ECB Can Act As A Safety Valve, But Will Not Solve The Crisis
ECB Can Act As A Safety Valve, But Will Not Solve The Crisis
ECB Can Act As A Safety Valve, But Will Not Solve The Crisis
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ECB can act as a safety valve, but will not solve the crisis
The ECB is unwilling to buy peripheral government securities in size or to intervene for very long This reluctance reflects deep concerns about moral hazard, political legitimacy, and inflation risk With Euro area governments still reluctant to significantly enlarge the EFSF or introduce Eurobonds, many are looking to the ECB as the only institution capable of solving the regions sovereign crisis. Some suggest that the ECB should simply ramp up its purchases of government bonds through its Securities Markets Program (SMP), which it could do by creating more reserves (i.e., printing money). However, this strategy would bear huge risks and the ECB has little appetite for following it. Instead, the central bank sees clear limits of its policy toolsit is willing to act as a safety valve against short-term stresses in financial markets but it cannot solve what is ultimately a crisis of fiscal policy and solvency. As a result, the ECB will always force the ultimate resolution of the crisis back to politicians.
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Economic Research ECB can act as a safety valve, but will solve the crisis August 26, 2011
fiscal adjustments and reforms that will allow them to regain access to market funding. The ECB has also appeared keen to sponsor moves toward greater political union, including sharing of fiscal capacity, as a means to stabilize the region. The ECB worries that it would weaken the incentives for banks and governments to make these necessary adjustments, if it provides liquidity too generously to banks and if it keeps government bond yields too low. It cannot turn off the liquidity tap for banks altogether, as this would cause a banking crisis. But, it is making relatively short forward commitments about providing unlimited liquidity (currently until 1Q12) and is reluctant to lend at long maturities (the six month tender it offered in early August has been described as a one-off). It is also leaning on regulators and the banks themselves to adjust and is still working on a special liquidity facility, which would likely provide liquidity for troubled banks for longer periods but against strict conditions and possibly at a penalty rate. For governments, the ECB has pushed them to take responsibility for stabilizing bond markets and has made clear that its renewed bond purchases are only indended to fill an implementation vaccuum until the EFSF can take over. The second constraint is the risk of inflation. The purchase of government bonds leads to an expansion of the ECBs balance sheet, even if the newly created reserves are subsequently sterilized in the form of one-week fixed term deposits. Recent experience in the US and UK does not suggest any mechanical link between such balance sheet expansions and broader money aggregates, or a destabilizing impact on inflation expectations. But the context in which the ECB is acting is different. The ECB does not see a need for balance sheet expansion to deliver price stability. And with markets questioning sovereign solvency in the region, the ECBs purchases of bonds may increasingly resemble monetary financing of deficits, which the EU Treaty forbids and which Germans fear. If people abandon the euro and move into real (e.g. property and gold) or foreign assets (e.g. Swiss francs), rising asset prices and a falling exchange rate could lead to high inflation. Such behavior may seem unlikely, but it is not uncommon for some German tabloids to issue advice to their readers along such lines. The third restraint is political legitimacy. To some, the ECBs bond buying is a neat way of by-passing the political process that is slowing down the fiscal response to the crisis. This ignores the fact that Germany is dragging its feet for a reasonits population and government think that the bailouts only make sense if the periphery does its homework. The ECB does not have the political legitimacy to purposefully undermine this position by purchasing ever larger amounts of the peripheral bond market, a point made
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