denaturalizing aesthetics in the cultural production of the real Matti j s van de Port University of Amsterdam The link that Jean-Jacques Rousseau forged a long time ago between the real and the natural has proved to be indissoluble. Time and again, contemporary constructions of the real mobilize all that can be linked to nature. Inauthentic, by contrast, is that which is fabricated, made up, articial, the all-too-evident result of human design. In Bahia, Brazil, the author encountered a completely different mode in the cultural production of the real. Analysing the performance of a Bahian drag queen who goes by the name of Gina da Mascar, the author discusses camp and baroque as registers that foster a sensibility for (and appreciation of) cultural forms that are truly false. He shows how the appeal of these registers their persuasiveness, their form of truth-telling resonates with the sensibilities of people whose biographies are marked by radical discontinuities, and he argues that these registers might be understood as a popular articulation of the Lacanian understanding that symbolic closure is an impossibility. Some years ago, on the occasion of the Gay Pride Parade, the Amsterdam zoo Natura Artis Magistra (Nature is the Teacher of Art) had organized a guided tour to bring homosexual relationships between animals to the attention of the public. In announce- ments of the event, it was stated that there are quite a number of homosexual animals in Artis, including gay cockatoos, monkeys, bulls, goats and elephants. 1 It was further added that homosexuality is quite normal in the animal kingdom and that homo- sexual behavior has been observed in I,,oo species. Clearly, the organizers sought to communicate that nature itself contradicts the prejudice that homosexuality is a sin against nature. Homosexual behavior is as much part of the natural order as hetero- sexual behavior, so they seemed to be arguing. 2 Given that even animals do it, it is only natural! The rhetorical move in this argument suggests that where nature speaks, human arguments lose their weight and import. The persuasive power of this rhetoric is grounded in a long history of Western thought onthe natural, whereby the philosophy of the Enlightenment declared the natural order to be the ontological ground of being, and the Romantics repositioned that foundational essence in the inner self (Taylor I,8,; Thomas I,,o). The natural has become the testing ground for what is genuine and what is not. A reassurance of our understandings of self, other, and the world is to be bs_bs_banner Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: sought in the way that nature resonates in us (Taylor I,8,: :,,), or, to phrase it somewhat differently, in our attempts to reach symbolic closure the reassuring sense that things are as they are because they could not have been otherwise the natural is granted a leading role. Take the hippie-ish household where I grew up in the late I,oos. Life-style choices would always move in the direction of home-made bread, unbleached cotton, unshaved armpits, macram placemats, coarse earthenware plates, and freshly picked eld owers: an aesthetics that introduced the comforting, reassuring presence of the natural in a tumultuous world, where much that had seemed self-evident what to believe, how to entertain relationships, which career-paths to choose, how to achieve happiness had been questioned and rejected. A more contemporary example of how we have all acquired Romantic sensibilities is the commercial success of Ioo per cent natural products, which somehow promise that even the market forces unleashed in the neoliberal world order might bring you back to your roots. Or one might think of the way the exclamation goose bumps! has become an expression of ones genuine appreciation of a concert, movie, or play: one no longer says I happen to like this, one mobilizes an uncontrollable physical response such as goose bumps, which somehow suggests that nature itself is passing judgement on the quality of the performance. The attempt to ground homosexuality in the order of nature (and thus beyond dispute) exemplies a similar Romantic logic. What is so intriguing about this latter example, however, is that the attempt at naturalization clashes with another powerful register of sense-making operative in gay circles that is known as camp. As I will elaborate in more detail below, camp is characterized by its relentless attempts to undo the naturalization of cultural forms and practices. It fosters a sensibility for the falsity that is at the heart of much that presents itself as natural and it incites its adepts to unmask the natural and expose it as yet another form of make-believe. Thus, in the example of the Amsterdam zoo, a camp sensibility immediately draws attention to the fact that the enumeration of the zoos allegedly gay inhabitants included cockatoos (with their coloured feathers a highlyqueer species), bulls (virile, macho animals now unmasked as mere muscle Marys), as well as elephants (allowing for all kinds of jokes on the matter of size). It is through such campy re-framings that the attempted naturalization of homosexuality is undermined. In a camp reading of things, animals are no longer indexical of nature. They become allegorical gures of homosexual desire. Camp is certainly not the only style that seeks to undo the naturalizations that dominate a given cultural order. In their own particular ways, the baroque, many modernist styles of the twentieth century, pop art, and punk are examples of aesthetic registers that do not seek recourse to tropes of the natural to produce a sense of what is given, incontestable, and real. They dismiss the thought that the natural is the human default setting, life as it was meant to be or the way we really are. They reject mobilizations of the natural as mere fantasies, which, while they last, may produce symbolic closure, yet are destined to wither away. Instead, these aesthetic registers opt for forms that are truly false, or, more accurately, forms that are true in their being false. They thus highlight that faking it (playing a role that the larger culture has already scripted and that your inner being somehow feels is not quite your own, as William Miller [:oo,: :oo] once wrote) is all we ever do, part and parcel of our constitution as social and cultural beings. This revelation of the impossibility of symbolic closure in denaturalizing aesthetics, which constantly reminds you that things might well have been totally different!, is intriguingly reminiscent of the position taken by culture theorists such as Slavoj iek, Genuinely made up 865 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: Yannis Stavrakakis, and Terry Eagleton. Inspired by the teachings of Jacques Lacan, these thinkers take as a starting-point for cultural analysis the fundamental lack that lies at the heart of the symbolic order. They keep pointing out that the symbolic order any symbolic order fails in its attempts to subject the Grand Totality of Being to its denitions of what reality is. Our ability to make sense of ourselves and of the world is tied to structures of meaning that do violence to what William James succinctly called the plenum of existence (cited in Jackson I,8,: ,). Our reality denitions are limiting: they require that we repress certain perceptions, experiences, and understandings; they depend on prohibitions and taboos to mystify their contingent nature; they demand that we blind and desensitize ourselves; and they thus produce an innite realm of impossible, non-sensical, or absurd sense-perceptions. Inevitably, so these thinkers argue, this repressed surplus of meaning besieges the fortresses of meaning in which we have taken refuge. In the Lacanian terminology of these thinkers, this-reality- beyond-our-denition-of-reality is labelled the Real, a real that is not dependent on human denitions as to what constitutes reality, and as such obstructs all human attempts to reach symbolic closure. The focus of these theorists on the failing of the symbolic order their camp sensibility for the make-believe that goes into the cultural production of the real does not, however, mean that they descry lack and incompleteness always and everywhere. Quite to the contrary: focusing on the lack that is at the heart of all meaning produc- tion, they insistently ask what it is that allows us to act as if mischief were not afoot in the kingdom of the real and that all around the ground lay rm (Taussig I,,,: xvii). Asking how people manage to keep the surplus of our understanding of reality at bay, they have pointed out the pivotal role of fantasy in covering up the rents, ssures, and black holes in the structure of meaning, producing the very coherence that reality dees. They have also explored how symbolic closure is subjectively achieved in the register of the imaginary the subjective, experiential mode of knowing of the mystic, the athlete, the performance artist, the writer-in-ow; a being-aware-of-things that does not depend on the discriminations and separations of the symbolic, and signals our capacity to perceive subject and object, self and worldas being tailor-made for one another (Eagleton :oo,: Io); the ability to perceive the world as beingon familiar terms with us, conforming obediently to our desires and bending to our motions as obsequi- ously as ones reection in the glass (Eagleton :oo,: Io). It is exactly this investigation of what I would call the cultural production of the real that makes the writings of these thinkers so exciting. Rather than arguing once more that the worlds of meaning we inhabit are made up (our authenticities staged; our communities imagined; our traditions invented), these scholars ask how these con- structions come to be subjectively perceived as fully real. From a Lacanian perspective, then, Romantic celebrations of the natural eld owers in a suburban living room, unbleached cotton curtains, gay cockatoos in an Amsterdam zoo are fantasy forma- tions. They produce symbolic closure by screening off just what little of a natural life remains in contemporary living. Yet the more intriguing question to ask is: what might the Lacanian approach tell us about the denaturalizing aesthetics mentioned above? This, then, will be the central issue in this article. How to understand the appeal of styles that highlight the fakeness of the natural; underscore the impossibility of sym- bolic closure; and bring home to us that nothing can be taken for granted as things might well have been totally different? What alternative trajectory in the cultural production of the real do these styles propose? Wherein lies their persuasiveness? To Mattijs van de Port 866 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: whom do these styles appeal? And last but not least: what alternative sensations of the real do these styles produce? Exploring the denaturalizing aesthetics that dominates the site of my eldwork Salvador da Bahia, Brazil I will show that nature is not the only anchor-ground for the real. Asense of the genuine, the incontestable, the really real may also be grounded in that other main ingredient of Lacanian thought: desire. Gina da Mascars production of the really real Bahia, Brazil, where I have been doing research for over a decade, is an interesting place to ponder the authenticity of fake, the truth of falsity, the real of the made up. In their aesthetic preferences, many Bahians opt wholeheartedly for the evident fabrication; for that which is undeniably made up. The real of the natural is certainly an upcoming discourse in the more alternative circles in the capital Salvador, and is increasingly found in advertising, interior design, natural body products, eco tourism, and health food discourses. On the whole, however, the natural does not seem to have much of an appeal. No bouquets of wild owers in Bahia, but stify arranged oral decorations that evoke images of a orist trying hard to simulate a plastic ower arrangement with natural materials. No cravings for long walks on deserted beaches, where one can feel reunited with nature, but the intensely social spectacle of densely populated sands, a colourful and noisy amalgam of tattooed bodies, plastic beach chairs, umbrellas in screaming colours, the articial smell of coconut tanning oil, and the blaring sounds of boom-boxes. No homosexuals pointing to the animal world to claim their rightful place in the order of the natural, but transvestites who artfully metamorphose their male bodies with large amounts of silicone to arrive at female forms, yet would not dream of having the nal operation. A Bahian drag queen who goes by the name of Gina da Mascar (Fig. I) wildly popular with the patrons who frequent a couple of down-and-out gay bars in central Figure 1. Gina da Mascar. (Photograph by the author.) Genuinely made up 867 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: Salvador epitomizes all of these tendencies. Her performances, which I have come to appreciate as a bawdy, popular seminar on the failure of the symbolic order and the Lacanian notion of the Real, are an apt starting-point to explore this alternative tra- jectory in the cultural production of the real: to ponder the question how things which are genuinely made up produce their own sensation of truth and the really real. Gina da Mascar has little in common with the glamorous female impersonators and hyper-feminine travestis who frequent Salvadors gay bars. Gina paints some of her teeth black, suggestive of a dental decay that is immediately associated with the great many marginais the homeless, the down-and-out, the crack users who roam the streets of Salvador. The foundation she uses for her make-up is quite a few shades lighter than the skin tone of Aldo Zeck, the man underneath the powder, whom I got to know as a mulato from the neighbouring state of Alagoas. Her wigs are messy, teased and spiked, and they frequently change their color: from black to red, and from peroxide blond to blue. Many of her dresses are ragged, exposing a plump body with every move she makes. Then there is her voice, which has something oddly metallic to it, a monotony reminiscent of cheap plastic baby dolls that speak a sentence when you pull a cord on their back. It is a voice that is well suited for the rackety world that is Ginas habitat: the Beco dos Artistas, a blind alley in central Salvador with a couple of lower-class gay bars where one always has to shout to make oneself heard (Fig. :). On a little video on YouTube the drag queen is being asked to introduce herself: So who is Gina da Mascar? Well ... What shall I say? Im still looking for a denition, but I havent found it yet! In fact, all that I know is that she is lost. For a long time I have been searching for the treasure that is Gina, but in fact nobody knows who she is or where she came from. 3 Figure 2. The Beco dos Artistas, Salvador da Bahia. (Photograph by the author.) Mattijs van de Port 868 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: Respect.Performanceartistsshouldhavetherst(andthelast)wordabouttheircreations. In my allegory, however, Gina da Mascar will be staged as Failure Incorporated. Failed hair-do, failed make-over, failed etiquette. Failed femininity (not to mention masculin- ity). Failed drag queen (Gina metamorphosed out of the glamorous drag de luxo called Nina Blanch). Failed Bambi, given the unsuccessful attempt to upgrade her caressability by painting enormous Walt-Disneyish eyelashes on her face. Moreover, in the world that is the Beco dos Artistas, where the majority of people are black and poor, and where whatever of the latest one has managed to purchase at such middle-range clothing stores asSarttoresorLojasAmericanasisalreadycauseforlong-drawnooooohs!andaaaaahs!, Gina da Mascars bedraggled sartorial appearance is also: failed person-of-colour- wanting-to-look-white, failed modernity, failed consumerism. Hey, Gina, who is the sexiest man of them all? The one who I picked up yesterday in [the squatter settlement] Gamboa! His nails were about ,o cm long! And a bath? Hadnt taken one for two months. He was such a treat! Her shows, every Wednesday night in a bar annex nightclub called The Backstage, are again a grand spectacle of Failure. Gina da Mascar constantly aborts her own ambitions to be a proper drag queen by unplugging the sound-system while singing playback, or by suddenly walking out of her own little dance routine. She smells her armpits to check her body odour and grimaces with disgust. She farts in her micro- phone. Her hands seem to have an agenda of their own, as they keep ngering her body at intimate places. Her sentences seem to be going nowhere. Her politics are corrupted the very moment she articulates them. When asked what she plans to do for the New Year, she states: Well have lots of sex with love, lots of sex with sex, well seriously play the whore (vamos fazer putaria com sriedade)! And well put on a condom. Well put on a little plastic bag from the Bompreo [a major supermarket chain in Bahia], well put on a little plastic ice-cube bag (um sacolinho do geladinho). For in the end, all that matters is to come! Gina da Mascars performance would be misrepresented by solely pointing out the issues of gender and sexuality she addresses. In her interactions with the audience, every imaginable category, identity, role, or act is broken open so as to reveal its imperfection. Ladies bags are conscated and publicly inspected as to their contents (You nd their identity cards, with photographs of what they looked like years ago, half a piece of bread with tomato, a condom, the kind of money they bring to an evening out. I call this part of the show intimidade (intimacy), Aldo Zeck said in an interview). Ruthlessly, Gina defaces any carefully built imago. Mercilessly, she shows the hopeless- ness of all attempts to put up a convincing performance in the terms that culture provides. Better not be dragged onto her stage and be submitted to one of her inter- views. Undoubtedly, she would insinuate that those gringo anthropologists do the strangest things to get laid by a nego (big black man) from The Backstage (or some- thing to that effect). For it is desire of the sexual, lustful kind that is the one and only phenomenon Gina seems to take at face value. Gina, what is it that you want most for people in the new year? All of the best! The happiness that is sized :, cm or more! From behind, from the sides, from the front! The important thing is to come. Darling, dont hold back, give yourself to what is so fantastic! Genuinely made up 869 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: Her audiences devour this spectacle. They revel in it, as they shout insults and obsceni- ties at the top of their voices, spurring Gina on to go even further in her radical proposition that everything but the :, cm-sized-tool-to-happiness is fake. They let themselves be pushed on stage, cheered on by friends, vaguely pretending to be hesitant and unwilling, then to let themselves be undressed by Gina. Literally: all the way down to their (oftentimes remarkably fashionable) underwear or further. Yet the undressing is also a kind of unfaking, an unpacking of the pose so as to get to the real of things. Nice shirt. Hmmmm! Nice underwear! And where are you from? Ah! Valria [a poor, semi-urban neighbourhood at the far limits of the city]! People! This one is from Valria! Occasionally, even Ginas own project of staging failure fails. Thats when things really start to chafe. For instance, I recall how one evening, Gina switched to another, more serious register to seek public recognition for her Art. The claim was fair enough, considering the radical stuff she does. Coming from her mouth, however, this re-erection of Art as a category of Unquestioned Cultural Value and the desire to be included in that category undermined a performance that sought to expose such categories all categories as mere make-believe. Understanding camp/understanding montado As a seasoned homosexual, I immediately recognized the performance of Gina da Mascar as an example of camp. This was my kind of humour, my kind of world-making: I instantly understood this kind of fun and mockery, and joined in with the laughter. As a right-minded anthropologist, however, I urged myself not to jump to conclusions: the notion of camp cannot be transposed to the Beco dos Artistas just like that. To begin with, in this setting hardly anyone could tell you what camp is. When I asked Aldo Zeck during our interview, for instance, he had no clue as to what I was talking about. The expression in Bahian Portuguese that comes closest to the notion of camp is montado (literally: assembled). To characterize Gina da Mascar as such is to high- light her made-upness; her make-up, her wigs, her over-the-topness; indeed, the ines- capable fact that she has put herself together. Yet, as stated, this made-upness is being performed in a setting where notions of the natural and the articial, the real and the made-up, appearance and essence are not grounded in the Romantic herit- age, and therefore understood differently. So what to make of my instant, intuitive recognition of the humour in Gina da Mascars performance (This is camp!)? Was my observation that these performances seamlessly tted the spirit of camp a mis- reading of a local genre that can only be understood and analysed in its own terms? Was I roaring with laughter for all the wrong reasons? Or do seasoned Dutch homo- sexuals and bawdy Bahian transformistas share experiences that allow for joined laughter? Camp has almost exclusively been discussed within the framework of Euro- American gay scenes. In her pioneering essay Notes on Camp, Susan Sontag wrote that the essence of Camp is its love of the unnatural: of artice and exaggeration (I,,o: :8o, italics mine). Camp sees everything in quotation marks. Its not a lamp, but a lamp; not a woman, but a woman. To perceive Camp in objects and persons is to understand Being-as-Playing-a-Role. It is the farthest extension, in sensibility, of the metaphor of life as theater (I,,o: :8o). This theater that is camp is indeed one big exposition of hair-sprayed dos, plastic roses, articial suntans, garish colours, and the Mattijs van de Port 870 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: glitzy kitsch of fake diamonds. The acionados of the style prefer French poodles to German Shepherds, Bette Davis to Marilyn Monroe, the pumped-up muscles of Tom of Finlands drawings to the sensuous photographs of Robert Mapplethorpe. Camp is to take seriously ABBA love songs, Versace sunglasses, and the chemically induced bliss of Viagra and Ecstasy. Camp is also indulging in the veritable verbal duals that take place late at night in gay bars, where sharp-tonguedqueens delight in tearing apart each and every appearance so as to reveal the fake and make-believe that go into a public presentation of self. Camp, in brief, situates truthfulness in that which is false. And by doing so, it is an all-out attack on that which grants cultural forms a semblance of self-evidence. It is important to note, however, that camps constant incentive to reveal the pose, the made-up character of that which presents itself as natural, can never be equated with mere cynicism or irony. To the contrary, the leitmotif in camp that fake is the greater truth never mitigates a sentimental yearning for reconciliation with nature. The declaration that the natural is false only fuels a desperate faith that somewhere, over the rainbow a reunion with nature might come about. No one articulates this better than Agrado, the transvestite from Pedro Almodvars famous movie Tudo sobre me madre (All about My Mother). On her thoroughly re-formed body, she stated: I am very authentic ... The reshaping of my eyes, eighty thousand pesetas. Nose, two hundred thousand. A waste of money, as a year later someone punched it. ... Breasts, two, because Im not a monster. Seventy each. Silicones in my lips, forehead, cheeks, hips, behind. Hundred thousand for one litre of that stuff. You do the counting yourself, I long lost track ... Chin correction, seventy-ve thousand. Permanent laser hair removal as women too descend from the apes sixty thousand per treatment. All I want to say: it costs to be authentic ... All the joking and self-mockery in this scene cant conceal that Agrado offered all to carve her dreamed-up self in the esh. The body, indexical of our natural constitution, becomes, in camp, the locus of a desire for exactly that which the style dismisses as impossible: a reunion with nature. Camp is to shed tears real, warm, salty body uids in the full awareness that Maria Callass arias are larger than life. Camp is the body that gets excited over the pictures of Tom of Finland, however much the mind may have concluded that these horse-hung and pumped-up males only exist in the exaggera- tions of fantasy. Camp is to keep up the sentimental dream of True Love in the darkroom. Camp is to disassemble everything to conclude that, indeed, in the end only the happiness-that-is-:,-cm-long stands rm. Taking into account these desirous dimensions, camp is not only homosexual resist- ance against the conventions of a hetero-normative world. Camp is also a deeply nostalgic style. One might even say that it is the aesthetic of a diasporic community that cherishes an impossible desire for the self-evident, natural forms of existence from which gays have been exiled. This melancholic dimension of camp permeates Esther Newtons classic study, Mother Camp, discussing female impersonators in pre- Stonewall America. For all of their wit and sharp-tongued attacks on mainstream normativity, these drag artists were convinced that their cravings and ways of being were unnatural. Camp allowed them to question the natural, showing it to be an act, and by doing so, says Newton, camp made living immoral, unnatural lives bearable Genuinely made up 871 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: (I,,:: I,o). Yet camp did not liberate them from a Romantic legacy which equates the natural with the real, nor did it provide them with an alternative to be as Agrado put it authentic. It is exactly this nostalgia for a reunion with the real of nature that I found missing in the Beco dos Artistas, and it is this absence of melancholy that gives montado aesthetics a different feel. In Salvador, as stated before, the natural is not constantly mobilized to upgrade the reality calibre of cultural constructions. Beyond a small, cosmopolitan elite, which is in touch with Romanticist conceptions of the natural, I do not nd many Bahians making the inward journey to register the way that nature resonates inside (Taylor I,8,: ,oI) and to thus nd a solid ground for conceptions of self. The fact that things are obviously constructed, plastic, or unnatural does not immediately kick them out of the order of the real. Alex Edmondss wonderful study of cosmetic surgery in Rio de Janeiro, for instance, shows, page after page, the ease with which many Brazilians change their bodies through plastic surgery (Edmonds :oIo). This re-making of the body is not problematized much in the Brazilian setting. Of course, says Edmonds, there are jokes about siliconadas (women who inject silicon in their bodies to arrive at perfect female shapes) who turn the sambadrome in Rio (the venue where the great carnival parades are held) into silicon valley, or about the eco-hazards of burying such women, and there are the occasional comments that liposuction and silicone have robbed beauty of its authenticity (:oIo: ,:). The over- whelming evidence of Edmondss study, however, shows that when it comes to beauty practices, people are not at all bothered by the artice of beauty. To the contrary, they proudly display newly made breasts and butts, unhampered by the thought that these would be somehow less real. Another study that discusses Brazilian understandings of the natural and the arti- cial is Don Kulicks ethnography of travestis in Salvador. 4 Kulick states that articiality and naturalness exist in an uneasy and agitated relationship in travesti thought (I,,8: :oo). On the one hand, travestis recognize the ideal of looking like a natural woman. Despite the fact that travestis use highly articial means to attain the bodies they possess, says Kulick, they still esteem naturalness (I,,8: I,8). He also mentions a widespread conviction among travestis that individuals who do not require a great deal of articial aid to become beautiful are even more impressive than those who do (I,,8: :oo); and that natural forms and natural femininity are desirable (I,,8: :oI). On the other hand, however, Kulick reports that the making of the femininity of the travesti is highly appreciated. Travestis pride themselves that they occupy [the] feminine space better than women do (I,,8: :o,); that they are more attractive than real women because they work harder to be one (I,,8: :o,). Instead of being merely a woman, they consider themselves to be mulherssima. Kulick understands such travesti talk about being super-women as compensation for the uncertainty of not having what men want, a buceita (the vagina). Articiality, he says, is admired but naturalness is revered (I,,8: :o). As noted before, I have not found such Romanticist notions in the Beco dos Artistas. In fact, all that Kulicks own rich ethnographic material shows is an unresolved tension over the issue, not the taking up of a nal position (and I cant help but wonder to what extent the issue of naturalness was introduced in the scene by the ethnogra- phers questioning in the rst place). In Gina da Mascars performances, the opposition is between artice well done, which results in a gorgeous, glamorous woman (tudo arrumadinha, as Aldo Zeck described his earlier creation Nina Blanch, all neatly made up), and artice gone Mattijs van de Port 872 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: wrong, leading to a monstrous gure (When people call Gina gostosa [sexy, desirable], she gets upset and irritated, because she knows that people are being dishonest with her). The ideal of the natural simply does not appear in her show let alone recon- ciliation with nature. Thus, when during the interview with Aldo Zeck we discussed the stripping naked of volunteer boys from the audience that is a xed part of the show (God only knows why they allow Gina to do it!, he exclaimed), he told me that what Gina does is unmasking tirar as mscaras. Yet what remains after such stripping in the Bahian setting is not a naked body that indexes our belonging to nature. Judging from Ginas utterings and actions on stage, the body in montado aesthetics is indexical of ecstasy, lust, orgasm, experiences of bliss, as well as a container of the abject, of waste and disgusting excretions. This body indexes what Lacanian thinkers would call jouis- sance, the amoral pleasure that can be derived from evading the social and moral order; from escaping meaning; from being liberated from the social and the socially produced self (Fiske I,8,: ,o). Rather than conrming our belonging to nature, says Julia Kristeva, this body draws us towards the place where meaning collapses (I,8: [I,8o]: :). Remarkable as the contrast may be between camp (with its melancholic resonances) and montado aesthetics (reminiscent of the Bakhtinian carnivalesque), this difference should not be made absolute. Both aesthetics produce a body that is an effect of the failure of the symbolic order, rather than an instance of the natural. Both aesthetics respond to the existential condition that the worlds of meaning we inhabit are human- made, forever lacking in their pretension to encompass the totality of life, and, conse- quently, forever producing anomalies (such as homosexual desire). And in camp, as well as in montado aesthetics, the body is rst and foremost a container of desire: a yearning that is so strong, so undeniably true and uncompromisingly real, that at times one wonders whether this celebration of fake is all about the fuelling of such desires; whether the appeal of these aesthetic forms rests in their capacity to replace the lack in all world-making with the real of desire. Baroque Seen from another angle, the cultural production of the real that I found played out in the Beco dos Artistas might be understood as being baroque. Introducing this term is to situate Gina da Mascars performance in the dominant aesthetics of the old colonial capital of Brazil, where curve, excess, and over-the-topness is all over the place. It is to link the whirling, excessive style of Ginas appearance and shows with the exuberant golden ornaments that decorate the interiors of Salvadors churches; with the waving patterns of the calada portuguesa that bedeck Bahian pavements; with the curly forms of relationality that Bahians opt for; with the preference for exuberance and glitz among the Bahian popular classes (which ethnologist Pierre Verger famously called the street-baroque of Bahia); with the heightened sensuous- ness and bloody carnality of baroque religiosity; as well as with the endless celebra- tions and processions that punctuate the Bahian calendar, culminating in the collective ecstasy of Carnival (which inspired another commentator to qualify Bahias baroque as a barroco rebolado: ass-shaking baroque). 5 To point out the baroque of Gina da Mascars performance is not, however, a mere attestation to the fact that she is heir to an aesthetic impulse that, for historical reasons, dominates the Bahian public sphere. On closer inspection, the particular understandings of the real that come into Genuinely made up 873 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: being in a baroque register of world-making are strikingly similar to those that came to the fore in my discussion of camp and montado aesthetics. A rst similarity is that, just like camp and montado aesthetics, the baroque impulse underlines the concoctedness of human-made worlds. This is immediately visible in the ways in which baroque artists celebrated the articial and the mannerist in their artistic productions. They were fascinated with the incongruent, the disharmonious, the monstrous; tended to indulge in excess, heterogeneity, fragmentation; preferred deceptive forms such as the labyrinth, the metamorphosis, the fold, the curve, the trompe loeil; as well as shallowness as in the opaque surfaces of the richly decorated faade and emptiness as in the ample use of the emblem (Buci-Glucksmann :oo:; Calabrese I,,:; Deleuze :ooo [I,88]; Ndalianis :oo; van de Port :oII). All these stylistic devices and strategies helped to convey an image of the world as a place that nds itself in a state of loss, a place that is lacking immanent meaning and at the brink of all-out fragmentation. Some authors have suggested that this peculiarity of baroque expressivities must be understood historically. They argue that baroque aesthetics are expressive of the rst cracks in that sacred canopy that had endowed the world with an aura of being self- evidently part and parcel of Divine creation (Berger I,o,). The baroque came into being in the world of the Reformation, Counter-Reformation, and religious wars: a world where convictions oppose and relativize each other (de Certeau :ooo [I,,o]: o) and where entire groups are no longer sure about obvious facts that were previously taken for granted by a social order and an organization of values (:ooo [I,,o]: :). The baroque is also the art of the world of the voyages of discovery, which forced people to come to terms with new worlds, where strange peoples worshipped unknown gods (Valle :oo:); as well as of a world where an emerging scientic paradigm sought to lure us out of our enchanted garden, and position us as inquisitive observers in front of the world (rather than in it). Given these historical circumstances, baroque forms are expressive of a world where a taken-for-granted omnipresence of the Divine is waning; an epoch in which people felt that the unquestioned, immanent presence of God in the world was vanishing. As Walter Benjamin (I,,, [I,o,]) put it (and many authors after him): the baroque is permeated with the notion of an absent truth (see also Cowan I,8I; Wolin I,,). The truth and reality of the Divine was not (yet) questioned, but the God of the baroque had receded to an inaccessible plane, handing over the world to the imperfections of the human order. It is this very lack in the human capacity to render the world meaningful and coherent that is central to a baroque notion of what is real. This brings me to the second similarity between camp and baroque articulations of the real. Clearly, the baroque worldview, which highlights the imperfection of human- made worlds, and puts an absent God centre-stage, plays on peoples desire to establish a relationship with that God, the one power deemed capable of bringing about a harmonia mundi. Another set of expressive forms typical of the baroque sought to accommodate (and stimulate) this yearning. The famous trompe loeil ceilings of baroque churches are a good example. Baroque visuals, says Ndalianis, are character- ized by a refusal to respect the limits of the frame (:ooo: n.p). Expressing innity, these ceilings underscore the gap between God and humankind. Yet, simultaneously, they speak to the desire to contact that unreachable God. Indeed, looking up to these ceilings, registering the slight dizziness they induce, the possibility to be connected to the innite becomes sense-able. This fuelling of a desire to contact an absent God repeats itself over and over in baroque aesthetics. It is found in the feverish cults of the Mattijs van de Port 874 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: saints, deemed capable of accessing the realm of the Divine, where they might act as mediators on behalf of believers (Arajo :oo8); in the appeal of prophets and vision- aries, so signicant in Brazilian popular Catholicism (Narber :oo,); in the baroque mystics with their ecstatic and erotic bodily languages, transgressing the norm to immerse in their object of desire; and, last but not least, in the constant references to the miracle, the impossible becoming possible through which God afrms his power over the world (I dene the possible!), but not his presence in the world (as the miracle always evokes an elsewhere beyond human comprehension). Both these dimensions of baroque aesthetics are discernible in Gina da Mascars performances. The drag queen who highlights the contingency of the cultural order in her constant unmasking of identities as mere posturing also evaluates her own exist- ence in ecstatic, near-mystical utterings (foi babado, um segredo s, luxo!, it hap- pened, it is one big secret, its a splurge). 6 She juxtaposes the deceitfulness and inadequacy of cultural forms with a yearning for the jouissance and heavenly bliss of the orgasm. Sighing divino, divino after having performed fellatio on the microphone, she closely follows the baroque idea that the absent Divine is the sole force that is capable to bring about a harmonia mundi. The resemblances between the montado aesthetics of the Beco dos Artistas and the baroque are hard to miss in a state like Bahia, known for its rich baroque heritage. However, the historical specicity of my case should not blind us to the fact that entanglements of the notion of baroque and camp are found in other places and settings as well (a recent exhibition of Jeff Koonss kitschy and camp artworks in the baroque palace of Versailles is a telling example; 7 or the frequent characterization of Almodvars lms in terms of both camp and baroque). This observation is in line with a recent call to consider the baroque as an aesthetic impulse that exceeds the specicities of time and place. As Omar Calabrese (I,,:) argues, the historical Baroque was but a particular manifestation of an aesthetic impulse that can be found in many epochs and places (the Hellenistic period in antiquity being the well-known example, the baroque mosques of Istanbul another). In Calabreses view, the baroque is best conceived as a trans-historical category of the spirit, which sets itself up against the spirit of the classic. A similar argument is made by the Dutch art historian Frank Reijnders, who, in a wonderful little book called Metamorfose van de Barok (I,,I), has shown how the spirit of the baroque lived on in the realm of ne arts as the anti-art, whose impulses kept (and keep) undermining romantic notions of arts totalizing visions of the sublime. Time and again, the baroque impulse sets out to show the falsity of the promise that the artwork enables the beholder to partake in the mysteries of the world. The continued relevance of baroque forms of world-making is also evidenced in the many postmodernist thinkers who have discussed and/or picked up the style, the ethos, and the sensibilities it expresses (Chiampi I,,8; Day I,,,; Ndalianis :oo). This consideration of the baroque in more generalizing, trans-historical terms allows for the thought that camp/montado aesthetics and baroque are not so much two strikingly similar aesthetic registers, but rather two modalities of one and the same aesthetic impulse: the impulse to reveal, rather than veil, the breaches and impossibili- ties of the cultural orders that reign over our lives (cf. van de Port :oII). Like the naturalizing registers of world-making with which I opened this article, these registers, too, are caught up in what I have called the cultural production of the real. Yet these registers reject the natural as the privileged form in which the real can be discerned. Genuinely made up 875 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: Real is the human condition to have to make do with cultural forms that are forever lacking. Real is the burning desire for something or someone who might undo this unhappy state. The failure of cultural form Pondering the particularities of camp/montado aesthetics and baroque registers in the cultural production of the real directed my attention to a rich anthropological litera- ture from the I,,os on tricksters, fools, clowns, freaks, cross-dressers, jesters, anti- heroes, and other inverted or anti-structural characters. Re-reading Barbara Babcocks insightful work on symbolic inversions (Babcock I,,,; I,,8) and ritual clowning (Babcock I,8) with the performances of Gina da Mascar in the back of my mind, I was immediately struck just how much these performances t Babcocks descriptions of the trickster, who by his mere presence throws doubt on the nality of fact (I,,,: I,) and reveals our stubborn unwillingness to be encaged forever within the boundaries of physical laws and social properties (I,,,: I8,). In almost all cases, and to a greater or lesser degree, says Babcock, tricksters are situated between the social cosmos and the other world or chaos (I,,,: I,,); they tend to inhabit crossroads, open public spaces, doorways, and thresholds; are frequently involved in scatological and coprophagous episodes which may be creative, destructive or simply amusing; oftentimes exhibit some mental and/or physical abnormality, especially exaggerated sexual characteristics; have an enormous libido without pro- creative outcome; have an ability to disperse and disguise themselves and a tendency to be multiform and ambiguous; tend to be of uncertain sexual status; follow the principle of motley in dress; are generally amoral and asocial; and in all their behavior, tend to express a concomitant breakdown of the distinction between reality and reection (I,,,: I,,-oo). All of this immediately applies to Gina da Mascar. As I have pointed out, her shows in the Beco dos Artistas highlight the failure of culture itself, the lack that is at the heart of all meaning production. Everything she does seeks to remind her audience that the social-cultural classications and orderings through which we come to a sense of normalcy are contingent and lacking. In the words of Barbara Babcock, [T]he trickster tale affords an opportunity for realizing that an accepted pattern has no necessity. Its excitement lies in the suggestion that any particular ordering of experience may be arbitrary and subjective. It is frivolous in that it produces no real alternative, only an exhilarated sense of freedom from form in general, though it may well provoke thought of real alternatives and prompt action toward their realization (I,,,: I8). The fact that trickster tales are found all over the world (cf. Doty I,,,; Radin I,,o) indicates the apparent universal appeal of a gure that highlights a discontent with our condition of being cultural beings. Seen through the prismof the trickster debate, camp aesthetics, montado aesthetics, baroque aesthetics and, why not, the cultural analysis we do lose much of their specicity: they are instances of those counteractive patterns of culture (Geertz I,,,) through which people remind themselves that no cultural order manages to capture reality in its entirety, that symbolic closure is an impossibility, and that this very fact while threatening dominant reality denitions offers possibilities for change and renewal. And yet, an analysis of a trickster-like gure such as Gina da Mascar should not conclude by pointing out how her performance can be inscribed into what seems to be Mattijs van de Port 876 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: a universal repertoire. For the more interesting question to be asked and it struck me that this question is never asked in the literature that I referred to is how these trickster-like gures and anti-structural performances resonate with the particular biographies and life-experiences of the people who embrace them. Who are the people who appreciate the real that styles such as camp and baroque articulate? And why is it that these particular people deem such understandings of the real persuasive? In other words, how are aesthetic preferences the persuasiveness of the natural, the credibility of fake connected to the histories and biographies of the people who display such preferences, and the subjective experiences that these histories and biographies bring forth? The real of desire: derailed biographies and the persuasiveness of the made up Esther Newton, in her classic study of female impersonators in the United States, makes the point over and over again: Gay people ... know that the possession of one type of genital equipment by no means guarantees the naturally appropriate behavior (I,,:: Io,). This knowledge, grounded in a process that is popularly known as the coming out of the closet, is key to an understanding as to why camp speaks to gays such as myself. In the terms that were introduced in this article, the coming out is the nal step in a gradual process whereby a person comes to realize that he 8 had been trying to make himself over to a symbolic order that did not acknowledge his sexual orientation. To come out is to acknowledge and make public an acceptance of the fact that the real of ones inner experiences did not t the symbolic order, and, conversely, that the reality conceptions of the symbolic order could not accommodate ones inner experiences. Looking back at my own coming out, I can say that this breaking out of the social does at least two things to ones perception of the world. First, it forces one to face the lack in the symbolic order. The world as you had been made to understand it had no place for your sexual desire. In other words, your narration of the world could not accom- modate your experience of the world. Second, a coming out positions the real of desire over and above the real of ones upbringing. In Lacanian terms, this means that the genuine is located beyond the symbolic order, in the dimension of being that is called the Real. As both points are important to understand the persuasive power of camp, I will elaborate them. The simple fact that most homosexuals were never raised to be gay suggests that, however diverse histories of a coming out may be, they are all imbued with feelings of alienation. Coming out always implies a break with a Self that had been raised not only to be a heterosexual man, but to be naturally straight. After all, hetero-normativity is more than a collection of ideas and norms, given that these ideas and norms were naturalized by having been inscribed in the sensuous body. To turn boys into real men, boys bodies need to eat, drink, walk, sit, stand, gesticulate, look, dance, and speak in masculine ways (Bourdieu I,,o [I,8o]; Mauss I,,,). Coming out of the closet impli- cates a breach with this natural, embodied masculinity, and leaves no other conclusion than that this naturalness of masculinity was a mere sham. Unsurprisingly, then, gays are susceptible to a style that articulates a suspicion towards everything and everyone who claim the label natural. The shared experience of the demasqu of the symbolic order an order that presents its denitions of gender and sexuality as natural, yet has proven itself to be an instance of make-believe is exactly what camp articulates. There Genuinely made up 877 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: is an immediate link between the derailed biographies of gays and their appreciation of a style that seeks to place everything between brackets. Which brings me to the second point I want to make: the demasqu of the symbolic order directs the search for the real beyond the symbolic order, in the realm of desire. To come out is to subject oneself to ones desire, to declare this drive to be more genuine than social denitions of what is appropriate, natural sexual behaviour for men. Clearly, embracing this desire is propagated in the gay scene, which tells you in a thousand different ways that you are your desire. Yet Lacanians convincingly argue that there are dimensions to desire that cannot be encapsulated by the symbolic; and it is exactly because of these dimensions that desire becomes an anchor-ground for alter- native notions of what is real. Terry Eagleton, for instance, suggests that we ought to disconnect desire from the object towards which it is directed, because it is thus that we are able to look at the force itself. This force, he says, reveals itself as an empty, intransitive yearning whose various targets all turn out to be arbitrary substitutes for one another (I,,8: I,). Pure desire cannot be reduced to anything else. It does not pertain to the symbolic order. Eagleton takes it to be entirely without meaning and glacially indifferent to all the objects in which it invests, which it uses simply for its own fruitless self-reproduction, and describes it as a nameless hankering, unfulllable by any of its particular objects, intent on simply keeping itself in business and thus shattering whatever is hastily produced to keep it quiet (:oo,: I,o). And yet, for all of its ungraspable and non-articulable qualities, the real of desire is incontestable. In this it resembles death, which is also beyond representation death is the last thing we experience, in more sense than one while being at the same time brute reality (I,,8: I,). Slavoj iek describes desire as a rock upon which every attempt at symbolization stumbles and the hard core which remains the same in all possible worlds (I,8,: Io,). Moreover, this real of desire is something which I can experience from the inside of my body with incomparably greater immediacy than I can know anything else (Eagleton I,,8: I,). An understanding of the cultural production of the real in denaturalizing aesthetics such as camp and baroque needs to take into account this particular dimension of desire. Highlighting the lack in the symbolic order, these aesthetics fuel a drive whose reality cannot be argued with, and which cannot be reduced to anything other. They keep desire centre-stage to introduce a sense of the real in a biography full of ssures and rents, and in a world where the made-upness of things is all too visible. To illustrate the kind of stability that the real of desire may bring to a world where certainty seems absent, I might return once more to my own experiences as a gay man. If there is one thing in my life that I do not doubt, it is the direction of my sexual desire. That desire is directed towards men. I am myself rather puzzled by the unwavering and exclusivist goal-orientatedness of this desire. For whatever self-knowledge is worth, I know myself to be a person who doubts everything. Moreover, as an anthropologist, I have learned to deconstruct (and thus relativize) every essentialism that crosses my path. And yet, I can only conclude that the direction of my desire my homosexuality is immune to all attempts to deconstruct it. As stated, I fully realize I am part of a homosexual subculture that instructs me to embrace this desire time and again; which has set up a whole industry to fuel that desire; which tells me in a thousand different ways that I am this desire. Yet these exhortations only take effect because they are grounded in that nameless, imageless, immaterial drive that is desire: a drive that had Mattijs van de Port 878 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: manifested itself in me uninvited, unwanted, and in deance of the way I had been brought up to see the world. That desire, I am able to tell myself, is not made up. It is genuine. That I nd myself embracing that desire, making it the solid base of my identity, fuelling it over and over again, need not be surprising, for the foundation that it provides me with is unshakable. Obviously, not only homosexual lives are marked by derailed biographies; just as gays are not the only people who had to part from a cultural order that had seemed natural and given. Recall Michel de Certeaus (:ooo [I,,o]) insight that baroque forms spoke to the experiences of people in tumultuous times and places. These forms ourished in worlds where major revisions on humanity and the world were in the making; where people found themselves caught betwixt-and-between irreconcilable paradigms and enmeshed in violent social and political upheaval. If one asks what, in the case of Bahia, the specic life conditions were that fostered a receptivity for baroque renditions of the world, one immediately thinks of the regions immense slave popu- lation, subjugated to extreme powerlessness, and condemned to a life of gruesome, radical ruptures. Roger Bastide summarized the conditions underlying the life experi- ences of slaves in Brazil as follows: The black was forcibly uprooted from his land, shipped to a new habitat, integrated into a society that was not his own, in which he had found himself in a subordinate economic and social position. Slavery shattered his African tribal or village community and its political organization and destroyed the forms of family life, leaving nothing of the original social structures intact. He entered a new system of stratication in which the white man occupied the summit, the free mestizo or the caboclo [person of mixed Brazilian and European ancestry] the intermediate level, leaving to him the lowest position of all, that of the slave (Bastide I,,8: ,). One can see why an aesthetics that rejects the possibility of harmony in a human-made world, and seeks redemption in an inaccessible beyond, must have had its appeal in a slave society such as Bahia. Yet one might also think of the tribulations that befell the Bahian population as a whole: the omnipresence of sudden and premature death in colonial society owing to natural catastrophes, epidemics, or sudden eruptions of violence events that ravaged whole communities and left deep cleavages in peoples life histories and trajectories. Traumatic experiences and life-disrupting calamities and catastrophes feed the spirit of baroque, reinforce its impulses, animate its forms of world-making, lend credibility to its readings of the human condition. Indeed, there is an intriguing correspondence between discussions on calamities, the traumas they provoke, and the present discus- sion of baroque renditions of the real. Calamity has once been described as the unmistakable reminder that the affairs of this life are not of our own ordering (Stav- rakakis I,,,: o8). In a similar vein, many authors have argued that at the heart of trauma lies the realization that the social, moral, and cultural orders that had always been taken for granted were in fact founded on make-believe. War, violence, epidemics, earthquakes, and other trauma-inducing events and occurrences cause the breakdown of the fabric of consensual reality [and the] coherence of everyday life (Kirmayer I,,o: I88-,); the shattering of a victims fundamental assumptions ... the core of [his or her] conceptual system (Janof-Bulman I,,:: ,,), the massive disintegration of the individu- als symbolic world (Janof-Bulman I,,:: oo); and the loss of the basis that enabled victims to oversee and predict events and happenings in their life world (MacFarlane I,,,: ,,). This loss of a stable world-reading in trauma, the sudden revelation that the Genuinely made up 879 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: world is not the place one had always thought it to be, strongly resonates with the baroque insistence on the absence of immanent meaning in human-made worlds. Such examples suggest that the cultural production of the real through the register of the natural is not always persuasive. The groups that I have mentioned have learned lessons about the falsity of that which presents itself as given and natural; and in their aesthetic preferences they testify to that understanding. In conclusion How do people come to a sense of the really real? How do they nd ways to counter the contingency of all meaning? After decades of deconstructive labour in anthropology departments a work that found traditions to be invented, authenticities to be staged, and communities to be imagined these questions about subjective experiences of the real have gained an increasing urgency. Studies on processes of authentication or what I prefer to call the cultural pro- duction of the real have frequently pointed out the importance of naturalization: the veiling of the human-made character of reality denitions by recruiting signs of the natural. In this essay I have wanted to argue that there are other registers in the cultural production of the real. Focusing on the performances of the Bahian drag queen Gina da Mascar, I found camp and baroque to be examples of registers that reveal, in a most aunting manner, the made-upness of the interpretative frameworks through which we get a grip on reality. As they unmask the natural as yet another fabrication, it may seem that these aesthetics are not at all in the service of the pursuit of the real. However, when we look at what these registers do at the level of the subject i.e., what kind of experiences they produce it turns out that they, too, are preoccupied with the cultural production of the real. Highlighting falsity generates an unstaunchable desire for that which is real. This desire is directed towards fantasy objects the perfect man, true love, God, Divine intervention, the lost paradise and it mobilizes the body to produce, in sexual or religious ecstasy, eeting moments of jouissance, moments where experience takes one beyond classications as to what is real and what is false. Yet what is more important, perhaps, is that desire itself realizes a sensation of the real: for the drive that is pure desire deeply felt and undeniably present is equally beyond the reach of the human imagination. What naturalizing and denaturalizing aesthetics share is a pronounced distrust towards human-made worlds, the assessment that the symbolic order is the realm of make-believe, forgery, and deceit. Both contend that the symbolic order does not give access to the real. Denaturalizing aesthetics, however, are far more radical in their articulations of the real, as they dismiss the natural as yet another gment of the human imagination, and seem to push for an almost Nietzschean beyond all categories of thought. In order to nd out who is susceptible to one or the other register in the cultural production of the real, a discussion of the subjective experience of cultural forms was necessary. I have suggested that groups with radical fault-lines in their (collective) biographies turn out to be susceptible to an aesthetics which underlines the fake of human-made worlds, and holds out the real of desire as the existential ground of being. Just as Western gays developed a camp aesthetics to come to a more persuasive notion of the real, peoples with war-ridden and trauma-inducing histories turn out to char- acterize their ethos understood in Geertzian terms as the tone, character, and quality of their life, its moral and aesthetic style and mood (Geertz I,,,: I:,) with terms that Mattijs van de Port 880 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: refer to this ungraspable, tragically impossible, yet thoroughly enjoyable desire for the undoing of the breaches. Serbian merak, Bosnian sevdah, Andalusian duende, German Sehnsucht, Portuguese and Brazilian saudade, Turkish hzn, and Armenian karob are all terms which declare the desire for an impossible wholeness to be at the heart of the nation and its subjects. The more overall goal of this essay, however, has been to show the relevance of Lacanian thinkers such as Slavoj iek, Yannis Stavrakakis, and Terry Eagleton for anthropological theory. Their proposition that the human condition is marked by the fact that we have to make do with structures of meaning that are always lacking is a more promising starting-point from which to study the cultural production of the real than the anthropological insistence on the power and efcacy of cultural forms. To start ones analysis from the impossibility of symbolic closure is not to say that lack and incompleteness are the sole items on the list of human experiences. To the contrary, the very fact that people manage to come up with more or less coherent, stable, persuasive, and even authentically felt notions of self and other, world and universe, forces the analyst to explain how such experiences of wholeness come into being. With their wonderfully insightful descriptions of the pivotal role of fantasy in covering up the rents, ssures, and black holes in the structure of meaning, and with their sophisticated discussions of the Lacanian notion of the Real, these thinkers offer important clues as to how anthropology might move its analytical capacity beyond the repetitive proce- dures of the constructivist paradigm. NOTES I would like to thank my colleagues Niko Besnier, Lotte Hoek, Birgit Meyer, Annemarie Mol, and Johan Roeland for their comments on earlier drafts of this article, and express my gratitude to MatthewEngelke and the anonymous reviewers from the JRAI for their valuable suggestions for improving the manuscript. 1 http://www.spitsnieuws.nl/archives/tech/:oo8/o,/homodieren_in_artis.html (last accessed ,I May :oIo, no longer available on-line). 2 For an elaborate discussion of the use of natural tropes in discourses that seek to legitimate homosexu- ality, see Lancaster (:oo,). 3 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mAoLjj,gzfo (accessed :, August :oI:). The following three interview extracts with Gina are also taken from this source. 4 Aldo Zeck told me he is not a travesti but a transformista, a difference he explained by saying that, unlike travestis, he only cross-dresses for the occasion. At home I dont dress as Gina, he said. 5 O rebolado barroco da nossa miscigenao. O fotgrafo baiano Silvio Robatto une sagrado e profano na Pinacoteca do Estado de So Paulo, Correio da Bahia, I: March :oo:. 6 As note ,. 7 See http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/o,:,:8,,,,,88,oo.html (accessed :, August :oI:). 8 Or she, yet I would be curious to learn more about the resonance of camp (or the lack thereof) among lesbians. REFERENCES Arajo, E. :oo8. O teatro dos vcios: transgresso e transigncia na sociedade urbana colonial. Rio de Janeiro: Jos Olympio. Babcock, B. I,,,. A tolerated margin of mess: the trickster and his tales reconsidered. Journal of the Folklore Institute , I,-8o. I,,8. The reversible world: symbolic inversion in art and society. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press. I,8. Arrange me into disorder: fragments and reections on ritual clowning. In Rite, drama, festival, spectacle: rehearsals toward a theory of cultural performance (ed.) J. 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Rgulirement, des constructions contemporaines du rel mobilisent tout ce qui peut tre li la nature. loppos, est inauthentique ce qui est fabriqu, maquill, articiel, qui dcoule trop manifestement de lintention humaine. Bahia, au Brsil, lauteur a rencontr un mode compltement diffrent de production culturelle du rel. En analysant le spectacle dune drag queen de Bahia nomme Gina de Mascar, il discute des registres du camp et du baroque , qui suscitent une sensibilit aux formes culturelles vritablement articielles et favorisent leur apprciation. Il montre comment les attraits de ces registres, leur pouvoir de persuasion, leur forme de vrit sont en rsonance avec la sensibilit de ceux dont la biographie est marque par des ruptures radicales, et avance que lon peut comprendre ces registres comme une formulation populaire de la notion lacanienne selon laquelle la clture symbolique est une impossibilit. Mattijs van de Port works at the University of Amsterdam and the VU University Amsterdam. In the latter institution he holds the chair of the anthropology of popular religiosity. Van de Port has carried out research in the former Yugoslavia, the Netherlands, and for the last decade in Bahia, Brazil. His current research project focuses on the diverse ways in which the notion of the permeable boundary is put to work in the making of social-cultural worlds. Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Amsterdam, Oudezijdsvoorburgwal :8,, :o:: DK Amsterdam, The Netherlands. [email protected] Genuinely made up 883 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) , 8o,-88, Royal Anthropological Institute :oI: