ina-Mas Zaenal, Sri
Tejowulan, Supanjani, Sri Mulyati, Jona Muthmainah, Andy Nurbaety,
Sudarkam Mertosono, Munir A. Muin, Mujiburrahman, Labibah Zain,
Mustafid Dahlan (Cairo) and [Thu] Sandra Thibaudeau, to name only a few, for
their true friendship, generous support and intellectuai stimulation. 1 am
grateful also to Miss Salwa Ferahian and Mr. Wayne St. Thomas of the library
xiv
of the Institute of Islamic Studies for kindly helping me find the books 1
needed during my studies.
A debt that can never be repaid 1 owe to my late father Asmin, who
passed away in 1992 when 1 was doing my M.A. program. 1 am beginning to
understand now his 1973 advice to me not to study at Al-Azhar (at the time
Egypt was at war with Israel), and yet 1 have still not published Al-Asmin: A
Pocket Dictionary of Modern Terms, Arabic-English-Indonesia, a work
dedicated to him that 1 fini shed compiling in 1991 during my first semester at
the Institute. Perhaps with the completion of this thesis 1 will be able to fulfill
this task.
Last but not least, of course, my profoundest thanks go to my wife Siti
Handaroh and my daughter Zala, who sacrificed so much to my "eccentric"
approach to completing my studies. Zala keeps speaking about "when she
returns to Indonesia," while my wife -who as Dr. Federspiel constantly
reminds me-- has given me her unquestioning support, and was away from her
father' s bedside when he passed away in 1998, having accompanied me to
Montreal. In closing let me say that, despite aIl the assistance and suggestions
that 1 have received in the course of writing this dissertation, 1 alone bear
responsibility for any of its shortcomings.
Montreal, March 1, 2002
Y.W.
xv
Introduction
Islam, like aIl other religions, confronts its adherents with the
everlasting dialectic between revelation (divine but limited in extent) and
civilization (human but ever-developing).1 The dialectic between the divine
and human versions of making history, a process that 'ilm al-fiqh
(classical Islamic "hermeneutics") calls ijtihaa ("interpretation"), forms the
essence of what may be referred to as the problem of "authenticity"
and "contemporaneity" (al-mu which includes "modemity" (al-
and al-l]ada-tha). Classical Islamic tradition recognized the two
sides of the debate as being constituted of the ahl al-l]aduh (people of
prophetie "tradition") and the ahl al-ra'y (people of reason), respectively. The
ahl al-l]adfth, who are conservative in outlook, generally try to superimpose
the face-value of Scripture (the Qur'an and the Sunna) on civilization. They are
thus puritan, idealist, and fundamentalist in their strict effort to adapt reality to
Scripture. The ahl al-ra'y, on the other hand, stress the function of reason,
which to sorne extent includes nature (and, hence, civilization), in the process
of making history. They are for this reason more liberal and realist in their
willingness to explore other sources of Scripture. The divine guarantee of this
everlasting dialectic is called tajdfd, which is often coupled with
IOne may, in principle, use the Arabie terms wal]y, shar' or dfn
interchangeably to indicate religion or revelation, and the terms 'urf, 'aaa,
turath or wa-qi' to indicate civilization or history.
2
translated by John O. VoU as "renewal" and "reform," respectively.2 The
process of tajdfd is viewed as a centenary cycle, based on the Prophet
Mul].ammad's prediction that "God will raise at the head of each century such
people of this umma [Muslim community], as will revive (yujaddidu) its
religion for it."J
The slogan "Back to the Qur' an and the Sunna" represents the oldest
and strongest Sunni effort to reassert the position of revelation in this dialectic.
Significantly, the slogan has often provided the doctrinal, ideological or
geopolitical theme used by peripheral Muslim groups against a central power.
This was the case in such classic conflicts of authority as those of the
Kharijites versus 'Ali ibn Abl 1alib, the Abbasid revolutionary movement
against the Umayyads, and Al].mad ibn ijanbal against al-Ma'mun, which gave
rise to sorne of the most fundamental clashes of Islamic civilization. In order to
gain the upper hand, peripheral groups tried to identify themselves with a pure,
ideal Islam, while at the same time condemning their centrist opponents as
impure, deviating Muslims. And in identifying with Scripture, they interpreted
2John O. VoU, "Renewal and Reform in Islamic History: Tajdid and
Islah," in John L. Esposito, ed., Voices of Resurgent Islam (New York and
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983),32.
JAbu Dawud, Sunan Abf Dawud (Beirut: Dar al-Jinan, 1988), 2: 512.
The translation is taken from Thoha Hamim, "Moenawar Chalil' s Reformist
Thought: A Study of an Indonesian Religious Scholar (1908-1961)" (Ph. D.
diss., McGill University, 1996),2.
3
this in as literaI, and hence as absolutist and exclusivist, a light as possible.
4
Moreover, the bigger the challenge from the center, the stronger the response
from the slogan. When Islam, once a "conquering ideology," found itself
becoming more and more a "conquered ideology" by the eve of the eighteenth
century (coming as a result of the military and economic imperialism of the
Western countries operating in the Muslim world), Muslim reformers began to
see the slogan as the ideal solution to the decline of Islam in the modern era.
The slogan, as Pazlur Rahman rightly says, succeeded in liberating Muslims
from the yoke of Western colonialism.
5
The contemporary response to the
slogan can be seen in the writings of Muslim intellectuals from every corner
of the Muslim world, including the three studied in the present work: ijasan
ijanafi, Mul).arnmad 'Abid al-Jabir1 and Nurcholish Madjid.
ijanafi is the rightful heir to the Egyptian slogan in the second half of
the twentieth century, since his "AI-Tuith wa al-Tajdid" (Heritage and
Modernity) reform project is an effort to recast the salaj[ ("puritan" and
"fundamentalist") truth of the slogan in a tajdfd (modern and even
contemporary) way. The project, for Mal).mud Aniin al-'Alim, indicates
ijanafi's role as a bridging reformer (mujaddid jusu-r) between Islam and the
4John L. Esposito, Islam and PoUties, 3
rd
edition (New York: Syracuse
University Press, 1991),37.
5Pazlur Rahman, "Revival and Reform in Islam," in P.M. HoIt, Ann
K.S. Lambton, Bernard Lewis, eds., The Cambridge History of Islam
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970),2: 636-640.
4
West,6 a position that JurJ Tarablshl calls contradictory.7 Sorne Egyptian
'ulama' even accused him of unbelief in 1997 for his formulations, while
IbrahIm Musa compares him favourably with Fazlur Rahman.
8
Likewise,
Mul).ammad Abid al-Jabid has rightfully inherited the Moroccan slogan, as his
"AI-Turath wa al-I-Jadatha" (Heritage and Modernity) and "Naqd al-'Aql al-
'ArabI" (Criticism of the Arab Mind) projects indicate. However, unlike
I-Janafi who criticizes the slogan directly, al-Jabid criticizes Salafism
("fundamentalism") as being responsible for the decline of the Arab world,9 its
Moroccan Islamic expression being little more than Wahhabism
10
(the modem
pioneer of the slogan). At the same time, however, he too clings to the values
6Mal).mud AmIn al-'Alim, Mawaqif Naqdiyya min al-Tura-th (Cairo:
Dar QaeJaya Fikriyya, 1997), Il.
7JurJ Tarablshl, Al-Muthaqqifu-n al-'Arab wa al-Turih: al-
Nafslli Jama-'f(Beirut: Dar al-Rays, 1991), 105.
8Ibrahlm Musa, "AI-I-Jadatha wa al-Tajcfid: Dirasa Muqarana fi Mawqif
Fazlur Rahman wa I-Jasan I-Janafi," in Al).mad 'Abd al-I-Jafim 'Atiyya, ed.,
Jadal al-Ana- wa al-A"khar: Qira-'a Naqdiyya fT Fikr lfasan lfanafTfT Ma-dih
al-Sittln (Cairo: Madbufi 1997), 107-113.
9Abdellah Labdaoui, Les nouveaux intellectuels arabes (Paris:
L'Harmattan, 1993), 131.
IOJ. Abun-Nasr, "The Salafiyya Movement in Morocco: The Religious
Bases of the Moroccan Nationalist Movement (1963)," in Immanuel
Wallerstein, ed., Social Change: The Colonial Situation (New York, London
and Sydney: John Wiley & Sons, 1966), 491; and Bernard Lewis et al., ed.,
Encyclopaedia of Islam, s.v. "Salafiyya," by P. Sinar (Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1995), 8: 905-906. AI-Jabirl himse1f even admits that Moroccan Salafism is
Wahhabism. Mul).ammad 'Abid al-Jabid, "AI-I-Jaraka al-Salafiyya wa al-
Jama'a al-Dlniyya fi al-Maghrib," in Isma'Il 'Abd Allah,
ed., Al-lfaraka al-Islamiyya al-Mu fT al-Watan al- 'Arabl, 2
nd
edition
(Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wal).da al-'Arabiyya and Jami'at al-Umam al-
Muttal).ida, 1989), 193-196.
5
of the Qur' an and the Sunna.
ll
Thus while Issa J. Boullata considers al-Jabirl' s
project as "the most serious attempt in the Arab world to go beyond ideology
to epistemology in order to analyze the workings of the Arab mind,,,12
Tarablshi concludes that al-Jabir1 has succeeded not only in closing a number
of the doors of "interpretation" (al-ta 'wll and al-ijtihiid), but also in
condemning Islamic schools of thought as unbelief (takjlr and tabdi,).13 On the
other hand, both Abdellah Labdaoui
14
and 'Ali ijarb
15
compare him with both
Mohammed Arkoun and ijanafi. Finally, we come to Nurcholish Madjid, the
true legatee of the Indonesian expression of the slogan, since he has tried to
revise its "fundamentalist" and "modemist" wings, a delicate project that has
won for him accusations by his opponents that he is an agent of Orientalism
and even Zionism. He is a leading but dangerous scholar -to cite Howard M.
Federspiel's phrase in summarizing his critics.
16
llMul).ammad 'bid al-Jabir1, "Fi QaeJaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr (ijiwar),"
Fikr wa Naqd: Majallat al-Thaqala al-Shahriyya 8 (1998): 16.
12Issa J. Boullata, Trends and Issues in Contemporary Arab Thought
(New York: State University of New York Press, 1990),45.
13JUrJ Tarablshl, Midhbahat al-Turath fi al-Thaqala al- 'Arabiyya al-
u a ~ i r a (London: Dar al-Saql, 1993),91-92 and 117.
14Labdaoui, Les nouveaux intellectuels, 126.
15'Ali ijarb, Naqd al-NaH, 2
nd
edition (Beirut and Casablanca: AI-
Markaz al-Thaqafi al-'Arabl, 1995), 89-116, and 44 (no. 3); and idem, AI-
Mamnu-' wa al-Mumtani': Naqd al-Dha-t al-Mufakkira (Beirut and Casablanca:
AI-Markaz al-Thaqafi al-'Arabl, 1995),61.
16Howard M. Federspiel, Muslim Intellectuals and National
Development in Indonesia (Newark: Nova Scientia, 1992),40-43 and 181; and
idem, "Contemporary Southeast Asian Muslim Intellectuals: An Examination
6
Contemporary Western scholars with particular insight into modem
Islam, such as Voll,l7 John L. Esposito,18 Leonard Binder,19 Henry Munson,
Jr.
20
and R. Hrair Dekmejian
21
are fully aware of the significance of the slogan,
but significantly, none of them make it the focus of their works. While
recognizing the socio-political manifestation of the slogan in their studies, they
are largely silent when it cornes to the topic of the hermeneutics of the return to
the Qur'an and the Sunna, which is the chief concern of the present
dissertation. And while his Rethinking Tradition in Modem Islamic Thought
22
of the Sources for their Concepts and Intellectual Constructs," (Unpublished
paper, McGill University, 1996),64.
l7Voll, "Renewal and Reform," 32-47; idem, "Wahhabism and
Mahdiism: Alternative Styles of Islamic Renewals," Arab Studies Quarterly
4,1 (1982): 110-126; idem, "The Evolution of Islamic Fundamentalism in
Twentieth Century Sudan," in Gabriel R. Warburg and Uri M. Kupferschmidt,
eds., Islam, Nationalism, and Radicalism in Egypt and Sudan (New York:
Praeger, 1983); idem, "Islamic Renewal and 'The Failure of the West' ," in
Richard T. Anton and Mary Elaine Hegland, eds., Religious Resurgence:
Contemporary Cases in Islam, Christianity, and Judaism (New York: Syracuse
University Press, 1987), 127-144.
18See Esposito, Islam and Politics; and idem, "Law in Islam," in
Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, Byron Haines and Ellison Findly, eds., The Impact
of Islam (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1984), 69; and idem, "Sudan's
Islamic Experiment," The Muslim World 76 (1986): 202.
19Leonard Binder, The Ideological Revolution in the Middle East (New
York, London and Sydney: John Wiley & Sons, 1964); and idem, Islamic
Liberation: A Critique of Development Ideologies (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1988).
20Henry Munson Jr., Islam and Revolution in the Middle East (New
Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1988).
21R. Hrair Dekmejian, Islam in Revolution: Fundamentalism in the
Arab World, second edition (New York: 1995).
22Daniel W. Brown, Rethinking Tradition in Modem Islamic Thought
(Cambridge: University Press, 1996).
7
is more focused on the theory behind the slogan than are the works of the
aforementioned writers, Daniel W. Brown deals only with the history of this
notion in the Indian sub-continent. 1 believe however that in order to
understand the evolution of the concept and its relevance to the Islamic world
today, the net has to be cast more widely, and the investigation brought up to
date. It is for this reason that 1 propose to examine the issues surrounding the
slogan of a return to the Qur' an and the Sunna as a problem in interpretation,
and how this problem is being addressed in the works of scholars from three
different regions of the Muslim world.
ijanafi's thought has only recently begun to attract the attention of
scholars; however, such preliminary studies as those of Pahima
Charafeddine,23 Abubaker A. Bagader,24 'Ali Mabfk,25 JrJ Tarablshl,26
Shahrough Akhavi
27
and R. Hrair Dekmejian
28
have only touched briefly on
23Pahima Charaffeddine, Culture et idologie dans le monde arabe
(Paris: L'Harmattan, 1994),219-223.
24Abubakar A. Bagader, "Contemporary Islamic Movements in the
Arab World," in Akbar S. Ahmed and Hastings Donnan, eds., Islam,
Globalization and Postmodernity (London: Rougledge, 1994), 120.
25'Ali Mabfk, "AI-Turath wa al-Tajdid: Awwaliyya," in
Al)mad 'Abd al-ijafim 'Atiyya, ed., Jadal al-Ana- wa al-A"khar: Qira-'a
Naqdiyya fi Fikr lfasan lfanafifi Mih al-Sittfn (Cairo: Madbrr
1997), 33-42.
26JrJ Tarablshl, Na'{.ariyyat al- 'Aql (London: Dar al-Saql, 1997), 11-
24.
27Shahrough Akhavi, "The Dialectic in Contemporary Egyptian Social
Thought: The Scripturalist and Modernist Discourses of Sayyid Qutb and
Hasan Hanafi," International Journal of Middle East Studies 29 (1997): 377-
401.
8
his ideas and significance. Like Kazuo Shimogaki, who discusses only a part
of ijanafi's reform project,29 Thomas Hildebrandt analyzes his Muqaddima fi
'/lm al-Istighrb (Introduction to Occidentalism)3o as representative of "Our
Attitude towards Western Heritage," only one element out of ijanafi's three-
dimensional reform. And although he provides us with a wider perspective on
ijanafi by comparing him with Abdallah Laroui in terms of ijanafi' s reform
project,31 Mu1)ammad ijasan Muslim Jam'a nevertheless ignores the
hermeneutics of the return to the Qur' an and the Sunna.
As for al-Jabirl, such scholars as al-'Alim,32 Charafeddine,33 and 'Ali
ijarb
34
have begun to pay attention to his thought and its development. Going
28R. Hrair Dekmejian, "Multiple Faces of Islam," in A. Jerichow and J.
Baek Simonsen, eds., Islam in a Changing World: Europe and the Middle East
(Richmond: Curzon Press, 1997),9.
29Kazuo Shimogaki, Between Modernity and Post-Modernity: The
Islamic Left and Dr. Hasan Hanafi's Thought: A Radical Reading (Tokyo: The
Institute of Middle Eastern Studies, International University of Japan, 1988).
30Thomas Hildebrandt, Emanzipation oder Isolation vom westlichen
Lehrer? Die Debatte um lfasan lfanajf's "Einfhrung in die Wissenschaft der
Okzidentalistik" (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz, 1998).
31Mu1)ammad ijasan Muslim Jam'a "Ishkaliyyat al-Tajdid bayn ijasan
ijanafi wa 'Abd Allah al-'Arwl [Abdallah Laroui]," (Ph. D. diss., AI-Jami'a al-
Lubnaniyya [University of Lebanon], n.d.).
32Ma1)md Ann al-'Alim, Al-Wa'y wa al-Wa'y al-Za-'iffi al-Fikr al-
'Arabi" 2
nd
edition (Cairo: Dar al-Thaqafa al-Jadida, 1988),72-78;
idem, MafhTm wa 77; idem, Mawa-qif Naqdiyya min al-Turtith
(Cairo: Dar Qaqaya Fikriyya, 1997),71-85.
33Cherafeddine, Culture et idologie, 206-218.
34, Ali ijarb, Naqd al-Na$$. second edition (Beirut and Casablanca: AI-
Markaz al-Thaqafi al-'Arabl, 1995), 115-130.
9
beyond even these preliminary contributions, JfJ Tarablshl,35 Abdellah
Labdaoui,36 Michael Gaebel,37 Yal}.ya Mul}.ammad
38
and Sayyar al-Jaml1
39
have offered sorne rather critical evaluations of al-Jabirl's position. Al}.mad
Mul}.ammad Salim al-Barbad
40
too has deeply analyzed his thought, but unlike
others who have exclusively focused on al-Jabid, he compares him with
ijanafi, as Boullata
41
and ijarb
42
briefly do. Yet while al-Barbad essentially
deals with the essence of their reform project, which is the focus of my study,
he offers only an indirect comparison, whereas mine is a direct one. Moreover,
he treats the reform project from an Arab-centered perspective, something 1
have tried to correct here by adding Madjid to the equation, who, according to
Federspiel, "undisputedly ranks as the leading Muslim intellectual of
35Tarablshl, Na?ariyyat al- 'Aql, 11-24; and idem, Madhbahat al-
Tura-th,73-126.
36Abdellah Labdaoui, Les nouveaux intellectuels arabes (Paris:
L'Harmattan, 1993), 123-173.
37Michael Gaebel, Von der Kritik des arabischen Denkens zum
panarabischen Aujbruch: Das philosophische und politisiche Denken
MulJammad 'Avid al-Gavirls (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1995).
38Yal}.ya Mul}.ammad, Naqd al- 'Aql al- 'ArabI ft al-MIzn (Beirut: AI-
Inshar al-'Arabl, 1997).
39Sayyar al-Janiil, Al-Ru'ya al-Mukhtalifa: Qira-'a Naqdiyya ft Manhaj
MulJammad 'Avid al-Javirl(Ajwibat al-Khi/av 'an As'ilat al-Tarikh) (Beirut:
AI-Ahliyya, 1999).
40Al}.mad Mul}.ammad Salim al-Barbarl, Ishkaliyyat al-Turath ft al-Fikr
al- 'ArabI al-Mu'a-#r: Dira-sa Muqa-rana bayn lfasan lfanaft wa MulJammad
'Avid al-Javirf(N.p.: Dar al-ijaqara, 1998).
41Boullata, Trends and Issues, 40-55.
42ijarb, Naqd a l N a ~ ~ 89-116, and 44 (no. 3); and idem, Al-Mamnu-'
wa al-Mumtani', 61.
10
Indonesia.,,43 The most substantial difference however is that al-Barbar1, like
all other commentators on fJanafi and al-Jabir1, does not deal with the
hermeneutics of the return to the Qur' an and the Sunna.
Such scholars as Muhammad Kamal Hasan
44
and Federspiel
45
shed
light on the socio-political significance of Madjid's thought in Suharto's New
Order, while William B. Liddle
46
and Mark R. Woodward
47
reveal the
implications of his theology of tolerance in Indonesian Islam. Greg Barton, like
Karel A. Steenbrink,48 describes Madjid's Neo-Modernism, although Barton
49
touches more on the relations between the past and the present in his reform
43Federspiel, "Contemporary Southeast Asian Muslim Intellectuals,"
14.
44Muhammad Kamal Hasan, Muslim Intellectual Responses to "New
Order" Modernization in Indonesia (Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan
Pustaka, 1982).
45Federspiel, Muslim Intellectuals, 40-43 and 181.
46William B. Liddle, "Media Dakwah Scripturalism: One Form of
Islamic Political Thought and Action in New Order Indonesia," in James Rush
and Mark Woodward, eds., Intellectual Development in Indonesian Islam
(Tempe: Arizona State University, 1995),267-289.
47Mark R. Woodward, "Introduction: Talking Across Paradigms:
Indonesia, Islam, and Orientalism," in Mark R. Woodward, ed., Toward A New
Paradigm: Recent Developments in Indonesian Islamic Thought (Tempe:
Arizona State University, 1996), 11-13.
48Karel A. Steenbrink, "Recapturing the Past: Historical Studies by
IAIN-Staff," in Mark R. Woodward, ed., Toward A New Paradigm: Recent
Developments in Indonesian Islamic Thought (Tempe: Arizona State
University, 1996), 164-166.
49Greg Barton, "The International Context of the Emergence of Islamic
Neo-Modernism in Indonesia," in M.C. Ricklefs, ed., Islam in the Indonesian
Social Context (Canberra: Annual Indonesian Lectures Series No: 15, 1989),
69-82.
11
project. Compared to them, Thoha Hamim gives us a more detailed analysis of
the history of the slogan for a retum to the Qur' an and the Sunna in Indonesia,
but his main focus is on Moenawar Chalil's and not Madjid's thought.
Likewise, Hamim concentrates on Chalil' s insistence on purifying the basic
teachings of Islam (aqfda and iba-da-mah4a) of un-Islamic influences,5o a field
of as little interest to Madjid as it is to ijanafi and al-Jabir1. Nor do any of
these Indonesianists compare Madjid with thinkers from other regions of the
Muslim world, either. Thus the hermeneutics of the retum to the Qur' an and
the Sunna is the most serious lacuna in the contributions of modem scholars, as
is their reluctance to compare what is being said by different voices from
different regions. It is my hope that 1 will be able to bridge these gaps in
knowledge and approach by investigating these thinkers from three great
centers of Islamic civilization: Egypt, Morocco and Indonesia.
This dissertation is comprised of three chapters. Chapter 1briefly traces
and links the slogan of a retum to the Qur' an and the Sunna as the ideal
solution to the decline of Islam in the modem age in Egypt, Morocco and
Indonesia up to the emergence of ijanafi, al-Jabid and Madjid. The socio-
political implications of the basic principles of the slogan are compared and
analyzed in keeping with such theories as challenge and response, continuity
and change, and conflict of periphery and center. Chapter II reveals sorne
general similarities and differences between ijanafi, al-Jabirl and Madjid as
50Hamim, "Moenawar Chalil's Reformist Thought."
12
reflected in their responses to factors that led to the decline of Islam in the
modem age. The comparison is carried out in the light of lianafi's three-
dimensional reform project known as Heritage and Modernity, which consists
of "Our Attitude towards Classical Heritage," "Our Attitude towards Western
Heritage," and "Our Attitude towards Reality: Theory of Interpretation,"
respectively. Their responses to the internal (Islamic) factors are first of aIl
compared from the perspective of "Our Attitude towards Classical Heritage,"
whereas their responses to the external (Western) factors are analyzed
according to "Our Attitude towards Western Heritage." Chapter III compares
their hermeneutics of the return to the Qur'iin and the Sunna in terms of "Our
Attitude towards Reality: Theory of Interpretation." Chapters II and III
compare lianafi's, al-Jabir1's and Madjid's concepts more directly, while
Chapter 1focuses on their predecessors.
That lianafi's thought is used as the criterion to compare the ideas of
both al-Jiibir1 and Madjid in this dissertation is due to a number of reasons. The
first of these is "[i]n view of Egypt' s geostrategic location and centrality in the
Middle Eastern and Islamic spheres,,,51 a fact that many Western scholars
consider as the bastion of Sunnite fundamentalism.
52
Morocco's position ranks
51R. Hrair Dekmejian, "Resurgent Islam and the Egyptian State," in
Reeva S. Simon, ed., The Middle East and North Africa: Essays in Honor of
1.C. Hurewitz (Columbia: Columbia University, Middle East Institute, n.d.),
204.
52This was true before the emergence of the Taleban in Afghanistan
five years ago. It is highly probable that Egypt will now regain its prominence
13
second, while Indonesia is third. Epistemologically, moreover I-Janafi is the
most articulate thinker of the three in terms of the slogan, where his expertise
in 'ilm ~ al-fiqh plays a significant role in solving the problem of how to go
back to the Qur' an and the Sunna, the most forgotten aspect of the call for a
retum to the sources of Islam. Compared to both al-Jabirl and Madjid, he wrote
in languages more accessible to the modem world, and the Muslim world in
particular. In addition to Arabie and French, in whieh languages al-Jabirl also
expresses his ideas, I-Janafi has written in English. Madjid on the other hand
has never written in Arabie or in French, though like I-Janafi he has written in
English. Of course, unlike the others, he has written extensively in Indonesian,
and he is thus mainly read in that language. Finally cornes the principle of "age
before beauty," whereby I-Janafi, the oldest, has pride of place before al-Jabir1
and then Madjid, the youngest among the three thinkers. Of course, this means
that he has been exposed the longest to the intellectual currents of this century,
and, in a sense, has set the pace for his contemporaries.
as a center of Sunni fundamentalism with the recent coilapse of the Taleban
govemment.
Chapter 1
The Slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna"
as the Ideal Solution to the Decline of Islam
in the Modern Age: A Historicallntroduction
In his article entitled "Revival and Reform," Pazlur Rahman proposes a
new categorization of Islamic reform into pre-modernist and modernist
movements. Unlike such Western scholars as Charles C. Adams,
l
Wilfred C.
Smith,2 Hamilton A.R. Gibb,3 and G.G. Pijper,4 he begins his account of the
pre-modernist reform movement with Shaykh Al)mad of Sirhind (d.
103411625), and not with Mul)ammad ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab (d. 120611792), the
founder of the Wahhabite movement.
5
This new approach gained currency
lCharles C. Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt (London: Oxford
University Press, 1933).
2Wilfred C. Smith, Islam in Modern History (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1957).
3Hamilton A.R. Gibb, Modern Trends in Islam (New York: Harper &
Brother Publishers, 1959).
4G.p. Pijper, Beberapa Studi tentang Sejarah Islam di Indonesia 1900-
1950, trans. Tudjimah and Yessy Augusdin (Jakarta: Universitas Indonesia
Press, 1984), 103.
5Pazlur Rahman, "Revival and Reform," in P.M. HoIt, Ann K. S.
Lambton, and Bernard Lewis, eds., The Cambridge History of Islam
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 2: 673.
15
when scholars like Harun Nasution
6
and John O. Voll began to apply it. Even
John L. Esposito, though he starts with Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab,7 follows
Rahman's categorization. 1 will, however, begin my discussion by arguing the
earlier thesis, namely, that it was Wahhabism that pioneered the modern reform
movement. This is simply because it was Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, and not Shaykh
Al)mad of Sirhind, who had the most influence on the mainstream Islamic
reform movements in Egypt, Morocco, and Indonesia --the three countries on
which 1 focus in this dissertation in the person of certain representative
thinkers.
8
In order to set these movements against their respective historical
6Harun Nasution, Pembaharuan dalam Islam: Sejarah Pemikiran dan
Gerakan (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1982).
7Esposito, Islam and Polities, 33-34.
8Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's influences were different from those that
affected Sirhindi. Unlike Sirhindi, who was an Indian and, therefore, on the
periphery of the central Islamic lands, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab was a native of the
Hejaz, the birthplace of Islam. His claim to "Islamness" was, therefore, more
legitimate in terms of language and religious symbolism. While Sirhindi
struggled against Hinduism, in the eyes of which his Islam was not only a
"stranger" but a minority religion clinging to political power, Ibn 'Abd al-
Wahhab called for a return to a pristine Islam, whose Scripture was expressed
in his native language. Sirhindi had to face the challenge of Hindu symbols in
his attempt at reviving his Indian Islam, whereas Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab was
easily able to benefit from the proximity of Islamic sanctuaries like the Ka'ba
and the Masjid al-Nabawl (The Prophet's Mosque). Another important
difference was political. Sirhindi worked under the auspices of the Mughal
Empire, while Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab rebelled against the Ottoman Empire. The
Ottoman and the Mughal states were two independent Muslim empires, but the
former was greater and the real Muslim superpower of the day, which makes it
an even greater irony that the Ottomans were never fully able to control the
ijaramayn (the Holy cities of Mecca and Medina), for whereas they held the
power, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab wielded the authority, and used it for his own
political purposes. At the same time, the Arabs, who considered the Turks as
usurpers of power, gained momentum when Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab grounded his
16
backgrounds, however, only their most basic concepts will be compared and
analyzed in keeping with such theories as challenge and response, continuity
and change, and conflict of periphery and center.
The emergence of Wahhabism from Najd in Central Arabia confirms
the applicability of Frederick Jackson Turner's "Frontier Theory," as Emmanuel
Sivan interprets it,9 to the movement for Islamic reform.
1O
As the birthplace of
this politico-religious movement, Najd had been marginalized in the Muslim
world since the short-lived removal of the capital of the Islamic caliphate from
Medina to Kfa by 'Ali ibn 'Ab1 al-1;'alib in 656. Subsequent caliphs such as
Mu'awiyya ibn Ab1 Sufyan and a l a n ~ r played important roles in further
marginalizing Najd, in the case of the first by his removal of the capital from
Kfa to Damascus in 661, and in that of the second by his decision to shift it
from lfarran to Baghdad in 762. Ultimately, the Mongol conquest of 1258 put
revoIt on the calI for a "return to the Qur'an and the Sunna," an allegedly theo-
political legitimacy that non-Arabs such as the Turks and Indians, sorely
lacked. The success of the slogan would to sorne extent liberate the Arabs from
the yoke of Turkish imperialism and reinforce their standing as candidates for
the caliphate, as reflected in the slogan "al-a'imma min Quraysh" (Islamic
leadership must come from Quraysh). It is for these reasons 1 disregard
Rahman's Indian-centered thesis.
9Emmanuel Sivan, Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern
Politics (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1985),22.
IOSee also, R. Hrair Dekmejian, "Charismatic Leadership in Messianic
and Revolutionary Movements: The Mahdi (Muhammad Ahmad) and the
Messiah (Shabbatai Sevi)," in Richard T. Antoun and Mary Elaine Hegland,
eds., Religious Resurgence: Contemporary Cases in Islam, Christianity, and
ludaism (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1987), 97; and idem,
"Resurgent Islam and the Egyptian State," in Reeva S. Simon, ed., The Middle
East and North Africa: Essays in Honor of l.e. Hurewitz (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1989),205.
17
an end to the centrality of the Arabs in Islamic history. Sultan Selim 1 of the
Ottoman Empire effectively terminated the political role of the Arab elite in
Islamic history by conquering Egypt in 1517, whose capital of Cairo had
functioned as the site of the caliphate after the fall of Baghdad. Thus by Ibn
'Abd al-Wahhab's time the political center of Islam lay in Istanbul, which was
not only outside of the Arab heartland but also partly located in Europe.
Najd, on the other hand, was "in the heart of the Arabian desert,"
11
a
fact that, according to Ibn Khaldun's estimation, rendered it unsuitable for the
development of civilization.
12
In spite of this, Oibb says, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab
chose Najd as the basis of his movement for strategic purposes, given that it
was such an isolated area that it lay beyond the control of Ottoman central
power.
13
Thus when in 1774 Sultan Abd al-Hamid 1(1773-1789) proclaimed for
the first time in Ottoman history that he was the universal caliph of aIl Muslims,
Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab rejected this claim and joined forces with MUQammad ibn
Sa'Ud.
14
In doing so he showed that he was fully aware of the implications of
IlAbdul Hamid Siddiqi, "Renaissance in Arabia, Yemen, Iraq, Syria,
and Lebanon. Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab and His Movement," in M.M.
Sharif, ed., A History of Muslim Philosophy with Short Accounts of Other
Disciplines and the Modern Renaissance in Muslim Lands, fourth edition
(Delhi: Low Price Publications, 1995),2: 1447.
12Ibn Khaldun, al-Muqaddima, 2
nd
edition, edited by 'Ali 'Abd al-
WaQid Wafi (Cairo: Lajnat al-Bayan al-'Arabl, 1965),2: 72-74.
l3Oibb, Modern Trends in Islam, 40.
14Esposito regards the event as marking the birth of the Wahhabite
movement because he sees Ibn Sa'ud as "a local tribal chief." Esposito, Islam
and Politics, 35. On the other hand, Hourani considers this alliance as the
formation of astate, since Ibn Sa'ud for him was a "ruler of a small town,
18
the Ottoman defeat at the hands of the Russians, and of the Treaty of Kuchuk
Kainarja that was signed in its wake on July 12, 1774. The treaty al1owed,
among others, the Muslim Tartars to establish a serni-independent state within
the Ottoman Empire under the auspices of the Russian Tsar (which he annexed
nine years later).15 Austria even seized Bukovina from the Ottoman Empire in
the same year, although she had been neutral in the Russo-Ottoman War of
1768-1774.
16
Both the Treaty and Austria' s victory, for the Wahhabites, opened
the way for the periphery to defeat the political center.
The problem of periphery versus center in Wahhabite religious politics
is even more obvious when one tries, fol1owing Yol1's suggestion, to approach
it from the "within" perspective,17 to see its application within the context of
an Islamic movement. Diagnosing society as suffering from "the moral laxity
Dar'iyya." Albert Hourani, A History of the Arab Peoples (Cambridge: The
Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991), 40. For Olivier de
Corancez, writing in the first decade of 1800, "Diriya was the capital of the
new [Wahhabite] empire." Louis Alexander Olivier de Corancez, The History
of the Wahhabis from their Origin until the End of 1809, trans. Eric Tabet
(Reading: Gamet Publishing Ltd., 1995),8.
15Dilip Hiro, Islamic Fundamentalism, 2
nd
edition (London: Paladin
Grafton Books, 1989), 44.
16M.E. Yapp, The Making of the Modern Near East 1792-1923
(London and New York: Longman, 1987),47. See also, Emory C. BogIe, The
Modern Middle East From Imperialism to Freedom, 1800-1958 (New Jersey,
1996), 13-14; and Bernard Lewis, "Islam and the West," in Edward Ingram,
ed., National and International Politics in the Middle East: Essays in Honour
ofElie Khadduri (London: Frank Cass, 1986), 25.
17Yol1, "Wahhabism and Mahdiism," 110-111.
19
and spiritual malaise of his time,,,18 since it deviated from the divine blue-print,
Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab prescribed a course of treatment that had important
repercussions. Instead of supporting the Ottoman Empire as the only viable
Muslim superpower, he accused it of being a source of bid'a (innovation). To
prevent Najd, which was a Hanbalite stronghold, from being further
marginalized, he severely criticized modernism, which he saw as creeping
Westernization, at the center of Islamic power.
19
To counter its influence, he
revived Hanbalism (as interpreted by Ibn Taymiyya).2o Realizing that, as a
minority school, it would almost never gain the upper hand in a vote-based
consensus (ijma-'), Hanbalism accepts the latter concept only in a very limited
sense, just as the Kharijites had done in respect of 'AIi's peace agreement with
Mu'awiyya. The decision by the Wahhabites to limit ijma-" to the first three
generations of Islam
21
was in this context designed to forestall the non-Arab
political elite of the empire. Furthermore, in response to the complicated
problems facing the empire, which included (among others) a lack of
technological and scientific knowledge vis--vis the West, Ibn 'Abd al-
18Esposito, Islam and Polities, 35. See also, Derek Hopwood, "A
Pattern of Revival Movements in Islam?" The Islamie Quarterly 15,4 (1971):
152.
19R. Hartmann, "Die Wahhabiten," Zeitsehrift der Deutschen
Morgenlaidischen Gesellschaft 68,2 (1924): 176-213. See also Geoffrey
Lewis, Turkey, 3
rd
edition (Washington: Frederick A. Praeger, 1965),35.
20See also Ira M. Lapidus, A History of Islamic Societies, 6
th
edition
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995),253-254.
21S.M.A. Sayeed, The Myth of Authentieity (A Study in Islamic
Fundamentalism) (Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1995),43.
20
Wahhiib applied the literaI and textual approaches of the ahl al-lJadiih (people
of prophetie "tradition") rather than the more flexible outlook of the ahl al-
ra 'y (people of reason) to the interpretation of Islam. Although for Oibb
22
and
Khouri
23
Wahhabism cannot be equated with Arabism, it was Ibn 'Abd al-
Wahhiib's belief that "only the Arabs could bring Islam back to its original
pristine purity,,,24 implying an exclusively Quraysh-based elitism ("al-a 'imma
min Quraysh") in rejecting the legitimacy of the Ottomans. Thus "the
Wahhabiyya," says Hopwood, "was in sorne ways specifically Arab.,,25
Muslims, according to Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhiib's point of view, had
deviated from the divine plan, whieh had led to their decline. Instead of
strictly observing the teachings of the Qur'iin and the Sunnah, they had mixed
these with un-Islamic practices. From the perspective of his puritan theology,
he condemned this development as bid'a. He accused above all the sufis, who
were again mostly non-Arab and popular figures, as the primary innovators. He
desacralized them by imposing his "message-oriented tajdid" --to use YoU' s
term.
26
Although the majority of the Shiite-sufi elite were of Arab origin, and
even based their legitimacy on descent from the Prophet Mu1).ammad, they had
220ibb, Modern Trends, 45.
23Philip Khouri, The Patterns of Mass Movement in Arab
Revolutionary-Progressive States (The Hague and Paris: Mouton, 1970),96.
24Bassam Tibi, Islam and Nationalism between Islam and the Nation-
State, 3
rd
edition (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997),88.
25Hopwood, "A Pattern of Revival Movements," 158.
26yoU, "Wahhabism and Mahdiism," 123.
21
become Persianized. In this context, Wahhabites and Shiites are almost
mutually exclusive descriptors. Thus, while the former were wholly against the
idolization of any human being, regardless of his or her socio-spiritual status,
the Shiites made their hereditary relationship to the Prophet Mul}.ammad the
basis of their legitimacy. Hence the latter became the chief target for the
Wahhabites because of their claim to act as intercessors between man and
Aih; indeed Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab considered the whole idea of intercession as
unforgivable sin (shirk).2
7
This mutually exclusive conflict found practical
expression when the Wahhabites attacked Shiite shrines and other symbols. In
1802, under the leadership of Sa'd ibn 'Abd al-'Az!z, they went so far as to
pillage the city of Karbala and destroy the tomb of ijusayn ibn 'Ali ibn Ab!
1;'alib.2
8
Moreover, the Wahhabites kept preaching to their fellow Muslims,
regardless of their country of origin, the ijadith "Kullu bid'atin q,alla wa kullu
q,ala7atin fi-an-Nar" (Every innovation is going-astray and every going-astray
leads to Hell).
These popular, deviating practices were, according to Ibn 'Abd al-
Wahhab, one result of an epistemological dependency. In addition to the
27Mul}.ammad Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, Kitb al-TawlJ[d (Cairo: Dar al-
i ~ r n.d.). See also Phoenix, "A Brief Outline of the Wahhabi Movement,"
Journal of the Royal Central Asialie Society 7 (1930): 402.
28Ronald R. Maclntirem, ed., "Saudi Arabia," in Mohammed Ayoob,
ed., The PoUlies of Islamic Reassertion (London: Croom Helm, 1981), 10; and
Tendances et courants de l'Islam arabe contemporain, Vol. 2: Un modele
d'tat islamique: l'Arabie saoudite, by Adel-Theodor Khoury (Mainz:
Grnewald, 1983), 13.
22
unquestioned obedience by a disciple (murfd or salik) to a master (murshid or
shaykh) taught by sorne dominant schools of sufism, taqlfd (imitation) was a
common practice even among mainstream Sunnite scholars. Not only did
absolute obedience and taqlfd create idols, preventing Muslims from achieving
the truth by themselves, they also weakened their will to act. Sorne Islamic
legal authorities (juqah') even c1aimed that the door of ijtihaa was forever
c1osed, thereby strengthening the sufi and non-ijanbalite 'ulam' establishment
and the status quo. Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, however, rejected this centrist vision.
By condemning taqlfd,29 he chose to become part of what Arnold Toynbee
calls a "creative minority" vis--vis that of an "un-creative majority,,,30
epistemologically speaking. On the other hand, he emphasized that to restore
the authenticity of Islam, one has to undertake ijtihaa oneself. For him "[t]his
purification," as Esposito explains it, "was the prerequisite for a strong,
powerful society as well as a requirement for eternallife.,,31 In so doing, he
sought to liberate his society from what he saw as the danger posed by sufis,
non-ijanbalite 'ulama', and the non-Qurayshite elite of the Ottoman Empire.
However, he had no faith in the significance of imitation law u ~ u aljiqh: the
level between "taqlfd" and "ittiba''') in the history-making process. Instead of
opening his epistemological principles to the achievements of human
29See also, Siddiqi, "Renaissance in Arabia," 1448.
3Amold J. Toynbee, A Study of History, 17
lh
edition (New York and
London: Oxford University Press, 1963),246.
31Esposito, Islam and Politics, 35.
23
civilization for the sake of his Islamic reform, he selectively criticized aIl post-
prophetie tradition. At the same time, he sacralized the practice of the earliest
Muslims, by calling for a return to the Qur'an and the Sunna in imitation of the
righteous ancestors (al-sala! al-,yalil]). Disregarding the Ottoman Empire, the
largest empire ever built by Muslims,32 he instead offered his followers a rnuch
smaller political model, i.e., the "Arab" one of the rightly guided Caliphs.
Realizing the pointlessness of a life of faith (iman) without practice
('amai), which was the approach of most of the Muslims of his day, Ibn 'Abd
al-Wahhab took steps to impose on his fellow Muslims a strict and literaI
lifestyle that caIled for a return to the Qur' an and the Sunna. In addition to
considering those who resisted his appeal to be mushrikun (non-believers),33 he
and his fellows actually took up weapons to destroy their opponents' holy
places, such as tombs, in order to put a stop to their un-Islamic practices. They
even tightened their monopoly on truth by prohibiting (in around 1803-1811)
"l'accs des Villes Saintes aux Musulmans qui n'appartenaient pas leur
Ecole... ,,34 These initiatives suggest to Arnold Hottinger
35
that the Wahhabites
32See also John L. Esposito, The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality?
(New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992),43.
33Phoenix, "A Brief Outline," 402; and Zaharuddin, "Wahhabism and
Its Influences," 149.
34Michaux-Bellaire, "Le Wahhabisme au Maroc," Renseignements
coloniaux et documents (Publis par Le Comite de l'Afrique Franais et le
Compt du Maroc) 1928: 491.
35Arnold Hottinger, Islamicher Fundamentalismus (Paderborn,
Mnchen, Wien, and Zrich: Ferdinand Schoningh, 1993), 14.
24
were fundamentalists, a description which Dekmejian
36
echoes while calling
them puritans and militants as weIl. Rahman on the other hand characterizes
them as "Islamic positivist transcendentalists.,,37 The Wahhabites, from
Rahman's insider standpoint, were preoccupied with "the situation of Islamic
societies in this world and their proposed remedy in terms of 'obedience to
God's law.,,'38 Nevertheless, both Rahman
39
and VoIl
4o
are inconsistent in
characterizing Wahhabism as Islamic fundamentalism. Like Dekmejian, Tibi
tends to neglect the pragmatic aspect of Wahhabism; whereas the former
equates Wahhabism with "primitivism,,,41 the latter judges it a "backward-
looking utopia.,,42 In point of fact, the Wahhabites not only desacralized such
religious practices as the usage of the rosary and the visitation of shrines which
they considered un-Islamic, but also to sorne extent improved the lives of
Muslims by prohibiting such harmful vices as smoking tobacco. While such a
ban was already characteristic of Protestant Christians, he actually anticipated
36Dekmejian, Islam in Revolution, 16 and 17.
37Rahman, "Roots of Islamic Neo-Fundamentalism," 26.
38Ibid. Italics are Rahman's.
39Fazlur Rahman, Islam (Chicago and London: University of Chicago
Press, 1979), 223. See also idem, "Modem Muslim Thought," The Muslim
World 45 (1955), 17.
4oVoIl's criteria for fundamentalism fit Wahhabism perfectly. VoU,
"The Evolution of Islamic Fundamentalism," 115-117. He is even very explicit
about this. See his Islam: Continuity and Change in the Modern World
(Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1982),53-56.
4lDekmejian, Islam in Revolution, 17.
42Tibi, Arab Nationalism, 89.
25
the objections to smoking being voiced today in such post-industrial countries
as the United States, Great Britain and Canada. Tibi is aIso mistaken in
characterizing Wahhabism as an archaic-millenarian movement,43 when Islam
is clearly centenary in its outlook -witness the belief that God will send a
mujaddid (reformer) at the beginning of each new Islamic century.44
Ibn 'Abd aI-Wahhab's message-oriented tajdTd was to sorne extent aIso
a form of "secularism," since he insisted on a separation between spiritual and
temporal power. In his power sharing with Ibn Sa'd, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab
chose the title of Supreme Shaykh, i.e., one "who provided a puritanical
religious ideology,,,45 while leaving the title of General of the Wahhabite arder
or Imam (the role of "political-military chieftain,,46) to the former. "Temporal
and spiritual power [were] thus [to bel held in different hands.,,47 Far from
proving a hindrance, this arrangement resulted in the Islamic positivist
transcendentaIism of the Wahhabite state, extending "from Aleppo in the North
to the Indian Ocean and from the Persian Gulf and the Iraq frontier in the East
43
Ibid
.
44See Dawd, Sunan, 2: 512.
45Dekmejian, Islam in Revolution, 131.
46
Ibid
.
470 livier de Corancez, The History of the Wahhabis, 8.
26
to the Red Sea.,,48 This would soon be perceived as the Wahhabite "menace,"
affecting the balance of political and economic power in the Middle East.
49
In response, the Ottoman sultan ordered Suleiman Pasha, the govemor
of Baghdad, to take military action against the Wahhabites. After the failure of
this 1797 campaign,50 the Sultan in 1811 ordered Mu1}.ammad 'Ali Pasha, the
govemor of Egypt, who was another powerful threat to him from periphery, to
march against the Wahhabites. After this campaign ended in failure, Tsn, a
son of Mu1}.ammad 'Ali, was more successful, in that he was able to capture
Medina in 1812 and even Mecca and 1a'if in 1813. In 1818, Mu1}.ammad
'AIi's eldest son IbrahIm Pasha completely crushed the Wahhabite forces
under the leadership of 'Abd Allah, who had succeeded his father Sa'd ibn
'Abd al-'Azlz in 1814 after the latter's death.
51
This political defeat did not,
however, extinguish the flame of Wahhabite religio-spiritual awakening.
Instead it won wider attention when its liberating ideology spread outside the
Hejaz and inspired the emergence of such Islamic revival movements as the
Fulani (1754-1817) in Nigeria, the Sanusi (1787-1857) in the Sudan, the
48H. St. J. Philby, Arabia (London, 1930), 8. See also Munson, Jr.,
Islam and Revolution, 66.
49Zaharuddin, "Wahhabism and Its Influence," 150.
500livier de Corancez, The History of the Wahhabis, 19.
51Esther Peskes, MuIJammad b. 'Abdulwahhab (1703-92) im
Widerstreit: Untersuchungen zur Rekonstruktion der Frhgeschichte der
Wahhabiya (Beirut: In Kommission Bei Franz Steiner Verlag Stuttgart, 1993),
128; and Zaharuddin, "Wahhabism and Its Influence," 150. See also, Ghassan
Salam, "Political Power and the Saudi State," in Albert Hourani, Philip S.
27
Faraizi of Hajji Shariat Allah (1764-1840) in Bengal, the Mujahidin of Ahmad
Barelwi (1786-1831) in India, the Paderi movement (1803-1837) in West
Sumatera (now a part of Indonesia), and the Mahdist rebellion (1848-1885) in
the Sudan.
52
Nevertheless, for the purposes of this dissertation 1will focus only
on Wahhabite influence in Egypt, Morocco, and Indonesia.
The early response to the Wahhabite movement in Morocco came from
a central personality. The Alawite Sultan Mul).ammad ibn 'Abd Aih (1757-
1790) saw the Wahhabite slogan as a potential instrument to assist in
consolidating his own power within the realm. Morocco had remained
independent from Ottoman control for almost one thousand years,53 even to
the extent that the sultan was referred to as both commander of the faithful
(am[r al-mu'min[n) and caliph, and yet his power was stilllimited. Although
he presided over the makhzan, a deliberative body that Laroui describes as "le
groupe qui choisit et qui excute,,,54 his authority was not the center because he
had always to face the challenge of his traditional competitors, the marabouts,
Khoury, and Mary C. Wilson, eds, The Modern Middle East (London: I. B.
Tauds & Co. Ltd., 1993),579.
52Esposito, The [slamic Threat, 50.
53John Damis, "Early Moroccan Reaction to the French Protectorate:
The Cultural Dimension," Humaniora [slamica 1 (1973), 18; and Kees
Wagtendonk, "Islam, the Makhzan and the French: Sorne Remarks on
Moroccan Islam, 1830-1980," in Ibrahim A. EI-Sheikh, C. Aart van de Koppel
and Rudolf Peters, eds., The Challenge of the Middle East (Amsterdam:
University of Amsterdam, 1982), 142.
54Abdallah Laroui, Les origines sociales et culturelles du nationalisme
marocain (1830-1912) (Paris: Franois Maspero, 1977), 111.
28
militant sufi warrior groups who used their za-wiyyas (retreats) as fortresses to
dominate politically their surrounding areas. While the marabouts
"recognized" the place of the sultan as the chief political official, they, in fact,
disputed his control over them and the population they controlled. The
Moroccan populace, tom between conflicting centers of political power,
recognized that both the sultan and the marabouts had baraka (grace) of their
own kind, but that in times of political conflict the marabouts' baraka was
often a more effective defence. As a descendent of the Prophet Mul).ammad,
the sultan too had a baraka, but this lesser legitimacy was of little use in any
challenge to the collective baraka of the marabouts, since the marabouts, who
exercised a very strong spiritual influence over the tribes, c1aimed, like the
sultan, to be descendents of the Prophet. Then there was the dichotomy of
shar['a and IJaqTqa, a third element that Wagtendonk considers to have been a
determining factor in the conflict of authority between the sultans and
marabouts. As members of the central govemment (makhzan), the 'ulama-'
were the sultan's loyal supporters, but their ?hTr (exoteric) religious authority
was always challenged by the marabouts, who were representatives of the
bafin[ (esoteric) expression of Islam. In this context, Moroccans believed that
the marabouts, unlike the 'ulama-' who represented the sharl'a, received
'immanent revelation.' It was therefore in order to strengthen his bil al-
makhzan (the supremacy of his central govemment in terms of law and order),
and to weaken the marabouts' support of bila-d al-siba"" (dissidence against the
29
central power), that the sultan introduced Wahhabite reforms to MorocCO.
55
The sultan also found the Arabness of the Wahhabite slogan of particular
significance to the historical defense of Moroccan rulers against the threat of
Ottoman domination.56
To counter the authority of the marabouts, Sultan 'Abd Aih used the
long held supremacy of orthodox jurisprudence over mystical practice,
particularly those aspects of it considered esoteric. His first step was the
removal of the marabouts' preferred legal text "a manual of
Muslim jurisprudence according to the Malikite rite prepared by the fourteenth
century Egyptian canon lawyer Khalil b. Ishaq al-Jundi,,,57 from the curriculum
of the University of Qarawiyyln. The replacement of the with
Qur'an-and-Sunna-oriented jurisprudence would, Sultan 'Abd Allah reasoned,
reduce the popular authority of the marabouts, since the university' s graduates
(as candidates for the new religious elite) could more easily criticize the
55Wagtendonk, "Islam, the Makhzan, and the French," 142-143; Burke,
Prelude to Protectorate, 12; and Eqbal Ahmad, "Islam and Politics," in The
Islamic Impact, edited by Yvonne Haddad, Byron Haines and Ellison Findly
(Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1984), 17.
56Edmund Burke, "Pan-Islamism and Moroccan Resistance to French
Colonial Penetration, 1900-1912," Journal ofAfrican History 12 (1972), 101.
57J. Abun-Nasr, "The Salafiyya Movement in Morocco: The Religious
Bases of the Moroccan Nationalist Movement (1963)," in Irnmanuel
Wallerstein, ed., Social Change: The Colonial Situation (New York, London
and Sydney: John Wiley & Sons, 1966),491.
30
marabouts using the Qur'an and the Sunna as their main sources.
58
By insisting
on the simple, strict and literaI teachings of Hanbalism (although he was
himself a Malikite by rite) vis--vis the complicated, imaginary and
superstitious teachings of the marabouts, Sultan 'Abd Allah tried to desacralize
their baraka. To accomplish this, he accused them of deviating from true
Islam, of being in effect against Islam, and therefore against him. To back up
his "message-oriented tajdTd," to use Voll's term,59 he brought to Morocco
"copies of the Musnads of the great imams of the school of Muslim
.. d ,,60
Junspru ence.
Sultan 'Abd Allah further strengthened his position by compiling the
al-Futu7Jat al-Ilaniyya fT ~ a d f t h Khayr al-Bariyya al-latT Tushfa- biha- al-
Qulb al-Siyya (Divine Disclosures of the Iiadiths of the Best Creature [the
Prophet Muqammad], by whieh the Ambitious Hearts are Healed), a collation
of "the traditions in the six canonieal books of Prophetie traditions in one
volume.,,61 He completed this task in 1784, which allowed him to establish his
religious authority in addition to gaining popular recognition as sultan and as a
descendent of the Prophet Muqammad. The same year, however, saw a more
serious conflict of authority. Feeling insecure about his politico-religious
legitimacy, the sultan destroyed most of Boujad, a city where the Sharqawite
58'Abd al-Raqman ibn Zaydan, al-Durar al-Fkhira bi Ma'athir Mulk
al- 'AlawiyyTn bi Fas al-Zanira (Rabat, 1937),60-61.
59Voll, "Wahhabism and Madhiism," 123.
60Abun-Nasr, "The Salafiyya Movement," 492.
31
za-wiyya was located.
62
The latter institution under the leadership of a
charismatic marabout Sid al-'Arbl (d. 1819) posed, at least in the sultan's eyes,
a threat to his authority. He was eager to put an end to the political significance
of the za-wiyya, "a sanctuary powerful enough to provide security for refugee
tribesmen and Makhzen officials negotiating amnesties (aman-s) from the
Makhzen.,,63 He might have been able to place the bilaa al-siba-' under
military control, but he still had to face their stronger challenge. Despite this
bold move against the marabouts, they remained strong enough politically to
support the revoIt of the sultan' s son Mawlay Yaz1d against him in 1787. And
yet the changed political landscape was apparent when the sultan was finally
able to pacify the revoIt.
When Sultan 'Abd Allah died in 1790, there emerged a civil war
among his three sons. While Mawlay Hisham was recognized as sultan in
Marrakesh, Mawlay Yazld held power elsewhere. In his earlier revolt against
his father, Mawlay Yazld had been supported by "Berber marabouts and
tribesmen in the Rif and Middle Atlas mountains.,,64 However, the youngest of
the three, Mawlay Sulayman spent two years locked in a bitter struggle against
61
Ib
id.
62Dale F. Eickelman, Moroccan Islam: Tradition and Society in a
Pilgrimage Center (Austin and London: University of Texas, 1976),40.
63Ibid.; and see idem, "Ideological Change and Regional Cults:
Maraboutism and the Ties of 'Closeness' in Western Morocco," in R.P.
Werbner, ed., Regional CuIts (London, New York, and San Francisco:
Academie Press, 1977), 7.
64Eickelman, Moroccan Islam, 41.
32
his brothers in a bid to be finally recognized as sultan throughout Morocco,
which he succeeded in accomplishing in 1792.
65
In a significant policy
reversaI, Sultan Sulayman restored the text of to the position it
had enjoyed before his father' s reform.
66
Despite this sop to the marabouts, he
apparently regarded them as his rivaIs and he continued --even expanded-- the
policy of his father against them. 67 His "pastoral letter" (1811) so challenged
the marabouts that he had to use military force to quell the uprising against him
that near1y swept away the dynasty (1822).68 He also counterattacked the
religious authority of the marabouts, who were the backbone of his powerful
rival and brother Yazld, by using the Wahhabite interpretation of Islam.
Stressing "the need to conform to the Quran and the Sunna,,,69 he identified
himself with the sacred, long-recognized sources of religious knowledge. At
the same time he condemned his opponents for deviating from the true Islam,
by prohibiting their festivals and their visits to shrines.
70
In the process, he
undermined their political significance, and liberated much of Moroccan
65
Ibid
.
66A1}mad b. Khalid Kitb li Akhba-r Duwal al-
Maghrib (Casablanca, 1954), 7: 67.
67Abun-Nasr, "The Sa1afiyya Movement," 492.
68Lewis et al., Encyclopaedia of Islam, s.v., "Sa1afiyya," by P. Sinar
(Leiden: E.I. Brill, 1995),8: 905.
69Henry Munson, Ir., Religion and Power in Morocco (New Haven and
London: Yale University Press, 1993),85.
70Abun-Nasr, "The Salafiyya Movement," 492.
33
society from the grip of the marabouts, while at the same time gathering it into
his own control.
By contrast, the early response of Indonesian Muslims to the slogan
"Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna" came from a group that was peripheral,
both in terms of geography and its sponsors. Unlike Egypt and Morocco, West
Sumatera was far from the center of the last Muslim super-power in Istanbul,
and even within its region it was outside the local Islamic center of Java and
Aceh. Moreover, not only were its Sumateran advocates Miskin, Sumanik, and
Piobang commoners, they also represented a new kind of 'ulam' rejected
even by their own society. 7J Miskin and his colleagues imported the potent
Wahhabite revolutionary spirit to West Sumatera upon their retum from the
pilgrimage to Mecca in 1803. Like other Wahhabite movements, Miskin's
movement (the so-called Paderi movement) concentrated on reforms aimed at
purifying Islam.
72
Such practices as cock-fighting, gambling, and alcohol
71W. F. Wertheim, Indonesi van Vorstenrijk tot Neo-kolonie
(Amsterdam: Boom, 1978),5, quoted in Karel A. Steenbrink, Beberapa Aspek
tentang Islam di Indonesia Abad ke-19 (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1984),34.
72Taufik Abdullah, "Adat dan Islam: Tinjauan Konflik di
Minangkabau," in Taufik Abdullah, ed., Sejarah dan Masyarakat: Lintasan
Historis Islam di Indonesia, 2
nd
edition (Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia,
1987), 1174-118; idem, Islam dan Masyarakat: Pantulan Sejarah Indonesia
(Jakarta: LP3ES, 1987), 7, 10 and 92-93. See also Yudian Wahyudi
"Introduction: Was Wahid Hasyim Really Just A Traditionalist?," in Achmad
Zaini, Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim: His Contribution to Muslim
Educational Reform and Indonesian Nationalism during the Twentieth Century
(Yogyakarta: Indonesian Academie Society XXI, 1998), xiv.
34
drinking,73 aIl of them quite popular in West Sumatera, were declared to be
against the Sharf'a and, hence, to constitute a politico-cultural threat to true
Islam in the region. Also in keeping with their peripheral character, the Paderis
challenged the matriarchal system of Minangkabau, according to which female
members of the society had more customary value and influence than males.
74
The importation of the Wahhabite revolution challenged this gender
relationship by asserting a higher worth for males, since a patriarchal system
could be justified through their particular interpretation of the Qur' an and the
Sunna. The Qur' an provided them with the justification "men are in charge of
women" (Q. 4: 34), which they used to legitimize the patriarchal system they
strove to build.
The Paderis, like Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, found political authority in their
region to be very diffuse, based as it was on clan groups, confederacies within
Minangkabau and generalized treaty obligations with the Dutch or English in
Jakarta. And like Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab (but unlike Sultan 'Abd Allah), they
strongly emphasized Islamic solidarity in the face of other political entities
since both the Minangkabau and Dutch forms of authority were regarded as
unsuitable for true believers. The Paderis also imitated Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab
(and indeed Sultan 'Abd Allah) in imposing an Islamic positivist
73Bernhard Dahm, "Islam in Sumatera," in Werner Draguhn, ed., Der
Einfluj3 des Islam auf Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft in Sdostasien
(Hamburg: Mitteilungen des Instituts fr Asienkunde, 1983),64.
74B. J. Schreike, Pergolakan Agama di Sumatera Barat, Sebuah
Sumbangan Bibliografi (Jakarta: Bhratara, 1973), 12-14.
35
transcendentalism, which consisted in attacking the non-Wahhabite practices
of the West Sumaterans. Like the Wahhabites, the Paderis directed their attack
against the proponents of custom (kaum adat) who controlled Minangkabau
society and were supported by the Dutch or English overlords. The kaum adat
reacted hostilely, resulting in the first armed conflict over this issue, which
took place in Lawas. Under pressure from their opponents, the kaum adat
asked for British help, to which appeal the British Lieutenant Governor Raffles
responded by building a fort in Semawang in 1818. It was not until 1821
however that the Paderis, under the leadership of Tuanku Pasaman, attacked
this stronghold; in the meantime the Dutch had replaced the British as colonial
overlords in the region. In 1824 the Paderis again attacked the Dutch, this time
in Suruaso and once again in vain, but the latter, although they weathered the
assault, were unable to respond militarily because they in 1825 were faced with
another major rebellion in Yogyakarta under the leadership of Prince
Diponegoro.
75
75Karel Steenbrink, Dutch Colonialism and Indonesian Islam: Contacts
and ConjUcts 1596-1950, translated by Jan Steenbrink and Hamy Jansen
(Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodopi B.V.m 1993), 74-75. The royal family of the
Yogyakarta Sultanate had rejected Diponegoro's nomination to succeed his
father on the basis of the non-royal origins of his mother, to which the Dutch
added their fear of his Islamic orientation. In 1825 sorne of his property,
including land on which his palace stood, was confiscated. It was not,
however, until the Yogyakarta government decided to build a new road on his
land with the help of the Dutch that he began to voice to sorne extent a
Wahhabite-inspired Kharijite egalitarianism in calling for jihaa against both
the Yogyakarta Sultanate and the Dutch. Idem, Beberapa Aspek, 19 and 32.
36
After subduing the Diponegoro movement (a rebellion popularly
known as the Java war) in 1830, the Dutch were finally able to move their
y ogyakarta-based troops to Minangkabau. This allowed the Dutch to fight
back "against the Padri until the main leader, Imam Bonjol, gave up the
struggle in 1837.,,76 At the same time, as Abdullah explains, "the rural areas of
Minangkabau were included in the Pax Neederlandica, which was continuing
its attempts to 'pacify' and, hence, expand and annex territories.,,77 The Dutch
ultimately sent Imam Bonjol and a number of his leading followers into exile,
moving them from place to place until finally settling on Minahasa, North
Sulawesi, where he died on 6 November 1864. The Paderis, like their
Wahhabite forebears, lost their battle but won their war against the Dutch,
since they succeeded in Islamizing adat by ensuring that the "pure" Islam, as
they understood it, was regarded as the only valid criterion of Minangkabau
custom. The Minangkabau thereafter observed the principle of "agamo
mangato, adat mamakai" (religion rules, while adat practices), a new
regulation that categorically condemned jahili adat as forbidden.
78
Moreover,
like their Wahhabite masters, whose influence spread far beyond the
boundaries of their native country, the Paderis exported their campaign for a
purer Islam to a number of islands and, quite possibly, kingdoms, which were
eventually to form the modern state of Indonesia. Thus non-Minangkabau
76Steenbrink, Dutch Colonialism, 75.
77Abdullah, Islam dan Masyarakat, 118.
37
Muslims throughout the archipelago assimilated the refonn ideas of the
Paderis. The influence of the slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna" in
Indonesia subsequently manifested itself in modern socio-religious
organizations.
79
In contrast to Indonesia, where the rebellious wing of Wahhabism
ceased to be model, Egypt saw a revival in the populist revolutionary spirit of
the doctrine with the arrivaI of lamaI al-DIn al-AfghanI (1838-1897) there.
Wahhabism had exerted hardly any influence in the country beforehand due to
the influence of Mul].ammad 'Ali and his dynasty, backed by the pro-
establishment forces of al-Azhar. Like Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab and the Paderis, al-
AfghanI was a personality from the political periphery of the day. Persian and
Shiite by birth, he embraced both these identities during his early life, pursuing
a traditional education before rising to the position of prime minister under the
Qajar mler Dst Mul].ammad 'Ali. Sorne time after being toppled from that
post, he dropped the al-Asadabacfi nisba (relation) from his name and began to
identify himself as a Sunnite Muslim, concealing his Shiite origin (according
to Goldziher
8o
and Nikki R. Keddie
81
). Up to this point nothing had been heard
78Abdullah, "Adat dan Islam," 119.
79Nurcholish Madjid, Islam Agama Kemanusiaan: Membangun Tradisi
dan Visi Baru Islam Indonesia (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1995),32,61 and 179.
80Bernard Lewis et al., The Encyclopaedia ofIslam, s.v. "Djamal al-DIn
al-AfghanI," by Ignaz Goldziher (Leiden: E.I. Brill, 1965),2: 417.
81Nikki R. Keddie, Sayyid lamai al-Din "al-Afghani": A Political
Biography (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California, 1972), 10.
38
of his slogan for a return to the Qur'an and the Sunna. Quite the contrary, for
after adopting this new identity he traveUed to Istanbul to lend support to the
secularist reforms of the Tanzimat.
82
In an act that certainly mns counter to his
peripheral identification, al-AfghanI attempted, while in Istanbul, to reinforce
the secularist position then prominent at the center, even distancing himself
from Islam on the excuse that "neither man's existence nor his survival
depended on God's will, creation, or law"- to quote Niyazi Berkes.
83
But this
identification with the center was shortlived, for his views had begun to
diverge from those of the leading government officials and after his second
lecture to the Dar-ul-Funn in December 1870, the Seyh-l-IsHim Hasan Fehmi
reacted so negatively that, to avoid possible arrest, al-AfghanI fled the capital
for Egypt. Unlike Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, whose reforms were merely an internal
response to the decline of Muslim world,84 al-AfghanI, like the Paderis, had
began to see the West as a major threat to Islam's identity and mission, a
Muhsin Mahdi, however, insists that al-AfghanI was not a Shiite. Mohsen
Mahdi, "Jamal-al-Din al-Afghani," Arab Journal 4 (1966-67): 18-19.
82A. Albert Kudsi-Zadeh, "Islamic Reform in Egypt: Sorne
Observations on the Role of Afghani," The MusUm World 61,1 (1971): 2.
83Niyazi Berkes, The Development of Seeularism in Turkey (Montreal:
McGill University Press, 1964), 186.
84Charles Adams, "Conservative Movements in the Arab World," Arab
Journal 4,1 (1966-1967): 62; VoU "Islamic Renewal,''' 128; Dekmejian, Islam
in Revolution, 18; Esposito, Islam and PoUties, 32, and Gabriel Baer, "Islam
and Politics in Modem Middle Eastern History," in Metin Heper and Raphael
Israeli, eds., Islam and PoUties in the Modern Middle East (London and
Sydney: Croom Helm, 1984), 14.
39
discovery, as Rahman suggests, that marked the beginning of Islamic modern
history.85
Although he was eventually instrumental in helping the Egyptians
replace the pro-British Khedive Isma'Il in 1879 with the new Khedive Tawfiq,
al-AfghanI was soon to be disappointed in the latter. Under British pressure,86
Tawfiq sent al-AfghanI into exile when the latter "pressed hard for
constitutional reforms and for the dismissal of Europeans from governmental
postS.,,87 From his new place of exile in Hyderabad, India, al-AfghanI attacked
a central figure in the Indian Muslim community, Aqmad Khan, in the pages of
his Refutation of the Materialists, where he condemned the latter's pro-British
attitude.
88
Meanwhile, the 'Urabi revoit (1881-1882) - "the 'Young Egyptian
Movement', with which Jamal has been so prominently identified,,89-- failed,
leading the British to occupy Egypt.
90
Since his political positions left him
little influence within the Muslim world, he turned to the outside world as a
85Rahman, "Modern Muslim Thought," 16.
86Concerning this, Allana says: "Under instructions from London,
Vivian, the British Consul-General in Cairo, prevailed over Tawfiq Pasha, the
Khedive of Egypt, to force Jamaluddin to leave Egypt." G. Allana, Muslim
Political Thought through the Ages: 1562-1947 (Karachi: Royal Book
Company, 1988), 142.
87Kudsi-Zadeh, "Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and the National
Awakening," 302-303.
88Gibb, Modern Trends, 58.
89Sami Abdullah Kaloti, "The Reformation of Islam and the Impact of
Jamal al-Dln al-AfghanI and Muqammad 'Abduh on Islamic Education" (Ph.
D. diss., Marquette University, 1974),50.
90Munson, Islam and Revolution, 75.
40
base from which to reassert his influence. It was in Paris in 1884 that he,
together with Muq.ammad 'Abduh (likewise barred from Egypt for his
involvement in 'Urabl's abortive coup d'tat of 1881-1882),91 started the
writing and publication of al-' Urwa al-Wuthqa- (The Indissoluble Link), an
anti-British and Pan-Islamist journal of the day.92 He started to work out Ibn
'Abd al-Wahhab's slogan in a wider and more strategie perspective to avoid
any potential internal disaster if he strictly followed the latter' s message,
adapting only the emphasis, targets, and approaches to the slogan. He was fully
aware of a double challenge facing the Muslim world. The Muslim world, he
decided, had to cope with its internaI weaknesses, while responding to the
politico-military challenges of the West.
Al-AfghanI, like Sultan 'Abd Allah and the Paderis, reemphasized the
significance of purifying Muslim practices of un-Islamic rituals. This
purification, which he believed conformed to the spirit of Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab,
was a prerequisite for reversing the decline of the Muslim world. However,
unlike Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, who adopted a divisive approach to reform by
accusing non-Wahhabite Muslims of being polytheists, al-AfghanI, like Sultan
'Abd Allah and the Paderis, worked hard to make it a unifying factor. In order
to face the West, Muslims, he argued, should return to a pristine Islam and, at
the same time, unite themselves under a universal banner. Thus instead of
91Bogle, The Modern Middle East, 61.
92Homa Pakdaman, "Notes sur le sjour de Djamal al-Din al-Afghani
en France," Orient 35 (1965): 204.
41
condemning their feIlows as non-Muslims, as the Wahhabites did, Muslims
should tolerate the differences among themse1ves as long as these did not
concern fundamental Islamic teachings. Al-AfghanI also replaced Ibn 'Abd al-
Wahhab's literaI approach to the Qur'an and the Sunna with a rational method.
In their return to authenticity, al-AfghanI furthermore reasoned, Muslims
should dare to accept from other traditions whatever may be beneficial. Thus
rather than restrict the process of ijtiha-d to the experiences of a certain
historical circle of scholars, as Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab had done, al-AfghanI
encouraged his feIlow Muslims to accept as weIl what was offered by Western
modernity. The ultimate goal however was to go beyond imitation, i.e.,
mastering Western knowledge and technology, and to achieve diversity-Iaw,
namely, returning to the Qur'an and the Sunna in order to defeat the West,93
Moreover, unlike Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab who preferred to operate on the
periphery, al-AfghanI constantly sought to achieve results at the center of
power, Istanbul. It was from there that in 1892, as a cabinet minister under the
auspices of Sultan Abdlhamid II, he caIled for pan-Islamism.
94
Because he
felt secure in being a member of the ruling majority (in contrast to Ibn 'Abd al-
Wahhab), he dared to try to build a universal consensus (al-ijma-' al- 'a-mm).95
93See also Nejla Izzeddin, The Arab World (Chicago: Henry Regnery
Company, 1953),63-92.
94Hourani, Arabie Thought, 115-116. See also, Landau, "AI-Afghani's
Panislamic Project," 51.
95Hamilton A.R. Gibb, "The Heritage of Islam in the Modem World
(1)," International Journal ofMiddle East Studies 1 (1970): 14-15.
42
However, gradually sensing that his support was too tenuous (especially since
his patron was only an empty symbol of his movement), al-AfghanI made
contact with the Egyptian Khedive 'Abbas ijilnii, who visited Istanbul in 1895,
and proposed to him the idea of proclaiming the Khedive as caliph.
96
AI-
AfghanI planned in the same year to leave Istanbul to realize his underground
connivance with the Khedive, but the Ottoman sultan kept al-AfghanI in a
"golden cage" until his death on March 9, 1897.
97
Al-AfghanI was thus the first
peripheral figure to be able to transform the slogan "Back to the Qur' an and
the Sunna" into pan-Islamism (the world wide political slogan for Muslim
unity under the leadership of the "Universal Caliph" in order to defend their
interests against the West), despite the fact that his initiative got stuck at the
center of power.
Although Morocco, unlike Egypt and Indonesia, had yet to be subjected
to colonial overlordship, Sultan Mawliiy ijasan 1(r. 1873-1894) still needed an
increased religious legitimacy in order to retain his throne. Faced with what
Sylvia Haim calls "the general crisis of Islam,"98 he entrusted, among others,
the pro-al-Azhar theologian 'Abd Allah ibn Idris al-SansI (d. 1931) with the
96Aziz Ahmad, "Al}mad Khan, al-Afghani and Muslim India," 71; and
Keddie, An Islamic Response, 31.
970sman Amin, "Jamai al-Din al-Afghani," in M.M. Sharif, ed., A
History of Muslim Philosophy: With Short Accounts of Other Disciplines and
The Modern Renaissance in Muslim Lands (Karachi: Royal Book Company,
1966),2: 1488.
98Sylvia Haim, "Introduction," in Silvia Haim, ed., Arab Nationalism:
An Anthology (Berkeley: University of Califomia Press, 1962), 6.
43
task of carrying out the mission of reviving the slogan "Back to the Qur' an and
the Sunna" that had fallen into abeyance after the death of 'Abd al-Ral)man in
1859. I-Jasan 1 appointed al-Sansl to his royal council of 'ulama' in Fez
99
in
order to bring the non-Wahhabite members of the council over to his side. To
bolster I-Jasan l's strategy, the council tried to reinforce its religious authority
by discussing the Sa!JJ (Collection of Sound I-Jadith) of al-BukharI on a
regular basis. The internalization of the values of the Sa!JJ by the members of
the council, I-Jasan 1 hoped, would reduce the authority of "deviating"
marabouts, since he was confronting them with the six foremost ijadith
collections (al-Kutub al-Stta), which in terrns of authoritativeness ranked
second only to the Qur'an. However, al-Sans! failed to legitirnize the religious
authority of his patron, as "his insistence on the literaI text of the Qur'an and
the Sunna without recourse to later interpretation"IOO raised suspicions on the
part of many non-Wahhabite members of the council. Instead of recognizing
his literai interpretation as the true, pure Islam, they found themselves
resenting his attacks on their religious authority under the guise of his anti-
sainthood (wilaya) and anti-miracle (kara-ma) interpretations.
lol
Their
counterattack forced I-Jasan 1 to send al-Sans! into exile elsewhere in the
99'Abd a l J a f i ~ al-Fas!, Mu'jam al-Shuykh al-Musamma- bi-Riyaq al-
Janna, aw al-Mudhish al-Mu!rib (Fez: al-Matba'a al-Jadida, 1931), 2: 81-84;
Abun-Nasr, "The Salafiyya Movement," 493; and Burke, Prelude to
Protectorate, 37.
100Munson, Religion and Power, 86.
lOI Al-His!, Mu 'jam al-Shuykh, 2: 84.
44
Middle East (whence he retumed in 1894 after the death of ijasan 1 and the
accession of Sultan Abd al-'Az1z). Thus instead of centralizing the authority of
his royal patron in the eyes of the charismatic marabouts, al-Sansl only
succeeded in marginalizing himself.
Al-Sansl's case was, for ijasan l, additional proof of the long conflict
of authority between the royal family and the marabouts, the solution to which
he saw, following in the footsteps of sultans 'Abd Allah and Sulayman, as
lying in the confrontation of bid'a and khurala notions with the sunna. The
well-known scholar Ma' al-'Aynayn, on the other hand, was instrumental in
providing him with religious authority and even political power. Unlike al-
Sansl, who was a man of theory, Ma' al-'Aynayn was a sufi activist leader
who started his reform efforts from within sufism. Ma' al-'Aynayn went
beyond al-Sansl, since he revolutionized sufi passivity to contend against
bid'a and khurala. This revolutionary reform strengthened ijasan l's image of
being a true, charismatic Muslim ruler who was backed by the revolutionary
"collective" baraka supplied by Ma' al-'Aynayn and based on the latter's pan-
Islamic program of uniting sufi brotherhoods under his leadership. ijasan l,
however, found the problem of competition between the two barakas (namely,
that of the palace, over which he presided, and that of the mosque and religious
shrine under the command of the marabouts) far more complicated, once the
French intervened. To implement their policy of "divide and rule," the French
backed the autonomous rights of the sharlf of al-Wazzan, Mawlay 'Abd al-
45
Salam, who was their protg.
I02
In this way the French used the Idrisid
shuraf', who never fully accepted the authority of the Alawite (Filalite)
dynasty, to weaken the centralization process which the makhzan had
reasserted.
103
In this difficult situation, however, ijasan 1 was fortunate to have
the backing of Ma' al-'Aynayn, who was also famous for his successful
resistance against French colonialism in Mauritania.
104
Pan-Islamism was just then becoming more widespread, being regarded
by many as the ideal solution to the general crisis of the faith.
IOS
ijasan l,
however, tended to see a very serious threat to his throne behind al-Afghanl's
Pan-Islamic project, especially as it was sponsored by Sultan Abdlhamid II.
The slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna" on the international scene
represented, for ijasan l, no more than al-Afghanl's attempt to legitimize
Abdlhamid II as leader of "the true Islam." This he could not accept,
especially in view of Abdlhamid's Turkish origin, a "defect" which Ibn 'Abd
al-Wahhab had used to reject Ottoman daims over the caliphate. Furthermore,
Abdlhamid was disqualified from holding the office of caliph due to his non-
sayyid status, whereas he himself, though ruler of a much less extensive
102Jean-Louis Mige, Le Maroc et l'Europe (Paris, 1961-1963), 4: 44-
81.
I03Burke, "Moroccan Ulama," 110-111.
104Paui Marty, "Les Fadelia," Revue de Monde Musulmane 31 (1915-
1916): 160-166.
losBurke, "Pan-Islam and Moroccan Resistance," 101.
46
domain, based his legitimacy on the fact that he was a descendent of the
Prophet Muqammad. For these reasons I-Jasan I saw that to welcome al-
AfghanI' s pan-Islamic project to Morocco was tantamount to renouncing his
own royal claim to the caliphate, although he avoided any overt attack on pan-
Islamism.
106
Nevertheless, this stance in fact encouraged unofficial contacts
between various Moroccan and Ottoman proponents of pan-Islamism,107 which
were tolerated as long as they did not jeopardize I-Jasan l' s position as a sharlf
With the support brought to him by this unofficial tolerance of pan-Islamism
--essentially the international manifestation of the slogan "Back to the Qur'an
and the Sunna"-- I-Jasan I resisted the European challenge. The internal
stability that he won by this policy allowed him to reassert control over his
outlying frontiers and to maintain the status quo vis--vis the European
powers, while playing them off against one another.
108
Sayyid 'Uthman (1822-1913) was another Indonesian peripheral
puritan figure. As a sayyid, he, like Sultans 'Abd Allah and I-Jasan I, and al-
AfghanI, enjoyed sorne of the privileges of religious aristocracy, but his
sayyid-ness resembled that of al-AfghanI more than it did 'Abd Allah's or
106Mige, Le Maroc et l'Europe, 4: 173-9.
107Burke, "Pan-Islam and Moroccan Resistance," 102.
108Ibid., 101. "With the help of diplomatie backing from Britain,"
Stphane Bernard says, "he succeeded in thwarting the annexationist ambitions
of France and Spain, and was able to open Morocco to international trade... "
Stphane Bernard, The Franco-Moroccan Conflict 1943-1956 (New Haven
and London: Yale University Press, 1968), 6.
47
I-Jasan l's. 'Uthman, like al-AfghanI, belonged to a minority group, since the
number of Arab emigrants was insignificant in Indonesia. 'Uthman condemned
--as the Wahhabites, Sultans 'Abd Allah and I-Jasan l, the Paderis, and al-
AfghanI had done-- un-Islamic practices. Because they were not ready to
practice the real sufi way of life (Jarfqa) , Indonesian Muslims in general,
'Uthman reasoned, fell easily into ghurur (deceptive) practices. They did not in
fact know that their tarfqa practices deviated from true sufi teachings. The sufi
shaykhs were, he observed, responsible for the spread of amulet-selling, which
resulted in disbelief; this Muslims should avoid, he argued, by observing
Islamic teachings on karama, ma 'tina, and istridra].109 And whereas such
proponents of the slogan as Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, al-AfghanI and the Paderis
fought hard to revive Islam in the face of sufi passivity, 'Uthman took a totally
opposite approach to their common strategy. He condemned the insistence by
sorne shaykhs of the Indonesian sufi orders on the free-will of Indonesian
Muslims, a trend which Rahman regards as characteristic of Neo-Sufism.
110
Moreover, as an adviseur honorair on Islam and Arab affairs to the Dutch
govemment, 'Uthman, like Sultan 'Abd Allah, blamed resistance efforts for
109'Uthman, Manhaj al-Istiqa-ma Ji al-Dfn hi al-Salama, 17-22. Both
karama ("honor") and ma'tina ("he1p" or "protection") are positive, but istidriij
("advancing") is negative, since the former are "miracles" that God grants to a
saint due to his good practice, while the latter is a spiritual power that God
gives to someone that seems to be beneficial but which ultimately leads to
humiliation.
110Pazlur Rahman, Islam and Modernity: Transformations of an
Intellectual Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982).
48
creating instability and disorder in the country. He, like 'Abduh, rejectedjiha-d
as the ideal solution for liberating Indonesia from Dutch mIe, even though his
fellow Muslims formed the majority in Indonesia, as they did in Egypt.
The political context of 'Uthman' s puritan reform was understandable,
given the failure of the 1888 liberation movement which was partially fuelled
by the spiritual influence of sufi shaykhs. The Dutch had not only increased
taxes, but they had also interfered with Islam by prohibiting the reciting out
loud of the ~ w t 'ala- al-nabl' (prayers for the Prophet Muqammad) and
other prayers in mosques, a regular practice among both sufi and more
"traditional" Muslims.
111
Thus we see the Bantenese tuming to Kyai Haji
Tugabus Ismail, a descendent of the Bantenese sultans, and a legitimate
member of the Bantenese politico-religious aristocracy, to lead them against
the Dutch. Upon his retum from Mecca in 1883, he was immediately expected
to liberate, and hence revive, the Bantenese Sultanate. On July 9, 1888 Haji
Wasid, with the approval of Ismail, commanded the Bantenese to revolt against
the Dutch, who easily quelled this uprising twenty-one days later. The role the
sufi shaykhs played in crystalizing the jiha-d ideas behind the revoIt was, for
'Uthman, reason enough to destroy the sufi orders, which he saw as agents
provocateurs. The abortive jihaa, he argued, did not meet the conditions
(arkan and shuru{) of jihaa as Islam teaches. The amulets supplied to the
lllpangeran Aria Ahmad Djajadiningrat, Kenang-kenangan (Jakarta:
Balai Pustaka, 1936),49-79; and Sartono Kartodirdjo, The Peasant's Revoit of
49
mujhids by the sufi shaykhs could never compete with the modem weapons
of the Dutch army. Jihd under such circumstances was, therefore, invalid
(ba/il and fasid) , since it posed not only a danger to the individuals who took
part in the campaign, but also to Indonesian society in general. The Dutch
govemment had gotten tougher and more hostile as a result, not only toward
the followers of sufi orders, but also toward aIl Muslims under their control.
Given that abortive jiha-d risked destroying Islam, 'Uthman charged its
participants with having been trapped by Satan, in support of which
interpretation he quoted the Qur'an (Q. 35: 5_6).1l2
'Uthman's anti-sufi, and hence anti-jihaa, stance led Christiaan Snouck
Hurgronje (the prominent Dutch govemment official resonsible for Dutch-
Muslim relations), a close friend of his ever since their meeting in Mecca in
1885, to characterize him as "een Arabisch bondgenoot der Nederlandsch
Indische regeering" (an Arab collaborator of the Dutch govemment).113
Although the colonial authorities did not see him as a true friend, and even
accused him of insincerity when he prayed for the happiness and prosperity of
Banten in 1888, Its Conditions, Course and Sequel (Den Haag' s-Gravenhage:
Martinus Nijhoff, 1966), 342.
112'Uthman, Manhaj.fl al-Istfqama, 21-22. See also, E. Gobe and C.
Andriaanse, Nasihat-nasihat C. Snouck Hurgronje Semasa Kepegawaiannya
kepada Pemerintah Hindia Belanda 1889-1936, tr. Sukarsi (Jakarta: Seri
Khusus INIS IX, 1994), 1627.
113Steenbrink, Beberapa Aspek, 136. See also, Gobe and Andriaanse,
Nasihat-nasihat C. Snouck Hurgronje, 1627-1628.
50
the Dutch Queen, 114 'Uthman did not waver in his loyalty to them, and even
condemned the great popularity of the first mass Muslim organization in
modern Indonesia, known as Sarekat Islam, and its founder Hadji Oemar Said
Tjokroaminoto. The foundation of Sarekat Islam on Il November 1912
115
was,
'Uthman realized, a real political threat to the Dutch government. In keeping
with his judgement on the abortive revoIt of 1888, 'Uthman tried to preserve
his fellow Indonesian Muslims from what he regarded as further ghuru-r
(deception), by discouraging them from becoming involved in the newly
established politico-religious movement. The Dutch, for their part, distributed
his pamphlet entitled "Menghentikan Rakyat Biasa dari Bergabung dengan
Sarekat Islam" (Stopping the Indonesian Masses from Joining the Sarekat
Islam) to Islamic teachers throughout Indonesia.
116
Just as the Dutch successes in Indonesia had done, the British victory in
Egypt discouraged Islamic positivist transcendentalism, manifested there in the
personality of Mul].ammad 'Abduh (1849-1905). Like Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab,
Sultan 'Abd Allah, the Paderis, al-AfghanI, Sultan 'Abd al-'Azlz and 'Uthman,
'Abduh considered un-Islamic practices as diverting Muslims from the right
114Gottfried Simon, The Progress and Arrest of Islam in Sumatra
(London: Marshall Brothers Ltd., 1912),40.
115For more information on the Sarekat Islam, see, for, example Ahmad
Timur Jaylani, "The Sarekat Islam Movement: Its Contribution to Indonesian
Nationalism" (M.A. thesis, McGill University, 1958); and Latiful Khuluq,
"Sarekat Islam: Its Rise, Peak and Decline," Al-Jami'ah 60 (1997): 246-272.
116Deliar Noer, Gerakan Moderen Islam di Indonesia 1900-1942, i
h
edition (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1994), 205-206; and Steenbrink, Beberapa Aspek,
146-147.
51
path, and as a contributing factor in their decline. He, as other reformers had
done, stressed the purification of the faith as the key to awakening, and hence
strengthening, the Muslim world. Not only did sufism isolate most sufis, who
were central figures in popular Islam, but it also weakened the will of the
masses. To liberate them from the grip of the sufis, who distracted their
attention from worldly affairs by constantly stressing the life hereafter,
'Abduh reintroduced Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's and al-Afghanl's activism. Unlike
the former, who was inward-Iooking, 'Abduh followed the latter in opening his
mind to non-Islamic epistemological discourse. He reinterpreted al-Afghanl's
favorite verse on the freedom of the will (Q. 13: 11) more in light of the
positivism of Auguste Comte, the French philosopher,117 so that he
reconfigured the understanding of Islamic teachings on the laws of history
from the perspective of philosophy of history. Muslims, he argued, should
understand the dynamics of Islamic teachings on al-qadr (indeterminism) and
al-jabr (determinism) from the perspective of the philosophy of history then
being developed in the West, and rejected Islamic traditional theology that had
grown too abstract and devoid of empirical content, and had led them into
passivity. On the other hand, 'Abduh advanced his "mentalist" belief, by
depicting the human being not only as God's 'abd (slave) as sufis did, but also
as His khalifa or "agent of God on earth charged with the task of building and
117William Sands, "The Middle East Background," in Georgiana G.
Stevens, ed., The United States and the Middle East (England and New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, 1964),26.
52
constructing a civilization."118 'Abduh thus "underlined the essence of a
Muslim 'humanism.",119
'Abduh, like Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab and al-AfghanI, saw taqlfd as a cause
of Muslim ignorance and passivity. Like them he was also selective in
condemning taqlfd, but unlike Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, who stopped his
deconstructionism at Hanbalism and the righteous ancestors (al-salaf
while closing off his epistemological discourse to the pan-humanity of
knowledge, 'Abduh put taqlfd under the microscope of the Qur'an.
120
He
carefully scrutinized the authority of al-salaf that the Wahhabites
defended so rigorously. He was even very selective in his approach to ijadith
(prophetic tradition), the second highest religious authority that the Wahhabites
had placed above al-salaf by judging it against the criterion of the
Qur'an.
121
Abduh further applied his "liberal and modernizing spirit,,122 to the
118Yvonne Haddad, "Muhammad Abduh: Pioneer of Islamic Reform,"
in Ali Rahnema, ed., Pioneers of Islamic Revival (London and New Jersey:
Zed Books, 1995), 46.
119
p
.J. Vatikiotis, "Mul).ammad 'Abduh and the Quest for a Muslim
Humanism," Arabica 4 (1957): 61. The article is reprinted in P.J. Vatikiotis,
Arab and Regional Politics in the Middle East (London and Sydney: Croom
and New York: St. Martin's Press, 1984),5.
120Mul).ammad 'Abduh, al-A'ma7 al-Ka-mila, edited by Mul).ammad
'Amara (Beirut: al-Mu'assasa al-'Arabiyya li al-Dirasa wa al-Nashr, 1972), 1:
153.
121Ibid., 1: 116-117.
122Charles C. Adams, "Mul).ammad 'Abduh and the Transvaal Fatwa,"
in William G. Shellabear, Edwin C. Calverey, and Ruth S. McKensen, eds.,
The Macdonald Presentation Volume (Princeton and New Jersey: Princeton
53
concepts of sunna and bid'a by introducing the concept of (public
interest), a concept which is no better than bid'a for a strict and literal Islamic
legal school. He also pioneered "the improvement of the status of Muslim
women.,,123 More than either Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab or al-AfghanI, 'Abduh
subjected the Qur'an to the criterion of reason.
124
If an apparent text of the
Qur'an contradicts reason, the latter, 'Abduh suggested (in line with
Mu'tazilism), should take precedence; this could be achieved by interpreting
the former metaphorically in order to harmonize it with the latter.
125
Although
he urged his fellow Muslims to adopt "imitation law" more than al-AfghanI
did,126 'Abduh also condemned blind imitation of the West. Borrowing from
the West is only a first step (after which Muslims must undertake their own
ijtihal) towards achieving the ideal harmony between science (a
predominantly Western experience), and the Qur' an. 127 Declaring ijtiha-d a
means of returning to an authentic Islam, which would allow Muslims to
achieve modernity at the same time, 'Abduh underlined the Islamic principle
University Press; and London: Humphrey Milford & Oxford University Press,
1933), 13.
123Esposito, Islamic Threat, 58.
124Michel Allard says that "il [le sens du rforme religious prconis
par 'Abduh] ne faut pas seulement revenir aux sources, mais aussi 'considrer
la religion partir des normes de la raison (mawazin al- 'aql)'." Michel Allard,
"Mthode d'analyse de texte applique a un passage de Muqammad 'Abduh,"
Studia Islamica 31 (1970): 22.
125Mu1}.ammad 'Abduh, al-Islam wa (Cairo: al-Manar,
1938), 54-55.
126Koury, The Patterns ofMass Movements, 102.
S4
of "al-mu/]a]a?a 'ala- al-qadfm a l ~ a l i / ] wa al-akhdh hi al-jadfd a l a ~ l a / ]
(preserving a valid heritage, while taking benefit from the most valid new
experience).
In his response to the slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna,"
'Abduh agreed entirely with Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab and al-AfghanI that diversity
among Muslims contributed to their weakness. Muslims, he stressed, should
leave their differences behind them and instead unite, just as the first
generation of Islam had done. His slogan for the unity of the Muslim world
expressed in the pages of al-' Urwa al-Wuthqa- (The Indissoluble Link,
published with collaboration with al-AfghanI out of Paris in 1884), to which
Yoll's crisis hypothesis
128
fully applies, softened after he had to take his own
course of action. In contrast to al-AfghanI, who had moved to the center of the
Muslim world, 'Abduh left for Lebanon, on the periphery of the Ottoman
Empire. Moreover, unlike al-AfghanI and the Paderis, who increasingly
adopted the liberating spirit ofWahhabism, 'Abduh, like 'Uthman in 1882, lost
interest in this Islamic brand of positivist transcendentalism after his return to
Egypt from exile.
129
His Islamic positivism shifted to Islamic positivist
modernism or simply Islam without jihaa. On the other hand, he
acknowledged Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's insistence "on the Arab's centrality in
127'Abduh, Risalat al-Tawhld, 10 and 55.
128Yoll, "Revivalism and Social Transformations," 170.
129Esposito, Islamic Threat, 57.
55
the umma to the detriment of the Turk.,,130 He blamed the Turks, as Ibn 'Abd
al-Wahhab had done, for crystallizing the institution of taqlfd. For, unlike al-
AfghanI, he did not believe in the feasibility of pan-Islamism under the
command of the Universal Caliph of the Ottoman Empire. He became a bitter
enemy of al-AfghanI instead. And just as Aq.mad Khan had done in India under
the British administration, he "attempted to transform his lack of political
opportunities into a vision of Islam as a universal force intervening in the
formation of modem subjects and loyal citizens.,,131 'Abduh understood the
success of Khan's religious educational reform under the British, who had
becorne his new masters in Egypt in 1882. The British were, 'Abduh realized,
not only masters of science and technology, but also, unlike the Ottomans,
avowed constitutionalists.
132
Events in Morocco at this time were following a similar pattern.
Compared to his predecessors, the legitimacy of Sultan Mawlay 'Abd al-'Azlz
(r. 1894-1908) was in a serious crisis. Like aIl Muslim countries in the world at
the turn of the century, Morocco had to face the challenge of Western
colonialism. His nation had suffered a number of defeats, leading sorne of his
130Armando Salvatore, Islam and the Political Discourse of Modernity
(Berkshire: Gamet Publishing Limited, 1997),86.
131Ibid.
132See also, Rashld Riqa, Ta-rlkh al-Usta-dh al-Imam MulJammad
'Abduh (Cairo: Matba'at al-Manar, 1344 H.), 1: 153.
56
rivals to accuse him of selling his country to Christians.
133
To appease the
British "who had preserved Morocco' s independence for most of the
nineteenth century,,,134 while imposing his salafi condemnation of
superstition, he executed on 17 October 1902 a Muslim who had helped kill a
British missionary for entering the most sacred shrine in Morocco, that of
Mawy IdrIs II. The sultan's sacrifice of a Muslim subject, who was merely
defending the sacredness of "the ancestor of the Idrissi shurafa,"135 placed his
popular legitimacy as an Alawite in doubt. The Idrisid shurafa-' had never fully
recognized the Alawites, and they at the same time constituted "a powerful
check upon the centralizing ambitions of the Alawis.,,136 Thus, when faced
with the revolt of Ab ijimara (Ba Hmara) in 1904, the sultan, whose salafT
orientation was strongly influenced by al-Sans!,137 appealed for a retum to the
two highest authorities of Islam. Afatwa (legal opinion) was issued by the Fez
'ulama' at his behest insisting that the Qur'an and the Sunna teach that
obedience to the imam is obligatory,138 and this was enough to enable the
sultan to bring the revoIt under control.
133De Saint-Aulaire, Confession d'un vieux diplomate (Paris:
Flammarion, 1953), 120.
134Munson, Religion and Power, 57.
135
Ibid
.
136Burke, Moroccan Islam, 98. Idem, "Moroccan Ulama," 108-109.
137Al-Fas!, Mu 'jam al-Shuykh, 2: 85.
138Burke, "Moroccan Ulama," 108-109; and Munson, Religion and
Power, 58-59. On the fatwa, see Afrique Franaise (1903): 225-226.
57
'Abd al-'Az1z's victory, however, was only temporary. The accusation
that he was selling out Morocco was gaining ground instead of disappearing.
'Abd al-'Azlz not only lost sorne of his territory to France, but also to his
powerful British ally. Four years after invading Touat in 1900, the French
succeeded in persuading England to leave Morocco to them.
139
The signing of
the agreement on April 8, 1904 by the British, who in retum received a free
hand in Egypt from the French, left 'Abd al-'Az1z alone to face the increasing
challenges of the French and the marabouts, without the nineteenth-century
British prop to his nation's independence. Over the objections of Mul).ammad
al-KabIr ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab al-Kattanl (d. 1909, "chief of the Kattaniyya
order and leader of clerical opposition to France,,14o), who strongly encouraged
him to disregard French proposals which contradicted the Qur'an and the
Sunna,141 'Abd al-'Az1z signed the Act of Aigeciras on June 18, 1906. The
signing of the Act not only gave the French almost direct control over Morocco
politically, economically and militarily,142 but also added fuel to the campaign
for his deposition. In response to the failure of 'Abd al-' Az1z to resist the
French military occupation of Oujda and Casablanca in 1907, the 'ulama-' of
139A. G. P. Martin, Quatre sicles d'histoire marocaine (Paris: Flix
Alcan, 1923), 414; and Mark I. Cohen and Loma Hahn, Morocco: Old Land,
New Nation (New York, Washington and London: Frederick A. Praeger,
1966), 19.
14oSinar, "Salafiyya," 8: 95.
14l Mul).ammad al-Mannl, Ma:{.anir Yaq:{. al-Maghrib al-lfadlih
(Casablanca: Sharlkat al-Nashr wa al-Tawz1' al-Madaris, 1985),2: 231.
58
Marrakesh issued a fatwa- on August 17 of the same year, in which they
proclaimed his illegitimacy and his replacement by his brother 'Abd al-
ijafiz.
143
The further endorsement of this fatwa by the 'ulama-' of Fez on
January 4, 1908
144
brought the traditional maraboutic supporters of Yazld's
revoIt against his father in 1787 into the opposition to the salafi sultan 'Abd al-
'Az1z.
The marabouts, who practiced a marginal brand of Islam, tried to get
closer to the center of power by joining the revolt against 'Abd al-' Azlz. 145 A
day before the 'ulam' of Marrakesh issued their 'Abd paved
the way for this by appealing to the Qur'an and the Sunna.
146
Like the Paderis
and especially al-AfghanI, 'Abd strongly urged the elite of
Marrakesh, with whom he was meeting, to find an alternate sultan capable of
waging a holy war against the infidels. The meeting itself ended with his being
himself elected to this pOSt.
147
Faced with this threat, 'Abd al-' Azlz soon
counterattacked the legitimacy of the Qur' an-and-Sunna-backed "sultan of
142Cohen and Hahn, Morocco: Old Land, 19.
143Martin, Quatre sicles, 451-355.
144Burke, "Moroccan Ulama," 105 and 121.
145Martin, Quatre sicles, 473; Ross E. Dunn, Resistance in the Desert:
Moroccan Responses to French Imperialism 1881-1912 (Madison: The
University of Wisconsin Press, 1977),233; and Burke, "Moroccan Islam," 109.
146AI-Mannl, Ma;;hir, 2: 355.
147Edouard Ren-LeClerc, "Les dbuts de rgne de Molay Hafid,"
Renseignements Coloniaux 2 (1908): 43.
59
jiha-d" by forcing "twenty-seven prominent ulama of Fez,,148 to issue another
fatwa in his favor. These 'ulama', invoking the same principles of the Qur'an
and the Sunna used to crush the revoIt of Ab ijimara in 1904,149 declared the
illegitimacy of 'Abd In the end, however, this attempt failed. The
bay'a (oath of allegiance) to 'Abd was even sworn in the sanctuary of
Mawlay IdrIs 1,150 bestowing on the former the approval as weIl as the
sacredness of the Idrisid baraka. The success of the ''jiha-d sultan" in
dethroning 'Abd al-'Azlz on August 21, 1908
151
was tantamount to "leaving
the country in the hands of a regime promising a radical return to militant
Islam. "152
Like Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, the Paderis, al-AfghanI, RiQa, and 'Abduh,
the Indonesian reformer Kyai Haji Ahmad Dahlan (1868-1923) was
something of a peripheral figure in Javanese society when he first expressed
the slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna." His father Kyai Haji
148Munson, Religion and Power, 68.
149Laroui, Les origines sociales, 388-389.
150Mu1}.ammad GharrIt, al-Juman jfAnba' Wuzara-' Wa Kuttb
al-Zaman (Fez: al-Matba'a al-Jadida, 1928), 104. See also F. Weisberger, Au
Seuil du Maroc moderne (Rabat: 1947), 181; and David S. Woolman, Rebels in
the Rif: Abd el Krim and the Rif Rebellion (London: Oxford University Press,
1969), 12.
151Burke, Prelude to Protectorate, 121.
152Dunn, Resistance in the Desert, 231.
60
Abubakar Sulaiman was a kha/w at the Sultan Mosque of Yogyakarta. 153 The
decline of Islam in the modem era was, in Dahlan's eyes (as in those of Ibn
'Abd al-Wahhab and his Egyptian and Moroccan supporters), attributable to
the deviation of Muslims from the true Islam. This was particularly true in
Indonesia. Like other proponents of the slogan, Dahlan saw the purification of
Indonesian Muslim practices as the first condition for the recovery and revival
of Islam, and for this reason he was especially critical of sufi practices. The
sufi concept of wasa (intermediation between a human being and God) was,
he judged, no less than shirk (polytheism).154 Although he was in line with
such revolutionary advocates of the slogan as Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, al-AfghanI,
and the Paderis in blaming wasa practices for spreading passivism among
Indonesian Muslims (usually to the profit of sorne sufi masters), Dahlan
differed from his fellow reformists in the solution he proposed. He did not try
to radicalize politically his fellow Indonesian Muslims, since he regarded any
jihaa against the Dutch as suicidaI. In this regard, Dahlan, like other
contemporary Muslim modemists such as 'Abduh and 'Uthman, laid stress on
the difference between jihaa al-akbar (greater holy war) and jiha-d l ~ g h r
153Solichin Salam, K.H. Ahmad Dahlan Reformer Islam Indonesia
(Jakarta, 1963),20; and Noer, Gerakan Moderen Islam, 85.
154 Mitsuo Nakamura, The Crescent Arises Over the Banyan Tree: A
Study of the Muhammadiyah Movement in a Center Java Town (Ithaca: Comell
University Press, 1976), 10; Howard M. Federspiel, "The Muhammadiyah: A
Study of an Orthodox Islamic Movement in Indonesia," Indonesia 9 (1970):
64-67; and John David Legg, Indonesia, 3
rd
edition (Sydney: Prentice-Hall of
Australia, 1980),64-65.
61
(smaller holy war). The military jiha-d against the Dutch was, for him as for
'Abduh and 'Uthman, a jihiid a l a ~ g h a r while the jihaa al-akbar involved
struggling against oneself. Thus a military jihaa against the Dutch was less
important compared to the jihad al-akbar that Indonesian Muslims had to
wage constantly in combatting their own internaI weaknesses in aU aspects of
life, such as education, economy, and politics.
155
To be able to carry out such a difficult task, Indonesian Muslims had,
Dahlan declared, to undertake ijtihaa, without which the true Islam and, hence,
victory in both this world and the world to come, could never be achieved.
However, he was not whoUy anti-taqlfd as many believe, since like Ibn 'Abd
al-Wahhab, he strictly applied the principle of letting the Qur'an speak for
itself,156 but like 'Abduh (although to a much lesser extent), he also assigned a
significant role to reason in the interpretation of scripture. Like al-AfghanI and
'Abduh, Dahlan saw "imitation law" as a necessary step for Indonesian
155See also, Alwi Abdurrahman Shihab, "The Muhammadiyah
Movement and Its Controversy with Christian Mission in Indonesia," (Ph. D.
diss., Temple University, 1995),277-278.
156Although this method was derived from the Qur'an itself and was
given emphasis by the Prophet Muqammad, Ahmad Syafii Maarif (now an
acting chairman of the Muhammadiyah) regards it as a new method since he
only first became aware of it from Fazlur Rahman, whose student he was at the
University of Chicago. Ahmad Syafii Maarif, "Sebuah Kata Pengantar: Kyai
Haji Mas Mansur: Manusia dengan Dimensi Ganda," in Kyai Haji Mas
Mansur, Kumpulan Karangan Tersiar, ed. Amir Harnzah Wiryosukarto, 3
rd
edition (Yogyakarta: Persatuan, 1992), xix. This lack of methodology in the
elite circle of the Muhammadiyah in understanding the scripture will be seen
below has had consequences for Nurcholish Madjid's criticism of the
organization, as will be discussed in chapter three.
62
Muslims to cope with their problems. Indonesian Muslims under Dutch
colonialism would not be able to liberate themselves without first absorbing
the strengths of their colonial masters. Moreover, Dahlan --like Sultan 'Abd
Aih, the Paderis, and al-AfghanI-- saw the conflict among Muslim leaders as
the second most influential internal cause for the decline of Islam, the solution
to which he seems to have found in al-AfghanI and 'Abduh, 157 rather than in
the Shafiism of his Indonesian teacher in Mecca, Ahmad Khatib. Considering
adherence to a madhhab a form of narrow-minded fanaticism, Dahlan
preferred al-Afghanl's pan-Islamism and 'Abduh's non-madhhabism to
KhatIb's Indonesian Shafiism. It was for the purpose of spreading these beliefs
that he founded the organization known as Muhammadiyah on November 18,
1912.
Dahlan made the Muhammadiyah his means of responding to the
challenges facing his society as they were, and of transcending them in the end.
The slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna" was, mainly through his
efforts, manifested in a number of the Muhammadiyah's subsidiary
propaganda organizations. In 1918 he founded, among others, the Hizbul
Watan (Arabie: Ifizb al-Wa!an) and the PKU (Penolong Kesengsaraan Umum
or Public Misery Relief), both of which he modeled after the Protestant
zendings and Roman-Catholic missionary social organizations. However, he
157See also, Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka in the Latter Part of the
Nineteenth Century (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1933), 260-261; c.A. O. van
63
transeended them by making Islam a neeessary foeus of Hizbul Watan (the
Muhammadiyah-based seouting movement) and by basing the operation of the
PKU on Islamie values.
158
The most strategie use of "imitation law" by
Dahlan, undertaken only for the sake of the future of Indonesia, was his
edueational reform in line with Duteh poliey, by whieh he strove to move his
fellow Muhammadiyah members from a peripheral into a mainstream
position.
159
Although he, like 'Abduh, 160 eneouraged the teaehing of modem
sciences and Islam in the sehools he founded (Muhammadiyah-based, in his
case) he went beyond 'Abduh in terms of empowering women. Por whereas
'Abduh merely issuedfatwa-s in support of this, Dahlan aetually gave women a
role and a voiee by providing them with modem organizations sueh as
Aisyiyah [Arabie: 'A'ishiyya, modelled after the name of the Prophet's third
wife 'A'isha] for mature women and Nasyi'atul Aisyiyah [Arabie: Nashi'at al-
'A'ishiyya, the Young 'A'isha] for younger female members.
By eontrast, 'Abduh's influence in Egypt manifested itself in the
politically oriented reformist Muqammad Rashld Riga (1865-1935), who
Nieuwenhuijze, Aspects of Islam in Post Colonial Indonesia (The Hague: W.
van Hoeve, 1958),45; and Smith, Islam in Modern History, 8I.
158Noer, Gerakan Moderen Islam, 91.
159Pederspiel, "The Muhammadiyah," 58 and 60; and Alfian,
Muhammadiyah: The Political Behaviour of a Muslim Modernist Organization
under the Dutch Colonialism (Yogyakarta: Gadjahmada Press, 1969), 178.
160Van Nieuwenhuijze, Aspects ofIslam, 45.
64
argued, in keeping with Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab and al-Afghanl,161 that Muslim
deviation from true doctrine resulted in their decline and backwardness.
162
Under the influence of the journal al-' Urwa al- which he called "his
second teacher,"163 he attacked such un-Islamic practices as bid'a and
khura]a.
164
In his endeavor to eliminate "Islamic passivism," which he saw the
sufis as popularizing through their doctrine of fatalism, Riga advocated al-
Afghanl's and 'Abduh's concept of will, while not entirely rejecting the
Ghazalian expression of sufism.
165
A human being, he reminded his audience,
is not only a slave ('abc!) as the sufis teach, but a vicegerent of God on earth
(khalifat Allan ft al-Ar4) at the same time.
166
Like al-AfghanI and 'Abduh --
although still under the shadow of Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab--
Riga sought to unify Muslims through community, nation, religion, law,
161Juan Ricardo Cole, "Rashid Riga on the Baha'i Faith: A Utilitarian
Theory of the Spread of Religions," Arab Studies Quarterly 5 (1983): 276.
162Albert Hourani, Arabie Thought in the Liberal Age 1798-1939
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 228. See also Javaid Saeed,
Islam and Modernization: A Comparative Analysis of Pakistan, Egypt, and
Turkey (London: Praeger Publishers, 1994), 130.
163Adams, Islam and Modernism, 179.
164K.R. Singh, "North Africa," in Mohammed Ayoob, ed., The PoUties
ofIslamie Reassertion (London: Croom Helm, 1981), 58.
165David Commins, "I{asan al-Banna (1906-1949)," in Ali Rahnema,
ed., Pioneers of Islamie Revival (London and New Jersey: Zed Books Ltd.,
1994), 128. The Ghazalian expression of sufism is a sufism that strictly abides
by the Sharf'a (Islamic law), as Ab I{amid al-Ghazali (d. 1111) proposes in
particular in his magnum opus I/]yti' 'Ulm al-Dfn (The Revival of Religious
Sciences). It is also called sunnite sufism al-sunnz) in the sense
that it is orthodox, since it does not deviate from the true Islamic teachings.
65
brotherhood, citizenship, justiee, and language under the banner of Islam,
while criticizing the madhhib (Islamic legal schools) for dividing them into
smaller but fanatic religious groups.167 His awareness of the significance of
Western science as a tool for building civilization allowed Riga, although
"much more conservative and traditionalist than 'Abduh,"168 to reject the
Wahhabite xenophobie historical leap. The ijtihaa that Muslims needed to
engage in for the sake of achieving modernity, he said, had to take into account
the experiences that the West had undergone;169 otherwise, purification would
only mean an epistemological condemnation and, ultimately, suicide. The
West had been able to achieve "diversity-law" al-fiqh: "ijtihad") that
they enjoyed as masters of science and technology, Riga explained, because
they had passed the stage of imitation law, by recovering their knowledge and
science from the Muslims in the Middle Ages.
170
This was the Islamic
educational reform that Riga strove for.
166Mohammed M. H. Shehab Eddin, "Pan-Arabism and the Islamic
Tradition" (Ph.D. diss., The American University of Cairo, 1966),263.
167Muq.ammad Rashld Riga, al- (Cairo: al-
Matba'a al-Manar, 1935), 225; and idem, TafsTr, VI: 420.
168Abdulwahab EI-Efendy, Turabi's Revolution: Islam and Power in
Sudan (London: Grey Seal, 1993), 10.
169Yusuf H.R. Seferta, "The Concept of Religious Authority according
to Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashid Rida," The Islamic Quarterly 30 (1986),
163.
170See also Emad Eldin Shahih, Through Muslim Eyes: M. Rashid Ri4a
and the West (Herndon, Virginia: The International Institute of Islamic
Thought, 1993), x.
66
Disciples do not always agree with mentors. 'Abduh had already
abandoned al-Afghanl's politically-oriented pan-Islamism by 1885, but Riga
joined al-AfghanI in Istanbul and remained there until al-Afghanl's death in
1897. In the same way, Riga was under 'Abduh's shadow in Egypt after
having to flee Istanbul to avoid suffering al-Afghanl's fate, while he struggled
to advance al-Afghanl's and, hence, the Wahhabite, liberating agenda. It was
from the periphery that Riga attacked the Ottoman authorities through his
journal al-Mana-r (The Lighthouse, which he founded in 1898); it was
influential enough that in 1906 the Ottoman authorities in Tripoli issued an
order for his arrest.
l71
Riga regarded the Ottoman regime as headed in the
wrong direction, certainly away from the position regarding Islamic influence
that he favored. Consequently, he openly advocated replacing the Hamidian
regime with a democratic one.
l72
His joy over the deposition of Sultan
Abdlhamid TI by the 1908 Young Turk revolution was however short-lived,
for the Committee of Union and Progress, which succeeded Abdlhamid,
rejected his proposal "to mediate between the Arabs and the Turk in the
Ottoman Empire and to establish a school for Islamic missionaries in
Istanbul.,,173 As a result, instead of working to strengthen the Ottoman Empire
l7lAdams, Islam and Modernism, 177-204; and Hourani, Arabie
Thought, 22-24, 298-306.
l72Eliezer Tauber, "Three Approaches, One Idea: Religion and State in
the Thought of 'Abd al-RalJ.man al-Kawakibi, Najib 'Azuri and Rashid Riga,"
British Journal ofMiddle Eastern Studies 21,2 (1984): 196.
l73Ibid.
67
under the aegis of the Young Turks, Riga encouraged the Arabs to secede from
the Ottoman Empire and establish a pan-Arab empire, consisting of the
Arabian Peninsula, Syria and Iraq. To this purpose he founded the Jam'iyyat
al-Jami'a al-'Arabiyya (the Society of the Arab Association). 174
Carrying this viewpoint forward to World War l, it is not surprising
that Riga joined the 1916 Arab RevoIt under the leadership of the pro-British
Sharif ijusayn, mler of the Hejaz.
175
In the end, however, he was dismayed by
the 1916 Sykes-Picot Agreement which divided the Arab provinces of the
Ottoman Empire between Britain and France.
176
"Britain," he insisted, "is the
rival of the great, firm and strong Islamic caliphate,,,177 and so he offered
ijusayn his services and a recommendation that a new Arab union without
British ties should be established. ijusayn however rejected the offer.
Predictably, Rida became anti-Hashimite,178 identifying himself with the
"sacred" (Islam as he saw it), just as Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab had done when
faced with Ottoman opposition. Hence Riga declared ijusayn ta be a heretic
and an oppressor, from whose grips the ijijaz needed to be saved.
179
By this
174Riga, al-Khildfa, 123.
175c.E. Dawn, "Ideological Influences in the Arab RevoIt," in J.
Kritzeck and R. Bayly Winder, eds., The World of Islam (New York, 1960),
233-48.
176George Antonius, The Arab Awakening: The Story of the Arab
National Movement, 4
th
edition (New York, 1965),243.
177Riga, AI-Khila]a, 115.
178AI-Mana-r 24: 8, 13 August 1923.
179AI-Mana-r 29: 1,3 March 1927,5-6.
68
time I-Jusayn's fortunes were on the wane and British support, with the advance
of World War I, was no longer as strong, so he found it expedient to identify
himself with the "sacred," declaring himself Caliph of the Muslims in 1924
when Kemal Ataturk abolished the Ottoman caliphate. In his response to this
incident, Riga had recourse to Islamic positivist transcendentalism, and chose
instead to support the Wahhabite Ibn Sa'd's struggle against I-Jusayn. Yet on
defeating I-Jusayn in the same year,180 Ibn Sa'd did not claim the title of
caliph.
181
Riga's sense of crisis, which, seen in historical context was more
serious than al-Afghanl's and 'Abduh's, compelled him to try to rebuild the
caliphate, the ruined unifying symbol of the Muslim world, on the principles of
the Qur'an and Sharf'a.
182
He, like Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, al-AfghanI and
'Abduh, tumed to Islamic dualism. In terms of 'aqfda (basic belief), on which
a future, revived caliphate would be based, he came closer to Wahhabism,
which both Rahman
183
and Naser
184
call Islamic fundamentalism. On the other
hand, leaving aside Wahhabite rejectionism and instead elaborating al-
180Tibi, Arab Nationalism, 114; and Hourani, Arabie Thought, 231.
181Shiddiqi, Modern Reformists, 157.
182Hamid Enayat, Modern Islamie Politieal Thought (Austin:
University of Texas Press, 1982), 69; Nazih Ayubi, Politieal Islam: Religion
and Polities in the Arab World (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), 64;
and Vatikiotis, Arab and Regional Polities, 37.
183
Ra
hman, Islam, 223.
184Seyyed Hossein Nasr, The Plight of Modern Man (London:
Longman, 1975), 146.
69
Afghanl's and 'Abduh's constitutionalism, Ric,la selectively adopted Western
political ideas. Clothing democracy in Islamic terms, Ric,la limited the absolute
power of the Islamic ruler
185
while making people the source of power through
consensus (shu-r).186 In the Islamic republican caliphate of his dreams, he
placed the 'ulama-' --a marginalized religious class in the newly founded
national and secular states-- at the center of power, making them the
consultants of the caliph.
187
The caliph, moreover, would have to share his
power with a president and a council of ministers. Asserting Islamic
authenticity in the face of Arab-Egyptian nationalism and secularism -the
latter supported by sorne of al-Afghanl's and 'Abduh's former pupils such as
Sa'ad Zaghll, Kamil, 1;'aha ijusayn and 'Ali 'Abd al-Raziq-- Ric,la
declared Qurayshite descent to be one of the requirements of a caliph. Ric,la's
locus of Islamic authenticity was, moreover, not to be his second home of
Egypt, but rather Saudi Arabia and Syria. In his Islamic trias politica, Ric,la
saw Mecca as the headquarters of the caliphate and Damascus, his native city,
185A. A. Duri, The Historical Formation of the Arab Nation (New
York: Croom Helm, 1987), 186.
186Riga, Tafslr, 5: 198-199. See also Aliezer Tauber, "Rashid Riga and
Kingdom in Syria," The Muslim World 85 (1995): 244-245. Although
he promoted the status of women, he did not accept the possibility of there
being a female caliph. Ric,la, Khilala, 18. See also Enayat, Modern [slamic
Political Thought, 93.
187Lapidus, A History of[slamic Societies, 666.
70
the headquarters of the presidency and the councils of deputies,188 leaving
almost no role to non-Arabs. In proposing Arabic as the unifying language of
the caliphate, RiQa further isolated Ataturk's Turkey, a newly-marginalized
former center of Islam. 189
Just as in Egypt, the slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna" in
Morocco had a role to play in political conflict, since Sultan 'Abd l i j f i ~ had
gained access to the center of power by voicing the slogan, even though he
found his authority limited. Unlike his Moroccan royal predecessors, he was
bound to abide by the conditions of the bay'a, by which he was proclaimed the
legitimate ''jihaa sultan" in place of his brother. Being at the center of
Moroccan power, he in turn imposed a scriptural authoritarianism -in a sense
taking the Qur'an and Sunna into his own hands and out of those of his
supporters-- when beginning in February 1908 he tried to reject the conditions
which obliged him to liberate his corner of da-r al-Islam (the abode of Islam)
from French occupation. The proposed acts of liberation ranged from
abrogating the Act of Algeciras to repudiating 'Abd al-'Azlz's debts to
Western powers, and from abolishing foreign privileges and capitulations to
188Rashld RiQa, "General Organic Law of the Arab Empire," enclosed
with FO 882/15: note, Ronald Stors (Cairo) to Gilbert F. Clayton (Cairo) 5
December 1915.
189Following RiQa'sfatwa- declaring the translation of the Qur'an to be
kufr (unbelief), Mehmet Akif, although he was under orders from Ataturk to
translate the Qur'an into Turkish, sabotaged the project. Javaid Saeed, Islam
and Modernization: A Comparative Analysis of Pakistan, Egypt and Turkey
(London: Praeger, 1994), 187.
71
reintegrating Moroccan territory.190 At the same time, the bay'a imposed
(through the influence of al-Kattan1) one of the essential elements of the
periphery-versus-center conflict in Islam --one that had been inspired by the
success of the Young Turks in deposing the absolute, pan-Islamic sultan
'Abd1hamid II. This was the injunction laid upon Sultan 'Abd l i j f i ~ to
consult the umma (here, the Moroccan people), in aIl his efforts to reach any
agreement with foreigners, 191 and to cooperate with other Muslim powers,
especially the Ottoman Empire. Adopting al-Afghanl's universalism and
rejecting Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's provincialism, al-Kattan1 thus forced the
''jihaa sultan" to recognize the non-sayyid-ness of the Ottoman authorities for
the sake of the Moroccan people as a whole vis--vis Western imperialism. AI-
Kattan1 clearly saw the political significance for Morocco of the Young Turks'
policy of strengthening both Ottoman pan-Islamism and anti-British and
French sentiment in the Muslim world. In imitation of the Ottoman policy,
Morocco therefore forged a strong alliance with Germany against the French
and the British.
192
Germany in turn strove to oppose France's recognition of
1905ee Ibn Zaydan, [t'Jal A'la-m al-Na-s, 1: 448-453; 'Allal al-Fas1,
lfafriyyat 'an al-lfaraka al-Dusturiyya fi al-Maghrib qabl al-lfimaya (Rabat,
n.d.), 20-23; Burke, Prelude to Protectorate, 115-166; Laroui, Les origines
sociales, 396; Jacques Cagne, Nation et nationalisme au Maroc (Rabat: Dar al-
Nashr al-Ma'rifa, 1988), 411-415 and 455-456.
191Mul].ammad Baqir al-Kattan1, Tarjamat al-Shaykh Mu'Jammad al-
Kattanf(1962), 92-94, 198, and 206.
1925ee, for example, E. E. Ramsaur, The Young Turks (Princeton,
1957); Feroz Ahmad, The Young Turks: The Committee of Union and Progress
72
'Abd al-'Az!z as the legitimate sultan of Morocco on the basis of his
acceptance of the Act of Algeciras, although the French finally won this
conflict in January 1909.
193
The substance of the bay'a also stipulated that the ''jihaa sultan" put
into practice the "true Islam," while demanding of him that he protect the
traditional prerogatives of the 'ulam' and shurafa-', the latter of which
included the abolition of the masks (non-Qur'anic taxes) that 'Abd al-'Azlz
had imposed on them in an effort to limit their power. 194 Considering this "new
Islamic constitutionalism" (and especially the variety that would oblige him to
liberate Morocco from foreign domination) as hampering his power to
govem,195 'Abd l i j f i ~ tumed to his own version of the slogan "Back to the
Qur'an and the Sunna." Holding the reins of power, he decided to use the
makhzan (central govemment) against the bilaa al-slba-' (rebellious region).
Following in the steps of his predecessors, he created a counter-slogan by
seeking the support of another segment of the salaji 'ulam'. He appointed
Ab Shu'ayb ibn 'Abd al-Raq.man al-Dukkafi (1878-1937), whom he had
recalled from his teaching post in Mecca to teach at Qarawiyyin University in
in Turkish Polities, 1908-1914 (London, 1969), and Burke, "Pan-Islamism and
Moroccan Resistance," 108.
193Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib, 302.
194For more information on the bay'a, see Ibn Zaydan, [tlJal A'Lam al-
Nas, 448-453; al-Fas!, lfafriyyat, 20-23; Burke, Prelude to Proteetorate, 115-
166; Laroui, Les origines sociales, 396; Cagne, Nation et nationalisme, 411-
415 and 455-456; and Munson, Religion and Power, 72.
195AI-Kattan!, Tarjuma, 211-212.
73
1907, as his religious advisor.
196
At the same time, he cemented his
relationship with the 'Ayniyya, a pan-Islamic and puritan sufi brotherhood.
197
It was under the guise of purifying Moroccan Islam from the un-Islamic
practices of other sufi brotherhoods that 'Abd l i j f i ~ launched, on the advice
of DukkaIi
198
("the Moroccan 'Abduh"199) and with the backing of the
'Ayniyya, "a broad-ranged attack on three of the most important brotherhoods
in the north Morocco,,200 in 1908-1909. This was intended to weaken the
baraka, and hence the political threat, of Idrisid shaykhs like al-Kattan1.
201
To
further develop his image as the "true" defender of the slogan "Back to the
Qur'an and the Sunna," 'Abd l i j f i ~ condemned the Tijanite order through
the publication of his book entitled Kashf al-Qina-' 'an l'tiqal '[awa'ij al-
196'Allal al-Fas!, lfaduh al-Mashriqflal-Mahgrib (Cairo: 1956), 10.
197Paquignon, "Un livre de Moulay Abd al Hafid," Revue du monde
musulman 7 (1909): 125-128.
198Abu-Nasr, "The Salafiyya Movement," 494-6. See also J. Berque,
"a et l dans les dbuts du reformisme religieuse au Maghreb," Etudes
d'orientalisme ddis la memoire de Levi-Provenal (Paris, 1962), 2: 480-
483.
1995inar, "Salafiyya," 905.
200Burke, "Moroccan Islam," 110-111.
201Michaux-Bellaire, "Une tentative de restauration idrisite Fz,"
Revue du Monde Musulmane 2 (1908): 393-395; and 'Allal al-Fas!, Al-lfaraka
al-IstiqlliyyaIfal-Maghrib al- 'ArabT(Cairo: Lajnat al-Thaqafa al-Wataniyya
al-ijizb al-Istiqlal, 1948), 133.
74
[btida' (Unmasking the Creeds of Innovating GroupS),202 while reducing the
autonomous power of the Waziniyya order.
203
However, the marabouts who had brought 'Abd l l i f i ~ to power were
not fooled, and saw clearly his rejection of the constitutional restrictions of the
bay'a he had received in Fez.
204
The ''jihaa sultan" considered in tum ajih
against France as suicidaI, since Morocco was too weak to win the war,205 and
instead followed the principles of Islamic modemism that al-DukkaIi set forth.
In response, al-Kattanl asserted his pro-Ottoman pan-Islamism against both
'Abd l l i f i ~ and France. 'Abd l l i f i ~ however acted decisively and had al-
Kattanl executed on 4 May 1909.
206
At the same time, 'Abd l l i f i ~ moved
further toward the consolidation of his salafi puritan religious authority by
paying due attention to the Sunna of the Prophet. Like his predecessor Sultan
'Abd Allah, 'Abd l l i f i ~ had "a comprehensive guide to the principal books
of hadiths,,207 compiled. Of course, his appointment of Mu1)ammad ibn Ja'far
al-Kattanl (d. 1937) to undertake such a "sacred" project was a part of his
strategy to win al-Kattanl to his cause. Indeed, after his signing of the Treaty of
Fez on 30 March 1912, which established a French protectorate over Morocco,
202Abun-Nasr, "The Salafiyya Movement," 502, no. 19.
203Burke, "Moroccan Islam," 110.
204Cagne, Nation et Nationalisme, 410-56.
205Laroui, Les origines sociales, 413-414.
206Ibid., 406.
207Munson, Religion and Power, 94.
75
'Abd became a sufi disciple of al-Kattan1.
208
He not only "wrote a
volume of verse extolling the Sufis," but also regarded al-Kattanl as the
intermediary between him and God. Although making free-will the starting
point for his effort to liberate his country fram French colonialism, 'Abd al-
took refuge in the passivity of the sufi to dissociate himself fram his
political failure.
By contrast, Indonesia saw the emergence of a highly peripheral
individual in terms of origin and background --Al)mad al-Shurkat1
(1872-1943), a Sudanese who had arrived in Indonesia in October 1911 at the
invitation of Jamiat Khair (Benevolent Organization; Arabie: Jam'iyyat al-
Khayr, founded in Jakarta in 1905), having been hired to teach. Like virtually
aIl the figures we have met to this point, al-Shurkat1 actively promoted an anti-
bid'a and khura]a program. Also like them, he condemned the practice of
wasua, although he followed Riga in not rejecting the Ghazalian wing of
sufism. Last but not least, like his fellow puritan modernists, al-Shurkat1
directed the activities of Indonesian passivism at the internaI circle of his new
homeland. His non-political puritan reform was, however, a middle position
between the "right wing" of 'Uthman and al-DukkaIi on the one hand, and the
"left wing" of 'Abduh and Dahlan on the other. Al-Shurkatl did not openly
208Victor Monteil, Morocco (London: 1964),56; Cohen, Morocco: Old
Land, New Nation, 14; John P. Halstead, Rebirth ofA Nation: The Origins and
Rise of Moroccan Nationalism, 1912-1944 (Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 1967), 24; Woolman, Rebels in the Rif, 13; and King Hassan Il, The
76
support imperialism, as 'Uthman and al-Dukkafi had done with the Dutch and
the French respectively, although he did not, like 'Abduh and Dahlan, rely on
the strength of the Dutch to advance his goals. At no time did he invite the
Dutch to intervene in the internaI affairs of Islam, although he did not reject
them when they sought his help for the sake of the whole society. Another
dimension of his attempt to reverse Indonesian passivism vis--vis the practice
of wasua was the emphasis he placed on the equality of Muslims. Like al-
'Arbl al-'Alawl, al-Shurkatl criticized the allegedly "Islamic" marriage
tradition that almost all Arab religious aristocrats strictly practiced. And yet,
while al-'Alawl criticized the tradition on account of his immediate need to
marry a non-sharifa, al-Shurkatl had no personal interest in pointing out its
shortcomings.
In contrast to Moroccan sharifs, Indonesian sayyids were more open to
marrying outside their caste. Unlike the former, the latter were unable to find
sharifas or sayyidas to marry because many of their ancestors had been young
un-married male emigrants to Indonesia. The religio-political feudalism of
Indonesia, however, allowed them to benefit from their status all the same. The
marriage of a sayyid to a non-sayyida, let alone a non-Arab woman, cost him
less dowry (mahar) compared with marriage to a sayyida. More importantly,
many Indonesian Muslim parents were so dominated by the long quasi-
religious practice, that they saw marrying their daughters to sayyids as the ideal
Challenge: The Memoirs of King Hassan II of Morocco, tr. Anthony Rhodes
77
means of improving the socio-religio-politieal status of their family and, more
specifically, any male descendents resulting from the marriage. On the other
hand, the Indonesian sayyids were as strict as their feUow Moroccan sharifs in
opposing the marriage of a sayyida to a non-sayyid. Although Riga had issued
afatwa- in 1908,209 declaring that the marriage of a sayyida to a sayyid was not
prohibited (this in response to the ethnie arrogance of Sayyid 'Uthman ibn
Siilim al-'Attas of Padang), al-Shurkatl had still to face this tradition. In an
egalitarian speech he delivered at Solo in 1913, al-Shurkatl encouraged the
sayyids to be more flexible in applying the concept of kafa-'a (equality) to the
marriage of a sayyida to a non-sayyid.
210
Taking offense at this, his sayyid
employers at the Jamiat Khair severely criticized him. The competition
between sayyid and non-sayyid Indonesian Arabs had after aU started long
before the coming of al-Shurkatl to Indonesia, with the non-sayyids having
been able to gain an upper hand due both to their talents and Dutch political
intervention. To weaken the potential rebelliousness of the saYYids,211 the
Dutch had appointed such non-sayyid figures as Shaykh Umar Manggus and
(London: Macmillan London Limited, 1978), 14.
209Mu1}.ammad Rashld Riga, al-Man 16 (1326 A.H.l190S A.D.).
210AI-Shurkatl later on published a twenty-nine page treatise entitled
$urat al-Jawao in Surabaya, with neither date nor publisher known. See
Pijper, Beberapa Studi, 120 no. 35.
21lSee also Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, The History of Java, 2
nd
edition (London: n.p., 1930), 2: 2.
78
Shaykh Awad Sungkar as "captains" of the Arabs in Jakarta and Solo
respectively, under whose control the non-sayyids were placed.2
12
Seeing the treatment accorded by the sayyids of Jamiat Khair to al-
Shurkat1, who favored rule by the long exploited majority of Indonesians to
that of the long exploitative minority of Arab sayyids, the non-sayyid Arabs
chose to support him. Together they founded Al-Irsyad or Jam'iyyat al-Islal}.
wa al-Irshad in 1913.2
13
Their message-oriented tajdfd was crystallized in Al-
Irsyad's statutes. No sayyid, according to article 5 of this document, was
eligible to serve on the board of the organization.
214
The sayyids in tum
demanded that the Dutch govemment take action against these former
members of their exclusive, elitist organization, accusing them of
"Bolschevism" in an attempt to tie their rivaIs to the leftist political threat then
facllg the Dutch administration. The sayyids likewise criticized Al-Irsyad for
not supporting the new British-backed caliph, Sharlf ijusayn of Mecca,215 thus
enabling the sayyids to claim to represent the true Islam and to be the
defenders of Indonesia. Al-Shurkat1 was, they argued, not only a foreign
Negro, but also a false teacher whose teachings created instability. He
212Noer, Gerakan Moderen Islam, 73-74.
213Pijper believed that the name of Al-Irsyad was taken from Riqa's
Jam'iyyat al-Da'wa wa al-Irshad. Pijper, Beberapa Studi, 114.
214Perserikatan Al-Irsyad, Anggaran Dasar Al-Irsyad (Jakarta:
Perserikatan Al-Irsyad, 1915), article 5.
215Noer, Gerakan Moderen Islam, 78.
79
therefore deserved to be sentenced to death.
216
In 1932, however, AI-Irsyad
further desacralized the title of sayyid by equating it with the common English
title of "mister." Its argument was that, given that Islam teaches that aIl human
beings are equal (a provision with which the sayyids had to abide), the
descendents of the Prophet Mul].ammad could not daim a higher position than
anybody else. Their aristocratie daims were furthermore invalid because the
Prophet had only one child that lived, a daughter Fatima, while Arab social
structure was traditionally patriarchal in nature.
217
Thus al-Shurkat1
transcended Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, 'Abduh, al-DukkaIi, and even RieJ.a in
applying the egalitarianism of the slogan "Back to the Qur' an and the Sunna."
Although RieJ.a himself failed to transform his politico-liberationist
vision into a political struggle,218 ijasan al-Banna (1906-1949), an avid reader
of his journal al-Mana-r, was inspired by it to found not only "the largest and
most influential Islamic organization in the Sunni Arab world,"219 but also
216B. Schreike, "De Strijd onder de Arabieren in Pers en Literatuur,"
Notulen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap voor Kunsten en Wetenscahappen,
58 (1920), 203-204 quoted in Noer, Gerakan Moderen Islam, 77 no. 104.
217Perserikat AI-Irsyad, Titel Sajid Djadi Urusan, Pemerintah Tjampur
Tangan? Keterangan dan Penerangan Djelas Tentang Hak dan Hukum yang
Njata Di dalam Islam (Jakarta: Perserikatan AI-Irsyad, 1932).
218Sami Zubaida, Islam, the People and State: Essays on Political Ideas
and Movements in the Middle East (London and New York: Routledge, 1989),
94.
219Joel Beinin and Joe Stork, "On the Modernity, Historical Specificity
and International Context of Political Islam," in Joel Beinin and Joe Stork,
eds., Political Islam: Essays jrom Middle East (Berkeley and Los Angeles:
University of California Press, 1997), 6.
80
" ... the most powerful Islamic movement in the world," i.e., the Ikhwan al-
Muslirriin (Muslim Brothers)?20 Maintaining the purification theme that the
Wahhabites, al-AfghanI, 'Abduh, and Riqa had called for, al-Banna concluded
that "Muslim weakness and vulnerability to European domination stemmed
from Muslims' deviation from 'tme' Islam,"221 for which mistake the 'ulama'
should be held responsible. He demanded that Muslims abandon aIl historical
accretions and retum to the Qur'an and Sunna. Like Riqa, al-Shurkati, and al-
Fasl, al-Banna did not condemn, but instead radicalized, sufi passivity. His
infusion of the concept of obedience to the shaykh, one of the most important
elements of sufi leadership, into the Muslim Brothers
222
made him a
charismatic leader
223
vis--vis Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's message-oriented tajdfd.
To this type of leadership, he added not only fascist-style discipline and
obedience, but Communist-style co-operation as weIl.
224
In contrast to the
Saudi Wahhabite xenophobie historicalleap and the rejectionism manifested in
their response to the material achievements of the West, al-Banna selectively
welcomed learning from the West, while at the same time condemning its
220Munson, Islam and Revolution, 77.
221Commins, "Hasan al-Banna," 133. See also John Waterbury, "Egypt:
Islam and Social Change," in Philip H. Stoddard, David C. CutheIl, and
Margaret W. Sullivan, eds., Change and the Muslim World (Syracuse:
Syracuse University Press, 1981),52.
222Commins, "Hasan al-Banna," 131.
223Dekmejian, Islam and Revolution, 75.
224Husaini, The Moslem Brethren, 93.
81
morallaxity.225 His non-foundationalist approach,226 following in the footprints
of al-AfghanI, 'Abduh and Riqa, in tum led to his being characterized as a
nativist. In addition to his strategy of making the material achievements of the
West one of his most potent weapons against the West itself,227 al-Banna
alerted others to the urgent need to reassert Islam as an indigenous culture and
political ideology, to establish Arabie as a unifying language, and to root out
the Westemized Egyptian elites,228 who "sought to implement Westem-based
models in political, social, and economic development.,,229
Compared to his three masters (al-AfghanI, 'Abduh and Riqa) , al-
Banna faced more serious problems, which led to his becoming the leading
exponent of what Tibi calls "a defensive culture.,,23o Not only was the
caliphate abolished in 1924 by sorne of his fellow Muslims, but almost all
225Esposito, Islamic Threat, 125.
226Binder, The Ideological Revolution, 137.
227Charles Wendell, "Introduction," in ijasan al-Banna', Five Tracts of
lfasan al-Banna' (1906-1949), tr. Charles Wendell (Berkeley, Los Angeles
and London: University of Califomia Press, 1978), 3. See also Husaini, The
Moslem Brethren, 89.
228Tibi, "Islam and Nationalism," 62; and Waterbury, "Egypt: Islam
and Social Change," 52.
229Esposito, Islam and Politics, 133.
230Bassam Tibi, "Islam and Nationalism," in Barbara Freyer Stowasser,
ed., The Islamic Impulse (London and Sydney: Croom Helm in association
with Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, Georgetown University,
Washington, 1987),64-65.
82
Muslim countries had been subjected by this time to Western colonialism,231
the lowest point ever in the political history of Islam. Disregarding the moral
defeatism of the Muslim modernists implied in 'Abduh's solution, al-Banna
took up the activism of Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, al-AfghanI, and Riga instead.
Indeed, al-Banna joined the 1919 Egyptian nationalist uprising against the
British presence in Egypt.
232
ln contrast to Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's strategy, al-
Banna made Isma'iliyya, "the headquarters of the Suez Canal Company and
the British troops in Egypt,,,233 the focus of his peripheral counterattack. In his
efforts to put into practice his strong belief in the dual function of the caliphate
as a symbol of Muslim unity and of the relationship between state and religion,
he made this one of the two basic goals of the Muslim Brotherhood.
234
ln 1936
he called upon King Faruq, al-Nahhas Pasha and the kings and princes of the
Islamic world to follow the path of Islam, while forsaking the way of the
West.
235
ln 1937 he stepped up the pressure by declaring colonialism to be the
first enemy of Islam. He sought by this double strategy, which he characterized
as the two basic goals of the Muslim Brotherhood, to liberate the Islamic
231ijasan al-Banna', Five Tracts of Ifasan al-Banna' (1906-1949), tr.
Charles Wendell (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of
California Press, 1978),22-23.
232Hasan al-Banna, Memoirs of Hasan al-Banna Shaheed (Karachi:
International Islamic Publishers, 1981), 84. Esposito, Islam and Polities, 132.
Commins, "Hasan al-Banna," 127; and Munson, Islam and Revolution, 76.
233Hiro, Islamie Fundamentalism, 61.
234Abdulnasser, The Islamie Movement in Egypt, 34.
235Husaini, The Moslem Brethren, 14.
83
nation from aIl foreign powers. He fully expected that an Islamic state would
come into existence, as would a revived caliphate that functioned according to
the Sharl'a.
236
Eventually, al-Banna abandoned altogether his own eclectic and non-
foundationalist approach to the material achievements of the West,237 and
instead fell back on Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's and Riqa's rejectionism in his
vision of the nature of the Islamic state. In spite of his satisfaction with the
Muslim Brotherhood, which he described in 1938 as "a Salafite movement, an
orthodox way, a sufi reality, a political body, an authentic group, a scientific
and cultural society, an economic company and a social idea,..238 he insisted in
the same year on the ideological, instead of geographical or racial, relationship
of the Islamic nation.
239
In his capacity as chairman of the Brotherhood, al-
Banna had to respond to Marxism, a new but potent enemy of Islam. After
insisting at a congress of the Muslim Brotherhood in 1938 on how the Islamic
identity of the organization demanded that Muslims retum Islam to the Qur'an
and the traditions of the rightous ancestors,240 al-Banna persuaded the Muslim
Brotherhood to build a mass-based movement in response to the challenges of
236FJasan Al-Banna, Majmu-'at Rasa'il al-Imam al-Shahi"d lfasan al-
Banna- (Beirut: Dar al-Andalus, 1965), 225.
237Esposito, Islamic Threat, 121.
238Min Khutab Hasan a l a n n a ~ 14-15; the translation is taken from
Husaini, The Moslem Brethren, 15.
239Abdulnasser, The Islamic Movement in Egypt, 35.
240Anawati and Borrmans, Tendances et courants de l'Islam, 1: 27.
84
"other emerging mass-based movements such as the Egyptian Communist
Party and Misr al-Fatat [Young Egypt].,,241 Thus like the Wahhabites he
emphasized "the perfection and comprehensiveness of Islam and hence its self-
sufficiency,,,242 aIl the while rejecting their divisive interpretation in favour of
al-Afghanl's pan-Islamism. The next year however saw his Muslim
Brotherhood coming into conflict with the govemment. While liberal
nationalism was under attack due to the nation's defeat in the Palestine war,
the consequent establishment by the United States and Britain of the state of
Israel, Egypt's inability to force the British out of the country, and "massive
unemployment, poverty, and corruption, al-Banna's Muslim Brotherhood
greatly enhanced their credentials as patriotic sons of Egypt and Arab
nationalists in their significant participation in the 1948 Palestine war and
again in the 1951 Suez crisis.,,243
In Morocco, al-Dukkafi showed great consistency in advising the ruler
on "the need to retum to the Qur'an and the Sunnah,,,244 which 'Abd a l J a f i ~
made a major part of his religious strategy.245 Following Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab,
241Eric Davis, "The Concept of Revival and the Study of Islam and
Politics," in Barbara Freyer Stowasser, The Islamie Impulse (London and
Sydney: Croom Helm in association with Center for Contemporary Arab
Studies, Georgetown University, Washington, 1987),47. Italics are mine.
242Esposito, Islam and PoUties, 133.
243Esposito,Islamie Threat, 120.
244Munson, Religion and Power,
245Mu1}ammad al-Mukhtar al-Sus!, lfawla Ma-'idat al-Ghada' (Rabat:
Matba'at al-Sahil, 1983),47,64,86-87; Cagne, Nation et nationalisme, 355.
85
al-AfghanI, and 'Abduh to the letter, al-DukkaIi showed no compromise in his
stance on purifying the Islamic 'aqfda of un-Islamic influences. Like Ibn 'Abd
al-Wahhab, al-DukkaIi resorted to Islamic positivist transcendentalism in
denouncing polytheism, and even went so far as to physically cut down -and
thus desacralize-- an allegedly sacred tree. At the same time he declared open
the supposedly closed doors of ijtihaJ. In 1907 al-DukkaIi reintroduced, under
the auspices of 'Abd the teaching of tafsfr to the curriculum of
Qarawiyyln University.246 Almost as part of a double strategy, however, he set
aside the Islamic fundamentalism of Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, the Paderis, and al-
AfghanI vis--vis imperialism. Instead, he literally transferred 'Abduh's
modemism to Morocco in order to protect Muslims from any further damage
that imperialism might cause.
Whereas most of his fellow Moroccan Muslims completely rejected
imperialism, al-DukkaIi saw in it a positive aspect, that of an altemate
protector of their interests He officially welcomed the conquering
French to Morocco in September 1912, for which act the colonizers rewarded
him by appointing him "Minister of Justice, a position he held until 1923.,,247
At the same time he, like 'Uthman, condemned al-ijiba, one of the most
important pan-Islamic and purificationist think-tanks of the deposed sultan
'Abd since it was his dream to transforrn the next generation of
246Abun-Nasr, "The Salafiyya Movement," 496.
247Munson, Religion and Power, 100.
86
Moroccan Muslims into a sala! a l ~ a 7 i h Ibn 'Abd al-'Az"iz, a brother of the
leader of the insurgent 'Ayniyya sufi brotherhood, accused al-DukkaTI of being
an apostate for condemning the 'Ayniyya's revoIt against the French under al-
ijiba's leadership. AI-DukkaTI in tum made it clear that his criticism applied to
imbalanced jihtids only. Instead of liberating Morocco from French
imperialism, their revolts would, he reasoned, contribute to its further
submission to France, since the European troops could easily crush such poorly
equipped opponents.
248
For rus part, therefore, he criticized a suicidal jihaa.
Giving full expression to his Islamic modemism in the slogan "Back to
the Qur'an and the Sunna" during the First World War, al-DukkaTI supported
imperialism. In his attempt to oppose German-backed Ottoman pan-Islamism,
he encouraged his fellow Moroccan Muslims to reject the legitimacy of the
Ottoman sultan as the caliph of Islam, and imitated Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's and
Riq.a's rejection of the Ottoman sultan due to his non-Qurayshite descent.
MawIay Ysuf, installed by the French in 1912, ought instead to be recognized
as the legitimate caliph of Moroccans, he felt, because he at least was a
descendant of the Prophet Mul}.ammad. In so arguing, al-DukkaTI reasserted the
existence of the Sharifian Sultanate vis--vis the penetration of the old
dominating non-Qurayshite Ottomans that had retumed to Morroco under the
guise of pan-Islamism. AI-DukkaTI used the French protectorate over Morocco
as a pretext to legitimize the very existence of the Moroccan Islamic state,
248'Abbas ibn IbrahIm, Al-I'him hi man lfalla Marrkish wa Aghmtit
87
quoting the prophetie tradition that "The sultan is the shadow of God on earth
and it is with him that aH oppressed find refuge.,,249
Unlike al-Dukkafi, who worked from within the Moroccan center of
power, the Indonesian thinker Ahmad Hassan (1887-1958) carried out his
reform from and in the periphery. Like al-Shurkat1, Hassan was not entirely of
Indonesian origin, for he had been born in Singapore to an Indian father. Like
Dahlan, however, he was Indonesian on his mother' s side. While his
homeland, compared to al-Shurkat1's, was closer to Indonesia, it was further
from the center of the slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunnah." His
reformism can even be characterized as peripheral, for he never studied in
Middle Eastern countries like Egypt and Saudi Arabia, and may even be
regarded as a self-educated thinker. Like al-'Arbl al-'Alawl and al-Shurkat1,
Hassan encountered an ingrained attitude which equated Arabness with
Islamness, the former of which was seen as giving access to a sort of religious
aristocracy. Like his predecessors, Hassan criticized deviations from the
principle of kafa-'a. But while al-'Arbl al-'Alawl restricted himself to
combatting the rigidity of shariJ and sharTfa marriage, Hassan was under the
influence of al-Shurkatl's Sur al-Jawb which fought to exclude Arab
feudalism from al-Irsyad forever. Hassan for his part severely criticized the
practice of taqbll, according to which a non-sayyid was expected to kiss the
min al-A'la-m (Rabat: n.d.), 2: 479-480.
88
hands of a sayyid when they met as a sign of respect. The publication of his
message-oriented tajdTd criticism of the taqbll practiee in Utusan Melayu in
1914 so shocked Singaporean Muslims that authorities warned him against
creating further disturbances,250 but like al-Shurkat1, Hassan did not change his
stance that taqbll has no textuaI basis in either the Qur'an or the Sunna. He saw
it as a kind of social bid'a, against which a true Muslim must struggle to
achieve social justiee in his relationships with other human beings. Like al-
Shurkat1, who excluded scriptural feudalism, Hassan too injected a strictly
puritan interpretation of Islam into the statutes of his group Persatuan Islam
(Islamic Union).251
As the leading '1im of Persatuan Islam, Hassan played a key role in
determining its religious policy. He directed his organization towards an anti-
bid'a and khurala stance, giving no place to non-Qur'anie or non-Sunna
authorities in the organization.
252
In arder to realize his puritan reform he, like
the Wahhabites, took an isolationist approach towards the popular practices of
Islam. He, for instance, prohibited Persatuan Islam from participating in the
Bandung Mawld festival of 1936. Despite the fact that his fellow Indonesian
249Ab Shu'ayb al-DukkaIi, "Opinion de Bou Chaib Doukkali," Revue
du Monde Musulmane 29 (1914): 361. The translation is taken from Munson,
Religion and Power, 101.
250Pijper, Beberapa Studi, 130; and Noer, Gerakan Moderen Islam, 97-
100.
251For more information on the Persatuan Islam, see Howard M.
Federspiel, Persatuan Islam: Islamic Reform in Twentieth Century Indonesia
(Ithaca: Comell University Modem Indonesia Project, 1970).
89
Muslims enjoyed celebrating the birth of Prophet Mul].ammad to show their
deep love for him, Hassan condemned the festival as a bid'a. His rejectionist
approach in this regard reflected the principle of al-takjTr wa al-hijra, based on
which fundamentalist Muslims divide society into minna (among us; our
group) and minhum (among them; their group), seeing it as their dutYto isolate
themselves in order to achieve salvation. Unlike his fellow reformists, Hassan
sought to advance his efforts at purifying Islam of un-Islamic influences by
challenging his critics to undertake open debate. A series of discussions were
consequently held on the topic of talqln, a practice he likewise considered as
bid'a,253 including one with Haji Abul Khair and Haji Abdul Wahhab of the
Nahdlatul Ulama (Arabie: NahQat al-'Ulama,)254 in Ciledug, Cirebon, West
Java, in 1932, and another (accompanied by Maqsudi) with the Gebang
chairman of the Nahdlatul Ulama in 1936.
255
Hassan also challenged the
advocates of the Qadian Ahmadiyah (then under the leadership of Rahmat Ali)
to engage in public debate to prove their claim that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad was
252See Pijper, Beberapa Studi, 130.
253Federspiel, Persatuan Islam, 224. Talqln is "(Arabie) A term used to
denote an instruction given by a religious teacher, and generally denoting
instruction given to the deceased at the grave side at the case of the burial
service." Federspiel, Persatuan Islam, 21.
254The Nahdlatul Ulama was founded in 1926. For more information,
see, for example, Achmad Farichin Humaidi, "The Jam'iyyah Nahdlatul
Ulama: Its Rise and Ear1y Development (1926-1945)" (M.A. thesis, McGill
University, 1957); and Martin van Bruinessen, NU, Tradisi, Relasi-relasi
Kuasa, Pencarian Wacana Baru (Yogyakarta: LkiS, 1994).
255Persatuan Islam, Verslag Openbaar Debat Talqin, 2
nd
(Bandung:
Persis, 1933).
90
a prophet. Several debates between the two groups took place in Bandung
between 14 and 16 April 1933 and in Jakarta between 28
th
and 30
th
of the same
month.
256
In addition to discussions with both traditional and deviating-
reformist Muslims (the Nahdlatul Ulama and the Qadian Ahmadiyah
respectively), Hassan even undertook debates with the leaders of the Christian
Seventh Day Adventist church.
257
These debates however gave a greater
impression of his intransigence rather than his tolerance or openness to
dialogue.
As a true defender of the slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna,"
Hassan saw nationalism as a threat to the establishment of an Islamic state in
Indonesia. As a manifestation of 'a$abiyya, nationalism, he insisted, divides
Indonesian Muslims from their co-religionists in India, China, Iran, Turkey,
and Egypt, and therefore contradicts the pan-Islamic principle that Muslims
must unite and be brothers (Q, 49: 10; 3: 103). To become a member of a
national party means to leave Islam, since a national party will never adopt the
Sharl'a in any future state constitution.2
58
Like Dahlan and al-Shurkat1, Hassan
was a non-political partisan, but in the context of the Indonesian independence
movement his fatwa justified pan-Islamist or Indonesian Islamist groups who
256Por more information on the debates, see Persatoean Islam, Officiel
Verslag Debat Pembela Islam-Ahmadijah (Bandung: Pendidikan Islam, Bagian
Penjiaran) and Persatoen Islam, Officiel Verslag Debat "PembelaIslam"
dengan Ahmadijah Qadian di Gang Kenari Djakarta (Bandung: Persatoean
Islam, 1933).
257Noer, Gerakan Moderen Islam, 103.
258Ahmad Hassan, Soeal Djawab II: 22.
91
wanted to establish an Islamic state, but were hampered by nationalism. In
1921, Communism divided the Sarekat Islam Party, the first all-embracing
Indonesian modem party, into white (Islamic) and red (Communist) wings,
since the latter, among others, opposed the pan-Islamic orientation of the
party.259 The central position of Islam as the symbol of the Indonesian
independence movement
260
was further marginalized when Sukarno founded
the Indonesian National Party in 1927 on purely nationalist principles.
261
However, in 1937 Hassan published Soerat-soerat Islam dari Ende [Islamic
Letters from Ende] ,262 a collection of Sukamo's correspondence with him from
his political exile in Ende, demonstrating Sukarno's reconversion to Islamism
under his influence, after having abandoned it in 1927. "For me," Sukarno
responded to Hassan in 1936, "anti-taqIidism means not only 'returning' to the
Qur'an and IJadith, but also 'returning' to the Qur'an and IJadith with the help
of knowledge and science,,,263 which was in line with Hassan's anti-
259Bernard H. M. Vlekke, The Story of the Dutch East Indies
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1945), 186.
260See J.D. Legge,Indonesia (New Jersey: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1965),
128.
261See Zamakhsyari Dofier, "K.H.A. Wahid Hasyim Rantai
Penghubung Peradaban Pesantren dengan Peradaban Indonesia Moderen,"
Prisma 8 (1984): 75.
262For more information on this correspondence, see Bernhard Dahm,
Sukamos Kampf um Indonesiens Unabhiingigkeit (Frankfurt am Main-Berlin:
Schriften des Instituts fr Asienkunde in Hamburg, n.d.), 137-42.
263Sukamo, Dibawah Bendera Revolusi, edited by Muallif Nasution, 3
rd
(Jakarta: Panitia Penerbit Dibawah Bendera Revolusi, 1963), 1: 337.
92
xenophobie historical leap.264 Like al-Shurkat1, but unlike Ibn 'Abd al-
Wahhab, 'Abduh, and Riqi, Hassan's slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the
Sunna" was a slogan for an Islam without Arabism as a consequence of his
anti-nationalism.
Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966), as the crisis hypothesis understands him,
turned out to be a staunch defender of the slogan when he abandoned his
earlier pro-Westernization ideology in 1948. This came in the wake of the
marginalization of the Palestinians by the Western powers, in particular Great
Britain and the United States of America, who supported the formation of the
State of Israel while denying the Palestinians their rights. Thus, for Qutb, the
West was a hypocrite.
265
On the other hand, he saw how many Muslim
Brothers were heroically struggling for the Palestinians. His defense
mechanism sharpened when he was in the United States from 1948 to 1950.
Instead of feeling welcomed in the new center of the world, he was struck by a
further bias. The American press not only failed to express any sorrow about
the assassination of I-Jasan al-Banna, they actually publicly applauded it! Upon
his return to Egypt in 1950, he began to insist, through his al- 'Ada7a al-
Ijtima-'iyya fT al-Islam (Social Justiee in Islam), on what Haddad calls his
264See also, Ahmad Hassan, Risalah Al-Madzhab: Wadjibkah atau
Haramkah Bermadzhab? (Bangil: Penerbit Persatoean Islam, 1956), 12-13.
265Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, "Qur'anie Justification for an Islamic
Revolution: The View of Sayyid Qutb," The Middle East Journal 17,1 (1983),
18.
93
vision of a "neo-normative Muslim.,,266 Like other puritan supporters of the
slogan, Qutb blamed un-Islamic practices as responsible for the decline of
Islam, but he shifted the paradigm of bid'a and sunna in his solution to the
problem. Like Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, the Paderis, al-AfghanI, al-Kattanl (d.
1908), Riga, Ma' al-'Aynayn and al-Banna, Qutb transformed the conflict
between bid'a and sunna into a clash between sunnf (legitimate or "Islamie")
and bid'f (illegitimate or non-"Islamic") political authorities.
267
To bring victory to Islam in the modem world, the sunna party had (as
Qutb insisted in his absolutist interpretation of Islam) to revoIt against the
bid'a party. While the former consisted of Muslims who observed the Sharf'a
in its entirety, the latter consisted of Muslims who did the opposite. In other
words, the former were the hizb Allan (party of God), and the latter the hizb al-
Shay!an (party of Satan) or hizb al-'faght (party of the Tyrant). Unlike such
top-bottom reformists as 'Uthman and al-SanusI, Qutb did not pay attention in
his elaboration of the conflicting parties to such trivial deviating practices as
reciting (1 pray) at the beginning of a prayer or reciting tahl prayer for
the dead.
268
For Qutb, such a puritan reform would not in itself be able to
266Haddad, "Qur'anic Justification," 15.
267Ahmad S. Moussalli, Radical Islamic Fundamentalism: The
Ideological and Political Discourse of Sayyid Qu!b (Beirut: American
University of Beirut, 1992), 161-162; idem, Qira-'a Na?ariyya Ta' sfsiyya fTal-
Khi!av al-Isla-mf al-Ma'rifa wa al-Dawla wa al-Mujtama'
(Beirut: AI-Nashir, 1993), 70.
268Tahlil is "(Arabie) the act of repeating the ejaculation la illa illa llah!,
i.e., "There is no god but Allah!" It is believed by Muslims that repetition of
94
change the fate of Muslims in the world. They had no choice but to radically
transform their religious practices into Islamic positivist transcendentalism.
Although stressing in his liberation theology that Islam is not "the opiate of the
massess,,269 but the motor of change, Qutb --like al-AfghanI, Riga, 'Abduh and
al-Banna-- had to challenge pro-establishment 'ulama'. Qutb even atbitrarily
accused "the professional men of religion," in particular those of al-Azhar
University, of selling out Islam by legitimizing their rulers, regardless of their
religion, and, hence, their own socio-economic interests. Thus the most
dangerous bid'a they spread throughout the Muslim world was, for Qutb, the
notion that Islam was not a revolutionary religion, when in fact Islam had
come to change the world from an unjust into a just one. Its very purpose was
to convert inequality into equality in aIl dimensions of human history, the
starting point of which is to rebel against the political domination of the
tyranny (Jaghu).270
For Qutb, political bid'a could come to dominate the practice of
Muslims not only due to the submission of the professional men of religion to
their oppressive govemments, but also to the imitation of Westemized Muslim
thinkers. Although he criticized "the political and cultural hegemony of the
the tahlil, will cleanse a person's sins and gain him religious merit."
Federspiel, Persatuan Islam, 210.
269Ibrahim Abu-Rabi, "Sayyid Qutb: From Religious Realism to
Radical Social Criticism," The Islamic Quarterly 28 (1984): 108.
270Yvonne Y. Haddad, "Sayyid Qutb: Ideologue of Islamic Revival," in
John L. Esposito, ed., Voices of Resurgent Islam (New York and Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1983),85-86.
95
West," Qutb -in rejecting Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's xenophobie historiealleap--
was very eager to transform the scientific and technological achievements of
the West, shom of its theological and moral defects, for the sake of his
revolutionary movement of establishing an Islamic state.
271
In sharp contrast to
such supporters of secularism, Qutb made the unity of religion and state the
absolute solution to the decline of Islam,272 the achievement of which was
hampered by imperialism, the exploiters and oppressors, professional men of
religion and Communism. Qutb's hopes to establish an Islamic state in Egypt
led him to join forces with the Free Officers under the leadership of Gamal
Abdun Nasser, whom he saw as a possible instrument for gaining power in the
state and open to an Islamie solution to national questions. Consequently, he
supported the Free Officers in their July Revolution of 1952, which toppled the
govemment of King Faruq. Qutb apparently believed that the success of the
Revolution would bring Egypt closer to the creation of an Islamic state since
Arab nationalism, espoused by the Free Officers, was marked in many respects
by the pan-Islamism of the Muslim Brotherhood.
273
Nevertheless, Qutb's
expectations did not come true, for after their defeat of their common enemy
Nasser and Qutb became swom enemies, in part because of ideology but also
271Sayyid Qutb, Na!Jw al-Mujtama' al-Islaml, 5
th
edition (Beirut: Dar
al-Shuruq, 1982), 11-12; and idem, Al-Mustaqbal lihadha- al-Dfn (Cairo:
Maktabat Wahba, 1965), 71-90.
272Abu-Rabi, "Sayyid Qutb," 107.
273Sayyid Qutb, Dira-sa Islamiyya (Cairo: 1971), 163-164. See also,
Mahdi Faql Allah, Ma' Sayyid Qu!b ft Fikrih al-Siyasf wa al-Dfnl (Beirut:
Mu'assasat al-Risala, 1978),91.
96
because of personal political competition.
274
Nasser accused the former of
revolting against his govemment and subsequently imprisoned him.
275
Nasser's Arab nationalism was, Qutb declared from prison, nothing more than
modem ignorance (jhiliyya) against which the Qur'anic generation (falf'a or
vanguard) had no choice but to revoIt in order to establish an Islarnic state.
Nasser in tum cited QWb's Ma'a7im fi al-Tarfq (Signposts), filled as it was
with statements against Muslims (i.e., army leaders) who were following paths
inconsistent with Qutb's own ideological goals, as the clearest proof of Qutb's
guilt (for which he was hanged in 1966).276 Significantly, Ma 'a7im also
promoted the guidance and interpretation leading to the founding of the Takfir
wa al-Rijra (Repentance and Roly Flight) and the al-Jihad (Jihad
Organization) groups, two of the most radical Islamic fundamentalist groups to
emerge in Egypt during the last half of the twentieth century. 277 These two
organizations, with their highly ideological orientations and uncompromising
values regarding Islamic advancement in the politicallife of Egypt, constituted
274Vatikiotis, The Modern History ofEgypt, 326.
'Abd al-Fattai]. Khalidi, Sayyid Qu{b al-Shahfd al-lfayy
(Amman: Maktabat 1981).
276Ahmad S. Moussalli, Radical Islamic Fundamentalism: The
Ideological and Political Discourse of Sayyid Qu{b, 2
nd
edition (Beirut:
American University of Beirut, 1995),52.
277Saad Edin Ibrahim, "Egypt' s Islamic Militants," MERIP Reports 103
(February, 1982): 14; and Abu Rabi, "Sayyid Qutb," 119; and Moussalli,
Radical Islamic Fundamentalism, 36.
97
an important legacy of Qutb and were long a reminder to Egyptian rulers of the
strength of his conceptions and inspiration.
To describe 'Allal al-FasI (d. 1972) as al-Banna's twin in Morocco
278
is
accurate since the former shared the uncompromising attitudes held by such
staunch defenders of the slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna" as Ibn
'Abd al-Wahhab, Sultan 'Abd Allah, the Paderis and al-AfghanI towards the
bid'a and khuraJa practices that they considered to be the main internaI cause
of the decline of Islam. In particular, he supported his teacher al-' Arbi al-
'Alawl's circulation of Egyptian salafi books like Ibn Taymiyya's Kitb al-
Furqa-n (The Book on the Decisive Criterion [the Qur'an] between Good and
Evil) and al-Tawassul wa al-Wasua (The Problem of Intercession) the journals
al- 'Urwa al-Wuthqa- and al-Mana-r, and al-Shatibl's Kitb bi al-
Kitb wa al-Sunna (The Book on Seeking Refugee in the Qur'an and Prophetie
Tradition) through his own writings in !?,ha-r al-lfaqTqa (Showing the Truth).279
He also joined in the effort to establish a free school, as reflected in his
clandestine broadsheet Umm al-BanTn (Mother of Children).28o Although he,
like Riq.a and al-Shurkatl, approved the Ghazalian wing of sufism,281 al-FasI
Humum al-Fikr wa al-Watan al- 'ArabI, 2: Al-Fikr al-
'Arabi" al-Mu (Cairo: Dar Qiba', 1998), 52.
279Abun-Nasr, "The Salafiyya Movement," 496-498.
28oHalstead, Rebirth ofA Nation, 166 and 311.
281Attilio Gaudio says that "Allal El Fassi trouva dans la pense
philosophique d'El Ghazli un premier rponse sa recherche de l'quilibre
98
generally condemned the sufi orders of his time and place for spreading
deviant religious practices and for weakening the historical consciousness of
Muslims. In criticizing these orders his goal was to liberate his fellow
Moroccan Muslims from their epistemological dependence on Tijanite sufis, in
part because he regarded them as un-Islamic and also in part because the
mystical orders were supported by the French who used sufism as a means of
occupying MorocCO.
282
Like his fellow reformists, al-FasI saw ijtihaa as a
means of achieving true Islam, without getting trapped in Ibn 'Abd al-
Wahhab's xenophobie historical leap.283 Ijtihaa was, for him, a dynamic
process by which Muslims could solve aIl the legal problems facing them, and
was even a liberating process by which he could set his ordinary fellow
Muslims free from the grip of Muslim aristocrats. In contrast to puritan
reformists like Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, al-AfghanI, 'Abduh and Dahlan, who
placed their faith in the 'ulama:, al-FasI asserted that that it was the 'umma
(people) --not the state nor the sultan- who should elect the mujtahids. It was
the popularly elected mujtahids who would use ijtihaa properly and who
would be "qualified deputies of the nation.,,284
thique de l'homme musulman." Attilio Gaudio, Allal El Fassi ou l'histoire de
l'Istiqlal (Paris: Alain Moreau, 1972),27.
282Abun-Nasr, "The Salafiyya Movement," 498.
283 Lindholm, The Islamic Middle East, 199.
284AI_Fasl, al-lfaraka al-Istiql1iyya, 158.
99
Al-FasI, like al-AfghanI and Rila, intensified his efforts to organize
Muslims into political parties and, under the influence of the Moroccan
Socialist Party, into trade unions, as a means of liberating Morocco from
France. Like al-Afghanl's pan-Islamism, al-FaSI strove to unite Muslims
everywhere in opposing common enemies and asserted that, without unity, the
Salafiyya movement would inevitably fail. It was his conviction that "Muslim
countries should associate into one political entity,,,285 relying on the Arabie
language to unify them. Considering foreign domination as an obstacle to the
establishment of independent Muslim states, he transformed the
epistemologically liberating spirit of ijtihaa into a liberation movement
motivated by jiha-d. Ultimately he was succesful in this venture, mainly by
bringing foreign pressure to bear on developments within Morocco, but also
because he was able to move the Salafiyya movement from a purely
intellectual stance to politico-nationalist activity, particularly in 1925 in
response to France's involvement in the Rif War.
286
For this accomplishment
Abun-Nasr characterizes him as the founder of the Neo-Salafiyya in
MorocCO.
287
However, in 1930 the French moved further towards consolidating
285Abun-Nasr, "The Salafiyya Movement," 498.
286Halstead, Rebirth of A Nation, 166 and 311. For more information
on the Rif war, see for example Charles-Andr Julien, ed., Abd el-Krim et la
rpublique du rif(Paris: Franois Maspero, 1976), and Woolman, Rebels in the
Rif.
287Abun-Nasr, "The Salafiyya Movement," 496-497. See also, Baer,
"Islam and Politics," 19.
100
their position in Morocco by introducing the Berber dahir (decree), which
"placed the bulk of the tribes under French criminal law, reorganized the
judicial competency of the tribal jema, or customary courts, and provided for
a higher customary court of appeal. ,,288
Young Moroccan nationalists saw the move as francifying society and
uprooting the social elite from its Berber and Islamic moorings. It was at this
moment that help came from abroad. The Arab writer and activist Shaklb
ArsIan voiced a general caU to action, to which Egyptian, Indian, and
Indonesian Muslims responded by setting up committees of international
Islamic solidarity.289 It was under the pressure of Moroccan nationalists and
Islamic international solidarity that the French canceled the dahir. This proved
al-Hisl's contention that pan-Islamic action could be very effective when
properly focused on a specific issue. Al-FasI further directed his Islamic
positivist transcendentalism not only towards the struggle against imperialism
(as the Paderis, and al-AfghanI had done), leading him to be "considr de par
le monde comme l'un des premiers leaders du Tier Monde qui ont lutt pour la
liberation de leur pays,,,290 but also, like Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, towards
criticizing an independent Morocco to which he himself had contributed a
great deal through his Independence Movement (lfarakat al-Istiqlliyya). But
288Douglas E. Ashford, Political Change in Morocco (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1961),31-32.
289Ibid., 32.
101
unity only went so far, and al-FasI could not agree with others on the important
question of the caliphate when the office feIl vacant in 1924. He did not
support Riqa's proposal to revive the caliphate as an Arab institution. The
caliphate was, for al-FasI, as for Ataturk, a historical achievement of earlier
Muslims rather than an Islamic doctrine on the form of an Islamic state. Like
Ataturk, he preferred a national state for an independent Morocco rather than a
caliphate, but he --in line again with Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, al-AfghanI,
'Abduh, and Riqa-- rejected Ataturk's purely nationalist tendencies in favour
of an Islamic nationalism. And yet unlike Ataturk,291 al-FasI made the Shari'a
"the source of aIl modem legislation in all Muslim states,,,292 including
Morocco. In his capacity as Minister of Islamic Affairs, al-FasI, manifesting
his pan-Islamic tendencies and ignoring Attaturk's Turkification, made Arabic
the first language of primary and secondary schools in order to prepare future
Moroccan generations to be nationalist Muslims. Like Ataturk, however, al-
Fasi strove to build a republican, constitutional, democratic, and egalitarian
state, but failed since King Hassan II, a descendant of the Prophet MUQammad,
succeeded in maintaining his kingdom.
293
Thus al-His!, like al-Shurkat1, was
opposed to scriptural feudalism and authoritarianism.
290Mohamed el Alami, Allal el Fassi Patriarche du nationalisme
marocain (Casablanca: Dar el Kitab, 1980), 181.
291Binnaz Toprak, Islam and Political Development in Turkey (Leiden:
E.J. Brill, 1981),40-56.
292Al-His!, al-lfaraka al-Istiqlaliyya, 158.
293El Alami, Allal el Fassi, 124, 126-127, and 173-176.
102
The career of the Indonesian reformist Sekarmadji Maridjan
Kartosuwirjo (1905-1962) by contrast, resembles that of Qutb rather than that
of al-Fas!. This was mainly because he added a peripheral epistemology to the
existing peripheral geo-politics of local advocates of the slogan "Back to the
Qur'an and the Sunna." For, in contrast to previous Indonesian reformists,
Kartosuwirjo, like Qutb, was not an 'lim in the traditional religious sense, but
a student of the secular sciences and a product of the Dutch high school
system.2
94
His knowledge of Islamic state theory was obtained from his
mentor, Hadji Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto, president of the PSU (Partai Sarekat
Islam Indonesia or Indonesian Islamic Sarekat party).295 As private secretary to
Tjokroaminoto, Kartosuwirjo grew to prefer Islam, instead of nationalism, in
contrast to another of Tjokroaminoto's protgs, his son-in-Iaw Sukarno, who
had abandoned the political teachings of his master in 1927 to found the
Indonesian National Party. Kartosuwirjo, under the pan-Islamic influence of
Tjokroaminoto, did not agree with Sukarno's synthesis of nationalism,
Communism and Islam into a mixed ideology as the basis for his independence
movement. Sukarno was very eager to make use of Communism as a means of
liberating Indonesia from their common enemy, the efficacy of which he saw
in the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and in the 1926 abortive coup of the
Indonesian Communist Party. Kartosuwirjo, nevertheless, considered
294Pinardi, Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosuwirjo (Jakarta: 1964),27-28.
103
Communism an atheist threat to the very existence of Islam, since not only had
Russian communists played a significant role in destroying the Ottoman
Empire, but the Indonesian Communist Party had also fragmented the Sarekat
Islam and allowed the govemment to destroy the movements' effectiveness as
a national political force.2
96
Moreover, Sukarno considered Ataturk a pioneer
of republicanism and democracy in the Muslim world, while Kartosuwirjo saw
him as an enemy of Islam whose revolution had destroyed the Islamic
caliphate in the process of creating the very small national state of Turkey.
Van Nieuwenhuijze tells us that a year before he was elected vice
president of the PSII in 1936, Kartosuwirjo had already started promoting the
idea of establishing an Islamic state.
297
This shows an unwillingness to
cooperate, not a desire to establish an Islamic state in an independent
Indonesia. He also founded the Suffa Institute with training designed to build a
cadre for Islamic state, but in response to Japanese (who occupied Indonesia
throughout World War II) demands in 1942, he transformed the institute from
295Bemard Johan Boland, The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia,
2
nd
edition (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1982),55.
296For more information on the Indonesian Communist Party, see, for
example, Hard J. Benda and Ruth T. McVey, eds., The Communist Uprisings
of 1926-1927 in Indonesia: Key Documents (Ithaca: Comell University Press,
1960); Ruth T. McVey, The Rise of Indonesian Communism (Ithaca: Comell
University Press, 1965); Takashi Shiraishi, "Islam and Communism: An
Illumination of the People's Movement in Java, 1912-1926," (Ph. D. diss.,
Comell University, 1986); and Michael Charles Williams, Communism,
Religion, and Revolt in Banten (Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1990).
297Van Nieuwenhuijze, Aspects of Islam, 168.
104
a spiritual training center into a military base camp?98 However, immediately
after the Japanese surrendered to the Allied Forces on 14 August 1945, he
proclaimed an Islamic state, which was left unrecognized by other Muslim
leaders who gave allegiance to the Sukarno declaration a few days later. He
then threw his support behind the Republic of Indonesia, arming his trained
Suffa Institute recruits as a military unit in West Java where they skirmished
with Dutch forces for two years. On his own authority, he called for jihaa
against the Dutch on 21 July 1947. Occupying almost all of West Java, the
Dutch forced Indonesia to sign in January 1948 the Renville Agreement, one of
whose stipulations was that the Indonesian Armed Forces (Siliwangi Brigade)
had to leave for Yogyakarta (the capital of the Republic of Indonesia). The
Siliwangi Brigade marched toward Yogyakarta, but Kartosuwirjo's troops,
who totally rejected the agreement, occupied the strongholds that the Siliwangi
left behind instead. To isolate the Republic of Indonesia, the Dutch employed
the strategy of "divide and rule," by creating the Pesundan People's Party and
appointing R.A.A. Surjakartanegara as its president. At the same time, they
attacked Yogyakarta on 19 December 1948, to which Kartosuwirjo responded
by calling for jiha-d against them.
The Republic of Indonesia, which considered the Dutch to have
reneged on the Renville Agreement, ordered the Siliwangi to reoccupy their
previous positions in West Java. On the way, however, they clashed with
298Boland, The Struggle ofIslam, 55.
105
Kartosuwirjo's Indonesian Islamic Army in Garut on January 25, 1949, since
the latter regarded the Siliwangi as cowards for having left for Yogyakarta in
the first place. Kartosuwirjo later proclaimed his Indonesian Islamic State on 7
August 1949, replacing the Republic of Indonesia. Like al-Esl, he made the
Qur'an and the sound ijadith the constitution of his new Islamic republic.
299
In
the meantime, the Republic of Indonesia persuaded the Dutch at the Round
Table Conference held in the Haag on 27 December 1949, to recognize the de
facto and de jure sovereignty of Indonesia, although according to the
agreement the Republic of Indonesia would be replaced with the United States
of Indonesia, a federation consisting of 16 states. Because the Republic of
Indonesia no longer officially existed, the Dar al-IslamJIndonesian Islamic
Army felt perfectly justified in defending their Indonesian Islamic State as
their own. On 22 October 1950, Kartosuwirjo demanded that President
Sukarno abandon both Communism and nationalism, and retum to Islam as the
only ideology capable of saving the Republic of Indonesia,300 but otherwise
made no move to reconcile himself with the new intemationally recognized
govemment of Indonesia. Sukarno eventually defeated the Dar al-Islam
movement through a vigorous anti-guerrilla campign in the period 1960-
299Negara Islam Indonesia, Kanun Azasy Negara Islam Indonesia,
quoted in Boland, The Struggle of Islam, 257 (Appendix N).
300Pemerintah Negara Islam Indonesia, "Nota Rahasia Kedua," quoted
in Boland, The Struggle ofIslam, 246-247 (Appendix II).
106
1962,301 but Kartosuwirjo was the only Islamic positive-transcendentalist able
to establish a true Islamic State, for 'Abd a l J a f i ~ never actuaUy changed the
nature of the Moroccan sharifian sultanate. Unlike Riqa, moreover,
Kartosuwirjo never expressed any reservations about the possibility of a
woman being elected president,302 and, to demonstrate further his independent
approach, he made Indonesian instead of Arabie the official language of his
Islamic State.
303
Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, as 1 have shown in this study, made the slogan
"Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna" a theological means of transforming his
political position from a peripheral to a central one. Although VoU' s "dramatic
change hypothesis" is helpful in explaining the factors that led to the
emergence of Wahhabism, Dekmejian's "crisis hypothesis" provides more
accurate description. The dramatic change that led to Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's
reform was not the defeat of the Ottoman empire by Russia and Austria, but
rather Sultan Abdlhamid l' s temerity in declaring himself to be the universal
caliph of aU Muslims, and in giving notice to the West that the Muslim world
was behind him. The dramatic change, for Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, was the
perception that the Arabs were being further marginalized. In order to achieve
his myth of origin, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab shared sorne of his myth of demand
301See also, VoU, Continuity and Change, 243.
302Pemerintah Negara Islam Indonesia, Kanun Azasy, article 28.
303
Ibid
., article 33.
107
with Ibn Sa'd, for otherwise he would have had to face two challenges at the
same time. In other words, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab conformed to the al-fiqh
principle of "ma- la- yudrak kulluh la- yutrak kulluh" (something that cannot be
achieved completely --namely, a successful revolution against the Ottoman
Empire)-- cannot be abandoned totally --namely, he had no choice but to
accept Ibn Sa'd's help in countering the same empire). Nor does Voll's
characterization ofWahhabism as message-oriented tajdfd apply entirely to the
movement either, since the Wahhabites ultimately founded a political unit,
though they believed their own claim to have retumed to the salaf
whose first four caliphs -regarded by the Wahhabites as their ideal examplars--
had been "elected." In a sense McDonald (writing at the tum of the last
century) was right to conclude that "attempts at reformation in Islam have
never led to anything but the founding of new dynasties ... The Wahhabites
were no exception,,,304 although his generalization cannot apply to
Kartosuwirdjo's Indonesian Islarnic State, since it was a "republic."
Like Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, many of the Egyptian, Moroccan, and
Indonesian advocates of the slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna" also
saw it as a means of transforming their peripheral position into a central one.
On the other hand, the four Moroccan sultans --namely, 'Abd Allah, ijasan l,
'Abd al-'Azlz and 'Abd who were already at the center of power in
304Duncan B. McDonald, Development of Muslim Theology,
Jurisprudence and Constitutional Theory (New York, 1903), 60.
108
Morocco-- were more in need of the slogan to legitimize their authority over
the periphery. 'Abd Allah for instance used it to strengthen his religious and
Arab authority vis--vis the charismatic marabouts and to elude the domination
of non-Arab Ottoman sultans. However, when al-AfghanI legitimized Sultan
Abdlhamid II with the same slogan, I-Jasan l's reaction was negative: he did
not officially recognize pan-Islamism, which was the international political
manifestation of the slogan. Even though he was more exposed to the
challenges of the Western powers than 'Abd Allah had been, I-Jasan 1 used the
slogan, minus its pan-Islamic dimension, to strengthen his religious authority
vis--vis the charismatic marabouts, while preserving his peripheral power
vis--vis both the non-Arab Ottoman and Western powers. 'Abd al-'Azlz, on
the other hand, was unable to use the pro-establishment Moroccan slogan to
legitimize his religious authority in the face of a challenge posed by another
Moroccan faction of the slogan under the leadership of his brother 'Abd al-
which failure resulted in his downfall. 'Abd victory over his
brother eamed him the title of ''jiha-d sultan," but he in turn became a victim
of his own theological manipulation when the slogan "Back to the Qur'an and
the Sunna," which he had employed to reach the center of Moroccan political
power, backfired. Instead of calling for jihaa, as he had when his brother
hesitated to counter Western incursions, 'Abd virtually handed his
country over to the French.
109
The Egyptian, Moroccan, and Indonesian supporters of the slogan
showed a strong tendency towards purifying the Islamic 'aqfda of non-Islamic
influences, leading to sorne extent to xenophobie, isolationist, and rejectionist
frames of thought, and even the creation of an Islamic liberation theology, but
they differed in applying their paradigm to non-' aqfda fields. They made the
reopening of the allegedly closed door of ijtihad, coupled with their non-
sectarianism, a starting point of their epistemologieal liberation process, yet
they differed in determining which of the old authorities they wanted to use as
a basis for liberating their society. Their local circumstances played a major
role in making the paradigm admit two categories of modern Muslim reform,
i.e., fundamentalist and modernist wings of the slogan, with the conservatives
as the only target of their attack. While the fundamentalist wing was an exact
manifestation of what Rahman calls "Islamic positivist transcendentalism," the
modernist wing was an "Islamic positivist transcendentalism withoutjihaa," so
that in the latter case his criticism that the return to the Qur' an and the Sunna
amounts to epistemologieal suicide does not apply.30s Islamic modernism was
a new phenomenon in the history of the relationship of Islam with other
religions, and only emerged when Islam became a conquered ideology. The
modernists arrived at the center of power without jiha-d even when democratic
channels were closed or cut off. AI-Dukkafi officially welcomed the French,
just as 'Abduh and 'Uthman did in the case of the "unbelieving" British and
305Rahman, "Revival and Reform in Islam," 640.
110
Dutch colonial govemments after withdrawing support for the "believing"
Ottoman Empire and the Bantenese jiha-d movement, respectively. Likewise,
the farther the slogan went, the less did its ethnic character apply, such as in
the case of the Indonesian reformers, who were the only group in this study
that disregarded the element of Arabism inherent in the slogan.
We have so far compared Egyptian, Moroccan and Indonesian
responses to the slogan "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna," a reform
movement that many Egyptian and Moroccan thinkers caU "salafism" (more in
the sense of "fundamentalism" than orthodoxy). Indonesian reformists in their
tum calI it puritanism or, mistakenly, modemism, whereas Indonesian
traditionalists ironicaUy identify themselves as salafis vis--vis the reformists,
whom they refer to as "khalafis" ("modemists,,).306 Regardless of the
terminology used in various places it is apparent from the preceding analysis
that the religious thinking and action surrounding the slogan has provoked and
developed the modem Islamic world in the first half of the 2
th
century. That
influence has been underpread, evoked much popular support; even if it has
been approved by other Muslims with other outlooks -and it has developed
similar themes in prominent timeframes in the various religious it has affected.
306It is common that Indonesian traditional pesantrens (Islamic
boarding schools) declare themselves to be salafi pesantrens, while they are
the targets of puritan (salafi) criticism for their sufi practices. K.H. R. As' ad
Syamsul Arifin, a charismatic sufi shaykh and senior kyai ('alim) of the
Nahdlatul Ulama, for example, founded the Salafiyah Syafi'iyah [Shafiite
Salafis] pesantren at Sukorejo, Asembagus, Situbondo, East Java.
111
With this rich tradition in place it is not surprising that a new wave of
Islamic thinking based on the slogan should emerge, seeking to apply earlier
principles to the new post-colonial world that unfolded in the 1950s and 1960s
and presented strong challenges to Muslim in the development of new nation
states with dominant Muslim populations. There were many such thinkers, but
we now narrow our examination to the three already mentioned in the
introduction: i.e., ijasan ijanafi of Egypt, Mul].ammad 'Abid al-Jabirl of
Morocco and Nurcholish Madjid of Indonesia. This is because ijanafi's "AI-
Turath wa al-Tajdid" (Heritage and Modemity), al-Jabirl's "AI-Turath wa al-
ijadatha" (Heritage and Modemity) and Madjid's "Islam, Modemity and
Indonesianness" reform projects are aIl in principle a critical rethinking of the
slogan in three different ways. First of aIl, the three thinkers absolutely believe
in reform from "within" Islamic tradition, but sharply criticize the salafi
("fundamentalist") interpretation of the slogan. Secondly, although they
support the modemist wing of the slogan for "desacralizing" historical Islam,
they carefully detect the danger of modemist, let alone secularist, uncritical
imitation of the West. Lastly, they argue in favor of opening Islamic thought to
modem non-Muslim achievements, as the modemists do, but make Quranic
and Sunna values the main criteria.
ijanafi, al-Jabirl and Madjid are three representatives of what
Federspiel calls "societal intellectuals,,307 in their respective countries. ijanafi,
307Federspiel, "Contemporary Souteast Asian Muslim Intellectuals," 12.
112
for Robert Brunschvig, is the first Muslim scholar to try to reinterpret the
classical u ~ u al-fiqh totally.308 Al-'Alim even considers him to be a bridging
reformer for mastering both the Islamic and Western philosophieal
heritages.
309
AI-Jabir1, like ijanafi (in
Harb's 310
. ,
al- 'Alim's,311
Mul}ammad's,312 and Tarablshl' s313 assessment), is recognized as one of the
most well-known thinkers in the Arab world. This position parallels Madjid's
in his own context, since he, according to Federspiel, "undisputedly ranks as
the leading Muslim intellectual of Indonesia.,,314 However, ijanafi's project,
according to Boullata, is "too theoretical to be practical in the real world,"
while the limitation of al-Jabirl's contribution is "that it is intellectual and, as
such, can only benefit a small elite.,,315 Madjid in tum often indulges in
abstract theorization, making himself vulnerable to sharp criticism.
316
He is
308Robert Brunschvig, "Prface," [Poreword to] ijasan ijanafi, Les
mthodes d'xegse: Essai sur la science de fondaments de la comprhension
"'/lm ~ u al-Fiqh" (Cairo: Le Conceil suprieur des arts, des lettres et des
sciences sociales, 1965), iii.
309AI-' Alim, Mawaqif Naqdiyya, Il.
3lOijarb, Naqd al-NaH, 27 and 115.
3I1AI-'Alim, Mafhzm wa Qa4a);"a, 143.
312Mul}ammad, Naqd al- 'Aql al- 'Arabzfi al-Mzzan, 5.
313Tarablshl, Na'{.ariyyat al- 'Aql, Il.
314Pederspiel, "Contemporary Southeast Asian Muslim Intellectua1s,"
14. On the recognition of Madjid's early involvement in Indonesian Islamic
thought, see for example, Boland, The Struggle of Islam, 221-224.
315Boullata, Trends and Issues, 45 and 54.
316Por more information on the criticism of Madjid by his Indonesian
opponents, see, for example, Hidayat Nataatmaja, Hanacaraka /lmu dan
113
thus a leading but "dangerous" intellectual -to use Federspiel' s phrase in
summarizing Madjid's Indonesian critics.
317
Interestingly, Ibihlm Msa
compares ijanafi with Rahman,318 and both ijarb
319
and Labdaoui
320
start
comparing al-Jabir1 with Arkoun, but no one compares Madjid with such
intemationally recognized non-Indonesian Muslim thinkers. It is to fill this
lacuna that 1 will compare him with ijanafi and al-Jabirl (who are themselves
being read more and more by Indonesian Muslims) in the next two chapters.
Alfabet Perjuangan (AI-Fajr) (Malang: LP2LPM, 1985), 250-262; Ahmad
Husnan, Ilmiah Intelektual dalam Svrotan (Tanggapan terhadap Dr.
Nurcholish Madjid) (Solo: Vlul Albab Press, 1993); Abdul Qodir Djaelani,
Menelusuri Kekeliruan Pembaharuan Pemikiran Islam Nurcholish Madjid
(Bandung: Yadia, 1994); and Lukman Hakiem, ed., Menggugat Gerakan
Pembaharuan Keagamaan: Debat Besar "Pembaharuan Islam" (Jakarta:
Lembaga Studi Informasi Pembangunan, 1995).
317Federspiel, Muslim Intellectuals, 42; and idem, "Contemporary
Southeast Asian Muslim Intellectuals," 6.
318Ibrahlm Msa, "Al-ijadatha wa al-Tajdid: Dirasa Muqarana fi
Mawqif Fazlur Rahman wa ijasan ijanafi min al-Turath," in Al].mad 'Abd al-
ijaIim 'Atiyya, ed., Qira-'a Naqdiyya fi Fikr lfasan lfanafi: Jadal al-Ana- wa
al-A7char (Cairo: MadbIi 1997), 107-112.
319ijarb, Naqd 115-116. Likewise, ijarb shortly compares
ijanafi with both al-Jabirl and Arkoun. ijarb, AI-Mamnu-' wa al-Mumtani':
Naqd al-Dhat al-Mufakkira (Beirut and Casablanca: AI-Markaz al-Thaqafi al-
'ArabI, 1995), 61.
320Labdaoui, Les nouveaux intellectuels, 125-126.
Chapter Il
l1asan l1anafi, Mut1ammad 'Abid al-Jabirl and Nurcholish Madjid:
General Similarities and Differences
This chapter will explore sorne of the similarities and differences
between fJasan fJanafi, Mul)ammad 'Abid al-Jabir1 and Nurcholish Madjid as
reflected in their responses to factors that led to the decline of Islam in the
modem world. fJanafi's vision is that of a comprehensive renaissance of
[Islamic] civilization (nah4a l]a4iyya shamila) to be realized through his
projects known as al-Tura-th wa al-Tajdi'd (Heritage and Modemity) and al-
Yasa-r al-Islami' (the Islamic Left).l For al-Jabir1, the solution lies in the Arab
(Islamic) Renaissance (al-Nah4a al- 'Arabiyya), to be achieved through a
process that he calls Naqd al- 'Aql al- 'Arabi' (Criticism of the Arab Mind),2
while for Madjid the decline can only be stopped with Islam-Civilization,
achievable through recognition of Islam, Modemity and, in his own local
context, Indonesianness.
3
A second dimension of this comparison will focus on
IfJasan fJanafi, "Madha Ya'n1: al-Yasar al-IsIaII?," Al-Yasar al-
Islam;:' Kita7Jatjf al-Nahefa al-Islcimiyya 1 (1981): 5, 13,46, and 48.
2Mul)ammad 'Abid al-Jabir1, Takwi'n al- 'Aql al- 'Arabi', 2
nd
edition
(Beirut: Dar al-'taIi'a, 1985), 1: 5; and idem, "Fi Qaqaya al-D1n wa al-
Fikr,"16.
3This is the title of a collection of Madjid's articles. See Nurcholish
Madjid, Islam, Kemodernan dan Keindonesiaan (Bandung: Mizan, 1987).
115
ijanafi's,4 al-Jabir1's,s and Madjid's6 respective applications of similar
methods, particularly in the sense that they do not believe in starting from zero
in attempting reform. Yet although proposing reform from within the Islamic
heritage, the three thinkers exploit both Islamic and "other" heritages, by
applying the dialectics of la loi imitation, la loi diffrente, and la loi
transcendente in their respective projects.
This approach has led them to take the best elements of the
achievements of the past, while leaving aside the negative ones. They have a
4Hasan Hanafi, "Fi 'Id Miladih al-Masl," in Ahmad 'Abd al-'Alim
. . .
'Atiyya, ed., Dirasa Muhda- ila-Ma1]mu-d Anfn al- 'Alimjf 'Id Maaih al-Masf
(Cairo: Dar Qiba', 1999), 17; idem, Al-Turcth wa al-Tajdfd: Mawqifuna- min
al-Turah al-Qadfm, 4
th
edition (Cairo: AI-Mu'assasa al-Jami'iyya, 1984), 13;
idem, Dira-sa Falsafiyya (Cairo: Anglo Egyptian Bookshop, 1988), 52-53;
idem, lfiwa-r al-Ajyal (Cairo: Dar Qiba', 1998), 9 and 251; idem, Al-Dfn wa al-
Thaqcija wa al-Siya-sajf al-Watan al-'Arabl (Cairo: Dar Qiba', 1998), 13; and
idem, Islam in the Modern World (Cairo: The Anglo-Egyptian Bookshop,
1995), 1: 452.
sMu1}.ammad 'Abid al-Jabirf, Al-Turcth wa al-lfadaha: Dira-sa wa
Munqasa (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wa1}.da al-'Arabiyya, 1991), 33, 37, 41;
idem, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqa]iyya (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wa1}.da al-
'Arabiyya, 1994),229,250-252, and 294; idem, al-Muthaqqifu-njf al-lfa4a-ra
al- 'Arabiyya: Mi1]nat Ibn lfanbal wa Nukbat Ibn Rushd (Beirut: Markaz
Dirasat al-Wa1}.da al-'Arabiyya, 1995),7; idem, "Fi Qagaya al-Fikr wa al-Dln,"
16; and dem, "Afkar 1}.awl ~ a Q al-Ta'Iim bi al-Maghrib al-Rahin," Fikr wa
Naqd 12 (1998): 14.
6Nurcholish Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," in Al-Kindi et al.,
Khazanah Intelektual Islam, translated and edited by Nurcholish Madjid
(Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1984), 33-35 and 79; idem, "Keilmuan Pesantren,
Antara Materi dan Metodologi," Pesantren No. Perdana (1984): 15; idem,
"Taqlid dan Ijtihad: Masalah Kontinuitas dan Kreativitas dalam Masalah
Memahami Pesan Agama," in Nurcholish Madjid et al., eds., Kontekstualisasi
Ajaran Islam dalam Sejarah (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1994),342; and idem, Islam
Agama Kemanusiaan, 33.
116
tendency to deconstruct the latter, while they in turn reify the former. They
also approach the present and the future with the same dialectically open, but
critical, eyes focused on their respective projects. Both al-Jabirl and Madjid
restrict themselves to particular regions, Arabia and Indonesia, respectively,
but ijanafi does not. He is even willing to let others characterize his Islamic
Left as "Islamic or Arab, international or national, religious or secular, since
Islam," he argues, "is religion and nation, Arab and international, religion and
state.,,7 The rest of this chapter will focus on revealing the epistemological
bases of the responses of the three thinkers. It is a general approach, for which
reason 1 calI this chapter "response 1." In chapter three we will attempt a more
detailed, specific and applied comparison of their responses to the slogan
"Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna," a process which consists in returning to
these latter sources, and which 1 calI "response II.'' Thus chapter two may be
considered preliminary to the discussion in chapter three.
ijanafi, al-Jabirl and Madjid are contemporaries, ijanafi having been born
on 13 February, 1935 in Cairo (Egypt),s al-Jlibirl in 1936 in Figuig
(Morocco),9 and Madjid on 17 March, 1939 in Jombang, East Java
7ijanafi, "al-Yasar al-lslall?," 45.
sijasan ijanafi, L'exgse de la phnomnologie: L'etat actuelle de la
mthode phnomnologie et son application au phnomne religieux (Cairo:
Dar al-Fikr al-'Arabl, 1966), back cover; idem, La phnomnologie de
l'exgse: Essai d'une hermneutique existentielle partir du Nouveau
Testament (Cairo: The Anglo-Egytian Bookshop, 1988), back cover.
9Mul].arnmad 'bid al-Jabir1, Bunyat al- 'Aql al- 'Arabf: Dirasa
Ta1Jliyya Naqdiyya li Nu,?-um al-Ma'rifa jf al-Thaqala al- 'Arabiyya (Beirut:
117
(Indonesia).l0 They are furthermore aIl philosophers by training. I-Janafi
received his Doctorat d'Etat from the Sorbonne (in Paris) in 1966,11 al-Jabirl
his doctorate from Universit Mohammed V in Rabat (Morocco) in 1970, and
Madjid his Ph. D. degree from the University of Chicago in 1984. Both I-Janafi
and al-Jabirl have published their dissertations --Les Mthodes d'exgse:
Essai sur la science des fondements de la comprhension "'!lm al-Fiqh,,12
and Fikr Ibn Khaldun: Al- wa al-Dawla (Ibn Khaldun's Thought:
Group Feeling and State),13 respectively-- while Madjid's "Ibn Taymiyya on
Kalam and Falsafa" remains unpublished to date. I-Janafi,14 al-Jabir1
15
and
Markaz Dirasat al-Wal)da al-'Arabiyya, 1986), back coyer; idem, al- 'Aql al-
Siyasf al- 'Arabi:' Mul]addadcituh wa Tajalliyyatuh (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-
Wal)da al-'Arabiyya, 1990), back coyer; idem, Al-Muthaqqifun jl al-lfaq,a-ra
al- 'Arabiyya, back coyer; idem, Al-Mashru-' al-Nahq,awf al- 'Arabi:' Mura]i'at
Naqdiyya (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wal)da al-'Arabiyya, 1996), back coyer;
idem, Qaq,aya-jl al-Fikr al-Mu'a-#r: Al- 'Ulama - $ira-' al-lfaq,arat - al- 'Awda
i/a- al-Akhlaq - al-Tasamul], al-Dfmu-qrafiyya wa Nu'{.um al-Quyyum - al-
Falsa/a wa al-Madfna (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wal)da al-'Arabiyya, 1997),
back coyer; and idem, Ibn Rushd: Sfra wa Fikr, Dirasa wa (Beirut:
Markaz Dirasat al-Wal)da al-'Arabiyya, 1997), back coyer.
loNurcholish Madjid, Tidak Ada Negara Islam: Surat-surat Politik
Nurcholish Madjid-Mohamad Roem (Jakarta: Djambatan, 1997), 112; and
idem, Masyarakat Religius: Membumikan Ni/ai-ni/ai Islam dalam Kehidupan
Masyarakat, 2
nd
edition (Jakarta: Paramadina, 2000), 183.
IlI-Janafi, L'exgse de la phnomnologie, back coyer; idem, La
phnomnologie de l'exgse, back coyer.
12Published in Cairo by the Conseil Suprieur des Arts, des Lettres et
des Sciences Sociales of the United Arab Republic in 1965.
I3Published in Dar al-Bayqa' (Casablanca) by Dar al-Thaqafa in 1971.
14I-Janafi, L'exgse de la phnomnologie, back coyer; idem, La
phnomnologie de l'exgse, back coyer. I-Janafi wrote his dissertation under
the supervision of Robert Brunschvig. See I-Jasan I-Janafi, Humum al-Fikr wa
118
Madjid
16
are aIl full professors in their respective institutions --Cairo
University, Universit Mohammed V and the Jakarta State Institute of Islamic
Studies. Politically, I-Janafi is a leftist and has been ever since his Nasserist
period, as was al-Jabirl in his support for the Union Nationale des Forces
Populaires, at least up to 1980 when he left the party to pursue teaching and
research.
17
Madjid, on the other hand, was initially known by the informaI title
of "Young Natsir," after Moehammad Natsir, the former Chairman of the
modemist Indonesian Muslim political party Masjurni. Madjid's involvement
with Masjurni --a party that many saw as an Indonesian Ikhwan al-Muslimln--
ended in 1970 when he broke ranks with his patron. In this sense Madjid's
al-Wa!an al- 'Arabf, 2: AI-Fikr al- 'Arabi" (Cairo: Dar Qiba', 1998),
622.
15AI-Jabirl, Bunyat al- 'Aql al- 'Arabi, back cover; idem, al- 'Aql al-
Siyasi" al- 'Arabi; back cover; idem, AI-Muthaqqifunjfal-lfa4a al- 'Arabiyya,
back cover; idem, AI-Mashru-' al-Nahdawi" al- 'Arabi; back cover; idem,
Qa4ya-jf al-Fikr al-Mu back cover; and idem, Ibn Rushd, back cover.
See also Gaebel, Von der Kritik des Arabischen Denkens, 3. AI-Jabirl wrote his
dissertation under the supervision of NaJb Baladi. Walid Hamameh,
"Introduction," [to] Mohammed 'Abed al-Jabri [Mul].ammad 'Abid al-Jabirl],
Arab-Islamic Philosophy: A Contemporary Critique, translated from French by
Aziz Abbassi (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1999), vii.
16Madjid, Masyarakat Religius, 189; and idem, Tidak Ada Negara
Islam, 113. Madjid wrote his dissertation under the supervision of Fazlur
Rahman.
17Ahmed Mahfoud and Marc Geoffroy, "Prsentation," in Mohammed
Abed al-Jabri, Introduction la critique de la raison arabe, translated by
Ahmed Mahfoud and Marc Geoffroy (Paris: La Dcouverte, 1995), 5. The
party was changed later on into the Union Socialiste des Forces Populaires.
Hamameh, "Introduction," vii.
119
Islamic politics were closer to those of ijanaff, since the latter asserts that he
was also a member of the Muslim Brotherhood.
18
In his works Qaejaya- Mu (Contemporary Problems), Humu-m al-
Fikr wa al-WaJan al- 'Arabfo (The Malaise of Arab Thought and Nation) and
Min al-Naql ila-al-Ibdii' (From Translation to Creation),21 ijanafi characterizes
the emergence of his reform project from the perspective of the crisis
hypothesis. He sets out to respond to the Arab defeat of 1967 at the hands of
Israel, a defeat he himself characterizes as the most significant clash in the
history of the modem Arab world after the loss of Palestine and the
establishment of Israel in 1948. The defeat changed the way in which the
Arabs, and the Egyptians in particular, looked at themselves, betraying
attitudes ranging from self-confidence to self-criticism. The intelligentsia
especially moved from an idealistic to a positivistic outlook, from the concems
of academic research to mass mobilization. Like his Egyptian contemporaries,
ijanafi sought to discover the factors that had led to their defeat and at the
same time those that could spur their resistance to and, if possible, their victory
over their enemies, in a confrontation that he characterizes as one of "al-
18"Ana al-Ikhwanl," says ijanafi in his Humu-m al-Fikr wa al-
Wa!an al- 'Arabf, 2: 629-630.
19ijasan ijanafi, Qa4aya- Mu 1: Fr Fikrina- al-Mu (Beirut:
Dar al-Tanwlr, 1981), 7; and idem, Qaejaya- 2: Fr al-Fikr al-Gharbr
al-Mu 2
nd
edition (Cairo: Dar al-Fikr al-' ArabI, 1988), 5-6.
20ijasan ijanafi, Humum al-Fikr wa al-Wa!an al- 'Arabi, 1: Al-Tura-th
wa al- wa al-lfaeja (Cairo: Dar Qiba', 1998), 7.
120
khar" (the other) --namely, Israel and the West-- versus "al-ana"'" (the self),
i.e., Arabs and Muslims.
22
These oft-repeated, first-hand observations leave no
room for Voll' s dramatic change hypothesis
23
as an explanation of the factors
that led to ijanafi' s reform.
Nor does Voll's hypothesis apply to al-Jabir1 or Madjid either. This is
because al-Jabirl, for one, is endeavoring to solve the two-centuries old
progressive failure of the Arab Renaissance,24 although Israeli victory over
Arab forces in 1967, he admits, had a particularly serious impact on the decline
of Arab culture in that it has not moved forward since.
25
Madjid, for his part,
also found Indonesian Muslims in the midst of a crisis, but unlike the other
two, has tried to address the challenge faced by his own countrymen, though
without completely forgetting the wider crisis of the Muslim or Arab world.
26
Madjid's slogan of "Islam, Yes, but Islamic Party, No" was specifically
21ijasan ijanafi, Min al-Naql ila- al-Ibda', 1: al-Naql (Cairo: Dar al-
Qiba' , 2000), 24.
22ijasan ijanafi, Al-DTn wa al-Thawra ft 1952-1981, 6:
al-Isla-miyya (Cairo: Maktaba MadbIi, 1988),91.
23See Voll, "Wahhabism and Mahdism," 110-126.
24Muqammad 'Abid al-Jabirl, Al-Khi,tb al- 'ArabT al-Mu Dirasa
Naqdiyya, 2
nd
edition (Beirut: Dar al-1;'aIi'a, 1985), 5; and idem, Al-Mashru-'
al-NahfjawTal- 'Arabi", 7.
25Muqammad 'Abid al-Jabirl, "AI-Muthaqqifn, al-Dlmqratiyya, al-
Tatarruf," Fikr wa Naqd 15 (1999): 5. See also, Charaffeddine, Culture et
ideologie, 207.
26He says, for example, that the Arabs are misunderstood more than any
other people. Instead of making a fair judgement of their effort to liberate
Palestine, the Western media often identify it with terrorism. See Nurcholish
Madjid, Kaki Langit Peradaban Islam (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1997), 197.
121
designed to accommodate Suharto's military government which was
promoting the slogan "the end of ideology" and marginalizing Muslims as a
political force. Suharto was already reaping the benefits of the dismemberment
of the strongest Indonesian (Islamic) political party, Masjurni, by his
predecessor Sukarno. It was Madjid's view that, without an Islarnic reform
movement, Suharto, who was heavily influenced by the United States and by
the small but resourceful Indonesian Christian rninority, would have no reason
to give Muslims a role in governing Indonesia. Indeed, politieal Islam was
perceived as one of the two bitterest enernies of the nation by the Indonesian
Armed Forces, the other one being the Communists (whom Suharto had
managed to crush in 1966). Suharto had even changed the direction of
Indonesian foreign policy from Sukarno's pro-Soviet Union to a pro-Western
Bloc approach. To further legitirnize himself --given that he lacked grass roots
support-- Suharto introduced his Five Year Plan of Economie Development.
Through such efforts and his policy of banning ideological discussion, he
managed to prevent the revival of what he perceived to be his two deepest
enemies: Masjumi and the Indonesian Communist party.27
27See, for example, Nurcholish Madjid, "The Issue of Modernization
among Muslims in Indonesia: From a Participant's Point of View," in Ahmad
Ibrahim, Sharon Shiddique and Yasrnin Hussain, eds., Readings on Islam in
Southeast Asia (Singapore: Institue of Southeast Asian Studies, 1985), 379-
382; Herbert Feith, "Suharto's Search for a Political Format," Indonesia 6
(1968): 88-105. Alfian, "Suharto and the Question of Political Stability,"
Pacifie Community, II.3 (1971): 536-57; Allan A. Samson, "Islam and Politics
in Indonesia" (Ph. D. diss., University of California, 1972), 297-99; Hassan,
122
It should be kept in mind as we continue with our comparision of the
respective responses of ijanafi, al-Jabir1, and Madjid to the decline of Islam
that our analysis will be made above aIl in the light of ijanafi's dialectical
approach, which he refers to as the Islamic Left, the essential ideology behind
his manifesto Heritage and Modernity. In adopting this perspective, ijanafi
endeavors to establish a new balance (syn-thesis) out of the old alternatives
(bada-'n, or, theses and anti-theses). In so doing, he criticizes sorne of the
older alternatives that the Islamic classical heritage (al-tura-th al-qadfm)
offered, while introducing sorne other alternatives in arriving at his new
balance. The old alternatives, which he roundly criticizes, he calls the Islamic
Right, just as the ones he prizes the most he calls the Islamic Left (although he
to sorne extent fails to realize that his approach is weakened by his over-
insistence on a certain point or stage in the development of Islamic thought that
he takes as an exemplar for his Islamic Left).28 A reading of al-Jabirl and
Madjid from the perspective of ijanafi can of course lead to a reductionist
understanding of their thought, but this is the only choice that entails the least
confusion while guaranteeing the best results. The following analysis will,
therefore, focus on the first two dimensions of ijanafi's three-dimensional
Islamic reform project known as Heritage and Modernity, namely,
Muslim Intellectual Responses, 3; and Howard M. Federspiel, "The Military
and Islam in Sukamo's Indonesia," Pasific Affairs 46.3 (1973): 419-420.
28See also Yudian Wahyudi, "Kata Pengantar: Dari Disertasi menuju
Revolusi, Memahami Hasan Hanafi Sang 'Pembalap Usia' ," [Foreword to]
123
"Mawqifuna min al-Turath al-Qacfim" (Our Attitude Towards Classical
Heritage) and "Mawqifuna min al-Turath al-Gharb1" (Our Attitude Towards
Western Heritage), while leaving the third dimension, which is "Mawqifuna
min al-Waqi': al-Tafs1r (Our Attitude Towards Reality: Theoryof
Interpretation), to chapter three.
ijanafi blames Ash'arism for having caused the decline of Islam
because it gave priority to naql (religious text) over 'aql (reason), to God over
human beings. This dominant theology of the Islamic Right resulted in the loss
of both human life and human history in Islam. In its stead he would substitute
Mu'tazilism, a rational and natural theological system of Islam, but coupled
with revolutionary content.
29
The strength of ijanafi's five volume work Min
al- 'Aqfda ila- al-Thawra (From Faith to Revolution),3o says 'Arr Mabriik, lies
in its starting from, and reconstitution of, the structures of 'ilm al-dfn
Hasan Hanafi, Tafsir Fenomenologi, translated by Yudian \Vahyudi
(Yogyakarta: Pesantren Pasca Sarjana Bismillah Press, 2000), 1: ix.
29ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islam1?," 14; idem, Humum al-Fikr wa al-
Wa!an al- 'Arabf, 2: 617; idem, Dira-sa Islamiyya (Beirut: Dar al-Tanw1r,
1982), 14; and idem, Islam in the Modern World 1: Religion, Ideology and
Development (Cairo: The Anglo-Egyptian Bookshop, 1995), 8-17.
30The volumes are as follows: the first is Al-Muqaddima al-Na:s.ariyya
(Cairo: Maktabat Madbrr, 1988); the second is Al-Tawhfd (Cairo: Maktabat
Madbrr, 1988); the third is Al- 'Adl (Cairo: Maktabat Madbrr, 1988); the
fourth is Al-Nubuwwa wa al-Mi'tid (Cairo: Maktabat Madbrr, 1988); the fifth
is Al-Jma-n wa al- 'Amal-Ima-ma (Cairo: Maktabat Madbrr, 1988). ijanafi
sometimes calls the project "From Theology to Anthropology." See also ijasan
ijanafi, "Thologie ou anthropologie?," in Anouar Abdel-Malek, Abdel-Aziz
Bela and Hassan Hanafi, eds., Renaissance du monde arabe (Gembloux: J.
Duculot, 1972): 233-264; and idem, Humu-m al-Fikr wa al-Wa!an al- 'Arabf, 2:
636.
124
(Islamic theology).31 Both al-Jiibirl and Madjid (unlike ijanafi who considers
Ash'arism to represent the absolute "Right") believe that Ash'arism slowly but
steadily moved from the left (ijanafi's Left), although they do not state so
directly. This process began when al-Ash'ar1 (d. 300 H.l915 M.) abandoned
Mu'tazilism at the age of fortYto pursue the Islamic Middle Way (al- Was!iyya
or al-Tawazun) by joining the Jama'a or Ahl al-Sunna wa al-Jama'a (People of
the Prophetic-Ttradition and Community). In terms of human free will,
Ash'arism, in the view of both al-Jiibir1 and Madjid, was an attempt at
mediation between the dogmatism of Sunni conservativism and the rationalism
of Mu'tazilite liberalism.
32
AI-Ash'arl's theory of kasb (acquisition), adds
Madjid, implied that those guilty of capital sin, who could easily be found
within the ruling elite of the Umayyad dynasty, were responsible for their
actions, since their acts of murdering their political opponents became human
upon their decision to proceed with them.
33
Likewise, al-Ash'arl used the
Mu'tazila' s own logic to counter his former old school of thought. He not only
31Mabfk, "AI-Turath wa al-Tajdid,"15.
32Mul).ammad 'Abid al-Jiibirl, "Madkhal 'Amm: Fi Tiirlkh 'lim al-
Kaliim," [Foreword to] Ibn Rushd, AI-Kashf 'an Mananij al-Adillafi 'Aqa-'id
al-Milla aw Naqd '!lm al-Kalam qidd al-Tarslm al-Jdfyylujl li al- 'Aqlda wa
Difa'an 'an al- '!lm wa lfurriyya-t al-Ikhtiya-r fi al-Fikr wa al-Fi'l, edited by
Mul).ammad 'Abid al-Jiibir1 (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wal).da al-'Arabiyya,
1998),24; and Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 28.
33Madjid, "Keilmuan Pesantren," 16-17.
125
succeeded in enervating Mu'tazilism, but also in "saving" Islam from the
assault of the first wave of Hellenism.
34
Thus, ironically, despite ijanafi's identification of Ash'arism with the
"pure" Right, both al-Jabir1 and Madjid contend that Ash'arism once
represented the "Islamic Left." As they argue, Ash'arism was once subjected to
the political pressure of Mu'tazilite proponents such as al-Kundur1 and Tughril
Beg, the latter of whom tortured al-Juwaynl in 445 H. and forced him into
exile. Upon retum from his exile to Mecca and Medina, where he was awarded
the title of !ma-m al-lfaramayn (Religious Leader of the Two Holy Cities), al-
Juwaynl came to influence i ~ m al-Mulk (the great vizier of the early
Seljukite Sultans), whose era marked the triumph of Ash'arism over its
enemies, and over the Batinites in particular.
35
Although the Batinites finally
murdered i ~ m al-Mulk in 1092, Ash'arism grew stronger due, says
Madjid,36 to its inclusive and pluralist frame of thought, although ijanafi
argues that it no sooner did so than it began trampling on the principles it once
advocated by becoming increasingly pro-establishment and by rendering
Islamic thought more one-dimensional. As the official ideology of most
Sunnite states, and the Saljukite empire in particular, Ash'arism, he points out,
made itself out to be the only valid religious interpretation in the Islamic
34Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 28.
35AI-Jabir1, "Fi Tarlkh 'Dm al-KaIam," 28; and idem, AI-Turah wa al-
lfada-tha, 174.
36Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 28.
126
heritage, judging any disagreement with it as a revoit against the system and,
hence, unbelief and atheism.
37
ijanafi sets out to undermine the nine centuries-long Ash'arite theo-
ideologieal domination of the Muslim world, a policy that both Madjid and al-
Jabir1 support, although for different reasons and to a greater or lesser extent.
While Madjid stresses the panacea of advantages offered by al-Ash'arl's
solution that tempted his fellow Muslims to believe in the perfection of 'ilm al-
kalam,38 al-Jabirl condemns the school's epistemological weaknesses,
relegating these to the category of what he calls 'ulu-m al-baya-n, namely, the
pure deductive sciences of Arabie grammar, jurisprudence, theology and
rhetoric (al-bala-gha), so common to Arabo-Islamic tradition. AI- Jabirl further
classifies baya-n discussions into the kind that deals with the rules of
interpreting discourse and the kind that concems itself with the conditions for
producing discourse. While the former began as early as the time of the
Prophet Mu1}.ammad --when his companions asked him about the interpretation
of sorne Qur'anic words or sentences-- the latter first made its appearance only
after the ta/]kfm (peace agreement) between 'Ali and Mu'awiyya to end the
civil war that culminated in the battle of ~ i i n when rhetoric and theological
debate became a means of spreading propaganda, winning over supporters, and
37Hanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islaml?," 14. See also, Hasan Hanafi and
. . .
Mu1}.ammad 'Abid al-Jabir1, lfiwar al-Mashriq wa al-Maghrib (Casablanca:
Dar Tubqal, 1990),23; ijanafi, Da'wa li al-lfiwar, 6; and idem, Min al- 'Aqfda
ila-al-Thawra, 5: 393-407.
127
silencing enemies. In the context of Qur' anic discourse the baya-n is a certain
principle and a specific method of expressing the Qur'an.
39
Thus al-Jabirl is in
line with ijanafi when he concludes that "[1]'indication' reprsente la structure
majeure dans la raison arabe.,,40 Both al-Jabir1
41
and Madjid,42 like ijanafi,43
recommend that Muslims add an inductive approach to this text-oriented
interpretation, although they stop short of calling this approach the "Islamic
Left."
To counter the negative effects of the Ash'arite Right, ijanafi, as stated
above, would reintroduce Mu'tazilism, a move with which both al-Jabir1 and
Madjid are in sympathy, but not to the extent of seeing Mu'tazilism as a part of
the "Islamic Left," as ijanafi does. They aIl tend to agree on the potential of
Mu'tazilism as a solution to the decline of Islam, since Mu'tazilism, for
ijanafi, was originally a revolution of thought, of physical nature, and of free
38Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 29.
39AI-Jabirl, Bunyat al- 'Aql al- 'ArabT, 13-23.
40Ahmed Mal}.foud and Marc Geoffroy, "Prsentation," in Mohammed
Abed al-Jabri, Introduction la critique de la raison arabe, translated by
Ahmed Mal}.foud and Marc Geoffroy (Paris: La Dcouverte and Institut du
Monde Arabe, 1995), 12.
41The inductive approach the essence of al-Jiibirl's demonstrative
sciences (al- 'ulu-m al-burha-niyya).
42Madjid, "Pendahuluan," xxviii; idem, Kaki Langit, 27-28; idem,
Pintu-pintu, 117; idem, "Kemungkinan Menggunakan," 280-281; and idem,
"AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektnal," 111.
43ijanafi, Da'wa li al-lfiwar, 114-116.
128
will.
44
AI-Jabir1,45 like Madjid,46 considers rational and enlightened
Mu'tazilism as having its origins in the theo-political opposition to Umayyad
rule, just like Kharijism. Both the Kharijite and Mu'tazilite theological
positions implied that the Umayyads were illegitimate and, hence, were
obliged to step down, especially since the Kharajites insisted that members of
the Umayyad ruling elite were guilty of capital sin in killing their Muslim
opponents, and were therefore unbelievers. Teaching that human beings are
capable of creating their own actions, and that they are consequently
responsible for them, the Mu'tazilites criticized the Jabarites and, by way of
implication, the Umayyads. The latter were, after aIl, the authors of their own
political deeds and, hence, had to take responsibility for them. Emerging with
this religio-politico ideological stance almost at the end of the period of the
Umayyad rule, Mu'tazilism, for al-Jabir1,47 represented a rational and radical
reforrn movement vis--vis the Ahl al-Sunna wa al-Jama'a in general, which in
its tum was conservative or pro-status quo in defending an unjust dynasty over
Jitan (civil wars or disorders) and revolutions.
The Leftist character of Mu'tazilism, to apply ijanafi's frame of
thought stricto sensu, found its fullest expression when it played a role in the
Abbasid revolution against the Umayyads in 750. However, the success of the
44ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIarrii?," 14.
45AI-Jabir1, "Tar1kh al-'Alaqa," 16; and idem, Al- 'Aql al-Akhlaqz al-
'Arabl,67-68.
46Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 20.
129
revolution, say both al-Jabir1
48
and Madjid,49 moved Mu'tazilism to the Right,
since Mu'tazilism had thrown in its lot with the new establishment. At the
same time the majority of the formerly pro-establishment Ahl al-Sunna wa al-
Jama'a evolved into opposition groups, who suffered from Abbasid political
vengefulness for their continuing loyalty to the defeated Umayyads. As a
defense mechanism, the Ahl al-Sunna wa al-Jama'a accused the Abbasid
dynasty of introducing bid'a by basing itself on Mu'tazilism. In so doing, the
Ahl al-Sunna wa al-Jama'a made Prophetie tradition their theological weapon,
clung to the literaI meaning of religious texts and gave priority to tradition (al-
riwya) over research (al-diraya). AI-Jabirl clearly regards A1)mad ibn ijanbal
and his early supporters as the leaders of this opposition group within the Ahl
al-Sunna wa al-Jama'a, and then the Ash'arites; 50 indeed, ijanafi
51
names Ibn
ijanbal as one of the heroes of his "Islamic Left" due to his bravery in the face
of unjust mIe. Nevertheless Ash'arism, ijanafi states with regret, succeeded in
replacing Mu'tazilism and became the dominant theological school in the
Muslim world, resulting in a number of weaknesses that he sets out to reverse
radically by promoting the Mu'tazilite philosophy of history.52
47AI-Jabirl, "Tiirlkh al-' Aliiqa," 6.
48Ibid., 16.
49Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 20.
50AI-Jabirl, "Tar1kh al-'Alaqa," 6.
51ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Isliiml?," 47.
52ijanafi, Al-Turath wa al-TajdTd, 41; and idem, Min al-Naql ila- al-
b d a ~ 1: 18.
130
In addition to reintroducing the theological significance of the five
Mu'tazilite principles, I-Janafi underlines their political implications.
Mu'tazilism, I-Janafi explains, was an expression of open opposition from
within the system.
53
AI-Jabir1, like I-Janafi, confirms that the five principles
were religious in form, but political in content. Al-Tawhrd (the unity of God)
means the union of God's Essence and attributes, but politically it implies that
God creates human actions, while providing them with the ability to act,
freedom and free will. Given that He lets them create their actions, they are
responsible for them, just as the Umayyads were responsible for their actions
because they stole their political power on purpose. Al- 'Adl Gustice), in
theological terms, means the denial that God can be anything less than just, but
politically it means that the Umayyad rulers were the sources of injustice in
their kingdom, as it is impossible for God to force a human being to do
something and then punish him or her in the hereafter for that act. Al-wa'd wa
al-wa 'rd (promise and threat) means doctrinally that God must do what He
says in the Qur'an, but politically it is a direct rejection of the Umayyads'
belief that God would not punish caliphs. The traditional Mu'tazilite manzila
bayn al-manzilatayn (position between two positions) was a direct rejection of
the Kharijites who considered capital sinners to be unbelievers: for
Mu'tazilites these were neither total believers nor total unbelievers. And yet,
since the Umayyads were capital sinners, they were clearly imperfect believers
53I-Janafi, Dira-sa Falsafiyya, 63.
131
and, therefore, illegitimate. Mu'tazilism transfeITed the moral principle of al-
amr bi al-ma'rul wa al-nahy 'an al-munkar (encouraging others to do
something good and forbidding them to do something wrong) onto the political
stage, implying that the Umayyads had to abide by Mu'tazilite principles to
achieve legitimacy.54 For Madjid, as for both ijanafi and al-Jabiri, the
Mu'tazilites' rational and inductive approaches are of the highest significance
to Islam and Indonesianness, although Madjid, unlike ijanafi, severely
criticizes the Mu'tazilite "Authoritarian Right" that ended up defeating itself.
Thus Indonesian Islam does not need to repeat the experience of a Mu'tazilite-
supported inquisition; instead, Mu'tazilite enlightenment and intellectual
bravery are both necessary and sufficient to the task of facing the challenge
posed by the "other": Hellenism for the Mu'tazilites, globalization for CUITent
Islam. 55
ijanafi supported the popular position held by modern reformist critics
that the decline of Islam began with al-GhazaIi's attack on the rational
sciences.
56
However, both al-Jabiri and Madjid look at the problem differently.
54AI-Jabiri, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqcifiyya, 151-152; and idem, Al-'Aql al-
SiyasTal- 'ArabI, 323-325.
55Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 20; idem, Kaki Langit, 48-49;
and idem, "Agama dan Rasionalitas," [Foreword to] Munawir Sjadzali, I}tihad
Kemanusiaan (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1997), xiv-xv.
56ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islam1?," 14; idem, Al-DTn wa al-Thaqcifa wa
al-Siyasa jf al-Wa/an al- 'ArabT (Cairo: Dar Qiba', 1998), 359; and idem,
Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 140-141.
132
Unlike ijanafi, who seems totally opposed to al-GhazaIi,57 al-Jabir1 states that
the latter's attack on philosophers, and on Ibn Sina in particular, was only by-
accidence and not by-essence. It was a conditional attack, so that if Ibn Sina
had not tried through his Ilhfya-t (Metaphysics) to establish a Fatimite-backed
Ismailite theology (which was an ideology) in place of Sunni-Seljukite-based
Asharite theology, al-Ghazali would never have written his TahdJut al-Falasifa
(The Incoherence of Philosophers). On the other hand, al-Ghazali made
Aristotelian logic an absolute criterion of truth.
58
In this sense, al-Ghazali, as
an (Islamic legal philosopher), applied the jurisprudential principle of al-
IJukm yadr ma' al- 'illa wujdan wa 'adaman (the existence of a ruling
depends on the existence of its cause). Al-Ghazali, as both Madjid
59
and al-
Jabirl. see it, attacked philosophy in order to destroy the Batinites, but
philosophy in the Muslim world was only weakened and did not die at the
hands of his Tahalut, as is clear from the emergence of such philosophers as
Ibn Rushd, Ibn Taymiyya, Mulla Aq.mad Sirhindi and Shah Wali
57ijanafi, Humm al-Fikr wa al-Wa/an al- 'Arabf, 2: 618; and idem,
Islam in the Modern World, 1: 17-18.
58Muhammad 'Abid al-Jabirl., "Madkhal 'Amm: AI-Sira' al-Madhhabl,
. .
wa laysa al-Dln, wara' 'Tahalut al-Fala-sifa' li al-Ghazali," [Foreword to] Ibn
Rushd, TahdJut al-TahdJut: Inti?a-r al-Ru7J al- 'Ilmiyya wa Ta' SIS al-Akhlaqiyya
al-lfiwa-r, edited by Muq.ammad 'Abid al-Jabirl (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-
Waq.da al-'Arabiyya, 1998),44-46; and idem, "Muqaddima Tal)liliyya: Kitiib li
al-Dira' 'an al-Ru'ya al-'llmiyya wa Akhlaqiyyat al-ijiwir," in Tahalut al-
Tahalut, 61-66.
59Madjid, "Masalah Ta'wil sebagai Metodologi Penafsiran AI-Qur' an,"
in Nurcholish Madjid et al., eds., Kontekstualisasi Doktrin Islam dalam
Sejarah (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1994), 16.
133
Allah.
6o
Whereas al-Jabir1limits his analysis to the internaI (al-ana) political
conflict behind the attack of al-Fala-sifa, a target that he characterizes as
composed of neither philosophy nor philosophers but rather Shiites, Madjid
goes beyond this to address the external (al-khar). Madjid, too, echoes al-
Jabir1 in stating that the target of al-Ghazali's Tahalut was Ibn S1na, a
prominent exponent of Ismailism or Batinism. One can, therefore, see the title
Tahalut al-Falasifa as really being a refutation against Ibn S1na (Tahalut Ibn
Sfna).61 Without al-Ghazali's TahciJut, the Muslim world would have lost its
authenticity in the second wave of Hellenism, since, while his Tahalut severely
criticized "foreign" metaphysics, his IiJya' 'Ululn al-Dfn (Revival of Religious
Sciences) combined esoteric (bafini) and exoteric (?,hirl) aspects of Islam.
While the former is a religious experience (al-dhawq) through 'iba-da, the latter
is normative legitimacy through sharf'a. The combination thus strengthened
Muslim religiosity against a foreign intellectual onslaught,62
Unlike ijanafi, Madjid even suggests that Muslims need to repeat the
experience of al-Ghazali, who refuted philosophy after he had mastered it,
since al-Ghazali was a direct suceessor of al-Ash'arl (albeit with a greater
60Madjid, Kaki LangU, 6,48 132, and 133.
61Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 318.
62Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 33-35; idem, "Keilmuan
Pesantren," 15; idem, Kaki Langit, 4-5; idem, Pintu-Pintu, 202; idem, Bilik-
bilik Pesantren: Sebuah Potret Perjalanan (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1977),52,57
and 202; idem, Islam Agama Peradaban: Membangun Makna dan Relevansi
Doktrin Islam dalam Sejarah (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1995), 92 and 113; and
idem, "AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 119-121.
134
intellectual capacity). Like his master, al-Ghazali not only borrowed
Mu'tazilite methods, but also the methods of his enemies, who were neo-
Platonists and Aristotelians, in order to establish his historically unbroken
Sunnism. AI-GhazaIi's works played their most important role in making
Ash'arism the central doctrine of Sunnism by filling the existing gap between
sufism and other Islamic fields, but especially between 'aqfda and sharf'a, a
place that had been occupied far too long by esotericism.
63
For al-Jabir1,
esotericism constituted the most serious challenge posed by the Ismailites to al-
GhazaIi's thought. Al-Ghazali, he insists, criticized the Ismailite concept of an
infallible imam, as is obvious from his Faq,a-'f!J, al-Bafiniyya (The Infamies of
Batinism) and al-Munqidh min al-pala1 (The Deliverance from Error).64
Madjid, however, cornes doser to ijanafi's condemnation of al-Ghazali in
acknowledging that the latter's solutions were so remarkable that Muslims
were "hypnotized." As he explains it, Muslim intellectuals have all taken a tum
in the prison that al-Ghazali found himself in, but they have to realize they
63Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 33-35; idem, "Keilmuan
Pesantren,"15; idem, "Tasauf dan Pesantren," in M. Dawam Rahardjo, ed.,
Pesantren dan Pembangunan (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1974), 102; idem, Kaki Langit,
4-5; and idem, Islam Agama Peradaban, 92 and 113.
64Mul).ammad 'Abid al-Jabirl, "Madkhal 'Amm: Tarlkh al-'Alaqa bayn
al-Dln wa al-Falsafa fi al-Islam," [Foreword to] Ibn Rushd, al-Maqa1 fi
Taqrfr ma- bayn al-SharT'a wa al-lfikma min aw Wujb al-Na?r al-
'AqlTwa lfudua al-Ta'wil (al-DTn wa al-Mujtama'), ed. Mul).ammad 'Abid al-
Jabir1 (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wal).da al-'Arabiyya, 1997), 18-23; and idem,
Al-Turath wa al-lfadtha, 173-174.
135
must escape from it in order to recover their dynamism.
65
Thus al-Ghazalism,
for both ijanafi and Madjid, has been blown out of aIl proportion (al-isra]). It
is IJaram, to use an Islamic legal term, to pursue a course of thought that may
lead to the intellectual stagnation of the Muslim world. It is, indeed, in view of
this out-of-all-proportion aspect of al-Ghazalism that ijanafi felt justified in
characterizing it as a part of the Islamic Right, to balance which ijanafi
reintroduced Ibn Rushd, another element of his Islamic Left.
ijanafi,66 al-Jabir1
67
and Madjid
68
aIl insist on the significance of the
revival of Ibn Rushd's scientific rationalism for their respective projects. The
buming of Ibn Rushd's books by the 'ulama'-backed rulers of his native
Cordoba, adds Madjid, is indicative of the incapability of Muslims, and the
orthodox in particular, to accommodate philosophical tradition. For this
stubbomness they had to pay the price of the collapse of the philosophical
tradition in general and Islamic Aristotelianism in particular, not to mention
the loss of Andalusia to the hands of the enemy.69 ijanafi makes Averroism
the essential epistemological base of his Islamic Left, since Ibn Rushd was the
65Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 35.
66Hanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islam1?," 16; and idem, Da'wa li al-Biwa-r, 140-
. .
141.
67MuQammad 'Abid al-Jabirl, Ibn Rushd: S[ra wa Fikr, Dirasa wa
NU!fu!f (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wal].da al-'Arabiyya, 1998), 10-11.
68Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 38; and idem, "Kemungkinan
Menggunakan," 280-281.
69Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 35-38; and idem, "AI-Qur'an,
Kaum Intelektual," 120.
136
rightful heir to the first Islamic philosopher al-Kindi --both of them, after aIl,
insisted that philosophy is not only a pillar of religion, but a principle that
manages the laws of nature for the sake of human beings. Although both
aspects are essential to the awakening of every society into illumination,
ijanafi
70
insists, Ibn Sina and al-FarabI changed al-Kindi's orientation,
resulting in the view that reason is limited in its ability to know the essences of
things. It follows that reason needs divine help and communication with the
Active Intellect to understand anything. The One, The Almighty thus becomes
the leader who gives inspiration, the one by whose orders everybody should
abide. Like ijanafi, al-Jabir1 blames Ibn Sina for diverting Islamic philosophy
from al-Kindi's open rationalism to a pernicious irrationalism, citing Ibn
Sina's Al-lfikma al-Mashriqiyya (Eastern Philosophy) as an irrational but
ideological discourse. It was a Persian and, hence, Shiite philosophy held up in
opposition to Arab Sunnism.
71
Thus, while al-Jabir1 defends al-Ghazali's
attack on the Batinites in his works FaeJa'iIJ al-Bdiiniyya, Tahalut al-Fala-sifa
and al-Munqidh min al-Qala1, he nevertheless criticizes him for maintaining,
7oijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islaml?," 16; and idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r,
140-141.
71AI-Jabir1, Arab-Islamic Philosophy, 58; idem, Ishka1iyyat al-Fikr al-
'ArabI, 46; idem, Bunyat al- 'Aql al- 'ArabI, 25; idem, "Al-Sinawiyya:
wa in AI-Tahir wa 'Az"iz, ed., Dirasat Maghribiyya: Muhda- ila al-
Mufakkir al-Maghribf MuIJammad 'Azfz al-Jabbbl, 2
nd
edition (Casablanca:
AI-Markaz al-Thaqafi al-'Arabl, 1987), 149; and idem, Al-Turath wa al-
lfadatha, 173-174.
137
and even developing, their gnosticism.
72
Madjid, on the other hand, supports
without cavil both al-GhazaIi's and Ibn Rushd's criticisms of al-Farabl's and
Ibn S'ina's neo-Platonism.
73
Al-FarabI and Ibn S'ina divided the individual human being into mortal
body and immortal spirit. The former is the object of physics, the latter that of
metaphysics. This division, ijanafi argues, results in a serious double problem.
While the mortal body demands food, lodging, transportation and health, the
immortal spirit is prone to laziness, indifference and ri4a- (contentment). The
paradigm shift also results in the superiority of theoretical values over practical
ones, since theory and meditation are more important than action and
production. Although philosophy was coopted into sufism at the hands of al-
FarabI and Ibn S'ina, Ibn Rushd bravely endeavored to restore reason to its
rightful original place and to liberate nature from the grips of theology, while
attacking both Ash'arite metaphysics and sufism.
74
Both al-Jabirl
75
and
Madjid
76
regret, as does ijanafi,77 Ibn Rushd's short-lived reform of Islamic
philosophy. To reintroduce the scientific, critical, but open-to-truth spirit of Ibn
72AI-Jabir1, al-Madhhabl," 44-46; idem, "Kitab li al-Difii',"
61-66; and idem, "Tar1kh al-'AIaqa," 18-23.
73Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 38.
74ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIaII?," 16; and idem, Al-Dfn wa al-Thaqala
wa al-Siyasa, 37.
75AI-Jabir1, Ibn Rushd: Sfra wa Fikr, 10-11; and idem, Al- 'Aql al-
Akhlaqfal- 'Arabf, 622.
76Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 38.
77ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIaII?," 16.
138
Rushd, al-Jabirl has edited and republished what he caUs the lost heritage of
Ibn Rushd's original works, namely F a ~ l al-Maql (Decisive Creterion),
Manhij al-Adilla (Methodologies), Tahfut al-Tahfut (The Incoherence of
the Incoherence), and even Al-Kuliyyat fT al-'(ibb (The Fundamentals of
Medicine) -all of which he released in 1998, the eight hundredth anniversary
of Ibn Rushd's death.
78
Madjid in tum has translated Ibn Rushd's F a ~ l al-
Maqal into Indonesian.
79
It is in the aforementioned original works that
readers, al-Jabirl stresses, will rediscover the true Arabo-Islamic Ibn Rushd.
Representing a necessary introduction to every reform of Arabo-Islamic
culture starting from "within," these original works deal with problems from
the perspective of Arabo-Islamic values such as ijtihcd infiqh, "correction" of
belief in 'Um al-kala-m (Islamic theology), "correction" of the position of
philosophy in Arabo-Islamic thought, and reconstruction of the relation of
philosophy to religion. so
7SAl-Jabid, Ibn Rushd: srra wa Fikr, 10-11; idem,"Fasl Akhar min
'ijiwar al-Mashriq wa al-Maghrib': Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqafiyya fi al-Taswiyya
al-Salamiyya ma' Isra'il," Fikr wa Naqd 4 (1997): 15; idem, "Jadid fi al-Fikr
al-Siyasi bi al-Turath al-'Arabl," Fikr wa Naqd 13 (1998): 6; idem, "Ibn
Rushd: A1- 'nm wa a1-Faq:i1a," Fikr wa Naqd 14 (1998): 5-13; and idem, "Ibn
Rushd: A l A ~ a al-Qatila' wa al-Rajul 'al-Iadhi Afsada Jami'at al-Aniba" fi
AWfba," Fikr wa Naqd 17 (1999): 5-25.
79The Indonesian translation of Ibn Rushd's F a ~ l al-Maql is an
integral part of Madjid's Khazanah Intelektual Islam, 207-244.
sOAl-Jabid, Ibn Rushd: srra wa Fikr, 10-11.
139
Like al-Jabir1 and Madjid, ijanafi81 also tries to reintroduce the
European experience of Latin Averroism to the Muslim world, a step that al-
Jabirl caUs a new Averroism in the process of Arab renaissance and reform.
82
Yet ijanafi has developed a more ambivalent attitude towards Ibn Rushd over
the years, to the point where in 1999 he published a thorough criticism of his
thought. For ijanafi, Ibn Rushd was not an exponent of the Islamic Left, but of
the Islamic Right, all the while wearing the mask of the Islamic Left, and this
for the foUowing reasons. First, he was esoteric (ta 'will) on the surface, but
exoteric ('{.hiri) deep down. Second, he was rational ('aqlni) on the outside,
but textual on the inside. Third, he was Malikite in his theory, but
Hanbalite in his practice. Fourth, he was a commentator on the outside, but an
author in his real being. Fifth, he was a philosopher in performance, but a
theologian at heart. Sixth, he was Mu'tazilite in his stated intention, but
Ash'arite in his application. Seventh, he was a theologian in general, but a
judge in particular. Eighth, he was a judge in reality, but a scientist in
intention. Ninth, he was an atheist in statement, but a believer in vision. Last,
he was an opposition thinker in his behavior, but pro-establishment (sultawl) in
his orientation.
83
It is only in his reevaluation of Ibn Rushd's position that
ijanafi does not stop his dialectical analysis at a certain stage of thesis or anti-
81ijanafi, Dirasa Islaniyya, 158-159.
82AI-Jabir1, Ibn Rushd: Sfra wa Fikr, 10-11.
83ijasan ijanafi, "AI-Ishtibah fi Fikr Ibn Rushd," 'A?am al-Fikr 27.4
(1999): 122-123; and idem, Minal al-Naql ila-al-Ibda', 1: 18.
140
thesis, a process that he would have done in other cases. By contrast, Ibn
Rushd, al-Jabir1 reminds us, was opposed to authoritarianism and absolutism,
since he called for politico-religious reform,84 although Madjid does not agree
with Ibn Rushd's emphasis on the elitism of the philosophers' right to
undertake ta 'wu (philosophical interpretation).85
Both ijanafi
86
and al-Jabir1
87
consider sufism to be one of the factors
that led to the decline of the Muslim world, although each traces its origins
back to a different source. For ijanafi, sufism emerged in reaction to the
deviations of the Umayyads, who had been corrupted by their luxurious
lifestyle and had tried to correct this by appealing to and adopting such
traditional mystical values as poverty, fear, hunger, submission -all of which
ijanafi calls weak and defeatist defenses of the sou!. 88 Here we might add that
sufism for Madjid, as for ijanafi, is of Islamic origin, but that Madjid sees the
emergence of sufism as a natural continuation of the Muslim need for a kind of
scientific differentiation in the second and third centuries of Hijra.
89
AI-Jiibir1,
on the other hand, is convinced that sufism is of Greek origin and classifies it
84AI-Jabir1, "Jadid fi al-Fikr al-Siyasl," 15.
85Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 39; and idem, "Masalah
Ta'wil," 15.
86ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IslaIT?," 16-17; idem, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 22,
101 and 102; and idem, Al-Dfn wa al-ThaqtiJa wa al-Siya-sa, 371.
87AI-Barbarl, Ishkaliyyat al-Turath, 346.
88ijanafi, Al-Turah wa al-Tajdfd, 17 and 92-93; and idem, Dira-sa
Falsafiyya, 22 and 101.
141
under the gnostic sciences ('ulum al- 'irfa-n). Gnostic trends, al-Jabir1
elaborates, are of three kinds: the kind dominated by a gnostic attitude of
resistance, such as among the sufis a ~ J a D al-a!Jwa7); the kind that is
philosophical in nature, as in the case of rational sufis such as al-Farabi with
his theory of happiness, or Ibn Sina with his philosophy of al-mashriqiyya
(easternism); and finally, the kind that is totally mythical, as in the instance of
Ismailite philosophers and Batinite sufis.
9o
Sufism, he says, was a part of
Hermetism, a trend that had its origins in Hellenistic civilization during the
period of its decline. In their effort to solve the problem, Greek thinkers turned
to spiritual forces for help, forgetting their long-trusted weapon --reason. The
practice not only destroyed the Greek belief in reason, but it also diverted them
into believing in foreign supranatural forces.
91
Sufism, ijanafi argues, changed Islam from a "horizontal movement
within history" into a "vertical movement within history but outside the
universe," resulting in a reverse of the course of Islamic history. Instead of
making Islam a goal in history, sufism changed it into a goal outside history.92
AI-Jabirl for his part condemns the Batinites for making Hermetism their
weapon against the Sunnites, since it tumed out to be the source of
89Madjid, Masyarakat Religius, 107; idem, "Tasauf dan Pesantren," 98;
and idem, Bilik-bilik Pesantren, 48-49.
90AI-Jabir1, Bunyat al- 'Aql al- 'AraBi, 269.
91AI-Jabirl, Takwfn al- 'Aql al- 'AraBi, 167.
142
irrationalism (al-Ia-'aqla-niyya) in Islam. The irrational trend of Islamic
gnosticism, insists al-Jabir1, changed Muslims from natural- into more
supranatural-oriented human beings.
93
Every Muslim should observe the
Sharf'a, states a disapproving ijanaff,94 but sufism shifted it into an
exclusively sufi-dominated truth, a judgement that neither al-Jabir1 nor Madjid
challenges, although their emphasis is slightly different. Sufism, al-Jabir1
stresses, is not only an individual, but also --more importantly-- an aristocratie
salvation, the achievement of the both of which is restrieted to a select group of
gnostics, who in turn become pure spiritualists and even form a sort of
spiritualist class.
95
On the other hand, sufism, for Madjid, greatly contributed
to lessening the effects of Javanese feudalism, though it in turn led to an
increase in religious feudalism in the sense that the son of a kyai (Javanese sufi
'lim) came in turn to monopolize almost completely the chances of becoming
a kyai, in his turn, at the expense of regular candidates.
96
While al-Jabir1 tends to regard sufism as a matter of individual
orientation,97 both ijanafi and Madjid work hard to prove its nature as a socio-
religious movement. Sufi reform, for ijanafi, is an escape from reality, an
92ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIall?," 16-17; idem, Islam in the Modem
World, 1: 17-18; idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 11-13; and idem, AI-Dfn wa al-
Thaqtija wa al-Siyasa, 371.
93AI-Jabirl, Ishkaliyya-t al-Fikr al- 'Arabfal-Mu'a-#r, 46.
94ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIall?," 16-17.
95AI-Jabir1, Bunyat al- 'Aql al- 'Arabf, 25.
96Madjid, "Keilmuan Pesantren," 15-16.
143
inward looking cure, and an imaginary world, leading him to condemn
negative values like al-faqr (poverty), al-khawf (cowardice) and al-ju-'
(hunger) as responsible for the Muslim global problems of poverty, cowardice
and hunger. Muslims, he goes on to say, do not have anything to refrain
(zahada) from. l ~ a b r (patience) and al-r!a (contentment) convince them to
accept whatever circumstances they may face. Al-tawakkul (submission)
teaches them to abandon planning and preparation for the future. Al-fana-'
(absorption) and al-itti/],aa (union) lead them into an imaginary and unreal
world. They may think they are the best community ever sent to human beings,
but they do not practice al-amr bi al-ma 'ru1 wa al-nahy 'an al-munkar, the
Qur'anic injunction that insures this
98
and a condition that Madjid interprets as
fundamental to practicing the best values.
99
Their lands are occupied by
foreigners, and their properties are monopolized by kings and emirs, a situation
that stimulates FJanafi to reinterpret sufi teachings radically and functionally.
Al-fanei' (absorption), he offers, should be taken to mean aljana-' in action and
sacrifice for the sake of mission, and al-itti/],aa as a means of applying the
Sharf'at Allah and of transforming al-wa/],y (revelation) into a world system
97AI-Barbar1, Ishka7iyyat al-Turtith, 317.
98FJanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islam1?," 16-17; idem, Al-Turah wa al-Tajdfd,
45; idem, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 25-43; and idem, Dira-sa Falsafiyya,
62-63.
99Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 334.
144
through action, hard work (al-juhd) , and Muslim movements in history.IOO
While al-Jabir1 insists on cutting off sufism at the epistemological level and
replacing it with Averroism, lOI Madjid recommends that Indonesian Muslims
teach sufi values to their fellow Indonesians in accordance with their
intellectual capacity as a part of experiencing the highest level of religiosity,
namely, by practicing ihsan (acting well) through 'ibaaa (worship), as al-
Ghaili teaches, but without necessarily becoming followers of any actual sufi
orders.
I02
ijanafi on the other hand makes Shiism a revolutionary element of his
Islamic Left. Despite the fact that 'Ali ibn Ab11alib had shown himself to be
a leader of the Islamic Right in rejecting Mu'awiyya ibn Ab1 ~ u f y n s demand
that justice be done to the murderers of Caliph 'Uthman ibn 'Affan, ijanafi
positions 'Ali on the Left with Mu'awiyya on the Right, and even arbitrarily
calls ijusayn ibn 'Ali sayyid al-Shuhadi' (the master of Muslim martyrs) as
the Shiites dO,103 whereas Islamic tradition awards this title to Hamzat ibn
'Abd al-Mutalib, an uncle of the Prophet Muqammad who was killed at the
battle of Uqud. Madjid, like ijanafi, appreciates Shiism, while insisting that an
understanding of its historical division into the Mu'alliha (those who believed
IOOHanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IslaII?," 16-17.
lOI Al-Jabir1, Arab Islamic Philosophy, 104.
102Madjid, "Keilmuan Pesantren," 14; idem, Masyarakat Religious,
107-113; idem, Dialog Keterbukaan, 319; and idem, Islam Agama Peradaban,
92 and 113.
145
in 'Ali's divinity), the Ghulla (those who believed in 'Ali's prophethood), and
the Rafiqa (those who rejected Abu Bakr's, 'Umar's and 'Uthman's caliphates,
while dedaring 'Ali the most eligible for the office) is essential to appreciating
its role in Muslim society. The Shiites, but the Rafidites in particular, believe
in man-oriented tajdfd, since they, according to Madjid, consider their imam
the mediator between God and human beings. It is a hereditary office,104 a
process that al-Jabir1 condemns as a sign of the domination of religious
aristocracy.105 Shiite political defeats, adds Madjid,106 made them depend more
on the concept of messianism, a form of political escapism that al-Jabir1
identifies as being the source of Islamic irrationalism.
107
In contrast to al-Jabirl,
ijanafi stresses that sorne modem Shiites come doser to their Sunnite
counterparts since they have abandoned their extreme, innovative beliefs.
108
Madjid is of the opinion that the division into Ahl al-Sunna wa al-Jama'a and
Shl'a is an unfair one and suggests that Muslims at least rename the parties Ahl
al-Sunna wa al-Jama'a (People of the Prophetie-Tradition) and Ahl al-Sunna
wa al-Shl'a (People of the Prophetie-Tradition and Shiism).109
103ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Isla11?," 16; and idem, Dira-sa Falsafiyya, 81.
104Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 216-217.
105AI-Jabirl, Bunyat al- 'Aql al- 'Arabl, 25.
106Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 216.
107AI-Jabirl, Takwfn al- 'Aql al- 'Arabl, 165.
108ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Isla11?," 14.
109Media Dakwah, Januari 1993,44-45.
146
The revolutionary character of Shiism, which Khomeini exploited in
the Iranian Revolution of 1978, is identified by ijanafi as the driving force
behind his own vision of Islam. ijanafi explains that the project of the Islamic
Left was timed to coincide with the coming of the lSth century of Hijra, in the
course of which God is expected to send His mujaddid (reformer).110 Madjid,
however, sees Shiism as valuable to Indonesian Islam for its philosophical
tradition, noting that the modern Sunnite reform movement owes much to al-
AfghanI (a Shiite who pretended to be a Sunni for pragmatic reasons). It was
indeed through his Egyptian student 'Abduh that al-Afghanl's ideas took root
in Sunnite communities. The reintroduction of Shiism to Indonesian Islam in
the wake of the Iranian Revolution will, from Madjid's point of view, assuage
the monolithic character of Indonesian Islam, which consists in an unrelenting
version of Sunnite-Shafiism. III In contrast to ijanafi, who was and still is a
fervent supporter of the Iranian Revolution,112 Madjid is clearly unwilling to
encourage any unrest in Indonesia, and suggests that Indonesian Muslims focus
lloijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIam1?," 13; idem, Dirasa-t Falsafiyya, 81;
idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 90, 142 and 478; and idem, Humum al-Fikr wa al-
Watan al- 'Arab[, 2: 646.
lllMadjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 216-217; idem, "Masalah Ta'wil," 2;
idem, "Sksme dalam Islam," 668; and idem, Islam, Kemodernan dan
Keindonesiaan, 310.
112ijanafi, Humum al-Fikr wa al-WaJan al- 'Arabf, 2: 646; idem, Al-Dfn
wa al-Thawra, 6: 270; and idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 90, 140 and 141.
147
their efforts at reform of social justice, thereby helping to prevent any possible
revolution.
l13
At the same time, ijanafi,114 like both AI-Jabirl
115
and Madjid,116
rejects any "man-oriented tajdid," or the Islamic Right aspects of the Shiite
revolution, as he would put it. ijanafi spent sorne time in Qum discussing the
concept of wilayat al-faqih (govemment by Muslim jurists) with Khomeini,
and published the latter's Wilayat al-Faqih (or Al-lfuku-ma al-Isla-miyya
(Islamic Govemment)) and Jiha-d al-Nafs (Struggle against One's Self, or
Jihad al-Akbar (Greater Struggle)) at his own expense, distributing them on
the main streets of Cairo at no charge in order to start an Islamic revolution in
Egypt. Nevertheless, he demanded that Khomeini drop any statements to the
effect that imams are closer to Allah than prophets are, since he considered
these to be exaggerated theological claims.
ll
? Madjid, like ijanafi, criticizes
the absolute claim to authority by clerics under Khomeinism,
1
18 a criticism that
al-Jabirl totally echoes.
119
The Iranian Revolution, al-Jabirl states, transcended
113Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 219.
114ijanafi, Humum al-Fikr wa al-Wa!an al- 'Arabf, 2: 646-647.
116Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 217; and idem, "Konsep Muhammad
saw sebagai Penutup Para Nabi dan Implikasinya dalam Kehidupan Sosial
serta Keagamaan," in Nurcholish Madjid et al., eds., Kontekstualisasi Doktrin
Islam dalam Sejarah (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1994),527 and 533.
l1?ijanafi, Humu-m al-Fikr wa al-Wa!an, 2: 646; idem, Al-Dfn wa al-
Thawra, 6: 270; and idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 474.
118Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 218.
119AI-Jabirl, Bunyat al- 'Aql al- 'Arabl, 25.
148
the problem of a hidden imam since it established both wilayat al-faqih and a
modem elective govemment. Unlike the system in place under the "old"
Shiism, Khomeinist Iran chooses its president through a parliament (majlis al-
shura), making the country, in Madjid's analysis, the second most democratic
of Muslim countries, Pakistan being the first.
120
However, Khomeinists have
neither an absolute theological claim to authority nor a right to act as though
they are religious aristocracts. The danger is that the Revolution could easily
transform the latent, oppressed irrationalism and aristocracy of Shiite Islam
into a state-sponsored version.
121
Madjid, on the other hand, believes that the
reintroduction of Shiism to Indonesia will not be difficult, for out of the four
Islamic legal schools (al-madha7lib) , Shafiism, to which the majority of
Indonesian Muslims belong, has the closest affinity to Shiism. Indeed, the
Nahdlatul Ulama, the largest Indonesian Islamic organization and a largely
Shafiite institution at that, has always offered praise to the ahl al-bayt (the
descendants of the Prophet MuQ.ammad). This, argues Madjid, will make the
reintroduction of Shiism to Indonesia easier, but the acceptance of Shiism
within Indonesian Islam depends upon its being shom of its extremely
innovative theological teachings
122
--elements that both I-Janafi and al-Jabirl
nonetheless consider essential to their respective projects.
120Madjid, "Abduhisme Pak Harun," 108.
121AI-Jabirl, AI-Mashru-' al-Nahejawl al- 'Arabz, 131; and idem Bunyat
al- 'Aql al- 'Arabz, 25.
122Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 117-122.
149
Among the most significant factors leading to the decline of Islam,
from FJanafi's point of view, was the loss of revolutionary spirit within the
Islamic Left, especially when Muslims fell under the various pro-establishment
influences of the Islamic Right of Ash'arism, sufism and al-Ghazalism, as
explained above. To make up for the loss of the living example of Islamic
praxis, FJanafi tums to the Kharijite revolution for model, which he accepts as
a historicallegacy of the Islamic Left. ijanafi,123 al-Jabir1
124
and Madjid
125
aIl
agree that the Kharijite interpretation of action as an integral part of faith is
highly significant to reviving the praxis tradition of modem Muslims, but
Madjid stops short of recommending that any revolution take place in
Indonesia. ijanafi on the other hand calls upon his fellow Muslims to observe
the Kharijite interpretation of Islamic egalitarianism according to which
"Arabs have no superior claim over non-Arabs. It is taqwa (the observance of
Islamic teachings) that discourages bias in Islam.,,126 Madjid also attributes to
taqwa the fact that the Kharijites were among the first Muslims in Islamic
123ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIall?," 14; idem, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 21, 61
and 63; idem, Religious Dialogue & Revolution: Essays on Judaism,
Christianity & Islam (Cairo: Anglo Egyptian Bookshop, 1977), 1; and idem,
Islam in the Modern World, 1: 10-16.
124AI-Jabir1, Al-Mas'ala al-ThaqaJiyya, 140.
125Madjid, Masyarakat Religius, 35; and idem, "Islam, Iman dan Ihsan
sebagai Trilogi Ajaran llahi," in Nurcholish Madjid et al., eds.,
Kontekstualisasi Doktrin Islam dalam Sejarah (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1994),
463.
126ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIall?,"14; and idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 428.
150
history not to discriminate between Arab and non-Arab Muslims.
127
The
Kharijites, ijanafi reminds us, even promoted the "modem democratic"
principle that a caliph should be elected on the basis of bay'a (social
contract),128 a radical egalitarianism that Madjid for his part sees as reflecting
the true spirit of Islam as the Prophet Muqammad taught. 129
In principle, al-Jabir1 encourages the same Islamic egalitarianism, but
he sees it differently, tracing as he does the origins of Kharijite egalitarianism
to the group's minority position in the conflict between the caliph 'Ali and the
govemor of Syria, Mu'awiyya. The Kharijite leaders came from poor Bedouin
tribes who had always been in competition and conflict with both the
Umayyads and the Hashimites. The t ~ l m (peace agreement) between 'Ali
and Mu'awiyya weakened the Kharijites' bargaining position, since they were
now faced with a united front rather than two warring factions whose
differences they could exploit. Upon 'AIi's rejection of their proposaI to kill
Mu'awiyya, the Kharijites called for a retum to a true Islam by voicing the
slogan of "La- ~ u m illa- li Allh" (There is no binding ruling, except the one
that is for God's sake), to which 'Ali responded through his well-known
judgement of "Kalimat ~ q q urzda biha-al-bcijil" (The statement is right, but is
used to achieve the wrong objective). AI-Jabir1 is very clear in concluding that
the Kharijites were the first Islamic extremists, who in tum used the slogan of
127Madjid, "Sksme dalam Islam," 682.
128ijanafi, Dira-si Falsafiyya, 63.
151
"La- IJukm illa- li AllaH' to legitimize their revoIt against, and even murder of,
'Ali. 130 Madjid, like al-Jabin, sees the Kharijites as guiIty of having trampled
upon their own principles, since they were intolerant in forcing others to accept
their belief. Their extreme radicalism led them to kill 'Ali and plot the murder
of Mu'awiyya. They considered most of their fellow Muslims to be outside
their group, while those who did not want to undertake hijra (migration) fell, in
their eyes, under the heading of unbelievers, among whom they counted
'Uthman, 'Ali, and Mu'awiyya, and of course all the orthodox caliphs with the
exception of Ab Bakr and 'Umar.
131
The Kharijites, adds al-Jabin, went on to radicalize their extremism, by
making al-takjfr (condemning those not belonging to their group as
unbelievers) their principal ideology, a one-sided absolutism that claims an
exclusive monopoly on the truth while condemning others as wrong. As a
closed ideology, Kharijite extremists were unable to maintain their own unity,
let alone that of all Muslims, since they were divided into a huge number of
sub-groups who considered each other to be unbelievers. Their extremism thus
brought them to the point of division and even of killing each other. Their
place in Islamic history, as with aIl extremist movements, was on the
I29Madjid, "Skisme dalam Islam," 679-680.
13oAI-Jabin, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqiifiyya, 140-141; and idem,
al-Islamiyya wa al-Thaqafa in Sa'd al-Dln IbrahIm, ed., Al-
al-Islamiyya wa Humu-m al-Wa/an al- 'Arabl (Oman: Muntacfi al-Fikr
al-'Arabl, 1987),285.
13IMadjid, Masyarakat Religius, 33-35.
152
margins,132 even to the point of "self-annihilation" to use Madjid' s term.
133
Both ijanafi and Madjid are in agreement with al-Jabir1 in rejecting all Islamic
forms of extremism. ijanafi rejects any one-dimensional approach to Islam
since it is a sign of backwardness and domination, but incorporates the
Kharijites' open opposition (but from outside of the system) into his Islamic
Left, while promoting their within-history-movement.
134
In other words,
ijanafi changes Kharijism into a "real" Islamic Left, by accepting its Left
while condemning its extremism and its "Right." Madjid in his turn converts
Kharijite revolutionary extremism into a sort of loyal opposition -namely,
opposed to the Indonesian government, but loyal to the Indonesian State__
135
or
makes it more like the Mu'tazilite open but from-within-the-system opposition
--to use ijanafi's term.
136
Kharijite absolutist sectarianism, for Madjid, is a
kind of polytheism (shirk) that every Muslim must exchange for an open,
132AI-Jabir1, AI-Mas'ala al-Thaqaliyya, 145-146; and idem, "Al-
Mas'ala al-Thaqafiyya," 285.
133Madjid, "Skisme dalam Islam," 680.
134ijanafi, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 58 and 212; idem, AI-Turath wa al-
Tajdfd, 37; idem, AI-Dfn wa al-Thaqala wa al-Siya-sa, 73; and idem and al-
Jabir1, lfiwa-r al-Mashriq wa al-Maghrib, 23.
135Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 7.
136ijanafi, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 19-20.
153
Islamic non-sectarianism.
137
Absolutism, Madjid adds, is a closed issue and,
hence, obsolete.
138
The Qur' anic sciences, ijanafi goes on to explain, have also led to a
decline in Islamic realism or experimentalism, since Islamic contemporary
thought is a textually oriented interpretation that tries to transform an Islamic
text into a reality, whereas the text is a verbal expression that explains, but
cannot replace, reality.139 Both al-Jabir1
140
and Madjid
141
follow ijanafi
142
in
making the Qur' an and Sunna the starting point of their reform, yet they also
believe that a text requires a priori belief. While ijanafi calls the text a specific
argument, since only those who believe in it can use it,143 both al-Jabir1
144
and
Madjid
145
make adherence to the Qur'an and the Sunna the principle of
authenticity, which is the first and primary principle for its being the source of
the validity of any Islamic interpretation. ijanafi reinterprets the occasions of
137Madjid, "Sksme dalam Islam," 687-688; and idem, "Pengaruh Kisah
Israiliyat dan Orientalisme terhadap Islam," in Abdurrahman Wahid, ed.,
Kontroversi Pemikiran Islam di Indonesia (Bandung: Rosda, 1990), 96.
138Madjid, "Taqlid dan Ijtihad," 348.
139ijasan ijanafi, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra fi ~ r 1952-1981 (Cairo:
Maktabat Madbrr, 1988), 7: 76; idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 13-14; and idem,
Humum al-Fikrwa al-Wa!an al-'Arabi, 1: 370.
14oAI-Jabirl, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fila," 6 and 16.
141Madjid, "Taqlid dan Ijtihad," 340-341.
142ijanafi, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7: 76.
143ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Isla1l?," 30.
144AI-Jabirl, "Fi Qaqaya al-Fila wa al-Dln," 16.
145Madjid, "Taqlid dan Ijtihad," 340-341.
154
Qur'anic revelation (asbb al-nuzul) by assigning priority to real events over
surmised ones
146
and by emphazing the human and historical dimension, to
use Madjid's term.
147
AI-Jabirl for his part has no reservations regarding
ijanafi's reconstruction of the occasions of Qur'anic revelation, as long as
these contribute to realizing the objective of revelation, which is to ensure the
public interest m a ~ a l i ~ of Muslims, and of human beings in general.
148
However, given that the sources of asbb al-nuzul are historieal accounts
transmitted on the authority of the Prophet' s Companions and even that of the
Followers of the Companions (tbi'fn), Hanafi,149 like both al-Jabir1
150
and
Madjid,151 insists that Muslims must critically verify the accuracy of these
accounts by examining them for ideological motives and by referring their
content to the highest possible authority --the Qur'an itself.
ijanafi also reinterprets the science of the abrogating and abrogated
verses as part of the process of the evolution of Islamic law (tashrr) in
146ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIam1?," 30-31; and idem, Dirasa Falsafiyya,
24.
147Madjid, "Konsep Asbab al-Nuzul," 32; and idem, Islam Kerakyatan,
212.
148AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaqaya al-Fikr wa al-Dln," 8; idem, "Quyym
Thaqafat al-Salam fi al-Diyyanat al-Samawiyya," Fikr wa Naqd 8 (1998): 6;
idem, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqaliyya, 260; and idem, Wijhat Na?r, 6.
149ijanafi, Humm al-Fikr wa al-Watan, 1: 22-23.
150AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaqaya al-Fikr wa al-Dln," 7-8.
151Madjid, "Konsep Asbab al-Nuzul,"
155
accordance with human capability.152 Madjid, on the other hand, considers it to
be a consequence of the existence of asbb al-nuzu7, for the inclusion in it of
human-historical awareness enables Islam to face the challenges of time and
place.
153
While ijanafi reinterprets the Meccan and Medinan verses as
meaning, respectively, concept and system, or 'aqzda and sharz'a, or even
theory and praxis,154 Madjid stresses the differences between mu!Jkamat
(univocal) and mutashbihat (equivocal) verses, the latter of which he calls the
"parameters of Islam." They are etemal and independent of time and place in
terms of meaning, spirit or universal objective.
155
Going beyond both al-Jabirl
and Madjid, ijanafi encourages Muslims to transform these Qur' anic sciences
into such disciplines as statistics, the humanities, historical sciences, ideology,
and even politics and economics,156 although he does not explain how. AI-
Jabid, for his part, sees these efforts as a part of ijtiha-d for the sake of human
beings that is open to anyone who is capable of it,157 but Madjid is closer to
152ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islall?," 18; idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 15; and
idem, Dirasat Islaniyya, 59.
153Madjid, "Konsep Asbab al-Nuzul," 35-36.
154I-Janafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIall?," 18; and idem, Dira-sat Falsafiyya, 24;
and idem, Da 'wa li al-lfiwar, 420.
155Madjid, "Taqlid dan Ijtihad," 344-345.
156I-Janafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIall?," 18.
157AI-Jabiri, "Fi Qaq.aya al-Fila wa al-Dln," 8; and idem, "Quyyum
Thaqafat al-Salam," 6.
156
I-Janafi in suggesting that his fellow Indonesian Muslims incorporate the social
sciences into their new approach to religious texts.
158
I-Janafi moreover condemns interpreters of the Qur' an for
misunderstanding the Qur'anic account of history. Contrary to their belief, the
Qur'an, for him
159
as for Madjid,160 does not speak about material events in a
certain time and place, but merely encourages action, with the result that its
theoretical truth corresponds to human experience.
161
AI-Jabir1 and Madjid, on
the other hand, both see historical interpretation as necessary, although for
different reasons. For al-Jabir1, who adopts a Khaldunian point of view,162 the
historical approach is a criterion for achieving objectivity,163 whereas for
Madjid it is a means of differentiating between the historical and a-historical
elements of the Qur'an, the latter of which constitute universal truth and,
158Nurcholish Madjid, "Pendahuluan," in Nurcholish Madjid et al., eds.,
Kontekstualisasi Doktrin Islam dalam Sejarah (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1994),
xxviii; idem, Kaki Langit, 27-28; and idem, Pintu-Pintu, 117.
159I-Janafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islall?," 18; idem, Dirasat Falsafiyya, 104;
idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwar, 17; idem, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 21; and
idem, Humu-m al-Fikr wa al-Watan al- 'ArabI, 1: 370.
160Madjid, "Keluarga 'Imran," 385-386.
161I-Janafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islall?," 18; idem, "Hal Yajz Shar'an
ma' BanI Isra'11?," Al-Yasar al-Islamz.. Kitbat fT al-Nahqa al-Islamiyya 1
(1981):100; and idem, Dirasat Falsafiyya, 104.
162'Abd al-KarIm Ghallab, "Ta'qlb," in Isma'il 'Abd al-FattaI].,
ed., Al-lfaraka al-Islamiyya al-Mu fT al-Watan al- 'ArabI, 2
nd
edition
(Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-WaI].da al-'Arabiyya, 1989),236.
163AI-Jabirl, Arab-Islamic Philosophy, 16.
157
hence, the meeting point of aU religions.
164
ijanafi,165 al-Jabirl and Madjid,166
however, all seem to agree that historical interpretation will be totaUy wrong if
the textual sources used as its basis are erroneous, since such historical
accounts are often mixed with IsraTlliyya (Jewish traditions) and myths that
the Qur'an does not mention. ijanafi goes beyond both al-Jabir1 and Madjid, in
that his Islamic Left replaces historical interpretation with a phenomenological
one
167
that makes the Qur'an the criterion for explaining the human position in
the universe and mankind's interrelationships at the level of society and
state.
168
Both ijanafi and Madjid however reject lengthy interpretation
(chapter-by-chapter or verse-by-verse), suggesting instead that such
approaches be replaced with thematic interpretation, which consists in
interpreting a topic by comparing aU related verses.
169
To this, ijanafi adds
psycho-social interpretation as a means of reviving faith in an individual, while
putting the interests of the reader at the heart of the text. He also caUs this
interpretation al-tafsrr a l u ~ u 7 i a process of interpreting the Qur' an from the
164Madjid, "Konsep Asbab al-Nuzul," 37; and idem, Madjid, Kaki
Langit, 200-201; and idem, Pintu-pintu, 68.
165ijanafi, Al-Drn wa al-Thawra, 7: 83-84; and idem, Da'wa li al-
/fiwa-r, 6.
166Madjid, "Pengaruh Kisah Israiliyat," 100; and idem, Kaki Langit, 48.
167Por detailed information on ijanafi's phenomenological
interpretation, see his L'exgse de la phnomnologie and La phnomnologie
de l'exgse.
168ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islall?," 19.
169ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islall?," 19; and idem, Dira-sa Falsafiyya, 25,
104 and 158.
158
perspective of public interest.
170
Although they themselves favour this last kind
of interpretation, both al-Jabirl and Madjid tend to disagree with ijanafi's
program of achieving such a goal through the establishment of a revolutionary
interpretation of the Qur'an. For while ijanafi is very eager to transform
Islamic traditional theology into revolutionary ideology,17I both al-Jabid
l72
and Madjid
173
are reluctant to attempt any such thing. Further discussion of the
position and importance of the Qur'an in their respective systems will take
place in the next chapter.
ijanafi,174 al-Jabid
175
and Madjid
176
are unanimous in agreeing that the
ijadith represents the second source of Islam. Yet although they believe that
there is no place for the application of historical criticism to the question of the
authenticity of the Qur' an, they do not take the same attitude towards ijadiths
because historieal criticism has proved that a great many of them are not
authentic. The ijadith experts (muiJaddithn) basicaIly classified ijadiths into
al-iJadlih al-aiJad and al-iJadTth al-mutawatir: while the former is a ijadith that
17oijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islall?," 19; idem, Dinisat Falsafiyya, 25 and
159; and idem, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7: 77-115 .
171Hanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islall?," 19; and idem, Humum al-Fikr wa al-
Wa!an al-'Arabf, 1: 356-357.
172AI-Jabid, "Fi Qaqaya al-Fikr wa al-Dln," 8-9.
173Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 7.
174ijanafi, Al-DTn wa al-Thawra, 7: 76.
175AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaqaya al-Fikr wa al-Dln," 6 and 16.
176Madjid, "Taqlid dan Ijtihad," 340-341; and idem, Islam Agama
Peradaban, 3.
159
a single line of individuals has transmitted from the Prophet Mul].ammad, the
latter is one that a huge number of people (al-jama-'a) have narrated. Unlike
the former, which ijadith experts do not accept as a valid second source of
Islam, the latter type is considered sound by virtue of its having been
transmitted by so many people, such that it is inconceivable that they could
have cooperated in spreading a lie.
177
Another criterion is that its content
should not contradict the meaning of the Qur'an. However, ijanafi, al-Jabir1
and Madjid condemn the fact that the issue of the chain of transmission (al-
sanad) dominates Muslim argumentation on the ijadith, a trend that ijanafi
views as another factor that has caused their decline. The classical ijadith
experts, all three of our authors
178
insist, placed the emphasis on the validity of
the chain of transmission in order to verify the accuracy of a transmission (al-
riwaya), since a huge number of conflicting political groups fabricated their
own ijadiths both to legitimize and to achieve their sectarian goals.
These fabricated ijadiths not only lent support to the political groups
that invented them, but they also diverted Muslims from the true path of Islam.
To solve such politico-ideological conflicts the ijadith experts worked on
177ijasan ijanafi, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 9.
1781ianafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islarrii?," 19 and idem, "Min Naqd al-Sanad ila
Naqd al-Matn: Kayfa Tustakhdam al-'Ulum al-Insaniyya wa al-Ijtima'iyya fi
Naqd al-Matn al-liadith al-Nabawl? Al-BukharI Namudhajan," Al-Jam'iyya
al-Falsafiyya al-Mi$riyya 5 (1996): 135; al-Jabirl, "Fi Qaqaya al-Fikr wa al-
DIn," 8; idem, Al- 'Aql al-Akhla-qz al- 'ArabI, 67-68; and Madjid, Kaki Langit,
72-73.
160
tightening the conditions for transmitters rather than on measuring the
accuracy of the content (al-matn) against Qur'anic criteria, by establishing
various methodologies, such as 'ilm l j r ~ wa al-ta'dn.
179
The latter science
set certain criteria by which ijadith experts were able to detect the ideological
inclination and personal capability of each transmitter. The science to sorne
extent succeeded in ascertaining which of the ijadiths attributed to the Prophet
were genuine, after these had been mixed with spurious ones in the period
before they were actively collected. However, given that the science was
established under the auspices of the Umayyad rulers, it also lent the process a
politico-religious character. The Umayyads' enemies in tum created their own
chains of transmission. The sanad-oriented argument thus boiled down to the
authority of one set of transmissions as opposed to another, while the truth may
have Iain somewhere outside of the transmission. Whatever the success of the
ijadith experts in deciding on the soundness of the content on the basis of a
ijadith's transmission, contemporary Muslims, ijanafi insists, cannot cling to
the same principle, since times have changed.
180
ijanafi goes on to say that, unlike their classical forbears, contemporary
Muslims are relatively free of ancient ideological conflicts and, hence, are
179ijanafi, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 20 and 105; idem, Les mthodes
d'exgse, 29; idem, Dira-sa Islamiyya, 60; al-Jabir1, "Fi Qaq.aya al-Fikr wa al-
DIn," 8; and Madjid, "Konsep Asbab al-Nuzul," 26.
180ijanafi, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 20 and 105; idem, "Min naqd al-Sanad
ila Naqd al-Matn," 134; idem, Les mthodes d'exgse, 127-161; and idem,
Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 6.
161
more capable of avoiding subjective interpretation. For the sake of true Islam,
they should undertake internal criticism, consisting essentially in giving
priority to content over chains of transmision, by which they may conclude the
validity of a ijacfith based on the soundness of its matn and its conformity
with reason, reality, experiment and public interest,181 The content of a ijacfith,
for al-Jabir1
182
and Madjid,183 should be a commentary on, and hence in
agreement with, the Qur'an. The internal criticism of ijadith, if successfuIly
undertaken in aIl aspects of Islamic teaching, will automatically transform
Muslim awareness, which was mostly formed out of ijadiths that had escaped
such rigorous analysis. "Ideologically fabricated" ijacfiths such as these
expressed the views of the establishment, which ijanafi caIls the "safe group"
(al-firqa al-na]iyya), which stood opposed to any and aIl other ijtihaas that
endangered the position of the powers-that-be. Internal criticism, on the other
hand, not only supports the application of sound ijacfith --whichever group it
may favour-- but it also decreases the influence of ijacfith on the hidden
interests that contradict reason and public interest (ma$lal]a).184 ijanafi, al-
Jabir1 and Madjid thus calI for the superiority of the content of ijacfith over the
181ijanafi, Dira-sa Falsafiyya, 105; idem, Dira-sa Islamiyya, 60; and
idem, Humm al-Fikr wa al-Wa/an al- 'Arabl, 1: 369.
182AI-Jiibir1, "Fi Qaqiiyii al-Fikir wa a1-Din," 8.
183Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 3.
184ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Isliim1?," 18-19; idem, Dira-sa Falsafiyya, 158;
idem, Min al-'Aqfda ila- al-Thawra, 5: 393-407; and idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwar,
6.
162
person who reported it and, in tum, the superiority of Qur'an-inspired ijadith
over the personality of the Prophet Muq.ammad.
185
Again, we will return to
further discussion of ijadith in the next chapter as a part of the development of
the hermeneutics of three contemporary authors.
ijanafi, al-Jabirl and Madjid have no doubts about the effectiveness of
classical biography (which ijanafi describes as the sciences of biography or
'ulum al-sTra) in spreading but also changing ideas, schools of thought,
principles and systems of state. Muslim practices, ijanafi asserts, indicate that
historical Islam is subject to this principle, as is obvious from the tendency of
its adherents to "worship" persons who disseminate ideas rather than practice
the ideas themselves. Instead of observing the revelation that Allah ordered the
Prophet Muq.ammad to announce to human beings, many Muslims tend to
honour the messenger.
186
Madjid, on the other hand, is of the opinion that
Muslims are lucky to have the biography of the Prophet Muq.ammad, providing
them as it does with a global view of his Sunna, for which reason Ibn Isq.aq's
al-MaghaZl [wa al-Siya-r] ranks second only to the Qur'an in his eyes.
Nevertheless, he
187
is in line with both ijanafi
1
8-B and al-Jabir1 in
acknowledging that the prophets were only human beings. Their presence in
185ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islarrii?," 18-19.
186ijanafi, Dira-sa Falsaflyya, 104-105.
187Madjid, Kaki Langit, 76 (no. 3) and 139.
188ijanafi, Dira-sa Falsafiyya, 105; and idem, lfiwa-r li al-Da'wa, 413.
163
the world, Madjid stresses,189 made them subject to human historical laws (al-
a 'raq al-bashariyya). Given that Mul}ammad was just a prophet and, hence, a
human being, he could, as the Qur'an (Q. 18: 110) reminds us, die and even be
murdered. The acceptance of truth should, therefore, be independent of one' s
perception of its announcer, be this a person or a group, since the announcer
has a historical existence. They must emulate 'Umar ibn al-KhaHab, who, on
hearing Abu Bakr' s reminder that Prophet MUQammad was dead, realized that
he was no different from other prophets in this respect. 'Umar's case is
therefore an ideal that Muslims might care to follow in understanding the
relationship between revelation and its announcer (muballigh).
ijanafi for his part holds the Shiites (al al-bayt, the descendents of the
Prophet MUQammad) responsible for taking advantage of the biographical
genre to transform their human leaders into supematural (or at least infallible)
imams. 190 While al-Jabir1
191
in principle agrees with ijanafi,192 Madjid pin-
points that the secret doctrine of Shiism is the starting point of the Shiite theory
of the infallible imam.
193
Sufi biographies, ijanafi asserts, also play a
significant role in diverting Islamic teachings into person-worshiping concepts,
189Madjid, Kaki Langit, 139; idem, Pintu-pintu, 62-63; and idem, Islam,
Kemodernan dan Keindonesiaan, 48.
190ijanafi, Dira-sa Falsafiyya, 104-105.
191AI-Jabirl, Al-Mas'ala al-ThaqciJiyya, 154-156.
192ijanafi, Dira-sa Falsafiyya, 105.
193Madjid, "Tasauf dan Pesantren," 108-110; and idem, Bilik-bilik
Pesantren, 51.
164
for theories like al-shafa-'a (recommendation), al-wilaya (holiness) and al-
tawassut (intercession) make sufi masters intermediary agents between Allah
and human beings, lending considerable spiritual power to sufi
brotherhoods.
194
On the other hand, al-Jabir1 believes that biographies can also
hide facts. Orientalists, for example, keep writing on Ibn Rushd the translator
and commentator of Aristotle, while ignoring Ibn Rushd the Muslim
philosopher, the faqlh (Muslim jurist) and even the medical doctor -aIl of
which talents he displays in his Fa$! al-Maqa1, Manhij al-Adilla, Tahalut al-
Tahalut, Bidayat al-Mujtahid and Al-Kulliyya-tfi al-'fibb. It is the forgotten Ibn
Rushd that Arab-Muslim readers need for their renaissance. It was to correct
the misunderstanding of this legacy that al-Jabirl wrote, among other works,
Ibn Rushd: Sfra wa Fikr (Ibn Rushd: Life and Thought), a new biography of
Ibn Rushd,195 a step similar to the one that ijanafi took earlier in 1978.
196
Considering this deviation from message-oriented Islam to personality-
centered worship to be one of the factors that has led to the Muslim decline,
ijanafi,197 al-Jabir1 and Madjid endeavor to purify Islam by desacralizing such
sufi, a1 al-bayt and political figures, whom they see as having identified
themselves with Allah through their innovative theories like al-shafa-'a, al-
194IJanafi, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 104-105.
195AI-Jabirl, Ibn Rushd: Sfra wa Fikra, 10-11. Another biography by al-
Jabir1 is lfafariyycit fi al-Dhkira min Ba'fd (Casablanca: Dar al-Nashr al-
Maghribiyya, 1997; Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Waq.da al-'Arabiyya, 1997).
196ijanafi, Dira-sa Islamiyya, 157-206.
165
wilaya, and al-tawassuf, by which means they became religious aristocrats.
The historical analysis of the Shiite theory of an infallible imam, Madjid adds,
should begin with the revelation of their secret doctrine. Given that the Shiites
transformed their political defeats into a kind of superhuman expectation, a
new era of biographical writing should proceed by emphasizing the natural
dimensions of human beings, since Muslims cannot overcome their problems
unless they abide by the sunnat Allan ("natural laws"). Pretending that
someone is superhuman is no more than an elaborate form of self-deception.
198
ijanafi, al-Jabir1 and Madjid are determined to restore the functions of the
sciences of biography to their natural
199
state, out of a concem to liberate their
fellow Muslims from the bondage of loyalty to a person rahter than to ideas,
from the grips of loyalty to a prophet to loyalty to revelation, from the
constricting effects of charismatic fascination rather than respect for rational
leaders, and from the grasp of slavery to a religious aristocracy rather than
devotion to Islamic egalitarianism. In short, ijanafi, al-Jabirl and Madjid
advocate "message-oriented tajdid" -to use Voll's term_
200
since they believe
that the renaissance can only be achieved by practicing what has been revealed
197ijanafi, Dira-sa Falsafiyya, 104-105.
198Madjid, "Abduhisme Pak Harun," 104; and idem, Masyarakat
Religius, 26, 33, 146-150 and 164-168.
199ijanafi, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 104-105; and idem, Al-Turah wa al-
Tajdfd,76.
2ooVoll, "Wahhabism and Mahiism," 123.
166
instead of worshiping the one who revealed it, be this a prophet, a religious
leader, or a religious institution.
ijanafi, al-Jiibir1 and Madjid all maintain that Islamic jurisprudence (al-
fiqh) is the Islamic science par excellence. Nevertheless, they are convinced
that fiqh now is hampering instead of accelarating the Islamic renaissance.
ijanafi criticizes contemporary fellow Muslims for focusing their fiqh
discussions on 'ibaaat (Islamic ritual practices), while neglecting mu'amalat
(worldIy affairs).201 AI-Jiibirl, on the other hand, makes it clear that he is
neither a religious reformer, nor a preacher, nor an initiator of new Islamic
theology, though he criticizes fiqh, and for a number of reasons. First of all,
the traditional classification of such Islamic sciences as fiqh, ijadith and
language into 'ulu-m naqliyya is epistemologically an external one, in
replacement of which he offers a new classification that he calls 'ulum al-
baya-no Second, he blames the decline of Arab civilization, among other
factors, onfiqh, since it plays a very important role in maintaining the practice
of qiya-s al-ghti'ib 'ala- al-shanid ("analogy of the unknown after the known").
Given that the unknown is the "future" while the known is "the greatness of
our civilization," the process Ieads backwards rather than forwards.
202
Madjid,
as ijanafi does with respect to his fellow Egyptians, laments the fact that
201ijanafi, Dirasat Falsafiyya, 26,106 and 159; and idem, Da'wa li al-
Ijiwa-r, 137.
202AI-Jiibir1, "Fi Qaqiiyii al-Fikr wa al-Dln," 9; and idem, Arab-/slamic
Philosophy, 17.
167
Indonesian Muslims indulge themselves in questions of 'iba-da to the
complete neglect of mu'timala-t. They forget that the 'ibtidtit deal with already
decided matters, while the mu'amala never cease being subject to the
challenges of time and space. Both the Muhammadiyah and Persatuan Islam
waste valuable time over trivial discussions of daily prayer, an orientation that
he caracterizes as ad hoc reform.
203
Madjid emphasizes that although the
Muhammadiyah is full y committed to spreading the slogan of "Back to the
Qur'an and the ijadIth," its achievements do not go beyond pronouncing on
such rituals as the qunt and u ~ r devotions, as weIl as the two calls for
prayer.
204
The development of 'ibtida-oriented fiqh, ijanafi emphasizes, was a
historical achievement of the early Muslim mujtahids in their efforts to
establish Islam as a new religion, but their successors did not realize that the
focus of fiqh changed after Muslims of the classical era had leamed to practice
'iba properly.20S It is apparent to both Madjid
206
and ijanafi thatfiqh later
became the most effective means of attaining power, though ijanafi,207 unlike
Madjid, states that Muslim rulers dictated their interests in the systematization
203Madjid, "Abduhisme Pak Harun," 107-108; idem, Kaki Langit, 54;
and idem, Dialog Keterbukaan, 112, 117, 119, 122, 145,231 and 249.
204Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 249.
2osijanafi, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 106 and 159.
206Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 1ll-I12; and idem, Bilik-bilik
Pesantren, 8.
207ijanafi, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 106 and 159.
168
of fiqh (tabwib aljiqh). They intentionally encouraged fiqh experts to place
more stress on 'ibaaat aspects in order to divert the attention of their subjects
-who might otherwise have been critical of their secular practices. The process
ended with Muslims becoming increasingly ignorant of mu 'a-malat, making it
easier for rulers to introduce new mu'a-malat practices in the agricultural,
industrial, trade, labour and investment fields as they wanted. Worse still, they
legitimized their actions with formaI Iegal steps which their fuqaha: were
ready to provide at a moment's notice. ijanafi, al-Jabirio
s
and Madjid
209
believe that the replacement of 'ibaaat-oriented fiqh with mu 'a-malat-oriented
fiqh --but with a politicalfiqh (al-fiqh al-siyasl) in particular-- will broaden the
perspectives of Muslims on their own duties and rights. Given that politics is
the only medium of communication between the masses and state, as al-
Jabir1
210
puts it, the revival of political fiqh will restore Muslim awareness of
democracy and rationalism. To revive Islamic political fiqh, Indonesian
Muslims, Madjid suggests, need to revisit such classical textbooks as al-
GhaiTI's a ~ a t al-MuluK (Conseils of the Kings) and aI-Mawardi's al-
AlJ,ka-m al-Sulfalyya (Principles of Islamic Government), while taking into
consideration modern political theories.
211
20SAI-Jabirl, "Fi Qaqaya al-Fikr wa al-Dln," 13.
209Madjid, Bilik-bilik Pesantren, 15.
210Al-Jabirl, "Fi Qaqaya al-Fikr wa al-Dln," 13.
211Madjid, "Pengaruh Kisah Israiliyat dan Orientalisme," 109; and
idem, "Menatap Masa Depan Islam," 46.
169
To further correct this wrong-headed approach to fiqh, ijanafi
recommends that Muslims reconsider reaIity-oriented MaIikism as a tool for
defending their public interests, just as 'Umar ibn al-Khanab ---and later on
'Abd Allah ibn Mas'd and Malik ibn Anas-- practiced. ijanafi also suggests
that Muslims accept Hanafism, but without its hypothetical jurisprudence (al-
fiqh al-iftira4i)?12 Madjid for his part considers the emergence of Hanafite
rationalism as the first, standard and steadiest expression of Islamic
jurisprudence.
213
Even though he himself favours a combination of reason and
reality by adding Shafiism, and though he considers adding both Malikism and
Hanafism to his syncretism, ijanafi declares his strict adherence to principles
a l - u ~ u 7 that denote loyalty to Hanbalism, but without its literaI interpretation
of religious texts.
214
Madjid, like ijanafi, sees the combination of rationaI-and-
reality-oriented Shafiism with Hanafi rationalism as a retum to the right
principles of jurisprudence, since al-Shafi'i (150-204 H.l767-812 A.D.) took
his rationality from Hanafism, and from Malikism not only his realism but also
his Sunna-oriented fiqh. It was al-Shafi'i who systematically fOfffiulated the
rule that the only valid Sunna is one that came from the Prophet
212ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islam1?," 15; and idem, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 14,
22, 25, 26, 159.
213Madjid, Kaki Langit, 73.
214ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islam1?," 15; and idem, Religious Dialogue &
Revolution, 235.
170
MulJ,ammad.
215
Furthermore, both al_Jabir1
216
and Madjid
217
consider Ibn
Rushd's Bidayat al-Mujtahid (Introduction to Interpreters) as a model for the
fiqh of the future due to its systematic, realistic, argumentative and
comparative approach. Thus ijanafi, al-Jabir1 and Madjid aIl encourage their
co-religionists to rethink the Islamic legal heritage by adopting two different
policies, namely, accepting those rulings that are found in the Qur'an and the
sound prophetic tradition (al-sunna while undertaking ijtihal to
determine the legal status of newly found cases that do not have textual bases.
ijanafi,218 al-Jabir1
219
and Madjid
220
aIl argue that both ijtiha-d and ijma' are
always feasible, are limited to a certain age and are not binding once and for
all, since situations change.
'/lm al-fiqh, for ijanafi, is the supreme and most unique science
that Islamic civilization ever produced. As an 'ilm al-tanzu (a science that is
capable of transforming revelation into inductive and experimental methods), it
is a practical science. Having as its aim the protection of human interests, it
grounds itself on both rational istidla1 (demonstration) and experimental
induction, within which human efforts (ijtiha(J) find a wide field of play. In
215Madjid, Kaki Langit, 73.
216AI-Jabir1, Ibn Rushd: Sfra wa Fikr, 10-11.
217Madjid, Kaki Langit, 105; and idem, Pintu-Pintu, 26-27.
218ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIall?," 15.
219AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaqaya al-Fikr wa al-Dln," 15-16; idem, "Quyyiim
Thaqafat al-Salam," 6; and idem, "ijawl al-Awqa' al-'Arabiyya al-Rahina,"
Al-Mustaqbal al- 'Arabl11 (1982): 114-115.
171
contrast to mysticism ('ilm al-ta$awwuf), for instance, u$ul al-fiqh accepts
neither illuminationist concepts, since it bases itself on causation (ta 'Hl), nor
theoretical beliefs, since it sees AlIah as merely the Lawgiver (al-Shari,).221 By
comparison, al-Jabid criticizes the traditional classification that places u$ul al-
fiqh within the category of the 'ulm al-naqliyya. Regarding this classification
as foreign and, hence, as unhelpful to discovering the epistemological grounds
for Arab thought, he replaces it with an internaI one, within which he places
u$ul al-fiqh under the heading of 'ulum al_baya-n.
222
Madjid, like ijanafi,
states that 'ilm u$ul al-fiqh is an excellent creation of Islamic civilization,
noting in addition that it was al-Shafi'i who founded it. The rationality and
realism of u$ul al-fiqh, Madjid adds, are discernible in such maxims as "the
existence of a ruling depends on the existence of its cause" (al-IJukm yadu-r
ma' al- 'illa wujaan wa 'adaman) and "something that cannot be achieved
totally cannot be abandoned totally" (mala- yudrak kulluh la- yutrak kulluh).223
Nevertheless, ijanafi readily acknowledges that, although it gives priority to
human welfare over religious texts --as is obvious from its general maxims
such as "there is no place for issuing a harmful ruling nor responding with a
harmful ruling in Islamic law" (ia- 4arar wa la 4irar), "emergencies allow [a
220Madjid, Masyarakat Religius, 120-12l.
221ijanafi, Dirasa-t Falsafiyya, 14 and 166; idem, AI-Turciih wa al-
Tajdfd, 160-161 and 178; idem, Humm al-Fikr wa al-Wa!an al-'Arabf, 2:
622; and idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 115-116.
222Al-Jabirl, "Fi Qaqaya al-Fikr wa al-Dln," 9.
223Madjid, "Keilmuan Pesantren," 12-14; and idem, Kaki Langit, 73.
172
Muslim to do] the prohibited" (al-q,arrat tubiJJ al-malJ,?u-rat) and "it is illegal
for a Muslim authority to issue a ruling that it is beyond human capablity to
undertake" (la yajuz taklif ma-la- yu!aq)-- al-fiqh constitutes an obstacle
to the Islamic renaissance since all classical istidlals start with the Qur' an and
Sunna, and then proceed to consensus and analogy. Some contemporary
"rational" schools even continue to give priority to the text over
public interest (al-ma#alJ,a)?24 The problem, according to al-Jabir1, is due to
the domination of the "wrong-headed" mental act of analogizing of the
unknown after the known,225 or due to, as Madjid puts it, the loss of the true
perspective of al-fiqh?26
To reverse the order of the traditionally oriented hierarchy of al-
fiqh -a system of reasoning that glorifies raw texts at the expense of human
interests-- ijanafi introduces his "from text to reality" reconstruction project. In
accordance with the latter he insists that Muslims start their legal reasoning
directly on the basis of analogy, making public interest the priority in their
inductive and experimental effort. They should not be afraid of violating the
Qur'an and the Sunna, since the new order of al-fiqh reasoning that he is
proposing will automatically be in line with the spirit of the text, just as were
'Umar ibn al-Khanab's efforts to prove that revelation is for the sake, and not
224ijanafi, Qaq,ya- Mu'a-#ra, 1: 177; idem, "Al-Yasar al-Islam1?," 15;
idem, Dira-sat Falsaflyya, 166; idem, Al-Turath wa al-TajdTd, 178; and idem,
Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 115-116.
225AI-Jabir1, Arab-Islamic Philosophy, 17-22.
173
at the expense, of human beings. 227 In principle, both al-Jabirl and Madjid are
supportive of ijanafi on this question. AI-Jabir1 insists that Muslims be guided
by this reorientation of interes, that they issue a ruling by referring a particular
ruling of the Qur'an and the Sunna to this general principle of public interests,
as 'Umar ibn al-Khanab did in his time.
228
Madjid's position is that if Muslims
only approach u$ul al-fiqh more conceptually, they will rediscover their
intellectual dynamism.
229
To the use of analogy as a source, furthermore
ijanafi adds an additional principle, that of al-IJukm bi al-maqa-$id al-sharT'a
(to issue a ruling based on the aims of Islamic law), which consists in
protecting the five ejaru-riyya (necessities or factors that must exist for the
sake of human beings, the absence of which may be detrimental to them) that
ijanafi calls the pillars of life. These are life itself (al-lJaya- or al-nafs), intellect
(al- 'aql), religion (al-dTn), dignity (al- 'ir4), and property (al_mal).230 While al-
Jabirl calls al-IJukm bi al-maqa-#d al-sharT'a the issuing of a ruling based on
226Madjid, "Keilmuan Pesantren," 14-15.
227ijanafi, Al-Turah wa al-TajdTd, 178; idem, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 166-
167; idem, Da'wa li al-Ifiwar, 12-14; and idem, "AI-Muslimn fi A:siya fi
Matla' al-Qarn al-Khamis 'Ashar al-Hijrl," Al-Yasar al-Isla-mT: Kitba F al-
Naheja al-Islamiyya 1 (1981): 169.
228AI-Jabir1, AI-DTmu-qrafiyya wa Ifuqu-q al-Insan, 184 , 186 and 187;
idem, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqa]iyya, 260; and idem, Al-Turah wa al-Ifada-tha, 56.
229Madjid, "Keilmuan Pesantren," 13; and idem, "Pertimbangan
Kemaslahatan dalam Menangkap Makna dan Semangat Ketentuan
Keagamaan: Kasus Ijtihad Umar ibn al-Khattab," in Iqbal Abdurrauf Saimima,
ed., Polemik Reaktualisasi Ajaran Islam (Jakarta: Pustaka Panjimas, 1988), 12-
13.
174
1J,ikma,231 Madjid caUs it ratio legis, which is equivalent to understanding the
essential message of the Qur'an,z32 In addition, al-Jabirl makes al-I]ukm hi al-
m q ~ i d al-sharf'a a starting point of religious dialogue, since Islam, from
Adam to MuQ.ammad, has always had a common goal, namely, that of saving
human lives both in this world and in the hereafter, which is perfectly reflected
in this concept. Taking the m q ~ i d al-sharf'a as their starting point, Islam,
Christianity and Judaism (al-adyan al-sama-wiyya) can together, al-Jabirl
contends, build a common culture of peace.
233
Any such reorientation, ijanafi argues, should aim to reduce the
emphasis on the principles of obligation and prohibition (al-awamir wa al-
nawhl). Contemporary Muslims should leave behind the old paradigm that
Islamic rulings (al-a1J,ka-m al-shar'iyya) are obligations imposed on them, and
should instead observe them in the light of the humanity of their subjects. The
paradigm shift, according to ijanafi, must begin with a reinterpretation of al-
wa]ib (obligation) as a pillar of or as affirming life, al-1J,ara-m (prohibition) as
harmful to life, al-manduv (recommendable) as permission granted to do
something good both voluntarily and according to one's capability, al-makrun
230ijanafi, Dira-sa Falsafiyya, 166-167; idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwar, 10;
and idem, AI-Dfn wa al-ThaqJa wa al-Siyasa, 282 and 363.
231AI-Jabirl, AI-Dfmqra]iyya wa lfuqu-q al-Insan, 186; and idem, "AI-
Muslimiin fi Asiya," 169.
232Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 111; and idem, Masyarakat Religius,
130.
233AI-Jabir1, "Quyyiim al-Thaqafa al-Islamiyya," 6-7.
175
(indifference) as a reminder to avoid, voluntarily, doing anything that might
damage one's life, and al-l]alal (lawful) as a licence to enjoy everything that is
not dangerous to oneself.
234
This stress on Muslim humanity in the issuing of
Islamic rulings, for both al-Jabirl and Madjid, is a necessary step in any
contemporary reform. AI-Jabid, like both ijanafi and Madjid, is convinced that
~ al-fiqh can be of help in overcoming the decline of Islam if Muslim legal
philosophers dare to give priority to public interest over text as the primary
goal of Sharf'a, to be achieved by referring a particular ruling to a general
principle of the Qur' an in the light of both the occasions of Qur' anic revelation
and causation (ta'm al-al]kam).235 It is in this way that ijanafi, al-Jabirl and
Madjid endeavor to restore the human dimensions of Islamic law. The process
would mean referring such particular rulings as capital punishment (al-l]udul)
to the general objectives of the Qur'an and the Sunna. Thus a thief, for
example, would be immune from the penalty of amputation if he had to steal to
save his life. In this case, it is the absence of cause that prevails, i.e., the
absence of any intention to steal for one's own benefit at the expense of others.
Furthermore, amputating his hand would mean violating the essential message
of the Qur'an and the Sunna, which is saving human life,236 since the thief
would face a double punishment: poverty and inhuman application of the law.
234ijanafi, Dira-sa Falsafiyya, 166-167; and idem, Da'wa li al-lfiw,
39.
235AI-Jabid, Al-Dfmuqraiyya wa lfuqu-q al-Instin, 186-187; and idem,
Wijhat Na?-r, 70.
176
Encouraging their co-religionists to practice al-fiqh in
their everlasting ijtihcid, tJanaff, al-Jabirl and Madjid urge them to take into
account considerations of time and place in realizing the Islamic message.
So far we have discussed tJanafi's, al-Jabirl's and Madjid's concepts of
reform of Islamic tradition through a comparison made in the light of the first
dimension of tJanafi's reform project, i.e., "Our Attitude Towards the Classical
Heritage," where he classifies the sciences of the Islamic classical heritage that
he is planning to revive. This is a three part scheme, which includes: first,
traditional-textual rational sciences (al- 'ulu-m al-naqliyya al- 'aqliyya), under
which category faH theology, Islamic legal philosophy (or la science des
fondements de la comprhension), and mysticism; second, pure rational
sciences (al- 'ulum al- 'aqliyya to which belong mathematics,
astronomy, natural science, pharmacy, and biology; and third, the pure
traditional-textual sciences (al- 'ulm al-naqliyya including
Qur' anic sciences, the sciences of prophetic tradition, the sciences of the
Prophet's biography, Islamic jurisprudence, and the sciences of Qur'anic
interpretation.
237
We have hitherto compared tJanafi's, al-Jabirl's and Madjid's
responses to the first and the third classifications in the light of their
practitioners. Although in this chapter we will avoid discussion of the sciences
that tJanafi consigns to the second category, since they faH outside my area of
236tJanafi, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 166-167.
237tJanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIam1?," 13; idem, Al-Turah wa al-Tajdfd,
154-186; and idem, Dira-scit Falsafiyya, 100-106 and 157-167.
177
expertise, it cannot be stressed too highly how significant these pure rational
sciences are to his project for a future Islam. Now the second dimension of
ijanafi's reform project, namely, "Our Attitude towards the Western Heritage,"
will be examined in the rest of this chapter, where we will compare and
contrast the responses of all three thinkers to the West as an external factor that
has led to the decline of Islam. The following section will, therefore, compare
their responses to Imperialism, Orientalism (including the possibility of
establishing Occidentalism), Zionism, and the problem of unity in the Muslim
world.
For ijanafi, the dynamism of Islam lies in the dialectics between
Islamic texts, namely, the Qur'an and the Sunna on the one hand, and 'uri
('a-da) or reality (i.e., historical events) on the other. While the former are
divine and limited in extent, the latter is pan-human and ever-developing.
Allah creates human beings as His caliphs (representatives) on earth to engage
in this dialectic. Muslim scholars calI this ijtihad or the civilizational process
(al- 'amal al-iJa4a-ri), to use one of ijanafi's terms,238 and the person who
undertakes it a mujtahid. As an emerging civilization, Islam had to respond to
the environment surrounding it. The process very often turned out to be
tendentious, and frequently resulted in wars between Muslims and non-
Muslims on the one hand, and between Muslims themselves on the other.
While the first part of this chapter has examined the significance of the
178
heritage of Islarnic internaI tensions to the process of overcoming the decline
of Islam in the modem world, the remaining part will focus on revealing
Islamic responses to non-Islarnic civilizations, and the West in particular.
Nonetheless, it is worth noting before we start comparing ijanafi's, al-Jabir1's
and Madjid's responses to modem Western challenges, that the discussion will
deal in brief with their understanding of the classical dialogue between Islam
and the West, and Greek civilization in particular, which represented
"modernity" to many generations of Muslims. In its response to Greek
civilization, Islam, ijanafi says, moved forward. Muslim theologians, for
example, only established 'Um al-kala-m after they had found out the
limitations of internal Muslim thought. On the other hand, Muslim thinkers
were only able to develop Islarnic philosophy after they had found out the
limitations of "foreign" schools of thought. To achieve this both groups had to
confront new ideas with the Qur'an.
239
AI-Jabir1, on the other hand, believes
that the Abbasid Caliph al-Ma'mn had to introduce Aristotelian
demonstration to his empire in order to counter Shiite hermetism as reflected in
their secret doctrines, since Mu'tazilism had shown itself incapable of
opposing this trend.
240
To the openness of Islam as both ijanafi and al-Jabir1
understand it, Madjid adds that it was technology - of a kind quite different
from the technology of the modem world-- that characterized the superiority
239Ibid., 1: 11.
179
of the Islamic classical heritage. This technological advancement was due to its
interaction with world civilization, and with Hellenism in particular.
241
Yet it is
only since the 18
th
century that Islam has had to face the problem of modernity
in the Western sense.
In their discussion of the problem of modernity in Islam, Muslim and
non-Muslim historians usually confine themselves to the mainland of the
Muslim world, while ignoring its periphery. They are too ready to conclude
that the Muslim world faced the challenge of modernity for the first time only
with Napoleon's attack on Egypt in 1789, forgetting that the Portuguese had
conquered Malaka as early as 1511. The fall of Malaka itself was to sorne
extent the fall of a symbol of Southeast Asian Islam, within which
"Indonesian" Islam had just started to grow. This tragedy can to sorne degree
be compared to the fall of Cairo to the Ottoman Turks in 1517. The main
difference is that, while the latter fell into "Western" Muslim hands, the former
fell into Western Christian hands. Both Portugal and the Ottoman Empire were
at the peak of their strength, since the former had conquered Malaka only 18
years after they and their Spanish brethren had retaken the Iberian peninsula
from Muslim hands (1492 - the same year that Columbus discovered
America), while the latter took Egypt 64 years after having conquered
Constantinople, the capital of "Eastern" Christian power. Just 6 years after the
240AI-Jabiri "Tarikh al-'Ala-qa" 18 and idem "Tarikh 'nm al-
, '"
Kalam," 14 and 25.
24l Madjid, Kaki Langit, 15; and idem, Islam Agama Kemanusiaan, 54.
180
Portuguese had taken Malaka, the Ottomans thus conquered the Egyptian
Abbasid Empire. The fall of Malaka paved the way for Western powers to
colonize the newIy established Islamic sultanates in the region that modem
historians have come, since 1945, to calI Indonesia. NapoIeon's attack on
Egypt may have shocked Muslims, and Arabs in particular, and yet, while his
victo:y indicated the power of Western modemity vis--vis Muslims in the
central !sIamic lands, the Dutch for their part caused equal consternation with
'their defeat of Sultan Agung of Yogyakarta when he attempted to take Batavia
(now called Jakarta) from them in 1628-1629. The Dutch, who were the
forenmners of modemity and powerful enough to establish a base in America
that they called Neuen Amsterdam (later changed by the British to New York),
were obviously too powerful for the Yogyakarta Sultanate, which was a small
and brand-new Islamic kingdom.
Java, the island where Madjid was horn, was thus the scene of a long
series of defeats for the local population at the hands of the Dutch, who
ultimately croshed local resistance in the form of the Diponegoro movement in
1830. Thus the problem of modernity in Nusantara (the earlier name of
Indonesia) was very different from that of Egypt, especially when one
considers as weIl the miserable experiences suffered by other, non-Javanese
sultanates at the hands of different agents of European modernity like the
Portuguese, the British and the Dutch. ijanafi himself even recognizes that
Western imperialism in the Islamic nations of Southeast Asia, and in Indonesia
181
in particular, was no less dangerous or violent than the version unleashed on
Arab countries like Morocco, Egypt, Iraq and Palestine.
242
In fact, it is even
more likely that the fall of Spain in 1492, and not Napoleon's attack on Egypt
in 1789, represented the beginning of the Muslim failure to respond to
European modernity --if one insists on territorial conquest as the main
criterion. While the debate over exactly when this modernity came to the
Muslim world remains open, according to ijanafi, it is nonetheless a fact that
the current situation of the Muslim world more or less resembles the one it
enjoyed when it initially encountered the West. While the former was growing
intellectually (especially after the age of the translations in the 9
th
century), the
latter was expanding territorially. In its response to Greek civilization, Islam
rejected its literature while incorporating its philosophy, spurned Aristotle's
metaphysics while adopting his natural science, and ignored Plato's notion of
"Ideas" while accepting his Republic. Today, just as it did long ago, Islarnic
cvilization is growing in terms of quality compared to the expanding power of
the West.
243
To rediscover the dynamism of their civilizational spirit,
contemporary Muslims, ijanafi insists, must respond to Western civilization,
just as their ancestors did in the classical era,244 by engaging in the struggle
242ijasan ijanafi, "AI-Muslimiin fi Asiya," Al-Yasar al-Islamf: Kitbcii
Jfal-Nah4a al-Isla-miyya 1 (1981): 158.
243ijanafi, Qa4aya- 2: 12-13.
244ijanafi dedicated his L'Exgse de la phnomnologie "Aux
Philosophes Musulmans Contemporains en vue d'un Dialogue avec la Culture
182
between "self' (Arabs and Muslims) and "other" (the West and Israel). He
explores the dialectics of authenticity and modernity in the second dimension
of his Heritage and Modernity reform project, an agenda that he caUs "Our
Attitude toward Western Heritage," as compared to "Our Attitude toward
Classical Heritage." For while the latter focuses on the beginning of the Third
World's historical awareness, the former deals with the loss of Europe's
leadership in history.245
The West, for ijanafi,246 al_Jabir1
247
and Madjid
248
constitutes one of
the most powerful outside factors in the political decline of Islam in the
modem world. In line with Hanafi, who characterizes the modem clash
between Islam and the West as a new multi-dimensional crusade against
Islam,249 al-Jabirl regards the modem Arab renaissance as a product of the
clash with the foreign and menacing forces of the West, and Napoleon's attack
on Egypt in 1789 in particular. 250 Madjid, on the other hand, traces the origins
of the confrontation between Islam and the West or Christianity back to the
Europenne comme celui de nos Philosophes Anciens avec la Culture
Grecque," 1.
245ijanafi, Al-Turath wa al-TajdTd, 183; idem, Qa4aya Mu'a-#ra, 1: 7
and 2: 5; and idem, Jama1 al-DTn al-Afgha-nT: Al-Mi'a-wiyya al-Ula- (1897-
1997) (Cairo: Dar al-Qiba', 1998), 123.
246ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islari?," 32; idem, Islam in the Modern World,
1: 481; and idem, Da'wa li al-lfiw, 142.
247Al-Jabir1, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqaliyya, 74.
248Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 299.
249Hanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islari," 32.
183
earliest period of Islam. The confrontation was unavoidable because Christians
considered Islam to be an innovation of, and challenge to, their religion, while
Islam, as the Qur'an teaches and Muslims understand it, is merely a
continuation of Christianity. This confrontation of theological understandings
drew both sides to the battlefield, changing the nature of their relationship into
a socio-political confrontation.
251
Western imperialism, al-Jabirl says, is both
theoretical (a system of thought) and practical (applied colonialism) at the
same time, within which the latter can be seen as a continuation of the former.
Theoretical imperialism, which originated in the 18
th
century, an era that al-
Jabirl reminds us was the Age of Enlightenment, provided the ideological
foundations for the practical version, which originated in the 19
th
century.
While al-Jabir1 refers to the latter as the century of imperialism,252 ijanafi
argues that the 15
th
century, the century that Europeans themselves called the
Age of Geographical Discovery, was ironically the beginning of Western
imperialism in the Muslim world?53 Madjid, unlike ijanafi and al-Jabirl,
acknowledges that in this socio-political confrontation, Muslims succeeded in
taking almost aIl Christian lands in the Middle East. Moreover, in addition to
ruling Spain for more than seven centuries, Muslims were able to conquer
Eastern Europe, whose former capital Constantinople is still under Muslim
250AI-Jabir1, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqti.fiyya, 74.
251Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 299.
252AI-Jabir1, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqaliyya, 74.
184
contro1.
254
AI-Jabirl, on the other hand, characterizes this military
confrontation as one primarily between a liberation movement (fat/]) for purely
da 'wa (call to Islam) purposes,255 and a bold move by Western imperialists to
regain their lost territory.256
Napoleon's attack on Egypt, from al-Jabirl's point of view, transfered
to the Muslim world the three pillars of European modernity: first, power,
though colonial expansion was largely at the expense of the Arabs; second,
European competition, in the sense that France competed with the British
Empire while presenting the Arabs with a dilemma as to which of the powers
to follow; and third, knowledge, which was modernism. The encounter thus
resulted in the crystallization of the Arab renaissance project, but in the
opposite direction, since European modernity was a dominating, powerful
master, while the Arab renaissance was in a weak and dominated state. In this
way, the Enlightenment expressed two contradictory dimensions: the values of
freedom, equality and justice on the one hand, and the practical expression of
Enlightenment ideology on the other. The former reinforces the latter but
sometimes with contradictory results, such as terrorism, the justification being
the exploitation of colonies or the liberation of slaves. The Arab renaissance
not only lived in the shadow of the decline of this second dimension of the
253ijanafi, L'exgse de la phnomenologie, 6; and idem, Qaq,aya-
Mu a - ~ i r a 2: 352.
254Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 299.
255AI-Jabirl, Al-Mas'ala al-Huwiyya, 136.
185
Enlightenment and the tyranny of the "other dimension" of European
modernity, but it also gave its supporters the impetus to resist the introduction
of this modernity into Arab lands. The resistance was thus a struggle against
colonial penetration and foreign aggression.
257
Unlike ijanafi and al-Jabid, though, who stress the victory and
agression of the modem West over the Muslim world, Madjid insists that the
confrontation between Islam and the West has always been, to sorne extent, a
confrontation between two cultures having two different perspectives. Western
culture is a continuation of Greco-Roman culture. Its Christianity is often
called "Western Christianity" in contrast to "Eastern Christianity", i.e., eastern
Mediterranean Christianity. While the latter has retained its Semitic roots,
Christianity in the West was adapted according to the formula Maria sopra
Minerva. By this image Madjid means that although Semitic Christianity was
originally from the East, and was symbolized in Maria the mother of Jesus, it
was superimposed upon and adjusted to Roman myth, itself symbolized in the
goddess Minerva. The division resulted in a different relationship between
Christianity and Islam, for while the relationship between Islam and "Eastern
Christianity" has always been smooth and characterized by tolerance (since
both came from relatively the same culture), the relationship between Islam
256Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 299.
257AI-Jabid, Al-Mashru-' al-Nahejawl al- 'Arabi, 20; idem, "Al-Gharb
wa al-Islam: I-AI-Ana wa al-Akhar.. aw al-Mas'ala Fikr wa
Naqd 2 (199Z): 18; and idem, "AI-Gr-arb wa al-Islam: 2- Namt Akhar.. min al-
Wa'y bi 'al-Akhar' ," Naqd wa Fikr 3 (1997): 9.
186
and "Western Christianity" has always been one of hostility.258 It is this
"Western Christianity" that both ijanafi and al-Ja.birl characterize as Western
imperialism vis--vis Islam, culminating in the First World War (1914-1918),
after which the victorious Western allied forces carved up the Ottoman
Empire. History was convulsed when a huge number of former Ottoman
provinces came under Western domination, although Istanbul itself was left in
Turkish hands.
The Muslim world would liberate itself from Western military
imperialism in the 1950s, but it still faIls, according to ijanafi, under the
shadow of the Great Powers, who in turn control a huge chunk of the
economies of modem Muslim states through vast international corporations.
259
Like ijanafi, who stresses that Western cultural imperialism forces the Muslim
world to acknowledge the West as the source of aIl knowledge, science and
technology, al-Jabir1 severely criticizes Western imperialism for destroying the
culture of the nations it has colonized, while pretending, in place of Islam, to
be an "international culture," the culture of the civilized world.
260
Like their
counterparts in the Middle East, Western imperialists, Madjid emphasizes,
destroyed Indonesian cultures, through the policy of "divide et impera." They
discouraged Indonesia Muslims from practicing their religion by giving Islam
258Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 299-300; and idem, "Pengaruh
Kisah Israiliyat dan Orientalisme," 93.
259I-Janafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIaIT?," 32; and idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwar,
140-142.
187
a negative image, while making local cultures their weapon against Islamic
practices.
261
The Muslim world, ijanafi says, has to fight against Western
civilizational imperialism as the most dangerous threat of aU, since the West at
this stage keeps trying to devalue Muslims, who have strong historical roots,
by controlling them, by imprisoning their spirit and creativity, while
transforming their cultures into living museums.
262
AI-Jabirl, however,
concludes that in Arab countries in general, imperialism cannot destroy Islamic
national culture, for the latter has always been a living and "knowing" culture
--whether as language, literature, religion or thought- that is deeply rooted in
Arab feeling, mind and behavior. It was even the source in which Arabs have
traditionaUy found recourse to counter any foreign threat, in particular the
West.
263
On the other hand, neo-imperialism, ijanafi notes, is trying to control
Muslims by hampering liberation movements in the Muslim world on the
ground that the revolutions pose a communist threat. This imperialism even
presents itself as the only guarantee against such a threat. Thus the concepts of
freedom, democracy and justice apply exclusively to Europe,264 a double
standard that al-Jabirl caUs the "other face," namely, the "tyrannical
260AI-Jabirl, Al-Mas'ala al- Thaqiifiyya, 87.
261Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 307-309.
262ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIall?," 32.
263AI-Jabirl, Al-Mas'ala al-ThaqciJiyya, 87.
264ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islall?," 32.
188
dimension," of European modemity.265 Madjid, on the other hand, encourages
Indonesian Muslims to leam Western science and technology while adhering
to Islamic morality.266
fJanafi,267 al-Jabir1
268
and Madjid
269
assert that the West used
Orientalism to further their cultural and civilizational imperialism. The concept
of "Orient," al-Jabir1 clarifies, was prominent in the 19
th
century and served to
balance the concept of "Europe" helping to define European self-identity more
exactly. As a specifie epistemological field, Orientalism painted the "Orient"
as an object of wonder (al-gharib and al- 'ajib), and served almost as the
"science" of "others," i.e., having "others" as its object.
270
Madjid, on the other
hand, states that Orientalism did not originate in such European imperialist
states as Great Britain, France, Rolland, Belgium, Spain and Portugal, but in
Germany, much less of an imperialist state compared to its counterparts.
Germans were interested in studying Islam for its strong influences on modem
European civilization; British, French and Dutch scholars only followed their
lead, though they to sorne extent displaced them. The Orientalists in tum,
Madjid explains, recruited Muslim students, who then became professors at
265Al-Jabir1, Al-Mashru-' al-Nah4awfal- 'ArabI, 19-22.
266Madjid, Kaki Langit, 15; idem, "Keilmuan Pesantren," 19; and idem,
Pintu-pintu, 179.
267fJanafi, Al-Turah wa al-Tajdfd, 75-96.
268Al-Jabirl, Al-Mashru-' al-Nah4awfal- 'ArabI, 28.
269Madjid, Kaki Langit, 58; and idem, Islam Agama Peradaban, 297.
270Al-Jabir1, Al-Mashru-' al-Nahdawfal- ArabI, 28.
189
Western sponsored universities for "natives" like Cairo University and
American University in Beirut
271
--a development seen by al-Jabirl as one of
the primary succeess of the Orientalist project,272 Orientalism, for ijanafi
273
as for both al_Jabir1
274
and Madjid,275 is a reflection of the way the West views
Islam rather than a method of explaining what Islam is. Nevertheless, Madjid
acknowledges that Orientalism has to sorne extent served a useful purpose in
introducing Islam to the West using Western language and imagery, resulting
in the conversion of a number of modem Western figures, who made a
considerable contribution to Muslim contemporary cultures like Muhammad
Marmaduke Pickthall, Muhammad Asad (formerly Leopold Weiss), Frithjof
Schuon, Martin Lings, Roger Garaudy, T.B. Irving, Maurice Boucaille and
Yusuf al-Islami (formerly Cat Stevens). At the same time, Orientalism has
made it possible for Muslim thinkers to teach at its institutions like Fazlur
Rahman, John Woods and Robert Bianci aIl at the University of Chicago,
Muhsin Mahdi at Harvard University, Mahmud Ayub at Temple University,
Seyyed Husain Nasr at Georgetown University, Hamid Algar at the University
271Madjid, Kaki Langit, 58.
272AI-Jabir1, AI-Mas'ala al-Huwiyya, 134.
273}fanafi, Al-Turath wa al-TajdTd, 75-96.
274AI-Jabir1, AI-Mashru' al-NahdawT al- 'Arabl, 27-28; idem, TakwTn
al- 'Aql al- 'Arabl, 13; idem, AI-Mas'ala al-Huwiyya, 133; and idem, AI-Turath
wa al-lfadatha, 168.
275Madjid, Kaki Langit, 66; and idem, Islam Agama Peradaban, 307-
308.
190
of Califomia (Berkeley), Ismail Poonawala at the University of Los Angeles
and A. ner Turgay at McGill University.276
Orientalists pretend to be neutral in their study of Islam, but they
nevertheless, ijanafi asserts, destroy Islam by rejecting its daim to be a
religion revealed by God. Instead, they reduce it to material factors like
politics, economics and geography, by applying the methods of history,
analysis, projection, and interaction. Another danger of Orientalism, ijanafi
insists, is that Orientalists usually come to the study of Islam from other
disciplines, since Orientalism is a by-product of other fields like history,
geography, language, civilization and philosophy.277 Although he agrees with
ijanafi in his rejection of the European assumption that its civilization is the
one that is most truly intemational,278 al-Jabir1 does not define it simply as a
worldview hostile to Arabs, since Orientalism is not always homogenous or
one-dimensional. Defining Orientalism in essence as "searching for the East,"
al-Jabirl believes that Westemers search for the East for different purposes.
Unlike those who did so to serve the purposes of 19
th
and 20
th
century
expansionist imperialism, sorne were interested in the East as a "wonderful and
marvelous country." When the spices of the East came to be sought after, its
cultures and religions began to attract interest as weIl. Sorne Westemers even
searched for the East for the sake of their "spirituality" after Europe had lost or
276Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 312-313.
277ijanafi, Al-Turath wa al-Tajdfd, 71-74.
191
almost lost its religious faith, while others came to it out of a love of
knowledge, that is to say, to know themselves through knowing "others.,,279
Unlike ijanafi, who rejects the historical approach and replaces it with a
phenomenological one,280 Madjid encourages Indonesian Muslims to use the
Orientalist principle of the "genealogy of knowledge" in order to differentiate
between historical and a-historical elements of Islam.
281
Again unlike ijanafi,
who tends to believe in the permanent state of Orientalism, Madjid sees it as
having adjusted its attitude from one of subjective prejudice to one of objective
analysis. Cornell's Modem Indonesia Project, for instance, began by trying to
downplay the role of Islam in Indonesia while highlighting Javanese culture,
whereas McGill's Institute of Islamic Studies and Georgetown University's
Center of Muslim-Christian Understanding have gradually developed into
institutions that honestly apply objective and academic methods to the study of
Islam. Marshall G.S. Hodgson (the author of The Venture of Islam), to cite an
individual example given by Madjid, criticizes Clifford Geertz (the author of
Religion of Java) for applying a colonial strategem that endeavors to lessen the
significance of Islam in a Western colony.282
278ijanafi, L'exgse de la phnomnologie, 6.
279AI-Jabirl, AI-Mas'ala al-Thaqafiyya, 270-271.
28In this regard, ijanafi refers the development of Islam to Qur' anie
revelation as idealism that had led Muslims to make history.
281Madjid, Kaki Langit, 63.
282Madjid realizes that a number of "Islamic religious technorats"
reeeived their academic training at McGill's Institute of Islamic Studies, and
192
While ijanafi,283 al-Jabir1
284
and Madjid
285
are in principle unanimous
in their condemnation of Orientalism as an obstacle to the renaissance of Islam,
they differ in the degree to which they criticize it. ijanafi insists that the West,
with Orientalism as its think-tank, return to its natural boundaries. Despite its
claim to the contrary, the West is merely a local civilization that forced non-
Western nations to recognize it as the center of world civilization. This
international myth, in fact, was used to colonize non-Western nations.
Nonetheless, the Western crisis in the twentieth century is seen by ijanafi as
the beginning of an Islamic renaissance. It is within "the concept of the 'failure
of the West'" -to use Voll's term
286
_ that the Islamic Left has, according to
ijanafi, gained momentum not only in pushing back the West to its internal
and natural boundaries, but also in explaining its own local character as
jokingly calls them "McGill's Mafia of the Indonesian Department of
Religious Affairs." Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 281 and 308-312; idem,
Dialog Keterbukaan, 121; idem, Islam Kerakyatan, 151; and idem, "Al-
Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual dan Kebangkitan Kembali Islam," in Rusdy Harnka
and Iqbal Emsyarif ARF Saimima, eds., Kebangkatan Islam dalam
Pembahasan (Jakarta: Yayasan Nurul Islam, 1980), 117.
283ijanafi, Al-Turah wa al-TajdTd, 74; idem, Islam in the Muslim
World, 2: 353-365; and idem, Dira-sa Falsafiyya, 13.
284AI-Jabir1, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqiifiyya, 73; and idem, "AI-Ru'ya al-
Istishraqiyya fi al-Falsafa al-Islamiyya: wa Mukawwinatuha al-
Idiyljiyya wa al-Manhajiyya," in Kharfi et al., eds., Manhij al-
MustashriqTn ft al-Dirasa al- 'Arabiyya al-Islamiyya (Riyaq: Maktab al-
Tarbiyya al- 'ArabI li Duwal al-Khafij, 1985), 1: 316.
285Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 311.
286John O. Voll, "Islamic Renewal and the 'Failure of the West' ," in
Richard T. Antoun and Mary Elaine Hegland, eds., Religious Resurgence:
Contemporary Cases in Islam, Christianity, and Judaism (Syracuse: Syracuse
University Press, 1987), 127.
193
reflected in local development. To achieve this goal, ijanafi offers
occidentalism as a replacement for Orientalism. In contrast to the latter, the
former is a new science that takes Western civilization as an independent
object of study.287 AI-Jabirl, like ijanafi, criticizes Western thought from a
different perspective, namely, that of an "outsider," and not an "insider" point
of view. Unlike the West, which has always considered its modem history to
be a continous exercise in self-criticism from Descartes up to now, which is
itself a self-construction and a self-reconstruction, Arabs and non-Arabs must
take Western thought as the object of their study, analyzing its history and
relativity, investigating its claims, and removing the mask that hides its covert
yet very real motives.
288
Like ijanafi, al-Jabirl encourages non-Westerners to
initiate occidentalism, but ijanafi went beyond this when he published his
Muqaddima ft '!lm al-Istighrb (Introduction to Occidentalism), an
achievement that even al-Jabirl has not yet equalled,289 while Madjid reminds
287ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islarrii?," 22; and idem, Islam in the Modern
World, 2: 354-355.
288AI-Jabirl, AI-Mas'ala al-Thaqifiyya, 261-262; idem, "AI-Ru'ya al-
Istishraqiyya," 316; and idem, "Al-'Ulama wa al-Huwiyya al-Thaqafiyya,"
Fikr wa Naqd 6 (1998): 18.
289See ijasan ijanafi, Muqaddima ft '!lm al-Istighrb (Cairo: AI-
Mu'assasa al-Jiim'iyya, 1992); and idem, Islam in the Modern World 2:
Tradition, Revolution and Culture (Cairo: The Anglo-Egyptian Bookshop,
1995), 353-365. For more information, see also, Hattar, AI-Tura-th, al-
Gharb, al-Thawra: BaIJth IJawl wa al-Mu'a-#raft Fikr lfasan lfanafi
(Omman: Shaqlr wa 'Akasa, 1986), 153-163; Aqmad 'Abd ai-ijalim 'Atiyya,
"AI-Tafk1k wa al-Ikhtilaf: Jaques Derrida fi al-Fikr al-'Arabl in
Mal)mud Amin al-' Alim, ed., AI-Fikr al- 'Arabr 'ala- Masha-rij al-Qarn al-lfaar
wa al-'Ishrrn (Cairo: Qaq.aya li al-Nashr wa al-Tawz1', 1995), 175-176; Yusuf
194
his co-religionists to be critical in reading the works of Orientalists, he also
encourages pesantreners (students inpesantrens) to study in the West.
290
Zionism --for ijanafi,29f al_Jabir1
292
and Madjid
293
-- is another external
threat to Islam. According to ijanafi, it had its origin in 19
th
century Europe.
He points out Bauer, who tried to liberate Jews in Germany through the State,
a national and liberal state that he envisioned as based on German Ideology
(namely, the awareness of self, society and freedom -which were German
Zaydan, "AI-Istighrab: Judhiiruh wa Mushkilat
1
1h," in A1}mad 'Abd al-ijaIim
'Atiyya, ed., Jadal al-Ana-wa al-Akhar: Qira'a NaqdiyyalfFikr lfasan lfanalf
If 'Id Milaaih al-Sittln (Cairo: MadbiiIi 1997): 147-160; Yumna
TarIf al-KhiiIi, "Jadal al-Ana wa al-Akhar fi Mashrii' Hasan Hanafi," in idem,
. . .
179-194; Majdi 'Abd "Dirasa Naqdiyya li Kitab 'Dm al-Istighrab," in
idem, 195-214; "Qira'a Mukhtalifa li 'Dm al-Istighrab," in
idem, 215-222; ijarb, Naqd 27-60; al-'Alim, Mawa-qif Naqdiyya, 25-
37; and Heidelbrandt, Emanzipation oder Isolation.
290Madjid, Kaki Langit, 65-66; idem, Islam Agama Peradaban, 313;
and idem, "Keilmuan Pesantren," 19. In his appeal to the pesantreners, who
belong for the most part to the ranks of Indonesian Muslim traditionalists,
Madjid in fact seems to envision them as potential neo-modernists, since the
traditionalists, unlike Indonesian Muslim modernists, usually master Arabie
and gain a substantive knowledge of Islam, but unlike the modernists, lack
exposure to methodological approaches. Thus if pesantreners study in the
West, where they will be exposed to Western metholodological principles as
the modernists are, they could come to represent the ideal Muslim thinkers,
whom Madjid caUs neo-modernists, for they will master Islam from its primary
sources, while using Western modem methodologies. In short, it is these
Western educated pesantreners who could continue his neo-modernist reform
project. See also, Wahyudi, "Dari Disertasi menuju Revolusi," vii-viii.
29
l
ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IslaII?," 32; idem, "Hal Yajiiz Shar'an," 96-
127; idem, "Muqaddima," in RQ Aih al-Khumaynl, Al-lfukuma al-
Islamiyya (Cairo: ijasan ijanafi, 1979), 6; idem, Al-Dln wa al-Thaqala, 128;
and idem, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 481.
292AI-Jabirl, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqaliyya, 89; and idem, "AI-Mas'ala al-
Thaqafiyya fi al-Taswiyya," 5-36.
293Madjid, Pintu-pintu, 74 and 78.
195
Enlightenment values). Marx, however, adopted a different strategy, believing
that liberating all the oppressed people in the world would automatically
liberate the Jews.
294
Although al-Jiibir1, like ijanafi, traces the origins of
Zionism back to Europe, he asserts that Zionism ran counter to the trend of
practical European modemity, since the French Revolution of 1789 did not
apply the principle of equality to ethnie groups as whole but to individuals.
The debate over French identity (held on August 20-26, 1789) thus ended with
"La declaration des droits humains et citoyens," and decided that French Jews
were French citizens.2
95
AI-Jiibir1 concludes that Jewish thinkers such as Albert
Einstein, Sigmund Freud and Theodore Herzl established their Vienna circle to
criticize the hypocrisy of modemity. ijanafi, on the other hand, insists that the
Jews did not accept Napoleon's decision to make them French citizens with the
same rights and duties as other citizens had.
296
When Herzl went to Paris, al-
Jiibir1 goes on to explain, he had to face the controversy over Dreyfus (a
French-Jewish officer who was accused of spying on France for the sake of
Germany). The court eventually released Dreyfus for lack of proof, but
intellectuals demanded that his trial be resumed, declaring his case as a proof
of Semitic sentiment against France. In his response to this anti-Semitic
position, Herzl wrote The Jewish State in 1896, and it was due to the influence
294ijasan ijanafi, "Al-Kiyan l ~ h y n l wa al-Mas'ala al-Yahdiyya,"
Al- 'Arab1486 (1996): 30; and idem, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 185.
295AI-Jabir1, Al-Mashni' al-Nahtf,awlal- 'Arabf, 30-33.
196
of this work that Jews held the first congress of Zionism in Basel in 1897. At
the congress they also established the International Zionist Movement, electing
Herzl its president.297
This event, according to both ijanafi298 and al-Jabirl,299 resulted in a
paradigm shift. It transformed Zionism from a spritual Zionism, which sought
to protect Jewish identity from the danger of imitation of Western nationalist
cultures, into a political Zionism that looked at Jewish problems in the light of
19
th
century European nationalism,300 out of which the project of a "Jewish
national state in Palestine" found its practical expression.
301
Both al-Jabir1
302
and Madjid,303 on the other hand, argue that Zionism was simply another form
of Imperialism. In his attack on Syria in 1799, Napoleon, al-Jabirl states, called
the Jews to support him against the British with the promise that he would
return them to Palestine. However, the British defeated him and ultimately
adopted the Zionist agenda for their own sake.
304
Although, according to
296ijanafi, "AI-K.iyan 32; and idem, Religious Dialogue &
Revolution, 185-186.
297AI-Jabir1, Al-Mashru-' al-Nahejawlal- 'Arabf, 30-33.
298ijanafi, "AI-K.iyan 32.
299AI-Jabirl, Al-Mashru' al-Nahejawlal- 'Arabf, 34.
3ooijanafi, "AI-K.iyan 32; and idem, Religious Dialogue &
Revolution, 180-181.
301AI-Jabir1, Al-Mashru-' al-Nahejawlal- 'Arabf, 34.
302Ibid., 30-33 and 37-38.
303Madjid, Pintu-pintu, 78.
304AI-Jabirl, Al-Mashru-' al-Nahejawl al- 'Arabf, 30-33 and 37-38.
197
ijanafi, Western Jews approached the Ottoman Sultan hoping to buy Palestine,
which was under the control of his caliphate, he rejected the idea.
30S
Zionists,
al-Jibir1 adds, likewise submitted a proposaI to European states to convince
them that establishing a Jewish state in Palestine would prove fatal to the
Ottoman Empire, hoping thereby to win their support for the project. The
Zionists, al-Jibir1 reasons, knew perfectly weIl that Europe regarded the
Ottoman Empire as a double enemy; she dominated the path to the East and,
hence, blocked the way of European imperial expansion, and was at the same
time an Islamic caliphate. Her success in conquering a huge swathe of
European land (al-futu7},a) had made Christian Europe consider her their direct
enemy.306 In the end, of course, Zionism succeeded in realizing its goal of
establishing a Jewish State in 1948 thanks to British help, an historie moment
that ijanafi characterizes as one of the two most significant disasters in the
history of the modem Arab world, the other one being the 1967 defeat of the
Arab forces by Israel.307
The 1948 Partition of Palestine took place 30 years after the destruction
of the Ottoman Empire in 1918. The "Sick Man" of Europe could not defend
Palestine against both Imperialism and Zionism, since he had himself ceased to
exist due to his defeat in the First World War. The Zionist state, which was
3osijanafi, "Al-Kiyin 32.
306AI-Jibirl, Al-Mashru-' al-Nah4awf al- 'ArabT, 30-38.
307ijanafi, Qa4ya- 1: 7, and 2: 5-6; idem, Humum al-Fikr
wa al-Wa!an al- 'ArabT, 1: 7; and idem, Al-Dfn wa al-ThawrajfMi$r, 6: 91.
198
established on the ruins of the Universal Caliphate, could thus easily impose its
own "Western" experiences on its new Middle Eastern life. I-Janafi contends
that it is an expression of imperialism that Zionism has come to occupy more
land than it had asked for in the 1948 partition of Palestine. At the same time
he wrote, Israel had not only annexed the whole of Palestine, but also sorne
parts of Syria, Lebanon and Egypt,30S a criticism that both al-Jabir1
309
and
Madjid
3IO
echo. Al-Jabirl tends to accept the existence of Israel, while
demanding that the Israelis return to the lands they occupied before their 1967
victory as a prerequisite to the naturalization of Arab-Israel peace relations.
3II
Madjid says that Israelis and their Western imperialist backers are too intent on
confiscating and destroying al-Masjid a l A q ~ a on which they are hoping to
build a new (third) Temple of Solomon. The Israelis, Madjid insists, should be
thanking rather than attacking Islam, for it was 'Umar ibn al-Khanab that
allowed Jews to return freely to Jerusalem after the pagan and then Christian
Romans had hampered and oppressed them for hundreds of years.
312
It was
30sI-Janafi, "Al-Yasar al-IslaII?," 32; and idem, Religious Dialoque &
Revolution, 180-181.
309Al-Jabirl, Al-Mashru-' al-Nahtlawlal- 'ArabI, 33.
3lOMadjid, Pintu-pintu, 78.
311Al-Jabir1, "Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqafiyya fi al-Taswiyya," 8.
3I2Madjid, Pintu-pintu, 78; idem, Islam Agama Peradaban, 29-30; and
idem, "Al-Quds (Yerusalem): Tanah Kelahiran Para Nabi," in Nurcholish
Madjid et al., ed., Rekonstruksi dan Renungan Religius Islam (Jakarta:
Paramadina, 1996),254-257.
199
also under Andalusian Islam, both ijanafi
313
and Madjid
314
add, that Jewish
civilization achieved its Golden Age, during which era Jews developed to the
full their traditional-textual rational sciences like theology and philosophy,
their traditional sciences like language and grammar, and their pure rational
sciences like mathematics and biology, all of which they wrote down in
Arabic. Zionism furthermore represents an attempt to implant a Western
pattern of modernity in the Arabo-Muslim world, which has resulted in the
marginalization of the latter civilization.
315
In so doing, al-Jabir1 concludes,
Zionism totally contradicts its raison d'tre by practicing the oppression that
the Jewish people suffered in their European existence.
316
And yet, although
Zionist imperialism and modernity are powerful obstacles to the renaissance of
Arab Muslims, and for their geopolitical position in particular, both ijanafi
317
and al-Jabir1
318
are optimistic that this renaissance will finally materialize.
Islam, they reason, survived the onslaught of Western imperialism and
modernity, the lowest point of which was the defeat of the Ottoman caliphate
in the First World War, age of imperialism is outdated and therefore no longer
313ijanafi, "Al-Kiyan 33-34.
314Madjid, Islam Agama Kemanusiaan, 54-58.
315ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIall?," 32; and idem, Religious Dialogue &
Revolution, 181.
316Al-Jabir1, AI-Mashni' al-Nahdawf al- 'Arabi, 33; and idem, "Al-
Mas'ala al-Thaqafiyya fi al-Taswiyya," 6.
317ijanafi, Al-Turath wa al-Tajdfd, 183; idem, Qa4ya- 1: 7
and 2: 5; idem, lama? al-Dfn al-Afgha-nf: AI-Mi'a-wiyya al-a- (1897-1997)
(Cairo: Dar al-Qiba', 1998), 123; and idem, "Taqdim," 12-14.
200
a danger, as they see il. Madjid for his part shares their optimism, but on the
basis of a different reasoning. Zionism does not pose a direct challenge to
Indonesian Muslims, whereas in the broader context God has promised to keep
Islam growing, so that if Muslims observe His commands (sunnat Allh) they
will receive the chance to lead the world once again.
319
To implement the theories of both the revival of the traditional Muslim
sciences and the critical response to the West, as explained above,
contemporary Muslims -according to ijanafi,320 al-Jabir1
321
and Madjid__
322
need a reliable means. ijanafi makes it clear that his project of Heritage and
Modernity aims in the end to unify the Islamic sciences (tawlJld al- 'ulum) in
order to unify Muslims.
323
Even so, he criticizes Muslims for weakening their
own position through divisiveness, thus allowing Western imperialism the
opportunity to colonize them.J
24
Like ijanafi and al-Jabirl,325 Madjid sees
Muslim schism as a dominant factor that has led to the political defeat of the
Muslim world. The unity of aIl Muslims is thus an essential step in solving the
318AI-Jabirl, Al-Mashru-' al-Nah4awl al- 'Arabl, 33.
319Madjid, Islam, Kerakyatan dan Keindonesiaan, 20-22; idem, Pintu-
pintu, 93; idem, "AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 124; and idem, "AI-Quds
(Jerusalem)," 258.
32oHanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsIall?," 34.
321AI-Jiibir1, "AI-Muthaqqifn, al-Dlmqriitiyya, [wa] al-Tatarruf," 7.
322Madjid, Masyarakat Religius, 24.
323ijanafi, Al-Turath wa al-Tajdfd, 172-176.
324ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Isliill?," 34; and idem, Dirasat Islamiyya, 35.
201
problem and then accelerating the achievement of the Islamic renaissance.
326
Unity, however, is not an easy goal to achieve, since certain ideologically
fabricated ijadiths, ijanafi laments, continue to divide Muslims, who do not
realize for instance that the "ijadith of the saved group" (the one stating that
"My community will divide into 73 groups, none of whom will enter Paradise
except one") was concocted in order to delegitimize such opposition groups as
the Kharijites, Shiites and Mu'tazilites for the sake of the pro-establishment
group, which was Ash'arism.
327
The difficulty of achieving Arab unity, al-
Jabir1 insists, lies in the fact that Arabs tend to deny their real life, while
depending on blessing.
328
Madjid, like ijanafi, believes that Islamic
brotherhood is a central concept, but that contemporary Muslims should view
it in the light of the Qur'an and the Sunna.
329
ijanafi, al-Jabir1 and Madjid aIl
emphasize that pluralism is one of God's laws for human beings. When
Muslims themselves interpret the Qur'an and the Sunna in accordance with
their own perspective, this tends to enrich Islamic civilizaton; indeed, they
concur in stating that the disagreement of Muslims is a grace (ikhtilal ummatf
325AI-Jabir1, Al-Dfmuqraiyya wa lfuqu-q al-Insa-n, 75; and idem, Wijhat
Na'?r, 203.
326Madjid, Masyarakat Religius, 24.
327ijanafi, Min al- 'Aqfda ila al-Thawra, 5: 393-407; and idem,
Al-Da'wa li al-Hiwa-r, 6.
328AI-Jabir1, Wijhat Na'?r, 212.
329Madjid, Masyarakat Religius, 24; and idem, Dialog Keterbukaan,
119.
202
ra!Jma). Thus the unity of aIl Muslims --for ijanafi, al-Jabir! and Madjid-- does
not imply that Muslims are monolithic in all their views.
Basing himself on the aforementioned fact, ijanafi calls for dialogue
between aIl Islamic schools of thought, whose proponents he characterizes as
"Brothers in Allah," in order to unite on points of agreement, while respecting
one another on points of disagreement. Therefore, while the Islamic Left does
not consider any Muslims as infidel, it calls them to adopt the kalimat al-sawa'
(meeting point), the least criterion of which is Egyptian national unity. The
Islamic Left also directs its caU for dialogue to "Brothers in Nation" -whom he
enumerates as Egyptian Liberals, Marxists, and Nasserists, since the Islamic
Left shares their goals of achieving freedom, democracy and social justice,
although by different means. Unlike those who subscribe more to foreign,
Western values, the Islamic Left starts from the Islamic heritage, ensuring that
its future remains as a continuation of its past and that its present is firmly set
in the course of history.330 Al-Jabir1, like ijanafi, insists that his feUow Arabs
return to their reallife. They should regard Arab unity as a historical fact in the
sense that they should base their unity on interests and agreement
(al-tara(fi) on the one hand, while accelarating the Arab objective of co-
existence, co-operation and harmony between Arab states on the other. 331
330ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islam!?," 42-43; idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 6-
23; idem, Al-Dfn wa al-ThaqciJa wa al-Siyasa, 325; and idem, Dirasa
Islamiyya, 35.
331AI-Jabir1, Wijhat Na?,r, 212.
203
Madjid, like both ijanafi and al-Jbir1, encourages Indonesian Muslims to find
the kalimat al-sawi' among themselves, while leaving their disagreements
behind. On the nationallevel, Madjid considers Pancasila (the state philosophy
of Indonesia) as the kalimat al-saw' uniting different Muslim groups on the
one hand and Muslim and non-Muslim Indonesians on the other, particularly
Protestants and Catholics.
332
Thus the unity of aIl Muslims --for ijanafi, al-
Jbir1 and Madjid- consists in the unity in diversity, by which Muslim
countries contribute to helping each other solve their common problems at an
international level. Nonetheless, unlike both al-Jabir1 and Madjid, ijanafi still
insists on the unity of all Muslims, a kind of pan-Islamism, as a means of
countering Western imperialism.
333
To sum up, finding the solution to the decline of Islam in the modem
world is a concern that links ijanafi, al-Jabir1 and Madjid. They are alike in
attempting to implement reform from "within" their respective ideological and
even national positions by striving to revive such forgotten principles of Islam
as rationalism, experimentalism, equilibrism, praxism, and egalitarianism
within the Islamic tradition. In geo-political terms, however, al-Jabirl
implicitly sees Morocco as the new center of the Muslim world, in
332Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 110-111; idem, Masyarakat Religius,
24-34; idem, "Islam di Indonesia dan Potensinya sebagai Sumber Substansiasi
Ideologi dan Etos Nasional," in Nurcholish Madjid et al., eds.,
Kontekstualisasi Doktrin Islam dalam Sejarah (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1994),
577-578; and idem, Islam Agama Kemanusiaan, 3-21.
333ijanafi, "Muqaddima," 13-14; and idem, Dira-sa Islamiyya, 35.
204
contradistinction to ijanafi, who explicitly makes Egypt the center of his
international Islamic reform, and Madjid, who focuses on Indonesia' s
peripheral role. AI-Jabir1 after aIl attributes the weaknesses of Arab Islamic
civilization to non-Moroccan elements. Thus "Western" (Maghrib) Muslim
philosophers as Ibn Rushd and al-Shatibl, he reasons, provided a more rational
response than "Eastern" (Mashriq) Muslim philosophers as Ibn Sina and al-
FarabI, in that the former championed demonstrative experimentalism (al-
burha-nl) against the textualism (al-baya-nl, which includes fiqh, ~ al-fiqh
and 'ilm kala-m, to name few) and irrationalism (al- 'fanl, i.e., Shiism and
sufism) of the "Easterners.,,334 Encouraging his feIlow Arabs to repeat the geo-
epistemological rupture that their "Western" predecessors had effected with
respect to their "Eastern" rivals, in order to restore the demonstrative
experimentalism of the "Westerners" to the whole of the Arab world, al-Jabirl
champions the superiority of a Moroccan --over an Egyptian-- centred Arab
civilization.
335
Indeed, since Andalusia -home to the largest share of the
"Western" heritage-- is now in Christian hands, Morocco is the only heir to
334The contrast between the "Eastern" and the "Western" epistemology
is that while the former is "un travail d'interpretation," the latter is "un travail
de production" -to use Labdaoui's phrases. Labdaoui, Les nouveaux
intellectuels, 124.
335AI-Jabir1 ideologically glorifies every product and method brought
out by Aristotelian and Maghribi ["Western"] practice, while depreciating aIl
those produced by "Eastern" and gnostic ('fanl) thought. Mul).ammad, Naqd
al- 'Aql al- 'Arabrfi Mfzan, 160. It is against al-Jabir1's "racist" and ideological
epistemological break that Tarablshl wrote his Wa1Jdat al- 'Aql al- 'Arabr al-
Isla-ml (The Unity of the Arabo-Islamic Mind) (London: Dar al-Saql, 2002).
205
this tradition, and, hence is the only legitimate candidate to lead Arab Islamic
civilization forward. It is this "Western" demonstrative experimentalism, he
implies, that will make it easier for Morocco to interact with the modem
scientism of the West.
ijanafi, al-Jiibir1 and Madjid consider the West as the most powerful
"outside" obstacle to the future renaissance of Islam. Neither al-Jiibirl nor
Madjid supports ijanafi's suggestion that Muslims revoIt against the West, but
all three thinkers acknowledge that Muslims need to leam from its strengths,
while avoiding its weaknesses. Majid offers a more practical solution, since he
believes that technological superiority was the source of the strength of the
salaf (early "orthodox" Muslim) generation. Making technological superiority
the linking point between the salaf then and the West in the present day,
Madjid tries to show what is lacking in Muslim heritage compared to its
Western counterpart with an its technological might. At the same time, Madjid
acknowledges the fact that, in their original political confrontation, Muslims
succeeded in taking a huge number of Christian and, hence, Western lands, an
achievement that both ijanafi and al-Jiibirl preferred to calIfat!? (liberation for
the purposes of the calI to Islam) instead of conquest. One implication of this is
that, whereas the West has failed to retake their "ancient" lands. Muslims -or
at least ijanafi and al-Jabirl-- have to stop accusing the West of colonialism,
since otherwise they might be obliged to return the Christian lands they have
been occupying since they took them in the classical age.
206
Likewise, ijanafi, al-Jabirl and Madjid see Orientalism as a think tank
of Western imperialism that continues to pose a cultural challenge to the
Muslim world, but they differ in sorne respects. Unlike ijanafi, for instance, al-
Jiibirl and Madjid see Orientalism as changing. On the other hand, while both
ijanafi and al-Jiibid suggest that Muslims establish Occidentalism to counter
Orientalism, Madjid encourages Indonesian Muslims, and even the most
traditionalist among them, to study Islam in the West, since Orientalism can
also serve as a means of improving the Muslim understanding of Islam and
introduce their religion to the West and, hence, the whole world. Both al-Jiibid
and ijanafi wam against the threat that Zionism poses to the Muslim world,
whereas Madjid does not see its immediate relevance to Indonesia. And
although they agree with ijanafi on the unity of the Muslim world as the key
factor in forestalling Muslim political defeat, neither al-Jiibirl nor Madjid
believes in Pan-Islamism. It is, therefore, possible to say that the subject
matters of all three thinkers center on discussion of the same points --strikingly
so. In general there is broad agreement on both traditional Islamic historical
matters and on modem phenomena affecting the Muslim world. Their
differences are only nuances, merely interpretation in personal and national
contexts. This shows clearly that the slogan "Back to the Qur'iin and the
Sunna" to which all three subscribe, is based on a congruent worldview. We
will see in the next chapter their actual response to the meaning of the slogan
itself.
Chapter III
The Hermeneutics of the Return to the Qur'an and the Sunna
This chapter will compare ijanafi's, al-Jabirl's and Madjid's
hermeneutics of the return to the Qur' an and the Sunna in the light of ijanafi' s
"Theory of Interpretation." It is the last step in his reform project, since it
completes the process of reconstructing Islamic civilization based on two
earlier stages.
1
In his own words, the theory of interpretation is thus "a theory
that determines the relation between revelation and reality -let us say between
religion and the world, or more appropriate1y between Allah and human
beings,,,2 by which he repositions revelation as both the source and object of
knowledge. This new kind of interpretation will, ijanafi contends, become the
foundation of the Islamic reform movement and legitimize the destruction of
all other interpretations that try to defend the status quo, hamper social change,
or haIt the historical process
3
--a position that on the whole reminds one of
Georg Lukacs' (1885-1971) "standpoint of the proletariat,,,4 which in its
IThey are "Our Attitude towards the Classical Heritage" and "Our
Attitude towards the Western Heritage," respectively.
2ijanafi, Qa4ya- 1: 177. See also, idem, Al-Dfn wa al-
Thawra, 7: 77-78; and idem, Islam in the Modem World, 1: 409.
3ijanafi, Al-Turath wa al-Tajdfd, 185; and idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r,
140-141.
4Anthony Mansueto, "From Hermeneutical Circle to the Dialectical
Spiral Philosophy and Ideological Criticism," www.geocities.com/Athens/
Thebes/1593/doc/episteme/hcds.html (accessed March 13,2001),6.
208
Egyptian manifestation Fu'ad Zakariya calls absolutism.
s
ijanafi's Islamic
Left, for al-Babarl,6 advocates the worldview embodied in Nasser's Al-Mi"tha-q
(Manifesto),7 a reasonable analysis since ijanafi himself translates al-1Jizb al-
!alf7 ("vanguard party," which he designates as the backbone of his Islamic
Left) into "proletariat party."s Seeing the theory of interpretation as
conforming to, in effect, the logic of revelation, ijanafi tries to reconstruct
Islamic universal civilization, relying on what Hans Kng calls the "liberating
role of Scripture.,,9
sPu'ad Zakariya, Al-lfaqfqa wa al-Wahmfi al-lfaraka al-Islamiyya al-
Mu (Cairo: Dar al-Qiba', 1998), 36-37.
6AI-Barbarl, Ishk1iyyat al-Turath, 177.
7JamaI 'Abd Al-Mfthaq (Cairo: al-Dar al-Qawmiyya li al-
1;iba'a, 1962).
sIn other words, the Islamic Left is a combination of Nasserism and
Muslim Brotherhood ideals. ijanafi, Qa4aya- 1: 128-146; idem, Al-
Turath wa al-Tajdfd, 116; idem, Humum al-Fikr wa al-Wa!an al-'Arabf, 1:
629-630 and 639; idem, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 3: 112-141; and idem, Islam in
the Modern World, 2: 54. See also, Wahyudi, "Hasan Hanafi: Mujaddid Abad
ke-15?," xv-xvi; idem, "Dari Disertasi menuju Revolusi," iii-iv; and idem,
"Senam Hermeneutika bersama Hasan Hanafi," [A foreword to] Hasan Hanafi,
Sendi-sendi Hermeneutika: Membumikan Tafsir Revolusioner, translated by
Yudian Wahyudi and Hamdiah Latif (Yogyakarta: Titian llahi Press in
collaboration with Pesantren Pasca Sarjana Bismillah Press, 2002), v-vi.
However, in 2001 ijanafi said that his Islamic Left was neither influenced by
Marxism nor by Socialism. See Tempo No. 141XXXl4-1O Juni 2001. On
ijanafi's seemingly contradictory stance, see, for example, al-'Alim, Al-Wa'y
wa al-Wa'y al-Za-'if, 79; and idem, Mawa-qif Naqdiyya, 49-58 as al-'Alim's
response to JrJl1;arablshl's Al-Muthaqqifun al- 'Arab wa al-Turath: Al-Ta1Jl
al-Nafslli- Jama'f(N.p.: Dar al-Rays, 1991).
9Hans Kng, "A New Basic Method for Theology: Divergences and
Convergencies," in Hans Kng and David Tracy, eds., Paradigm Change in
Theology: A Symposium for the Future, translated by Margaret Kohl (New
York: Crossroad, 1991),448.
209
Basing his theory of interpretation on a direct intuition of the present
state of human society, ijanafi
lO
--in line with al-Jabirl
11
and Madjid
12
_-
declares the slogan of "Back to the Qur'an and the Sunna," which Egyptian
reformists such as 'Abduh and Riga revived in modem times, to be at an
impasse. For him, its solution to the modem problems facing the Muslim world
always looks back at a past reflected in the experiences of the first four
generations of Muslims, whose leaders steadily declined in authority from the
Prophet to his Companions to the Followers of the Companions
(al-tbi'u-n) and to the followers of the Followers of the Companions (tavi'u-
al-tavi'fn), respectively.13 The slogan, ijanafi points out, has every potential of
isolating the Muslim world from the present, since it is aIl at once a kind of
escapism, rejectionism and romanticism, while its supporters are what al-Jabirl
calls rejectionist fundamentalists (al-salafiyyun al-raJitJu-n).14 Instead of
interacting with the present, the slogan takes refuge in the golden age of Islam
by making and, hence, isolating, a certain period of Islamic history as its
lOijanafi, 1: 183.
11AI-Jabirl, Ishkaliyya al-Fikr al- 'Arab'l al-Mu 10; idem, Al-
Tura-th wa al-lfadaha, 104; and idem, Na1Jn wa al-Turah, 13.
12Madjid, "AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 104, 109 and 124; and idem,
Dialog Keterbukaan, 249.
13ijanafi, Qa4aya-Mu'a-#ra, 1: 183; idem, Al-Turath wa al-Tajd'ld, 156-
157; idem, Al-lfaraka al-Isla-miyya Ji 10; idem, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 87-
88; and idem, Al-D'ln wa al-ThaqaJa wa al-Siyasa, 284.
14AI-Jabir1, Ishkaliyyct al-Fikr al- 'Arab'l al-Mu'a-#r, 10; idem, Wijhat
Na?-r, 44; and idem, Al-Turah wa al-lfadaha, 30.
210
foundation.
15
Those who limit themselves to this stance are furthermore
defined by al-Jabirl as falling into the category of moderate fundamentalists
(al-salafiyyn al-mu'tadilun).16 Madjid, like ijanafi, predicts that the CUITent
Indonesian version of the slogan will end up an empty shell if its advocates
simply repeat it as their mantra (wird) or at best consider it an ad hoc reform
prograrn for the Muhammadiyah and Persatuan Islam organizations.
17
On the other hand, sorne pro-establishment figures, according to
ijanafi's dialectical materialist analysis, use the slogan as an ideological
weapon to defend the status quo and even to avoid having to respond to
changes in the name of scripture. Shaykh al-Ghanim1 al-Taftazanl, to
cite one of ijanafi's examples, used the verse "And Allah hath favoured sorne
of you above others in provision" (Q. 16: 71)18 to attack revolutionary
movements like the Egyptian Socialist Party upon its foundation in 1921,
accusing every natural orientation of being nothing other than atheism and
materialism.
19
AI-Jabir1, moreover, finds salafism ideologically limited to the
15ijanafi, 1: 183.
16AI-Jabirl, Ishka1iyya al-Fikr al- 'ArabI al-Mu 10; idem, Al-
Turah wa al-lfadaha, 104; idem, Na1Jn wa al-Tura-th, 13; and idem, Wijhat
Na?r, 44.
17Madjid, "AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 104, 109 and 124; idem,
Dialog Keterbukaan, 249; and idem, "Abduhisme Pak Harun," 104.
18The translation is taken from The Meaning of the Glorious Qur'an by
Mohammad Marmaduke Pickthal (New Delhi: Islamic Book Service, 1996),
199.
19ijanafi, Qaq,aya-Mu'a-#ra, 1: 183; idem, Islam in the Modern World,
1: 418; 2: 34; and idem, Al-lfaraka al-Isla-miyya jf 63. For more
211
project of reviving heritage, projecting the ideologically sought future onto the
pasto The movement thus believes in the possibility of materializing the past in
the future. This, for him, is no more than understanding heritage from the
perspective of heritage (allahm al-turciihfli al-turcth), from the grips of which
fallacy he strives to liberate his fellow Arabs.
20
Madjid, like both ijanafi and
al-Jabir1, recognizes the slogan for a retum to the Qur'an as a dominant
phenomenon not only in Indonesia, but also in the Muslim world as a whole.
He sees its emergence as useful in reminding Muslims that their decline in the
modern world is due to their ignorance of Scripture. However, Madjid
criticizes many Indonesian Muslims (as both ijanafi and al-Jabirl do their
respective Egyptian and Moroccan audiences) for taking the wrong approach
in demonstrating their "new" love of the Qur' an. For while the traditional
Muslims rightly see it as a ritual and spiritual (ta 'abbudi) process of renewal,
proponents of reformist Islam, such as the Muhammadiyah and Persatuan
information on ijanafi's structuralist approach to the social class and
ideological inclination of interpreters, see his Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7: 111-
119, and Dirasa Falsafiyya, 546-547; and idem, Al-Turcth wa al-Tajdfd, 16.
In addition, it must be remembered that "[t]he two most influential concepts in
Egypt today trace their origins back to Islam. Both Arab Nationalism and Arab
Socialism are presented to the masses as Islamic, and are explained as the
revival of the great Islamic past." Ali Dessouki, "The Mass Political Culture of
Egypt: A Case Study of the Persistence of Cultural Traits," The Muslim World
16 (1971): 16.
20AI-Jabiri, Ishkliyya al-Fikr al- 'Arabf al-Mu a - ~ i r 10; idem, Al-
Tura-th wa al-lfadaha, 15-17, 26, 29 and 104; idem, Na1Jn wa al-Tura-th, 13;
and idem, Wijhat Na?r, 44-46.
212
Islam movements, use it to impose their literal and dogmatic readings on their
fellow Indonesian Muslims, especially on their respective members.
21
The solution to this impasse, ijanafi suggests, would be a retum to
nature (al- 'awda ila-al-!abf'a), since nature is a source of thought and not vice
versa. Revelation itself, moreover, is a retum to nature as reflected in the asbb
al-nuzul, indicating that revelation was a response to the calI of nature and not
a contradictory obligation external to it.
22
By retuming to nature as the Qur'an
teaches, contemporary Muslims will expose themselves to the laws of nature,
within which paradigm they will face truly human situations?3 Madjid, like
ijanafi, strongly encourages his fellow Indonesian Muslims to reconnect to
nature by observing the sunnat Allan and taqdfr Allan at the same time. While
the former consists of God's laws in human social life, the latter constitutes
His laws in human material life?4 The realization of the need to reconnect to
nature, ijanafi insists, is one of the primary reasons for the success of the West
21Madjid, "AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 104, 109 and 124; idem,
"Abduhisme Pak Harun," 104; and idem, Dialog Keterbukaan, 249.
22ijanafi, Les mthodes d'exgse, CCIX [sic!] and 309-321; idem,
Qa4ya 1: 185; idem, Al-Turath wa al-Tajdfd, 15, 116, 136, 166
and 167; idem, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 2: 29; 7: 69 and 108; idem, Dirasat
Falsafiyya, 56; and idem, Humum al-Fikr wa al-Wa!an al- 'Arabf, 1: 17-56.
23ijanafi, Qa4ya- 1: 184; idem, Dirasat Falsafiyya, 547;
and idem, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 232-233.
24Madjid, Masyarakat Religius, 26, 33, 34, 146-148, 160 and 164-167;
idem, "Pendahuluan," xxvi-xxvii; idem, Islam, Kerakyatan dan
Keindonesiaan, 20; idem, Islam Agama Peradaban, 33 and 160-161; and idem,
"Pandangan Dunia AI-Qur'an," 7.
213
after Spinoza had recognized its principles in the n
lh
century.25 ijanafi's caU
for a return to nature, however, does not mean that he wants to replace the
Qur'an with nature. On the contrary, he wants to complete the former with the
latter, since he takes the former as his starting point,26 as do both al-Jabir1
27
and
Madjid.
28
The Qur'an, for ijanafi, is the main factor that has differentiated
MusIims from every other nation (umma) and civilization in both the classical
and modern eras.
29
It is an attempt to combine Martin Luther' s Sola Scriptura
with Galileo Galelei's Sola Natura, a combination of what Patrick A. Heelan
caUs "methodological or weak hermeneutics" with "strong hermeneutics,,,3o
which is similar to Madjid's combination of Qur'anic, "natural" and
"historical" verses
3l
or simply a combination of vertical (ta 'wU or $a-'id) and
25ijanafi, Qa4aya M u a ~ i r a 1: 184; and idem, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra,
7: 77-78.
26ijanafi, Qa4aya- Mu'a-$ira, 1: 184; idem, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7:
77-78; idem, Al-Turah wa al-Tajdfd, 185; idem, Islam in the Modern World,
1: 409; idem, Humm al-Fikr wa al-Wa!an al-'ArabT, 1: 57; and idem, "Hal
Yajz," 97. See also, John L. Esposito, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of the
Islamic Modern World, s.v., "ijasan ijanafi," by Issa J. BouUata (New York
and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995),2: 99.
27Al-Jabirl, "Qaqaya fi al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 16.
28Madjid, "Al-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 105, 106 and 109; idem,
"TaqIid dan Ijtihad," 340-341; idem, "Masalah Ta'wil," 11; and idem, Islam
Agama Peradaban, 226.
29ijanafi Qacfaya- Mu'a-$ira, 1: 175; idem, AI-Turath wa al-Tajdfd,
156-157; and idem, AI-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7: 77-78.
30Patrick A. Heelan, "Galileo, Luther, and the Hermeneutics of Natural
Science," in Timothy Stapleton, ed., The Question ofHermeneutics: Festschrift
for Joseph Kockmans (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1994): 363-375.
3lMadjid, Kaki Langit, 170; and idem, "Pendahuluan," xxvi-xxvii.
214
horizontal (nazi! or even tanzil) hermeneutics, to use ijanafi's own terms.
32
Madjid, on the other hand, proposes the combination of religious (ta 'abbudi)
and scientific approaches to the slogan, while overhauling the CUITent Muslim
Weltanschaung. It is in this paradigm shift that the combination of sunnat
Allan and taqdfr Allan will find its perfect expression.
33
Before we proceed to compare further ijanafi's, al-Jabid's and
Madjid's responses to the slogan, it may be useful to look at ijanafi's theories
of interpretation in the light of his hermeneutic concepts, and to do so it is
necessary to understand first of aIl the two most substantial differences
between Western and Islamic hermeneutics. In Greek and then Western
Christian hermeneutics, it is the task of the messenger (the god Hermes/Christ)
to interpret God's message to human beings.
34
In the Islamic tradition, on the
other hand, Angel Gabriel (Holy Spirit) has no right to interpret Allah's
verbatim revelation, since he is merely a mediator between Him and the
32ijanafi, Al-Turath wa al-Tajdfd, 34; idem, Islam in the Modern
World, 1: 409; idem, Dirascit Falsafiyya, 547; idem, Humum al-Fikr wa al-
Wa/an al- 'Arabf, 1: 57; and idem, Da 'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 9-11.
33Madjid, "AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 122 and 124; idem, Islam,
Kemodernan dan Keindonesiaan, 80 and 231; idem, Islam Agama Peradaban,
33 and 160-161; idem, "Pendahuluan," xxvi-xxvii; and idem, "Pandangan
Dunia AI-Qur'an," 7.
34Martin Heidegger, Unterwegs zur Sprache (Pfullingen: Neske, 1959),
121. "The verb hermeneuo," says Vic Reasoner, "is used in Luke 24:27 where
Christ interprets or explains the ld Testament. It means to verbalize, translate,
and explain. This word, in various forms, is used in Matthew 1:23; Mark 5:41;
15:22,34; John 1:8,38; 9:7; Acts 4:36; 9:36; 13:8; 1 Corinthians 12: 10; 14:28;
Hebrews 7:2." Dr. Vic Reasoner, "Principles of Bible Interpretation,"
www.imarc.cc/reasoner6.html (accessed June 30, 2001), 1.
215
Prophet Mul].ammad. Given his "neutral consciousness," to use ijanafi's
term,35 Gabriel dictates AIlah's verbatim revelation. "L'authenticit de
l'information," I-Janafi asserts, "dpend de la neutralit de la conscience du
rapporteur."36 In turn, the Prophet Mul].ammad, as weIl as aIl transmitters of the
Qur'an and ijacfith, must, like Gabriel, adopt a neutral consciousness in
transmitting the Words of Allah. The Qur'an, like all other scriptures, is an
ancient text for its readers, and therefore entails the problem of psychologism
(namely, the problem of bridging the cultural and time differences between an
author and his readers).37 However, the Qur'an is unlike aIl other scriptures in
that it is written in the "native" language of many Muslims, including both
ijanafi and al-Jabir1. Madjid however, for whom the Qur'an is in a "foreign"
language, argues that most Arab Muslims do not appreciate its eloquence,
though he implies that both I-Janafi and al-Jabirl are an exception to this rule
due to their expertise in Arabie idiom.
38
FinaIly, like other Scriptures, the
Qur'an denies the principle of "the death of the author" -a concept dear to
many Western deconstructionists, since otherwise the theory of m q ~ i al-
35ijanafi, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 7.
36I-Janafi, Les mthodes d'exgse, 45.
37Hans-Georg Gadamer, Truth and Method, tr. Garrett Barden and John
Cumming (New York: The Crossroad Publishing Company, 1985), 153-154;
Richard E. Palmer, "The Liminality of Hermes and the Meaning of
Hermeneutics," www.mac.edu/-lpalmer/liminality.html (accessed February 18,
2001),4; and idem, "The Relevance of Gadamer's Philosophical Hermeneutics
to Thirty-Six Topics or Fields of Human Activity," www.mac.edul-rpalmer/
relevance.html (accessed February 18,2001), 1.
216
Shar['a, and even revelation as a whole, will be useless.
39
Differently put, to
accept the principle of "the death of the author" is tantamount to supporting
"the death of God" and, thus, falling into Nietzschean nihilism.
Hermeneutics, in ijanafi's phenomenological approach, is "the science
that determines the relation between consciousness and its object, namely, the
scriptures.,,40 Since this kind of hermeneutics deals with scripture, it is called
by sorne hermeneutica sacra (sacred hermeneutics: al-tafsir al-muqaddas or
al-tafsir a l - k h a ~ ~ forming a part of general hermeneutics (al-tafsir al-
'a-mm).41 ijanafi's hermeneutica sacra consists of three elements, aIl of which
indicate that he, like both al-Jabir1
42
and Madjid
43
(though to a lesser degree),
38Madjid, "AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 105.
39"In hermeneutics, intention is equated with being, since sacred texts
were examined for the trace of transcendental will presumably conveyed by
them. As the writer was frequently a saint, a divinely inspired rabbi, or a
person touched by the gift of higher consciousness, writings were a reflective
of his state of being, and also that of the Master Hand that guided the text."
Francisco J. Ricardo, "Philosophical Hermeneutics and the Promotion of
Reflective Writing in Educational Software," http://netcenter.org/r/pub/QP
(accessed June 30, 2001), 9. See a1so, Chris Lang, "A Brief History of Literary
Theory VIII," www.xenos.org/essays/litthry9.html (accessed June 30, 2001), 2.
4oijanafi, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 1.
41ijanafi, Dirasat Falsafiyya, 528, no. 8.
42AI-Jabid, Al-Turath wa al-lfadatha, 16, 35, 38 and 40-43; idem, Al-
Mas'ala al-Thaqa]iyya, 96-102; and idem, Al-DTmuqraJiyya wa lfuquq al-
Insan, 197.
43Madjid, "Pandangan Kontemporer tentang Fiqh," 388; idem, "AI-
Qur'an, Kaum Intelektua1," 113; idem, Dialog Keterbukaan, 250; idem,
Masyarakat Religius, 108; idem, Islam, Kemodernan dan Keindonesiaan, 50;
217
is an exponent of what David Tracy would call "the new historically conscious
paradigm.,,44 The first element of this hermeneutics is historical criticism, a
process that determines the authenticity of the text and its degree of certitude.
ijanafi also calls this "historical consciousness" (la conscience historique).
The second is the science or theory of interpretation, which defines the
meaning of a text and makes it rational. It is also called by him "eidetic
consciousness" (la conscience idtique). Lastly, we have "practical
consciousness" (la conscience active), which is the process of realizing the
meaning of the text as understood in the second step.45 This third element is
considered practical because it takes "meaning as a theoretical bas[is] for
action and leads revelation to its final goal in human life and in the world
[-that of ....] an ideal structure in which the world finds its perfection.,,46
While the theory of interpretation is the second element of ijanafi' s
hermeneutics, 1 will take his hermeneutics as the starting point of the
idem, "Konsep Asbab al-Nuzul," 35-37; idem, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 7;
and idem, Islam Agama Peradaban, 13 and 23l.
44David Tracy, "Hermeneutical Reflection in the New Paradigm," in
Hans Kng and David Tracy, eds., Paradigm Change in Theology: A
Symposium for the Future, translated by Margareth Kohl (New York:
Crossroad, 1991),35.
45ijanafi Les mthodes d'exgse, 5; idem, Religious Dialogue &
Revolution, 1-2; idem, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 189; and idem, Al-Turah wa al-
Tajdfd,80.
46ijanafi, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 1-2.
218
discussion below. Although both al-Jabid
47
and Madjid
48
are "reluctant" to
apply historical criticism to the Qur'an, 1will compare their general principles
with those of ijanafi. The significance of historical criticism in the
understanding of a scripture is primary, since no understanding is possible
without the certitude that its content is historically authentic. The accuracy of
historical criticism will, in tum, make it easier to pronounce on what is
authentic practice and to bring to Muslims a certain "peace of mind" -to use
Madjid's term.
49
Ultimately, from ijanafi's point of view, historical criticism
will play a key role in the emergence of Islamic reform, as it has in the case of
Christian reforms in modem times.
50
Historical criticism --for ijanafi,51 al-Jabarl
52
and Madjid-)3 is already
a part of Islamic tradition, having been used by classical Muslim scholars in
analyzing both the Old and New Testaments. Ibn Taymiyya, for example,
relied on it when writing his Al-Jawb a l a ~ i l ] li-man Baddala Dfn al-Masil]
(The Correct Answer to Those Who Changed Jesus' Religion). ijanafi even
47AI-Jabirl, Al-Mas'ala al-ThaqaJiyya, 278. See also, ijarb, Naqd al-
Na$$,116.
48Madjid, "Taqlid dan Ijtihad," 340-341; and idem, Islam Agama
Peradaban, 3.
49Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 4.
50ijanafi, "AI-Muqaddima," 20.
51ijanafi, Al-Turath wa al-Tajdfd, 180-185; idem, L'exgse de la
phnomenologie, 25; and idem, lfiw al-Ajyal, 518-519.
52AI-Jabid, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 5.
219
insists that historical criticism is the first of three presuppositions found in the
Qur'anic verses (and even fJadilh texts) that deal with Holy Books --the
second and third presuppositions-- being eidetic understanding and mode of
action, respectively.54 In the West, historical criticism began, according to both
fJanafi55 and al-Jabirl,56 with the Jewish Dutch philosopher Benedict de
Spinoza (1632-1677). Yet while al-Jabirl merely refers to Spinoza's Tractatus
Theologico-Politicus in his proof, fJanafi has gone even further by translating
it into Arabic under the title Risla Jf al-Lhut wa al-Siyasa.
57
This was to
incur for fJanafi accusations of anti-Semitism when Israel held up his
translation as proof of anti-Jewish feeling in Egypt. fJanafi, however, insists
that it is Spinoza who scientifically proved Qur' anic hypotheses (mujarrad
iftirat/at) about the alterations undergone by books of the Bible and
fundamental beliefs, and that it was again Spinoza who criticized the
priesthood.
58
AI-Jabid, when looking at Spinoza's work from the perspective
of the relationship of religion and politics, declares it to be secularism (al-
53Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 269; and idem, "Pengaruh Kisah
Israiliyat dan Orientalisme," 99.
54lfanafi, L'exgse de la phnomenologie, 25.
55fJanafi, Humu-m al-Fikr wa al-Wa/an al- 'Arabf, 2: 629-630.
56AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 5 and 12.
57(Cairo: Anglo-Egyptian Bookshop, 1971; second edition, 1981). Two
years before the appearance of the first edition of the translation, fJanafi's
article "Risala fi al-Laht wa al-Siyasa li Splnza" appeared in Turath al-
Insaniyya 7,1 (March 1969). The article is republished in fJanafi's Qat/ya-
Mu a - ~ i r a 2: 59-88.
58fJanafi, Humum al-Fikr wa al-Wa/an al- 'Arabf, 2: 630.
220
'ilmaniyya).59 ijanafi though ranks Spinoza among the greatest "Islamic"
thinkers for having shown Islamic thought how to move beyond its own
boundaries.
6o
Accepting historical criticism as an objective science with its own
foundation, ijanafi insists that it be completely free of pseudo-criticism.
Theological, philosophical, mystical or even phenomenological criticism, for
him, is anti-critical, for it destroys the results of objective and independent
criticism by trying to conserve the traditional concepts on the unity, integrity,
and inspiration of scripture. AlI of them provide new justifications for old
traditions by deforming new science.
61
In his critique of both the Old and the
New Testaments, ijanafi argues that it is historical criticism that guarantees the
authenticity of scripture in history. Unlike his felIow Muslims in general, who
in the first place believe in the Qur' anic verse "Lo! We, even We, reveal the
Reminder, and lo! We verily are its Guardian" (Q. 15:9)62 as a divine
guarantee, ijanafi insists that neither God, nor the Angel Gabriel, nor religious
authority itself, is sufficient to guarantee the authenticity of the Qur' an in
59AI-Jabir1, "Fi QaQaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 12.
60ijanafi, Humm al-Fikr wa al-Wa/an al- 'ArabT, 2: 630.
61ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 4; and idem, "Al-
Muqaddima," in Benedict de Spinoza, Risala Ji al-Lhuiyya wa al-Siya-sa,
translated by ijasan ijanafi (Cairo: Anglo-Egyptian Bookshop, 1981), 18.
62The translation is taken from The Meaning of the Glorious Qur'an,
191.
221
history.63 AI-Jabir1, likewise, disregards theological arguments in conc1uding
on the authenticity of the Qur'an.
64
Madjid, on the other hand, takes the
aforementioned Quranic verse as his starting point in explaining the
authenticity of Muslim scripture. The verse, he reasons, is a consequence of
God's making the Qur'an His last message and the one He revealed to His last
Prophet Muq.ammad.
65
ijanafi's first step in applying historical criticism to the Qur'an
involves c1assifying scriptural words into two patterns. The first of these
consists in the words uttered by the Prophet Muq.ammad as dictated to him by
God via the Angel Gabriel and dictated by the Prophet in turn to the secretaries
of revelation (kuttb al-waIJY) immediately at the time of utterance and
conserved in writing until today. These words constitute the revelation in
verbatim, since they did not pass through a period of oral transmission.
66
Unlike the ld Testament, which had passed through centuries of oral
transmission before being committed to paper, or the New Testament, which
63ijanafi, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 4.
64AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 6.
65Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 3; idem, Islam, Kemodernan dan
Keindonesiaan, 47, 187 and 247; and idem, "Konsep Muhammad saw," 532.
66ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 4; and idem, "Min Naqd
al-Sanad iIa Naqd al-Matn," 135. By oral transmission ijanafi means "le
passage de la parole d'une bouche en bouche en remontant au dernier
rapporteur jusqu'au premier Enonciateur." ijanafi, Les mthodes, 30; idem,
Humum al-Fikr wa al-Wa!an al-'Arabf, 1: 27-28; idem, Qa4aya- 1:
165; idem, lfiwa-r al-Ajyal, 413 and 518; and idem, Dirasi Islamiyya, 58.
222
underwent the same process for a century at least, the Qur' an, ijanafi inisists,67
was written down at the moment of its verbal expression on such items as
stones, date stems and animal skins, although he fails to mention that it was
also memorized in toto. Furthermore, as al-Jabid
68
insists, not only did the
Prophet Mu1}.ammad order his secretaries of revelation never to copy down any
of his statements that did not constitute revelation in order that they not be
mixed with Qur'anic pronouncements, but he also followed 'Umar ibn al-
Khanab's suggestion to order his secretaries of revelation not to write down his
words as he layon in his deathbed so as to prevent Muslim division after his
death -a point that ijanafi is careful to make.
69
In the later development of its
written transmission, the Qur'an --both ijanafi
70
and al-Jabid
71
argue-- is again
unlike the Old and the New Testaments in that it still contains the exact same
words uttered by the Prophet, preserved in their entirety due to Muslim
hermeneutic efforts to conserve its authenticity in the decades following the
67ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 4; idem, "Min Naqd al-
Sanad ila Naqd al-Matn," 135; idem, Humum al-Fikr wa al-Wa/an al- 'Arabi",
1: 27; and idem, /fiwa-r al-Ajyl, 413 and 518.
68AI-Jabiri, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 6.
69ijanafi, "Min Naqd al-Sanad ila Naqd al-Matn," 135.
7oijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 4; idem, ijanafi, "Min
Naqd al-Sanad ila Naqd al-Matn," 144; idem, Humum al-Fikr wa al-Wa/an al-
'Arabi", 1: 27; idem, Qa4aya-Mu'a1ira, 1: 165; and idem, /fiwa-r al-Ajyl, 518.
71AI-Jabid, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 6.
223
Prophet's death. Madjid argues essentially the same pOint,72 while paying more
attention to the role of the /Juffa? (those who memorized the Qur'an in toto).
This written transmission of the Qur'an, states ijanafi, was conducted
in accordance with certain mIes applied to the written transmission of Islamic
knowledge as a whole, like al-muna-wala and al-ijaza.
73
Thus the were
passed down in succession from the Prophet to Abu Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthman,
until this last person collected, compared and referred the mU$/Jafs to each
other, the result of which was later to become known as the 'Uthma-n, 74
or what al-Jabirl calls the official standard Qur' anic text, in view of
'Uthman's policy of establishing a "lajnat" kuttb al-wa/Jy ("committee" of
secretaries of the revelation) to determine the authentic version, while buming
other mU$/Jafs to prevent any contamination.
75
Madjid in tum calls it
Kodifikasi 'Uthmn ('Uthman's Codification), using an idiom that Indonesian
72Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 4 and 10; idem, "Warisan
Intelektual Islam," 4-5; and idem, "Konsep Muhammad saw," 532.
73Muna-wala is "le passage du recueil de la main du matre-rapporteur
la main de son disciple. La matre-rapporteur donne par la main le recueil en
disant: 'prends ce recueil et rapporte d'aprs moi ce qu'il contient car je l'ai
entendu d'un tel.'" Ija-za is "la permission donne par le matre-rapporteur
son disciple en lui disant 'je t'ai permis de rapporter d'aprs moi ce que
contient ce recueil.'" ijanafi, Les mthodes d'exgse, 61.
74ijanafi, "Min Naqd al-Sanad ila Naqd al-Matn," 135; idem, lfiwa-r al-
Ajya7, 518; and idem, Dira-sa! Isla-miyya, 58.
75AI-Jabirl, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 6; and idem, AI-Mas'ala al-
ThaqqJiyya,279-280.
224
Muslims would be more familiar with.
76
The result was an accurate and
universally agreed-upon version of the Qur'an, al-Jabirl states, arguing on the
basis of proof from silence that, had it been otherwise, there would have been a
substantial body of literature criticizing the process and the outcome.
77
At the
same time neither the Old nor the New Testament, in ijanafi's78 and al-
Jabid' s79 eyes, meets the conditions of reliable written transmission, since their
sources are, comparatively speaking, unknown. Historical criticism in the
West, according to ijanafi,80 al-Jabid
81
and Madjid,82 has proven that the
authors of the Old and the New Testaments lived in different places, times, and
circumstances, and that their compilation took sorne centuries to accomplish.
ijanafi asserts that the function of the Prophet, which is to
communicate God's Words in verbatim, is in the first level of Words. In this
regard, no other person has the same role as he does, even though he is simply
a means of pure communication without any interference on his part, whether
76Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 7; and idem, "Warisan Intelektual
Islam," 5.
77AI-Jabiri, "Fi Qaqaya al-DIn wa al-Fikr," 6.
78ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 4; and idem, Humum al-
Fikr wa al-Wa!an, 1: 27.
79AI-Jabid, "Fi Qaqaya al-DIn wa al-Fikr," 6; and idem, Al-Mas'ala al-
Thaqa]iyya, 279-280.
8oijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 4; idem, Humum al-Fikr
wa al-Wa!an, 1: 27; and idem, lfiwar al-Ajya1, 413.
81AI-Jabid, "Fi Qaqaya al-DIn wa al-Fikr," 6.
82Madjid, "Pengaruh Kisah Israiliyat dan Orientalisme," 99; and idem,
"AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 105 and 110.
225
in language or in ideas. This function ijanafi considers to be the second
condition of revelation in verbatim, the first being the absence of an extended
period of transmission. It is these two conditions that guarantee the divine
authenticity of the terms and meanings of the Qur'an.
83
Both al-Jabid and
Madjid, moreover, agree with ijanafi on the function of the Prophet, but
without explaining whether the communication is verbatim in terms of
language and ideas, as ijanafi says, or whether it is in what Rahman calls "the
Prophet's mind." Likewise, al-Jabirl is in line with ijanafi in arguing that the
authors of both the Old and New Testaments, unlike the secretaries of the
Qur'an, were people who lived in different situations. They never met each
other, since they lived at different periods of time.
84
The Holy Bible, Madjid
further emphasizes, is no more than a collection of expert advice on daily
problems, with the Old Testament being a compilation or collection of
thousand years-old legends. He, likewise, contrasts this situation with that of
the Qur'an, which has not undergone any ta1]riJ(change) --whether in terms of
wording or the addition of false e1ements-- since it has been preserved intact
since the death of the Prophet Mu4ammad.
85
And since the principle of verbatim revelation entails, according to
ijanafi, that the text be written in the same language as its original utterance,
83ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 6; and idem, Humum al-
Fikr wa al-Watan al- 'Arabf, 1: 23-26.
84AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 6; and idem, Qa4aya
1: 165.
226
neither the Old nor the New Testament qualifies. Unlike the Qur'an, for
instance, which was revealed in Arabie and is preserved in that language, the
Old Testament is conserved in Hebrew except for sorne verses in Aramaic and
Chaldean, and the New Testament in Greek, whereas Jesus spoke Aramaic.
86
Nor is the Bible, according to Madjid and ijanafi, read in one and the same
language, since every Christian group has its own vemacular version of the
text when in fact translation cannot full Yrepresent the Scripture.
87
Likewise for
this reason the Qur'an, al-Jabir1
88
concludes (in line with both ijanafi
89
and
Madjid),9o does not face the same problem of hermeneutics that the Bible
does. Likewise for this reason, ijanafi asserts that the Qur'an is the only
Biblical scripture that can be interpreted on the basis of its original language
and the application of its grammatical rules.
91
ijanafi's conclusion, which
85Madjid, "Pengaruh Kisah Israiliyat dan Orientalisme," 99.
86ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 6 and 22; and idem,
Qat/ya- 1: 165.
87Madjid, "AI-Qur' an, Kaum Intelektual," 105 and 110.
88AI-Jabiri, "Fi QaQaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 6; and idem, Takwl"n al- 'Aql
al- 'Arab[, 75.
89ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 6 and 58.
90Madjid, "AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 105 and 110; and idem,
"Konsep Muhammad saw," 532.
91ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 6 and 58; and idem, Islam
in the Modern World, 1: 416 and 427.
227
Madjid echoes, is proof that God has maintained the Qur'an's authenticity as
He promised.
92
The fact that revelation was given to the Prophet in verbatim, ijanafi
underlines, entails a differentiation between the theories of prophecy and
hermeneutics. The theory of prophecy is vertical in nature. It deals with the
nature of revelation as a communication between God and the Prophet and
how the latter received the divine words. Hermeneutics, on the other hand, is
horizontal, since its starting point must come after the Prophet has spoken,
though historical criticism guarantees the authenticity of the words of God that
the Prophet uttered in history. Hermeneutics deals with these words uttered in
history and communicated from man to man.
93
Unlike ijanafi, neither al-Jabirl
nor Madjid says anything about the difference between the theories of
hermeneutics and prophecy, but in principle al-Jabir"i confirms ijanafi' s
characterization of hermeneutics. After the Prophet MUQammad died, sorne of
his leading Companions, al-Jabir"i recounts, went to war against their
opponents in a conflict that had deep religious ramifications, although neither
side ever accused the other of tampering with the Qur' anic text. In their
struggle for instance against Mu'awiyya ibn Abl Sufyan (himself a secretary of
revelation under the Prophet MUQammad) at the battle of ~ i i n they said
92Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 10; and idem, "Konsep
Muhammad saw," 532.
228
"Qatalnakum 'aIa tanzifih wa al-yawm nuqatilukum 'ala ta'wIlih (We
struggled against you to defend the Qur' an and now we are struggling against
you to defend its interpretation)." The statement, for al-Jabir"i, means that the
Companions had struggled against the Qurayshites under the leadership of Ab
Sufyan due to their attack on the Qur' an before his conversion to Islam, but
now, at Siffin, they were preparing to fight against Mu'awiyya over his
interpretation of the Qur'an. Thus the conflict in the time of 'Uthman and
Mu'awiyya, concludes al-Jabir"i, centered around the "interpretation" ("al-
ta'wu") and had nothing to do with the text ("al-tanzu") at all.
94
Madjid for his
part observes only that, compared to the Bible, the Qur'an is in a much better
position, since one group of Christians will not be able to read the Bible of
another, which is not the case with the Qur'an.
95
The function of the Roly Spirit in the theory of prophecy, I-Janafi adds,
is only to communicate the message from God to the Prophet, by dictating it,
and not by means of inspiration.
96
The Islamic theory of prophecy is, therefore,
in diametrical opposition to Greek and Western hermeneutics that assign
93I-Janafi, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 6 and 58; idem, Humum al-
Fikr wa al-Wa!an al- 'Arabi, 1: 27; idem, Qaq,ya- M u a ~ i r a 1: 165; and idem,
Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7: 70.
94AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaq.aya al-DIn wa al-Fikr," 6.
95Madjid, "AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 105; and idem, "Pengaruh
Kisah Israiliyat dan Orientalisme," 99. See also, Smith, Islam in Modern
History, 25-26, note 13; Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 5; and idem,
"Konsep Muhammad saw," 532.
96I-Janafi, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 6 and 58.
229
interpretation of God's messages to divinities, Hermes and Christ, respectively.
Ilanafi says that the unity of the Qur'an, unlike that of the Old Testament or
the New Testament, is affirmed, since aIl the material contained in it was
dictated by the Prophet after receiving a message from God via the Holy Spirit.
Both the Old and the New Testaments on the other hand exhibit diversity
instead of unity due to the multiplicity of their sources.
97
AI-Jabirl echoes
Ilanafi in criticizing the books of the Bible, but unlike Ilanafi, he recognizes
that sorne accounts speak of different such as that of Ibn Mas 'd,
which varied slightly from that of 'Uthman. However, he insists, these
differences do not affect the authenticity of the Qur' anic text as a whole. Even
the different canonical readings (ikhtilaJ al-qira'a), which are so well-known,
do not compromise the unity of the text.
98
Madjid's position (which resembles
that of al-Jabirl) is that even the Shiites, who do not like 'Uthman for political
reasons, recognize the validity of 'Uthman's Since the Qur'an
conserves all the divine words that the Prophet uttered, no one single edition of
the Qur'an in the world differs from another, even in the case of a single
word.
99
In keeping with his principles of historical criticism, Ilanafi argues that
revelation is infallible if it meets the conditions of authenticity in history. On
97lfanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 6 and 58; and idem,
Humum al-Fikr wa al-Watan al- 'Arabf, 1: 20.
98AI-Jabid, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 6; and idem, AI-Mas'ala al-
279-280.
9Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 4 and 10; idem, "Konsep
Muhammad saw," 532; idem, "AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 105; and idem,
"Warisan Intelektual Islam," 5.
230
the other hand, it is fallible if it lacks these conditions.
lOO
It is in this context
that al-Jabir1 concludes that there is no room for the application of historical
criticism to the question of the authenticity of the Qur' anie text, since it is hard
to conceive of anyone coming to the same conclusions as those reached by
Western crities of the Dld and New Testaments.
lOl
The second pattern of scriptural Words, according to ijanafi's
classification, consists in the words of the Prophet himself. Unlike the
Qur'an's words, which were dictated by God via the Holy Spirit, the Words of
the second pattern derive from the Prophet alone and serve to explain an idea
or to make precise a modality of action, which in turn serve as prototypes for
every time and place.
102
Both al-Jabir1
103
and Madjid
104
confirm ijanafi's
second pattern of scriptural Words, a classification that Islamic tradition caBs
ijadith or Sunna. According to them, the words of the Prophet, as in the case of
the Qur'an, will never contain error, since he was directed by and connected to
God --Who would have corrected him right away if he had made a mistake.
105
100ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 6 and 58.
101AI-Jabirl, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 8; and idem, Al-Mas'ala
al-Thaqaliyya, 279-280.
102ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 4; and idem, Dira-sa
Isliniyya, 58-59.
103AI-JabirI, "Fi Qaqaya al-DIn wa al-Fikr," 7.
104Madj id, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 3; and idem, "Taqlid dan
Ijtihad," 348.
105ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 7; idem, Humum al-Fikr
wa al-Wa!an al-'Arabf, 1: 42; and idem, "Min Naqd al-Sanad Ha Naqd al-
Matn," 148 and 153; and Madjid, "Taqlid dan Ijtihad," 348.
231
AlI three of our thinkers agree on the standard division of this second pattern
into words, deeds and consents, but fJanafi feels it necessary to add that they
can never be the products of "dreams, night visions, ecstatic states or direct
encounters with God."106fJanafi then contrasts the Qur'an with the Gospels in
this sense. Unlike the Gospels, which mix the words of Jesus as verbatim
revelation given by God with explanations of previous revelation which had
never before been expressed, the Qur'an is pure revelation and as such is to be
totally differentiated from the fJadith. Due to the mixture between the two
patterns, the Gospels, fJanafi argues, present their readers with the problem of
knowing where the revelation is independent of time and place (i.e., the words
of the first pattern), and where it consists in applied revelation, guided and
directed by the prophet
107
(or the problem of interpretation to use al-Jabir1's
term).108 Therefore, unlike the ld and the New Testaments, which confront
their readers with the difficulty of distinguishing between universal and
particular messages, the Qur'an presents its readers with no such problem.
Compared to the two Testaments, the relationship between the first and the
second patterns in Islamic scripture (according to with fJanafi's analysis), is
logical in that the first pattern (the Qur'an) gives the general idea, while the
second (the fJadith) describes an individual case. It is the difference between
106fJanafi, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 7; al-Jabir1, "Fi QaeJaya al-
DIn wa al-Fikr," 7; and idem, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqaliyya, 280; and Madjid,
"TaqIid dan Ijtihad," 348.
107fJanafi, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 7.
232
general and particular meaning.
109
AI-Jabiri's110 and Madjid's111 words echo
him in stating that the Sunna explains the Qur'an.
Where the second pattern diverges most decisively from the first in the
eyes of I-Janafi, 112 al-Jabirl
113
and Madjid
114
is in the fact that it passed through
a period of transmission. I-Janafi makes it clear that the I-Jadith presents a
varying degree of authenticity compared to all the words of the Qur' an, which
are absolutely authentic,115 and both al-Jabir1
116
and Madjid
ll7
agree with him
on this. To determine the authenticity of the second pattern of the Words, one
can examine the chain of reporters (al-sanad) and the report itself (al-matn). In
terms of methods of oral transmission, I-Janafi classifies the chains of reporters
108AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 6.
109I-Janafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 7; and idem, lfiwa-r al-
Ajyal, 455-456.
110AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 8; and idem, AI-Mas'ala
al-ThaqaJiyya, 280.
11IMadjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 3.
112I-Janafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 7. Oral transmission, for
him, is less reliable than written. Idem, Humu-m al-Fikr wa al-Wa/an al- 'Arabf,
1: 21.
113AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 8; and idem, AI-Mas'ala
al- ThaqaJiyya, 280.
114Madjid, "Konsep Asbab al-Nuzul," 26.
115I-Janafi, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 7; idem, "Hal Yajz," 99-
100; idem, "Min Naqd al-Sanad ila Naqd al-Matn," 135; idem, lfiwa-r al-Ajya7,
518; and idem, Dirasat Islamiyya, 58-61.
116AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 8; and idem, AI-Mas'ala
al-ThaqaJiyya, 280.
117Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 3; idem, "Pengaruh Israiliyat
dan Orientalisme," 99; and idem, "Konsep Muhammad saw," 532.
233
into la transmission multilatrale, la transmission unilatrale, la transmission
par le sens and la position par le sens,118 but stresses that the first, namely, "la
transmission par plusieurs personnes en diffrents lieux, de telle sorte que toute
condescendence ou invention serait impossible,,119 (known as al-lJadiih al-
muta-watir), 120 is the only transmission that offers an absolute authenticity, 121
since it, adds al-JabirI, is totally in line with the 'ibaa and moral teachings of
the Qur'an.
122
Madjid echoes al-Jabid in declaring the function of the Sunna to
be that of explaining the Qur'an, but he attaches a stricter legitimacy to the
Sunna by defining it as a practice of the Prophet Muq.ammad that the Qur'an
validates.
123
Like IJanafi, who acknowledges that the transmission of IJadith is
subject to human error (due, among other things, to the socio-political interests
118ijanafi, Les mthodes d'exgse, 34-56.
119Ibid., 34. ijanafi adds that the multilateral information is "la
transmission de plusieurs rapporteurs, les uns aprs les autres jusqu'
l'Enonciateur" or "la mthode multilaterale est un transmission rtrograde,
partir de l'auditeur jusqu' l'Enonciateur." ijanafi, Les mthodes d'exgse,
36; and idem, /fiwa-r al-Ajyal, 518.
120AI-Jabid, "Fi QaeJaya al-DIn wa al-Fikr," 8; and idem, Al-Mas'ala
al-Thaqaliyya, 280; and ijanafi, "Min Naqd al-Sanad ila Naqd al-Matn," 134.
121ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 7; and idem, Dira-sat
Islaniyya, 60.
122AI-JabirI, "Fi QaeJaya al-DIn wa al-Fikr," 8; and idem, Al-Mas'ala
al-Thaqiijyya, 280.
123Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 3.
234
of the reporters),124 al-Jabid insists that a sound ijadith (al-iJadiih al-$ahJ) is
not so much sound in content as it is in the sense that it meets the conditions
set for it by ijadith collectors such as al-BukharI and Muslim.
125
Madjid for his
part therefore sees it as perfectly understandable that classical Muslim scholars
should have established Islamic historical criticism ('Um al-tajrJ wa al-
ta 'd
126
or 'Um al-jariJ wa al-ta 'd to use the standard terms in the sciences of
ijadith as ijanafi does
I27
). ijanafi stipulates that in order to prevent aIl
possibility of error, the multilateral transmission should meet four conditions
before it can be declared absolutely authentic, for the tradition that does so
"presents the highest degree of historical certitude. It is apodictic in theory and
in practice.,,128 The first condition is that the reporters have to be independent
of each other in order to eliminate all possibility of contamination. Applying
this condition to the Gospels, he notes that its four reporters were not
independent. The accounts of two of them, Luke and Mark, affirm the
dependence of their Gospels on each other.
129
Madjid acknowledges ijanafi's
124ijanafi, "Min Naqd al-Sanad ila Naqd al-Matn," 135; idem, Les
mthodes d'exgse, 29; idem, Dira-sa Islamiyya, 59-60; and idem, lfiwa-r al-
Ajyl,518.
125AI-Jabid, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dtn wa al-Fikr," 8.
126Madjid, "Konsep Asbab al-Nuzul," 26.
127It, according to ijanafi, is "une sort de critique morale applique sur
la conscience du rapporteur pour dterminer le degr de son objectiv." ijanafi,
Les mthodes d'exgse, 29; and idem, Dira-sa Isla-miyya, 60.
128ijanafi, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 9.
129ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 8-9; idem, Les mthodes
d'exgse, 38-39; and idem, lfiwa-r al-Ajyal, 518.
235
comments on the ijadith, but does not criticize the Gospels in the same regard.
Rather, he reminds his fellow Indonesian Muslims of the varying degree of
authenticity of the reports on the asbb al-nuzl. Since the reporters of such
accounts often came from communities at odds with one another, including
newly converted Muslims of Christian or Jewish background, sorne wanted to
introduce their ideological precepts into Islam. Therefore, he suggests that his
fellow Indonesian Muslims be careful about accepting any report of this kind,
and to begin by applying the principles of 'ilm al-tajrJ wa al-ta 'd. 130 Like
Madjid, al-Jiibir1 reminds his co-religionists of the fact that classical Muslim
scholars had criticized ijadith since the age of codification a ~ r al-tadwTn),
which corresponded to the second century of Hijra, and had come up with a
system of classifying ijadith into sound and unsound in terms of the chain of
reporters.
131
Secondly, a sufficient number of reporters, ijanafi says, makes it more
likely that the report is authentic. Again he draws a comparison with the
Gospels, where, as with sorne "politically" motivated ijadiths, three or four
reporters are not sufficient to guarantee the authenticity of Jesus' message.
132
Neither al-Jiibir1 nor Madjid is specifie about this condition as ijanafi is, but
130Madjid, "Konsep Asbab al-Nuzul," 26.
131AI-Jiibirl, "Fi Qaq.iiyii al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 8; and idem, Al-Mas'ala
al-Thaqaliyya, 280.
132ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 9; idem, ijanafi, Les
mthodes d'exgse, 39; idem, lfiwiir al-Ajyal, 456 and 456; and idem, Dira-sat
Islamiyya, 60.
236
they do in principle faH in line with him in applying the principle of
corroborative induction. FoHowing the classical IJadith experts, who based
their argument on the number of reporters, al-Jabirl classifies IJadith into two
different categories. The first, al-IJadfth al-alJad (solitary IJadith) is a IJadith
that is reported by one reporter from the Prophet Muq.ammad, the certitude of
which al-Jabirl questions -as do the IJadith experts. On the other hand, al-
IJadfth al-mutawatir is a ijadith reported by a group of reporters (al-jama-'a),
the certitude of which is beyond question, since the sufficient number of its
reporters (in accordance with expert opinion and ijanafi in particular) gives
certitude, while at the same time it is impossible for them to agree with one
another in falsifying their reports. Moreover, al-Jabirl, like IJanafi, believes
that the Gospels were lacking in certitude due to the insufficient number of
reporters, none of whom had ever met each other either.
133
Thirdly, the degree of expansion of the report must, ijanafi reminds us,
be homogenous over time. The propagation of a report from the first
generation down until the (fourth) generation, when tradition would have first
been written down, must be uniform through the four generations. The sudden
expansion of a narrative in a given generation betrays the intervention of
human will in the invention of this new report, or the intervention of human
interest in the concentration on this particular narrative. The case of the fourth
133AI-Jabirl, "Fi Qaq.aya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 8; and idem, Al-Mas'ala
al-ThaqciJiyya, 280.
237
Gospel, according to ijanafi, is evident: more was known about it at the end of
the first century than was known in the first generation.
134
Neither al-Jabirl nor
Madjid says anything about this, but in so far as the ijadith are concemed both
of them agree with ijanafi and the majority of ijadith experts that a huge
number of such reports are spurious (maw4u') , in particular those with
sectarian or ideological content. In the face of such difficulties, al-Jabir1
encourages his fellow Muslims to rethink their heritage as necessary, but at the
same time he limits himself to his own expertise, namely, criticism of the Arab
mind.
135
"The reconstruction of understanding the religious texts," al-Jabir1
says, "is not my interest, since 1 am not a religious reformer nor a
propagandist. 1 do not have any interest in establishing a new theology ("Um
al-kalam' }adfd).,,136 Madjid, on the other hand, says that Christians selected
four Gospels -namely, John, Mathew, Mark and Luke-- out of many and
considered them to be the most authentic,137 " ... and order was given for the
rest to be concealed; hence the term 'Apocrypha'" -to quote Maurice
Bucaille. 138
134ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 9; idem, ijanafi, Les
mthodes d'exgse, 38; and idem, Dira-sa Isla-miyya, 60.
135AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaq.aya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 8-9; and idem, Al-Mas'ala
al-Thaqafiyya, 281.
136AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 8-9.
137Madjid, "Pengaruh Kisah Israiliyat dan Orientalisme," 99.
138Maurice Bucaille, The Bible, the Qur'an and Science: The Holy
Scripture Examined in the Light of Modern Knowledge, translated by Alastair
D. Pannell and the author (Lahore: Kazi Publications, 1979), vi.
238
Fourthly, the content of the report must, according to ijanafi, conform
to human experience and sensory perception,139 and both al-Jabirl and
Madjid
140
agree. And yet, unlike ijanafi --who stresses excessively his
"modemist" point of view when judging that revelation has nothing
extraordinary, supematural or even miraculous in its nature
l41
_ they believe
in the conformity of the ijadith with the Qur'an. Since the ijadith cannot
contradict the Qur'an, both al-Jabir1
142
and Madjid would accept the narratives
in the latter about miracle, which are in fact quite numerous. Although it is
officially opposed to myths and legends, the Qur'an, Madjid says, narrates
Moses' miracles in his rebellion against Pharaoh, as depicted in the Qur' an 7:
122 and 126 as weIl as in 26: 48.
143
Like ijanafi, they strongly insist that the
felicity of man depends on the rational organization of daily life,l44 but they do
not agree with him regarding his stipulation that the nonconformity of
revelation with the senses serve as a basis for rejecting a report. Like ijanafi,
al-Jabir1 tries desperately to retain the rationality of the Qur'an and ijadith so
139ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revelation, 9; idem, ijanafi, Les
mthodes d'exgse, 38; idem, lfiwar al-Ajya7, 456 and 518; and idem, Dira-sa-t
Islamiyya, 60.
140Madjid, Pintu-pintu, 92.
141ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 9; and idem, lfiwa-r al-
Ajyl,518.
142AI-Jabirl, "Fi Qagaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 7; idem, AI-DTmuqra}iyya
wa lfuqriq al-Insan, 256, 257 and 260; and idem, AI-Mas'ala al-Thaqaliyya,
280-281.
143Madjid, Masyarakat Religius, 169-174; and idem, Pintu-pintu, 92.
144ijanafi, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 9.
239
much so that he, according to Taiblshl's and ijarb's criticism, tends to
attribute any irrationalities or mistakes of Islam to non-Arab Islamic sources,
including Shiism. In so doing, al-Jabir1 thus exerts his Arab and even
Moroccan centrality,145 but still accepts the authenticity of the text of the
Qur'an itself conceming miracles. ijanafi seems not to realize that his
"modemist" approach to the stipulation violates the essence of revelation, since
the source of the Qur'an is The Unknown, The Supra-Natural, as the Qur'an
teaches.
ijanafi says that the text of the report itself, contained in the second
element of the narrative, or matn, must be given exactly and without any
changes, since a diminution or an augmentation in the text, even if not
essential, may give a different or extra meaning to it.
146
Neither al-Jabirl nor
Madjid gives any specifie details in this regard, but their stance is obvious
from their insistence that the content of the ijadith should not contradict that of
the Qur'an, implying that the content of a ijadith report should be as strictly
maintained as that of the Qur'an.
147
In addition, Madjid demands that any
talJriJ (Le., diminution or augmentation according to ijanafi's understanding)
be carefully avoided as much in the ijadith report as in the Qur'an, since the
145ijarb, Naqd a l N a ~ ~ 118-119. See also al-Barbarl, Ishkliyyat al-
Turath, 346 and 426.
146ijanafi, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 10; idem, lfiwa-r al-Ajya7,
519; and idem, Dira-sa-t Islamiyya, 61.
147Madjid, "AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 105 and 110.
240
latter cannot (and al-Jabir1 agrees with him) contradict the former.
148
Given
that the relationship between the meaning of a word and the word itself is an
absolute one, ijanafi insists that this meaning be expressed by this word and no
other.
149
Madjid, in line with both ijanafi (who also says that any other word
would give only a shadow, but never the same meaning) and al-Jabirl,150
makes it clear that translation can never accurately represent the Scripture.
151
Although a multi-Iateral transmission of the chain and the exact text of the
body of the narrative gives the highest degree of certitude, the words uttered by
Jesus (as recorded in the Gospels), ijanafi contents, were transmitted in terms
of meaning but not in literaI terms, as is evident from the fact there are textual
differences between the narratives.
152
These differences, concludes al-Jabirl,
were the natural consequence of the Gospels being written by different authors
from different periods of time,153 and even, Madjid would say, of their being
translated into different vernaculars.
154
148AI-Jabirl, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 7; and idem, Al-Mas'ala
al-Thaqaliyya, 280.
149ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 10; and idem, 1fiwa-r al-
Ajyl,519.
150AI-Jabir1, TakwTn al- 'Aql al- 'Arabi, 75.
15lMadjid, "AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 105 and 110.
152ijanafi, Revolution & Religious Dialogue, 10.
153AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 6; and idem, Al-Mas'ala
al-Thaqaliyya, 280.
154Madjid, "AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 105 and 110.
241
ijanafi insists absolutely on the faithful textual transmission (al-riwaya
bi al-la!? and even bi al-naH) of the content of a ijadith as one of the
conditions for its authenticity.155 He stipulates that only those parts of the
narrative written in direct speech should be retained, since the parts in indirect
speech are not parts of the narrative; 156 on this issue neither al-Jabir1 nor
Madjid has anything to say. Instead, they tend to abide by the principles set by
Islamic historical criticism, 157 of whose strictest interpretation ijanafi
approves. Likewise, ijanaff,158 al-Jabir1 and Madjid
159
aIl highlight the
humanity of Mu1}.ammad, on whom God bestowed revelation at the age of fortY
years, resulting in a differentiation between his activities as a regular human
being from birth to the moment before receiving the first revelation on the one
hand, and those he engaged in from that moment to the time of his death on the
other. Since beyond his prophetie function Mu1}.ammad was a normal human
being, his words in childhood or (theoreticaIly) after his death, must be set
aside from other reports because they are not the words of God's messenger.
155Idem, lfiwclr al-Ajyal, 519; idem, Dira-sa! Islamiyya, 61; and idem,
Humm al-Fikrwa al-Wa!an al-'Arabl, 1: 369.
156ijanafi, Revolution &Religious Dialogue, 10.
157AI-Jabir1, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 7; and Madjid, "Konsep
Asbab al-Nuzul," 26.
158Hanafi, Humu-m al-Fikr wa al-Watan, 1: 18.
. .
159Madjid, "Abduhisme Pak Harun," 104; idem, Masyarakat Religius,
26, 33, 146-150 and 164-168; idem, Kaki Langit, 76 (no. 3) and 139; idem,
Pintu-pintu, 62-63; idem, Islam, Kemodernan dan Keindonesiaan, 48; idem,
Dialog Keterbukaan, 217; idem, "Konsep Muhammad saw," 527 and 533; and
idem, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 80.
242
Moreover, a child, ijanafi adds, has not yet attained the age of reason, whereas
speaking after death is contrary to the laws of nature. 160 Following Ibn
Taymiyya, Madjid classifies Mu4ammad's actions into prophetic and purely
human actions. Mu4ammad's actions were infallible i ~ m a ) (and hence,
binding for Muslims) only in his capacity as Prophet, as the one on whom
revelation was bestown. On the other hand, Mu4ammad, by virtue of his nature
as a human being, was capable of doing right or wrong, while his actions in
either case are not binding unless they are validated by the Qur' an as prophetic
practices.
161
Madjid, therefore, set a stricter criterion for rejecting any irrational
dimensions of reports on the Prophet in this regard.
ijanafi's final condition is that the reporter be of a neutral
consciousness in that, like the Prophet in the case of the Qur'an, he has no right
to interfere in his narrative by adding his own words, images, feelings, interests
or interpretations. In order to be able to communicate the words of the Prophet
to the next generation, as passively and neutrally as a tape recorder, the
reporter must, ijanafi emphasizes, have a rational conscience; balanced
emotions and extreme honesty based on piety.162 AI-Jabirl's and Madjid's own
support of the principles of 'ilm al-tajrJ wa al-ta'd implies that neither has
any problems with the conditions that ijanafi sets, since neither questions the
160ijanafi, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 10.
161Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 3 and 80.
162ijanafi, Religious Dialogue & Revolution, 10; idem, Al-Turath wa
al-Tajdfd, 133; and idem, Dirasat Islamiyya, 61.
243
validity of such elements as al- 'a-qU, al-bligh, al-thiqqa, al-ejabf, and al-juhd.
Given that an act of narration or kayfiyyat al-taIJammul wa al-ada' (to use the
terms of 'Um m ~ f a l a l al-IJadfth) occurs in three steps -namely, hearing,
retaining in memory, and reporting-- a narrative, according to lfanafi, is
authentic only if aIl three of these steps are identical, i.e., when what is heard is
identical to what is retained, and when what is retained is identical to what is
reported. However, the reporters of "political" lfadiths to sorne extent lived
their faith and interpreted their reports in their own way, much in the same way
as the reporters of the New Testament did. Mark, lfanafi explains, wanted to
prove Christ was an Ebionite, while Matthew wanted to emphasize the
messianism and the ecc1esiaticism of his mission. John, on the other hand,
wanted to prove the miraculous and supranatural elements of Christ's
message.
163
In the same way in the "political" lfadiths, Shiite, Sunnite and
Kharajite reporters competed with each other in trying to prove the validity of
their respective political c1aims, while invalidating the political c1aims of their
respective opponents.
164
Similarly, Smith' s equation of the Bible with the
lfadith, rather than the Qur'an, conc1udes Madjid, is an acknowledgement of
the vulnerable authenticity of Christian scripture.
165
It is thus certain that neither lfanafi, nor al-Jabir1, nor Madjid for that
matter, doubts the authenticity of the Qur'an, while they are unanimous in
163Ibid.
164
lfana
fi, Dira-sa Islamiyya, 31; and idem, lfiwa-r al-Ajyal, 518.
244
accepting various types and quantities of I-Jadiths as authentic. In terms of the
authenticity of the Qur' an and I-Jadith, I-Janafi is the strictest and the most
articulate thinker of the three, but neither I-Janafi
l66
nor al-Jabir1
167
distinguishes I-Jadith from Sunna, since for both of them they are the same
thing, though with different degrees of authority. Every Sunna is I-Jadith, but it
is as a whole composed of mutawiir, and thus a ~ l h I-Jadith, only. On the
other hand, the Sunna, for Madjid, is the Prophet Muq.ammad's practice that, in
turn, is legitimized by the Qur'an.
168
Madjid is stricter than both I-Janafi and al-
Jabir1 in terms of the divine value of the Sunna, whereas they are equally
puritan in their attitude towards the theological foundations of what I-Janafi
calls "Western Heritage." Their respective attitudes towards the Qur'an and the
Sunna on the one hand, and the various books of the Bible on the other, is most
clearly shown in their critical view of the authenticity of reports based on both
Jewish and Christian traditions (al-Isra'lliyyi and al-Na.Jraniyya-t). Neither
I-Janafi,169 nor al-Jabir1, nor Madjid
17
consider these traditions valid in their
165Madjid, "Pengaruh Kisah Israiliyat dan Orientalisme," 99.
166See also, I-Janafi, Al-Dfn wa al-Thaqfa wa al-Siyasa, 389.
167Al-Jabir1, "Qagaya fi al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 8; idem, Al-Dfmuqra]iyya
wa lfuqq al-Insan, 174, 219, 225, 260 and 261; idem, Al-Turah wa al-
lfadaha, 38; idem, Wijhat Na?,r, 57 and 74; and idem, Al- 'Aql al-Akhla-qf al-
'Arabf, 67-68 and 601.
168Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 3; and idem, Masyarakat
Religius, 120.
169See also, I-Janafi, Humm al-Fikr wa al-Watan al- 'Arabf, 1: 21;
idem, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7: 83; and idem, Islam in the Modern World, 1:
412.
245
purely theological ('aqfda) sense unless these two extemal sources or shar'
man qablana (religions that God had revealed before Islam, to use the ~ al-
fiqh term) can be seen as conforming to the Qur'an and the Sunna as they
understand them. ijanafi's, al-Jabirl's and Madjid's strict conviction that the
Qur'an constitutes the continuation and correction of the Abrahamic Scriptures
at the same time leads them to make the Qur' an their criterion in considering
the validity and acceptability of the Jewish and Christian traditions in their
respective reforms.
The methods to be adopted in retuming to the Qur' an and the Sunna
are, of course, the most important aspects of the slogan, since the absence of a
sound methodology will, as Rahman would put it, invite civilizational
suicide.
17l
Many Muslim thinkers, as explained earlier, criticize the supporters
of the slogan for being unable to provide their co-religionists with solid
methods, but they fail in their tum to go beyond this criticism by offering the
proper solutions to the problem. ijanafi, al-Jabid and Madjid are in fact like
their predecessors in this respect, for they too are less than explicit about the
mechanisms of retuming to the Qur'an and the Sunna. However, unlike al-
Jabid and Madjid, who do not concem themse1ves with questions of method,
ijanafi makes the problem the starting point of his entire scholarly approach.
His Ph.D. dissertation, Les mthodes d'exgse --a work that Shahrough
170See also, Madjid, Kaki Langit, 65-66; and idem, Islam Agama
Peradaban, 72-73.
246
Akhavi strangely fails to mention
l72
but which Brunschvig calls "une grande
aventure, celle de la rinterpretation totale des ul al-fiqh traditionnels"173--
serves as the epistemological backbone to his Heritage and Modernity reform
project, the third dimension of which is nothing less than the theory of
interpretation. For ijanafi, the latter represents for the Middle East what
Epistemology does for the West.
174
Since ijanafi insists that without a theory
of interpretation (which is the second element of his hermeneutics), any real
understanding of the Qur\in will be impossible,175 1 will apply his theory of
interpretation in the following pages to his method of returning to the Qur' an
and the Sunna, and from this perspective compare his position with those of al-
Jabirl and Madjid, just as 1did with the first element of their hermeneutics.
ijanafi's method of returning to the Qur'an and the Sunna, to put it
simply, essentially consists in social interpretation (al-manhaj al-ijtima-'fJi al-
171Rahman, "Revival and Reform in Islam," 640.
172Akhavi, "The Dialectics," 377-401. For further criticism, see
Wahyudi, "Hasan Hanafi Mujaddid Abad ke-15?," x.
173Brunschvig, "Prface," i.
174ijanafi, Dirasat Falsafiyya, 57. Hermeneutics is a crucial part of
epistemology. See, for example, Hendrik Krabbendam, "The New
Hermeneutics," in Earl D. Radmacher and Robert D. Prues, eds.,
Hermeneutics, Inerrancy, and the Bible (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondernan,
1984), 535; and Dwight Poggemiller, "Hermeneutics and Epistemology:
Hirsch' s Author Centered Meaning, Radical Historicism and Gadamer' sTruth
and Method," http://capo.org/premise/95/sep/p9508JO.html (accessed June 30, 2001),
10.
175ijanafi, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7: 77; and idem, Qa4aya- M u a ~ i r a 1:
165-166.
247
tafsl'r).176 It is, therefore, thematic. Before we proceed, 1will, however, discuss
what he calls the [five] premises of the method. As a philosophical foundation
of method, "[a] premise," ijanafi says, "is not a mere presupposition, but a
factual given, a constatation of reality, a declaration of modesty, a recognition
of the limitations, the affirmation of pluralism and the motivation for open
inquiry."I77 AI-Jabir1 for his part is concerned with the problem of objectivity
in the Arab approach to dealing with heritage; his aim is to modernize the
methodological tools applied to the reading of a text, so as to make it
contemporary to itself and to its readers at the same time. In this paradigm, a
methodology is relative, leading to a relative and, hence, intersubjective and
pluralistic objectivity as well.
178
Madjid, like both ijanafi and al-Jabir1 in their
respective contexts, reintroduces sorne lost principles of Islam to his fellow
Indonesian Muslims, many of whom still believe in the human capability of
achieving absolute truth. Unlike them, however, Madjid proposes the idea of
internaI relativism. Given that pure truth is an impossible goal to achieve, and
that human beings cannot always be right, one must, Madjid argues, dare to
criticize oneself and accept the criticism of others at the same time in order to
perfect one's understanding. Since the relativity of the truth that one might
achieve depends on the approach one uses, and since a problem needs a multi-
176ijanafi, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7: 69.
177Hanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 416.
178AI-Jabirl, Al-Tura-th wa al-lfadaha, 31-33; and idem, Al-Mas'ala al-
Thaqaliyya, 284.
248
dimensional approach to arrive at a solution, one must be open to criticism or
further inquiry_179 a position that both ijanafi and al-Jabirl take as weIl.
In his first premise, ijanafi places revelation in brackets, neither
affirming nor denying it, but reemphasizing his differentiation between the
theories of interpretation and hermeneutics. Thematic interpretation, as a
hermeneutic process, begins with the given (the Book) after its being given.
While the theory of prophecy deals with the question of "how," thematic
interpretation involves the question of "what.,,180 AI-Jabir1 puts forward a
similar idea, which differs only in degree. Considering the Qur'an and the
Sunna as the primary sources of heritage, and not the heritage itself, al-Jabirl
sets aIl previous attempts at understanding heritage aside
l81
instead of
revelation itself as ijanafi doeS.
182
Madjid, like both ijanafi 183 and al_Jabirl,184
179Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 72, 91 and 265; idem, Masyarakat
Religius, 41-42, 128 and 149; idem, Kaki Langit, 59 and 66; idem,
"Pendahuluan," xxv and xxviii; idem, "Masalah Ta'wil," 20-21; idem, Islam
Agama Peradaban, 140 and 157; and idem, "Dialog Agama-agama," 10.
18oijanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 416 and 427; and idem, AI-
Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7: 70.
18IAI-Jabir1, AI-Turath wa al-Hadatha, 32; and idem, AI-Mas'ala al-
Thaqaliyya, 254.
182AI-Jabirl, according to ijarb, deliberately focuses his criticism on
discourses that emerged and revolved around the Qur' anic text to avoid
theological criticism, the time for which has not yet come. lfarb, Naqd a l N a ~ ~
116. Indeed, al-Jabirl repeatedly stresses that Muslims do not need theological
criticism, but the reasons for him are slightly different from ijarb's conclusion.
AI-Jabirl would allow Muslims to undertake theological criticism if only they
could achieve findings different from those debated in the classical conflict of
'ilm al-kalam, a historical discussion that is long of date. On the other hand,
Islam, unlike European Christianity, has an authentic Scripture that has never
249
considers the Qur'an and the Sunna as the primary sources of heritage, 185 and
yet follows al-Jabirl in bracketing all interpretations of the Qur'an and the
Sunna instead of the Qur' an and the Sunna themselves, since aIl previous
interpretations are, by definition, relative.
186
Thus the three thinkers are to
sorne extent Husserlian phenomenologists, but with ijanafi the "purest" of the
lot by virtue of his applying the principle to revelation instead of or in addition
to its interpretations. In this regard, ijanafi, as al-' Alim rightly says, is an
idealist,187 for in keeping with Husserlian phenomenology he considers
revelation, and not material factors (as Orientalists believe), to be have been
the primary factor -or the certain starting point (nuq/at yaqfn) in ijattar's
changed, since the Qur'an at the disposaI of Muslims today is exactly the same
as the original transmitted from the time of the Prophet' s Companions,
codified under the auspices of Caliph 'Uthman. AI-Jabirl, Al-Mas'ala al-
Thaqa]iyya, 278.
183ijanafi, Qa4aya- Mu'a-#ra, 1: 175 and 184; idem, Al-Dfn wa al-
Thawra, 7: 77-78; idem, Al-Turath wa al-Tajdfd, 156-157, 16, and 185; idem,
"AI-Yasar al-Islam1?," 46; idem, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 409; and idem,
Humzim al-Fikr wa al-Wa/an al- 'Arabf, 1: 57.
184AI-Jabirl, Al-Turath wa al-lfadatha, 32.
185Madjid, "Taqlid dan Ijtihad," 340-341; idem, "AI-Qur'an, Kaum
Intelektual," 105-106; idem, "Abduhisme Pak Harun," 105; idem, "Masalah
Ta'wil," 11; and idem, "Masyarakat Madani dan Investasi Demokrasi:
Tantangan dan Kemungkinan," [A foreword to] Ahmad Baso, Civil Society
versus Masyarakat Madani: Arkeologi Pemikiran "Civil Society" dalam Islam
Indonesia (Jakarta: Pustaka Hidayah, 1999),27-28.
186Madjid, "Pendahuluan," xxvii-xxviii; idem, Kaki Langit, 65-66;
idem, "Abduhisme Pak Harun," 105; idem, "Pengaruh Israiliyat dan
Orientalisme," 96; and idem, "Masalah Ta'wil," 20-2I.
187Al-'Alim, Al-Wa'y wa al-Wa'y al-Zazf, 79.
250
term_
188
in motivating Muslims (muwajjih li al-sulk) to create Islamic
civilization.
189
Having stated the first premise that thematic interpretation starts with,
and does not precede, the receiving of the Book, IJanafi moves on to his
second premise, i.e., the principle that the Qur'an is like any other text
whether sacred or secular. Since it is subject to interpretation, it is subject to
the same rules of interpretation.
190
He is consistent in his criticism of both the
Old and New Testaments for having become divorced from their original
languages, which in tum resulted in problems of interpretation. On the other
hand, though, he seems willing to allow the interpretation of the Qur' an, a
process that belongs to hermeneutica sacra, in the light of general
hermeneutics. Such a stance may, in Mul].ammad IbrahIm Mabrk's analysis,
confront the first time readers of IJanafi with the question of whether his
thought is Islamic or secular.
191
AI-Jabir1 for his part proposes a structuralist
diagnosis (al-mu 'laja al-bunyawiyya), a process of studying heritage by
starting from texts as they are. This involves not only setting aside aIl previous
188IJattar, Al-Turath, al-Gharb, al-Thawra, 105 and 109.
189IJanafi, Al-Turath wa al-Tajdfd, 71; idem, Islam in the Modern
World, 1: 353-365; and idem, Muqaddima fT 'Ilm al-Istighrb. See also,
Wahyudi, "Dari Disertasi menuju Revolusi," iii.
190IJanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 416-417; idem, Religious
Dialogue &Revolution, 6 and 58; and idem, /fiwa-r al-Ajyal, 412.
191Mul].ammad IbrahIm Mabrk, Muwa]ahat al-Muwa]aha: Al-
Muna-qasha al-Islaniyya li al-Ajka-r al- 'Ilma-niyya wa Kutub al-Muwa]aha
(Cairo: Dar al-Thabith, 1994),205.
251
attempts at understanding heritage, but also limiting interaction with these texts
as a whole.
192
Madjid, on the other hand, subjects the Qur'an to the standard
mIes of Islamic interpretation, while paying special attention to the Indonesian
context.
193
"In order to menduniawikan ['secularize'], to give a solid cultural
basis to Islam in Indonesia," Steenbrink says in summarizing Madjid's
arguments, "the local condition has to be taken into consideration along with
other aspects such as the history, and especially the religious history of the
country."194
In his third premise, ijanafi categorically differentiates between a text
and its interpretation,195 a paradigm that both al-Jabir1
196
and Madjid
197
have
striven to impress upon their respective Muslim audiences. ijanafi, however,
insists that "there is no tme or false interpretation, right or wrong
understanding. There are only different efforts to approach the text from
different interests for different motivations,,,198 a reversaI of his 1981 position
192AI-Jabir1, Al-Turah wa al-lfadaha, 32.
193Madjid, Kaki Langit, 170; idem, "Pendahuluan," xxvi-xxviii; and
idem, Dialog Keterbukaan, 115.
1945teenbrink, "Recapturing the Past," 165-166.
195ijanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 176; idem, Dira-sa
Falsafiyya, 57; and idem, Al-Turah wa al-Tajdfd, 22.
196A1-Jiibir1, Al-Dfmuqra!iyya wa lfuqq al-Insan, 194-196; and idem,
Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqaliyya, 259 and 283.
197Madjid, "Pendahuluan," xxv-xxviii; idem, Dialog Keterbukaan, 72
and 91; idem, Masyarakat Religius, 149; and idem, Kaki Langit, 59 and 65-66.
198ijanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 417; idem, Dirasa
Falsafiyya, 57; and idem, Al-Turah wa al-Tajdfd, 22.
252
on right and wrong interpretation.
199
This however is something that neither al-
Jabir1 nor Majid can accept: for them there are indeed true and wrong
interpretations. To achieve an objective meaning, and hence a true
interpretation, of a text, an interpreter should, al-Jabir1 proposes, cut himself
off from the object and the object off from himself at the same time, by having
recourse to a proven historical critical method (asbb al-nuzul)?OO Madjid, as
ijanafi did in 1982,zOI bases rus stance on the fact that the Prophet Mu1).ammad
promised a hierarchy of rewards to mujtahids. Two rewards are to be given to
the mujtahid whose ijtiha-d is right: one for the relative truth of his right ijtihal,
and the other for exercising his efforts in trying to solve the problem facing
him or his society. One reward, on the other hand, will be given to a mujtahid
whose ijtiha-d is wrong, for engaging in ijtihal in the first place. Given that the
latter reward was meant to encourage Muslims to exercise their reason (j-h-d,
the root of ijtihal) in determining right from wrong, the real mistake, Madjid
argues, lies in the failure of Muslims to undertake ijtihal to begin with.zoz
199ijanafi, Les mthodes d'exgse, 29; idem, "Al-Yasar al-Islam1?,"
30; idem, Dira-sa Falsafiyya, 22; and idem, "Min Naqd al-Sanad ila Naqd al-
Matn," 135.
zooAI-Jabir1, AI-Turath wa al-lfadatha, 31; and idem, AI-Dfmuqra]iyya
wa lfuquq al-Inscln, 194-196.
zOlijanafi, Dirasa Falsafiyya, 22.
ZOZMadjid, "Pendahuluan," xxviii; idem, Kaki Langit, 65-66; idem,
"Pengaruh Israiliyat dan Orientalisme," 96; idem, "Warisan Inte1ektual Islam,"
80-81; and idem, Masyarakat Religius, 41-42 and 120-121.
253
Essentially, a text, as ijanafi states in his fourth premise, accepts
pluralistic and, hence, different interpretations, depending on the different
perspectives of the interpreters. Since text is merely a form, an interpreter may
very weIl fill it with content from his own time and space.
203
In other words,
ijanafi -as he does in his third premise-adopts a Heideggero-Gadamerian
approach to the text in stressing its subjective truth,204 rejecting the theory of
objective meaning as Wilhelm Dilthey (1883-1911)205 proposed and supported
by Hirsch
206
and Betti.
207
For both al_Jabir1
2oS
and Madjid,29 as for ijanafi,210 a
text accepts a pluralistic interpretation in more or less direct proportion to the
socio-political and cultural backgrounds of the interpreter. In addition, the
203ijanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 417; and idem, /fiwa-r al-
Ajyal,43.
204Heidegger, Being and Time, 194-195; and Gadamer, Truth and
Method,397.
205Wilheim Dilthey, "The Rise of Hermeneutics," translated by T. Hall,
in P. Connerton, ed., Critical Sociology: Selected Writings (Harmondsworth:
Penguin, 1976), 104-116.
206E.D. Hirsch, Jr., Validity in Interpretation (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1967).
207Emelio Betti, "Hermeneutics as the General Methodology of the
Geisteswissenschaften," in J. Bleicher, ed., Contemporary Hermeneutics:
Hermeneutics as Method, Philosophy, and Critique (London: Routledge &
Kegan Paul, 1980), 51-90.
20sAI-Jabirl, Al-DTmuqrafiyya wa /fuquq al-Insa-n, 194-196; and idem,
Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqaliyya, 259 and 283.
209Madjid, "Pendahuluan," xxv-xxviii; idem, Dialog Keterbukaan, 72
and 91; idem, Masyarakat Religius, 149; idem, Kaki Langit, 59 and 55-56;
idem, "Masalah Ta'wil," 20; and idem, "Abduhisme Pak Harun," 105.
21Oijanafi, Les mthodes d'exgse, 29; idem, "Min Naqd al-Sanad ila
Naqd al-Matn," 135; and idem, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 417.
254
level of difference of human understanding also plays a significant role. On the
other hand, both al-Jabirl and Madjid, unlike Iianafi, are more indined to the
Hirschian concept of "author centered meaning" because, while Iianafi would
allow an interpreter to fill the text with any amount of content from his own
time and space, both al-Jabir1
211
and Madjid
212
place special emphasis on what
Gadamer calls "fusion of horizons,,213 in their modern reading of heritage.
Unlike Iianafi, who eagerly espouses the Heideggerian transfer from knowing
into existential being, al-Jabir1 tries to make an ancient text contemporary to
itself and to its readers at the same time.
214
While for Iianafi interpretation is
subjective or intersubjective (at best due to what Heidegger calls "prejudice" in
existential knowing
215
), the meaning for both al-Jabir1
216
and Madjid
217
is
"objective," or so they daim at least when trying to dialogize their present
horizons and the author's past horizons (God, in the case of the Qur'an)
211AI-Jabir1, Al- 'Aql al-Siyasfal- 'Arabf, 8.
212Madjid, "Abduhisme Pak Harun," 106-107.
213Gadamer, Truth and Methad, 273.
214AI-Jabirl, Al-Turiih wa al-lfadiiha, 48-53; idem, Al-Dfmuqra]iyya
wa lfuqu-q al-Insan, 193-197; and idem, Al- 'Aql al-Siya-sfal- 'Arabi, 8.
215Heidegger, Being and Time, 150. See also, Magda King, A Guide ta
Heidegger's Being and Time (Albany: State University of New York Press,
2001), 6-8; Richard Rorty, Essays an Heidegger and Others (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1991), 10; and Daniel O. Dahlstrom,
"Heidegger's Critique of Husserl," in Theodore Kiesel and John van Buren,
eds., Reading Heidegger Jram the Start: Essays in His Earliest Thaught
(Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994),231-244.
216AI-Jabir1, Al-Dfmuqrijiyya wa lfuqq al-Insan, 194-196; idem,
Wijhat Na?r, 40-41; and idem, Al-Tura-th wa al-lfada-tha, 47-59.
255
through historical critical method. As a result, the value of an interpretation is
never purely divine, but a kind of divinely inspired human (ilanf but waq'l)
value. fJanafi on the other hand explicitly states that "[T]he Qur' an itself,
especially the Hadith, is a transmutation of human language.,,21S
fJanafi's subjective approach to the text easily leads him to adopt a
historical materialist approach
219
(or Habermasian critical hermeneutics
220
) in
his fifth prernise, i.e., that conflict of interpretation is essentially socio-
political. Since interpretation is a value-Iaden ideology, it expresses the socio-
political commitments of the interpreter. Conservatives may, for instance, use
it to maintain the status-quo, just as revolutionaries may on the same basis
challenge the established order.
221
Both al-Jabir1
222
and Madjid
223
also contend
that the conflict over interpretation is mostly socio-political in nature, but they
217Madjid, "Abduhisme Pak Harun," 106-107.
21SfJanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 417; and idem, Humum al-
Fikr wa al Watan al- 'Arabf, 1: 23.
219fJatr, AlTurah, Al-Gharb, al-Thawra, 179.
220Criticai hermeneutics: "an outgrowth of Frankfurt School critical
theory is an approach that c1aims that interpretation is constrained and biased
by social, political and economic forces. These inc1ude biases that have been
introduced by factors defined in terms of c1ass, race, and gender." "Critical
Approaches to Hermeneutics," www2.canisius.edul-gallagher/ahcri.html
(accessed June 30, 2001), 1.
221fJanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 418; 2: 34; idem, Al-Dfn wa
al-Thawra, 7: 117-120; idem, 1: 183; and idem, Al-lfaraka-t
al-Isla-miyyaJi 63.
222AI-Jabir1, Al-Tura-th wa al-Hadaha, 47-56.
256
recognize that objective epistemological factors --like differences in approach
or level of understanding-- can lead two different interpreters to two
conflicting interpretations. And while ijanafi gets easily trapped in the
confusion of meaning with relevance, both al-Jabid and Madjid avoid this
obstacle. Al-Jabid, unlike ijanafi, achieves a certain balance by making
heritage contemporary to itself first, which is an objective meaning, and then
by making it contemporary to its readers, which renders it relevant to its
audience or interpreters.
224
Madjid, like al-Jabid, distinguishes meaning from
revelance, by paying special attention to the original meaning of the words
used in the Qur'an through his historical critical method. Finding the original
and thus objective meaning of the Qur' an is the first step that an interpreter
should take before transferring its relevance to his own time and space.
225
Neither ijanafi, nor al-Jabirl nor Madjid, as 1stated earlier, provides us
with a systematic scheme for retuming to the Qur'an and the Sunna. On the
other hand, ijanafi, the only one of the three who is explicit about the methods
of interpretation, confronts us with a problematic systematization of his
223Madjid, "Masalah Ta'wil," Il, 16-18 and 20; idem, "Abduhisme Pak
Harun," 105; idem, Islam, Kerakyatan dan Keindonesiaan, 177; and idem,
Masyarakat Religius, 153.
224Al-Jabirl, Al-Turah wa al-lfadiha, 47-56.
225Madjid, "Abduhisme Pak Harun," 106-107; and idem, Masyarakat
Religius, 38-41.
257
theories that he outlines in such articles as al-Tafs1r,,226 (The
Theory of Interpretation, 1967), "Madha Ya'n1: al-Yasar al-Islam1?,,227 (What
Does Islarnic Left Mean? 1981), "Manahij al-Tafs1r ma al_Umma,,228
(The Methods of Interpretation and the Interests ofMuslims, 1981),229 "Qira'at
(Reading of the Text, 1988), and "Method of Thematic
Interpretation of the Quran" (1993),231 all of which are to sorne extent
summaries and extensions of his main thesis in Les mthodes d'exgse.
ijanafi's method of returning to the Qur'an and the Sunna seems to consist
largely in social interpretation. While the standard classification of Islamic
interpretation would consign social interpretation to the category of thematic
interpretation (al-tafsTr al-maw4u-7), ijanafi does the reverse, and subordinates
226The article al-Tafs1r" forms chapter six of ijanafi's
Qa4aya- Mu 1: 165-176. The title is a collection of three articles, which
are "Hal Ladayna fi al-Tafs1r?" (Do We Have A Theory of
Interpretation?), written in 1966 but unpublished; "Ayyuhuma Asbaq:
fi al-Tafs1r am Manhaj fi Taq.lil al-Khibrat?" (Which One Is First: A
Theory of Interpretation or Analysis of Experience?), written in 1966 but not
submitted to the journal Minbar al-Isla-m as had been planned; and '"Awd ila
al-Manba' am 'Awd ila al-1;'ab1'a?" (Return to Source or to Nature?), an
appendix to his articles wa al-Mu (Authenticy and
Contemporaneity) and "Mawqifuna al-ijagiir1" (Our Civilizational Attitude),
but one that was rejected for publication.
227See Hanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islam1?," 5-48.
228The article was originally written in 1988 and published in lfanafl,
AI-DTn wa al-Thawra, 7: 77-115.
229ijanafi, Humu-m al-Fikr wa al-Wa/an al- 'Arabi, 2: 648.
230The article was originally published in Alif 7 (1988) and republished
in ijanafi, Dirasat Falsafiyya, 523-549.
258
thematic interpretation to social interpretation. For practical purposes, 1 will,
however, take his thematic interpretation as his method of retuming to the
Qur'an and the Sunna, within which process 1 will resystematize his social
interpretation in accordance with his thematic interpretation, since he himself
acknowledges the latter as being the form of interpretation most capable of
achieving the goals of social interpretation.
232
As a method, thematic
interpretation, according to ijanafi, operates according to at least eight rules:
(1) socio-political commitment; (2) looking for something; (3) synopsis of the
verses conceming one theme; (4) classification of linguistic forms; (5) building
the structure; (6) analyzing the factual situation; (7) comparison between the
Ideal and the real; and (8) description of modes of action.
In explaining "socio-political commitment,,233 (the first rule cited
above), ijanafi makes a diametral distinction between the reporter and the
interpreter. To preserve the verbatim authenticity of God's Words, a reporter
must posses a neutral consciousness, whereas an interpreter, who is not bound
to the same extent by this stipulation, must in tum be subjective and
consciously devoted to a cause. In contrast to a reporter, whose main function
is to transmit God's Words as they are, an interpreter is an agent of social
231This article was written in 1993 and published in ijanafi, Islam in the
Modern World, 1: 407-457.
232ijanafi, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7: 117; and idem, Dira-sa Falsafiyya,
104.
233ijanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 418; and idem, Dira-sa
Falsafiyya, 25 and 546.
259
change.
234
Both al-Jabir1
235
and Madjid
236
are like ijanafi in that they
encourage their fellow interpreters to recast so-called "true" interpretation in
an ideological perspective, but only after this has been objectively and
scientifically refonnulated. In his henneneutic act, ijanafi achieves Gadamer' s
moment of self-recognition, as John D. Caputo understands it, namely, "a
moment in which the text or work of art says to us 'that is you' ,,,237 specifically
by making his fifth premise (i.e., the conflict of interpretation is essentially
socio-political) predominate in his thematic interpretation. By contrast, both
al-Jabir1
238
and Madjid think first of bridging the time and cultural differences
of the text for the reader. Both of them engage in a dialogue with their and the
author' s horizons before they recast their interpretation.
ijanafi acknowledges the centrality of the problem of objectivity versus
subjectivity in the course of interpretation, but absolutely dismisses the concept
234ijanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 417-419; idem, Religious
Dialoque & Revolution, 6; idem, Qa4aya- 1: 184; idem, Humm al-
Fikr wa al-Wa/an al- 'Arabf, 1: 358 and 381; and idem, "Hal Yajuz," 99.
235AI-Jabir1, Al-Tura-th wa al-lfadtha, 32; idem, AI-DTmuqratiyya wa
lfuqu-q al-Insa-n, 194-196; and idem, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqa]iyya, 255, 295, 296
and 300.
236Madjid, Masyarakat Religius, 43-49; and idem, "Abduhisme Pak:
Harun," 106-107.
237John D. Caputo, More Radical Hermeneutics on Not Knowing Who
We Are (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2000), 55.
238AI-Jabirl, Al-Tura-th wa al-lfadatha, 31; idem, AI-DTmuqratiyya wa
lfuquq al-Insan, 194-196; and idem, Al- 'Aql al-Siya-sTal- 'Arabi, 8.
260
of objective meaning,239 since for him "[p]reundersanding," to cite Istvn M.
Fehr's principle, "is a necessary prerequisite of knowledge,,,240 leading al-
'Alim, Mabfk and Ab Zayd to criticize his preoccupation with the
Heideggerian concept of "bring[ing] hermeneutics from a theory of
interpretation to a theory of existential understanding" -to quote John C.
Malery.241 ijanafi, for both al_'Alim
242
and Mabfk,243 emphasizes the role of
reader at the expense of text, while for Ab Zayd, given that ijanafi engages in
what he would define as a kind of coloration (talwTn) rather than interpretation
(ta'w),244 ijanafi might weIl be accused of a type of medieval
Islamic legal relativism that ijanafi himself severely criticizes in sorne places.
Yet unlike ijanafi, who severely criticizes "wrong" interpretations of Islam as
239ijanafi, Dirasi Falsaflyya, 57 and 536; and idem, lfiwa-r al-Ajyl,
43.
240Istvan M. Fehr, "Phenomenology, Hermeneutics, Lebens-
philosophie: Heidegger's Confrontation with Husserl, Dilthey, and Jaspers," in
Theodore Kisiel and John van Buren, eds., Reading Heidegger Jrom the Start:
Essays in His Earliest Thought (New York: State University of New York,
1994), 79.
241John C. Malery, "Hermeneutics: From Textual to Computer
Understanding?, " http://www.ai.mit.edulpeople/;ema/papers/J986-ai-memo-871/memo.
html (accessed June 30, 2001), 3.
242AI-'Alim, Al-Wa'y wa al-Wa'y al-Zel'if, 79.
243Mabfk, "AI-Turath wa al-Tajcfid," 33-42.
I-Jamid Abu Zayd, "AI-Turath bayn al-Ta'wl1 wa al-Talwln:
Qira'a fi Mashru' al-Yasar al-Islam1," Alif 10 (1990): 54-109; republished in
ijamid Abu Zayd, Al-Khi/ab al-DTnT: Ru'yat Naqdiyya na1Jw Inta] Wa'y
'IlmT bi-Dillat al-DTnTyya (Cairo: Dar al-Muntakhab al-' Arabi,
1992), 75-127. For I-Janafi's responses to Ab Zayd, see ijanafi, lfiwa-r al-
Ajya?, 407-511; and idem, Min al-Naql ila- al-Ibda-', Al-Mujallad al-Awwal: 1.
Al-Naql (Cairo: Dar Qiba' , 2000), 7-11.
261
innovations and even superstitions,245 al-Jabir1 (and Madjid
246
as weIl) is
willing to eondemn "wrong" interpretations of matters of pure worship in
Islam ('iba-da maIJ4a) as innovations, while welcoming "wrong"
interpretations of matters not related at all to worship as "good innovations"
(bid'a IJasana).247 Nevertheless, al-Jabirl's relativism, a principle that he
firmly believes ean give meaning to the lives of Muslims, cornes closer to
ijanafi's when he, quoting Muslim classieal legal seholars,
eoncludes that "they have undertaken ijtiha-d and every mujtahid is right.,,248
Madjid, on the other hand, replies "Let' s find it together" to his own
diplomatie question "Where then is the truth?,,249 a principle that ijanafi
asserted earlier in his writing eareer
250
but disregarded later on.
251
ijanafi's ineonsisteney, therefore, violates his own premise of a
subjective, pluralistie, and relativistie interpretation when he demands that
245ijanafi, Al-Turah wa al-Tajdfd, 162; idem, Islam in the Modern
World, 1: 418; 2: 34; idem, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7: 117-120; idem, Qac/aya-
1: 183; and idem, Al-lfaraka al-Isla-miyyajf 63.
246Madjid, "Tasauf dan Pesantren," 114-115; idem, "Pengaruh Israiliyat
dan Orientalisme," 96; and idem, "AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 109.
247Al-Jabirl, Al-Turah wa al-lfadaha, 52-53; and idem, Wijhat Na?r,
41. Tarablshl even eriticizes al-Jabir1 for eondemning almost aIl sehools of
Islamic thought that he does not agree with as unbelief and innovative (talifir
and tabdi'). Tarablshl, Madhbihat al-Tura-th, 117.
248AI-Jabirl, Wijhat Na?r, 75.
249Madjid, "Pengaruh Israiliyat dan Orientalisme," 96.
250ijanafi, Al-Turcth wa al-Tajdfd, 22; idem, "Al-Yasar al-Islam1?,"
47; and idem, Dira-sa Falsafiyya, 22.
262
anyone undertaking such a task identify himself with the poor and the
oppressed. It is quite obvious that an interpreter can --according to his own
third, fourth and fifth premises
252
-- have virtually any ideological orientation.
ijanafi ultimately concludes that an interpreter must be "a reformer, a social
actor, a revolutionary,,,253 conveying his admiration of such Muslim
revolutionary thinkers as al-Afghanl,254 Qutb
255
and even Nasser
256
to his
feIlow readers. ijanafi, therefore, encourages them to apply what Yvonne
Haddad caIls "Quranic liberation theology,,,257 making his theory of
interpretation the criterion by which aIl other interpretations that try to defend
the status quo, hamper social change or halt the historical process
258
(a socialist
251ijanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 417; and idem, Dirasa-t
Falsafiyya, 57.
252See above pp. 251-256.
253ijanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 418; and idem, Qa4aya-
M u a ~ i r a 1: 184.
254ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islall?," 5 and 48; idem, Dirasat Falsafiyya,
174; idem, Al-Afghani, 19-10; idem, Qa4aya- M u a ~ i r a 1: 63; and idem,
"Taqdfm," 12-13.
255ijattar,Al-Turath, al-Gharb, al-Thawra, 60,111 and 179.
256ijanafi, Humm al-Fikr wa al-Wa/an al- 'Arabf, 1: 629-630. See a1so,
al-Barbarl, Ishkliyyat al-Turath, 177; and Zakariya, Al-lfaqfqa wa al-Wahm,
36-37.
257Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, "Qur'anic Justification for an Islamic
Revolution: The View of Sayyid Qutb," The Middle East Journal 17,1 (1983):
28. See also, Wahyudi, "Hasan Hanafi: Mujaddid Abad ke-15?," xii.
258ijanafi, Al-Turath wa al-Tajdfd, 183; idem, Humum al-Fikr wa al-
Wa/an al-'Arabr, 1: 358 and 381; and idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 142.
263
and Marxist stance that al-Jabirl abandoned in the early 1980s)259 are to be
judged and rejected. Madjid,260 like both ijanafi (original1y) and a1-Jabirl
(generally), supports a relative, intersubjective and p1uralistic interpretation of
Islam, but with greater consistency than either of these two. It is for this reason
that Mark R. Woodward rightly characterizes Madjid's position as a "theology
of tolerance.,,261
ijanafi's second mIe, i.e., "looking for something," is an elaboration of
his first mIe, according to which he assigns priority to the reader' s
intentionality q ~ d al-qa-ri') over that of the author q ~ d al-shari').
Determining that there is no interpreter without a commitment to something,
ijanafi obliges an interpreter to orient his consciousness to the purpose of
problem-solving,262 based on the priority of Muslim needs. If, for example,
their fundamental problem is liberating their land from the grips of
imperialism, Muslims should give priority to interpreting verses onjihaa rather
than passages dealing with other topiCS.
263
AI-Jabir1 agrees with ijanafi's
'Umarism (al-fiqh al- 'Umarl) that, since the Qur'an is for human beings (li
2590aebel, Von der Kritik des arabischen Denkens, 124.
260Madjid, "Pengaruh Israiliyat dan Orientalisme," 96; idem,
"Pendahuluan," xxviii; idem, Kaki Langit, 65-66; idem, "Masalah Ta'wil," 20;
idem, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 80-81; and idem, "Pandangan Dunia AI-
Qur'an," 7-8.
261Woodward, "Talking Across Paradigms," 11.
262ijanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 418; idem, Dira-sa
Falsafiyya, 56-57 and 546; and idem, "Hal Yajz," 99. See also, Wahyudi,
"Dari Disertasi menuju Revolusi," iii.
264
m ~ l i l al- 'iba-d),264 and not for God, an interpreter should look for something
--a stage that Madjid
265
aIso makes an integral part of his methods of
interpretation. On the other hand, Madjid is doser to al-Jabirl in that he applies
it without first defining it as one of his steps in interpreting the Qur'an, as
ijanafi does. Madjid, like aI-Jabir1, thus takes the principle for granted, hoping
that his audience will understand it as a necessary mechanism. Madjid gives as
an example, the problem of cult in Islam, which an interpreter can help resolve
by understanding and at the same time teaching Islam rationally, just as the
Qur'an does when calling human beings to the faith by rhetorically asking
"Have ye then no sense?" (Q. 2: 44)?66
The mechanism to be followed in the process of "finding something" in
the interpretation of the Qur'an is one of ijanafi's, al-Jabirl's and Madjid's
major concerns in their efforts to make Islam relevant to the modern world. In
contrast to ijanafi' s movement, which "starts from subject and ends in object"
263ijanafi, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7: 107; idem, Humum al-Fikr wa al-
Wa!an al- 'ArabI, 1: 358; and idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 140.
264AI-Jabir1, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqaliyya, 260; idem, Wijhat Na?,r, 63-67;
idem, "Fi Qaqaya al-Fikr wa aI-Dln," 8; and idem, "Quyym Thaqafat al-
Salam fi," 6.
265Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 199; and idem, "Pertimbangan
Kemaslahatan," 12-13.
266Madjid, "Abduhisme Pak Harun," 105-106; and idem, Islam Agama
Peradaban, 137-141. The translation is taken from The Meaning of the
Glorious Qur'an, 37.
265
or "starts from the inside and ends outside,,,267 al-Jabid instead proposes his
double movement "from subject to object" and "from object to subject,,,268
preferring what he calls rational relations (al-muna-siba al-fikriyya) to poetic
relations (al-muna-siba al-sha-'iriyya) because the latter, under which category
ijanafi's stance faIls, is subjective. Rational relations, on the other hand, start
from epistemological objectivity, in that an interpreter interacts with the text
that he chooses as his object by setting aside subjectivity, which he
reintroduces only when he feels that the distance that cuts him off from the
"objectivity" is historically accounted for.
269
It is a rational present in contrast
to ijanafi's emotional presence, which when pursued to the maximum extent
may, from Madjid's point of view, result in absolute subjectivity (hawa').
While he supports ijanafi's principle that it is the interpreter's intention that
will determine the meaning of a text, Madjid delays this stage until after the
interpreter has undertaken the process of discovering an objective meaning,
just as al-Jabid suggests.
270
As for what ought to be found in an interpretation, the three thinkers
are unanimous in designating 'Um ~ al-fiqh (an Islamic discipline that
267ijanafi, Dirasa Falsaflyya, 545-546; idem, Humum al-Fikr wa al-
Wa!an al- 'Arab[, 1: 358; idem, Al-Turah wa al-Tajdfd, 162; and idem, lfiwa-r
al-Ajyal,43.
268AI-Jabirl, Al-Turah wa al-lfadaha, 31-33.
269AI-Jabid, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqiifiyya, 254; and idem, Al- 'Aql al-
Siya-sfal- 'ArabI, 8.
266
ijanafi translates as les mthodes d'xegse), and the theory of al-
sharf'a (purposes of Islamic law) in particular, since the objectives of this
procedure revolve around the concepts of achieving what is in the public
interests (jalb and of avoiding public evils (dar' al-mafasid),
which themselves are to be found at the first level of necessities (al-
4aru-riyyat)?71 They differ only in terms of degree, since ijanafi's
revolutionary socio-political commitment compels him to assign priority to
property (al-mal) --here especially, the liberation of Muslim lands from foreign
occupation, especially the Israeli occupation of Palestine-- over religion,
intellect, pride and progeny. The success of liberating a Muslim land from
foreign occupation of any kind will, in ijanafi's calculation, lead to the
achievement of the other four goals.
272
On the other hand, the utmost goal of
al-Jabirl's interpretation is to rescue intellect from its damaged state and
thereby achieve modernity, for which task Arabs and Muslims desperately
270Madjid, Islam Agama Peradaban, 156-157 and 231; and idem,
Masyarakat Religius, 160-161.
271ijanafi, Dirasat Falsafiyya, 23, 25 and 166-167; and idem, Al-Dfn
wa al-Thaqtija wa al-Siyasa, 261, 267, 278, 297, 298 and 324; al-Jabirl, Al-
Dfmuqraiyya wa lfuquq al-Insan, 186-187; idem, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqaliyya,
260; idem, Al-Tura-th wa al-lfadatha, 56; idem, "Quyym al-Thaqafa al-
Islamiyya," 6-7; idem, Al-Dfmugraiyya wa lfuquq al-Insa-n, 186; and idem,
AI-'Aql al-Akhlaqf al- 'ArabI, 620; and Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 111;
idem, Masyarakat Religius, 130; and idem, "Mempertimbangkan
Kemaslahatan," 12 and 27.
272ijanafi, 1: 177; idem, "Muqaddima," 11-13; idem,
"Al-Yasar al-Islam!?," 19; idem, "Hal Yajz," 99; idem, Dira-scit Falsafiyya,
166; idem, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7: 107; idem, Islam in the Modern World, 1:
267
need democracy and rationality.273 Madjid, like al-Jabirl, makes intellect the
main target of his interpretation, out of which improvements to the other four
necessities will gradually be achieved (as may discemed from his
preoccupation with such subjects as rationalization and democratization).274
AlI three thinkers, therefore, see their interpretive effort as serving the wider
needs and interests of the Muslim community.
Unlike his first and second rules -which may perhaps be regarded as
methods of interpretation in the classical sense, but which are more a kind of
reinforcement of his third, fourth and fifth premises-- I-Janafi cornes to the
standard notion of method of interpretation in his third rule. Here, he proposes
approaches that classical Qur' anic interpretation would characterize as
thematic (al-maw4u-7) , inductive (al-istiqra'i), contextual (al-siya-qi) and
cross-referential (al-Qur'an yufassir ba'4uh ba'4an and irtiba al-aya-t)
hermeneutics, since this stage calls for a synopsis of the verses conceming one
theme. It is, therefore, a particularist (juz7) interpretation of the Qur'an, since
418; idem, Humum al-Fikr wa al-Wa!an al-'ArabT, 2: 617; and idem, Da'wa li
al-lfiwa-r, 10 and 140.
273AI-Jabirl, Wijhat Na?r, 6, 13 and 62-63; idem, Al-Tura-th wa al-
lfadatha, 33; idem, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqa]iyya, 250 and 260; idem, Al-
DTmuqraiyya wa lfuqu-q al-Insa-n, 194-196; idem, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-
Fikr," 8-9 and 13; and idem, "Quyym al-Thaqafat al-Islam," 6.
274Madjid, Islam, Kemodeman dan Keindonesiaan, 181-183; idem,
Islam, Kerakyatan dan Keindonesiaan, 180-194; idem, Masyarakat Religius,
125; idem, "Abdhuhisme Pak Harun," 104; and idem, "Pertimbangan
Kemaslahatan," 12-13. He also calls for the spreading of such principles as
da 'wa li al-khayr (calI for an idealistic good), of amr bi al-ma' nif (calI for a
268
this kind of interpretation starts by determining what Muslims need most in the
Scripture.
275
Essentially, both al-Jabir1 and Madjid adopt similar approaches to
that of ijanafi, but unlike the latter (who explains the procedure that an
interpreter should folIow in colIecting, reading and understanding
simultaneously aIl the verses concerning the theme that is of interest to him),
neither of them elaborates on any specifie steps. ijanafi would even have the
interpreter carry out these steps several times over in order to grasp the overalI
orientation of the verses under study, but more in terms of topic than
chronology.276 By thus favouring content over historieal context, moreover,
ijanafi replies to Rahman, who strove to establish in his responses to Islamic
fundamentalism on the one hand and Western modernity on the other the
interpretive value of chronology.
Compared to both al-Jabir1 and Madjid, ijanafi can also be said to be
the more articulate in this regard, because while neither al-Jabir1 nor Madjid is
explicit, ijanafi is emphatic: "The Qur'an interpreted is not the Holy Qur'an,
but the Qur'anic Lexicon, al-Mu'jam al-Mufahras, the Qur'an edited according
to theme in alphabetical order of words, verbs, nouns and articles.,,277 In
practical good), and of nahy 'an al-munkar (calI for avoiding evil). Idem,
Islam, Kerakyatan dan Keindonesiaan, 200-201.
275ijanafi, Islam in the Modem World, 1: 419; and idem, Al-Dfn wa al-
Thawra, 7: 102.
276ijanafi, Islam in the Modem World, 1: 419; and idem, "Al-Yasar al-
Islam1?," 19.
277ijanafi, Islam in the Modem World, 1: 419.
269
practice, however, both al-Jabirl
278
and Madjid
279
apply the standard classical
approaches in their interpretation of the Scripture, just as ijanafi does. The
difference between ijanafi on the one hand and both al-Jabid and Madjid on
the other lies mainly in the fact that the initial concern of the latter two is not
with the reconstruction of 'Um al-fiqh (a largely forgotten Islamic
methodology) as it is ijanafi's. Nevertheless, neither al-Jabirl nor Madjid can
ignore the fact that, as Muslim scholars, they must both be ready to solve daily
Islamic problems in the strictest religious sense (jiqhi) in order to be accepted
by their fellow Muslims. In this respect, al-Jabirl tends to contradict himself.
"The reconstruction of understanding the religious texts," he firmly states, "is
not my interest, since 1am not a religious reformer nor a propagandist. 1do not
have any interest in establishing a new theology.,,280 The last phrase of the
foregoing reminds one of the primary goal of ijanafi's Min al- 'Aqfda Ua- al-
Thawra (From Faith to Revolution), due to which sorne Egyptian 'ulama' have
accused him of unbelief.
281
Nevertheless, al-Jabid's credentials as a religious
278See for example, al-Jabirf, Al-Dfmuqrafiyya wa lfuqriq al-Insa-n,
200-261; and idem, Wijhat Na?-r, 70.
279See for example, Madjid, Masyarakat Religius, 152; idem, Dialog
Keterbukaan, 262; and idem, "Pendahuluan," xxiv-xxvii.
280AI-Jabirl, "Fi Qaqaya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 8-9.
281For more information on Egyptian responses to ijanafi's Min al-
'Aqfda ila-al-Thawra, see, for example, Mabrik, "AI-Turath wa al-Tajdid," 15;
'Abd al-Mu't1 MUQ-ammad Bayrr, "ijasan ijanafi bayn al-'Aqa'id wa 'lim
al-'Aqa'id," in AQ-mad 'Abd al-ijalim 'Atiyya, ed., Jadal al-Xna wa al-A"Khar:
Qira-'a Naqdiyya fi Fikr lfasan lfanafifi 'Id Mlla-dih al-Sittfn (Cairo: Madbli
1997),41-80; 'Ali ijusayn al-Jabid, "'Aqlaniyyat ijasan ijanafi wa
270
scholar are unquestioned thanks to the volume of his writings on strictly jiqh
and kalam problems.2
82
Madjid's dialectics travel from IJanafi to al-Jabirl and back to IJanafi
again. "Young" Madjid was at one time supportive of the slogan "Islam:
'Aqlda wa Sharl'a (Islam: Faith and Law)," which happens also to be the title
of one of Mal].md Shaltt' s most famous works, and one popular among
members of the "radical" modernist wing of the Masjumi. At this stage he may
be said to have resembled IJanafi, but Madjid then abandonded the approach in
1970 by questioning "the sacred cow of Islamic politics," to use Greg Barton's
term,283 since his slogan "Islam, Yes, but Islamic Party, No" deconstructed the
jiqh-based Masjumi political orientation, while leading Madjid to promote
what he notoriously used to call "Snouckism" referring to the Islamophobia
that Suharto's New Order used to promote. This resulted in Madjid's demotion
as the "crown prince" of Masjumi (he had been popularly known as "Young
Makanatuh," in idem, 241-260; and Al].mad 'Abd al-IJalim 'Atiyya, "IJasan
IJanafi wa Nuqqaduh," in idem, 331-353; al-'Alim, Mawa-qij Naqdiyya, 19-24.
In addition, IJarb crticizes IJanafi, whom he considers as too ambitious
to be recognized as the founder of Occidentalism, for not mentioning Arab
thinkers who have similar ideas about Occidentalism (like al-Jabir1 and Mata'
in his Muqaddima fl '/lm al-Istighrb. Harb, Naqd 27-60.
Nevertheless, IJarb ignores the fact that IJanafi constantly writes "with my
colleague Mul].ammad 'Abid al-Jabir1" when quoting his lfiwar al-Mashriq wa
al-Maghrib (A Dialogue between East [Egypt: fJanafi] and West [Morocco: al-
Jabirl]). On the other hand, al-Jabirl always says "mu'allif mushariq" (co-
writer) when referring to the book, thus avoiding any explisit reference to
IJanafi. See Wahyudi, "Dari Disertasi menuju Revolusi," viii-xv.
282AI-Jabir1, AI-Dfmuqraiyya wa lfuqu-q al-Insan, 180-261.
283Barton, "The International Context," 75.
271
Natsir,,).284 It was in order to accommodate Suharto's militarism that Madjid
popularized the term neo-modemism, in the sense that he tried to unite
Muslims belonging to such puritanist and modemist organizations as the
Persatuan Islam, Masjumi and Muhammadiyah on the one hand, and such
traditionalist ones as the Nahdlatul Ulama and AI-Washliyah on the other, aIl
of whom were known for their fiqh-oriented Islam. On the other hand, he
introduced his concept of civilizational Islam to "transcend" the "Islam: 'Aqlda
wa Sharl'a." Like al-Jiibir1, however, Madjid had to face reality in the sense
that his civilizational Islam would only have an impact on Indonesian Muslims
if he could solve their daily problems related to fiqh. Willingly or unwillingly,
this "contemporary" Madjid, like al-Jiibir1, has had to become afaqih, teaching
in his tum what he has criticized elsewhere as ad hoc Islam, and its proponents
as fuqaha-' al-lJayl/ (Muslim jurists who specialize in menstruation (a
derogatory term as ijanafi likewise calls them, quoting al-Khumaynl?85
Madjid,286 like ijanafi,287 who has written on such standard topics as fasting,
284Madjid, "The Issue of Modemization," 379-382; Faith, "Suharto's
Search," 88-105; Alfian, "Suharto and the Question," 536-537; Samson, "Islam
and Politics," 297-299; Hasan, Muslim Intelectual Responses, 3; and Wahyudi,
"Hasan Hanafi Mujaddid Abad ke-15?," xv.
285ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IslaIT?," 19; and idem, "Hal Yajuz," 99.
286Madjid, for example, "Penghayatan Makna Ibadah Puasa," 411-421;
idem, "Abduhisme Pak Harun," 107-108; idem, Kaki Langit, 54; and idem,
Dialog Keterbukaan, 112, 117, 119, 122, 145,231 and 249.
287See, for example, ijanafi, Al-Dzn wa al-Thaqa]a wa al-Siyasa, 385-
421.
272
but unlike ijanafi, whose initial concern was al-fiqh,288 he had to
refamiliarize himself with the discipline.
289
ijanafi underlines the function of language, making the classification of
linguistic forms the fourth rule of his thematic interpretation. Language, for
him, is merely a thread leading to the content of thought, that is to say,
meaning (whose point of reference is in turn external reality).290 The
application of linguistic principles (like lJaqTqa and majaz, mulJkam and
mutashbih, mujmal and mubayyan, ?hir and mu'awwal, muflaq and
muqayyad, 'a-mm and kha-H), as weIl as the analysis of formaI structure and
linguistic formulation from the perspective of grammar to the Qur'an, will help
determine (ijanafi assures us) and even guarantee the validity of the meaning
deduced from it.
291
AI-Jabir1likewise makes language an integral part of his
288See also, Wa'il GhaIi, Ibn Rushdfi (Cairo: Dar Qiba', 1999),
80.
289As a graduate of a pesantren, Madjid has a better knowledge of
al-fiqh than many of those Indonesian Muslim doctors who earned their Ph.D.
degrees specializing in al-fiqh subject, but who criticize al-fiqh
based at best on their two introductory semesters at the IAIN. Sorne of them do
not even know Arabic. See Wahyudi, "Hanafi: Mujaddid Abad ke-15?," xviii,
no. 28; and idem, "Senam Hermeneutika," iv. It is likewise due to the lack of
an understanding of al-fiqh and Arabic even among sorne Madjid's
supporters that sorne criticisms of Madjid by his enemies are left unanswered.
It is thus clear that Madjid cornes closest to ijanafi when he draws on his
pesantren background, an education that sorne of his staunchest supporters like
M. Dawam Rahardjo and Fakhri Ali are lacking.
290ijanafi, Islam in the Modem World, 1: 418-419; idem, Dira-selt
Falsafiyya, 59; and idem, Al-DTn wa al-Thawra, 7: 74.
291ijanafi, Qaq,aya- 1: 185; idem, Al-DTn wa al-Thawra, 7:
79-80; idem, Islam in the Modem World, 1: 411; and idem, /fiwa-r al-Ajyal,
422-423 and 455-456.
273
historical critical method,292 as he demonstrates, for instance, in rejecting the
term al-Isla-miyya (Islamic awakening) and using the term tajdfd in
its place. For unlike which tends to signify the superficial and local
dimensions of Islamic history, tajdfd has a deeply rooted Islamic dimension
that has manifested itself in the past and will continue to do so in future: its
origin can be traced as far back as the ijadith "God will raise at the head of
each century such people for this ummah, as will revive (yujaddid) its religion
for it.,,293 Since it relates to the improvement of both worldly and heavenly
conditions, the tajdzd in religious affairs is tantamount to tajdzd in worldly
affairs as weIl. on the other hand is foreign to the Islamic tradition. Not
only is it a Western-imported concept (usually translated as "Islamic
awakening" in English), but it is also pejorative, since it implies that Islam has
fallen asleep while the West has remained wide awake. For al-Jabirl, Islam
never sleeps; hence, a term that implies passivity must be rejected.
294
In addition, al-Jabir1 demands that an interpreter read the words before
reading the meaning of a text, and that he clear his mind of heritage-
292AI-Jabir1, Al-Dfmuqrafiyya wa lfuqu-q al-Insan, 182-187; idem, Al-
'Aql al-Akhla-qzal- 'Arabl, 144; and idem, Bunyat al- 'Aql al- 'Arabl, 270-314.
293AI-Jabir1 does not provide us with any references in quoting the
ijadith, but it can be round in Ab Dawd, Sunan, 2: 512. The translation is
taken from Hamim, "Moenawar Chalil's Reformist Thought," 2.
294AI-Jabir1, Wijhat Na;.r, 39-41; and idem, al-IsIamiyya wa
al-Thaqafiyya in Sa'd al-Dln IbrahIm, ed., al-
Islamiyya wa Humu-m al-Wa/an al- 'Arabz (Oman: Muntadi al-Fikr al-' ArabI,
1987), 275-276. See also, 'Amr al-Shawbaka, "[A Review of] Mul)ammad
274
presumptions or present interests before embarking on his task. Distractions of
this sort should be set aside, clearing the way for a single purpose, which is to
derive the meaning of the text from the text itself?95 Madjid puts special stress
on the significance of linguistics in interpretation, since, like ijanafi, he
acknowledges that the classical classification of Qur'anic words into such pairs
as mu1Jkam and mutashbih is of great importance to the understanding of
Scripture. This classification is, however, not only a source of pluralistic but
also of conflicting interpretation,296 the latter aspect being what ijanafi tries to
eradicate through his Heritage and Modemity movement.
297
Moreover, Madjid,
like al-Jabirl, also makes language an integral part of his historical critical
method,298 although in sorne ways to so excessive an extent that his critics
accuse him of harming Islam by trying to separate the linguistic dimension of
'Abid al-Jabirl's Al-Dln wa al-Dawla wa Ta!blq al-Sharl'a," Al-Mustaqbal al-
'ArabflO (1996): 144-145.
295AI-Jabirl, Al-Turah wa al-lfadctha, 32; and idem, Al- 'Aql al-Siya-sl
al- 'Arabi, 8. Tarablshl, however, criticizes al-Jabirl for being inconsistent.
Instead of applying this principle, he jumps to the meaning he wishes to derive.
He even changes and transfers the original texts under study by projecting on
them his own understanding. Tarablshl, Madhbihat al-Turah, 91-92; and
idem, Na'{.arriyat al- 'Aql, 266. Mul}.ammad, on the other hand, does not agree
with Tarablshl's accusation, since al-Jabir1 in his view does not steal
someone's ideas. Mul}.ammad, Naqd al- 'Aql al- 'Arabl fi al-Mizan, 206-207
and 243-246.
296Madjid, "Masalah Ta'wil," Il; and idem, "Taqlid dan Ijtihad," 344-
345.
297ijanafi, Al-Turah wa al-Tajdzd, 185; idem, Qa4aya- 1:
183; idem, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 418; 2: 34; idem, Al-lfaraka-t al-
Islamiyya fi 63; idem, Al-Dzn wa al-Thawra, 7: 111-119; and idem,
Dirasa Islamiyya, 546-547.
275
an established concept from its standard Islamic (shar7 or iSfil1Jl) one. A case
in point is Madjid's translation of "La llaha illa Allah" into "There is no god
but God" instead of "There is no God but Allah." This approach has been
resented in sorne quarters, as Woodward explains it, "Madjid was denounced
as a theosophist; an agent of Zionism and its supposed ally, Western
Orientalism; an apostate; an enemy of Islam seeking to destroy Islam from
within; a person who should be 'b[r]ought to justice by the Islamic
community;' a 'stranger in the land of Allah;' and a 'cancer which must be
removed from the body of Islam. ",299
The first appearance of the meaning, according to ijanafi, is the
linguistic form, which he classifies into six aspects. The first of these is verbal
(indicating action) or nominal (referring to substance). The second is time,
namely, present, past and future, indicating the difference between the
narrative, the factual description, and the future; indeed, reality (truth) is
expressed in three modes of time to indicate its permanence. The third is
number, which can be in singular form, indicating an individual quality like
consciousness (shu 'u-r) , or in plural form referring to collective or social
concepts such as people (na-s). The fourth is the possessive adjective, which
can be a pronoun or a relative conjunction (indeed, those nouns that do not take
a possessive adjective cannot be owned or personalized, like heaven or earth),
298Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 254.
299Woodward, "Talking Across Paradigms," 12.
276
with pronouns being further classified into the first, second or third person.
The fifth is vocalization, significant because nouns can be nominative
(indicating action of the efficient cause or subject), accusative (indicating
object) or dative (indicating spatial relations between subject and object). The
sixth is definition, according to which nouns can be either definite (which
indicates a singularity and is an address to the particular) or indefinite (which
refers to collectivism and is an address to the general).300 By contrast, it is
interesting that neither al-Jabir1 nor Madjid has anything to say about the
classification of linguistic forms and its effects on interpretation.
Unlike al-Jabir1 and Madjid, who are both silent on the concept of
building the structure of the interpreted object, ijanafi makes this his fifth rule.
The interpreter must, ijanafi insists, adopt Husserl' s approach in going "from
the meaning to the object, from the noesis to the noema.,,301 What is interesting
here though is his departure from his own third, fourth and fifth premises and
his first and second rules of interpretation, according to which he laid heavy
stress on the interests, and thus the subjectivity, of the interpreter. With his
fifth rule, ijanafi attempts a fusion of horizions, by reducing the reader' s
intention to the same level as that of the author as expressed in the text. "The
meaning and the object," he explains, "are one thing, two facets of the same
intentionality. The meaning is the subjective object, the object is the objective
300 ijanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 419-420.
30IIbid., 1: 420. Italics are mine.
277
subject.,,302 ln gravitating towards the position of both al-Jbirl and Madjid,
ijanafi thus tries to solve the problem of psychologism by minimalizing the
confusion of meaning and relevance that characterizes his originally subjective
approach, since at this stage he only emphasizes the process of verticalizing the
reader' s understanding of the text (ta 'w or while leaving the process of
rehorizontalizing (tanz) his horizons to the next step (mIe 6). AI-Jbirl would
in tum consider this as the process of balancing poetic and rational relations
(al-munasaba al-sha-'iriyya and al-munasaba al-fikriyya), making the text
contemporary both to itself and to its readers at the same time.
303
ln this way,
ijanafi, like both al-Jbir1 and Madjid, upholds the principle of "author-
centered meaning," by acknowledging the moment of self-recognition in the
dialectics between the reader' s intention and the author' s intention or between
the al-Shi' (to use the al-fiqh term) and the reader's intention.
Nevertheless, the process of grasping the author' s intention, as ijanafi,
al-Jbir1 and Madjid aIl confirm, confronts one with another procedural
problem, since none of them deals with what both 'ilm aljiqh and 'ilm al-
tafslr characterize as the tartib al-aya-t min hayth al-mawcfu-' (the thematic
hierarchy of Qur'anic verses). The failure to take account of this step may
result in confusion as to which verse best expresses a given theme, leading in
tum to different and even contradictory interpretations. On the other hand,
302Ibid.
278
while the three thinkers are aware of another problem, Le., that of how to grasp
the author's intention (namely, the conflict of authority (ta'a-ruc/ al-adilla)),
ijanafi and Madjid tend to disregard it, though for slightly different reasons.
ijanafi for his part condemns any discussion of "impractical" issues when
engaged in interpretation, such as the Hanafite arguments of hypothetical
jurisprudence (jiqh al-iftiraqf al-lfanafi).304 On the other hand, Madjid seems
to have left the problem for others to solve, while he indulges in an
"impractical" understanding of Islam, which has led sorne of his opponents to
criticize him severely30S-- "as a dangerous thinker," to quote Pederspiel.
306
AI-Jabir1, on the other hand, puts a little more effort into solving the problem.
Insisting that there is no real contradiction in the Qur'an, al-Jabir1 reintroduces
several al-fiqh solutions. To determine the meaning of the seemingly
contradictory Qur'anic verses, one should consider them, he says, in the light
of the al-Sharf'a and the asbav al-nuzul. Thus when a specific ruling
303AI-Jabir1, Al-Mas'ala al-Thaqiijiyya, 254; and idem, Al-Turath wa
al-lfadatha, 54-56.
304ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islarrii?,"15; idem, Dirasat Falsafiyya, 26; and
idem, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7: 70. It is to transform an "impractical" Islam
into a "practical" one that ijanafi wrote his Min al- 'Aqfda ila-al-Thawra, as al-
Barbar1 rightly recognizes. AI-Barbar1, Ishkaliyyat al-Turath, 223-230. See
also, Wahyudi, "Hasan Hanafi: Mujaddid Abad ke-15?," xii; and idem, "Dari
Disertasi menuju Revolusi," vii.
30SSee, for example, Nataadmaja, Hanacaraka Ilmu dan Alfabet
Perjuangan, 250-262; Husnan, Ilmiah Intelektual dalam Sorotan; Djaelani,
Menelusuri Kekeliruan; and Hakiem, ed., Menggugat Gerakan Pembaharuan
Keagamaan.
306Pederspiel, Muslim Intellectuals, 42.
279
(al-1Jukm al-juz7) can be shown to contradict a general ruling (al-1Jukm al-
kulli), then the former can be analyzed according to the perpsective of the
latter. By the same token, one must consider al-mutashbih verses in the light
of al-mu1Jkam ones, and in so doing conform to the rule of the al-mabaal' wa
al-kulliyya-t (general and universal principles of the Qur'an).307
ijanafi does however recognize the inherent weaknesses in the
deductive linguistic method that he outlines, especially the fact that it ignores
inductive experimental method, which he in tum considers as an Islamic
(shar') principle and a valid form of legal analogy (al-qiyas al-shar7), based
on the analysis of efficient cause. To fill this lacuna he obliges an interpreter to
look at the asbb al-nuzul. The significance of the latter is that they represent
the actual circumstances surrounding the revelation of individual verses, and
that these circumstances are at the same time representative of the repeated
experiences in the lives of others. By referring the understanding of the verse
to the living experiences of the interpreter, one transforms the asbb al-nuzul
into the living/present human situation,30S an approach with which both al-
Jabir1
309
and Madjid
310
completely agree. It is thus clear that ijanafi, who
307AI-Jiibirl, Al-Dfmuqra;iyya wa lfuqu-q al-Insan, 182-187; idem, Al-
Turcith wa al-lfadatha, 54-56; and idem, AI-Mas'ala al-ThaqciJiyya, 260.
3osijanafi, Qa4ya- Mu'a-#ra, 1: 185; idem, AI-Turrith wa al-Tajdfd,
116; idem, lfiwar al-Ajyal, 43; and idem, "Hal Yajz," 100.
309AI-Jabir1, AI-Dfmuqra{iyya wa lfuqu-q al-Insan, 182-187; idem,
Wijhat Na'{.r, 76; and idem, AI-Turath wa al-lfadatha, 59.
280
elsewhere designates the reader' s intention as the center around which
everything else must revolve, now postpones the process until he arrives at the
stage of grasping the author's intention, as do both al-Jabirl and Madjid. As a
result, the criticism levelled by al-'Alim,311 Ab Zayd
312
and Mabrk
313
at
fJanafi for sacrificing the objectivity of the text for the subjectivity of the
interpreter seems no longer to be irrelevant.
Yet in his sixth rule, "analyzing the factual situation," fJanafi tries to
restore the balance by minimizing the subjectivity of the interpreter. While
acknowledging the unavoidability of what Heidegger defines as "the circularity
of human understanding,,,314 fJanafi still insists on the importance of the
dialogue between the author's and the reader's horizons. Nevertheless, he
places more weight on the author' s intention ("the meaning in the dynamics of
the text in the extemal world,,315), a dimension of the Qur'an that Madjid calls
its "natural" and "historical" verses,316 by obliging the interpreter to switch to
31OMadjid, "Konsep Asbab al-Nuzul," 38; and idem, "AI-Qur' an, Kaum
Intelektual," Ill.
311Al-'Alim, Al-Wa'y wa al-Wa'y al-Za-'if, 79.
312Mabrk, "Al-Turath wa al-Tajcfid," 33-42.
313Ab Zayd, "AI-Turath bayn al-Ta'wl1 wa al-Talwln," 54-109; and
idem, Naqd al-Khifb al-Dfnl, 75-127.
314Adam Davidow, "Gadamer: The Possibility of Interpretation,"
http://www.sbcc.cc.us/academiciphil/stoaiDavidow.html (accessed 18 Novem-
ber, 2001), 1.
315fJanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 420.
316Madjid, Kaki Langit, 170; idem, "Pendahuluan," xxvi-xxvii; and
idem, "Kemungkinan Menggunakan," 280-282.
281
the factual reality of the topie he is trying to interpret. By reinterpreting the
asbb al-nuzul as a Qur'anic response to the realities of nature (which in tum
is the source of revelation itself) and thus a call for a retum to nature,317 ijanafi
rehorizontalizes in his sixth rule the interpreter' s understanding of the text
(tanzU).318 By the same token al-Jabirl reformulates the significance of the
asbb al-nuzul, demanding that, in addition to their classical understanding of
these circumstances, contemporary Muslims make them relevant to their
present Islam by expanding them to encompass what ijanafi calls the
"living/present human situation,,,319 consisting of both the present and the
future.
32o
According to classieal al-fiqh, the three thinkers might be said to
favour the formula "al- 'ibra bi- 'umu-m al-laf? la- al-sabab" (the
principle is the universality of ruling and not the partieularity of cause), a way
of thinking that renders an ancient event relevant to Muslims both now and in
the time to come.
317ijanafi, Les mthodes d'exgse, CCIX [sic!] and 309-321; idem,
Qaetaya- 1: 185; idem Al-Turath wa al-Tajdfd, 15, 116, 136, 161,
162, 166 and 167; idem, "Al-Yasar al-Islanii?," 30-31; idem, Al-Dfn wa al-
Thawra, 2: 29; 7: 69, 73-75, 78 and 108; idem, Dinsi Falsaflyya, 24 and 56;
and idem, Humu-m al-Fikr wa al-Watan al- 'Arabf, 1: 17-56
318ijanafi, Al-Turath wa al-Tajdfd, 161-162; idem, Dirasat Falsafiyya,
22; and idem, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 7: 73-75.
319ijanafi, Qaetaya- 1: 185; idem, Al-Turath wa al-Tajdfd,
116; and idem, lfiwar al-Ajyal, 43.
32oAI-Jabir"i, Al-Dfmuqrafiyya wa lfuquq al-Insan, 195-197; idem,
Wijhat Na?r, 76; idem, Al-Turath wa al-lfadatha, 59; and idem, Al- 'Aql al-
Akhlaqfal- 'Arabf, 143.
282
ijanafi also encourages the application of disciplines like statistics, so
as to provide Muslims with external proofs of the truth of the text.
321
Their
failure to do so until now has resulted in their relative backwardness with
respect to the West, where it is expected that an interpeter should "know
quantitatively and statistically the real components of the situation, causes of
phenomenon and factors of change, with the maximum of precision using
figures and diagrams.,,322 Nor does al-Jiibid or Madjid doubt the efficacy of the
humanities and social sciences (like statistics) as tools for bridging the distance
between internaI and external truth. This, for Madjid, will help an interpreter
grasp the objective, and hence, the true meaning of the Qur'iin,323 while for al-
Jiibid it would serve to deconstruct the domination of the fundamentalist
understanding of heritage from the perspective of heritage alone and at the
same time make the Qur'iin contemporary to its readers.
324
AlI three of our thinkers conform to Habermas' s recommendation of
the application of "critical or depth hermeneutics" by engaging in "scientific
explanation of the real (social and economic) constraints placed upon their
321ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-IsliiIT?," 18; and idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 13-
14 and 114-115.
322ijanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 420; idem, Dira-sa
Falsafiyya, 548; and idem, Al-Dfn wa al-ThaqaJa wa al-Siyasa, 291.
323Madjid, "Pendahuluan," xxviii; idem, Kaki Langit, 27-28; idem,
Pintu-pintu, 117; idem, "Kemungkinan Menggunakan," 280-281; and idem,
"AI-Qur'an, Kaum Intelektual," 111.
324A1-Jiibid, Ishkaliyyat al-Fikr al- 'Arabf al-Mu a - ~ i r 10; idem, Al-
Turath wa al-lfadaha, 104; idem, Na!Jn wa al-Tura-th, 13; and idem, Wijhat
Na'{.r, 44-46.
283
interpreters.,,325 It is at this stage that the three thinkers fully express the
combination of Qur'anic, "natural" and "historical" (the last of which ijanafi
would calI "social") verses, a kind of combination of Madjid's sunnat Al[ah
and taqdTr Allh,326 which to sorne extent parallels Dilthey' s formula
Verstehen and Erkliiren.
327
On the other hand, ijanafi intentionally reminds his
contemporary fellow Muslims of the significance of reviving the forgotten
Islamic sciences in the strictest modern Western sense by taking the same
approach to them as in natural science, biology, astronomy or pharmacy.328
This essential element, in al-'Alim's viewpoint, distinguishes ijanafi from
sorne other contemporary reformists, like 'Adil ijusayn.
329
ijanafi,330 al-
Jabir1
331
and Madjid
332
thus promote the revival of neo-Averroism in order that
325"Critical Approaches to Hermeneutics," www2.canisius.ed/-
gallaghr/ahcri.htm (accessed November 18,2001), 1.
326Madjid, Masyarakat Religius, 26, 33-34, 146-148, 160 and 164-167;
idem, "Pendahuluan," xxvi-xxvii; idem, Islam, Kerakyatan dan
Keindonesiaan, 20; idem, "Kemungkinan Menggunakan," 280-281; and idem,
"Pandangan Dunia AI-Qur'an," 7.
327Wilhlem Dilthey, Gesammelte Schriften, edited by Georg Misch
(Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1924), 5: 144; James Phillips, "Key
Concepts: Hermeneutics," Philosophy, Psychiatry, & Psychology 3,1 (1996):
61-62; and Don Ihde, "Expanding Hermeneutics," www.sunysb.edu/
philosophy/faculty/ papers/Expherm.htm (accessed November 18,2001),2.
328ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Isla11?," 13; idem, Al-Tura-th wa al-Tajdld,
154-186; and idem, Dira-sat Falsafiyya, 100-106 and 157-167.
329Al-'Alim, MafanTm wa Q a a y a ~ 74.
330ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islaml?," 16; idem, Al-DTn wa al-Thaqcfa wa
al-Siya-sa, 37; and idem, Dirasat Isla-miyya, 158-159.
331AI-Jabid, Ibn Rushd: STra wa Fikr, 10-11; idem, F a ~ l Akhar min
ijiwar al-Mashriq wa al-Maghrib," 15; idem, "Jadid fi al-Fikr al-Siyasl," 6;
284
their contemporary co-religionists combine abstract, rational and theoretical
considerations with real, practical and empirical approaches in their ijtiha-d, a
process that they must, in keeping with u ~ u l al-fiqh, adopt. Otherwise they are
bound to fail (al-amr bi al-shay' amr bi wasa-'ilih and ma-la- yatimm al-wa]ib
fahuwa wcjib).
In practice, the sixth rule will allow an interpreter to achieve the
correspondent and coherent truth of the Qur' an at the same time, but ijanafi
still insists that the interpreter recheck the process by comparing the ideal with
the real. This is a further indication that he minimizes the subjectivity of the
interpreter here by positioning the latter directly in between the text (as Das
Sallen) and reality (as Das Sein), instead of above these two as he did in his
first and second rules. "In Hegelian terms," ijanafi explains, "between Being
and Nothingness, Becoming emerges."333 However, one cannot arrive at an
ideal structure through content-analysis of the Qur'an, as ijanafi proposes,
unless one has first of all determined the relationship between the Qur' anic
divine-yet-finite text a l - n a ~ ~ and changes of time and circumstance (al- 'ur/).
The relationship is on the one hand an integral part of the hermeneutic circle of
what is alleged to be Quranic contradiction (ta 'a-ru4 al-adilla), and what on the
other deals with the dialectics of al-naH and al- 'urf. In other words, ta 'a-ru4
idem, "Ibn Rushd: al-'Ilm wa al-Fadila," 5-13; and idem, "Ibn Rushd: al-'Asa
. .
al-Qatila," 5-25.
332Madjid, "Warisan Intelektual Islam," 38; idem, "Kemungkinan
Menggunakan," 280-281; and idem, "Pandangan Dunia AI-Qur'an," 7-8.
285
al-adilla deals more with different manifestations of God's intentions for
human beings as expressed in different Quranic verses, whereas the
relationship between text and circumstance pertains more to the dialectics of
God and human beings, and, hence, of religion and civilization.
Standard al-fiqh classifies 'uri into positive and negative (al- 'uri
and al- 'uri al-fasid), in the latter of which (public interest) is
to be found, and which in turn the three reformists unanimously consider as the
essence of the Qur'an. In the case of contradiction, public interest should, both
ijanafe
34
and al-Jabir1
335
conclude, be given priority over the Qur'anic text.
Madjid is like both ijanafi and al-Jabir1 in his emulation of 'Umar's
comparison between the ideal itself (the universal and particular Qur'anic
verses) and the real (Muslim general and particular interests), demonstrated in
his approach to distributing the fa'y (booty) of the fertile Crescent that the
Muslims had just conquered. Madjid, though he is less emphatic than ijanafi
and al-Jabir1, in that he implies that public interest can take precedence over
the Quranic text, an al-fiqh solution that may involve the concepts of
istiIJsa-n (searching for good) and isti#ar, (searching for interest, defined as al-
ma#aIJa al- 'a-mma, al-ma#alJa al-mursala or 'umum al-balwa, aU of which he
333ijanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 420.
334ijanafi, Qa4aya- 1: 177; idem, "Al-Yasar al-Islam1?:' 15;
idem, Dira-sa Falsafiyya, 166; idem, Al-Turath wa al-Tajdfd, 178; and idem,
lfiwa-r al-Ajyal, 39.
335AI-Jiibir1, Al-Dfmuqraiyya wa lfuqq al-Inscln, 186-187; idem, Al-
Mas'ala al-Thaqaliyya, 260; and idem, Al-Turah wa al-lfada-tha, 56.
286
translates into "public interest,,).336 "HopefuIly," Madjid concludes, "we
[Indonesian Muslims] can learn from the wisdom of this very decisive figure in
Islamic history ['Umar], whom Muslims often point to as the exemplar of an
open, democratic and just ruler.,,337
If one applies al-Jabirl's concept of deconstruction (tafkik) to the debate
over the booty won by the first generation of Muslims, one could say that
'Umar deconstructed the real as his opponents presented it to him, since he
exchanged the permanent relations structured or fixed in their minds, i.e., their
literalist and particularist approaches for his own structureless or merely
different approaches (taIJawwulat), which happened to be liberal and
universalist in nature. In his conversion of the permanent (al-thbith) into the
changing (mutaghayyir) , the absolute (al-mutlaq) into the relative (nisbl), the
a-historical into the historical, and the etemal (al-la- zamanl) into the temporal
(zama-nl),338 'Umar substituted the rights of the mujhidfn, whom the Qur'an
rewards with four-fifths of the booty for their participation in war, with the
rights of all Muslims (present and future). 'Umar in tum believed that he could
better protect the latter by paying the troops a salary derived from the booty. In
so doing, 'Umar liberated aIl Muslims from the monopoly of the mujhidfn
336Madjid, "Pertimbangan Kemaslahatan," 12. For more information on
these concepts, see, for example, Yudian Wahyudi, "Hasbi's Theory of !jtiha-d
in the Context of Indonesian Fiqh," M.A. thesis, McGill University, 1993, 50-
80.
337Madjid, "Pertimbangan Kemaslahatan," 27.
3380n the concepts, see al-Jabirl, Al-Turath wa al-lfada-tha, 47-48.
287
and their descendants, a hidden agenda which al-Jlibir1 would call al-la--
'aqliyya (irrationality). Though he faced protest from sorne mujhidi"n, he
declared the Prophet's decision of distributing four-fifths of the booty from
Khaybar to all mujhidfn to be a kind of al-ma#alJa al-zamaniyya (temporary
public interest), one that can change depending on changes of people, times,
places and causes. On the other hand, al-Jlibir1 would say that the universal
principles (al-maba-dl' and al-kulliyyat) of the Qur'lin that 'Umar strove to
abide by are absolute, while their application, shown in 'Umar's departures
from the Prophet's practice remains relative.
339
The significance of 'Umar's
deconstruction is, thus, his application of what Brian Fay terms "intentional
action concepts,,340 in questening the interpreter' s intentions, plans or desires
behind his "statistically presented fact."
ijanafi' s eighth and last rule, "description of modes of action," does not
in fact lead an interpreter to conclude that a comparison between the Ideal and
the real, as explained in the previous step, will automatically produce a
Zuhandenheit ("ready-to-hand") solution -to use Heidegger's term.
341
On the
contrary, it may reveal a gap between them, a fact that both al-Jlibirl and
Madjid acknowledge as the "objective truth." The way to close such a gap, for
ijanafi, is to combine "logos" with "praxis," a process of adapting the Ideal so
339AI-Jlibir1, Al-Dfmuqra]iyya wa lfuqu-q al-Insa-n, 186-187.
340Brian Fay, Social Theory and Political Practice (London, Boston
and Sydney: George Allen & Unwin, 1977), 71-72.
341Heidegger, Being and Time, 69.
288
that it is closer to the real, and the real so that it is closer to the Ideal. 342 This
undertaking --which is essentially Madjid's horizontalization of Islam at the
practical, and not theoretical, level (pembumian Islam)-- revolves around
human relations. This historical interaction (or IJabl min al-nas from the
Qur' anic perspective) entails finding a means of communication that will
ensure legitimacy. In order to achieve what Habermas calls "undistorted
communication,,,343 ijanafi makes language reform a necessary step in his
methods of reform (Juruq al-tajdfd). The traditional language of the classical
Islamic heritage can no longer, he reasons, serve as a means of communication,
since it is out of date. It is inapplicable, since it is uniquely divine, religious,
historical and technical in the sense that it revolves around such metaphysical
concepts as God and miracles in addition to such out-of-date concepts as that
of jawhar al{ard (atomism) debated in Islamic theology. Muslims should,
according to ijanafi, replace this with a new language, which is universal,
open, rational, empirical, human, but Arabic, at the same time.
344
342fJanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 421; idem, Les mthodes,
309-321; and idem, Da'wa li al-lfiwa-r, 114-116.
343"Critical Approaches to Hermeneutics," 1.
344ijanafi, Al-Turath wa al-Tajdfd, 113-123; idem, Les mthodes,
LXXIX-CXXXIX (sic!); idem, Da'wa li al-lfiw, 7-9; idem, lfiwa-r al-Ajyal,
7-9; and idem, Humu-m al-Fikr wa al-Wa!an al-'Arabl, 1: 352-3.
289
Al-Jabir1 wants to maintain the original terminology of Islam,345 but
Madjid necessitates the articulation of a new interpretation in the light of
ijanafi's paradigm.
346
On the other hand, al-Jabir1 is consonant with ijanafi's
proposaI for positioning Arabic as the Zingua franca of Islamic reform,
whereas Madjid takes the opposite stance. The reason for al-Jabirl is geo-
political, as it is for Madjid. Given the centrality of Arabs in the Muslim world,
al-Jabir1 starts his reform movement from and focuses on the Arab lands, a
strategy that he justifies by the fact that previous attempts at Islamic reform
from the peripheries of Islam such as Turkey, Pakistan, and even Iran have had
no real impact on Arab Muslims.
347
Madjid, however, limits his geo-political
orientation to Indonesia. For unlike Arabic, which is foreign for the majority of
Madjid's audience, the Indonesian language represents the only Zingua franca
that can communicate to these peripheral Muslims the concerns of Muslim
geo-politics as weIl as such local issues as "the Islamization of Indonesia as
national issue.,,348 The international orientation of ijanafi's reform
movemene
49
lies, as ijanafi himself c1aims, in its ability to bridge the gap
345Al-Jabir1, Wijhat Na:{.r, 39-41; and idem, al-Islamiyya,"
275-276. See also, al-Shawbaka, "[A Review of] Mu1).ammad 'Abid al-Jabirl's
Al-Dfn wa al-Dawla," 144-145.
346Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 115.
347Al-Jabirl, "Fi Qaq,aya al-Dln wa al-Fikr," 16.
348Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, 115. See also, Steenbrink,
"Recapturing the Past," 155-156.
349ijanafi, "Al-Yasar al-Islall?," 45; and idem, "Muqaddima," 13-14.
290
between these two visions, while depending on another Zingua franca, like
English.
The problem of legitimacy emerges, since one should not impose one's
personal interpretation (al-ijtihad al{ardi) on others. If the latter in turn
excercise their right to undertake ijtihaa on the same matter, they may at best
arrive at intersubjective truth -which does not necessarily mean consensus, as
Charles Taylor rightly says.350 In order to achieve what Habermas caUs "an
ideal speech situation,,,351 they need to legitimize their personal interpretation
by undertaking a consensus (al-ijtiha-d al-jam7) at different levels from the
local into the international, as needed. In case of failure, ijanafi recommends
"[g]radual steps, time and combined efforts.... without jumping the steps or
using violence,,,352 with which position both al-Jabir1 and Madjid
353
conform.
The revolution of the Islamic Left is not to be indentified with violence -or at
least this is the impression ijanafi gives. Although Marxism-Socialism started
to decline in 1980, ijanafi was very eager to exploit its strengths to hasten the
350Charles Taylor, "Interpretation and the Sciences of Man," in Michael
Martin and Lee C. McIntyre, eds., Readings in The Philosophy of Social
Science (Cambridge: The Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1994),
195-196.
351"Critical Approaches to Hermeneutics,"1.
352ijanafi, Islam in the Modern World, 1: 421; and idem, Les mthodes,
309-321.
353Madjid, "Kemungkinan Menggunakan," 269.
291
possibility of revolution against Sadat.354 If it had succeeded, it would have,
for him, favoured the coming of the fifteenth century of Islam, the time when
he expects the arrivaI of the mujaddid. AI-Jabirl, unlike ijanafi, abandoned his
Leftist orientation,355 since the success of the Iranian Revolution confronted
him with a polical dilemma. For when the Islamic fundamentalists in his
country tried to establish an Islamic state, as the Iranians had done, King
Hassan II subjugated them; in either case al-Jabirl's Left was an unpopular and
even suspect minority.356 This paradigm shift has led Bagader to characterize
al-Jabirl as a liberal and revisionist.
357
Madjid, an eyewitness in 1965 to the
Communists' abortive coup d'tat in Indonesia, became a convinced anti-
Communist due to his own Muslim modemist inclination and the rise of
Suharto's brand of militarism. ijanafi, on the other hand, changed his stance
from physical to theoretical revolution in 2001. In this respect, Boullata is right
354ijanafi, lfiwcZr al-Ajya7, 478; idem, Al-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 3: 112-
141; 6: 207-292; and idem, Humum al-Fikr wa al-Wa!an al-'Arab"l, 2: 518,
639, 645, 646 and 648.
355Mahfoud and Geoffroy, "Prsentation," 5; Gaebel, Von der Kritik
des Arabischen Denkens, 124.
356Labdaoui, Les nouveaux intellectuels, 126; Lamchichi, Islam et
Contestation, 244-246; Emad Eldin Shahin, Political Ascent: Contemporary
Islamic Movements in North Africa (Boulder: Westview Press, 1997), 176;
John P. Entelis, "Political Islam in the Maghrib: The Nonviolent Dimension,"
in John P. Entelis, ed., Islam, Democracy and the State in North Africa
(Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1997), 55; idem,
Culture and Counterculture in Moroccon Politics (Boulder: Westview Press,
1989), 8, 68, 88 and 89. Munson, Islam and Power, 135-136; and idem,
"Islamic Revivalism in Morocco and Tunisia," The Muslim World 76 (1986):
207.
357Bagader, "Contemporary Islamic Movements," 120.
292
to assert that ijanafi's project is theoretical and not practical,358 since in its
revised form it constitutes a revolution of thought, though it awaits the agents
who will take it to the next level of physical revolution, much as the theories
proclamed in Marx's Das Kapital awaited the coming of Lenin to take on a
more concrete form.
359
Both ijanafi and Madjid respond to the slogan "Back to the Qur'an and
the Sunna" directly, but al-Jabid criticizes Salafism. According to Labdaoui's
summary of al-Jabid's thought, "[l]a salaflya aussi bien religieuse,
rvolutionnaire que librale porte donc, aux yeux de l'auteur [al-Jabirl], la
responsabilit de l'chec arabe et constitue un obstacle pour une recherche de
transparence soi_mme.,,360 By Salafism in the Moroccan context al-Jabirl
means Fundamentalism, the Islamic wing of which is Wahhabism. His
criticism of "understanding heritage from the perspective of heritage" is,
therefore, an epistemological criticism of the Moroccan form of Wahhabism,
which is the fundamentalist wing of the slogan. ijanafi, al-Jabirl and Madjid of
course continue to support the puritan and fundamentalist wing of the slogan in
terms of 'ibaaa-ma1J4a and 'aqfda matters. Yet although they are un-
compromising with regard to these two basic principles of Islam, they are very
flexible in terms of mu'amala, swinging back and forth between the ahl al-
358Boullata, Trends and Issues, 45; and idem, "ijasan ijanafi," 99.
359Tempo No. 14/XXX/4-10 Juni 2001.
360Labdaoui, Les nouveaux intellectuels, 131. The bold text is
Labdaoui' s.
293
IJadfth and the ahl al-ra'y. The retum to the Qur'an and the Sunna, for them, is
a retum to the unity of God's laws set forth for Ris creatures, while the means
of exploring the non-Qur' anie textual basis of this, according to al-Jabirl, is al-
'aql al-kawnz3
61
(or natural reason to use ijanafi's term).362 Renee, it is these
laws that determine the rise or the faH of civilization.
ijanafi, al-Jabid and Madjid are none of them very explicit about the
hermeneutics of the retum to the Qur' an and the Sunna. While ijanafi' s and
al-Jabid's concepts are to be found implied in their mIes on thematic
interpretation and the modem reading of heritage, respectively, Madjid does
not formulate them systematicaHy. At the same time they are aH clearly
supporters of "author-centered meaning" m q ~ i d al-Sharf'a), although each
has a different starting point. ijanafi makes the interpreter the center of this
interpretation, around which everything else revolves, and graduaHy moves
towards the object by dialogizing the interpreter' s and the author' s horizons.
Like ijanafi, both al-Jabirl and Madjid start from the subject, but, unlike him,
they focus on achieving an objective meaning. Rence the most important thing
for ijanafi is the assertion of the interpreter' s interest, whereas for al-Jabid and
Madjid the essential thing is to avoid confusing meaning with relevance. Thus
the values of an interpretation, according to the three thinkers, are divinely
inspired but human in application (ila/il but wad7), intersubjective, relative
361AI-Jabirl, Takwi"n al- 'Aql al- 'Arabi, 348-349.
362ijanafj, Religious Dialogue &Revolution, 231.
294
and pluralistic. ijanafi, al-Jabiri and Madjid can aIl be seen moreoever as neo-
modemist Muslims in that they attempt a double movement from the present to
the past and a retum to the present in their proposed reforms. Al-'Alim rightly
slots ijanafi under the category of [Islamic] neo modemists (al-salafiyyzn al-
judad), but strangely considers al-Jabiri as falling under the category of
cultural modemity (al-IJadaha al-thaqaliyya).363 Labdaoui even presents a
problematic category when characterizing al-Jabiri as an Islamic secularist.
364
363Al-'Alim, MafhTm wa Qa4ya, 74 and 77.
364Labdaoui, Les nouveaux intellectuels, 123.
Conclusion
Like their predecessors, ijanafi, ai-Jabirl and Madjid are orthodox
Muslims in that they display uncompromising Wahhabite and even Hanbalite
attitudes in terms of 'aqfda and 'iba-da-maI]4a. Madjid even reinforces his
orthodoxy by limiting the concept of Sunna only to those practices of the
Prophet Mu1}.ammad Iegitimized by the Qur' an. They are aise orthodox in their
methods and principles of interpretation, since they swing back and forth
between the standard classical Islamic schoois of the ahl al-I]adfth and ahl aI-
ra 'y. They are of the ahl al-I]adfth in making the m q ~ i al-Sharf'a ("author-
centered meaning") their starting point, but of the ahl al-ra 'y in expanding the
scope of their textual basis to encompass unwritten revelation, namely, naturai
Iaw. They perfect the combination between the two schoois of thought by
claiming that the retum to the Qur'an and the Sunna is a retum to the unity of
God's Iaws set forth for His creatures, although their focus has incited sorne of
their co-religionists to declare them unorthodox Muslims. ijanafi, unlike aI-
Jabir1 and Madjid, uses an "unorthodox" term when naming his movement the
Isiamie Left, since the term "Ieft" in Qur'anic usage is negative, while the
term "right," whieh has a positive connotation from the Qur' anic perspective,
is negative according to ijanafi. However, ijanafi is an orthodox thinker if one
considers first and foremost his intention, which is to express Qur' anie values
using human, socio-politicai speech to communicate with the two strongest
opposing majority groups in Egyptian society. There may be sorne incidentai
296
differences in their systems, therefore, but those differences are mostly
semantic.
The views of I1anafi, al-Jabirl and Madjid are very consistent with
modem supporters of the slogan in terms of their recognition of the basic
principles of Islam. Like all their predecessors, they insist on these immutable
aspects of Islam in continuation of the guidance provided by the series of
messengers sent by God. Continuing the puritan, fundamentalist and
uncompromising principles of their predecessors, they rigorously oppose
innovations in the purely theological teachings of Islam. They are also
unanimous in condemning the practice of wasila (praying to an intercessor
between God and human beings) as unforgivable sin, but differ in their
attitudes towards sufism, an aspect of Islam in which this tradition finds its
practical expression. Assuming that it originated as an Islamic protest
movement against the luxurious lifestyle of the Umayyads, I1anafi tries to
purify sufism of its deviations, and restore its original function as a moral
force. AI-Jabirl, unlike his Moroccan predecessors on the one hand and I1anafi
on the other, attributes sufism to non-Islamic origins, a judgment that Madjid,
in tum, does not support. For while al-Jabir1 accuses sufism of being the source
of irrationalism in Islamic civilization, Madjid (like I1anafi and al-Banna) tries
to bring sufism under the control of Islamic law in order to restore it to its
original function. Both I1anafi and Madjid thus believe that sufism can, like aIl
other things, be beneficial or detrimental to the renaissance of Islam,
297
depending on how it is used. It is beyond al-Jabir1's nature as a rationalist to be
able to tolerate this aspect of sufism, whereas both ijanafi and Madjid strive to
transform its moral potential into a practical and social-oriented movement.
ijanafi, al-Jabir1 and Madjid respond essentialIy to the same problem,
but with a different focus and solution in each case. For whereas ijanafi
envisions his "Heritage and Modernity" project as the solution to the decline
of the Muslim world, al-Jabir1 focuses his efforts on reforming what he sees as
a failed Arab Renaissance through his "Criticism of the Arab Mind" project,
while Madjid for his part applies his "Civilization-Islam" to the task of solving
the decline of Islam in Indonesia. AlI three acknowledge that there has been a
decline, and all three see the solution as lying somewhere within the Islamic
heritage. The differences among them lie partly in how each defines that
heritage, but even more so in the approaches they take. These approaches
incorporate both Islamic and Western methodologies. Thus ijanafi, like both
al-Jabirl and Madjid to sorne extent, is a Husserlian phenomenologist in that
he makes revelation the motor of Islamic civilization, but, unlike them, he is
also a Marxist. For just as Marx transformed Hegel' s idealism into a more
down-to-earth movement, ijanafi turns the metaphysicalIy-oriented Islam into
a practically-oriented Islam, as is evident from his ideology of the "Islamic
Left" and his five part Min al-'Aqfda ila- al-Thawra projects. AI-Jabir"i, on the
other hand, is more of a structuralist in his approach in that he hierarchizes the
Arabo-Islamic sciences from lowest to highest according to the categories of
298
"interpretation" (bayanl), gnosticism ('irfa-nl), and demonstrative
experimentalism (burhalll). Majid, like both ijanafi and al-Jabirl, rationalizes
Islarnic tradition by applying the concepts of genealogy and the archeology of
knowledge. In his own context, Madjid combines Ibn Taymiyya's puritanism
and fundamentalism with Hodgson's civilization historical approach and
Robert N. Bellah's sociological methodology. The three are, therefore, similar
in their willingness to accept modem Western sources on mu'a-mala matters.
Their radical departure from many of their inward-Iooking reformist
predecessors, on the other hand, links them to contemporary and near
contemporary Muslim scholars, such as Fazlur Rahman, Shari'ati and Arkoun.
ijanafi, al-Jabir1 and Madjid, like their predecessors, condemn taqli"d,
dec1aring it to be a key factor in the dec1ine of Islam. Seeing it as a source of
fanaticism, they strive to "reopen" the allegedly c10sed door of ijtihaa. The
slogan "the door of ijtihaa is c1osed," they criticize, is tantamount to freezing
the dynarnics of Islamic civilization. They, again like their predecessors,
"desacralize" loyalty to a particular madhhab (school of thought), where many
of its followers often theologically legitirnize their vested interests, since the
past achievements of any madhhab are relative to their time, culture and socio-
political orientation, and, therefore, cannot be binding on other Muslims.
However, unlike sorne their fundamentalist predecessors, ijanafi, al-Jabirl and
Madjid see Muslim past achievements as practical and functional truth in the
sense that they are valid as long as they are useful for contemporary Muslims.
299
The three, like 'Abduh in particular, promote the principle of "preserving a
valid heritage, while taking benefit from the most valid new experience," since
starting-from-zero reforrn, as sorne of their more rejectionist and xenophobic
predecessors advocated, is in their eyes simply another kind of epistemological
suicide. Significantly, their criticism of madhhab fanaticism has changed the
concept of madhhab in Islam from a religio-epistemologicaI into a religio-
national paradigm as a result of the emergence of nation-states in Muslim
countries, in particular after they won their independence from Western
colonial regimes in the second half of the twentieth century. AlI three,
therefore, promote their own nationally-oriented madhhabs, since ijanafi, al-
Jabirl and Madjid are Egyptian, Arabo-Moroccan and Indonesian neo-
modernists, respectively.
ijanafi, al-Jabirl and Madjid likewise fully support the struggle that
their predecessors waged against the lack of free will and the mental passivity
that had constituted the primary cause of the dec1ine of Islam. Following in the
footsteps of such revolutionary reforrnists as al-AfghanI, Banna and Qutb,
ijanafi demands that his fellow Muslims revoIt against quasi-Islamic
passivism. By rectifying their misunderstanding of the Qur' anic teaching on
"deterrninism," contemporary Muslims will, he reasons, solve the most
important internai factor determining the dynamics of historical movement,
since change must start from within an agent. AI-Jabir1, like ijanafi and
Madjid, radically challenges his co-religionists' misconception of historical
300
determinism by shifting their focus from idolizing to desacralizing nature,
since they must manage it for the sake of their mission as God's vicegerents on
earth, which is that of building civilization. In this regard, Madjid contributes
to improving the Muslim understanding of historical determinism by
distinguishing between the Qur' anic concepts of sunnat Allan and taqdfr Allan,
which aIl Muslims depend on to fulfil their role as free agents. While both al-
Jabir1 and Madjid have remained in the modemist camp after abandoning their
radicalism, ijanafi has only recently made a dialectical shift back to Abduh's
modemism. For after revising his 1980 statement "1 love 'Abduh, but 1 love
Islam more"l to read in 1998 "1 love 'Abduh, but 1 love revolution more,,,2 he
finally, in 2001, acknowledged that this revolution is one of thought.
Significantly, on this crucial aspect of Islamic thought, there is a kind of
consensus among the three thinkers.
Like almost all of their predecessors, ijanafi, al-Jabir1 and Madjid
confront their audience with the problem of finding a systematic method of
retuming to the Qur' an and the Sunna, but they all confront different obstacles.
Both ijanafi and al-Jabir1 are more systematic than Madjid, since both of them
clearly set out the rules of thematic interpretation and the modem reading of
heritage, whereas Madjid does not explain his methods, but rather forces one to
detect them in his writings here and there. A comparison between their
lIt was published in 1998 in ijanafi, AI-Dfn wa al-Thawra, 6: 223.
2ijanafi, Humum al-Fikr wa al-Wa!an, 2: 617.
301
methods from the perspective of ijanafi's prernises respecting thematic
interpretation, does show that their methods of interpreting and, hence
"returning to, the Qur'an and the Sunna" are thematic, inductive, contextual,
cross-referential and linguistic, as weIl as historical. Although they are also
supporters of "author-centered meaning" hermeneutics, and thus make the
interpreter their starting point, they differ in sorne respects. While ijanafi
starts from the "moment of self-recognition" and gradually dialogizes the
present horizons of the interpreter and the past horizons of the author, both al-
Jabir1 and Madjid attempt to resolve the problem of psychologism as a means
of finding objective meaning and, hence, avoid the confusion of meaning and
relevance. In the end, however, they advocate the same truth, as they believe
that the value of interpretation is divine but human at the same time. Since an
interpreter can at best reach relative, pluralistic and intersubjective (but never
objective) truth as such, he should legitimize the results of his interpretation
through a proper decision-making body which can apply intersubjective
experience (ijma' or consensus). Here, again, is a near consensus.
Like almost aIl of their predecessors, ijanafi, al-Jabir1 and Madjid are
peripheral personalities in their own national contexts. As a supporter of
Nasserism, ijanafi faced radical changes in Egypt at the turn of the 15
th
century
Hijra, since Sadat applied the politics of de-Nasserization by releasing Ikhwan
political prisoners and diverting the nation's alignment from the socialist
Soviet Bloc to the capitalist Western Bloc. As a counter to Sadat, ijanafi
302
proclaimed the Islamic Left in the hope of uniting the Ikhwans and Nasseris
(who challenged Sadat's peace agreement with Israel and his protection of the
ousted Shah of Iran), but failed to capture any groups in the center of Egyptian
political power to mount a viable opposition to Sadat or his successor
Mubarak. In al-Jabirl's case, the success of the Iranian Revolution of 1978-
1979 presented him with the problem of reconciling the arguments of two
warring majority groups: the Moroccan govemment (who defended both King
Hassan II and the ousted Shah of Iran) and the Muslim fundamentalists (who
wanted to establish an Islamic State). Realizing that his radical socialist
ideology spoke for a vulnerable minority in either case, al-Jabirl began instead
to advocate an epistemologically-oriented reform, which lacked popular
ideological appeal and left him politically weak. Madjid, for his part, tried in
1970 to move to the political center in Indonesia, following an earlier,
modemist political strategy of creating a viable Muslim political presence in
the country. President Suharto, however, paid little heed as he toughened his
stance against political Islam in arder to prevent the Iranian Revolution from a
similar uprising in Indonesia. Madjid's outlook only gained official recognition
in the 1990s with the establishment of the Association of Indonesian Muslim
Intellectuals. Each of the three thinkers then share the common lot of failed
political mission, in which fate they resemble many other groups, blocs and
personalities in the age of ascendant political systems with limited access to
power.
303
ijanafi, al-Jabir1 and Madjid are like their predecessors in terms of the
mu'a-mala aspect of the slogan, in the sense they are open to innovation in
areas not specifically ruled upon in the Qur'an, adapting these with the content
of their own time and place. ijanafi, like al-AfghanI, is against Wahhabite
Arabism, since Islam for him, as for both al-Jabir1 and Madjid, is a universal
religion open to aIl human beings regardless of their race or geographical
origin. Still their strategy to realize the inclusiveness of Islam differs in many
respects. Thus, for example, they speak highly of equality, justice and
democracy, but they are nationalists in their own contexts. Like his masters (al-
AfghanI, 'Abduh, Riga and Qutb), ijanafi is in sympathy with the
establishment of a "liberal, democratic and republican" Islarnic state, whereas
both al-Jabir1 and Madjid on the other hand are against the establishment of an
Islamic state while still supportive of modem state principles like
republicanism, nationalism, constitutionalism and democracy. Although he is
unlike all of his Moroccan predecessors in his philosophy, al-Jabirl retains
their Arab and Moroccan characteristics. Madjid in tum disagrees with
Kartosuwirjo's Islamic State and Hassan's anti-nationalism, yet intemalizes the
former's republicanism, nationalism and sense of Indonesianness. Finally,
while both ijanafi and al-Jabir1 propose the language of the Qur'an as the
Zingua franca of their respective projects, Madjid favours Indonesian as the
means of communication in his own realm. While seerningly differing on such
304
political details, they are actually alike in that the national context is the crucial
determinant.
The solution may thus be said to have a geographical aspect. IJanafi
even suggests that Egypt reclaim its status as the center of the Muslim world,
while al-Jabir1 implies that Morocco is the true center. Boullata is right in
characterizing IJanafi's reform project as highly ideological, but fails to detect
the almost geo-political agenda behind al-Jabirl's "Criticism of the Arab
Mind," since al-Jabir1's structuralism (for 1'arabishl and IJarb) incorporates an
ethnically-oriented epistemology. Classifying Islamic sciences into those of
"interpretation," gnosticism and demonstrative experimentalism, al-Jabirl
traces the genealogy and the archeology of the Arabo-Islamic sciences. For
him, the sciences of "interpretation" were Arab in origin, but the domination of
their textual approach is responsible for the decline of Arabo-Islamic
civilization. The gnostic sciences moreover were not only foreign to the Arab
mind, they also caused the spread of irrationalism and metaphysical
speculation among them. The demonstrative sciences on the other hand were
Greek in origin, but they were the epistemological weapons that "Western"
philosophers like Ibn 1'ufayl and Ibn Rushd used against the "irrationalism"
and "metaphysicism" of the "Eastern" philosophers such as Ibn Sina and al-
FarabI. Since the renaissance of these "Westerners" was due to their "geo-
epistemological break" with the "Easterners," al-Jabir1 demands that this step
be repeated everywhere in order to bring about a new renaissance. Thus he
305
asserts the superiority of the Moroccans over other Arabs and Muslims, since
the Moroccans are the only legatees of the "Westerners" after Andalusia had
fallen to the Christians. FinaIly, Madjid makes a point of distinguishing Arabia
from Islam. Since Arabia is not Islam, and vice versa, Indonesian Islam
deserves its own non-Arab local characteristics. Since the rise and fall of
civilization has nothing to do with any ethnie division, the peripheral and
young Indonesian Muslims can lead the renaissance of Islam if they
consistently practice the universal and non-sectarian laws of God ordained for
all of His creatures, as was the case with both the Arab and English cultural
explosions in the seventh and fifteenth centuries, respectively. In essence, the
three intellectuals, therefore, make their respective countries the center of their
geographical reforms.
Unlike many of their predecessors --who lived out their entire lives
under Western colonial domination-- ijanafi, al-Jabir1 and Madjid have spent
most if not aIl their lives as citizens of their respective independent states.
However, they aIl face the same societal problems that each state inherited
from its colonized predecessor, since each such government continues to
apply, instead of abandoning, colonial practices. At the same time, the West is
leaving them further behind. ijanafi envisions the new Golden Age of Islam as
taking place after the coming seven hundred years, a confusion of hope with
fact that has led sorne of his critics to regard this prediction as a myth. AI-
Jabir1, on the other hand, acknowledges that to catch up to the West is now far
306
more difficult than it was two centuries aga when the Arabs started their
renaissance project. Madjid, perhaps even more than both ijanafi and al-Jabir1
in their respective countries, faces a sharp dichotomy between science and
religion, since Indonesian Muslim reformists are technologically oriented
groups, but lack of Islamic traditional training. The traditionalists, on the other
hand, are mostly religious experts in a narrow sense, but have no modern
scientific experiences. Indonesian neo-modernist Muslims are in turn in the
minority, caught between these two conflicting majority groups. At the same
time Madjid's supporters are more modernist than neo-modernist in the sense
that they know more about science than Islam, an epistemological weakness
that he frequently criticizes. AlI three are, therefore, realistic, but pessimistic
about the future of their respective reform project.
ijanafi, al-Jabirl and Madjid (at least in theory) contribute to building
religious and, hence, civilizational dialogue. ijanafi applies the meaning of
kalimat al-sawCi' to unite various conflicting groups in Egypt by calling
Egyptian Liberals, Marxists and Nasserists "Brothers in Nation" on the one
hand, and Egyptian Muslim Fundamentalists "Brothers in Aih" on the other.
AI-Jabir1 reintroduces religious pluralism as set forth in al-Shatlbl's concept of
m q ~ i d al-Sharf'a and translates it as "peace culture." Madjid bases himself
on the same Qur' anic phrase that I-Janafi uses to caU upon Indonesian Muslims,
Catholics, Protestants, Buddhists and Hindus to unite under the national
umbrella of the Pancasila, a delicate hermeneutics that Woodward calls a
307
"theology of tolerance." Our three thinkers, furthermore, contribute to
civilizational dialogue by insisting on the unity of God's laws as ordained for
His creatures. In this way, isla-m is taken to mean submission to God's laws (a
set of laws that scientists caH the law of nature), and if consistently observed
by anyone regardless of his religion and nation, will bring about sala-m (from
the same root of s-l-m) or peace for aH of God's creatures. Given that aslama
(the infinitive of isla-m) means to submit to God's laws in order to make peace
with aH of His creatures, and human beings in particular, the three thinkers fly
in the face of Samuel Huntington's concept of the clash of civilization. In
contrast to the latter, who seems to suggest that his Western audience continue
their old political application of Darwinian thought to the Muslim world, thus
reducing the encounter to a struggle determined by the survival for the fittest,
the three thinkers present the Qur' anic message calling for "grace for aH the
worlds" in the age of globalization. This idealistic and even compassionate
view is held in common among the three inteHectuals and is a fit place to end
our comparison.
Finally, I should like to underline that while there are a variety of
approaches that one can take, I have chosen to compare both al-Jabirl and
Madjid from the perspective of I-Jasan I-Janafi' s "Heritage and Modernity"
project reform. As a result, my analysis tends to be selective, reductionist and
even to sorne extent generalizing. It is therefore to sorne extent unfair to the
subjects. And in what might seem even more of an injustice, I compare them
308
on a topic that they may consider to be of less than primary concem to their
respective reform projects. Of course, the result might have been different if
the approach to the comparison had been different. If one, for example, were to
make al-Jabir1 the criterion to measure ijanafi and Madjid, one's conclusions
might be different, just as they might be different were Madjid to serve as the
yardstick for ijanafi and al-Jabir1. A variety of focuses in the comparison
would also yield a variety of results. If one were, for instance, to compare the
three reformists on democracy, one would come up with several different
conclusions, depending on who was chosen as the criterion, not to mention
which sources were consulted. It must also be noted that, since the three
Muslim philosophers are still alive, they continue to produce new material.
Consequently, my study will not coyer the later development of their thought.
Of course, the problem may tum out to be very serious if they radically revise
their opinions on certain topics (such as ijanafi did in 2001 when he changed
his project from a physically oriented revolution to an epistemologically
oriented one, a paradigm shift that al-Jabir1 had undergone earlier in 1980, and
Madjid even earlier in 1970). My study therefore can make no absolute claims
where these three thinkers are concemed.
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Appendix:
AList of Arabic-Englsh Terms
'Abd = slave
'Aaa = tradition, eustom ("civilization")
'Adl = justice
Al-adya-n al-sama-wiyya =revealed religions (Islam, Christianity and Judaism)
Al-al]kan al-shar'iyya =Islamie rulings
Ahl al-I]adfth = people of prophetie "tradition"
Ahl al-ra'y =people of reason
Ahl al-Sunna wa al-Jama'a = People of the Prophetie-Tradition
Ahl al-Sunna wa al-Shr'a = People of the Prophetie-Tradition and Shiism
Al-a'imma min Quraysh = Islamie leadership must come from Quraysh;
exclusively Quraysh-based elitism
'Ajib =an objeet of wonder
Al-khar =the other
A7 al-bayt = deseendents of the Prophet Mul].ammad
'A7im (pl.: 'ulama') = Muslim seholar
'Amal =praetice
'Amall]atlarl =civilizational proeess
Amrr al-mu'minrn =commander of the faithful
Al-amr bi al-ma'nif wa al-nahy 'an al-munkar = eneouraging others to do
something good and forbidding them to do something wrong
354
'Amm = general; universal
Al-amr bi al-shay' amr bi-wasa'ilih =An order to something is an order to do
its means
Al-ana-=the self
Al-a'ra-4 al-bashariyya =human historicallaw
'AqTda =basic belief
'Aql = intellect; reason
'Aql kawnl =natural reason
'Aqil = prudent; reasonable
'Aqla-nl =rational
= authenticity
Asbb al-Nuzu1 =occasions of revelation; "historical critical method"
al-alJwa1 = sufis
al-tadwTn =the age of codification
Al-awamir wa al-nawhl =principles of obligation and prohibition
Al- 'awda ila-al-tabT'a =a return to nature
Badil (pl.: bada'il) =alternative
Balagha = rhetoric
Ba1igh = having attained puberty;
Baraka =grace
Batinl = esoteric expression of Islam
Bay'a =oath of allegiance; social contract
Bid'a = innovation
Bid'T= illegitimate; un-Islamic
355
Bilaa al-makhzan =the supremacy of Moroccan central power in terms of law
and order
Bilaa al-siba' =dissidence against the Moroccan central power
pabf = accuracy; reliable
Da-r al-Islam =the abode of Islam
Dar' al-maja-sid =avoiding public evils
AI-4aru-rat tubJ al-maIJ'{.u-rat =emergencies allow [a Muslim to do] what is
prohibited
paru-riyyat =necessities or factors that must exist for the sake of human
beings, the absence of which may be detrimental to them
Da'wa = caU to Islam
Dhawq = religious experience
Dfn = religion
Diraya =research
AI-Fahm al-turathf li al-turath =understanding heritage from the perspective
ofheritage
Fana-' =absorption
Faqm (pl.:juqaha') =Muslimjurist
Faqr = poverty
Fatf! (pl.: jutu7J,at) = liberation movement
Fatwa=legal opinion
Al1irqa al-na]iyya =the safe group
Fiqh = Islamic jurisprudence
Fiqh al-iftira4f =hypothetical jurisprudence
Fiqh al- 'Umarf= 'Umarism
Fitna (pl.:fitan) =civil war or disorder
Fuqaha' =Muslimjurists who specialize in menstruation (a
derogatory term)
Gharlb =an object of wonder
Ghuru-r =deception
lfabl min al-nas = human relations; historical interaction
lfadtha =modemity
al-thaqaliyya =cultural modemity
lfadd (pl.: l]udd) =capital punishment
lfadlih =Prophetic tradition
= solitary ijadith
al-mutawair = recurrent ijadith
=sound ijadith
lfalal =lawful
lfaqTqa =reality; truth
lfarakat al-istiqlaliyya =independence movement
lfaram =forbidden
Hawa! = "absolute subjectivity"
lfaya =life
Hijra = migration
lfizb al-!aIT7 =vanguard party
lfizb Allan =party of God
lfizb al-Shay!a-n =party of Satan
lfizb al-'(aghu = party of the Tyrant
356
357
lfuffa?, =those who have memorized the Qur'an in toto
Al-IJukm al-juz'l =a specific ruling
Al-IJukm al-kulli =a general ruling
Al-IJukm yadu-r ma' al- 'illa wujuaan wa 'adaman = the existence of a ruling
depends on the existence of its cause
'lbeida (pl.: 'ibaaat) = ritual; worship
'lba-da maIJ4a = pure worship
Al- 'ibra bi- 'umu-m al-laf:{- la- al-sabab = the principle is the
universality of ruling and not the particularity of cause
ljma-' = consensus
Al-ijma-' al- 'amm =universal consensus
ljtihaa =interpretation
ljithaafard[ =personal interpretation
ljtiheidjama-'[ =collective interpretation; consensus
lkhtila] al-qira-'at = different canonical readings
lkhtila] ummat[raIJma =the disagreement of Muslims is a grace
!la7i'i =divine
'!lm al-jarIJ wa al-ta'd or 'ilm al-tajrJ wa al-ta'd = Islamic historical
criticism
'llm al-kala-m =Islamic theology
'!lm mysticism
'!lm al-d[n = Islamic theology
'llm al-fiqh =classical Islamic "hermeneutics;" Islamic legal philosophy;
la science des fondements de la comprhension
358
'Ilma-niyya = secularism
Ima-m al-lfaramayn =Religious Leader of the Two Roly Cities of Islam
(Mecea and Medina)
[man = faith
'Ir4 =dignity
I#a7] = reform
=infalliblity
Isral = out of all proportion
Isra-'iyya-t = Jewish traditions
Istidla7 = demonstration
Istil]san =searching for good; juristic preference
Istiqra'i =inductive
= searching for interest
Jabr = determinism
Jhiliyya =ignorance; un-Islamic
Jalb =achieving what is in the public interests
Jama-'a =a group of reporters (in ijadith, etc.)
Jawhar al-fard =atomism
Jihaa al-akbar =greater holy war
Jihaa =smaller holy war
Ju-' =hunger
Juz'f = particular; particularist
359
Kafa-'a = equality
Kalimat al-IJaqq urfda biha- al-btfil =the statement is right, but is used to
achieve the wrong objective
Kalimat al-sawa-' =meeting point
Karama = miracle
Kasb = acquisition
Kayfiyyat al-taIJammul wa al-ada: =aet of narration
Kaum adat (Arabie: qawm 'a-da) =proponents of custom
Khalifat Allanft al-art! =a vicegerent of God on earth
h ~ ~ = partieular; specifie
Khawf =eowardice
Khurala (pl.: khurala-t) =superstition
Kuttb al-waIJy =seeretaries of revelation
Kutub al-Sitta =six foremost ijadith collections
La-'aqlaniyya = irrationalism
La- q,arar wa la q,irar =there is no place for issuing a harmful ruling nor
responding with a harmful ruling
La- IJukm illa- li Allan =There is no binding ruling, except the one that is for
God's sake
Lajnat Kuttb al-WaIJy =committee of secretaries of the revelation
Ma-la- yatimm al-wa]ib illa bih fa-huwa wcjib =Something neeessary for the
accomplishment of an obligation is an obligation to do
Ma- la- yudrak kulluh la yutrak kulluh =something that cannot be achieved
totally cannot be abandoned totally
Al-maba-df' wa al-kulliyyat =general and universal principles of the Qur' an
Madhhab (pl.: madhanib) =Islamic legal school
Majaz =allegory
Majlis al-shu-ra-=parliament
Makhzan =Moroccan central govemment
Makrun = indifference
Mal = property
Al-mana-r = lighthouse
Mandb = recommended
Al-manhaj al-ijtima-'[jfal-tafs[r =social interpretation
Al-manzila bayn al-manzilatayn =position between two positions
Maqa!jid al-Sharf'a =purposes of Islamic law; "author-centered meaning"
Mashriqiyya =eastemism
Ma#al]a (pl.: = public interest
al- 'amma =public interest
al-zama-niyya = temporary public interest
Matn = content of a report
Maw4' =spurious
Maw4'f= thematic
Mftha-q = manifesto
Al-mu'alija al-bunyawiyya =a structuralist diagnosis
Mu 'a-mala (pl. : mu'amala) =worldly affairs
Mu = contemporaneity
360
361
Muballigh = announcer
Mubayyan = explained; detailed; conditional
MulJaddithun = ijadith experts
MuIJkam = univocal
Mujaddid jusu-r = a bridging refonner
Mujarrad iftirci4a = mere hypotheses
Mujmal = global
Mujtahid = interpreter
Al-munasaba al-fikriyya = rational relations
Al-munasaba al-shi'riyya = poetic relations
Muqayyad = conditional
Murfd=disciple
Murshid = master
M u ~ a f 'Uthma-n = Uthman's Codification; the Official Standard Qur'anic
Text
Mushrikun = non-believers; polytheists
Mutaghayyir = the changing
Mutashbih = equivocal
Muflaq = absolute
Nafs = soul; life
Nah4a 'Arabiyya = Arab [Islamic] renaissance
Nah4a IJa4a-riyya shamila = a comprehensive renaissance of [Islamic]
civilization
362
Naql = active transmission of religious text
Naqd al- 'aql al- 'Arabi =criticism of the Arab mind
Nas =people
Na$ra1iyya =Christian traditions
NaH= text
Nazi! = horizontal
Nisba =relation
Nisb[= relative
Nuq/at yaqfn =a certain starting point
Qadr =indeterminism
QaseJ al-qarZ' = the reader' s intention
QaseJ al-Sha-ri' =God's intention; the author's intention
Qiyas al-gha-'ib 'ala-al-shhid =analogy of the unknown after the known
Qiyas al-shar'[ = valid form of legal analogy
Al-Qur'an yufassir ba'eJuh ba'eJan and irtiba al-aya-t = cross-referential
character of the Qur' an
RieJa = contentment
Riwaya =tradition; transmission
Al-Riwya bi al-la!? =verbal transmission
Al-Riwaya bi al-na$$ = textual transmission
Sabr = patience
SaIJa"ba = companions of the Prophet MUQarnmad
$al]wa =awakening; revival
$a'id = vertical
Al-salafa l ~ a l i l =righteous ancestors; early Muslim orthodox generations
Al-salafiyyn al-judad =neo-modemists
Al-salaflyyn al-mu'tadilu-n = moderate fundamentalists
Al-salafiyyun al-raljn =rejectionist fundamentalists
$alawa 'ala-al-nabl =prayers for the Prophet Muqammad
Salik=disciple
Sanad =chain of transmission
Sayyid =male descendent of the Prophet Muqammad
Sayyida =female descendent of the Prophet Muqammad
Shafa-'a =recommendation
Shar' = religion
Shar'f or iSJila7Jl =standard Islarnic concept
Sha-ri' =Lawgiver (God and the Prophet Muqammad)
Sharf'a =Islamic law
Sharf'a and l]aqfqa =exoteric and esoteric expressions of Islam
Sharij(pl.: shuraftz') =descendent of the Prophet Muqammad
Shaykh =master
Shirk = polytheism; unforgivable sin
Shuri =consultation
Shu'u-r =consciousness
SulJawl =pro-establishment
Sunna =tradition; Prophetic-Tradition
Sunnat Allan =God's laws in human sociallife; naturallaws
Ta 'abbudf =spiritual and ritual
363
364
Ta 'a-ru4 al-adilla =conflict of authority
Ta"bi'un = followers of the companions of the Prophet Muqammad
Ta"bi 'u-al-ta"bi 'zn =followers of the followers of the companions of the Prophet
Muqammad
Tabww al-fiqh =systematization of Islamic jurisprudence
Tafklk =deconstruction
Al-tafszr al- 'amm =general hermeneutics
Al-tafszr l k h ~ ~ =sacred hermeneutics; hermeneutica sacra
Al-tafszr al-muqaddas =sacred hermeneutics; hermeneutica sacra
Al-tafszr al-maw4u-'z = thematic interpretation
Ta/]awulat =changes; "different approaches"
Ta/]kzm =peace agreement
Ta/]rif =change
Tajdzd =renewal; reform; modemity
Takfir wa tabdi' =condemning Islamic schools of thought as unhelief
Ta 'zn =causation
Talwzn =coloration
Tanzu =horizontalization
Taqdzr Allan =God's laws in human materiallife
Taralfi = agreement
'farfqa = sufi way of life; sufi order
Tartw al-aya min /]ayth al-maw4u' = the thematic hierarchy of Qur'anic
verses
365
Taqb =kissing the hands of a sayyid when non-sayyids meet him as a sign of
respect
TaqlTd =imitation
Taqwa =the observance of Islamic teachings
Tawakkul =submission
Tawassu{ =intercession
AI-Tawazun =Islamic middle way
TawlJ,fd =the unity of God
TawlJ,fd al- 'ulu-m = the unification of sciences
Ta 'w =interpretation; vertical; verticalization; philosophical interpretation
Ta'wf =esoteric
Thbit =permanent
Tashr"l' =process of the evolution of Islamic law
Thiqqa =trusted; reliable
'(uoawl = mythical
Tura-th =heritage (tradition, custom, "civilization")
'(uruq al-tajdfd = methods of reform
Al- 'ulm al- 'aqliyya walJ,daha-=pure rational sciences
'Ulu-m al-bayait =interpretive sciences
'Ulu-m al- 'ilfa-n =gnostic sciences
Al- 'ulm al-naqliyya walJ,daha-=pure traditional-textual sciences
Umma =nation, Muslim community
Umm al-Banfn =Mother of Children
'Umum al-balwa = public interest
'Uif = tradition, custom ("civilization")
U = 1pray
= principles
=Islamic legal philosopher
Al-wa'd wa al-wa'rd =promise and threat
Wa47=human
= revelation
Waqi' =reality
Wasila = intermediation between a human being and God
Al-was!iyya =Islamic middle way
Wilaya =sainthood
Wilayat al-faqlh = government by Muslimjurists
Wird = mantra
Al-Yasa-r al-Islam:;' =the Islamic Left
Zanirf = exoteric expression of Islam
Zama,i, = temporal
Za-wiyya =retreat
366