Music of Bahananwa

Special thanks you go to the following people: My family, friends and colleagues.
I would also like to pay tribute to Kgoi (King) Joseph Malebogo, ntona (headman) Makhonya Mmamoleka and Bahananwa in general. I need to mention the selfless contribution by the following people: Mrs. Lucy Sehapela (my her soul rest in peace, Mrs. Martina Keetse, Mrs. Mma Sekoba Serumula, Mrs. MmaShaya Sathekge, Mrs. Shabara Moropo, Mrs. Mokgadi Mpya, Mrs. Ramokone Makgafela, Ms. Selinah Manoko, Ms. Violet Madibana, Messieurs Martin Mpya, Jeremiah Malebatja, Jerry Moremi, Solomon Malete, Wilson Maphakela, Lesley Makgoshing, Mokgadi Meso (may his soul rest in peace), Magalane Phoshoko and many other important members of the performing groups. Lastly I would like to thank teachers, particularly the late Mokobane, Mr Nchachi, Mr Mhophane and all lecturers who played a role in my life.
Contents
CHAPTERS
1. 2. INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................................... 1 INTRODUCING BAHANANWA .............................................................................................. 1
2.1. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................................. 1 2.2. HISTORY.......................................................................................................................................... 1 2.3. EFFORTS TOWARDS HOMOGENEITY ......................................................................................... 4 2.3.1. Sehananwa Language, Culture and Lifestyle.......................................................................... 4 2.3.2. Lifestyle .................................................................................................................................... 5 2.4. RELIGION ........................................................................................................................................ 6 2.4.1. Role of Modimo........................................................................................................................ 7 2.5. EXPECTED BEHAVIOUR .............................................................................................................. 12 2.5.1. Enforcing Discipline on Children............................................................................................ 12 2.5.2. Deviant Behaviour by Political Figures and Parents ............................................................. 12 2.6. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................... 12
3.
MALEBOGO DISTRICT ........................................................................................................ 14

3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5. 3.6. 3.7. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................ 14 GEOGRAPHY OF GA-MALEBOGO .............................................................................................. 14 SCHOOLING IN GA-MMAMOLEKA ............................................................................................... 16 POLITICAL ORDER ....................................................................................................................... 17 GA-MMAMOLEKA, VILLAGE IN FOCUS ....................................................................................... 19 1990S LAYOUT OF GA-MMAMOLEKA ......................................................................................... 19 CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................... 24
4.
BAHANANWAS PERCEPTION OF MUSIC......................................................................... 30

4.1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................ 30 4.2. INSIDERS VIEW ............................................................................................................................ 30 4.3. PROBLEMS OF MUSIC DISCOURSE ........................................................................................... 31 4.4. BASIC CONCEPTS OF THE MUSIC OF BAHANANWA ............................................................... 32 4.4.1. Concept of Musician .............................................................................................................. 34 4.4.2. Performers and Audiences .................................................................................................... 35 4.4.3. Concept of Beat ..................................................................................................................... 37 4.5. PERCEIVED SONG STRUCTURES .............................................................................................. 37 4.5.1. Language ............................................................................................................................... 38 4.5.2. Movements ............................................................................................................................ 39 4.6. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................... 40
5.
MUSICAL SOUNDSCAPE .................................................................................................... 41

5.1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................ 41 5.2. DINAKA (PIPE INSTRUMENTS) .......................................................................................................... 41 5.2.1. Typical Drum Pattern of Kiba/Dinaka .................................................................................... 44 5.3. FUNCTIONS OF MUSIC ................................................................................................................ 45 5.4. MUSIC FOR HEALING PURPOSES .............................................................................................. 46 5.4.1. Ngaka .................................................................................................................................... 46 5.4.2. Rainmaking Ritual.................................................................................................................. 47 5.4.3. Naming of the child ................................................................................................................ 50 5.4.4. Malopo ................................................................................................................................... 52 5.4.5. Masangoma ........................................................................................................................... 54 5.4.6. Boloyi (Witchcraft).................................................................................................................. 56 5.5. MUSIC FOR THE CHURCH ........................................................................................................... 57 5.5.1. Zion Christian Church ............................................................................................................ 60 5.5.2. African Apostolic Churches ................................................................................................... 68 5.5.3. Pentecostal Churches ........................................................................................................... 71 5.6. CHILDREN SONGS ....................................................................................................................... 73 5.7. MUSIC FOR RITES OF PASSAGE ................................................................................................ 78 ii
5.7.1. Birth ....................................................................................................................................... 78 5.7.2. Infancy ................................................................................................................................... 79 5.7.3. Puberty .................................................................................................................................. 80 5.7.4. Initiation songs ....................................................................................................................... 82 5.7.5. Marriage ................................................................................................................................. 83 5.7.6. Western-style Wedding Celebrations .................................................................................... 86 5.7.7. Funerals ................................................................................................................................. 89 5.8. MUSIC FOR SOCIAL ENTERTAINMENT ...................................................................................... 90 5.8.1. Social Schemes ..................................................................................................................... 90 5.8.2. Songs in the Playground ....................................................................................................... 91 5.8.3. Agricultural Shows ................................................................................................................. 91 5.8.4. Cultural Music Festivals ......................................................................................................... 91 5.8.5. School Music Competitions ................................................................................................... 92 5.9. OTHER MUSICAL PRACTICES .................................................................................................... 92 5.9.1. Work Songs ........................................................................................................................... 92 5.9.2. Protest Songs ........................................................................................................................ 95 5.9.3. Popular Culture ...................................................................................................................... 96 5.10. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................... 96
6.
FACTORS AFFECTING CULTURAL COMPLEXION........................................................... 97

6.1. 6.2. 6.3. 6.4. 6.5. 6.6. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................ 97 FARM WORKERS .......................................................................................................................... 97 MIGRANT WORKERS ................................................................................................................... 98 POST MAKARAPA YOUTH CULTURE ....................................................................................... 101 TARVEN CULTURE ..................................................................................................................... 101 CONCLUTION .............................................................................................................................. 102
7.
PERPETUATION OF SEHANANWA CULTURE IN GAUTENG ......................................... 103

7.1. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 103 7.2. BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................................ 103 7.3. CASE STUDIES OF FAMILIES .................................................................................................... 104 7.3.1. Educational Status of Parents ............................................................................................. 111 7.3.2. Religious Inclination of the Family ....................................................................................... 111 7.4. NATURE OF SCHOOLING IN GAUTENG ................................................................................... 111 7.4.1. Pre-school ............................................................................................................................ 112 7.4.2. Mixed-Language Schools .................................................................................................... 112 7.4.3. Former model C schools ..................................................................................................... 112 7.5. MASS MEDIA ............................................................................................................................... 114 7.5.1. Television and Radio ........................................................................................................... 114 7.5.2. Internet ................................................................................................................................. 115 7.6. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................. 116
8.
LEARNING PROCESSES OF MUSIC ................................................................................ 118

8.1. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 118 8.2. MUSIC INSTRUCTION IN SEHANANWA .................................................................................... 118 8.3. CELLS .......................................................................................................................................... 119 8.3.1. Family .................................................................................................................................. 120 8.3.2. Playground........................................................................................................................... 121 8.3.3. Church ................................................................................................................................. 121 8.3.4. School .................................................................................................................................. 122 8.3.5. Koma ................................................................................................................................... 123 8.3.6. Setlhako ............................................................................................................................... 124 8.3.7. Sephaphatha ....................................................................................................................... 124 8.4. METHODS ................................................................................................................................... 125 8.5. REHEARSAL ................................................................................................................................ 127 8.6. PROFILE OF LEARNERS ............................................................................................................ 128 8.6.1. Sarina Motsoko .................................................................................................................... 129 8.6.2. Tonia and Pat Makgafela ..................................................................................................... 129 8.6.3. Desmond Maphakela and Bashin Molele ............................................................................ 130 8.6.4. Morongwa Maharela ............................................................................................................ 130 8.6.5. Kgabo Phuti Mmamoleka .................................................................................................... 131 8.6.6. Mr. Ngoako .......................................................................................................................... 132 iii
8.7.
CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................. 132
9. 10.
CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................... 133 REFERENCES ................................................................................................................ 147
Table of Figures
FIGURE 1 EARLY TREK OF BAHANANWA .............................................................................................................. 3 FIGURE 2 HIERARCHY OF DIVINITY. ..................................................................................................................... 9 FIGURE 3 FOUR LEVELS OF SPIRITS .................................................................................................................. 11 FIGURE 4 LIMPOPO PROVINCE MAP .................................................................................................................. 15 FIGURE 5: KGOI MALEBOGOS DELEGATE ........................................................................................................ 17 FIGURE 6 SCHEMATIC REPRESENTATION OF THE 1990S GA-MMAMOLEKA VILLAGE............................................. 20 FIGURE 7 MAKHONYA MMAMOLEKA .................................................................................................................. 25 FIGURE 8 SEKIBA WITH HIS DIPELA TA HAREPA ................................................................................................ 26 FIGURE 9 SHABARA MOROPO ........................................................................................................................... 27 FIGURE 10 TWO MASTER DRUMMERS PLAYING KAEDIO (POISON)..................................................................... 28 FIGURE 11 DIKGOLOLO IN ACTION..................................................................................................................... 28 FIGURE 12 MAIDENS FROM GA-MALEBOGO....................................................................................................... 29 FIGURE 13 MAIDENS FROM GA-MAMPURU ........................................................................................................ 29 FIGURE 14 A MAN PLAYING PHALAFALA (KUDU HORN). ..................................................................................... 33 FIGURE 15 TYPICAL PHALAFALA RHYTHMIC PATTERN. ....................................................................................... 33 FIGURE 16 LETSIYE (DEER HORN) ..................................................................................................................... 33 FIGURE 17 NOTES OF A PENTATONIC SCALE ..................................................................................................... 42 FIGURE 18 NOTES OF DESCENDING PENTATONIC SCALE ................................................................................... 42 FIGURE 19 ONE OF THE MANY DRUM PATTERNS OF KIBA .................................................................................... 44 FIGURE 20 TYPICAL DRUM CONFIGURATION USED IN KGOTHO AND DINAKA ENSEMBLE ......................................... 45 FIGURE 21 DRUMS USED FOR MALOPO ............................................................................................................. 54 FIGURE 22 THELA IS A RATTLE KNOWN USED IN MALOPO.................................................................................. 54 FIGURE 23 DRUMS USED BY MASANGOMA ........................................................................................................ 56 FIGURE 24 TYPICAL DRUM PATTERN FOR MASANGOMA ..................................................................................... 56 FIGURE 25 A WOMAN PLAYING PISALOME .......................................................................................................... 69 FIGURE 26 FIVE CATEGORIES OF MUSIC ......................................................................................................... 119 FIGURE 27 SCHEMATIC REPRESENTATION OF INTERCONNECTED CELLS ........................................................... 120 FIGURE 28 A GIRL PLAYING DIKETO ................................................................................................................ 138
Table of Musical Examples

EXAMPLE 1 FIRI-FIRISO .................................................................................................................................... 49 EXAMPLE 2 KGOMO YE O SEBARIKI ................................................................................................................. 65 EXAMPLE 3 SATHANE SEKEPE .......................................................................................................................... 70 EXAMPLE 4 NGWANA 'LLA GA KE MO RATE ......................................................................................................... 74 EXAMPLE 5 YE KE NGAKA ................................................................................................................................. 75 EXAMPLE 6 PUDI YA PHOKO ............................................................................................................................. 77 EXAMPLE 7 ACTION SONG FOR LEARNING HOW TO WALK. .................................................................................. 79 EXAMPLE 8 SUNNY BOY ................................................................................................................................... 81 EXAMPLE 9 HELA MMATSWALE ......................................................................................................................... 88 EXAMPLE 10 ILANG MABELE........................................................................................................................... 94
iv
SEMANTICS This book is about the culture of Bahananwa with emphasis on their music. Writing about the music of Bahananwa has presented me with the opportunity to contribute in growing the grammatical usage of terms in an attempt to enrich and to affirm Sehananwa as a language. Where possible, I have used Sehananwa terminology and tried to employ its grammatical principles. For instance, in Sehananwa a term may have two parts; the prefix or suffix and the core. For an example, the term Bahananwa is formed by combining the prefix Ba with the core hananwa. The prefix may change, and as such affect the meaning of the word. A case in point is the difference between Sehananwa, Mohananwa and Bahananwa: Se in Sehananwa denotes something (selo). Sehananwa implying something (language, lifestyle etc.) of Sehananwa origin. Mo in Mohananwa denotes motho (a person). Mohananwa means motho of Sehananwa origin. It follows that Bahananwa means people of Sehananwa origin. It will not sound correct to use Sehananwa prefixes in conjunction with the English article the. Following this logic, there is no such a thing as the Hananwa or the hananwa language. If it is a language spoken by Bahananwa, then it is referred to as Sehananwa. Sehananwa prefixes should be strong enough not to warrant the use of the article the. Consider the following examples; you speak Sehananwa well; not you speak the Sehananwa well. Also there is no need to add the term people as in Bahananwa people since the tern Bahananwa evolved from batho ba Hananwa (people of Hananwa): The prefix Ba is taken from batho and hananwa is the core, therefore Bahananwa means people of hananwa. In short, the above exercise represents an advocacy for the use of Sehananwa technical terms in academic discourse without subjecting the language to the rules of grammar as they obtain in the English language. By so doing, it is hoped that indigenous languages such as Sehananwa will develop to a level where they can express technical knowledge sufficiently.
Introduction
Chapter 1
1. INTRODUCTION The Limpopo Province is situated in the far north of the Republic of South Africa. Today the province incorporates the three former homelands of the old Northern Transvaal; namely Lebowa, Venda and Gazankulu. Vhavenda occupy the Venda region, VaTsonga/Mashangana Gazankulu, and Basotho ba Leboa Lebowa, respectively. These regions still exist even though they are now collapsed into one Limpopo Province administration. Bahananwa are a distinguishable nation under the auspices of Basotho ba leboa. This book focuses on the musical culture of Bahananwa of Kgoi (King) Malebogo. The focus on Bahananwas cultural practices was primarily prompted by the scarcity of books on this community except for Weidemanns 1946 masters dissertation, the accounts of Malebogos war against the Boers in memoires written by missionaries such as Sonntag (1983) and Tempelhoffs doctoral thesis of 1989. Contribution by an African scholar came from Makhura who wrote on the Hananwa polity for his 1993 masters dissertation. Specifically, the earliest publication that examines the music of Basotho ba leboa is a PhD thesis by Yvonne Huskinsson (1958) and lately a Debora James 1993 PhD thesis followed by a book by in 1999. Although the aim of research that informs the writing of this book was largely to investigate transmission processes in Bahananwas cultural practices, and specifically musical context, it proved to be a challenging start since, as stated already, documentation of this particular music and culture was scarce. Therefore, this book assumes a recuperative role by documenting some of these cultural aspects. It does so by first describing cultural phenomena in Ga-Malebogo with specific focus on the practice of music today. To a large extent, works by writers such as Blacking (1957and 1967), Coplan (1982; 1985 and 1994), Erlmann (1996), Haralambos (1984), James (1993; 1999), Marshall (1964), Nettl (1982; 1991), Nketia (1992) have been consulted. These works, although not specific to Bahananwa or their music or culture, helped in establishing a broader view by way of making comparisons with other South African musical traditions that have already been documented. Other than that, there is a scarcity of writings on the culture of Bahananwa.
Introduction Bahananwa refer to their way of life as Sehananwa. From oral literature we learn that this way of life means or refers to facets of culture such as language, attire, artistic endeavour, musical performance, and behaviour. However, academic literature is yet to precisely define Sehananwa. In this book an attempt is made to highlight the perceptions of Bahananwa with regard to their music, commonly referred to as mmino wa seto (cultural music). It seems while scholars are battling to understand systems governing aspects of cultural phenomena such as music making, traditional practitioners, in this case Bahananwa, are less concerned with explaining their performative culture in discursive terms. Most practitioners have never had to explain their music; let alone trying to make sense of the music of other people. Also, musical terms used in scholarship are mainly derived from Western Classical music. Bahananwa elders would not be in a position to use these terms to explain their cultural practices. On the other hand, it is a challenge to accurately translate Sehananwa terms into English as it would be illustrated in the ensuing sections of this book. Besides the incompatibility of terminology, philosophical orientation and languages in general, there are challenges of physical accessibility. Collection of some types of the music genres within the music of Bahananwa may be awkward in the sense that much of this music is based or performed in the context of particular rituals in which there are elements of secrecy. For example, initiation songs are not sung out of the context of koma (male initiation school). Considering this point, the lyrics of songs that are sung in the context and during setlhako (the second ritual performed after the female initiation) may not be regarded as sexually explicit, but singing them in public is taboo. Inaccessibility to certain ritual music is not unique to Bahananwa cultural practitioners. For instance, some of the musical practices of some African Indigenous Churches (AIC) form part of ritual practices that should not be accessible to the public. Different churches have different policies on accessibility to certain aspect of their culture. There are two different ZCC churches in South Africa (see chapter 6): St. Barnabas that uses the star as their emblem and St. Engenas that uses the pigeon. St. Engenas (pigeon emblem) is the least open to the media, while the St. Barnabas (star emblem) ZCC's Easter pilgrimages are mostly broadcast live by Thobela fm, one of the three major South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) radio stations in Limpopo Province. According to Makhulu (1999), it is important for all the African Indigenous Churches (AIC) to protect
Introduction their sense of mystery because they thrive on it. Churches such ZCC has protocol in place to protect this mystic feature. Perhaps the greatest challenge to this policy of controlled access came from recording musicians who saw value in the music of the church and its massive appeal among Black South Africans. Musicians such as Solly Moholo, Oleseng, Winnie Mashaba and others have been at the forefront of this trend of recording the music of the church or music inspired by the church for commercial purposes, much against the churchs policies and principles. As a result, some of them have been excommunicated from the church. Musicians such as Chicco Twala, one of the most successful producers in South African popular music in the 1980s are believed to have joined the church for the sake of earning the right to the music. Despite such restrictions, people in Ga-Malebogo and other villages in South Africa, particularly Limpopo, are familiar with the music of the AICs such the ZCC. The same may not be the case with township communities who may be exposed to a greater variety of musical cultures, or who may regard this type of music as rural, primitive or unfashionable. Because of poor education, people in South African townships tend to look down upon anything rural. Nevertheless, this book presents musical examples in the form of transcriptions and provided sketches in order to explain some elements fundamental in the music of Bahananwa. As Nettl (1973) observes rhythms and the scales of non-Western and folk music do not always fit into the Western system, [and this] makes it all the more difficult to reproduce such music in conventional notation. The transcription of examples in this book is not an attempt to subject the music to notation. Examples should serve purely as illustrative aids. Chapter 2 describes the origins of Bahananwa, their language, political order, belief systems and other aspects of their life. Chapter 3 gives an overview of the Bahananwas geographical location. Chapter 4 examines perspectives on African music, with reference to the music of Bahananwa. Chapter 5 presents a survey of the music in Ga-Malebogo; the primary research area and a home for Bahananwa. Chapter 6 investigates factors affecting the music in Ga-Malebogo. Chapter 7 through cases studies, tests whether Sehananwa culture can be perpetuated in culturally mixed areas such as Gauteng. Chapter 8 offers an analysis of transmissions and learning processes. Chapter 9 presents concluding remarks.
Introducing Bahananwa
Chapter 2
2. INTRODUCING BAHANANWA
2.1. INTRODUCTION
This chapter examines the origins, language, and lifestyle of Bahananwa. It further investigates their religious perceptions, and the importance of respect as a fundamental tool for ensuring adherence to cultural norms.
2.2. HISTORY
According to the paternal uncle Masilo Gilbert Malebogos narration during the inauguration of Kgoi Seraki Malebogo, Bahananwa originate from a place called Chadibeng in Botswana, where the Malete Nature Reserve stands today. Their original Kgoi was Malete and their original totem was phuti (an antelope). Kgoi Malete had two children, the first-born was a daughter followed by a son. After Kgoi Maletes death, the first-born child (expected to be a boy) was supposed to be enthroned. Unfortunately, she was a woman. Because Batswana (a nation where Bahananwa broke off from), like most African societies, are patriarchal, most of the community members preferred that the boy should become Kgoi instead. It would become apparent that the girl also had support, although not as strong as that of the boy. As a result, two factions emerged. The narration had it that the tension was so high that supporters of the boy plotted to assassinate the girl and massacre her supporters on a particular night. The plot was leaked, and one night, before the massacre could occur, the girl and her group escaped. They fled until they crossed the Limpopo River (see fig. 1, p.3). In pursuit, the other group traced their tracks up to the Limpopo river and then decided it was not worth their while to chase them beyond. Out of a mixed sense of both near accomplishment in that a competitor was chased yonder the river, and despair that the traitors were not exterminated, the supporters of the male contender commented that escapees had eluded the spear that was meant for them, and thus termed them baganani (those who refused to be stabbed by the spear). From then on the escapees became known as Bahananwa. From this narration it follows that the origin of the Bahananwa nation is attributed to the daughter of Kgoi Malete, now Kgoigadi (the Queen) and the people with whom she fled from Botswana. The queen was renamed Mmatsela (mother of the road), because she spent her leadership on the run. She gave birth to her first-born son. The new nation was
relieved because their queen would have an heir apparent in her son. He was named Lebogo (the hand), and as common practice among African communities she became known as the mother of Lebogo (Mma + Lebogo = Malebogo). The name Malebogo is now used to denote Hananwa royalty or royalty amongst Bahananwa, and at times used interchangeably with the surname Lebogo. In the Limpopo Province (then Northern Transvaal), Bahananwa first settled at a place known as Hananwaland, and then moved to Ga-Mathula. They slowly moved towards Papola, on to Mohlakeng just on the southern side of Blouberg Mountains, and then to a place called Boilahla. This is where, after many years, the then Kgoi Kgalui Malebogo fought the infamous 1894 war against the Boers who were intent on subjugating all Africans in an effort to enforce the establishment of the boere republic. Kgoi Kgalui Malebogo moved to the top of the Mountain, where he built himself a palace known as Melebeng. There were hardly any people in the area before their arrival except a small tribe under the chieftaincy of Madibana. The Madibana clan, whose totem is dibata (predators), were conquered by Bahananwa who then married their women and assimilated them in the larger Bahananwa fold. Because of fear of attacks from other nations in the area, Kgoi Kgalui Malebogo sent messengers to inform Kgoigadi Modjadji, who was already living in the south-east of Hananwaland of her nations presence, and to ask for rain. Further, Bahananwa asked if Kgoigadi Modjadji would teach them the secret of rainmaking. The encounter resulted in Kgoi Kgalui Malebogo sending some of his people to spend several years with Balobedu learning about the ritual of rainmaking. Kgoigadi Modjadji's nation spoke a language known as Khelobedu. Bahananwa who spent time with Balobedu had their language acculturated from pure Setswana into a language that reflect coexistence of the two nations: thus Sehananwa as a language was formed. Like many other Northern Sotho dialects, Sehananwa had not developed into a written language.
Chadibeng
Figure 1 Early Trek of Bahananwa
2.3. EFFORTS TOWARDS HOMOGENEITY
2.3.1. Sehananwa Language, Culture and Lifestyle Sehananwa is, in essence, one of the many dialects of the Northern Sotho language. Further, within Sehananwa dialect itself, there are slight differences in nuance. In this book Sehananwa refers to both language and the totality of Bahananwa culture. Sehananwa is the main language spoken and an obtaining culture in Ga-Malebogo region. However, it is not uncommon to find people who speak a different Northern Sotho dialect in the area. Amongst other reasons, the presence of the different dialects in Ga-Malebogo may have come about as a result of children marrying from or into different groups of Northern Sotho nations. For example, a son may marry a girl from Ga-Sekhukhuni- a Northern Sotho nation occupying the east most part of the Limpopo province. Such a bride would bring her dialect into Ga-Malebogo. Interestingly, this phenomenon of marrying across ethnic backgrounds is encouraged by the proverb that says Lesogana leo le sa etego le nyala kgaitedi (a young man who does not travel ends up marrying his own sister). However, in the past and contrary to the forgoing proverb, many parents preferred that their sons marry their cousins. The tongue in cheek logic thereof is that magadi (the dowry) in the form of cattle would, in this case, be circulating within the same family. Go falala (refuge seeking) is another phenomenon that saw the establishment of new dialects within Sehananwa language. The greatest resettlement of people from a different area to Ga-Mmamoleka, the focus village in this research, was by people from De Vrede, a village situated at the foot of Blouberg Mountain about 60 kilometres east of GaMmamoleka. Mmalebitla Mokala (personal interview: 29/12/2003) asserts that the majority of these people from De Vrede are Babirwa. According to her account, De Vrede village was annexed by kgoi Kibi in 1964. As a result protests ensued and led to a section of the population leaving the village for Ga-Mmamoleka and other surrounding villages. The language of people from De Vrede was slightly different in that it was significantly influenced by Tshivenda. This is attributed to the fact that Alldays and Vivo are small towns that services both Tshivenda and Sehananwa speaking farm workers. Kgoi Kibi a blood brother to Kgoi Malebogo's broke away from Bahananwa to lead his smaller ethnic group. He was a significant political figure in areas around Ga-Kibi which by hook or crooked included De Vrede village. According to Madikana Mapaya (personal Interview: 06/01/2002) Kgoi Kibi had, In the mid-1960s, claimed to rule over De Vrede
4
because the court declared him the legitimate ruler ahead of Kgoi Malebogo who later reclaimed his right over the village. This division still exist today. In earlier times, their grandfather Lebogo ruled over the entire Blouberg area (Sonntag 1983:12). As it could be expected, the dialects as spoken by Kgoi Kibi's and Kgoi Malebogo's peoples do not bear any major differences because these are essentially the same people who originated from the same place, Botswana, and share the same destination, Limpopo Province. The language is predominantly the same, Sehananwa. Therefore, the population of Ga-Malebogo is largely homogenous. Infusions brought about by different movements of people into Ga-Mmamoleka had not brought any major differences into the language and cultural practices of the region. Intrusions, as outlined above, were culturally assimilated within Sehananwa. In fact, because of the dominance of Sehananwa, both as a language and a lifestyle, it is common for people born in Ga-Malebogo to notice any outsider within their midst. As such, Bahananwa have terms such as Batli (those who came from elsewhere), which they use to describe anybody who is not of their own clan. The use of such terms is one of the means to protect their culture, and to inform or remind the outsiders of their status within the Bahananwa community. This happens mostly at kgorong (derivative of kgoro - a place where disputes are resolved), especially when emotions run high. Bahananwa would, in times of conflict resort to telling others that before they (new dwellers) came to settle in their land, all was well. For example, Matome Mpya (04/12/1999), one of the opinionated elders in Ga-Malebogo, displayed this attitude. When asked about the origins of malopo (medium of the spirits), he vividly remembered that an outsider brought them (malopo) along from Gab-Modjadji. The tone of his voice and gestures revealed that he disowned malopo. Notwithstanding Madame Mayas attitude, generally Bahananwa, as part of the broader Bahananwa, are a receptive and tolerant people, even though the notion of 'us and them' is prevalent. 2.3.2. Lifestyle The general lifestyle in Ga-Malebogo is rural. People depend on livestock and crop farming for their livelihood. Those who are old enough depend on social grants such as old age pension from the government for their subsistence. Some depend on financial support from a family member, expectantly children, who may be working in Borwa1 or on near and
Borwa means south of Limpopo province - meaning Gauteng and other industrial areas. 5
far away farms. Even though drought and resizing of the land had worked against their substance farming, the land and the rain still are important aspects of their economy. The size of one's herd of cattle is still viewed as a sign of prosperity. According to their commonly held view concrete, instead of mud houses, represents tlhabologo (civilisation). Bahananwa, as a nation, take pride in themselves. This pride is expressed through their musical performances and the way they speak. They sing mostly about themselves, their heroes, and about the conditions in which they live. Ululating and praise singing2 accompany any outstanding performance. In addition, Bahananwa also have idioms that give directives about how one of their own should carry themselves or perform their responsibilities as member of society. Their concept of prominent humanness known as botho in Sesotho languages (similar to ubuntu in Nguni languages) is one such example. Given their origins, and their lifestyle as a people, it seems safe to conclude that Bahananwa have over the years an established their own identity. They are now a distinctive group with distinct totems and dress codes. They are different from Batswana and other nations that they may have encountered in their early history. When they were in Botswana they were baphuting meaning that their totem was phuti (antelope). Even though some of the conquered groups and or those that settled among Bahananwa use their respective totems, collectively Bahananwa are proudly known as dithwene (baboons) because of their familiarity with the Blouberg Mountain; a mountain that is home to Bahananwa and tells warrior stories signifying Bahananwa as a strong nation.
2.4. RELIGION
For us to understand how Bahananwa conceptualise their traditions it is important to look into their religious practices since Sehananwa lifestyle is strongly intertwined with rituals. There are ceremonies, which happen in Ga-Malebogo, which help define the people who practice them. For one to be considered a true Mohananwa, one needs to take part in a number of rituals. There is a hierarchy of divinity within which the existence of a supernatural being is acknowledged. According to Bahananwas belief, there is the creator, the almighty, Modimo (God in Western terms) who is out there in heaven, which is assumed to be in the sky. Modimo is mysterious and powerful, hence the Sehananwa adage that says Modimo o phala baloyi. He cannot be seen or questioned and is always in His singular form. In this cosmology, there is another level below that of Modimo, which is occupied by badimo (ancestors).
2
Praise singing is a form of recitation in praise of the self or a significant other. 6
These terms came about in the following manner. The prefix -mo - in the beginning of dimo- comes from the word motho (motho means one human, batho is the plural form of human), which suggests that Bahananwa assume that God is in some human form. The name comes from the following combination - Motho wa go dimo = Modimo. One would expect the plural version to evolve like this; batho ba go dimo = badimo. But since Modimo is always singular, there seems to be no term that suggests His plural form. The term medimo, which may be mistaken to denote the plural form of Modimo, refers to evil spirits. The term badimo has nothing to do with term medimo. It is used only to refer to the ancestors who are close to Modimo. These two terms are different from the ones mentioned in Coplans (1994) work. He writes about ledimo, which is a cannibal or madimo in plural, which refers to cannibals. Cannibals are madimo and not badimo. Because the term does not follow the personification group of -Mo- ba-, it therefore, suggests that it refers to a 'thing' or 'things' which would follow the group of - le - ma-, hence, ledimo / madimo. 2.4.1. Role of Modimo Matome Mpya (interview: 05/01/1999) states that, according to Sehananwa, ordinary people should have no direct contact with Modimo, who is the creator of the universe and all creation. Bahananwa see themselves as not capable of communicating with Modimo in their human form. Nicholls (1985: 97) has also established that among the Igede people of Nigeria, the belief is that the supreme God, too vast to be worshipped directly, is approached through an intermediary, a lesser god named Ohe-Ogbadagogo. In Sehananwa this role is played by badimo. These intermediary beings or badimo are the most important aspect of religion in Sehananwa. Bahananwa see badimo as the ones with the right to communicate directly with Modimo on their behalf. The rationale is that Modimo operates in the spiritual realm as do badimo. Therefore, Modimo and badimo are close to one another than with humans. On the other hand, badimo are also closer to human beings because they once were human, which makes them better placed to represent the case of the living to Modimo. The fact that badimo are dead does not mean their influence on the living has ended. They are still part of the family and continue to know each living member of their family by their names. Children born after their deaths are introduced to badimo in a child naming ceremony. Badimo used to communicate with the dead when they themselves were still alive. When elders, through death, join the ranks of the badimo they become part of a valuable chain of communication. According to African ontology, the
living need the dead because the dead are knowledgeable and experienced in both matters of life and matters of death. McVeigh captures this link as follows: A cardinal fact of African life and thought is that the living and the dead together form one community whose members are mutually dependent upon each other. It is impossible to overemphasise the attraction of the spiritual realm to the African mind. Those who have passed on are felt to be ever present. (McVeigh 1974: 29) Badimo are not gods, as per the inferences of some Christians. In Sehananwa gods are referred to as badingwana, a term that suggests no regard for such creations. Next to badimo in importance are grandparents who are affectionately referred to as badimo ba go ja bogobe' (ancestors who still feed on porridge). Grandparents are regarded higher than parents, in the sense that their late grandparents and parents who are now badimo know them personally because they once lived together sharing the same life experiences. Logically, grandparents would gravitate towards badimo for nostalgic reasons. Among the living, grandparents are believed to have the most power to bless or curse. And their wisdom and experience is invaluable. The relationship between children and grandparents is often stronger than the relationship between children and their parents. Parents may be more important when it comes to providing material support for their children; they are physically involved in caring for their children on earth. However, parents influence may be defied in a tussle with their children over what is relevant for both generations. On the other hand, the relationship between children and their grandparents affords children an opportunity to adopt an opposing view from their parents and still enjoy the support of their grandparents, who can call parents to order or provide the sanctuary if needed. Aunts from the paternal side, although not being given a dedicated place in the hierarchy, play an important role in Sehananwa. As daughters, they enjoy greater sympathy from their parents (grandparents) than their brothers (parents). The following diagram (fig. 2, p.9) illustrates the hierarchy of Sehananwa divinity:
Figure 2 Hierarchy of divinity.
Underpinning this hierarchy is a strong sense of tlhompho (respect), which is one of the cornerstones consolidating adherence to tradition. Children in particular, and people in general, are supposed to exercise the utmost respect towards their ancestors, grandparents, parents and anybody who is senior in age, As Mnnig asserts about Bahananwa: A significant facet of their social structure is that of age grading, and the proper attitude of that deference and respect to elders is essential in the conduct of every individual. Particular respect is expected of children towards their parents A lack of respect towards one's superiors implies lack of respect to the ancestors. If you do not respect them during their lifetime, you will also not respect them after their death. It is said a person who does not respect his parents is not fit to join them after his death. (Mnnig, 1967: 63)
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Edwin Smith (cited in McVeigh's 1974:32) asserts that, 'there are four grades of ancestral spirits or divinities, which, in their relationship to a living person, may be understood in terms of four concentric circles. The individual's own guardian spirit or namesake occupies the innermost circles. The second circle is composed of the family spirits, the ghost of his parents and grandparents and other close relatives. The third circle is composed of communal spirits. These spirits guide headmen. The fourth circle is composed of spirits that are responsible for the well-being of a nation. These are spirits that guide Magoi (plural for kgoi) and the society in general (see fig.3, p.11). The same understanding is expressed by Xulu (1994:98) in the following sentence: the normality of Zulu society is only achieved when the social bond among the living and between the living, the ancestors and the not yet born is alive and demonstrable. Nongogo (1999:57-8) emphasises that even in religion, people should not let go of their customs; "one who does not keep his or her customs loses a lot in life and does not enjoy the protection of one's ancestors. The ancestors turn their faces away from such a person".
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Communal Spirits
Parental Spirits
Ethnic Spirits Guardian Spirits
Figure 3 Four levels of spirits
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Introducing Bahananwa 2.5. EXPECTED BEHAVIOUR
2.5.1. Enforcing Discipline on Children In Ga-Malebogo people live by commonly accepted Sehananwa norms. Until recently, a strong sense of discipline prevailed in the village. Corporal punishment was the accepted way of ensuring that children do not stray from what is perceived to be acceptable behaviour. This responsibility of punishing the defaulters lay in the hands of every adult member of the community irrespective of whether the child was theirs or not. Typically, men were the ones who exercised the right to mete out corporal punishment. Women were mostly feared for their scolding prowess. The scolding used to be vigorous and done in public with everyone listening and watching. To avoid this kind of embarrassment, doing things right would always be the right option. Apart from 'oral literature' on tlhompho (respect), stories that teach children the value of obedience were in abundance. Every child was expected to oblige when sent or given instructions by any senior member of the society, and this expectation was uniform throughout the Northern Sotho speaking nations. 2.5.2. Deviant Behaviour by Political Figures and Parents There were also measures, real or imagined, in place that ensured that people with some authority, including Magoi (plural for Kgoi), could be made to conform to societys norms. Bahananwa looked up to supernatural beings such as Modimo and/or badimo to mete out punishment to people in authority positions. For example, Kgoi is not supposed to abuse his position to the detriment of his nation. Similarly, a true ngaka (a traditional healer) cannot use his or her powers for his or her egocentric reasons. The Bishops of most African Indigenous Churches may not change the fundamental principles of their churches on their own. These institutions do not belong to them, but to Modimo and to badimo. At times, these leaders unknowingly err, and as a result, misfortunes such as lack of rain, famine, disease and other ills befall the nation. This is where divination as Mendonsa (1982:115) describes it, is key in diagnosing and treating such forms of affliction.
2.6. CONCLUSION
In conclusion, it can be stated that Bahananwa have a language with its dialects as one of the distinguishing characters. They also would prefer to keep to themselves as a unified people. Because of this closeness, they have developed a distinct Sehananwa lifestyle. It appears that their religion is consistent with other African nations throughout the continent, apart from a few nuances. There are also measures in place that seek to uphold order
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within society. Some of these include legends and idioms. One immediate external factor that may influence their lifestyle is their geographic location. The next chapter is devoted to this factor.
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Chapter 3
3. MALEBOGO DISTRICT
3.1. INTRODUCTION
Having outlined the origins and the religious aspects of the culture of Bahananwa, this chapter focuses on location and its influence on the lifestyle of Bahananwa. It does so by considering a case study of one representative village known as Ga-Mmamoleka. In this village the dynamism of culture plays itself out section by section. However, the chapter begins with the geographical representation of Ga-Malebogo also known as Hananwa in relation to the Limpopo province. The map of the far north of Limpopo is provided in this chapter. Key areas are identified in this map3.
3.2. GEOGRAPHY OF GA-MALEBOGO
Kgoi Malebogo and his people, Bahananwa, have been associated with the Blouberg Mountain since the 17th century. The mountain is an important site because Bahananwa used it as a fort in times of war, and they had made use of this hereditary site for several generations before the outbreak of the 1894 war against the Boers (Sonntag: 1983). Bahananwa are therefore at ease when it comes to accessing the seemingly inaccessible mountain terrain. Their mountain climbing skills and comfort in their mountainous habitat led to them adopting thwene (baboon) as their totem. Their praise singing often cites the mountain as part of their history: thaba e tala mariga le selemo (the evergreen mountain). Apart from the Zoutpansberg, the Blouberg Mountain is a significant landmark in the far north part of the Limpopo province. Because of its significance as a land mark, local people use it as a reference point. Those on the southern side refer to people on the northern side as those that come from ka ntle ga dithaba (outskirts of the mountain). Much of Ga-Malebogo is inaccessible to strangers because of its harsh terrain. The climate is dry with long periods of drought. The lack of tarred roads and lack of maintenance of the dirt roads makes travelling difficult. Politicians hardly ever travel these routes. This is because, until the 1990s, few people in Ga-Malebogo have shown little interest in politics. The area is therefore neglected regarding development. Local people complain that high-ranking politicians use helicopters when visiting the area, thereby
Some of the villages are represented by school names. Villages that did not have schools at the time of capturing the map were left out. I have inserted this village names in the map just to relate the proximity of villages mentioned in this study. 14
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allowing themselves an opportunity to plead ignorance about road conditions there. However, electricity was finally connected on the 12th April 2001. Because of this inaccessibility and poor infrastructure, it used to be perfectly normal for a child to be born, go to school, marry, and even work as a storekeeper or a teacher in the same village. There are still people who have lived all their lives there, never having experienced life in any other part of the world except Ga-Malebogo.
Figure 4 Limpopo Province Map
Source: http://www.expedia.com/pub/agent.dII?qscr=mgts 4/7/2000
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The area of Ga-Malebogo (see fig. 4, p.15) is bounded on the northern side by Kgoi Kibi's jurisdiction, on the East by Vivo in the West by the Mogalakwena River and on the south by Moleti. The approximate distances from large centres are as follows: From Bochum to Ga-Mmamoleka (Lebu) From Bochum to Ga-Monyebodi From Bochum to Kwaring From Pietersburg to Ga-Mmamoleka From Pietersburg to Johannesburg 65km 80km 30km 160km 320km
Some villages are named after schools. For example, Lebu is the name of a mountain and is also a former name for Tumakgole High School while it was still a higher primary institution. Kawene is the name of a primary school in a village called My-Darling.
3.3. SCHOOLING IN GA-MMAMOLEKA
The educational opportunities in Ga-Mmamoleka have increased during the past three decades. The nearest primary school in the 1950's and 1960's was situated about 10 km to the west of Ga-Mmamoleka in the village called Matikirini. A child wishing to further his or her studies after finishing this primary school would have had to go to a village about the same distance in the east called My-Darling. (See the map on, p. 15). In the early 1970s, the entire area of Ga-Malebogo was serviced by one high school, Boia, which is situated at the foot of moate (Kgois palace) of Kgoi Malebogo. The school is about 50 km from Ga-Mmamoleka. Another alternative, Mabotha High School, is situated about 60km in the opposite direction in the jurisdiction of Kgoi Kibi. These distances to schools discouraged schooling. From the 1980's, Tumakgole High School in Ga-Mmamoleka serviced about ten other villages. These villages included Letswatla, Ga-Mankgodi, GaRammutla, Sekhung, Topo and My-Darling. For primary education, children had to cross a rivulet into Berg En Dal about 3 kilometres away from Ga-Mmamoleka. In case of rain, schooling was totally disrupted.
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Introducing Bahananwa 3.4. POLITICAL ORDER
Ga-Malebogo area is under the jurisdiction of Kgoi Malebogo. Under Kgoi there are mantona (headmen; singular - ntona) such as Theledi, Mmamoleka, Madiope and many others, who function as extensions of his administration. Neither Kgoi nor his mantona are elected. The traditional structure of administration is predetermined in terms of family or house rank. Within this ranking of families or houses, there is a clear system of succession. The concept of house is brought about by a man marrying more than one wife. The first wife occupies ntlo e kgolo (the greater house). The house is great not because of its structural size, but because it is the most important. The first-born son from this house becomes Kgois successor. Everybody knows the house that must produce Kgoi. There are alternative systems of succession if the first one is unattainable. Similarly, according to Nakedi Molele (personal interview: 04/01/2003), there are houses responsible for producing mantona and a house where mawere (rainmaking herbs) are kept.
Attending one of the research gatherings at Ga-Mmamoleka. The now reining Kgoi Tlabo Lebogo (in black), ntona Theleldi (third from the left and ntona Mmamoleka second from the left together with other bakgoma (Kgois Council) Figure 5 Kgoi Malebogos delegate
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Mantona are allocated villages to preside over. Commonly their names are used to refer to these villages, hence the name of the village that is the focus of this research: GaMmamoleka, which means Mmamolekas place. Mantona are not equal in status because houses that breed them are not equal either. Mantona understand the hierarchy regarding seniority in relation to Kgois family tree. Because of this understanding there is a structured protocol to be observed. A dispute must pass through predetermined stages of trials before it reaches Kgoi for him to finalise. For instance, Ntona Mmamoleka cannot take a matter to Kgoi Malebogo before he has lodged it with ntona Theledis kgoro (a gathering of elders where disputes and other matters are addressed) at Mathilong. A similar arrangement exists among other groups of the Northern Sotho people. The following is an example from Ga-Nthabeleng. Although the members of the lineage group may live scattered in several widely separated dwelling units, each group is regarded by the chief and central government as one functional entity and administered as such by its head and elders, who represent the group on tribal councils and gatherings. They are responsible for collecting tribal levies etc., and are in all respects the link between the group and the central authority. All-important matters are discussed and decided by them in the gathering place at the dwelling unit of the head of the group. They also hear and decide cases between members of the group, but with the exception of the heads of the three lineage groups mentioned in paragraph 193, may not impose fines from which they themselves will benefit. They are entitled to manganga-hlaga (court fees) only. (Bothma: 1962:70) Hananwa, the jurisdiction of Kgoi Malebogo, is made up of 83 villages. Most of these villages are under the leadership of mantona while others are under sub-chiefs. These sub-chiefs are autonomous even though Kgoi Malebogo is paramount among all of them. Mantona are part of Kgois lineage whereas the sub-chiefs are historically independent chiefs who were settled among Bahananwa by the apartheid Bantu Authority. Among these chiefs are Kgoi Makgato and Kgoi Manthata. Also, there are some areas or villages that were never part of the reserves (as villages under the Bantu Authority are known), but were farms that were bought by individual communities. Such farms were not under the jurisdiction of Bantu Authorities. Although most of the villages exhibit Sehananwa lifestyle, each has its own dynamics within the broader cultural practice.
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Introducing Bahananwa 3.5. GA-MMAMOLEKA, VILLAGE IN FOCUS
Mmamoleka village or Ga-Mmamoleka is situated at the foot of a small mountain known as Lebu, which is part of the Blouberg Mountain range. The village is located between the river Mogalakwena, which is in the west, and the Blouberg Mountains on the southern-east side. Ga-Mmamoleka village is bordered by Sekhung in the south, My Darling in the east, Diepsloot in the north-west, and Berg-En-Dal in the west. There is no space for expansion for Ga-Mmamoleka. Its grazing grounds are limited.
3.6. 1990s LAYOUT OF GA-MMAMOLEKA
Following is the examination of how people are positioned in relation to one another within the village of Ga-Mmamoleka, and what these positions represent in terms of cultural adherence or not. Parents from long established sections are nostalgic about what the village used to offer. They hold on to tradition and fear the future. Parents who are traditionalists separate themselves from parents who are Christian. Traditionalist parents are more weary when their children leave home to work in the Reef, for fear that these children may never come back home as they may be swallowed by the bright light of the city. As a result, they encourage their children to establish their homes in the same village. This way they can monitor and give mutual support to the establishment of yet another surnames sake in the village. The result is the reconfiguration of the village in terms of generations since children tend to move to newer section of the village. The divide between children from traditionalist homes and those from Christian homes had been shrinking more and more. In pursuit of a better life all children participate in activities that bring them together, irrespective of their background or the section of the village they come from. These activities include attending the same school and belonging to the same football team. However, it is the older generations adherence to either traditional or Christian ways of life that epitomises the villages sectional nature. In recent years, Ga-Mmamoleka village has grown significantly within its geographical limits; with young families acquiring new stands after marriage. The paternal parents of a newly married couple inform kgoro about their childrens plan to set up their own homestead in the village. Kgoro would agree in principle and even points to a site where the stand would be positioned. However, it cannot give permission for the family to clear trees. In this case kgoro issues a letter which must be submitted to balimii (agriculture and land affairs officials) who would then come and measure the site and finally give
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permission to clear the site of trees. This means that kgoro or ntona, the traditional custodian of that piece of land, is reduced to a middleman as James had observed: Accompanying the removals was a broader strategy of control, which included the planned imposition of Bantu Authorities, a system of government in which so-called traditional chiefs were to have their powers transformed into those of administrative middlemen. (James: 1999:31) With no choice left for them, Bahananwa, report the need for more land to balimii. Like any other village in Ga-Malebogo, the village of Ga-Mmamoleka had grown this way, and with this growth came changes. However, there had been an attempt by kgoro to curb the rapid growth of the village by reserving stands for children of the soil only. Although this has largely been enforced, there were still families who came from elsewhere to settle in Ga-Mmamoleka. Thus the village grew in phases until three distinct sections in one village became a reality. The following (fig. 6, p. 20) is a representation of the three sections of the village. The darker the colour, the more traditional the people. The spaces in between represent main streets only.
N
M a i Streets n Main S tr e e ts
S
Figure 6 Schematic representation of the 1990s Ga-Mmamoleka village
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In earlier times, the village of Ga-Mmamoleka had a main street separating two sections; A and B of the population. The section that is situated in the west A comprises the original inhabitants of the village. According to Mmatlou Molele (personal interview: 30/11/2003), section A was established in 1948 when eight families were forced to abandon their land and move into a trust land which was to become Ga-Mmamoleka village. The eight families are: Malebatja, Rampola, Mmamoleka, Mapote, Mohotwane, Setopo, Phela and Mohotwane. Bahananwa elders largely occupy this section. Their huts were built mainly of mud with thatched roofs. Until the late-1980s their yards were fenced with magora (legora in singular- thorny tree branches laid in a row to form a fence). This section of the population did not see the need for schooling because, as subsistence farmers, they were self-sufficient. This changed when rain became scarce and the village started experiencing severe drought. The limited land apportioned to them became overgrazed and overpopulated through the rapid population growth. The rationalisation of their land by Bantu Authorities did not help either. The year 1965 saw a group of Babirwa who were largely Christian arriving to settle in the village. This is the group that occupied the east side of the street, B. Most of them came from De Vrede. They brought with them a culture of building houses with concrete, and using corrugated iron for roofing. Through the vision of one retired villager, Ramapanta Mapaya, they built schools, introduced a church and organised bus and postal services. They used wire to fence off their yards instead of magora. However technologically progressive these newcomers seemed to be, they were still subject to the authority of ntona Mmamoleka, and thus Kgoi Malebogo. Botha (1962:71) reports that a person granted residence in a dwelling area where he or she is a non-relative, was expected to acknowledge the authority of the areas head in all matters. Such is the case in GaMmamoleka. Population growth necessitated the establishment of yet another section C on the east side of section B. Section C is commonly known as mantshikwaneng (borrowing from the name of dwarf chicken known as manthikwana because of the youthful nature of the new owners). Manthikwaneng or section C is occupied by the younger generation mostly made up of children (now adults) from section A, and a part of B. Most of these children married within the village, with a few venturing to the neighbouring villages. An architectural difference marking section C is that most of the houses are built of concrete, and are five-roomed or more.
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Bahananwa are a patriarchal society. Usually, it is a husband rather than his wife who decides on matters such as where the family should settle; and parents of the husband, especially fathers, have the greatest influence in the matter. Another reason is the relationship existing between father and son, and the expectation from the family that a working son should relieve his father of his home stead maintenance duties. This expectation resulted in most sons settling in the same village as their parents. With young women, it is expected that somebody from outside the village may marry them, and thus take them away from Ga-Mmamoleka. Children from section A are now section C home owners and citizens of the village alongside their fathers. Their outlook on life may differ from their fathers' due to exposure to different cultures while working away from the village, even though most of them did not have the privilege of going to school beyond standard six. Their parents did not see the need for schooling beyond the highest standard that their local school was offering. According to Matome Mpya (personal interview: 05/01/1999), boys needed to take care of their inheritance which is in the form of land and live stock above everything else. Although these sons work in Borwa, most of them cannot afford to settle in Gauteng while maintaining their families in the village. For them the choice is limited. They feel bound by tradition to the responsibility of financially supporting their parents and siblings. This interdependence between parents and their working children is cemented further by the strong traditional belief that one should always keep one's parents happy. One of the biggest wishes by parents is that their children should be buried at home. This explains why migrant workers from Ga-Malebogo insist on being buried in the same places as their grandparents and parents. As migrant workers, one of the main forms of associations based on the concept of home is the burial society which repatriates bodies of the dead for burial at home. This phenomenon is also recorded by James (1999:24). A marked brake away from the cultural norm was witnessed on the religious front. Many of this generation joined the African Independent Churches (AIC), with the ZCC being the most popular by far. Joining AICs is logical since such churches are not far removed from the tradition in which they grew. Ngwako Mapaya (personal interview: 02/01/2003), a former traditionalist and now a member of the ZCC, illustrates this relationship between tradition and the church doctrine by stating that the church may recommend that its patients first perform traditional rituals before the church takes over the treatment of ailments. Therefore, it is understandable that children from section A opt for this particular church. Besides, in Pentecostal churches bapholowa (born-again Christians) tend to
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preach in English most of the time, something that alienates those who may not be well versed with the language or those who are content with their Africanness. Unlike the AICs, Pentecostal churches denigrate badimo who form the essence of indigenous belief system. On the contrary, most children from section B have gone to school and a number of them hold professional qualifications. They hold better jobs and can afford to own houses in Gauteng townships and surrounding suburbs. They are free to settle anywhere they like because their parents seem to be well prepared for the fact that their children would have to take care of their own families and not them. Usually section B families can afford not to be looked after by their children although occasionally emotional and financial assistance is expected. Children from section B have their own views about many issues including religion. Most of them grew up in mainstream churches such as the Roman Catholic Church, or even the Pentecostal churches. However, there is a common trend among children from this section of society as far as upholding this religious devotion is concerned. They begin as children brought up in Christianity. Later, they come into contact with people from all works of life espousing different religions in their stay in faraway institutions of higher learning. This gives them the opportunity to observe how relevant religions are to other peoples cultures. This leads to introspection which then results in them to reverting to African Traditional Religion. However, their version of African religion differs from that of men and women in rural Ga-Mmamoleka: the latter accept tradition in its totality, while this modern generation's belief systems become partial and selective. The modern generations approach to religion is based on a compromise between reason and belief. It is common to find them in Pentecostal churches and to a lesser extent other mainstream churches. They display a greater understanding and appreciation of the role tradition and badimo play in their lives as Bahananwa, even though their church affiliation may not allow them space to appease badimo. In keeping with Swantzs 1986 observation about the Mwambao Zaramo societies, clan affiliation plays a noticeable role in the peoples relations to one another. James (1999:28) observes that people with shared symbolic allegiance cluster together. This factor holds for Bahananwa as well. In section A and section B of Ga-Mmamoleka, clan affiliation has a direct influence in the way the village has been organised. In this village babina tau (those who use a lion as their totem), ba bina phuti (those who use antelope as their totem) and babina thwene (those who use a baboon as their totem) are mainly clustered together in section A. Most babina nare (those who use a buffalo as their totem) live in section B.
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The same cannot be said about section C. There are many reasons for the mix of clans, one of which is intermarriage between clans.
3.7. CONCLUSION
From 1948 to 2003, people in Ga-Mmamoleka have experienced the dynamics of culture. Most old men and women from sections A and B have died espousing certain cultural values. Their children, who were the subjects of some of their teachings, are left with the challenge of adjusting their cultural outlook in the quest to fit in with the economic demands of their environments. As new parents they are also challenged to provide better education for their children in order to prepare them for a better future. The cultural complexion of the entire village is anchored in the few parents who are still alive and practicing traditional rituals. It is important to document the views of these elderly practitioners. This chapter has attempted to make the issues of cultural dynamics clearer by relating specific areas to specific cultural questions. For instance, if I want information on the church, section B is the right place to focus on. If I want traditional performers, section A would be the right place to look.
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Figure 7 Makhonya Mmamoleka
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Figure 8 Sekiba with his dipela ta Harepa
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Figure 9 Shabara Moropo
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Figure 10 Two Master Drummers playing Kaedio (poison)
Figure 11 Dikgololo in action
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Figure 12 Maidens from Ga-Malebogo
Figure 13 Maidens from Ga-Mampuru
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Bahananwas Perception of Music
Chapter 4
4. BAHANANWAS PERCEPTION OF MUSIC
4.1. INTRODUCTION
This chapter presents an interpretation of the perceptions of Bahananwa regarding music. The interpretation of perceptions is mediated in the sense that the author, much as he belongs to Sehananwa culture, is schooled in Western-culture-based music education as it obtains in South Africa. The process of mediation is undertaken with care in appreciation of the non-compatibility of the Western and the traditional Sehananwa systems of music, terminology and concepts involved. Simply, this chapter discusses issues surrounding language, perceptions about, and concepts of music. It seeks to put a Mohananwas point of view in the centre by investigating his/her notion of performance, musicianship and how s/he utilises the beat in building a polyrhythmic composition.
4.2. INSIDERS VIEW
In a traditional Mohananwas perspective, there seems to exist two worlds, ours and theirs. Bahananwa elders still display the tendency to classify aspects of their lives into two opposite sections. Traces of social divisions along age, clan and sex are still relevant. Perhaps one division that has direct relevance to this study is that of traditional perceptions of music. For elders In Ga-Malebogo, you either belong to or take part in seto (traditional ways) or ekgowa (white mans ways). When it comes to operating within the world of seto, elders display a unique mastery of their art and cultural practices. The other world is the one taken over by tlhabologo (civilisation) from the west. This is the world that their children bring from schools, churches, and places of work in Borwa. For Bahananwa elders the divide is clear. James (1999) discusses this dichotomous situation in rural Limpopo Province of South Africa, and Barber-Kersovan (1989) has noted a similar dichotomy as it existed in Slovenia. This dichotomy has managed to protect their musical culture from dilution by foreign popular musics. Because of this divide, there is no tinge of the west in their traditional music except for the attire and other paraphernalia they may use in its performance.
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Bahananwas Perception of Music 4.3. PROBLEMS OF MUSIC DISCOURSE
Bahananwa elders, who are in essence the practitioners and custodians of the music, do not perceive it as something to talk about. This is even so when they have to engage with a stranger or a non-practitioner. This 'silence' does not mean that they lack the technical language to discuss music, but that the discourse calls for a specialised language usage that is inaccessible to outsiders and ordinary people. In a situation where they are supposed to be informants, the divide between the practitioner and the outsider blocks the way for analytical engagement; a situation that may be misconstrued as reluctance to share information with others on their part. Several scholars have noted this phenomenon of silence. Raffman (1993) refers to it as 'ineffable knowledge' whilst Erlmann (1996) describes it as 'performative ethnology', which is attentive to forms of knowledge that cannot be expressed in discursive statements, but only through action, enactment or performance. Much as these concepts are convenient in acknowledging that most Africans do not impart this musical knowledge in verbal statements, they do not explain the inadequacy of academic approaches to capture the performers thinking. Apparently, Bahananwa do not speak about their culture in relation to other cultures. This lack of interest in other peoples music and disinterest in discussing their music in other peoples terms is also evident in the way such elders relate to mmino wa baswa (music for the youth). The elders have come to accept that their music differs from their childrens, and that theirs belongs to a different world. For example, when I asked for an interview from MmaMapote, one of the elderly practitioners (personal interview: 05/12/1999), she was startled. She wondered why somebody so youthful, who grew up in a church environment, and went to places of higher learning, would be interested in traditional music. After all, her type of music and that of the youth, belong to two different worlds. For her there was nothing to talk about. She felt happier and more comfortable performing and allowing me to observe whatever needed to be observed. Also interesting to note is the fact that Bahananwa often elders trace the performers lineage, and thus attribute his or her talent to the parent if there is an obvious link. They might even note that the performers parents were not that good given their performers talent. Usually this rationale is adequate in determining the root of a performers prowess, and whether such a performer is worthy of a chance at playing a role in crucial performances.
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Bahananwas Perception of Music 4.4. BASIC CONCEPTS OF THE MUSIC OF BAHANANWA
In Sehananwa the term that refers to music is 'mmino'. The same term describes dance, and it also refers to song. Go bina is to dance. The dance itself is referred to as mmino. Go opela is to sing, and a song is referred to as koa. The total activity of go bina and go opela result in a performance. That which is performed in the form of a song is referred to as mmino, irrespective of whether there is dancing or not. From this, one may assume that the word 'music' does not have its equivalent in African terms. According to Keil: The problem of our biases hit me rather forcefully when it became clear that a word corresponding to our term '"music" could not be found in one of African languages after another - Tiv, Yoruba, Igbo, Efik, Biron, Hausa, assorted Jarawa dialects, Idoma, Eggon, and dozen other languages from Nigeria Cameroon area do not yield a word for "music" gracefully. (Keil, 1979:27) Also featured in a musical performance of Sehananwa, is go reta (to sing poetry) and go leta mogolokwane (to make a high-pitched shrill sound by way of tongue tremolo), also known as ululation. Mogolokwane usually marks a point of excitement in a performance. Men would sound letsiye (a small wind instrument made out of an antelope horn) for the same purpose. (See fig.16, p. 33). There is no distinction between dance, song and the music in general. As part of a musical performance, Bahananwa mimic and produce animal sounds and use props including animal skins, bird feathers and horns to achieve the state of drama: In fact, African music which is an "impure" art form in that it is nearly always coupled with some other art, such as poetry or dance, is without doubt one of most revealing forms of expression of the black soul. (Bebey: 1975:16) There are striking similarities between Vhavenda and Bahananwas concepts of song. Blacking (1967:16) suggests that these similarities go beyond the description of the song itself, and also includes words that are related to musical performance. Like in Tshivenda, a song includes all tunes that are sung and/or played on instruments. This may also include go reta or u renda in Tshivenda. As with Tshivenda the difference between talking and reciting praises lies in the rhythm in which the words are said. Blacking assumes that go hlaba mogoi (to yell loudly) or u tavha mukosi in Tshivenda is regarded as making music. In Sehananwa this is not the case, neither is it music to produce one long note. To sound phalafala (an instrument made out of a long kudu horn) in isolation does not constitute music making. In a musical context, phalafala is used mostly for effect, or as a communication device where excitement as mentioned above is communicated.
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Figure 14 A Man Playing Phalafala (Kudu Horn).
Source: //wiki.ubc.ca/images/4/4a/Samburu_boy_playing_kudu_horn.jpg
Figure 15 Typical Phalafala Rhythmic Pattern.
Phalafala, which normally produces two notes, is commonly used to summon or call performers to attention. If it is sounded in the middle of a song it is merely used for effect. It may also communicate excitement. It is generally not thought of as an instrument that can carry the melody of a song. Phalafala is largely used rhythmically. So is letsiye, which produces one pitch only.
Figure 16 Letsiye (deer horn) However, music being one of the most powerful forms of expression for many people of the world, Bahananwa see music as an expression of life, and as such all that goes in life should be represented in its performance. Elements of nature such as the sound of wind or thunderstorm may be mimicked on instruments and form part of the concept of Sehananwa musical performance.
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4.4.1. Concept of Musician The concept of a 'musician' is not explicitly held among the elders in Ga-Malebogo. Every member of a society is, in essence and according to commonly held belief, a performer. This assumption is based on the fact that all are participants in a song, albeit to a varying degree. Arom (1991:12) observes a similar phenomenon with central African societies. Even if most of Bahananwa performers are members of kgotho (a dance/musical group for women) or dinaka, or just participants in a social gathering performance, they hardly think of themselves as musicians. They do, however, recognise anybody with exceptional abilities as a dancer, drummer or to a limited degree, a singer. Such a person is regarded as sekgwari (a person of great artistic ability). This term is not exclusive to artistry. It is also used for somebody who upholds cleanliness and orderliness. Because of the fact that the concept of a musician is not explicit among traditional Bahananwa, there is no dedicated training in order to impart such performing skills to an individual. According to Bahananwa, people with outstanding artistic, athletic or any abilities are born as such. Their special gifts are inherited from their parents or relatives. Merriam (1982: 334) found the same understanding among the Bala; that music ability is inherited at birth and is dependent on the parents a child is fortunate or unfortunate enough to have. In other parts of Africa, there are established categories of specialised performers who qualify as musicians. Akuno (2000) notes that a group of individuals renowned for their skill and ability in song could be distinguished in most African communities. Knight (1984) has worked in West Africa where he came across professional performers in the form of Jali. Jali may be instrumentalists but generally not drummers. In Southern Africa, Tracey (1970) worked with mbira players in Zimbabwe, who fit the description of musicians because they possess the skill that is not bestowed upon ordinary villagers, but talented individuals. Vhavenda, according to Lufuno Mutele (personal interview, 12/06/2002) have what they call tshilombe. Tshilombe is a person who is deeply and spiritually involved in music. He is not trained. It is believed that he or she acquires the musical skills from vhadzimu (ancestors in Tshivenda language). He does not perform music to make money. In fact he is a servant of society. Society does him a favour by patronising his performances and providing him with a platform to perform. In Sehananwa music making, song leaders lead out of their own volition. Anybody who thinks that he or she is capable of leading a song leads. However, in most African Apostolic Churches, most priests display some exceptional song-leading abilities.
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Oosthuizen (1999), in his description of Yoyo, a leader of one of the AIC's, firstly describes his voice. 'a person with a deep strong voice. We could hear his voice very clearly when his group was singing. He had a beautiful voice'. Talent and the 'beautiful voice' are some of the characters that helped people such as Yoyo to ascend to positions of priesthood. The ability to lead in song seems to feature prominently in African apostolic churches and traditional singing groups, since most of the priests and traditional group leaders are good song leaders. They are the ones who are emulated most by aspirant priests, initiates and children. Most young people are attracted to these churches by music. If the song leader is good, then the music is good and people tend to come back for more. The music goes a long way towards blessing those who take part in the entire sermon, which is characteristically interrupted frequently by song. If there is a person who is an instrumentalist other than the ordinary traditional drummer, he or she is set apart from the rest by way of attaching the name of his or her instrument to his personal name. There used to be a prolific dipela (the term referred to thumb piano, and later to the lap harp) player in a village called Ga-Rammutla, about 7 kilometres west of Ga-Mmamoleka named Ernest Rammutla. He was referred to as "Rammutla wa Dipela" (Rammutla who plays dipela). This is not exclusive to artistry. Even a man with many dogs would be identified as such. An example is Mapaya wa dimpa (dogs) Mapaya who is always in the company of dogs. 4.4.2. Performers and Audiences Bahananwa do not perceive music as something you can sit and listen to. Everybody is expected to be part of the performance. During performances the reaction of a woman ululating is spontaneous, and is regarded as a mark of a period of excitement and an addition to the totality of a performance. Normally there is no clapping after a song. The clapping, if it happens, occurs within a performance. In this instance, group members would be clapping an important rhythm that propels the performance. In general, signs of appreciation occur within the performance. As such they form part of that performance. In Sehananwa, the distinction between the audience and the performer is not rigid. Stone (1982:83) confirms this point in her study of the music of the Kpelle people of Liberia. An average African has gone through many musical situations where musical structures and forms are absorbed. Chernoff observes:
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Facility with rhythms is something people learn as they grow up in an African culture, one of the many cultural acquisitions that make someone seem familiar to people who have also learned the same things. Rhythms are built into the way people relate to each other. (Chernoff: 1979:94) In presenting their performances, especially dinaka4, Bahananwa don Scottish kilts, tennis caps and other decorative items such as white gloves to add colour to their performance. Some wear police-like uniforms and other such dramatic props. This makes their performances unique. Bahananwas emphasis on props for performance is captured by the idiomatic expression that says 'koa e botse ka diala', meaning that a performance of music is much more splendid if there are props. However, there is no Scottish influence in the music itself; then why this affinity with the Scottish kilts? Also, why are Bahananwa dinaka groups fascinated by police uniforms, even though there is no tinge of police music in their performances? The answer to these questions lies in the nature of the performance itself. In the past, performances were mostly to celebrate the successes of hunting expeditions and the victories of war. On their way back home hunters would brandish the skin or the head of the beast that they had killed as a way of sharing with the community their celebration of their victory or hunting success. As a sign of bravery a person would don the skin of the beast he had killed, hence all Magoi, don the leopard skins. Similarly, the use of these uniforms signifies the spiritual and/or physical triumphs over the powers they represent. Most music performances of Bahananwa are choreographed. However, in spiritual performance there is evidence of a greater freedom among singers and dancers. It is in these situations where behavioural patterns that accompany spirituality such as trance manifest themselves. A typical scenario would be the church services of most African Independent churches, or traditional ceremonies where the presence of the spirits is desirable. This freedom is also evident in the way African Americans react during their performances and particularly church services. Small (1987:102) notes that ' elements from the ancestral religions, such as spirit possession, dance, trance and chanted sermons, became incorporated into the Christian observances' of African Americans performances. They seem to have retained their African instincts for reacting to music. In the twentieth century modern rock and pop groups from the West, in applying some jazz elements have recently moved away from the traditional Western classical music style of
Dinaka are horns or pipes used as musical instruments by Bahananwa instead of reeds which are hard to come by. The music and dance genre known as kiba is also referred to as dinaka 36
presenting a performance. Today group members dance or move freely on the stage and invite the audience to sing along. Audiences have grown to be much more responsive and contributive to the total performance. This is perhaps one of the many direct and/or indirect contributions of African music to the music of the world. 4.4.3. Concept of Beat Both the Grove Concise Dictionary of music and Harvard Dictionary of Music describe the beat as the temporal unit of a composition, as indicating the up and down movement of the conductors hand. Bahananwa performers have a different perception of the beat. They do not base their music on the beat in a conventional fashion. Even when kiba (a big drum that beats regular 'beat') is dominant in the drum section, the singing and the dance rhythms cut across it. Kiba dancers use their feet for dancing rather than stomping in regular time to the beat. The dance displays two aspects 1) the beauty of body movements, and 2) the rhythmic embellishment of one of the many rhythms that are inherent in the song. Bahananwa dance the rhythms with their feet, and wear mathoo (rattles) around their ankles to enhance this aspect. This contributes to the polyrhythmic nature of the music. It would seem that the West African societies concept of beat, as described by Arom (1991:13), is similar to that of Bahananwas. Waterman (1990: 22) writes that from the African tradition of taking for granted the presence of a basic beat in the mind of the performer and the auditor alike has stemmed not only the elaboration of meters just discussed, but also a quite different artistic technique completely dependent for its effect on the metronome sense.
4.5. PERCEIVED SONG STRUCTURES
The music of Bahananwa, as part of Sehananwa music, and as part of the larger African traditional music, is strictly an orally transmitted practice and may seem improvisational. Improvisation usually happens within a basic structure. George (1976:41) observed that 'African music, even when performed spontaneously, is highly organised. What seems to be improvisation is done within a pre-selected structure with basic standard of performance but the average member of an African society participates in a musical activity to a much greater degree than is done in the Western culture'. Broadly speaking the concept of 'structure' in people is well established. It starts with social structures such as age grading, which inform how things ought to be done according to age relations; as important, is the structure of language. Societies have forms, which
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guide behaviour and the acceptable use of language. The music of Bahananwa seems to take most of its structural attributes from these general tendencies found within social structures. Further, it include other structures that are found in movements and games, among other things. 4.5.1. Language Almost all songs are vocally based even though some may be performed as instrumental pieces; they emanate from a spoken language. It is therefore arguable that language, the spoken word, forms the basic structure of the music. The melodic and rhythmic characters of a song will, more often than not, correspond with the tone associated with the text of that particular song, and thus the language tone used in composing it: There is no doubt that the African, in melodising his speech feels that the tune does all along conform to the speech outline. That he is able, in approaching vocal music from this standpoint, to create such strong, well-balanced, and musically satisfying tunes is surely a remarkable tribute to his musical aesthetic. (Jones 1959:246) Tracey (1948:55) makes a similar point and goes on to observe that many of the songs sung by minstrels are about conveying messages. As such the tone used in the songs correlates with the spoken language, lest the meaning is misconstrued. Blacking (1967:167) also observes that the melody and the metrical pattern of the first wordpattern of a song is, as far as possible reproduced in all subsequent word-patterns. Lately Feld (1990: 197-8), has examined linguistic models as related to musical structures. He observes that if the speech-tone rises or falls before or after the beat on which the melody usually moves, the melody is adjusted to suit the speech-tone, and hence the original effect of the beat is changed by the agogic accent. Nketia (1992:179) concludes that 'the internal divisions that mark off the musical phrasing within a song tend to correspond closely to grammatical units of structure'. Blacking supports the rhythmic attributes of basic musical form by talking about metrical patterns, which are dictated by language. Feld (1990) confirms the close relationship between the spoken language, the intonation and the melodic contour when dealing with speech tone. However, Agawu (1995:34) says that 'it would be unacceptable to say that the pattern of speech tones determines the structure of a musical melody'. On the contrary he concludes that because language generates what he calls resultant patterns, such as two-syllable words with longshort relationship, two syllable words with short-long relationship and three syllable words
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marked by identical syllabic quantity, which translate to triplet patterns, it therefore generates vocal and instrumental music. My friends with Western origins who are musically literate and with trained aural abilities fail to perceive the rise and fall of the tones in my name, Madimabe, and I pronounce some English words differently or wrongly, even when they are repeated to me almost immediately. This is attributed to the fact that some languages are tonal and some are not. This observation confirms that as a Mohananwa, I may be hearing tones, and thus melodies differently as compared to other African language speakers, or even remotely, from Europeans; and that people's spoken languages have much to do with this disparity. This strict relation between music and language, as Arom (1991) observes, is so obvious in another form of expression, that of folklore or dinonwane in Sehananwa. Nettle (1973:26) states that the peculiarity of certain scales or tone systems to our ears is due to the peculiarity of the tone system with which we have grown up. 4.5.2. Movements There is a strong relationship between movement and music. Bailey (1985) asserts that music is the sonic product of action. When elders encourage a child to learn to walk, they sing and clap short phrases with a particular rhythmic feel. The child will attempt walking. The clapping, as done by the elders, seems to take into consideration the erratic steps a child is making in its attempt to walk (see example 7, p.79). This relationship is also evident in many childrens games that involve movement. A song may be based on the movement patterns mainly attributed to the physical layout of the instrument played. Baily (1985:23) writes that music making involves patterned movement in relationship to the active surface of a musical instrument regardless of the construction of such instrument. Most of the music of Bahananwa seems to invite dance. In dinaka, kgotho and social gathering performances there is a relationship between the drum and the dance movements and vice versa. It is not obvious as to which between the drum rhythm and the dance pattern dictate the musical performance. I have also observed that some dance movements suggested certain types of songs. Kofie (1994:21) maintains that there is a complementary element between the body movement of a dance and the drum rhythm, which together go to make up understanding. Therefore, it is logical that some songs are composed based on the type of dance or the movement desired. The movement, either in
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a game or in dance, forms the basis for some Bahananwa song structures. This phenomenon is not unique to the music of Bahananwa, but occurs in other dancemovements such as the Latin American Cha-cha-cha, which are descriptive of the movement involved. Nketia (1992:177) concurs that form may be influenced by not only the roles assumed by various members of a performing group or by the context of a performance, but also by the nature of the movements and expression with which such music is integrated.
4.6. CONCLUSION
This chapter investigated how Bahananwa perceive their music. Music is for them a social activity. All participate in its performance at different levels. In the construction and performance of their music, they intuitively use polyrhythmic approach. Their language, which is tonal, forms the basis for their kind of phraseology. Dance and game movements form the basis for some of the compositions. The reverse is also the case, where a song generates dance movements. Bahananwa have, by drawing a distinction between seto (traditional ways) and sekgowa (white mans ways), their music and mmino wa baswa (music for the youth) tried, with a measure of success, to keep their music as authentic as possible. Even as an insider I have struggled to understand certain aspects of the music of Bahananwa at a philosophical level. Nevertheless, I observed that elders want to impart their knowledge, including the musical heritage to the younger generation. I felt MmaSathekge (personal interview: 12/01/2001) grieving at the fact that the world today has swayed their children away from what she believes they should be learning, tradition.
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Musical Soundscape
CHAPTER 5
5. MUSICAL SOUNDSCAPE
5.1. INTRODUCTION
This chapter begins by investigating the tuning system of dinaka5. Further, it describes the functions of music as it occurs within Bahananwas cycle of life; music for healing purposes, music for the church, childrens songs, music for rites of passage, music for social entertainment and other musical practices. Selected musical examples followed by basic analysis are provided.
5.2. DINAKA (Pipe Instruments)
The reason for starting at this point is that the music of dinaka is the basis of Bahananwas concept of tonality. It is in this genre that there is a conscious development of a tuning system. This is where the succession of notes is thought of actively and crystallised. A pensioner Mmatlou Molele, (personal interview: 04/01/2003) asserts that the music of dinaka is one of the oldest forms of Sehananwa performance. According to his understanding, almost all Sehananwa inspired and traditional performances are derivatives of dinaka. To support this he mentioned kgotho, which is a musical group for women. Kgotho6 also provides the basis for other musics such as setlhako and other social gathering performances. The largest group performance of music in Ga-Malebogo happens in social functions such as weddings and funerals, and in certain rituals such as koma (initiation schools). For dedicated vocal music ensembles, mokhukhu (St. Barnabas ZCC male singing/dancing group) and church choirs are the most popular. The largest instrumental performance occurs in the form of dinaka. Apart from dinaka, Bahananwa do not have instrumental ensembles. Also, besides the pipe section in dinaka ensemble, drums are usually played by not more than five people, Three is the minimum: One player will play Kiba7- the big drum that provides a regular beat, the second one will be playing ditudutudu - two small drums that provide constant interlocking patterns, while the player of the accenting drum
Naka (dinaka in plural) is a pipe made of either a reed or a metal pipe. Naka is blocked on the one end. Blowing in the open end using a specific technique produces one pitch. Different lengths produce different pitches. Bahananwa manipulate the lengths of a range of dinaka to produce a scale. The instrumental music produced on dinaka is termed dinaka. 6 Kgotho is a female musical group. The drum configuration used is similar to the one used in dinaka. 7 Due to the thinning out of vegetation in areas such as Makgari and most areas inhibited by Bahananwa, there are no more trees big enough to curve kiba out of. As a result an oil-barrel-drum is used instead. 41
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Musical Soundscape
phoesene - a drum nicknamed poison would be a feature of the drum section. This is the drum that dancers either base their dance patterns on, or the drummer accents and embellishes the patterns the dancers are executing. Mokgadi Meso, who is an elder in the tradition, a founder and a leader of a dinaka group in the village of Makgari, arranged his dinaka in a scalar fashion. From his explanation, it seems that Bahananwa largely make use of a minor pentatonic scale. This scale is the basis for the tuning system of dinaka. One naka produces only one note, therefore, several dinaka are tuned and arranged in such a way that together they form a scale. Each note is assigned a name that either is adopted from the animals or is function-based. For instance, Kgomo is a word for cow, the most valued animal among Bahananwa, while phalola is a term that denotes the starting note of a song. Performers line up, assuming the role of each particular note in a scale. For example, a phalola player will occupy position number one in the line. The following are two minor pentatonic scales starting on G and F# respectively. Mokgadi Meso presented them as one scale over two octaves. The first ascending scale begins on phalola (the note G), while the descending scale starts on kgomo (the note F#):
Tateledi
Fefera
Phalolana
Upper set
Phalola Sereku Kgongwana
Figure 17 Notes of a Pentatonic Scale
Lower set
Figure 18 Notes of Descending Pentatonic Scale
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Many Africans, including the Yoruba of Nigeria as Welch (1985:157) observes, use the concept of 'high', 'medium' and 'low' when describing pitch. Bahananwa utilise a mixture of several nomenclative systems. a) For Bahananwa, pitch is related to size. The lower the pitch, the bigger the sound. They also have three degrees of size for which they use the analogy of a cow. There is however, some inconsistency regarding the note F. It seems that the note F is supposed to be referred to as kgomo instead of F# because it sounds lower. This could be a mistake on the part of the informer. Nevertheless, the following analysis is strictly based on Mokgadi Meso's description. The pitches as discussed in this section were tested against tempered tuning and were found to be approximated; The term kgomo means a normal sized cow and is assigned to the note F#. Paradoxically the note F natural, which is a semitone lower than F# is referred to as kgongwana (a diminutive of kgomo). One would have thought of the note F as kgomo because it sounds lower than the note F#. The note E, which is a tone below the note F, is referred to as mamogolo wa kgomo (a term denoting a bigger form of kgomo). Notes E, F and F# are aurally, rather than visually perceived, hence the three-degree of size, as in mamogolo wa kgomo, kgomo and kgongwana: all with reference to kgomo (the cow). b) Besides size, Bahananwa use names denoting function or succession of notes. The note G, is referred to as phalola (the starter). In this case the name of the note and the pitch remain consistent, except that they are an octave apart. The G, which is an octave higher, is regarded smaller and therefore referred to as phalolana (small phalola) Phalola e kgolo, which means the big phalola is assigned to the note A, which is a tone below G, denoting the aural perception of notes A and G and not their visual aspects. The note B is named tateledi, which means the follower. It follows phalola in the sequence. The same term is assigned to the note B although the two are a semitone apart.
b
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c) The following two names have nothing to do with the previous two categories. It would seem that they are just names with no reference to neither size nor function. Sereku is the term assigned to both C and C# notes. The other common feature of these two notes is that they occupy the 3rd place in the sequence of the pentatonic scale. Fefera is the only term that is assigned to the note D.
5.2.1. Typical Drum Pattern of Kiba/Dinaka
Figure 19 One of the many drum patterns of Kiba
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Figure 20 Typical drum configuration used in Kgotho and dinaka ensemble
5.3. FUNCTIONS OF MUSIC
In African traditional societies, as Mbabi-Katana (1991:) points out, music forms the main medium through which most, if not all, of the oral traditions are expressed. Music is one of the main means of communication that informs the audience about several issues, such as: 1) Who is performing, and what state of mind or spirit are they in. 2) Their religious affiliation or inclination, 3) The type of ritual accompanied by a particular style of music. (for example, a funeral song is different from a wedding song). 4) Music can also inform the type of action the listener needs to take in a particular event. An example would be a song at malopong (a place where the ritual of malopo is taking place) instructing children in the audience to go home. 4) Music may also be used to communicate with the supernatural. Herndon and McLeod (1990:121) assert that the idea of music as the communicator with the supernatural is almost world-wide in the extent and indicates a relationship which may help to understand the retentive nature of liturgical music.
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Akpabot (1986:76) indicates how traditional African societies' behavioural patterns are centred on life cycles of birth, puberty, marriages, and death. Rituals in which music plays an important role celebrate these life cycles. He concludes that ' the behavioural pattern of any given African society is, largely, influenced by the musical concepts of the people. Musical concepts lead to musical behaviour; and musical values are reflective of general values'. For instance, the graceful dancing of mature women differs from young girls' dances, which are more energetic and involve parts of the body such as hips, hands, feet and facial expressions. An elderly person who dances like a young girl would be reprimanded or scorned. Similarly, a girl who dances as if she is an old woman presents herself as a laughing stock to her peers. This ability of music to inform action, condition moods, communicate messages effectively, inform behaviour, as well as its ability to reflect values, makes music a strong tool for perpetuating cultural practices. Arguably, all musics, and certainly in the case of the music of Bahananwa, perform these functions.
5.4. MUSIC FOR HEALING PURPOSES
In Sehananwa, it is difficult to speak about the concept of 'religion' as an independent entity. This is because traditionally Bahananwa do not encode their way of life into compartments. They see their practices and customs as one whole, expressed through rituals of life. 5.4.1. Ngaka A common feature in African traditional societies is the role of ngaka (traditional healer). Mangaka (plural for ngaka) are healers and diviners, although some are purely trained as herbalists. A herbalist of this sort is referred to as 'ngaka e thupja'. The equivalent of ngaka is a medical practitioner. Ngaka uses bones to diagnose the problems of the sick and to determine the type of treatment and herbs that will be relevant in treating the ailment or the condition. As a custom among the traditional Bahananwa, before any event can take place ngaka is consulted in order to proactively protect the event from possible witchcraft. Ngaka becomes a significant role player in matters pertaining to rituals, and thus religion. He or she is involved directly or indirectly in all rituals and all family matters ranging from security to determining fate. The following quotation is the reiteration of the importance of a traditional healer in a Shona society as described by Gelfand:
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He is a doctor in sickness, a priest in religious matters, a lawyer in the legal issues, a policeman in the detection and prevention of crime, a possessor of magical preparations which can increase crops and instil special skills and talents into his clients. He fills a great need in African society, his presence gives reassurance to the whole community and his position will no doubt remain secure for so long as the Shona's belief in witchcraft, and his need for an antidote to the witch survive Western education and civilisation. (Gelfand, 1964:55). Although not a musician, most of the rituals in which ngaka operates has music performance as one of the major activities. The following are some of instances where there is music in the healing process. 5.4.2. Rainmaking Ritual Healing is not restricted to human ailments, but also includes the 'healing of the land', which is equally important, as MmaSathekge (personal interview, 12/01/2001), who is a reputable ngaka and an elder in Ga-Mmamoleka puts it. Schapera (1971:43), for instance, speaks of 'cleansing of the land'. Senoga-Zake (1986) cites several Kenyan nations practising rainmaking rituals. When the rain is scarce in Ga-Malebogo, Kgoi or his mantona (headmen) summons all the people to kgoro (a gathering in rural villages, where communal cases are heard and resolved). There, he would ask moroka (a traditional rainmaker) to divine and set a rainmaking ceremony in progress. Mma Serumula (personal interview: 04/12/1999), who is a sangoma (a diviner rooted in Nguni tradition) and an elder, says that when there are unburied corpses lying in the veld they disturb rain. Bahananwa believe the presence of mphukudu (a zombie) is one such instance, where moroka (traditional rainmaker) must treat the land and remove such bad omens. Schapera has observed similar rituals among Batswana (people from Botswana). The corpse of a human being, if it lay in the open and had not been properly buried, was held to desolate the land; 'it is something which the rain hates and which prevents it from coming.' Even after the flesh had been rotten away or been eaten by ants or wild animals, the skeleton while still exposed continue to be sebeela. The remedy was to bury it as soon as possible. (Schapera: 1971:106) In Ga-Malebogo the rainmaking ceremony entails colourful sights of young boys and girls, aged between 11 and 14 carrying mangeta (small clay containers) filled with treated water, while singing a special song known as firi-firiso8. A moroka (traditional rainmaker) escorts these young boys and girls, sprinkling treated water and burning some herbs all over the
8
firi-firiso is a nonsensical word that is used for its rhythmic character to carry the rainmaking song). 47
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veld. This, they believe, will cleanse the land and thereafter rain will start falling even before the young entourage reaches home. Schapera (1971:43) relates a similar case about Batswana, where as soon as all the parties had come together, they returned homeward in one body, singing various 'dipina tsa pula (rain songs). The ability to make rain has been one of the areas in which magoi contest each other for popularity and power. The more successful Kgoi's dingaka or baroka (plural of moroka traditional rainmaker) are at curing ailments and rainmaking, the more popular and stronger that particular Kgoi is regarded. Kgoigadi (queen) Modjadji of Bolobedu is most famous for her excellence in the rainmaking ritual.
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Rainmaking Song
Example 1 Firi-firiso
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Friri-firiso This is a call-response-structured song. The call is given by the song leader, and response given by the group. The groups entries are not staggered as in more complex songs. In this particular song the phrases are short - three beats long to be precise. The melody range is small, a major 3rd or a perfect fourth at the most, and is sung in unison. For the call, the starting note and the ending note is the 1st note of the scale. The chorus starts on the 1st and ends on the 5th notes of the scale. This song is intended for children, judging by its simplicity in its musical activity and lyrical content
Sehananwa Feri-firiso Mmalefiswane Re nelwa ke pula Mmalefiswane Re kgopela pula Mmalefiswane
Literal Translation Firi-firiso Mmalefiswane We are showered by rain Mmalefiswane We are asking for the rain Mmalefiswane
Mmalefiswane is a rain bird that is responsible for bringing rain to the land. The nation is pleading for rain to fall. The context in which the song is sung is explained in detail in (section 5.4.2, p.47) which deals with the rainmaking ceremony. 5.4.3. Naming of the child In Sehananwa, children are named after elders such as grandparents, uncles, aunts and other blood relatives. For example, the first child born to a first-born-child is named after its paternal grandfather regardless of gender. The first child born to a second, third and up to the umpteenth born-child is named after the brother or the sister of its parent. Field (1961:174) has also recorded the presence of a naming system among the G people in West Africa. This traditional system of naming children is important because the living and especially badimo have a guarantee that their legacies will be kept alive. There is a belief that the name of a child plays a major role in moulding the childs character, future roles, and lifestyle. There is an even deeper belief that a child, because of the name, becomes a reincarnation of a member of the family who may be alive or have passed away. For instance, when a child is to be carried by a strange person, that person will clap his or her hands before carrying it. This is to show respect for the person the child
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is named after. Also, when the child has to travel to a new place, Bahananwa inform the child in a manner that suggests that they are addressing their elder (the first owner of the name) who resides in the child. Chernoff asserts that: individual destiny is inseparable from family, community and history. In African religious belief, the departed continues to watch over the community and the departed themselves are judged and their lives are expanded by those who remember them and continue to live in the world of meaning. (Chernoff, 1979: 165). For Bahananwa, the name is important. Stored in it is the history of the family, the clan and of events. The bearer of the name is therefore a living history. Naming a child properly is important to most African societies. Failure to apply the naming system correctly results in misfortune and mishaps. The following are some of the ills that can befall a person who bears the name that was not picked according to the traditional naming system: Firstly, there have been many instances in South African families from different nations, where a child has had sleepless nights, crying all the time. When consulting mangaka (plural form of ngaka) many parents are told that the child is crying for the right name. This is common to most African traditions, certainly in East Africa, as confirmed by Okumu (personal interview: 23/10/2000). Usually after renaming the child, it calms down and starts living a normal life again. Secondly, as the young grow into adulthood and mature, they are still believed to embody the spirit of the people after whom they are named. Sometimes adults, as is the case with Mr. Ngoako (personal Interview: 05/12/1999) who is a sangoma initiate, become ill to an extent that nothing seems to work for them; no medication seems to relieve them of their pain. Such people are found not to be ill, but tormented by an ancestral call for them to pick up the healing trade from where the person they are named after left off. In defiance to the call Mr. Ngoako says that he went to the ZCC hoping that the church will provide him with the desired solution, only to be sent home mysteriously by one of his late grandparents.
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5.4.4. Malopo Malopo9 are people who serve as mediums for the ancestral spirits. When in trance they become the ancestors. Rouget (1985: 22) says that in Africa, the possessed does not imitate the ancestor he embodies. He or she is that ancestor. This account has been consistent with accounts by my informants. Malopo are not necessarily healers but through the therapeutic effect of their particular musical performance, healing occurs, particularly to the trainee. The state of trance also brings about healing for the seasoned malopo. The term malopo also refers to the spirits or to the ceremony in which malopo are active. It can be said that in Mapayas home there is malopo meaning the ceremony. Two most common functions of the totality of malopo are go phasa (to appease ancestors) and go gata malopo (initiate someone into being lelopo10). During the process of go gatiwa malopo the trainee will be up in the early hours of the morning walking from street to street scattering herbs around the village. Someone who knows the ancestral lineage of the graduate will accompany him or her on this expedition. According to Violet Madibana (personal interview: 14/07/2000), whose aunt Mma Lucia Temo is a lelopo, go gatiwa malopo starts with a ceremony where a white goat is slaughtered in the veld, put on leaa (tree branch) and dragged home. This symbolises the act of fetching badimo from the veld. Seasoned dancers or malopo, who had gone through the same process, are summoned by their ngaka (normally a senior lelopo himself or herself) to come and initiate the trainee. According to Violet Madibana, and my personal recollection, the ceremony of malopo starts with them (malopo) appearing as ordinary people. About late evening malopos ngaka (traditional healer for malopo) will instruct them to go to sleep by shouting moribe! meaning that they should cover themselves up with blankets. He or she will start playing thela (a percussive instrument that is considered sacred in malopo ritual. See fig. 22, p. 54). After a while, one of malopo will start crying and his or her voice will transform into that of an ancestor. One by one the rest of malopo will irregularly fall into trance, speaking in strange voices. These voices will be asking questions about where they are, and why they are at that particular place. These spoken phrases will gradually transform into song, and malopo will enter a fully-fledged state of trance as other members of the family, who
Malopo are spiritual mediums common in Sepedi and Tshivenda traditions, chosen to embody or house ancestral spirits. They are usually confused with masangoma who are special mangaka of Nguni training. 10 Lelopo is singular for malopo. 52
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are not malopo, join in the singing. The singing becomes increasingly spirited. From this point on, malopo, who are the main role players in the ceremony, are no longer referred to by their 'earthly' names and titles, but are addressed as bakgalabje11 (grandfathers). A person in full trance cannot recognise anybody including his or her next of kin. Rouget (1985:12) describes a trance as 'a temporary state of consciousness. Another description of trance comes from Herndon and McLeod (1990:131): 'trance is at once ecstatic and culture-bound, seemingly withdrawn, yet profoundly and deeply culturally patterned'. Malopo are clearly culture-bound. Malopo who are now in trance, will not speak to anybody, eat nor drink under any circumstance, apart from taking a herbal mixture referred to as pula12 (rain), which is served in leapelo (a special clay pot). They will dance together and in turns for as long as it takes to achieve the state of trance, thereby inducing the spirits in the afflicted person. Malopo do not rest or eat until after the ceremony, which could be a weeklong as observed by Rougets (1985:13). The afflicted person who is likely to be very weak is helped to stand up in the middle of the circle of dancers. One of the dancers will hold the afflicted person in his or her hands and start spinning him or her around vigorously. When the spinner is too dizzy to continue, another one will take over. The afflicted person is not given time to recover, he or she will eventually collapse out of dizziness and exhaustion. The process will resume shortly afterwards until the afflicted person falls into a trance. He or she may also start crying, sweating and be visually out of control. The process will continue until the afflicted person is able to connect with badimo or fall into trance easily. However, the process does not end at this point, as malopo will keep singing the following day to assess whether the afflicted person can go into a trance within a reasonable time-span. Apart from practising how to fall into trance, the afflicted person is cured. DjeDje (1985:76) has noted the healing power of trance, which is also used in other parts of Africa such as in Tuareg society. There, women use possession music to help cure mental and physical disorders. In Segananwa, the main activities when malopo are in a trance are dancing, praise singing, playing of special meropa (see fig. 21, p.54). Meropa13 (drums) are also known as
11
The term bakgalabje in this context is used in the place of badimo. It means grandfathers. The issues of gender fall away in this case. Both female and males ancestors are referred to as bakgalabje (grandfathers). 12 Pula is rain. In this instance it refers to a special herbal mixture used during the ritual of malopo. 13 The technology of making meropa has evolved. Today bicycle wheel rims are used instead of the wood. But the cow hide, the most important part of the drum, cannot be replaced. 53
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dikoma (koma =singular or ingoma in IsiZulu) and they vary in size and function. Koma (relatively large-sized drum made of a cowhide stretched over a small bicycle wheel) is used to keep the 'beat'. Moropa is used for interlocking rhythms. Thopana (same as koma in construction but smaller) is used as the leading drum. Thela is a shaker that is sacred in the ritual. It is believed that it evokes the spirit of the ancestors whenever it is played.
Figure 21 Drums used for Malopo
Figure 22 Thela (shaker instrument) used in Malopo
5.4.5. Masangoma Masangoma14 are both diviners and healers. Their primary practice is to divine and heal ailments. Most of their songs are in Nguni languages because sangoma (singular for masangoma) practices are culturally bound to Nguni tradition. They are not as common as malopo in Ga-Malebogo, but they are now assimilated into the culture. Sangoma training is referred to as go thwasa or ukuthwasa15 in Nguni languages. The initiates (amathwasa = plural, ithwasa = singular) are expected to sing and dance at specific times during their training. This is to induce the spirits, and music plays an important role in this regard. Once ithwasa is in a trance, the spirits should then be able to direct him or her to a hidden object. The process of perfecting diagnosing or divining skills requires lengthy periods of training; hence ithwasa undergoes this training for months. In the end, ithwasa should be able to detect, within a reasonable space of time, objects the trainer had hidden. The next step is for him or her to diagnose ailments and the right treatment thereof.
The term is used in Sepedi context, otherwise it would have been written as amasangoma (plural) or isangoma (singular) 15 Ukuthwasa means the break of a season for example spring. In this sense, it means the making or training of a sangoma 54
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Magalane Phoshoko - a music educator at Fuba School of Music in Johannesburg reveals that there is another process similar to go thwasa called go femba (personal interview: 02/12/2000). He was not sure from where the term go femba derives, but assumes it has its origin in neighbouring countries such as Zambia. In this process, ithwasa will bite a patient at a place where the evil spirit or the disease is located. Then that spirit will transfer from the afflicted person to ithwasa. In the case of madness, ithwasa will then become mad and the patient be healed. For this type of practice ithwasa is believed to undergo training under water for several days or months without drowning. As they become better at it, the trainer will assign certain cases to amathwasa (plural of ithwasa) for them to cure. Ultimately amathwasa will graduate as fully qualified amasangoma (plural for isangoma). By this time, amathwasa will have also mastered the art of musical performance, which is vital to their practices as healers, especially the ability to fall into trance. The spirits of ancestors may visit masangoma (plural of sangoma) at any time. Therefore, close members of the family are supposed to know what to do when this happens. Masangoma, as is the case with malopo, are a family affair. As such, children take part in the singing and drumming as it had been witnessed with Mma Serumula. Sekoba Serumula, her elder son, knows these songs and also knows their functions. He has learned to sing them in times of need. He has had to learn and know the musical preferences and special song for each ancestral spirit that may enter his mother. He informs that if he did not sing the right song, the ancestral spirit in his mother will physically punish him. To avoid such punishment, whenever there are ceremonies at home, he listens in order to learn the songs.
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Figure 24 Typical drum pattern for Masangoma
5.4.6. Boloyi (Witchcraft) Is there music in witchcraft? If there is music, how is it learned? Unlike other rituals that can be examined, it is difficult to answer these questions with confidence because witchcraft is a secretive practice. It is not easy to investigate the practices of witchcraft since no one can declare that he or she is a witch. As a result the information about witchcraft is unscientific but widely available within most of African communities. So prevalent is the belief in the existence and the practices of witchcraft that I will include a common understanding of how witchcraft operates, with reference to the training of the musical aspects thereof. There is evidence that suggests that there is music and that some kind of training occurs. Zuesse (1979: 229) mentions that in Eastern Africa witches cast their spell by dancing naked in the enemies compound at night. The dancing presupposes that there is music in the practice of witchcraft. There is a strong belief that baloyi (witches) use small drums, and/or naka (any small wind instrument, which is made of antelope horn, or a stopped pipe) to play music that hypnotises the victim. It is also said that naka is used to call the sleeping victim to rise, still in their sleep, and take instructions. This may include commands for the victim to open the house door or commit terrible acts that he or she will not be aware of on waking up the following morning. Baloyi (witches) are believed to use
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drums to drive their victims into a deep sleep; something similar to hypnotism. This state is called segateledi16- a witch-induced dream. The process of training a witch is not known, but it is believed that there is a test a baby undergoes to prove that it has the requirements to become a witch: Adult witches put the baby up against the wall, and if it sticks for a moment without falling, it qualifies to be introduced to witchcraft. The musical training of witches is also not commonly known. However, there is dancing and drumming suggesting that some musical training or induction must have taken place, even if only between two people such as mother to daughter or father to son.
5.5. MUSIC FOR THE CHURCH
The legacy of colonialism is that the African economy and life-styles in general have changed from subsistence farming to bartering, and finally to materialism. This development has created a situation that necessitated adjustments to the African way of life. Mugambi (1992: 101) states that when Africans were made to understand that without book-learning they could not survive in the new situation, they streamed to the missions to acquire the new learning. Thus, the missionaries brought the concept of schooling. Bahananwa were among Africans who were convinced that education was the key to finding employment in industrial areas such as Borwa or in government offices in their locality. The only place where there was some form of education was at mission schools. This new-found belief in education led to a greater number of Africans attending mission schools. The primary aim of missionary schools was to convert the many Africans who were attending school into Christians. Therefore, the teaching was based on the need to Christianise. Conversely, as Mugambi (1992: 101) puts it, most Africans went to mission schools not because they were attracted by Christianity but because they needed booklearning which was a gateway to employment. This situation led to the development of an education system that sought to prepare people for employment, and on the other hand promote the Christian religion. Before 1994, it was almost impossible for any black South African child to become educated without being inducted into Christianity. Christianity brought a new dimension to the way Bahananwa saw their relationship with Modimo. Traditionally Bahananwa communicate with Modimo through badimo. Christianity
Segateledi can be likened to a nightmare except that everything is real. Even if the victim is half-asleep, he or she is helpless until the act of being bewitched is done. 57
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advocates for a direct communication with Modimo (God). In the quest to forge this direct relationship with God or Modimo, there are prayers and songs of worship directed to Him. Africans have learned to sing those songs at school and upon converting to the new religion. Hymns were taught in mission schools and churches, and thus became popular among church-going Africans. Government schools also stressed the learning of these hymns using tonic sol-fa notation. The association between education and the church led to a firm grounding for choral singing in South Africa. Since the seventeenth century, singing and choral tradition in particular, had grown remarkably. Many choristers in the black communities have learned to read tonic sol-fa well. Primos (2001:7) observes that 'the ability of choral singers to sing at sight from sol-fa notation is a remarkable phenomenon. It appears to be learned informally by osmosis and confined to major keys'. This is the result of many years of exposure to South African choral music that largely make use of tonic-sol-fa notation systems. As I became musically literate, I learned that those different church groups sing hymns differently. Specifically, hymns as sung in African Churches manifest a distinct African character. The widespread Black South African culture of choral music is an offspring of the process of acculturation that affected the hymn. Coplan (1985:73-83) states that in Zionism, as it is practised in Africa, 'prophets' combined aspects of traditional African and Christian ritual, belief, and organisation. The hymns have come to bear some cultural elements, which are found in traditional practices, such as the use of drums. In other instances, dancing has also become an integral part of a sacred performance of hymns. The process did not stop with the acculturation of the hymn. The development of the African church also led to the development of music genres that complemented the hymns. This happened within the broader development of the African Church. As Africans began to adopt Christianity, they started to set up their own churches, which had no origins elsewhere, but in Africa. Among others, the Zion Christian Church (ZCC) with its headquarters in Limpopo Province, the Nazarene Baptist Church, commonly known as the Shembe Church in Kwazulu/Natal, and lately the Independent Pentecostal Church (IPC) based in Zuuberkom in Gauteng, are important African Churches in South Africa today. The ZCC is the biggest in Ga-Malebogo. A distant second, is a group of Pentecostal churches or bapholowa (born-again Christians) followed by African Apostolic Churches, and finally, mainstream churches such as the Roman Catholic Church. The IPC
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has a small presence while the Shembes are absent in Ga-Malebogo. It seems that in GaMalebogo, churches that combine Christianity with African traditions have surpassed the mainstream churches in growth. There were a number of reasons for this development. For instance, Western-style churches could not satisfy African definitions of spiritual and social acceptability because these churches did not accommodate African religious perspectives. In addition, Africans look for tangible things on which to base their beliefs. Many converts join the church seeking protection from evil, or relief from pain caused by sickness. The quest to go to heaven after death is also an attraction. Anderson (1992:116) asserts that the African style of worship and liturgy, the holistic Christianity that is evident in the offer of tangible help in the world as well as in the next - all these factors combine to form a uniquely African expression of Christianity that meets needs more substantially than the often sterile Christianity imported from Europe and North America. Oosthuizen (1994:238) notes that Black Zionists express their liturgy through singing, dancing, and clapping spontaneously, something that is not evident in most of the socalled mainline churches. The songs they compose, sing and dance to still refer to Modimo. These new songs are used in addition to hymns, which still command a place in the repertoire of all churches. Jules-Rosette (1985: 120) places Apostolic Church music in three categories; namely: 1) 2) Hymns, which are acculturated church music. Didactic music, which Apostles consider to be a form of preaching because it interprets specific biblical texts and provide members with moral directives for their daily conduct, and 3) Ecstatic music, which is spirit driven and is mainly praise and worship in style. Kereke ya Moya (church of the spirit) is one of the churches whose music is characteristically ecstatic. These categories do not limit the musical styles found in these African churches. The styles are as diverse as the churches themselves. For instance, there are two versions of ZCC churches headed by two brothers.
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5.5.1. Zion Christian Church Among others, Chidester (1992:134-7) and Anderson (2000) have documented the origin of ZCC of which the summary follows. In 1920, Engenas Lekganyane joined Edward Motaung's Zion Apostolic Faith Mission where he was ordained as the church's bishop in the Northern Transvaal. In 1924, he broke away and founded his own church because of differences between himself and the leader bishop Edward Motaung. One of the differences was that Engenas married two wives, which was against church regulations. He had children and named his first-born son Edward Lekganyane, after Edward Motaung whom he still admired even after they had gone their separate ways. According to Anderson, the church's membership grew steadily from 926 in 1925, 2000 in 1935, 8 500 in 1940, 27 487 in 1945 and spreading to neighbouring countries like Zimbabwe and Botswana. When Engenas died the church was boasting a membership of 45 000. To date the ZCCs membership is estimated at 10 million. After Engenas' death, his sons wrangled about who the successor should be. The younger son Joseph broke away with a smaller splinter group to form his version of ZCC, which came to be known as St. Engenas Zion Christian Church, using a pigeon as its emblem. Edward remained with the bigger church until his death. Edward's son Barnabas Ramarumo Lekganyane took over at a young age and is the current presiding bishop of the enormous church that uses a star as its emblem. Both versions of the ZCC don khaki militaristic looking uniforms, with a slight difference in tone. The St. Barnabas khaki uniforms are complimented by manyanyatha (white handmade boots, used to emphasise the accented stomping rhythms), whereas St. Engenas wear ordinary black or brown shoes as part of their uniform. Besides the khaki uniform, married men of the St. Barnabas, who have been with the church for five years or more, dress in green suits with yellow trimmings. The trimmings differ according to different ranks in the church. St. Engenas priests dress in civilian clothes. Many African Apostolic Churches, including both ZCCs, are centred around a prophetfounder. The names of these leaders feature very prominently in praise songs, almost eclipsing that of the Messiah in importance. Some churches pronounce the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit more prominently than others, depending on their doctrines. But they all claim that God is central in their worship. Jules-Rosette (1985:121) states that 'the Apostles consider themselves Christians and do not substitute a Black Messiah for Christ.
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John Maranke, prophet-founder, is viewed as a messenger to the people of Africa'. Although Jules-Rosettes observation is about Zimbabwe, it is consistent with the South African situation. The ZCC has more impact on the lives of Bahananwa than any other church, and is now a dominant feature in the cultural reference of the modern day Bahananwa. This is because of the large number of members the church has in the villages. ZCC music, therefore, provides an important window through which contemporary Bahananwa culture and musical practice can be studied. a) ZCC St. Barnabas (star emblem) This church is much bigger than that of St. Engenas. Because of its financial resources, the church runs, among others, bursary and funeral schemes for its members. It is the more visible and the more commercial of the two ZCCs. The church has a factory that manufactures ZCC specific products. The churchs music has been appropriated and commercialised by various musicians including the South African record producer Sello Chico Twala. The following are music styles and formations found within the church. Mokhukhu: Mokhukhu is a worshipping group that features music and dance. It is made up of males only, roughly from age fourteen to thirty-five, and may comprise from about twenty to over a hundred members. These dancers/singers form themselves in a circle or semicircle, with the conductor or malokwane17 in the centre. The performance is usually led by malokwane, who cracks a whip18 at any person causing disorder. This manner of maintaining order through malokwane and the basic formations of mokhukhu performances can be traced to dinaka. The music accompanies a vigorous synchronised jumping and heavy stomping. This type of performance is known as go bina mokhukhu. Participation in mokhukhu is, according to Ngoako Mapaya (personal interview: 02/01 2003), a sign of vitality for the young men of ZCC. Go bina mokhukhu is more that a musical performance. It is a strong way of worshipping Modimo. The white boots (manyanyatha) embellish the dance by providing the heavy thumping sound, which is part of the musical performance.
Malokwane is a conductor or performance leader of dinaka. The ZCCs mokhukhu performance has adopted the concept for their mokhukhu performance. 18 The whips and sanctified water are some of the objects used to chase evil spirits from the church, or other rituals such as go tshwara motse meaning to protect the household from evil.
17
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Incorporating dance in the worship, the 'Soldiers of Zion' wore khaki uniform with large white boots, in rituals of praising with their feet. Besides signalling the strength and solidarity for the community, however ritual dancing also reinforced the personal purity of Zionists, as the dance was often devolved to 'stamping evil underfoot' (Chidester: 1992: 137)
Mpoo: This music is for mixed gender and age groups. The music is ecstatic and similar to terone of the African Apostolic Churches (AIC's). It is very repetitive in nature and mostly consists of praise singing for the leader of the church and the Lord. Commonly used phrases are: 'morwa Tafita' (son of David) and Ramasedi a poloko (the Lord of lords). The two primary aims of mpoo are to induce trance in mabone (prophets of the ZCC churches), and to encourage endurance during night vigils (meletelo). These night vigils are commonly held when there is a funeral service the following day, or when there is a ritual of go tshwara motse (to protect the house from evil), as well as other functions. Khwaere: Khwaere (the choir) is strictly for female members. This is a colourful unit. Women wear blue dresses and green berets as their uniform, an alternative to which is khaki dresses with green jerseys and berets. The latter is used when khwaere is going to sing at funerals. Their music is choral in nature, but employs structures that are polyrhythmic, with multiple improvised entries, similar to choruses from most AIC's. The lyrics are mainly didactic in nature. There is no fixed arrangement as to who leads which song. Anybody with a reasonable vocal quality may start a song. Sometimes members sing praises in a prayer-like fashion, all at the same time. This music has also been commercialised by the recording artists from the late 1980's. A recent exponent of this type of music in the South African Recording Industry is a female artist known as Matlakala. Bonkedi: This style is for selected young men. It is an exclusive musical practice even within the church. Not many people outside the church know about it or about its function. Participants wear brown jerseys, khaki shorts or Scottish kilts, brownish socks, boots and belts that were common in South Africa during the 1950's as part of the police or military uniforms. The music is traditional in nature, in the sense that it is cyclic, polyrhythmic and
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trance inducing. The term nkedi (nkedi = singular; bonkedi = plural) stems from the exclusive use of syllable scatting, such as ke-di-keke, in the place of lyrics.
Difela: These are familiar hymns that are acculturated and translated into vernacular languages. They are mainly sung when the preacher is about to take to the podium. Singing difela as an introduction to the sermon happens in almost all South African AIC's. The strategic placement of difela in the service suggests their importance above any other style of song performance within many African churches. This is where many senior members of the church take centre stage. The singing style of difela is common through all African churches. What might be unique about the ZCC are perhaps, the multiple-entries and embellishments that occur during the singing. In ZCC the slower versions, with improvised melodic augmentation are most common. Diphala: Diphala are marching brass bands. Their repertoire normally includes hymns and choruses as sung in the church. Diphala are usually the highlight of the ceremony in Moria or Podungwane (holy places for the ZCC). The significance of diphala is magnified by the additional role of accompanying the bishop on and off the podium, or when he is walking around the congregation. For many church members this is a special moment of their visit to Moria. Anderson (2000:142) agrees that ...the highlight of the weekend activities is when Bishop Lekganyane, resplendent in the green and gold bishops attire, at the head of a brass band, takes the podium to address the assembled and expectant multitude. Phuti Makhwiting, a member of the church (personal interview: 14/11/2000) explains the mood in the congregation when diphala are playing as 'anointing'. Traditional Music Exhibitions: The Church also puts aside a day during which it encourages performances by secular traditional music groups as a form of entertainment for its members. This might be one of the many reasons why there is so much similarity between music of the Church and some traditional secular music styles. As a matter of fact, the ZCC members are encouraged to belong to secular groups that perform traditional music.
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ZCC Song
Example 2 Kgomo ye o Sebariki
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Sebariki This song is a mokhukhu song. Sebariki has two sections: A and B. The A section is sung with dancer/singers marking time, and then stomping occurs as they sing the B section. The harmony employed here is I II I over the questioning phrase or section A. Then it moves to a I IV V progression in the second (answering phrase) section B. The singing after the call starts immediately after beat one most of the time. The song demonstrates a version of call-and-response structure. The call is one and a half beats long with the response following immediately. Besides the call segment of the beginning phrases, the lead voice continues singing in a free fashion on top of the chorus. Sehananwa Kgomo ye o Sebariki O e game ga botse X 2 Ka manaka e a hlaba Ka maoto e a raga x 2 Literal Translation Our cow Sebariki milk her carefully x 2 With her horns she can pierce With her legs she can kick x 2
Mokhukhu performance is not necessarily aimed at an audience but primarily to Modimo, as it is a form of worship. In this act of worship the dancers/singers also derive satisfaction for themselves. Mokhukhu sessions take place every Sunday morning, Wednesday and Saturday nights at the church. The meaning of the text in this song is probably not so obvious to an outsider. However, to an insider it is understood as a way of praising the leader Bishop Barnabas Lekganyane. The text proudly suggests that whoever is dealing with the church or the leader of the church, should exercise caution because the consequences are serious. This warning seems to be directed at baloyi (witches) or evildoers in general. It would seem that the church denounces the devil and his acts, but much focus is placed on baloyi who are, according to Sehananwa belief, the prime evil threatening humanity. In other churches, such as the Pentecostal churches, sathane (Satan) is seen as the prime evil, while baloyi are his agents. b) ZCC St Engenas (pigeon emblem) The inner St. Engenas ZCC is the more secretive of the two ZCCs. It upholds the notion that it is sacred. It belongs to badimo and therefore not open to mass media. The bishop hardly ever appears on television or any form of media. St. Engenas services are rarely recorded for commercial reasons or for public broadcast. As a result, their activities are
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less well known. Not many people ever have an idea of how the bishop looks. Its musical tradition is similar to that of St. Barnabas. Mpoo: This is for all members, young and old. Mpoo is a worship song, which also functions as a chant at moletelong (at the night vigil), or at thabamaseng (at a regular worship session held at night that ends in the early hours of the following morning). It may be used during any other occasion where church members have to sleep out. Also it is sung at the church to induce a state of trance, thereby enabling mabone (prophets) to prophesise. Go Matha: In this church, there is another form of group performance similar to mokhukhu, where only men participate. There is no dancing but marching in a militaristic style. Like St. Barnabas, all group members wear khaki uniform for this session. However, there are times when they march in their civilian black or navy-blue blazers. Songs sung here have a texture similar to that of St. Barnabas mokhukhu because of the strong male presence. Khwaere (choir): In St. Engenas ZCCs version of khwaere, young men and women are equally active. As the prime musical activity, and as the pride of the church, it is common to find even senior members taking part by ululating in the periphery of the performance in a manner similar to a traditional performance. Khwaeres repertoire is chorus-based and at times songs are adapted from secular music styles. Khwaere moves/dances in a manner that is somewhat between go matha and go betha stepe (a dance that is associated with South African choral groups when singing African compositions). Diphala: Like in the St. Barnabas ZCC, diphala are the highlight of the pilgrimage in this St Engenas ZCC. The bishop is accompanied through the congregation by music. Since this church is modelled on the military style, they march as the band plays along. The marching band welcomes participation by ordinary members of the congregation as long as there is order. Ephraim Kutumela who is a member of the church (personal interview: 02/11/2000), states that when the band marches through the congregation the atmosphere is that of showers of blessings.
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Traditional Music Exhibitions: Also in the St. Engenas version of the ZCC there is an exhibition of secular music in the church, especially on the 31st of December of every year. In this festival every style of music from kwaito (contemporary South African Township music) to kebab (national music of Bahananwa) is allowed. 5.5.2. African Apostolic Churches One of the most obvious characteristics of these churches is their colourful attire. In their dress codes, they emulate the images of characters in the bible as depicted by biblebased-illustrative books. They carry sticks of all sorts, and there is always a symbol of the cross or another symbol that has some biblical significance, either on their garments or on the sticks themselves. Their songs are characterised by the use of a pisalome
19
(a drum
specially used by apostolic churches in South Africa). The accompanying dance is vigorous. Some members form a circle and spin around as they jump up and down to the rhythm of pisalome, while others stand at the periphery of the performance, singing and clapping hands until they are compelled by excitement to join in. The ZCC churches have established different groups dedicated to different music styles within the church. The Apostolic churches do not have performance groups per se. The entire congregation is the only group that sings and dances. However, there are a number of different styles of music in the church. The following are the three most common apostolic musical styles found in Ga-Mmamoleka: Difela: Difela are sung to the rhythm of pisalome. They are generally mid-tempo. It seems that almost equally important as the power of presenting the sermon, a priest should have a powerful singing voice. Most of the outstanding priests have somewhat harsh but sweet voices that are ideal for singing in the style of the apostolic church. A typical example of this style of singing can be traced in the singing styles of South African traditional gospel singers, such as Vuyo Mokoena and Rebecca Malope.
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Pisalome is the name derived from the biblical word psalm. 68
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Dikhorase (Choruses): Dikhorase are didactic in nature in the sense that they transmit some form of preaching. Often they raise issues that have to do with a particular church doctrine. They also provide members with moral directives for their daily conduct. Some choruses are a combination of two approaches namely: teaching based on either a quotation from the bible and/or a social moral commentary directed at people. A typical example is a song titled Sathane Sekepe (see example 3, p. 91). Terone: Terone is a typical prayer song in the Apostolic Churches. It is in the style of mpoo that is believed to have its origin in Ga-Sekhukhune, a district in the south of Polokwane (Pietersburg). Terone is also known as ya marumo (song of war) or Modimo wa barongwa (God of angels) to some people. Lesley Makgoshing (personal interview: 06/01/2001), who is a senior member of one of the Apostolic churches, asserts that terone is an original version of mpoo, which is encountered in the ZCC churches. As is the case with mpoo, there are no set lyrics for terone: It is improvisational in nature. Because of its prayer-like character, terone is spirit inducing and therefore lyrics cannot be predetermined. Every member utters whatever comes to his or her mind at that moment. Terone is typically used in prayer sessions during which the sick and other objects such as sanctified water are prayed for.
Figure 25 A woman playing pisalome
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Apostolic Song
Example 3 Sathane Sekepe 70
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Sathane Sekepe In this example of an Apostolic khorase (chorus), there is a one-bar call by the leader, which is followed by a response from the group. The basic harmony is IV V I. A pisalome is used in every performance. Seemingly, its main function is to keep the singing pace constant. In other churches where instruments are not used the singing can be so elastic that it is difficult to sing in time. My assumption is that elderly people in most churches like singing in a free uncontrolled rubato style. Therefore, the presence of pisalome and the clapping of the hands are necessary to establish a common tempo for a song. Sehananwa Sathane Sekepe Sekepe sa baloyi Wena o jeleng peu O yo bjala ka eng Literal Translation Satan the ship The ship for the witch You who used up the seed What are you going to sow
This song puts sathane and baloyi side by side. Sathane is regarded as a ship that carries baloyi. Greater danger is expected from Satan than from baloyi. Members of the church are likely to understand these metaphors more clearly than an observer would. As a didactic, the chorus may have been composed in response to or in support of a particular sermon. The second verse talks to an individual. This song asserts that people should keep up with their church commitments and because they will reap their reward in the end. The lyrics refer to the biblical scriptures of Mathew 13 verse 3-9; the parable of the 'sown seed' and the 'reaping of rewards'. 5.5.3. Pentecostal Churches Besides the AICs, there has since been a new wave of evangelism that, although not directly linked, stylistically resembles American evangelism. Churches such as Apostolic Faith Mission, Assemblies of God and others have links with crusades by evangelists such as Oral Roberts from America and Nigerian-based Reinhart Bonke. These two evangelists are popular in South Africa, especially among born-again Christians, commonly known as bapholowa (Sehananwa) or bazalwane (Nguni languages). Being a mopholowa (singular for bazalwane) means adopting a new lifestyle that is dynamic. As a tacit rule of thumb, one must be English-speaking or at least have some understanding of the language to benefit from the proceedings because communication, choruses, prayers and
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preaching are sometimes conducted in English. Another reason for the domination of English is that there is a strong possibility of mixed cultural congregations in which English is a safer language to use since these churches are not founded along ethnicity or language group. That granted, there are mostly old women who join the church even when they understand little English. Choruses: In Pentecostal churches choruses dominate the musical practice, upstaging the hymns. The chorus as a musical form or style gained popularity because it is energetic, freer from structural constrains inherent in composed music, and youth-driven. Pentecostal musical practice, particularly the culture of chorus singing, uses the mass media such as radio and television to spread. The media together with the recording company personnel classify Gospel Music into two: 1. African Gospel, which uses mainly traditional rhythms and vernacular lyrics. 2. American Gospel wherein choruses are sung in English and are rhythmically less hectic. A big proportion of SABCs African language stations Sunday programming is dedicated to gospel music. These programmes feature American groups such as The William Brothers, Reverend Andr Crouch and Shirley Ceazer. South Africa has its own version of these American gospel groups in the form of Family Factory whose concert series known as 'Joyous Celebration' has been popular among bapholowa. Thobela fm, one of SABCs radio stations broadcast a gospel music show called fola moya wa ka (calm down my spirit), which showcases, almost exclusively, this American gospel music. The programme had been running since the 1980s. Equal emphasis is also put on the so-called African gospel music in all African language radio stations of South Africa. It is because of this exposure that the best selling music genre in the country today is gospel music and African gospel music in particular. Praise and Worship Songs: These songs are sung or played when the congregation is about to pray or in the process of praying. They serve to create an ecstatic atmosphere so that people can easily 'catch' the Holy Ghost. It is during these sessions that people, especially women, start speaking
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in tongues. This is also a moment when some members of the congregation experience visions and prophecies. Such responses are induced by the sound of flowing strings generated on the synthesiser keyboard in order to envelop the pastor's touching prayer. His use of vocal dynamism and the repetition of catchy phrases, such as He is coming again and again and again and again, is enough to send the congregation into trance. Hymns: The style of singing hymns is slightly different from the AIC's. It is less Afro-centric as most members of these churches are exposed to choral music as sung in the schools. Church members are, therefore, aware of vocal timbre, vibrato, and other such musical technicalities. It is in these churches where many singers from black communities are discovered and nurtured. Most often, this is where one gets a chance to be affirmed as a good singer who could take up singing as a profession in the Western Classical, Jazz or Pop music genres. A similar career path from American churches has produced legendary gospel singers such as Aretha Franklin and Whitney Houston.
5.6. CHILDREN SONGS
The inclusion of childrens songs in this study is appropriate because they will reveal what children are exposed to musically in their formative years. Also, children's songs are plentiful. Among other writers, Akuno (1997) has examined children's songs in Kenya and grouped them in four categories inspired by Palmer. These categories are chants, singing games, activity/action songs and folk songs. However, I will analyse children's song using only three categories, namely: a. Songs as sung by mothers and other significant elders while rocking the cradle. (See example 4, p.96). b. Action chants, where a child is encouraged to take specific actions. c. Songs as performed by children themselves: This category will include chants children sing when they play games. (See example 5, p.98, and example 6, p.99). It is at this stage that a child thinks actively about the music that should go with a specific game. Moreover, the body movements, the music and the game played are consciously co-ordinated.
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Lullaby
Example 4 Ngwana 'lla ga ke mo rate
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Ngwana llang This lullaby is an example of category (a) of children songs (p.96). This type of songs are sung by mothers and significant others for children who are a few months old; before they learn how to crawl. The song is made up of basic rhythms that are repetitive and complementary to the rhythm the mother might pat on the childs back, or a rhythm resulting from the rocking of the baby on the mothers back. The first phrase starts with the interval of the perfect 5th. The second phrase proceeds with the interval of the major 3rd. The third phrase uses mainly one tone while the 4th one goes back to the interval of the 3rd. The last phrase reverts to the interval of the 5th. These are basically variations of the same phrase. Sehananwa Ngwana lla ga ke mo rate, Nka mo lahla ka mafuri Ka ipopulela lehlaka Lehlaka le le sa lleng Le lla ka mohlang wa phefo Literal Translation I do not like the child that weeps, I could dump it in the backyard And carry the reed on my back instead The reed that does not weep It only weeps in the face of the wind
At this stage the child normally cannot speak, so there is no need for elaborated text except the repeated message. The second category for music sung to children will be discussed in section 5.7.2.
Counting Chant
Ye ke ngaka Ngaka thethe Thethe mamaja Mamaja a phuku Phuku la motse Sa mothwa mothwa Sa mothwathwana Thala magoi Se le kopele 10. Sa monyana 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.
EXAMPLE 5 YE KE NGAKA
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Chants that teach children to count exemplify my second category: action chants. Children learn such chants when they are beginning to develop their cognition for sequences and numbers. Normally, this type of chants accompany a game where children are seated around the fireplace, relaxing and with no adult telling tales. It may also be performed wherever and whenever children are seated and are in the mood for it. Also In this category, are chants for casting lot. Musically, this counting chant is bordering between sereto (praise singing) and singing. There is rhyme, a regular rhythmic pattern and metre, which may qualify it as a song, sung mainly on one tone. Conversely, there is neither pitch specification nor intervallic activity, which makes it merely a chant. This chants main feature is its use of tongue-twister lyrics in a sequence from number 1 up to 10. In this type of counting game, girls feature more than boys. Some primary schools in Ga-Malebogo teach such chants to children in the lower grades.
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Game Song
Example 6 Pudi ya Phoko
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Pudi ya Phoko Pudi ya Phoko is an example of a song children sing as a theme to the games they play. This song is sung in unison. It features a three-beat motif A, starting and ending on the 5th. Motif A is repeated the second time around. There is one and a half beats of joining material connecting motif A and motif B. Motif B starts on the 2nd note, ending with the interval of a major 3rd, made up of the 3rd and the 5th notes. Then the same motif is repeated, but with joining material of one and a half beats in between. The 3rd and 4th phrases feature the same sequence of motifs with a slight variation in the joining material. Sehananwa Pudi ya phoko x 2 Namela mokalakata x 2 O namele botse x 2 Ka moso re ya Borwa x 2 Ditulo ta Borwa x 2 Bosesi ga ba di tsebe x 2 Mohlang ba di tseba x 2 Ba tlare kekelekeke x 2 Literal Translation Billy goat x 2 Climb the tree x 2 Be careful as you climb x 2 Tomorrow we are going to Borwa x 2 Chairs in the Borwa x 2 Our sisters do not know x 2 The day they happen to know them x 2 They will fall like kekelekeke x 2
Although this song is sung by children at play, it also transmits a piece of advice that one should always exercise caution when dealing with things with which one is not familiar. The song also depicts children's fantasies about the possibility of going to Borwa (places of work in Gauteng) one day.
5.7. MUSIC FOR RITES OF PASSAGE
Herndon and McLeod (1990:124) note that ' one of the most common associations between music and ritual is the presence of music in what are called rites of passage. Mbabi-Katana (1991: 401) further confirms that all rituals of birth, infancy, puberty, marriages, wedding, funerals and successions are enshrined in music. Indeed this is the case with Sehananwa tradition. 5.7.1. Birth Traditionally, malopo or some other kinds of ceremonies of different magnitudes take place when there is a newborn baby in the family. This is to inform badimo (ancestors), relatives and neighbours, and to celebrate the arrival of an additional member in the clan. Even
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those who do not practise malopo but still holding on to their traditional ways, come together and conduct the most common rite of all, that of appeasing the ancestors, go phasa. Women who sing and dance kgotho, or malopo provide most of the music on this type of occasions. It is not common to find dinaka performing this duty. This may be attributed to the fact that fathers are remotely placed when it comes to newborn babies. In fact, men are barred from entering the house in which the baby stays until it is about 3 months old and the seclusion period is properly ended. Mnnig (1967:104) observes this custom among Bahananwa. He states that on the afternoon of the day in which the seclusion of the mother and the child is ended, a special feast called ngwana o twa ntlong - the child appears at the home, is usually held. This is a feast in which only the parents and the paternal relatives take part, and is the final initiation of the child into its fathers group. It is a very joyous feast for which much meat and beer is prepared. The child is introduced to the group by its name. this is the first time it is exposed to music; a start of a socialisation process into the musical world of the family. 5.7.2. Infancy Categories (a) and (b) described on page 96 refer to infant songs; Lullabies - performed when a child needs to sleep and secondly, action chants that prompt certain action from the child. For example, if a child is learning how to walk, Bahananwa elders clap the rhythm in example 7, p.79. To capture the child's attention they sing take-take, take- take. As they sing and clap, the child will try to walk towards the person clapping, as if the act of walking is some kind of a performance. At the end of such an attempt, the child is congratulated.
Example 7 Action Song for learning how to walk.
Songs such as the one above accompany the process of learning, be it learning to walk or to stand. Most of these songs are non-textual in nature, but since they are usually sung only when a particular response is solicited, the child associates the song with that particular activity.
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5.7.3. Puberty Songs in this category are about boys and girls teasing one another. The result of these songs is one gender group chasing after the other. Usually it will be boys chasing after girls. The music at this stage is still game oriented. A typical example is a song titled Thotha thotha re thabe meaning - carry what is yours and let us run away. In this game, a boy will pick the girl he admires and drag her away. Another example is the song called Sunny Boy (example 8, p.104). This title is carefully chosen by the girls for its emphasis on the word boy, which seems to elevate the roles of girls at maetiong (nightly playing session under the moonlight) to a level of superiority. A boy who does not have a girlfriend is held in low esteem by the girls. In other words, a boy who is in a sexual relationship is held in higher esteem by his peers from both sexes. Because of this understanding of gender power play, boys regard this song as a challenge to their manhood or sexuality.
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Teasing Song
Example 8 Sunny Boy
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Sunny Boy The song was popular in the 1970s around the villages in Ga-Malebogo. As most of the songs in the village, the composer is unknown. The song is based on a different kind of call-and-response structure. The group sings the four bars chorus which is repeated without change. This chorus follows the basic I IV V harmonic progression. Several members of the group take turns in improvising a two bar commentary which should sound cleverer than any other persons. If someone invents a two bar interjection that is outstanding, it can be repeated by anybody else.
Sehananwa Ahe Sunnyboy X 2 Go thloka sa gago, go thloka mosadi go phala ke ge oka nyala tonki Ahe Sunnyboy X 2 Go romeletsa go romeletsa Go phala ke ge oka ikemeleta
Literal Translation Ahe Sunnyboy x 2 To be poor and not to have a woman is better if you rather marry a donkey Ahe Sunnyboy X 2 To send someone to send someone is not the same as doing it yourself
The boy, who feels challenged by a soloist in the verse, will chase that girl and wrestle with her. This action affords the boys a chance to touch girls' breasts and buttocks. The following day the boy will probably claim to be in a sexual relationship with the girl. If the girl also likes him, she will act shy and defenceless against this rumour of a relationship with the boy. (See section 5.7.3, p.102). 5.7.4. Initiation songs There is music that goes with the ritual of koma (initiation school), although it is taboo to cite proceedings of the ritual itself. During koma, music is used, among other functions, as a coping mechanism. Later on, when the challenges are overcome, songs that instil pride in the graduates are sung. Such songs accompany praise singing or vice versa. One of the most important functions of the music of koma is to create a sense of belonging to a particular group of people, called mphato (initiate regiments). James (1993) has noted that women who are formed into mphato go on to share a special relationship in their life in general. The same is the case with boys. In Sehananwa, this has been an important
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mechanism of socialisation. It affords many young men and women a chance to bond with their peers, thus preparing them to face the challenges of life as a united community. Until the 1080s, most girls used to undergo several stages of initiation. At 12 to 16 years of age, a girl attended initiation school for women (seane). When she is kgopa (a girl who has reached maturity and may indulge in sexual activities), she undergoes another ritual referred to as go binelwa. The phrase go binelwa comes from the word bina, which means dance. Go binelwa means to be danced for. Although the term has a strong musical connotation to it, the essence of this second ritual is to teach girls the techniques of lovemaking. It is at this stage that traditional methods of contraception and prevention of sexually transmitted diseases are taught. The music for go binelwa is similar to that for kgotho (a group of women dancers in Sehananwa tradition). The difference is that the lyrics are sexually explicit. It is common to hear in the lyrics the name of a girls boyfriend and the derogative descriptions of his private body parts being thrown into the song. When the ritual ends several groups of singers, what Ramokone Makgafela (personal interview: 05/06/2000) refers to as 'magoro a mararo' (three regiments) are invited to the ceremony to come and perform. Every group has their songs and dances that differ according to their regions of origin. The ritual of go binelwa, including the song and dance festival is referred to as setlhako (the shoe). Go binelwa as an initiation ceremony is also secretive, but there are sections of setlhako ceremony that are open to the public. 5.7.5. Marriage In Ga-Malebogo, there are several clans. This diversity is expressed in many versions of marriage in the village. However, differences are so subtle that only an insider is able to identify them. The traditional marriage, with all its variations, was common in GaMmamoleka until the 1970s, when the wedding celebrations took on a more Western character because of the spread of Christianity. Traditionally, in Sehananwa it is recommended that a boy marry his cousin, a practice that is common in some other parts of Africa as confirmed by Chrispo Caleb Okumu (personal interview: 23/10/2000) and Swantz (1986:114). Among other reasons cited, the purpose for the arrangement is to make sure that the wealth of the family in the form of magadi (brides wealth) is not passed on to an undesirable family. Undesirable family might mean
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families that are outside the desired social status, clan or nation. The following are two examples of situations that should be avoided: It is a serious concern if Kgoi marries a commoner, as it has happened in Lesotho when Kgoi Litsie III married out of his 'social class'. It would have been worse had it happened sometime in the past, but recently there has been a shift towards more freedom of choice. Marriage arrangements minimise the chances of a son marrying a witch for a wife. There is a Sehananwa proverb that says bogadi bo a butietwa meaning that it is wise to know the background of your bride to avoid committing to a moloyi (a witch) or sebodu (a lazy person). Because of these concerns parents plan marriages long before children reach the age where they might contemplate getting married themselves. When the time is right for a son or a daughter to get married, they are informed as to who their partners will be. In some instances, the two young people who are to marry may not have met before. In instances where they know each other the boy will weave a ring out of grass and offer it to the girl. The girls in turn, will weave a piece of beadwork for the boy to put around his arm as a decoration during dance performances. This exchange of gifts serves as a confirmation of consent, and as a way of chasing off other potential candidates who may be hoping to be married20 or to marry the same girl or boy. Once everybody knows who their partners are, mokgonyana (bridegroom) will buy a blanket for mmatswale (mother-in-law), clothes for ngweti (bride) and a French coat for ratswale (father-in-law). In the case where the French coat is not obtainable, a goat will be given in its place. The bridegrooms family will appoint mmaditsela (mediator-cummessenger), who will be the main communications link between the two families. According to one of the elders, Mokgadi Mpya (07/12/2000), mokgonyanas family sends kgomo ya setlhotlo (a cow as a challenge) to indicate that they want ngweti to come and join her husbands family. In response, ngwetis family grinds fola (snuff) to fill thakgwana (snuff container made of either plastic or tin). This thakgwana is sent to the family of mokgonyana (bridegroom). The message transmitted by this gesture is that of asking for the marriage process to begin. The two families will agree on the number of cows needed
In Black South African custom the use of the word 'marry' is gender specific. Only the man marries. The woman is the one who is married to the family of the husband. 84
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for magadi (what is known in South Africa as lobola). The bridegrooms will then arrange to hand over magadi in a smaller ceremony. On receiving magadi, the parents of ngweti will instruct her to brew beer. Relatives are told of the pending marriage, and a few boys and girls are chosen to carry the brewed beer to bogadi (the bride's in-laws homestead). This beer is referred to as thwala or serotwana. If ngweti has a child already, the beer gift is referred to as serethe sa ngwana. A delegation is selected to escort ngweti to bogadi (the bride's in-laws homestead). The journey to bogadi is planned in such a way that ngweti and her company arrive at dusk. As they approach bogadi, they will alert their hosts of their arrival by coughing. At this stage, the family and relatives of mokgonyana and their neighbours are expecting them. The hosts will burst into song and mekgolokwane (ululations) once they notice the arrival of ngweti. She and her entourage only enter through sefeko (a gate to the household) when the host gives them a goat as a present. At this stage, the process will have reached a level where it is no longer a behind the scenes affair, therefore singing starts earnestly. There are several stops before they reach lapa (courtyard), and each time they are persuaded to continue with another gift of a goat. In the end, this can earn ngweti several goats. An elaborate feast will follow the next day or in the near future. When the feast is about to happen, people from far-flung places are invited to attend the celebration on a given day. A white flag tied to a pole and word of mouth were enough for the surrounding villages to know about the feast. Attendance is guaranteed as it is with all other social functions. Ngweti, covered in letsoku (reddish ochre), will sit on legogo (a mat made of grass). At this point, she will be the centre of attraction. Songs will be sung, and this is the opportunity for her new family members to lay down the law for her (go layiwa). Go laya ngweti (to lay down laws and codes of conduct by relatives to ngweti in public) can be nasty because anybody who is giving a goat or any other gift has the right to pass comments to ngweti. She may be told of how the husbands family used to be happy before she came into their lives. Others, mainly ngwetis relatives may warn her that from that day she will be called all sorts of names. Her in-laws scrutinise her, and therefore she should not be surprised when she is branded a moloyi, sebodu (a lazy woman), setlaela (a moron), ngame (a miser), and other such names. She may eventually break down and cry because of the intensity of such insults.
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The breaking down of ngwetsi represents the highlight, as the music becomes vigorous. Some songs will remind her that her mmatswale (mother-in-law) is a thobolo (wicked and stern woman), or that mmatswale always wants to bath in warm water. Banyadiwa (ngwetis entourage) will stay at bogadi (the bride's in-laws homestead) for as long as it is stipulated, or for as long as it takes to complete the required tasks. These tasks include helping their sister (the bride) with chores and setting up her new house in the new home environment. 5.7.6. Western-style Wedding Celebrations Most of todays weddings are heavily Christian in character, with token accommodation for African tradition. For instance, in Sochas Makgafelas wedding celebration, there was a group of old people sitting and drinking beer in his neighbours yard. Although they were part of the celebration, they could not drink beer in the grooms yard because it was deemed 'unchristian' to do so. The music that was sung at this wedding celebration was almost exclusively Pentecostal choruses, played through a powerful public address (PA) system. The use of an electrically powered system ensured that only this music was heard above everything else. Voices could not compete with microphones and electrified instruments. This resulted in people being turned into spectators rather than active participants an uncomfortable situation for most villagers who come to participate fully in the wedding celebrations. When the church people from Johannesburg took a break to eat, only then was it time for the villagers to sing. They sang traditional wedding songs with young children taking part in the circle of dancers/singers, something that was not obvious in the earlier session of choruses. This observation does not mean that children did not take part in singing choruses, but that their participation, if any, was overshadowed. Perhaps the space in the tent did not allow for much movement; or that people who were at the forefront were from Johannesburg and therefore had something new deserving careful watching rather than participative involvement. Nonetheless, when African songs were sung, there was movement and total commitment to the performance by everybody. For a change, this session was not confined to the tent but happened in the open. In both types of marriage celebrations, visitors from afar arrive in groups. They usually collect money to buy presents, which they brandish as they enter through sefeko (gateway). They announce their arrival by singing and dancing to a wedding song, which overlapped with the one being sung already at the wedding place. Several of these grand
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arrivals by groups of women wearing different uniforms make for a spectacle. The groups that are already at the wedding intensify their singing in the spirit of go nthana or go phadiana (to compete). After all, the resident group will have spent at least a month at sephaphatheng (nightly rehearsal sessions for a wedding celebration) that was conducted at the place where the celebration would take place. They will not succumb easily to a group that only started singing on the day of the wedding. Sochas Makgafelas wedding confirmed the fact that a new culture, where Christianity comes head to head with traditional customs, is upon us and that there will always be a dichotomy in the practices of many Africans as far as Christian and African traditions are concerned.
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Wedding Song
Example 9 Hela Mmatswale 88
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Hela Mmatswale This wedding song is yet another version of a call-and-response structure. The call is short, almost like a pick-up line. This type of the musical pick-up line before group singing is also evident in acculturated hymn singing. The first bar pick-up line starts on the 3rd of the key. The harmonic progression is once again I IV V. Sehananwa Hela mmatswale Mmatswale tlogela dipotwana Hela Mong'wa tona Mong'wa tona ke yoo o fihlile Hela mouteleleng Mouteleleng mouteleleng, mouteleleng Literal Translation Hela mother-in-law Mother-in-law let the pots alone Hela the owner The owner has now has arrived Hela make room for her Make room for her, make room for her make room for her
The context is fully explained in sections 5.7.5, p.107 and 5.7.6, p.110, which deal with traditional marriages and African versions of Western-style wedding celebrations. Generally, the messages contained in the wedding songs are meant to prepare the bride for the unknown life in her new home, and her new role. 5.7.7. Funerals In Sehananwa, the traditional funeral service did not have music, contrary to what many people would like to believe. It used to be a secretive affair. People used to be buried in the still of the night. In other instances, talking to one another during the funeral service was forbidden; let alone singing and dancing. Burials took place either very late in the night or very early in the morning. The following morning, after the burial, when children ask about the whereabouts of their uncle, aunt or whoever had died, they will be told that o terwe ke phiri (the hyena took him or her away). According to Mokgadi Mpya (personal interview: 07/12/2000), this type of a funeral service has died out. However, it is believed that the royal families are still practising this custom. For the past few decades the contemporary Sehananwa funeral has taken a new form: It has become a feast where there is food in abundance and singing. Although dancing is not a feature, praise singing and hand clapping take place. In Ga-Mmamoleka, there are several churches as described above. When there is a funeral service, especially during
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moletelo (night vigil), all the churches have to be represented. The presiding priest will come from the church that is closely associated with the deceased. The style of the music will also be reflective of this bias. The most interesting singing sessions are at moletelong (night vigil), where all priests assume equal importance, and the music becomes more general in style. In fact, certain funeral songs become fashionable to an extent that they are sung at most funerals around the Limpopo Province and other parts of the country irrespective of the bias mentioned above.
5.8. MUSIC FOR SOCIAL ENTERTAINMENT
Bahananwa, like all peoples of the world, have reasons to entertain themselves. Traditional Bahananwa did not have many forms of entertainment. Music making was, and still is, just about the most common form of self-amusement, and a way of expressing the jovial mood a community is in. Chernoff (1979: 167) state that: Africans rely on music to maintain the happiness and vitality of their social worlds. 5.8.1. Social Schemes Throughout the years, elders in Ga-Malebogo have reason to entertain themselves by means of musical performances. Blacking, in his 1957 journal, mentions two reasons or incentives for performance; namely social and emotional incentives. Nowadays there is also an economic incentive. Villagers may celebrate a good rainy season, harvest, birth, marriage, weddings and such other events. Social Gatherings, especially in dry seasons, are mostly used as money circulating schemes. One household prepares beer to raise funds. The following day another family will do the same for the same reason. In all the cases, people come together to drink beer and amuse themselves. As a form of advertisement, they tie an empty sack to a pole. Locals understand that such a symbol means that there is a beer in that particular homestead. At these gatherings, there is usually a predictable pattern of behaviour. When elders21 arrive, they are still sober. Their main concern is greetings and seeking associates who are seen as having the buying power. After a few drinks, one mother or father starts a song, and another joins in. After each had secured a sekala (a jug of beer) or two, they all begin to join in the performance and look for improvised drums if the real ones are not available. They will start accompanying the soloists, who would by this point, be in high spirit. The height of performance is achieved when everybody is participating at the same
Generally, people who come to these gatherings to have a drink are elders. However, there are underage boys who may be seen drinking with the elderly. Such boys are regarded as social misfits and therefore accepted as such. 90
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level of intensity. This is when matsiye (plural of letsiye) and mekgolokwane (ululations) will be heard. 5.8.2. Songs in the Playground A variety of music is practised in playgrounds. The music differs from one age group to the next and along gender lines. Boys sing certain types of songs. On a successful soccer match outing, for instance, the songs will be about the heroes of the day. The number of songs about a particular player corresponds to their popularity among their fellow teammates and villagers. Some songs glorify the team as a whole. Another function of these songs is to inform the village community, upon the teams arrival, of their victories. Mothers and sisters respond by singing praise songs and ululating, as an open van or truck full of victorious soccer players arrives home in the late evening. Songs composed and sung by supporting girls are plentiful when the soccer team is playing host. Because of the lack of stadiums, soccer matches take place on an open football ground. There are no grandstands. The spectators are normally closer to the action; sometimes too close for the comfort of the opposition's goalkeeper. Girls occupy a strategic position, usually behind the goalposts of the opposition team. They sing mocking songs to upset the visiting teams goalkeeper, as well as singing praise songs to urge on the home team. Some songs may even include suggestive words directed at individual players in the team; promising that, if they perform well on the playground, they might have a chance of winning someone's love. 5.8.3. Agricultural Shows Agricultural shows are held annually in Limpopo Province. The objective is to display agricultural produce. Over the years, the shows have started to incorporate other activities such as sport and, more recently, traditional music and other cultural activities. The shows start locally, at My Darling show-grounds. Whoever wins, advances to the regional level at Bochum (Senwabarwana) show-grounds. The contest ends at a provincial level at Lebowakgomo show-grounds. This is where one can see different cultural groups from most parts of the province competing. 5.8.4. Cultural Music Festivals Prior to 1994 cultural music festivals in the Lebowa and the Gazankulu homelands were rare, except for the Venda homeland which used to have at least one major traditional
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music festivals for years. Post 1994 there have been efforts by the Limpopo Provincial Sports, Arts and Culture Department to establish the Melting Pot; an annual cultural festival similar to the Cultural Calabash of the North-West Province or Mangaung Cultural Festival (Macufe) of the Free State Province. 5.8.5. School Music Competitions School choral competitions have been the only formalised musical activity in the school system, especially in the Limpopo Province. But still, not all the schools take part in these competitions and therefore some schools do not have any musical activity. Besides, these music competitions are held only once a year. The musical activities last only for as long as the preparation for the competition. In these competitions, some schools in the regions prepare prescribed songs for the day of the competition. Practice sessions are held after school. Usually learners, who equate leaving school late in the afternoon to punishment, view this negatively. Most learners with good musical talents escape from singing in the choir because of this perception. Besides, only about sixty out of hundreds of learners in a particular school can belong to one school choir. The rest will not be catered for musically. The focus has been on choral music only, with the rest of the musical genres being ignored. To date, there is no formalised music education, and there is no musical life in almost all schools. The envisaged Curriculum 2005 is one of the attempts to bring arts education in the schools.
5.9. OTHER MUSICAL PRACTICES
Bahananwa, like most African societies, have songs that forge unity in purpose and solidarity among common purpose groups. Also there are that emanate from popular culture. The following are three of the main examples of these practices. 5.9.1. Work Songs During harvest time women organise themselves into what they refer to as letema (the meeting of women for a specific task). The main point of forming letema is to create an organised workforce that anybody, regardless of his or her economic status, can access. Usually members are compensated for their work with money, bags of millet, or any other produce from the fields. It is more efficient if letema work at a uniform pace. This is achieved by singing a song that establishes a common working rhythm. An example of this type of songs is ilang Mabele (see example 10, p.121). Another typical work song that is very popular in South Africa is Shosholoza that has become almost like a second national
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anthem for South African national teams such as the soccer team, Bafana Bafana or the rugby team, the Springboks.
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Work Song
Example 10 ilang Mabele
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ilang Mabele The melody of this song comprises a repeated one bar motif. The motif starts with the interval of a perfect 4th, and the starting note is the 5th moving to the root and descending in a scalar fashion back to the 5th. The phrase ends on the 5th an octave above the starting note. The next four-bar-phrase is rhythmically more active. It starts on the 3rd note moving to the high 5th, eventually ending on the root. The song is repeated as many times as is necessary. Sehananwa ilang mabele Gamang dikgomo Tati le phirimile Bana ba swere ke tlala Ba swere ke Ramaseka Monna yo mo telele Literal Translation Grind the milies Milk the cows The sun has set Children are hungry They are victims of Ramaseka22 A tall man
This work song may be performed solo or in groups. The mother who is grinding corn or doing other household chores can sing it. It can also be sung when a group of women is working in the fields. The message is that everybody should perform their duties otherwise the children will starve. 5.9.2. Protest Songs Like in any other area of South African black societies, politics and group action have been part of day-to-day life, more especially during the 1980s. Protest songs always accompany such events as the expulsion of an unwanted school principal or councillors, even the notorious act of burning the alleged witches. Almost all South African protest songs are common throughout the country because they were themes of a national struggle, and were based on commonly known forms and structures, as Gray asserts: Traditional wedding, work and childrens songs as well as hymns were adopted to become liberation songs. Despite the fact that urbanisation must have introduced black liberation singers to Western musical styles, their song style, with its functionality, its group nature, its repetitive and cyclic nature, its improvisational character and its rhythmic patterns, which invite the body to move, remain close to their traditional rural links. Gray (1999:35)
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Ramaseka is a mythical man who personifies hunger. 95
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The commonality of protest songs is also attributed to the power of the electronic media, migration of the unionised working-class citizens, and the movement of the then struggleminded youth to and from Gauteng during school holidays. 5.9.3. Popular Culture Radio and television have a big impact on the musical culture of Ga-Malebogo, like in any other area where there is exposure to these two forms of media. Children pick up many influences from the radio because they believe that by so doing, they will keep abreast culturally with the rest of the youth in the country. Not to conform to a fashionable culture as broadcast on radio and/or television is seen as being backward by South African youth. Hence, one finds that dances such as twalatza (a dance style invented by Arthur Mafokate, the self-proclaimed king of kwaito music) and kwasa-kwasa (a Congolese style of dancing) are very popular throughout South African townships and accessible rural areas. Another contributing factor is the ease of travel between urban and rural areas. The days when Ga-Mmamoleka had its own blend of song and dance that differed considerably from other villages that are less than a kilometre away are gone.
5.10. CONCLUSION
This chapter has recouped and documented the main categories of the music of Bahananwa. It has also offered short transcriptions of musical examples that bear Sehananwa musical characters. The music of Bahananwa is largely contextual, therefore a detailed contextual analysis is provided.
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Factors Affecting Cultural Complexion
Chapter 6
6. FACTORS AFFECTING CULTURAL COMPLEXION
6.1. INTRODUCTION
People from Ga-Malebogo, are scattered around the country because of the need to find work. In these trajectories, they encounter other cultures, and these cultural experiences rub off on them. When Bahananwa return home they carry with them these experiences, and affect the cultural complexion of their villages. In this chapter, I investigate the influence of external factors on the cultural life of Bahananwa in general, and their music in particular. There seem to be three main factors that exert influence on the culture of Bahananwa, namely: the movement of farm workers, the movement of migrant worker and the advent of taverns and liquor bars in the villages.
6.2. FARM WORKERS
Mmatlou Molele who is a pensioner (personal interview: 04/01/2003) states that his father's generation did not see the need to work away from the village since most of them were self-sufficient. The need to work came with the growing need for money. Most men who needed money worked in the farms. He cited three men out of the entire village, who were soldiers at the time and earned their money that way. In this era only men were charged with this responsibility of selling their labour for money. With the advent of industrialisation, men went to Borwa, creating a vacuum that was filled by needy women. From the late 1970, most farm workers in Ga-Malebogo were women who did not have husbands to work and provide for them. This was the case because some of these women were matlitla (spinsters), or they were bahwana (widows), or divorcees. Today, however, there are still men who join these women in the farms. Among these men, some enjoy longer contracts because they possess certain skills that are most needed; skills such as driving a tractor or a truck. Phela (personal interview: 02/01/2003) argues that these men tend not to be equipped with the skills to seek employment in Borwa. However, he maintains that the reason these men are stuck in the farm work employ is because they lacked confidence to join their counterparts in Borwa.
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According to Nakedi Molele (personal interview: 04/01/2003) there are three main farm employers recruiting in the areas surrounding Ga-Mmamoleka: Jabaret, Nick and Wellie. These farms are not far from their feeder villages. Other farms are as far away as Thabazimbi, Brits and Rustenburg. Farm working is seasonal, and for that particular season farm workers from the villages live on the farms where they work. They join those who reside there on permanent basis. This removal isolates them from their familiar home environment. There they meet people from different walks of life and a subculture with different value systems emerges. It would seem that farm workers from Ga-Mmamoleka were exposed to the music of Malawi because of the number of Malawian people found in those specific farms. Because of this new cultural environment, a dance style called senyasa - a music style that bears Malawi influence developed. As with other cultures, this subculture manifested itself in music, dance language and lifestyle. Farm workers are not known to sing, but to dance to recorded music played on a gramophone. This phenomenon was known as dikonko. In the villages there was theowedi (night-time playing in the moonlight), which was characterised by singing and the playing of various games, as well as go kaelana (to mock one another as a form of entertainment). When farm workers returned home they held nightly sessions of dikongko23. In dikongko sessions, teenage boys and girls come together at night to socialise and to compete for the title of the best senyasa dancer in the region. Instead of singing, they concentrate on dancing to recorded music. In the late 1970's and early 1980s, the culture of dikongko took root in Ga-Malebogo and became a crucial part of theowedi (night-time playing in the moonlight).
6.3. MIGRANT WORKERS
In the early 1940's and right through the 1980's people were hired on a contractual basis to work in industrial areas in Borwa. The people, who work in Borwa have long been celebrated in Ga-Mmamoleka and other villages in the Limpopo Province because they were, and are primarily the breadwinners for their families and are affectionately termed makarapa - migrant labourers (singular = lekarapa). Matlou Molele (Personal interview: 04/01/2003) recalls that, when lekarapa is back from Borwa, people in the village come to greet him. He normally gives them gifts such as safety pins. His family members are also
23
Dikonko, like disco techs, are nightly sessions where workers who are returning from lengthy work related excursions, particularly farm workers, play as loud as possible the latest music acquisition on their gramophones. This attracts youth who come specifically to compete on the dance floor. 98
treated to niceties, such as bread, tea and meat, which they hardly see during the months that he is not at home. Hostels are places in Borwa where companies house their labourers recruited from all nations of South Africa. Hostels became a conglomerate of South African ethnic cultures. There are many hostels spread around industrialised parts of the country. Bahananwa migrant men or makarapa live in single sex hostels around Gauteng, such as Sethokga Hostel in Thembisa, Alexander Hostel in Alexander and in Pretoria hostels. The confinement of men from different villages and nations on hostel premises brought about a different resultant culture. Next to hostels are townships, which cater for family life. Township life is urban life, and is different from rural or hostel life. The younger makarapa envy the lifestyles of township dwellers that they see through hostel windows, or as they pass through township streets every morning and every evening on their way to and from their places of work. When it is time to return home in their respective villages, these young makarapa (migrant workers) carry with them mannerisms from the hostels. The first indicator of lekarapa's presence in the village was the loud music blaring through the high fidelity (hi-fi) speakers, playing the township hits of the day. Because of their celebrated status among the villagers, especially the youth, the music makarapa brought into Ga-Mmamoleka was held in high esteem. It became the music that defined the status of whoever was playing it. This is how sepantsola (a township dance and lifestyle of the 1980s), in its acculturated form, filtered down to the villages. Dress codes also changed. Boys wore brantwood labelled trousers, baseball caps or different types of hats with shiny shoes. The music and the dress code reflected one's lifestyle. In the final analysis, when makarapa finally arrived in the villages they tried to emulate the lifestyle of township dwellers. For example: 1) During the times of tsotsi's (township thugs) some makarapa would brandish knives or guns, especially in places where there were crowds of people. The aim would be to show that one was a tsotsi from Gauteng and should be feared. An ideal occasion was at soccer tournaments, which were, even till today, the most popular entertainment events on the calendar for many young villagers. 2) Some of makarapa used the language spoken in Borwa, which was a mixture of several languages, to impress the villagers about their newly found lifestyle.
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3) During the mid-eighties, there was political strife in South Africa. The strife strongly affected Borwa. Everybody in the township had to be politically active in different ways; hence, everybody was referred to as comrade. This also filtered down to the villages through makarapa who were being unionised at the time. All these strategies are used to display how 'township-wise' makarapa were. Many of makarapa have found the new freedom of drinking beer publicly, a status that comes with their economic advantage over their fathers. Of all these forms of portraying their newly found lifestyle, the most acceptable form of expression was music. Apart from the radio, the youth in Ga-Mmamoleka were introduced to township music of the time by makarapa. Sepantsola, which is a lifestyle that made its way to the village through makarapa, and its related music of the 1980's, was a strong cultural statement. As many of these makarapa mature, they became true to themselves and told their siblings that it was not easy working and living in Borwa if one has not been to school. Some went beyond just advising, but also provided financial support for their siblings by paying for their school fees, clothing them and removing any discomforts that may discourage schooling. During school vacations, many of them would invite their siblings to visit them in the hostels or even place them in casual jobs for that period. This had the effect of emphasising to their siblings that life in the workplace is tough. At the same time, the siblings would come to realise how Africans who went to school differ from their older brothers and sisters who hurriedly went to work without attaining educational qualifications. The shift from glorifying makarapa to appreciating their difficulties encouraged the younger generation to see the value of schooling. This generation realised that they should rather stay in the education system longer until they were adequately qualified to face the hardships of the workplace and life in general. Subsequently, in the mid-80s, the younger generation chose not to rush into the job market because of the awakening to the need to complete their studies first. They started using the term, makarapa, in a derogatory manner. By implication, the terms later came to suggest that people bearing it did not go to school and are manual labourers who pretend to be enjoying every moment of being employed in Borwa. This was a turning point from a culture in which people rushed to seek jobs ahead of education, and when the elderly people did not see the need for children go to school, particularly young women. Before this point, elders only considered it necessary for a woman to be able to read and write a letter to her husband; that was enough educational preparation for married life.
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Factors Affecting Cultural Complexion 6.4. POST MAKARAPA YOUTH CULTURE
With the new awakening of the importance of education, the acquisition of the English language, and the radio playing 80% foreign music, American music in particular soon became accessible to the youth in Ga-Mmamoleka. They started to appreciate the music of, among others, The Commodores, Michael Jackson and Leo Oscar. This music gained momentum and became popular among adolescents because it gave them a new way of expressing love and other emotions. This new generation of youth adopted seivy as a counter lifestyle to sepantsola. Seivy unlike sepantsola was not popular with makarapa. It was based on a craze for America as epitomised by the above-mentioned musicians. Seivy and its associated music found its way to the village mainly through television, which was becoming scantily available. In addition, young people who visited their families in townships were able to see both styles at their best. Therefore, it became a matter of choice.
6.5. TARVEN CULTURE
From the 1960s 1970s when farm working was popular, through the era of makarapa in 1970s 1980s, and from the 1980s up to today, there has been a marked paradigm shift: education had taken centre-stage. However, this positive development was short-lived when another social challenge emerged in the form at taverns. Since the beginning of the 1990s, there has been a vast increase of taverns and bottle stores in the villages of Ga-Malebogo. As a result drinking has become a serious problem involving both sexes of the youth in Ga-Mmamoleka. Taverns are equipped with powerful music systems that pump out the latest kwaito (South African township music of the nineties) music from compact discs (CD's) and cassettes. There seems to be no need to know what the lyrics of the song are about any more. As long as there is a thundering drumbeat in the music, all is fine hence the poor lyrical content in most of this dance music. The focus has shifted from the singing styles of artists such as Steve Kekana (one of the famous singers of the 1980's) to dance styles such as tsipa, twalatza, and kwasakwasa. Lately House Music and Hip-Hop have spread widely in townships across the country. However, House Music has not yet filtered down to the villages such as GaMmamoleka. This can be attributed to the fact that since the 1990s 'Americanism' has not managed to influence youth in this part of the world as much as it does with their township counterparts.
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Factors Affecting Cultural Complexion 6.6. CONCLUSION
In conclusion, the earlier migrant worker identified with mbaqanga (township music of the 1960's), and then the next generation identified with South Africa's popular music of the 1980's, which tended to be associated more with sepantsola. Maivy (those who practice seivy) promoted American soul music. Senyasa, although popular in the 1980's, was not in direct conflict with the above-mentioned styles. It subsided as seivy and sepantsola became strong in the villages. The advent of taverns gave rise to the culture of playing music from hi-fi systems. This was to be a foundation for kwaito and other dance music genres. All of these music styles represented cultural infusions into the music found in GaMalebogo.
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Perpetuation of Sehananwa Culture in Gauteng
Chapter 7
7. PERPETUATION OF SEHANANWA CULTURE IN GAUTENG
7.1. INTRODUCTION
The second aspect of the research question includes examining issues around the perpetuation of Sehananwa culture in areas of employment such as Gauteng. In doing so, I have employed the use of six family case studies. All the families are of Sehananwa origin and are from Ga-Malebogo, except for one that was chosen because both the husband and the wife are of Sehananwa origin and hold university qualifications in music. Lastly, I examine factors that affect Bahananwa children in the playground, at school, and in the home.
7.2. BACKGROUND
In principle, since 1994 all South Africans have been free to choose areas where they would like to settle within the country. This freedom changed the complexion of migration as it was known and documented by many writers. About 90% of former migrant workers have been joined by members of their families in the new settlements around Gauteng and other areas of employment. Although some of these families still stay in informal settlements and in mekhukhu (makeshift houses in the form of shacks), many of their children attend township schools. Apart from this 'new' population, different families from different parts of South Africa settled in Gauteng as early as the 1940's. These families, with their different ethnic origins settled in townships around the major industrial areas of the Republic of South Africa. Through time, their cultures have undergone some changes. These cultures are no longer monolithic. For example, a Mosotho from a township is culturally different from a Mosotho from Matatiele or any part of Lesotho. Bahananwa are also found in this urban type of families, although to a lesser extent when compared to amaZulu or amaXhosa. The township developed two cultures; the culture of original residents; those who came earlier than 1960, and the culture brought about by the development of squatter camps in the 1990s. Besides these differences between the old and the new populations of townships and the new settlement areas, exclusive perpetuation of a particular ethnic culture is threatened by other factors, among them the dynamic nature of culture in schools, homes, and as transmitted through the mass media. These factors are briefly outlined in the following paragraphs. But first, I shall present the case studies.
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Perpetuation of Sehananwa Culture in Gauteng 7.3. CASE STUDIES OF FAMILIES
The relevance of this section or the inclusion of these families in the study was considered when it was apparent that in Ga-Malebogo the concept of a musician is not evident, therefore it would be difficult for anybody to claim that certain people are musical or not. In this case I based my selection on religious or traditional roles in rituals, family background and its connection with the homes village. Wilson Maphakela's Family Wilson Maphakela worked as Procurement Manager for a company in Kempton Park. He has been with this company for twelve years. He graduated with a Bachelor of Commerce degree through University of South Africa (UNISA), and has since founded his own company, DPM Hydraulics cc. Maphakela was born in Ga-Mmamoleka, attended school in Tlhakauma Lower Primary School, Lebu Higher Primary and Tumakgole High School. As a child, he also went through all the traditional rituals that were common in his home village at the time. His homestead is situated on the A side of the street separating the A and the B sections of motse (the village). After moving away from Ga-Mmamoleka, Wilson Maphakela realised his potential and thus studied further to improve his career prospects. He took several jobs before settling for his current position. Like most people from the villages, he initially stayed in a hostel. He then moved to a rented back room in Thembisa Township, and finally bought a house of his own in a nearby suburb. Wilson Maphakela is married with three children. The first-born, Ngoako is a boy, followed by a girl named Setlatlo, and lastly another boy, Irvin. Apart from Ngoako who was born in Ga-Mmamoleka, his children were born in Thembisa. The first and the second born children started their schooling in Thembisa while the youngest one started his schooling in a suburban school. Maphakela has observed that the youngest child is not performing as well as he should. He attributes this to the fact that at the suburban school, the language of instruction is English, and his child has not yet been successful in attaining the basic language skills necessary for learning. He expects his son to improve with time, since he is still at a primary level. The children who started school in the township of
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Thembisa are doing well, even though they have now moved to an English medium suburban school. Maphakela says that his children will not participate in the same rituals their parents had gone through for several reasons; mainly because such rituals hold little significance today, and where the family now lives. Secondly, Wilson Maphakela has become a bornagain Christian and has had to discard such rituals as go phasa. He strongly believes that customs and rituals are context-relevant, and that if practised out of context they are meaningless. However, he maintains that Sehananwa, as a language should never be compromised because it encodes norms and values that his family abides by. He also emphasises the importance of Sehananwa style of tlhompho (respect). For example, his children still ba phaphatha diatla (clap hand) when they greet someone older. When called by an elder they respond by saying ie, which is a shortened version of ie morena meaning 'yes my lord'. Maphakela says that his family is not musical at all, but his children do sing common children songs and game-chants such as Pikiti Pikiti Mabulane. Apart from these, he has not been able to tell whether his children sing the same songs that he sang as a child, or songs that are sung by children in Ga-Mmamoleka today. He suspects that they do because he often takes them to Ga-Mmamoleka, where they play with other children during school holidays. He has noticed that his children do play some of the games that he played as a child. These games are both musical and non-musical. His children seem to uphold certain selected cultural practices of Sehananwa, while simultaneously trying to find their footing in their English-medium school and the suburban environment. It is not clear how they learn music because their parents regard themselves as non-musical. Their experiences at church, school and the village, when they go there, are their only chances of experiencing music making. Lesley Makgoshing's Family Lesley Makgoshing is one of the people who, after 1994, sought to settle in one of the settlements named after Winnie Mandela in Thembisa Township. After a long wait, he was allocated a stand in a section called Twelopele. As explained earlier these new settlements have a culture of their own because people from not only all the Black South African nations, but also neighbouring nationals have settled there. Unlike the older townships, the culture of this area is still evolving.
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Makgoshing was born in Ga-Mmamoleka where he was brought up by his grandparents while his parents were working in Borwa. His grandfather was an elder of the Apostolic Faith Mission Church, therefore his views on culture is deeply entrenched in Christian ideology. He did not take part in some of the rituals typical of traditional religious-life except his esteemed membership to one of the AICs. Makgoshing has three children: two boys and a girl. These children were all born in GaMalebogo. They moved schools when they joined their parents in Thembisa in the 1990s. The youngest was nine when they moved, meaning that he had already gone through the majority of the important socialisation processes. For example, the childrens language skills in Sehananwa were already well established, and they had been exposed to traditional games and songs. He noted that his children, who are now accepted members of Winnie Mandela settlement, have learned much of the 'new culture'. According to him, they use two languages: the language spoken at home and the language of their peers. He noted that, although they sometimes play traditional games such as diketo24and morufa25, they perform well when they play games such as video games with their township peers. His children still display tlhompho, which implies that they are rooted in the cultural norms of Sehananwa. However, he noticed that his children do not connect with most of the music he used to sing as a child. Once his children asked him if he was singing or talking because the song he was singing was, according them, so basic and lacked imagination. Conversely, his children sing chants that they think belong only to their generation when Makgoshing had, in fact, sang these chants in his childhood. Makgoshing believes that, although there is cultural confusion in his new environment, there is much more stimuli for schooling, unlike in the rural areas. He thinks that education is comparably better in the townships because these schools are more easily reachable by education authorities and therefore better resourced, unlike the remote rural schools in Ga-Malebogo. Makgoshing goes with his children to church on Sundays. However, the people who attend church in urban areas are different from those in the rural areas. In townships, one might find people with authority such as big brothers, fathers and many other elders from different nations intimidating. In Ga-Malebogo, one would normally attend church with
Diketo is one of traditional games for girls. Morufa is an indigenous game. 24 or 32 shallow holes are dug in the ground and filled up with an equal number of stones. The players move the stones in a strategic manner in order to end where they will capture the cows (porns) of the opponent.
25
24
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women and other children from the same village. This is a less intimidating environment for children. In addition, the number of members of the congregation is much higher in urban areas than it is in the rural areas, a factor that sees childrens participation in the church restricted. Lesley Makgoshing's family does not go to the Limpopo Province as often as they did before 1994. They may go once or twice a year or never go at all. This means a further drifting from the culture of the villages that they refer to as their 'home'. Magalane Phoshoko's family Mr. Magalane Phoshoko, a self-proclaimed traditionalist, is a music teacher at Fuba School of Music. This school is situated in the city centre of Johannesburg. He is married to Kgaogelo Mailula who is both an educator and a performer in music. Although both are musicians and belong to the nation of Bahananwa, they come from two distinctly different cultural backgrounds. Magalane Phoshoko comes from the rural Limpopo Province while Kgaogelo grew up in Soweto. These backgrounds have given them differing life experiences. The Phoshokos own a house in a newly developed suburb called Liefde en Vrede in Mulbarton, a few kilometres from Alberton, in Gauteng. Magalane Phoshoko and wife insist that the school they will send their children to should teach vernacular languages and Sehananwa in particular. This is because Phoshoko believes that language is the carrier of culture and that if children are not taught their first language they will experience identity crises and cultural confusion. Magalane Phoshoko also believes that children should be given the firmest cultural background before they are given a chance to choose whatever they want to do with that background. He advocates that even children who live in the suburbs should visit the townships regularly in order to stay in touch with the black culture, an experience that cannot be offered by the suburbs. He maintains that the Sehananwa concept of family where his spouse, children and relatives are one core should be protected because by so doing, his children will be in harmony with what other Phoshoko children are doing at 'home' and elsewhere. As a traditionalist he maintains that his homestead should observe meilo (the traditional taboos), perform rituals such as go phasa badimo, and uphold tlhompho, as any Phoshoko child in the Limpopo Province and elsewhere would do. Children should respect their culture including their music as a foundation. However, he does not mind if children do not attend koma, citing the changing times as his main reason.
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Sekoba Serumula's Family Sekoba Serumula is Mma Serumula's first born child out of five. (Mma Serumula appears in the section about masangoma). When asked who among her children is taking traditional culture seriously, she cited her eldest son Sekoba without hesitation. Sekoba Serumula is married with two children of his own. Mma Serumulas house is situated in the B section of Ga-Mmamoleka. Their lifestyle and life orientation as described in section 3.6, p.31 is typical of families in this section of the village. Sekoba Serumula does not have his own stand in the village. He stays near Benoni in a suburb named Crystal Park. His parents' house is regarded by him and his siblings as the family home. At the time of the interview Sekoba Serumula was a senior Aviation Courier with South African Airways. His wife, a former teacher, is a deputy director in the logistics department of the South African Police Services (SAPS). Economically they are a middle-class family, and can afford good education for their two children. Both their children were born in Ga-Malebogo. Their daughter was enrolled in a crche in Pietersburg (Polokwane) at the age of three in order to give her 'a better start in education. She is now attending school in Crystal Park. The son was, from the outset, enrolled in a crche in Crystal Park. The Serumula's children have, therefore, been exposed to multicultural schooling where the language of instruction is English. Serumula says he has managed to instil traditional values in his children, and has upheld the traditional culture that he grew up with. Although his children speak English, he insists that it be used only for educational purposes in the house; such as when discussing their homework and similar tasks, otherwise, Sehananwa should not be compromised according to him. He asserts that tlhompho together with the home language, is one way of gauging whether children still follow tradition or not. His children ba phaphatha diatla (clap hands) when they greet him and other elders. He has also noted that his children sing songs that are sung in the rural areas, and play games such as Pikiti Pikiti Mabulane. He has taught them some of these songs. Interestingly they seem to know more. Perhaps this can be attributed to their frequent visits to the village of Ga-Mmamoleka, and also the interaction with other children who live in the village. The mother, as a former teacher, also gives them an insight into their cultural songs and stories.
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Ga-Mmamoleka, as the true home, helps to ground the children. Sekoba Serumula goes 'home' periodically to visit his mother. At times, the purpose of such a visit is go phasa, when his family life is troubled. His children are always active participants in these rituals. At their age, they still follow the parents practices to the last detail. The Serumula children spend their time at school or at home. They either hear music as sung by their schoolmates, or sing the songs that come from their home village, Ga-Mmamoleka. As they grow up, they are likely to miss rituals such as koma (initiation school) and go binelwa because their social reality is different from their parents'. Their environment and the era in which they live are also different. Furthermore, their father is a son of a sangoma, and therefore a staunch traditionalist, while their mother is a mopholowa. Solomon Malete's Family Solomon Malete comes from Makgari village in Ga-Malebogo. He stays with all his family members in his township house. Like many in Thembisa, his children also speak two languages: one for their peers in the street, and Sehananwa that is spoken at home. They greet adults in a typical Sehananwa manner. Although they may not visit Ga-Malebogo frequently, the fact that their home is a meeting point for a burial society founded on the principle of retrieving bodies to home for burial, means that they are exposed to Bahananwa who come into their home monthly. In addition, the purpose of these visits by Bahananwa makes it obvious for the children to know that the home in the rural village is their real home. Malete is a traditionalist and therefore not a church person. This assertion was confirmed when he sent his three sons to komeng (where koma takes place) in the year 2000. Upon the boys graduation, he organised a traditional feast in their honour. The highlight of the event was when the three boys appeared in their khaki uniform26. They sat on the veranda and everybody threw money at them while praising them for making a successful transition from being boys to being men regardless of the fact that in term of age they were still children. However, the ceremony was a reflection of Solomon Malete's adherence to his Sehananwa culture. He had dinaka groups performing on the day, and it was at this celebration that many of Bahananwa around him danced and sang in Sehananwa style. All this happened in front of
26
Khakhi uniform has replaced animal skins known as setsiba (a loin). 109
his three sons, and of cause the little girls where present as well. They were thus exposed to the music of dinaka for the whole day. Mr. Gilbert Sehapela's Family Gilbert Sehapela works in a factory in Gauteng. He has recently acquired a stand in Winnie Mandela settlement. He also has built a house in Ga-Monyebodi where his wife stays with the smaller three of their five children. He has been living with his two adolescent children who attended a secondary school in Thembisa since December 1998. Despite attending a township school, these children have a strong attachment to the village. They still have the music and games they played in Ga-Monyebodi as a reference point for their musical cognition. At the same time they have been learning in the township and living in the squatter settlement for the past three years. Although they now have a place within the township culture, their village experiences are still dominant. However, they will not undergo traditional rituals such as koma. Sehapela believes that much as he knows the benefit of the ritual, he is facing challenges that effectively rule out their attendance of koma. For them to perform the ritual they would have to go to the rural village, which would mean missing out on their school days. Furthermore, it would financially tax the family, which is financially strained as it were. Sehapelas children will therefore forgo other aspects of their culture because of economic reasons and the new environment. It would seem that the earlier exposure the children experienced had gone a long way in grounding them in the Sehananwa tradition. Mmatlou Sehapela, Gilbert Sehapelas second born child, is an outgoing teenage girl who feels comfortable with her home language and the songs that she learnt while she was growing up in Ga-Monyebodi. In trying to test whether different children from Limpopo Province villages living at Winnie Mandela settlement know songs that are sung in Ga-Malebogo village, I arranged that Mmatlou and several other girls from Winnie Mandela form a small musical ensemble to recreate an environment where traditional songs could be sung. Interestingly, all the girls knew most of the traditional songs, although they came from different villages. However, their versions of the same song were slightly different. Generally, they were able to negotiate how they should sing each song.
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7.3.1. Educational Status of Parents Today the educational status of parents has a significant impact on both religion and culture in the family. Previously, the educated Africans excommunicated themselves from their own people in an attempt to gain acceptance in the white man's world. However, in recent years, there has been a turnaround. Educated Africans are now able to retrace their origins, and seem to be making a conscious effort to assert their 'Africanness'. This is evident in the increasing number of children bearing only African names. Now the higher the education level, the likelier the chance that Sehananwa culture will be preserved albeit in its modern form. On the other hand, parents who never went to school uphold Sehananwa culture simply because it is all they know. The partially schooled people may aspire to cultural practices that are in contradiction with their home culture. However, the political environment in South Africa today, especially the promotion of African Renaissance, calls for people to be proud of themselves and value who they are. Depending on the educational standing of the parents, Sehananwa culture may or may not find a favourable blossoming ground in the home environment. With the majority of the new parents being educated, the culture of Bahananwa is resurrected. But most importantly this culture is adapted to the current situation. 7.3.2. Religious Inclination of the Family The religious inclination of the family is one of the telling factors if the family will subscribe to a specific culture or not. For example, subscribing to the AICs whose religious outlook in not drastically different from the African religions prevalent in non-Christian societies requires little or no adjustment. On the other hand, it is common to find an African traditionalist converting to Christianity overnight. If the head of the family converts like this, the process causes a drastic change in the cultural perspective of all members of the family, which could lead to cultural confusion amongst children.
7.4. NATURE OF SCHOOLING IN GAUTENG
This section sets out to examine whether schools, including pre-schools, in Gauteng can be considered as good or bad environments in which the perpetuation of Sehananwa culture can flourish.
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7.4.1. Pre-school Children in towns and townships attend nursery and pre-schools for two reasons. Firstly, most parents are at work during the day, so it is convenient to leave children in the care of these organisations. Secondly, parents send their children to nursery schools so that the children can have a common educational head start with their peers elsewhere. In the last ten years, crches have become common in black communities. There is an indisputable benefit for children there. Children who attend crches seem to be better prepared entering the school level. Negatively, like schools and churches modelled on Western principles, crches do not seem to accommodate indigenous practices. Instead of learning first about their traditional music, children are taught songs such as Twinkle Twinkle Little Star and Bah Bah Black Sheep. 7.4.2. Mixed-Language Schools Most primary and secondary schools in the townships offer several vernacular languages. For example, children from the Nguni background attend school with children from Sesotho background. This multicultural situation rules out any chance of any particular culture to exist or develop exclusively. Instead, multiculturalism leads to the formation of a synthetic culture. In this kind of schools, children from dominant cultures are affirmed more than children from other cultures. For instance, if the dominant language in a particular school is isiZulu, children from this language group will find the shuttling between the home and the school cultures comfortable because of the commonality between the home language and the dominant language at school. The opposite is the case if the child comes from Sesotho background. 7.4.3. Former model C schools During the 1980's, there was another wave of resistance from black learners, following the 1976 uprisings in most South African townships. Once more, schooling became difficult. Consequently, some parents took their children to schools outside affected townships; some children were sent to boarding schools, some to schools in the rural areas, and parents who could afford sent their children to private schools in towns. This move and the approaching demand for equity in South Africa resulted in the government opening model C schools27 for other races. Sending children to schools in town had since become
Model C schools were semi-private schools serving primarily the white communities during the 1980s and early 1990s. 112
27
common because parents believe that education in these schools is better than education in the township. The model C schools started experimenting with concepts such as multiculturalism. These attempts, whether they succeeded or not, changed the cultural out-look of the black learners who attended these schools. They tried to adapt to the new environment in which the dominant culture was white South African. For them to succeed in their quest to be assimilated in their new schools they have had to forego the township culture or switch off from their township realities. Conversely, when they commuted back home in the township they were regarded as sell-out because they are seen as betraying the struggle against apartheid. At the same time, the same learners were not fully accepted in the new educational environment because they brought with them township or black culture into the otherwise white-cultured schools. Both their township and suburban school counterparts, therefore, saw them as cultural misfits. In the late 1990s, there were families who moved from townships into suburbs. Their children were then moved from township schools to suburban schools. As a result, these learners moved three to five steps away from their 'original' culture. For example, a child with Sehananwa background will initially be introduced to the home culture and then the township culture. Subsequently the learner will be consumed by the culture of the primary and secondary schools. Finally the learner will have to readjust to fit into model C school and suburban culture. Given the dynamic nature of culture at school level one wonders if any particular culture can survive the 'brushing off' process of other cultures. The dominant culture can flourish in a school where such culture enjoys participation by the majority of both the educators and the learners. But in most cases this flourishing happens at the expense of the minority cultures. Children from families in the case study will help us understand the extent to which they have retained what is regarded as the 'home culture'. Although children spend much of their time at school, the locality in which their homes are situated has an effect in how their culture is 'lived out'. Much as the child may have conquered the school cultural power play, he or she still has to fit within his or her local environment. For example, a child attending school in town may feel 'at odds' with local culture if his or her home is located in a squatter settlement.
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Having witnessed the dynamism of culture in Gauteng schools, and the recent movement between different schools by learners, it is difficult to see them as places where a particular culture can be perpetuated; not even when the language representative of that culture is taught at that particular school. This leaves the home as the strongest environment in which the perpetuation of a particular culture can flourish. But still the educational, financial and religious factors, among others, present a picture too complex for any universal conclusion about the extent to which each factor affects the perpetuation or the lack thereof of Sehananwa culture.
7.5. MASS MEDIA
This section will examine the role of television, radio and the internet, and their effectiveness in affirming traditional cultures. The Internet is closely associated with the concept of globalisation. At the present moment internet is generally not available in the rural Ga-Malebogo villages. This leaves radio and television as two of the most powerful media in rural life. 7.5.1. Television and Radio In South Africa today, where free market economic obtains; there is a need for global competitiveness. Today television has a big influence on the culture of a people, more especially children. After 1994, there was hope that the South African Broadcasting Corporation through its television and radio, including independent stations would take a leading role in advocating for the reconstruction of the values destroyed by apartheid policies of the past. To a limited extent, they have done that. Nevertheless, much work still needs to be done to break away from the cultural imperialistic tendencies that are entrenched in the mindset of broadcasters. It is puzzling to learn that, ten years into democratic rule, SABC and the Broadcasting Authority still set local quota for local content on their television and radio stations.
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The following extracts from the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa's (ICASA) discussion paper on the review of local content quotas indicates that local content is still low. Public Television Licensee: When the television licensee provide a broadcasting service which has more than one channel, that licensee must ensure that after two years of these regulations coming into effect across all channels a weekly average of 30% local television content during the South African television performance period is achieved, provided that on any one channel the licensee broadcasts a minimum of 25% local content. (ICASA: 2000:38) Private Television Licensees: The private television licensee must ensure that after two years of these regulations coming into effect or such longer period as the authority may determine, a weekly average of 20% of its programming in the South African television performance period consists of local television content. (ICASA: 2000:39) Given the relatively low local content quota in the South African broadcast media, it is difficult to foster the country's identity capitalising of the divergent cultures the country is endowed with. Instead, foreign cultures are promoted more. It is my assertion that the SABC does not play an admirable role in developing and promoting local cultures.
7.5.2. Internet The Internet is a new form of communication in Africa that has yet to reach the rural areas. It brings with it the possibilities of globalisation, which will further push away the chances of local indigenous cultures being affirmed. If the Internet is going to be one of the main ways of accessing music, it is likely that much of the music will not come from areas such as the Limpopo Province, but from America, Europe and other developed parts of the world. Also the benefactors will be academics who will use ethnographic approach: researching the music from a scholastic perspective or record producers who will be exploiting the music for commercial gains. The reason is that such technology will take a long time to reach rural South Africa given the fact that presently there are still many regions without water, electricity, good roads or even telephone lines. Also, the level of literacy among the authentic practitioners will make it impossible for them to actively play a role in the cyber world of information.
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Perpetuation of Sehananwa Culture in Gauteng 7.6. CONCLUSION
The Makgoshing and the Sehapela families are based in the new settlements. Both families no longer frequent Limpopo Province. Children, at most, visit their home villages twice a year. Children from these families seem to have a firm grounding of their Sehananwa family tradition. Their understanding of their culture is encoded in the language, songs and games they may have learned in the villages where they were born. Children from these families attend school in the townships, which mainly informs their peer culture. The Maphakela and the Serumula families have moved from the village to the township and from the township to the suburbs. Their children, who are born in the township, attend suburban schools. These families also visit their village homes at least twice a year. The difference here is that parents and children travel together to the home village. This is because they have their own transport and can therefore commute as a family. Children from these families are estranged from Sehananwa tradition to some extent. Their home language is not supported at school and may also be marginalised even outside the school environment. The strongest anchor for children from these families is in tlhompho and their parents special awareness of culture. Maphakela is an educated African who chooses what his children can be exposed to. He also values the traditional culture even though he is a Christian. Sekoba Serumula is a son of a sangoma, and therefore very close to the sangoma tradition. In conclusion, the question of the perpetuation of culture is proving difficult to capture. There has been so much movement since 1994; many people from townships are moving into suburbs, people from the rural areas are moving into urban areas establishing squatter camps. Refugees, illegal immigrants and other people from neighbouring countries are coming in to settle in the new South Africa. The level of cultural dynamism is unprecedented. Nonetheless, this book dealt on four main blocks of cultural: namely rural culture, township culture, suburban culture and squatter settlement culture. In the face of this dynamism, Sehananwa culture will survive if it adapts to factors identified by this study. Different families, as observed in the case studies, seem to use different mechanisms to adapt to the changing environments. Children from these families survive the pressures of
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culture change by learning while contributing to the development of the new culture they find themselves in. The homestead encourages children to retain some aspect of their own culture. Preservation of ones language and adherence to tlhompho appear to be the most viable tools in this regard. While the church is cited as one of the reasons why certain rituals are neglected, it is not clear whether that which is replacing traditional culture has anything to do with the church, since most youth no longer go to church. On the other hand, the Apostolic and the Zionist churches have become the new bastions of indigenous culture. At this front, aspects of Sehananwa culture have spread across the ethnic divide and across the physical boarders into most parts of the Southern African region. The music has moved more towards a synthetic culture because of the aggressive nature of the media in its quest to establish the culture of consumerism.
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Learning Processes of Music
Chapter 8
8. LEARNING PROCESSES OF MUSIC
8.1. INTRODUCTION
I have explained in the introduction of this book that the word transmission may mean the total activity of transferring cultural norms across generations or what I shall hereafter refer to as the learning processes. This chapter examines how culture can be transmitted from one generation to the next. The fact that the indigenous music styles are still performed today means that there is a system that ensures perpetuation. This suggests the existence of mechanisms teaching, learning, socialisation or other such processes. From the onset, I will propose a thesis that explains how the leaning processes pertinent to the acquisition of musical skills happen in Ga-Malebogo. As a basis for this discourse, I will use music categories and institutions already encountered in the previous chapters.
8.2. MUSIC INSTRUCTION IN SEHANANWA
Music instruction, in its own right, is not common in Ga-Mmamoleka. Such instruction generally occurs within specific rituals. However, isolated instrument tutoring does occur occasionally. In countries such as Ghana where the concept of a 'musician' is much clearer, and where there are master drummers, such an approach to instrument learning takes place. Nketia (1992:58) states that since musical specialities are required for group leadership and for performance in different contexts, some kind of institutional arrangement that enables musicians to acquire their technical training or that provides them with the sources of their artistic experience would seem to be of paramount importance. Merriam (1964) addressed factors that affect music learning, and evolved a possible working model. He isolated three factors: technique, agent and content. These factors are further broken down into smaller components. Motivation, incitement, guidance and reward are classified under the category he refers to as technique. The so-called 'bush schools' and master classes are grouped and discussed under the concept 'agent'. However, it has proved difficult to isolate specific processes of musical learning in the music of Bahananwa. The difficulty lies in that Bahananwa music learning is intertwined with other types of learning, training and practices, thus involving many other non-music
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dynamics. Further, the lack of an explicit concept of a musician has meant that there is no perceived need for any kind of formal music teaching. This situation notwithstanding the following section, documents my attempt to extract information regarding the processes of music learning over a range of different contexts. As already encountered in this book, there are five broad categories of music, namely: music for healing purposes; music for the church; music for rites of passage; music for social entertainment and music for other purposes. However, these categories are not rigid and are connected by common threads. One common linking thread is that participants involve themselves in overlapping ritual contexts. It is common to find an individual subscribing to more that one of the categories with ease. For example, it would not be absurd to see a member of a ZCC being a member of a kgotho group and at the same time being an active participant in work songs. Other commonalties may include the methods of recruitment. For example, a person does not normally decide to become ngaka. He or she is usually compelled by badimo, as is the case with Mr. Ngoako. This type of compulsion may be common to an aspirant priest or prophet in African churches. Also, many Bahananwa join churches or subscribe to mangaka because they want healing or protection of some kind. Boys may be compelled by their cultural environment to undergo initiation. Another person chooses to become a member of a kgotho or dinaka group. In a working environment a person may choose to sing along with co-workers or distance himself from any singing activity. Imperative Membership Music for Healing Music for the Church Music for Music for Rites of Passage Social Entertainment Music for Other Purposes
Non-Imperative Membership
Figure 26 Five Categories of Music 8.3. CELLS
Also running across these categories, are institutions that are largely responsible for developing members in many ways. These institutions are grouped into five overlapping circles to indicate their interconnectedness. The institutions from now on referred to as cells, are traditional 'schools' such as setlhako or koma, modern institutions such as schools and churches, communal and social institutions such as workers unions, social gatherings, playgrounds and the family. In each of these cells, there is a version of the
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teacher and the learner. The same person, functioning as the teacher, may operate in many different situations or cells at one time or the other. It is also normal to find the same leaner being exposed to the four cells at any given time.
Morden Institutions Teacher and Learners Traditional Institutions Ngaka and the Initiate
Communal Charismatic leader and Followers Peer group learning Playground Family Parent and Child
Figure 27 Schematic Representation of Interconnected Cells
8.3.1. Family The family household is the first learning environment where children in their formative years are exposed to culture as practiced by their parents. The mother deserves a special mention as the first instructor, since most of the active learning discussed here involves her. In Ga-Malebogo, and in any other rural villages where migrant labourer system is a feature, fathers and other male family members expectedly work away from home whereas mothers work at home. Mothers normally take care of the children and the household. Furthermore, one of the traditional responsibilities of a mother is to prepare her daughter for married life; deemed to be the crowning point of being a woman. If the daughter fails to leave up to expectations as ngweti (daughter-in-law), the in-laws and the father of the daughter usually blame the mother for not having taught her well. Among other things, and in preparation for a traditional marriage, the daughter needs to develop proficiency in go reta (to praise sing) her own clan's sereto (praise song). The mother-in-law is also responsible for teaching her new daughter-in-law go reta her new inlaws. The mother, the mother-in-law or the big sister are responsible for teaching the younger woman many other chores and practices that are typically areas of speciality for Bahananwa women. This is also the case in West Africa where, many mothers, therefore, regard it as their duty to ensure that their daughters know these dirges' (Nketia: 1992:61).
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The sense of being duty-bound, as far as teaching their daughters is concerned, seems to be prevalent in mothers throughout the continent. There are three types of Sehananwa family customs. 1) Families steeped in African traditional practices, where the children are supposed to go through all the rites of passage, and thus know the music related to these rites. 2) Christian families, in which children are required to attend Sunday school, church services and to sing church hymns and other sacred songs. 3) Families that lie between these two extremes. As music making occurs in both the Christian and traditional families, children from the middle of the continuum gravitate to either extreme for their formative musical experiences. 8.3.2. Playground Children learn a great deal from one another whenever and wherever they interact, especially in carefree environments such as the playground. It is common to find a child who grew up in a family that practises malopo going to a Sunday school. This is attributed to the fact that, children knowing no boundaries will follow their friends from one environment to the next. This free movement is without prejudice and it affords the child a wider childhood experience. Much learning takes place in these kinds of situations; where learning processes occur in the form of peer observation. Children act out their observations in their games. Popular games that reflect this type of learning are mmasekitlana (this is a dramatisation of imaginary events. Stones are used as characters) for girls. Boys might act out a particular ceremony as was the case with Desmond and Bashin described in section 8.6.3, p. 167. These interactive games give children from a more traditional family background a chance to teach those from Christian environments some aspects of traditional performance and vice versa. Learning at this level has proved to be effective because there are no prejudices or judgement involved. It is a give and take situation where a child and its peer play interchangeable roles of both the teacher and the learner throughout the playing session. 8.3.3. Church The flow from the home rituals to church practices can be either smooth or uncomfortable, depending on the church in question. For example, if an individual is a lelopo, he or she is likely to occupy an important role in the ZCC church as lebone (ZCC prophet) because of their ability to divine or prophesise. Children who grow up in African Zionist churches also enjoy this continuity from home to the church because of the closeness of church and
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traditional religious practices. This continuity facilitates self-knowledge, identity and assertiveness, which tend to translate into a better person all-round. In addition, such continuity helps to affirm musical talent without measuring it against foreign traditions. On the other hand, Pentecostal churches would discourage children who come from families that practice African religion from beating drums. Children from traditional backgrounds are made to understand that beating the drum is one of the traits of heathens and that such people are not worthy of inheriting the kingdom of God. It is at such churches that traditional thinking, which might be the basis for a childs persona, is eroded. A child who wishes to belong to this church would have to discard his or her experiences for him or her to qualify or to conform to the church doctrine. The same will apply when one converts from Christianity to tradition. In the Pentecostal churches, children learn American-influenced church music, an activity which benefits them musically albeit differently as compared to children learning the music of Afrocentric churches. Pentecostal churches breed good vocalists because of the special focus on vocal performance, which is based on emulating their American counterparts. The mastery of American gospel music is helpful for the performance of secular music such as R & B (a modern Afro-American musical genre), should these church singers ever become commercial artists. 8.3.4. School Akuno (2000:3) observes that, 'childhood is now spent in schools, an environment that is not conducive to the informal practices of indigenous education.' In the entire village of GaMmamoleka, all children attend a particular primary school named Tlhakauma. At this level all children are drilled regarding the fundamentals of Christianity as part of their education. At this school, one afternoon per week is set aside for learning hymns. The teacher writes the text on the chalkboard for learners to learn by rote. Because hymns are popular among children who grew up in the church environments or children who belong to specific churches, the hymns are easily memorised. Children who come from non-Christian families are left to battle silently on their own trying to memorise these hymns. With no realisation of this point by the teachers, such children find the school environment hostile to them in this regard. It is at this point that many children discover whether their cultural upbringing is either in line with the culture of the school or not. Unfortunately, if their family practices are different from that of the schools', they tend to become confused and frustrated. Often, this lack of cultural continuity from the home to the school diminishes
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children's self-esteem, confidence and the capacity to learn. There have been cases where intelligent learners have dropped out of school because of the nonconformity between the traditions of school and home. Apart from the hymns, music activity in rural schools of Ga-Malebogo is associated with choral music competitions. Such music has very little to do with the experiences of children in Ga-Malebogo. Only recently schools, and particularly primary schools, have started forming children into traditional groups, and only as an extramural activity. For this, credit should be given to teachers such as Mr. Seanego of Tlhakauma Primary School. Songs that are sung in these groups seem to be reflective of musical backgrounds of many children who may not necessarily be aligned to the church. Besides this, there are still children with some church background. Therefore, the singing of hymns and the performance of traditional music in schools help in affirming all childrens social backgrounds. It is my argument that if the majority learners enjoy what their schooling environment has to offer in terms of cultural affirmation, their performance in the classroom will improve. 8.3.5. Koma Koma seems to be fading out in Ga-Malebogo. Many parents are taking their children to medical doctors for circumcision rather than following the traditional route. There are several reasons for this. Firstly, the number of deaths that have been associated with negligence and witchcraft on the part of mangaka who are responsible for koma is worrying for parents. Secondly, this apathy was further aggravated by the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Thirdly, the school system does not tolerate learners who miss school attendance because of koma. Generally both parents and children seem to have hardened their stance against Koma. Mmatlou Molele (personal interview: 04/01/2003) gives an account where boys in the village of Diepsloot threatened to burn koma if elders insisted on setting it up. The decline in popularity of this ritual is not only experienced in GaMalebogo but in other parts of Black Africa. Nichols (1985:110) argues that church organisations, student organisations and other youth groups have replaced the initiation ritual. Koma is one of the most secretive rituals among Bahananwa. Because of the secrecy inherent in the ritual of koma, it means that only those who have taken part in it carry with them the cultural teachings and practices it offers. In the past, to have graduated from
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komeng put one ahead of ones peers who had not attended. This is still the case today, although to an insignificant degree. The change of attitude by both parents and children, in particular boys, came with the realisation that koma alone does not prepare one for modern demands of manhood where material possessions attained through money, translate into power. A man with money is better off than a man with koma background, but with neither money nor a good job. The significance of koma is further diminished in areas where there are interethnic communities. Some nations may not accord the same value to this ritual than others. The respect accorded to a koma graduate ends in the villages where koma takes place. The music as sung at komeng remains with the ritual. According to tradition, to sing the music of koma out of context is offensive and contemptuous. Therefore, this study did not dwell any further on the learning processes pertinent to this particular ritual.. 8.3.6. Setlhako This is one of the most endangered cultural practices. The ritual, along with the learning processes of the music associated with it, is facing extinction. Like koma, the ritual has some sections that are secretive. However, the music is not that different from the music of kgotho. The initiate would have had a prior sense of this music through hearing and witnessing performances of kgotho, or other small groups such as social gathering performances. In Ga-Mmamoleka few girls are still undergoing this ritual where issues of femininity such as sexual behaviour, and preventive measures against diseases and contraception are taught. Older women are instructors, and initiates are learners. In this case, the focus is on the individual, the initiate, unlike in seane sa basadi (female version of koma) where there are many initiates. Moreover, setlhako is a family based ritual. The parents of a young woman, particularly the mother, are responsible for arranging this ritual when the time is right and the initiate is old enough. It is expected that the initiate display a radical change in her conduct after graduation. She is expected to behave responsibly. Immediately after this ritual, the young woman is referred to as kgopa (a 'ripe' woman) and thus much more attractive because of the new status she has just earned. 8.3.7. Sephaphatha As a build up to a wedding celebration the community hold rehearsal sessions or sephaphatha at both the bridegroom's and the bride's homes. Sephaphatha is viewed as
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important because it would be embarrassing if the visiting villages out-sing the host village during the wedding celebrations. Sephaphatha also ensures that new, fashionable songs are learnt by all, and that the repertoire is big enough to ward off any competition from visiting neighbouring villages during the wedding celebrations. The threat to the existence of sephaphatha is bapholowa and churches that do not welcome traditional wedding songs because they regard them as secular and thus not a blessing to the wedding. The neighbouring villages, which would have also prepared for a show down, are discouraged upon arrival when they are told that only choruses and hymns are allowed. With the excitement of singing traditional songs replaced by church music, sephaphatha could be pushed to extinction.
8.4. METHODS
Notably, there are different modes of learning that are applicable to the above situations. These include immersion, seclusion, imitation and intuition, drilling and coercion. Some or all of these modes may be engaged at the same time in each learning experience. Also at play are individual and group dynamics. I will try to capture these learning dynamics as learning modes rather than methods. This chapter will examine learning contexts as conceptualised and represented in fig.27, p.120. The dichotomy of teacher/learner will run across all cells. Much emphasis is given to the analysis of the mental disposition of the learner. The following are some of the methods that are inherent in traditional processes of learning. Learning can involve all of the methods at once or a few of them depending on several factors, most importantly the type of ritual, or the point at which certain practices are performed within a ritual. Apprenticeship In some nations, where the concept of a 'musician' is clear, such as Vhavenda, a learner is placed with a master musician. The master then teaches the learner all he knows. When the master is convinced that the learner knows as much as the master can teach, the learner is then allowed to return home to assume his or her new role as tshilombe (a Venda traditional musician, who operates at a spiritual level).
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Immersion In this type of learning environment the learner is exposed to the training for lengthy periods. For example, the training of a sangoma takes place over several months where the initiate is exposed to sangoma drumming and dancing for longer periods per day. During these sessions the initiate will start absorbing all aspects of the culture without any external disturbance. Because of the constant exposure to music and dance, and because of mental and spiritual awareness evoked by this type of training, learning becomes effective. Seclusion As with immersion, seclusion plays an important role in focusing the initiate's attention on the training without the disturbances of everyday life. Seclusion also plays an important role in breaking down old habits and constructing new ones, resulting in a dramatic change of behaviour upon graduation. This method is used in all forms of koma. Learning is maximised because during seclusion music making is the major activity. Imitation and Intuition These methods of learning are perhaps the most widely practised and are prevalent in many different contexts. As imitation is a natural human and to some extent animal behaviour, one may ignore its value as a learning process. Children use this method to build up their vocabulary, which they urgently need to communicate feelings, needs and other day-to-day experiences. While intuition may lead a child to sway or clap to music, it is also natural for it to note and imitate adults when they sway to the rhythm of music. Adults also learn through imitation. Drilling Another method used is that of drilling the initiate into issues of methodology or ways of executing certain tasks. In rituals, the initiate is forced to dance vigorously on a daily basis so that he or she learns how to achieve the state of trance within a reasonable period. In addition, ngaka is drilled into divining for long periods of time before he or she can be recognised as qualified. Mma Sathekge (personal Interview: 11/01/2001) asserts that besides the help of the spirit responsible for the condition of the initiate, the only way ngaka e thupja (traditional herbalist) can memorise the quantity, the type of herbs and the ailments such herbs treat is through years of practising.
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Coercion In most traditional rituals the initiate's right to decide whether to undergo a certain ritual or not is taken away from him or her. The feeling that one has no choice but to finish the process is important in ensuring a successful completion of the training. The idea that parents are forcing their children to go to school helps to ensure that they finish their schooling. Children who can choose between school and other activities tend to drop out of school.
8.5. REHEARSAL
The methods discussed in the above paragraphs have been dealing mainly with situations where learning involves an individual. The rehearsals are focused on group situations where learning is different. While some of the above methods of learning may apply, the group dynamics offer additional aspects that may encourage or derail learning. Since the question of skills development is not the focal point of most musical gatherings, the purpose of sephaphatha is to build up a repertoire for the day of the wedding celebration. Usually, the songs that group members rehearse are mostly songs that are commonly known to everybody. The objective of the rehearsal is to refresh singers memories of wedding songs. This is understandable since wedding celebrations are not every day. Classification of who teaches and who is being taught is not clear. James, D (1993:98) captured this attitude when a certain woman from within the group, in trying to help another who was new to the culture, said to her colleagues, wait! We will build each other. No offence is taken in such cases. Primos (personal interview: 2002) has observed how African students teach each other songs: their methods are quick, supportive, interactive and effective. Where there is a visitor within the group, or when a group member had visited outside the village and thus had learnt new songs, he or she is asked to teach the village group songs from the visitors village or songs from where the member visited. In this case, the visitor or the member who returned home from visiting some place becomes the teacher of the new song. Difficulty may arise if a song is from a different language group, resulting in the need to first learn how to pronounce words. Learning how to produce the right tone takes a while because the new language also dictates the tone of a song. The visitor, first, sings his or her par,t and later sings the parts for the other members of the group. The group members, through trial and error, try to follow until they have figured out the arrangement of the song. The process is quick because the musical structures, usually a cal-and127
response, are common. The atmosphere at these rehearsals is such that even when the visitor brings new information, the other members are actively interactive in learning the song. Usually, the teacher is an individual teaching many group members. There are also cases where the learner is one individual, while everybody else knows the song. In the latter situation, the individual relies heavily on his or her musical understanding, since he or she is unlikely to be able to stop the group in order to ask questions. According to Sarina Maboya (personal interview, 06/12/2000) - St. Engenas choir leader - the most suitable moment for her to learn a new song is when she visits the ZCC pilgrimage in Moria. As a choir member, she makes an effort to attend other choirs' practice sessions, even if it means just watching their performances. She learns most of new songs this way. In a group situation, learning is by consensus. The group agrees to listen to an opinion, displaying respect for the new knowledge they are receiving. Whoever has the merit to stand up and teach is given the necessary co-operation. Usually this is not even negotiated, it just happens. Primos (2001:7) uses the term 'osmosis' to describe this ability to learn when there appears to be no formal instruction. A strong individual assumes a leading role without anybody questioning it. Generally, people with stronger singing abilities become leaders and thus teachers or facilitator in a learning environment.
8.6. PROFILE OF LEARNERS
The following are some of the group dynamics that shape the individuals musical perception in different ways: These musical perceptions, based on the kind of person, the learning environment, religious inclination and the personal resolve, among other factors, help or hinder the learners chance to succeed in learning. It is also important to understand how individuals perform in different learning environments, both as learners and as teachers. Having lived in Ga-Mmamoleka, I noticed that children display common behavioural patterns. They do not readily show their personalities, which will reveal their attitudes towards issues that inform their mental disposition. When they are in a group of peers their characters emerge. In the following section I outline a few case studies that reveal what tells certain children apart from the rest. The environment they grow up in, the processes of learning they undergo and their general experiences forms the background of the
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following paragraphs. In addition, a case of an adult learner in the form of ithwasa will be presented. 8.6.1. Sarina Motsoko Sarina was born to Asinah Maboya who is a dedicated choir member and a daughter of Moturi (Reverend) Maboya. Moruti Maboya is the priest at St. Engenas ZCC. Sarina Motsoko grew up in her grandfather's home in Ga-Mmamoleka. Their home has been hosting the church for a few decades now. Even today, when they have been allocated a church stand not so far away from home, they still hold some of their practice sessions at home. Sarina's mother had always sung in the church choir, so it is no surprise that her daughter is showing significant dedication to the choir herself. Today Sarina is a song leader who leads most of the songs with confidence, a role her mother enjoyed some years back. The fact that the church is almost like a family business demands of her a particular sense of responsibility. She therefore has had to assume leadership role in choir practices. 8.6.2. Tonia and Pat Makgafela Tonia Makgafela is 14 years old. She is Ramokone Makgafela's daughter. Pat Makgafela, Ramokone's granddaughter, is also 14. These two children captured my attention through frequent participation in various performances in the village. I first saw them in the school group that performed traditional music, then in the middle of the night at Mma Serumulas sangoma ceremony, where they proved central to the final performance. As accounted earlier, their mother Ramokone is involved in leading traditional singing groups. Ramokone Makgafela has formed a khotho group in Seshego (a township near Pietersburg) called Phikwe Park, comprising young girls. The drive to form musical groups permeates Ramokones home. After a hard day's work and a beer drinking session, Ramokone Makgafela (personal interview: 05/06/2000) would wake Tonia and Pat up and ask them to provide drumming for her while she continued with her singing and dancing into the late hours of the night. They would always oblige. Perhaps this attitude of being readily available when their mother wants them to perform also translates to their wider communal engagements where they appear as self-assured dancers, singers and drummers who can and are ready to perform at any given time.
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8.6.3. Desmond Maphakela and Bashin Molele During Sochas Makgafela's wedding ceremony, there were electric music equipments such as microphones and keyboards in use. In the village, where there was no electricity until April 2001, the impact of amplified electric instruments left a profound effect on children's minds, as did the music as produced from those instruments. A wedding celebration, be it traditional or a 'white wedding', is in itself something out of the ordinary. Children who are 10 years old or less are likely to be witnessing such an occasion for the first time and as such it is likely to leave a definite impression on their lives. During the wedding day Desmond and Bashin seemed not excited, but rather looked confused as excited older performers shoved them around during performances. The children also seemed not to concentrate on the songs and the dances; rather they followed everything that was happening silently. After the wedding, Desmond and Bashin were seen playing weddings. It was obvious that what fascinated them the most at the church during the wedding celebrations were electric instruments. Microphones featured prominently in their game. They had a stick on which they tied some plastic to make a microphone-head-looking-shape. At the end of the stick they attached a cord which resembled a microphone cable. With their version of a microphone, they mimicked the rendition of choruses and the mannerisms of lead singers, as seen during the wedding ceremony. 8.6.4. Morongwa Maharela When I informally asked around in the village as to whom among children of school-going age could be regarded as a 'star' in traditional music performance, two names were mentioned. One of those names was that of Morongwa. Morongwa herself had no idea that she was so regarded by both her peers and elders. At the time, she was in standard five. She had a quiet personality, which translated into a serious looking drummer for a 14year-old. At Tlhakauma she was seen playing the most demanding drum, phoesene (poison) with such commitment. This drum accents rhythmic patterns or complements the sound of the rattles on the dancers' feet. However, when interviewing her at her home she still had little to say. Even her elder sister Ngoakwana Maharela did not know that Morongwa is a drummer of note among her peers. This suggests that she did not learn the drumming at home. According to Morongwa, she used to silently and strategically place herself
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wherever there were performances by old women in the village and by so doing, she absorbed the performances and learnt how to play drums without touching the instrument until later. She then used her peer group's performances as a testing forum. Nzewi: (1999: 75) asserts that, Training for expertise on master instrument is normally acquired intuitively by observing the experts, coming to understand the nature and variables of the programme of a context signified and directed by an event-music type. For the first time, the issue of idolising an individual was mentioned. Because she had no role model in her immediate family, she picked Mrs. 'Shabara' Moropo as her role model (Shabara is part of this study as an expert drummer). Morongwa further stated that she was not shy to sit around with old grandmothers because of her fascination with their drumming. Her serious nature probably explains the silent learning process she had undergone by herself. She observed, made mental notes and set out to imitate her idol, acquiring the necessary skills of the excellent drummer that she is. 8.6.5. Kgabo Phuti Mmamoleka Phuti provides a combination of Tonia and Morongwa's experiences. She asserts that she developed the interest to perform from the 'street', as was the case with Morongwa. Interest developed from just watching elders dance, and was further translated into active learning by trial and error in small groups. Unlike Morongwa, Kgabo later saw the need to ask her mother to teach her how to sing and dance. Her mother would introduce a song by singing a verse, and then order Kgabo to improvise a response - go dumela. Go dumela or to produce musical accompaniment or response may be made up of short intertwined phrases. Mrs. Mmamoleka would leave the weaving of these phrases to Kgabo while occasionally correcting her. For drumming and dancing, there were set patterns that Kgabo found easy to execute. Once again, her mother would teach her only when she came back from her beer drinking sessions. Mr. Seanego, a teacher at Tlhakauma Primary School, was cited as the instigator of the will to perform traditional music at school. Although Mr. Seanego's influence ended at school, Phuti and friends formed a group in 1999 called Dipitsi (Zebras). When they started Dipitsi, they did not have meropa, so they improvised on tins. Phuti said that when they were convinced that they could mount a reasonable performance, they approached ntona Makhonya Mmamoleka to ask for permission to use the real meropa, and he gladly obliged. For repertoire, they 'stole' [her choice of words] from their parents and other visiting groups. Sometimes, some of the songs did not make sense to them; either
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because Kgabo and her group members could not understand or figure out the lyrics, or that some songs were melodically intricate. Such songs they discarded. 8.6.6. Mr. Ngoako Mr. Ngoako is a sangoma trainee who is under the guidance of Mma Serumula. He had been a member of a church until it became apparent, after consultation with traditional healers that he had to undergo training as ngaka, as this was dictated by one of his dead grandparents. Gelfand (1964:56) and Zuesse (1979:190) have documented identical criteria by which a new medium is chosen. The criteria are still the same today even among Bahananwa. This process of choosing the succeeding ngaka leaves little room for one to decline, as Mr. Ngoako learnt. He tried to avoid his call by going to ZCC, only to mysteriously find himself sleeping at home, with the vision of his grandfather pestering him. He protested without success. He sought help from several mangaka and baporofeta (prophets). They all pointed to the fact that he should accept his calling by becoming a sangoma. That was the beginning of his new life as ithwasa. The trainer was pre-chosen for him: a woman who lives in Ga-Mmamoleka, about 500 kilometres from Rustenberg, his home. He now has to learn from a Mopedi sangoma who is trained in a Nguni tradition, regardless of the fact that he is a Motswana. He had no choice but to find her. At the time of the interview, he had just started the process of go thwasa, which will culminate with him graduating as sangoma and being healed at the same time. Mr. Ngoako did not consider himself a musical person. The issue of whether he will be good at music depended on the ancestor that possessed him. If the ancestor was musical, he believes that he would also become musical. The important point here is that he has been forced by illness and other circumstances to undergo this particular training, and that he is aware that he may pick up some musical skills if his ancestor so wished. In other words, he remains open to any eventuality.
8.7. CONCLUSION
Although the teaching of music in not an identifiable practice in Ga-Malebogo, music learning occurs. The learning processes, although not directly linked to music, are found within many enabling environments. The learner also has to want to learn since there are no obvious incentives for performers. The learners personality and his or her mannerism contribute towards the effectiveness of the learning process.
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Chapter 9
9. CONCLUSION Now I know that my path as a young man of Sehananwa origin has a lot to do with my current state of mind both as a musician, music educator and as an aspirant scholar. My upbringing follows a contradictory logic to this study in the sense that I was born into a Sehananwa family, which was settled in the township of Thembisa in Gauteng, South Africa. My family was one of those that were still grounded in the concept of 'home'. My grandparents lived in Ga-Mmamoleka, which was regarded as our real home. The spoken language at home was typical township Sesotho but with a strong bias towards Sehananwa. I was also taught about tlhompho (humanness) as being the most essential element of botho, a trend that is still prevalent in the families in the case studies. My family was pro-Christianity, therefore most traditional rituals were not practiced either at 'home' in Ga-Mmamoleka or in Thembisa. My school environment was also inclined towards Christianity, and Sunday school was compulsory. At that time I had no idea that there were other religions except Christianity; all I knew was that if a person is not Christian he or she is heathen, and will not inherit the kingdom of God. After the 1976 Soweto uprisings that engulfed Thembisa as well, my parents sent me to Ga-Mmamoleka, where I lived with my grandparents. Unfortunately, my grandparents passed away in the same year. There, I found myself living among many people, who were 'heathens', whose dress codes were primitive. I found them 'ugly' because they spent most of their time in the fields or working with cow dung; they did not match men and women I used to see in Thembisa. Their music was primitive, or so I thought. They did not know who Michael Jackson was. They hardly listened to music on the radio; instead, they preferred programmes that announced funerals and radio dramas, which were commonly referred to as stories. They took little interest in global news. In those days there was no television at all in the village. My childhood mentality was nave. As I was a boy from the townships, I was initially exempted from chores such as spending nine hours in the veld twenty kilometres away from home looking after cattle because my cousins felt I was too soft or too vulnerable. The insinuation was that because I had not undergone certain rituals I was bound to be weak and meek. This psychological exclusion prompted me to drop my preciously held township norms and try to be part of the
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community. This I have continued to the present day. In fact, this study is part of the process of understanding the values of rural life and finding myself culturally. The question of running away and joining koma, which would most fully have made me like my peers, was ruled out for several reasons. Firstly, my parents who were working in Borwa were strict about monitoring our schoolwork. They were friends with school principals in Ga-Mmamoleka, and my father would know immediately if we missed classes for a day. Secondly, we had already been circumcised at hospital, so attending koma was out of question. Thirdly, my grandfather was an elder with Apostolic Faith Mission and would not allow his grandchildren to be associated with rituals such as koma. However, against my parents' wishes I found myself doing almost everything my peers did, including spending nights at malopong (where malopo are being held). Musically I was already playing guitar at the age of nine. When I moved to Ga-Mmamoleka I enjoyed the status of being the boy next door who plays a musical instrument. Bored by the attention I received; I dropped my guitar playing and became a soccer player, something that was common to every young man in the village. Besides, communal activity was more rewarding than solo indulgence. At least in the soccer team the only instrument we needed to make music was our voices. The songs were primarily about communicating to the villagers our soccer results, and to elevate the heroes of the day. This we did from the back of an open truck - a common mode of transport for village soccer teams - as it entered the village at night. Our girlfriends, sisters and mothers would stand by courtyard walls to ululate in welcoming us and to acknowledge our victories. Much the same kind of reception hunters enjoyed when they came back home from their hunting expeditions. Ten years later I was almost assimilated into the culture of Ga-Mmamoleka only to encounter another reality. As I wanted to study music, I enrolled with Fuba Academy. I was introduced to classical music going though foreign examination bodies such as Association Board of Royal Schools of Music. Two years later I enrolled with University of Cape Town to study jazz. In this new intensive period of music study, I experienced a serious lack of 'something'. I did not know what that 'something' was, but I knew that I had experienced it in the rural village of Ga-Mmamoleka. The irony was that, three years into my university studies, when I went back to the village and played guitar for people there, I created less interest amongst onlookers. They preferred someone who was unpolished, who could play songs that they could identify
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with. Higher education in South Africa could not prepare me for this reality. Then what good is music education if it produces 'musicians' who do not meet their communities' expectations? The answer to the preceding question lies in understanding the music of Bahananwa and the institutions that produce music and music performers relevant to their musical and social needs. As a starting point, I took this opportunity to retrace the music of Bahananwa and its inherent 'educational' attributes. My focus has therefore been on institutions where this musical activity is found. In this book I have examined two main issues that are closely linked. Two keywords, 'contemporary transmission' and 'perpetuation', were considered in the processes of data collection and processing. intended to: 1. examine and compare the processes and the context in which Sehananwa culture is perpetuated: a) through music in a specific village b) by selected persons connected to the region but who are domiciled elsewhere. 2. investigate ways in which music is used to transmit the culture of Bahananwa. 3. identify what is typically Sehananwa: a. about the way the music is constructed and performed b. about how culture is passed from one generation to the next through music. It has emerged that music in Ga-Mmamoleka is ritual-bound, besides it being a part of day-to-day life; it is located within the five main categories. These are music for healing; music for the church; music for rites of passage; music for social entertainment and music for other purposes. These broad categories seem to run parallel one another, and at the same time exhibit common threads that make the total musical repertoire typically Sehananwa in nature. The question is what are these threads in musical terms? There seem to be no distinction between performers and audience. In Ga-Mmamoleka, the concept of a musician is not explicitly held among the elders and as such there are no institutions that seek to teach or produce a certain type of a musician. Acquisition of musical skills is in most cases, a by-product of non-musical training such as go thwasa or learning the game that is accompanied by music. However, the study shows that some of These concepts also underpin this conclusion. The study
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these processes have not been fully transportable to urban areas except in the case where a healing ritual is involved. Two main agents for the perpetuation of Sehananwa culture have surfaced. These are the fast-growing movement of African Independent Churches, and the resurgence of traditional religions supported by the recent recognition of their importance in the South African context. Unlike in the past, where most schools enforced Christian principles, the South African education authorities have adopted a secular school approach towards education. No religion is preferred over any other as was the case before 1994. It has emerged that many traditional rituals such as koma, go binelwa are being eroded by factors discussed in the previous chapters. However, those cultural practices that have found their place in the African Independent Churches such as the ZCC are being preserved and perpetuated. Such cultural practices have been strengthened and spread over a wider area by the church. For instance, the ZCC, which is purely a Sehananwa culture entrenched church, enjoys a wide appeal in the Southern African region. Its members come from as far as Zambia. In South Africa, ZCC membership is larger than any single nation. In joining the church, people from different ethnic backgrounds come into contact with various Sehananwa customs. Malopo is one healing ritual, which is protected by the strong notion of religion. Badimo are custodians of the institution of malopo. Malopo are institutions that serve as strong vehicle through which badimo come into contact with the living. In fact, even in the African Churches like the ZCC there is a strong belief that the church belongs to badimo. Bishop Barnabas Lekganyane inherited the church from badimo just as is the case regarding bogoi (chieftaincy) where the succession is a predetermined. Malopo's perpetuation, just like the growth of the ZCC and other African Independent Churches in the present-day Africa seems guaranteed. In rural areas, some traditional rituals associated with musical practices are fading away. This situation is much more evident in urban areas where most parents no longer raise their own children because of careerism. Songs embodying cultural values and norms that are supposed to be sung to, and in the presence of children no longer form parents repertoire. Instead, children spend considerable time at crche with a teacher who may not necessarily be a Mopedi. Some schools are mixed in terms of language groups, while others strictly use English as the medium of instruction. With much traditional music gone and home languages substituted by other languages in schools and playgrounds,
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traditional cultures are dying a fast death. Nonetheless, I maintain that the challenged home language should still be one of the main grounding cultural factors for children. Some children who were born in the village and moved to the towns have an advantage over their counterparts because while they are assimilated into the township culture, they still have some of their own music and language to draw their cultural identities from. Besides ones home language, tlhompho is another important aspect of Sehananwa tradition that seems to successfully perpetuate the culture even outside the home villages. In fact, it is almost as important as the language itself. Tlhompho carries in it the language that is used and the manner in which that language is expressed through body gestures. In other words, to say your greetings properly is not good enough for a Mopedi. The greetings must also be expressed in action, and more importantly through gesture. In most Sehananwa, and other African families, elders and parents insist on tlhompho, which is one of the major cornerstones of botho/ubuntu. The effect of schooling presents a challenge to the perpetuation of cultural practices. The school has taken centre stage as opposed to traditional chores. This means that games that were popular in the past, such as feisi (bare fisted boxing game), dog fighting, and bullfighting, are played less often. Gone with these games are songs and praise singing chants that usually accompanied them. Today girls have little time for diketo (a traditional stone arranging game) and other such games.
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Figure 28 A girl Playing Diketo
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Future Research Issues that may usefully be pursued further: 1. What is characteristically Sehananwa about Sehananwa music? Kiba (also called Dinaka) is a national dance of Bahananwa. It exists at the same level as tshikona of Vhavenda and indlamu of amaZulu. Analysis of the internal musical characteristics of Kiba would be revealing but is beyond the scope of this study. More generally the music of Bahananwa exhibits within the broader African tradition, distinct musical elements in terms of polyrhythm, texture, metre and harmony. For these elements to be made clear, the music itself needs to be analysed. Such study should include the music of contemporary recording artists such as Caiphus Semenya, Phillip Tabane, and the younger generation of musicians such as Moses Molelekwa, Geoff Mapaya, Tlokwe Sehume, Sello Galane and Judith Sephuma because these musicians went beyond just using Sehananwa language for lyrics, but incorporated some of the musical inflections typical of Sehananwa music. 2. Implications for Music Education I am convinced that for traditional practices to have sustained over centuries there should have been a system in place to ensure the success of traditional methods of storing and imparting knowledge. I am certain that these methodologies are located within rituals and other socialisation agents of Sehananwa culture. However, there is still some work to be done to test the transportability of these methodologies from their ritual context into new environments. It will be beneficial for these findings to inform new methods in South African curriculum that seek to make Arts and Culture Learning Area a meaningful field of study within the schools. As it stands, South African schools are exposed to Western-type music education. I believe that there is a need to introduce African music in the classroom, and that teaching such music effectively will require relevant methods which should complement the already established music education methodologies. But there are questions that plead for answers: Are there enough similarities between the Western education and the Sehananwa processes of socialisation, given the fact that both are aimed at preparing youth for the future? Both systems have, in their different ways, institutionalised 'education', and by understanding these questions we might be able to deal with the process of Africanising music education in South Africa.
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Haralambos (1984: 172-209) has provided an analysis of Western education in terms of functionalist and Marxist perspectives. He has also commented on several theoretical frameworks. The argument that features prominently in Haralamboss paragraphs is that education systems are a mechanism for selecting individuals for their future roles. Largely, this means roles in the occupational world. Both school and work environments are meritocratic in principle; that is, students achieve status based on merit, and jobs are awarded on merit. At school an individual student should have the opportunity to develop his or her mental, physical emotional and spiritual talents. Also he or she should be allowed the time to initiate, explore, and create music, among other activities. The ultimate goal is for the student to graduate with a qualification which is likely to afford the graduate a chance of getting a job in the work environment. It is even better if the graduate can create jobs for others as well. On the other hand, the Sehananwa system of socialisation had, in the place of schools, rituals that mark rites of passage. Most of these rituals are meant to equip the initiate with certain social skills. In these initiation institutions there is assessment of a different kind. Initiates are not necessarily competing against one another. They, in fact, help one another to 'qualify'. Also, there are rituals that focus on an individual trainee. This trainee will acquire certain skills such as being a ngaka, a sangoma or in the case of setlhako, the girl being introduced to issues of womanhood. In all these traditional rituals there is no situation where one fails or passes. All graduates attain certain social status. There is no competition. In Sehananwa, there is no employment for a 'musician', since there is no concept of a professional musicianship. Consequently, there is no teaching or training with the aim of filling jobs at any institution. Learning may occur for the purpose of satisfying social norms and values. It may happen that a person with notable talent in music is accorded some social status, but that status is usually not translated into economic advantage over others. Although music teaching exists in other African nationalities as (Nketia: 1992), Bebey: 1975), Merriam (1967) and others have observed, the same cannot be said about Bahananwa communities. There are some institutions that ensured that the musical practices of different rituals are perpetuated, but this does not result in gainful employment or formal career paths. The big question is why should we be bothered about music education in South Africa today? Specifically, why should we be bothered about African music in music education? I
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studied music to hone several of my skills that will, according to Haralambos (1948), make me employable and functional in the world of music analysis, performance and discourse. But it is my assertion that the music industry in South Africa presents few or no job or entrepreneurial opportunities for trained musicians. SABC television and most radio stations play 20% local content. The National Orchestra employs about 60% foreign nationals. Multinationals such as EMI, Sony, BMG, Gallo and Universal record companies dominate the recording industry. In the total employ of these companies an insignificant number of their staff membership has studied music at an elementary level. A further irony is that there is an antagonistic relationship between the artists and the record companies. As a result, the less informed the artist the easier it is for companies to deal with him or her. Furthermore, the government does not seem to see the urgency of regulating this potentially huge income generator for the local economy. Musicians have, therefore, resorted to small public performances as a way of making a living. On the whole local business is still reluctant to support the arts. Some companies are trying, but the attempts are still insignificant. One such example is Standard Bank with their The Standard Bank Joy of Jazz series of concerts managed by event Management Company called Tmusicman for some time and benefited a small cabal of musicians. Artists such as Hugh Masekela appear in almost all the Joy of Jazz shows, denying developing musicians performance opportunities. Provincial music festivals tend to copy the Joy of Jazz formula. The government has identified tourism as one of the major income earners for the country's economy. This is where natural resources and cultural activities converge to give South Africa a different flavour from the rest of the world, an aspect that is used to sell the country globally. The potential opportunities arising out of this awakening require an educational system that could feed relevant institutions with suitably qualified personnel. Arguably, graduates should be products of a South African music education system and be ready to promote a South African agenda. South Africa needs its own identity as it ventures further into globalisation. Western-type music education cannot achieve the above hence we need to bring in other artistic traditions in South African music curriculum. I have been privileged to be a member of a team working for the Department of Education to establish the National Curriculum Statement for Further Education and Training (FET) statement, with reference to music. The processes of establishing the National Curriculum Statement for General Education and Training (GET) was completed in 2001. Hopefully,
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these processes will give currency to the South African music education in schools. Whatever the outcome of these processes, there will always be the need for further critical engagement with issues about music education. I discovered that Bahananwa in Ga-Mmamoleka have not begun to see the fruits of having their knowledge recognised. They are of the opinion that they are the last to be approached when knowledge is sought. A few who took part in this study felt happy and important to realise that what they know is valued by students who study at universities. Their wish is that ten years since the countrys first democratic election, the public should recognise them also. In conclusion, there is a two-way view of what is happening in terms of the 'perpetuation' and 'transmission' of this tradition. Sehananwa as a tradition is threatened by everapproaching reality of globalisation, but is also manifesting itself in the powerful religious sector, particularly the African versions of Christianity, which are growing rapidly.
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Glossary Babinatau clan affiliation in Africa is very important. Some clan names eventually become surnames. Coupled with clan names are totems, which are as important. Tau means lion. Babina tau is a clan, which uses the lion as their totem. ancestors. Setswana word meaning the rebels. Those who defy authority. widows. grandfathers. In this study the term refers to ancestors. It is the best Sehananwa way to personify the ancestors. small-scale farmers . witches. the brides entourage. born-again Christians. a clan that uses antelope as a totem. prophets. people. born-again Christians. bridegroom's homestead. chieftaincy. bride's homestead. witchcraft. south of Limpopo Province - meaning Gauteng and other industrial areas. humanness. predators. hymns. taboos. a shallow hole is dug on the ground to accommodate about ten small stones. A girl who is playing has to throw a bigger stone up in the sky, high enough for her to grab several of the stones out of the hole and catch the one thrown on its way down. Her eyes are fixed on the stone because it should not fall until the game ends. She would throw again to push the stones back but leaving a specified number out as per the stage of the game. drums (also known as meropa). a night session where music and dance happens in rural villages. A phenomenon which was popular among farm workers who have returned home. dogs. dinaka are horns or pipes, which are, used as musical instruments by Bahananwa in the place of reeds. The music and dance known as kiba is also referred to as dinaka. traditional healers. fairy tales. dipela is a lap harp adopted by Bahananwa as one of their traditional music instrument. brass band. Zebras the name of Ttonias group. baboons. A totem used by Bahananwa. small drums used in dinaka.
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Badimo Baganani Bahwana Bakgalabje Balemii Baloyi Banyadiwa Bapholowa Baphuting Baporofeta Batho Bazalwane Bogadi Bogoi Bogwe Bole Borwa Botho Dibata Difela Diilo Diketo
Dikoma Dikonko Dimpa Dinaka Dingaka Dinonwane Dipela Diphala Dipitsi Dithwene Ditudutudu
bare-fisted boxing game. to belong to a mokhukhu performance. to undergo a second ritual for women after initiation. to seek refuge. to undergo initiation into being a lelopo. to mock one another as a form of entertainment. to go to work in urban areas and never come back or care for your family. Go leta to sound a musical instrument. Go matha to march. Go opela to sing. Go phasa to appease the ancestors. Go reta to sing praise. Go rupa to undergo the process of initiation. Go thekela a movement that is close to dance, which women do when they express joy, particularly during musical performance. Go thwasa to be initiated into being a traditional healer. Go tshwara motse to protect the house from evil. Tlhabologo civilization. Tlhompho total respect that is accorded elders Ithwasa a sangoma initiate. Kereke a church. Kgopa a sexually mature woman Kgoro a traditional court. Kgorong a place where kgoro sits. Kgoi African king. Kgoigadi African queen. Kgotho music performance style for women. Kiba for women. Khwaere a choir. Kiba music performance style for men. Very popular as the main national dance of Bahananwa. Kiba may refer to a big drum that beats a regular 'beat'. The same drum is also known as Koma Koma initiation school for boys. Komeng a place where koma takes place. Koa a song. Kwaito a music style emanating from South African Township youth. Kwasa-kwasa a musical style emanating from Congo. It has come to refer to a dance style in South Africa. Lapa courtyard. Lebogo the hand. Lebone a prophet of the ZCC. Legogo a mat made of grass Legora fence. Lekgolwa a white person. Leaedi a person who is deemed not to be endowed with artistic abilities. It also refers to a person who executes his or her duties clumsily or in an untidy manner. Leapelo a special clay pot used to serve malopo herbal water. Leaa tree branch. Letema a meeting of women for a specific task Letsiye a wind instrument made out of the horn of an antelope. Letsoku red ochre.
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Feisi Go bina mokhukhu Go binelwa Go falala Go gatiwa malopo Go kaelana Go kgolwa
Mabone Madam Maetiong Magadi Magoi Maivy Majakane Makarapa Makgolwa Malokwane Malopo Malopong Mangeta Manyanyatha Mapantsola Masangoma Mmasekitlana Matlitla Mathoo Mathoo Mawere Mbaqanga Meropa Mmaditsela Mmaditsela Mmatswale Mmino Modimo Mokgolokwane Mokgonyana Mokhukhu Molato Moletelo Moloi Mopedi Moroka Morufa Moruti Moate Motli Mphato Mphukudu Ngaka ye thupja Ngaka Ngame Ngwana
ZCC prophets. ogre or cannabis. It could also mean storms. nightly playing or gathering sessions. brides wealth. plural for king. people espousing seivy lifestyle. people who espouse Christianity more than their African cultures or religion. migrant workers. people who left for Borwa and never came back to the village. referee. the ceremony where ancestral spirit descend into mediums, the type of music and dance or the spirits that are associated with that ceremony. a place where malopo ceremonies are being held. small clay pots. white hand made boots used by ZCC men during performance. people espousing sepantsola lifestyle. a diviner of Nguni origin. this is a dramatisation of imaginary events. Stones are used as characters. women who may never get married in their lifetime, and have passed the age limit where marriage is been expected of them. rattles. rattle that are tied around the angles of traditional dancers. rain-making herbs. township music of the 1960's and 1970s.. drums. a mediator. mediator-cummessenger. mother-in-law. music and/or dance. African version of the Christian God. a shrill sound made by women vibrating their tongues during performance excitement periods, otherwise known as ululation. Bridegroom. a shack or a ZCC musical formation. a case. a night vigil. a witch. a person belonging to a Sehananwa nation. traditional rainmaker. a types of game played by men in rural Limpopo Province. a priest. a palace. a stranger or invader. regimen. a zombie. a herbalist. a traditional healer. a miser. a child.
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Ngweti Ntona Nyatsi Phalafala Phoisene Phuti Pisalome Pula Ratswale Sathane Sebodu Sefeko Segateledi Sehananwa Seivy Sekala Sekgowa Sekgwari Senyasa Sepantsola Sephaphatha Sereto Setlaela Setlhako Seto Thakgwana Theowedi Thabamasa Thabamaseng Thela Thobolo Tsipa Tsotsi taal Tsotsi Twalatza Ubuntu Ukuthwasa Vat-en-sit
a bride. a chief. a concubine. a musical instrument made out of a Kudu horn. a typical drum used in dinaka performance. a deer. a drum used by Apostolic Churches. rain. father-in-law. Satan. a lazy person. a gateway. a nightmare. a language or lifestyle. a lifestyle that draws from American style of the 1980s. a beer jug. white man's way of doing things. a person with great artistic ability or cleanliness. a music style emanating from Zambia. a music style and a lifestyle, emanating from South African townships, which preceded kwaito. nightly rehearsal sessions held a month before the wedding celebration day. a traditional praise poem. a moron. second ritual for girls before they can formally be sexually active. tradition. a snuff container. a nightly playing sessions for juveniles by moonlight. a ZCC worship session that takes place at night. a place where thabamasa is held. a sacred rattle instrument used by malopo. a wicked and stern woman. a dance style pioneered by Arthur Mafokate. a language that was used by thugs, which is a derivative of Afrikaans: it used to be the languages of the clever ones. a township thug. a dance music style pioneered by Author Mafokate one of the kwaito kingpins of South Africa. as African spirit of humanness which binds Africans as one caring nation. to undergo initiation as a sangoma. a situation where a man and a woman move in together without having gone through the proper channels, such as paying lobola or getting the blessings of both parents.
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MALEBOGO DISTRICT ........................................................................................................ 14

BAHANANWAS PERCEPTION OF MUSIC......................................................................... 30

MUSICAL SOUNDSCAPE .................................................................................................... 41

FACTORS AFFECTING CULTURAL COMPLEXION........................................................... 97

PERPETUATION OF SEHANANWA CULTURE IN GAUTENG ......................................... 103

LEARNING PROCESSES OF MUSIC ................................................................................ 118

CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................. 132

CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................... 133 REFERENCES ................................................................................................................ 147

Table of Musical Examples

Figure 1 Early Trek of Bahananwa

2.3. EFFORTS TOWARDS HOMOGENEITY

Praise singing is a form of recitation in praise of the self or a significant other. 6

Figure 2 Hierarchy of divinity.

Ethnic Spirits Guardian Spirits

Figure 3 Four levels of spirits

Introducing Bahananwa 2.5. EXPECTED BEHAVIOUR

Figure 4 Limpopo Province Map

Source: http://www.expedia.com/pub/agent.dII?qscr=mgts 4/7/2000

Introducing Bahananwa 3.4. POLITICAL ORDER

Introducing Bahananwa 3.5. GA-MMAMOLEKA, VILLAGE IN FOCUS

Figure 7 Makhonya Mmamoleka

Figure 8 Sekiba with his dipela ta Harepa

Figure 9 Shabara Moropo

Figure 10 Two Master Drummers playing Kaedio (poison)

Figure 11 Dikgololo in action

Figure 12 Maidens from Ga-Malebogo

Figure 13 Maidens from Ga-Mampuru

Bahananwas Perception of Music

Bahananwas Perception of Music 4.3. PROBLEMS OF MUSIC DISCOURSE

Bahananwas Perception of Music 4.4. BASIC CONCEPTS OF THE MUSIC OF BAHANANWA

Bahananwas Perception of Music

Figure 14 A Man Playing Phalafala (Kudu Horn).

Figure 15 Typical Phalafala Rhythmic Pattern.

Bahananwas Perception of Music

Bahananwas Perception of Music

Bahananwas Perception of Music

Bahananwas Perception of Music

Bahananwas Perception of Music

Bahananwas Perception of Music

Bahananwas Perception of Music

Figure 17 Notes of a Pentatonic Scale

Figure 18 Notes of Descending Pentatonic Scale

5.2.1. Typical Drum Pattern of Kiba/Dinaka

Figure 19 One of the many drum patterns of Kiba

Figure 20 Typical drum configuration used in Kgotho and dinaka ensemble

5.3. FUNCTIONS OF MUSIC

Sehananwa Feri-firiso Mmalefiswane Re nelwa ke pula Mmalefiswane Re kgopela pula Mmalefiswane

Figure 21 Drums used for Malopo

Figure 22 Thela (shaker instrument) used in Malopo

Musical Soundscape Figure 23 Sketches of Drums used by Masangoma

Figure 24 Typical drum pattern for Masangoma

Example 2 Kgomo ye o Sebariki

Pisalome is the name derived from the biblical word psalm. 68

Figure 25 A woman playing pisalome

Example 3 Sathane Sekepe 70

Example 4 Ngwana 'lla ga ke mo rate

Example 6 Pudi ya Phoko

Example 7 Action Song for learning how to walk.

Example 8 Sunny Boy