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Gender Violence Among Teenagers : Socialization and Prevention


Rosa Valls, Ldia Puigvert and Elena Duque Violence Against Women 2008 14: 759 DOI: 10.1177/1077801208320365 The online version of this article can be found at: http://vaw.sagepub.com/content/14/7/759

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Gender Violence Among Teenagers


Socialization and Prevention
Rosa Valls Ldia Puigvert Elena Duque
CREA, University of Barcelona

Violence Against Women Volume 14 Number 7 July 2008 759-785 2008 Sage Publications 10.1177/1077801208320365 http://vaw.sagepub.com hosted at http://online.sagepub.com

This Spanish-based study found that some adolescents link attractiveness with violence. Previous research showed that a socialization process within teenagers contexts promotes this association. The results suggest that this link is one of the possible causes of the high rates of gender violence among youth. Debates regarding this research already have had political repercussions. Although the 2004 Spanish Act Against Gender Violencethe first of its kind in Europeacknowledged violence with romantic partners or ex-partners, the 2008 Catalan Act on the Right of Women to Eradicate Chauvinist Violence also recognizes gender violence in dating, and considers preventive socialization as a main measure. This study provides key knowledge to support this purpose. Keywords: adolescents; attractiveness models; gender violence

he Act Against Gender Violence in Spain (Organic Law No. 1, 2004), the first law of this nature in Europe, was approved in 2004 within a social context that attributed gender violence to romantic partners or ex-partners of economically dependent older women with a low level of education. At the time, the international scientific community had already proven that this stereotype did not reflect reality (Piispa, 2004). Today, there is evidence that gender violence is also highly prevalent in dating relationships and among economically independent young women with a high level of education. The Act Against Gender Violence (Organic Law No. 1, 2004), however, did not take this into account. As a consequence, violence perpetrated against women who were involved in sporadic relationships with their aggressors is not legally classified as gender violence because the perpetrators are neither their partners nor ex-partners. The special courts established by the Act for gender

Authors Note: We are grateful for the collaboration of the Safo Womens Group, CREA research center, and especially Jess Gmez, who during the last years of his life was besieged because of his theoretical and practical coherence and commitment to overcome violence against women.

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760 Violence Against Women

violence cases are achieving more and better trials, but they have not been able to decrease the number of cases. On one hand, the restriction of gender violence to partners and ex-partners has made a clear limitation to the trials. For instance, a judge could not convict for gender violence a man who hit a woman whom he used to date, because the man was not her romantic partner. On the other hand, this restriction is a consequence of a conception that gender violence is caused only by female economic dependence or mens failure to adapt to the independence of their female partners, without taking into account the link some people make between attractiveness and violence. At the same time that this Act was being written, the first prize for the Eurovision Junior Song Contest 2004 (a European childrens music contest) was awarded to a song with the title Better Dead Than Plain, sung by Mara Isabel, a nine-year-old girl, who has become a point of reference for girls her age. In the analysis of chats about this song, eight-year-old girls constantly repeat this motto and apply the lyrics to their lives (Valls, 2005). In Catalonia, a debate has arisen that has led to the creation of a new Act on the Right of Women to Eradicate Chauvinist Violence (LLEI, 2008) by the Catalan Parliament, which identifies gender violence as occurring not only as domestic violence (in a stable relationship) but also as dating violence (in sporadic relationships). This Catalan Act also indicates that preventive socialization against gender violence should be the main action to be carried out. Besides improving the legislation and resources for current and potential victims, it is also necessary to work on prevention to diminish the number of cases of gender violence that are currently growing, especially among young people. In Spain, 30% of the reported number of battered women are 30 years old or younger. The scientific community needs to contribute with an analysis of the factors that could help to explain the enormous recurrence of these types of cases. Prior research has studied Spanish teenagers socialization processes into gender violence as part of a research program on preventive socialization of gender violence. This research explores possible contributing factors and provides suggestions for preventive measures (Oliver & Valls, 2004), a topic that today strongly engages young Spanish feminists (A. Flecha, 2005). Our study is framed within this program and demonstrates that there are adolescents who establish a link between attractiveness and violence. This link promotes relationships in which gender violence can arise. We have based our line of argument on the results from a study about how these adolescents form their values, tastes, and preferences in their affective-sexual relationships, as well as what their attractiveness models are. In this article, we present the main results of the study,1 as well as the implications for the education of teenagers in secondary schools. We look at the interactions among adolescents, and between them and other social groups, to explain the association between attractiveness and violence that some of them make. We also look at the extent to which the attractiveness models these adolescents have are characterized by values connected to abuse, aggression, power relations, and suffering or, in contrast, the extent to

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which they are related to dialogue, equality, and respect. The main findings presented in this article are to be included in the current work on preventive socialization of gender violence.

Background and Relevance


The role of women in society and equality of opportunity between men and women have progressed in areas related to education, employment, and social recognition. Nevertheless, the younger generations are still experiencing or are at risk of experiencing situations that involve violence. International research has shown that the incidence of gender violence among the youngest sectors of the population is high and that gender violence occurs not only in stable relationships (married couples or boyfriend-girlfriend) but also in more transient dating situations. Gross,Winslett, Robert, and Gohm (2006), for example, show that the evidence of sexual victimization of women on college campuses is common. From a sample of 903 undergraduate female college students aged 17 to 25 they found that 27.2% of women reported having unwanted sexual experiences since enrolling in college and 9.1% indicated they had had unwanted sexual intercourse. Similarly, Banyard et al. (2005) contend (1) that women between the ages of 16 and 19 are in the highest risk group for date rape, followed by women between the ages of 20 and 29, and (2) that approaches oriented toward prevention and intervention against the problem of sexual victimization on campus are needed. Small- and large-scale representative sample surveys have shown that a significant number of undergraduate women are at high risk of being abused by their boyfriends and/or dating partners (Brener, McMahon, Warren, & Douglas, 1999; DeKeseredy & Schwartz, 1998a; Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987; Smith, White & Holland, 2003). This is the case not only in Western countries but also among youth around the world (Straus, 2004). In the International Dating Violence Study,2 Straus (2004) found a higher rate of physical assault among dating couples than married couples. He points out, for instance, that 29% of the students from his sample had been physically assaulted by a dating partner during the 12 months prior to the beginning of the study. Although most research that shows the high rates of violence among youth has been conducted with college students, there are also studies indicating that adolescents relationships are a starting point. For instance, in the survey Faith, Hope, Battering (Heiskanen & Piispa, 1998), carried out in Finland, 40% of adult women interviewed had been victims of physical or sexual violence and threatening behavior perpetrated by males, or had been forced into sexual relationships after their 15th birthday, but 29% had had these experiences before the age of 15 (Heiskanen & Piispa, 1998). Similarly, in their study of college-aged women, Brener and colleagues (1999) found that 71% of women who had had forced sex were raped before the age of 18 and most of these experiences took place during their teens. In

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762 Violence Against Women

addition, studies focusing on college mens violence highlight boys development of hostile attitudes toward women or admiration for violence during high school, before reaching college (DeKeseredy & Schwartz, 1998b; Forbes, Adam-Curtis, Pakalka, & White, 2006). In a study of high school students (average age 16.2), Fineran and Bennett (1999) found that 84% reported having experienced sexual harassment by peers at school. From their study, they establish links between beliefs supporting male dominance and the perpetration of sexual harassment in high schools and suggest the need to pay more attention to the hostile environments created by peers. In another study of sexual harassment in U.S. public schools, the American Association of University Women (2001) found that 8 in 10 students experience some form of sexual harassment at some time during their school lives. They had defined sexual harassment as unwanted and unwelcome sexual behavior that interferes in students lives, ranging from sexual comments or jokes to forcing someone to do something sexual. Similarly, a study of dating violence among California adolescents found that 9.7% of the sample of 4,560 adolescents had experienced situations involving gender violence (Center for School-Based Youth Development, 2004). Several studies have stressed the fact that dating violence is highly prevalent in this population (Lavoie, Robitaille, & Hbert, 2000; Silverman, Raj, Mucci, & Hathaway, 2001). There is a wide body of research that provides evidence about the high rate of gender violence among young people and the prevalence of gender violence in adolescents dating relationships. Some research has focused on identifying and analyzing possible factors that lead to gender violence, although there is still much to be done in this area. Jiwani (2005), for instance, argues that people are more or less vulnerable to violent acts because of their race, sexual orientation, disability, or class, and also as a consequence of a clash between the values that are prioritized in the dominant society and those that are specific to the aforementioned social groups. Jiwani also points out the impact of isolation from peer groups and the family as a factor contributing to vulnerability. Other studies, however, stress the impact of gender-related expectations, attitudes, and stereotypes as a main factor in violence and hostility toward girls, as well as the sexism maintained in these youths belief systems framed within the patriarchal value system that supports gender inequalities (Forbes, Adams-Curtis, & White, 2004; Mahlstedt & Welsh, 2005). DeKerseredy and Schwartz (1998a) highlight male peer support as one of the most powerful determinants of woman abuse in postsecondary school dating. According to these authors, attachment to male peers provides some men with norms, values, and behaviors that influence their relations with women in dating relationships and that, in most cases, encourage and legitimate woman abuse. Lavoie et al. (2000) conducted an interesting study on the teens views of violence in intimate heterosexual relationships, through focus groups with boys and girls from 14 to 19 years old. Among their findings, they highlight the influence of three dimensions: individual factors (both from the aggressor and the victim), factors regarding the couple (as the existence of communication problems or of tendencies

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to sadomasochism), and social factors (the influence of pornography and peer pressure). In their analysis of the reasons that might lead to violence among these teens, they argue that violence should not necessarily be seen as synonymous with abuse. They argue that some boys and girls narrated the role of consensual use of aggression in sexual relationships to give pleasure or the desire to explore rough sex; some also mentioned being influenced by pornography, and others shared an acceptance of sadomasochism. Drawing from these findings, they suggest the need to discuss the concepts of consent and desire in prevention programs as well as to open a discussion of the role of violence in sexuality in these programs. The idea Lavoie et al. (2000) stress about the consensual use of aggression among teens, although interesting for the debate on teen violence in relationships, is not the focus of this article. In the study we conducted, we targeted only nonconsensual violence (which involves imposition and abuse) and, more precisely, the link between attractiveness and violence among teenagers. We did not focus our analysis on the desire for violence (i.e., sadomasochist practices), but rather on the attractiveness felt by some teenagers toward boys who might be violent. The teenagers interviewed in our study rejected violence, although they chose to be with persons who use violence; they felt attracted to them and wanted to be with them, but did not want to be the subject of their violence (see also Duque, 2006). There are studies that have explored the connection between loveeven perfect loveand forms of violence (Borochowitz & Eisikovits, 2002; Towns & Adams, 2000). Others have studied attractiveness as a personality variable that can be linked to anxiety (Mathes, 1975). Another recent study analyzed the connection between delinquency and romantic involvement in adolescents (Rebellon & Manasse, 2004). Using data from the National Youth Survey with a sample of 1,725 American adolescents aged 11 to 17, the researchers concluded that delinquency increases dating outcomes by making the delinquent more attractive to prospective mates, because risk-taking adolescents attract the romantic interest of others. The link between attractiveness and risk taking is an element of interest for our study. However, we focus on the connection between this attractiveness and values held in the hegemonic masculinity model, particularly those related to domination. Most literature on hegemonic masculinity explains its dominant construction and its relation to dominance.3 In our study, we are relating this dominant construction of hegemonic masculinity (and mainly its violent expression) with attractiveness. Robinson (2005), for instance, explores the relationship between the dominant construction of masculinities and the sexual harassment of young women in Australian secondary schools. The researcher explains how the successful development of hegemonic masculinity is often measured by dominance, aggression, and intimidation toward the gendered other (i.e., girls and women or those boys and men who take on less dominant masculinities). According to Robinson, sexual harassment and sexual violence could be considered legitimate ways to express this form of hegemonic masculinity. Along these lines, Connell (1995) defines hegemonic masculinity

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as the configuration of gender practices that embody the current legitimacy of patriarchy, which involves the dominant position of men and the subordination of women. He remarks, however, that many men have some connections with the hegemonic project, but do not embody hegemonic masculinities. They draw the patriarchal dividend, but also respect their wives and mothers. They benefit from gender privilege and from the overall subordination of women, but they are not violent toward women. He maintains that hegemonic masculinities are not fixed types, but configurations of practice generated in concrete situations and, therefore, are also susceptible to change. Given the relevance of the models of masculinity that young people learn, as well as the impact of peer interactions and taken-for-granted beliefs in the explanation of sexual harassment, Gmez (2004) studied socialization processes in adolescents sexual and affective relationships. By analyzing magazines, films, and the Top 40 songs among teenagers in Spain, he demonstrates that there is a socialization of attractiveness into a hegemonic masculine model that includes domination and that is linked to the double standard. Furthermore, although some theories link love and attraction to instinct or an irrational emotion or sexual chemistry (Beck & BeckGernsheim, 1995; Giddens, 1992; McDonald, 1998; Salecl, 1998; Sternberg, 1998), Gmez argues that love is the result of a socialization process, and therefore any feeling experienced is amenable to change. Our study focused on discovering the extent to which this attractiveness model posited by Gmez is assumed by teenagers and whether it is incorporated into their social interactions. Our study Education on Values Towards the Prevention of Gender Violence in Secondary Schools (Valls, 2004-2005) focused on identifying and analyzing values attributed to people perceived as attractive, as well as the connections between these values and abuse. We thus analyzed perceived attractiveness, which is associated with the model of hegemonic masculinity. We found adolescents attracted to people who embodied that model, reproducing values of domination and submission. This study, therefore, suggests that the link between attractiveness and violence is one of the possible causes of the high rates of gender violence among youth.

Method
The methodology of this study has a communicative-critical orientation (R. Flecha & Gmez, 2004), one that substitutes the concept of research from a subject/object relationship for one of intersubjectivity. We chose this methodology because it not only contributes toward gathering rich information about adolescents experiences but also facilitates the possibility of contrasting existing knowledge about gender violence among young people in the scientific community with adolescents own descriptions about attractiveness within the context of their lives. This contrast already begins in the data collection stage, where researchers and the adolescents

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being researched interact through an intersubjective dialogue in which both contribute their knowledge, as part of a shared process of reflection and self-reflection. According to Habermas (1984), validity depends on the arguments provided rather than on the power positions. Validity of scientific findings is then reached when researchers interpretations are contrasted through dialogue with those of the social actors researched. The critical communicative methodology has been previously used in conducting research with cultural groups and other social groups, oriented to the analysis of overcoming inequalities (Gmez & Vargas, 2003; Touraine, Wieviorka, & Flecha, 2004). This methodology has been used in a number of studies funded by the European Commissions Framework Program for Research,4 as well as by the Spanish and the Catalan Womens Institutes. In accordance with this methodology, in the study presented here we used qualitative data collection techniques with a communicative orientation. This study focuses on heterosexual relationships among adolescents who attend secondary school (aged 12-16) in Catalonia. We selected a sample of 7 secondary schools distributed geographically (5 in the province of Barcelona, 1 in Tarragona, 1 in Lleida), or by location, either rural or urban (3 rural, 4 urban), and by their families socioeconomic status (SES; 3 low-middle, 2 middle, and 2 middle-high). The selection also took cultural diversity and the existence of concern about the prevention of gender violence into account (all seven schools have culturally diverse classrooms and interested and concerned staff). The research techniques used to fulfill the research objectives were 7 communicative focus groups (one per school) and 10 communicative daily life story sessions. All of these meetings were conducted with the inclusion of the adolescents, who are the subjects of this research. By using a communicative orientation toward life stories and focus groups, adolescents are able to contribute their experiences, worldviews, knowledge, and observations from their lives and contrast them with the theories and previous research provided for the study through the researchers scientific backgrounds. Furthermore, the study also included 12 semistructured interviews (6 with family members and 6 with teachers). We did not use a communicative technique for these interviews because both families and teachers provided a more institutional framework for their own stories (i.e., family and academic frameworks). Although these people were not the focus of the study, they contributed useful information and insights that complemented the research results as a whole. The selection of subjects to participate in the fieldwork took place through prior contact and dialogue with the principals and their teams (i.e., teachers, students, and relatives who were members of the School Board) in each secondary school. They were informed in advance about the objectives and content of the study. We agreed on possible students, teachers, and family members who would be suitable for the study. Adolescents were selected in accordance with gender balance as well as interest and a predisposition to participate in the study. Families and teachers were selected according to their knowledge and/or concern about the topic of the study

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(the prevention of gender violence) and interest as well. Among the seven communicative focus groups, 3 were composed of girls, 2 of boys, and 2 were mixed in terms of gender. A total of 35 adolescents participated, 21 girls and 14 boys, between the ages of 14 and 17. The 10 communicative daily life stories were conducted with 5 girls and 5 boys. The interviews were conducted with 4 mothers, 2 fathers, and 6 teachers (3 male and 3 female). Table 1 summarizes the distribution of the sample and the techniques used. It includes the location and average SES of each school, as well as the codes that will be used later in the Results section. To collect and analyze the data, we used the categories in Table 2. Information from the focus groups, everyday life stories, and interviews was recorded and transcribed. We identified the above three categories from the interpretations the subjects made in their own words, and we coded the same interpretations by looking at whether they were reproductive or preventive. In this study, reproductive interpretations are those that maintain and reproduce the values and beliefs about attractiveness that are associated with domination, instinct, and the double standard present in current models of hegemonic masculinity. Preventive interpretations are those that oppose the hegemonic models and provide alternative models. In this study, we consider that the former include elements that promote violence in affective and sexual relationships, whereas the latter include ways to overcome this type of violence. In this study we understand the categories of domination, instinct, and the double standard to be:
Domination. The link between attractiveness and lack of independence, respect, and freedom from the teenagers who fit into the hegemonic masculine model. This domination includes both psychological and physical violence. This category accounts for two sides of the same coin: attractiveness associated with domination as well as attractiveness dissociated from friendship and care. Instinct. The perception of attractiveness as an instinct or a chemical reaction in which one cannot intervene or make decisions about it. This determinism justifies the impossibility of breaking up with violent partners. Double standard. We use this category because the double standard justifies present temporary relationships that include violence with the idea that in the future they will choose a good boy with whom to create a family.5

Finally, to increase research coherence with the implementation of a communicative orientation, we created an advisory council that monitored the research process, from the original research idea through the analysis of the results and the conclusions. This advisory council was composed of two adolescents, one teacher, and one mother. Their function was to review documents, provide their knowledge, and provide guidance and assessment of the research process and its conclusions.

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Table 1 Data Collected in the Selected Secondary Schools


Communicative Focus Groups With Adolescents G1:D (3 girls) Communicative Everyday Life Stories With Adolescents R1:H Interviews With Families E1:P Interviews With Teachers E1:Eh

School Characteristics 1. Federica Montseny SS Urban Low-Middle SES 2. Cervantes SS Rural Low-Middle SES 3. Sant Jordi SS Urban Middle SES 4. Picasso SS Rural Low-Middle SES 5. Clara Campoamor SS Urban Middle-High SES 6. La Fageda SS Rural Middle-High SES 7. Pau Casals SS Urban Middle SES

G2:D (8 girls)

R2:H R2:D

E2:M

E2:Ed

G3:H (5 boys) G4:DH (4 girls and 3 boys)

R3:H R3:D R4:D R42:D

E3:M E4:M

E3:Ed E4:Ed

G5:D (4 girls)

R5:H R5:D R6:H

E5:P

E5:Eh

G6:DH (2 girls and 2 boys) G7:H (4 boys)

E6:M

E6:Eh

Note: SS = Secondary School; SES = socioeconomic status; G = communicative focus group; R = communicative everyday life story; E = interview; D = woman; H = man; M = mother; P = father; Eh = male teacher; Ed = female teacher. The names of the secondary schools are pseudonyms.

According to Beck-Gernsheim, Butler, and Puigvert (2003), the dialogue with the other women provides a valuable contribution for the development of feminist theory. Along the same lines, these persons involvement with the research team contributed a valuable perspective that increased the impact of the results of the study on the end users.

Results
Most boys and girls who participated in the fieldwork link attractiveness with violence. Many of them associate attractiveness with the values of domination included

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Table 2 Data Analysis Categories


Data Analysis Codes Reproductive interpretations Preventive interpretations Domination Instinct Double Standard

in the hegemonic masculinity model. They also believe that attractiveness depends on instinct and, in this sense, violent relationships are justified because they cannot be explained and cannot be changed, even when there is suffering. In addition, this attractiveness is present in the double standard: Some teenagers in the study separate people for formal relationships, perceived as less attractive and related to monotony, from other people for sporadic relationships, associated with attractiveness and domination. (Although interviews with family members and teachers provided rich complementary information, we will not analyze this information in this article. All the results presented here focus only on the adolescents interpretations.)

Attractiveness Is Associated With Domination and Abuse


The most important result obtained from the fieldwork with these adolescents is that there is a link between attractiveness and violence, grounded in aspects of the hegemonic model of masculinity such as domination, aggressiveness, lack of sensitivity, and power relationships. There is a general agreement among the teenagers interviewed that the model man to which they attribute more attractiveness is what they call a bastard, a macho, or a show-off. The hegemonic model of masculinity is the traditional model of what is perceived as a real man. This model has changed throughout history, especially in its external format. The model of the dominant-protective man of former ages is now openly perceived as out of date in our society; however, such a model continues to be present in a different external form, but with the same characteristics. From the teenagers words we can identify characteristics of the masculine model to which they attribute attractiveness. This coincides with some values associated with the hegemonic masculine model. Bastards. A number of adolescents said they liked boys whom they defined as being bastards, and many said they like these boys precisely because they are bastards. The description of a bastard often coincided with that part of the hegemonic model of masculinity associated with dominance and abuse. It is also important to highlight that when this characteristic arises, the physical appearance of a boy is considered secondary. It is more important to be a bad guy than to be good-looking.

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Anna6 is a 16-year-old girl in 10th grade at the Cervantes Secondary School. In a communicative daily life story she reflected on the characteristics of the boys more attractive to her:
Anna: I really like this guy. Im going out with him, and he looks a bit rough and he is a bastard and he`s really got the gift of the gab. Interviewer: And you never think about leaving him? Anna: No. Interviewer: And what do you like about him? Anna: His personality . . . you see! (R2:D)7 Interviewer: The most successful guys, what are their characteristics, what are they like? Anna: Show-offs, they spend all day messing with people. . . . I dont know why but I always liked the troublemakers the most. Theyre smarter. (R2:D)

Andrea is also 16 and a very good student in the same secondary school. Similar to Anna, she said in a focus group:
I always see the best-looking guys as the ones whore the biggest bastards, the coolest dudes, and the biggest show-offs. . . . So you say: cool, you see? All the girls are after him, and hes already got a big head about it. (G2:D)

Furthermore, according to Anna, boys also perceive that the attractiveness is associated with domination, so they decide to act in accordance with this model. She explained how this process shapes some boys behaviors:
So more and more . . . the other guys say, Christ! Look at what this bastard gets up to and they all wanna be with him, so then they are like, well Ill be a bastard too. So in the end well all end up being . . . . (R2:D)

Untouchable and aloof. There is an idea that what is easy to get is not attractive. According to most teenagers participating in our study, what really creates excitement and motivation is the challenge to get someone who is out of their reach or someone who ignores them. Excitement is therefore linked to the time spent, the tension felt, and the worry caused by trying to win over the hard-to-get boy or girl, or the dream of being chosen by him or her in the end. They say that sentimental interest in an uninterested person may cause suffering; however, suffering is often associated with love. People who do not make them suffer are less attractive or provoke fewer emotions in them. Judith, for instance, a 16-year-old girl attending the Clara Campoamor Secondary School, shared her take on this issue: I guess there should be a little suffering. When it is too easy it loses interest. (G5:D) Ral is a 15-year-old boy now repeating 9th grade at the Federica Montseny Secondary School.

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Interviewer: What do you think girls and boys are searching for? Raul: They are looking for something which is difficult to get. Interviewer: Like a challenge? Raul: Yes, the more difficult it is the more you want it. Interviewer: And what happens when you get it? Raul: Then its different. Interviewer: Why? Raul: You really experience love when you are trying to get somebody you like, but not when youve already got him or her. (R1:H)

Some girls also highlight the fact they do not like boys who pay too much attention to them, who care about them; instead, they prefer boys who act and decide things without asking them. Ignoring someone and showing no interest in him or her is thus a value associated with attractiveness. In relation to this, Nria, a 15-year-old girl from the Cervantes School, commented:
With friends, you know . . . its really hard. With older boys, whore the ones we wanna be involved with, they just go straight for what theyre after, they are not like, Hi, how are you, how are you feeling? (G2:D)

Some girls consider that having a relationship with these boys makes them feel special and chosen. Although they are men who show a lack of interest in them, the young women place high value on being chosen by them. The girls feel attracted to boys who are able to despise people, but they themselves do not want to be despised. Georgina and Berta are 17 and 16, respectively, and they are both in 10th grade at the Picasso School. In a communicative focus group, they shared this belief:
Georgina: I think its cool if he is somebody who doesnt give a shit about most people, but with you hes different. He can be a typical macho guy but when he is with you, I dont know. Berta: He makes you feel special. (G4:DH)

Leadership and dominance. A characteristic attributed to attractive boys is to be a leader and have power. For instance, to show a capacity to give other people orders and to achieve what they want is valued as an indication of being the best within a group. Imposing decisions rather than sharing decision making is viewed as an indicator of strength and power and is valued positively. Meritxell, for instance, a 9th grade student at the Federica Montseny School, explained to us her understanding of the leaders attractiveness:
A leader, like for instance in a group, ok? It can be a group of boys or a group of girls, and there is always somebody who . . . like . . . is not exactly in charge, you know, but somebody who is always getting all the attention, showing off, know what I mean?

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Like, I was with some friends I used to have, and there was that typical boy who, you know, whatever he said was what we did, you know? Because he was, no way, he was the best! (G1:D)

Similarly, Joan, a 16-year-old boy in 11th grade at the Pau Casals School, commented:
Lets see, when youre like 13 or 14, usually the most successful guys are the macho ones, the show-offs, who wind people up, who go around getting themselves noticed and feeling like they are the coolest guy in the world. (G7:H)

Liars. Some adolescents explained that these boys, who embody the model of hegemonic masculinity and are socially perceived as attractive, hide information and their actions and lie to the girls they are involved with. The girls also argue that although they were deceived, they were still in love. Being a liar is a characteristic repeatedly attributed to boys toward whom the girls feel attractiveness and with whom they have relationships, even though they do not value this feature positively. Paula told us her experience with a boy who lied to her. At the time of her story she was 14, and attending 8th grade at the Federica Montseny School:
Paula: . . . all my friends were telling me about it, that he was with another girl, and I didnt believe them, and it was true. Interviewer: Did you talk to him? Paula: Yes, and he told me they were lying, and then I realized it was true. . . . Well, then he got involved with another girl and he told me again that that was not true, and I was silly, I was blind with love for him, you know? And then one day he suddenly left me. (G1:D)

Anna (16, 10th grade) told a similar story:


Two months. He was with another chick and with me at the same time, and I remember that I used to go to his place on Wednesdays and Fridays, and he was like, Oh its because my parents are here, and I said, but you never cared about that before, or I have to get my homework done. . . . Liar! You never finish it! Well, I was like whats going on here? When I went to his home he would say, Come up, but then . . . I am on the computer . . . but he cant mess about with me, one day he wants me and another day he doesnt. (R2:D)

Tough and aggressive. Some girls value the fact that the boy with whom they are having a relationship will be able to defend them, to fight for them. The boys need to be not too good and they feel proud when they observe the fact that their boyfriend can fight with others. Regarding this issue, Anna spoke with the researcher:

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Interviewer: Do you see any good in him? Anna: Good . . . well, maybe a bit, what can I say? He is . . . hes one of those guys who when youre around hell defend you. Interviewer: Do you think girls need somebody who makes us feel protected? Anna: If he can protect me its fine, and if he cant thats also okay . . . but wait, now that were talking about it, I think hes actually a punk! Nobody dares to pick on him, or on me! (R2:D)

Ruth, a 15-year-old girl who attends the Federica Montseny School, said:
. . . for instance, with my boyfriend, Im not saying that he should be cocky when hes with me, but I like the fact that hes cocky when he needs to be cocky, you know? I dont know, at least I feel like that with my boyfriend, he is the best in the world, he is an angel, you know? But then when we go anywhere, I mean, lets see whos got the balls to say anything to me! (G1:D)

Beyond this, adolescents interviewed also described situations they know in which girls are involved with dominant and violent boys. These girls are even insulted or beaten up, but they do not end their relationships. Cristina is another 15year-old girl from the Cervantes School. She told the group about a situation involving this domination from a boy and the reaction of the girl:
There is this one girl, ok? And she was with a boy, ok? And he took her away from her friends, and from her family, she was like, Id like to go . . . and he said, No, no, you have to stay with me, cause I know you best . . . you stay with me and the girl stayed with him, even though he was beating her up. But she didnt care, she stayed with him. (G2:D)

Josep, 16, from the Clara Campoamor School also shared his opinion about this issue: When they argued, sometimes, I dont know, he would go too far, he often said things he shouldnt say to her . . . he never hit her but he used to insult her. (R5: H) Jealousy. Jealousy is another characteristic found in some adolescents stories in relation to people who exemplify the hegemonic model of masculinity, and it is usually seen as a sign of love. They attribute dominant behavior toward girls (such as ordering them to do something or forbidding them from wearing something or going somewhere) to boys who are extremely jealous. Therefore, they justify dominant behavior as strong love. Josep, for instance, said:
Well, I think its good to feel some jealousy . . . not to any extreme though, you know what I mean? Lets say for example . . . that you dont like the fact that she dresses in a certain way because people say things to her, or she attracts too much attention. I think this is good, isnt it? Because that way you are also showing that you love her. (R5:H)

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Miriam, a 16-year-old who studies at the Picasso School, told a story of jealousy involving her cousin. She explained:
This boy he didnt allow her to wear . . . tangas, tight trousers, skirts, or anything. He once took away all her clothes . . . well, he lived in Calella and she used to go there to visit him with a suitcase, and he hid her suitcase, and then my cousin had to go to high school dressed in sports clothes. And this was all because he was very jealous, very jealous. (R4:D)

Not a friend. Adolescents in our research also described a masculine model in opposition to the hegemonic one. They attribute the characteristics of friendship, trust, and understanding, among others, as positive aspects in such a person. However, the analysis reveals that this masculine model, associated with a friend, is totally detached from attractiveness and sexual appeal. Excess of trust and support, for instance, is often perceived as a way to lose sexual interest in a person. We spoke with Anna regarding this issue:
Interviewer: You say he had a good body, but had no success, why? Anna: No, because he was soft. Interviewer: What do you mean by a soft guy? Anna: I was with this guy and he was such a good guy that I left him in the end, yes, because . . . we like the fact that they are in love with us but we like them to pretend that theyre not, got me? And when they are already stuck on you . . . and I was tired of him, I got so tired! But then when they ignore me . . . its so strange! Dont you think so? (R2:D)

Lus, a 16-year-old boy from La Fageda School, had a clear opinion of how some girls dissociate friendship from love:
Usually girls do not fall in love with their friends, because they know them too well, and then, there is nothing else to know, I mean, you already know everything about him. (R6: H)

Attractiveness Is Perceived as Instinctive


Among the adolescents stories, the perception of attractiveness as something irrational was significant; attractiveness was considered something instinctive that cannot be controlled. They used this perception to explain (and justify) why some girls are attracted to boys who do not treat them well and who make them suffer, but the girls nevertheless stay in the relationship. In addition, adolescents believe that feeling attracted to a particular person and not to another is something one cannot avoid; it just happens, without the individuals considering what kind of person the boy or girl is. For this reason, many argued that when one falls in love,

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one is not able to detach oneself from the relationship or to move away from it, a situation that might be unequal or involve suffering. Lola and Cristina, both 10th grade students at the Cervantes School, explained in a focus group how they understood this feeling:
Lola: This is what Im saying, that it comes, and it came. After that, maybe you dont want to but you have a crush on them, and you fall in love, and maybe when you are in love then you think: This guy is a bastard and he is fucking up my life, but you are in love and you cant do anything about it. (G2:D) Cristina: In these matters you dont have any control; your heart is what leads you. You know this person may hurt you, but you have that feeling inside . . . (G2:D)

In addition, some associate this chemistry with attractiveness, which is understood as something physical, almost biological or instinctive, which cannot be avoided. And they contrast this irrational attractiveness with love, which is understood as something spiritual or closer to caring. About her understanding of love, Miriam, 16, from the Picasso School, said:
I believe when its called love at first sight, I mean, the kind of love that comes along suddenly, that is not really love. . . . I would say, its more of an attraction, and thats it. Love is something continuous, which is always on your mind, I mean, its something else, its no longer lasting. (R4:D)

The issue of attractiveness is often perceived and presented by these teenagers as instinctive. On that basis, they also recognize the implications of such feelings in situations of inequality: Assuming that attractiveness is instinctive, when a girl feels attracted to a violent boy she can do nothing to change it. This is what is popularly known as a fatal attractiveness. There were just a few participants who associated it with rationality and the ability to make decisions when involved in a situation of domination and/or abuse. By defining attractiveness as an irrational feeling, these teenagers may have an explanation for staying in a relationship that involves hate, abuse, and suffering. Cristina and Veronica, both 15, from the Cervantes School, participating in a communicative focus group, said:
Cristina: You can fall in love with anybody. (G2:D) Veronica: You can fall in love with the biggest cocky bastard who beats you up, or with the biggest nerd who doesnt even dare to raise his voice to you. (G2:D)

Ral and Josep also confirmed these ideas in their communicative daily life stories. Raul attends Federica Montseny, and Josep attends Clara Campoamor School:
Raul: Love is like a feeling, like something which goes on inside and you cannot explain it. (R1:H)

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Josep: You mean suddenly? That is passion! Passion comes and it lasts for a short time, its like a beam of light, you see it briefly and then it disappears. Love is not like that. That is passion. You can love someone for your whole life, like your parents and any other relation, you can love them and . . . but passion I think it comes, for a short time, and then it goes. (R5:H)

To believe that love and passion are something instinctive, unavoidable, and irreparable is a way of justifying attractiveness toward the hegemonic masculine model. Therefore, there is no consideration of social interactions that socialize teenagers into this model of attractiveness; rather, attractiveness is attributed to hazard, instinct, and biology. Teenagers perception of attractiveness as an instinct is an important element in their acceptance of a dominant attractiveness model that can lead to the acceptance of gender violence.

Attractiveness Is Perceived as Temporary


Attractiveness in the hegemonic model of masculinity has been historically maintained through the reproduction of the double standard. Some adolescents today express the possibility of having short or sporadic relationships with dominant males who manipulate women, but they nevertheless consider them attractive, or they think that they can change them later. The traditional double standard establishes two types of relationships: stable, serious relationships, with love and affection, but which are also boring and lacking in passion; and exciting, foolish, passionate relationships, with an irresistible attractiveness regardless of whether love is involved, but which are also superficial and manipulative. Such dichotomous and reductionistic divisions classify people into two contrasting models: people with whom one can maintain a serious, long-term relationship, and people with whom one maintains a foolish and passionate relationship. The appropriation of the double standard can thus justify getting involved in relationships characterized by mixed feelings of excitement and suffering, because they are perceived as temporary. Some adolescent girls explain that they choose bad boys only for sporadic relationships because they will look for good boys later for stable relationships, thus following the traditional double standard. Meritxell, Paula, and Ruth, all 15, from the Federica Montseny School, discussed this double standard:
Paula: Lets say for instance that you see a guy in class who is sitting in the front row all day and he doesnt open his mouth, and later you meet, dont know, Oscar, for instance, hanging around there in the corridor, and he comes over and kisses you on both cheeks, and he is like, You look really good, and so on and so forth, so he draws your attention more, rather than the guy who is sitting down and does not move. Interviewer: And if you think about relationships in the future, which one would you choose? Ruth: Hey! I would choose the quiet one! (G1:D)

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Interviewer: But . . . would you choose these macho boys to have a relationship with? Paula: I dont know, it depends, thats something very . . . for instance, I would choose Lopez, well Ive known him since I was a baby, but I would not choose Oscar. Interviewer: Why not Oscar? Paula: Because he is really bad, wicked, hes a rebel. Ruth: He flirts with all the girls! Paula: He likes flirting with all the girls. Meritxell: . . . because he is not serious enough for a relationship. (G1:D)

Anna, from Cervantes School, similarly reflects on this idea:


For a one-night stand, I would choose the most . . . guy, but to go out with, well, I would choose someone who is more focused, someone who has not been with a lot of girls. (R2:D)

Ismael and other 11th grade boys from the Pau Casals School confirmed this perception in a communicative focus group:
Ismael: Yeah, when you are 14 you like the macho guys . . . Pere: Later on, you look for someone who is a good person, who is nice . . . Ismael: Girls look for stability in a relationship, and they know they will not get it with boys like that, thats what happens. (G7:H)

Some girls said they could be involved with a boy who does not treat them well but to whom they feel attracted because they think he will change or they will change him in the end. This belief leads many adolescents to stay in relationships in which they suffer and are submissive. Thus, many of them think it is worth staying with boys whom they regard as attractive, regardless of whether they are having a good or bad time with them. Georgina (17), Marina (16), and Maria (15), all in 10th grade at the Picasso School, commented in a focus group:
Interviewer: But then, if somebody is a bastard . . . before they say hes so sexy, do they know he is a bastard? All the girls: Yeah! Usually you know that. Interviewer: So why do you fall for him? Georgina: Because we are nave. Marina: Because we are silly. Marina: Because you think maybe Ill change him, but you cant change him because this guy will always be the same. (G4: DH)

In such cases, some adolescents may get used to these practices and feelings and, once internalized, the situation is no longer temporary, but rather part of the persons life experience. In fact, the unbridled and intense attractiveness that some adolescent girls feel for dominant boys (or bastards) is something they say will stay with them

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for the rest of their lives. Their experiences are part of their more conscious memories, but also part of their learning process about sexual-affective relationships that is, part of their process of socialization. They may decide to look for a friend with whom to have a stable relationship, but they have already been socialized into the previous model, and for them, passion remains linked to that memory. Paula, 15, talking to us with Meritxell and Ruth from the Federica Montseny School, explained:
He is somehow the worst guy around here, and I know he is the worst, but it was the best kiss ever, I will never forget it. I will never forget that first kiss. It was three years ago, but I wont forget it, ever. And see, the guy Im talking about, I had so many problems with him, my parents had to intervene, because he is a drug dealer, and my best friend told me so but I was like, shes wrong. His best friend warned me, but I also told him he was wrong. And one day he called me and well, he started calling me every name under the sun, he insulted me . . . my mother was right there, and I was in an awful mess, and she asked me what was going on, and I told her, and she told me that that was the end, she said the best option was to leave him and not to talk to him any more. . . . Then, he started to threaten me and my best friends. (G1:D)

In the appropriation of the double standard we see sporadic relationships based on the manipulation of a person and the perception of the person involved in this relationship as a sexual object. This is what some adolescents often describe as flings or making out with somebody. In these relationships, the key element is that the girl is ready to be used, to be chosen, generating submissive behavior by the girls. Sporadic relationships should not imply manipulation of people; however, some sporadic relationships in which adolescents get involved reproduce the traditional division of exciting versus boring relationships, with the former being associated with hegemonic masculinity that objectifies women, and the latter with sensible men who care about them. Regarding this issue, Miriam, 16, from the Picasso School, said:
Well, most boys say they like girls who go out and party, who let themselves go and allow them to do what they want with them, and who are sexy. (R4:D)

However, the image of men and women who are involved in these kinds of relationships is not the same. When girls are involved in these sporadic-manipulative relationships, their reputation changes. The image of these girls becomes negative, whereas that of the boys acquires popularity and attractiveness, reproducing interactions that involve domination and submission. Adolescent girls are often not aware of the extent to which this behavior can affect their future relationships. Josep, 16, for instance, from the Clara Campoamor School explained:
I mean, its different for a guy, if a man goes with lots of girls his friends say, ole, dont they? Something like congratulations, right? But if a girl goes with loads of guys, the guys are like she is a whore, she is such and such. (R5:H)

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We questioned Quim and Ismael, 16, from Pau Casals School:


Interviewer: And how did you see that relationship? Ismael: From his side . . . Oscar: There was no passion, no stability, nothing . . . it was just something to fill his spare time with. Ismael: His attitude was like, I have somebody here to make out with and in front of my friends I put her down all the time. And the girl was crazy about him . . . Ferran: She didnt realize what was happening. Ismael: I never understood how she was able to put up with that. (G7:H)

Finally, although we found links between aspects of hegemonic masculinity and some models of attractiveness, we also found adolescents who, in their life stories, pointed to trust and openness to dialogue as features they attributed to the males whom they consider attractive. They, therefore, also respond to a nonhegemonic masculine model of attractiveness that does not include men who look down on and abuse girls with whom they have relationships. However, we must point out that these accounts were only given to researchers in personal interviews, never in groups or in front of other adolescents. Miriam, from Picasso, said:
A person who trusts you, who you can talk to about anything . . . I believe this is what I like. I dont like guys who go around with their friends showing off and saying, Today I was with this girl, and later on with another girl. (R4:D)

The social assumptions into which adolescents are socialized (i.e., domination as an attractiveness model, attractiveness as an instinct, and the double standard) are not new; they have been present historically and have formed the foundations of our culture and our society. Obviously, there are many traditional cultural assumptions about sexual and affective relationships that have changed over time, in the same way that the traditional roles attributed to men and women have also changed. However, research shows that many of these assumptions are still present in peoples relationships today. Although relationships have externally changed a great deal, the base on which they are built continues to reproduce inequalities. According to the double standard, the division into two separate gendered modelsone for sporadic exciting relationships and another one for stable relationshipsgenerates dislike toward the former and limitations to the latter. This dichotomy damages the sexual freedom of women and contributes to the legitimization of gendered violence. None of these relationships involve violence in and of themselves; rather, this study demonstrates that when there is violence or abuse associated with the double standard, it appears to be more difficult to change the situation.

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Limitations
These research findings are limited in terms of generalizability to the larger population of teenagers. On one hand, the qualitative nature of the research design, as well as the sample selected, contribute rich information about some adolescents experiences and perceptions in relation to attractiveness. The teenagers were selected from secondary schools located in urban and rural areas, from different socioeconomic backgrounds, but with no intention for representativeness of this population in Spain. Furthermore, the study was conducted mainly among adolescents from the dominant cultural group and, therefore, lacks cultural diversity. Further research should be conducted to examine the link between attractiveness and violence among larger groups of teens from different cultural backgrounds. Future analyses could also be conducted with nationally representative samples to confirm these findings on a wider scale. There are also limitations in terms of the scope of the study. Drawing from previous research on socialization into violent models of attractiveness, we focused on finding out whether these models were actually present in teenagers lives, from their own experiences and practices. Our study thus targeted the link between attractiveness, as perceived by teenagers, and violence. However, we did not analyze the processes or the channels through which these adolescents might become socialized to accept this link. Media, for instance, are powerful socializers of youth in which we can find a model of attractiveness related to features of hegemonic masculinity that includes domination. It is normal to watch scenes in a film or a series where passionate sexual relations are preceded by violence, tension, arguments, or fights within a couple. Similarly, the lyrics of many love songs that are at the top of the charts often talk about possessiveness or suffering. The Internet has become another important channel of communication and socialization among teenagers. The connections that teenagers such as those participating in our study might make between these socialization agents and their own practices and preferences should be further explored to better understand the relationship between attractiveness and violence. Further research is needed to explain not only the causes of gender violence but also what influences youths models of attractiveness, and how (or whether) they make the connection.

Discussion and Conclusions


The main contribution of this article is the identification of a link between attractiveness and violence, which has a strong influence in the relationships that the teenagers we interviewed are constructing. This link can be seen in different daily contexts. Boys who develop dominant attitudes are often seen by girls as attractive, rather than disagreeable or undesirable. There is a general agreement among these

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teenagers that the model of a man to which they attribute greater attractiveness is the bastard or the macho (models of masculinity associated with domination), one who is commonly considered a leader and power holder. Other findings in this study also point to this link between attractiveness and violence. Some adolescents believe that attractiveness is instinctive, which leads them to justify feeling attraction to a person who can exert violence, although they do not want to experience this violence. On the other hand, some teenage girls do not see good boys as attractive and identify them instead as good friends, with whom they do not see themselves having romantic relationships. They also explain the lack of attractiveness of good boys as instinctive, and therefore something they cannot change. This study demonstrates that this association reproduces the traditional double standard in current relationships among teenagers. Most adolescent girls interviewed often select bad boys for passion and good boys for stability or caring. In this way, they reject nonviolent boys for passionate relationships and reinforce the link between attractiveness and violence. Prior research has shown that adolescents are socialized into an attractiveness model that includes violent behavior. The attractiveness models displayed in the media, the social images constructed around them, and teen interactions using these models appear to influence adolescents choices and experiences. We argue that the link between attractiveness and violence we found in the present study is a product of this type of socialization. During adolescence, boys and girls are immersed in a multitude of interactions that help shape their identity. Teenagers personalities are formed in schools, within their families, in youth clubs, and in associations and other spaces where they start to assume and develop particular patterns of behavior. We found that for many adolescents attractiveness is linked with values and attitudes of domination that are part of hegemonic masculinity. Dialogue, affection, and tenderness are associated with behavior that has negative connotations (such as being passive or monotonous), which results in lack of interest or unattractiveness. Further research is needed to address how the processes of socialization influence the link to violence we found in adolescents perceptions of attractiveness. In Spain, research on socialization into the use of gender violence is being translated into preventive practices within the field of education. Some schools are already working from the perspective of preventive socialization. For instance, schools that belong to the Learning Communities project are working on a dialogic model of violence prevention. This model works by developing consenting norms through different dialogue stages with the students and the community. Throughout this process, questions about these issues emerge and they are then reflected on, discussed, and resolved through dialogue among students and between them and their teachers and families. In one school, for instance, the dialogic process produced the following norm: No person can be harassed because of how she/he dresses. This process also encourages the development of new social interactions that contribute to the transformation of assumed values of domination and hate.

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Results from studies on socialization into gender violence have already found resonance in womens associations and movements, such as the Catalan Platform Against Gender Violence, a social platform that includes more than 60 organizations working to eliminate violence against women by promoting social awareness. In recent years, the focus of this platforms work has shifted toward raising awareness of gender violence among youth and in teen dating, as well as promoting activities for preventive socialization of gender violence among teenagers. Raising critical awareness about socialization agents that associate violent values and performances with attractiveness is now one of the key goals of the platform. The Association of Young Feminist Women, Nayades, for instance, which belongs to this platform, works along these lines. They conduct workshops with teenagers to discuss attractiveness models through activities such as the analysis of Top 40 songs. They explain that in these workshops they often see adolescents astonishment when discovering the models of attractiveness underlying the songs they like and have listened to a thousand times. Through the analysis of the link between attractiveness and violence as one of the possible causes of the high rates of gender violence among teenagers, this study suggests the need to promote educational interventions and preventive socialization measures to break this link. Some important work has been done on the prevention of gender violence by redefining and promoting new and more egalitarian gender roles. This work is necessary, but it is not sufficient. Working to promote new masculine gender roles that are more egalitarian but without a concern for making them appear attractive does not help break the link between attractiveness and violence. Current work analyzing attractiveness models in films, songs, publicity, teen magazines, television programs, and the Internet is also important to question and unmask the violence in them. The main contribution of this study to the field of youth education is suggesting preventive efforts that imbue attractiveness to nonviolent models and egalitarian relationships based on dialogue and respect. We can find in the media nonviolent masculine models that are presented as referents or goals to achieve, but according to our study, it is also necessary to ensure that these models are portrayed as attractive. This would also help to undermine the assumption of the double standard and to depict relationships in which care and passion are portrayed as compatible. A task for preventive socialization, therefore, is not only to condemn violence in relationships or to unmask violent models in society, but also to strip them of their attractiveness. At the same time, preventive socialization measures should also include constructing the attractiveness of respect, dialogue, and equality, and providing examples of the link between these values and passion and sex appealthat is, providing nonviolent masculine models with attractiveness and sex appeal. Doing so may help eradicate gender violence among adolescents.

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Notes
1. This article is an elaboration of one part of the study Education on Values Towards the Prevention of Gender Violence in Secondary Schools (Valls, 2004-2005) conducted by the authors and funded by the Catalan Womens Institute and the Department of Universities and Research of the Catalan Government. Rosa Valls was principal investigator. 2. Murray Straus is continuing to develop his International Dating Violence Study with students older than 18 in different colleges and universities in 30 countries around the world, including countries in Asia, the Middle East, Australia-New Zealand, Europe, South America, and North America. 3. The masculine gender has been historically attached to virility, a social and cultural attribute that has often been associated with biological explanations. According to Gilmore (1991) these sexual images need to be understood beyond genetics, and the cultural norms and moral schemes into which we are socialized need to be examined. In most cultures, hegemonic masculinity is associated with a permanent demonstration of a masculine condition, which includes domination and control. In this sense men need to continuously demonstrate their masculinity, and children are socialized within this type of interaction (Kimmel, 2000). Bourdieu (1998) also contends that the nature of this authority comes from the cultural representations assigned to mens behavior. These attitudes, he adds, imply womens submission, manifested through emotional and passive representations such as looking down, being shy, or giving way to others. 4. The Framework Program for Research (European Commission) is considered the most competitive research in Europe. Research funded under this program must demonstrate high scientific excellence. An example of a study conducted with this methodology is INCLUD-ED: Strategies for Inclusion and Social Cohesion in Europe From Education, an Integrated Project (large-scale research) involving 25 European member states. This methodology has also been used in the Daphne Program, the European research program that specifically targets violence. One example is the study Secondary Education Schools and Education in Values: Proposals for Gender Violence Prevention (Elboj, 2006-2008). 5. The double standard has been traditionally understood as looking for one kind of person and relationship for caring and a different kind of relationship and person for passion. 6. The names of the adolescents and the schools are pseudonyms. 7. The codes, which appear in Table 1, are: G = communicative focus group; R = communicative everyday life story; E = interview; D = woman; H = man; M = mother; P = father; Eh = male teacher; Ed = female teacher.

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Rosa Valls, PhD, is a professor in pedagogy and associate director of CREA at the University of Barcelona. Her research is dedicated to support educational centers to prevent gender-based violence. Among other studies, she has directed Education on Values Toward the Prevention of Gender Violence in Secondary Schools (2004-2005) funded by the Catalan government, and the R&D project Gender Violence in Spanish Universities (2006-2008) funded by the Spanish National Womens Institute. Her publications include Violencia de Gnero: Investigaciones Sobre Quines, Por Qu y Cmo Superarla [Gender Violence: Research on Who, Why, and How to Overcome It], with E. Oliver (El Roure Editorial, 2004). Ldia Puigvert, PhD, is a lecturer in sociology at the University of Barcelona. Her research has focused on sociological theory and womens studies, specifically the development of dialogic feminism. She has

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served as the main researcher in several R&D projects in these fields and has participated in research projects funded by the EU Framework Programs. Among many publications, she has published with J. Butler and E. Beck-Gernsheim, Women and Social Transformation (Peter Lang Publishing, 2004), and with M. Sanchez and L. Botton, The Inclusion of the Other Women (Kluwer, 2005). Elena Duque, PhD, is a research associate at CREA, University of Barcelona. Her research interests revolve around youth socialization in discotheques, particularly processes of youth attraction to persons with violent versus loving values. Her relevant publications include Aprendiendo Para el Amor o Para la Violencia: Las Relaciones en las Discotecas [Learning to Love or to Violence: Relationships in Nighclubs]. (El Roure, 2006), and Discotheques: From Liberation to Commodification of Pleasure in the Encyclopedia of Contemporary Youth Culture (Greenwood, 2006).

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