BRAD HOSTETLER

The Limburg Staurotheke: A Reassessment 7

CATHERINE FERNANDEZ
Kingship and the Materiality of Cameos: The Afterlife of the Grand Came in Capetian Paris 13
CHRISTOPHER TIMM
|o||oe |a| aoo t|e C|eat|oo o| Ottonao Ce|enoo|a| |cooog|a|j aoo !oog|a|j 21
JENNIFER LYNN BURLEY
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ELIZABETH BEMIS
The Sword of Cesar Borgia: A Re-dating through an Examination of His Personal Iconography 41
BRADLEY J. CAVALLO
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SASKIA BERANEK
Building a Secular Sepulchre: Horace Walpole and the Gothic Revival at Strawberry Hill 59
ELIZABETH MELANSON
Impressionism and the Salons Juifs: The Ephrussi Family and Jewish Patronage Networks in 1880s Paris 69
HEIDI A. COOK
Peasants and Politics: Croat Ethnography and Nationalism in the Work of Maksimilijan Vanka 77
CHRISTINA WEYL
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MAITE BARRAGN
Vision and Visuality in Francos Valley of the Fallen 97
A T H A N O R X X X
Die Wiederherstellung, 240.
5
A dedicatory inscription wraps all four sides of the . There is
a great deal of scholarly debate concerning the precise date of the
and the sequence in which the inscription as arranged on the
reliquary should be read; see Enrica Follieri, Lordine dei versi in
alcuni epigrammi bizantini, Byzantion 34 (1964): 447-467; Johannes
Koder, Zu den Versinschriften der Limburger Staurothek, Archiv
fr mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte 37 (1985): 11-31; and Bissera
Pentcheva, The Sensual Icon: Space, Ritual, and the Senses in Byzantium
(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010), 160-70.
I present the eight verses of the inscription according to the order ac-
cepted by Rhoby, Epigramme auf Ikonen, 166 (top, right, left, bottom):
O kAAAO2 LlXLl O klLlA2OLl2 Ll 2A
AAA ll lAlO2 kAAALl Xll21O2 kAl Oll2kl
Ok LlAO2 LlXLl AAA LkAAAil2L lO
1ll A2OLA1Ol L2 AlAl1lA2 OLAl
OLO2 |Al l LiA|2|XLl Ll 3lO1l 12Ll
Ol 3A2lALlO2 |O| ilOLAlO2 L2OX2
2L3Ol LkAAAi|l|2L 1ll Olkll 2AO
Ll 1Al2OLl2 LlAk2Ll iA2Al k1l2ll
In translation, it reads:
He did not have beauty, the one suspended on wood, yet Christ
was complete with beauty; and in dying he did not have form, but he
beautified my appearance deformed by sin. Although being God, he
suffered in mortal nature; eminently venerating, Basileios the proedros
beautified the thk of wood, on which having been stretched, he
(Christ) rescued all creation.
6
These compartments are covered by gold and enamel hinged doors
This paper originates from my dissertation and has undergone nu-
merous revisions thanks to the guidance and support of my advisor,
Professor Lynn Jones, and Professor Robert Romanchuk. I would also
like to thank Professor John Paoletti and the FSU art history faculty and
graduate students for their suggestions and comments. All translations
are the authors, unless stated otherwise.
1
The corpus of these reliquary inscriptions are catalogued in Anatole
Frolow, La Relique de la Vraie Croix: Recherches sur le Dveloppement
dun Culte, Archives de lOrient Chrtien 7 (Paris: Institut Franais
dtudes Byzantines, 1961); and Andreas Rhoby, Byzantinische
Epigramme auf Ikonen und Objekten der Kleinkunst, vol. 2 of Byz-
antinische Epigramme in Inschriftlicher berlieferung, ed. Wolfram
Hrandner, Andreas Rhoby, and Anneliese Paul (Vienna: Verlag der
sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2010).
2
Dizesanmuseum Inv. Nr. D 1/1-3 (48 x 35 x 6 cm), see Frolow, La
Relique, 233-37; and Rhoby, Epigramme auf Ikonen, 163-69. For a
detailed discussion of the reliquarys contents and history, see Holger
A. Klein, Byzanz, der Westen und das wahre Kreuz: Die Geschichte
einer Reliquie und ihrer knstlerischen Fassung in Byzanz und im
Abendland (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2004), 105-12.
3
Each strip is 17 mm wide and between 2 and 4 mm thick. Their
lengths vary so that they form the cross; see Johann Michael Wilm,
Die Wiederherstellung der Limburger Staurothek, Das Mnster 8
(1955): 238.
4
Some of the gems are also modern replacements, but the restoration
preserves what is thought to be the original appearance; see Wilm,
The Limburg Staurotheke: A Reassessment
Brad Hostetler
Dedicatory inscriptions on Middle Byzantine reliquaries have
been analyzed for their documentary information, including
prosopography, provenance, and date.
1
Relying solely on this
data limits our understanding of these objects. The methodol-
ogy in this paper recontextualizes Byzantine reliquaries and
their dedicatory inscriptions by reassessing the meaning and
function of the Greek text through its relationship with the
form of the object and its relics.
The focus of this essay is on one case studythe
Limburg Staurotheke, a reliquary of the True Cross now in
the cathedral treasury of Limburg an der Lahn, Germany
(Figures 1-3).
2
Three levels of analysis will be applied to the
staurotheke and its inscription. First, the dedication func-
tions as a record of patronagethe identification of names,
titles, and gifts. Second, it is a typological comparison of the
patrons and Christ as expressed in the precise terminology
chosen for the dedication. Third, the placement of specific
words is significant when viewed in relation to the form of
the object and the precious stones and pearls that embellish
it. These approaches together reveal the multivalent messages
conveyed through the reliquarys complex interrelationship
of text, form, and relic.
The Limburg Staurotheke was constructed in two phases
during the tenth century. The double-arm cross was made
first (Figure 1). The front displays its relicsseven rectangular
strips of wood of the True Cross supported by a wooden
core.
3
It is embellished with gems at the crossings and ends.
The pearls that once adorned the intersections of the cross
arms are now replaced by gold beads.
4
The back of the
reliquary is wrapped in gold and has a dedicatory inscrip-
tion executed in repouss. The inscription identifies the
patrons as the Emperors Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos
and his son Romanos II, dating it to 945-59, the period of
their co-regency.
The thk (case) was produced a few years after the
cross, between 968 and 985.
5
It is a rectangular box with
a sliding lid (Figures 2-3). The cross of Constantine and Ro-
manos is displayed inside the thk and is surrounded by
ten compartments that contain relics either of, or associated
with, Christ, the Theotokos, and John the Baptist (Figure 3).
6

8
athanor xxx brad hostetler

that have inscriptions and images of cherubim and seraphim. The
inscriptions, read from left to right and from top to bottom, identify
the relics as the swaddling clothes of Christ, the towel used to wash
the Apostles feet, the crown of thorns, Christs purple robe, the burial
shroud, the sponge, the maphorion of the Theotokos, the girdle from
the Chalkoprateia, the girdle from Zela, and hair of the Prodromos.
These relics are discussed in Klein, wahre Kreuz, 106-07.
7
Koder (Versinschriften, 16) suggests that the cross of Constantine
and Romanos is the processional cross identified in the tenth-century
Book of Ceremonies and housed in the Pharos chapel in the Great
Palace: the newly-made great cross of Constantine the Christ-loving
and purple-born Emperor (\ vtoo+ootoo+o, t,o, o+ou,
kovo+ov+vou +oo i/oo+ou o =ouo,tvv;+ou 3ooi/to,); see
Johann Jacob Reiske, ed., Constantini Porphyrogeniti De Ceremoniis
aulae Byzantinae, Corpus scriptorum historiae byzantinae (Bonn: Im-
ponsls Ld. Woborl, 1830), 2.640. Nancy Sovconko, 1ho Llmburg
Staurothek and its Relics, in Thymiama st mnm ts Laskarinas
Boura (Athens: Benaki Museum, 1994), 289-95 suggests that the
Limburg Staurotheke was taken on military campaigns to protect the
Emperor and aid him in battle.
8
O|LO|2 lLl L2L1LllL XLllA2 Ll 2A
2l2 Al A1O 1A2 LlLl|LlA2 3ll
kl21Al1llO2 AL k|Al| llAlO2 AL2iO1Al
AlOl AlA|l 2lOL2Ll k|Al| lAl|All
LALl2Al A1O OAlA1O2 iLiAl2lLlOl
k|Al| illl lLl A|l|AO X|ll21O|2 Ll 1O1 iAA2
OlA2A2 AlL22L 1O2 1LOllkO1A2
kO2ll1OlL2 1O1O AL ll 21L1l1OlOl
OlA2l Al A1O 2l1ll3O2l 3Al3All
9
Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. Alexander P. Kazhdan (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1991), s.v. Dodecasyllable, by Michael J.
Jeffreys, 1:643-44.
10
Synkrisis, the art of comparing, was a preliminary exercise in Byzantine
rhetorical training. For more information on the progymnasmata used
in the Late Antique and Byzantine periods, see George Alexander
Kennedy, Progymnasmata: Greek Textbooks of Prose Composition and
Rhetoric, Writings from the Greco-Roman World 10 (Atlanta: Society
of Biblical Literature, 2003). The late fourth-century Progymnasmata of
Aphthonios was a popular textbook in the Middle Byzantine period;
see Henry Maguire, Art and Eloquence in Byzantium (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1981), 13-15. For the relationship between
synkrisis and Middle Byzantine art, see Henry Maguire, The Art
of Comparing in Byzantium, Art Bulletin 70 (1988): 88-103; and
Henry Maguire, The Mosaics of Nea Moni: An Imperial Reading,
Dumbarton Oaks Papers 46 (1992): 205-14.
11
Greek-English Lexicon hereafter cited as LSJ, 9th rev. ed., ed. Henry
George Liddell, Robert Scott, Henry Stuart Jones (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1996), s.v. tv.
Originally, the cross was removed and carried in procession
during the liturgy.
7

While the thk has been the focus of numerous studies,
the dedication on the cross of Constantine and Romanos has
received limited scholarly attention. The focus of this paper
is the interrelationship between the cross reliquary and its
dedicatory inscription, relics, and embellishments.
The Inscription as a Record of Patronage
The inscription, written in continuous script in majus-
cule letters, reads from top to bottom and from left to right.
A cross marks the beginning. In translation the nine-verse
inscription reads:
1 On the one hand, God stretched out his hands upon
the wood
2 gushing forth through it the energies of life.
3 On the other hand, Constantine and Romanos the
despots
4 with the synthesis of radiant stones and pearls
5 displayed this same thing full of wonder.
6 And on the one hand, Christ with this formerly
smashed the gates of Hades
7 giving new life to the dead.
8 On the other hand, the crown-wearers having now
adorned this
9 crush with it the temerities of the barbarians.
8

The Limburg dedication functions as a record of patron-
age. It identifies the patrons, the Emperors Constantine and
Romanos, and the contents, the wood of the True Cross. It
specifies radiant stones and pearls as their material contri-
bution. The inscription states that the Emperors have now
adorned this, indicating that this is not a commemoration
of a past event, but rather a commission of the present day.
The dedication also asserts that Constantine and Romanos
defeat their enemies through the power of the True Cross.
The Inscription as Comparison
While the Limburg dedication is a record, it is not strictly
a list of patrons and their contributions. Its form is typical for
Middle Byzantine inscriptions, a twelve-syllable epigram.
9
In
content, it is a typological comparison of the Emperors and
Christ.
10
This is evident in the overall structure of the epi-
gram, the pairing of specific actions, the indication of time,
and the specific choice of names. This paper argues that the
composition is deliberate, mimetically linking Constantine
and Romanos with Christ in order to affirm their ability to
wield the power of the relic.
The comparison of the Emperors and Christ is evident
in the overall structure of the dedication composed using
two mende constructions. The Greek words men and de
are used in correlative clauses to compare or contrast two
different ideas or situations; the word men always prefaces
the first clause and de the second. No previous translation
of this inscription has taken these words into consideration;
their meaning has been, one might say, lost in translation.
Liddell and Scotts Greek-English Lexicon render these words
into the English phrases on the one hand and on the other
hand.
11
The Limburg mende constructions are fundamen-
tal to the epigrams organization and message.
The first mende construction is lines 1-5. The word
men prefaces the actions of God in line 1, and the word
de prefaces those of the Emperors in line 3. These words
establish the correlation between the two clauses, God on
one hand and the despots on the other. The second men
9
the limburg staurotheke: a reassessment
18
Rhoby notes the homonymy of these words; see Epigramme auf Ikonen,
169.
19
A similar use of the past and present as well as the topos of impe-
rial victory is found in the inscription on the Cortona Staurotheke, a
reliquary of the True Cross produced approximately a decade after
the Limburg during the reign of Nikephoros II Phokas (r. 963-69); see
Frolow, La Relique, 239-41; and Rhoby, Epigramme auf Ikonen, 331-34.
The four verses of the cross-shaped inscription on the reverse read:
k|Al| illl klA1Al AL2iO1l kl21Al1ll
X|ll21O|2 ALAkL 21|A|lOl Ll|2| 21lllAl
k|Al| ll AL 1O1Ol Ll O|L| llkl1OlO2
AlA2 1lOiO1Al 1AA 3Al3All LXl
In translation, it reads:
And formerly to the powerful despot Constantine, Christ gave the
cross for salvation; and now having this (the cross), the Emperor in
God Nikephoros puts to flight the tribes of barbarians.
20
Patristic Greek Lexicon, s.v. to=+;,.
21
Henry Maguire, The Heavenly Court, in Byzantine Court Culture
from 829 to 1204, ed. Henry Maguire (Washington, DC: Dumbar-
ton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1996), 247-58. Impe-
rial mimesis of the heavenly court is given visual expression in the
coronation image of Emperor Basil I (r. 867-86), Constantine VIIs
grandfather and founder of the Macedonian dynasty, on folio Cv of
Paris, Bibliothque Nationale, MS gr. 510; see Henry Maguire, A
Murderer Among the Angels: The Frontispiece Miniatures of Paris.
Gr. 510 and the Iconography of the Archangels in Byzantine Art,
12
Walter Michel suggests that the author of the epigram used the
word God in reference to the crucifixion to convey the theology of
Christs divine and human nature; see Die Inschriften der Limburger
Staurothek, Archiv fr mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte 28 (1976):
34-35.
13
John of Damascus, Expositio fidei 4.11.
14
LSJ, s.v. ovutoi,. Bissera Pentcheva also associates this word with
the manmade act of construction; see Containers of Power: Eu-
nuchs and Reliquaries in Byzantium, Res 51 (2007): 113.
15
A Patristic Greek Lexicon, ed. G.W.H. Lampe (Oxford: Clarendon,
1961), s.v. uooo.
16
Pentcheva suggests that the red jewels evoke the blood of Christ;
see Containers, 110. The image of Christ dead on the cross with
blood and water flowing from his side becomes standard Byzantine
iconography after Iconoclasm; see John R. Martin, The Dead Christ
on the Cross in Byzantine Art, in Late Classical and Mediaeval Studies
in Honor of Albert Mathias Friend, Jr., ed. Kurt Weitzmann (Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press, 1955), 189-96.
17
For a discussion of this topos and its relationship to the cross, see
Wolfram Hrandner, Das byzantinische Epigramm und das heilige
Kreuz: einige Beobachtungen zu Motiven und Typen, in La Croce:
Iconografia e interpretazione (secoli I - inizio XVI); Atti del convegno
internazionale di studi (Napoli, 6-11 dicembre 1999), ed. Boris Ulianich
(Naples-Rome: Elio de Rosa editore, 2007), 3:107-25.
de construction is lines 6-9. As with the first comparison, the
word men prefaces the actions of Christ, and de prefaces
that of the crown-wearers. In sum, the words men and de
structure the epigram so that the subjects of the inscription
are related to one another.
Within this structure, the specific deeds of the Emperors
and Christ are compared. Lines 1-5 describe two physical
actions that are each followed by a metaphysical effect. The
first action is stated in line 1: God stretched out his hands
upon the wood, referring to Christs crucifixion.
12
The focus
is on Gods hands, and thus emphasizes the human nature
of this act. Line 2 describes the outcome of the crucifixion:
gushing forth through it the energies of life. The faithful
believe that through Christs death and resurrection, he offers
eternal life. The True Cross is an embodiment of this belief;
the blood of Christ infused the wood and transformed this
earthly substance into sacred matter.
13

This cause and effect relationship is also found in the de-
scription of the Emperors deeds. Line 4 states that Constan-
tine and Romanos displayed these relics with the synthesis
(synthesei) of radiant stones and pearls. The word synthesei,
which means putting together or composition, refers to
their role as patrons who caused the material creation and
fashioning of the Limburg reliquary and the embellishment
of the relics.
14
This physical action brings about the meta-
physical effectthe cross is full of wonder (thaumatos).
The word thaumatos is used in multiple contexts. While it
references physical and visual splendor, it can also refer to
something that is miracle-working.
15
Just as the blood of
Christ transformed the wood, the Emperors visually transform
their relic with the synthesei of red jewels and white pearls,
suggesting the blood and water gushing forth from Christs
body.
16
These embellishments are a testament to Constan-
tine and Romanoss ability to harness the wonder-working
power of the relic.
The comparison of deeds is continued in lines 6-9. This
portion of the inscription compares Christs victory over
Hades with the topos of imperial victory over the enemy.
17

The paronomasia (pun) on the words thrausas (smashed)
and thras (temerities) further connects the actions of the
crown-wearers and Christ.
18
Just as Christ smashed the gates
of Hades, the crown-wearers crushthe temerities of
the barbarians. The Emperors defeat their earthly enemies
because they have the True Cross and because they do it in
imitation of Christ.
The subjects are also typologically linked through time.
In line 6, the deeds of Christ are described as a past event:
Christ with this formerly smashed the gates of Hades. This
is paired with the present actions of the Emperors in line 8:
the crown-wearers having now adorned this crush with it
the temerities of the barbarians.
19
Their actions in battle
spiritual and earthly, past and presentare linked through
their wielding of the power of the True Cross.
The comparison of the Emperors and Christ is also sug-
gested by the parallel taxonomy of names. The first com-
parison, lines 1-5, pairs theos (God) with the Emperors who
are called despotai (despots). This term, meaning absolute
ruler is also applied to God in Byzantine texts.
20
The Em-
perors mimesis of the heavenly court conforms to Byzantine
imperial ideology. The earthly court, with the Emperor as
its absolute ruler, was a reflection of the court in heaven,
centered on God.
21
10
athanor xxx brad hostetler
la Vraie Croix, conserves dans le trsor de la cathdrale de Troyes,
Mmoires de la Socit dagriculture, des sciences, arts et belles-lettres
du Dpartement de lAube 19 (1855): 183-217.
27
Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, s.v. Proedros as a Civilian Dignity,
by Alexander Kazhdan, Anthony Cutler, 3:1727.
28
According to Coffinet, verses 8 and 11 read: =o+o=oto,
/o=vo, kovo+ov+, and 7ov ioo+v, /oov ioo+o,,
see Vraie Croix, 196. For different revisions of this text, see Frolow,
La Relique, 392; and Rhoby, Epigramme auf Ikonen, 190.
29
Frolow, La Relique, 483-84; Jannic Durand, ed., Byzance: Lart byzantin
dans les collections publiques franaises, Muse du Louvre, 3 novembre
1992 - 1er fvrier 1993 (Paris: ditions de la Runion des muses
nationaux, 1992), 444-45; and Rhoby, Epigramme auf Ikonen, 185-86.
30
l|l2O|2 X|ll21O|2
21|A|l iA|Ll2 +2A2 Al|Oli|l 12ll
|lA1Ll kOllllO2 lAlOlA 21L1l1OlO2
31
For the significance of name placement in dedicatory inscriptions,
see Brad Hostetler, The Iconography of Text: The Placement of an
Inscription on a Middle Byzantine Reliquary, Eastern Christian Art 8
(forthcoming).
in The Sacred Image East and West, ed. Leslie Brubaker and Robert
Ousterhout (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995),
63-71; and Leslie Brubaker, Vision and Meaning in Ninth-Century
Byzantium: Image as Exegesis in the Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 158-62.
22
LSJ, s.v. io+,.
23
LSJ, s.v. o+tv;o,.
24
For a discussion on the practice of unction for Middle Byzantine impe-
rial coronations, see Gilbert Dagron, Emperor and Priest: The Imperial
Office in Byzantium, trans. Jean Birrell (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer-
sity Press, 2003), 273-74. Ioli Kalavrezou notes the significance of the
feast day of Christs Baptism (January 6) for ninth- and tenth-century
Emperors; see Helping Hands for the Empire: Imperial Ceremonies
and the Cult of Relics at the Court, in Byzantine Court Culture (see
note 21), 72-75. In the fifteenth century, Symeon of Thessaloniki
compared the anointing of the Emperor at coronation with Christs
anointing by the Holy Spirit at Baptism; see Oxford Dictionary of
Byzantium, s.v. Anointing, by Michael McCormick, 1:107.
25
Frolow, La Relique, 391-93; and Rhoby, Epigramme auf Ikonen, 189-92.
26
Abb Coffinet, Recherches historiques sur lorigine des parcelles de
The second comparison, lines 6-9, applies a different set
of terms to the subjects. The word christos (Christ) replaces
God and the imperial epithet stephphoroi (crown-wearers)
substitutes despots. The word christos is defined as the the
Anointed One and refers to he who is chosen and anointed
by God.
22
The term crown-wearer is a title given to rulers,
but here its context renders it significant.
23
It is a term as-
sociated with the Byzantine ceremony of coronation, the
moment when the Emperor is crowned by the Patriarch and
is symbolically anointed by God.
24
This nuanced pairing of names and personalization of an
inscription is also found in other Middle Byzantine reliquary
inscriptions. An example is the staurotheke once at Troyes
Cathedral.
25
The reliquarys inscription was recorded prior
to its destruction during the French Revolution.
26
It identifies
the Troyes Staurotheke patron as Constantine the protopro-
edros, a title designating the most important court officials
and high-ranking senators.
27
Through his dedicatory inscrip-
tion, Constantine beseeches Christ, addressing him: master
of judges, who shall atone for great sins.
28
Constantines
status as a civic leader and lawmaker is therefore paralleled
with Christs role as a judge who has the power to punish
or redeem offenders of the law.
This parallel play on names is also found on the twelfth-
to thirteenth-century staurotheke of Manuel Komnenos, now
in the treasury of Notre-Dame Cathedral in Paris (Figure 4).
29

The reverse of the cross features the inscription: Jesus Christ,
hanging on the cross, you exalted the nature of men. Manuel
Komnenos crown-wearer writes (this).
30
Like the Limburg
dedication, the Notre-Dame inscription pairs the word Christ
with the imperial epithet crown-wearer.
This pairing of names is reinforced visually by the place-
ment of names inscribed on the reliquary. The inscription
begins on the upper cross arm with the abbreviation for Jesus
Christ. It concludes on the lower cross arm with the words
Manuel and crown-wearer. The pairing of proper names and
titles for Jesus Christ and Manuel crown-wearer is arranged
on the cross arms, paralleling the Emperor, on the lower,
with Christ, on the upper (Figure 5).
The comparisons made between the Emperors and
Christ in the Limburg inscription reveal more about this
reliquary and the messages conveyed by the dedication.
The structure of the epigram, the pairing of specific actions,
the indication of time, and the specific choice of names
combine to typologically link the Emperors with Christ. The
power of the True Cross that Christ established through his
death, defeat of Hades, and resurrection is continued and
harnessed by the Emperors who embellish the reliquary and
use it to aid them in the defeat of their enemies.
The Placement of the Inscription
The placement of specific words on the Limburg Stau-
rotheke emphasizes imperial ownership of the True Cross and
the power associated with the relic. The names of the Emper-
ors are given prominent placement on their reliquary. They
are displayed on the vertical arm and centered between the
two cross arms, which isolate and frame the patrons names
(Figure 6). The pearls, now replaced by gold beads, also
drew attention to the names of Constantine and Romanos,
thus linking the Emperors with their material contributions.
31

The assertion of imperial ownership resonates in the
rhyme of the word margarn (pearls) in line 4. The homoi-
optoton, or repeated word endings, are arranged so that
the rhyme ends on this word: lithn diaugn synthesei
kai margarn, or with the synthesis of radiant stones and
pearls. As the final word in the rhyming sequence, margarn
is given the verbal emphasis.
This stress is echoed visually in word placement. The
11
the limburg staurotheke: a reassessment
fourth line of the inscription begins at the left end of the
lower cross arm. The line ends with the word margarn at
the intersection of the vertical and horizontal arms (Figure
7a). Originally, this set the word next to the pearls embel-
lishing the cross, uniting the text with the materials added
by the Emperors. The conscious placement of inscription
and materials is also found in the position of the word lithn
(stones) at the end of the left cross arm (Figure 7b). This situ-
ates the word in the corresponding position of two radiant
stones that embellish the front.
Just as word placement declares
imperial ownership over the Limburg
relics, it also emphasizes the source
of their power. Centered on the lower
cross arm is the instrumental dative
phrase of line 6: christos en tout,
or Christ with this (Figure 8). While
the demonstrative this references the
True Cross, the instrument of the Lim-
burg inscription, the placement of the
phrase christos en tout also associ-
ates these words with the reliquary on
which they are inscribed. Its precise
placement over the intersection of the
vertical and horizontal arms sets it at
the actual and symbolic center of the
crossthe junction from which, as it
states in line 1, God stretched out his
hands upon the wood.
Lines 5, 6, and 8 each contain
the word this, referring back to the
very object and relic upon which the
words are inscribed. Therefore, when
the energies of life gush forth, they do
so though this woodthe wood of
the True Cross contained within the
Limburg. It is with this relic that Christ
was crucified, destroyed the gates of
Hades, and gave life to the dead. It is
for this very same relic that the Emper-
ors fashion a precious reliquary and
in turn use it to defeat their enemies.
In conclusion, the multiple mes-
sages conveyed through the Limburg
Staurothekes complex interrela-
tionship of text, form, and relic are
much more nuanced than reading
a dedication as a list of patrons and
their material contributions. The Em-
perors are mimetically linked with Christ through the precise
terminology chosen for the dedication. The placement of
specific words on the reliquary emphasizes their actual and
symbolic possession of the True Cross and therefore the
power associated with it. These analyses demonstrate the
multivalent function of dedicatory inscriptions. Word, form,
and relic are chosen, arranged, and composed together on
one object, uniting the patrons with their reliquary and the
sacred matter it contains.
Florida State University
Figure 1. Limburg Staurotheke, cross, back side
with inscription, 945-59, wood, gold, pearls, and
gems, Cathedral, Limburg an der Lahn, Ger-
many. Photo credit: Dizesanmuseum Limburg.
athanor xxx brad hostetler
12
Figure 2. Limburg Staurotheke, lid, 968-85, wood, gold, silver,
enamel, gems, pearls, 45 x 28 x 2 cm. Cathedral, Limburg an der
Lahn, Germany. Photo credit: Dizesanmuseum Limburg.
Figure 3. Limburg Staurotheke, box, 968-85, wood, gold, silver, enamel,
gems, pearls, 48 x 35 x 6 cm. Cathedral, Limburg an der Lahn, Germany.
Photo credit: Dizesanmuseum Limburg.
13
the limburg staurotheke: a reassessment
Figure 6. Limburg Staurotheke, cross, back side with inscription, detail of
names, 945-59, wood, gold, pearls, and gems, Cathedral, Limburg an der
Lahn, Germany. Photo credit: Diozesanmuseum Limburg with drawing by
Brad Hostetler.
Figure 7. Limburg Staurotheke, cross, back side with inscription, detail of the
words margarn (a) and lithn (b), 945-59, wood, gold, pearls, and gems,
Cathedral, Limburg an der Lahn, Germany. Photo credit: Diozesanmuseum
Limburg with drawing by Brad Hostetler.
Figure 8. Limburg Staurotheke, cross, back side with inscription, detail of the
words christos en tout, 945-59, wood, gold, pearls, and gems, Cathedral,
Limburg an der Lahn, Germany. Photo credit: Diozesanmuseum Limburg
with drawing by Brad Hostetler.
[facing page, bottom left] Figure 4. Cross of Manuel Komnenos, back side
with inscription, twelfth or thirteenth century, wood, gold, and enamel,
height 21 cm. Treasury of Notre-Dame Cathedral, Paris, France. Photo credit:
after Jannic Durand, La Vraie Croix de la princesse Palatine au trsor de
Notre-Dame de Paris: Observations techniques, Cahiers archologiques 40
(1992): page 141, figure 4.
[facing page, bottom right] Figure 5. Cross of Manuel Komnenos, back side
with inscription, detail of names, twelfth or thirteenth century, wood, gold,
and enamel, height 21 cm. Treasury of Notre-Dame Cathedral, Paris, France.
Photo credit: after Jannic Durand, La Vraie Croix de la princesse Palatine
au trsor de Notre-Dame de Paris: Observations techniques, Cahiers ar-
chologiques 40 (1992): page 141, figure 4, with drawing by Brad Hostetler.