Sambodhi 19
Sambodhi 19
Sambodhi 19
VOL.
XIX
4994-1995
DR. J.B.
VOL. XIX
1994-1995
EDITORS
J.
DR.
B.
DR. N. M.
SHAH KANSARA
L.D. INSTITUTE
OF INDOLOGY
AHMEDABAD
Published by
J.
B. Shah
L.
D. Institute of Indology
-
Ahmedabad
380009
(India)
December, 1995
Printed by : Sharadaben Chimanbhai Educational Research Centre, 'Darshan' Opp. Ranakpur Society,
Shahibag, Ahmedabad-380 004 (India)
Price
Rs. 80-00
CONTENTS
1.
2.
RECONSIDERATION OF
-
VIEWS ON RASA-NISPATTI
21
-
Tapasvi Nandi
3.
X)
& SAHITYADARPANA
24 43
Jagruti
S.
Pandya
-
4.
5.
LAGG - USED AS A 'VECTOR' VERB H.C. Bhayani A PUZZLE FOR THE SCHOLARS OF BUDDHIST HISTORY
ON
-
MIA.
Nagin
J.
Shah
48
6.
R.N.
Mehta
IN
50
7.
Ch. Lalitha
:
8.
KARMA AND FREEWILL A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF HINDUISM, Arvind Sharma BUDDHISM AND JAINISM
-
66 74
9.
10.
RECENT RESEARCH IN THE HISTORY OF GUJARAT H. G. Shastri MANAGEMENT OF TEMPLES AT NADOL DURING THE CAUHAN
-
PERIOD
11.
JR.V.
Somani
80
Shridhar Andhare
-
86
WnVV/c/ *FJW
12.
13. 14.
TT^Tsfa^
^'
^TT^
"^
T3=t
y'Wid yiferM
*rory
^m
"^ f^M^
91
100
108
H. <H
fw
15.
't5l^y.-5Hil'Hi
U5llil4
112 123
16.
17.
4j,M
V.
(vRnlq.
frfl'M.^
cR<H*i CILMH^
([^..
%.
a^ea)
&Wt(Hi& WlVJt,
c (mii'i<
' i i
JL llMSt
H.
JWll
126
18.
*ii
*4): yiHfjqiHiHi
-
*^
129 134
155
19.
"craf^Nl^lfr)*^
-V/W/
*Z
*V//ti/
20.
21.
REVIEWS
AT.
M. Honiara
OBITUARY
176
Statement about ownership and other particulars about Sambodhi, the Yearly Research Journal of 4he L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad to be published in the first issue every year after the last day of March.
FORM
1.
IV
(See Rule 8)
Place of publication
Periodicity of
Printer's
its
Ahmedabad
Yearly
2.
3.
publication
Name
Indian
Nationality
Address
4.
Publisher's
Name
Jitendra B.
Shah
Nationality
Indian
Address
Ahmedabad
5.
380 009.
Shah
Editors'
Names
1.
Dr. Jitendra B.
Dr.
2.
Narayan M. Kansara
Nationality
Indian
L.
Address
D. Institute of Indology,
-
Ahmedabad
6.
380 009.
Name
and addresses of
Individuals
who own
the
Nil
Shares.
I,
Jitendra B. Shah, hereby declare that the particulars given above are
my
knowledge and
belief.
Jitendra B. Shah
Honorary Director
(Signature of Publisher)
As discussed in the earlier lectures, (Sambodhi, Vol. 18, Dec.94), Indian tradition views Natya as Yajna and treats it at par with the Veda, the knowledge or Brahman. This tradition regards Natya as eternal, as it is the fifth Veda created
by Brahma. Mankind discovers or re-discovers it in every age. The process of externalisation of Natya runs through various stages. We can therefore discuss these stages on empirical level from historical point of view.
human
through
beings.
The seeds of
Kama
beings.
human
This country abounds in natural beauty and variety of flora and fauna. The colourful dawns, the chirpings and cooings of various birds and the resounding brooks and swelling rivers might have inspired the man moving notes of
We
activity,
are not in possession of a solid evidence of this kind of primitive theatrical but the archaeological findings do confirm it. The Rock-paintings at
in
Bhembetaka
Madhya
Pradesh, designed
also show some dancing figures. Musical depict persons wearing masks and instruments are also recorded. Near the caves, there are stones which sound
*
Lecture delivered under the annual Lecture Series of the L.D. Institute of Indology,
Ahmedabad. 1989.
RADHA VALLABH
TRIPATHI
SAMBODHI
like
by hands or by sticks. This indicates the earliest stage of Ndtya in evolution where a clear demarcation between the performer and the spectator does not exist and theatre as a group activity forms an
at the beatings
drums
indivisible part of
community
life.
second stage of the evolution of Ndtya, the early theatrical activities, which came to be started in the pre-historic past, joined hands with rituals. This has happened in the history of theatre in other countries also. The urge
to imitate
to
is
(1) pdtliya or Yajna was linked with the Veda, and it involved four aspects recitation of hymns, (ii) sdma or singing of hymns, (iii) performance of rituals,
and
(iv)
Yajna.
bliss resulting out of the performance of associated with each of these four aspects,
respectively.
to
accomplish them,
it
had
to turn
the four Vedas. Describing the legend of the birth of Ndtya, Bharata says that
basic elements
(NS.
I.
17)
between
giti,
pdtliya,
Abhinava
hymns
is
marked by
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
ORIGIN
AND DEVELOPMENT...
of (Udatta, Anuddtta and Sva/ita) and so is the recitation in the performance - in his treatment a play. (Bharata however adds a fourth type of sva/-a - kampita of vdctfca). Sdma is a synoiiymn for song, as Jaimini rightly understands. The
movements Yajurveda treats various physical gestures including circular and pradaksind and the movements of hand and feet with rhythmic patterns
chanting of mantras. This led
to the
for the During Vedic age, Yajna had become a potential and viable medium of growth of various arts. It functioned as a meaningful platform for all sort
were invited
in the
Yajiia
for giving
to
instruments in pitnnedha sacrifice. It also describes the circular movements with rhythm and tune by the amdtyas (ministers) in the same sacrifice. In Vdjapeya Yajna, the wives of the yajmana played several Vmds, named as the
godhdvlnd and the kandavina, while the other instruments went on in accompaniment. (.KSS, XX. 3.71,79). Professional musicians were also invited to give their recitals during the performance of the Yajiia. They were called the vindganagins Singing of gdthds went on along with the vind-recital (KSS,XX.3.2; 8.7). In the Asvamedha Yajiia also invitations were extended to the maestros
.
and they came with their pupils to present their programme. They were given an honorarium of one hundred gold coins each. (KSS XX.3.7-8). The Sukla Yajurveda mentions a jester, a lute player and a
hand clapper
Yajiia
-
race
made
to
The
a festival open to
In
some
pre-requisite.
Apastamba
its ritualistic aspect, gathered the form of of the yajiias, the presence of the sudras was a (1/19/9) prescribed sudra's presence in
from
Darsapuranamdsa. According to Satapatha Brdhmana, sudras and rathakdras were necessarily invited in the Pitimedha Yajna also.
RADHA VALLABH
sitting
TRIPATHI
SAMBODHI
The persons
sadas
around the
alter
(.yajnavedi)
were
called the
sadasyas,
meaning a corner or a part of the alter. Kalidasa has used the word 3 sadasya for the sages engaged in the performance of yajna The same word later came to denote the members of the audience witnessing a dramatic performance.
.
These
facts lead us
to
investigate
-
upon
and
the correlation
sacrifice is presented as a kind portions set music, its interludes and its climaxes. On the contrary, there are scholars who are of the opinion that attributing the origin of our theatre to Vedic Yajna is a part of the 'defence
Reou remarks
The Vedic
its
of drama, with
were the monopoly of Brahmin artist and of a priest-class later; and others were practically barred from active participation!' His conclusion is 'It seems likely that Sanskrit drama has least
:
structure'...., which was needed perhaps to counter the attacks of Philistines and Puritans', and the tendency to associate everything with religion in our country*. In an attempt to demolish the theory of interlink between the ritual and theatre, Jagirdar argues - 'Religious performances were communal
rarely
to
work
Such views are not only baseless, they tend to negate the historical process of the evolution of theatre. Drama and theatre were invariably associated with ntuals and religion in the process of their
Greece, 'both
From a common chant, the ceremonial soon developed into a primitive duologue between the leader and the chorus. The song became elaborated, it developed narrative elements and soon reached a 6 stage of the deity
.
evolution in other countries too In took their rise from religious ceremonial
In our country, the institution of Yajfia n6t only gave our theatre a new lease of life, but also provided it with basic equipments, techniques as well as some of the fundamental concepts which can be analysed as follows
:
(i)
through rituals or Yajna has been extensively Bmhmanas. Kausataki Br. says - ...' the atmosphere is without base of support, verily thus day by day they continue finding support in silpas They are triplets, the Silpa is threefold - dancing, music and singing (XXIX.5)
dealt with in
The idea of
Silpa as projected
Vol
XIX. 1994-1995
ORIGIN
AND DEVELOPMENT...
itself in
In fact this
It
defining silpa.
says
fjfcp?
fSTPT-^vf,
Tfilf
qiretdfMfa
cT^Hf d <$(?:
"afcrfcTg^ft
"=rfcT
(Ibid.)
In Yajna, silpa
is
The concept of
silpa
silpa
is
itself.
The
first
reference to
a means for Aitareya Br. defines silpa as the Gopath gives it a wider perspective on the aesthetic plane by defining silpa had already provided a view of silpa in relation to skill and as anukrti.
where
silpa
'susilpa'
(Rg.X.70.6).
Emergence
of Suta
Through the
emerged a class of artistes who were and craftsmen invited before the and sailusa have been counted as the first and performance of the Yajna, suta a dance-recital (nrtta) the foremost (Yajur.XXX.6). Suta was called for giving
institution of Yajna, there
list
of various technicians
performance of
siitas fulfilled various subsidiary functions song's (gfta). In fact constructed the platform or alter (yo/navedi) rituals.
They
of architectural and the yajnamandapa. As they held a cord for measurement a called to sutradliaras and these sutradliaras play sites, they began 'to be of our theatric traditions. conspicuous role for re-surrection
The debut of
references to
siitas
them
3. Sailalins
The
ritual teachers
According
to
Satapatha
Br.
vidhi of rituals.
Apastamba
composed him Panini informs that silalin of theatre evolving through manual for actors or dancers. It seems in the process in guiding the natas (the sutas) ritual some ritual teachers busied themselves sutas were required to contribute or preparing codes of.conduct for them as these
in teaching (13.5.3.3) silalin is a priest engaged also refers to calls him sailalaka bralunana. KSS - a handbook or a NatasuHa had
the
RAD1-IA
VALLABH TRIPATHI
SAMBODHI
This must have provided an impetus to the theatrical activities associated with the Yajna ceremony.
to the ritual.
4.
ritualistic practices
Being associated or identified with Yajna, the language of theatre also began to evolve through ritualistic practices, leading to the formation of postures, group patterns, body-movements and thus preparing ground for angika abhinaya for performance of Ndtya.
in Yajna
-
had
to
be
made
in a
rhythm. Even
(Ibid.XXII.8). Sautramani, the reciter touche! each limb of Ins body with the chanting of mantra (Vajasaeyi
movements around the alter (i/edi) had a theatrical musical instruments and chanting of mantra* accompanied them The characteristic of Natya - i.e., anukarana is imbued in ritualistic behaviour In one of the rituals for the example, priest walks three steps to imitate three strides of Trivikrama Visnu Sam. Wajsaneyi 3.25). Similarly, the circular movements are made by the priest with assumption of a theatrical space and dramatic mode. "Let me not hurt thee with my feet, O Visnu" says the priest one of the mantras and he walks as if avoiding Visnu lest his feet should touch him. In Asvaraedha, three queens walked with rhythm maintaining time w H le recitanon went on. In
effect, as
the circular
Sam.XX.5-8).
n n - Verbal communication
5.
The Dialogues
Refering
to
165^
ies
iwr,,ii
,
The H
^^^ m
,
1869
th&t this
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
ORIGIN
AND DEVELOPMENT...
the soma-vifa-oyin (vendor of soma). With its form like a farce, this priest) and to Prahasana type of plays in Sanskrit. It dialogue appears to be a precursor
was enacted on the occasion of the performance of Agnistoma Yajna. The the roles of the salesman and dialogue went on between two persons assuming plant already in his possession, the consumer. The Adhvaryu has the Soma but overlooking this fact he hands it over to the persons who is performing the role of a soma-vikrayin. A sort of comic interchange of words ensues between
the two.
The Adhvaryu
it
in a better
way
enacts the
the repartee repeats his sentence five times, followed by of the Soma-vikrayin or the priest who is enacting the role of the Somain the following way: vikrayin. KSS laterally reproduces this dialogue
bargaining of Soma.
He
Adhvaryu Vendor
Adh.
sell this
Soma
sir,
it
is
for sell.
it.
it.
will purchase
sir,
Vend.
Adh.
Alright
I
take
it
will take
cow.
gives us milk,
Vend.
Adh.
Sir,
king
The cow
also very
much
valuable.
approaches
away
The enactment of
this dialogue might have been a good entertainment for the Yajna. The depiction of the assembly gathered on the occasion of the covetuousness and greed of the vendor and the scene of his thrashing might have aroused popular feelings, considering the daily need of Soma in life of
its
acquisition.
fertility rite.
RADHA VALLABH TRIPATHL SAMBODHI The dialogue between the brahmacarin (the celibate) and pumscali (a harlot) is no less dramatic. It was performed on the occasion of mahavata yaga as a 8
8
necessary.
Pururavas-UrvasT(X.95) Sarama-Pani (X.108), Agastya-Lopamudra (L179), Yama-YamI (X.10), Vrsakapi (X.86) Nemi-Indra (VIII. 10) and Visvamitra Nadi 011.33). Each of these dialogues is connected with some popular legend or the other. Also, the most dramatic sequence or episode out of this legend has been chosen for rendering in the dialogue form. The rendering of the dialogues is replete with emotions and sentiments and is effectively charged with dramatic quality. Adya that these Rangacharya
conjectures
drama
dialogues were
activity and were subsequently adopted for purposes. Macdonnel believes that 'the earliest forms of dramatic literature in India are represented by those hymns of Rgveda, which contain dialogues, such as those of Sarama and Pani, Yam a and Purfiravas and
basically
meant
for theatric
ritualistic
Yarn!, Urvasi; the latter, indeed being the foundation of a regular play a thousand years later by the greatest of India! 10
composed
be prepared. Bharata,
who perhaps
belongs
to a
and was adept in theatrical arts, organised the show of Samudramanthana - a samavafcdra type of play, to the theme of
purohitas,
pertaining
the
churning of the ocean by the gods and the demons. This play was performed to mark the festivity on the occasion of Indra's victory over demons. Later on Bharata repeated the show before Siva, alongwith the premiere of one more play Tripuraddha Dima. This is perhaps the earliest record of the performance
>f
lally it
came out
II. Sanskrit drama might have retained with the association of the Yajna, but of the circle of Vedic ritual to function in a wider perspective.
MB
to provide a medium for performing speaks about the actors and dancers
arts.
The
Rajasiiya
entertaining the
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
ORIGIN
AND DEVELOPMENT...
th Yajfia.
Yajnamandapa
society to a feudal system, theatre came out of the narrowing circle of the in search for new horizons, gathering fresh momentum and
its
facets leading to
summed up
as
under
The Samajas
With the re-organisation of society a number of institutions sprang up. The and worship of the deity therein was an added feature of our religious practices and social life. The samajas were initially connected with the temples. Samajas meant an assembly of people. In the tradition of our theatre, the word samajika, denoting a member of the audience or an ideal spectator conies from this 'samaja'
institution of temples
!
Samaja provided nourishment to various cultural activities. They were held in honour of some diety. One such Samaja, the Past/pad Samaja has been described in the MB. Samajas were marked by dance, music and dramatic performances.
In due course, the
began
also to
word samaja came to denote all theatrical activities and be used as a synonym for theatre. 'Sabha.' was identical with to sabhas occur in the Epics. Bharata was being
In
amused by
in the
his friends
sab/zd, 11
by relating stories, performing dances or humorous plays one of his articles published in 'Indian Antiquary', Dr.
Bhandarkar has
2.
theatre.
Other occasions
to
Vedic period, occasions of dramatic performances multiplied. Subsequent Besides the Yajna ceremony, music and dances were presented on the occasions
of the svayamvara marriage, coronation
Festivals held in the
ceremony
etc.
honour of a deity also presented occasions for theatric performances. The tradition of performing a play on Indramahah (Indra festival) was started by the great savant Bharata himself and it continued for centuries.
Sriharsa's
10
SAMBODHI
3.
The Epics
Dramatic Themes
European scholars like Dr. Keith have indicated that the Epics i.e., that Ram. and MB. might have played an important role in shaping the dramatic activities
or in building up a theatre in ancient India. Hillebrandt and Konow had already hinted upon the secular origin of Sanskrit drama. Accordingly, a popular mime existed at the earliest stage, which, together with the Epics, lies at the bottom of Sanskrit drama. Dr. M. N. Ghosh also upholds the theory of origin of Sanskrit drama from the Epics. We can only say that at a certain stage of the evolution of our theatre, Epics had contributed to its growth and resuscitation The Epics were presented by the bards, professional singers or katlmkas, and they had a natural tendency to make their recital dramatic and attractive. Bhoja and hinted upon the dramatic quality of the Epic recital
:
(Quoted by V. Raghavan
the bard narrated the episode of killing of Karasa, people say - he (the narrator) is killing Kamsa. According to Ghosh, it was to add to the charm of this dramatic quality that the reciter began to acquire the help of an actor or a few actors, so that he could present the narrative more vividly There were no organised dialogues or coordinated scenes in the beginning. This form of drama still survives in some forms of folk-theatre, like Pandavanl of Bastar in Madhya Pradesh. The reciter supplied the connecting link between the different of the characters represented by his colleagues at the time of their entrance and eat. These colleagues of the suta or professional reciter were called the kusdavas. Jagirdar proposes that 'at the stage of dramatic representation when suta turned into a sutradJiara, kusilavas turned into pariparMkas, who played music.
When
4.
Emergence of Sxitradhara
******
e r debut
y d presenting dances, music or orchestra on the occasion. They also prepared arms and chanots and built houses. Over above the
this,
r~
cums * ti in 'he society by now, owing to various arts, crafts or technical sciences. In Vedic period they Perf rmance f rituals by COMttuc
* C
**
the
****** ***
greatest
conaibuln
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
11
which the suras made was through the preservation of popular literature comprising legends and myths or 'itihdsa', as they were termed in our tradition. This popular literature, consisting of the dkhydnas and updkliydnas was constantly growing and was being multiplied at the time when the samhitds or hymns of
Veda were being composed. Atharvaveda has included Itihasa, Pur ana, Gdthd and Ndrdsamsi alongside of the three Vedas in the mass of literature that was
delivered to the
purdna
literature,
and for
this
The suta invited for the consecration of the alter on the occasion of the ndgayajna of Janmejaya is described as a sthapati (architect), vdstuvidydvisdrada (adept in
the art of house
epithets of suta
building), pawdnika (one who recites the purdna). The and sutradhara have been used simultaneously for this very
person and he
is
ITfl:
(MB.
Ascribing so
sutas
also
I.
51.15)
many
had become by
MB
informs that the sntas had founded a city called cam pa for their residence.
silt as were called sutradhdras also (probably because they held the measuring cord in their hands when they came to construct the ya/'navedi)- The NS refers to Sutradhara holding the measuring cord (sutra) in
ndtyamandapa (theatre-house)
<J
(NS
Visakhadatta also
refers
to
II.
31 ab)
Sutradhara Daruvarman
for
constructing gates etc. (Mudrdraksasa, Act II). Silras were a class engaged in various professions. They presented the purdnas. Suta muni is said to have presented all the eighteen Purdnas as well as the MB also before the eighty
eight thousand sages in Naimisaranya. When an enraged Balrama killed a sutamuni, he was asked to perform the same prayascitta which a person guilty of
brahmahatyd
is
required to do.
12
RADHA VALLABH
TRIPATHI
SAMBODHI
5.
Emergence of Granthika
sitta
The
was
When
this
was practiced by reading out of some grantha or manuscript, the or pauranika began to be called granthika. The granthika figures thrice in the MB along with suta, nata, malla and jhalla. The competence and acumen of granthika can be understood from references to him by Pataiijali 13
recitation
same suta
Granthika not only recited but also presented the legends music and abhinaya. Bhoja saya that an updkhydna
becomes an dkhydna when presented by the granthika, who not only recites from a prabandha, but also sings and performs the abhinaya. The emergence of granthika during the period of composition of the Epics heralded a new era of our theatre, as he was in of for dramatic presentation, possession script which could help him or his companions - who were called the
perhaps
kusllavas,
in
6.
Construction of Theatres
Construction of theatre- houses or open arenas for the performance was another note-worthy feature of this age when the Epics were under composition. The MB refers to four big theatre- houses (preksdgdras) and one sangitaSdla (a small intimate theatre) within the royal harem. A big preksdgdra was got erected by the king Dhrtarastra for demonstration of armaments the Kaurava and by
Pandava princes, but this was also used for presentation of artistic skills by natas and nartakas". In this preksdgdra, the ranga or the platform for demonstration was in the centre, and it was surrounded by the tiers of seats. The performance presented on this ranga was called prayoga.
The other references
to the
DamayantI and DraupadI in the MB. The ranga mahdranga" and is compared to the cave of The open arena where the people gathered was called the
buildings.
samajavata.
It
The performances by natas, nartakas, sutas or mdghadhas went on for a number of days before the event of the svayamvara.
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
13
MB,
duals or
performances there.
7.
when natas, nartakas, and the other artistes belonging were generally patronised by the royalty along with the mallas,
for the theatre to interact
to
it
was natural
with martial
arts.
The
MB
refers to the
and jhallas in the royal court, and presence of natas and nartakas with mallas also describes the performances by the former on the same platform where the
warriors
would exhibit
It
to the interaction
between the
art of theatre
even the actual wars assumed theatrical dimensions. Various instruments were played and even music and dances preceded, or were presented even 20 The fusion of military science with performing during the course of, a war. 2} Both Valmiki and Vyasa arts led Valmlki to use a term like yuddhagandharva music and orchestra on their use images and metaphors related to dance,
arts that
.
descriptions of duals
and wars.
22
duals The theatre-artistes assimilated the motifs or postures practiced in wars, had to stand in or combats. This gave the Natya a new perspective. They the actor had the fighters. As a result, with the
competition
to
mallas,
professional
nata began to assume the functions of an acrobat. Subsequently, the word The Dasakumaracarita of Dandi describes the
who
(Dasaku. Uttarapithika)
in theatre, The concept of vrtti, which is related to vayapara or action arts. In NS (chap. XX.1-18) fact derived from this interaction with marital
was
in
RADHA VALLABH
TRIPATffi
SAMBODI-n
describes the origin of vnrti.s through the fight between Visnu and the two demons Madhu and Kaitabha. Sdttvati vrtti was actually employed by the sdttvata
made
in fights
for sdttvati
and drbhati
"
1
vrttis.
Abhinava actually
and techniques are assimilated in the practice of theatre. The interdependence of other arts enriches and resuscitates it. In the Epic period, various arts were being promoted under royal patronage. The
arts, crafts,
Various
development of architecture by
construction of theatre
-
and wood
sutas (sutrddhdras or sthapakas') led to the buildings, while the improvements in textiles, paintings craft also added new dimensions in the practice of theatre. Painted
is
curtains came into use during the period of MB., as references to them in the Great Epic, e.g.
:
TfW<ft
^9IT ^TBT
^W
^SJT
II
oTci*Hi*iit
"qz
cMMd
--
(MB.S'alya. 1.40)
(Ibif.,
Asramavdsika. 40.20)
The puppet shows must have been in vogue during the period when the MB. was being composed. The puppets were made to move by cords, which was
called sutra,
cf.
:
(Ibid., Sab/id,
31.22)
Contact with various professional craftsmen must have contributed to the growth of our theatre in Epic period. We get a of this fruitful very
graphic picture
:
Rama
(ii.80.1-3)
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
ORIGIN
AND DEVELOPMENT...
15
9.
The acceleration of the process of evolution of our theatre in the Epic age as described above led to the formation of some fundamental aesthetic concepts Rama. And MB we come across a number of and terms. In both the Epics
terms related to theatre or other performing arts like music, dance, painting etc. These concepts and terms were subsequently standardised in NS. We have
already refered
like ranga, mahdrahga, samdja or samdjavdta denote the performing space and the audience in the MB. The word 'preksd' has been used to denote one show of a dramatic piece or a dance-recital. A big gamut of terminology related to Gandhaivaveda, i.e., nydya, pramdna, layasthdna, samyd, tdla, sausthava etc. finds place in the MB,
to
the
terms
to
which has been adopted in the NS. Even some of the terms used for the forms of drama in NS, have been anticipated in the two great Epics. The word ndtaka has been used in the Rama, for the narrative pieces being told by friends and bards to entertain Bharata. The MB also mentions ndtaka along with katlid and on the stage dkhydyikd. The term rangdvatarana has been used for the entry
or performing area. The term rangastri also occurs denoting the participation of women in the art of theatre.
The contact with the royal court and patronage under feudal system also led to coinage of several technical terms. Culika was a part of the royal place, from
where
culikd
became one
the vaitdlika used to present or recite his eulogies for the king. In NS, of the Arthopaksepakas where a character communicates
the scene. In
some
The
MB
also refers to
purpose of culikd retaining its original Ndndi being recited in the royal place of
Yudhisthira. 26
EXPANSIONS OF NATYA
of dramatic forms proper ground had been prepared for the development
16
RADHA VALLABH
stage.
TRIPATHI
ripe
SAMBODHI
Time was
now
up. In the fourth stage, therefore, which begins right after the roughly around 600 B.C., we begin to find references to plays being actually performed. We also come across mentions of compilation of maxims or codes for the actors. Panini informs that a Natasutra by Sailalin was
drama
to
come
Epic Period
known to him. Patanjali refers to the presentation of Kariisavadha and Balibandha by Granthikas and Saubhanikas 28 while Harivarhsa describes performances of two plays based on the Rdmdyana theme. 2V The performance was given by the warriors disguised as actors a This
27
,
forming
repertoire.
repertoire
demon king Vajranabha. Pradyumna, Srikrsna's son, Samba played the role of Vid Osaka, Gada became the
group
the
also
invited the troupe to give performance in his court. Harivamsa also refers to the festival of Pindaraka where the celestial damsels (apsaras) came to perform the deeds of Krsna through music an dance, indicating the beginning of the form of
Krsnalila.
pariparsvika and the other yadavas were actors (natas). This performed another played named Kauverarambhdbhisara, and the the Vajranabhapura were so enamoured by their performances that the artistes reached the demon-king Vajranabha, and the latter
citizens of
fame of
artists. He instructs the kings to organise samaja or samajotsava, and recommends entertainment the Kusaavas. In BhjlyaKharaniyam, the chapter on salaries of state employees, K. fixes 250 panas as honorarium for the ktisilava, but makes it double for the turyakara (the maker of musical instruments). There is also provision of 1000 pone* for the narrator of Pura^as -the pauranika and the m agadha p.a This indicates that recruitment of the artistes by the government was a regular
that troupes comprising female artists only also functioned during Kautilya's days. K. also refers to Afafa, Afartafca, KuMava Gayaka, Vadaka and a host of other professional sort of >
quite evident from the above account that professional groups had already started functioning during this time and they travelled far and wide to give performances. This is further attested by references to theatric activities in Kautilya's ArthaSastra and the Kamasuti-a of Vatsyayana. AS levies the tax or fees to be realised by the king from the group of actors coming from outside to give performance in his city". A woman going to witness the performance of a play alone was punished or fined, but was exempted from such punishment or fine ,f she went to witness a show given by ladies only, which has been termed as Stripreksaa." This shows
It is
by
Vol.
XIX..
1994-1995
ORIGIN
is
AND DEVELOPMENT...
allowed
to
17
practice.
employ cdrana, kuhak (the professional singer showing painted curtains with
abhinaya') and kusilava, but they could also be assigned duties of espionage or
spying.
The onslaught of the two Great Epics had provided impetus to theatric activities which now came in full swing. The Lalitavistara informs that the princes were
trained in painting, playing the vina, dances, music, pantomime, and also 33 The Avadanasataka tells of the gosthis where dances and enacting the plays orchestra were arranged 34 King Bimbisara was known to have permitted a 35 stage performance in which the Sutradhdra himself played the role of Buddha
. .
.
It is
several
dramas
in
previous births. As the story goes in the Buddist legends, the troupe having performed before king Bimisara was later on invited to Rajagrha, where the charming actress Kuvalaya seduced some of the monks by her histrionic talents. To rectify the harm inflicted on the religious order, Buddha transformed her
his
woman, and subsequently made her to emerge as a saintly The Vinayapitaka informs about the theatre- house at Kitagiri 37 A number of jdtaka tales, which were weaved even before Buddha rose, allude
into a hideous
36
figure
to
samaja
dramatic performance, the role of the nata performing the vidusaka in a 38 construction of theatre-houses and theatre-groups 39
,
.
The Rajaprasanlya Agama, a Jaina text, describes at length the dance items presented before Mahavira by Devakumaras and Devakumaris. Several dancecombinations have been mentioned in the description of the performance. This
troupe also presented the
life
110
.
The rich panorama of Indian theatre, thus, unfolding itself in all its spendour, the ground was prepared for classification and standardisation of our rich
theatric traditions. This led to the compilation of a monumental work like the NS, the most voluminous text on drama and theatre prepared in B.C. era. The above account of ancient Indian theatre also brings out its three facets. There
was a sophisticated and aristocratic theatre patronised by the royal court or by rich citizens. Amongst the dramatists, Bhasa is perhaps the earliest to furnish evidence with regards to the dramatic troupe maintained by the king. But theatre also flourished in the temples. Besides theatre was also being practiced
by groups moving around the country from one place
to
the other.
lft
KAU1-IA
:
VALLABH TRIPATHI
SAMBODHI
REFERENCES
1.
NS CHAP.
y
XVII. part
I.,
p.391.
2.
wT*Frq-Ri^cf?^5ftr
-^"Trf^
?FCT
(
%T*=lzf cfrianicH^lf
^ ^3$
i
i...
(Abh. parti,
3.
p. 15)
WT3
(Abhijnanasakuntala, Act
III)
4.
Pramod Kale
R.V. Jagirdar
British
5.
Drama
p. 15.
6.
Drama,
1P
'
^!^
^^
1
^^^
d
<|)4R^t;
rR=qr
TTPTR
9.
10.
11
(Rama.
II)
12.
13.
^W^?fM^-HT^^aj%^-TO^
''
cqrf^^
3.1.26)
14.
Harsacarita,
II
L/cc/ivasa,
15
aprtcl
16.
MB. Virata
p.
12.37
54.11, 18
17.
MB., Ararijafca
Ibid., 54.5
p.,
18.
19.
20.
Kama
p.
2.3
21.
(Rama. 6.42.23)
22.
(MB, Salya.
p. 6.4)
See also Rama. Sundara. (X.36) mentioning angliara, Bala. IV.8 mentioning laya, Ayodhya. 91.27 and Kis. 28.35 also mentioning laya, Bala. IV.29 mentioning Mdrgf.
(Ibid.
Kama p.
65.13)
23.
V.
Raghavan The
:
Vrttis;
JOR, VI
1932, VII
1933.
24.
fTffl frTO:
(Abh. part
25.
i,
p. 20)
Mudraraksasa, Act
III.
20,21.
26.
(MB,
Sati. p.
83.65)
27.
(Astadhayayi 4.3.110)
28.
See
FN
13 above.
29.
Harivamsa.
30.
far
<$W^ ^m *^ c^
III.
_
I
^^ nlLLl
CArthaiastra, Adhyaksapracara
-
SAMBODHI
39)
31.
Ibid
32.
(Ibid.
Adhyaksa,
38)
33.
FT
(Lalitavistra, p.
108)
34.
TWf^%1WWl^OT-^W^fqq^^
(Avadanas'ataka, p. 75)
35.
Sanskrit
Ibid.
Drama
Keith, p. 43.
36. 37.
For
details,
38.
^<TO^4^^^W^^t^^^
See,
39.
FN 37
&amam Sariyuttam,
as above.
-
Samyuttam Nikaya
IV. p.
306)
40.
89.
RECONSIDERATION OF
SRI SANKUKA'S
Tapasvi Nandi
VIEWS ON RASA-NISPATTI
one of those dcaryas whose views on /usa-realization have been quoted by Abhinavagupta while commenting on the rasasutra of Bharata (Natyasdstra, ch.VI. rasddlidyah*) Here we will attempt a reconsideration of Sri
Sri
is
.
Sankuka
Sankuka's views.
f
*
Sri
Lollata
and
is
him
rasa
is
an imitated mental
later inferred
by
who
Rama and
the like.
holds Sahkuka, successfully imitates the original character and his experience. This imitation by the artist is artificial and unreal, but it does not
artist,
seem
to be so to the spectators,
who
between
the artist
and
the character, on account of artful presentation by the former (vastu-saundaiyaThis baldty, and inferentially experience the mental state of the character.
experience involves two steps on the part of the samajika. First of all he takes the artist to be a character, say Rama, Dusyanta, etc. This cognition on the part of
the Samajika, Sri Sahkuka explains, is a unique form of cognition which is neither real (samyafc), nor unreal (initliya), and also neither of the form of doubt
Sri
this
unique
'citra-turaga'
the artist
who
is
by
the spectator, artfully imitates the character. The presentation is so charming that the spectator artfully infers the feelings of the character. This anukrta
anwnita
Sri
bhdva
is 7'osa
Thus,
Sankuka seems
to
be the
first
known
critic
who
from
normal work-a-day world experience, and co-related it with the connoisseur. However, Abhinava's master Tauta finds fault with Sankuka's theory of anukiti-anumiti. The main thrust of Tauta's argument seems to be that the effect of imitation is bound to be ridiculous, causing laughter and mockery and
the
that
it
cannot be
cannot have any connection with aesthetic experience. Inference also laukikdnwndne tu kd rasatd ?, - observes said to cause pleasure
:
Abhinavagupta
later on.
LVJLUV-'J-'J.ll
should be carefully noted that in ordinary parlance we have to resort to inference to realize someone else's feelings. We can directly experience it. So, Sankuka seems to hold that in art, it could be an artful inference with the help
However,
it
on the part of
the
artist.
'imitation'
in
and
peculiar to
their strict
Mahima seem
to
underline this
peculiar special nature of imitation and inference taking shape in the context of
literary; Mahima, a great protegonist of poetic inference clearly declares that this poetic inference is not be taken as identical with normal logical inference - tarkdnumiti and that it is foolish to expect the perfection of the latter in the former. What is important and undeniable is the fact that even in our normal walk of life we do infer someone
art alone,
'Kdvydnumiti'
to
else's feelings,
form.
What
is the process and it is inference here, i.e. in the context of artexperience. Thus imitation and inference are meant to be taken in their poetic is
important
We may
suggestion
it
-
is
levelled against
-
has to be pwva-siddha i.e. experience cannot claim previous independent existence. Those who take rasa as do not abhivyakta accept it as pwva-siddha like pot (g/mto) in a dark room, which is manifested by light later. If we accept abhivyakti of rasa, then all difficulties
abhivyakta
cannot be saved from the charges goes to observe that a manifested thing has to have a prior existence and rasa-
manifestation of
rasa is not to be absolutely equated with the abhivyakti / manifestation of the ddrsanikas / philosophers, for 'rasa' or aesthetic experience is not pwva-siddha,
i.e. it does not have a prior independent existence. It is only 'tdtkdlika' i.e. that which takes place only till the complex of determinants (vibhavas'), consequents (anubhdvas') and accessories (vyabhicdrins') lasts. Rasa-experience is pan passu with vibhdvddi - complex, i.e. it lasts till this complex lasts only
vibhdvddijlvitdvadhih.
is that if Abhinavagupta's abhivyakti which is not absolutely identical with abhivyakti of the ddrsanikas, can be acceptable in the field of art, and
The point
literature,
what
is
wrong
in accepting Sri
anumiti
i.e.
imitation
as
The point
is'
why
dhvanivadins
Actually there
-
unique anukrti
dhvanivadins.
involves a lesser
dhvanivadins.
anumiti
is
from vyanjand of the is greater substance in what Sahkuka says and his not virtually different from 'abhivyakti' of the
differs
And
kdvydnumiti
amount
is
compared
to
The point
"why
vyanjand?".
VISVANATHA'S KAVYAPRAKASADARPANA
Jagruti
S.
(VII
X)
& SAHITYADARPANA
Pandya
VisVanatha the author of Sahityadarpana (S.D.) is a wellknown poetist. He also wrote a commentary called Kavyaprakasadarpana (K.P.D.) on the
Kavayprakasa
(K.P.) of
many
a time
we
for detailed discussion. Not only that, but get close resemblance with S.D. in it, from of sentences and
is
Mammata, comm.
after
half-sentences and also in form of ideas. Here an attempt the two works critically.
made
to
compare
This attempt
We
is limited to some portion only as already mentioned in the title. have used the Ed. of K.P.D. published from Allahabad in 1979, edited by Dr. Goparaju Rama. But this new Ed. of K.P.D. has too many misprints.
Visvanatha has quoted his S.D. by name at ten places in the comm. on the last four ullasas of the K.P. We have placed similar or parallel portions against one another to suggest their close resemblance.
We
with
significant. S.D.
all its
should also mention that the names of both the works are also very is a work concerned with criticism of literature as a whole
forms, while K.P.D.
is
is
Mammata. The
common
both the
titles
matter.
below
:-
TJ?cTT
Compare the
vrtti
on
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
VISVANATHA'S...
25
The correction
(^W)
is
in the K.P.D.
seems improper.
^TCRL.
of the S.D.
^)
amusing.
The remark
2.
in S.D.
clear.
K.P.D. Ullasa
Compare
&
TPfc)rH^Nf
Tpr^T
differ
only in words.
p.
101 on
K. P. VII
53-54:
<*rtRI
See the
Vrtti
on
Both the
texts
q)-c)*di
&
ai'^'M'ti:
should read as
4.
55-57
26
JAGRUTI
S.
PANDYA.
rR^TT
T Tfcrftfa
SAMBODHI
....I
i
TJef
^ft
^fa:
p. 419
:,
If
TfTT
I
Pl^HMR^f^R:
?tW:
cf^TT
"^
Sjta My cil
Pd
^aft
ZJ:
^fT5fq Yr^t^f:
^f^Tsf'Sl^lTT
RR
ftszf:
^Jtssrf^R
ffcf
as
&
f-iMH'W
^PT. respectively
-
The corrections
should be corrected as
^) & C^I^sf^TcPn) in K.P.D. are also improper. They cT^T & Tl^sf^TRi respectively as in S.D.
i
n s.D.
is
more preferable
than
in K.P.D.
:'
^citfcr
o
in K.P.D.
"3
help of
5.
K.P.D. alias a
VII p.-108
on
K.P. VII
60-62
<l til
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
VISVANATHA'S...
:
27
Read
tfl'^ltil
& WSr5f:
^
in K.P.D.
may
be misprints.
&^TS^?ET:
in K.P.D.
in K.P.D.
should be corrected as
S.D.
6.
Tvge R f^il sf
Compare the
Vrtti
on S.D.
III.32,p.9.7
many
They
7.
are underlined
by
us.
K.P.D. Ullasa
VII. p.
108 on K.P.VII.60-62
Read
S.D. III.33,p.98-
S.D. reads
^f before ^TS:
-
f:
as in S.D.
8.
K.P.D. Ullasa
VII.p..l09 on K.P.VII-60-62
28
JAGRUTI
S.
PANDYA
SAMBODHI
Read
S.D.
III.
34, p.94
i)
"*~?flH<l
Compare
the Vrtti
on S.D.
VII-
29
p. 442
(WT)
Compare
it
11.
K.P.D. Ullasa
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
VISVANAlHA'S...
29
Compare
S.D. suggests better reading in TI*iHi^nMi' f^ra^rfcf ..... 'yM'cJl r^4i should read as rqa^Mrtt^is^i^nliiHfadmi^flrgoR. as in S.D.
in K.P.D.
in K.P.D. is also amusing, while 3TTf=r*rf'^rfcr in S.D. seems commencing. Thus the fullstop after "Sl^'R in K.P.D. is useless and a new
paragraph at
12.
no meaning.
K.P. VII.
p.
110 on
64
W ft
*srFTf
ft^rar,
I
3TfqRtfrar
VIII. 30,
p.477
&
13.
STf^RtfacIT in
WHHsp^T
following S.D.
K.P.D. Ullasa
VII.
Compare
30
JAGRUTI
S.
PANDYA
:
SAMBODHI
<T*TT
The readings
^^ksflW: &
*f*frrn?q
^T^
in K.P.D.
should be corrected as
&
l:
reading
as follows
etc. in K.P.D. is
not proper.
is
1
^:
It
may
obviously incorrect.
14.
K.P.D. Ullasa-VII. p.
The
o.
text in K.P.D. is
not
clear. It is
read as a stanza
^q^
....
etc. in
L).
15.
on
K.P.VII .65
See the
vrtti
on
S. D. VII.
30-31,
p.
443
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
VISVANATHA'S...
3!
d<IR'
it is not required, but can read
:
The correction
(fo*n^T) as in K.D.P.
it
should be
16.
K.P.D. Ullasa
VIII.p.lll
on
K.P. VII.65
Comparethe
-tH
Vrtti
on S.D.
VII. 30-31,
pp.445-46
'*^l cn
-1
rH
I
*
i.
'iTj
fh M il Pel <^ u
...
iir^iioi:
in K.P.D.
sfttxTq
as in
S.D.,,
&41 <PM
in S.D.
17.
37<Tf
^PTO
^TrT:
">!'
^^:
T^cf
II
iftf
See the
Vrtti
on
TFTO
cfcRf:
<a u -sM:
T^cl:
II*
fRT
The quotation
than that
is
found in both
in K.D.P.,,
as indicated
by
us.
18.
K.P.D. Ullasa
VIII-p.113 on K.P.
32
JAGRUTI
S.
PANDYA
SAMBODHI
-1
There
is
is
less
by
:
us.
19.
p.
116 on
K.P. VIII.68
The
20.
S.D.
is
mentioned
clearly by
name
in the K.P.D.
fq <*
Pq gcq sf^qfTIfd-4
I
(?)
T)
Compare the
Vrtti
on
S.D;. VIII. 2,
pp.45 1-52
The
to that of S.D.
latter.
in K.P.D. should
be corrected as
as in S.D.
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
for "fRJ in K.P.D. text
VISVANATHA'S...
33
may
be a misprint.
ci...
in K.P.D.
is
be
suHi^Hfeci
...
as in S.D.
is
n K.P.D.
may be
p.
116 on
K.P. VIII.68
fa-KIK^H cOtfc^y/t^Ki
S.D.
is
in K.P.D.
22.
117 on
K.P. VIII.
72
ffcf IT^
See the
Vrtti
on
The
S.D.
text in K.P.D.
is
corrupt and
it
23.
on
K.P. VIII. 72
:,
^rf w*f\
See the
Vrtti
on S.D.
VIII.9-10, p.458
:,
^ff:
->-)
JAGRUTI
S.
PANDYA
SAMBODIII
Both the
texts
ideas also.
p. 458
srsf
in K.P.D. is
an obvisious misprint.
It
should be
text.
3FT as in S.D.
The
t^
in K.P.D.
25.
p.
117 on
K.P. VIII.72
nre?fT
See the
Vrtti
on S.D.
VIII 9-10,
p.458
-spam TTT^T
in K.P.D. is improper. It
should be
^^ w^^l
K _p_ D bur
_
as in S.D
for
smrrf
in
y^^.
s,
26.
in K.P.D.
is
a misprint.
It
on
K.P. VIII.72
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
VTSVANATHA'S...
35
See the
Vrtti
on S.D.
VIII 9-10,
p.459
f^nr
wti
-^
are
Both the texts have similarity but K.P.D. has t=M <"!... while S.D. has T... and K.P.D. has yfeft while S.D. has
The
rest
is
read as
YF^^frFqiiTifN:
27.
p.
119 on
K.P. VIII.
72
WT:
f^"JrRfclfcf:,
'^TFTT
Both the texts are almost identical but the word missing in K.P.D. and the K.P.D. text has RK^Ij,^
wNt
after 1%T:
is
^
28.
for
"^
in K.P.D. is
an obivous misprint.
on
K.P. VIII
72
Wt
fT'flcT
^SP*d=hSR
ff?T
VIII. 16,
pp.463-64
f^^TT:,
^^PRFT'fT^f ^rlf^PT,,
36
JAGRUTI
S.
PANDYA
SAMBODHI
^MlHHfr1
,l3
IJ
M Jd<m
J
in K.P.D.
seems
to be a misprint. It
should be
f^TT: as in S.D.
"SWTFRsfa^ with
the help
in K.P.D.
should read
effort,
as in S.D.
uicii
in K.P.D. is also
nEot proper.
It
should be srqt-m'j^wi as in
S.D.
Besides
this,
closely.
29.
on
in
K.P.D.should read as
tTeTlrHci'Sft in
f^^T and
HcJTrqcftsfxi
n K.P.D. should
read as
S.D.
30.
K.P.D. Ullasa IX
p.
123 on K.P. IX 79
See S.D.
\\\ '
5,
p.476.
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
VlSVANATHA'S...
37
in K.P.D.
text, clearly
may
is
by name.
-
31.
K.P.D. Ullasa
IX-p.132
^35":
on K.P.IX.84
ltf
f*T5ftSd4hH:
S.D.
10, p.
484 reads
as
It is
should be corrected as
TFIRJ fofafcjHSft as in
S.D.
32.
on
K.P. P.IX.84
Read the
Vrtti
The
text in K.P.D.
is
not clear.
for 3TS3 "^ in K.P.D. has
The correction
in K.P.D.
(3HT
no meaning.
is
obviously incorrect?.
It
should be
^Rf
as in S.D.
l.
U1 K.P.D.
should read as
^cq^WXrai^
as in S.D.
38
MGRUTI
K.P.D. Ullasa IX
p.
S.
PANDYA
:
SAMBODHI
33,
Compare the
Vrtti
on
S.D. X-12, p. 49 6
a clearer expression. o%
should read as
1W^ in K
-
.p.
is
34.
K.P.D. Ullasa
IX
p.
134 on
K.P. IX
85
p.
494
S.D.
is
35.
K.P.D. Ullasa IX
p.
138 on
K.P. IX-86
See the
Vrtti
on S.D. X.2,
p. 473
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
I
VISVANATHA'S
'*Tffif
'
I
39
iffc!
The K.P.D. has clearly mentioned S.D. by name but K.P.D. text is full of mistakes as underlined by us. They should each be corrected with the
help of S.D., quoted as above.
36.
K.P.D. Ullasa X.
p.
crqrl%,
This
may be compared
with the
Vrtti
%fqr^Tf:
-'
37.
144 on
K.P. X. 92
Compare the
Vrtti
on
K.P.D. has
:,
which
is better.
38.
on K.P. X .108
T3F
40
JAGRUTI
S.
PANDYA
SAMBODHI
much
clear expression.
39.
S.D. is clearly mentioned by name. The K.P.D. text presents curruptions which should be corrected in the light of the S.D. text as above.
40.
....fHfcrlri
ScSjnnpit
ft^K^
^f
See the
Vrtti
on
The
It
text in K.P.D. is improper. The word faTNld.&=bK;' has no meaning. should be corrected as fifftsiR^ with the help of S.D.
'
in K.P.D. in S.D.
is
^ft^^rn^n
as
41.
K.P.D. Ullasa
(?)
Compare
The
3.U.
text in K.P.D.
is
not clear.
It
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
VISVANATHA'S...
41
mentioned by name in K.P.D. at seven places, where we get quotations from S.D., while at three places we have quotations from S.D. without any clear mentioning.
S.D.
is
clearly
this, S.D. is
mentioned in name
at three places,
places,
1.
K.P.D. Ullasa IX
p.
133 on
K.P. IX.
85 85
2.
K.P.D. Ullasa IX
It
p.
134 on
K.P. IX.
may
fully,
which
They are
as under
:-
1.
2. 3.
W...
4.
5. 6.
7.
rar*jsfir....K.p.D.
vm
p.H7
S.D. S.D.
Ill p.
110.
HF^faTtezf
p.119
p.
-
^^nrrofts^
rarfrnrft
....
K.P.D.
vm
165
vm
p.463.
8. 9.
K.P.D. x.
X.
p.
-
S.D. x. p.63i.
^m... K.P.D.
^T fa*RT
....
p.144
S.D. X. p. 564.
-
10. 11.
K.P.D.
X
p.
aufara.... K.P.D.
Thus
in this
second
article,
first
session, A.I.O.C., at
Ahmedabad,* we have
tried to
can not help suggesting S.D. parallasisms between the K.P.D. and the that the Allahabad edition of the K.P.D. has left out much to be desired and a Critical Edition of the K.P.D. has to be attempted afresh. Our
We
comparison of both the texts has shown that it can be helpful in editing the K.P.D. and fill up the gaps which the learned editor has left out.
*Published in "Sambodhi", Vol.12
-
April'83
a research
42
JAGRUTI
:
S.
PANDYA
SAMBODHI
Reference Works
1.
Dr.
Goparaju
Rama
2.
Delhi, 1982.
Kavyaprakasa (K.P.) of
Mammata
Edited
&
ON
MIA.
LAGG
H.C. Bha.ya.ni
As compared to the description and discussion of lag - and other verbs used as the second verb (variously called 'operator', 'explicator', 'vector' ) in NIA
1
compound
Prakrit,
information about their early history 2 I have noted below some occurrences of Pk. lagg-, from some early texts in
verbs,
.
we have meagre
3
.
Lagg- lagthe
first
verb.
(1)
(VasudevahimdT-Madhyama-khanda,
Cent.
A.C.)
p.
C. 8th
headmen began
to speak'.
(2)
(3)
'I
began
to flee'.
(3)
(4)
(4a)
Samappai laggau (Ritthanemi Cariya, 17, 3, 10, 9th Cent. A.C.) 'has begun be finished.
to
(5)
Olaemi laggo
started
Kathakosa -prakarana
p.
II
serving'.
(6)
Amhdnam
puna
(Mulasuddhi
tlka) p. 80.
1090 A.C.)
44
H.C.
BHAYANl
SAMBODHI
late,
(8)
Vastudvayam nasyati lagnam (Srngaramafijari-katha, p.64) 'Both the things began to disappear'.
Nrtyati lagna (Srngarainafijari-katha, p. 69) 'She began to dance'.
(9)
(10)
Agacchoti lagnah (Katbakosa, 6.8; llth Cent. A.C.)* "He started coining'.
Cll)
started coming'.
(12)
(13)
3; 53, 9)
began
to strike'.
(14)
Maiyase lagnah (Kathakosa, 81, 7) *You began to be struck'. Mucyate lagimh (Kathakosa, 19, 14) to be released'.
(15)
'began
(16)
'He began
to
be restrained'.
(17)
began
to go'.
Vol.
XIX,
1994-1995
ON
MIA.
LAGG...
45
(18)
Svapimi lagnah
'I
began
to sleep'.
(19)
Yojayati lagnah
'He began
to join'.
(20)
place'.
infinitive of
purpose of the
first
(1)
74, 14, 5)
(2)
Pariciriita.hu
6, 2)
'Began
to reflect'.
(3)
'Began to speak'.
Dhalidvanalu laggu (Paumacariya, 69, 19, 8)
(4)
'Began
to
(5)
3, 18, 8,
1070 A.C.)
Numerous
Cent. A.C.)
Mixed
lag- is
nas'- path-, pa-, bhaks-, vand-, Jtr-, gam-, da-, the king's head' is interesting in that therein lagnah 'began to stick to and secondary sense side by side. used in the primary
1
above-cited instances. Both Several points are to be noted about the Not only that, both of the constructions are attested up to the 12th Century.
them appear
in
one and
the
same
46
H.C.
BHAYANI
SAMBODHI
Paumacariya') Later on only the second construction survives, and it continues in NIA. languages 5 The Sanskrit instances are Prakritisms (or
. .
collaquialisms).
The
first construction in which the second verb is used with the imperfect personal forms of the first verb is particularly significant in that it provides us with an early example of two similar controuction-types in NIA. The
Hindi future forms in -ga, (karuga, karegd, karege etc.) derive from a combination of imperfect personal forms and ga Sk. gatah, Pk. gao 'gone'. The semantic change however has not been satisfactorily explained so far.
in that the
Secondly the Gujarati Finite Present, formed with an auxiliary, stands apart main verb and the auxiliary both have the personal endings, as
against
many
other
participle of the
main verb
The following three similar instances of a construction are to be noted for Apabhramsa from Svayambhti's Pamacariya (9th Cent. A.C.): iha mikkan
karai dsi pavanu (78, 8,9)
was sweeping
-
refuse
;ai
jdmi
asi
paricatta
bhaya (18,
fear'.
6, 1)
'If I
REFERENCE WORKS
A. N. Upadhye 'On the postposition lagna in some Jain rexes' JOIB, 24, 1-2, 1974. the data also given in his edition of Prahtacandras Kathakosa, Introduction, pp. 22-23.
is
Bombay
-1959.
-
Ahmed abad
-
1976.
1988.
-
Ahmedabad
Bombay
-
1961.
1949.
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
P.
ON
MIA.
LACK,
....
47
Colin
Masica.
'the
Purnabhadra, Pancdkhyanaka.
Prabhacandra-suri. Kachakosa, Edited byA.N. Upadhye.
1,
2, 3,
Bombay 1953
1955.
Ahmedabad
1993.
NOTES
1
The present
I
article is a revised version of the note in Bhayani, 1988, 418-420. I am thankful to Prof. Michael Shapiro for his comments on the draft of this paper which had referred to him.
4
5
The Kathakosa
Upadhye, 1974.
p. 222,
For the inceptive use of la$-/gal- in NIA see Vale, 1948, Table 10 on relevant section under different NIA. languages.
and
the
J.
Shah
to
fond of referring
important historical
events
and
-
personalities,
etc.
characteristics,
We know
(c.355
440
A. D.),
as also to his
work 'Hastavala
word
'hastaval-epa'.
Similarly,
in
Kalidasa's
Raghuvamsa
(XIII. 7)
some event
in the
as follows
is
if
we
as follows
the
The Mahlsasakas (mahldhrah) were humbled' in their pride (.attagandhah) on account of Paksaccheda and gotrabheda 3 So they were harassed (upapalavinah) by others (parebhyah) Hence they by hundreds (satasah} took refuge under the shelter of netural (saranyam
. .
asrayante)
impartial
(mad/iyamam) Dharmottara.
There
is no doubt that 'Dharmottara is a Buddhist proper noun. Now the above interpretation of the verse gives rise to following questions When
1
to
take place?
What were
actually meant by pafc^a and the conditions that led to paksaccheda and
is
What
gotrabheda
'others' that
harassed 'them?
What
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
it?
A PUZZLE FOR...
W
Why
did Mahisasakas take
Who
is
Dharmottara?
refuge
under him? Why was he regarded n'etnral or impartial? Was 'Madhyama' the title conferred upon Dharmottara? Had this Dharmottara any connection with the Dharmottarlya school (nikayam)?
VadirDeva
Siiri,
Svetambara
Jaina
monk,
wrote
his
Pramananayatattvalokalankara in 12"' century A.D. His voluminous commentary on it, called Syddvadaratnakara* is a highly scholarly exposition of the text, referring to so many Hindu, Buddhist and Jaina works and
,
authors.
refers to
Commenting on 'Svaparavyavasoyi jiianam prqinanam iti Dharmottara and Vrddha-Dharmaottara. On this basis Muni
Pt.
||2||' he
Jinavijayji
floatted a theory that 'Vrddha-Dharmottara' and persons of the same name, one senior and another junior.
Mahendra
Kumar
to
after
close
in
the
commentary
5
one and the same person, that wellknown commentator of Dharmaklrti. to reffered there is no question of ouridentity flying Dharmottara So in the Raghuvamsa verse with Vrddh.a Dharmottara mentioned in the
Syadvadaratnara.
Nowhere do we
may enable
verse.
we
Raghuvamsa
4.
Vol. to Nyayakumudacandra, Ed. Pt. Mahendra Kumar, Manikchandra Digambara Jaina Granthamala, No. 38, 1938, pp. 94-96.
Hindi Introduction
I,
IN
R.N. Me/i fa
AimuAtmmham
tripadarii
ca panca-bala-s amanvitarii
^
Introduction
It
occasion of Mantrajagarana, when the followers of the four Vedic Samhitas were reciting the Mantras. The musical melody of the Samavtda that is the mam
was an
Veda of
the
Upveda
of
au.sic.,
was enchanting.
to listen
Pandits .hould
lis t e n
,o the
Buddito They
to
phenomenon more
closely.
worker while exploring the archaeological mounds at Nagara the older Cambay, a sand-stone image of Buddhanatha that was worshipped by he
field
Being a
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
SOME
COMMON ELEMENTS.
..
$\
On another occasion, I was excavating a Sarira Stupa at Devnimori in Gujarat. A Jain Sangha was moving from Kadavanja to Kesariyaji, under Munishri
Punyavijayajl. Being an enlightened
time at the
excavation
site.
It
was a big Sangha. Many members of the Saihgha the vihara of the Sariigharama and began identifying
were
it
as
one of
their Upasraya.
These experiences indicate that contrary to the prevalent idea that Buddhism opposed the Vedic religion, there are more common elements that form the core of the belief systems of the Vaidik, Buddhist and Jain system.
If this
there
is
experience of the common elements seen in different groups be true, and no doubt about it, there must exist many common elements between
is
the Vaidika or Brahmanic and Buddhist systems. In this paper an effort to trace some of them in broad outlines only.
Life of
made
Chronologically and historically it is a well-known fact, that, Siddhartha, the son of Suddhodana was born in a society with a long tradition reaching on the language front to the Vedic literature. It is also known that in this tradition chapters of explanations were
known
as
to
migrated
to Kapilavastu.
Besides these aspects, two teachers of Lord Buddha are noted as Rudraka Ramaputra and Alar Kalam from whom he learnt the Yoga. He had practised
left
them.
Even
after attainment of
preaching. It is who indicated that he should start preaching the four noble truths, eight-fold the path, etc. So, Lord Buddha decided to embark on the career of unfolding
Buddhahood, Lord Buddha was in two minds about noted in Dhammachakka Pabbatitana Sutta that it was Brama,
52
R.N.
Mlil-ITA
SAMBODI-U
'Magga'
to listeners.
whom
he should
proclaim
in
his revelation, he thought of his teachers and his fellow practitioners penance. His teachers were not living, so he went to the Mrgadava, where
he
met
his friends
first
discourse on the
disciples
Dhamma
During
If this
began
its
movement. His
first
beliefs,
he came across a cross-section of contemporaries of many to chart their own ways. social phenomenon be taken into consideration one can infer that
his career
easily
lord
Buddha
lie
started developing his order of the natural that the society shared
that
which
Buddhist Sramanas.
therefore,
many common ideas and behaviour patterns' would indicate the unity and diversity of the system.
over the
last-rites.
b^dt7T
tl e Kula the
disposal of his mortal remains should follow the practice of the Cakravartins ns 6 C ntii Uity f SyStem f Cremari n and
when Lord Buddha was passing away, his disciples were confused Upon asking the Lord, he indicated that the last -rites and
p'f
7f
^ **
P-emation
the
***' of **
'"W
^a
=".-"-=X'=i:K:
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
SOME
COMMON
ELEMENTS....
53
lower part and sperical upper part similar to that of the Stupa. The identity is so close that instances are noted where a stupa is also venerated as Sivalinga
as Bhimesvara, Dhingesvara,
Buddhamatha,
etc.
may be incidentally pointed out that the term membrance virile, but is more used in the sense
It
lingo,
of
it is used in several places, under these circumstances, to understand sivalinga of only as a sexual symbol suggests rather a lop-sided view of this symbolism the universe, the benevolent and ascetic form of Siva who is an unfathomable
pillar.
of the stupa
With proper analysis of the symbolism of Sivalinga on one side and that on the other it becomes clear that both of them seem to coincide
points.
on many
One of the interesting facts of this feature is the presentation of the figure of the Buddha in front of the stupa, and that of the form of Lakullsa in front and the image portion of the Sivalinga. In both cases the background symbol in the front show many common elements of the symbols with necessary
differences.
the tranquil images of the Buddha in Dhyana Mudra, with Yoga Visnu, Siva as an Yogi etc., the common
clear,
as
is
common
of Buddha, superfical look at the images Tirthamkara and Lakullsa figure leads to confused identification that gets cleared the of characteristics complete figures. the examination of all iconographic
by
If
the heads are available, only the broken "images, and specially almost impossible to separate them.
it
becomes
54
N MEHTA
-
SAMBODHI
common
art,
continue
significantly
known
that
some of
worshipped by other sects. As an example two deities from Tarahga Hill in North-Gujarat are noted here. One of them is a white marble image worshipped as Dharini Devi. It has the inscription of the Dharin!
it. This name of the text seems to have been retained and her iconographic identification was forgotten, so it was in the recent study first identified as Tara, and then it was corrected as Sukla Kurukiilla. Even though, this correction is supported to a great extent by the available Sadhana, it
text
on
requires further investigation to discover the correct Sadhana for this deity.
Moreover, the deity Kurukulla, an emnation of Amitabha, is invoked orthodox brahmanical text of Lalitasahasranama as Kurukulla.
in the
Dhanada
is in worship as PadmavatT in the Ajitnath temple at Tarahga. an emanation of Amogha Sidclhi, the Dhyani Buddha. Her one in identifying the image as that
Tara.
Syncretic Thought
These identifications of the images raise a fundamental issues about them. It could be argued from purely iconographical angle that these are wrong
identifications. This icono graphically strong
weak when
It is
fairly
it
is
tendency of identification of the creation of one sect by the own deity. It is already noted that Kurukulla Similarly Padmavatl is identified with several goddesses, including Tara in all her forms by the Jains. The Buddhists were not far behind as they also had identified Padmavatl as a form of Tara. She is
other as belonging to one of their is an accepted deity of the Saktas.
possibly Padma of Brahmans. This literary activity contradicts the iconographic identification and gives free scope to the acceptance of one figure as that belonging to some identification of that other sect. This aspect leads to a lot
common
of amalgamation.
Vol.
XIX,
1994-1995
SOME
COMMON
ELEMENTS.,
55
examine the basis of the activity of such identifications for amalgamation, one has to consider the phenomenon of logic and verbal communication.
If
one
tries
to
its
narrowest sense
is
a mental
effort to
statement on the basis of reasoning from experience. This thought becomes clear when the method of argument is considered that the examination is
ultimately based on Drstanta, which is a common experience of the inquirer and the world, as noted by Vatsyayana, the commentator of Nyaya Sutras of
Gautama.
While discussing the fifth aspect of Nyaya, the Drstanta is defined in the Sutra 25 of 1st Chapter that it is laukika panksakdnam yasminn arthe buddhi-sdrnyam
sa
di'stantah.
Commenting
on
it
Vatsyayana
explains
Laukikas
as
Lokasdmdnyam atltah laukikah naisargikam vainayikam buddhyatisayaiii prdptdh / tadviparitdh pariksakdh, tarkma pramanaili artliath pariksitum arhantiti Yathd' yam artliam lakikd buddyante tatha pariksaka api so artlio drstdntah
i
i
It is
the common element of the experience of the world, that is the fountain source of the knowledge both of a common man, who considers it as natural and does not examine it. Those who examine it, not only accept it, but try to the explain it as a result of an act of an actor. The explanations, therefore, are
results of either the experience of an individual
and
his analysis or
he accepts
This
is
and
its
an important aspect of the relative value of the experience of an individual of the analysis by himself and a belief system based on the experience
the
Brahmanas and
Sramanas
that
is
towards clear understanding reveals his position in the statement "Nafinsta samanassa, Brahmanassa vasutvd Vadami; Api ca bhikhave, yadeva me samam
*'
56
R.N.
MEHTA
SAMBODHI
gndta samam didtham, samam viditam tamevdham vaddmi (Sakkar Suttam). This statement of Lord Buddha has high epistemological significance that the
proper observation and knowledge are more important in comparison to the statements of the Sramanas and Brahmanas. This base of observation and correct knowledge is a common thought for scientific knowledge. This is a constant
strain in the belief system of the Vaidikas
in the Vision of the Rsis.
who
They were
revealed.
transmitted, and form the basis of the Brahmanic tradition, that is a commentary of this tradition. The continuity of this idea could be found in the Brahadaranaka,
5th Adhyaya. 14th Brahamana where this point is discussed. Tadvai tat satye pratisthitam caksur vat satyam caksur hi vai satyam tasmdd yad iddnim dvau
vivddmdndv eydtdm ahamdarsam aham bruydd ahamdarsam iti tasma eva sraddahyam
asrausamiti
ya
evam
Brahmanic Tradition
The preservation of the Vedic tradition by the Veda, its commentaries in the literature of
Upanisads, as well as
its
specialists of different
Sakhas of
the
continuous examination gives the Indian ethos of the been studied, compared and accepted
many
Phenomenon
The Vaidika
of the Rsis.
of Language
that of the verbal record of the vision
is
aspect leads to an understanding of the phenomenon of language or Vak, to use the term of the Rgveda. In the understanding of Vak, the statement in Rg.l. 164.45 is explicit about the fourfold nature of the language. It states that the three aspects of Vak are hidden
Significantly,
this
Many words
Due
for
one object
to this condition, the one that exists is expressed by different words. Thus, though the language might differ, the ultimate reality is one. This one is monistic
Vol.
XIX,
1994-1995
SOME
COMMON
ELEMENTS...
57
and not monotheistic in the early Vedic tradition. This aspect of monism is developed both by the seers of the Upanisads, and the Buddhists. If the criticism
of Sankara the great Advaita philosopher
it
would
This feature
fairly well documented by Bhartrhari in his Vakyapadrya, where he expressly states that the permanent sabda, tries to explain the meaning of the phenominal world.
phenomenal world
is
noted
in
its
dual form, that of the spoken or written words on one side and the supreme reality behind the phenomenal world. It is interesting fact that this notion of
the
significant feature of the
phenomenal world springing up from an undesirable sub-stratum Brahmanic and Buddhist thought.
is
Parmarthika
in its entirety. This thought that is multif ace tied gives a different
verbal picture of this mysterious world with its changing patterns in cyclic, Yang-Ying or linear dimensions to the observer who is a part of the universe
or
Brahmanda.
Problems of Communication
The undescribable
entity of existance
when communicated
Sunya
etc.
to the
others gets a
long drawn series of debates has undergone to prove the validity of the 'Word' used by a particular a constant group. This situation of the linguistic communication is also in which the changing pattern of the relationship of the spoken
phenomenon, or recorded word and the meaning conveyed by it results in many debates. The main reason of this debate is the limited capacity of the words to convey, the the mind of the individual who expresses specific meaning of its shade that is in
it
is
the idea expressed, but even contradictory ideas are generated from these words. This is an universe of verbal discourse in which Vdda, Jalpa and Vitanda
play their
own
role.
58
RN
'
MEHTA
SAMHODH1
Dialogue or Vada
When one considers the basic function of verbal communication as a proper expression and proper response for acquisition of knowledge and understanding after examining relevant proofs, the picture gets a little clear. Dialogue is possible when there is an agreement on the sources of proof. With the strong emphasis on one's experience as noted by Buddha, Pratyaksa and Anumana
become the valid sources of proofs. But this aspect though true, fails to be very effective in absence of verbal communication, that is essential for exchange of
ideas, continuity of tradition etc.
and bringing
this diversion,
common
elements.
Brahmana
Interestingly the term
its
carrier as
Brahma,
its
attention. The word, which began the expanding sphere of universe and knowledge of expression later on came to signify the that made
group
known
understand the Brahma Vidya. As speech was the modus operandi of group, in the anthropomorphical model of the was society such
to
in die
Rgveda.
reads the Catukka Nipata, Brahmana Dhammayaga St.tta the words Ahamasnn blnkkhave brahmano" and 'To* a me tumhe putta orasa mukhoto lata dhammasd" by Lord Buddha as well as the term Mahana used for TTrthamkara Mahavira, it becomes clear that this term Brahmana was used to
When one
explain the social group engaged in the inquiry of knowledge and preserving
Vol.
XIX,
1994-1995
SOME
COMMON
ELEMENTS...
S9
the traditional role of knowledge. When misinterpretations for selfish ends of the tradition were doled out in the society, the
radical understanding opposed Buddhist was generated.
this activity
Buddha,
However, when one examines the activities of the "Aham asmi brahmana" his supporters were many learned Brahmins who were the seekers
and followers of the Pravrttimarga or Path of Action. Along with these activists in the society, passivists also exist. They contemplete about the universe, life, activities, pleasure pain and other aspects and lead a contented life often in individual seclusion or in their group or Samgha. This section of the society is the Sramana. The word is used in the sense of the
after truth
an
effort.
When
it
is
making
it
called Sramana, and with the constriction of the signifies an ascetic and later on a Buddhist Monk.
is
-
the effort
meaning
Brahmana
Sramana
-
Under the earlier connotation the words Brahmana Sramana are jointly used not only in the Tipitakas, but also in the edicts of Asoka. They therefore, signify the activists and pacifists in a given society and their antithetical sense
gives a partial rather incomplete version. These groups live in the and share many aspects of its cultural and intellectual
same society
is
parameters, as
known
literary compositions.
Brahmin Sannyasi, Jain Sadhu or a Alums a, Asteya, Aparigraha and Brahmacaiya, Saudi, Svadhyaya Santosa, Tapas and Isvara-pranidhana are emphasised in the Yogamarga. Jain Anuvratas and Mahavratas and Buddhist vratas also emphasise most of them. The society also emphasises them as Samanya dharma.
life
On
cycle of a
many common
the Asadha Piirnima, Bhadrapada Panami, Vaisakhi Purnima are also days of celebrations of different aspects of Brahmanic and Buddhist societies. It is Vaisakhi Purnima, that has given the present names Prathat-Thali and Thailand in 1949 A.D. and replaced Siam.
Besides
it,
common
60
R.N.
MEHTA
SAMBODH-I
Common
Thoughts
in Art
As an example the acceptance of five elements of the world by the Sarhkhya thinkers and the idea for five Buddhist deities, development of an architectural
group of
art-forms.
one main and four subsidiary ones are Brahmanic and Buddhist thought, and basic
one examines the reverance paid to Lord Buddha as one of the incarnation of Visnu and examines the images of this school, it seems that the art forms
If
in society
Prathet Thai
When
these cooperative aspects are considered in the Indian society and compared to that of the society of Prathet Thai, the emergent picture is
significantly highly
The Vaisnavas consider Buddha as one of the incarnation of Visnu, the protector of the world order. On physical plane the work of protection is carried out by the ruler from the state capital. When one considers the cultural parameters in
Prathet Thai, the capitals like DvaravatI (Cir. 6th-Cir.il/12th Cent.) Ayutthaya (Cir. 14th-1716) and Bangkok (18th cent, t present) with its full name
"Krungthep, Rajadhani, Buriroma, Udom, Rajanivet, Mahasthana, Ainarna, Pimarna, Avartana, Satit, Sakkatuthiya, Visnukarma Prasit" is highly instructive.
Toponyms
well-known town developed by Lord Krsna when he moved Western India. This was the capital of Yadavas. It is archaeologically debated about the exact location of this important city. However, with the advancing evidence of the chaleolithic studies, sites around
DvaravatI,
is
the
from Mathura
to
Dwarka suggests that the occupation of this region fairly early in the period around 200 B.C. Significantly one of the capital of Prathet Thai in a period of about 6th to cir. 12th, is named as DvaravatI that reminds one of its Vaisnava association, that has with the Brahmanic affinity
is
of the most popular ruler of of another ruler from iksvdku dyanasty, in which
Vol.
XIX,
1994-1995
SOME
COMMON
ELEMENTS...
61
essentially a story of
Rama's story in this country, the Rama Kian, is Brahmanic order with some reflection in the Dasaratha
The Dvaravati
or
Ayodhya had
to
Sukho Thai; the city of Ram wait for a few centuries for its
Ayutthaya the Ayodhya, that is, an invincible town, as noted in the Ramayana gave the name of the second capital of Prathet-Thai. Though it bore the name of an invincible city, it suffered reverses at the hand of the Burmese in the
18th century and the Thais changed their capital to the present day Bangkok. As already indicated the capital is Krungthep = city of Gods; Rajadhanl = = Beautiful city; Udoma Rajanivet = Fine settlement of a capital; Buriroma
ruler;
of God; Satita
Prasit
epithets of
Bangkok testifies to an understanding of the basic identity of Brahmanic and Buddhist traditions. The Thai picture is much nearer the truth of our social and religious practices. This picture could be enlarged by more examples but the time at our disposal would restrict such an exercise.
These names, however, suggest the series of ascending order of the cities form a town at the entrance or Dvaravati to Sukho tai i.e., rise of happiness to that of the invincible capital or Rama under the Fya-Uttong dynasty and finally to the certain of Visvakarma who is identified as brahma or Visnu. If the identification the highest Brahmanic deity of stability Visnu be taken as valid
under Akri Bargkah represent establishment of Brahmanic deity of stability Lord Buddha was very aptly dynasty. According to the theory of Avatara,
considered to be the incarnation of Visnu.
With Gnana, Anukampa and Karunya Prabhava of Lord Buddha as noted in the discovered from the Sarira stupa at Devnimori, inscription of a schist stone casket
he could not be associated with either Brahma, the creator or Siva the destroyer of the universe. The basic understanding of the Nirodha of Dukha, its cause the and Samddhi of the Lord Buddha Avidhyd and the Mdrga with its Pragnd, Sila
was
for protection
and happiness
62 RN HTA SAMBODffl Visnu, the protector of the universe of the Brahmanic tradition could be the only form of ths formless that could be Lord Buddha's Avatdra for Bahujanasukhaya and Bahujana-hitdya as expressed in Suttam.
'
-
Bahujanahita
Visnu as Siddhartha Siddhasamkalpa, Siddhidah, Siddhasadhanah and connects Baudha Siddhas in a common bond, (Vedaprakasha Juneja Natha Sampradaya Aura Sahitya", p.136-138) that runs though the historical and period keeps the common elements of cultural symbosis.
the Siddhayogis and
Conclusion
This significant correlation of
Brahmanism and Buddhism is noticed in Prathet ceremony of the ruler is performed by Rajagru
is probably a picture of the intertwining of Brahmanism and Buddhism into variagated cultural ethos of Prathet-Thai as well as other areas where the ideas and practices of both trends are persisting in a five symbiotic relationship; that is often expressed as basic unity with diverse linguistic expression. One of the finest expression of this is
This
Hanumana's authorship.
It
thought notes
to
yam
iti
brahmeti veddntinah
I
karteti naiyayikdh Arhannity apt jainasasanarata karmeti mimamsaka.1i Soyam no vidadhdtu vancchitaphalam
Baudhdh buddha
pramana-patavah
trailokyandtho harih
//
In this general continuity of ideas of accord in different periods of discord to Kama Lobha, Moha, Ahamkara etc. are also existing, but not
due
approved for
effort.
we
making
all
and wish
Sane bhavantu sukhinah sarve santu nirdmayah Sarve bhadrdni pasyantu md kascid duhkhamdpunydt Aum sdnstih san tih sdn tih
in the Jain
Canonical Literature
texts have been broadly classified into two viz., (a) Anga-bdhya or Anga-bdhira. Some time between the 5th and council of Valabhl under Devardhi the Agama or sidddnta
1
were compiled.
They
(1)
Angas, (2)
Updiigas,
(3)
Of these, there are twelve Upahgas, viz., (1) Aupapatika (2) Rdjaprasniya, Jivdbhigama or jivdjivdbhigama, (4) Prajndpana (5) Swyaprajilapti,
Jambudvipaprajnapti, (7) Candmprajiiapti (8)
(3)
(6)
Niraydvalika or kalpika, (9) Kalpdvatamsika, (10) Puspika, (11) Puspacfilika, (12) Vrsnidasd. Among the twelve Upahgas the Uvavdiya occupies the first place. It is also well known as OvavdiZa and Aupapatika. This Agama gives description of a city, forest, strip,
etc.,
and that
is
the reason
why
it is
placed
first
among
the Upangas. 2
This Sutra
illustrates
discretion, reflection
how a ;Tva is reborn in next life according to change and asceticism with manifold illustrations in a very lumpid this Sutra is that it gives graphic
trees, gardens, store slab,
king, queen,
his
men and
Gods,
virtues
supernatural powers atisayas, virtues of the monks, their asceticism, description of three hundred and fifty four types of austerities, fcevaff-transformation of
siddhas, their bliss etc. This paper aims to study the various attributes
and duties
A
A
true monk is one who performs good actions. He is free from anger, pride, attachment and eminence. He controls his sense organs, sleep and calamities and
free
is
monk
of high order. 3 He attains great virtue by practising great vows. A good Sramana is well disciplined in the practice of controls (Samitis etc.;), in one's movements,
64
CH. LALITHA
SAMBODHI
(gupti',s). A well controlled man is firmly rooted in celibacy. He is free from the possession of objects and is also free from grief and suffering. He frees oneself from conditions which generate fcarma bondage. A well behaved monk remains pure in conduct like pure gold and is spotless like a conch. 4
words (expressions), begging, maintainance of one's begging bowls and depositing.one's excreta. He also practices control of the mind, speech and body
virtuous
monk performs
intake of food
viz., refrains
external and internal penances i.e., He abstains from for certain period of time (itvarifca) such as give up
four meals, six meals, eight meals, ten meals, twelve meals, fourteen meals, sixteen meals, or fasts for a month, for two, three, four, five, six months and
whole life (ydvatfcat/ufca) such as remains motionless like a tree till death (.padapopagamana) and after such suspension he is not excluded from 5 physical movement or movement of limbs (bhakta-pratyakhyana).
refrains for a
A good monk
atonement
is
i.e.
one who performs internal penances which are of discusses with spiritual preceptors, performs
fasting,
self-
confession (pratifcramcma) and causes hardship to one's body (kayotsarga) and thereby performs prescribed penances of the order. 6
learned
monk
anything which is pleasant, trustworthy and flawless. He intake of food, lives on alms, gives up crave for taste
he gives up food possessing clarified butter (ghee), oil, milk, curd or jaggery, feeds on non-spiced food or fried grains soaked in water. He takes food devoid of good taste and feeds on food prepared on old cheap grains.
i.e.,
A well
on the
for the
controlled
seat.
monk bears
He exposes
all physical calamities. He remains fixed (unmoved) oneself to heat and cold, never spits and does no.t care
body
posture.
He
life.
a lonely
in all respects. He performs month long fasts and sits in vfrasana controls his sense organs, passions and activities, and thereby leads
possesses undistorted fulfilement faith (susrusana-vinaya) and humility free from fault
possesses humility of knowledge, faith, conduct, mind, words, body and thereby behaves humbly with others. He is well acquainted with perceptual, scriptural, extra sensory, telepathic and absolute He knowledge.
true
monk
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
OF...
65
(dnatya-satand-vinqya).
or superior person arrives, offers cloth, in obedience to them and pays them with due respect
one who pays respect when elder chair for elders, pays homage and
is
full attention.
A monk
of correct behaviour sits in poise for fortyeight minutes (sdmdyjfca), of after a lapse (chedopasthapanika') attains perfection replaces to righteousness
physical
passions possess very minute actions (paritara-visudd/n) character as per code (yathakhyata) He (suksmasamparaya), and moulds one's service to the dcdrya, does not commit sin in thought, word and deed. He renders and sangha. He is wellacquainted upadhyaya, senior or fellowmonk, kula, gana themes. He practises with the Agamas and sutras and gives speeches over spiritual lacks hyocracy and meditation and thereby attains endurance, greedlessness, and drink. He food He lacks attachment to the body, gana, objects,
.
pride.
one's of passions, world and karma. A true monk enriches possesses renunciations to perfection. soul with self control and penance which leads
RESUME
It is
of the concept of monk in evident from the above study of the delineation text is to inculcate in a novice the Aupapatika Sutra that the chief object of the
monk
REFERENCES
1
Narendra Bhattacharya 'Jain Philosophy : Historical Munsiram Manohanlal Pub. Pvt. Ltd., Introduction p.18.
Outline'
Padmanabh
S. Jaini,
The
1979, pp.56-57.
3
Ganesh Lalwani
p.55.
Academy,
Jaipur, 1988,
4
5
Ibid,
[bid.
pp.55-59.
p. 63. p. 82.
6
7
[bid.
[bid.
pp.84-85.
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF
The doctrine of Karma is one of the points of agreement among regions of ancient India -Hinduism, Buddhism and
concept operates in somewhat different ways in the three
Perfidal understanding of the doctrine of
the three
main
en
n
,
"
"
Karma
leads to
its
identification
f thS
P1 eSent aCtl
nS
is
*"""
1IOWinS 10SiC: lf P 3St acdons "otannine acd ns then ? ast actio Determine eliminated in the process.
'
Each of
the three religions assert, however, that even though the consequences exist. Yet each of these three
"
identify the
manner
in
differ
There
V of Karma. framework One
c
>ates
the
them
is
its
an objection is met by the Hindu thinkers by postulating a two-fold consummation of all actions. First, every action produces dl rect results which determine' our present body and the
already determined, and it determines his him no freedom to shape it as he would that he will see that his actions are such that hey will lead to a better life next time for the simple reason tha his acaonsin this life are not really his> dlfiy arg predetermined Such
present, thereby leaving
ke.
1
But, do not the individual's past deeds now become, in a sense extraneous forces so far as his present is concerned? The past even though it is his past, is
He cannot say
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
KARMA
AND
FREEWILL...
67
conditions directly relating to and consequent upon our birth. Concerning these we have no choice; we must accept them as they
are ordained. But our past deeds also produce indirect result in the from of innate tendencies which prompt us to act one way or
another.
It is
prompt but do not compel us to act in a particular manner, thus affording ample scope for initiative and self-determination on the
part of the individual. Therefore, although the individual's birth and initial environment are predetermined,, he has before him the
gratifying prospect of being able to master his innate tendencies
which
all
his actions.
11
The other way in which room is created for free-will within the doctrine of Karma is through the distinction between the three types of Karmas. As T.M.P.
Mahadevan
explains
Hindu
of
it is
the accumulated
karma of
is
aptitudes, inclinations
and
desires, etc.
Prarabdha
that portion of
Agami
is
karma
that is being
gathered at present. An apt analogy in usually given to bring home to our minds the element of freedom that karma involves. Imagine
a bow-man, with a quiver of arrows, taking aim at a target. He has already sent a shaft; and another arrow he is about to shoot. The
bundle of arrows in the quiver on his back is the sancita; the arrow he has shot is prarabdha; and the one which he is about to send
forth from his
bow
is
agami. Of these, he has perfect control over it is only the prarabdha that cannot but take
Man
5
and
alter his
Ill
One way
in
68
ARV1ND SHARMA
Kanuna, the order of cause and effect in action, is not determinism nor is ,t aii excuse for fatalism. The past influences the present bm does not dominate it. The past is the background against which life goes on from moment to moment; the past and the present influence the future. Only the present moment exists, and the
responstbihty for using the present with each individual. 6
moment
ill
lies
*"
of the
is not fate; i, is not irrevocable no, blind determinism. Nor is one bound to reap in one has sown. The actions of men are not
absolutely irrevocable; in fact, only a few of them are Fo example, when one fires a bulte from a rifle, one cannot call it back or turn it aside fron, its mark. But if, instead of a bullet through the air, it is an ivory ball on a billiard table that one sets movn,g with a cue, another ball can be sent after it to change S en Ugh e " *< around o misl" the other s,de of the i table and send against it a ball which would meet ,t straight in the line of its course and bring i, to T on he spot. With one's later action with the cue one modifies or ev
Z^d T
T
:
^
'
'
"
drCUm
ctionT ction PeraKS '" dM d br ad StrMm f " fe in sTe wav same T way. There, too, of a later day may modify the one . acuor, - kamma - of a
,
**
,s
d, the
effects of
nt,wT
Man
posb,h.y
to
SSibiliV
If this
Je no, s,
'
ere
a
gm
fe f
-n tan
amount of
mold
is
his life or to
every
modify
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
KARMA
AND
IV
FREEWILL...
69
power
to
exercise free-will
:
is
of
may not be out of place to mention here man are constantly determining him in
is in
so that
him infinite capacity or power for right action (anantavliya), karma can never subdue this freedom and infinite capacity,
this
though
may be
It is
of Karma.
suppressed from time to time by the influence thus that by an exercise of this power man can
finally liberated.
If
overcome
this
all
man had
not
anantavuya in him he might have been eternally under the sway of the accumulated karma which secured his bondage
(band/ja).
But since
man
is
power
the
karmas can only throw obstacles and produce sufferings, but can never prevent him from attaining his highest good. 8
latter
It is
preached Fatalism. As has been pointed out "Gosala is of importance to those the sin and shame of us who are trying to understand Jainism for two reasons
:
of his
life
of absolute fatalism
this
all,
was shown
we
determinism, as we shall see later, by teaching that, though karma decides 9 ourselves can affect our past karma by our present life".
V
It is
doctrine of
main religions of ancient India which accept the and provide for free-will. To a certain extent the they do it through doctrines somewhat unique to them as Hinduism through doctrine of vdsana, Buddhism through ksanikavada and Jainism through the
clear, then, all the three
Karma
reject Fatalism
doctrine of anantavliya.
But
it
all
more
or
less the
same methods
to
make room
for free-will.
70
ARVIND SHARMA
All the three
SAMBODHI
karma
:
(1)
into
prarabdha,
and kriyamana in Hinduism; 10 into dittliadhammavedaniyam, upapaccavedaniyam, aparapariydyavedaniyam and ahosi-kammam in 12 and into satta, bandha and Buddhism; Thus by udaya in Jainism. making several grades of karma, scope is created for the influence of
sancita
11
karma
to
a certain extent
is
blunted.
three traditions, the complexity of the working of karma is recognized and this complexity in a sense checks its mechanical inexorability. Thus, Bhagavadglta IV. 17 states that the working of karma
all
In
the
is
hard
to
penetrate;
13
the
without a Buddha's insight can fix the extent of the action of in Jainism "only the Kevall knows to
which
class"
MJfcdcita
Sir/Ufa
"a mortal's
Karma"
assigned".
own
One may conclude by pointing out a remarkable circumstance, namely, that in all the three traditions, at least the best minds have interpreted the doctrine of karma as indicating that man can achieve whatever he wants by the dint of his
effort, his
own kanna.
Tints, in relation to
Hinduism
it
The principle of Karma reckons with the material or the context in is born. While it regards the past as determined, it allows that the future is only conditioned. The spiritual element in man allows him freedom within the limits of his nature Man is not a mere mechanism of
enslave him try The Bhagavadgua asks us to raise the self by the self. We can use re matenal with which we are endowed to promote our The card, m the
instincts.
to
The
spirit in
are
btit
we can
call
What
be cannot be predicted
beforehand,
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
KARMA
is
AND
FREEWILL...
71
though there
no caprice.
governed by
We
habit, that
by
choice.
But choice
is
not
caprice. Free will in the sense of an undetermined, unrelated, uncaused factor in human action is not admitted, but such a will
defies
all
cause and
human
in
has nothing to do with the general stream of operates in an irregular and chaotic way. If actions are determined by such a will, there is no meaning
analysis.
It
effect. It
man Man
punishment or training of character. The theory of karma allows the freedom to use the material in the light of his knowledge. controls the uniformities in nature, his own mind and society.
is
There
rational
freedom, while
a false fatalism. 16
Similarly in
the doctrine of
karma
that
is
certain,
its
very uncertain, because of its extreme complexity. This complexity is so great, that "the fruit of deeds," for this very reason, is one of the "four inscrutable things about
most
men
to
brood, because
prey
to
future
Such brooding, moreover, upon the probable condition of our would also be highly superfluous. It is enough to know that
ourselves
we
make
this
future,
according
to
knowledge we now possess: we may become everything in the world, because we are nothing pertaining to this world. I may become a
king or a beggar, a nobleman or a vagabond; I may become a man, a ghost, a beast, a devil, and I can become a god. In itself, any one of these is just as near to me, because as essentially alien, as any
other.
I
It all
depends upon
17
my will, upon
corresponding grasping.
And
it
72
ARVIND SHARMA
According to Mahavira, the painful condition of the self about by one's own action, and not other cause.
is
SAMBODHI
brought
by any
Pleasure and
own
action. Individually a
man
is
falls, and individually he His passions, consciousness, intellect, perceptions, and to the impressions belong individual exclusively. All living beings owe their present form of existence to their own karma. w
Thus
all
man
to
be
own
destiny
be
it
spiritual or secular.
REFERENCES
1.
Surendranath Dasgupta, A History of Indian Philosophy Vol. I (Cambridge University Press, 1957), pp. 71-74; Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and Charles A. Moore, A Source Book of Indian Philosophy (Princeton University Press, 1965), p.xxix.
Haridas Bhattacharvya,
e., The Cultural Heritage of India, Vol. Institute of Culture 1958), pp. 537-546.
I
2.
Ramaknshna Mission
3.
(Calcutta
The
See J.N. Farquhar, The Crown of Hinduism (New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, 1971)), Chapter III; Huston Smith, The Religions of Man (New York' Harper & Row, 1958), p.77; S. Radhakrishnan and P.T. Man Raju, The
(Lincoln, Nebraska:
Johnson Publishing
ed.,
Concept of
4.
Kenneth W. Morgan,
Press
Company, 1953),
(New
5.
Ltd.,
6.
the
Buddha (New
Keller - Grhlim a "d Max Hoppe.eds., The Doctrine of the H The Religion of Reason and Meditation by George Grimm (Delhi' Motilal Banasidass, 1973), pp.196-199.
..,
8.
Surendranath Dasgupta,
op,
cit.,
p.207.
10.
op.,
cit.,
pp. 60-61.
11.
Haridas Bhattacharvya,
ed., op.
cit.,
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
KARMA
p. 88.
AND
FREEWILL...
73
cit.,
pp. 184-185.
13.
pp. 59-60.
14.
T.W. Rhys Davids, The Questions of King Miiinda, Part I (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1969), p. 193; also see M. Keller-Grimm and Max Hope, eds., op.
cit.,
p.200.
15.
cit.,
p.185.
16.
p.54.
17.
M. Keller-Grimm and
Max Hoppe,
op.
eds.,
op.
cit.,
p.200.
18.
cit.,
pp. 545-546.
Shastri
the British period a number of works Gujarat on the basis of various sources of
During
material comes to light as time proceeds. Special impetus is given to research in the history of Gujarat during post-independence times, especially after the emergence of the Gujarat State in 1960. Here it is intended to make a succinct survey of the recent research activities in the field of the history of Gujarat, along with notable publications embodying their results therein.
Recent explorations in Gujarat have revealed prehistoric culture throueh paleohtluc remains of all the three phases in all the major parts of the Mate, and even neoliths are discovered in South Gujarat. Dr. H D Sankalia Has given an adequate account of the prehistoric and proto-historic cultures ol Gujarat m his 'Pre-histoiy and Proto-histoiy of India and Pakistan' (1962 1974). Among proto-historic sites in
itself as
terntory of India.
Lothal, Ahmedabad Distric has one of the prominent Harappan sites situated in the A detailed account of the cultural rema s
known
cms" A
L
a
etr
s
lis
ilfr
Gu]"aL
^^
Wkh
'
partmentalized
**"*
Smr. Sumana
S.
shah)
made
Yadavas and
critical
P^ernVft^
ta
their genealories
in
,m W
sn
>
Dr
'
the
C196S). As
Si
reCent
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
to the
RECENT
RESEARCH
IN...
75
Puranic traditions this religion was known as Anartta during proto-historic times. In the Early Ancient Period the denotation of the name got confined to North Gujarat, while the entire region got known as Lata. During the Gaulukya Period the name Lata got restricted to South Gujarat, while the entire region received the name Gurjarades'a or Gujarat.
According
the Mauryan Period (Circa 322-185 B.C.) As regards the Sudarsana reservoir at Girinagara (present Junagadh), Dr. R.N. Mehta traced the remnants of its dam near Dharagadh
gate.
The Ksatrapa Period covers a long period Shri (now Dr.) Rasesh Jamindar made a
in the ancient history of Gujarat. critical study of the history and culture of this period for his Doctorate (1967) and presented the results of his research in 'Ksatrapa-Kalanum Gitjarata' (1975). The Junagadh Rock
Inscription (150 A.D.) of King Mahaksatrapa Rudradaman I is one of the earliest Sanskrit records composed in an ornate prose style. The Ksatrapa King, though of the Scythian race, adopted Indian language, religion and culture. The recent discovery of the early inscriptions of King Castana, dated
years 6 and 11, necessiates the re-consideration of the problem of the origin of the Saka Era and enchances the plausibility of ascribing it to King Castana rather than King Kaniska I of the Kushan tribe. It pushes the upper
limit of the Ksatrapa Period four to five decades before 78 A.D. an eminent centre of trade and commerce. Gujarat had close
Broach was commercial and cultural contact with Rome. Archaeological explorations and excavations have brought to light remains of rock-cut and structural monuments, mostly Buddhist, and strata of human habitation characterised by Red Polished Ware.
As regards the end of the Kshatrapa rule in Gujarat, Dr. P.L. Gupta has well established that the Western Kshatrapas were succeeded by Sarva Bhattaraka in Gujarat, which subsequently passed under the sway of the Gupta Sovereigns
during the reign of Kumaragupta
I,
II.
An
exhaustive study of the Maitraka Kingdom of Valabhi was made by two scholars for their doctorate. Dr. Miss. K.J. Virji published the results of her research as a part of Ancient History of Saurashthra, while Dr. H.G. Shastri amplified his subject by incorporating contemporary kingdoms in south Gujarat and his publication 'Maitrakakallna Gujardta' (1955) covered entire Gujarat during the Maitraka Period. In the latter the author has discussed the different views about the origin of the Maitrakas and established that the Maitrakas, who were devotees of Mahesvara were descndant of Mitra,
76
H.
G.
SHASTRI
SAMBODHI
a pontif of the Pasupata sect. He has also fixed the exact chronological system of the Valabhl Era as well as the definite date of the fall of Valabhi.
The power of the Chavada dynasty at Anhilwad Patan is now found to be very limited in space and time. It is now realised that the traditional dates of the birth and coronation of Vanaraja Chavada are to be placed about 100 years later if the contemporary kings of Kanauj are to be identified on
the basis of comparative chronology. (Dr.) Smt. Malati K. Bhatt has made a critical study of the post-Maitraka history of entire Gujarat and got her doctorate on it. The Chinchani Plates of Rashtrakiitas, discovered in 1955, have revealed that the advent of the Parsis to Sanjan must now be dated 716 A.D. rather than 936 A.D. Jadi Rana who welcomed them is, therefore, to be identified with the contemporary Yadava king rather than King Vajjada of the Silahara dynasty.
The history of the Chavada, Solanki and Vaghela dynasties was treated critically by Shri O.K. Shastri in his 'Gujarat-no Madhyakalina Rdjputa Itihasa', the revised and enlarged edition of which was published in 1953. Here the
author has given a plausible explanation for the south-ward extension of the to the region known as Gujarat subsequently. Dr. A.K. the history of the Chatilukyas of Gujarat critically (1955). The author has dwelt upon the fall of the Vaghela dynasty in detail and
Khalji army invaded Gujarat once in 1299 A.D. and again in 1304 A.D. He has also discussed the historicity of the traditional accounts pertaining to Minister Madhava and Princess Devaladeva. The history of Gujarat during the Solanki (or Caulukya) Period was also presented by Dr. N.A. Acharya in 1973. He had also made an exhaustive study of the Vaghela sub-period for his doctorate in 1965. As pointed out by him the Vaghela dynasty was simply another lineage of Caulukya or Solanki dynasty. The extension of the Caulukya kingdom marks the end of the Ancient Period in the history of Gujarat.
In
1960
the M.S.
all
enumerating
earliest
University of Baroda published 'Chronology of Gujarat', important historical and cultural events chronologically from
times to
is
Period
the
Caulukya
unfortunately
unpublished.
political and cultural history of Gujarat from up to the end the Caululaya Period was prepared by this author (H.G. Shastri) in an outline and published by Gujarat University in 1964. This author delivered three lectures on the 'Sources of Ancient Histoiy of Gujarat', in South Gujarat University in 1977. They were published by Gujarat Itihas Parishad in 1978.
earliest times
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
RECENT
RESEARCH
IN...
77
The stone-inscriptions discovered by Shri A.V. Pandya have brought to light some more kingdoms in south Gujarat. The inscriptions are compiled in
'New Dynasties of Medieval Gujarat', published in 1969.
The more intensive studies of the epigraphic and literary sources have shed more light on some other aspects of the ancient history of Gujarat.
made 'Studies in the Historical and Cultural Geography and Ethnography of Gujarat' (1949), mainly on the basis of the ancient inscriptions
Dr. H.D. Sankalia
of Gujarat.
Dr. P.C. Parikh studied the gradual evolution of the script in Gujarat from Brahmi to Nagarl and published his work in 1974. It reveals that the script evolved from the southern form of Brahmi upto the end of the Maitraka
Period, but gradually yiled place to the northern form of Brahmi during the post-Maitraka Period. The Gujarati script is derived from the later stage of the Northern form. Prof. V.S. Dixit made an analytic study of the administrative organization in Gujarat from the Maitraka Period to the
Caulukya Period.
Prof. B.J. Sandesara studied 'Contribution to Sanskrit Literature of Vastupdla his Literary Circle', which was published in 1957.
Prof. Nilanjana S.Shah made a critical study (1970) of 'Bhattikavyd' composed in Valabhl, while Miss Vibhuti R. Gharenkhan (now Mrs. V.V. Bhatt) worked
and
on Poet Somesvara
Prof. S.M.
Life
and works
Study' (1973).
a critical study of the Sanskrit dramas the basis of the Mahabharata (1982).
and poems
Miss Bharati K. Thaker (now Mrs. B.K. Shelat) made an investigation into the chronological systems reflected in the epigraphic and literary records of Gujarat from early times upto 1300 A.D. The work was published in 1987.
Prof. J.P.
critical
and
End
of
by
this
Miss Varsha Jani worked on the inscriptions of Gujarat during the Caulukya Period and published her work in 1991.
78
H G SHASTRI
'
SAMBODHI
Mrs.
Renu
Lai
made
The extension of the power of the Delhi Sultanate over Gujarat in 1304 marked the transition of history and culture from the Ancient Period the Medieval Period. Gujarat remained under the sway of the Delhi Sultanate upto 1407 A.D., after which the independent Sultanate of Gujarat was established. The history of the Sultanate Period was treated exhaustively by Sim R.B. Jote in his 'Gujarat-no Samskritika Itihas: Islam Yuga' published m four parts during 1945-58. The author has availed himself of the Arabic and Persian annals and also described the outstanding monuments of Islamic architecture. Prof. S.C. Mishra dwelt upon the rise of Muslim power in Gujarat (1963). Dr. I.V. Trivedi worked on the data supplied by the Sanskrit inscriptions of Gujarat during the Sultanate and Mughal Periods. (1971).
A.D.
to
The regime of the Gujarat Sultanate continued upto 1572-73 AD when Emperor Akbar established his sway over Gujarat. Prof. K.F. Sompura made a historical and critical survey of the architectural form of the
structural
temples built in Gujarat upto 1600 A.D. (1963). Gujarat University published work 1969. Mrs. Haripriya Rangarajan made a historical and cultural study of the spread of Vaisnavism in Gujarat upto the 16th century AD with specml reference to the iconic forms of Visnu and his incarnations. Her work got published in 1990. Miss Devika Pandya made a critical study of the coins of the Gujarat Sultanate and got her doctorate in 1993 Prof RT & elin eated the iconography of Hindu goddesses in Gujarat up to A f! A.D. His work was published in 1991. Miss Krishna Pancholi worked e iC nS in Gujam UP t0 17 A D for her doctorate received n CR Nai k P ut forth an intensive study of the Gujarat Sultanate I" TI" -, The archaeological excavations conducted at Champaner revealed a vivid picture of the town planning of the new city along with its gradual development and decline. The report embodying its results, prepared by Dr R.N. Mehta, got published in. 1979.
his
'
'
collection of the historical inscriptions of Gujarat during the Sultanate Period was prepared by this author and published by Forbes Gujarati Sabha 1979. It consists of 111 Bombay inscriptions in all.
An
exhaustive study of the Mughal Period (1573-1575 A.D.) in Gujarat was contributed by Prof. MS. Commissariat in his History of Gujarat, Vol.II.(1957).
'
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
RliCliNT
KhShAKUJ
IN...
'*
Period was prepared by this author and published by Forbes Gujarat! Sabha, Bombay in 1981. It contains 173 inscriptions of the Mughal Period. Prof. Thomas Parmar made an architectural survey of the Hindu and Jaina temples built in Gujarat during the Mughal Period (1990).
The history
of the
Maratha Period (1757-1817 A.D.) prepared by Prof. M.S. is published by Gujarat Vidya
The
British Period (1818-1947 A.D.) characterised by the dominant impact of the Western culture, the rise and growth of nationalism, the leadership of Gandhiji and the wide-spread impact of his ideology on the life and culture of the people belongs to modern Gujarat. An outline survey of modern Gujarat was made by Shri H.T. Parekh in his 'Arvdc/ima Gujardtnum
during 1935-37, which is now edited in one volume by the Gujarat Vidya Sabha. An outline survey of the political and administrative movements in the Souvenir of the 66th made was to 1960 in Gujarat from 1915 session of Indian National Congress held at Bhavanagar in 1961, i.e., just after the emergence of the Gujarat State in 1960. A number of monographs are published on the different local Satyagrahas that took place in Gujarat
Rekhd-darsana' published
in three parts
by
his
to study during the Gandhian Period. Some research scholars also choose the various aspects of the contribution of Gujarat to the National Struggles
for Independence.
Much
of impetus is given various academic activities after the attainment State in 1960. Independence, especially after the emergence of the Gujarat
Somani
now in district Pall of Rajasthan State remained the capital of the local Chauhan-rulers. Several Jain and Hindu temples were built there. It is believed
Nadol,
therefore, requested by the local residents to settle Tod saw two epigraphs dated VE. 1024 and 1039 of more inscription now incised in the NTl-Kanth-temple of Nadol is dated VE 1125 of the reign of Maharaja Laxman. The scholars believe that it was a mistake of engraver, who had wrongly inscribed the date as VE 1125 instead of VE 1025.' Thus Laxman remained in. power between VE 1024 to 1039. He constructed the Laxman SvamI temple at Nadol and fortified the town by building boundary walls around it having several gates.
raids of
who was the progenitor of the family came from Sapadalaksa and rescued the people of Nadol from the tyranny and free booting
Med
tribes.
He was,
The same
mentions
of Rath Yatra
on
They were required to perform play instrumental music, recite sings and so forth."
the courtezans attached with other temples their ornaments and best garments.
dS/
S>
Other Temples
outside
Vol.
XIX,
1994-1995
MANAGEMENT
devl, the
OF
TEMPLES...
81
(i)
Maharam Chandata
queen of Maharaja Asvadeva or Asaraja built a Candalesvara temple in the area of Tripurusadeva. The Maharaja granted a village Picchavall for its maintenance. This village was later transferred to Mehan Sobhika a dancing girl and therefore another village 6 Salayl was alloted.
(ii)
Maharam
SankaradevI, the queen of Maharaja Alhan built a small shrine of Gaurl in the Chandaleshvar temple. It seems that she built this temple
built
temple
of
(iv)
Chauhan RaipaTs queen PadmatadevI and her two sons Sahanpala and Sahajpala built three temples named Padmalesvara, Sahanpalesvara and
Sahajapalesvara.
Cv)
to the
desired to continue the Rath-ydtrd celebrations of the temples Padmalesvara, Sahajpalesvara and Sahanpalesvara. It seems that
VE 1192 and
Rath-ydtrd festival was regarded an important celebrations, which to be performed with great pomp and show. 9
was
(vi)
charities
made
to
the temple of
named
Katii KIka,
Madanpal and
(vii)
a village Nanana to the Tripurusa deva temple seems that during the course of the reign of some other rulers from VE 1206 to 1218 over Nadol this village was confiscated. It 11 was, therefore, restored back to the temple.
in
VE
1219.
It
(viii)
He
to
God Tripurusadeva
Chamodi
to the
measure of land situated in village Sewadi temple. In a further grant he also donated a
village
82
R v
-
SOMANI
SAMBODHI
(ix)
Chalukya Kumarpal of Gujarat who also held Godawar (Nadol area) under him, presented one Dramma daily from the Mandapikd of Nadol to Lakhanesvara temple. He also granted some land to the
Matajl temple
of Ball.' 3 in
VE 1216
that
(x)
Chauhan Alhan
No
details of
it is
now known.
It
was
(xi)
above complex.
The above epigraph also states that Alhan's son Kelhaii built a golden Kalasa to the Somanatli temple of Nadol. It is a separate temple still
15
situated there.
Temples
Besides the above temples, some more shrines also existed at Nadol, as is clear from the inscription of VE 1198, wherein the following staff attached to various as the witnesses to the order given by the state. These have temples appeared Bhattaraka, Avotl, Vdrikd and some others. It seems that the Bhattaraka was
the chief priest. D.G. Sircar, has wrongly identified him with the ruler. 16 It seems that the inscription of VE 1198 escaped from his notice. The Avotl and
Varika were subordinate officers. The word "Dvdravati" to be a small temple situated near the main The
gate.
is
not clear.
It
seems
are referred. 17
(i)
Avotf
named
(ii)
Avotf
named Jogadharu
(iii)
Avotl
a Rajastham term used for the priest of the small Devara (temple). We find its references in many other inscriptions. The inscription of VE 1198 of Nadol refers one Bhopd of Prthvlpalesvara temple. The details of the Bhattdrakas are as under :- 18
is
The Bhopd
(1)
Katuka and Sajan, the representatives of the Bhattaraka Kailasa of the temple built by Chalukya Jaisinha of Gujarat at Nadol.
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
MANAGEMENT
OF
TEMPLES...
83
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
Tripurushlya temple.
(8)
(9)
(10)
(11)
Brahma
The word Bhattdraka also appears in the inscription of Nanana dated VE 1171, wherein the village Salayi was alloted to the Math of Tripurushdeva instead of Picchavali village. Its share was desired to be made between God Chandalesvara and Tripurushdeva by the Bhattdraka of the temple. In Ball a lady Bhattarika also worked in the temple of Mother goddess. It is mentioned in an inscription 20 The word Varika is also used of VE 1116 of Kumarapal Chalukya of Gujarat. in the Nanana grants.
19
Rath Yatras
Several Chauhan inscriptions mention that the Rath-yafras were performed different both in Hindu and Jain temples. The Hindu temples held this festival on on Bhadrava-Sudi 11 in Rajasthan days in a year. At present it is being organised Muld The this occasion. State. The Hindu temples were much decorated at for icon or small icon from the temple was taken in a large procession
Ndyaka
getting
it
girls
with
of VE 1147, the accompanied the function. In the inscriptions uncertain. word "Pramadd-kula only appears the meaning of which remained of the The scholars differed about its meaning. However, by the discovery 22 The dancers and other staff is obviously cleared. this
their staff also
Nanana
grants
point
84
R V SOMANI
' -
SAMBODHI
of the Hindu
For arranging Rach-yitra, properly some officers looked the matter. The Nadlai '" 120 mentions that Mjadeva came to attend
the
*****
Other Taxes
of he
levied from inmates of temples. The V1 refcrS thi" MahSr5 5 J * 51 a-""'" -d Ranak Bluv / attached w lt h him issued an order all the exempting dancing girls Bhuyanpa. o make any payment of tax to the state Government." The Laxman Svaml eXe r [ "lake any Payment f " V The o.dRa am term " " Sed '" " le inSCripti nS fVE 1162
We
IZfTT
Yf
'
^"^^-
Dancing
Girls
And Other
Staff
"
The most important fact about the Chauhan Hindu temples is posting of dancing girls and other associate staff in them. They are described as Vilasint Ganika aeady Stated ey J ined the re]igi f-ctions "o be e
H,
'
temple of Tripurusadeva
who was
REFERENCES
1.
2. 3.
4-
The Puratan PrabantUi-Sangraha (SJGM), p. 102. Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan COUP) II pp 817 18 Dashrath Sharma-Bar/y Chauhan Dynasties (1975) p 1 38 E. I. Vol. XL 26-28 pp.
,
.
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
MANAGEMENT
OF
TEMPLES...
85
5.
and
E.I.
XXXIII
p.
240-42.
pp.
Ibid.,
It is
XXXIX
17
to 26.
8.
referred in the
is
Nanana grant
of
A.D.), which
Museum
Reports
XXXIII
9.
p.
239
fn.)
Ibid., p.
Ibid., p.
243 (Section
243
p.
VIII (a).
10.
11.
12.
Ibid.,
XXXIX
20
Ibid., p. 19-20.
13.
Bali
VE 1216 mentions the land grants given by Kumarpal Chalukya (D.R. Bhandarkar's list of the Inscriptions of Northern India No.3072, The Author has seen the text on the spot. In contains
inscription of
[H
oflcT fft
UT^
'M'JlR.*! 3ft
ei^tcN^oiH: "<T3nf 3H
14.
15. 16. 17.
18.
E.
I.
Ibid. E.
I.
239-244
to
38
40
19. 20.
D. R.
Bhandarkar
text
on
spot,
some
part of
which
is
quoted
at
No. 13
Ibid., Vol. XI p.
26
to 28.
23.
24.
^ooV||<;qci cjfcth
'HW
^oTHT
W3n '9H<l$dHi
t^H
sflyVb:
I
(0
T-fora
p. 13)
5 ^f?
(ST.) '<n
j'^HI
^ 31^
i
?ft
W^IWWl
'?^FI
3R
'S'jfif T^J]
sfi^f
^ch<(|
I
C^T
12)
?f|
(^)
Hf*
-srffqcl
25.
The
Inscriptions of
(Varada Vol. 35 No. ^rgw VE 1162 and 1192 have exempted the levy of
p.
the taxes as
26.
Vardhapan (Ibid pp.12 and 13). E.I. Vol. XXIII pp. 238 to 246.
sculpture
is
one
realises
all art forms whether plastic or graphic, appear to be one and follow a continuity of style which appears to be traditionally handed down to the craftsmen through 'Master to pupil tradition i.e. This congruity of
that
^imMWl
etc.
style later
of
numerous examples.
Although this fact appears to be a universal phenomenon from the beginning till end., some revelations of
striking
all
such a continuity can be seen through the sculptural art of Eastern India during the Pala and Sena period on the one hand and their contemporary Buddhist palm-leaf MSS. and the
painted
Prajndpdrimitd
the other. The Buddhist MSS. of Astasahastrika and other similar ones are merely of inconographic significance indebtedness to contemporary sculpture in stone and metal of that period. Simultaneously, the medieval Western Indian and Rajasthani art in
1
and exhibit
general and Jain art in particular compares well with Jain illustrated MSS. and wooden book-covers of the same period. Not only that but the Delwara temple at Mt. Abu, and certain sculptural reliefs of the Osian temple near Jodhpur, have a distinct ancestery to the Jain art of the medieval which is reflected in some of the excellant period painted book-covers of that period. 2
their painted
The
on
times through textual references silpa and painting. A glaring example of this linear convention has recently been brought to light by Chakravarti and Somani 3 who have discovered two large size engravings of the of donors on figures the front pillars of the garbhagj-ha of the Samiddhesvara temple at Chittor.
linear quality of any work of art, or especially of paintings, creation. This is amply emphasised since ancient
is
the basis of
its
They bear Nagari inscriptions above the figures giving the date of A D 1227 and names of Sutradharas. In addition to these there are a number of Satf and hero stones lying on the right side of the road while ascending the fort which have
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
CONTINUITY
OF
TRADITION...
87
much
later date.
It is
therefore
apparent that etching work following the current line an expression was in vague among the Sutradhdra and gajdhars in Western India.
It is at this
stage that
we
and painters. M.K. Dhavlikars paper on this subject 5 supports the view that the Sutradhdras were painters, to which. Stella Kramrisch has added an editorial note which is very significant and clarifies the terms and
the Sutradhdras, Gajdhars their functions.
"The Manusamhitd
c.
compendium
of
the
first
(VI, 47-48), or the "Law of Mann", a two centuries A.D. preceding any of the known
Sipasastra texts,
clarifies
and
classifies
architect to the
Surveyor-designer, sculptor and the painter as Sthapati (master architect) Sutragrdhin (Surveyor-designer), Taksaka (sculptor) and carpenter (who cuts and carves) and Vardhaki (Who makes grow) i.e. creates by adding to the structure
as modeller in clay and plater) and painter. The term Sutradhdra is not mentioned here. It was apparently used as a synonym of Sutragrdhin. The Sutragrdhin was the disciple or son of the Sthapati. In his faculty as "designer", the Sutragrdhin would be subsequently or in other branches of tradition,
identified with the
Sutradhdra (of P.K. Acharya. Indian Architecture ace. to p. 137). The term Sutradhdra in its technical
it seems, been given this meaning from the leading importance of the manager of a puppet play who holds the threads-(surra) of the puppets. The term Sutradhdra ("who holds the threads") is close in meaning to Sutragrdhin ("who seizes or holds the threads"). The term
to
artists
as leading amongst the and would further more have been applied to any
substitute for Sutragrdhin,
or modeller) leading practitioner in his branch, be he architect, sculptor, (carver and particularly, painter whose delineation was essential to the pictorial
composition".
is in this context that we now discuss a new document which the author discovered during the course of his research. While interviewing a number of at Udaipur, and some genealogies of Gajdliars or Sutradhdras? it was
It
painters
revealed that they were Jdngid brahmins and belonged to the Laddani community
of carpenters.
architects, engineers.,
mistries etc
and
also
Chatdrds (painters)
at times.
88
SHRIDHAR ANDHARE
SAmQDm
ab
-
^w
forefathers have
worked nn n
Ue P artment He narrated
that his
folios of the
MS
it
w! "Z.
?WeVer
n CarefUl
^y of
a corrupt
is
i given below.
10
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
CONTINUITY
OF
TRADITION.
89
from the same MS. had drawings of temples 'and their plans, proportions of animal figures and iconographic details of other deities. Thus, it is likely that the Sutradhara and GajdJiars followed this book as their working manual which could go back to atleast the 13th Cent. A.D. Although its exact usage is observed in the 15th Century gate ways of Chittor fort during the reign of Ratia Kumbha (A.D. " 1433-68). The geneology
(Cfcitdrds)
Other folios
were
also artists
School. The majority of which is in the collection of City Palace Museum and Janani Mahal at Udaipur. At the same time three copies of the grants were obtained from the same family which denote the gifts of villages to certain
painters from Leeladharji's family during the reign of Mewar (A.D. 1778 - 1828).
Mewar
the family of Sutradharas as the names of some painters like Bhimaji (Sutar), Jiwanramji, Rupaji, Nathuji (Sutar) and others marked with a circle in the geneology, appear on the back of several large miniatures of the
among
Mahdrana Bhim
Singhji of
Thus,
it
active in
Chittor.
can be surmised that the tradition of Sutradharas and Gajdharas has been Western India atleast from the 15th Century in Mewar and especially at Another point which comes to light is that they must be following the
technique prescribed by the Aparajitaprchha which has been specified as of ca. 13th Century from Western India. The third important point to note is that there
were Chitaras (painters) among the Gajdhar families who were executing painting jobs as well as jobs of interior decoration of Palaces, Havelies, temples etc.
In
short
the institution
of
Sutradharas
it
90
SHRIDI-IAR
:
ANDHARE
SAMBODHI
References
1.
in Early Indian Painting, Asia Publishing House, Delhi, 1974, Also see the MS. of Pancharaksha Mandala of the Ashutosh Museum,
ff.
Also see
Muni Pimyavijay and U.P. Shah, Some painted wooden Book-covers from Western India, Western Indian Art, JISOA, Vol.1 (new series) 1965-66 pp.
pi.
34-42, Col.
67.
3.
'fcrrg' '$<rfl<*l
"UNl-fcW
Cf.TT.
^<^
cfj[)
3T^R,
4.
M.K. Dhavlikar, Sri Yugadhara. Master Artist of Ajanta. Artibus Asiae Vol. XXXI. 4, ASCONA Switzerland 1969. pp. 301-8.
Ibid p. 308.
5.
6.
Prakashan,
7.
Mewar
Painting,
1987 IV
p.
159. Kala
Ram
Vallabh Somani Maharana Kumbha, Hindi Sahitya Mandir, Jodhpur 1968 p.273 'Kirtistambha Prasasthi Sloka 36 (Hindi).
B.
8.
Gaekwad
CXV. Baroda
9.
M.A. Dhaky. Renaissance and the Late Mdru Gurjara Temple Architecture Western Indian Art. U.I.S.O.A. Spl. Ko. Vol. I 1965-66 p.4.
ob-cit.
10.
may be
noted.
9.
ob-cit. See Mewar Artists and their Periods pi. XIV. p. 168 and Topsfield. Paintings from Rajasthan in the National Gallery of Victoria. Melbourne, 1980 See Index of Artists p. 169.
Shridhar Andhare
Andrew
11.
M.A. Dhaky
ob-cit. discusses various monuments which may have been executed by the members or ancestors of the same family of SCitradharas.
if
3ST
'*TR?ft'
?TTCIT
3rnr
Jf
I"
f^ir |i
JHZ"
?i
f%
ch^
3?sf
I"
f^F
tn?
3Tf
if
I"
ferr ti
037
5R
a^pr TRT
<l<41fri
ti
qr?
",
garr
t,
92
m?ft-
HWHWT KTW
SAMBODHI
(=5TRT:,
ir^n^T
i
aftr WKIT)
w ^if^r
^?T
3ffr
li
fw IT
ll
yi-Mufl-4
3ftT32Ffar
|r
%?T
|3TT
fH^T fR^W
%W
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?f?r
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Vaisesika and
P hies of the ancient and medieval periods H each upplemented other in respect of thensubjects and styles. Hence the philosophies were called samana-tantra or allied systems. At last the two^
phil
S
,
LlTt
and
Nyaya philosophies actually coalesced. As instances of Nyaya the Vaisesika categories, we may cite the cases of TarkaraJ by absorbing Vaiadaraja and Tarkabhasa of Kesava Misra. The latter author brings the six Vai ' e ka under " art/la "' which is one of die f the second Nyaya category "Prameya".*
m
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;
G n s Ganesa
M.M.
r Dtksita,
mk
Kaundmya
r'
llij
as
those
by
B '1&
Candra
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Bh
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Diksita,
Dr.
Satis
CTBv
bv
^^^^
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^"^ A
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'
Wh
fatroduc
himse ^
contemporary of the Mughal has authored at least four works over and
the
Indology, Ahmedabad, viz., No.20796 and 30486 shows the typ riiM
The
text
work TBV of
373.
,921,
p.
IT.
II
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* *
REVIEWS
Narayan M. Kansara
JAINISM AND PRAKRIT IN ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL INDIA (Essays for Prof. Jagdish Chandra Jain Felicitation Volume) edited N.N.
:
by
X +
462. Rs.500/-.
The volume
nine
articles
consists of
articles, viz., a
Sangave, Jain's time as a research scholar in Germany by Menski, about his fulfilling and fruitful years by Chakresh Jain, excerpts from a letter of Mukla Raj Anand, Pranamaiijali by S.D. Laddu, trubutes by Margaret Walter, Maria Helena De Bastos Freire, Lia Diskin and
reminiscences of Prof.
F.
by Prof.
two sections/parts, the first one being devoted to biographical sketch of Prof. J.C. Jain, list of books and J.C. Jain, a profile of Prof. Jain by Vilas
Werner
letter
by Jainendra Navlakha.
articles by such renowned scholars, Norman, W.B. Boliee, Dieter Schlingoff,
two contains
thirty-four
like K.R.
Granoff,
Werner
F.
Menski,
Nagarajiah, S.P. Patil, V.M. Kulkarni, M.D. Jaini, H.C. Bhayani, S.C. Banerji, G.V. Saroja, K.D. Bajpai, Smita Sahgal, Bhaskar Chatterjee, P.K. Agrawala, Pranabnanda Jash,
Singh, V.K. Thakur and Kalpana Jha, Prem Suman Jain, Suniti Kumar Pathak, Vilas Sangave, B.N. Khandavadi, Rangan Kanti Jana, R.N. Nandi, S.D. Laddu, An and a Chandra Sahoo, M.A. Dhaky, Surendra Gopal and
Bansidhar Bhatt.
The
topics discussed in these articles pertain to various aspects of Indological research, such as epigraphy, lingustics, philology, Jaina Puranas, philosophy, literature, e.g. the Asokan inscriptions and Prakrit dialect geography, cerebral
Middle Indo-Aryan vocabulary, Jains and other "heretics" in Prakrit inscriptions from South-East Asia, a persceptive of language attitude of Bralnnanism versus Buddhism, influence of Prakrit on
in
Prakrit,
Buddhist
art,
Kannada language,
Viriisati-Vimsatika,
studies of Jinasena's
Purva.-Pura.na
the
life
and Haribhadrasuri's
Mahabharata motifs
in
Prakrit and
Apabhramsa
L56
literature,
NARAYAN
Jainism
as
M. in
KANSARA
the
Nllakeci,
SAMBODHI
archaeological sources bearing on early Jainism, spread of Jainism in North India between circa 200 B.C. and circa 300 A.D., relics of Jain in Eastern
expounded
community
in
India,
to
spiritual hierachy Jainism, the nature and purpose of the Jain Puranas, towns and trades in the Samaraiccakahd, equivalent views about the ultimate reality in Buddhism and Jainism, relavance of the Jaina Siddhanta Texts in natural the Jain
Sanskrit
equivalents,
sciences,
law and
declaration on nature, Vinaya in Jainism, the Hindu and Jain approach to religion, Jain heritage in ancient Bengal, Tantra and Jainism, research
Indians.,
methodology by ancient
Jain
images
the
Kundakunda.
As has been noted by the editor in his note, Prof. J.C. Jain has been legend in the of Prakrit and Jainological studies. Preparation of a felicitation volume in his honour on a theme was a difficult task indeed, but is was single
made
possible by the contributors who considered its publication to be a pleasent duty and sent their learned articles with the remarkable promptitude. Some of the savants, despite their illness and other constraints; also sent
their articles.
Among them Prof. K.D.. Bajpali, a father-figure in the field of Indological studies and a friend of Prof. Jain has since passed away. His death is a great loss to the scholarly world, but present volume contains his
last article.
Norman has drawn our attention to the two Major Rock Edicts written an eastern dialect, with or r in all places and the nominative singular ending -e. This new evidence reinforces Dr. Norman's that the
Prof.
in
I
suggestion
Asokan inscriptions must be examined very carefully, and can be disregarded if they conflict with other evidence, and then it would be open to us to conclude that the dialect upon which Pali was based had its home much nearer Magadha; and that when the Magadhisms and Sanskritisms in Pali have been disregarded, there, in fact, very little difference between the language of Theravadin canon and the language of
Hathigumpha
inscription.
Vol.
XIX,
1994-1995
REVIEWS
157
J
Prof.
S.R.
right
from the Rgveda, through perhaps in Pali and Prakrit; Hemacandra (lo lah) and Prof. Banerjee would like to postulate
In his Notes
the
following ArdhamagadhI,
atthakitti,
ainna-samlekkha,
pautta,
venu-paldsiya, samgilla,
-olla
etc.,
saccavi,
and -sampavanka.
Dieter Schlingloff has shown that in Buddhist art not only the Ajfvikas, but also the six 'heretical' teachers, viz., Piirana Kasyapa, Maskarin Gosallputra,
Samjayin Vairattiputra, Ajita Kesakambala Kakuda Katyayana and Nirgrantha Jnatiputra, are represented, actually in the depictions of the Mahapratiharya, the 'Great Miracle' at Sravasti. According to the statement of Buddhist
the Buddha was requested by king Prasenajit to demonstrate his superior meditative power in order to blame the Tirthyas. Buddha displayed the pouring out of water and fire from his body and afterwards the
literatute,
multiplication
of his
(buddhapindT) , which filled the space up to heaven. A representation of this miracle in Gandhara shows the Buddha in the centre; king Prasenajit and
his followers are arranged
on
his left,
The
signs
Yaksa Pancaka rushes against the heretics, of distress on seeing the miracle.
Prof.
all
inscriptions from
Mukharjee thinks that the recently noticed and diciphered West Bengal written in Kharoshtl and in many cases in a mixed script, consisting of Kharoshtl and Brahmi letters, indicate that trading
B.N.
communities hailing from the northwestern part of Indian subcontinent migrated to the territory now in lower Western Bengal and became very
as traders from about the first quarter of the 1st century A.D. about the beginning of the 5th century A.D. Their main settlement were
active
to
in
Madhav Deshpande compares and contrasts Brahmanism and buddhism from the point of view of language attitudes and has reviwed some of the
Dr.
linguistic,
socio-linguistic
and
philosophical
158
NARAYAN
M.
KANSARA
SAMBODHI
disgreements between them. Since the fall of the Mauryan empire things gradually chaged, and Magadhi, which was once the most prestigious
language, later appears as a low cjlass language in Sanskrit dramas. The in prestige of Maharastri may indeed be connected with the rise of
rise
'the
Satvahana power. In
rose
continuously in such a
way
that
it
eclipsed
the
prestige
of Prakrit
which
it had in the Mauryan days. The changing attitudes towards languages in religious traditions are closely connected with the changing patterns of
patronage form the political powers, as well as the changing patterns of the dominatoon of social groups within the religious community.
Mampa
Nagarajaiah traces the influence of Prakrit on Kannada language and literature and shows that the history of both would be complete and meaningful only with reference to Prakrit, and that Kannada has influenced
Prakrit.
S.P.
to chaaracters and strikes and householder's life; in many cases it moves away from the former and shows the influence of other great works like Adipurana of Pampa and Vadddradhane; its interest is in common people and it seeks to convince them.
creates
new
situation, gives
human touch
a balance
between
ascetic
V.M. Kulkarni examines the Vimsati-Vimsatika of Haribhadrasuri, particularly from the language viewpoiint and remarks that it is Jain Maharastri employed
by all Svetambara writers in their Prakrit works and does not much differ from classical Maharastri. As to the style and structure of the work, it
obviously intends to supply a compendium of the principal teachings of Jainism in Twenty Sets of Twenties; these sets are quite independent of one
These
another and each deals with one topic only and is a complete unit by itself. sets may by looked upon as closely connected with each other as
each preceding set anticipating one topic in 20 gathas only proves a handicap to him. Some of the gathas are too eliptical, since the author combines brevity with accuracy but not lucility.
historical value
in the
Vol.
XIX,
1994-1995
REVIEWS
159
how
a person
of doubtful nature meets with calamity in life and, on the other hand, a person who is free from doubt gets prosperity in life and finally achieves
emancipation Moksa. Of the two sons, Jaya and Vijaya, of king Ganganaditya was gripped with doubt and so
being subjected
to miseries
he wandered in the
after
sam.sa.ra.
Vijaya, as he
was
respect.
enemies, ruled over the island for long time, took to Jaina penance, and at last attained emancipation. Harisenacarya is not the original author; he has just rendered
his
He conquered
all
abondoned
attachment,
into Sanskrit that which was there in a Prakrit commentry on Bhagavati Aradhana, also known as Mularadhana. A good number of these stones are based on some event of history. In the history of Ceylon we find the name
of
king Vijaya
as
the
one who
forefathers
established
ruled
kingdom
there.
It
is
also
possible
that Vijaya's
over Ceylon.
Vijaya's
father
must
have had friendship with either Pradyota Mahasena or his son Palaka. And Vijaya had occasions to listen to the sermons of great luminaries like Buddha and Mahavlra during his stay at Ujjayini and was greatly influenced by their
preachings. This piece of information constitutes an important landmark in the history of Jainism in South India.
Padmanabh S. Jaini duscus'ses the Mahabharata motifs in the Jaina PdndavaPurana of Bhattaraka Vadicandra (A.D.1600), in particular the episodes of the story of Matsyagandha, of Bhlsma's lifelong vow of celebacy, of the two
sons born to SatyavatI, of Gandhari's hundred sons, and the sexual aberration involved in the cases of SatyavatI, KuntI, Madri and Draupadl. The alleged genealogy which Vadicandra found in his version of Siva-Pwdna is examined
here, with
a view
to
the
chronological
mother and kill the father - these two urges are subsumed under the Oedipus complex; is a basic doctrine of psychoanalysis and folklorists have found its symbolic hidden expression in numerous folktales of the world. The short study of this motif with regard to the early Indian narrative tradition in offered here as a modest tribute to Dr. J.C.
get possession of the
160
NARAYAN
M.
KANSARA
SAMBODHI
here
are
(1)
in
to
the pleasure of senses; (2) the version in the Jambucarita of Hemacandra's Sthavirdvalicarita (12th Cent. A.D.; (3) the version in the
and contribution. The stories compared the Jain hagio graphical tradition relating to the life of the Vasudevahindi. Particularly the story of a monkey who
Jambusamicariu of Vira (1020 A.D.) in Apabhramsa; (4) the version in the Jambusamicaritas of Brahmajinadasa (1646 A.D.) and Rajamalla (1570 A.D.); (5) in the biography of king Srenika as narrated in Hemacandr's Trisastisalakapurusa-canta; (6) in the Jataka no. 58 (Tayodhamma-jataka) in which a Pali version of the same tale is found; and (7) in the story of Nandisena given by Somatilaka (alias Vidyatilaka) in his Sanskrit
commentary
on
Jayaklrti's Sllopadesamala,
Surs Chandra Banerji has presented the detailed account of economic life, popular beliefs and practices, food and drink, dress and decoration, crime and punishment and vices, popular cults, creeds and worship, sports, pastimes and amusements, manners, morals, ethical ideas and miscellaneous elements
of folklife in his
literatures.
article
in
Apbhramsa
work
G.V. Saroja has briefly expounded the Jainism in the 10th century A D Nilakci i, written mainly to refute another Buddhist Tamil
in
Tamil
work
order to propagate Jainism in Tamil Nadu. K.D. Bajpai has Kuydaka laid bare the archaeological sources bearing on early Jainism.
inscripn-onal and literary evidence proves the existence of Jaina stupes and of Tirthankara images before the Christian era. The Hathigunipha hara an a iarse number f and other sites si: have thrown i light on this. The Jaina literature on iconography and architecture is voluminous and is ectremely valuable for the study of
i
The
Vol.
XIX,
1994-1995
REVIEWS
161
carved on the railing pillars of Mathura represent a degree of excellence unsurpassed in the entire range of Indian plastic art. Besides the Tirthankara images a large number of statues of Sasana-devas, Nagars, Navagrahas, Ksetrapalas, Gandhrvas, Kinnaras, etc., are still preserved. To the number of
early goddesses
(Sarasvati,
Smita Sahgal endeavours in her long article to fill the gap of the Indian history by chalking out the course of the spread of Jinism in North India between circa 200 B.C. and circa A.D. 300, since this has been
aspect
largely ignored by ancient Indian historians, although the sect enjoyed a continuous existence at least from the time of Parsvanatha (c.800 B.C.) to the modern day. This period roughly the post-Maurayn period, was one of intense fluidity in the social, economic and political field, It witnessed India's
link with international trade. Foreigners such as the Bactrian Greeks or Yavanas, the Saka-Pahlavas and Kusanas invaded north India and made apart of their empire. Archaeological and numismatic finds from varuous sites in north and north-west India, such as Taksasila, Ahicchatra, Kausambl, Mathura
etc. attest to a flourishing state
money economy. On
the social front, this period witnessed the emergence of Vaisyas, specially the emrcantile community, as a group of considerable importance. All these
also.
Here
in this article
not only Jinism existed in the period under review, it actually flourished. The absence of a strong link with people in authority
is
shown
that
(king)
was something
insisted
upon
Their approach
was
of cultivating direct contact with the masses. This explains the absece of figures of Jina Tirthankara from the royal coins or their mention in the
royal epitaphs.
to
On
is
a prepondrance
in
source related
popular culture. By the term north India, the author refers to the region which includes middle and western Ganga plain and Yamuna plain, along with northwest India.
Bhaskar Chatterjee surveys the relics of the Jaina community in Eastern India. The tradition recorded in the Jaina Puranas suggests that the place
where twenty out of lapses' twenty-four TTrthankaras relaised ultimate truth was located at Parashnatha in Giridih district of Bihar. On the basis of the
Acarahga, BhagavatI and Kalpa Sutra records, as also the Paharpur Copper
162
NARAYAN
159),
it
M.
KANSARA
SAMBODHI
Nirgranthas formed a dominant religious sect in Bihar, Bengal and Orissa. From the eighth century onward, the population of the Nirgranthas appear to have gradually suffered diminution under circumstances not exactly known; perhaps it was due to the lack of patronage from the side of the ruling class. The discovery of a number of Jaina icons in the some of
parts
Bengal
seems to suggest that the Jainas were not totally wiped out of existence. The Brhad-dharma Purana, most probably composed in Bengal (appro. 13th cent. A.d.) accomodates within the social order the cast of mixed origin, of which the one among the madhyama sankaras include one name as
Sdvaka,
Saraka or Sdvara, referring to the Jaina householders; they were settled in Bengal and Bihar over a long period of time. H. Risley's survey in Bihar and Bengal in 1882 and 1888 shows that the Saraks were settled in the
Patna, Gaya, Shahbad, Muzaffarpur, Monghyr, Santal Parganas, Hazaribagh, Lohardanga, Manbhum, Bankura and Burdwan. Local legends ascribe to the Saraka the ruined Jain temples and defaced images of the
districts
of
who
lost
their
ground
in
between the eighth and the twelfth century A.D. had and the west of India.
shifted
Phylis Granoff has delved into the medieval Jain reactions to other religious groups as a result of the former being in the minority. Medieval Jain accounts of the lives of the patriachs of the various sectarian lineages depict their
ever alive and vigilent, working tirelessly through the channels of in order to maintain for the community the right to continue practicing their religion and preserve their distinctive and
as
monks
some medieval
texts that
centre around these anxieties. The stories are about instances in which a may be placed in a situation where it is temporarily necessary to capitulate to outside pressure and act in an Unjain way. These cases are all
Jain
covered by a term called Chindika temporary. It seems to have been a medieval notion. The stories translated by Granoff are from the text of the commentary of Devacandra Suri to the Midasuddhiprakarana, dated 10891090 A.D. The vast majority of medieval texts do not include these stories, nor do they seem to be aware of the concept of chindikds. The chindikas are a generous concept, for they allow that a person may experience a lapse in behaviour while maintaining chat proper attitude, and they allow
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
REVIEWS
163
do not constitute
and
goal.
in the stories
any way. The chindikas are forgiven, those who commit them nonetheless obtain their desired
sins in
The stories about chindikas indicate that there are six types of external pressure to which a Jain may be subject and which might give rise to a chindika, a temporary lapse in religious practice: a Jain might be pressured
by a king; by
to
his
worship a non-Jain deity by force or be pressured by a god or goddess to worship that god or goddess; might find himself lost in the jungle alive; and might feel the need to worship outside the Jain faith to please his or
her parents.
It
Hindu
ascetic,
interesting to note that with one exception, the non-Jain these stories describe deities and patterns of worship that
is
medieval Jain story literature. Throughout by all of their opponents. But the Jains took great pains to establish and maintain an identity by themselves that was distinct both from Hindu society and from
figure widely
in
However, as to the stories of the chindikas in which Jains become involved with Buddhists, there is no doubt that the Jains not only feel the need to join with the Buddhists because of their
external circumstances but they are also somehow or other positively included to do so. Buddhists countered these Jain stories with their o.wn stories in
:
which they justified the Buddhist monastic practices and criticized the strict regimen of the Jain ascetic, e.g. the story Vitasokavadana in the Divydvadana. The stories of the chindikas show medieval Jains coping in various ways
with the fact that they lived in a predominatly non-Jain world; Jain responses to that world were manifold. The dominant tone of all of the chindika
stories
is
human
behaviour, and,
it
is
that
same generosity
abvove
all
plurality in medievl India. Respect for learning, respect for other traditions, respect for the individual who may be tempted any may lapse, are together
all
way
in
which
to
spiritual
system preached by Parsvanatha and Mahavlra, the twenty-third and the extreme twenty-fourth Tlrthankaras, lays adequate emphasis on practising
asceticism. In order to attain spiritual realisation, the Jaina ascetics followed and practised different types of austerities during their ascetic lives, and in
viz.,
Sadhu, Upadliyaya,
164
NARAYAN
M.
KANSARA
SAMBODHI
Nirvana.
is more advanced and developed than that of the Sravaka, or the householder of the Jaina faith. Jainism lays much emphasis on Tri-ratna, i.e. right knowledge (samyag-jfiana), right faith (samyag-darfana) and right conduct (samyak, contra) and to that on renunciation. Thus the pragmatism of Jainism consists in prescribing separate rules of conduct for a layman and an ascetic. The acquistion of Siddhahood is synonymous with attaining
,
own way
Acarya, TIrthahkara or Arhanta and Siddha, besides the primary stage of the Muni. These five stages are 'more developed' than the last one, which in its
Puranas,
Y.B. Singh studies the nature and purpose of the historical traditions in Jain and concludes that the subject matter of the Jain Puranas was
history, tough because of their religious nature they try to eulogise Jainism by describing even Lord Rama as a devout Jaina. They also fail to get rid of the supernatural elements. But their effort was to tell the past without doubt. any However, the Jain authors always tried to narrate only those events of the past which were fit to provide models to the masses.
the concept of a history which can bring good rooted tradition in India.
to all the
Vijaykumar Thakur and Kalpana Jha studied the text and context of the Samaraiccakaha with reference to towns and trade, and they have focused their survey upon an interesting aspect of early medieval India, laying bare the dynamics of feudal formation during the post-A.D. 600 period in central and western parts of India.
Prem Suman
in
Jain discovers the equivalent views about the ultimate reality and concludes that the conception of God in
is integrated with the conception of soul (dtman), salvation (mofcsa) and supreme soul (paramatman). The object of attaining
supreme being
is
determined
after
knowing
is in the form Through devotion a worldly being uses the concept of supreme element for his spiritual development so that one day a similar status, that of God, may be attained by it The moral ideals, which are followed in this path of the soul are also
three conceptions. In both the religions the supreme reality of an ideal for the fulfilment of moral values.
purifying
useful
living beings.
When
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REVIEWS
..
165
reaches a stage of spiritualism-rooted religion from devotion-rooted doctrines it comes near Jainism. The concept of the supreme element and the paths of attaining this status bring the two religion closer
religion
to each other. But in the observance of ethical values and devotion both these religions have their separate identities.
etc.
the
Hindu
Suniti
natural sciences.
'scientific
in place
the Jainas probably used the correct term for knowledge' by using 'pannatti' in Ardhamagadhi (Sanskrit prajnapti) of Vijnana, which bears several connotations in various contexts.
Among
the Jaina texts besides the Agamas, the Pannatti texts are enumerated as the secondary limbs (Uvanga'), which laid emphasis on preservation of the scientific experimentation prevalent among the Jains in ancient India.
The Surapannatti, the Candapannatti and the Jambuddivapannatti deal with the scientific topics on astronomy especially the movements of the planets including the Sun the Moon and division of time according to the ancient
Indian system of calculation. The Jivajivabhigcuna, and the Pannavana mention some results of the scientific experimentation of bio-science, geography, and
ethnographic outline with their respective social traits. The analysis of cosmography, as the Jaina acaryas endeavoured, is not far off from modern scientific analysis. The world is dynamic, not static; it is ever changing and
progressing in either forward or backward direction. The acaryas, therefore, divided the Time (fcdla) into two cycles (gati), viz., utsarpinl and avasarpini.
He concludes with two quotations, comparing the Jaina outlook with the modern scientific results; one from K.B, Jindal's The Prefaces, Cosmology Old and New (p.231) and from D.S. Kothari's Tata Lecture on Science and Self Knowledge delivered in Banglore (March 20, 1979). He observes that in excessive rush toward materialistic attainment, science have overlooked human values in understanding the self-nature of a person; human values have
-
(i.e.
and far-reaching on Nature, presented to His Royal Prince Philip) in the Buckingham
Palace, London, on the 23rd October, 1990, by the Jain Delegation of International Jain Community; he has discussed it from the viewpoints of
166
NARAYAN
M.
KANSARA
SAMBODHI
Khandavadi projects the specific place of the valuabe human virtue, vinaya, in the scheme of conduct for ascetics as well as laity, as discussed by the ancient Jain thinkers like Aparajitasuri (c.800 A.D.),' Pt. Asadhara (1234 A.D.) as also Uttaradhyayana-sutra, Mulacara, Midarddhana, Tattvarthasutra, Yogasastra, Dharmaratna-prakarna, etc.
called
B.K.
Rangan
c.
in the
K. Jana provides glimpses of Jain heritage in ancient Bengal (up to llth Cent. A.D.). Most of the ancient Jain relics situated in Bengal are
Manbhum and
Singhbhura regions. Most of the Jain images from south western parts of West
as well
Bengal, which
comprises Purulia district, Bankura district Midnapore district, and from the distric of 24 Parganas Sunderban region. The nine Jain sculptures mentioned with their respective icono graphic features are Ambicd, Padmaprabha, Santinatha, Jina, Head Torso (Jina), Santinatha Three Miniature caturmukha
1 :
shrine,
R.N.
sects,
particularly
the
considered hardcore puritans, were engrossed in tantric practices as any other sect of the early middle ages, from 3rd to 12th century A.D. The incipient elements of esoterism as found in the Sthanangasutra, the Uttaradhyayanasutra, the Samaraiccakaha, the and
Upamitibhavaprapancakaha
the
Nayadhammakaha, could
chapter called vasyatantradhikara, to the rites and syllabic formulas relating to hypnotism vasikarana. The Bhairava Padmavatl Kalpa also deals with the hypnotism of women and the three worlds. Another magic rite santi, which implies the cure of ills and expulsion of evil spirits, has its parallels in the Jaina texts Vavaharasutta refers to a spell by which an occultist could command the disease to leave the patient. The Jvalind Kalpa prescribes a herbal preparation to cure a person of sterlity. Some other magical practices which in
figure
one can see from the Jvalinl Kalpa and the Bhairava Padmavatl Kalpa both of which were authored by Digambara monks of Karnataka. The cult of Jvalamalini was tantric form of worship, and devotes one
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REVIEWS
to
[67
the
make
person sleep,
to
make
oneself
women
circles
Both these Kalpas mention the use of magical substances for abustances for abuduction of women, successful coition, securing fertility to and preventing conception. They are also to be used for creating
invisible, etc.
enmity between persons, causing death to enemies, etc. The use of magic (manda/a) for attaining occult powers was a feature of the tantric cults. The magic circle could be used as a vantage ground form where spirits could be summoned and also as a barrier from whcih they had no escape. The Jaina literary texts represent the magic circle as an occult symbol. The magic circle and its relted rites led to the development of the
tantric systems, like mystic diagrams, syllabic imcantations, gestures of fingures and so forth. In both the cases the diety is a Jaina Yaksim, guardian angel of the Tirthankaras, and in both the cases the rites are similar. The
few essentials of tantric cult include prayers and formulas (mantras), syllables of mystic significance peculiar to each deity (if/as), mystic digrams drawn
on papers,
leaves, precious stones, metals (yantra'), special ritual position of fingers (rnudras), and placing the deity on the different parts of the body
by touching them with finger tips and palm mostly of the right hand (nyasas). These are the means by whcih the devotee (sdd/mfca) invokes and identifies himself with his chosen deity (istod'evata). The Jaina tantric cults possess all these features. This shows that the tantric ideas and practices of the Jainas were most mundane and utilitarian in nature than spiritual or transcendental. There is not much indication of a salvation theory based on plexus concepts. Nor is there any attempt to develop a yogic practice to channelize biomptor and bie-electric forces along the six plexuses in" the ascending order
to
attain
sublime
bliss.
Evidently,
the
recourse
to
the
supernatural
was
intended
to gain uncanny powers and fulfil worldly desires. For a large majority of people, these seem too characterize a helpless mind afflicted by
growing
of
life.
social
in
S.D.
to
search for
a research
methodology
with ancient Indians, and he has found that besides the Upanisadic sages, the ancient Indian scholars belonging to different schools of thought and genre of literature were haunted with knowing the truth and with discovering
the highways and byways towards that goal. He has elaborated this topic under the heads of value of Truth (Knowledge), nature and object of
168
KARA VAN
M.
KANSARA
SAMBODHI
training in research methodohy, and basic qualities and approaches in research, the last one being further elaborated under the subhke intellectual curiosity, hard and topics patient work, concentration and
self-control,
knowledge need of
presentation,
open and receptive mind, objective reasoning, neatness of and awareness of limitation or humility. This is enough to founded scientific attitudes and of the
approaches
ancient
truth.
the Jaina images in the Khandagiri caves and found that the sculptures depicted the TIrthankara images 'in a fairly systematic way, though in some places they have given precedence to Parsvanatha.
M.A. Dhaky has discussed the implications of "Nagnya-parisaha" in the Tattvarthadhigamasutra. The specific inculsion of nagnya among 'the pansahas according to Bronkhorst, is a pivotal point in determining the creed-affiliation of the Sutra, viz., Yapanlya and not Svetambara nor Digambar. Dhaky has pointed out that on the basis of the textual evidence that nagnya as parlsaha w not the same as nagnya as a part of the sdmacari, monastic discipline Searching for the agamic authority which lay under the conceptual principle of pansaha determination, Dhaky has noticed the
suggest A nude monk may sometimes i0nS 8UCh " betin Pri *' sto "ing, ridicule, and !" rowdies or from the paratirthikas, fundamentalist followers of other religions. But that is no nagnya-pamaha, but only occasional inconveniences
his Avafyaka-vrtti (c A D Haribhadrasuri, 750) elucidates the episode in full (AV.pt. 1, B'bay Reprint, 1982, pp. 203-204) Some more details are provided by the PariSista-parva (c.1160-1166 of Hemacandra and the Prabhavaka-carita (c.1277 A.D.) of Prabhacandracarya both of which had used earlier sources. In the agamic traditon, thus, acelakya, i.e. Nagnya-pansaha implied the shame as well as indignation on the removal of the kattpattaka; just the opposite of what the proponents of the Yapnanlya affikanon for the Sutrakara and seek.
which enumerates 22 pansaha* in which dcelakya (=nagnya) finds the fifth place Further, about two hundred years hence, in the time of the illustrious pontiff Arya Raksita, the Maranasamadhi-prakirnaka also mentions the 22 pansahas and for the acelakya-parlsaha quotes the example of the father of Arya Raksita. The anecdote has been alluded to in the Avasyaka-curm (A.D. 600-650) on whose basis in
Uttaradliyayana-sutra (2 14)
AD)
tl hke, the
]L
'
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REVIEWS
to
169
an avowed nude
friar.
Surendra Gopal
tries to
Community.
in Rajasthan
delineate the impact of Akabar's policies on the jain were basically traders though
also occupied important official positions. Their close connections with the ruling chiefs in Rajasthan and Gujarat facilitated the quick and smooth integration of the Jains in the Mughal administrative
some of them
system after these chiefs decided to cooperate with the Mughals in the time of Akbar. Akbar's policy helped to create favourable conditions for this, due to the combination of a number of factors, such as, the establishment of a
fiscal and customs policy and basically one type of currency, his Rajput policy of converting the Rajput chiefs into the allies and vassals, consequent opening of the opportunity for the Jains to migrate to the different parts of the Mughal empire. It is against this background that we must view the visit of Jain saints to the court of Akbar.
was a reflection of growing interest of their lay followers in the continuously widening area of economic activities, made possible by the emergence of new pokitical entity. The growing involment of their
It
coreligionists in the Mughal polity and economy must have been an important motivative factor for them in seeking and maintaining good relations with
Mughal emperor. Thus from Padmasundara who appears to have been Jain monk to meet Akbar we have a continuous flow of distinguished sints to the court of Akbar and his successor Jhangir. Of course,; the most famous Jain visitor to Akbar was Hiravijaya Suri who met him in Samvat
the
the
first
1639, and
world'.
the
title
To
of 'Jagad Guru' or 'the preceptor of the some of the Jain literary works dealing
life and times of Akbar becomes important. Some of the biographical writings on Jain saints tough highly eulogistic, throw light on the life-style of Jains, the status of women, the use of wealth, etc., and the religious schisms that affected the Jain society. To undertstand the age of Akbar, we
with the
have
to
Bansidhar Bhatt
critically
as
examines the epithet 'ndtfca' for the Samayasdra of it is available now, is not a homogenous work.
The present text of the Samayasdra is artificially divided subjectwise into some nine sections including one "introductory" section at the beginning and one "concluding" section at the end. It is a work of mystic teachings.
[70
NARAYAN
M.
KANSARA
it,
SAMBODHI
In the
we do
not
come
is
across
nataka.
This strange
work
not
found in the other Jaina texts until the sixteenth century either.
the available texts or commentaries on the
only two
texts, viz.,
the Jnanacandrodaya-nataka of
Samayasarandtaka
evidence with the
of Pt.
title
Banarasldasa in which
the
epithet
nataka
in
of their compositions. The Samayasdra-ndtaka contains 732 rhymes in Hindi for 278 fca/asa-verses. Pt. Banarasldasa has coined an epithet jiataka and used it for the Samayasdra of Kundakunda (+/-20 times),
but
only
once
he
for
is
the
Atmakhydti-cum-kalasa
in
the
Samayasd-
ndtaka. Amrtacandra
kalasa-verses,
fond of poetic embellishments, and throughout in his has remarkably interwoven many rhetorical terms of
dramatic importance, such as dhiroddtta, sthayibhdvas and rasas, bhumikd, etc. The peculiar use of nataka in the kalasa-verses as an epithet belongs
the meta-language of the samayasara -literature which developed in the medieval period. It stands for "mundane character", "samsaric appearance", and the like, and implies whatever is mundane is transistery, not real. This
to
special
meaning of the term nataka can be traced from the Samkhya concept
(matter)
as
of prakrti
a nartaki
(dancer)
and purusa
(spirit)
as
mere
preksaka (spectatator), from which Amrtacandra derived his line of thinking. He revived the mystic philosophy as found ia Kundakunda's Samayasdra and
reformed
it
in a
modified
way
after
The epithet nataka in its secondary sense of "mystic philosophy" as such seems to have come into use in or around the 16th/17th century, and
almost all Digambara mystics of the northern regions of India, speaking vernacular languages/dialects, favourable accepted the practice of using the term generally for only the authentic text of mystic philosophy, viz., the
A REPORT
The present Prakrit Text Society Edition of the Mahanislha-a.jjha.yana has been prepared by Pandit Shri Rupendrakumar Pagaria. The material he could utilize for the purpose was manifold, comprising the 'press-copy' of he Late Muni Shri Punyavijayajl, some manuscripts not available to Schubring and as well as two others, publications by Acarya Anandasagra and by Acarya
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
REVIEWS
171
Vijayendrasuri respectively, which have the value of a manuscript each. Shri Pagaria not only fills up the gaps left by Schubring in his edition (e.g.VIII 17-18) but also offers some better readings. He retains luckily the
of Chapters, Sections and Verses of the German .edition, thus making to locate in this edition the passages mentioned in the Report.
it
numbering
easy
This Report was prepared by Dr. Chandrabhal Tripathi (Berlin), at the instance of Pandit Shri Dalsukhbhai Malavania (Padmabhusana) about the studies
,
Hamm
Ahmedabad. The
valuable contributions of Walther Schubring and F.R. Hamm being in German, the scholars not conversant with the language could till now not benefit from them. The work of Albrecht Weber is available in
is
also in English.
Important
Since
the
German
(1918-63) and penned by two scholars, and in three volumes, a direct and complete translation of them would have been of little use. And since they contain some repetitions, and some of the views expressed by Schubring in 1918 were not maintained by him in 1963, it was decided that the contributions of Weber and others should be arranged a new and edited in English grab. Thus $ 3-8 are based on their writings. The contents of the
Mahanisiha I-IV as described by them are given in $ 3. The analysis of its language and metres follows in $ 4-5, the parallels detected by Schubring and others are discussed in $ 6. These lead in $ 7 to the results achieved
by them about the date and authorship of the MNA. $ 8 contains conclusions drawn by Schubring and deleu. In $ 9 some important passages which are often discussed have been collected. In $ 10 some reviews of the Studien
are printed. Dr. Tripathi has given in $ 1 full details about the publications concerned and in $ 2 about the manuscripts utilized. The been helped by Professors Colette Report concludes with his Epilogue. He has and others, and some of Caillat, Nalini Balbir, Klaus Bruhn, R. Grtinnendahl
zum Mahanisiha
to
as follows: In his Epiologue Dr. Tripathi has presented his mainresults briefly
172
NARAYAN
The
M.
KANSARA
SAMBODHI
(1)
its
not canonical but apocryphal and thus not identical with namesake mentioned in the Nandisiitra. (2) It is later than the Niryuktis,
is
MNA
Bhasyas and "Vrddha-vivarana" quoted or referred to in it. (3) It is surely and most probably earlier than the Upasesamala
it
which
to
may be even as late as 13th Cent. A.D. (5) Its language and metrics many unusual and some incorrect features which are surely due
"work" of one
still
present
the
person. (6) Neither Jinabhadra-gani nor Acarya Haribhadra can be regarded as the editor of "original Mss. in deplorable condition". (7) Its position in the sacred literature of the (Svetambara)
unknown
its
of the Mahanislha by adding this Report to it, which is bound to enhance the scholarly value of it. This Report, wherein the main parts of his studies are incorporated is dedicated respectfully by Dr. Tripathi, to Prof. Dr. Jozef Deleu on the occasion of his birthday. Jaina and Indie scholarship scholarship generally should be. grateful to Hamm, Deleu, Schubring for a vast amount
of scholarly studies they have undertaken on the Mahanislha, and to Dr. Tripathi for having made them available, in this Report in English grab, to
a vast
DASAVEYAIIYA PA~DA INDEX AND REVERSE PADA INDEX by Moriichi Yamazaki, Yumi Ousaka and Masahiro Miyao. Philologica Asiatica Monograph Series 1, Publ. The Chuo Academic Research 1994 pp iii Institute, Tolyo
+ 92.
INDEX AND REVERSE PADA INDEX by Moriichi Yamazaki and Umi Ousaka. Publ. The Chuo Academic Research Institute, Tokyo, 1994. Philologica Asiatica Monograph Series 2. pp. iii + 88.
Dr.
ISIBHASIYAIM PADA
Yamazaki and
his
Buddhist
the
oldest
and of the Theragitha padas. In early Jain canonical texts a Jain Agama Series indeed contains an index of the first padas only. Dr. W.B. Bollee has
were only two indexes of pada of the Suttanipata and Dhammapada, along with their reverse indeses of the above two works
texts there
Vol.
XIX, 1994-1995
REVIEWS
(Uttarajjhayanaim?')
[73
published in the Jaina Svetdmbara Terdpanthl Mahdsabhd Agama Granthamdld contains a real pada index, although Yamayaki has not been able to procure the edition in Japan, and hence they could not avail of it. He would be to know that
noticed
that
Uttarajjhaya
happy
many
:
of
the
Jaina
Agama
texts
published
in
the
Jaina
Agama
texts
Granthamdld
Mahavlra Jaina Vidyalaya, Bombay (Pin 400 036 India) do give the Suttdnukkamo (Index of the Sutras), or Gdhdnukkamo (Index of the timt pada of the Gathas), as in the case of the
Series of Sri
Acarangasutra, the Sutrakrtangasutra, the Nandisutta, the Anuogaddaraim, the Dasaveyaliyasuttam, the Uttarajjhayanaim and the Avassayasuttam. The same
'
is
Jnanapitha,
New
Delhi.
By
using a computer they could make considerable advances in the compilation of indexes of the canonical texts. So far, complicated large computers such
size
as the mainframe with both a high computing ability and a large memory were required for such a study. This not only necessiated cubersome
operations but it was also difficult for linguists to analyse texts by using a computer with complex operations. Personal computers are relatively easy to use for linguists. But, their computing ability has been considerably inferior
to that of big computers; this shortcoming has made them insufficient for the analysis of text data. As a rusult of down-sizing effects, their abilities have recently risen to a much higher level to become competitive with those
of big computers. Such advances in the development of personal computers take the compilation of the idex within the scope of realization. By using
TM personal computer Dr. Yamazaki and his co-editors started compile the pada indexes and reverse pada indexes of the canonical texts. His group has already put the five Jain canonical texts on the Macintosh TM
the Macintosh
to
Ayaranga, Suyagada, Uttarajjhayana (he, however Dasaveyaliya and Isibhasiyaim. They are at present making analysis of the metres and alos compiling the indexes and reverse indexes of words. It would be interesting to them if they compare their indices
personal computer,
spells
it
e.g. the
'Uttarajjhaya'),
with the ones which are already published - indicles of words, of .grammatical forms etc., - in the above mentioned Jaina Agama Series of the Mahavire
Jaina Vidyalaya, Bombay.
The volume on
174
NARAYAN
M.
KANSARA
SAMBODHI
index for the Dasaveyaliya, base on Leumann's critical edition. This will provide an instrument for the systematic study of the ascetic poetry as well
as the Dasaveyalia
itself.
The volume
of Isibliasiyaim contains a
Isibhasiayim
instrument for the systematic stydy of the asiatic poetry as well as of the itself. One would also be interested to know whether serious
research scholars in the West and Far East put any value on the critical editions of the Jaina Agama published in the above-mentioned series, and whether
to
them
in
making
vital authentic
data available.
It is
expected
Pt.
like Pt.(Dr.) Pannalal Jain had the advantage of the availability of more data in the form of original manuscripts stored in numerous Jfiana Bhandars in Gujarat, and elsewhere in
Rajasthan,
India.
The use of the data in these editions would go a long way in authenticating the results of their researches for a long time in future.
One
and
pada
point,
his colleagues
which scores on a similar work" by Dr. Bollee, is that Dr. Yamazaki have preferred to give the text-references in the reverese
work on
Pinda
and Oha Nijjuttis-. It is happy to note that they eventually plan to publish the pada indexes and reverese pada indexes of the remaining four texts of the six mentioned above. N.M.K.
WORK ON
Granthamala
-
A MATURE
Shah. Sanskrit
INDIAN LOGIC
1,
Part
by Nagin
J.
Sanskriti
Ahmedabad
Ambawadi
125
Jayanta Bliatta, a Kashmiri pundit of the 9th century A.D., was an astute Indian logician and an able philosopher. His Nyayamanjan occupies a unique place among the Sanskrit works on Indian philosophy, and bears ample testimony to Jayanta'ss philosophical acumen and intellectual powers and
forcefully establishes
Nyaya theories
after critically
It is an introductory window to many mtra-Indian-philosophical controversies which deserve attentin for students
examining the
rival
ones
Vol.
XIX,
1994-1995
REVIEWS
175
of Indian philosophy.
Part
is
offers
the single Nyayasutra aphorism which is to the effect that perception, inference, analogy, and verbal testimony are four pramanas.
comment on
And he accomplishes his task in the following four ways (1) formulating his own definition of pram cm a and criticizing the rival definitions advanced
:
the Buddhists, Mimamsakas and the Samkhyas; (2) criticizing the Buddhist position that there are only two pramanas, viz., perception and inference; (3) criticizing the Mimamsaka position that artMpatti is an additional
by
Mimamsaka
position that
-
abhdva
an additional pramana.
II is a study of its second and third dhnikas (chapters). It deals with perception, inference, analogy, verbal testimony, validity of cognition intrinsic or extrinsic, theories of error (khydtivdda) , existence of God, nature of Word. In Jayanta's times a triangular contest among the Nyaya, Buddhist
Part
and Mimaiiisa schools of logic dominated the Indian philosophical scene, and of this contest one can form a very precse idea from Jayanta's treatment of various problems. His presentation creates a clear picture of the problems of Indian logic and philosophy and their solution offered by the said schools.
His discussions are penetrating, presentation of the discussion conducted by Jayanta. His presentation of the prima facie views is impartial and faithful, nd his assessment of each and every theory is penetrating. At the same time
attempts to demonstrate its strong and weak points all right, but it also attempts to bring out the contribution that the three schools have made to Indian logic. Dr. Shah has added two appendices. The first explains Dharmakirti's theory of knowledge and the second clearly demonstrates as
it
to
is
how
the concept of
God
World and
as
Nityamukta
a latter contribution in the Nyaya-Vaisesika school by Prasastapada in the second half of the 6th century A.D. This study thus covers two important
chpaters of the Nydyamafijan and it will be of considerable value to the students and scholars of Indian logic. N.M.K.
OBITUARY
Mr. Karl
J.
Khandalavala, Bar
95.
at
Law, Bombay.,
fall
left
us in the last
week
of
December
knees.
It
He was
to
patient of artharitis
was reported
that
he had a
in
was admitted
hospital. His
end came
last year.
He had his early education in Elphinston College, obtained Bar-at-Law from London. Soon he rose to
Presidency Magistrate,
the
positions
of Chief
Senior
with
some
Murder Case,
He was
man
the Royal Indian Air Force during the became a lawyer, and rose to the
world War II. A few years later he highest position in his profession.
As a young man his interests in Indian Painting and arts were nurtured by the then patron and private collector of Bombay, called B. N. Treasugwala and others. He started writing art reviews in the Times of India. He was not only a keen student of antiquarian subjects but possessed good knowledge
of the contemporary painting. It is here that he came in contact with the works of Amrita Slier Gil and they became great friends. His monograph on Sher Gil was his first publication. His knowledge and personality gradually
and
in the
on
the other.
1953 he became the Trustee of the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay and thereafter remained a Chairman of the Board of Trustees until quite recently. He was also the Chairman of the Exhibit Purchase
In
Committees of
Delhi, The Chandigarh Museum, Simla Museum Prince of Wales Museum. His scholarly pursuits bore fruits when he came in contact with Dr. Moti Chandra, the then Director of the Prince of Wales Museum an equally important doyen of Indian Art.
the National
also
Museum New
and
the
a strict contemporary of a galaxy of renowned scholars like Anand Coomaraswami, Rai Krishna Das, V. S. Agrawala, C.Sivaramamurthi Dr Moti P. M. Joshi and others. Chandra,
He was
Vol.XIX,
1994-1995
will be
OBITUARY
177
His
name
remembered
come
in
miniature
(paintings of the
Stations) in particular. His main pioneering and fundamental work 'Pahari Miniatures Painting' brought out by Taraporewalla, Bombay, in 1958 in a monumental work which is second to none in the world. Later the two scholars brought out another unique volume called 'New Documents of Indian Painting'
(a reappraisal) for
the
first
time.
some joint catalogues with Dr. Moti Chandra The Khajanchi Catalogue, 1960 Sir Cowasjee Jehangir Catalogue, Bombay, The Aranyaka Parvan of the Asiatic Society Bombay and numerous research
like,
research journal and on the Editorial Board of Marg, the Prince of Wales
Museum
Bulletin and
many
Medal
others.
He was
the recipient of
some
prestigious
Asiatic
awards such
of such great achievements, Mr. Khanclalavala remained a simple, loving and upwright person. He treated a young graduate and an accomplished scholar equally. He was modest, meticulous in thinking, logical in his hypothesis
and eager to accept or modify his theories. His main contribution in the field of origin of Rajasthani Painting through his first article, Leaves from Rajastlian,
He continued
and brought
His
the
it
work
of research which A.
Coomaraswamy
to
works on Rajasthani Painting (Catalogues of the N. M. India) are ready to be printed which, we are sure, will bridge the gaps in chronology.
I
am
lucky, as his
to
first
Bombay
opportunity
write these
humble words.
A magnificent
Goswamy
in honour of Karl publication entitled 'Indian Painting' essays & Sons under the able editorship of B. N. to his able scholarship. and Usha Bhatia is a fittest tribute
Sridhar Andhare
academic world.
all
and loved by
community
and
the Jain organisations and was perhaps the only person who was respected Jain all the four sects of the Jains. He appealed to the entire to come forward and contribute for preserving their rich intellectual
spiritual heritage.
the Bhandarkar Oriental Institute under which an Encyclopedic Dictionary of Prakrit is being compiled and edited under the general editorship of a great scholar Prof. Ghatge. The first fascicule of the project has already appeared.
Another outstanding contribution of Johari Mai Ji was the publication of catalogues of manuscripts contained in the Jain Bhandaras of Jaisalmer and Jodhpur. He will be long remembered for his role in inspiring the Jain community and mobilising support from the Central Government to establish
a Prakrit
Academy
at
-New
Delhi.
Apart from his exemplary dedication to Jain education he was a great lived an extremely simple and austere life. All through his renounced life he wore only two unstitched clothes. A living legend of
took food only once in two days and used to eat a maximum food items contained in a small bowl and that too only while standing. While Mahatma Gandhi used to save envelopes for writing purposes, Johri
of
Mai
Ji would use each and every piece of paper thoroughly for writing. He used to speak only during a day time and observed manna from dusk to dawn. Such an inspiring saint, educationist and scholar will be always
entire
society.
J.
B.
Shah