Torzsok - Search Meaning Tantric Ritual Saiva Scriptures
Torzsok - Search Meaning Tantric Ritual Saiva Scriptures
Torzsok - Search Meaning Tantric Ritual Saiva Scriptures
Juor Tozsox
Irooucro
Te question whether ritual is meaningful or not and if yes, what meaning it
can have, keeps haunting various elds of Indian studies. Although it would be
important to summarise what conclusions have been reached so far, it would
require another paper or even a book to give an overview of the situation.
Te aim and scope of the present paper being dierent, I need to skip the
general discussion of the problem, in order to concentrate on some aspects of
what certain Sanskrit texts actually say about Tantric ritual. Nevertheless, it
can be remarked in general that whatever meaning the texts seem to nd in the
rituals they prescribe, it always necessitates the performers prior knowledge
of this meaning. Tis knowledge then can be of various kinds, such as the
recognition of ones identity with iva or the knowledge of the hidden meaning
of ritual elements etc.
1
Tis article is dedicated to the memory of Hlne Bui, whose pioneering works on
aiva ritual have opened up a new eld in Indian studies and have served as the most important
sources on the subject. A rst version of this paper was read at a workshop on Tantric ritual on
the 20th of March, 2004, organised by Prof. Harunaga Isaacso at the South Asia Institue of
the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. I am grateful to him and everybody present for
important comments and criticism, especially for remarks made by Prof. George Caooa and
Shaman Hari. A second, revised French version of the rst half of the paper was presented
on the 3rd of May 2004 at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes. I am grateful to Prof. Lyne
Basar-Bouoo for the invitation and her very useful comments. Moreover, I would like to
thank Dominic Goooa for his invaluable criticism and suggestions to improve this paper at
its nal stage.
1
Tis paper owes much to Alexis Saoisos ground-breaking article on Meaning in
Tantric Ritual (Saoiso 1995). An important part of that article is devoted to an analysis
of the ways in which Kashmirian exegetes, most importantly Abhinavagupta and K
.
semarja
(of the 10th and 11th centuries AD), interpreted some aspects of Tantric ritual in an eort
to infuse meaning into or to project some new meaning onto its elements. In addition to the
philosophy of the Pratyabhij school, their ultimate exegetical source was the esoteric systems
of the Kaula Trika and the Krama, regarded as the highest in a hierarchy of tantric systems. Te
450 Mlanges tantriques la mmoire dHlne Brunner
Leaving aside the exegetical interpretations, I shall attempt to give a number
of examples taken from aiva scriptural sources and to show that certain
concerns about ritual already appear in these rather unsophisticated texts.
2
Tese passages could demonstrate that the exegetes were not the rst to raise
such questions. While in the majority of cases one can show only that the
arguments are similar, in a few passages there are more than one reason to
suspect that the exegetes made use of some ideas taken directly from these
sources. Be as they may borrowings or parallel arguments, these extracts reveal
that in spite of great dierences in aims, method, and level of sophistication, the
scriptures and their interpreters were often concerned with the same problems,
albeit from dierent perspectives. Te passages examined will then also show
that there is an internal theoretical development within the scriptural tradition
of questioning the meaning of ritual action, of searching for meaning in ritual.
Te examples given for various developments are meant as illustrations and
are denitely not exhaustive. All the sources examined here were available to
the Kashmirian exegetes of the tenth and eleventh centuries.
Among these sources, the Tantrasadbhva is one that has a special place and
importance. Tis text is one of the three surviving scriptures of the early phase of
the Trika tradition, which forms the basis of Abhinavaguptas exegesis.
3
Just as
another early scripture of the Trika, the Siddhayogevarmata,
4
it concentrates
on the attainment of supernatural powers and the cult of yogins and other
female spirits associated with it; but it also discusses some aspects of ritual and
ideas of the Kaula and Krama systems were freely made use of when interpreting the scriptures
of other tantric currents.
2
Such investigations would not have been possible without important recent contributions
to the study of aivism. First, Dominic Goooas critical edition and translation of the
Parkhyatantra made this important text available. In many passages, it is only thanks to his
eorts that the text of the codex unicus has become intelligible. His introduction is also a major
contribution to the study of the Siddhnta. Second, Somdev Vasuoiva has identied and
transcribed several early Kaula sources from Nepalese palm leaf manuscripts. I am grateful
to him for having made his electronic texts available to me, of which the Kulasra in particular
has proved very important for this paper. He has identied a citation of the Kulasra (fol. 38v)
in K
.
semarjas ivastravimarin p. 136 and references to the title in Kubjikmata 20.67 and
Kulac
.
dma
.
ni 1.9. Finally, it is also of great help to scholars of aivismthat Mark Dczxowsx
made the electronic texts of a number of scriptures accessible on the website of the Muktabodha
Indological Research Institute. However, in this article I make references to my own working
edition of parts of the Tantrasadbhva.
3
See Saoiso 1988:672.
4
For an edition and translation of most of the text, see Tozsox *1999.
Judit Trzsk 451
gives some rather unique interpretations of some of its elements. Many of the
quoted passages were then borrowed in a Kaula scripture, the Kubjikmata,
which is heavily indebted to the Trika tradition.
5
Te fact that the Kubjikmata
borrows these very passages could be of double importance. First, it may show
how elements of the early Trika became absorbed into the Kaula tradition;
second, it could possibly suggest that these questions about ritual, which were
raised in a relatively early phase of the scriptural tradition, may have been a
prompt for developments towards the overtly anti-ritualist Kaula systems.
However, this mixed nature of the Tantrasadbhva does not imply that it
dates from before the appearance of the Kaula system or its earliest texts. At the
present state of research, it would be dicult to establish a relative chronology,
especially because many of the early Kaula texts have not survived.
6
Tere are
two possibilities one could assume: either the Tantrasadbhva represents a real
transition between the yogin cults and the Kaula systems, or it was compiled at
a date when some early Kaula scriptures were already in existence, thus uniting
the two traditions in a relatively late compilation. Te latter hypothesis seems
more likely, especially in view of a similar case, that of the Mlinvijayottara.
Te Mlinvijayottara is the third of the three surviving scriptures of the early
Trika, and just as the Tantrasadbhva, it shows inuences from dierent aiva
currents, thus suggesting a compilatory origin and a relatively later date among
the early scriptures.
7
Te questions about ritual that the texts examined here discuss are of diverse
nature. First, I shall examine what general meaning some of the Tantras see in
aiva ritual. Ten I shall give a fewexamples of the ways in which they interpret
particular ritual elements or details. Finally, I shall raise the problem of how
particular elements can be or can become meaningful for the ultimate purpose
of ritual, and re-examine the question of the meaningfulness.
Rrua ao rs ovia xia: svaooo raro ao
ioo
aiva initiation confers the right to practise certain rituals (both obligatory
and optional) on the initiate and, at the same time, it is the puricatory
5
See Saoiso 1988:686. and 2002:1.
6
On this problem, see Vasuoiva 2004:XLI.
7
On the syncretic nature of the Mlinvijayottara, see Vasuoiva 2004:XXXIX .
452 Mlanges tantriques la mmoire dHlne Brunner
rite that performs the major part of his preparation for nal release. In its
commonest form, which does not produce salvation immediately, initiation
puries the individual soul while leaving certain residual impurities, which are
then eliminated in the course of time.
Among the earliest scriptural sources, all of which prescribe initiation to
be performed with basically the same ritual structure, the scriptures of the
Siddhnta appear to treat the purpose and meaning of initiation much more
often than more esoteric schools teaching the cult of Bhairava and Yogins;
and there may be a reason for that.
8
Tantras teaching the cult of Bhairava and
Yogins concentrate much more on the attainment of supernatural powers and
on worldy enjoyments that result from the attainment of such powers, and
therefore are less concerned with the meaning of rites that lead to these (for
them) obvious results. But the scriptures of the aiva Siddhnta aim primarily
at salvation,
9
which normally happens only at the time of death. Terefore, they
have probably more reason to argue and demonstrate why and howthat (in this
life) invisible result shall come about after considerable time of dedication. As
the Tantrasadbhva puts it: All teachings say that initiation equals liberation;
but liberation is invisible, although it is proven by a visible cause.
10
In fact, envisaging a question about the very existence of liberation as such
was not inconceivable to the aiva tradition:
Parooa sioxi:
Some hold that this liberation is empty of the existence of all things, since
it is when the existence of those has reality that the soul is involved in what
characterises sa
.
msra.
Paxisa sioxi:
If liberation were not real, a means [to accomplish it] could not reach it, since
its nature should be to accomplish a [really existing] goal. [And] who would use
8
On some other questions concerning initiation and liberation in the Siddhnta, see
Goooa 2006.
9
Tis does not mean they do not teach the attainment of supernatural powers; but their
focus is dierent. See Saoiso 1988.
10
Tantrasadbhva (9.236, referring to the various visible signs one is supposed to display
when initiated): sann
.
m tu sarve
.
s
.
m dk
.
s mok
.
so vadanti hi / sa ca mok
.
sas tv ad
.
r
.
s
.
tas tu sdhyate
d
.
r
.
s
.
tahetun. Tis argument is less sophisticated than what Saoiso 1995:24 refers to before
elucidating the theological problem and the answers exegetes have tried to give. It is only here
[i.e. in the obligatory worship of those who seek liberation alone] that it was felt necessary to
formulate explanations of the far from obvious process by which ritual as the manipulation of
nite forms and quantities could achieve the innite and absolute state of liberation.
Judit Trzsk 453
a means [to such a goal]?
11
It is also notable that among the demonstrably early scriptures of the Siddhnta
the texts concerned with the problemof howritual works and what its meaning
is are relatively late.
12
Tis may be due to the fact that such questions were raised
only after the aiva Siddhnta established itself to some extent and it was felt
that a somewhat more solid theoretical defence of the system was needed. Such
defence may have also been prompted by the fact that other (aiva) schools tried
to challenge the original ritual system. It is also noteworthy that scriptures other
than those of the Siddhnta discussing this problem also seem to belong to a
relatively later layer of the tradition (such as the Tantrasadbhva).
As to the purpose of initiation, it is often brought out in a semantic analysis
(nirvacana), which is frequently cited by the exegetes.
13
In all versions of this
analysis, initiation, dk
.
s is derived from two verbs: to give, d-, and to destroy,
k
.
si-. Te Parkhyatantra, which has a relatively long discussion of the subject,
puts it in the following words (15.10):
It bestows (d-) ivahood and destroys (k
.
si-) the bonds of the soul therefore
it is called intiation (dk
.
s), established as such because of the bestowing and
destroying functions.
14
11
Pratoda uvca: sarvrthabhvany s ke
.
s
.
m cin muktir psit / yatas tadbhvasadbhve
pumn sa
.
msradharmaga
.
h // Praka uvca: abhvarpay mukty sdhana
.
m na tadritam /
sdhyasdhanarpatvt prayokt sdhanasya ka
.
h // Parkhya 15.4647. Translation quoted from
Goooa 2004:399. As remarked by Goooa 2004:399 in viewof the subsequent discussion,
it is not very likely that a particular rivals conception is referred to when the real existence of
liberation is questioned. However, the argument could be perhaps that of a nyavdin.
12
For the relatively late date of the Mata ngapramevara and the Parkhya, which are
used here, see Goooa 1998:lxxiiilxxiv. As Goooa 2004:lviii concludes, the Parkhya is
perhaps the latest of the early listed scriptures of the Siddhnta. Among the early Saiddhntika
scriptures, it is only the M
.
rgendra, the Mata ngapramevara and the Parkhya that have more
developed theological discussions (see Goodall 2004: xlviii).
13
Tis semantic analysis is mentioned in Saoiso 1992: 287 and Goooa 2004:386
note 865. For yet more examples and their translations, see Somaambhupaddhati vol. 3, pp. 3
4. See also Bhairavama ngal 257bd, with a slightly dierent wording: ivatva
.
m ca pradyate /
aiv (?) malak
.
saya
.
m k
.
rtv dk
.
s[] iti vidhyate (iti corr. Somdev Vasuoiva: itya MS).
14
ivatvasya pradna
.
m yat k
.
sapa
.
na
.
m pasa
.
mtate
.
h / tena dk
.
s samkhyt taddnt k
.
sapa
.
nt
sthit // For a dierent formulation with the same purport, see Mata nga ngapramevara
Kriypda 2.23b (also referred to in Goooa 2004:389, note 865): dna
.
m nma par k
.
s
.
th
mantrapradhvastakarma
.
nm / paor y vyaktim yti prak
.
s
.
nakalu
.
sasya ca // anayo
.
h sane siddh
dk
.
s k
.
sapa
.
nadnayo
.
h.
454 Mlanges tantriques la mmoire dHlne Brunner
As pointed out above, normally neither of these two aspects of initiation is
fully carried out in the rite of initiation itself. For if the initiate was to obtain
perfect ivahood, and if all his bonds that tie him in this world were to be cut,
he would cease to live and would become iva or iva-like immediately. Instead,
what initiation bestows is supposed to mature through time, as explained in the
same text about the fruit of initiation:
Its fruit arises through maturation, just as [fruit arises] from sowing seeds in the
ground. Tat fruit is iva-hood, which releases [from the bonds], [and] which
is of the nature of bliss.
15
Te above cited semantic analysis of the word initiation occurs in slightly
dierent forms in other texts. According to these variants, things to be given
and to be destroyed are not exactly the same. Te citations below replace the
attainment of ivahood with that of knowledge, and the bonds that are severed
with the impressions of the bound soul or karmic residues obliterated.
True knowledge is bestowed (d-yate) and the impressions of the bound soul
are destroyed (k
.
s-yante). Terefore, because it is associated with bestowing and
destroying, it is called here initiation (dk
.
s).
16
True knowledge is bestowed and the impression of actions is destroyed. Tere-
fore, because it is capable of bestowing and destroying, it is called initiation; it
is the purication of those who are ready.
17
Te variations concerning what is eliminated, whether it is the impressions
of the bound soul (pau) or actions (karma) that are destroyed seems less
important here. Although being a bound soul implies not only karmic bonds,
what is destroyed during the most part of initiation is karmic impurity. Tis
15
paripkt phala
.
m tasy bjak
.
sepd yath bhuvi / nandalak
.
sa
.
na
.
m tat syc chivatva
.
m
muktida
.
m phalam, Parkhya 15.45. Translation by Goooa 2004:399.
16
dyate jnasadbhva
.
h k
.
syante pauvsan
.
h / dnak
.
sapa
.
nasa
.
myukt dk
.
s teneha krtit,
scripture cited by Jayaratha ad Tantrloka 1.43 and by K
.
semarja ad Svacchandatantra 5.87,
replacing the second pda with the singular of the same words.) See also dyate parama
.
m jna
.
m
k
.
syate karmavsan, scripture cited by Yogarja ad Paramrthasra 3.
17
Cited by Bha
.
t
.
ta Nrya
.
naka
.
n
.
tha in his M
.
rgendrav
.
rtti ad M
.
rgendrgama Kriypda 8.1
dyate jnasadbhva
.
h k
.
syate karmavsan / dnak
.
sapa
.
nayogy hi dk
.
s uddhi
.
h k
.
rttmanm.
Te rst compound is translated more literally as true nature, which is Knowledge (la nature
vraie, qui est Connaissance) by Bui 1985:198.
Judit Trzsk 455
could explain why karmavsan appears here as a synonym of pauvsan, even
if, strictly speaking, the latter would imply more than karma.
Te transfer of knowledge instead of ivahood in some versions is possibly
more signicant. What can be intended here by (true) knowledge is the
realisation of ones identity or similarity with iva, which ultimately leads to
ivahood after some maturation, as the passage above explained. But knowledge
may also stand for one of ivas qualities the initiate shall nally obtain at the
time of his liberation: omniscience.
18
Tis variant leads us to the question of the role of knowledge in aiva ritual
in general. For it is knowledge of aiva doctrine, transmitted in the course of
initiation, that can possibly ensure that the performer of the ritual perceives
and understands the meaning of what he does.
It is often reiterated that one of the major dierences between the dualist
Siddhnta and nondualist schools of aivism is that the latter gives more
importance to knowledge, in the sense that it sees liberation primarily as the
knowledge or realisation of ones identity with iva. By contrast, dualist aivas
maintain that initiation must always involve and depends on external (i.e.
not internal, mentally performed) ritual, which removes (most) impurities in
the same way as one removes a cataract from the eye. Now this opposition is
certainly present in exegetical texts,
19
but it does not imply that knowledge in
general is more important for the nondualists. For, as Saoiso (1995:40
41) points out, dualist exegetes claim that the practitioner can remove impuri-
ties that remain after initiation only if his daily ritual is also a cognitive action.
It is nevertheless true that according to this theory, knowledge works as a kind
of action and not as knowledge.
If we turn to the scriptures, some that are qualied as dualist or belonging
to the Siddhnta lay rather heavy emphasis on the role of knowledge, and it
seems they do so much more often than the supposedly nondualist texts of
yogin cults. Tey explain the link between ivahood and knowledge as follows:
Te real nature of iva is revealed to the individual so that his knowledge may
manifest itself. Enlightened by this knowledge, he will appear as iva and he
18
It must also be remarked that the Parkhya perhaps deliberately tranformed the line into
a more recognisably aiva denition by replacing knowledge with ivahood and karma with
the bound soul (pau). Te Mata ngapramevara also presents a more shaivite version.
19
For the categories of dualist and nondualist in various Tantric senses and in the scriptures
as opposed to exegetical sources, see Saoiso 1992:282.
456 Mlanges tantriques la mmoire dHlne Brunner
will be iva when his body ceases to exist.
20
When one is initiated by a guru, due to an intense descent of ivas Power, one
becomes omniscient like iva, being devoid of limited knowledge; then one is
lled with the manifestation of ivahood and one shall not return to the world
of transmigration.
21
He [the person who has attained ivahood] has that true knowledge which is
left, all bonds [having] fallen away it. It is pure, has everything as its object and
is devoid of all limitations.
22
When ignorance and ones limited power to act are consumed by the re
of knowledge, then all dispositions of the mind such as passion [or desire
(abhil
.
sa), egotism (aha
.
mkra)], together with things beyond this range [i.e.
anything else produced by ignorance
23
], will be destroyed immediately. From
that moment, ones [remaining] karmas are destroyed and one will obtain
unlimited ivahood, visibly and completely.
24
Knowledge as a powerful instrument and an important aim appears in
contexts other than initiation and the direct attainment of ivahood. It is also
claimed as necessary for the performance of any ritual. Ritual and knowledge
about what it means are thus inseparably linked, as it is explained in the
passage below, using the more general concepts of action (which implies more
specically ritual action) and knowledge.
25
Knowledge by itself is not seen to produce results, since, when [objects of
desire such as] women or food are cognised, enjoyment of them is not possible
without action. So too action depends on knowledge, for action is necessarily
20
jnbhivyaktaye vyakta
.
m ivatattvam a
.
nu
.
m prati / vyakto sau ivavad bhti iva eva
tanuk
.
saye, Mata ngapramevaratantra, vidypda 26.72.
21
tvraaktiniptena guru
.
n dk
.
sito yad / sarvaja
.
h sa ivo yadvat kicijjatvavivarjita
.
h // iva-
tvavyaktisa
.
mpr
.
na
.
h sa
.
msr na punas tad, Kira
.
natantra 1.2122ab. For a dierent translation
according to Rmaka
.
n
.
thas interpretation, see Goooa 1998:215.
22
sajjna
.
m tasya tacchi
.
s
.
ta
.
m sarvapaparicyutam / uddha
.
m tat sarvavi
.
saya
.
m sarvopdhiba-
hi
.
sk
.
rtam (Parkhya 15.65) describing true knowledge in the state of ivahood, along with true
dispassion, power and dharma. Translation by Goooa 2004.
23
According to Rmaka
.
n
.
thas commentary ad loc.
24
yad vidygnin plu
.
s
.
t svidy kalay saha / maddayas tad sarve hy ay cordhvagocar
.
h /
dhva
.
msam ynti vai k
.
sipra
.
m; tatk
.
sa
.
nt k
.
s
.
nakarma
.
na
.
h / pu
.
mso mita
.
m ivatva
.
m syt praka
.
ta
.
m
sarvatomukham (Mata ngapramevaratantra, vidypda 26.75cd77ab).
25
Te context of the following passage is the discussion of the four means (sdhana) one can
employ to attain liberation, viz. knowledge (jna), (ritual) action (kriy), yoga and observances
(cary). Te arguments, however, go beyond these specic considerations.
Judit Trzsk 457
preceded by knowledge. Terefore both knowledge and action come together
as the means to attain the fruit. And cary [[observances]] and yoga are taught
to be subsidiary to knowledge and action.
26
According to passages cited above, the transfer of aiva knowledge can have
several roles after initiation: it reveals and conrms the initiates ivahood,
which he will fully obtain after death; it destroys by itself several negative
dispositions of the bound soul (so knowledge has the power to act on the
bonds of the bound soul); and aiva knowledge is also indispensable in order
to perform aiva ritual after initiation, which in turn also contributes to the
full destruction of the bonds.
But this eciency of knowledge as well as ritual action can only
work for those who have the right to performpost-initiatory practices. Women,
children, the elderly, the hedonists and other such weak creatures are unable
to obey post-initiatory rules of pratice, and therefore are excluded from (ritual)
action and knowledge:
And for children and others [incapable of following the post-initiatory obser-
vances of the cult], He has taught the cleansing of post-initiatory observances
and such, by which the activities referred to as knowledge and action are
therefore excluded for them.
27
Te same scripture also raises the question of meaningfulness in another
context. It concludes that life-cycle rites and the like are meaningful only
inasmuch as they ensure a social framework for aivas, which is important to
show to the outside, non-aiva world.
28
Celibacy [and other observances] are for the sake of the [continued] functioning
of social institutions and practices. Otherwise aivas would be reviled as
being without correct practices and without social groupings. Tere are no
particular benets of those [practices and so forth to be derived] from the
variety of practices that can be chosen; but still this variety of practices must be
26
kevalatvena na jna
.
m d
.
ryate phalasdhakam // yata
.
h strbhak
.
savijne tatsukha
.
m na
kriyojjhitam / jnpek
.
s kriypy eva
.
m jnaprv yata
.
h kriy // ato jnakriye dve pi phalo-
pyasamgate / caryyogv api proktau citkriynugatv api (Parkhya 15.14cd16). Translation
by Goooa 2004:391392.
27
bldnm api prokta
.
m samaydiviodhanam / vypro d
.
rkkriykhyo to vyv
.
rttas te
.
su yena
sa
.
h (Parkhya 15.31). Translation by Goooa 2004:395.
28
I understand that brahmacarya here stands metaphorically for practices belonging to life-
cycle rites and other rituals, dened and prescribed by Sm
.
rtis and practised by aivas and
non-aivas alike; but that it does not cover aiva initiation and daily ritual. For a dierent
interpretation, see Goooa 2004:394.
458 Mlanges tantriques la mmoire dHlne Brunner
protected, just as [the caste hierarchy of] brahmins and the other castes [must
be respected].
29
A similar viewis expressed at one place in another, earlier scripture,
30
which
states that any post-initiatory expiation is performed only to keep up appear-
ances. Although the text refers to expiatory or reparatory rites (pryacitta) in
particular, which are meant to make up for omissions and faults committed
while performing other ritual actions, it may understand that expiation includes
most post-initiatory rites by extension; and that those initiated do not need any
ritual, for they are already liberated. Indeed, apart fromcertain elements in daily
ritual, all other rites were or could be generally considered expiatory.
31
Tose who belong to the four var
.
nas, of unmixed origin, and have been puried
by aiva initiation are released from all sins, just as those who are absorbed in
aiva knowledge.
32
[For them,] any [post-initiatory] expiation is taught only to
protect common social practice.
33
Although the passages cited justify the necessity of knowledge including
ritual knowledge, and, in one way or other, maintain that at least certain
post-initiatory rituals and practices are needed, they do not clarify why or in
what particular way post-initiatory ritual contributes to the destruction of the
remaining bonds or impurities in the course of time.
Te answer given by the exegetes
34
is that the daily enactment of ones trans-
formation into iva, which is a necessary part of all aiva worship, gradually
contributes to the ultimate tranformation obtained only at death. Although
29
ramcrav
.
rttyartha
.
m brahmacaryam iha sthitam / nindy
.
h syur anyath aiv nircr
nirram
.
h // na tatphalavie
.
so sti v
.
rttibhedair vikalpitai
.
h / tathpi pariplyo sau v
.
rttibhedo
dvijdivat // (Parkhya 15.2829). Translation by Goooa 2004:394.
30
(Pau
.
skara-)Pramevaratantra cited in Goooa 1998:361.
31
On this idea, deriving from Vedic ritual theory, see Saoiso 1995:31
32
Te last clause may be understood in two ways. It could mean that those absorbed in aiva
knowledge are liberated even if they are not of unmixed origin etc. (Tis has been followed
in the translation.) Or it could have a restrictive sense, i.e. that not only one has to belong
to the four varnas, of unmixed origin etc, but also absorbed in aiva knowledge in order to
be liberated. Te grammatical structure suggests the former interpretation, but the restrictive
meaning could equally have been intended, for the last clause may be added there in this form
for metrical reasons.
33
var
.
nina
.
h uddhajty[
.
h] ivadk
.
sviodhit
.
h / vimukt
.
h sarvappebhya
.
h ivajnapar
ca ye // lokasa
.
mv
.
rttirak
.
srtha
.
m pryacitta
.
m prakrtitam (cited by Goooa 1998:361, who
understands the passage to mean that all post-initiatory observances are unnecessary).
34
See Saoiso 1995:38. and 1992:287.
Judit Trzsk 459
exegetes would dier in the interpretation of how exactly this contribution to
ivahood takes place, they would agree on the necessity of daily rites due to this
principle. And this enactment of ivahood is indeed prescribed in all scriptures.
Teir principle is often cited in the form of ivo bhtv iva
.
m yajet: becoming
iva, one should worship iva.
35
While the exegetical understanding seems sensible, I have not found any
actual occurrence of such interpretation of the daily ritual in the scriptures.
Either it was something too obvious for their authors to state, or it was simply
not one of their major concerns.
36
What is nevertheless quite remarkable is that some early scriptures of the
Siddhnta do question the point and meaning of certain rites. Even if these
questions are rare and cannot be called typical, they show us that such doubts
were not voiced only by anti-ritualist Kaula texts. Tese argumentative passages
form an important part of the history of ritual interpretations.
Another noteworthy element in these arguments is that, at least in some
cases, it is accepted that some or even most rites are performed only for
the sake of preserving common social practice, in order to maintain a faade of
conformity. Part of the dierence between the ritualists and the anti-ritualists
then is simply that the former want to preserve this faade, while the latter do
not nd it necessary.
37
35
Another possibility has been proposed by Richard H. Davs (1992). He suggests that what
is enacted in the course of daily worship is the divine cosmological activities of emission and
reabsorption, and that it is at least partly by this enactment of the divine functions that
ones tranformation is eected. Examples for reabsorption include the reabsorption of all the
levels of the universe (tattvas of the subtle body) before worship, and the return of the secondary
circles of deities into the central one, iva, at the end of a pj. Emission is performed when the
worshipper creates his divine body with mantras, or when he visualises the secondary circles of
deities (vara
.
nas) around iva. Such practice of creating and reabsorbing the universe and the
senses seems to be described in Paramrthasra 78 as a special kind of mantra recitation (japa);
but here there may be an allusion to a more esoteric Kaula practice. In Yogarjas commentary ad
loc. (p. 150), s
.
r
.
s
.
tisthitisa
.
mhrakrame
.
na should be emended to s
.
r
.
s
.
tisa
.
mhrakrame
.
na, a reading
found also in the ms. Wilson (238a) at the Bodleian library.
36
It is of course also possible that I have failed to identify this interpretation or a relevant
passage in the available corpus, or that a now lost text dealt with it.
37
Tis dierence of attitude is also reected in two similar pdas: lokasa
.
mv
.
rttirak
.
srtham(in
order to protect common social practice) in the above citation of the (Pau
.
skara)Pramevara as
opposed to lokaprav
.
rttihetvarthe (because of social practice) in a passage of the Tantrasadbhva
quoted below.
460 Mlanges tantriques la mmoire dHlne Brunner
Ti sicaci oi iarcua iixirs oi a rua
Another way in which ritual is or can be considered meaningful is if its con-
stitutive elements are meaningful, in other words, if each of its elements taken
separately contribute to the ultimate purpose, whether directly or indirectly.
Here, I shall examine four ways in which scriptures attribute meaning to certain
elements of ritual. Te rst is the identication of various elements with iva,
the second is the analysis of the meaning of elements in the immediate ritual
context, the third is giving meaning to some elements irrespective of the ritual
context in the form of semantic analyses, and the fourth is attributing meaning
through internalisation of some ritual elements.
Ti xia oi iixirs iaro ro va: oiricaro oi a
suiior wr va
In the course of all aiva ritual, various factors of the rite are transformed
into iva, by infusing mantras into them. Tis fact has been emphasised by
nondualist exegetes in order to arm that it promotes awareness of ones
identity with the god, and thus leads to liberation.
38
In fact, the same procedure
is seen in all the Tantras and manuals, not only in those of the nondualist school.
Moreover, this identication is practised not only in viewof nal liberation, but
also to obtain success in this world. Scriptures abound in lists of factors which
are thus transformed. Te following is just a sample to illustrate the idea in
various ritual contexts, from daily ritual to initiation and rites of magic.
One should worship the Lord of gods in an image (li nge), on a platform, in the
re-pit [as the sacred re] or in the [practitioners] body thus is it always
taught.
39
After the pj performed in this way on the platform and in the [puricatory]
chalice, one should worship the Highest Lord in the re-pit and in ones own
38
On the nonduality of the factors of action, see Saoiso 1995:4849
39
Svyambhuvastrasa
.
mgraha 17.28 (in the context of daily ritual): pjayed atha devea
.
m
li nge v stha
.
n
.
dile pi v / agniku
.
n
.
de thav dehe nityam eva
.
m prakrtitam. Here as elsewhere,
li nga probably does not denote the well-known phallic representation of iva, but may mean
any kind of image in which iva is installed. Te platform usually implies the ma
.
n
.
dala drawn
on it, but other objects can also be placed there. iva is made to be born in the re from
the Goddess of speech (Vgvar), and he is identied with the ritual re in the course of
re oerings. He is propitiated, and takes part in the puricatory procedure during initiation.
Body signies the practitioners own body, transformed into iva by the appropriate mantras.
Judit Trzsk 461
body.
40
If one worships Him properly on ones hand, on the platform, in an idol (li nge),
on the ma
.
n
.
dala, in the rice-oering, in the water [of the puricatory chalice],
one shall obtain the fruit of initiation.
41
One should visualise Rva
.
na with the Sword [Kha
.
dgarva
.
na, a manifestation
of iva] together with his Female Mantra-companions in ones body, in an idol,
in the middle of the sacricial re and on a platform.
42
While these identications explain the raison dtre of the major factors
of aiva worship, they do not attribute meaning to smaller elements and
minor details of the ritual, nor do they explain why certain minor actions are
performed.
Ti xia oi iixirs iaro ro iac ori, ri xxioari
rua corixr
A certain number of elements which are not identied or identiable with iva
can gain signicance because they t into a longer ritual sequence whose nal
aim is the preparation of one of the factors identied with iva. In these cases,
40
Tantrasadbhva 9.119 (in the context of initiation): eva
.
m sa
.
mpjayitv tu stha
.
n
.
dile kalae
tath / ku
.
n
.
de ctmaarre ca pjayet paramevaram.
41
Svacchandatantra 3.31cd32ab (in the context of initiation): svahaste stha
.
n
.
dile li nge
ma
.
n
.
dale caruke tath / jale cgnau ca sa
.
mpjya samyag dk
.
sphala
.
m labhet. iva worshipped
on ones hand means the so-called ivahasta or ivas hand. Te guru ritually places the
appropriate mantras on his right hand, which is thus tranformed into iva. He then puts
his hand ceremonially on the initiands head, thus transferring ivas power onto him. See
e.g. Somaambhupaddhati 3 p. 97. As Bui explains in note 245 on p. 98., this gesture
may have been the most important moment of initiation at an earlier date. Tantras teaching
goddess worship call this hand the aktihasta the hand of ivas power and prescribe the
transformation of the left hand, instead of the right one. See e.g. Brahmaymala 38.35 (187r3).
Te puricatory elements, re and water, are also worshipped as iva, just as the rice-oering
made to Him.
42
Kriyklagu
.
nottara fol. 57v (for the attainment of supernatural powers): tmadehe tath
li nge agnimadhye ca stha
.
n
.
dile / dhyyet kha
.
dgevara
.
m deva
.
m(dhyyet em : dhyyeta) vidymantrais
tu v
.
rta
.
m. In the context of the attainment of supernatural powers, it may be signicant that
the male deity is not invoked on his own in the usual loci of worship, but accompanied by a host
of goddesses or demonesses. In various Tantras of dierent branches (e.g. the Svacchandatantra,
the Kriyklagu
.
nottara, the Mata ngapramevara, and the Siddhayogevarmata), the same
phenomen can be observed quite often. When the deities are invoked to bestow supernatural
powers, they are often accompanied by a larger circle of deities, which usually includes
additional female deities. For some more details and references, see Tozsox 2003:203.
462 Mlanges tantriques la mmoire dHlne Brunner
the link of the particular element with the rest is quite obvious and does not
need any clarication. I shall give two examples of such contextually required
or justied rites. Te rst is the case of hand-gestures, mudrs. By simple
analogy, they are associated with certain ritual acts which are reinforced or even
performed by them. A text conrms that they are to be shown to complete
the ritual action (pra
.
nya kriyvidhe
.
h M
.
rgendra Kriypda 3.26d). Tus, the
presence of four dierent mudrs are justied by the actions they perform, as in
the following passage: the invocation of the deity is accompanied by the hand
gesture of Invocation, then the god is installed with gesture of Establishing,
greeted with the gesture of Homage and retained with the mudr of Blocking.
43
One should invoke the mantra-body [of iva] following the sequence of cre-
ation,
44
starting from the end of the mantra [i.e. from the point situated twelve
inches above the head according to Nrya
.
naka
.
n
.
t
.
ha], creating the ancillary-
mantras of He Who Has the Radiance of the Rising Sun. Tis is to be done
with the gesture of Invocation. Ten one should establish Him in a support
made of His powers
45
with the gesture of Establishing, and after receiving Him
with the gesture of Homage, one should make him stay there with the Blocking
gesture.
46
43
It is noteworthy that the commentator, Nrya
.
naka
.
n
.
tha, does not seem happy with this
straightforward explanation of howthe gestures function. Terefore, he gives a general semantic
analysis of the word, which is based on another passage of the same text: ...the gestures (mudr)
seal (mudrayanti) the numerous obstacles [i.e. demons] that could have found some occasion
[to interfere with the rite]; the gestures do not let them free, that is why they are called
mudrs. (...labdhvaka
.
m vighnaugha
.
m mudrayanti na tu svtantrya
.
m kurvantti mudr
.
h). Cf.
M
.
rgendra Kriypda 5.2ab, whence this derivation comes. I come back to this nirvacana below.
44
Tis is normally done by identifying ve sections of the body with ve large segments of
the universe, ve parts of ivas vefold mantra and ve aiva ancillary mantras, starting from
the uppermost of each (the downward movement representing creation, the way in which the
created object is further and further away from its source, the creator). Te equivalences can
slightly dier in various Tantras. For two examples, see Somaambhupaddhati vol. 3, Pl. III, IV
and V.
45
Te word ktavigraha refers to the term vidymrti or female mantra body according to
Nrya
.
naka
.
n
.
tha ad loc. (nirli ng da
.
n
.
dkr vidymrti
.
h): ivas body made up of his mantras,
having no particular visual representation apart from being arranged vertically. See Bui
1985:48.
46
M
.
rgendra Kriypda 3.12cd14ab: mrtv vhana
.
m kuryn mantrntt s
.
r
.
s
.
tivartman //
navrkatejaso ngni vidhyvhamudray / sthpany sthpana
.
m kuryc chktavigrahasa
.
mraye //
pra
.
naty sa
.
mnidhk
.
rtya nirudhyd rodhamudray. For an illustration of how to perform the
hand gestures, see e.g. Somaambhupaddhati vol. 1, Pl. I, keeping in mind that Tantras can
slightly dier on this subject.
Judit Trzsk 463
Another, dierent kind of example of how ritual elements depend on each
other and forma sequence could be the various rites performed around the re-
pit, which is identied with iva. iva is in fact born there from the goddess of
speech, Vgvar, whose presence implies a whole series of rites. A small house
is symbolically created for her with sacred kua grass; she is protected behind
a curtain visualised around her, and before she conceives she is ritually given
a bracelet to be tied on her right wrist so that she should have a male child.
Tus, a major factor in aiva ritual, the re identied with iva, justies and
necessitates a chain of minor rites. It is, however, never questioned why just
exactly these actions are needed to establish iva in the re.
47
Te concatenation of minor rites is something one can observe in various
contexts. But just as the association of mudrs with the corresponding ritual
actions are too obvious to point out, so too the ways is which minor ritual items
are linked to each other are left unexplained. Rather than stating such trivial
matters, the scriptures devote their attention to more complex associations of
ritual and meaning. Why is iva worshipped in such and such forms? What
is the purpose of carrying attributes such as the sword? What is the point of
performing ritual in prescribed places, at crossroads, on the top of a mountain
etc? What is the actual role of consorts in ritual? Te scriptures do attempt to
provide answers to such questions. However, it must be remarked that in most
cases, the replies they give are not the more or less obvious ones we would expect
them to say. In several examples below, instead of oering straightforward
explanations, some texts develop what could be called an exegetical discourse
on each subject. And in so doing, they sometimes anticipate their own, later,
exegesis by writers such as Abhinavagupta and K
.
semarja. Indeed, it seems that
some of these texts are the rst to write the exegesis of their own tradition.
Ti xia oi iixirs o ri ow 1: sixarc aasis
In analysing less evident and more hidden links between ritual and meaning,
the scriptures often turn to a traditional exegetical device: semantic analysis
(nirvacana). Te nirvacana of deity names is a device through which the ex-
egetes, most notably Abhinavagupta and K
.
semarja, often encoded additional,
more esoteric meaning into their cult. But in this too, there are some scriptural
antecedents, even if their analyses are far from being as learned and complex
as the exegetical ones. Moreover, the aim of the scriptures is obviously not the
47
For the sequence, see e.g. Svacchandatantra 2.183.
464 Mlanges tantriques la mmoire dHlne Brunner
same as that of the exegetes in that they do not try to infuse the system of the
Krama into them; these nirvacanas are attempts to t all details into the ritual
and doctrinal complex and thus to enrich their meaning.
One such semantic analysis appears in an unpublished anti-ritualist Kaula
text, the Kulasra.
48
Interestingly, it concerns the name of Bhairava, a favourite
object of analysis in the Kashmirian exegetical literature. Tis well-known name
describing a frightening form of iva denotes the Terrifying One and derives
in fact fromthe adjective bhru, which comes fromthe verb bh- to be afraid.
49
Abhinavagupta and K
.
semarja propose several complex exegetical analyses of
the word. According to one one of them, the name is derived from an aggregate
of three verbs: bh
.
r-, ru- and vam-. Te rst verb to hold, to nourish expresses
that Bhairava holds and nourishes the world while he himself is held and
nourished by the universe in which he is manifest. Te second verb, ru- to
roar, shows that Bhairava manifests the world as sound within himself. Te
third verb vam- in the sense to vomit or to emit refers to the fact that he emits
or creates the universe, even if it is ultimately identical with him. Te three verbs
thus reect the three divine functions, maintenance (sthiti with bh
.
r-), retraction
or resorption of the world into the god (sa
.
mhra with ru-) and creation (s
.
r
.
s
.
ti
with vam-).
50
Te analysis of the Kulasra is much simpler, deriving the name
from only one verbal root. But it agrees with K
.
semarja and Abhinavagupta
in making it come from the verb bh
.
r-, to hold, in the sense that he holds or
nourishes the universe and / or that he manifests himself as the universe.
bharita
.
m tena ce
.
sa
.
m akalpanakaldikam
By Him everything is maintained / nourished / lled up, from the internal
power of creation onwards.
51
48
For a summary of Kaula doctrines, see Saoiso 1988.
49
bh+Kru according to P
.
nini 3.2.174. bhiya
.
h kru-klukan-au Kru and KlukaN are k
.
rt
(nominal) suxes one can add only to the verb bh-.
50
Summary of Saoiso 1995:6263, who analyses K
.
semarjas interpretation in his
commentary on Svacchandatantra 1.4ab with the help of the Tantrloka, and points out, among
other things, that the explanation of the ru- element requires more exegetical eort. See also
Tantrloka 1.96100. For a detailed discussion of this topic, see the excellent analysis given in
Kas 1998:5597.
51
Te meaning of the word akalpanakal is not clear to me. Lit. kal of non-fashioning,
it could denote a section of the aiva universe called ntikal, the second one from above
corresponding to the very beginning of creation; or it could stand for the highest level of pure
non-creation. It could also mean limited power to act (one of the senses of kal itself), which
is the rst evolute of my or the plurality of creation, paving the way for other levels (tattva)
Judit Trzsk 465
Tere is another line in the same text, which most probably also contains a
semantic analysis, echoing nirvacanas well-known from Kashmirian exegesis.
52
Since the text is very fragmentary here, one cannot be sure what it is really
about. Te context is about ivas power, akti, in any case, which suggests that
the derivation concerns the goddess Kl, but as she does not appear elsewhere
in the text, this remains only a possibility.
kal[
.
h/
.
m] kalayate s tu klasa
.
mgrahakraka [(?)]...(fol. 4r)
She creates the Kal(s) [i.e. the ve levels of the universe(?); or: limited power
to act(?)] and she withdraws time (kla)... [therefore she is called Kl]
Tese nirvacanas are not restricted to the texts of the more esoteric Kaula
branch, although they are denitely less ubiquitous elsewhere. One example is
to be found in the Kriyklagu
.
nottara, a text mainly concerned with exorcism
and snake-charms. In one of its longer sections, the text prescribes the worship
of a god called Kha
.
dgarva
.
na (Sword-Rva
.
na) and his female attendants.
Kha
.
dgarva
.
na is a Rva
.
na-like form of iva, mostly invoked to chase away evil
spirits who possess people. Te Kriyklagu
.
nottara tells us that once iva created
ve mantras in order to kill the demon Klanemi. As it was a furious form of
iva that created the mantras to ght the demon, his roar or cry (rva) became
the mantra-deity Kha
.
dgarva
.
na. (Te story is told by iva in the rst person
singular to the goddess.)
mantrs tv ete saha vidyai[r] ni
.
hs
.
rt mama dehata
.
h /
krodhe (krodhe em : krodha) krodhevaro jto rve vai kha
.
dgarva
.
na[
.
h] //
And these mantras, together with their female mantras, were created from my
body. Krodhevara (Lord of Wrath) was born from my wrath (krodha) and
Kha
.
dgarva
.
na from my roar (rva).
53
Te derivation of Rva
.
na from ru- to roar is of course a common one,
but the context created around it also explains why he is not a devotee (as he
is in the Rmya
.
na), but an embodiment of iva. It is also possible, although
of the universal creation. Or this natural kal could also stand for divine energy, akti. In any
case, in most possible interpretations, it appears to denote the rst step towards creation.
52
For examples and their analysis, see Saoiso 1995:64.
53
Note that vidy is treated as an -a stem noun and the locative is used for the ablative.
466 Mlanges tantriques la mmoire dHlne Brunner
by no means provable, that through this derivation some association is created
between Kha
.
dgarva
.
na and iva in the form of Rudra.
54
Another semantic analyis, more closely related to ritual action, is to be
found in a scripture of the Siddhnta. It explains that hand gestures, mudrs,
instead of simply repeating and conrming the ritual action in gestual language
(as one would think from the examples given above), are employed to seal
or paralyse (mudrayanti) demons called impeders or obstacles, who could
spoil the rite or make it unsuccessful. Te derivation also makes use of the fact
that mudr is a feminine noun: Since they paralyse (mudra
.
nt) the horde of
obstacles, these Female Powers belonging to iva are called gestures (mudr).
55
Furthermore, objects or substances used in ritual are also given additional
signicance through nirvacana. Tus, again the Kulasra, derives the name of
one of the impure oerings, rice beer (sur), from the word god (sura), while
another word for alcohol (vru
.
n) is identied with the nectar of immortality:
k
.
srbdhimadhyamathan[d] vyaktitvasamupgat
avasth vru
.
n jey surai
.
h pt sur sm
.
rt
.
h (fol. 78r78v)
Alcohol is called vru
.
n [in the sense of coming from or belonging to the god
of the ocean, Varu
.
na] because it was produced as such from the churning of the
milk ocean.
56
Rice beer is called sur because it was drunk by the gods (surai
.
h).
In this context, it is also notable that the Kulasra justies impure oerings
such as alcohol and meat by pointing out that some vedic rites also require
them: the Sautrma
.
n involves drinking sur (rice beer), and the Avamedha
for instance necessitates the killing of a horse: sautrma
.
nya
.
m surpna
.
m ...
avamedhe tu cva
.
m vai evamdipaor vadha
.
m (fol. 70r). Tese lines are echoed
in some similar arguments in Abhinavaguptas Tantrloka. In the following
54
Ru-dra meaning running about (dra-) and roaring (ru-) is a common interpretation
recorded in dictionaries. For the name Rudra being separated into Ru-dra, see K
.
semarja on
Netratantra 16.64a glossing sarvatorudra
.
h with samastarugdrva
.
nd rudra
.
h. Rudra is explained
by him here as annihilating (drva
.
na) pain (ruj-). For yet another interpretations, see his
commentary on Svacchandatantra 1.42 (vol. 1, p. 36.).
55
vighnaughamudra
.
nn mudr
.
h kathyante haraaktaya
.
h, M
.
rgendra Kriypda 5.2ab. For
some more sophisticated derivation in the exegetical literature, see e.g. K
.
semarja ad Ne-
tratantra 7.33, explaining the word as bestowal (r-
.
na) of happiness (mud-a), releasing (mu-
c) [from bonds] and destroying (drva
.
na) [duality] and as sealing (mudra
.
na) the power
(dra-vi
.
na) of supreme consciousness: mudo har
.
sasya r
.
nt pamocanabhedadrva
.
ntmatvt
parasa
.
mviddravi
.
namudra
.
nc ca.
56
Te meaning of the word avasth here is not clear to me. It may be understood to form a
compound with the preceding word.
Judit Trzsk 467
passages, in addition to adducing the above examples of the Kulasra, Abhi-
navagupta also justies the prescription of a female partner (dt) in tantric
rites by referring to the vedic injunction according to which a wife (patn) is
needed to perform the rites.
Sur is pure for the sacricer in the Sautrma
.
n sacrice, while it is impure [lit.
contrary] for others.
57
[...] Tere is no sacrice without a wife, the gods are all
treated as equals, the Brahmasatra requires the oering of alcohol, and one also
oers the marrow, intestines and the heart [of animals]. Tis has been taught
even in the scriptures of bound souls [i.e. in non-aiva scriptures] by the Lord.
58
Cult objects do not escape from this scriptural exegesis either. Te esoteric
Kaulajnanir
.
naya
59
(3.10cd.) for instance gives the following, rather wide-
spread,
60
derivation of the word li nga, standing here probably for symbol or
idol.
tena li nga
.
m tu vikhyta
.
m yatra lna
.
m carcaram
Tus it is called li nga, because [lit. in which] the world of moving and non-
moving creatures dissolve (ln-am) in it.
61
Many other occurrences of semantic analysis in the scriptures could be
enumerated to demonstrate the various ways and elds in which it was applied
as an exegetical tool; and many of these occurrences would be similar to the
above cited examples in that the explanations they give would be general, i.e.
independant of the particular ritual context in which the object of analysis is
used. However, it also happens that the nirvacana is applied not only to explain,
57
sautrma
.
ny
.
m sur hotu
.
h uddhnyasya viparyaya
.
h, Tantrloka 4.246ab.
58
na patny ca vin yga
.
h sarvadaivatatulyat // surhutir brahmasatre vapntrah
.
rdayhuti
.
h /
pave
.
sv api stre
.
su tad adari mahein, Tantrloka 15.172cd173.
59
Tis text, of which an eleventh century manuscript survives, probably dates from the 9th
or 10th century C.E. For the dating of the manuscript, see e.g. Bac 1934. A discussion of
the dating will be found in Shaman Haris thesis, which is in preparation at the University
of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
60
One of the earliest occurrences of this derivation may be in the commentary of Kau
.
n
.
dinya
on Pupatastra 1.6: lyanl li nganc ca li ngam. For closer parallels, see Nivsa Guhyastra
1.100 katha
.
m lyej jagat sarva
.
m li nge caiva carcaram and Mlinvijayottara 18.3 yajed dhy-
tmika
.
m li nga
.
m yatra lna
.
m carcaram / bahirli ngasya li ngatvam anendhi
.
s
.
thita
.
m yata
.
h. I am
grateful to Dominic Goooa for pointing out these parallels in an email message of the 26th
of August, 2006.
61
Te idea seems to be this: li
.
m / laya
.
m gacchatti li ngam, where li- would stand for layam
or lnatvam, dissolution, and ga- for gacchati, to go.
468 Mlanges tantriques la mmoire dHlne Brunner
but to create a new form of ritual. In most of such cases, the old form of ritual
is reinterpreted and transformed from external rite into an internal, mental or
yogic one. While semantic analysis is not the only way of internalising ritual,
it is a very common one in the Kaula scriptures.
Ti xia oi iixirs o ri ow :: riasaro
Te internalisation of several elements of external ritual was an important
development in the history of aiva tantrism, and it has been amply analysed
in the literature on the Kaula branch. Here I simply intend to show that this
transformation of external into internal or mentally performed ritual was at
least partly the result of the attempt to infuse more meaning into ritual, and
that this quest for meaning is clearly discernible in some scriptural passages.
An important element of internalisation in the Kaula cults was of course their
esoteric interpretation of the word Kula, which, instead of denoting Yogin
lineages, came to mean the body, consisting of various internal powers (internal
Yogins or aktis).
62
But their interpretative lan went further than that. In what
follows, I shall give examples of some more unusual internalisations through
interpretation. Te examples are mainly taken from the Tantrasadbhva, which
is not a purely Kaula scripture of the Trika; but the passages on internalisation
I cite have all been borrowed in a Kaula text, the Kubjikmata.
63
Te rst set of examples concerns the attributes a practitioner (sdhaka)
is supposed to carry during his vidyvrata. Te vidyvrata, lit. observance of
the female mantra, was an obligatory preliminary observance to propitiate
mantras before making use of them, i.e. before invoking them to help in the
attainment of supernatural powers. Various such observances are prescribed in
dierent texts. Te practitioner must usually wear certain clothes, carry certain
objects, and wander around reciting a particular mantra. Sometimes excentric
behaviour is also prescribed, reminiscent of pupata practices.
64
When the
Tantrasadbhva comes to the discussion of this topic, it lists a number of at-
tributes prescribed for the practitioner to carry during his wanderings. For each
object, the text gives an esoteric interpretation, by which the attribute, usually
a weapon commonly carried by a deity, is enriched with esoteric meaning and
is thus said to lead to nal liberation. In each case, the interpretation takes the
62
On a summary of the changes in the Kaula cult, see Saoiso 1988:679.
63
Tese borrowings have been pointed out in Saoiso 2002.
64
See e.g. chapter 10 of the Siddhayogevarmata.
Judit Trzsk 469
form of a semantic analysis, and the text introduces this passage as a paribh
.
s
or explanation of technical terms. Here are three weapons of the long list:
vm jye
.
s
.
th tath raudr icchjnakriytmik[
.
h] /
trila
.
m tripatha
.
m khyta
.
m triaktim anuprvaa
.
h //
Te godesses Vm, Jye
.
s
.
th and Raudr are of the nature of Will, Knowledge
and Action. Tus the trident is known to be made of these three goddesses, of
three spheres / roads, in due order.
65
kharp vyomag nt nirmal a
.
tate priye /
khe
.
taka
.
m tena nma
.
m tu dvdante vyavasthitam //
Tere is [a Female Power] which has the form of space (kha), moves in space,
is calm and pure while erring (a
.
tate), o my beloved; therefore, she is called the
shield (khe
.
taka), which is established at twelve inches above the head.
66
kartar jnaaktis tu yena p chinatty asau /
s kal param sk
.
sm mantr
.
n
.
m bodhan par //
kartar kart
.
rrpe
.
na jtavy sdhakena tu /
Te scissors / knife is the Power of Knowledge by which one cuts the bonds [of
the soul]. It is an extremely subtle element, which is the supreme awakener of
mantras. Tus it is to be known as the performer [of initiation / ritual] by the
practitioner.
67
Tese semantic analyses do not simply explain or justify why these objects
should be carried by the practitioner; they transform them into his internal
powers he must master in order to proceed in his observance. Te object
becomes a metaphor for a Female Power (akti) in his body, and thus the whole
rite is internalised. Te external observance is transformed into a yogic practice.
Te last interpretation concerning the kartar (scissors or knife) is interest-
ing also in that it gives us a parallel to K
.
semarjas exegesis on an attribute of
Svacchandabhairava, the sword. For in his commentary on Svacchandatantra
2.90, K
.
semarja identies the sword of the deity with the Power of Knowledge
65
Tantrasadbhva 9.107cd108ab = Kubjikmata 25.134. Te word tripatha can denote a
group of three worlds or spheres (such as tmatattva, vidytattva and ivatattva in the aiva
context) or a place where three roads meet, which could also be understood to refer to the three
goddesses metaphorically. Te equivalence of the trident and the goddesses is also established
through the homonymy of the word akti female power and spike / prong. (N.B. Every noun
is transformed into the neuter in the second line.)
66
i.e. khe a
.
tate iti khe
.
takam. Tantrasadbhva 9.108ab109cd = Kubjikmata 25.135.
(Nman is thematised.)
67
I.e. kart
.
rrpe
.
na p chinattti kartar. Tantrasadbhva 9.111112ab = Kubjikmata
25.137cd138.
470 Mlanges tantriques la mmoire dHlne Brunner
(jnaakti) and calls it the instrument with which the bonds of the soul are
cut a role quite similar to that of the kartar in the Tantrasadbhva.
68
In the same chapter of the Tantrasadbhva, another set of equivalences
concerns the places where the pracitioner is to go during his mantra observance.
In fact, the list of places given also corresponds to the lists given in many aiva
Tantras, which recommend them for the performance of any ritual, for daily
worship as well as for intiation. Te enumeration includes mainly abandoned
places, such as abandoned mansions, the top of a mountain, forests etc. and
places which are traditionally thought of as invested with magic properties
such as the conuence of rivers or crossroads. Te cremation gound is also
mentioned of course. Te primary reason for preferring these places must have
been twofold: since they were abandoned, invested with magic power, they were
particularly auspicious for tantric rites to obtain supernatural powers; and since
they were far or hidden places, the rites could remain secret and well protected
from the uninitiated. Although these reasons seem obvious and understandable
enough, the appropriateness of these places would be dicult to justify sote-
riologically. However, through their reinterpretation, the Tantrasadbhva gives
them particular signicance for the individual practitioner and his practice.
Te following examples are metaphorical understandings of two such places:
the top of the mountain and crossroads:
Te mountain is the mouth of the preceptor, and one should rely on /
cling to the tip of his mouth. Tus is the mountain top [in Tantras] known
metaphorically, o Goddess worshipped by the gods.
69
Oh Goddess, the crossroads is that of the goddesses Vm, Jye
.
s
.
th, Raudrik
together with Ambik the individual soul roams there / in them.
70
In this way, the places prescribed for ritual lose their primary association
with external rites and magic. Tey are transformed into sources of knowledge
and internal sources of power.
Names of consorts (dts) in ritual, the Mother, Sister and Daughter
(three nouns which are also used as simple synonyms of Yogin) are similarly
68
Tis is not meant to suggest that K
.
semarja borrows from this scripture, for in both cases,
the word lends itself to the derivation mentioned quite easily.
69
Tantrasadbhva 9.45cd46ab, Kubjikmata 25.74: parvata
.
m guruvaktra
.
m tu tasygram
avalambayet / parvatgra
.
m sm
.
rta
.
m tantre paryye
.
na surrcite (tantre TSB : tena KMT).
70
Tantrasadbhva 9.46cd47ab: catu
.
spatha
.
m bhaved devi vm jye
.
s
.
th tu raudrik / ambiky
samyukt -m- a
.
tana
.
m pudgalasya tu; citation almost identical with Kubjikmata 25.75.
Judit Trzsk 471
reinterpreted; and their function and importance are again explained through
semantic derivations.
mteva sa
.
msthit aktir jagato yonirpi
.
n //
atotpanna
.
m samasta
.
m hi v nmaya
.
m sacarcara
.
m /
tena mteti vikhyt may te paramevari //
udbhavasth duhit
.
r tu duhan jagatasya tu /
duhit
.
r tu dvity tu bhagin tu tathocyate //
bhagarp par sk
.
sm utpann stman saha /
yathgnis tejas nityam anntve vyavasthita
.
h //
tadvad eva hi ctmasth bhagin bhagarpi
.
n /
svaya
.
mjt mahsk
.
sm nnyatkenaiva nirmit //
Te female Power is established as the Mother, she is the matrix of the world.
Everything moving and non-moving, made of speech, is born from her. Tere-
fore I call her Mother, great goddess. Te Daughter (duhit
.
r) is established in the
origin [of the world], she provides the world with desired objects (duhan).
71
Tus the Daughter is the second [type of female power], nowI explain the Sister
(bhagin). She is extremely subtle in the form of the female organ (bhaga), born
together with the individual soul. Just as re is always inseparable from its heat,
so too the Sister, in the formthe female organ, is within the individual soul. She
is born of herself, is highly subtle, and is not constructed by anyone or anything
else.
72
In a more elaborate way, the sacred places (p
.
thas) are also internalised,
starting with the conuence of the Ga ng and the Yamun, Prayga, in the
navel, thus tranforming the external geography of pelegrination into an internal
one. Both the Tantrasadbhva and the Kubjikmata arm that the internal
places are more important, and that external ones are prescribed only to comply
with worldy conventions.
73
Te Kubjikmata then adds yet another set of
equivalences, whereby it identies various parts of a house with the sacred
centres. Tus, Prayga is placed in the middle of the house for instance, A
.
t
.
tahsa
in the re-place (cull), Devko
.
t
.
ta in the grinding stone (ghara
.
t
.
ta) etc.
71
Te word meant is probably dohan, which has both a primary and a metaphorical
meaning. What is intended is probably the metaphorical one, but with reference to the verbal
root duh-, to milk, which the text connects with duhit
.
r-.
72
Te extract, in strongly Tantric Sanskrit, comes from the beginning of the passage in
question (Tantrasadbhva 9.132cd136), which has been somewhat shortened in the version
of the Kubjikmata (25.158160).
73
lokaprav
.
rttihetvarthe bahi
.
h p
.
th
.
h prakit
.
h / prakrtit
.
h (Tantrasadbhva 9.79cd, Kub-
jikmata 25.98ab).
472 Mlanges tantriques la mmoire dHlne Brunner
Tese equivalences are established, at least partly, in search of meaning in
ritual. And in this respect, the Tantras continue the same method that one
can see in the Brhma
.
nas and the Upani
.
sads. For these vedic texts also seek
meaning in ritual by creating macrocosmic and microcosmic links, equivalences
upani
.
sads between elements of vedic ritual, the universe and the human
body.
74
Now the reinterpretations of these isolated elements in ritual do not
necessarily change the basic ritual structure of initiation and daily rites, at least
not in the Tantrasadbhva. On the whole, the text does not reject external
ritual altogether, but attempts to enrich the meaning of some observances by
writing some sort of primary exegesis on them. Tese metaphoric interpreta-
tions, homologisations and even the internalisations remain separate from and
independent of the traditional, external ritual complex of initiation and daily
ritual, which are maintained and prescribed in this text. As opposed to this,
Kaula scriptures go further in this interpretative procedure. For there, once
the elements of a rite are given new meaning, the whole rite changes, often
in that it becomes internal, and initiation and daily ritual are also aected by
these transformations. Te pan-aiva oering of eight owers (a
.
s
.
tapu
.
spik),
for instance, is transformed into an oering of eight mental owers in the
Kaulajnanir
.
naya (3.24): non-violence (ahi
.
ms), the curbing of the senses
(indriyanigraha), compassion (day), sincerety or devotion (bhva), patience
(k
.
sam), the conquering of anger (krodhavinirjita), meditation (dhyna), and
knowledge (jna).
75
74
Tis idea was already expressed in a remark by Kas 1998:60, pointing out that the
interiorisation of aiva ritual is strikingly similar to the way in which sacrice was interiorised
in late Vedic times.
75
Tis oering is performed with real owers and recommended for the poor, the weak,
women, children etc. in B
.
rhatklottara fol. 137r. In its various versions prescribed there,
the owers are to represent parts of ivas mantra-body and his throne. For more details,
see Tozsox *1999:133 citing Prof. Alexis Saoisos edition of the passage. Note that
Kira
.
natantra 59.29 also prescribes what it calls mental (mnasa) owers. (I thank Dominic
Goooa for pointing out this passage in an email of 26th August, 2006.) However, this text
seems to identify the owers (whether they are indeed mental or just mentally transformed into
something else) with various elements of a common worship (pj), i.e. water, honey mixed
with milk and ghee, incense and lamps, sandalwood paste, roots, owers and fruits, cooked
food and clothes (understanding vsan in the sense of vsana).
Judit Trzsk 473
Ti xia oi ri rua iixirs viwoi ri urxari
iuiosi oi rua
As the above examples show, it was not an uncommon procedure to seek
meaning in various elements of external ritual taken separately, especially
concerning rites other than initiation and daily ritual. However, the purpose
and meaning of rites are rarely questioned in view of the ultimate purpose of
ritual, except in the more esoteric Kaula texts. Te Kaula inquiries include
questions that do not seem to preoccupy other scriptures and which also
concern initiation and daily ritual. Why would one need to be puried before
performing a rite? Why is a ma
.
n
.
dala a necessary support on which to invoke
the deities during initiation? Tese Kaula investigations result in the rejection
of almost all external ritual, with the argument that this or that rite ultimately
does not make sense. Below I should only like to point out a few arguments
taken from Kaula scriptural sources. Tus, the Kulasra reasons as follows on
the futility of puricatory baths:
Unwise people think that purity is obtained with water or earth. Te body is
born fromblood and spermand contains faeces, urine and phlegm. It is destined
to live with disorders of the blood, the bile etc. Now how could purity be
obtained by pouring water on it, oh Faultless One? When one rubs a stone,
it can be shown to be made of earth. But just as it is destroyed [by rubbing]
without becoming dierent, so too, embodied souls [remain the same]. If you
rub a piece of charcoal or if you pour water on it, it will not abandon its own
nature. Te same is true for all embodied souls.
76
Interestingly, another Tantra, the Bhairavama ngal, uses the same image
with almost identical wording. It continues the argument by saying that one
should resort to non-duality, i.e. one should stop seeing objects in terms of pure
or impure, auspicious or inauspicious. It concludes that nothing is inauspicious,
and that only what is auspicious for Bhairava (bhairava-ma ngal) exists. Tis
in turn may refer to the title of the text itself.
If you rub a piece of charcoal or pour water on it from hundreds of jars it will
not abandon its own nature. Te same is true for all embodied souls. Terefore,
76
fol. 74v vri
.
n m
.
rttikbhi ca aucam icchanty apa
.
n
.
dit
.
h / raktaretodbhava
.
m pi
.
n
.
da
.
m
vi
.
nmtrakaphasa
.
myuta
.
m // raktapittdi-cnyai ca do
.
sair yukto vyavasthita
.
h / sa tatprak
.
slanc
chuddhi
.
h katha
.
m sa
.
mbhvyate naghe // ily
.
m gh
.
r
.
syamnym m
.
rdbhavatvapradarana
.
m /
k
.
saya
.
m yti na cnyatva
.
m tadvad dehavat
.
m puna
.
h // gh
.
r
.
syamno yath ngra
.
h k
.
slyamno jalena
tam / na jahti svabhva
.
m tu tadvat sarvaarri
.
nm. As Somdev Vasuoiva has pointed out (in
his electronic text), the rst line has a parallel in Tantrloka 4.223.
474 Mlanges tantriques la mmoire dHlne Brunner
since nothing exists that would be pure by nature ... what is the purity of mind
for people is non-duality ...
77
Nothing should be inauspicious, only what is
auspicious to Bhairava exists.
78
Of course, one could argue against this by saying that it is not the water
or some other substance that puries, but the water that has been transformed
into iva by mantras. Tis is indeed armed by the Bhairavama ngal, which
consequently rejects not only all calendrical restrictions and observances, but
also puricatory rites and baths, claiming that only mantras have the power to
change the nature of someone or something.
Tere are no rites to be performed on certain lunar dates or vows to be observed
under certain constellations, no calendrical fasts,
79
purication, observances
and baths, and there are no inauspicious moments. It is the mantra that is
the supreme time, observance and secondary rites; baths and puricatory rites
are ... established in mantras.
80
Mantras derive from the Omnisicent and are
capable of ending this transmigration. Tey are unfailing, pure and still, devoid
of inaspicious times and the like. Tey are made of time and they give rise to
the n
.
ds. Tey perform initiation, and Sadiva is also formed with mantras.
... Just as something touched by the philosophers stone turns from copper to
gold, someone puried by initiation reaches Sivahood.
81
77
Te text is dicult to construe here either due to corruption or to irregular grammar or
both.
78
Bhairavama ngal 249252ab: gh
.
r
.
syamno yath[ n]gra
.
h k
.
s[]lyamno gha
.
taatai
.
h / na
jahti svabhvatva
.
m tadvat sarvaarri
.
nm // tasm[t] svabhvauddhasya abhve bhvam ri-
ta
.
h / bhvauddhir manu
.
synm advaita
.
m bhvam ritam // ama ngala
.
m na ki
.
mcit syd asti
bhairavama ngal (abhve has been corrected from abhved and na from naiva by Somdev
Vasuoiva).
79
Tese two pdas rejecting only calendrical observances seem to have been quite pop-
ular, although they gure mostly in the context of obtaining supernatural powers. See e.g.
Tantrasadbhva 1.56 and Tantrloka 29.65, the latter perhaps based on the former. A similar
line, in yet another context, also occurs in the varasa
.
mhit (19.787) and the Vi
.
svaksenasa
.
mhit
(38.3 and 39.321). I am grateful to Dominic Goooa for pointing out the popularity of this
verse.
80
Te Sanskrit has an illegible syllable here.
81
Bhairavama ngal 252cd256ab, 258: na tithir na ca nak
.
satraniyamo nopavsaka
.
m // na au-
ca
.
m na vratasnna
.
m klavel na vidyate / mantram eva (mantram eva em.: manum eva MS) para
.
m
kla
.
m vrata
.
m ca niyamdikam // snnaaucdika
.
m karma mantra()tra prati
.
s
.
thitam / sarvajd
gat mantr
.
h bhavacchedaka-r[
.
h] sm
.
rt
.
h // amogh nirmal[
.
h] nt[
.
h] klaveldivarjit
.
h /
kltmaka
.
m bhaven mantra
.
m mantrn n
.
disamutkalam // mantrais tu kriyate dk
.
s[] mantrarp
sadiva
.
h ... yath rasendrasa
.
m[s]p
.
r
.
s
.
ta[s] tmrabhv
.
m pramucati / tadva[d] dk
.
sviuddhas tu
ivatva
.
m pratipadyate.
Judit Trzsk 475
Now if it is iva in the form of mantras who puries everything, he could
just as well purify one directly, and do that once and for all. Tis is the point of
viewof the Kaulajnanir
.
naya, which arms that he who has learnt the science
of conquering old age from the Kaula texts will be able to purify anything by
touching or by looking, thanks to the powerful rays of the Bindu.
82
Other
common elements of daily ritual are also rejected, such as the material idol
(li nga probably referring to any idol here) in the Kaulajnanir
.
naya
83
and any
kind of iconic image (pratim) in the Timirodgh
.
tana:
84
For them [for true
yogis] there is no clay, stone, silver or gold idol (li nga). [...] What is the use of
images for he who possesses the divine way [i.e. liberation]?
In the same way, elements of the initatory ritual are also found purposeless:
the tracing of the ma
.
n
.
dala, which is necessary in other systems for the Samaya
rite to introduce the neophyte into the aiva community, the construction of
the re-pit (ku
.
n
.
da) together with all ritual around the re, which are the prin-
cipal means of initiation in the tantric systems. Instead, the Timirodgh
.
tana,
for instance, states that the real re-pit is in the body,
85
and that liberation
occurs not through initiation with re ritual, but through the transmission of
knowledge.
86
In a similar spirit, the Kulasra maintains that one can be initiated
simply by the touch of a Kaula yogi.
87
Needless to say that other, optional
rites, such as observances (cary) are also often declared useless or to be done
simply according to ones wish
88
; and sacred sites (p
.
thas) are not to be revered
externally, but only inside the body.
89
While some of the internalisations cannot be considered reductions of
ritual in that they involve elaborate visualisations, most of them not only
82
7.30cd31ab: ya
.
m ya
.
m sp
.
rati hastena ya
.
m ya
.
m payati cak
.
su
.
s / uddha
.
m bhavati tat sarva
.
m
parabindukira
.
nhatam Te printed text has y
.
m y
.
m for what should be yad yat in Sanskrit.
Whatever he touches with his hand or looks at with his eyes will become pure, struck by the
rays of the supreme Bindu. Bindu stands here for the subtle essence of the power of all mantras.
83
3.14: na k
.
s
.
tha
.
m m
.
r
.
nmaya
.
m li nga
.
m na ailaratnasa
.
mbhavam... [In this system,] there is
no wooden clay or stone idol (li nga), nor one made of precious stones...
84
12.4ab: na te
.
s
.
m m
.
r
.
nmaya
.
m li nga
.
m na [aila
.
m] rpyakcanam; 12.14ab: ki
.
m tasya
pratimrpai
.
h yasya divy gati
.
h sthit.
85
dehastha
.
m tu mahku
.
n
.
da
.
m. Te great re-pit is in the body.
86
5.2ab: yad sa
.
mkrmita[
.
m] jna
.
m tad mukti
.
h sunicita
.
m. Surely, it is when knowledge
is transmitted that liberation occurs.
87
sparand dk
.
sito bhavet (fol. 40r). He will be initiated by touching.
88
See Kaulajnanir
.
naya chapter 12, Kulasra fol. 83r.
89
Kulasra fol. 80v: vmadak
.
si
.
nam agre tu t
.
rdh p
.
tha
.
m tu sundari / parya
.
ted [d]ehasa
.
mstha
.
m
tu yog bhye vivarjayet.
476 Mlanges tantriques la mmoire dHlne Brunner
internalise ritual, but also reject parts or the whole of it. Moreover, many of
the internal practices are not developed in greater details, only the internal-
external equivalences are established in an outline. Terefore, it seems that the
majority of these internalised rites do not form a full structure for meditation,
unlike Buddhist Sdhanas.
As it has been pointed out in Saoiso (1995:8790), this compression
or reduction of external ritual was coupled with the intensication of what
remained. Most importantly, it implied the intensication of initiation, which
had to involve visible possession by the deity. Below, the example of the
Tantrasadbhva is cited because it reects some of the contradictions and prob-
lems involved in such intensication and emphasis on spontaneous possession.
Te passage starts with the enumeration of various kinds of aktipta, the
descent of ivas Power, which is a manifestation of his grace. In all tantric
systems, this descent whether it is visible or not is a sign that the person
is ready to receive initiation. In the Tantrasadbhva, a mantric manifestation of
this Power is written on the ground, which the initiand is to look at.
He who, concentrating on the Curled akti while looking at her, falls [on the
ground] after a hundred [repetitions of the mantra] is known to have had
an intense descent of ivas Power. He who falls after one thousand or ten
thousand [repetitions] is known to have had an average descent of the Power,
o goddess. And he who falls after twenty, thirty or fty thousand repetitions
is known to have had a basic descent of His Power, my beloved one. Tis is
how I describe the various descents / falls in the order of decreasing quality.
One should initiate those who have fallen on the ground, those who do not fall
should be discarded.
90
Te passage clearly requires a visible sign to prove the intensity of ivas
grace: the falling on the ground. Moreover, the requirement of this sign is
implicitly justied by suggesting a parallel between the intensity of the descent
(pta) of ivas Power and the falling (pta) on the ground. After this, the
guru can go on with the process of initiation. But the subsequent lines, which
describe the eects of initiation, more precisely, the eects of the cutting of the
90
Tantrasadbhva 9.327330: bhvittm yad payec chakti
.
m vai ku
.
tilk
.
r
.
ti
.
m / atena patate
yas tu tvrapta
.
h prakrtita
.
h // eva
.
m sahasram ekena atha caivyutena ca / yasya pto bhaved devi
madhyama
.
h parikrtita
.
h // dvyayutais tryayutair vpi tath pacadaai
.
h priye / patate vartanair
yas tu so dhama ca tv iti sm
.
rta
.
h // ptn
.
m ca vibhgo tra viv
.
r
.
nve da
.
maknvaye / patita
.
m
dk
.
sayed devi ptahna
.
m tu varjayet.
Judit Trzsk 477
initiands bond, do so in very similar terms. Te initiate is to fall on the ground
again, albeit not exactly in the same way.
Tis is the sign of those who have been transformed [by initiation]: they move
about, tremble or shake. And when the bonds of the soul are cut, the initiate
falls on the ground. He who falls on his face is the best, he who falls on his back
is average and he who falls on his side is taught to be the least good by ambhu,
the god of gods.
91
Te eects of the spontaneous descent of Power and the cutting of the
bonds being quite similar, initiation does not appear to make a remarkable
dierence. And the concluding part of the passage seems to suggest that apart
from the touch of the guru, indeed, nothing else is really needed for initiation.
If initiation is liberation, as it is according to all aiva scriptures, then initiation
is to be understood when the bonds of the bound soul have been stunned.
When the body, released from all merit and demerit, falls on the ground, then
it is salvic initiation; he who performs it is the guru. He who has the bonds
stunned merely by his touch is called the guru: he makes people cross the ocean
of transmigration.
92
In spite of the wording, it may be too far-fetched to interpret this extract to
assert that no ritual is needed for initiation apart from the gurus touch. When
the guru is dened as he who liberates merely by his touch, it can also be meant
as a general praise of the guru rather than a theoretical statement about the role
of initiatory rites. It is, however, remarkable that the passage appears to start
out as a defense of ritual initiation, but ends with a Kaula-type anti-ritualistic
statement even if it is just metaphorical here reducing initiation to the
gurus touch.
91
Tantrasadbhva 9.332334ab: bhvitn
.
m tu cihneda
.
m calate kampate dhunet / pacchede
tu sa
.
mjte patate kyaptale // sa
.
mmukha
.
m patate yas tu cchinnapo na sa
.
maya
.
h / uttamo sau
samuddi
.
s
.
ta uttno madhyamo mata
.
h // tiryakpto dhama
.
h prokto devadevena ambhun.
92
Tantrasadbhva 9.34042: yadi dk
.
s bhaven mukti
.
h sarve
.
su cgame
.
su ca / tasmd dk
.
s tu
bodhavy pastobho yad bhavet // dharmdharmnibaddhas tu pi
.
n
.
do yatra patet priye / tad
nirv
.
nad dk
.
s ya
.
h karoti sa deika
.
h // yenaivlabdhamtrasya stubhyate papajaram / sa gurus
tu samkhyta
.
h sa
.
msrr
.
navatraka
.
h // (nibhaddhas conj.: anibaddhas codd.).
478 Mlanges tantriques la mmoire dHlne Brunner
Cocuso
From the ways in which the scriptures examined here treat the problem of how
to interpret and nd meaning in ritual, three distinct approaches emerge. Tese
approaches sometimes seem to be characteristic of certain branches of aivism,
but this is not necessarily the case.
1. Te rst could be called the argumentative approach. Te basic ritual
structure is accepted and never questioned as it is; instead, this approach tries
to argue for why rites are necessary and what they accomplish. Although texts
of the Siddhnta have been cited in most cases, it is not the case that all texts
of the Siddhnta would argue in this way, nor is the Siddhnta the only branch
that would do so.
2. Te second approach, for which most examples have been quoted, is
an interpretative one. Tis interpretative approach may or may not accept
all external ritual; but whichever is the case, it attributes special meaning
to external ritual elements by reinterpreting them, often through semantic
analyses. All branches of the scriptural tradition seem to adopt this approach,
albeit not to the same extent. Te interpretative approach sometimes tranforms
external rites into internal ones, which thus partly undermines the original
ritual system.
3. Te third one may be named the rejectionist approach. As is known,
this is characteristic of the Kaula branch, which rejects most external rites
as meaningless; but it can also be adopted by others, especially concerning a
particular type of ritual.
As I remarked above, the sources examined here do not give us a complete
picture of the situation and therefore any conclusion drawn here is subject
to revision.
93
Nevertheless, I think many of the scriptural examples clearly
show that there is an internal and theoretical development within the scriptural
tradition of questioning the meaning of ritual action. And this self-questioning
and search for meaning may be a more signicant factor in the reduction
of external ritual than usually assumed. Of course, there must have been
other, most importantly social, factors behind; and it is generally true that
93
As Saoiso (1995) argues, one aiva tantric tradition appears to have been able to
solve the problem of how ritual can be meaningful in all its elements in an organic way. It is
the Krama, which attempted to render every element of ritual meaningful for the attainment
of ivahood, and which was a source for many an interpretation given by Abhinavagupta and
K
.
semarja. However, the scriptures of the Krama, too, simplied external worship to a large
extent: they considered internal worship superior, and suppressed all icons.
Judit Trzsk 479
the reduction of external ritual is always more convenient for a number of
reasons.
94
But it seems more likely that the questioning of the meaning of ritual
contributed to the reduction of external rites rather than that it was the simple
manifestation of an intention or tendency to reduce them. As mentioned above,
a distant parallel of such developments might be the case of the Upanishads,
which reinterpret, internalise, and, at the same time, undermine the Vedic ritual
system.
Tere is another reason why it is not unreasonable to think that much of the
internalisation is a result of the traditions internal, theoretical development.
It is the fact that in many cases the internalised ritual does not appear to be
related to actual practice. Tis is especially true for many homologisations of
the Tantrasadbhva (concerning e.g. the internalisation of places of worship and
of the weapons), which give the impression that there is more exegetical work
than actual practice behind them. Now such arguments are very questionable;
for who are we to judge today what was actual practice at the time of the
composition of the Tantras?
95
But in spite of the diculty of proving this, one
should bear in mind that the homologisations of the Tantrasadbhva are rather
unique, and the Tantrasadbhva itself does not refer to them in other contexts,
whether ritual or not. Tis strongly suggests that in the majority of the cases we
are dealing with what I called primary exegesis, exegesis within the scriptural
tradition itself, evolving from questions raised by their authors.
Mauscirs Cosurio
xuasia
NAK, MS 4-137. NGMPP A 40/11.
xixiau
.
orraa
NAK, MS 3-392. NGMPP B 25/32.
rarasaoiva
????????
.
arxiorraa
???????
94
For an analysis of such tendencies in Kashmir, see e.g. Saoiso 1995.
95
Other evidence, such as the mention of certain rites in non-tantric sources, could help.
However, inscriptions rarely give many details of these rites, especially concerning Kaula
practice, and literary sources describe what appears even more fanciful than the scriptural
prescriptions.