Mideast Dream Team
Mideast Dream Team
Mideast Dream Team
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The Obama team is tight with information, but I’ve got the scoop on the senior advisers he’s
gathered to push a new Middle East policy as the Gaza war rages: Shibley Telhami, Vali
Nasr, Fawaz Gerges, Fouad Moughrabi and James Zogby.
O.K., forget the above, I’ve let my imagination run away with me. Barack Obama has no
plans for this line-up on the Israeli-Palestinian problem and Iran.
In fact, the people likely to play significant roles on the Middle East in the Obama
Administration read rather differently.
They include Dennis Ross (the veteran Clinton administration Mideast peace envoy who may
now extend his brief to Iran); James Steinberg (as deputy secretary of state); Dan Kurtzer (the
former U.S. ambassador to Israel); Dan Shapiro (a longtime aide to Obama); and Martin
Indyk (another former ambassador to Israel who is close to the incoming secretary of state,
Hillary Clinton.)
Now, I have nothing against smart, driven, liberal, Jewish (or half-Jewish) males; I’ve looked
in the mirror. I know or have talked to all these guys, except Shapiro. They’re knowledgeable,
broad-minded and determined. Still, on the diversity front they fall short. On the change-you-
can-believe-in front, they also leave something to be desired.
In an adulatory piece in Newsweek, Michael Hirsh wrote: “Ross’s previous experience as the
indefatigable point man during the failed Oslo process, as well as the main negotiator with
Syria, make him uniquely suited for a major renewal of U.S. policy on nearly every front.”
Really? I wonder about the capacity for “major renewal” of someone who has failed for so
long.
“Do people in the region take note when Arab-Americans are not represented? Sure they do,”
said Zogby, the president of the Arab American Institute in Washington. “A message gets
sent.”
It’s important for Obama to get his message right from day one. With the Al Jazeera and Al
Arabiya networks broadcasting 24-7 images of the carnage in Gaza, where there are more
than 800 dead, mobilization in the Arab world is intense. Rage against Israel, and behind it
America, bodes ill.
Change is needed, and not just in the intensity of U.S. diplomatic involvement with Israel-
Palestine. Some fundamental questions must be asked.
Does regarding the Middle East almost exclusively through the prism of the war on terror
make sense? Does turning a blind eye to the Israeli settlements in the West Bank that frustrate
a two-state solution, and the Israeli blockade of Gaza that radicalizes its population, not
undermine U.S. interest in bolstering moderate Palestinian sentiment?
Should policy not be directed toward reconciling a Palestinian movement now split between
Fatah and Hamas, without which no final-status peace will be possible? Beyond their terrorist
wings, in their broad grass-roots political movements, what elements of Hamas and Hezbollah
can be coaxed toward the mainstream?
Asking these questions does not alter America’s commitment to Israel’s security within its
pre-1967 borders, which is and should be unwavering. It does not change the unacceptability
of Hamas rockets or the fact the Hamas Charter is vile. But it would signal that the damaging
Bush-era consensus that Israel can do no wrong is to be challenged.
I don’t feel encouraged — not by the putative Ross-redux team, nor by the nonbinding
resolutions passed last week in the Senate and the House of Representatives. The former
offered “unwavering commitment” to Israel. The latter recognized “Israel’s right to defend
itself against attacks from Gaza.” Neither criticized Israel.
It seems that among liberal democracies, it is only in the U.S .Congress that a defense against
terror that results in the slaying of hundreds of Palestinian children is not cause for agonized
soul-searching. In my view, such Israeli “defense” has crossed the line.
“We are all opposed to terrorism,” Telhami said. “But how does that enlighten you about how
to move forward?”
Enlightenment will require a fresher, broader Mideast team than Obama is contemplating. As
noted in “Negotiating Arab-Israeli Peace: American Leadership in the Middle East,” a fine
evaluation of U.S. diplomacy by Kurtzer and Scott Lasensky, the lack of expertise on Islam
and an Arab perspective was costly at Camp David. At one point, the State Department’s top
Arabic translator had to be drafted because “the lack of cross-cultural negotiating skills was
so acute.”
He said during the campaign that “an unwavering pro-Likud approach to Israel” can’t be “the
measure of our friendship with Israel.” Those were words. Now, with Gaza blood flowing,
come deeds.
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January 12, 2009 11:27 am
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