2008 Meso-Europe Bonsall PDF

Chapter 10
The Mesolithic of the lron Gates
Clive Bonsall*
Introduction
T h e lron Gates region may be defined as the 230-km-long section of the Danube valley that forms the border between Rolilania and Serbia. Marking the beginning of the 'lower Danube', it con~prises two distinct physiographic zones with contrasting geology and relief. T h e first corresponds with the Iron Gates 'gorge' where the Danube breaks through the Carpathiaii-Balkan inountain chain. Also known as Iljerdap (Serbia) and Clisura (Romania) it is really a system of gorges, some narrow and canyon-like, separated by small basins, which extends for over 130 km. T h e gorge is developed in rocks of rnainly Palaeozoic and Mesozoic age, which include limestone formations in which caves and rockshelters occur. T h e terrain o n either side of the gorge is moutltainous, rising to over 700 111 above the river on the Serbian side. T h e average gradient of the river within the gorge is much steeper than elsewhere along the middle o r lower 1)allube. Before it was impounded, strong currents, turbulent flow, rapids and rock reefs characterized this section of the river, irnpeding navigation; current velocity varied between 3.5 and 18 k1t1 per hour. Downstream from the gorge, the Ilanube valley broadens out as the river enters a landscape of more moderate relief, underlain by nlainly Quaternary sediments, at the western edge of the Wallachian I'lain. Here the river is flanked by a broad alluvial plain consisting of several terraces varying in age from mid-Holocene to pre-Last Glacial nlaximum. T h e river gradient in this lowland zone is nluch shallower, current velocity being less than 4 k n per ~ hour. T h e lron Gates is the 'jewel in the crown' of the Southeast European Mesolithic, renowned for its exceptional record of human occupation during the Late Glacial and the earlier part of the Holocene between approximately 13,000 and 5500 cal BC: - a time segment that encompasses the whole of the Mesolithic and the beginning of the Neolithic'.
* School of Arts, Culture and Environ~nrnt,Univrr~ity ofEdlnburgh, UK

Elsewhere in Southeast Europe, the Mesolithic has proved difficult to find. There are some notable cave and rockshelter sites scattered through the Balkans, such as Franchthi and Theopetra (Greece), Crvena Stijena, Medena Stijena, and Odtnut (Montenegro), PupiEina and Vela Spila (Croatia), and Mala Triglavca (Slovenia). But open-air sites are mostly surface sites o n which only stone artefacts have survived. . was a T h e existence of Mesolithic sites in the Iron Gates was recognized only in the ~ g h o s This consequence of the decision by the Romanian and Yugoslav governments to build two datns across the Danube for power generation. T h e first dam, which became operational in 1971, \was built where the Danube leaves the Iron Gates gorge, and was designed in part to inlprovc navigation through the gorge. T h e second dam (operational in 1984) is located 80 k m downriver at the island of Ostrovu Mare. Archaeological surveys and rescue excavatiolls were undertaken prior to construction of the dams. However, these were quite limited in their extent, focusing o n valley floor areas o n both sides of the river that would eventually be subnlerged beneath the reservoirs created by the dams, and very little archaeological exploration took place in areas farther fro111the river. More than thirty sites with traces of Mesolithic and/or Early Neolithic o c c ~ p ~ i t i o wcrc n idetitified (Figure 10.1). T h e majority are situated in the gorge sector. They include several cave and rockshelter sites, all on the Romanian side of the river, and a larger number of opcn-air sites. Open-air sites also have been found downriver, in the nlore open section of the Ilanube valley between the Iron Gates I and I1 dams. T h e open-air sites are on low terraces along the Danube o r small islands in the river. In spite of the contrast in physical setting between the gorge and thc downstrealn sector, the archaeological records of the two zones show many similarities. Altho~tgh small in number, the range and quality of the inhrmation from the Iron Gates sites bearing or1 Mesolithic architecture, art, burial practices, bone and stone technolog, and subsistence, is superior to that from most other areas of Europe.
'Mesolithic' and 'Epipalaeolithic' in the lron Gates

Because of its relative archaeological 'isolation' - surrounded by vact areas where evidence of Late Glacial and early Holocene settlement is cparse - the Iron Gates Mesolithic is often viewed in its own terlns, without close reference to events in other regions of Europe. Hence, its subdivisions and terniinology tend not to conform to the conventions and criteria adopted elsewhere. In nlany parts of Europe changes in stone technology provide the basis for subdividing the Mesolithic, but these play little o r n o role in subdividing the period in the Iron Gates. Opinion is divided over when the Mesolithic of the Iron Gates begins and ends, but almost n o one places its beginning at the onset of the Holocene, as is the convention elsewhere. Some authors prefer the terrn 'Epipalaeolithic' to Mesolithic, arguing for continuity with the local Upper Palaeolithic. Others make a clear distinction between Epipalaeolithic and Mesolithic and use the terms accordingly. Because of the generally niicrolithic character of the lithic assenlblages, sonle authors regard the whole of the period fro111 the beginning of the Late Glacial to the adoption of farming in the Middle Holocene as 'Mesolithic' (e.g., Jovanovii- lghga) o r 'Epipalaeolithic' (e.g., Boroneanf 1973). Boroneanf (1989)divided the period into two cultures - 'Clisurean' dati~lg to the Late Glacial, and 'Schela Cladovei' dating to the Holocene. T h e latter he equated with the Lcpenski Vir culture identified by Srejovii- on the Serbian bank of the Danube. Interestingly, in his earlier work, Srejovii- did not describe the Lepenski Vir culture as Mesolithic, but as 'Epipalaeolithic' in
Clive Bonsall
Figure 10.1. Principal Mesolithic and Early Neolithic sites in the Iron Gates. its early phase, and 'Proto-Neolithic' in its later phase, reflecting his belief in an indigenous origin of farming and pottery manufacture in the region (Srejovii- 1969). As research progressed, it became the conventional view that the hunter-gatherer sites of the Late Glacial-Holocene show evidence of increasing social complexity and sedentism with time, and that an important shift in residential mobility patterns and subsistence practices occurred in the early Holocene approximately 7600 cal BC - when, supposedly, people abandoned the caves and rockshelters they had used as residential sites during the Late Glacial and initial Holocene, and began to establish permanent or semipermanent settlements on the banks of the Danube based on intensive exploitation of riverine resources. Many researchers have argued that the establishment of open-air settlements on the Danube approximately 7600 cal BC should be regarded as the beginning of the 'Mesolithic' in the region, and that what came before is 'Epipalaeolithic' (e.g., Voytek and Tringham 1989). The Iron Gates sites contain some of the largest concentrations of Mesolithic burials in Europe. Burials have been recorded from at least eleven sites2, and four of these, Lepenski Vir, Padina, Schela Cladovei and Vlasac, each contained very large numbers of graves. Ivana Radovanovii- has attempted to redefine the Iron Gates Mesolithic in terms of changes in burial practice, arguing that the Mesolithic can be distinguished from the preceding Epipalaeolithic by the appearance of 'formal disposal areas' for burial of the dead. These she defines as 'areas of continuous, ceremonial, mortuary disposal' (RadovanoviC 1996: 14).
Chronology
Field investigations in the Iron Gates took place mainly between 1965 and 1984. Many were short campaigns, conducted under rescue conditions, often with very limited resources. Comparatively

PERIOD CULTURE
0
DANUBE LEFT BANK
DANUBE RIGHT BANK
V,
. . . . >
Culna Turculul Illa-c Schela Cladovel 11
Lepenski Vlr Illa Padina I HajduEka Vaden~caI Lepenskl Vlr I1 Vlasac Ill
y
V)
-. - - - - z W
3
.--.-------------------------------------
lcoana II Ostrovu Banulul Ill
Lepenskl Vlr Ic-e Vlasac II
2 a W
3
a
$
lcoana I ~strovu ~anulul 1-11
Lepensk~ Vlr la-b las sac lb Proto Lepensk! Vlr Vlasac la
Culna Turculul Ila-b Cutna Turculul I
9 : :
Cl~mente I1
Srejovic (1 969)
(a)
Figure 10.2. Chronology and 'periodisation' of the Iron Gates sites according to different authors: (a) Srejovii- 1969; (b) Jovanovii- 1969; (c) Voytek and Tringham 1989; (d) Kadovanovit 1996; (e) Boroneant 2000. Dates are uncalibrated radiocarbon years BP.
few radiocarbon measurements were carried out at the time. Excavators relied mainly o n stratigraphy and artefact typology to date their sites, often proposing quite conlplex relative chronologies. In many sites, more than one Mesolithic occupation layer was recognized, sometimes stratified below one o r more Early Neolithic layers. Various attempts were made to correlate the individual site sequences, using the small number of 14C dates available and type conlparisons of artefacts (especially architectural features) to produce an integrated chronology for the lron Gates region as a whole (Figure 10.2). There are many ditferences of detail between the various schemes, but the major point of controversy has been the dating of Lepenski Vir and Padina. Srejovii- (1969, Srejovii- and Letica 1978) interpreted Lepenski Vir 1-11 and Padina A and B as Mesolithic, antedating 7500 UP (6400 cal BC). Jovanovii- (ry6ya) assigned l'adit~a A to the Mesolithic, and Padina B and the whole of the Lepenski Vir sequence to the Early Neolithic after c. 6400 cal BC. T h e debate turned o n the validity of the 14C ages for Lepenski Vir 1-11, and the cultural/chronological significance of the presence of pottery in the buildings of Lepenski Vir 1-11 and Padina B. T h e inherent weakness of all of these chronologies is that they rely heavily o n the original stratigraphic interpretations of individual sites proposed by their excavators. In very few cases, however, have the individual site stratigraphies been adequately tested against independent dating methods. Two exceptions are Lepenski Vir and Vlasac, both of which have large series o f
Clive Bonsall
PERIOD STAGE UPPER GORGE
Padina 83 Lepenski Vir Ill
EARLY
NEOLlTHjC
.--...
Vlasac IV Lepenskl Vir lllb Cuina Turcului Ill Schela Cladovei Ill lcoana Ill Ostrovu Banului IV
d W
-
Lepenski Vir I-II Stubica I-II Padina B1-2
MESO-NEO TRANSITION
Alibeg ostrovu Mare III Lapenskl Vir llla Padina B
I; u
1
Proto-LepenskiVir
LATE MESOLITHIC
Vlasac II-Ill LepenskiVlr I-II Padina A Ostrovu Corbului Ill II
dove,
Ostrovu Banului lllb lcoana II
u
- 0
t-
4
J
lcoana 1-11 Rtzvrata Ostrovu Banului II-Ill Schela Cladovei I-II Padina A
EARLY MESOLITHIC
Vlasac I Ostrovu Banulu~ llla Veterani Terrace RBzvrata I lcoana I Schela Cladovei I Veterani Cave
-I
- 0 ........................ - v,
POST-
Cuina Turcului I 1 BBile Herculane II Ostrovu Banului II
f
a
W
Cuina Turcului I-II Climente II Veterani Ostrovu Banului l
LATE PLEISTOCENE
Clirnente II Ostrovu Banului I Cuina Turcului l BBile Herculane I
Jovanovic (1969a)
(b)
10.2
Voytek & Tringham (1989)

(continl-red).
(c)
Figure
radiocarbon ages. At both sites the results of I4C dating were inconsistent with the stratigraphic interpretations. At Lepenski Vir, Srejovii- (1972) identified a stratigraphic sequence of five occupation phases: Proto-Lepenski Vir (Early Mesolithic), Lepenski Vir I and I1 (Late Mesolithic), and Lepenski Vir IIIa and IIIb (Early Neolithic). A series of charcoal samples from contexts associated with LV 1-11 buildings gave 14C ages between c. 7430 and 6560 BP (6300 to 5500 cal BC) (Quitta 1972), but no dates were obtained at that tinie for the earlier (Proto-LV) or later (LV IIIa-b) phases. Subsequent AMS dating of human remains assigned to LV 111 gave ages, which, after reservoir correction, were indistinguishable from the charcoal dates for LVI-I1 (Bonsall et al. 1997, 2000, Cook et al. 2002). Thus, unless phases LV I-IIIb occupy a very short time-span, the radiocarbon evidence is in conflict with Srejovik's stratigraphic dating of the burials and architectural remains.
The Mesolithic of the Iron Gates

UPPER GORGES LOWER GORGES DOWNSTREAM AREA
Lepenski Vir Padina 83
HajduCka Vodenica Ib Razvrata II Ostrovu Corbului II (H. VII)
Ostrovu Mare km 8731875
------------Alibeg II Padina 82 Vir 1.3 - Lepenski Padina 81 Lepenski Vir 1.2 Vlasac Ill
---------- ....................
- - - - - - - - * - - - - - - - - ----.- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - HajduEka Vodenica la Ostrovu Banului lllb lcoana II
------------------
Kula 1-11 Ostrovu Mare km 875
- Proto-Lepenski - - - - - - - - - - -Vir --Vlasac 1a-b Padina AIA-8
Padina A-B Lepenskivir 1.1 Vlasac Ib-ll
. v-v
- - -. -Ill-IV - -.
Kula I
,------------------
Vlasac la Alibeg I Padina A
Veterani Terrace lcoana la-b Razvrata I Schela Cladovei I Ostrovu Corbului I (H. II)
Radovanovic (1996)
Figure 10.2 (continued).
(dl
The occupation at Vlasac was divided into four phases: Vlasac I (Early Mesolithic), Vlasac 11-111 (Late Mesolithic) and Vlasac IV (Early Neolithic) (Srejovii:and Letica 1978). Again, the radiocarbon evidence is in conflict with the relative chronology based on stratigraphy. Radiocarbon ages of the majority of charcoal samples from phase I lie within a range from c. 7010 to 6865 BP (5900 to 57.50 cal BC)and are significantly younger than the age range of c. 7930 to 7440 UP (6800 to 6300 cal BC)for the charcoal samples from phases I1 and 111 (Srejovii: and Letica 1978). Subsequent AMS dating of five human skeletons assigned to phases I and 111 yielded (reservoir corrected) 14C ages that are generally older than the charcoal ages for phase 1 (Bonsall et al. 1997, 2000). Similar problenls have since enierged at Schela Cladovei, where Boroneant identified a stratigraphic sequence of two Mesolithic phases, which he assigned to stages I1 and 111 of his Schela Cladovei culture, followed by two Early Neolithic phases, dubbed 'proto-Sesklo' and Cri~ (Boroneant 1989). The Romanian-British excavations at Schela Cladovei between 1092 and 1996 (Boroneant et al. 1999; Bonsall et al. 2002) confirmed the presence of Mesolithic and ) but found no stratigraphic or radiocarbon evidence to support Early Neolithic ( C r i ~occupations, the subdivision of either occupation.
I
I I I
I
I
LATEGLACIAL E CLISUREAN P I SCHELA CLADOVEI-LEPENSKI VIR P A L A E O L I T H I C
HOLOCENE
GEOCHRONOLOGY PERIOD
<
-
CULTURE STAGE
Cu~na Turcului Cl~mente II

111an effc~rtto explain away the discrepancies between stratigraphic and radiocurbon dating at Lepenski Vir and Vlasac, Srejovik, and Letica (1978) suggested that the charcoal samples from the lower levels of both sites had bcen contaliiinated owing to groundwater penetration, resulting in erroneous 14Cages. However, as noted earlier, new AMS ~ ~ ~ e a s u r e n i eo nn t s human bone are equally at variance with the stratigraphic intcrprctations of Lcpcnski Vir and Vlasac, as well as Schela Cladovci, which suggests it is the stratigraphic interpretations that arc in error. This in turn raises concerns about the validity of the stratigrapllic sequences proposed for other sites it1 the Iron Gates arid, by extension, all of the regional chronologies illustrated in Figure 10.2. T h e alternative to a chronolohy based on dubious interpretations of 'stratigraphy' is one based o n radiocarbon dating. Although the vast ~ilr?jority of the sites are n o longer available for investigation owing to impounding of the Danube by the Iron Gates danls, large collections of anirilal and hulnan bones are preserved in muscums and arc s ~ ~ i t a bfor l c direct dating hy AMS. Iletailed 14C dating programmes using these niaterials have the potential to: (i) establish the period or periods of occupation of individual sites; and (ii) suggest chronological subdivisions of thc Mesolithic based o n changes in bone technoloby and burial practices. This work is at a very early stage. Currently, AMS dates o n human bones and/or bone artefacts are available only for HajduEka Vodenica, Lepenski Vir, Padina, Schela Cladovei%nd Vlasac (Table 10.1). Froni these data, coupled with critical use of previous radiometric 14C n1easurenlents, a provisional radiocarbon-based chronology ]nay be proposed (Tables 10.2 and 10.3).
Early Mesolithic, 13,000-7200 cal BC

T h e early stages of the Iron Gates Mesolithic are poorly documcntcd. Usc of caves and rockshelters o n the ILomanian bank of the 1)anube can be traced back to the Late Glacial period. T h e lliost extensively excavated site, and the niost securely dated, is Cuina Turcului - a rockshelter situated close to the Danube, approxinlately 12 111 above the pre-dam river level. In excavations undertaken between 1964 and 1969, two 'Epipalaeolithic' laycrs (Cuina Turcului I and 11) were identified, separated by a thick stotiy layer containing n o archaeological ~naterials. T h e artefact assenlblages from both layers - described as 'ILonlanello-Azilian' by I'5unescu (1970) and 'Clisurean' by Boronean! (1989) - have been regarded as Late Glacial in age, based on the presence anlong the chipped stone tools of convex-backed blades and bladelets and 'unguifornle' end-scrapers. Similar tool-making traditions characterized other regions of Europe at the end of the l'leistocene, for example, the Azilian in southwest France and northern Spain, the Ronlanellian in Italy, and the 'Feder~nesser'technocomplex of the North European Plain. Radiocarbon dating of bulk samples of pine charcoal from the Cuina T ~ ~ r c ~ iIl layer u i gave ages of 12,600 k 120 Dl' (U11i-803) and 12,050 5 120 (13111-804) Ul', suggesting use of the rockshelter at a time eclilivalent to the first half of the Ltite (;lacia1 Interstadial of northwestern Europe. T h e presence of woodland species (e.g., red deer, wild pig) anlong the mammalian remains from this layer is consistent with this interpretation (Holorney 1970, 1973). IDatillg of the Cuina Turcului I1 layer is less secure, being based o n a single '4C: Ineasurenlent with a large error - lo, rzS fzoo Bf' (Bln-802) - also on pine charcoal. This could indicate use of the site either towards the end of the Late Glacial o r early in the Holocene. I'roxy environmental indicators froni this layer present a conf~lsingpicture. T h e wifauna and pollen spectra suggest temperate conditions, consistent with a Holocene age (Pop et al. 1970, I'5unescii 1970), whereas the manliilalian rernains are a ~nixture of temperate woodland (e.g., red deer, wild pig) and more open hilly habitat (e.g., chamois, ibex) species. These data can be explained in several ways. T h e
N P
Q\
Table Site
10.1.
List of radiocarbon dates for Mesolithic and Early Neolithic sites in the Iron Gates Context Hearth, layer I, 5.90-5.95 nl Hearth, layer I, 6.20-6.40 m Hearth, layer I, 5.70-5.85 m Hearth, layer 11, 3.68-3.85 m Burial 8 Burial 15 ('younger') Burial 12 Burial 2 0 Trench IV, 2.10 n ~ horizon , Ib Trench IV, 0.50 m, horizon Ia Trench 11, I .60 m, horizon Ia Trench 11, I .20 m, horizon I b Trench 11, 2.00 m, horizon Ib Trench 111, I .oo m, horizon I1 Burial 60 ('LV Ic') Burial 69 ('Proto-LV') Under house 23 House 62 ('LV Ib') Burial 61 ('LV Ic') Burial 14 ('LV 1-11') House 36 ('LV Ia') Burial 54d ('LV Ib') Burial 54c ('LV Ib') Burial 45 b ('LV 1') House 36 ('LV la') Burial jIa ('LV 111') Material Lab. No. Bln-803 Bln-804 GrN-12665 Bln-802 Oxk-11128 OxA-11126 Oxk-11127 OxA-11109 Bln-1078 Bln-1077 Bonn no. 2 Bonn no. 3 Bonn no. 4 Bonn no. I OxA-I 1715 OXA-1 1703 od-8610 KN-405 OxA-11698 od-11704 Bln-74ob OxA-11700 OxA- I 1696 OxA-11701 Bln-74oa OxA-5827
BP
cal
BC
(20)
Cuina Turcului
Hajdui-ka Vodenica
Icoana
Lepenski Vir
Burial 79a House 54 ('LV Ib-c') Burial 26 ('LV 1') House 54 ('LV Ib-c') Burial 54e ('LV Ib') House 54 ('LV Ib-c') Burial 7/I ('LV 1') House 27 ('LV Id-e') Rear of house 51, under level of house XLIV Burial 7/I ('LV 1') [repeat] Burial 44 ('LV 111') Burial 89a ('LV 11') Between houses 20 and 33 ('LV Ia-b') House 54 ('LV I b c ' ) Burial p a ('LV 111') House 54 ('LV Ib-c') Burial 9 ('LV IIIb') Burial 88 ('LV 111') House 47 ('LV Id-e') Burial 8 ('LV 111') House 37 ('LV Id') House 37 ('LV Id') House I ('LV Id') House g ('LV Id') House 16 ('LV Ie') House 34/43 ('LV I!') House 32 ('LV Ie')
hl
Table Site
10. I .
(continued)
Context House 37 ('LV Id') Burial 35 ('LV 111') House IX ('LV 11') House 51 ('LV Ie') House XXXII ('LV 11') Trench IV, horizon 111, hearth 2 Trench I, horizon 111, hearth I Hearth, level I, 4.50-4.53 m Hearth, level 11, 4.02-4.12 m Hearth, level I, 4.20-4.38 m Hearth, level I, 4.20-4.38 m Level I, 4.23 m Under house 14 Burial 2 I Burial 11 Burial 15 Midden - profile 3, segment I , excavation level 3 Bear (Ursus archr) bone Burial la (antler artefact) Burial la House 17, hearth (bone artefact) 'Occupation layer' (?) ('Padina B2') Trapezoidal building (?) ('Padina B3') Padina BI House 18, floor Under floor of house 15 (bone artefact)
Material
Lab. No.
BP
cal BC (20)
Ostrovu Banului Ostrovu Corbului
Padina
C H C C C C C C C C C C B H H H B B B H B C C C B B
Rgzvrata I1 Schela Cladovei
Hearth (in trapezoidal building?) ('Padina B I ') 'Hut' Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact, Area VI Burial, Area 111 Bone artefact, Area VI Burial, Area I11 Burial, Area VI Burial, Area I11 Burial, Area 111 Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact Burial Bone artefact Burial, Area 111 Burial, Area VI Bone artefact, Area VI Burial, Area 111 Bone artefact, Area V Bone artefact, Area I11 Bone artefact, Area VI Burial, Area I11 Bone artefact, Area VI Burial Bone artefact, Area VI Burial, Area I11
h ,
VI 0
Table I o. I . (ror~titr~red) Site Context Bone artefact Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact, Area VI Burial, Area VI Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact Bone artefact, Area VI Bone artefact Bone artefact Burial 72 ('Vlasac 1') Burial 72 ('Vlasac 1') [repeat] Burial gIa ('Vlasac 1') Square C/III, layer 15 ('Vlasac 11') Square A/II, layer 14 ('Vlasac I1 beginning') Square C/III, layer 22 ('Vlasac 11') Material Lab. No. BP cal
BC
(20)
Vlasac
Dwelling 5 - square BC/V, layer 18 ('Vlasac Ib') Square d/5, layer 9 ('Vlasac Ib - end') Burial 83 ('Vlasac 111') Burial 54 ('Vlasac 1') Square c/g, layer 14 ('Vlasac 11') Square b/ 18, layer 13 ('Vlasac 11') Burial 24 ('Vlasac 111') Square b/9, beneath hearth 16 ('Vlasac 11') Square b/9, layer 6 ('Vlasac I1 - end') Square A/II, Layer 13 ('Vlasac 111') Dwelling I - square C/III, layer 26 ('Vlasac Ib') Dwelling I - square C/III, layer 26 ('Vlasac Ib') Dwelling 2 - square a/18, layer 18 ('Vlasac Ib') Dwelling 2 - square a/18, layer 18 ('Vlasac Ib') Dwelling I - square C/III, layer 26 ('Vlasac Ib')
Bln-1170 Bln-117 I OxA-5826 OxA-5823 B~II-1169 Bln-1052 OxA-5825 2-267 Bln-1168 Bln-I 954 2-262 Bln-1951 Bln- I 053 Bln-1014 Bln-1o51a
7840f
IOO
7034-6486 703-6478 70284461 7028-642 I 6632-6429 6594-6379 6653-6227 6591-6236 6439-6233 64384125 6032-57 18 59 84-5638 5983-5617 5964-5532 5891-5522
C H H
C
7830 f IOO 7804 f 104
7756f 113 7665 f 60

7 6 1 o f 60
C H C C
C C
7598 f 113
7559 f 93 7475 f60 7440 f60 7000 f90 6905 f I O O 6865 f I O O 6805 f l o o 6790 f I oo
C
C C C
Dated material: B = terrestrial nlanllllal bone; C = charcoal; F =fish bone; H = human bone. Calibration was perfornzed with CALIB 5.0.2 (Stuiver and Reimer 1993, Stuiver et al. 2005) using the IntCaloq curve (Reimer et al. 2004). The '4C ages of human bones have been corrected for the Danube freshwater reservoir effect using Method I of Cook et al. (2002). A 100 percent reservoir correction was applied to the ' + C age of a fish bone from Lepenski Vir. Reservoir corrected 14C ages are shown in bold italics. The reservoir age corrections were applied prior to calibration using the terrestrial calibration curve. Data from: Bonsall et al. (1997, in press, unpublished), BoriC and Miracle (2004), Boroneallt t Quitta (1975). RadovanoviC (1996), Srejovit and Letica (1978), Whittle et al. (2002). (zooo), Burleigh and ~ i v a n o v i (1980),
Clive Bonsall
Table 10.2. l'rovisional chronology for the Iron Gates based o n radiocarbon dating Time-range (cal BC) I~,OOO-~ZOO 7200-6300 Notional Period Early Mesolithic Late Mesolithic Representative Sites Cuina Turcului, Lepenski Vir, I'adina, Vlasac Hajdui-ka Vodcnica, Icoana, Ostrovu Hanului, Ostrovu Corbului, Schela Cladovei, Vlasac Lepenski Vir Cuina T ~ ~ r c u l uLepenski i, Vir, I'adina, Schela Cladovei, Vlasac
6300-6000 6000-5500
Final Mesolithic Early Neolithic
Cuina Turcului I1 layer may relate to a short-lived occupation at the beginning of the Holocene when the surrounding landscape consisted of a mosaic of habitats. Alternatively, the archaeological renlains may derive from a series of occupations over a longer period, which began in the Late Glacial and continued into the Holocene. Bone tools, including a 11unlber of decorated items, were found in the Cuina T~irculuiI and I1 layers. According to Srejovii- (1969: 14) there are important differences in the decorative nlotifi that characterize the two layers. In the earlier layer a distinctive motif is a zig-zag pattern of parallel incised lines; whereas in the Cuina Turcului I1 layer cross-hatched and net-like motifs occur, which are characteristic of later Mesolithic sites in the Iron Gates including Lepenski Vir, Schela Cladovei, and Vlasac. T h e time-ranges o f the various decorative nlotifs applied to antler and bone (and sometimes stone) artefact7 from sites in the Iron Gates have yet to be ectablished through direct AMS radiocarbon dating of the artefacts thernselves, but the presence of cross-hatched and net-like designs on some of the pieces from Cuina Turcului I1 raises the possibility that this layer includes nlaterial fro111 later Mesolithic occupations. A final Late Glacial age has been inferred from typological evidence for the earliest occupation at an open-air site o n Ostrovu Banului, an island in the 1)anube just below the Iron Gates I dam (1Joroneant 2000, PZunescu 2000). However, there is n o independent dating evidence to support this interpretation, and both the geological context and the character of the lithic asse~nblageare quite consistent with an early Holocene age. Indications of cave use in the Late Glacial and the lack of contemporaneous open-air sites are usually interpreted as evidence of a mobile population that relied on hunting large land m a n ~ n ~ a l s . According to some authors, this lifestyle continued into the early Holocene until c. 7600 cal BC, when open-air settlements, based on intensive exploitation of aquatic resources, were established along the Danube. However, there is n o doubt that the aquatic resources of the Danube were already being exploited during the Late Glacial period. Fish bones were recovcred from the Cuina Turcului I and I1 layers, although they were much more abundant in the later horizon. T h e notion o f cave dwelling during the Late Glacial and very early Holocene is overly si~~lplistic. It is unlikely that any society has ever lived exclusively in caves, and prehistoric peoples often made or ritual purposes whilst living in open-air settlements (Tolan-Smith use o f caves for e c o n o n ~ i c and Uonsall 1997). In the Iron Gates cave use continued until quite late in the Holocene; although Cuina Turcului is noted especially for its Late Glacial occupation remains, the rockshelter was used at various times during the Holocene when open-air cites are alco known to exist.
The Mesolithic of the Iron Gates Table 1 0 . 3 Radiocarbon date calibration table for the period 6500-~o,ooo BP Approximate Calibrated Calendar Age
Age in
'4C Years
BP
Radiocarbon ages have been converted into approximate calendar ages using the CALIB (rev. 5.0.2) calibration program (see Table 10.I for details). The lack of open-air settlements along the Danube older than 9500 cal BC is perhaps better explained in terms of the Late Glacial river environment. During the Younger Dryas, in particular, higher seasonal discharges associated with snowmelt and glacial meltwater are likely to have been a deterrent to settlement of the riverbank. People probably lived on higher ground, such as older river terraces, above the level of flooding - areas that were not surveyed archaeologically in the 1960s
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to I ygos! Occupation of the riverbank would have been possible during periods of low discharge, for example, it1 midsummer and midwinter, but such sites are likely to be underrepresented iri the archaeological record. Repeated, seasonal flooding and high rates of flow during the Younger Ilryas would tend to result in deep burial o r erosion of any riverbank sites occupied during this phase o r earlier in the Late Glacial. For ~ n u c hof the Holocene, the Danube was characterized by smaller annual variations ill discharge, which allowed settlements to be established closer to the river. That people occupied sites along the riverbank very early in the Holocetle is demonstrated by '4C dating of hulllan remains from several sites. O n e burial from Vlasac has a I4C age of c. 98-50 BP (9300 cal BC) (Bonsall et al. 1997, 2000, C o o k et al. 2002) and there are burials from Lepenski Vir, Padina and Vlasac with 14C ages ranging between c. 8400 and 97-50 B1' (7500 to 92-50 cal RC) (Burleigh and ~ i v a n o v i c 19x0, Bonsall et al. 1997, 2004, DoriC and Miracle 2004). A variety of body positions is represented among these Early Mesolithic burials. They include ir~dividualsw h o were buried (i) lying on their back, extended, with legs and arms straight, (ii) lying o n one side with the legs slightly flexed, (iii) lying o n their back with the legs flexed and splayed and the soles of the feet together (the faillous burial 69 fro111 Lepenski Vir: Srejovit I 972: fig. 56), and (iv) in a 'sitting' position with the legs splayed and crossed. What social o r religious significance these different burial positions tllay have had is a matter for speculation. T h e character and duration of the Early Mesolithic occupations at Lepenski Vir, Padina, and Vlasac is unclear. N o n e o f the architectural remains at these sites is securely dated to this period; in fact the vast majority of the surviving structural features appear to belong to later Mesolithic and/or Early Neolithic occupations3. There are a few AMS '4C dates o n animal bones which show that they derive from early occupations (Table lo. I ) , but as yet there are n o direct age lneasurements for antler/bone artefacts o r art objects that would allow any of thern to be assigned to the Early Mesolithic. In the absence of well-dated faunal and archaeobotanical assemblages, the e c o n o n ~ i c basis of these early riverside settlements must be inferred from stable isotope analysis of dated human remains. Skeletons fro111 Lepenski Vir, Paditla and Vlasac dated between c. 9850 and 8400 HI' (9300 to 7500 cal nc) all exhibit very high bone collagen C - and N-isotope values, reflecting a diet in which a large proportion of the protein must have been obtained frorn freshwater fish or animals that consumed freshwater fish ( F i p r e 10.3). These data suggest that already by the beginning of the Holocene the inhabitants of the Iron Gates gorge were heavily reliant o n the Danube for their subsistence needs. It is interesting that the averages of the 613C and 6ISN values are lower than the Late Mesolithic averages. Average 6ISN for 7 Early Mesolithic burials is 14.3%0, while the average for 21 Late Mesolithic burials is 1-5.2%0. A Student's t-test shows the difference between the two groups to be statistically significant at the p 5 0.05 level of probability. T h e lower average 6I5N value of the Early Mesolithic skeletons may indicate that riverine resources were marginally less important in the period before 7200 cal n c than later or1 in the Mesolithic. Given that the C- and N-isotope corllposition of bone collagen in adults reflects average diet over a period of years to decades (for discussion, see Alllbrose 1993: r 10-1 I ) , the results from Lepenski Vir and Vlasac imply that consulnption of fish was not just a seasonal activity for the Early Mesolithic inhabitants of these sites. Kegardless of whether fishing was carried out year round o r undertaken intensively at a particular time, or times, of year and the surplus stored for later consumption, the stable isotope evidence implies that these foraging communities were in some degree sedentary.

17.0
a
Final Mesoltthtc Early Neolithtc
15.0 14.0
2 13.0;
Figure 10.3. Stable isotope (S13C and Sr5N)values for Early and Final Mesolithic skeletons from Lepenski Vir and Vlasac plotted against the Late Mesolithic and Early Neolithic ranges. The Late Mesolithic range is based on data from Schela Cladovei and Vlasac. The Early Neolithic range is based on data from Lepenski Vir.
Late Mesolithic, 7200-6300 cal
BC
Eight sites have radiocarbon dates in this time range: Hajdutka Vodenica, Icoana, Padina, Razvrata, and Vlasac in the gorge, and Schela Cladovei, Ostrovu Banului, and Ostrovu Mare in the downstream section (Table 10.1, Figures 10.1-10.2). But only Schela Cladovei and Vlasac have large series of dates more or less spanning the period. The Romanian-British project at Schela Cladovei (Bonsall et al. 1997, Bonsall et al. 2002, Boroneanf et al. 1999) has so far produced 45 AMS '4C dates, all from secure contexts. Thirty-six dates span the period from c. 8100 to 7450 BP (7100 to 6300 cal BC), and no evidence of earlier Mesolithic occupation was found. The situation at Vlasac is less satisfactory. As noted previously, the relative chronology proposed by SrejoviC and Letica (1978) is suspect and should be disregarded. O f a total of 18 radiocarbon dates, 11 cluster between c. 7950-7450 BP (6900-6300 cal BC), suggesting an important Late Mesolithic component in the site. However, not all of the '4C ages are from well-defined contexts. oreo over, other dates show there was also earlier Mesolithic occupation at Vlasac and suggest that some features regarded by the excavators as 'Mesolithic' are, in fact, of Early Neolithic age. Hence, isolating the Late Mesolithic component at Vlasac is problematic. Nevertheless, Schela Cladovei and Vlasac together provide the clearest indication ofthe character of settlement in the Iron Gates region between 7200 and 6300 cal BC. The Late Mesolithic societies of the Iron Gates are often described as conlplex hunter-gatherers, characterized by sedentism, construction of substantial houses, intensive use of local resources for food and tools, food storage, exchange, and social ranking (e.g., Voytek and Tringham 1989, RadovanoviC and Voytek 1997). However, several aspects of this interpretation are open to question.
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Architecture
A variety of structural remains were recorded at Schela Cladovei and Vlasac. T h e nlost conspicuous were those described by the excavators as 'hearths' and 'houses'. T h e majority of the hearths were rectanbwlar features, up to a metre long, with a border of large tabular stones set o n edge. There were also a few simple hearths lacking stone borders. Some of the stone-bordered hearths were associated with traces of house floors. Others were icolated features and may have been constructed in the open, unless the original house floors have not survived o r were simply not recognized. T h e better-preserved houses had a trapezoidal ground plan, and it is generally supposed that the entrance was at the broader end. They appear to have been senlisubterranean structures ('pit houses') in which the sides of the pit formed the walls (or the lower part of the walls) of the house. T h e house pits varied in depth and diameter. O n e exanlple at Schela Cladovei was excavated at least 0.30 1x1 below the contemporaneous Mesolithic ground surface (Bonsall, unpublished data); while Srejovii- and Letica (ry78) report house pits at Vlasac up to 0.82 m deep. Following abandonment of the houses, the pits were often infilled with refuse fro111 domestic and industrial activities. All the houses at Schela Cladovei and Vlasac appear to have been small, single-room structures; the largest house pit at Vlasac (house 2) measured approxinlately 5 rn from front to back, although the habitable space was probably less. Sonle houses contained a stone-bordered hearth set into the floor; others apparently lacked hearths. T h e form of the roof and the nleans of access to the houses are unknown. Postholes were identified in house 2 at Vlasac and presun~ablyheld posts that fornled part of the superstructure. T h e excavators of Vlasac conjectured that the houses there had pitched roofi and were entered by nleans of a stair o r ramp, but could present no strong supporting evidence (SrejoviC and Letica I 978: 146-7). T h e renlains of an estiniated forty-three houses were excavated at Vlasac (SrejoviC and Letica . o t all of these, it seerns, relate to Late Mesolithic occupation of the site. To judge 1978: 1 4 6 ) ~N from the radiocarbon evidence, some of the structures are of Early Neolithic date. Conventional '4C ages o n charcoal were obtained for three houses (Table 10.1). Only one - house 5 (SrejoviC and Letica 1978: fig. 13) - gave an age consistent with a Late Mesolithic dating. T h e other two structures - houses I and 2 (Srejovii- and Letica 1978: figs. 7-8) - have much younger I4C, ages suggesting they belong to the Early Neolithic'. These last-nientioncd structures were the largest recorded at Vlasac and had their broader ends facing toward the river like the trapezoidal buildings of Lepenski Vir and I'adina B, which are also predominalitly of Early Neolithic date.
Large numbers of burials were recorded at both Schela Cladovei and Vlasac. Eighty-five graves containing the renlains of more than one hundred individuals were found at Vlasac, and more than sixty graves have been excavated at Schela Cladovei. Direct AMS 14C dating suggests that the majority belong to the Late Mesolithic, although some of the burials at Vlasac undoubtedly belong to the earlier Mesolithic (Bonsall et al. 1997, 2000, 2002, Uoroneant et al. 1099, C o o k et al. 2002). Single inhulllation was the norm; the dead were placed in simple earthen graves, often lying extended on their backs, but sometimes lying o n one side with the legs and arms flexed. There is persuasive evidence for the deliberate disposal of individual human bones, groups of disarticulated bones, and body parts still held together by soft tissue. In so~lle cases, they may represent bones
Figure 10.4. A typical Late Mesolithic extended inhumation burial uncovered during the Romanian-British excavations at Schela Cladovei (Romania). Other human bones, possibly resulting from the practice of excarnation, have been carefully placed in the grave along the left Clive Bonsall). side of the primary burial (0 from a previous burial that were uncovered when a new grave was dug and reburied with the corpse (e.g., Figure 10.4). Other instances suggest the practice of excarnation - removal of the flesh from a corpse leaving only the bones. It is unclear what method of excarnation was used. The corpse may have been exposed, perhaps on a specially constructed platform, to allow the flesh to either rot away or be removed by scavengers. However, removal of flesh by mammalian and some avian scavengers would be expected to leave marks on the bones. To the author's knowledge, such evidence has not been reported from either Vlasac or Schela Cladovei. Excarnation can also be achieved by 'burying' the corpse (i.e., covering it with earth or stones) until the soft tissue has decayed completely, and then exhuming the bones. Whatever the method practised, excarnated bones were sometimes buried separately and sometimes added to graves containing an intact body. Special treatment appears to have been given to the skull. Some, otherwise intact, adult skeletons from both Schela Cladovei and Vlasac were lacking the skull or cranium and there is evidence of separate burial of crania either individually or in small clusters (e.g., Boroneanf et al. 1999). At
Clive Bonsall Schela Cladovei, the absence of cut-marks associated with skull removal suggests burials were revisited and the skulls removed after the flesh had decayed. Skull removal and skull caching are known fro111late Epipalaeolithic (Natufian) sites in the Levant and were especially characteristic of the ensuing PPNA phase (c. y500-8800 cal nc), where they have been linked with the veneration of ancestors and the creation of social Inenlory (Kuijt 2000, 2001). When such practices first appeared in the Iron Gates is unclear; at Schela Cladovei the context is clearly Late Mesolithic, but at Vlasac and elsewhere the evidence remains largely undated. The presence of cemeteries (formal burial areas) is thought by archaeologists to indicate full or partial sedentism. There has been some debate as to whether cemeteries existed in the Late Mesolithic of the Iron Gates (Radovanovii- 1996). At both Schela Cladovei and Vlasac people were . . buried within the confines of the settlement. At first sight, it seenls the burials are scattered across the settlement area, with a tendency to occur near houses. This has created the impression that graves were deliberately placed around or adjacent to the houses (Srejovit and Letica 1978). But the relationship may be fortuitous. The Late Mesolithic occupations at Schela Cladovei and Vlasac span several centuries, and there is evidence from Schela Cladovei that the same areas were not used sinlultaneously for burial and habitation. Rather houses were built on ground that had previously been used for burial, and vice versa (Bonsall, unpublished data). The excavations at Schela Cladovei exposed several small areas with particular concentrations ofburials. One area ofjust approxinlately 4 x 4 111 contained eight more or less intact extended inhumations with approxinlately the same orientation, parallel to the Danube (Boroneant et al. 1999). This could be interpreted as a snlall formal burial area that remained in use for a limited period, before it was abandoned and a new burial plot established in another part of the site. Periodic relocation of burial and habitation areas is to be expected during the five-hundred- to seven-hundred-year lifespan of the Late Mesolithic settlements at Schela Cladovei and Vlasac, especially if the sites were not occupied continuously during their respective lifespans. Convincing evidence for the existence of cemeteries in the Late Mesolithic of the Iron Gates conies fro111 the site of Hajducka Vodenica. An area approximately 4 x 2.5 m at the rear of the site, lying partly within a recess in the bedrock (the so-called chamber tomb), contained the remains of at least twenty-two individuals (Jovanovit 1967, rgbyb, 1984, Kadovanovit 1996, Borii- and Miracle 2004). They con~prised articulated skeletons, lying in the extended supine position and orientated parallel to the Ilanube, and groups of disarticulated bones. The arrangement of the burials suggests careful and deliberate placement within a cemetery. Two burials from the cenietery have (reservoir corrected) AMS I4C, ages of c. 7400-7500 UP (6300-6400 cal nc) (Table 10.I , Borit and Miracle 2,004: fig. 11, table 3). Cemeteries, it seems, did notjust appear in the Late Mesolithic. At Padina, at least twelve burials were found in an area of approximately 12 x I .75 m in sector I11 in the downstream part of the site. Large stones had been heaped up over the burials forming an elongated cairn, known as the 'stone construction of the necropolis' (Jovanovit 1y6ga, Radovanovii- 1996, Borit and Miracle 2004). ILadiocarbon dating of three skeletons (Table 10.1; Borii- and Miracle 2004: tables I and 3) indicates an Early Mesolithic age for the cemetery. Differences in the '4C ages suggest the cemetery feature resulting fro111the piling was in use over a long period. In fact the cairn nlay be a con~posite up of stones over individual burials emplaced at different times. The construction of stone heaps over corpses or graves appears to have been a conlmon practice throughout the Mesolithic in the upper gorge. At Lepenski Vir, there are instances of stones heaped up over bodies or redeposited bones dating to the Early Mesolithic and the Final Mesolithic (see Radovanovii- 1yy6: figs. 4.2 and, as such, may have been nlaintained and 4.6). Cairns may have served as markers or men~orials over many generations.

Some archaeologists (e.g., Chapman 1993, RadovanoviC 1996, Zvelebil 2004) have looked for evidence of status differences among the Late Mesolithic burials of the Iron Gates, but with inconclusive results. Ethnographic studies show there is often a connection between the treatment of the body and the status of that person in life. Accordingly, RadovanoviC (1996) suggested that excarnation was reserved for individuals of higher status. However, apart from the presence of red ochre in many graves, burial goods are few and provide no clear evidence of social distinctions within the communities. Distinctions according to sex or age are difficult to discern. Ochre was associated with the burials of men, women, and children, and the practice of excarnation seems to have applied to adults and children alike. A few of the burials at Schela Cladovei and Vlasac were accompanied by cyprinid pharyngeal teeth and/or marine shell beads, but again there are no clear associations according to sex or age. Arguably the 'richest' burial at Vlasac is that of a young child (Burial 21) with cyprinid teeth in the stomach area and approximately fifty perforated shells of the marine mollusc, Cyclope nerita, on the chest - the shells were perhaps originally strung as a necklace (Srejovii- and Letica 1978: 58, pl. CVI). Archaeologists working on hunter-gatherer sites in other parts of the world, such as the Pacific Northwest Coast of North America, have sometimes taken the presence of shell beads in graves as an indicator of high social status (cf. Ames and Maschner I 999: 18I ) . However, this is perhaps overstating the evidence. Ethnographically, shell beads are known to fulfil a variety of purposes. Often they serve as tokens of social relationships (Binford 1983) or simply as personal ornaments, rather than as symbols ofwealth and social rank. In the Iron Gates shell beads appear to have been used throughout the Mesolithic, and in Europe as a whole their manufacture dates back to the early Upper Palaeolithic at least. Some interesting examples ofmortuary ritual have been recorded from the Iron Gates sites. Bones of dogs, the only domestic animal of this period, were found in association with human remains at Vlasac, and there is one possible example of the separate burial of a dog (RadovanoviC 1999). ' The ritual burial of dogs appears to have been widespread among Postglacial hunter-gatherers. The practice is well documented in the Late Mesolithic of the circum-Baltic region (Larsson 1989c, Larsson ~ggoa), and examples are known from Germany (Street 2003) and Israel (Davis and Valla 1978) as early as c. 12,000 cal BC.
Subsistence
The Late Mesolithic economy appears to have been relatively diverse. Faunal remains show that the inhabitants of Schela Cladovei and Vlasac harvested a broad spectrum of animal resources. Large herbivores (red deer, roe deer, wild pig, and aurochs) were exploited for meat and raw materials. Fur-bearing mammals such as brown bear, wolf, otter, and badger were taken, as were several species of birds including eagles (probably sought for their feathers). Fish and shellfish in the faunal inventories of (especially freshwater mussels, Unio sp.) also figure very pron~inently both sites, and shells of edible land snails (notably Helix pomatia) occur (Pickard and Bonsall in preparation). In the Romanian-British excavations at Schela Cladovei, where wet sieving was employed, fish bones far outnumbered those of other animals in Late Mesolithic contexts. Carp, sturgeon, and catfish (Siluris glanis) dominate the assemblage, although several other species are represented (Bartosiewicz et al. 1995). Many of the fish caught were of very large size; Bartosiewicz et al. (forthcon~ing) estimate individual specimens ofsturgeon to have weighed as much as 150 kilograms. Curiously, there is no mention of sturgeon in the Vlasac excavation report (Uokonyi 1978), but probably they were present? Acipenserid bones have been reported from other sites upstream of
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Schela Cladovei, including several sites within the lron Gates gorge. Sterlet and great sturgeon (beluga) were reported from 'Mesolithic' contexts at Clstrovu 15anului and Icoana, and bones of sterlet and Russian sturgeon were identified in layer I1 at Cuina Turcului (Nalbant 1970, l'iunescu 2000). Sturgeon remains are also reported from Early Neolithic contexts at Padina (Clason 1980). T h e role o f plant foods in Late Mesolithic subsistence in the Iron Gates is debatable. Anlong ethnographically known hunter-gatherers in temperate environments, plants usually made some contribution to diet though often nlore in terms of weight than calories, as most plants are poor Fources of food energy compared to animals (Bonsall 19x1, Kelly 1 9 ~ 5 )Moreover, . the costs of processing plant food in terms of time and specialized equipnlent are often high. Late Mesolithic people would have had access to a broad array of plant foods in the early Holocene woodlands of the Iron Gates region (MiSic et al. 1972). It is likely that wild plants were collected for dietary and other (e.g., nledicinal and manufacturing) purposes, but there is 110 evidence that they made a major contribution to subsistence. There are n o artefacts from Mesolithic contexts that can be rclatcd specifically to plant collecting o r processing, and even when fine sieving and flotation have been used, as in the Romanian-British excavations at Schela Cladovei, plant remains have been recovered only in very small quantities (Mason et al. 1996). T h e prevalence of oak in pollen assemblages from several sites led I'rinz (19x7) to suggest that acorns could have been a dietary staple in the lron Gates Mesolithic, as they were for some North Anlerican aboriginal groups (Ilriver 1961), but the apparent absence from the Iron Gates sites of the t e c h n o l o ~ ynecessary for intensive processing of acorns argues against this idea. Stable isotope analysis of human remains fronl Vlasac and Schela Cladovei provides a good indication of the relative importance of terrestrial and freshwater resources. Uonsall et al. (1997, 2000, 2004) exanlined a number of skeletons dating between c. 7100 and 6600 cal n c . All showed 60elevated C - and N-isotope values, suggesting diets in which the greater part (approxin~ately 85 percent) of the protein was derived directly o r indirectly fro111 freshwater food sources. T h e averages of the 6'" and 6I5N values are slightly heavier than those of skeletons dating to the earlier Mesolithic. T h e stable isotope data arc thought to reflect mainly protein consunlption rather than the whole diet (Bonsall et al. ryy7), but they d o not reveal the exact source of the protcin. Fish are likely to have been considerably nlore inlportant than either shellfish o r aquatic mantmals such as otters, although eating the Ineat of any animal that regularly c o n s ~ ~ r n e fish d could have contributed to the 'aquatic' signal (see later). In theory, food sources high in carbohydrate o r fat but low in protein (e.g., certain plant foods) could have contributed significantly to diet without affecting bone collagen stable isotope values. Other evidence is against this. Uonsall et al. (1997) noted a lack of caries and the presence of heavy calculus o n the teeth of Late Mesolithic individuals buried at Schela Cladovei, suggesting diets low in carbohydrate and high in protein. T h e oil in sturgeon and other fatty fish, and caviar from sturgeon which is especially rich in fit, may have conlpensated for the lack of carbohydrate in the diet.
Was Food Storage Practised in the lron Gates Mesolithic?

T h e role of storage in the Late Mesolithic of the Iron Gates is an inlportant issue. Food storage is generally seen as crucial to the develop~nentof complex hunter-gatherer societies, and solme archaeologists (e.g., Voytek and Tringham 19x9) have argued that it was central to the Late Mesolithic economy of the Iron Gates.

As Aines and Maschner (1999: 127) have observed, basic techniques for preserving fish and shellfish - sun and wind drying and sirloking - have probably been known since at least the Late l'leistocene, and it is reasoilable to suppose that they were also fal'amiliar to the Mesolithic foragers of the Iron Gates. The sunny, dry summers that characterize this part of Europe would have provided ideal conditions for drying (at least sinall) fish on outdoor racks, and it is likely that some food storage occurred, But was storage practised on a large scale? The nlost obvious reason for storing food is to be able to survive periods whet1 fresh food is in short supply. Although the lroil Gates was a rich ellviroi3ment especially in terms of aquatic of scarcity, especially resources, it was not a constant source of plenty; there were undoubtedly tirr~es during the winter. Fishing along the Danube is considerably Inore productive during the warmer months of the year (March/April to September/October). The main food fish are either not available during the winter or are difficult to capture. Catfish becorne less active as water temperature decreases atid may cease to feed, carp tend to nlove into (coi31paratively warmer) deeper waters where they are less accessible, while sterlet also congregate irr bottom holes and show little activity. constructior-1effectively cut offtheir nligration route, anadrotnous sturgeon were comBefore d a ~ x mon in the Iron Gates reach of the Danube, but could only be taken in significant nuinbers during springiearly sulnnler and autullln on their way to and fro111their spawning grounds (Uartosiewicz et al. forthconling). The problen~s of catching fish during the winter months would have been exacerbated in sorile years by freezing of thc I3anube. 111 recent tin~es,freezitlg of the river across its entire width has been rare, but freezing at the margins is Illore frequent. Regardless, the presence of sudace ice would have made fishing and the use of boats, if not impossible, certainly 111ore hazardous. Historical records suggest that winter freezing of the Ihnube occurred more often during the 'Little Ice Age' c. AD 1500-1850 than in the period since then. Sirnilar coofiilg phases occurred during the time-range of the Iron Gates Mesolithic c, 7300 cal B(: and c. 6200 cal BC, each lastitlg several hundred years. A reduction of 2 degrees C: in niean summer and annual temperatures across ~riid-latitude Europe characterised the second of these episodes, kllowtt as the '8200 cal UP cold event' (Magny et al. 2003). The more rigorous cli~llaticconditions of these cooling phases may have had the effect ofreducing the izumbers of carp and catfish available in the I)anube, as these species require a water temperature of at least 18 degrees C to reproduce (13artosiewicz and Borisall 2004: 258, table 7). The tinzi~igof sturgeon ~nigrationsalong the Danube also way have been affected. Thus Mesolithic corllnlunities in the Iron Gates rnay not have been able to survive sorne (i.e., very long or severe) winters without food storage mettiods. Yet there are no structural remains froin the Iron Gates sites that would indicate large-scale preservation and storage of fish or other food iterns. This in itself is not concfusive, as certain kinds of storage facilities nlay leave few or n o traces in archaeological record. Containers made ofbasketry, bark, wood, or animal skint'tissue are highly soils of the lron Gates sites, while small unlikely to have survived in the free-draining, calcareo~ts pits and the postholes of fish-drying racks or raised caches could have been erased by pedogenetic alteration of the sediments since the Mesolithic, or si~nplyoverlooked during excavations that for the rnost part were conducted rapidly under rescue conditions. Voytek and Tringham (1989) suggested that sorne of the rectangular stone-bordered pits, widely interpreted as hearths, could have been used for storage, and there is sonie evidence to support this interpretation. The soil infilling one such feature at Schela Cladovei contained large numbers of snlall fish bones. None of these were obviously tire-damaged and nlagnetic susceptibility readings on soil satnples front the stone-bordered pit failed to identify it as a hearth (Uonsall et al. 1992).
Clive Bonsall
Although it is likely that some food storage occurred, people may have been able to survive tilost In Iwlntcr, I the I3anube is still a source offood wirlterc without heavy reliance 011 stored foods. E ~ ~ i l l the h r n ~ offreshwnter ~~lussels' and waterfo\v18. (Zertain species of fish, including barbel, pike, and pikcperch, also can be tdken cluite rcaclily d u r i ~ ~ the g winteru, and opportunistic fishing for carp, catfish, and ctilrgeon cdnnot be ruled o t ~ t especially . in milder weather. There are historical records of winter c,ltches of jturgeoli in the Hungarian section of the Ilanube (Uartosiewicz g : x) ~ n c i sturgeon will occasion;llly over-winter in the acressible reaches of et dl. h r t h ~ o ~ n i n table tlie I l a ~ i u b etoday, t l i ~ t is, between the Ulack Sea and tlie Iron Gates 11 dam. Hunting of wild herbivores I I L I ~h,~vetn;lde so~lic contributton to winter food supply, but the stable isotope data (discussed earlier) would appear to rule this out as a major source of food. in the Iron Dogs were the o t ~ l ydon~esticatedaninlals kept by Late M e s ~ l i t h i cco~ii~iiutiities Gates, and would have bee11 'I very cot~venientsource of food during the winter months when other resources were sc.lrcc. Ilog bones wcrc particularly nunicrous at Vlasac. Among the 9,831 bone ti-agments of the three most iniportant mammals consurned at the site dog accounted for 20 percent and was second ill inlportance to red deer (68 percent) and more nunierous than wild pig ( 1 2 percent) (Hokiinyi 1975: table I)"'. T h e fact that the dog bones wcrc often disarticulated and fi-agniented, like tliose of-deer and wild pig, SLlggrsts that dogs were regarded as a food source; and the brc,~kagcp'lttcrns exhibited by l o ~ ~ honcs g . I I I ~ skulls indicated to Hiikijnyi (1975: 168) that dogs were eaten. Clason (1080) drew si~ililar conclusions from the large nutilbers of dog bones found ~t 1';ldin;l ;~rld the state of frag~nentation and charring of the bones. Use of dog? as food would not be inconsistent with the stable isotope evidence of hunian diet irom the I r o ~ (;.ltcs i Mesolithic. Ilogs arc omnivores a ~ i d a large proportion of their diet may consist of left-over hunian food. Bone collagen stable isotope values of (probably) Mesolithic dogs from Vl~sac (Grupe et al. 2003) s ~ g g e s they t ate significant amounts of fish, and regular consumption of dog ~iieat may have cotltributed to the even higher levels of anti " N present in the bones of Mesolithic liunians. C:onsumptio~iof dog meat is widely reported among ethnogl-aphically-kmwn hunter-gatherers, and alto has been cicnio~lstratcd fioni several Mesolithic sites in Europe (Uenecke and Hanik 2002). T h e evidence for I i u r ~ ~ a consutl~ptioti n of dog flesh at some sites in the Iron Gates is sufficiently strong as to suggest that dogs were reared primarily for eating - a practice that has occasionally been (c.g., Powers 1877) and was widespread among farming documented among recent hunter-g~ttiercrs societies in ancient and histol-ic:ll ti~nes, especi;illy those who, like the Aztecs and Polynesians, lacked l u g e domesticated animals ( I ~ i a m o n d 1997)". In general ternis, the larger the dog the greater its food value and it is interesting that the Vlasac dogs were I,lrgcr on ;iveragc than those fro111Early Neolithic (Stari-evo-Kiiros-Cri~culture) contexts in the Iron <;ares m ~ d surrounding regions (B6kiinyi 1975: 175-6). This size difference may reflect a change in thc uses to which dogs were put between the Mesolithic and the Neolithic when ciomcsticatcd livestock h e c a ~ n e available, and lends support to the suggestion that dogs were reared for eating during the Mesolithic. T h e keeping of dogt for human consutnption may have been part of a deliber;lte strategy for coping with seasonal (especially winter) food shortages, and as such could be regrirded as a form of indirect storage. Eth~iographicstudies suggest that winter tcarcity is not the only, nor necessarily the primary, reason for large-scale food storage by hunter-gatherers. Storage can be an important component of exchange systems; surplus food may be traded and dried foods, especially, which weigh less and preserve longer, can be tr;lnsported over large distances. I'eople also stored food for 'social' reasons storage fiicilit~tcdsocial gatherings and the allocation of time to nonsubsistence activities. For
''<:

example, many aboriginal peoples of the Northwest Coast of North America regarded winter as a 'ceren~onial season, when people should not have to search for food' (Suttles 1968: 64). Among Northwest Coast society generally food surpluses ultin~ately were converted into prestige. To what degree these were also factors in the Iron Gates Mesolithic, thousands of years before the emergence of conlplex hunter-gatherer societies on the Northwest Coast, is diff~cult to gauge from the archaeological record and remains a source of debate. If sites such as Vlasac and Schela Cladovei represent permanent or semi-permanent base camps, then individual Mesolithic comnlunities were probably relatively small, numbering tens rather than hundreds of people - especially within the gorge where settlenlent space adjacent to the river was would not be reproductively or socially viable, and their survival limited. Such small com~llunities would depend on participation in wider social networks (cf. Chapman 1989, Bonsall et al. I y97). People from different communities may have gathered together periodically for purposes of social intercourse, finding mates, sharing information, trade, ceremonial, and worship. Such gathering would have required a food supply but may not have necessitated heavy reliance on storage, especially if they were timed to coincide with seasonal concentrations of migrating sturgeon.
Technology
The lithic technology of the Late Mesolithic is hard to characterize. At Vlasac concerns over the reliability of the stratigraphic interpretation of the site make it diff~cultto distinguish 'Late Mesolithic' from earlier or later nlaterial. At Schela Cladovei, Late Mesolithic features excavated between 1992 and 1996 produced only small assenlblages oflithic artefacts, in spite of the use of wet sieving. The raw nlaterials used were flint, radiolarite, and quartz, all apparently obtained locally mainly in the form of river pebbles. Bipolar dkbitage is much in evidence. Retouched pieces are few, comprising lllainly scrapers and truncated bladelets. In contrast, both sites produced an array of tools made from bone, red deer antler, and boars' tusks. Those that can be assigned to the Late Mesolithic with a fair degree of confidence include heavy duty 'hoes' or 'mattocks' made froin red deer antler, boar tusk scrapers, awls, and distinctive bone arrowheads with a double-bevelled base. A few decorated itenls were recovered from Schela Cladovei, and a rl~uchlarger number from Vlasac. They consist mainly of bone, antler and stone objects engraved with geometric motifi, typically bands or areas filled with oblique hatching or cross-hatching. The chevron noti if, which is well represented in layer I at Cuina Turcului, also occurs at Vlasac. However, it remains to be established through direct AMS '4C dating how 111uch of the artwork from Vlasac belongs to the Late Mesolithic.
External Relations
Evidence that the inhabitants of Vlasac and Schela Cladovei engaged in trade or other forms of exchange with neighbouring groups is the presence in some of the graves of the shells of marine molluscs (Srejovii- and Letica 1978, Uoroneanf et al. ~ y y y ) which , probably originated in the Adriatic or Aegean. These alrnost certainly were acquired through exchange rather than procu~ed directly from the source. The shells were nlade into 'beads' using various techniques. There is evidence that relations with other groups were not always peaceful. A significant proportion of the adults buried at Schela Cladovei (nearly 15 percent of those examined) died violently,
Clive Bonsall
shot by arrows equipped with bone points (Figure 10.5). Others suffered broken bones, including skull fractures, which also may have bee11 the result of violence (Boroneany and Nicolaescu-Plop~or 1990, McSweeney et al. in preparation). T h e high incidellce of arrow wounds at Schela Cladovei is unusual, but such evidence is not unique in the Iron Gates. O n e instance of a bone arrowhead embedded in the pelvis of a juvenile male has been reported fro111 Vlasac (Koksandii- zooo), although the burial in cluestion (Burial qa) is undated and so cannot be assigned with confidence to the Late Mesolithic. Bone arrowheads were also comnlon as individual finds at both sites. At Schela Cladovei they were tlearly always found with burials, in positions suggesting they were originally enlbeddcd in the soft tissue surrounding the skeletoli and could have been the cause of death. At Vlasac, the pattern of occurrence is less clear. Bone arrowheads were found with at least four burials -Burials 9, I la, 40, and 63 (Srejovii- and Letica 1978). In most cases, more than one arrowhead was present, and from their positions in relation to the skeletons they are likely to have been associated with arrow injuries. Also, because fine sieving was not employed in the Vlasac excavations, such snlall items could have been overlooked in other burials. Judging fro111 published illustrations (Srejoviiand Letica ~ 9 7 8 pl. : CI), some of the bone arrowheads from Vlasac show fractures which may have resulted from impacts against bone. Similar evidence was found at Schela Cladovei. We can only speculate o n the causes of the violence at Schela Cladovei and whether it reflects conflict within the conlmunity o r between conlnlunities. Uoth are likely, although the frequent use of the bow and arrow is suggestive of intergroup conflict ('warfare'). Ethnographic studies suggest that hunter-gatherers engage in raiding and warfare prilnarily for reasons of revenge o r , warfare to protect or acquire important resource areas is widely reported material b e ~ ~ e f i t "and (e.g., Heizer 1978, Suttles 1990). I11 the Iron Gates, ownership of, o r access to, prime fishing spots may have been a frequent source of conflict. Schela Cladovei lies just a few kilometres downriver from the rapids that once marked the exit of the Ilanube from the Iron Gates gorge but that ceased to exist when the river was impounded by the Iron Gates I dam (Uartosicwicz and Bonsall 2004: fig. 8). T h e rapids created a bottle-neck in the upriver migration of sturgeon, leading to a seasonal concentration of these fish below the rapids. It is tenlpting to link tllc signs of warfare at Schela Cladovei to competitiotl with neighbouring groups for control of this valuable resource. Iloes the level of violence at Schela Cladovei tell us anything about mobility patterns in the Iron Gates Mesolithic? Anlong recent hunter-gatherers warfare appears to have been more frequent and more intense among sedentary peoples, presurnably because they had more possessions to defend, but it was by n o means unknown anlong non-sedentary foragers (cf. Divale 1972: table 2 ) . In both cases, casualties caused by warfare could account for a significant proportion of all adult illale deaths.
Final Mesolithic, 6300-6000 cal
BC
There is a conspicuous gap in the radiocarbon dates for both Schela Cladovei and Vlasac between c. 7450 and 7100 BP (6300 and 6000 cal ~ c ) and , very few other sites in the Iron Gates have '4C dates in this tinle-range (Figure 10.63-c). This implies a significant decrease in activity at the sites o r a change in the nature of that activity. Proxy climate records show this to have been a period of cooler and wetter climate affecting n~uch of western and central Europe, when the Ilanube and other river systems experienced nlore frequent and more extreme flooding (Uonsall et al. 2002, Magny et al. 2003).
Figure 10.5. Part of a human pelvis from Schela Cladovei with an embedded bone arrowhead. O n the x-ray the hole made by a second arrow is also visible. Around 15 percent of Late Mesolithic adults buried at Schela Cladovei had arrow injuries and probably died from their wounds (0 Clive Bonsall). Sites on the banks of the Danube would have been vulnerable to big floods, and it is possible that people chose to relocate their settlements, or at least their houses and living areas, onto higher ground further away from the river. Any sites located on higher terraces or on the plateau above the valley are likely to have escaped detection during the archaeological surveys of the 1960s to 1980s, as those areas were not surveyed systematically. It is unlikely that activity ceased altogether at the riverbank sites. Probably they continued to be used as places from which to conduct fishing activities and at which to land boats. The only site that can be shown to have remained in regular use during this period is Lepenski Vir. Occupying a unique position facing the imposing Treskavac Mountain on the opposite bank Lepenski , Vir has a number of features that set it apart from other of the Danube (Figure I O . ~ ) Iron Gates sites. These only become apparent in the archaeological record after c. 6300 cal BC and include: buildings with lime plaster floors, the apparently deliberate placement of burials within or beneath some of the buildings, an unusually high frequency of decorated objects including the famous sculptured boulders which were often placed on the floors of buildings, and the deposition of parts of animal carcasses inside some of the buildings which suggest symbolic, and in some cases sacrificial, acts (Bokonyi 1972, Dimitrijevit 2000, forthcoming). These distinctive features of Lepenslu Vir suggest that it was a 'sacred site' used primarily as a centre for burial and ritual, and some archaeologists have speculated that the plaster-floored structures served as temples or shrines, rather than houses (e.g., Srejovii: 1972, Gimbutas 1991). The religious character of Lepenski Vir may explain why this site remained in use throughout the period from 6300 to 6000 cal BC when other riverbank sites in the Iron Gates ceased to be occupied on a regular basis. It was perhaps regarded as hallowed ground inhabited by the spirits
Clive Bonsall
Schela Cladovei
Vlasac
8
0
8
0 0
8
0
-- - - - - - Q- - - 6000 c-1 BC- - - - - - - - - - . 5500 6000 6500 7000 Calendar A g e BC 7500
- - - - - - - - - - 6300calBC----o-----0 0 0
v,
14
12
@
0
-8
2 10 2
I-L
8
0
1
2
0 5500 6000 6500 7000 Calendar A g e BC 7500
Figure 10.6. The radiocarbon 'gap' in the Iron Gates: a. 14Cmean ages for Schela Cladovei and Vlasac; b. Calibrated (median probability) ages per 100-year period between 5500 and 7700 BC from Hajducka Vodenica, Icoana, Ostrovu Banului, Ostrovu Corbului, Padina, Razvrata, Schela Cladovei, and Vlasac; c. Calibrated (median probability) ages per 100-year period between 5500 and 7700 BC from Lepenski Vir. The radiocarbon dates listed in Table 10.4 have been excluded.
of the ancestors, and by continuing to use it as a burial place the group could maintain rights of ownership and inheritance of the land, the river and resources (Bonsall et al. 2002). Although Lepenski Vir between 6300 to 6000 cal BC shows some novel features compared to the preceding period, the underlying cultural tradition is still clearly 'Mesolithic'. Burial practices remain essentially the same, with extended supine inhumation as the norm (Figure 10.8). Bone chemistry analyses reveal that the majority of individuals who were buried at Lepenski Vir between 6300 and 6000 cal BC placed the same heavy emphasis on aquatic food sources as their Late Mesolithic predecessors at Schela Cladovei and Vlasac. In fact, median human bone collagen S13Cand 615Nvalues are even heavier, which may indicate that dependence on the aquatic food web increased still further during this final phase of the Mesolithic (Figure 10.3, Bonsall et al. 2004).

Table 10.4. List of 'unsatisfactory' radiocarbon dates fronl Mesolithic and Early Neolithic sites in the Iron Gates Site Alibeg Ogradena-Icoana Padilia Context Trench 11, horizon 11 'Crig hut', horizon I11 (?) Burial 12 Burial 39 (?) Burial 14 Burial 7 Above house 12 Burial 2 House 18, floor House 9 Burial, Area 111 Bone artefact, Area V1 Grave 54 Grave 11 Material C C H Lab. No. Bin- I I 93 Bln- I 056 BM-1146 BM-1404 BM-1147 BM-I 144 Od-9034 BM-1143 OxA-9053 OxA-9056 OxA-4384 OxA-921 I 2-264 2-268 BI' 7195 f loo 7445 f 80 9331 f 58 9292 f 148 9 1 9 8 2 103 8797 83 7755 65 7738 f 51 7685 f60 7625 f 55 8570 f '0.5 6250 k 450 6335 92 6713 fYO
H
H
H
D
H D D
* * *
Schela Cladovei Vlasac
H B
C
Dated material: B = terrestrial matnmal bone; C =charcoal; I)= dog bone; H = hi111lan bone. The dates from Alibeg and Ogradena-Icoana are single measurements from dubious contexts. The dates on bones of dogs and humans from Padina most likely require correction for the freshwater reservoir effect; however, for the hurnans, there are no associated 61SNmeasurements, which would allow a correction to be applied (the same applies to OxA-4384 from Schela Cladovei), and for the dogs there is insuff~cient information on the dietary end members to perform a reservoir correction. OxA-c)zr~fro111 Schela Cladovei has a very large error. 2-268 and 2-264 from Vlasac appear to be from grave fills; hence the charcoal may be redeposited and conlprise material of differing ages. Data from: 13onsall et al. (1997, unpublished), Uorit and Miracle (zooq), Boroneant (zooo), Burleigh and ~ivanovit(1g80), Srejoviland Letica (1978), Whittie et al. (2002).
When Did the Neolithic Transition Occur in the lron Gates?
The Downstream Area

According to the radiocarbon evidence the Late Mesolithic occupation at Schela Cladovei came to an end c. 6300 cal BC. Tbe site was reoccupied c. 6000 cal BC and, from the outset, a change ill cultural patterns is apparent. Livestock keeping is indicated by abundant remains of domestic cattle, pigs and sheep/goats, although hunting and fishing still contributed to the economy. There were clear changes in niaterial culture and technology, reflected in the appearance of pottery, ground stone artefacts, and new forms of bone tools (Figure 10.9). There are traces of buildings with a rectangular ground plan in contrast to the trapezoidal structures of the Late Mesolithic, as well as evidence for trade or exchange in exotic materials such as obsidian and high-quality 'Balkan' flint (Figure 10.10). N o burials dating to this period have been identified at Schela Ciadovei, but other sites in the downstreanl area such as Velesnica (Vasii- forthcoming) suggests a evidence f r o n ~ change in funerary practices around this time with the appearance of burials in which the body is almost invariably placed in the crouched position.
Clive Bonsall
Figure 10.7. The distinctive trapezoidal mountain of Treskavac on the Romanian bank of the 0 Clive Bonsall). Danube, opposite Lepenski Vir ( These new elements can all be paralleled in early farming settlements of the Stari-evo-Koros-Cri? complex, which by 6000 cal BC occupied a large area of southeast and central Europe surrounding the Iron Gates. Thus, there seems little doubt that the part ofthe Danube valley that lies immediately downstream of the Iron Gates gorge had been assimilated into the Stari-evo-Koros-Cri complex by 6000 cal BC. But when was agriculture introduced to downstream area? Whittle et al. (2002) have shown that Neolithic farmers were already present in the Morava catchment, approximately150 km to the southwest, by 6200 cal BC. However, farming settlements are not recorded along the Danube or in its catchment area beyond for a further 150-200 years. The earliest '4C dates for Early Neolithic (Koros) settlements on the Pannonian Plain (Whittle et al. 2002) are no older than the date of the appearance of agriculture at Schela Cladovei. The same applies to the first Neolithic settlements in Romania north of the Danube. Sites attributed to the earliest phase of the Cris culture ('Pre-Cris' [Paul 19951 or 'Cri? I' [Lazarovici 19931) on the Banat plain and in Transylvania have '4C ages clustering around 7100 BP (6000 cal BC) (Biagi et al. zoo5), which are statistically indistinguishable from the earliest 14Cdates for Neolithic activity on the Pannonian Plain and at Schela Cladovei.
Figure 10.8. Final Mesolithic burial inserted through the floor of House 21 at Lepenski Vir (0 Archaeological Institute, Beograd).
One interpretation of the radiocarbon evidence is that the spread of agriculture through the Balkan Peninsula came to a standstill c. 6200 cal BC to the south of the Danube, and a new phase of expansion began c. 6000 cal BC when agriculture spread rapidly along the Danube and its tributaries in northeast Serbia, Hungary, and Romania. The apparent delay in the appearance of Early Neolithic settlements on the floodplains and lower terraces of the Danube and its northern tributaries has been attributed to severe flooding associated with the distinct global cooling phase between 6300 and 6000 cal BC (Bonsall et al. 2002). Frequent, large-scale, and unpredictable floods would have been a deterrent to farming of valley bottoms and may have excluded large areas from the possibility of cultivation and stockraising.
The Iron4-Gates Gorge

The Iron Gates gorge offered a very different environment from the fertile alluvial plains on either side of the Carpathian Mountains, and the timing of the Neolithic transition within the gorge has been the subject of intense debate. Central to this debate is the site of Lepenski Vir, which shows evidence of frequent, perhaps continuous, use between c. 6300 and 5500 cal BC. Arguably, this is the only site in the entire Iron Gates region where the events of that time range can be studied as a more or less uninterrupted process. Fragments ofpottery, and occasionally whole pots, were found lying on the floors of some ofthe trapezoidal buildings at Lepenski Vir (SrejoviC 1969, 1972, BoriC 1999, 2002, Radovanovii: 2000, GaraSanin and Radovanovit 2001). The buildings with pottery seem to be among the latest in
Clive Bonsall
Figure 10.9. New forms of bone tools appeared in the Iron Gates from approximately 6000 cal BC.These examples from Schela Cladovei (Romania), comprising fragments of spoons (1-3) and an awl with a distinctive worked base (4), can be paralleled in sites of the Early Neolithic StarEevo-Koros-Crig complex throughout the central and northern Balkans (0 Clive Bonsall).
the sequence with 14Cages ranging between 7083 f73 and 6814 & 69 BP (c. 5950 to 5700 cal BC) (Figure 10.11, Bonsall et al. 2002: fig. 6, Bonsall 2005). A new form of burial also appeared. The traditional Mesolithic burial rite of extended supine inhumation was replaced by crouched inhumation characteristic of the StarEevo-Koros-Crig complex. The latest example of a burial in the Mesolithic tradition has a reservoir-corrected '4C age of 7133 ct 75 BP (c. 6000 cal BC), and the earliest dated instance of a Neolithic-type burial is 7036 f95 BP (c. 5950 cal BC)(Bonsall et al. 2004, Bonsall et al. in preparation, Bonsall 2005). This evidence implies that two key Neolithic traits - pottery manufacture and crouched inhumation - became firmly established at Lepenski Vir at about the same time as they did at sites in the lowland plains on either side of the Iron Gates gorge. It does not prove that they were introduced simultaneously, nor does it preclude the possibility of Starcevo culture elements, especially portable items such as pottery, ground stone tools and artefacts made from Balkan flint, infiltrating the gorge during the Final Mesolithic as a result of initial contacts with farmersr3. By contrast, it is clear that some 'Mesolithic' traditions survived at Lepenski Vir and other sites within the gorge into the period after 6000 cal BC. For example, buildings with a trapezoidal ground plan continued to be erected at Lepenski Vir, Padina, and Vlasac, and carved boulders continued to be deposited inside buildings at Lepenski Vir implying continuity of religious traditions. Bones of domestic livestock (cattle, pig and sheep/goat) were found at Lepenski Vir and other sites in the gorge in contexts that also produced StarEevo ceramics ('Lepenski Vir 111', 'Padina B', 'HajduEka Vodenica 11'),which suggests the livestock remains and the pottery are contemporaneous. In all cases, however, it seems the bones of livestock are far outnumbered by the remains of wild animals and fish (e.g., Bokonyi 1972, Clason 1980, Greenfield forthcoming). The dating of the livestock remains at Lepenski Vir is especially problematic. Neither Bokonyi (1972), nor Dimitrijevii: (2000, forthcoming) have reported bones of domestic animals other than
Figure 10.10. Blades made from high-quality Balkan flint, sometimes known as 'honey flint' or 'yellow-spotted flint', from the Romanian-British excavations at Schela Cladovei. This type of flint is common in Early Neolithic StarEevo-Koros-Crig culture contexts in the central and northern Balkans, often in the form of complete blades. Thought to originate from sources on the Pre-Balkan Platform, it is one of several 'exotic' materials that enter the Iron Gates through exchange c. 6000 cal BC (0 Clive Bonsall).
dogs from the trapezoidal buildings, and because GaraSanin and Radovanovii: (2001) and BoriL (2002) have effectively reassigned the features originally attributed to 'Lepenski Vir 111' to the same period as the trapezoidal buildings ('LV 1-11'), it is not clear how the livestock remains relate to the architectural features on the site. It is possible to suggest a 'ritual' explanation for the absence of the bones of livestock from the later ('ceramic') buildings at Lepenski Vir (Bonsall zoos), but the chronological context of the livestock remains will only be reliably established by direct '4C age measurements on the bones. The persistence of Mesolithic traditions and the preponderance of wild over domestic animal remains in the period after 6000 cal BC have led some authors to propose that the inhabitants of the Iron Gates gorge remained hunter-gatherers for centuries after a Neolithic economy based on cereal cultivation and stockraising had been established in the surrounding areas (e.g., Clason 1980, Voytek and Tringham 1989, Radovanovii: 1996, Radovanovii: and Voytek I 997, Zvelebil and Lillie 2000). According to this theory, the presence of pottery and bones of livestock is the result of trade or exchange with neighbouring farmers. Other evidence contradicts this interpretation. The appearance of new burial practices around this time implies more than mere trade contacts, and can only be explained in terms of either acculturation or immigration. Moreover, bone collagen stable isotope analysis suggests that the people buried at Lepenski Vir after 6000 cal BC did not subsist mainly on fish and other aquatic foods like their Mesolithic predecessors, but derived a large proportion of their dietary protein from terrestrial sources (Figure 10.3) It is difficult to see how such a major change in diet
Clive Bonsall
Buildings associated with StarCevo pottery
t Danube
Figure 10.11. The occurrence of StarEevo pottery within the trapezoidal buildings of Lepenski Vir. Dates shown are in 14Cyears BP - the dates assigned to individual buildings are either the 14Cages of associated charcoal samples, or based on the stratigraphic relationship of a building to another radiocarbon dated feature (animal bone, building, or burial). could have been accomplished without an economy in which agriculture played a significant role (cf. Bonsall et al. 1997, 2000, Bonsall2003). From these lines of evidence, it can be argued that the later Stone Age people of the Iron Gates gorge made the transition to agriculture and adopted other facets of Early Neolithic culture at roughly the same time as their neighbours on the Pannonian and Wallachian plains. However, in all three areas to varying degrees fishing and hunting continued to be part of the Early Neolithic economy (cf. Clason 1980, Bonsall et al. 1997, Bartosiewicz et al. 2001, Whittle et al. 2002). The riparian sites within the gorge seem unlikely places from which to have conducted farming activities, and the possibility exists that after 6000 cal BC they were used not as primary residential sites, but as seasonal fishing camps, perhaps maintained in order to take advantage of the sturgeon migrations in late spring/early summer and autumn. This would explain the much smaller numbers of Early Neolithic (vs. Mesolithic) burials and the low frequencies of bones of domestic livestock in the sites. As suggested earlier, the spread of farming may have come to a temporary standstill c. 6200 cal BC to the south of the Iron Gates. By that time a farming settlement had been established at Blagotin in the catchment area of the West Morava river (Whittle et al. 2002). However, the agricultural frontier may have extended hrther north along the Morava and other southern tributaries of the Danube. This raises the possibility that the hunter-gatherers of the Iron Gates were in contact with
Figure 10.12. Trapezoidal buildings with carefully laid plaster floors, stone-bordered 'hearths', and other stone fixtures are a conspicuous feature of Lepenski Vir. In this example so-called altars - large tabular stones with artificially ground hollows in the upper surface - can be seen set into the floor behind the hearth and adjacent to the near side of the building. Such buildings began to be erected on the site during the Final Mesolithic around 6300 cal BC, but their construction continued throughout the Early Neolithic between 6000 and 5500 cal BC when Archaeological Institute, Beograd). pottery and farming were introduced to the region (0
farmers to the south for a time before the eventual establishment of farming in the Iron Gates region. Some authors have argued that there was contact between the two populations by 6300 cal BC if not earlier (e.g., RadovanoviC 1996, Tringham 2000, Whittle et al. 2002, BoriC and Miracle 2004) although these claims are often based on 'data', such as the supposed early appearance of pottery at Lepenski Vir and Padina, which have yet to be verified. For reasons already discussed, Lepenski Vir is the site most likely to furnish evidence of foragerfarmer contacts. The appearance of lime plaster floors (Figure 10.12) at Lepenski Vir c. 6300 cal BC might be interpreted as evidence of contact with farmers, since the technique is otherwise unknown in the European Mesolithic. The earliest evidence of lime plaster pyrotechnology is from the Late Epipalaeolithic (Natufian) period in the Levant. Buildings with plaster floors proliferate in the Near East during the PPNB phase (8800-6900 cal BC) (Gourdin and Kingery 1975, Kingery et al. 1988, Thomas 2005) and are first encountered in Europe in the Greek Early Neolithic (Perks 2001). However, the earliest Greek examples are no older than those at Lepenski Vir. Moreover, to date, plaster floors have not been found on Early Neolithic sites in the region between Greece and the Danube - an area in which limestone abounds - and this raises doubts that the use of the technique at Lepenski Vir was inspired by contact with farmers. An equally plausible case could be made for an independent invention of lime plaster pyrotechnology in the northern Balkans, or its transmission from the Near East to southeast Europe before the Neolithic (Bonsall ZOOS).
Clive Bonsall
An unusual feature of Lepenski Vir highlighted by Borii- and Stefanovii- (2004) is the occurrence of burials of neonates beneath the floors of some of the trapezoidal buildings. Because this practice is not clearly represented in earlier Mesolithic contexts at neighbouring Vlasac, but is known fi-om Epipalaeolithic and Neolithic sites in the East Mediterranean, Borii. and Stefanovii- have implied that it spread with farming from the Near East to southeast Europe, and thus reflects contact between the inhabitants of Lepenski Vir and nearby farmers in the period between c. 6300 and 6000 cal BC. However, none of the infant burials from Lepenski Vir has been I4C dated and so it is not certain that they all belong to the time-range from 6300 to 6000 cal n c . Moreover the lack of Mesolithic house remains in southeast Europe outside the Iron Gates means we cannot be sure that the practice of burying infants under house floors was not practised by indigenous hunter-gatherers before the arrival of farming. As with the lime plaster floors, it nlay be that the presence of sub-floor burials at Lepenski Vir and their (apparent) absence frorn Late Mesolithic Vlasac and Early Neolithic Padina is simply a reflection of the special significance of Lepenski Vir for the Final Mesolithic inhabitants of the region, and not a marker of culture change. The evidence ofsymbolic behaviour at Lepenski Vir has also been linked to contact with farmers. According to Radovanovii- and Voytek (1997) trade relations with neighbouring farmers led to the illtensification of an already complex social and ideological system within Iron Gates gorge, which enabled the inhabitants to resist assimilation and preserve their cultural identity and hunter-gatherer lifestyle longer than was the case in the area downstream of the gorge. Bonsall et al. (2002) have offered an alternative explanation which links the proliferation of stone sculptures at Lepenski Vir after c. 6300 cal nc with climate change and a concornitant increase in flood frequency, magnitude and unpredictability along the Danube. Accepting Srejovit's ( I y72) interpretation of the figural sculptures as apotropaic representations of mythical ancestors or 'fishgods', Bonsall et al. (2002) suggested they were intended to protect against the growing threat froni flooding by the Danube, rather than the advancing tide of agriculture. Arguably, the strongest evidence for the presence of farnlers close to the Iron Gates in the centuries before 6000 cal ~c is provided by bone chemistry analyses. Stable isotope data indicate that the people buried at Lepenski Vir during the Final Mesolithic (6300-6000 cal ~ c gen) erally had diets that were very high in aquatic protein, higher even than during earlier phases of the Mesolithic (Figure 10.3). However, three adults from this period show diets that were unusually high in terrestrial protein, similar to those of the Early Neolithic after 6000 cal B C . All three had been accorded the traditional Mesolithic burial rite of extended supine inhurnation. One explanation is that these three individuals had spent a significant portion of their lives anlong a farming population (Bonsall et al. 3004). They may have originated from that population and married into the Lepenski Vir group. Alternatively, they could have been indigenous people who nloved to live with farmers and on death were returned to the ancestral home for burial. Other interpretations of the stable isotope data nlay be suggested, based on either the inlprecision of radiocarbon dates or the possibility of earlier 'false' starts to agriculture in the Iron Gates region (for discussion, see Bonsall et al. 2004). Whichever of the hypotheses discussed by Bonsall et al. (2004) is preferred, they all suggest that the Lepenski Vir population had at least knotrlle4e of agriculture and, by in~plication, contacts with farmers for a time before 6000 cal ~ c . Other questions follow on from this. What was the nature of the forager-farmer interactions? If intermarriage did occur, does this indicate that external relations with farmers were generally drawing , on the work of Chapman (1993) and Zvelebil and Lillie peaceful? Ruth Tringham ( ~ o o o ) (~ooo) painted , a con~pelling picture of contacts across the agricultural frontier as a two-way process

that involved exchanges of goods and personnel, leading to population increase and intensification ofproduction aniong foragers and farmers alike, then to social competition and status differentiation among the hunter-gatherers and their eventual adoption of farming. She went on to argue that interactions with the foragers of the Iron Gates gorge stimulated a perceived change in subsistence practices in the later stages of the Stari-evo-KorGs-Cri~culture (viz. greater emphasis on local animal and plant resources) and were an important factor in the formation of the Middle Neolithic Vinca culture. These last-mentioned aspects of Tringham's hypothesis, however, are difficult to accept in the light of reappraisal of the chronology of the Iron Gates Mesolithic, especially the dating of Lepenski Vir (see earlier), and Bartosiewicz's denlonstration that 'local' animal resources (wild ungulates and domesticated cattle and pigs) were of secondary importance to sheep/goat herding throughout the Early Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin (Eartosiewicz 2005).
Summary and Conclusions

The Iron Gates is a key area within southeast Europe for studying the Mesolithic and the transition to farming. Yet after more than four decades of research the archaeological evidence continues to generate intense debate and disagreement anlong scholars. The prevailing view of the Iron Gates Mesolithic, based on excavations conducted in the 1960s, is of a foraging society, which, in the course of its long developnlent from the Late Glacial to the mid-Holocene, exhibited an increasing degree of social complexity and sedentism. In this scenario, there was an initial period of cave occupation when people followed a nomadic lifestyle based on hunting terrestrial herbivores. Then, around 7600 cal BC, the foragers began to intensify their exploitation of aquatic resources, which made possible a reduction in residential mobility leading to the establishment of semipermanent or permanent settlements on the banks of the Danube. According to some archaeologists, so successful was this foraging adaptation that the Mesolithic inhabitants of the Iron Gates were able to resist the adoption of agriculture for centuries after it became established in the surrounding regions, even though they traded with neighbouring farmers for pottery and other goods. A new phase of research began in the 1c)c)oswith the Romanian-British excavations at Schela Cladovei and the systematic application of AMS '4C dating and stable isotope analysis to bone remains from the Iron Gates sites. AMS dating of animal and human bones and bone artefacts from Lepenski Vir, Schela Cladovei, and elsewhere has exposed flaws in the traditional chronological framework of the Iron Gates Mesolithic and has laid the foundations of a more secure radiocarbonbased chronology. Stable isotope analysis of human remains has provided a new perspective on the economic basis of the Mesolithic and the transition to farming in the Iron Gates region, which in key respects is at variance with previous ideas drawn from osteoarchaeological data. The degree of 'social complexity' exhibited by thc Mesolithic inhabitants of the Iron Gates and whether they became more socially complex with time remain contentious issues. Sedentisrn and storage feature prominently in ethnographic descriptions of hunter-gatherer conzplexity. A case can be made for sedentism or substantially restricted residential mobility in the Iron Gates Mesolithic. The Danube provided an important concentration of food resources and bone chemistry studies suggest there was focal exploitation of these resources from at least the beginning of the Holocene. Formal burial areas also were in existence by that time. Some food storage is likely in the Iron Gates Mesolithic, but there is no evidence that direct storage was practised on any significant scale. O n the other hand, there is good evidence that dogs were eaten and that they were fed surplus food including fish; in effect, dogs may have served as food-storing repositories.
Clive Bonsall
Based on a study of seventy-four ethnographically known societies, Kent (1990) found a close correlation between social complexity and the internal partitioning of houses. Judged on this criterion, the Mesolithic people of the Iron Gates rank fairly low on the scale of complexity. From the limited data available, their houses appear to have been relatively small - on average they were larger than those of nomadic societies such as the San (cf. Yellen 1077) but substantially smaller than the houses of the sedentary hunter-gatherers of the Northwest Coast (cf. Maschner 1991) and lacking clear internal partitions. hunter-gatherers rely on data from the Northwest Coast Most ethnographic studies of con~plex of North America. In documenting the emergence of cultural complexity on the northern Northwest Coast, Maschner (1991, Ames and Maschner 1999) identified a number of archaeologically observable trends, including: (i) econonlic intensification, (ii) growth in population and settlenlent size, (iii) intensification of warfare, and (iv) the emergence of hereditary social ranking and craft specialization. There are few signs of similar processes taking place over the time-range of the Iron Gates Mesolithic. Average stable C- and N-isotope ratios in human bone collagen can be seen to increase during the Mesolithic. This may indicate an increase in the importance of aquatic versus terrestrial resources with time, which could be interpreted as economic intensification. Equally, however, it could reflect other factors such as changes in the food web. Tringham (2000) argued for a population explosion arnong the hunter-gatherers of the Iron Gates after c. 6500 cal BC as a result of contact with farmers. In reality, however, there are too few data on which to base estimates of group size or overall population density for any stage of-the Iron Gates Mesolithic. Warfare certainly occurred during the Iron Gates Mesolithic, on the evidence of arrow injuries from Schela Cladovei and Vlasac. But there is no evidence of increasing levels of conflict through time. The unusually high percentage of arrow injuries at Schela Cladovei possibly relates to a very restricted phase within the Late Mesolithic, while a recent study by I<oksandii- (2000) of the many Final Mesolithic and Early Neolithic burials at Lepenski Vir apparently revealed no individuals with arrow injuries. Moreover, there is no direct evidence of perimeter defence and the construction of fortifications in the Iron Gates at any . stage of the Mesolithic or Early Neolithic. The stone sculptures from Lepenski Vir may be the work of craftsmen, but the fact that they are virtually confined to that site argues against the idea that craft specialisation was a general feature of the Iron Gates before the introduction of pottery manufacturing. Also, it is difficult to argue for the existence of social ranking in the Iron Gates Mesolithic using the standard' archaeological indicators of burial goods or house size variability. Almost the only items from graves which can be termed 'prestige goods' (luxury items or items of special value) are marine shell beads and necklaces. Archae~logicall~, shell beads are widely distributed in time and space (back to the early Upper Palaeolithic in Europe) and ethnographically they are known to have served a variety of purposes. So it would be na'ive to assume that their occurrence in Mesolithic burials in the Iron Gates is proof of inherited status. Rather than exhibiting increasing complexity, in many respects the Iron Gates Mesolithic shows remarkable stability. Between c. 9500 and 6300 cal sc, there appears to have been little change in subsistence patterns or the complexity of material culture. Mortuary practices are fairly consistent throughout the period. The trapezoidal house form is not clearly documented before the Late Mesolithic; although such structures may have been built earlier, and they continued to be erected at sites in the Iron Gates gorge with no nlajor change in form or size until the end of the Early Neolithic c. 5500 cal ac.
-
The Mesolithic o f the Iron Gates

New features appear at Lepenski Vir in the gorge between 6300 and 6000 cal BC, which contrast sharply with what had gone before. They include figural stone sculptures, the placement of burials beneath house floors, and new architectural elements such as lime plaster floors and stone-built facades. The challenge for archaeologists is to determine to what extent these features reflect real culture change perhaps stimulated by contact with farmers or by environmental stress, and to what extent the special character of Lepenski Vir has created a 'false' inlpression of change. The florescence of Lepenski Vir during the last few centuries of the Iron Gates Mesolithic occurred at a time when many sites along the banks of the Danube were either abandoned or ceased to be occupied on a regular basis. This event coincided with a period of distinctly cooler and wetter climate across middle Europe, which was accompanied by a marked increase in riverine floods. It is possible that, faced with an increased threat from flooding, people chose to relocate their settlements onto higher ground away from the river. The climatic downturn and increased flooding in the Danube catchment rriay have forced a temporary halt in the advance of agriculture through the Balkans. Between 6200 and 6000 cal BC, the agricultural 'frontier' probably lay to the south but within roo km of the Iron Gates. It is likely that contacts between the foragers within the Iron Gates region and farmers to south were established sometime during this period, and stable isotope data from Lepenski Vir suggest there may have been nloven~entof personnel (and by implication goods and ideas) between the two populations. The view that the hunter-gatherers of the Iron Gates gorge resisted the adoption of agriculture for many centuries is not supported by the available evidence. Paired 14Cand stable isotope analyses of human remains from Lepenski Vir show a marked reduction in average 6'5N and 6'" values c. 6000 cal BC suggesting a shift to a diet that included a much higher proportion of protein from terrestrial food sources than the average Mesolithic diet. The fact that this dietary shift broadly coincided with the appearance of pottery (and, probably, ground stone tools and 'exotic' raw materials such as Balkan flint and obsidian) and new burial practices all with clear parallels in the StarEevo-Koros-Cri~ complex, strongly implies that farming had begun to play an important role in the subsistence economy of the Iron Gates region, and that the 'neolithization' of the gorge occurred at more or less the same time as in the surrounding regions. Fishing continued to be practised during the Early Neolithic throughout the Iron Gates, and sites that were 'abandoned' around 6300 cal BC were reoccupied c. 6000 cal BC. In some respects, the changes within the gorge appear less dramatic than those in the downstream area, in that 'Mesolithic' traditions of architecture and religion continued for a time at sites in the gorge, although not, it seems, elsewhere. It is difficult to imagine the sites located on narrow alluvial benches at the foot of the gorge acting as bases from which farming activities were conducted - farmers normally must remain close to their crops and livestock. This raises the question of whether sites such as Hajducka Vodenica, Padina, and Vlasac continued to be occupied on a permanent or semipermanent basis afier 6000 cal BC or whether they became seasonal fishing camps. This latter hypothesis may explain the scarcity of Early Neolithic burials and bones of livestock at these sites. This is one of many questions about the Mesolithic-Neolithic transition in the Iron Gates that remain unresolved. Other questions that readily come to mind are: Did more severe winters or territorial pressure from farmers during the 'Little Ice Age event' of 6300-6000 cal BC lead to a values seen in the greater reliance on stored foods? And did this contribute to the heavier 615N bones of many Final Mesolithic people buried at Lepenski Vir? Did pressure on natural resources linked to climate change and/or competition from farmers encourage the hunter-gatherers to adopt agriculture?
Clive Bonsall
Although many o f t h e sites exca\iated in the 1960s and 1980s are n o w u n d e r water as a result o f the i m p o u n d i n g o f t h e 1)anube by t h e Iron Gates 1 and I1 darns, there is still considerable scope for further research in the region, w h i c h may Ilelp to resolve these a n d o t h e r issues discussed in this chapter. S o m e sites in t h e downs treat^^ area, such as Schela Cladovei a n d Ostrovu Uanului, are still accessible and would repay nlore extensive excavation. Archaeological investigation o f older (higher) terraces along t h e I)anube may lead t o t h e discovery o f rlrw sites, including sites belonging t o t h e crucial period between 6300 a n d 6 0 0 0 cal 1X:. In addition, finds from previous excavatiotls n o w i n r n ~ ~ s e u tcollections n renlain a potentially rich source o f n e w data. Using this ~ n a t e r i a lthere is scope for seasonnlity studies o f m a t n ~ ~ i a l i a n fish, , and shellfish renlains bearing o n questions o f residential mobility and site f ~ ~ n c t i o T n .h e applicatiotl o f A M S IJC dating t o h u ~ n a nand nninlal boncs, b o n e artefacts, a n d organic tenlper and residues from pottery sherds would provide valuable i n f o r ~ ~ l a t i o on n the developn~eno t f art, burial practices, technoloby, and t h e tinling o f t h e introduction o f animal domesticates and ceramic technolohy. DNA and stable isotope analyves o f h u m a n renlains could b e used t o address questions relating t o t h e tuovement o f people i n t o the Iron Gates region and between conlnlunities within the region, an aspect o f t h e Iron Gatec Mesolithic that remains poorly ~ ~ n d e r s t o o d . For archaeologists irlvolvcd in this research t h e Iron Gates remairls a n irx~rnensely rich repository o f information a b o u t t h e Mesolithic and the trarlsition t o farrning, and o n e o f the inost remarkable cultural landscapes o f European prellistory.
Acknowledgments
T h e a u t h o r would like to thank P;iolo Hiagi, Joni M a ~ l s o ~Ivana l, I<adovanovii- and Barbara Voytek for infortnation a b o u t Early Neolithic sites in Southeast Europe, G o r d o n Thonlas for information o n lime plaster pyrotechnology, 3 r d Geoff Bailey, (;ordon C o o k , M a r k Macklin, R o b e r t Payton, C a t r i o n a Pickard, I'enny Spikins, Liszl6 Uartosiewicz, 2nd t w o a n o n y m o u s referees for their conlments o n a prcli~xli~lnry draft o f t h e paper.
Notes
I.
2.
3.
111this chapter, original '"<: measurement\ are quoted ill yrars 'BI"; calibrated calendar ages are given 'cal ~ c . ' . C:alibrat~onswere cdrried out uslng the CALlB (rev. 5.0.2) radiocarbon calibration program (Stuiver and Reinier 1993; Stuivrr ct al. 2005) - Tee T ~ b l e 10.1 for further details. A basic calibration table is prov~dcdin Table 10.3. H~uman bone I4C ages quoted in the text have been corrected for the freshwater reservoir effect that characterizes the Iron <;ate$ reach of the llanube (Cook et al. 2001, Cook ct al. 2002). t311rial dated, or presumed to date, to the Mesolithic and/or Neolithic have been found a t a number of sites in tlic Iron <;.ltes: Ajlnana. Climente 11, Cuina Ttlrc~~lui, H:?jdui.ka Vodenica. Kula, Lepenski Vlr, l'.ldina, Schela Cladovei, USi-r Ka~llcnickog potoka, Velesnica, and Vlasac (see Figure 10.1). Srcjovii- believed that the earllest c~rchitectural remains at Lepenski Vir were a series of stone bordered hearths found in the lowest part of the site adjacent to the Danube (Srejovii- 1972: 45-46). These structures were the main evidence for his 'I'roto-Lepenski Vir' settleti~ent, which he assigned to the beginning of the Holocene ('Preboreal period') despite the lack of supporting radiocarbon evidence. This interpretation was disputed by Bonsall et al. (2002), who suggested the hearths were remains of builclings that were contenlporaneous with the trapczoid.11 building\ ~lpslopebut had been destroyed
JS

during extreme flood events. This nlay explain the (apparent) absence of charcoal from the 'ProtoLepenski Vir' hearths; such buoyant materials could easily be washed away by flood waters. Srejovit assigned at least one grave - burial 69 (Srejovit 1969, plate 64) - to his 'Proto-Lepenski Vir' phase, and this was subsequently dated to c. 8800 BP (7900 cal BC) (Bonsall et al. 2oo4), but contemporaneity with the hearths near the river was never demonstrated. It is not clear how Srejovit and Letica (1978) arrived at the total of forty-three houses. For the 'Mesolithic levels' of Vlasac (I-111), they describe fourteen 'dwellings', twenty-six built 'hearths' (some of which were inside the dwellings, others 'in the open'), two simple hearths, and at least fifteen other structures some of which were interpreted as remains of tented structures. In spite of the 'late' I4C dates for Houses I and 2, the excavators attributed them to the earliest occupation phase at Vlasac (phase Ia), partly because they lacked hearths and thus could "be regarded as representing the beginning of the Vlasac architecture" (Srejovit and Letica 1978: 146). Bokonyi, who was a mammalian specialist, may have overlooked the presence of sturgeon in the samples he analyzed from both Vlasac and Lepenski Vir. More recent work by Vesna Dimitrijevit (cited in Borit 2002: 1030) has identified sturgeon (mainly beluga) bones from the floors of some of the trapezoidal buildings at Lepenski Vir. Native Americans living along the Missouri and other major rivers relied heavily on mussel meat during the winter months when other food was scarce. T h e Iron Gates reach of the Danube today is an important wintering area for wildfowl, especially ducks. The remains of these species are not abundant in the Iron Gates sites. All three were recovered from Mesolithic contexts in the Romanian-British excavations at Schela Cladovei (Bartosiewicz et al. 1995, Bartosiewicz 2001, Bartosiewicz unpublished data), but the season of capture was not determined. Antler was included among the red deer remains in the faunal report for Vlasac, but is unlikely to have changed the overall ranking of the three species discussed here. Consumption of dog meat was not uncommon in Europe in historical times. T h e slaughter of dogs for human food was only finally prohibited in Germany in 1986 (Geppert 1992) and dogs are still eaten as a delicacy in parts of Austria, former Czechoslovakia, Moravia, and Switzerland today. Under these broad headings many specific causes of conflict between hunter-gatherer communities have been reported: previous attacks, murder, suspected witchcraft, jealousy over women, theft/poaching, abduction of women and children, rape, insult, trespass, infringement of territorial rights, access to resource areas or high priority goods, nonpayment of bride price, capture of slaves, and so on. Ground stone implements and Balkan flint artefacts have been reported from trapezoidal buildings at Lepenski Vir (Kozlowski and Kozlowski 1983, Borit 2002). Both are characteristic of Early Neolithic Stari-evo-Koros-Cri~ culture contexts in the central and northern Balkans. However, at the time of writing, there is n o published information on which buildings at Lepenski Vir contained these items, and so the date of their first appearance at the site is uncertain
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What is the Iron Gates region?

What is the Iron Gates region?

What archaeological sites were identified in the Iron Gates region?

What archaeological sites were identified in the Iron Gates region?

Chapter 10

The Mesolithic of the lron Gates

The Mesolithic of the lron Gates

'Mesolithic' and 'Epipalaeolithic' in the lron Gates

The Mesolithic of the lron Gates

DANUBE LEFT BANK

DANUBE RIGHT BANK

Culna Turculul Illa-c Schela Cladovel 11

lcoana II Ostrovu Banulul Ill

Lepenskl Vlr Ic-e Vlasac II

lcoana I ~strovu ~anulul 1-11

Lepensk~ Vlr la-b las sac lb Proto Lepensk! Vlr Vlasac la

Culna Turculul Ila-b Cutna Turculul I

Lepenski Vir I-II Stubica I-II Padina B1-2

Alibeg ostrovu Mare III Lapenskl Vir llla Padina B

Vlasac II-Ill LepenskiVlr I-II Padina A Ostrovu Corbului Ill II

Ostrovu Banului lllb lcoana II

Cuina Turcului I 1 BBile Herculane II Ostrovu Banului II

Cuina Turcului I-II Climente II Veterani Ostrovu Banului l

Clirnente II Ostrovu Banului I Cuina Turcului l BBile Herculane I

Voytek & Tringham (1989)

The Mesolithic of the Iron Gates

Lepenski Vir Padina 83

HajduCka Vodenica Ib Razvrata II Ostrovu Corbului II (H. VII)

Ostrovu Mare km 8731875

- - - - - - - - * - - - - - - - - ----.- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - HajduEka Vodenica la Ostrovu Banului lllb lcoana II

Kula 1-11 Ostrovu Mare km 875

- Proto-Lepenski - - - - - - - - - - -Vir --Vlasac 1a-b Padina AIA-8

Padina A-B Lepenskivir 1.1 Vlasac Ib-ll

Vlasac la Alibeg I Padina A

LATEGLACIAL E CLISUREAN P I SCHELA CLADOVEI-LEPENSKI VIR P A L A E O L I T H I C

Cu~na Turcului Cl~mente II

The Mesolithic of the Iron Gates

Early Mesolithic, 13,000-7200 cal BC

Ostrovu Banului Ostrovu Corbului

Rgzvrata I1 Schela Cladovei

7830 f IOO 7804 f 104

7756f 113 7665 f 60

Final Mesolithic Early Neolithic

The Mesolithic of the Iron Gates

Late Mesolithic, 7200-6300 cal

The Mesolithic of the Iron Gates

The Mesolithic of the Iron Gates

Was Food Storage Practised in the lron Gates Mesolithic?

The Mesolithic of the Iron Gates

The Mesolithic of the Iron Gates

Final Mesolithic, 6300-6000 cal

The Mesolithic of the Iron Gates

-- - - - - - Q- - - 6000 c-1 BC- - - - - - - - - - . 5500 6000 6500 7000 Calendar A g e BC 7500

The Mesolithic of the lron Gates

Schela Cladovei Vlasac

When Did the Neolithic Transition Occur in the lron Gates?

The Downstream Area

The Mesolithic of the Iron Gates

The Iron4-Gates Gorge