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A CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL

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TO

MY WIFE
TO
I

WHOM
BEHOLDEN

AM

IMMEASURABLY

IN THIS AS IN

MY OTHER STUDIES

BUT IN THIS

BEYOND ALL THE REST

vii

PREFACE.
IN 1894 Messrs. T. & T. Clark asked me to undertake Commentary on the Apocalypse. The present Com
is

mentary, therefore,
twenty-five years.

the result of a study extending over

During the first fifteen years of the not to speak of the preceding eight years, twenty-five which were in large measure devoted to kindred subjects

my

time was mainly spent in the study of Jewish and

Christian Apocalyptic as a whole, and of the contributions of individual scholars of all the Christian centuries, but
especially of the last fifty years, to the interpretation of

the Apocalypse.

The main
"

results of these studies are

in the last edition

embodied
But
I

in

my article on

Revelation,"

of the Encyclopaedia Britannica.

this

work had hardly passed through Press before

that

became convinced
were
in

many

of the conclusions therein

a high degree unsatisfactory, and that, if results were to be reached, they could only be satisfactory reached by working first hand from the foundation. From
set forth

that period

onwards

of the elders

alike ancient

began to break with the traditions and modern and to rewrite

the sections of my

and that not once or twice

Commentary

already written. Thus I soon came to learn that the Book of Revelation, which in earlier years I feared could offer no

room

for fresh light or discovery, presented in reality a

X
field

PREFACE

of research infinitely richer than any of those to The first which my earlier studies had been devoted.

ground for such a revolution in my attitude to the Book was due to an exhaustive study of Jewish Apocalyptic

The knowledge thereby acquired helped

to solve

many

problems, which could only prove to be hopeless enigmas But the to scholars unacquainted with this literature.

second ground was of greater moment still. For the more I studied the Greek of the Apocalypse the more conscious
I

became that no scholar could appreciate the

essential

unity of the style of the greater part of the book, or even translate it, who had not made a special study of the

Greek versions of the Old Testament, and combined

therewith an adequate knowledge of the Greek used by Palestinian Jewish writers and of the ordinary Greek of

our author

s time.

From

the lack of such a study arose

the multitude of disintegrating theories with which I have dealt in my Studies in the Apocalypse. The bulk of these

were due to

their authors ignorance of

John

s style.

They

failed to recognize the

presence

in

the text of certain

phrases and passages which conflicted with John s style, while with the utmost light-heartedness they excised from his text chapters and groups of chapters which are indis

putably Johannine.

John s Grammar.

In fact, John the Seer used a unique

style, the true character of which no Grammar of the New Testament has as yet recognized. He thought in
1 Hebrew, and he frequently reproduces Hebrew idioms literally in Greek. But his solecistic style cannot be wholly

explained from
1

its

Hebraistic colouring.

The language

have already in part dealt with

I

Apocalypse*, pp. 79-102.

am

this subject in my Studies in the glad to learn from the editor of Moulton s

Grammar of N. T.

Greek that Dr. Moulton abandoned his earlier attitude on

this question after reading these lectures.

PREFACE
which he adopted
in his old

xj

age formed for him no rigid medium of expression. Hence he remodelled its syntax freely, and created a Greek that is absolutely his own.
This Greek
I

slowly mastered as
"

wrote and rewrote

my

Commentary chapter by

chapter.

study are embodied in the included in the Introduction that follows.

The results of this Short Grammar which is

"

The Text The necessity of mastering John s style and grammar necessitated, further, a first-hand study of the chief MSS and Versions, and in reality the publication
of a

new

text and a

new

translation.

When

once con

vinced of this necessity, I approached Sir John Clark and laid before him the need of such a text and such a trans
lation.

After consultation with Dr. Plummer, the General

Editor of the Series, Sir John acceded to my request with a courtesy and an enthusiasm I have never yet met with in any publisher. Sir John s action in this matter recalls
the best traditions of the great publishers of the past. For the order of the text and the readings adopted,

and

for

any
I

critical discussion

of the text in the Apparatus

Criticus,

am

followed in the

myself wholly responsible. The readings Commentary do not always agree with

those in the Greek Text and in the Translation.

Where

they disagree, the Text, Translation, and Introduction But these disagreements represent my final conclusions. only affect matters of detail as a rule, and not essential questions of method. The Text represents only a fuller development of the methods applied in the Commentary.

Apparatus Criticus. In the formation of the Appar. I had to call in the help of other scholars, since to over twenty years spent largely in the collation owing
Crit.

of

felt

MSS and the formation of texts in several my eyes were wholly unequal to this

languages,

fresh strain.

xil

PREFACE

seeking such help, I had the good fortune to meet the Rev. F. S. Marsh, now Dean of Selwyn College,

When

Cambridge. To his splendid services I am deeply in debted for the preparation of the Appar. Crit. At his
I placed the photographs of the Uncials of twenty-two Cursives, and of all the Versions X, save the Ethiopic. One-half of the twenty-two Cursives

disposal

and

examined personally
in

in

the Vatican

Library, in the
in
St.

Laurentian Library

Florence, and

Mark s

in

Venice, and had them photographed. The rest of the photographs I procured through the kind offices of the
Librarians of the Bodley, the National Library in Paris, and of the Escurial. Three or even four of these Cursives
are equal in

many

respects to the later Uncials,

and

in

certain readings superior.

Mr. Marsh collated

and practically

prepared from other Cursives have been adopted from Tischendorf, Swete, and Hoskier. Unfortunately, when the work was
far

in full the readings of these MSS the readings of the Versions, 1 and the Appar. Crit. of chapters i.-v. Readings
all

advanced, Mr. Marsh was called off to the

his absence, Professor R.

War

for
2

three years.

During and Miss Gertrude Bevan most kindly came to my help, and verified the Appar. Crit. of i.-v., with the exception of
the Syriac and Ethiopic Versions. There are three other scholars to whom my warm thanks are due. The first is
the Rev. Cecil Cryer, who verified Mr. Marsh s collations of vi.-xiv. and embodied them in the Appar. Crit.^ and
1

M. Gwynn

am

myself responsible throughout for the collation of the Ethiopic

Version.
in

For

my own

satisfaction also, I

have collated and

verified

hundreds

some

cases thousands

of readings in each of the other Versions, and in

each of the twenty-two

2

Professor

Miss

MSS. Gwynn also read through the proofs of the Commentary, and Bevan gave me most ungrudging help in part of the Introduction.

PREFACE
subsequently carried
this
i.-xiv.
1 through the Press.

xin

During

process I verified here and there in the proofs and Versions, but thousands of readings from the Mr. Marsh this revision was of necessity only partial.

MSS

made a complete revision of the Apparatus Criticus and corrected a large number of errata. The other two scholars are the Rev. D. Bruce- Walker and the Rev. J. H.
then
Roberts.

These

in conjunction verified

Mr. Marsh

s col

lations of xv.-xxii., the former taking the larger share of

the work.

juncture Mr. Marsh returned, and prepared and carried through Press xv.-xxii. Once again I must record my grateful thanks to Mr. Marsh, and

At

this

express the hope that he may find time and opportunity for research, and so make the contributions to scholarship
so well qualified. Also I would express my gratitude to the Rev. George Horner for the targe body of readings which -he put at my service from the
for

which he

is

Sahidic Version, and the frequent help he gave in connec tion with readings from the Bohairic Version and to
;

Professor Grenfell for calling my attention to the Papyrus Fragments of the Apocalypse (see vol. ii. 447-451).
Finally,
I

for his patience

in

wish to express my gratitude to Dr. Plummer and kindness throughout the long years

which

was engaged on
corrections he

this

Commentary,

as well as

for the

many

made

in the revision of the

proofs.

The Indexes.

For the

first

and fourth Indexes

am

indebted to the competent services of the Rev. A. LI. Davies, Warden of Ruthin, North Wales.

The Translation.
text.

The

Translation
in

is

based on the
passages from

While the text diverges

me by

many

Mr. Cryer further helped

verifying the references in the Intro

duction.

xiv

PREFACE

that accepted in the Commentary, the Translation diverges from the text practically only in one (ii. 27). In the Translation I have sought to recover the
poetical form in

which the Seer wrote so large a part of

the Apocalypse.

Nearly always, when dealing with his perhaps un greatest themes, the Seer s words assume at times the forms of parallelism familiar in consciously

Hebrew
as prose

poetry.
vol.
ii.

Even the strophe and antistrophe are

122, 434-435).

found (see
is

To

print such passages

It is

to rob
is

them

of half their force.

lost,
is

not only

the form that

thereby

but also

much

of the thought

that in a variety of

ways by The Apocalypse a Book of Songs. Though our author has for his theme the inevitable conflicts and antagonisms
of
his

reinforced

this parallelism.

good and evil, of God and the powers of darkness, yet book is emphatically a Book of Songs. Dirges there
and threnodies
;

are, indeed,

but these are not over the

martyrs, the faithful that had fallen, but spring from the lips of the kings of the earth, its merchant princes, its seafolk, overwhelmed by the fall of the empire of this

world and the destruction of

its

mighty ones

in

whom

they

had

trusted, or from the lips of sinners in the face of actual

or impending doom. But over the martyred Church, over those that had fallen faithful in the strife, the Seer has no

song of
in the

lesser note to sing

itself:
"

by Heaven

than the beatitude pronounced Blessed blessed are the dead that die
immeasurable, an optimism inex

Lord."

faith

pugnable, a joy inextinguishable press for utterance and take form in anthems of praise and gladness and thanks
giving, as the Seer follows in vision the varying fortunes

of the world struggle,

till

at last

he sees

evil fully

and

finally destroyed, righteousness established for evermore, and all the faithful even the weakest of God s servants

PREFACE
amongst them

XV

enjoying everlasting blessedness in the of God, bearing His name on their foreheads, eternal City

and growing more and more into His likeness. The Apocalypse a book for the present day. The publication of this Commentary has been delayed in
manifold ways by the War. But these delays have only served to adjourn its publication to the fittest year in which it could see the light that is, the year that has witnessed the overthrow of the greatest conspiracy of might against right that has occurred in the history of the
world, and at the

prophecy of of darkness have been vanquished in the open field, there remains a still more grievous strife to wage, a warfare from

same time the greatest fulfilment of the the Apocalypse. But even though the powers

which there can be no discharge either

States.

for individuals or

This, in contradistinction to the rest of the

New

Testament, is emphatically the teaching of our author. John the Seer insists not only that the individual follower
of Christ should fashion his principles

teaching of Christ, but that all their policies by the same Christian norm.

and conduct by the governments should model

He

proclaims
the

that there can be no divergence between the moral laws

binding on the individual and those incumbent on

State, or

any voluntary society or corporation within the None can be exempt from these obligations, and State. such as exempt themselves, however well-seeming their
professions, cannot
fail to go over with all their gifts, whether great or mean, to the kingdom of outer darkness. In any case, no matter how many individuals, societies,

kingdoms, or races

may rebel against such obligations, the warfare against sin and darkness must go on, and go on inexorably, till the kingdom of this world has become
the

kingdom of God and of His

Christ.

xvi
It is at
I

PREFACE

once with feelings of thankfulness and of regret part with a work that has engaged my thoughts in On the a greater or lesser measure for twenty-five years.
that

thankful that I have been permitted to of the Apocalypse to a close, though this study thankfulness is tempered by a keen sense of its many

one hand,
bring this

am

shortcomings, of which none can be so conscious as I am On the other hand, I cannot help a feeling of myself. regret that I am breaking with a study which has been at

once the

toil

parting with

it

and the delight of so many years; and in I would repeat, as Professor Swete does
St.

in his work on the Apocalyse, Domine Deus quaecumque

. . .

Augustine
ignosce et

prayer
1

dixi in hoc libra de tuo,

et

agnoscant

et tui ; si

qua de meo,

Tu

tui.

R. H.
4 LITTLE CLOISTERS,

WESTMINSTER ABBEY,
1920.

May
1

Advice

to the reader.

Since the present work on the Apocalypse

difficult, it

is

large one,

and

in

many respects

would be advisable for the serious

as

well as for the ordinary student to read through the English translation first. This will introduce him to the main problems of the book, and help him to recognize that the thought of our author is orderly and progressive, and easier to follow tfean that of the Epistle to the Hebrews or of St. Paul s Epistle to After the Translation he should read the Introduction, the Romans. i, 4,

and such others

as these may suggest to him. The serious student should master the chief sections of the Short Grammar (pp. cxvii-clix). So pre pared, he can then face the problems discussed in the Commentary, and

tions

recognize the grounds for the adoption of certain readings and interpreta and the rejection of those opposed to them.

introduction.

Each chapter (or, in two cases, groups of chapters) is preceded by an Such introductions are divided into sections. The first section

l) always gives the general thought of the chapter that follows, while the ( remaining sections discuss the diction and idiom of the chapter, its indebted

ness to the

exegetical, critical,

Old Testament and other and archaeological.

sources,

and many other questions,

CONTENTS.
VOLUME
INTRODUCTION, pp.
I. I.

I.

xxi-cxci.
2.

Short account of the Seer and his Book, pp. xxi-xxiii.

Plan

of the Book, pp. xxiii-xxviii.

II.

Evidence internal purely Authorship of the Johannine Writings. The Apocalypse (J a P) and the Gospel (J) from different linguistic. I Grammatical differences, p. xxix. 2. Differences in authors. 3. Different words and forms used by these diction, p. xxix sq.
.

writers to express the same idea, p. xxx sq. 4. Words and phrases with one meaning in J aP J and another in J, p. xxxi sq. 5. Authors of J a P and J were in some way connected with each other, pp. xxxii-

xxxiv.
7.

6.

The importance

J and 1.2. 3 J by the same author, pp. xxxiv-xxxvii. of these conclusions for Johannine criticism,

p. xxxvii.

III.

Authorship of the Joharmine Writings. Evidence partly internal, but I. J a P not pseudonymous, but the work of mainly external. John 2. The author of J a P is distinct from the the Seer, p. xxxviii sq.
author of J, p. xxxix sq.
3.

There were two Johns according

to

Papias, the Apostle and thf Elder, the latter being the author of a 4. I. 2. 3 J by the author J P according to Dionysius, p. xl sq. of J, p. xli sq. 5. If John the Elder is admitted to be the

author of

2. 3 J, as is done by many competent scholars, then he is 6. If John the Elder is the author also of J and i J, pp. xlii-xliii. the author of J and i. 2. 3 J, is John the Apostle the author of J a P ? No. Its author claims to be a prophet, not an apostle. He was a

Palestinian
7.

Jew who migrated

late in life to
first

Asia Minor,
tells

p. xliii sq.

The

silence of the writers of the

two centuries as

to

any

residence of John the author of J a P, p. xlv.

Apostle

against his being 8. These conclusions confirmed by the

in

Asia

tradition of John the Apostle s early martyrdom, which, if trust a worthy, renders his authorship of J P or J, I. 2. 3 J impossible. That John the Apostle died a martyr s death before 70 A.D. is to be inferred on the following grounds (a) Prophecy of Jesus to that
:

Jap = the Apocalypse, J the Gospel,

xvii

J the First Epistle, etc.

xviii

CONTENTS
effect,

p.

xlv sq.

(b]

the Papias-tradition, p. xlvi

(c)

the state
;

ments of certain ancient writers (145-344 A.D.), pp. xlvi-xlviii (d) the Syriac Martyrology and certain Church Calendars, pp.
xlviii-1.

IV.

The Editor

of J aP.

The

4 present order of 2O -22 could not possibly

have originated with its author. Hence the necessary hypothesis of an editor, whose existence, though suggested occasionally by certain 4 intrusions in the earlier chapters, was not demonstrable till 2O -22 was reached. The interpolations in 1-19, when restudied from the standpoint of this hypothesis, appear in a new light, and these com bined with those in 20-22 make it an easy task to sketch the main
lines of this editor s character.

He was

apparently a

Jew

of the

dispersion, a better Grecian than his master, but otherwise a person profoundly stupid and ignorant ; a narrow fanatic and celibate, not

quite loyal to his trust as editor ; an arch-heretic, though, his stupidity, probably an unconscious one, pp. 1-lv.

owing

to

V.

Depravation of the Text through

Dislocations, pp. Iviii-lx
;

i)

Interpolations, pp. Ivi-lviii

2)

3)

Lacunae,

p.

Ix sq.

4) Ditto-

graphs, p.

Ixi.

VI. Greek and

Hebrew

Sources, and their Dates, pp. Ixii-lxv.

VII. Books of the O.T., of the Pseudepigrapha, and of the N.T. used by our author. 2. John I. General summary of the facts, p. Ixv sq.
translated directly from the O.T., and did not quote any Greek version, though often influenced by the (i.e. o ) and another a revised form of o which was subsequently revised later version

LXX

and incorporated by Theodotion

Ixvi-lxviii.
3.
;

in his version (i.e. ), pp. Passages based directly on the Hebrew of the O.T. these are hardly ever literal quotations, (or the Aramaic of Daniel) 4. Passages based on the Hebrew of the O.T., pp. Ixviii-lxxvii.

or on the Aramaic of Daniel, but influenced, in some cases certainly, in others possibly, by o , p. Ixxviii sq. 5. Passages based on the

Hebrew
is

of the

O.T. or on the Aramaic of Daniel, but

by a
later
6.

influenced, in
o
,

some cases

certainly, in others probably,

form of

which

preserved in 6 , p. Ixxx sq. author which are echoes of O.T.

Phrases and clauses in our

p.

passages,

Ixxxi sq.

7.

Passages dependent on or parallel with passages in the Pseudepi 8. Passages in some cases dependent on, grapha, p. Ixxxii sq. and in other cases parallel with, earlier books of the N.T.,
pp. Ixxxiii-lxxxvi.

VIII. Unity of J a P.

I.

Unity of thought and dramatic development,

2. Unity of style and diction. Ixxxvii sq. Examples of unity of diction, Ixxxviii sq. 3. The unity in dramatic movement does not

exclude the use of sources and earlier visions of his own.

earlier visions

Some

and writings of his own re-edited. Generally their inclusion gives them a new meaning (footnote, p. Ixxxix). Sources re-edited and incorporated, pp. Ixxxix-xci.

CONTENTS

XIX

The Trajanic, Claudian, and External evidence. I. IX. Date of J aP. 2. Internal Neronic dates. The Domitianic date, pp. xci-xciii. evidence. (i) Such evidence exists alike for the Neronic, Ves(2) Evidence for the Domitianic pasianic, and Domitianic dates.
which explains all the rest, (a) Use of earlier N.T. books. (&) The present form of the Seven Epistles points to a Domitianic date, though (c] The imperial originally written under Vespasian, p. xciii sq.
P) not enforced till the reign xciv sq. (d) The Nero-redivivus myth exhibits phases belonging to the reigns of Titus (?), Vespasian, and Domitian. Domitian not to be identified with the Antichrist, pp. xcv-xcvii.

cult (though

presupposed throughout J
p.

of Domitian,

X. Circulation and reception.

Fathers, p. xcvii sq.

I.

No certain trace of J aP

in the Apostolic
all

2.

In the 2nd cent. J aP was

but uni

versally accepted in Asia Minor, Western Syria, Africa, Rome, South 3. Two protests against its Johannine author Gaul, pp. xcviii-c. (b) The Alogi, (a) Marcion. ship and validity in the 2nd cent,
4. Question of its authenticity reopened by Dionysius p. c sq. of Alexandria, p. ci. 5. Rejected by the Syro-Palestinian Church 6. Ignored or unknown in the and the Churches of Asia Minor.

Eastern-Syrian and Armenian Churches for some centuries, p. ci sq. came to be acknow 7. Always accepted in the West, gradually

ledged in the East, p.

cii sq.

Object of the Seer.

i.

His Methods

Vision and Reflection or Reason.

2. Methods of the Seer Object of the Seer, p. ciii sq. generally psychical experiences and reflection or reason. Psychical (b} Dreams combined with translation (a) Dreams, experiences,

of the spirit of the Seer,

(c)

Visions,

(a) Visions in sleep.

(/3)

Visions in a trance.
(5)

(7) Visions in
p.

Waking

visions,

civ sq.

depends not on their actuality, environment and influence on character,

which the spirit is translated. 3. Value of such experiences but on their source, their moral
p.

cv sq.

4.

Literal

Language of descriptions of such experiences hardly ever possible. Seer symbolic, p. cvi sq. 5. Highest form of spiritual experience,
p. cvii.
6.

and judgment.
(b) in

Reason embracing the powers of insight, imagination, Its use (a} in the arrangement of his own materials,

tional

the construction of allegories, (c) in the adaptation of tradi material, (d) Conventional use of the phrase "I saw,"

pp. cvii-cix.

Some

doctrines of our author.

(a)

I.

Doctrine of God.
(b)

Christ.

The

historical Christ.
(d)

The

2. Jesus exalted Christ, (c)

Unique Son of God.

Spirit.
4.

High

Priest

and
5.

Lamb of God.
cix-cxvii.

3.
;

The
Mil

Doctrine of Works.
;

First Resurrection

lennium and Second Resurrection

XIII.

Judgment, pp.

Grammar of the Apocalypse,

pp. cxvii-clix.

For contents, see

p. cxvii.

xx
XIV.
i.

CONTENTS
Relative values of the uncials provisionally arrived at, p. clx-clxii. Absence of conflation from best uncials confirms result arrived at
I,

2.

in
in

p. clxii sq.

3.

Readings of uncials taken singly and also

groups of two give further confirmation. Classification of uncials on the basis of the above data, pp. clxiii-clxv. 4. Evidence of
uncials taken in groups of three or more in chaps. 1-4, p. clxv sq. 5. Character of the Latin and Syriac Versions, and their classifica 6. Armenian, Bohairic, and Ethiopic Versions. tion, pp. clxvi-clxix.
classification, pp. clxix-clxxi. 7. Relations of Bohairic, 8. Textual Sahidic, and Ethiopic Versions to each other, p. clxxi. value of the uncials, pp. clxxi-clxxiii. 9. Cursives collated for this

Their

edition,

and

their

groupings,

pp. clxxiii-clxxvi.

10,

Origen

so-called text, p. clxxvi sq. pp. clxxviii-clxxxiii

n. Some account

of the Versions,

XV. Methods

of interpretation adopted in this Commentary.

2.

I.

Con

temporary-Historical.
Philological
(a)

40:. 3. Chiliastic. Eschatological. in earlier form. Literary-Critical, embracing 5.

Redactional-Hypothesis,
6. 8.

(6)

Sources-Hypothesis,
7.

(c)

Frag
Philo

mentary-Hypothesis.
Historical.
logical

Traditional-Historical.
9.

Religious46.

Philosophical.

Psychological.

in later form, pp. clxxxiii-clxxxvii.

XVI. Bibliography

Commentaries, Studies Exegetical and

Critical, Texts,

Abbreviations, pp. clxxxvii-cxci.

Addenda

et Corrigenda, p. cxcii.

Commentary on Chapters I.-XIII. and XIV.

12-13,

I ~373-

INTRODUCTION,
i.
i.

Short Account of the Seer and his Work.

JOHN

the Seer, to whom we owe the Apocalypse, was a Jewish Christian who had in all probability spent the greater part of his life in Galilee before he emigrated to Asia Minor and settled in Ephesus, the chief centre of Greek civilization in that province.
is in part to be drawn not only from his knowledge of Greek and the unparalleled liberties he takes with its syntax, but also from the fact that to a certain He had never extent he creates a Greek grammar of his own. 1 mastered the Greek of his own day. The language of his adoption was not for him a normalized and rigid medium of utterance nay rather, it was still for him in a fluid condition, and so he used it freely, remodelling its syntactical usages and Hence his style is launching forth into unheard of expressions. That he has set at defiance the grammarian absolutely unique. and the usual rules of syntax is unquestionable, but he did not do so deliberately. He had no such intention. His object was

This conclusion
defective

to drive

and

his message with all the powers at his command, he does in some of the sublimest passages in all litera With such an object in view he had no thought of con ture. How then is the sistently committing breaches of Greek syntax. unbridled licence of his Greek constructions to be explained?
this

home

The

reason, as the present writer hopes to prove, is that while he wrote in Greek he thought in Hebrew and frequently trans In Galilee he had no lated Hebrew idioms literally into Greek. doubt used Aramaic as the ordinary vehicle of intercourse with his fellows, but all his serious studies were rooted in Hebrew. He had so profound a knowledge of the O.T. that he constantly uses its phraseology not only consciously, but even unconsciously. When using it consciously he uses the Hebrew text, and trans lates it generally first hand ; but not infrequently his renderings are influenced not only by the LXX, but also by a later version,
1

See pp. cxvii-clix.

See pp.

cxlii-clii.

xxii

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

which is now lost in its original form, but which was re-edited by Theodotion 100 years later. 1 John the Seer was quite distinct from the author of the 2 That the Gospel and Epistles were from Gospel and Epistles. one and the same author, who was probably John the Elder, That these two Johns belonged to the I have shown below. 3 same religious circle, or that the author of the Gospel was a pupil
4 Seer, is not improbable. gather from the Apocalypse that John the Seer exercised an unquestioned authority over the Churches of the Province of To seven of these, chosen by him to be representatives of Asia. Christendom as a whole, 5 he wrote his great Apocalypse in the form of a letter, about the year 95 A.D. 6 The object 7 of the Apocalypse was to encourage the faithful to resist even to death the blasphemous claims of the State, and to proclaim the coming victory of the cause of God and of His Christ not only in the individual Christian, and the corporate body of such individuals, but also in the nations as such in their national and international It lays down the only true basis for national life and relations. Hence the jeer claims^ not only ethics and international law. the after-world for God and for His people, but also this world. God s work will be carried on without haste, without, rest., till ^the kingdom of this world has become the kingdom oTj^od and of His ChikL" The Seer has used freely not only his own visions of various 8 dates, but also Jewish and Christian sources of Neronic and 9 Vespasianic dates in the presentation of his great theme. The fact of his having freely used sources might seem to 10 But this is not so. A militate against the unity of his work. 1] of the book will show how thoughiL and at the Plan glance action steadily advance step by step from its very beginning tiil cuhnmaTc at its close. they^ reach their consummation and But unhappily the prophet did not live to revise his work, or , even to put the materials of 20 4 -22 into their legitimate order. 12 This task fell, to the misfortune of all students of the Apocalypse, This disciple into the hands of a very unintelligent disciple. was a better Greek scholar than his master, for he corrects his Greek occasionally, and was probably a Greek-speaking Jewish He had not his master s knowledge Christian of Asia Minor. of Hebrew, if he had any knowledge of it, and he was pro If he had left foundly ignorant of his master s thought.

of

John the

We

11

See pp. Ixvi sqq., Ixxx See pp. xli-xliii. See p. Ixxxix sq. note. See p. ciii sq. See p. xc sq. See pp. xxiii-xxviii.

sq.

See pp. xxix-xl. See pp. xxxii-xxxiv. See p. xxiv. 8 See pp. xc, xciv. 10 See pp. Ixxxvii-xci. 12 See pp. 1-lv.
4 6

PLAN OF THE BOOK

his

xxiii

master s work as he found it, its teaching would not have been the unintelligible mystery it has been to subsequent but unhappily he intervened repeatedly, rearranging the ages text in some cases, adding to it in others, and every such inter
;

vention has made the task of interpretation impossible for all students who accepted such rearrangements and additions as genuine features of the text. Since, however, his handiwork and character are fully dealt with later, we need not waste more time here over his misdemeanours. 1 When once the interpolations of John s editor, which amount to little more than twenty-two verses, are removed, and the dislocations of the text are set right, 2 most of the difficulties of the text disappear and it becomes a comparatively easy task to follow the thought of our author as it develops from stage to stage, from its opening chapters darkened with the shadow of the
great
tribulation

about to

fall

on entire Christendom,

till

it

reaches its triumphant close in the eternal blessedness of all the faithful in the new heaven and the new earth. The Apocalypse consists of a Prologue, i 1 3 the Apocalypse a significant number and an proper, consisting of seven parts The events in these seven parts are described in Epilogue. visions in strict chronological order^ save in the case of certain proleptic visions which are inserted for purposes of encourage ment and lie outside the orderly development of the theme of the Seer i.e. y 9 17 io-n 13 14, and 12, which relates to the past, but forms a necessary introduction to i3- 3 Thus there is no need to resort to the theory of Recapitula tion which from the time of Victorinus of Pettau (circa 270 A.D.) has dominated practically every school of interpretation from that date to the present. So far is it from being true that the Apocalypse represents more or less fully, under each successive series of the seven seals, the seven trumpets and the seven bowls, the same series of events, that the interpretation which is com pelled to fall back on this device must be pronounced a failure. This principle of interpretation, like many other forlorn efforts in this field, arose mainly from the non-recognition by scholars in the past of the interpolations made in the text by the disciple and editor of the Seer.
,
:

2.

Plan of the Book.

,

The Apocalypse consists of a Prologue, i 1 3 a letter consisting 3 of seven distinct parts: (i) i 4 20, (2) 2-3, (3) 4-5, (4) 6-20 (5) 2I 9_ 22 2. 14-15. 17 20 4-10 ( 6 ) 20 11-15 ( ? 2I 5a. 4d. 5b. l-4abc ^S, j }

Epilogue, 2
1

i5c.6b-8
1-lv.

22

6-7. 18a. 16. 13. 12. 10. 8-9.

a

20-21^
3

See pp.

See pp.

Ivi-lx.

See

p. xxv.

xxiv

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

The Apocalypse consists of a Prologue, the Apocalygse pr oper^^cbnsistinp: of seven distinct parts, amfaB Epilogue. the Prologue, i 1 8 the Apocalypse is affirmed to have been given by God to Christ and by Christ to John. In the Epilogue the truth of the claims made in the Prologue is attested by God, 2I 5c. 6b-s. Dy Christ, 22 6 7 18a 16 13 10 ; an(} by John himself,
,
-

in"

22

8-9.

20-21;

The seven
. .

parts
.

and the Epilogue constitute a

4 letter, i -22

21
,

opens with "John to the Seven Grace unto you, and peace, from Him which is, Churches. and which was, and which is to come ; and from Jesus Christ 4 5a and ends with the words, "The grace of the Lord Jesus ), (i be with all the saints. Amen." The Prologue and Epilogue are not mere subsequent additions to the book. They are organic parts of it. Not to mention other grounds, this is at once obvious from the fact that the Prologue contains the first of the seven beatitudes of the 7 3 Apocalypse (i.e. i ), and the Epilogue the seventh (i.e. 22 ). That there should be exactly seven beatitudes in our book and not more and not less, is at once intelligible to all students of the
which, like the Pauline letters,
"

Apocalypse.

apart from the Prologue and Epilogue, falls In again a significant division. naturally into seven parts writers the favourite division of a work was a fivefold one. Jewish

The Book,

Thus the

five books of the Pentateuch, of the Psalms, of the Megilloth, of the Maccabean history by Jason of Cyrene, of This fivefold division is clearly i Enoch, of the Pirke Aboth. traceable in Matthew (see Horae Synopticae*, 164 Hawkins). But the number five does not occur in our author save with evil associations (cf. 9 5 10 i; 10 ), whereas seven is a most sacred
;
-

number in his The seven

regard. parts are as follows

(i)

4 20
.

John

s letter to

the

Seven Churches, in which he tells how Christ had appeared to and bidden him to send to the Churches the visions written in this
book. (2) 2-3. The problem of the book how to reconcile letters to the Churches
Christ
s

as reflected in the

God s righteousness and

A vision of God and a vision of Christ, who takes upon Himself the guidance of the world s destinies and its 1 3 5 2 6 ls 14 3 -g. n -t3. i5~2o (4) 6-f. 8 judgments. Judg The Millennial ments of the world. (5) 2i 9-22 2 14 15 17 so 4 10 Kingdom attack of evil powers on the Beloved City at its close: their destruction and the casting of Satan into the 11 15 Heaven and earth vanish final lake of fire. (6) 20 5a 4d 5b !- 4abc 2 23 5 God Himself. The (7) 2 1 judgment by
(3) 4~5-

redemption with the condition of His servants on earth.

See note on

i.

also footnote 1 in vol.

ii.

445.

PLAN OF THE BOOK

everlasting

xxv
earth

Kingdom

in

the

new heaven and

and the

Jerusalem. In these seven parts the events described in the visions are in strict chronological order, save that the Seer is obliged in chap. 12 to consider past events in order to prepare for those in But there are certain sections of the book lying outside the 13. 9 17 io-n 13 and orderly development of the Seer s theme, sc. 7 These three additions, which do not carry on the action of 14. the divine drama and are likewise breaches of unity in respect of After y 1 8 the visionary gaze of the time, are all prole-ptic. Seer leaves for the moment the steady progressive unveiling of the events of his future and beholds in 7 9-17 the more distant destinies of the martyred faithful triumphant and secure before the throne of God in heaven (although these sealed members of the Church are not martyred till 13), and of the same host of martyrs on Mount Zion (during the period of the Millennial 1 5 These visions are recounted out of their Kingdom) in I4 due order to encourage and inspire the Church in the face of an 13 the impending universal martyrdom. In the case of io-n Our Seer sees Rome to be the explanation is different. impersonation of sheer might, of wickedness and lawlessness, i.e. the Antichrist. But before our Seer s time in Christian circles Jerusalem was expected to be the scene of the appearance of the Antichrist (2 Thess. 2 4 ) and Rome was regarded as the This former view of the Antichrist representative of order. is preserved in this proleptic section, but no reference is made again to it throughout the remaining chapters. In the analysis which follows the three proleptic sections are inserted on the right hand of the page
.

New

Prologue,

1 8
.

given by God and by Christ entrusted to John. John s testimony to it as from God and Christ. The first beatitude on those who keep the things written
I
.

1 3

The Revelation

to Christ

therein.

John writes to the Seven Churches them that he has seen Christ and been bidden by Him to send them the visions written in this book i 4 20
I.

to tell

I John begins his letter to the Seven Churches with the blessing of grace and peace from the Everlasting God and Jesus Christ, Lord of the dead and Ruler of the living, the Redeemer. 9 20 i John recounts his vision of
.
.

4 7
"

the

Son of Man

in

Patmos,

who

bids

him to write down what he saw in a book and to send it to the Seven
Churches.

XXVI
II.

THE REVELATION OF
Problem
in

ST.

JOHN

the Seven Churches, which reflect the seeming failure of the cause of both God and Christ on earth 2-3.
forth

the

of the Letters to

book

set

2-3. Letters to the Seven Churches. implicitly set the problem. How are God s righteousness and Christ s redemption of the world to be reconciled with the condition of His servants on earth and the domi nating power of evil thereon ? Hence

These

John

s visions, embracing heaven and earth, begin in 4-5 with God and Christ as the Supreme Powers in the

world.
III.

Vision of God, to
its

whom

the

4.

Scene of John

visions

is

no

world owes

origin,
its

whom

it

owes

and of Christ, to redemption 4-5.

longer earth with its failures, troubles, and outlook darkened with the appre hension of universal martyrdom, but heaven with its atmosphere of perfect assurance and peace and thanksgiving and joy. John s vision of God of a throne and of Him that sat thereon, to whom the Cherubim and Elders offered continual praise, and to whose will the whole creation owes its being. 5. Vision of Christ, who, having

wrought redemption for God s people, takes upon Himself the guidance of the destinies of the world in a series
of judgments.

IV.
the
first

Judgments.
Six Seals.

First

Scries

6.

First series of

alike, first six Seals.

ing

all
8

men

judgments affect good and bad the

Judgments.

Second Series, 7-13

Seal

The

seventh

and

the

Three

Woes, bringing
servants of

into manifestation the

the servants of Satan and Satan himself. Before the seventh Seal there is a pause on earth, during which God marks out His servants by a seal on their foreheads after the seventh Seal there is a pause in heaven during which His servants prayers are presented before God both the sealing of the faithful and their prayers being designed to secure them against the Three Woes.
;

God and

Further judgments stayed till 7 the spiritual Israel are made manifest through the seal of God affixed on their foreheads and are thus secured against the Three Woes, against the first two absolutely, and against the spiritual effects of the third. 9 17 7 Proleptic vision of a vast multitude of the faithful in heaven, i.e. of those who had just been sealed and had died as martyrs a vision sub sequent in point of time to the visions
. .

in 13.

8 i. 3-5. 2. 6. is. The seventh Seal, introducing the Three Woes, is fol lowed by silence in heaven, during which the prayers of the faithful are offered before God in heaven for pro tection against the Three Woes.

First and Second Woes bring Satan s servants into manifestation and affect only those who had not been sealed.

9~ii

14a
.

First

and second demonic

(heralded by trumpet blasts) affecting only those who had not been sealed, with torment and death
respectively.

woes

PLAN OF THE BOOK

13
.

xxvn

lO-ii on Proleptic digression the Antichrist in Jerusalem a vision contemporaneous in point of time
ii 141 19 Third and Satanic Wor heralded by a trumpet blast. There upon two songs of triumph burst forth in heaven declaring that God is King,
.

with 13. -

Third Woe, followed by two songs of triumph in heaven, brings into full manifestation Satan, his chief agents the two Beasts, and all his servants. All Satan s Evil is now at its climax. servants are visited with spiritual blindness and marked with the mark All the faithful are of the Beast.
martyred.

faithful and faithless alike will receive their due recompense. or Satanic Woe. 12-13. Third Satan at last fully manifest. Climax of his power and his apparent triumph on earth. In 12 the vision is retrospective : it recounts the birth and ascension of Christ and the casting down of Satan to earth facts closely connected ; also Satan s persecution of the Church. In 13 Satan summons

and

The

to his help the first and second Beasts. faithless are spiritually blinded

and marked by the mark of the Beast.

All the faithful are martyred. 1 7 I4 Proleptic vision (a) of the Church triumphant on earth in the Millennial Kingdom and the conver sion of the heathen a vision con
"

4 6 temporaneous with 2O , and (b) in 8-n. 14. is-20 of judgment of Rome I4 and of the heathen nations a vision contemporaneous with and summar 11 21 20 7 10 izing 1 8. I9
.

Vision of the entire martyr host in heaven who had proved themselves victorious over the Beast and his

image.
.

Vision of the martyred host (martyred in 13) standing on the sea of glass before God, singing praises and proclaiming the coming conversion of the nations.
I5
-

2 4
"

alone survive.

5 3 5 8 Judgments. Third Series, I5 -2O \ The Seven Bowls of God s is the Preliminary judgments wrath entrusted to the Seven Angels. Seven Bowls affecting the heathen who f 1 6. The Seven Bowls.
.

(a)

1 6 Vision of the Great Harlot i; seated on the Beast. 8 18 I7 Interpretation of this vision. l8 i-iy. 2] -23d vision of her destruc
. .

(I)} Successive judgments affecting the powers of evil in succession. (a) Destruction of Rome and the

tion.

l8 20.

23f-24
>

The
of the

Heaven
I9
1
"

to rejoice.

Seer
its

appeal to Heaven to rejoice over

3
.

Thanksgiving song
5 k~ 6

doom.

angels.
. i6 IQ Thanksgiving song of the Elders and Cherubim. 7 i6 . Thanksgiving song of the altar beneath the throne.

The response of all the angel and martyr hosts in songs of thanksgiving.

5 8 I9 Thanksgiving song of martyr host in heaven.

.

the

XXV111

THE REVELATION OF
Destruction
of
the

ST.

JOHN
referred
to

(/3)

Parthian

Lost (though
tically
13
:

hosts by Christ

and His

elect.

I9 a polated passage, I9
11 21
.

and presupposed in possibly displaced by the inter

10
).

in I7 14

prole p-

Destruction of the hostile (7) nations by Christ and the armies of Heaven. The Beast and False Pro phet cast into the lake of fire, and

The Word of God and I9 the armies of Heaven destroy the hostile nations. The Beast and False
Prophet cast into the lake of fire. 2O 3 As Satan was cast down from heaven on the fresh advent of Christ, on Christ s second advent he is cast into the abyss and chained for 1000 years.
1
.
.

Satan chained for 1000 years.

-. 2I _ 22 20 the Heavenly Jerusalem coming down from heaven to be the abode of Christ and the glorified martyrs who are to Capital. Reign of the martyred Saints 1 with Christ 1000 years and I reign for 1000 years. the nations. | evangelize
>

V, Millennial Kingdom Jerusalem come down from heaven to be its

:

207 10 Close of the Millennial Final attack of the evil powers Kingdom. Satan loosed march of he the Saints in the Beloved City their j Q ^ity meir inst the Beloved * and Beloved destruction and the casting of Satan 1 Q{ their deduction and the casting into the lake of fire. of Satan into the lake of fire.
. : :

VI.

Heaven

and

Earth

having

vanished, a great white throne appears, before which the dead come to be judged by God Himself.

a great white that sat thereon. Disappearance of the former heaven and earth. Judgment of those risen from the dead, both bad and good. Death and hell cast into the lake of
.

20 11

16

Vision of

throne, and of

Him

fire.

VII.

The

Everlasting

Kingdom

C
I

2 i 5a

4d>

5b

l-

4abc 22 3

5
.

The

new

established in which

Christ dwell with man. Reign of all the saints for ever and ever.

God and

v.

heaven, the new earth, and the New The faithful reign as Jerusalem. kings for ever and ever,
2i God s testimony to John s book and His message to mankind through John of divine sonship for them that overcome.
5c - 6b s .

22 6-7.
Epilogue.
<

18a. 16. IS. 12.

10.

Christ s

tCSti-

mony

to

John

book.
s

The seventh
to

beatitude.

Christ

speedy coming

judgment.
228.9.20-21. j ohn s Christ s final words.
>

own

John

testimony. s prayer

and benediction.

AUTHORSHIP OF JOHANNINE WRITINGS

II.

xxix

AUTHORSHIP OF THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS

EVIDENCE.
The Apocalypse and
the

LINGUISTIC

Fourth Gospel^ from

different Authors.

shall deal here only with the linguistic evidence on this shall, however, dis question, which is in itself decisive. cover later that the two writers were related to each other, either as master and pupil, or as pupils of the same master, or as

We

We

members
i.

These make the as ap authorship of J and, J absolutely interval intervenes between the impossible, unless a very long But such an assumption is made imprac dates of J ap and J. ticable by the best modern research. Furthermore, our author s shows no essential change in the interval of from 10 to 20 or style more years, which elapsed between the writing of the Letters to the Seven Churches and the Apocalypse as a whole (see vol. i. 43-47). The reader will find the grammatical differences between ap and The main evidence is given J dealt with in the grammar. J under the heading, "The Hebraic Style of the Apocalypse"; but throughout the rest of the grammar (see particularly The Order of Words ) the evidence is more than adequate to prove diver Observe amongst a host of other differences sity of authorship. times and the that, whereas J uses /XT} with the participle our author uses neither. Also that genitive absolute frequently, whereas in our author the attracted relative never occurs, it often
sumption of a

of the same school. The grammatical differences.

common

"

>r

see 4 14 7 39 i5 20 i? 5 n 12 2i 10 and i J 3 24 Again, followed by inf. ; in J by Iva. in J Lists of words found in J ap 2. Differences in diction. but not in J could be given here, or vice versa, but such divergence in the use of words might in the main be due to But it is instructive to touch upon a few difference of subject. phenomena of this nature. Thus our author has TriVris 4 times and TTI OTOS 8, whereas J has not TTIO-TIS at all, Trtcrros once, but Our author uses VTTO/XOJ/T; 7 times TTwrrevetv nearly 100 times. On the other hand, J uses and 4, but J, neither. 2. 3} 31 and 21 respectively), dyttTTav 36 times and dyaTny 7 (i.
"

occurs in J
ap

aios

is

<ro<ia

but our author has

a etc., J P the

dya/Trav only 4 and aydirri only 2 times. found so frequently in J, are Again, dA.rj0eia, dX^^ijs, and x a J has //,eV ... 8e 6 or more wholly absent from our author. 1 For convenience sake J will designate the Gospel, I J the first Epistle,
P<*

Apocalypse,

xxx

THE REVELATION OF
:

ST.

JOHN

dAAa 100 and ydp 65, and our author times, our author not once Again our author has WUTTIOV 34 times 13 and 1 6 respectively.
whereas J has these once and 150 times respectively. Different words or forms used by these writers to express the same idea. Our author uses d/Wov ( = Lamb of God) 29 times mine where J uses where J uses d//,vds 2 /xov or e/xov T ( 20 10 12 i4 t/xos 36 times: avros as an emphatic pronoun 3 ig whereas J uses e*e/os in this sense while he uses OTTO S as an

and

Lva 45,
3.

"

")

unemphatic pronoun see Abbott, Gr. 236. Again our author lepouo-aXrJ/x where says ev /xeVo) or di/a /xeVov where J uses /xeVos 2 Our author uses iftov (26), but J tSe 3 J has *lpocn>Av/xa. 9 9 = a member of the Chosen People of God, nearly lovSatos, 2 3 ( so in Ro 2 17 28 ), where J has lo-pa^Am/?, i 47 Again, whereas our author defines the historic city Jerusalem as T/?S TroAews ^rts KaAetrai Trreu/AariKtos 2oSo//,a, II 8 , J names it as le/aoo-uAtyxa, I 19 2 13
:

etc.

Greek equivalent of
author always has
T.
vr)<Tip

very interesting divergence or called

"
"

/caAeu/
Xlar/xa),

be observed where the occurs. Here our and J Ae yeu/. Thus we have i 9 rfj
is

to

"

named
25

"

/caXou/xev^
. .

29

Ka\ov[JLvo<s

Aia/3oAos, while J

writes 4 5 TrdAiv II 16 jiiej/os Xpio-rds,

2
1 2 )
:

Meamas ... 6 AeyoXcyo/xeviyv Sv^dp, 4 6 Aeyo/xei/os AtSv/xos (cf. I 38 5 2 9 11 1 1 54 2O 24 $a>/zas

.

and

just as our author says,

.
.

^rts KaXetrat

3oSo//,a,

so J i9 17 says o Xeyerat still more into relief when

fjicvov
. .
.

ToAyotfa.

The

On

this
C

we compare J ap and J I9 13 TOTTOJ/ Aeyo/xet ov *Ap MayeSwv as well as on other grounds 8 lla KCU TO ovo/x,a rov

divergence comes i6 16 TOTTOI/ r. KO.\OV-

O *Ai{/iv6o<s is to be excised as a gloss. Again, our author always uses /caroiKeu/ of living in a certain locality ; J sometimes uses fieVeii/ in this sense, but never KO.TOLlittle while"), whereas J also oAiyoi/, i; 10 ( = Ktiv says piKpov in the same sense 9 times ; and ovs 8 times while J uses once.
A^ycrat
:

"a

<OTIOI/

very delicate distinction calls for attention in their equi Thus our author 4 says OVK valents of the English "no longer."

A
.

en (14, including chap, xviii.), but J always OVKCTI (12), and ws with finite verb by way of illustration (2 27 ), while J uses
. .

K<x0ws

with

finite

Finally,
1

verb (i3 15 i5 12 i; 23 etc.). whereas J frequently uses /catfok (31, and

(3), ?3ios (15),

i.

2.

3 J 13

(6), u/^repos J ij^repos (2), J uses He has ^/i6s once. uses the possessive pronouns always in their stead. 2 In our author lepovaaXri/j. is used only of the heavenly or the
<r6s

and

but our author

New

Jerusalem.
historic city,
j.a.

It is used by Paul always, and nearly always by Luke, of the whereas Mark always (and Matt, always save once) uses Iepo<r6-

3 4

J uses

idoti

4 times.
OVK^TI 3 times (2 of these in chap, xviii.).

Our author has

AUTHORSHIP OF JOHANNINE WRITINGS

xxxi

Where J says times), our author uses always ws in the same sense. 10 27 1 Where J ilp uses K<x0w9 K<xyw eyw (i5 ), our author says (2 ).
o>?

Neither J nor i. 2. 3 J use J uses ew?. Where J ap uses or^oSpa, i6 21 2. 3 J, uses Xiav. In this ax/31 last contrast, I assume that 2. 3 J and J are from the same author. Words and phrases with one meaning in our author and 4. a different one in :
a^pi

(n

times),

APOCALYPSE.
01X77

FOURTH GOSPEL.
as opposed

to

= true false =
6s
(

in

word

"

genuine"

as

opposed

to unreal.

d\>?0?7s).

aKovew
avr6s used as emphatic pronoun.
ol

sq. Different meaning in J. vol. i. p. cxl.

See

vol.

i.

85

See Gram.

Used
15

as unemphatic pronoun, ^Keivos being used as emphatic.

OVK^TI

dovXoi

TOV
.

0eo0 2

title

of the

I5

Xyw

v[J,

e6i>os

3 7 1 highest honour: cf. i (& *) 7 io ii 18 I9 2 6 17 dupedv, 2I 22 = freely." 26 or II 2 (23) = Gentiles, 2 4 I5 etc., or all nations, including the
"

s5

"

e^

without a

cause."

cdvos (5) only used of Jewish nation.

Jews(?).
9 9 lovScuos, 2 3

used in a good sense.

/cd<r/xos

= the

created world,

15

Xa6$ = Gentiles generally, but = Chris tian believers twice. 13 a conception A.6yos TOV 6eov, IQ

times, and generally bad sense. = the world of man (frequently, and often in a bad sense). 2 Jewish nation (2, excluding 8 ).

Used over 70
in a
K6<r/j.os

A6yos, T
is

lsqq -.

This conception

developed in Jewish thought.

quite different and presupposes, while opposing, Philonic specula

tions.

oSv (6), always illative, 3 a particle of logical appeal. 5 l5 to destroy" Troifj-aiveiv, 2* I2 iq

"

195 times, and generally a narrative particle, i.e. of historical transition. 2i ie "to feed."

17 (though in ; =" to

feed").

in a temporal sense ( when 20 times our J uses our author s various uses of ws, see vol. i. 35 sq. 2 15 The servant in J I5 knows not his Master s will, in In our author the word SoOXos means (a) a slave as opposed to 15 6 I3 16 IQ 18 and (b) a willing servant of God, whether prophet 1 20 3 ful io7 etc. Thus our author uses 7 worshipper : cf. i 2
"

o>s

")

author never.
a J P

On

he does.

eXevdepos : cf. or other faith SoOXos as the But in J SoGXos follows the Greek usage as denoting a equivalent of na^. 15 bondman in the literal sense, cf. I5 , and in the metaphorical sense 8 34 5oOXos TTJS afj-aprias. nay is not used in this metaphorical sense. The verb See Abbott, fokanm ne Voc. 212, 13J;, however, is used of idolatrous service. for the use made by the four Evangelists of this word. 227, 289-292, 3 In Homer o$v is non-illative, just as in the majority of passages in J. It is noteworthy that in J oftv occurs nearly always in the narrative portions, and only 8 times in Christ s words out of the 195, whereas in J ap it occurs only in Christ s words, and never in the narrative In the Synoptists portions. it occurs mostly in Christ s words.
,
. . .

xxxii

THE REVELATION OF
=
:
"

ST.

JOHN

irpoffiivveiv, c. dat. c. ace. ,,

to

worship."
to."

These
p.

"

to

do homage
i.

have exactly constructions See Gr. opposite meanings in J.

cxli,

See note on 7

11

vol.

211 sqq.

also

vol.

i.

211-212;

S,

22215

Abbott, Voc. 1 37 sqq. 10 s8 7 , which phrase =ti6wp fcDi/, 4 includes [he meanings of the two *

Again, though
is

7
I

6 KaOyfJLtvos 6 Adyos crdp

similar to J
is
r.

14

similarity

only an outward
yu,ov

f T. Opovov f orKr)vw<Ti CTT avrovs eyeVero KOL eo~K^i/(ocrev ei/ T^/XII/, the The same is true of 2 27 one.
CTTI

dX^a

Trapa

Trarpds
r.

as

compared with

18 Tavrrjv J IO

T.

evro\r]v

e\a/3ov Trapa
5.

The Authors of

Trarpds ftov. the Apocalypse

and

the

Fourth Gospel

were in some
(a)

way

related to each other :

:

The

following phrases point in this direction

APOCALYPSE.
2 2 ov SVVQ patrrdaai. 2O6 6 2x *}V l*pos
(

FOURTH GOSPEL.
l62 ov dtivaade
I3
3"

&

22 15 TTOI&V 22 17

\f/evdos.

^X^is iroiuv T. dXrjdeiav (i J

TTOI.CJV

T. a/Jiaprlav).

6 5i\/C)v

txtadu.

37

^^^ rts

(^)

The

spiritual significance attached to such terms as on;, Odvaros, St^av, So^a, Treti/av, vt/cav (16 times, in J (i), in 1 J (6 oo^yetv.
))>

(c)

The occurrence

of the following words and phrases \a\elv exclusively in these two writers in the N.T. {jura, (elsewhere in N.T. the dative or Trpos cum. ace.
T.
16 44 = follows AoAetV) Trpoo-coTrov r^petv (i J 11 ) or Xdyous (4 times J 8 see note, vol. i. 369) Xoyov 8 6 1 ovo/xa avrw Itoawr;?, J I 3 6Vo/xa avra) 6 ^a^aros, 6 3 11 33 35 /jiLKpov ^pdvov, 2O Kpov, 6 J 7 J I2
: :
o\f/i<s

once
,

J once
:

Trop^vpcos 2 times

J 2 times

(</)

The agreement
Gram.

once J once. J once 37 of both authors (in i 7 J i9 ) in the See, however, rendering e^eKeVr^crai/ against the LXX. vol. i. 1 8 sq. The use of the suspensive on; see
4
<f>oivi,

p. cxxxvii.

(e)

The

use by both authors of the following phrases and words found occasionally in the rest of the N.T. TroieiV o-r/yneioi 4 J 14 (only 4 times in rest of N.T.)
, :

J 4 (i J 5 times) Sewcvvrai (of J 7 : tppaurrij 2 J 5 /naprupux, 9 revelation), 8 J 14 (i J 6 times, 3 J once): 7rtaeiv, i J 8: o-^/xat i i 8 2 J 2 times. J 13 J 3
rr)pLv
T.

cVroAa?,

<iA.eij/,

<r<f>dw,

AUTHORS OF
(/)

AP

AND

IN

SOME WAY RELATED

xxxiii

the is to be no temple in the heavenly Jerusalem 22 Accord Capital of the Messianic Kingdom, 2i 21 ing to J 4 the temple will cease to exist as the centre of worship. ideas underlie the phrase (g) The same Jewish and Christian 6 d/xvos rov Ocov, J i 2 9- 36 and the equivalent phrase TO

There

ap apviov in J

.
"

(h)

The number

occurs more frequently in our seven author than in all the rest of the N.T. Though it does not occur at all in J, yet J is permeated structurally with the idea of seven. John records only seven The Gospel begins and closes with a signs. the witness to Christ is ... of a sacred week sevenfold character (see Abbott, Gr. 463).
" "

"

The above facts, when taken together with other resemblances, which attention is drawn in the Grammar, point decidedly to some connection between the two authors. The Evangelist was apparently at one time a disciple of the Seer, or they were
to find members of the same religious circle in Ephesus. The perfect parallels to the latter relationship in earlier days. authors of the Testaments of the XII Patriarchs and of the Book of Jubilees, who wrote at the close of the 2nd century before

We

the Christian era, studied clearly in the same school ; for the text of the one has constantly to be interpreted by that of the other. Yet these two writers are poles asunder on some of the greatest questions of their day. The former hopes for the salvation of the Gentiles and sets forth a system of ethics with out parallel before the N.T. The author of Jubilees is a legalist of the narrowest type is mainly concerned with the Mosaic law and the deductions to be drawn from it, and declares categori The second parallel is to be cally that no Gentile can be saved. found between 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch. The materials of these two works are in certain respects complementary. The former is all but hopeless as to the future alike of Judaism and the Gentiles, whereas the latter is a thoroughgoing optimistic Jew, who looks to Judaism for the conversion of the Gentiles, so far as these can be saved. In the Seer and the Evangelist we have got just such another But the literary connection is much less literary connection. close than in the case of the Jewish authors just mentioned, while the theological affinities between the Seer and the Evangelist are much closer than those existing between the Jewish writers.
:

The
is

greater unity in spiritual outlook and theological concept explicable, however, from the fact that the variations within the Christianity of the ist century are infinitesimal as c

xxxiv

THE REVELATION OF
in

ST.

JOHN
earlier

compared with those that prevailed

Judaism.
6.

contemporary and

were written by the same Author. 2. 3 J are derived from the same author is But from a very early date 2 and 3 J have generally admitted. been ascribed to a different writer. 1 But a study of the internal evidence leads to the conclusion that all 2. 3 J and most probably i J are from one and the same writer, who was also The same evidence shows that, the author of the Gospel. ap the though 2 or 3 J have a few points in common with J of these two Epistles is decidedly that of J (or i J) as style apTheir failure to study the linguistic opposed to that of J relations of 2. 3 J have led Schmiedel, von Soden, and Moffatt into the grievous error of attributing 2. 3 J and J ap to the same author. The pronouncement of these scholars led me to investigate this subject, and therein I am grateful to them, seeing that the result of this investigation appears to furnish the key to some important Johannine problems. No investigation of this nature has, so far as I am aware, ever been made. There is one usage in 2 J which it has in common with J ap and which is not found in J. In 2 J 10 we have c? TIS (epxerai), which occurs occasionally in J ap but never in J or i J, which have But there seems to be a reason for using ei here always ecu/ TIS. and not lav. The author assumes that the Zpxfo-Oai is not a with the part, mere possibility but a thing likely to happen. 5 is found in 2 J ws ypa^wv, and in J ap i 15 5 i3 3 but not in J. In the But the usage is not really the same in 2 J 5 and J ap 5 latter conveys the idea of likeness, whereas in 2 J it implies The Hebraism in 2 J 2 Sta rr)v dX-jj^etav rrjv /xeVovo-av a purpose. which abideth in us and shall be eV fjfjiiv KOLL /x,e$ tyxwi/ carat ( = ap is of frequent occurrence in But it occurs probably with us J
(i.)
i

J and
and

That

ei>s

oi>x

o>s

"

")

in J

32

T0ea/xai TO

7n/e9yu,a

and

in

Col

26
.

Hence

KarajBalvov no real weight

.

KOI

e/xetvei/

eV* avroV,

can be assigned to these

coincidences in style. On the other hand, the body of evidence in favour of a common authorship of J and (i.) 2. 3 J carries with it absolute
conviction.
i.

2.

J J are
and
(a) 2

with one exception (2

idiosyncrasies of

2
)

free

from

the solecisms

ap .

\\.

Constructions

af to 2. SjandJ, but not found in : use times with the participle J 3 3 J i times J 8 times 3 J has //^SeV once with But J ap never J has it twice. part., while

common
:

and

these

Origen (Eus. vi. 25. 10) writes that questions as to the genuineness of Epistles were rife in certain quarters Jerome (De Viris Illust. 9)
:

distinctly assigns

them

to different hands.

AND

I. 2.

3 J

BY THE SAME
fjL-qSev

AUTHOR

xxxv
In this

uses

\M]

or
ap

with the participle.

diverges from J, i. 2. 3 J, exactly respect J as the Iliad does from the Odyssey. 10 the writer uses prj with the present (b) In 2 J n /zr) Actual/ere (3 J /JLL^OV) in imperative, i.e. Here order to forbid an action not yet begun. the author of J ap would have used prf with the In this respect the author of 2. 3 J aor. subj. has the support of J (see below, p. cxxvi). 3 we have the genitive absolute, which occurs (c) In 3 J

(d)

The unemphatic
3 J
10 i

often in J but never in J ap (nor i J). possessive pronoun avrov (or avTrjs) (i.e. the genitive before its noun) occurs in

25

and frequently
1

in J,

but never in J ap

(save in a source
(e)

8 5 ).

ovro? is used resumptively in regard to a preceding clause (consisting of 6 with part, or os with finite
.

9 ap verb) in 2 J and 4 times in J but not in J iv takes the dative 3 times in 3 J and 4 in J, (/) fj.aprvpt but J ap always construes it with the ace. //aprf/oetv in i J and by Trept in J, but is followed by 6 :lp by neither in J 9 the order of the words, 6 ^tAoTrpwrevW (g) In 3 J avrwv Aiorpe has several parallels in J but none in J ap (or i J). The author of J ap would have written 6 Atorpec^s 6 ^tXoTrpwrevwv aurwi/. See 1 is a prepositive in 2 J 7 i Gram. p. clvi. J4 32 5 ii 47 etc.; but always postpositive J 6 io in J ap , once in i J and in J 3 23 6 2 10 ; 12 5 15 47 38 * o-e but not tva, 2 J (ti) epwToo J 4 ly ig 6 12 3 in J ap fi/a, 2 J avrr) eVrtv J I5 i; 1L23 but not in J ilp ) (i J 3 /xei^orepai/ TOVTWV * 4 ^X ^X w X a P^ v J I/a ^ KO ^ W 3 J ouSets e^et, ti^a rts rrjv i(/v^r]v avrov dyctTT^v 13 To this construction I know of no real J i5
.
</>i79,

TTO\V<S

<**>

parallel.
iii.

Words;
(a)

particles,

and phrases common

to 2.

but not found in

Jaf

3 J and J (i J),

Words.
Particles
Kat
Se,
I
1

(ft)

and
Trept
12

phrases.

dAAa
Ap^s,

Kat,

dXX*

ov,
:

vw,
3 J
27
-

(cum
2ti

13<

~J 14

i5

gen.), TOIOVTOS, v?rep

2

/cat

etc.):
in

rots epyots

8^ J^-J rois i 5 avrov

is

27

(i J

irovrjpols

* J,

The verb
alrelv in

"

"ask

does not occur

a J ? though tpwrav
,

found

in 2

J and

and

J and J.

J uses also

^erdfU

tTrepwTav, irwddveo-dcu.

xxxvi

THE REVELATION OF
2 J
11

ST.

JOHN
:

J 7
26
:

TO.

J
iv.

Words frequent

3j -J.S
/u,os

I4

TO Ka/coV,
29
.

10 epya avVov Trovrjpd vTro/JLvrja-ta, 3 J n 23 TO ayaOov 3 J J i8

:

in I.

2.

ap .

J and J

once

in 3 J (in 15 verses), only

404 verses; thus 3 J using it approximates to J which uses it once in every 22. ap uses no other possessive adjective, but i J J uses ^/xeTe/aos twice, and J v/xeVepos 3 times and o-os 6. ap 7rt does not occur in i. 2. 3 J, but 150 times in J

but exceptional in once in J ap in once in 15 verses

t

and 35 in J. If J had it relatively as often as J ap it would occur 225 times instead of 35. Thus i. 2. 3 J are strongly marked off here from J ap but approximate
,

toj.
v.

The following parallel expressions are

evidence of identity of authorship
:

in themselves strong

2 J

Tras 6

...

ptvtav

tv

rr)

didaxy

J ;

16

(cf.

l8 19 )

i]

tyy didaxr) OVK

TOV X/M0TOU.

tyd];

This parallel
Christ
s

is full of significance for in J Sidax-n is used only of 17 a teaching (as derived from God, 7 ), whereas in J P it is 15 24 used only of heretical teaching cf. 2
14<

2 J

rjKov(raT

air

dpx^J
crot

>ii)v

(i J 3 )Kaiv^v (evToXty

11

J IO ravTtjv ri\v IVTO\^V rov 7rarp<5s /JLOV. 4 J l6 dp%^s OVK

18

\a/3ov trapa

J I3

34

2 J 2 J

oi

J 2 ). yvu)K6Tes Trjv dXr/deiav.

(i

32 J 8 yvuffeade

TTJV d\rjdei.av.

4 J I ) Ivo. i] X a P& V/J.&V TerXrjpuftfni $ 10 K T^S tKKX-rjo-las ^/cjSdXXei. 3 J U ^X eApaKtv TOV deov. 3 J 12 ^ fw,pTVpla TIIJL&V a\r)dr/5 GT(.V. 3 J 12

avrtj ovv 77 j 3 Cf. 15" I6 24

34

29

%apd

17 t/u.7)

Tre

^w. J 9 ^/SaXov 6 ewpa/ccbs J eupaKevTbv iraTtpa. 8 14 d\r]6^s &GTI.V T/ [tapTvpia fj.ov. J

14"

auT^v

The connection of 2. 3 J with i.J could be shown by such 12 9 l^wi/ TOV vtov TOV Ocov examples as 2 J 0eov ov/c e^ei i J 5 6 2 J1 CK TOV $eov ecrrtv 2 J 7 6 I I J 2 18 22 4 J dvTt)(pto Tos 3 J The conception of the Antichrist in i. 2 J is quite different from
. .

that in J ap
vi.

There are no quotations in i. 2. J J. In this respect they show an affinity with where there are very few, and offer a strong contrast to J ap where quotations abound.

Even
is
vii.

in the Epistles to the

Seven Churches

this feature

prominent.
.

i.

J is far more idiomatic than that of of the words exhibits none of the monotonous regularity of J ap From the above evidence I conclude without hesitation that 2. 3 J and J are ultimately from the same author. J has
.

The Greek of 2. 3 ap The order J

RESULTS OF PRECEDING CRITICISM

undoubtedly
suffered

xxxvii

undergone

somewhat

revision, in this respect. 1

and

i.

2.

may have

7. This conclusion of criticism, completing as it does the work of Dionysius the Great of Alexandria, is one of tremendous Before his time, from 135 A.D. onward (see importance. ap to p. xxxix sq.), Church writers began uncritically to assign J

This false conception led necessarily to the Apostle John. No matter how valid the evidence might intolerable confusion. be for the martyrdom of this Apostle before 70 A.D., it could only be regarded as purely legendary, seeing that according to the most current view John the Apostle wrote the Apocalypse and wrote If the Apostle were living about 95 A.D. it in Domitian s reign.

he could

This not, of course, have been martyred before 70 A.D. misconception has therefore vitiated the evidence of most Early Church writers on this question, 2 and has proved an ignis fatuus to many distinguished scholars of our own day. Hence it is not astonishing that so little evidence of the Apostle John s early martyrdom and yet, cumulatively considered, it is not little should have survived, but it is astonishing in the extreme that any evidence of any sort as to John s early martyrdom has survived at all, seeing that the all but universal beliefs of the Church from the earliest ages worked for its absolute deletion from the pages of history. Happily such evidence has survived in out-of-the-

way corners of Church history and Church observance, which, owing to the prevailing opinions on such subjects, must have been a hopeless enigma to those who sought to understand them. One Church writer Gregory of Nyssa in his Laudatio s. Stephani and De Basilio magno see below, p. xlvii has attempted to do so, and has explained away the evidence of the Church calendars for the early martyrdom of John in a way that can satisfy only those who share the same groundless hypothesis as himself as to John s joint authorship of J and J ap
:

a any connection with J P.

For

Trpe<rJ3i>Tepos

Even an

there has a different meaning.

1
Iij<rov

apostle could designate himself thus : cf. I Pet 5 6 W^TTpeafitir epos. 1 But Peter has already called himself cbr<5a-ToXos Hence Xpiorou in I there is no risk of confusion. No weight, moreover, attaches to the use of e tv for icoivwvlav tx eiv or ti16 occurrence of the greeting x^P i
.
>

a Justin Martyr believes in the Apostolic authorship of J P as early as 135 A.D. or thereabouts. myth can arise in a very few years. Hence it is not strange that such writers as Hegesippus (ob. circ. 1 80) and subsequent writers, as Irenaeus, Tertullian, Origen, have lost all knowledge of the early of John the son of Zebedee. martyrdom

xxxviii

THE REVELATION OF
III.

ST.

JOHN

AUTHORSHIP OF THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS.

It may assist the reader if the conclusions arrived at in this ap and J are from (a) J chapter are put shortly as follows distinct authors, (b) 2. 3 J are from the author of J and not of ap The evidence for this fact, which in the present writer s J opinion furnishes the key to some of the chief Johannine problems, is given on p. xxxiv sqq. (c) If John the Elder is the author of 2. 3 J, then he is according to all internal evidence the author of J and of i J. (d) John the prophet a Palestinian Jew, who late in life migrated to Asia Minor, is the author of J ap which are arrived at on internal (e) The above conclusions, grounds, and on external evidence mainly of the 2nd century, are confirmed by the Papias-tradition, that John the Apostle was martyred by the Jews before 70 A.D. i. The Apocalypse is not pseudonymous, but the work of a In Jewish literature practically every apocalyptic book John. was pseudonymous. I have elsewhere T shown the causes which In the forced works of this character to be pseudonymous. adequate, post-Exilic period the idea of an inspired Law became a dogma of Judaism. infallible, and valid for all time
.
.

When
room

established, there was no longer any nor for the religious teacher, except in so The second cause far as he was a mere exponent of the Law. for the adoption of pseudonymity was the formation of the Canon
this

dogma was once

for the prophet,

and the Hagiographa. After this date no book of a prophetic character could say about 200 B.C. gain canonization as such, and all real advances to a higher ethics or a higher theology could appear only in works of a pseudony mous character published under the name of some ancient Accordingly, when a man of God, such as the author worthy. of Daniel, felt that he had a message to deliver to his people, he was obliged to issue it in this form. But with the advent of Christianity the Law was thrust into a wholly subordinate place for the spirit of prophecy had descended afresh on the faith was kindled anew, and for several genera ful, belief in inspiration tions no exclusive Canon of Christian writings was formed. There is, therefore, not a single a priori reason for regarding the
of the Law, the Prophets
;

Apocalypse as pseudonymous. Furthermore, its author distinctly claims that the visions are his own, and that they are not for some far distant generation, as is universally the case in Jewish 10 pseudonymous works, but for his own (22 ). In four distinct
1

See

my

p.

xi sq., Religious

Eschatology*, 173-205 (especially 198-205), 403 sq. ; Daniel, Development between the 0. and N. Testaments, 41-46.

AP

AND

OF DIFFERENT AUTHORSHIP
1 - 4- 9

xxxix

2 2 ). He states that he passages he gives his name as John ( i a servant of Jesus Christ (i 1 ), a brother of the Churches in Asia and one who has shared in their tribulations (i 9 ), that he has him 8 self seen and heard the things contained in his book (22 ), and that he was vouchsafed these revelations during his stay (voluntary or enforced) * in the island of Patmos for the word of God and the testimony of Jesus (i 9 ). To a more intimate study of our author we shall return later. So far it is clear that the Apoca 9 lypse before us was written by a prophet (22 ) who lived in Asia and that his actual name was John. J ap is just as Minor, assuredly the work of a John as 2 Thess 2 and i Cor 15 are 2 Even the later Christian apocalypse of apocalypses of St. Paul. the Shepherd of Hermas bears, as is generally acknowledged, the name of its real author. Finally, if the work were pseudonymous, it would have gone forth under the aegis not of a John who was a prophet of Asia Minor and otherwise unknown, but of John the Apostle. Furthermore he would not have ventured to claim the name and authorship of a prophet in the very lifetime of that prophet and in the immediate sphere of that prophet s activity. There is not a shred of evidence, not even the shadow of a probability, for the hypothesis that the Apocalypse is pseudonymous. There is manifold early evidence of the Johannine authorship.
8

is

Thus

Justin,

who

lived

about 135 A.D. in Ephesus, where one

of the Seven Churches had its seat, declares that J ap is by "John, one of the apostles of Christ" (Dial. 81). Melito, bishop of Sardis, another of the Seven Churches, wrote (circ. 165) a lost

work on J ap
iv.

26. 2).
all

of
iii.

see Eus. TT}S aTTOKaXvij/ews Iwavvov 180) upheld the Johannine authorship the Johannine writings in the N.T. For J ap see Haer.
(ra Trept
.
. .

Irenaeus

(circ.

ii. i, iv. 20.

cipulus (6

where John is called Domini disTOV Kvpiov fjLaQrjTrjs) (a title, however, which does not

n,

v.

35.

2,

exclude apostleship; cf. ii. 22. 5). Tertullian cites J ap as the work of the Apostle John (c. Marc. iii. 14, 24). So also Origen, Hippolytus, and others also the Muratorian Canon. ap 2. is distinct from the author of John, the author of 3 4 and Origen 6 were assured that Tertullian, J. Hippolytus,
:

1 There is no evidence that John was exiled to Patmos before Clement of Alexandria, and that evidence is chiefly Western. 2 Hence the attribution of the Apocalypse to the heretic Cerinthus by Caius (200-220 A.D. See Eus. ii. 25, vii. 25) and the Alogi (Epiphanius, Haer. Ii. 3,4), in ancient times and by certain modern scholars, is an utterly baseless

3 and gratuitous hypothesis. C. Marc. iii. 14, 24. 4 See his Comment, on Daniel, edited by Achelis, 1897, pp. 142, 240, 244, etc., and his Ile/x rou Amxpfcrrop, xxxvi., OSrosyap iv Ildr/iy 6p$ airoKa.

\v\f/iv
5

In Joann.,

IwdvvTi, dTroVroAe Kal f^ad^rd TOV Kvplov, rl elSes. torn. i. 14: (f)-r}fflv odv tv ry dtroKaXvif/ei 6 TOV ZefieSaiov v. 3 : see also the torn. quotation from Origen in Eus. vi. 25. 9.
/not,

\ye

& fj.aKdpie

xl

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

both the Gospel and the Apocalypse proceeded from the son of Zebedee. But this view, that both works proceeded from one and the same author, was rejected by Dionysius (pb. 265 A.D.),
Dionysius (Eus. H.E. bishop of Alexandria, a pupil of Origen. vii. 25. 7-27) accepts J ap as the work of a John, but declares that he could not readily agree that he was the Apostle, the son of In the following sections he enumerates a variety of Zebedee. The Evangelist does not prefix his name or (a) grounds,

mention it subsequently either in the Gospel or in his Epistle, whereas the writer of the Apocalypse definitely declares himself by name at the outset, and subsequently. That it was a John who wrote the Apocalypse he admitted, but this John did not claim to be the beloved disciple of the Lord, nor the one who leaned on His breast, nor the brother of James, (b) There is a large body of expressions of the same complexion and char acter common to the Gospel and i J, but wholly absent from J ap Indeed, the latter does not contain a syllable in common with the two former works, (c) The phraseology of the Gospel and The former are written in irreprei J differs from that of J ap hensible Greek (d^rato-Tos), and it would be difficult to discover in them any barbarism or solecism or idiotism (tSiwrto-yotoi/). But
.
"
"

the dialect and language of J ap is inaccurate Greek (SiaXe/o-ov Kal yXwrrav OVK d/cpi/?oos eAA^v/^ouo-av), and is characterized by barbarous idioms and solecisms. Such is Dionysius criticism of the style of J ap ; and from the standpoint of the Greek scholar But that there was law and order it is more than justified. underlying the seeming grammatical lawlessness of the Seer neither Dionysius nor any purely Greek scholar could ever discover a fact that widens immeasurably the breach discovered
.
.

ap by Dionysius between J and J

when we come
Hebraic
style of

to the

(see pp. cxvii-clix).

A study of these with a knowledge of the our author makes it impossible to attribute J ap

This will become apparent grammar and vocabulary of our author

.

and

Thus the theory of Dionysius as to J to the same author. diversity of authorship has passed out of the region of hypothesis and may now be safely regarded as an established conclusion.
There were
these
?

at all

events two
to

Johannine authors.

Who

were

3.

There were, according

Papias, two Johns, one the Apostle

.

and

Dionysius and Eusebius suggest that the latter is the author of ap Eusebius in his history (iii. 39. 4) quotes the following fragment of Papias which clearly dis tinguishes the Apostle and the Elder, both bearing the name
the other

John

the Elder.

And if any one chanced to come who had been also a follower of the elder, I used to question (him) closely as to the as to what Andrew or Peter had said sayings of the elders
"

John.

I. 2.

3 J

AND

BY SAME AUTHOR

xli

or Philip, or Thomas, or James, or John, or Matthew, or ), any other of the disciples of the Lord also as to what Aristion and the Elder John, the Lord s disciples, say (Xeyov<riv)." Eusebius then goes on to emphasize the distinction made by Papias between these two Johns, and contends that this view is confirmed by the statements of those who said that there were two Johns in Asia and there were two tombs in Ephesus, both of which bear the name of John even to this day. To which for it is probable things it is needful also that we shall give heed that the second (i.e. the Elder), unless one will have it to be the first, saw the Apocalypse bearing the name of John (iii. 39. At an earlier date Dionysius of Alexandria threw out the same He held that John the Apostle wrote J and i J suggestion. one of the two Johns who (Eus. vii. 25. 7), but that another John according to report had been in Asia and both of whose tombs were said to be there had written the Apocalypse (vii. 25. 16).
:
"

6)."

Jerome
illus. 9),
still

testifies to

the belief

("Johannis

presbyteri

cujus
viris

hodie alterum sepulcrum apud

Ephesum

ostenditur,"

De

and
1 8).

also to the fact that in his

current that this

4.

day the tradition was John the Elder was the author of 2 and

3 J (ibid.

But 2 and j John appear on examination of the language

off.

and idiom to proceed even more certainly than I J from the author 1 The traditional view assigns i J and J to the same author But in modern days a minority of competent scholars ship.

have rejected this view. The problem is discussed with great by Brooke (Johannine Epistles, pp. i-xix), who comes to the conclusion that "there are no adequate reasons for setting aside the traditional view which attributes the Epistle and Gospel to the same authorship. It remains the most probable
fairness
2 With this explanation of the facts known to us (p. xviii)." conclusion the present writer is in agreement. But what as to the authorship of 2. 3 J ? Some notable scholars disconnect these two Epistles wholly from J and i J. Thus Bousset (Offenbarung, 1906) at the close of a long discussion on the authorship of J a ^ (pp. 34-49) concludes that a John of Asia Minor, and not John the Apostle, was the author of J ap that this John was probably identical with John the Elder of whom Papias tells us, with the Elder of 2. 3 J, with the unnamed disciple in J 21, and with the teacher of Polycarp, of whom Irenaeus writes
:

in his letter to Florinus.

1

Von Soden

(Books of the N.T., pp.

take J as it stands, since its relation to i. 2. 3 J does not require any study of its composition. J and i J (?) have been more or less edited, but the work of the editors does not affect the question now at issue.
I

critical
2

The

list

Introd. to

N. T* t

of linguistic differentiae in I J, p. 590 sq., should be noted.

which

is

given in

Moffatt

They

are important.

xlii

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

444-446, 1907) is also of opinion that John the Elder was the author of J ap and 2. 3 J as well as I J. Next, Schmiedel
Writings, pp. 208-209, 216-217, 229-231, 1908) and 2. 3 J to an unknown writer who assumed the pseudonym of John the Elder, and i J to another author. The and 2. 3 J is also supported by Moffatt joint authorship of J

{Johannint

attributes J ap

ai>

After a considerable time spent on the linguistic study l of 2. 3 J in ap he has been forced to conclude that comparison with J and J 2. 3 J are connected linguistically with J, and that so closely as This study was first under to postulate the same authorship. taken to discover what connection existed between 2. 3 J and ap since an early tradition assigned the latter to John the Elder J and the opening words (6 n>eor/3irrepos) of 2. 3 J received their most natural explanation on this hypothesis. In fact, this is more or less the view advocated by the scholars mentioned above. Now on p. xxxiv sqq. I have dealt with the characteristic words and constructions common to 2. 3 J and J, or 2. 3 J and J ap The facts there set forth admit in the present writer s opinion of only one conclusion as regards the relations of 2. 3 J with J and J ap and this is that whereas 2. 3 have nothing whatever to do withj ap they are more idiomatically connected with than is I Ji and postulate the same authorship. and are derived from the same author then, (l.) 2. 3 5. andJ**from quite a different author; andJohn the Elder is admitted to be the author of 2. 3 J, it follows further that John the Elder and of I J. is the author not only of 2. 3 J, but also of There is no evidence that John the Elder wrote J ap beyond But there is some the conjectures of Dionysius and Eusebius. external evidence and good internal evidence that the Elder wrote 2. 3 J. The external evidence is of the slightest. It is found in Jerome (De viris illus. c. 18), "rettulimus traditum duas posteriores epistulas Johannis non apostoli esse sed But the internal evidence is strong. As Brooke presbyteri." writes (Johannine Epp. i66sq.): The evidence of Papias and Irenaeus points to a prevalent Christian usage of the word (7rpeo-/3irre/3os), especially in Asia, to denote those who had companied with Apostles. ... It is natural to suppose that through out the fragment of his Introduction, which Eusebius quotes, Papias uses the expression TTpea-(3vr epos in the same sense." The elders are the men from whom Papias learnt the sayings
, ,
.

(Introd. to Lit. of the N.T?, p. 481). But the present writer cannot accept this hypothesis.

Jf>

"

But

for

No linguistic study of my previous study

2.

a 3 J in relation to J and J P is known to me. of J aP I should have missed most of the points

that determine the question at issue.

JAP

NOT OF APOSTOLIC AUTHORSHIP

xliii

the phrase in Papias "The absolute use of of the Apostles. and in 2 and 3 John makes it the (KOL TOV# 6 7rpecr/?vrepos eAeye) distinctive title of some member of the circle to whom the words are addressed, or at least of one who is well known to Hence // is only natural to recognize the Elder, them."

mentioned in Papias and in

2.

J, as

John

the Elder,
the Apostle.

Papias

so

carefully

writer of 2.

JJ

distinguishes from John cannot have been an apostle}-

ivhom The

Elder was the author of 2. J /, conclude further by means of the results arrived at in II. that he was also the author ofJ?

But

if John the

then we 6 above

This conclusion does not exclude the possibility that John Elder was, as Harnack suggests, the pupil of John the In this case J embodies materials which John the Apostle. Elder learnt from John the Apostle, but the form is his own. and (/.) 2. J J, is 6. IfJohn the Elder is the author of ap No. John, its author, claims ? John the Apostle the author of He was a Palestinian Jew who to be a prophet, not an apostle. migrated to Asia Minor when probably advanced in years. ap nowhere claims that he is an apostle. John the author of J He appears to look upon the apostles retrospectively and from 20 14 In these two passages he enumerates as without, 2 1 (cf. i8 ). two distinct classes apostles and prophets. He never makes any claim to apostleship he never suggests that he knew Christ But he distinctly claims to be a prophet a member personally.
the

elder.

however, been urged that an apostle could designate himself an This is true under certain conditions but not in 2. 3 J. That the writer is an elder and not an apostle we infer from the fact that he claims no higher title in 3 J, where, had he been an apostle, he wotild naturally have availed himself of his power as an apostle to suppress Diotrephes and others who disowned his jiirisdiction and authority, which they could not have done had he been an apostle. Further, in case I Pet 5 as an elder is quoted to prove that an apostle may designate himself (Trpecrfivrtpovs o$v ev v/juv Trapa/caXcD 6 awn-pecr/Si/repos), we have only to observe that Peter has at the outset indicated his apostolic authority, so that the words in 5 1 form no true parallel to 2. 3 J 1 2 The statement in Irenaeus (ii. 22. 5), that according to the elders in Asia, John the disciple declared that Jesus reached the age of 50, is professedly If this evidence second-hand, and is therefore to be estimated accordingly. were trustworthy, it would be practically impossible to assign J to John the But as we have seen elsewhere, Irenaeus is often quite untrust Elder. worthy. The extravagant account of the fruitfulness of the vine is also attributed 3 by Irenaeus (v. 33 to the elders, who said that they had heard it from John the disciple. Such an expectation, if it was literally accepted and really transmitted by John the Elder, would be against his authorship of J. But it was obviously to be interpreted in a purely metaphorical sense. In these passages Irenaeus believes that the John he is speaking of is the Apostle and not the Elder, although he never designates him as dTrdcrroXo?, but
1

It has,

only as

xliv

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN
,

of the brotherhood of the Christian prophets, 22 9 who are God s 1 18 io 7 22 6 whereas other servants in a special sense, i Christians are God s servants so far as they observe the things He is a servant of Jesus Christ, revealed by the prophets, 22 9 1 a brother 1 of the Churches of Asia and a partaker in their i 9 He is commanded "to prophesy" to the nations sufferings, i He designates his work as the words of the of the earth, io 11 3 i or "the words of the prophecy of this book," prophecy," Hence it may be safely concluded that the author of 22 7 10 18

"

ap

was not an apostle.

of J ap was a Palestinian Jew. He was a great spiritual genius, a man of profound insight and the widest His intimate acquaintance with the Hebrew text sympathies.

The author

of the O.T., of which his book contains multitudinous quota is best tions based directly upon it, explained by this

The fact also, that he thought in Hebrew and trans hypothesis. lated its idioms literally into Greek, points to Palestine as his
original

home. Though no doubt he used the Aramaic of his His Greek day, in a real sense Hebrew was his mother s tongue. also, which is unlike any Greek that was ever penned by mortal man, calls for the same hypothesis. No Greek document
exhibits such

vast multitude of solecisms

and unparalleled

Most writers on J ap have been struck with the idiosyncrasies. licence of his Greek constructions. But in reality unbridled The Greek, though without a parallel there is no such licence.
elsewhere, proceeds according to certain rules of the author s own devising. Now this fact is a proof that our author never mastered Greek idiomatically even the Greek of his own day. But we may proceed still further. Just as his use of Hebrew
practically

as his mother tongue (for Hebrew was still the. language of learned discussions in Palestine) points to his being a Palestinian Jew, so his extraordinary use of Greek appears to prove not only that he never mastered the ordinary Greek of hjs own times, but that he came to acquire whatever knowledge he

had of

this

language when somewhat advanced

in years.

other characteristics of the man and his work point not only to Palestine, but Galilee as his original home. The first is Now the writers of apocalypses, that he was a prophet or Seer. so far as we are aware, were generally natives of Galilee, not of In the next place, our author exhibits an intimate Judaea. acquaintance with the entire apocalyptic literature of his time, and this literature found most of its readers in Galilee, where the Law, which was hostile to it, had less power than in Judaea.

Two

The author
is
is

2 Pet 3 15 Paul

apostle

describes himself simply as a brother of his readers. similarly described (6 dyaTrrjTbs ^uwi> d5eX06s) ; but there supposed to be referring to another.

In one

MARTYRDOM OF JOHN THE APOSTLE

7.

xlv
A.D. as to

The

silence

of

ecclesiastical writers

down
is

to

180

any

residence ofJohn the Apostle in

ap 6 is confirmed by No sub-apostolic writer betrays any know external evidence. Yet the ledge that John the Apostle ever resided in Ephesus. author of J ap was evidently the chief authority in the Ephesian Church, or at least one of his chief authorities. Thus Ignatius 2 (circ. 1 10 A.D.) in his letter to the Church of Ephesus (i2 ) speaks

the author of

Asia Minor The conclusion reached in

against his being

only of Paul, but makes no allusion whatever to John the Apostle, though according to the later tradition John had exercised his apostolic authority in Ephesus long after Paul, and had and ap The reasonable inference from the above written both that Ignatius was not aware of any residence of John the silence is

Apostle in Ephesus. That Clemens Romanus (circ. 96 A.D.) was silent as to John s residence in Ephesus, may have some bearing on this question when taken in connection with that of Ignatius.
Justin

and Hegesippus (150-180

A.D.)

in

like

manner

tell

Yet Justin lived in nothing of John s residence in Ephesus. Ephesus about 135 A.D., which city, according to later tradition, was the scene of John s apostolic labours. 8. The above conclusions are confirmed by the tradition of

John

the Apostles martyrdom, which, if trustworthy, renders his ap as well as of the other Johannine literature authorship of That John the Apostle, like his brother James, died impossible^a martyr s death, has been inferred from the following evidence This is recorded in Mk io 35-40 = (a) The prophecy ofJesus. Mt 2o 20 23 and especially the words "The cup that I drink shall TrtVeo TriW^e KCU TO o eyw ye drink (TO Tror^piov o /3oL7TTi<rfJia 39 = TO jjikv TTOTrjpiov JJLOV 7rt eo-0f, /?a7TTio/x,at /3a7mo-#7yo-eo-$e, Mk IO Mt 2o 23 ). 2 In Mark the above words are followed by a And with the baptism that I am baptized withal parallel clause The meaning is unmistakable. Jesus shall ye be baptized." predicts for James and John the same destiny that awaits That this prediction was in part fulfilled when Herod Himself. 2 Agrippa I. put James to death, we learn from Acts i2 but not in the case of John. Now, if John s martyrdom fell within the period covered by Acts, we may conclude with Wellhausen and

"

"

eyu>

"

J.

1 See Schwartz, Uber den- Tod der Sohne Zebedaei, 1904 ; Wellhausen and Weiss on Mk io39 ; Schmiedel, Rncyc. Bib. ii. 2509-2510; Burkitt, 3 Gospel History 250 sq. ; Moffatt, Introd. to Literature of the N. T. 602 sq., 613 sq. Swete, The Apocalypse, p. clxxix sq. Bacon, Fourth Gospel in Latimer Jackson, Problem of the Fotirth Gospel, Research, 133, 147
,

142-150.

by

2 If these words are taken to be a vaticination post eventum, as they are certain scholars, then the evidence for the martyrdom of John is simply a fact of history. But the present writer accepts the words as an actual prophecy of Christ and one that was fulfilled in actual fact.

xlvi

THE REVELATION OF
s

ST.

JOHN
in

Moffatt that

we have here one of the many gaps discoverable

narrative, who fails to record John s death as he does But it is not necessary to assume that John that of Peter. was martyred before 66 A.D., as we shall see presently. But though Acts 12* fails us here, there is a Papias(ft)

Luke

tradition recounting the

Hamartolus (9th cent.) the son of Zebedee was

IlaTrias

states

martyrdom of John. A MS of Georgius on the authority of Papias that John slain by the Jews (( Icoavv^s) /jLaprvpiov KO.Tc^cur/cei

yap
is

/xera rov

dSeA.<cn)

This statement
u.

on VTTO louSaiwv avypeOrj, rov Xpicrrov Trc.pl avr&v confirmed by an extract published by
.

rrjv

De Boor

Untersuchungen, 1888, v. 2. 170) from an Oxford MS. (Texte (7th or 8th cent.) of an epitome of the Chronicle of Philip of Side (5th cent.). Papias in the second book says that John the Divine and James his brother were slain by the Jews (ITaTuas
"
"

ev T.

Sevrepw Aoyco Xeyet

on

Icaai/vrys

6 $eoAoyos
"

KOL

a8eX(/)0? O.VTOV VTTO

louSaiW

avyptOrjcrav).

Swete (Apoc.
:

Ia/cw/?os 6 clxxix. sq.)

If Papias made adds here the following pertinent comment it (this statement), the question remains whether he made it under some misapprehension, or merely by way of expressing his conviction that the prophecy of Mk x. 39 had found a Neither explanation is very probable in view literal fulfilment. He does not, however, affirm that of the early date of Papias. the brothers suffered at the same time the martyrdom of John at the hand of the Jews might have taken place at any date * before the last days ofJerusalem" This Papias-tradition is rejected by Bernard, Studia Sacra, 260-284; Harnack, TLZ., 1909, 10-12; Drummond, 227 sq. ; Zahn, Forschungen, vi. 147 sq. ; Armitage Robinson, Historical Character of John s Gospel, 64 sqq. ; Stanton, Gospels as His but such a rejection is hazardous torical Documents, i. 166 sq. in face of the evidence furnished by subsequent and independent authorities, not to speak of the results already arrived at inde 3 pendently in this chapter.
:
1

(c)

John

the son of Zebedee.

Certain ancient writers imply or recount the martyrdom oj The first evidence is that of Heraclcon

(an early Gnostic commentator on J, about 145 A.D.), preserved Heracleon in connec in Clement of Alexandria (Strom, iv. 9). 11 12 states that "Matthew, Philip, Thomas, tion with Lk T2
1 It is found in most cursives of 6 #60X6705 is, of course, a late addition. the Apocalypse in its title. 2 The italics are mine. 8 These results exclude the possibility of John the son of Zebedee being the author of J ap , and also of i. 2. 3 J, J, if, as is highly probable, John the Elder wrote 2. 3. J. John the Apostle may have been the teacher of John This Papias-tradition would account perfectly for the absence the Elder. of his writings from the N.T.

MARTYRDOM OF JOHN THE APOSTLE

Levi, Christ.
1

xlvii

had escaped public testimony to John s name is full of significance. He cannot, in view of his prominence both in the N.T. and in the 2nd cent, be relegated to the nameless body of the many others." Clement does not call in question this statement of and many
others"

The omission

of

"

Heracleon. Archbishop Bernard weakens this evidence, but his (Studia Sacra, 283 sq.) argument proceeds on the hypothesis that John the Apostle was the author of the Apocalypse. The next evidence is furnished by the Martyrium Andreae

Here it is 2 (Bonnet, Acfa Apost. Apocr. n. i. 46 sq.). recounted how the apostles cast lots as to which people they should severally adopt as their sphere of missionary effort. The result of the casting of the lots was that the circumcision was
i.

assigned to Peter, the East to James and John, and the cities of Samaria and Asia to Philip (eKAr/pwtfr/ IleVpos rrjv
^iXiTTTro? ras Ia)dW?7s TT)V avaroXrjv IaKO)/?os /cat What is significant in this 5a/xapias KOL rrjv A<riW), and so on. legend is that it ignores wholly any residence of John in Asia

Minor. 2
Next, in Clement (Strom, vii. 17) it is stated definitely that the teaching of the apostles, embracing the ministry of Paul, was 3 brought to a close in the reign of Nero (^ Se aTroo-roAwi/ avrov 6 L T^ s Ilav/Vov Aeirovpyias CTTI Nepwi/os (i.e. Xpioroi)) 7 These words presuppose the death of all the TeAeicnmu). In Epiphanius (li. 33), John s activity apostles before 70 A.D. is assigned to the times of the Emperor Claudius rov ayiov
P<XP
:

Icoai/i/ot)

Trpo^r/Tcvo-avro?

ei/

^poj/ois

KAavSi ou

/cat crapos.

The same
says that

tradition
Ixv.

Chrysostom (Horn.

of John s martyrdom is attested in on Mt 20 23 ), though in Horn. Ixxvi. he

fall

John long survived the

of Jerusalem.

According to Moffatt (p. 607), even Gregory of Nyssa (Laudatio Stephani : De Basilio Magno) mentions Peter, James, and John as martyred apostles and places them between Stephen and Paul. But Bernard (Studia Sacra, 280 sqq.) has rightly objected to Gregory being cited as supporting such a thesis.

The

fact

is

that

Gregory

is

of the

Church calendar
it

to the

mystified naturally by this attestation martyrdom of John and seeks to

explain
1

away.
. .
.

"the allusion Gal 2 9 is significant; it suggests that John, extending the right hand of fellowship to Paul and Barnabas (who had taken the Gentiles as their sphere of work), decides to cast in his lot with the circumcision But we have to remember (p. 149)." also that Peter went to the West and was martyred in Rome. 3 It is true that elsewhere Clement (Quis dives salv. 42) tells the story of John and the robber, which, were it true, would imply his living to old

This reduplication in Matthew As Latimer Jackson observes,

Levi

is

found elsewhere.

age.

xlviii

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

As Clement and Chrysostom reflect the conflicting traditions manner of John s death and the age at which he died, the Muratorian Canon attests indirectly the survival of the older
as to the
It states that Paul wrote to seven churches after the tradition. precedent set by John. This statement cannot be accepted, since most (if not all) of the Pauline Epistles were written Thus before all the Seven Churches in Asia were founded. the Church in Smyrna was not founded till 61-64 A.D. at cf. earliest But the statement becomes Polycarp, Ad Phil. ii. intelligible, if John s apostolic activity belonged to the decades Thus the older tradition discovers the element before 70 A.D. For in of fact in this statement of the Muratorian Canon. Ex quibus its enumeration of the works of St. Paul it proceeds singulis (non) necesse est a nobis disputari, cum ipse beatus
:
"

apostolus Paulus, sequent prodecessoris sui Johannis ordinem, Here the nonnisi nominatim septem ecclesiis scribat. w is set before that of the Pauline Epistles. composition of J This fact justifies the assumption that the Muratorian Canon represents the composition of J as prior to the dispersion of the Quartum evangeliorum Johannis ex discipulis. (Is) apostles. cohortantibus condiscipulis et episcopis suis dixit Conjejunate mihi hodie triduo, et quid cuique fuerit revelatum, alterutrum nobis enarremus. Eadem nocte revelatum Andreae ex apostolis, ut recognoscentibus cunctis Johannes suo nomine cuncta That the condiscipuli=ti\z rest of the apostles, is describeret" to be inferred from John himself being called ex discipulis. It may be remarked in passing that the revision of J is here plainly stated. The North African work De Rebaptismate (arc. 250 A.D.) He said to the sons of Zebedee supports the Papias-tradition Are ye able ? For he knew the men had to be baptized, not only in water but also in their own blood." Finally, the Syrian Aphraates (De Persecutione (344 A.D.)) writes Great and excellent is the martyrdom of Jesus. After Him was the faithful martyr Stephen, whom the Jews stoned. Simon also and Paul were perfect martyrs. And James and John walked in the footsteps of their Master Christ. Also others of the apostles thereafter in diverse places confessed and proved themselves true martyrs." Here the actual martyrs Then come the confessors are mentioned first, including John. to whom the hononary rank of martyrs is accorded.
. .
."
"

"

"

"

"

(d) the son

at

The Syriac Marty rology

of Zebedee.
:

postulates the martyrdom of John This martyrology (411 A.D.) was drawn up
It

Edessa for the following festivals

Dec. 27. Dec. 28.

use of the local church.

ot
a.7ro<rroA.oi

contains

the

ludvvr/s Kat

Ia/ca>/?o5

lv

Ev

Pco/xiy TTJ TroAet

IlauAos KCU Sv/xeobv

MARTYRDOM OF JOHN THE APOSTLE

xlix

Here the martyrdom of James and John in Jerusalem commemorated between that of Stephen on Dec. 26 and that

is

of

Paul and Peter on Dec. 28. Seeing that the statements with regard to James, Paul and Peter are trustworthy, there appears no reason for questioning In the Calendar of Carthage (circ. 505) that respecting John.
the entry, Commemoration of St. John Baptist, and of James the Apostle, whom Herod slew." Since in the same calendar the Baptist is commemorated on June 24, it is clear Thus the two that John the son of Zebedee is here intended. sons of Zebedee are here conjoined, and evidently on the ground of their common martyrdom. According to Moffatt (Introd. Lit. N.T. p. 605), the Armenian and Gothico-Gallic Calendars agree with the Syriac. This considerable body of independent and diverse forms of evidence appears to the present writer to remove the Papias : tradition from the sphere of hypothesis into that of reasonably established facts of history. Finally, the date of John s martyrdom can be fixed within certain limits. He was alive when Paul had in Jerusalem (Gal 2 9 ). his conference with the pillar-apostles This was not later than 64 A.D. 1 Since he was martyred by the Jews, he must have died before 70 A.D. That the later testimony of Irenaeus that John the Apostle resided in Asia, as well as the statement that Polycarp was a disciple of the Apostle, must be rejected if the Papias-tradition Irenaeus is occasionally is correct, follows as a matter of course. His confusion of John the Elder with John very inaccurate. the Apostle 2 finds (in. 12. 15) an exact parallel in his confusion of James the Lord s brother, who in Acts i5 13 takes part in the Council of Jerusalem, with James the son of Zebedee, who has 2 In iv. 27. i he states that one already been martyred in Acts i2 of his authorities is a disciple of the disciples of the apostles yet in 32. 2 he designates the same man as a disciple of the In H.E. iii. 39. 2, Eusebius charges Irenaeus with apostles. wrongly representing Papias as a disciple of John the Apostle. Irenaeus states on the authority of certain elders, who main tained that they had heard it from John, that Jesus did not die
there
"

is

"

"

Galatians is variously dated from 53 to 64 A.D. Though Irenaeus has transferred to John the Apostle the labours of John the Elder and the scene of these labours, he still distinguishes the Elder whom he frequently quotes alike from the body of the Elders whom he also quotes, and from John the disciple of the Lord cf. iv. 30. 4 "Si quis autem diligentius intendat his, . quaecunque Joannes discipulus Domini vidit in Apocalypsi," and 31, I: "Talia quaedam enarrans de antiquis presbyter reficiebat nos";
2
;
:

"Senior It is significant, 32. I apostolorum discipulus" also iv. 28. I. however, that Irenaeus never calls this John, whom he regards as the author of the Johannine writings, an apostle, but only a disciple of the Lord. This element of truth still survives in his treatment of this question.
:
;

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

The confusion of Philip the reign of Claudius (11. 22. 5). the Evangelist and Philip the Apostle, whom Luke in the Acts distinguishes carefully, is found in several ancient writers, most probably in Polycrates of Ephesus (arc. 196 A.D.) and Proclus cf. Eus. iii. 31. 3-4, v. 24. 2 ; in Clement of Alexandria (Strom. See Encyc. Bib. (2511); iii. 6. 52), Tertullian and Eusebius. Moffatt, Introd? 608 sqq. ; otherwise Lightfoot, Colossians, 45 sq. The primitive tradition as to the martyrdom of John the Apostle was gradually displaced by the later tradition represented by Irenaeus but even so the primitive tradition maintained itself in various places down to the yth cent., as we have shown above. The conclusion to which the above facts and inferences point is that John the Apostle was never in Asia Minor, and that he died a martyr s death between the visit of St. Paul to the "pillar"
till
:

apostles in Jerusalem,

circ.

64

(?)

and 70

A.D.

IV.

THE EDITOR OF THE APOCALYPSE.

From
the section dealing with the Plan, pp. xxiii-xxviii,

we

have seen that J ap exhibits, except in short passages, and espe cially towards the close of chap. 18, a structural unity and a 3 In steady development of thought from the beginning to 2o 2o 4-22, on the other hand, the traditional order of the text exhibits a hopeless mental confusion and a tissue of irreconcilable In vol. ii. 144-154 I have gone at length into this contradictions.
.

question, and shown the necessity for the hypothesis that John died when he had completed I-2O S of his work, and that the materials for its completion^ which were for the most part ready in

a series of independent documents were put together by a faithful but unintelligent disciple in the order which he thought right. Such was the solution of the problem I arrived at five years ago, and all my subsequent study has served to confirm the truth, of this In the earlier chapters (i-2o 3 ) I adopted tentatively hypothesis. and occasionally the hypothesis of an editor, but generally that of an interpolator or interpolators, but it was nothing but one hypothesis possible amongst many others, till I came to deal This present section, therefore, represents a brief with 2o 4 -22. restudy of the interpolations which can with most probability be attributed to the editor from the standpoint of the solution of the problem discovered in connection with 2o 4 -22. For the main grounds for this hypothesis the reader should consult ii. 144-154 and the commentary that follows.
-

FIRST EDITOR OF

THE APOCALYPSE

li

On

p.

Ivii

sq.

polations in the text,

we have given a complete list and marked by an asterisk

of the inter those which

appear to proceed from the editor. Now, if we wish to learn something about this editor we should begin with his editing of 2o 4 -22. We are here first of
seeking to learn his grammatical usages, though occasionally shall consider his opinions so far as they have led him to change the text. He is a more accurate Greek scholar than our author, and, as he shows no sign of really knowing Hebrew, he was probably a native of Asia Minor. As regards grammar, the construction in 20 11 TOV KaBrj^vov 5 6 /ca^r^uevos CTTI f TOV 0/ooVou f, which is not tir* f avrov f and 2I This that of our author (see p. cxxxii), is probably due to him. construction with the gen. is more usual in classical Greek. 1 Now in the interpolation which he has made in i4 15-17 we find this same construction twice and /ca^/xeVo) CTTI TT}S 6 Ka.QriiJif.vos 7u Trjs i/e^eA.^?; and in g 17 we find the same nonJohannine construction r. Ka^/xeVov? lif f avrwv f, which may be In any case, in three passages at least the traced to the editor. editor appears to have corrected the Johannine construction into rl frw 2i 5 6 Ka#?j/>ievos the more usual Greek one. f
all

we

r<3

K<J>d\rjs

0poVa>

seems to be a primitive corruption for eVt TOV Opovov. In 2o 4 -22 there are three other passages where the editor has 4 changed the text. In 2o the omves is an insertion of the But the construction editor to make the text possible Greek.
without the ofrivcs, i.e. TOJV TreTreXe/CKr/xei/wv /cat ov 7rpoo~Kvvr)o-av, is always elsewhere the Hebraism used by our author. See vol. i. 6 we should expect, in 14 sq. Again, in 2i TW OHJ/WVTL with our author s usage, aurw after Swo-w (which 046 accordance and certain cursives actually add). Here again the editor was 12 improving the author s Greek. In 22 the order of the words, In any case it is not John s. TO epyov CO-TIV O.VTOV, is the editor s. Here 046 and a few cursives restore John s order. That the editor was a better Greek scholar than the author
Swo-<o

is

n 18b 19 To these apparent also in his interpolations in 22 which are interpolations (see ii. 221-224), we shall return passages,
-

presently.
fair Greek scholar, the editor is very unintelligent. has made a chaos of 2o 4 -22, and wherever else he has intervened he has introduced confusion and made it impossible in many cases for students, who accepted his interpolations as In i 4 he has sought part of the text, to understand the author.

But though a

He

is found in our author as elsewhere after icddrjcrdai. i, c. gen. dat. or ace. But where the idea of resting on is present, the genitive is most natural. But the use of the case after KadyvBai lirl in our author is wholly unique. See p. cxxxii.
,

lii

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

by his interpolation to make the text enumerate the Persons of a grotesque conception indeed, but with a parallel the Trinity His interpolation of i 8 is singularly infelicitous in Justin Martyr. Not understanding that 6 Ocbs 6 as well as being impossible. God of Hosts," iravTOKpa.Tu)p is a stock rendering of the Hebrew and that accordingly this title cannot be broken into two parts, he actually divides 6 0eos from 6 Travro/cparwp by eight words, and next represents the Seer as hearing God speaking this verse, although he has not yet fallen into a trance. The intrusion 37-12 w j t h th e necessary changes in the adjoining context is to be traced to him also (see vol. i. 218-223). This fragment is
"

unknown provenance. In order to introduce this inter polation the editor has, as already observed, made many changes One of these changes bears clear in the adjoining contexts. 5 testimony to his ignorance of our author s style. Thus in 8
of
KCU aorpairai. he represents our author as saying @povTal Kal But our author knows well that the aa-Tpa-n-aL always precede the 5 19 But apparently this editor neither i6 18 /3povTcu: cf. 4 knew this fact nor his master s usage. This interpolation made it impossible for all interpreters of the Apocalypse to understand the meaning of the clause eyei/ero o-iyi) ev TW ovpavw us 77/u<6piov. 7 12 is a weaker repetition of what is said elsewhere in Besides, 8 our author, and is frequently at variance with its adjoining
<on/ai

context.

In Q 11 the clause Kal lv rfj EAA^vi/crj OJ/O/AO, l^t ATroXXvoov (which is good Greek) appears to come from the editor s hand. Our author would naturally have written Kal EXX^wo-Ti ATroXXiW, if he had written the words at all, since the preceding words run, wopa avTcu E/fyaurrt A/?aSSojj/, and our author never aims at
variety of construction in repeating the same simple fact. ovo/u,a See also 6 8 and the note on Q 11 . avrw is frequent in the LXX.

next interpolation due to this editor is i4 3e 4ab If are from his pen they help us to recognize He is a narrow ascetic, and another trait in his character. introduces into Christianity ideas that had their origin in pagan faiths of unquestionable impurity. According to the teaching of 3e - 4ab neither St. Peter nor any other married apostle nor any i4 woman whatever would be allowed to follow the Lamb on Mt. But it is chastity not celibacy that is a Christian virtue. Zion. To regard marriage as a pollution is impossible in our author, who compares the covenant between Christ and the Church to a marriage, 19, and calls the Church the Bride, 2i 2 9 22 17 In i4 14 20, however, the editor reaches the climax of his Here by his insertion of the impossible verses, i4 15 17, stupidity. he found elsewhere, he has first of all divided the which Messianic judgment into two acts, the first of which added by

The

these

clauses

FIRST EDITOR OF
him
is

THE APOCALYPSE

liii

of which

called the harvesting of the earth, I4 15 17 and the second 18-2 is called the vintaging of the earth, i4 The first is
.

and the second and greater part of Man is treated as an angel to an angel. a ap but in Jewish and conception impossible not only in J But our author never speaks Christian literature as a whole.
assigned to the
!

Son of Man Thus the Son

of the judgment as a harvesting of the earth, but as a vintaging, this vintaging is described at length in IQ 11 21 and assigned to the Word of God (6 Aoyos TOV 6eov), who "treadeth the 15 The winepress of the fierce anger of God Almighty" (iQ ). fact that our editor, in the face of this clear assignment of the described as *a vintaging of the entire Messianic judgment earth to the Son of Man, could assign it to an angel, betrays a depth of stupidity all but incomprehensible, and brands him as an arch heretic of the first century though probably an unconscious one. And the irony of it is that, despite his

and

abyssmal stupidity and heresies, he has achieved immortality by securing a covert in the great work which he has done so much
to discredit

and obscure. 1

In 15* we have, no doubt, another of his additions. It is designed to introduce the Seven Bowls. Now every new important section our author begins with the words //.era ravra eloov (see note on 4 1 in Commentary). Less important divisions are introduced by KOL etSov. Here, however, we find the latter words used, which at once provokes our astonishment. But The vision breaks off, and a new vision that of that is not all. the blessed martyrs in heaven, i5 2-4 is recounted; and then at last we come to the real introduction to the Seven Bowls in i5 5 which rightly begins with the words /cat /zero, ravra etSov a fact which shows that the Seven Bowls are here mentioned for the Such an interference with the text can hardly be first time.
,

assigned to any mere scribe (see vol. ii. 30-32). 2c which was most probably interpolated Passing over i6 the editor, since it exhibits a wrong construction of Trpoby from the standpoint of our author, we come to i6 5a TOV dyyeXov TWI/ vSarcov a clause which he added in order to introduce some actual sentences of our author, i.e. The editor may have These verses belong after iQ 4 i6 5b 7 found them detached on a separate piece of papyrus, and owing to his inability to recognize their true context inserted them after i6 4 It is true that to the uninstructed mind they present a
,
"

itself ; for in the Testaments of the Patriarchs (see my edition, pp. xvi sq., Ivii-lix) the work of a bitter assailant of the Maccabean priest-kings has gained a place in the heart of a book that was written by an ardent upholder of the earlier members of that

History has here in part repeated

XII

dynasty.

liv

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

in the traditional text, superficial fitness for the place they occupy but they are in reality wholly unsuited to it, as its technical

expressions prove.
eicriv

See

vol.

ii.

120-123.

i6 13b

"

14a

(ws ySarpa^of

yap

TrvevfAara

8ai/xorto>v

foisted into the text

by To adapt the (3aTpdxov<s. grammar, which would require context to the interpolation he has changed eK7ropvo//,ei/a into a
u>s

Trotovvra (r^/Aeta) was also apparently the editor. It is against our author s

9b 1 1 7 /cat (oprj etcriv, OTTOV rj yvvrj KaOrjrai CTT avruv K7ropvovraL. with eTTTa added after /Sao-iAcis), which gives a second explanation 9b - 10 19 of the CTTTOL /Sao-iAeis, appears also to be from his hand.
1

quite clearly an interpolation (see vol. ii. p. 128 sq.), and owes It has dislodged a insertion here very probably to the editor. Was the original undecipher necessary part of the original text. able, or was it simply expunged in order to receive the contribu
is its

tions of the editor

2o 4-22 with which we began. I have shown 144-154 the chaos to which the editor has reduced the work of his master in 2o 4 -22. Notwithstanding, it will be instructive to touch here also on a few of the hopeless incongruities he has introduced through his sheer incapacity to understand his master s teaching. In 2o 4 -22, as it stood origin sees in a vision the coming evangelization of ally, our author the world by Christ and the glorified martyrs on the Second Advent. This is already foretold in advance in 15* by the All the nations triumphant martyrs before the throne of God, shall come and worship before Thee," and in a vision in i4 6 7 15 where the angelic song declares and again in proleptically the kingdom of this world hath become the kingdom of that our Lord and of His Christ." The evangelization of the world is thus committed to the glorified martyrs at once as their task and the guerdon of their faithfulness in the past. They preach afresh the Gospel to the nations of the earth, and all who receive it are healed of their diseases, cleansed from their sins, admitted to the Heavenly City, and allowed to eat of the bread of life. Thus the Millennial Reign is one of arduous spiritual toil, and the thrones assigned to these glorified martyrs are simply a symbol
return
to
at length in
ii.
"

We now

"

of faithful service, which vary in glory in the measure of their

service.

Such is our author s teaching, but through the editor s rearrangement of the text the Millennial Reign is emptied of The glorified martyrs return to earth with all significance. Christ and enjoy a dramatic but rather secular victory, sitting on thrones in splendid idleness for full one thousand years
(20
4 6
)
!

The

editor prefers the genitive always after Kd0ija6ai

tirl,

as

we have

seen above.

FIRST EDITOR OF

THE APOCALYPSE

Iv

4 Nearly all the incongruities in 2o -22 are due to the editor s Dis But in 2O 13 there is something worse. incompetence. honesty has taken the part of incapacity. The editor has tampered with his master s text. In order to make the text teach a physical resurrection he has changed some such word
"treasuries" or "chambers" (i.e. the abode of righteous souls not of the martyrs who went direct to heaven) and inserted OdXacra-a. But the sea can only give up bodies, not souls. rj the dead Yet the phrase ve/c/aovs) implies personalities, i.e. souls, just as certainly as it does in the next line, where death and Hades give up the dead (r. vc/cpov s) in them. Hence it follows that fj OdXaa-o-a cannot have stood originally in the text. Besides, before the final judgment began the sea had already 11 On this depravation of his text by the editor, vanished, 2O see vol. ii. 194-199, where, as well as in the English trans., I have restored the text. 22 11 is written in a form of parallelism unexampled elsewhere in our author, while its subject-matter is in conflict with other The last interpolation, 1 22 18b 19 exhibits passages in our author. the editor at his worst. Having taken the most unwarrantable liberties with his author s text by perverting its teaching in some

as

"

"

(TOI>S

"

"

passages and by his interpolations making it wholly unintelligible in others, he sets the crown on his misdemeanours by invoking an anathema on any person who should in any respect follow the method which had the sanction of his own example. 2 By this and other like unwarrantable devices this shallow-brained fanatic and celibate, whose dogmatism varies directly with the narrowness of his understanding, has often stood between John and his readers for nearly 2000 years. But such obscurantism cannot outlive the limits assigned to it; the reverent and patient research of the present age is steadily discovering and bringing to light the teaching of this great Christian prophet whose work fitly closes the Canon, and closes it with his benediction The grace of the Lord Jesus be with all the
"

saints."

1 In addition to the arguments advanced in vol. ii. 222-223 against the 18b 19 that in the writer s use of eirLTidtvai , we should observe authenticity of 2i there is a play on the two meanings of this verb, i.e. "to add" and "to inflict." The latter use is found in Luke io30 , Acts I6 23 , and frequently in classical Greek. Such a play on words is not found in our author. 2 The use of such anathemas by writers of an inferior stamp was quite common as I have shown in vol. ii. 223-224.

Ivi

THE REVELATION OF
V.

ST.

JOHN

DEPRAVATION OF THE TEXT THROUGH INTERPOLATIONS, DISLOCATIONS, LACUNAE, AND DITTOGRAPHS.

i. Interpolations. There are in all some 22 or more interpolated verses in our text, if we add together all the inter The grounds for polated verses, clauses, phrases, and words. regarding these as interpolations are nearly always given in the Commentary, in loc., and in footnotes to the English translation in vol. ii. in a more popular and less technical form. But in a few cases these will be found only in the latter, since they were not recognized as interpolations, or else wrongly condemned as such when the Commentary was written.

interpolations are rejected as such either because they in their subject-matter, that is, against the context, or because they are against our author s linguistic usage. But generally an interpolated passage betrays its intrusive character

The

are

wrong

both by its linguistic form and subject-matter. Where these two kinds of evidence combine, they are conclusive. As notable 8 15 17 i/j. interpolations of this kind, the reader should study i 8 First, as regards i we discover that this verse is impossible in its
.

present context ; for it represents the Seer as hearing God pro nounce these words, although the Seer does not fall into a trance until i 10 Next, we discover that it could not occur in any context in our author, since, contrary to his universal usage and that of all Palestinian writers, he separates 6 ira.vTOKpa.rwp from
.

by eight words, whereas it should immediately follow it, as a rendering of the Hebrew genitive (niNHtf) immediately 15 17 is against our author s dependent on 6 0eos (Tlta). Next, I4 But it errs still more grievously usage in respect to constructions. The interpolator, failing to recognize one against the context. 14 like a son of man (i4 ) as Christ, has treated Him merely as an and assigned Him only one-half of the Messianic judgment, angel, wherein the judgment is compared to a harvesting of the earth a figure not used by our author. But this is not all. He has i.e., the assigned to "another angel "the Messianic judgment the duty expressly attributed by our vintaging of the earth author to Christ in iQ 11 21 But interpolation sometimes leads to further depravation of the text. This occurs when the interpolated passage obliges the interpolator to adapt the immediate context to his additions to the text. The classical instance of such tampering with the text will be found in connection with the interpolation of 8 7 12 whereby "the three Woes," each preceded by a trumpet blast, have been
6 0eos
is
it
"
"

INTERPOLATIONS
transformed into
-

Ivii

seven Trumpets." This drastic interven "the 2 6 13 tion of the interpolator has necessitated slight changes in 8 18 io 7 1 1 15 and the of certain clauses. This addi transposition 9!it has destroyed the tion is at variance with the entire context
:

theme, and represents him 1 The presence as indulging in vain and inconsistent repetitions. of this interpolation in our text has hidden from all interpreters there was up to the present the true meaning of the phrase silence in heaven for the space of half an hour," as well as other
dramatic development of our author
s
"

important matters.
Several
t-8d

j^is

the seven heads from a second interpretation of 9b -i is mainly a the hand of the editor or an interpolator. i9 5b 17 the additions appear to be doublet of 22 8 9 and in iy

interpolations e^cov e^ovcrtW

have arisen from

7ri

r.

Trvpos), iy
"

9b

marginal glosses ;
(op*7

ewrtV

.
"

ITT

aarwv

/cat)

simply dittographs.

The complete
text
is

list

as follows.

Those which appear

asterisk.
7rra
. .
.

of interpolations in and additions to the to be due to the editor

are

marked with an
*i 4c
(

(/cat a.7ro TCOV

on English
2
5

Eyto et/u TO translation in

"A\<f>a

See vol. avToC). ... 6 TravTO/cparwp).

loc.,

i.

*i 11-13. See footnote

(ws

vol.
/A?)

ii.

14

X L(

*>

V )TOJV
ii.

(lav
5

fjJt]

/jiTavorj(Tr]<i).

2 22

(ecu/

^ravorjaovaiv
trans, in
.

e/c

epywi/ avrijs).

See footnote on Eng.

4
s

loc.^

vol.

(a cVrtv

ra
/cat)
:

cTrra

Opovov
8(1

6 4 (ev /xeorw rov Tn/ev/xara TOV Oeov) (/cu/cXo^ev /cal ecrw^ev ye^ovcrtv 6<pOaXfj.C)v).
:
a>eoi/

11 /cat T. at Trpocrev^at rtov aytan>) 5 (Kat T. 5 (at See vol. i. 145, 148 respectively. rrpcr(3vTp(Dv). See vol. i. 169 sq. 6 8b (/cat 6 aS^s rjKoXovOei /ACT avrov).

et(rtv

*8 2

6 8de (a.7ro/CTu/at . . . VTTO r. ^7/ptW T. y^s). See i. 2 2 1 : (ot ei/WTTtov T. Oeov etrTr;/cao-tv).

See i. 171. also footnote

5c

adapt this interpolation new context, changes 15 and 8 2 trans io 7 were introduced in 8 2 6 18 9 5 See i. 219-222. its original position after 8 posed from See footnote Eng. avflpwTrov? (/cat 6 /?acrav(ay/,o9 C See i. 246. ev rrj trans.). ATroAXvtoi/). *9H
trans, in
loc.
.

on Eng.
of the

87
-

12

To

first

four

Trumpets
-

to

its 1 * 13

n
.

(/<at

Observe that opdVci). apiOpov the wrong construction, T. Ka&yptvovv f ITT avruv f, is 19b lv rats due to editor. See i. 252. 9 (/cat See i. 254. /cec^aXa?). Hence practically every editor who accepts the entire work as from
*cji6b-i7a (fjKovcra T.
.

John

s hand, whether he adopts or not the hypothesis of sources, is obliged to resort to the Recapitulation Theory" in a greater or lesser degree, that is, that the Apocalypse does not represent a strict succession of events, but that the same events are either wholly or in part dealt ivith tinder each successive series of seven Seals, seven Trumpets, and seven Bowls.
"

Iviii

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN
i.

H 5b (KCU
*I4
3 4

ci TIS

a7roKTav6r]vai).
.
y>}s

See
. . -

284.

(ot riyopa.a-fJif.voL OLTTO r.

ii.

to~iv

and

*at

TW
18

ctpvao.

See
. .
.

5-10, 422, footnote. See ii. opeTravov ou).

7ri

*i4
9

15 17

KCU aXXo? dyyeXos

1819, 2022.
(6 ctyycXos).
.
.

i4

(6

t\wv

IgovfTiav

TOV 7rvpos).
3

I4*
(T.

*i5

1
.

See
ii.

ii.

30-32.
(ot

i5
CTTTO,

wS^v
ot

T.

#eo{) KCU).
. .
.

See

change for ayyeXot CTTTCL owing tion of I5 ). See ii. 31-32, 38. *l6 2c (TOUS e^oi/ra? etKoVt avrov). See ii. 43.
1
.
.

34. 15 a deliberate

dyycXot

e^oi/Ts

TrX^yds to interpola

*i6 5a

dyyeXou TCOI/ vSarcov Xeyovro?) added by 5b 7 which wrongly introduced i6 * r 6 13b - 14a ii. 44, after i Q 4 120-123. properly belongs i6 19a (/cat See ii. 47-48. crry/xeta). pdrpaxoi See ii. 5 2 eyeVero fte/si;). 9b ITT avrwv KCU and eTrrd after /SacrtXct?). eicrtV *!7
(KCU fjKovcra rov

editor

when

he
.

(o>?

(op>y

See
I7
l8^
3

ii.

68-69.
.
. .

iy

15

a gloss
yvtjyp^v}.

17

(Kat TTOi-^crav

/xiai/

See on ly 1 See ii. 73.

ii.

72.

(/(CU tTTTTCOV

O"(OjU,CtTO)v).
. . .

S&6

ii.

IO4-

I9

8b

(TO yap

PVO-Q-LVOV

i9
L

9b - 10
,

doublet of 22 8

original text.
fAr)

auros).

See See

ii.
ii.

vol. i. 127-128. which has dislodged part of the 12c 128-129. i9 (e^on/ oi/ojaa
ecrnV).
,
.

See

132.

IQ

16
(CTTI

T.

t/xaTiov KCU).

See ii. 137. *2O 4 (omves). *2O 5

(ot XOITTOI raiv

veKpwi/ OVK

Z,r)(ra.v

2O 12 (Kara TO, tfpya aurcov). *2O 13 (17 6aXa.o-o~a. 372. an interpolation which has dislodged the original). 2o 14b (OVTOS 6 0dVaTos See ii. Trupo s). 194 sqq.
. . .

ii.

199
ii.

sq.

*2i 6a

(KO.\

cLTTtv ftot*

loc.

443.

See English translation, in Teyovav). *2i 25 text changed by editor. See ii. 173,

*22 n

439.

2.

*22 12 ws TO epyoi/ f CCTTIV avTovf. ii. 221 sq. order rriv avrov is due to the editor. Our author *22 18b 19 See ii. 222 sq. wrote avTov eariV. In vol. ii. 144, 1 have emphasized Dislocations in 2o 4 -22. See

The

is distinguished from prophecy in its orderly development of thought to the In the pages that follow (145-154) I have final consummation. shown at some length that the text is incoherent and self4 contradictory as it stands, and that these characteristics of 2o -22, which are wholly impossible in apocalyptic (if the work is from one and the same author), are due to vast dislocations of the text. No mere accident could explain the intolerable confusion of the text in 2o 4-22 (see vol. ii. 144-154). Since this entire

the fact that apocalyptic

structural unity

and

its

DISLOCATIONS
section, with the exception of

lix

two or more verses, comes from the hand of our author, the only hypothesis that can account for the present condition of the text is that John died when he com 3 pleted i-2o of his work, and that the materials forks completion, which were for the most part ready in a series of independent
documents, were put together by an editor who fundamentally misunderstood the thought and visions of the Seer. Alike in
the Commentary, Text, and Translation, the present writer has sought to recover the original order of the text (see vol. ii. 153154) and given the grounds which have guided this reconstruc Manifold traces of the activity of this un tion throughout. intelligent editor are to be found in the earlier chapters, and it is more than probable that most of the interpolations are to be traced to his hand. Dislocations in i-2o 3 Though there is nothing in the text of 1-2 o 3 in the least comparable to the confusion that dominates the traditional structure of 2o 4-22, yet there are some very astonishing dislocations of isolated clauses and verses. Of the many dislocations of the text in i-2o 3 only one 2 appears to have been deliberate, i.e. the transposition of 8 from 5 in order with other changes to its original position after 8 7 12 (the first four Trumpets) to adapt the interpolated section 8
.

its

new context. The remaining

2 27c

dislocations in i-2o 3 are as follows

.

has been restored after 2 26b See Eng. trans, in loc. 8bc has been restored before 3 8a See Eng. trans, in loc. 3 5c 8 See vol. i. 207. 7 -6 has been restored after y 18b 18h has been restored after See vol. i. 295 sq. 18s has been restored 18c after See vol. ii. 416, foot note to Eng. transl. in loc. 5b has been restored after i3 6b See vol. ii. 419, foot i3 note to Eng. transl. in loc. i2-i3 n a s Deen restored after i3 18 See vol. i. 368 sq. I4 i6 5b 7 has been restored after 19*. See vol. ii. 120-123 i6 15 has been restored after 3 3b See vol. i. 80 sq. 17 16 H T See vol. ii. 714-17 has Deen restored as follows ry
.
.

n n

n n

60
i8 14
23

sq.
-

has been restored as follows: i8 15

23^

19 - 2] - 14 - 22a-d.28cd.

22e-h. 23ab. 20.

The most startling of the above dislocations of the text is that in i8 14 23 this dislocation arose we cannot determine, but that the text is dislocated is beyond question. First, we observe that i8 14 comes in wrongly between i8 13 and i8 15 , and that
.

How

both

its sense and structure connect it immediately with i8 22 23 and, as an introduction to these verses, which, combined with it express in due gradation the destruction of everything in &ome

Ix

THE REVELATION OF
22-23
20

ST.

JOHN

from the
jgu.

Next, i8 introducing an apostrophe to heaven between the descriptive 19 and the dramatic passages dealing with the ruin of Rome, i8 19 action of the angel, i8 21 But, though it cannot stand after i8 , it comes in with the most perfect fitness at the close of the dirge over Rome (i8 14 22 23 ), as an appeal to heaven to rejoice over the doom of Rome an appeal that is immediately answered by choir after choir from heaven of a mighty multitude of angels, of the Elders and Cherubim, and of the martyr host in iq 1 4 l6 5bc-7 I9 5-7.
,
.
-

Thus greatest luxuries to the barest necessities. (four stanzas) compose a special dirge over Rome. breaks the close sequence between i8 19 and i8 21 by

The
arisen.

18 i4-i7 dislocations in 7 5c 8 cou \d easily have i^b-eb I7 Parallels to such dislocations are to be found in other

books of the Bible and in other documents. Only three other As to i6 15 dislocations remain, but two of these are suggestive. which is to be restored after 3 3b it is possible that it was written
,

of papyrus which got displaced and was 14 subsequently inserted after the sheet of papyrus ending i6 However this may be, it cannot possibly have stood originally 14 with which it has no connection of any kind. after i6 Its natural place is after 3 3b and nowhere else. Now we come to the two interesting dislocations, i4 12 13

on a separate

slip

"

15 1 These two passages appear to have been inserted above I7 the written columns on the papyrus sheets, the first by the Seer The scribe who copied the himself, the second by the editor.
.

original

MS

columns.

number
gloss.
3.

incorporated these marginal additions in the wrong 12 13 is noteworthy that is i4 exactly the same of lines from i3 18 that i; 15 is from ly 1 of which it is a
It
,

Lacunae in the Text. Apart from 2o 4-22 where 22 impossible to determine what lacunae exist (save in 2i
.

it
;

is

see

below) owing to the disorder of the text, there do not appear to There are, however, lacunae, and these are be many in i-2o 3 The first consists of a loss of several clauses in i6 10 important. The second is a still graver loss after i9 9a (see vol. ii. 45-46). These lost verses after i9 9a (whose place has been taken by an
.

1 That I412 13 (tS5e r) V-JTO^OV^ T&V aylw KT\.) is wholly out of place in a section that deals with the judgments inflicted on the wicked is clear at a should be restored at the close of the account of the glance, and that they 18 i.e. I3 , is at once manifest, when we com persecution of the second Beast, of the first Beast, I3 10e (tD5^ {env ^ pare the closing words of the persecution T&V a.yiwv}. These words are added for the encouragement and vwo/j-ovr] 16 Next, it is clear that I7 strengthening of the victims of the two persecutions.
"

was originally an explanatory marginal gloss on I7 . Since it has no connec tion whatever with its present context, the explanation given above for its position in its present context seems adequate.

LACUNAE AND DITTOGRAPHS

interpolation,
i.e.

Ixi

modelled on 22 8-9 ) recounted the Their destruction was Parthian kings. destruction 14 and the vision recounting their destruction prophesied in ry In ly 17 16 there is a prophecy should have been given here. of the destruction of Rome in 18 a vision of this destruction. In 1414-18-20 ( see a i so j6i3-i4. 16) we have a proleptic vision of the judgment of the nations by the Son of Man and a vision of their destruction by the Word of God in I9 11 21 7 10 Thus it is clear that a vision dealing with the de ). (20 struction of the Parthian hosts by the Lamb and the Saints 14 That it (see iy ) should have been recorded in our text. actually did stand in the autograph of the Seer may be reason 13 where the Word of God is said to be ably concluded from ig "clothed with a garment dipped in blood." That this is the blood of the Parthian hosts follows from any just interpretation See vol. ii. 133. of the text. A third lacuna occurs after i8 22a The context makes the
ig0b-io

of

the
,

restoration easy,

i.e.

ov

where we should have

^ a

22 In. Again, in 2i , couplet, but where only the words KCU

aKovo-Or} lv

<rol

TO apviov survive of the second line, we can with great probability 19 restore the missing words by a comparison of These are

rj

KL/3(aro<s

TTJS

8ia.6r)K-rj<s

OLVTTJS.

See

vol.

ii.

170

sq.
.

4.
I

= 2I 8e
text.
(b)

3c.8

=l7 8. ()
.

There are several dittographs, i.e. (a) Dittographs. 6a. 9b 5c 8b. 9 14b I9 =2I =22 (^ ^10 = 22 (^ 2Q
first, i.e.

(a)

Both members of the

See
vol.
i.

i3

3c 8
-

= 178,

belong to our
/xot

337.

Here
TTia-Tol

practically the
K.

same clause

(/cat

etTrei/

OVTOL

ol

Xoyoi

In 2i 5c 22 6a aXrjOwoi) is repeated three times. it is a of the text. On 2i 5c see note 3 on English genuine part translation, vol. ii. 443, in accordance with which the note in vol. 9b ii. 203 (ad fin.) sq. is to be corrected. In i9 it is manifestly
(see
8b 9
-

interpolated
editor.

vol.

ii.

128,

203
10 9

sq.),

probably

by

the

Here 22 is original and ig editor repeated in the main from 22 8 See vol. ii. quite a different meaning.
(<:)

is

an interpolation of the
<rw8ovXos

but giving to 1 28 sq.

(d)

2i 8e o
this

IO-TLV 6 0ai/aros 6

Scvrepos

is original.

But

in

2o 14b

where

It phrase also occurs, it is quite meaningless. represents the casting of death and Hades (as distinct from their inhabitants) into the lake of fire as the second death
!

Ixii

THE REVELATION OF
VI.

ST.

JOHN

GREEK AND HEBREW SOURCES AND THEIR DATES.

Our author has used sources. Nearly one-fifth of his text 1 8 1 18 5 8 12-13 ( I 5 appears to be based on sources, i.e. 7 ?)These sources he has adapted to his own purposes, and 17-18. in the course of such adaptation has, except in certain details, transformed their meaning, (a) Sources he found in Hebrew or Greek, in (b) Sources he found in Greek, (c) Sources

"

Hebrew. (a) Chap. here is shown

1 8 That there are two sources 7 (before 70 A.D.). in vol. i. 191 sqq. Whether our author found these

sources already existing in Greek and recast them in his own diction or translated them directly from the Hebrew is uncertain. 1 3 Here the four winds (so designated though Chap. 7 not previously mentioned) are not to be let loose till the faithful are sealed. pause is enjoined in the course of judgment for
"
"

A
.

this

1 2 48(i i-. The four 67, and in 2 Bar 6 purpose as in i En 66 winds appear in earlier tradition. See vol. i. 192-193. 4 8 From a Jewish or Jewish-Christian source. See Chap. 7 The "sealing" in our text is also derived from vol. i. 193-194. tradition, but the meaning is wholly transformed from what it bears in the O.T. and Pss. Sol i5 6 10 13 which later work appears to have been before our author. 1-13 (b) Greek Sources, i.e. sources already existing in Greek,
( ,

This section had originally (before 70 A.D.). a different meaning and was borrowed by our author from a 1 13 consists- of two earlier source written before 70 A.D. frag both of which presuppose Jerusalem to be still standing ments, 1 8 The diction, idiom, and order of words differ perceptibly 1 1 ( ). from that of our author, and they contain certain phrases which bear a different meaning from that which they bear in our author. 3 13 our author s hand is discernible in the additions n8bc-9a In and the entire recasting of 1 1 7 so that what stood there originally 1 must be inter cannot be known. In our text the temple in not as the actual temple which no longer existed, but as preted the spiritual temple, of which all the faithful are constituent members a figure which our author has already used in 3 12 and the measuring of his temple, the altar and those that the words worshipped therein," mean in their new context the securing of

12.* 17-18. 1 Chap, ii

13

"

* In vol. i. 300-305 I took chapter 12 to be a translation by our author from a Hebrew source, but subsequent study has obliged me to abandon this view. See Introd. p. clviii n.

GREEK SOURCES

Ixiii

the faithful against the spiritual influences of the demonic and But all the ideas in the text do not lend them Satanic powers. selves to such reinterpretation, and the presence of such inexplic able details is prima fade evidence that the sections in which they occur are not original creations of our author but are derived

from traditional material.

Chap. 12 (before 70
of this chapter in
its

See
A.D.).

vol.

i.

269-292.
i.

In

vol.

298-299 the meaning

A
is

But that this Christian setting is given. was not its original meaning, and that it could not have been written originally by a Christian, is shown in vol. i. 299-300. full discussion of the two sources which underlie this chapter and were translated from Semitic originals but not by our author,

Our author most probably found given in vol. i. 305-314. these sources already in a Greek form, and the conclusion recorded in i. 303 is here withdrawn. These two sources, so far as they survive in our text, consist of I2 1 5 13 17 and I2 7 10 12 These were adapted by our author to their new Christian context 6 n and by certain additions in i2 3 (?), i2 5 by the addition of i2 v pa/3So> criS?7pa), I2 9 (6 (os /xeAAet Troi/xatVetv Travra TO. Wvr] 10 6 updates, 6 KaXov/xevos AcaySoXos. f/SXrjOrj ), I2 (KOL f) eoucria TOV XpLo-rov avrov and TCOV dSeA<oh/ fj/jiwv dislodging a Jewish 13 17 (ore ctSev and on /3\rj9r) cis TT/V yyv), I2 phrase), I2 (TOJJ/ ras evroXas rov Oeov KGU e^ovrwv rrjv fjiaprvpiav T^o-ov). rrjpovvTwv The expectation expressed in i2 14-16 is a survival of an earlier It referred to or time, being found by our author in his source. But prophesied the escape of Jewish Christians before 70 A.D. the idea of such an escape during the entire sway of the Anti
"

o<ts

/cat /coupons KOL rj/jiLcrv Kaipov) is impossible in our text, where our author s expectation is that of a martyrdom of the entire Christian Church. No part of the Church escapes. Chaps. 17-18 (71-70 A.D.). These chapters, though recast by our author to serve his own main purpose, preserve incongruous elements and traces of an earlier date. Thus I7 10 11 cannot be And yet reasonably interpreted of a later time than Vespasian. our author s additions in I7 8 n which refer to the demonic Nero coming up from the abyss, can only be explained by a Domitianic date. The sense is confused, but the date is clear. To leave this passage unaltered was an oversight on the part of our author.
-

christ (i2 14 Kaipov

4 Similarity, i8 (see vol.

ii.

96

sq.) postulates a

Vespasianic date.

These chapters, the greater part of which our author found in a Greek form, were derived from two Hebrew sources, which for convenience sake we designate A and B. A consisted
lc originally of i7
-

2 - 3b - 6 7 is. s-io (greater pan)

-

I g2-23
>-

<

94-9559-6o.

consisted

of

i7

<e

reater P art

12-13.

IT.

g ee yoL jj 88-89, w. See vol. ii.

8

Our author has adapted these sources

to his

own

purposes,

Ixiv

THE REVELATION OF
...
8
Sc

ST.

JOHN
.

by inserting the following clauses: 17*

3a
(/cat a7r?;j/eyKeV /AC

(KCU rjKQev

Seto>

o-oi),

Trrev/uart),
. .

(/cac
.

Kpara
(o
T^I/

6b

SeKa),

(Kat CK
rjv
.
.

T.
.

af/x,aTOS

Irjcroi)),

(^v Kat OUK

Trapeorai),
15

(aiSe

6 vows 6

e^wv

o-o<tav),

14 (Kat cts dTrwXetav vTrayet), .

But

Kat OVK eVrtv), and the text of ly 11 17 is in disorder.

17
16
,

VTrayet),

and (on

should precede i7 is a gloss (see vol. ii. 72), ly and i7 14 16 i7 (our author s addition) should follow immediately on ly Hence the right order of the text (see vol. ii. 61) is i; 11 13 *7. ie. i^ After ly 14 our author transferred i7 18 which originally belonged to (see above), to the close of the chapter in order to introduce
.

chap.

8.

This chapter, as we have already seen, Our author apparently found it in some belongs to the source A. He has made few changes in it. He disorder in a Greek form. has introduced it by prefixing iS 1 by inserting i8 20 and closing 23f 24 it by i8 Since i8 20 is an appeal to the heavenly hosts an that is immediately answered in iQ 1 7 our author would appeal naturally have placed it at the close of 18 and not where it stands in the traditional text. i8 20 23f 24 would thus form the close of this chapter coming from our author s hand and serving to introduce the theme of ig 1 4 i6 5bc 7 iQ 5 7 20 does not apparently stand where our Since, therefore, i8 author inserted it, it is reasonable to conclude that some of the 14 23 arose subsequently to our great disorder that exists in i8 author s composition of the work as a whole.

Chap.

iS 2

"

^"

"

(c)

Hebrew

Sources.

of translations from three vol. i. 334-338). To the

One chapter, i.e. 13, is mainly composed Hebrew sources by our author (see
-

first source, written by a Pharisaic labd 2. 4-7* 10. s ee vo \ j Quietist before 70 A.D., is to be traced i3 To the second source, i3 3c 8 , of which we find a second 340-342. See vol. i. 337. Greek translation from another hand in i7 8 To the third, ^"-i**- is-uab. iead-i7a See i 342-344. The
e
-

vol<

date

is

probably prior to 70 A.D.

original meaning of these sources is transformed by their He has adapted them to his incorporation into our author s text. own purpose by the insertion of the following clauses i3 lc (Kat
:

The

7rt

Ttov

..

StaS^/xara),

3ab

6c

(TK^j/ovi/Tas),
10c
.
(a>8e

^ (Kai

(Kat
.

/xtai/

e^epaTrcu^r/),
.
. .

(TOVS
.

(TOV apviov d/covrmTa>), 12bc (TO drjpLov TO TrpwTov ov fOepaTrevOr) aytW),

806*7;
. .

8b ~ 9

e^yos),

14b-15

16

avTov),
17-18

(cVwTrioi/

aTroKTav&oo-tv),

(T.

/iiKpovs

SovAovs),

5 8 is translated from a Hebrew source by our Possibly i5 The grounds for this hypothesis are to be found in the author. It is remarkable that both these two impossible phrases in i5 5 6 See phrases can be explained by retranslation into Hebrew. vol. ii, 37-38. On this hypothesis we should expect the whole
-

J3OOKS USED BY
narrative of the

OUR AUTHOR

Ixv

Bowls

to

Hebrew.

But

if it is, it is

be likewise a translation from the so thoroughly recast that no evidence

for this hypothesis survives. If we reject this hypothesis,

we might assume

that XCvov

is

primitive error for Xivovv in 15, and that T^S O-K^V^STOI) /xaprvpiov was originally a marginal gloss which was derived from Ex. 4o 29
,

based, and was subsequently incorporated in the text against both the sense and grammar. The editor, however, was capable of the grossest misconceptions, as we have been elsewhere see pp. 1-lv.

on which our

text

is

VII.

BOOKS OF THE O.T., OF THE PSEUDEPIGRAPHA AND OF THE N.T. USED BY OUR AUTHOR.
i.

General statement of our author s dependence on the above

the prophetical books. constantly uses Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel ; also, but in a less degree, Zechariah, Joel, Amos, and Hosea ; and in a Next to the pro very minor degree Zephaniah and Habakkuk. phetical books he is most indebted to the Psalms, slightly to He possessed the Penta Proverbs, and still less to Canticles. teuch and makes occasional use of all its books, particularly of Exodus. Amongst others, that he and his sources probably drew upon, are Joshua, i and z Samuel, and 2 Kings. The evidence for the above summary of facts will be found
books.

Our author makes most use of

He

below

in

3-5.
i

Testament of Levi,

the evidence that our author used the Enoch, and the Assumption of Moses, is It is not improbable that sufficiently strong; see below, 7. he was acquainted with 2 Enoch and the Psalms of Solomon. See below, But the direct evidence is not so convincing as 7.

Of the Pseudepigrapha

the indirect Repeatedly in the commentary that follows it is shown that without a knowledge of the Pseudepigrapha it would be impossible to understand our author. As a few proofs of this 3 fact, see on 4 (the Cherubim), pp. 117-123; 6 ("a great 9 4 165; 6 (Martyrs = a sacrifice to God, cf. i4 ), p. sword"), p. vol. ii. 6 ; 6 9 (the one altar in heaven), p. 172 sqq. ; 6 11 (world 174, to come to an end when the roll of the martyrs is complete), pp. 177-79 ; (white robes = spiritual bodies), pp. 184-188 and passim. From an examination of the passages given below in 8, it follows quite decidedly that our author had the Gospels of Matthew and Luke before him, i Thessalonians, i and 2 Corin thians, Colossians (or else the lost Ep. to the Laodiceans, which presumably was of a kindred character), Ephesians, and possibly

Ixvi

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

i Peter, and Our author shows no acquaint James. ance with St. Mark. That our author used Matthew is deducible from the follow In i 7 he has had Matt 24 30 before him, where our ing facts. author s combination of Dan 7 13 and Zech i2 10 12 occurs already. r. Our author derives from Matthew the words Trao-at at which are not in the O.T. or Versions. Next, a reference to y^s, 8 2 7 shows that it is the Matthaean (or Lucan cf. 8 ) form of the 15 command, 6 l^wv ovs KT\., Matt 13 etc., that our author was The dependence of 3 3 i6 15 on Matt 24 42 43 46 is familiar with. 5 32 obvious at the first glance. 3 presupposes both Matt io and the parallel passage in Luke i2 8 Other passages showing dependence on Matthew, though not so conclusively, will be 15 below. found under i 3d i 16 6 4 That our author used Luke appears certain, though the evidence is less conclusive, from a comparison of i 3 with Luke

Galatians,

<}>v\al

ii 28 ii 50

5
,
.

with

Luke

i2 8

n
1

with

Luke 4 25 and i8 24 with Luke

,

Unless we assume our author

acquaintance with the

Little Apocalypse (embodied in Luke 21, Matt 24, Mark 13), then he is indebted to Luke for his fourth plague, i.e. the pesti

lence,

Luke

11

(Xoiftot).
8
a,7ro
-

Possibly I3 (T. dpviov r. eo^ay/xevou 19 implies an acquaintance with i Pet i

/cara/JoA^s /cooy/.ov)

20
.

Compare

also i6 19

and

Pet

13
,

and

and

Pet

2 9.

John translated directly from the O.T. text. He did not quote from any Greek Version, though he was often influenced in his renderings by the LXX and another later Greek Version, a revised form of the o (i.e. the LXX], which was subsequently revised and incorporated by Theodotion in his version. Our author never definitely makes a quotation, though he con The tinually incorporates phrases and clauses of the O.T. Do he and his sources (ii 1 18 12-13. naturally arises question 17-18) derive such phrases and clauses directly from the Hebrew (or Aramaic), or from o or from the Hebrew combined with o ?
2.
:

(see

3-5).

examination of the passages based on the O.T. makes it our author draws his materials directly from the Hebrew (or Aramaic) text, and apparently never solely from o or 2 And this is no less true of the sources our any other version.
clear

An

that

1 If, however, our author used Matthew and Luke only and not the Little Apocalypse, how are we to account for his using ddvaros and not Xot/x.6s? But if he had the Aramaic document behind the triple tradition in the Synop * or If he tics this would be explicable, since KniD=" death pestilence." had the Little Apocalypse in Aramaic, we should have the explanation of this
"

and other
2

difficulties.

3-6, seeing that important to recognize the results arrived at in several German scholars have definitely declared that certain classes of O.T.
It is

TWO

PRE-CHRISTIAN GREEK VERSIONS OF O.T.

Ixvii

But this fact does not exclude author incorporated and edited. the possibility that our author was acquainted with and at times guided by o and some other Greek version. The latter clause is added deliberately, "and some other Greek version." That our author was influenced in his renderings of O.T. passages by o may be taken as proved after an examination of But in the list of passages the list of passages given in 4. that follow in 5, we discover that our author s renderings of the Hebrew are closely related to those which appear in

&

(i.e.

Theodotion), where

&

differs

from o

tion lived several decades later than our author, we must with Gwynn (Diet. Christ. JBiog. iv. 974-978) that side

But since Theodoassume by side

of Daniel) with o (preserved in a corrupt form in the Chisian there existed a rival Greek version from pre-Christian times. 1 But Gwynn s hypothesis, although adequate to a certain extent, is inadequate when confronted with fresh facts that have emerged For from in my study of this question. 5 we learn that in i 17b our text agrees not with o but & in Is 48 12 similarly 3* with 6 of Is 22 22 and 3 9c with & of Is 6o 14 Again the quotation
:

MS

3 4

i5

/8ao-iA.ei>s

T. e 0va>i/ Tis

ov

py

<f>o(3r)@rj

agrees

word
,

for

word

7 (though differing in case and tense) with & of Jer io whereas o 6 i (5 10 ) /facrtXctav tepets is found is here wholly defective. Finally, Now one or more of these in & of Ex ig 6 where o is different. might be coincidences, but it is highly improbable that all five are. Hence we have good grounds for concluding that there existed either a rival Greek version alongside o from pre-Christian times or a revised version of o which was revised afresh by Theodotion and circulated henceforth under his name. How many books of the O.T. were so translated afresh cannot be determined. The above evidence would imply that Isaiah and Jeremiah were so translated. 2 Possibly all the prophetic books were rendered
,

passages are directly from the Hebrew and others just as definitely from the LXX. The greatest offender in this respect is Von Soden (Books of the NT, 372 sq.), who states that quotations from the O.T. in the Johannine portion 5 (of Revelation, i.e. I ~7) are constantly made according to the LXX, while in the Jewish portion (8-22 5 ) the Hebrew text is taken into account." There is no foundation in fact for this statement.
"

This hypothesis

(first

suggested by Credner, Beitrage,

ii.

261-272) was

practically accepted by Salmon (Introd. p. 547) and by Swete (Introd. to the O. T. in Greek, p. 48). Gwynn supports this hypothesis by evidence drawn from I Bar i 15-220 .

Since the date of

(op. cit.

numerous passages

generally accepted as earlier than 80 A.D., and since -2 20 are clearly based on 6 and not o of Dan 97 19 976) rightly infers the existence of a version of Daniel differ Gwynn bears. ing from o and of a type closely akin to that which 2 There is, of course, the possibility that our author was using a collection of Testimonia. But this explanation could not be used in the case of the passages wherein our author s text shows numerous and very close affinities to $ It is noteworthy that the author of the Fourth Gospel never agrees
I

~3
in

is

15

"

Ixviii

THE REVELATION OF
Greek and
in this

ST.

JOHN

afresh into

Theodotion
investigation.
3.

his version.

work incorporated and revised by But the matter calls for further

Passages based directly on the Hebrew of the O. T. (or the These are hardly ever literal quotations : in Daniet). in any case the words carry with them a developed and often different meaning.

Aramaic

7b

oiTives

avrbv TTCIS 600aX,udj /rat * /ecu avrov ^eKevr-rjffav TT avrbv Tracrat at 0uXat K6\f/ovTai
tfi/

ercu

Zech

I2 10

eTri^Xetyoi/rcu

irpbs
.

^,
dv

avd

&v Kanapx^avTO (&

ets
^TT

T. 7775.
10

e^eK^vrrjaav) Kal K6\j/ovTcu avrfoI2 12 o . /cc^erou (>& }

i]

yrj

Kara
I

0i>Xas

0i>Xcls.

yevb[jt,T)v

v TTvetifJiaTi

iJKOvcra

Ezek 3

12

dv^Xaficv
/j.eyd\ov.

fj.e

<Ti<T/ut.ov

13

(I4

14
)

SfjLoiov

vibv avdptbirov.

TroSrjprj.

Dan Dan

13

(o
5

IO

D"i3

^n
.

ws w6s dvdpuirov.
1

?.

^vdedv

fivffffLva

(9

paddeiv).

Ezek IO2

renders the same words,

r.

/^acrrots

^vrjv

Dan
r.

io5
v

6 I5 where the text recalls the present. 4a ^ 5^ /ce0aXr/ auroO ffai al T/)t %es

av.

Cf.

ai roO irepLe^dxr^v^
c5<r0iV

xpva Kj}.
/3v<raiv({).

7repie"o;o7iej/os

Dan

7 ^ ^pt^ r. KefiaXrjs wcrei eptoi/ Ka6ap6v. o . KO.IT. r. Ke0aX?7$ ai)roD

.

/cat

avrov

ji4b (1^12^ O j (500 a X/iot

7Ti;p6s.

aurou

cus

0X6^

Dan

io 6

(o

) ot

60XaX/Aoi

ai>rou

cocret

ot 7r65es

auroG

6 uotot xaX/coXt/Sdi

aj.

Xa/^TrdSes ;ri;p6s. Dan io 6 o ^ quite different.

exclusively with
literally

with
1

37 where it agrees in part), (see IQ 10 81 (82) 6 in 2 l7 =Ps 68 (69) ,

lO^Ps

and only a few times

,

But the author of the Fourth Gospel seldom c^ , J^-PS quotes even indirectly from the O.T., whereas our author s text shows its influence directly and indirectly, wherever his subject admits of it. 1 But this proves nothing ; for Here our author renders npi as iKKevretv (airoKevrelv or KaraKevTelv} is its normal rendering in the Versions. Cf. John IQ 37 o^o/rat els dv ^fK^vT^av. o of course, presupposes npn. 2 T. 777? agree The words Ktyovrcu. CTT avrbv Tracrcu al exactly with Matt 24 30 save that the latter omits tir avrov. Now, since Matt 24 30 combines Zech I2 10 and Dan 7 18 just as our author does in I 7 it is highly probable that our author was acquainted with Matt 24^, or that our author and Matt 2430 drew here upon an independent source i.e. a collection of O.T. passages relating to the Messiah. I have placed I 7a iSov ep^erat ^terd 7h) In Zech 12 r. ve0eXw under 3, as I 5, but possibly it ought to be under the people mourn for him that is cut off, whereas in our text and in Matt 2430 KOTrrecrflcu eTr avr6v= mourn in regard to they mourn for themselves.
.
.

I238_ j s

i2 13 =Ps 117

21 (22) 19

(nS)

26
,

<f>v\ai

"

him."

greatly from 6 and here alone approximates to o Our though not necessarily presupposing a knowledge of o text and o however, really point to the same Aramaic npj -nn inyD HPNT This appears to have been the original text "And the hair of his head was spotless as white wool."
3

Our author here diverges

,

against 6 in Dan.
,

"lypi.

PASSAGES BASED DIRECTLY ON HEBREW OF

5

O.T.

Ixix

(196)

i]

atfrou
<j>(t)vt]

ws

Ezek

(o

vSarwv TroXXwj

But our text

of the

is

literal

rendering
*?ipD

Hebrew
6

n 31

D D

iSip.

based on Ezek 43 2 but only remotely, and is not followed by our author. Jerome remarks how Rev I 15 supports the Mass.
io
is

Dan

here.
Is
.
.

49

ZdrjKev r. or6yita

JJ.QV

ws fj,dxaipav

<Ja.

Cf.
r.

4***19*.
ir6da$

d^elav.
a>s

17
I

j-Trecra

irpbs

i>Kp6s

Kal f-0r)Kev r.

Se^iav

avrov avrov

Dan
.
.

io9 .

10 - 12

Heb.

= Then
"

was

elfil e/s T.

al&vas

r.

al&vwv.

Num
/crX.

deep sleep on my face. And behold a hand touched And he said unto me, me. Fear not." (Greek Versions very different from our text). Dan 431 (6 ) I2 7 I Enoch 5 1
fallen into a
. .
.

25

1 2
"

4peJ3T)\wdri
.
.
.

Xads

Kal iropvevvai. 2 18 rote 6(j>0a\fJi.ovs

Kal tyayev.

See

14

above.
2^
3

E7c6 efyu 6 epavv&v vecppovs Kal Kapdias, Kal Swcro; v/juv efcdary /caret

Jer I7
Kal
1

10
"Ey&

Ktipios

trafav Kapdlas
roO dovvat
2
(r^.

doKi/u.dfa}
14

t>e<ppoijs,

TO,
i)a

Zpya

V/JL&V.

(nn ?)
Is

e/cd(rr({j /caret r.

odotis ai)roG.

ijZovcriv

Kal irpoffKvvfjcrovcriv Ivw-rrtov

6o

TropefoovTai
<r,

iropevffovTai irpbs
ffovffiv
cf.

^ . Kal TrpoffKvvrjTrpos

irl T. txvij

T&V

TroScDy ffov

45

14
-

Though
the

this

construction occurs in
it

LXX
:
.

is

comparatively rare

17

7r\oi5(Tt6s et/it

Kal

tav

and represents a special Hebrew phrase see vol. i. 289 sq., 336. Hos I2 9 See vol. i. 96. Prov 3 11 12 fjii] Tratdelas Kvptou dv yap dyairy Ktipios
-

6\iy<Jbpei.

20

^ffrrjKa

irl

r.

Ovpav Kal Kpovw

av

Cant

5
6

Kpovei

tirl r.

dvpav.

Dan

7 o
.

birlffu roirrou

IdoTLi.

Ide&povv Kal Kal ftera ravra tdeupovv.

Is 6o 14 . The clause omitted by o is supplied see in a different form. See on I5 4 below under 4, where a 9 closely related text is derived from Ps 85 (86) 2 Alone in the O.T. does Jer I7 10 combine the two ideas in our text. Hence correct my note in vol. i. 72. Jeremiah also uses jm in the rather unusual meaning of "to requite." With the second line cf. also Prov 24 12
1

Based on the Hebrew of

but as

by

we

aTroStSwcriv (3 Milligan, Voc.

Ps 61 (62) 13 Moulton and e/cdtrry Kara T. Zpya avrov of GT, p. 160, try to explain this meaning of 8i86vai by a = he gave it him with quotation: X/tfy 8tdwKev ry viij} fj,ov (sc. TrX-riyfiv) Our text involves no ellipse. It is a a stick." This is not a parallel. Hebraism. Our author s use of 8i86vai here = "to requite" is due 12 10 wholly to Jer I7 ; for in 22 he naturally uses &iro8i86vai in this sense = an#n or n^) as in Prov 2412 Ps 6i 13 ( 3 See note in vol. i. 99. 3 19 might be classed under 4.
E>n)

"

Ixx

THE REVELATION OF
dffrpatral K

ST.

JOHN

Ex

I9

16

Kal fipovral.
K1JK\<p

See

vol.
5

<f)WvS>v

kyLvovro 0wi>cu Kal darpairai. i. 116. Cf. Jub2 2 0775X01 fipovT&v Kal dcrrpairuiv.
ev T.
[<?<

T.

0p6l>OV Te<T(Tpa

fad ye/HOVTa

Ezek

cbs

6ytcoiWjU.a

TC<T-

I adpwv ffluv. KVK\66ev. See vol.

38

i.

118.
77
.

Ezek
rd
Trptxr&TTOV
cos

10
77
.

o/Aoluffis
. .

...
.

dvdp&irov

dvdpUTTOV
. .

\toVTOS

dfj-oiov 8a

aery.

derou.
Trrepvyes

P /ca#

Is 6 2

ry

evl Kal If Trrepvyes

Ty
4
5
8c

evi (iriK^ D 3JD

"Ayios

VV

3J3

^^.

X^yopres "A.yios

iiyios

dyios

tctipios

Is 63 e\eyov
crafia&d.

dytos dytos

debs 6 iravTOKparcop. 1 eirl T. Se^iav . . . jSt/SXW yeypafj,fdvov evwdev Kal 6irLcr6ev t

Ezek 2 9
fy
Is

10

ev avrrj (i.e.
Zfj,irpoffdev

ra 29
11
:

Kal

ra
e<r(ppayi<r-

TOV

/BiftXlov

TOV

12

(5

Is

fjitvov 7

Dan
djj.vbs.

8 26

53

d>s

irpbfiarov tirl

<r<payT]v

fjx^ 7)

Kal
6<p8a\/j.obs

el ?

/i^i/oi

evrd, of ... dTrecrraX(DBtsiD) et s irda-av T. yijv. /cai Xaou /cai ^s /cal

7Xwo"o"77S

Zech 4

evrrd oSroi 6(f)6a\[ioL eifftv ol ^Trt/SXeTTOvres ^?rt Trao-af r.

10

From an
Canon.

7^.

older Aramaic text of Daniel than that preserved in the

See
o

vol.

i.

pvptddes

Dan
. .
. .

10

147 sq.

X
62
8
.
.

IfTTTTOS
.

XcU/f6s

tTTTTOS

TTVpp6s

From Zech
Hebrew

ITTTTOS /x^Xas

8 I 6 1 8 . Our author has not used the Greek Versions but the

freely for his

own purposes.

ol d<rr^pes T. ovpavov Zirevav . . 6 ws O-U/CT} jSdXXet T. <5X^^ois aurr^s.

18

Is

See vol. i. 161 sq. 4 34 o irdvra T. affrpa Trecremu

.

cos

TriTrret

0i;XXa d?r6

<TUK^S.

text is independent of the o here, but like o and a presuppose

^IS

Our

(ireaeiTai) instead of the

-

Mass.

*y.
6 15
?Kpv\l/av eavTofa els T.
.

Kal

Is

2 10
.
.

19

trerpas T. 6peuv.

KpiJTrreffde
.

elff&Oere els r. Ti^rpas /cai Kal rd %et/307roi7;ra

.

6 16

/cal

\eyovfftv T.

ope<ru>

pais

Heffare
dirb

e<fi

r)/j.ds

Kal T. irerKal Kpv\l/are

elveveyKavres ds T. airrjKaia. See vol. i. 182. 8 Hos IO Kal dpovaiv r. ope<riv KaXu^are
i)fj.ds,

Kal

fads
KT\.

Trpoa-wTrov

r.

Kadrjfdvov
80

T?/ias.

T. fiovvols Il^crare Is 2 10 Kpinrrecrde eh r. yijv

<[>

Contrast
o
.

Luke 23
77

which

is

dirb Trpcxrwirov r. (pofiov Kvpiov.

/j.eyd\fj fat pa T. Kvpiov Joel 2 Kal ris iKavbs avrrj (U7*3*)
.

drawn from
6 17 1)\6ev
uiv,
77

r7/A^pa

/j.eyd\r) r.
<rTa0Tjvai ;

11

Kal rls dtvarai

e<TTai

2 31b

Trptv

AtfetV

/j,eyd\7)j>.

Nah
r.

fatpav KvpLov
I

T.

dTrd irpoauirov

6/57175 atfrou

T^S UTTocTTTjo-erai
r^a-<ra/?as

(2O

8
)

^?rl r.

ywvlas

r. 7775.

Ezek

(Toy).

^?ri

irrtpvyas

(niB33) r. 7775.

the critical importance of this rendering, 6 0e6s 6 iravTOKpdrtap, see 8 This epithet, 6 TravTOKpdTwp, is English translation, footnote on I not found in any version of Isaiah.
vol.
ii.,
.

On

PASSAGES BASED DIRECTLY ON

7 7 7 7
3 4

HEBREW OF
56s
cryfjt.e iov

O.T.

Ixxi

(9
T)

1 4 I4 22 ) a%pi a^payiawfj-ev

Ezek 9 4
Ps 3 10 49
-r>

tirl r.
/

T. ---/
16 - 17

<

(rwTtjpla T. 6eip. ov ireivdffovffiv

Tl,

"?

Kvpiov

en.

ovde

8i\j/r]-

Is

See

T) ffUTTjpla (nywn vol. i. 216.

mn

L\
?).

(TOVCTIV
17

KT\.
.

(2 1 K T.

4
)

4^a\et^i

irav

ddKpvov

6<pda\iJ.(it)v

avr&v.

irav Sdxpvov dirb Is 2$ 8 d<pei\ev . . iravrbs TrpocrdoTrov nj?DT . . . nno)

.

[8

tv&iriov r. 0eov eaTTj/caeriy.]

effrdd-ri lirl r.
6vffia<rTriptov.

[A common Hebrew

83

Amos
Ezek

T.

Kvpiov
TJ

expression.] tyeffrwra eirl

T.

T.

QvffiaffTrjpiov.

8 11
24

dr/xis

dvefiaivev.
7

[8

%dXaf"a

^al irvp
.

fj.e/j,t.y/j^va.]
.

T.

BdvaTOv Kal ov
aKpidcov
o/j,oia

[Ex 9 (see i. 233).] 21 Job 3 ot dfteipovTai

ov Tvyxdvovcriv.

T.

dwdrov
i)

Kal

/AT)

evpuffiv avr6v.
6fjLotwfJ.aTa

TO,

T.

Joel

4* 5
.

ws
.

8pa<ris
.

iiriruv

8pa<ris

/TTTrots ijTOi/j.ao fji.evois els ir6\/j.ov. 8

9 9 9 9

ol

6S6vres avrCbv us \e6vTUV.

ctpjudrwj
Lirirwv

d>b}VY)

...

Tpeydj

iraparao O dfJi.evos iroXefjiov (i. 244). 6 Joel I (i. 245). 4 Joel 2 (i. 245).
avrdov
"^

els

T(t)V. 20

ovre fiXeireiv . . . ofre aKoveiv ovre Trepnrareiv (or under 4).

ol ir68es atirov

Ps

H3 13
Kal

- 15

(H5
rd

5 7
"

ou/c
.

fyovrai
.

OVK

dKov<rovTat

Kal

ov

IO 1

us

<rrv\oi

Trvp6s.

Dan

IO6 (&

GK^Kij.
(i.t

ol Tr65es).

ev T V

X ei Pt

airrov

J3ij3\apldi.oi>.

Ezek 2 9

tv

airy
\<av

IO 2 Sxrirep \ewv fivKarai. * 2 IO5 6 r. xeZ/m ayrou

7?/>e

r. dej-Ldv els

r. T.

ovpavbv Kal
ai&vas.

&fj.ocret>

ev T. f&vri els
r.

Hos II 10 u?s Dan I2 7 (^ o vif/wcrev r. Se^tdv avrov ... )esr. ovpavbv Kal tipocrev
)
(>o

ev T.
r.

&vTi
o
f
\

(r.

ffivra els o
(rt

!O6b 8s fKTicrev 3
avT<

ovpavbv Kal

ev

Ex 2O 11
ovp.
en/rots

eiroiyirev
T.

) T. ai&va. vy) Kvptos r.

Kal

T. yrjv

6d\a<T(rav

Kal r. ev avT-f} Kal r. Kal r. ev avrfj. See on

evrjy-

Kal
:

yijv

Kal irdvra

rd iv

Neh
edv

6
.

i4 under II. IO7 rb lAVffTTjpiov T. deov, ws ye\urev T. eavrov SouXous r.

ras.

Amos
(

Trpo<prj-

= 1D1D
-

/AT)

diroK.aXv ty Q jraidelav

corrupt for

mo=r.
T.

/SofXr)^

ai^roO
irpbs T.

and
3
(i.

fj.vffr^pi.ov

in our text)

8ov\ovs avrov

IO9 rd ptp\ttpldiov Kal \eyet

/AOI

Ezek 3 1

267-268).

But Dan 5 23 was doubtless in the mind of our author : 6 . Beovs . . . ot ot P\irovcrij Kal ot O&K aKotiovo iv, seeing that the preceding words in our author, rd et SwXa r. xpucra Kal r. dpyvpa, KT\., are based on Dan 5 28 .
1

2 Both o and 6 read v\f/wcrei>, but o reads T. faJfra els r. al&va 0e6v instead of the last five words in 6 atpew is the usual rendering of N?J in the phrase v NBM, but Daniel has here D in. 3 Our author uses KT^CLV as a rendering of n tyy, but none of the O.T. versions do so. In I4 7 he uses iroieiv the usual rendering. Hence I47 is Kal r. 0dX. Observe that o 4. given under 4 The idea first suggested by Ezekiel is reproduced in the Pss. Solomon and the Little Apocalypse in the Synoptics. But in our text the idea is While the Pss. Solomon use o-rjfj.e iov wholly transformed see vol. i. 194 sqq. See later (p. Ixxxv) on this verse (i.e. in) our author uses vcppayls (i.e. Dnin).
.
>

in connection with

Eph 4

30
,

Ixxii
2 4

THE REVELATION OF
Dan
4
2
14

ST.
I27

JOHN
(i.

II
1 I

fArjvas Ttffaep&KOVTO. /cat dvo.

72*

279).
3 4 ^^ Aatat.
irda-j/s

al dvo

ACUCU Kal

al dvo \vxviai al r. Kvplov r. yrjs earOrres.

Zech 42 Xuxvfa xpvrf

irapeffT-fjKaffiv

Kvpty
r.

r.

7^s.
II
5

irvp

tKiropeverai
teal

K r.

ffr6/j.aTos

Sam

22

Trvp

(rr6/u<rros

aiJrou

avr&v

Cf.
/xou
. .
.

Jer 5
r.

14

dedtoKa r.
<rov

eis

<yr6/j.a

irvp

/fed
6^
.

/cara^aYerat.
. . .

II II

(I3
T.
7

I7

8
)

r.

077,

r.

dvafiatvov

Dan

r^crcre/aa 6^77pta

dvtfiaivev

CK
7

dj3v<rcrov.

K r. flaXao o Tjs.

(I3 ) Tronjo-ei /in Kal vncfiffd avrovs.

Dan 7

II 15 T.

KVptOV TJH&V Kal T. X/3KTTOU avrov, Kal /3a<nXeu<m eis r. at wvas r. aiwvwv.

^ . ^irolei Tr6\efj.ov /ierct T. Kal ttrxvffev Tpos auroi/s. o r. cvvLffrdfJifvov irpbs a7t ous Kal Tpoirov/j.evov avrovs. Ps 2 2 Kara r. Kvpiov Kal Kara r. 16 s7 XptoToO ayrou. 9 ( io ) @a<rt\ev<rfi

21

Kvpios els T. al&va Kal ets r. aluiva r.

aiuivos.

12 3 ^x 12 4

a>1

Kepara 6eKa.
r.

rpirov T. darepuv T. ovpavov Kal ZjBaXev avrovs els r. yijv.

crt;/>ei

Dan Dan
Is

K^para d^Ka aury.

)

8 10 (0

^Treo-ej/

(eppdxdrj, o

tirl T.

?r6 r.

dwd/mecos r. ovpavov Kal

apcrev r6iros
is

12 5 erexev vlbv, Aparev. I2 8 ovdt r67roj evfdr] ainruv.

I2 9 6 o0is ... 6 2 I3 r6 drjpiov
. .

66 7 ZTCKCV
2 s5 (0
3
7
13
)

(Mass.
oi>x

"OT

Dan
Gen Dan

p).

evpeQrj avrois.
.

This clause
6
o<pis

missing in o
fj.f.
u<rel

r)TrdTr)<rev

8/j.oiov

irapSd\i

o
)

6-rjplov
. .

irdpSaXis (o
apK($ (o
.
.

ws &PKOV

...<!>$..

irdpSaXii
6not<t)<rii>

5
8fj.oioi>

fyov &PKOV)

uael

\taiva.
TTotTjcrcu ir6\e/Jiov fj.era r.

viKrjeai
1 1

avrofa.

ayLwv Kal See above under

Dan

21
.

7.

Here our
.

text agrees closely

with

Dan
I3 I3
8

r.

dpviov r.
rts

cr<t>ay/j.vov.

ets

aixfJi.a\w<rlai>,
*
|

eJs
|

Is 53 2 Jer I5

I2 6 yey pap/Afros VT. Ps 68 (69 J 29 K /St ^Xou fwi/rwy.

.

<^s

irpdftarov
e/s

eirl

(rcpay^v.
els

Scroi

ddvarov,

ddvarov

ef
|

ns
t

^v

ai/r^"

Kal 8aoi els fj-dxaipav, els ftdxaipav . Kal CHTOI els alxf^aXucriav, els . .

ip-g

dTroKTavdTjvai.
first

combines the the Hebrew.

I4
I4
2

Our author two clauses in

alxv-aXwlav.

Cf. also 50 (43 ) u where the same Hebrew words are rendered for the most part by different Greek words.

(frwvrjv

...

Xuv.
5

See on

(is (puvty 15
I

vdaruv iro\ above.

/cai

^ ry

<rr6/iari

avruv

of>x

Zeph
ov

13

ov

Xa\T]<rovffLV

/j-drata,

Kal

/J.T]

evpedrj ev rt^

rr6/x.ari

y\C)ffffa

So\ta.

The Seer

avr&v words

are a compression of the last four words of the Hebrew, no K^

mr

D.TB3 N^D N^l.

Is
8

2 19

TreTTTWKev,
.

TreirruKev (B).

So
I4 Ba/SiAwi
.

also d

K r. ofvoy [T.

^u/ioD] r. iropveias avrijs veirbriKev

travra r.

ttfj/i;.

See on i8 3 below.

PASSAGES BASED DIRECTLY ON HEBREW OF

O.T.
L

Ixxiii

irlcTat,

K
.

r.

otvov rov ffvpov r.

Is

51

17

toOera

^ir

x P*
O.VTOV.
1

<vpiov

T.

faov

T.

KeKepaff/a^vov dicpdrov
6/37175

v r.

T.

dvfJLOV

Ps 74
3

avTov.

ronfjpiov

P*

fvp iov, olvov

Ov irX^pes

/ce/)d<r/iOTo?

I4

14
i

tiri

T.

ve<p\r]v

Ka.d-riiJ.evov.

See
/cat

7*

in

5 below.

[14

Ttp^ov
,

TO

8p&ravov

<rov

Joel 3 (4)
OTI
13

13

QTI ?i\dev j\ wpo depicrat, OTI 6 0eptcriJ.bs rijs 7*7*.]

I4

18 v^fitl/ov crov T. Sp^iravov TO 6v, Kai TpiryrjG ov r. f36rpvas r. dju.ire\ov r. 7175, on iJK/j.acrav a i

Joel 3 (4)

See preceding passage.

rms
ff

o
\rjVOV
T.

/caro-

Lam
KCLI
0ai//ta<rra

15

r.

Ip7a

<rov.

Ps
1

no

o. XT/yoy fird-rrjaev
2

(in) ne-yd\a
14

1/370
<rov

Sixaiai
7

(cL i6

I9

icai 2
).

d\T]0i.vai

ai odoi croi

138 (I39) &avpdtria T. tpya Ps 144 (I45) 17 Siicaioi tiptoe fr T. 65ois CLVTOV. 118 (lip) 131 at 65oi crou a

2 But ov1: w, which should here have been rendered fiveffwov. See vol. ii. 38.

Dan

io 5 ^

vepl

T.
I 13

ar-r]Qt]

^"wvos

See on
ovSely

above.
.
.

as

KO.TCVOV

xal

Is

64

6 otxos
ets r.
i

Ex
aKijvrjv T. fiaprvpiov

8vra.TO flcreXQeir etj r.

So^T/S KVptOV

l6 2
T.

TOVTJpbv

TTl

Ex

9*

&y4vfTO

dvdpUTTOlS.

DeUt 28M f\Kl

lA/fT/

^F

T.

TOVTJpq.

1 15 Just as the interpolation I4 refers only to the harvest of judgmentidea which is not used metaphorically by our author (see ii. 19, 20 sqq.) so 18 I4 refers only, and rightly, to the vintage of judgment. 2 This tracing of 15^ to Dan io3 rests on the supposition that Xi 0oi is a But the use of this word is questionable in itself, and our corruption of \tvov. author does not use it, but jSva-cnvos. See vol. ii. 38. 3 In Ps 75 9 otvov d/cpdrou is a rendering of ten j where the Mass, punctu

ates differently. Cf. Jer 32 l (25 1S ) where we find r. otvov r. djcpdrou. The two terms are brought together in Pss. Sol 8 13 eittpaa-ev . . . OLVOV dxpdTov. By our unmixed wine," but it is author, o and Pss. Sol icrr is taken as

pointed Ten and rendered "(which) foams" by modern scholars. 19 In the cup is God s cup of judgment, whereas in i; 4 iS6 (sources) i^ib the cup is in the hand of Babylon. The former refers to God s judgments, the latter to Babylon s corrupting of the world.
4

"

The Mass. Tsp depicr/jLos, whereas o presupposes TSX These words are confused in Jer 48*- where some MSS read one and some the other. 9 = o ). Thus in our text I4 15 Possibly Tsp in Is id is also corrupt for ( follows the Mass. Tap. But Vza is only used here in O.T. of the ripening of In Gen 4O 10 it is used of vines, and so possibly grain, if indeed it is so used. it should be here. Thus Tsp would be corrupt for TSS, and Joel 4 13 would 18 rightly relate only to the vintage (so R.V. in marg.), just as in I4 of our

-m

text.

Ixxiv
16 3 16 4

THE REVELATION OF
^x
avrov
els
T.

ST.

JOHN
TO VS&p Mass. ^En?.
.
.

Ttao-a \J/VXT} ffc^s. V T <pt-d\tjv

.

Gen I 21 Traaav Ex 7 20 ^ara^ev

/iere/SaXei (but irav TO v8b)p . .

/cat

7rora/toi)s

/cat

eytvovTQ

afyta.

tytvfTo)

eis al/Jia.

i6 7 dXrjdival Kal 5i/caiai at Kplcreis vov. 06 avdpwiroi 16 18 otos OVK yvero tytvovTO wl r. 777$.
d<j>

Ps 18 (I9) 20

See on I9 2 below.

Dan

I2 1 # o t a 01) y^yovev d0 r^s yeyevrjTai edvos tv Ty 777 (^?ri r. 777$,

.

AK).
16 19 dovvai avrr)
dv/j-ov T. dpytjs

T. TTOTT^PIOV r.

oiVour.

Jer 32 (25
r.

16
)

AdjSe

r. iroTTjpiov T. oivov

avrov.

d/c/>drou.

See on I4 10 above.
/caratr/CTjyoOj
i,

13 Jer 28 (5l)

ras

n3DB>

Q) ^0
.

vdacrc TroXXors.

7775

TrdVats r. /iiacrtXeiats
7 Jer 28 (5l)

r.
.

^fj.d6ff6rjaav ol KaToiKovvTes T. yijv.

iroT-qpiov

RafivXuv

17
4

a.ir7]veyK^v

/ie

tv

See 2 1 10 below. I7 7roT77ptov xp vcr

I7
8

v"

&T
r6

pi ai)r77S.

7 Jer 28 (5l) iroTTjpiov xpfcrouf

Xetpi Kvpiov.

ytypaiTTai

tiri

fiifi\iov

rys
I3
8

fai)s.

See I3 8 above.
KOfff^ov.

a7r6

KaTa(3o\Tjs
ri

See

above.
T.

trdpvr\v Kal yprjud)-

Ezek 23 29
Kal

Troi rjcrova iv

tv

troi

^p

ftlffei

TTOLrjcrova iv

avTyv Kal
in r.

yv/JLvrjv.

iS 1

77

77^

tfywrlaQ t]

6^775 ai)rou.

Ezek 43 2
8

77

777

i8 2 gireffeit above.
<?7eVero

%Tre<rev,

KT\.

See

I4

KaTOiKyrripiov

8ai[j,ovi<i)v.

Is

I3
D
I

21

Possibly a
.

vyb

UDtyi

combination of or based on
virb Sai-

Bar 4 s5

KaToiK.r)dr)<TTai

l83

^/c

Ti/cev

r. ofvou r. iropveias avTijs TreirbTrd^ra r. ^^77. This is with-

7 Jer 28 (5l)
.
.
.

?ror77/3toy

xpucrou*
a7r6 r.
1

/j.cdixrKOJ

Trdcrav r. 77^^.

out doubt the original reading and See explains the later corruptions.
148 172.

ofoou ai5T77s tirlovav Wvt\. Xd/3e r. TTOT^PLOV r. otVou

iroTtets
ii.

32 (25
. . .

1B
)

Kal

Trdira r. Zdvi).

See note on

14.

8 3 ol paviXeis r. yrjs ^ter avrfjs tirbpvevaav. See 1 7 2 above. 18 4 e&Xdare ft- avrrjs 6 Xa6s /J.QV. 18 5 e Ko\\rj6rj<rav afrrrjs al dftapriai
1

45 Heb. Dy HDinD IKS. o . Jer 5 1 9 Jer 28 (5l) ijyyiKfv (yi3) e/s ovpav6v.
>
J<

&xpi T. ovpavov. 18 6 diroSoTe avrrj us Kal avTT) aTrtduKev.

v Ttf 7TOT77pt y l8 7 _Srt tv r.

Ps 136 (l37) 8 d^raTroSaxret

crot

...

tittpaaev.

Kapola avTryi \tyei 6Yt /SatrtXtcrcra, /cat x~HP a OUK

firj tdu).

See above on I4 Is 47 7 8 elTras Ets

.
"

10

r.

aftDva
v Kapftla

apxovffa
airr^s
.

TJ

\yov<ra

trtvdos ov

oti

KadiCj

bptyaveiav.
1

Our

777.

Dan

adding the last three words tirl I am inclined to infer the existence of in the 1 I2 in the first cent. A.D.
text
in

and 6 agree

T, 7775

and

v r.

p3

Hebrew

text of

PASSAGES BASED DIRECTLY ON HEBREW OF

i8 9
ol fiacriXeis

O.T.

Ixxv

r.

7775 ol /*er

aur^s

See I7 2 i8 3 above.

i8 13 \f/vxds dvdp&irwv. l8 18 ri s ouoia r. ir6\ei

iS^^/SaXo?

"xpvv

r. jueydXri. eirlr. /ce0aXds ai)rcDf ,

Ezek 27 13 Ezek 27 32 Ezek 27 30

avr&v

e*
.

rts

&<nrep

Ttpos;
r.

^TriOrjaovcriv

eVi

yriv.

o&

//,77

Ezek 27 Ezek 26 13
/mr)

KeKpd^ovrai.
77

(puvrj r. if/aXrTjplui

aov ou

aKOvvdrj ert.
10

ptf/i7)

Jer

25

(puvrjv
*j*

vviJ,<plov

Kai
"J*

(f>wv}]v

vi5/i077s,

6o~fJL7]v

/nijpov

/cat

it

0u)s

Xi/x^of.

Apoc.
ol f^iropol [iS raves r. 717?.]
230

is

=D right

(Here

<pwvr\

n,ti\ov

0cDs in

^ip).

ffov Tjaav

ol /j,eyia-

Is

23

ot euiropoi avrrjs ev

T. 7775.

I9

d\f]6Lval

Kai
3

5^/catat
7

al

Kplffeis

Ps 18 (l9) 10 rd Kpipara

KVf.

avrov.

See I5

l6 above.

I9

A/iTTX AXX77Xowd. )(\OV TToXXoO 19^ U)S

H>

<p(3)VT\V

uSdrwy
<f)i>)i>T]v

TroXXcD//.

See
.

COS 15 I

ediKaiwiJ.eva eirl rb avr6 nn* ipn^ no*), Ps 118 (ng) 75 137 Ps 105 (lo6) 48 yevoiro. Dan IO^ 6 (pWVT] 8 Y\OV (o . 0.
-

6opv(3ov).

above.
I9 19
6 7

efiacriXevaev
/cat 11

/ci^ptos

x a ^ w Atej/
Kai

Ps

dya\\LWfJiev.
r.

96 (97) 6 dyaXXiafferai 77
I
1

/ci;ptos

77^,

elSoi

obpavbv

Tji^etfy/Jievov,

Ezek
Is

rjvolxOycrav

ol

ovpavot,

t 5oi5.

el8ov.

ef dtKaioffvvr) KpLvei.

II

p^^D

tiSJB i.

presupposes a
Kpicriv.

different text

Kpivelraireiv<f

19

12

ol

5
r.

6<j>6aX/jiol

atrov,

/crX.

See

14

2 18 above.
I9
1B
^/c
o"r6/iaros

auroO eKiropeverat
Cf.
I

po/Ji(j>aia

6eia. 1
Trard^Tj

16
.

tVa ^v

atfrij

rd

^^^77.

Is
ev

1 1

7rardet
iroiuaveis

77^* r.

X6yy r.
^/

(rr6/taros

a^rou.
oiftave?

avTotts
.

pdfBSq

Ps 2

auroi>s

pdSSw atd-noa.

5 This line Cf. 2 s7 I2 will be treated under 4. . . r. irareiT. Xyvbv r. otvov r. 0u/zou ^eou. See on I4 20 above.
.

Is

63

3
.

For
.

diction,
ii.

cf.

Lam

16
,

Tratrt
18
.
. .

r.

dpveots

. .

Ezek 39 4

See

138.

els r. Seiirvov

r.
21

6eov.

Iva

00777x6

<rdpfcas

/3a<TiX(j)v

/cat o*dp/cas Iff^ypCov.

I9

irdvra r. 8pvea exopTdffdycrav eK r.

Ezek 39 4 rd 6^77 rd
ffovraL etj TrXrjOr)
Ppudrjitai.

/xerd
.

<rou

ffapKwv avr&v.

opveuv

doOri/cara-

39

20

/cai ^fj-irXtjcrdria-effde.

2O4

eZSov

6p6i>ovs

Kai

eKadurav

ITT

Dan
7
s2

atirovs Kai

/cpi /xa

d6di) ai/rots.

eredfjcrav.

tdeupovv ?ws Srou 6p6voi 2G 7 r6 Kpirr/piov ^Kddicrev,

(r.

TO
o

Kptfj,a
)

Kplcnv
o
)

(+T.
1

dyiois

(+r.

vif/larov.

Cf.

Heb. 4 12

X670S roD 0eoO

ro/xwrepos

i>7rp

iracrav

These ideas of smiting the Gentiles with the word of His mouth (Is n 4 ) and of breaking them in pieces like potter s vessels (Ps 2 9 ) have already been combined in Pss. Sol I7 26 27 39
2
.

Ixxvi

THE REVELATION OF
. . .

ST.
9
>o

JOHN
o
.
.

20 11 eWov
fjtevov. 12

0p6voi>

Kal r.

Ka0-r)-

Dan
Dan

7
7

e/cd^ro
8lB\c
61
la
.

...

6 0p6vos

avrov
10

20 8tB\la -fivolx0Tl(rav. 20 12 dXXo BtB\Lov 7)voLx0r),

21*
i)

ianv

r.

Ps 68 (69) 29 BlB\ov

Kal

ffKyvy T. 0eov ftera r. dv0pwTrwv /ter avr&v Kal avrol

<rKT)v<i)<Tt

Ezek 37

27
,

Lev 26

11

See

ii.

207.

Xads aurou eVovrai. 2 1 4 ^a\i\l/fi irdv ddKpvov. above. 2 1 4 6 rd irpura airrj\dav . Katvd TTOttD.
"

See
.
.

17

LSov

Is

43

18 19
"

fJ-T]

fivrj/move^ere

ra
ii.

Kal idou
.
.

rd

dpxata
TrotcD /catvd.

y&
6 o*ot
14

See

203.

^/c . . . 21 6 ry St^ tDi rt 17 vdaros r. fw^s dwpedv (22 ).

.
5to<ra>

r.

Is 55

ot Sti/ cDi res,

^17;

/cat

iropeveade 4q ^X ere dpyvpiov

dyopdffare.

21

^(ro/xai

aury

^eos

/fat

auros carat
4iri

Sam
/cat

yuot it6s.

7 ^7(b ^(ro/xai aury ei s ai;r6s larat /uu ets uicij .

"

2 1 10 dinfiveyK^v
6pos
. . .

/AC

^v

v\l/Tf]\6v.

Cf. I7
.

TrvetifjtaTi 3

Ezek 4O 1
.

above.

T.

2I^ 3
TTuXwi esrpets
rpe?s, /crX.
/cal

SwdeKa (pv\&v aTro dvaroX^s

v opdaet 0eov -fjyaytv fj,e ZdrjKtv p,e tir 8pos v\f/rj\6v 1 . . wan). (naa nn SK jn j ! Ezek 48 31 at TruXat r. 7r6Xea>s ^TT
. .

/fat

6v6p.a<rtv

(frvKCjv

r.

lo pa^X*

aTro jSoppa TruXwj es

T.

rpets Trpos
?r/)6s

Boppav.
.

48

-"

34

TruXat Kal rd

d^aroXas
#770-0; r.

Tr^Xat rpets /crX.

2 1 18

T;

^v5c6/tr;o-is

re%oi>s

aurf}s

Is

54 54

12

faaTris.

2 1 19 6

0efj.t\io$
5
)

...

6 Seirrepos o-d7rT.

Is Is

11

rd
ou/f

</>eipos.

2 1 23 (22
aurTj,

T/

7r6"Xis

ou xpeta?/ ex^t
r.

TjXtou ou5
77

r.

o-eX?7i 77S

iVa (ftalvwffLv

6o 0ws

19

^crrat (rot

en

6 7^X10$ e/s

7ap 56^a

#eou ^(puTLcrev
Is

77/t^pas ou5^ dfaroXTj o"eX77i 77S 0wrte? o^ou r. vtiKra, dXX ecrrat . . .

21

24

0wrds
21
25

/cat TreptTrarTjo-ouo ti rd e flj T; 5td r. aur77S /fat o2 /SaatXets r. 7775

1

6o3
aou
.

/cat
. .

Tropeixrovrat
etfpT/.

r<

6o u

0a>rt
<rou

al

irtiXat

<ptpov<nv

r.

d6av avr&v ...

/*7j
/fXeto".

...
o oj rai,

7/yitepas /cal

vu/cr6s ou

K\et<T0-/j-

/fat oi

TTuXwi es aurTjs ou
.

. 0&(rtv i]/j.tpas 2 1 26 /fat ofoovcrtvT.

86av
.

r.

Zdvwv
Is

elcrayayeiv Trpds ae duvafuv dv&v Kal /Sao-tXets aurw^ a70/u^i ous. 1 5 6o t TrXouros IdvCiv Kal
.

21
et

ei s afirrjv. 27

Kal
.
.

TJov<nv
1

f.

ou

/XT?

elatKd-rj

Trai Kotvbv.

52
. .

OVK{TI
.

7rpoo-re#?7<rerai

/XT;

oi yeypa/j,fj.vot ev r. /3t/3Xia) r.

Dan
o
.

See ii. 173 sq. a/fd0apros. r I2 1 # oyeypa/A^vos

.

;T}S.

See 13^ I7 8 above.

^yyeypa/bt^vos

v r.

led is corrupt for D jrta recognize, O Jinj ( = of "and their kings led (by them)," render The kings lead and are not led "under the leadership of these kings." by their people. Now apparently our author anticipated our modern scholars ; for he represents the kings as acting on their own initiative : they bring the glory of the nations into 2 2i 26 is nearer the Mass. is quite corrupt Here the INT ^n, the wealth of the nations shall come unto thee." Our author either read u. 1x5; instead of o;, or followed the Mass, in 6o
them)."

men may

the text is clearly corrupt In the Mass, as well as the i.e. that bring unto thee the wealth of the nations and their kings led (by
"

LXX

"

leading."

As modern scholars Hence instead

"

")

"

it."

LXX

"]V

D"iJ

"

PASSAGES BASED DIRECTLY ON

22 1
eKiropirora^bv vdaros far)s The K T. dpovov r. 0eov. idea is to be found in its developed form in I and 2 Enoch.
"

HEBREW OF
iri

O.T.

Ixxvii

Ezek 47 1 vdup
vbrov TO

OTTO

evo/J.evov

Zech
Ie/>ou-

22

ev peffy . . Kai eneWev v\ov fwrjs TTOIOUV Kapirovs /card fJLTJva eKaarov diro5u>5e/ca,
.

T. irora/ULOV

evrevdev

Kzek 47 12 o
Tri
.

e?ri r.

Tror

T.
.

T,

didovv T. Kapirbv avrov /cat r. (f>v\\a v\ov ei s Oepaireiav r. tdv&v.

TI)S

ayroO evdev Kal avrov KaLvdrrjTos avrov (v^nn)) Trpwroov8

/AT]

x e ^ ol/s

K\iirri 6 Kapirbs

jSoX^tret, 6Vi

Icrrcu

dvajSacris

avruiv (inVy)

et s

has missed the sense and misrendered several times where our author has rightly reproduced

LXX
it.

vyleiav.

Here the

22 s* Tfav Karddefia OVK carat eri. 22 4 8if>ovrai T. irpowirov avrov.

None of the Greek renderings so close to the Mass, as our author. See ii. 176-7. Zech I4 11 avadepa (D"jn) OVK ecrrcu en. Ps 16 (i7) 15 TJS nmx. But o has
is
6<j>6ri(ro[j.ai

T.

TrpotrciTry (rou.

Con
7
.

trast

Mass, and

in

83 (84)

22 OVK See 2 1 23 above.

Kvpios 6 debs (parrlffet
1

KT\.

eir

avrovs.

22 12a
IJLOV

t 5oi>

epxofJLai

raxv, Kal

uur66s

uer 4aov.
r.

22 12b airodovvat ^KaffTcp ws

avrov. 3

epyov

Ps 117 (ll8) 27 6ebs Kvpios an abbreviated form of the ijfuv Aaronic blessing see ii. 210-211. Is 4O 10 Idov Kupios ep%ercu idov 6 fuadbs avrov yuer avrov. 62 11 Prov 24 12 airooiodxnv Kara T. 12 epya avrov. Cf. Ps 6 1 (62) d7ro5c6(rets CKaffTtj} Kara r. epya avrov.
: . .
.

eKa<rT($

22
owpe&v. 22 l8b-19
<ret

vdd)p fwTj

Is 55 1 oi

Sii/ cDj/res

iropeveade.

See 2 1 6 above
r
.

[-

Deut 42
.

Kal ta.v rts

ov trpoadrjffevde wpbs T. pij/j-a. Kal OVK d^eXeZre air avrov

In

iS 1 our author renders

ix;,

nVNn of Ezek 43 2 by

just

as

he

renders
2

Ps 117 (u8) 27 by
t 3oi>

0coriVet.

to 22 12ab .

3 has a close but independent parallel avrov (cf. Is 4O 10 ) irpb irpocruirov avrov Kara rb epyov avrov (cf. Pr 24 12 ). Here Is 62 ), airooovvai (cf. Clement is a mosaic of the o of these three passages, but not so our author. rbv tavrov fjucrdbv, Kal rb epyov avrov irpb Trpocrwirov The (/ of Is 62 11 is r. epyov The order of the words, avrov. avrov, is not our author s * see p. clvii adJin. The clause = in^ysD. tus here = a classical according as meaning not elsewhere found in our author. But in our author s mind ws is the regular rendering in our author for ? in Hebrew (see vol. i. 35-36). The Hebrew particle has this meaning. Yet we should expect Kara ra epya avrov (cf. 22 12 ). 3 The throne of God in the Apocalypse is in the heavenly temple. But since there is no temple in the heavenly Jerusalem, only the throne of God 6 Kvpios Kal 6
/u.io-6bs
11
Kao~rq>
e%a>^
a>s

Clem. Rom. ad Corinth, xxxiv.

e<rrlv

"

is

mentioned here. 4 R.V. of this passage shows how faulty the LXX is here. river ... on this side and on that side shall grow every tree
.
:

"

the neither

By

shall the fruit thereof fail

it

shall bring forth

new

fruit

every month

and the

leaf thereof for

healing."

Ixxviii

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN
p

4- Passages based on the Hebrew of the O. T. (or the Aramaic in Daniel) but influenced (in some cases certainly in others possibly]
,

by o
I I

aTTo 6 &v.
6 ftdprvs 6 7rt(TT(5s.

Ex
ap^uv

14

6*706

efyu 6 &v.
Trurrds. 3
Br/cro/jiaL

5a

5b

6 ir/)a?r6ro/cos r. veKp&v Kal 6 T. /Sao iXe toj r. 7175.

Ps 88 (89 ) 38 A fidprvs v ovpavqt Ps 88 (Sg) 28 Kay Co TrpwrdroKov

avrdv, v^rjXbv irapa r. (3a(n\ev(nv

T.

23a

6a.va.Ttp.

Ezek 33
iniD

s7

tfavdry
(roi

aTro/crei tD

(Mass.

nma).
9
5c6<ro>

2 26b Scicrw ai/ry

2 s7 /cat
TTOLfjiavei

^ovfftav eV2 r. tQv&v. avTovs pdfidy (nSrjpqi,

i>

Ps 2 8

"

e^^

r. K\r)povofj,lav

(is r. (r/ceify T. /cepa/u/cd

See vol. pf^ets auro^s. and Pss. Sol I7 26 .

5

i.

75-77
/3t /3Xov

otf

>w

r. 6fO/ta

auroD

r.

Ex

32

32 33

^dXen/^p
29

ytte

^/c

r.

erou.

Ps 68 (69) K plp\ov fdvruv

ere
y<J)

Qa\eut>8-fiTtoffa.v

See

i.

84.

9c
2

d (re. 6*70; TjydirTja 4 10 I9 ) ^?rt r. dpbvov (7

Is 43 4
I

rjydTnjcra.
Oei.

Is 6 1 r. Kvpiov Kadrj/j.evov ^jrl Bpbvov.

19 Kings 22

dirl

6p6vov aurov.
go-o/xai
<rot.

[5
9

dv/uuajudTuv, a l elviv a!
3

(I4
8

d dovtriv

y5V

Ka.(.vi]v.

Ps I4O2 rj irpotrevx^ Ps 143 (I44) 9 tpdfyv Kwr\v Is 42 10

.

[6

aTTOfcreti at ^v

po^aLq. Kal tv
drjpiuv r.

Ezek I4

21

po[j,<f)alav

davdrif) Kai virb r.

6-rjpia irovrjpa.

Kal Kal Qdvarov

r.

(^).

6 10

?ws

Tr6re
r.

ou

Kplvets
.

Kal

2 Kings 97
SotiXwv
Is
/u.ov

^/cSt/c^creis
. . .

a^ara
]

r.

aZ/ia ^/*w^ ^/c r. 2 ^TriT. 7775; cf. I9

/carot-

e*/c

%et/)6s

6 14 f
7
14

6
\Krcr6/Jiei>ov

ws
f.
r.

34

\iy^a-Tdi
r.

^TrXfi ai

erroXas
Cf.

avr&v

Gen 49 11

22 14.

TrXwet ^y of^y avrov Kai iv ai/iart.

I9
18

Ex
6 ij\tos.
1 1

dv^fiaLvev 6 /ca?rv6s ws
TJXtos
8

10 Joel 2 6

Kal
Oeol

97

7rara,at r. 777^

Sam
Ezek

ol

oi

Trard^avres
(
.

r.

v
1

irda-ji

irXyyfj
e/s

["

37
.

avTotis

rd

^/ aurots

/cai

TroSas
aura>

ea-rrjffav eiri r.

aurwv.
KO.I

Ps 98 (99) 1

/ci/pios

tpoffiXewev dpyt-

XaoL.

Here and in 2O 15 our author appears to use /3t/3Xos owing to o in the first in his second. For, when writing independently, he uses passage and when using the phrase r6 fiifi\lov r. fw^s, I3 8 2i 27 (cf. I7 8 ). In fiiftXlov, even
1

occurs 23 times (3 times in an interpolation). uses ^ffrddrjv (8 3 I2 18 ) as the aorist of iW^/xt. Chapter 1 1 is a source, and the use of tvT-r)<rav in it may be due to 5a 8 I and Ps 88 (Sg) 38 are wholly dissimilar, but the The ideas in the Apoc. dependence in case of the diction is clear.
all fiifiXlov
2

Our author

o".

PASSAGES INFLUENCED POSSIBLY BY O

jji8d-g
T>

Ixxix

SotiXois ffov

irpo(f>r]Tais

Kal

Amos
ras. Is
14

r.

dov\ovs avrov r.
-

T. dyiois Kal T. (f>oj3ovfj.evoi.s T. ffov T. uiKpovs Kal T. /m,eyd\ovs.

6voud
.

Ps II3 21 (l!5 1S ) r
ffyfj-eiov

r. Kvpiov r.

piKpovs /ierdr.
Idov
i]

fj,eyd\<av.

I2

1-

2
o"j/j.eiov
.

7W7]

^v

~rpl
.

exovffa
1

Kal Kpdfrei

J)8ivov<ra

reKeiv.

irapdevos kv 17 yaarpl eei (tfA XiJ/i^erai, B). 26 &5lvov(ra eyylfa reKeiv, eirl rfj ij &olvi avTTJs e/c^/cpaev.

I28b

TroifJ-alveiv

Trdvra

r.

edvrj

tv

See on 2 s7 above.
Is

pd/SSy cridrjpy. I2 12 evippaiveaOe ovpavoi. 7 I4 T. iroirjcravTi r. ovpavbv Kal r. 7 Contrast IO 6 under /cat flaXac-cra?. On this phrase see 3 above.
/
>7/

Ex

Cf. 44 49 ovpavoi. 2O 11 (quoted on !O6b under 3

.

13

s3

ev(f>paive<rde

above).
. .

Neh
7^^
.

I9 eTrolcnjas
.

r.

ovpavbv

r.

r. 0aXd(r0-as.

Acts 424 I4 15 11 I4 6 Kawvbs

dvafialvet
3
. .

els

al&vas al&vwv
Kal VVKTOS.
r. SotfXou

Is

34

10

WKrbs Kal
alwva

ijutpas

Kal

r]fj.epas

els T.

-\_pbvov /cat d^a/STjcrerat 6

I5 qoovcnv [r.
T. 0eoO],
4

<jj5V

Mwi^a^ws

Ex Ex

Kairvbs avrijs. 31 I4 MWUO-T? r. depdirovri. avrov. 1 I5 ^(rei Mwua^s . . . r. yi

r. 6^o/xd
<rou.

ravTTfjv.

I5 4 I5

Sol-da-ei r.

o^o/xa
eflvT;

<rov.

Trdvra r.

ij^ovffiv
<rov.

Kal

irpoff-

Ps 85 (86) 9 5o^d(rou(r Ps 85 (86) 9 irdvra r.

See on
i

Kvvrjffovffiv evd!)7ri6v

efli^ . . . TJ^OVCTIV Kal TrpoffKvvfjcrova i.v 4vd)Trt6v aov.

13

trepl T. ffT^dt]

favas

under
17

3.

l6

5t /catos el

#<rtos.

Ps 144 (I45)
6 trtos.

5t/caios

dl/j.a 16

irelv.

Is

I7

/caZ r.

ffdpKas avrijs (fidyovrai.

r. af/^a

Is

49 26 49 (pdyovrai a^rwi .
.

26

frlovrai

rb alfta avr&v.
.

r.

(rdp/

19 ^edlKrjffev 19 I9
e/c 3

r. SoivXwy auroG
10

x
6

l See on 6 above. P os UVTTJS. Kairvbs avrfjs dvafiaivei els r.

al&vas.
5

alvelre

See on I4 11 above. r. ^ey ^wJ Trd^res

,

ol
ol

Ps

dovXot avTov, ol fUKpol Kal ol /j.eyd\ot.

<j>oj3ovfj.evoi

avrdv,

2 Kvpiov, aivelre SovXoi Kvpiov

<f>o(3ov/j.evoi

134

(I35)
r.

alveire

r.
.
. .

oi

Kvpiov.

See on II 18

above.
I9
15

iva ev avTri iraTdt-Tj

Troi/mavel

rd

edvrj

Kal

Is

II 4

/cat

7rardei yijv ry X^7y rou

avrov.

avrbs

2O

ffiSrjpg,. 9

See 2

>J7

avrovs above.

ev

odfidfj)

<rr6/>iaros

e?ri r.

TrXdros r. 7^5.
/care"-

Hab

tvi rd TrXdri; (r6 TrXdros

I

A)

r. 7775.

Kare/3?7

e/c T. ovpavov Kal (This could be registered under 3, since the Hebrew could hardly be rendered differently.) 2I 1 ovpavbv Katvbv Kal yrjv Kaivfiv.

TrCp

2 Kings

10

exactly as in our text.

(j>ayev.

Is 65 17 evrai

ydp

b ovpavbs Kaivbs Kal

2I 2 (2l 10 )r. iroXivT. dylav 21

12

Iepovo-aX-fifj,.

Idov
u,er

e"pxofj.ai

ra^v, Kal

b fj,icr66s

Is 52 1 Tepoi^a-aXr;^, 7r<5Xts Dan 9* 4 d f . 10 I8ov Kvpios Kvpios Is 4O

. . .
/5oi>

^ a7^a.
. . .

Cf.

/jiov

4fj,ov.

Already registered

6 /ucrdbs

tpxerai avrov per avrov.

under
1

3 above.

3. Possibly this passage should have been given under Our author rightly follows the Hebrew here, mm nay, against o

Ixxx

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

based on the Hebrew of the O.T. (or the Aramaic 5. Passages of Daniel\ but influenced (in some cases certainly in others prob ably) by a later form ofo, such as is preserved in Theodotion 6
,
.

a Set yevfoffai.
10

(5

2O 6 )

tiroli]<rfv

pita s

fia.<n\eiav

Dan Ex I9 6
D jra
"3

iepeis T.

0e<^.

2 & Set = 6 /3a<rtXe/a tepets, which But the Mass, has roVoo.
.

28 -

4fi

nD^DD,
7
13

iepdrev/ma.
I

and also o fiaai\eiov See vol. i. 16.

.

7a

Sou lpx erat /^rd

*
?"

ve<f)\G)v.

Dan
Is

t Soi)

yuerd r.

vf<f>e\u)v

t Soi)

^?rt r.
(cf. 12

ji7b

2 8 22 13 )

716 ei/u 6 TrpcDros

/cat 6

48
Is

12

ve(p\&v 6 44 ) fnrw
.

tfpxero.

eVxctTOS.

48

3N qx jitrxT 3N. E7tb wpcDros /cal ^70;

701 et ^tt Trpwros /cal at cDva.

^<TXaros.

^70)
I

19

ytt^XXet

yivevdai
/cXe?v

yiteTot

raura.

Dan
Is
.

etyut e^s r. X s9
.

Set

yev^adat f^era ravra

r.

...

ouSets K\elffi Kal

6 dvoiyuv Kal K\etuv Kal ovdels

22 22
.

6
.

Kal dj/ot^et
o
f
.

/cal

oi)/c

^arat 6

6 avoiywv.
. .
.

5c6a"a;

T.

56av AauetS
^<rrat

/cal
,

6 di Ti#pet, Kal ou/c /cal K\dffi Kal OVK carat 6

90

ij!;ov<ru>

Kal

irpoaKwf)<rovcnv

tv&iriov

Is

T.

TroSah
4.

<rou.

See on I5 4 under

6o vavruv
^?rl r.

14

/cal
. .

TropevcrovTai
.

tx vrl T

irpoaKw^ffovcriv Tro5)v crov. o om.

/cal

last eight

words.

a
i

Sel

19

yevfodai above.

ytterd

raOra.
2

See on

30

Kal r. etSwXa r. xP Vff & r. x ^*** /ca ^ T \L0iva Kal T. j-v\iva, a ovre [BXtireiv SiJi aj Tai offre dKOveiv otire irepiTO, dai/j.6ifia
/cal T.

D an

s3

>

).

r. 0eoiys r.
/cal

dpyvpd Kal

Ka ^

dpyvpovs
/cal

uX/vous /cal (riSTjpoOs ot ov p\irov<nv Kal ot OVK di

(o
<

entire passage).

Cf.

Ps 113
ov

OVK

dKov<rovTai

IO6

tifAoo-fv

v T.

U>VTL

et s r. aftD^as.

Dan

I2 7

u>

uo<rei
/

^^

r.

fu)?

whereas o presupposes Vy. In ny, as does 6 ve^Xrjv Kadrj^evov does not presuppose Sy, for Kadrifj.evov requires tirl here. Thus ay is presupposed by /xerd in Rev i 7 Mk I4 62 tpx6/j.evov 6 Lk 2 1 27 whereas Matt 24 30 yuerd r. ve(p. by tv in Mk I3 ^px^/^^ov iv r 26 s4 px6jj.evov 4irl r. ^60. presuppose o and *?y. See vol. i. 18. 2 This combination of demons and idols is first found in i En gg 7 3 29 o has this phrase also in 3 but since there is no other passage in our author based on Daniel that agrees with o against 6 and many that agree f with d against o we conclude that where they agree, as here, our author is influenced by a version of the character of Q 4 Ka * dpyvpovs. The Mass, here trs. xp v and Peshitto But, since 4 here, as well as all the authorities for the same list of substances in 5 , support the order XP- Ka &P7 there can be no doubt that the Mass, is wrong here and that our author and Q attest the true order in 5 s3 Our author is follow
,

Our author knows only

I4

14

^TT! r.

ve<p.,

28>

<rus

<-

ing S

28

here, as the concluding clauses prove.

ECHOES OF THE
I2 14
5

O.T.
I2 7
Q
Kal
.

Ixxxi
o

Kaipbv
ffT6[j.a

Kal

Kaipovs
fji,eyd\a.

icai

rjfjuffv

Dan Dan Dan

Dan
7

Kaipbv
Kaipov.

Kal

Kaipovs
25
.
"j

Kaipov.

(AQF)
\a\ovv
8

TJ/J.KTV

Cf.

I3 7 I3

6 o

7rot?7<rat

ir6\e/j,ov //era r.

ayiwv.

21

^
o
.

or. XaX. fiey.

tirolei
ir6\efjiov

p.era

r.

ayiuv.
15

ir6\e[jiov

(rvviffTd/nevov

I3 I4 I5
8
"

8<roi

eav ^77
77

irpoaKVvfjffovffiv

T.

irpbs T. dyiovs. 6 5s 3 6 o
.

av
77

^77

(+7re<rwi

et /coVa.

TTpoaKwrjar] (T. elKOVi).

/j,eyd\r).

Ba/SuXcbv
6

3 4

/3a(ri\evs

r.

tQv&v

ris ov
8

^
).
a

4 r 7 Jer IO Q

Dan

27

</.

Ba/3.
r
).

yu.e7.

(>o

Ws

ov

fj

2O U

00/377077 y

rdiros oi/x evpedrj avrois (cf. I2

aerai, f3aai\ev r. edv&v ; Dan 2 35 r . TOTTOS ou% eup x o . wcrre

2O 15

ef TIS

ovx

evpe9r) ev r. /3t/3Xw

T.

Dan Dan

I2 1

r
.

Tras

+6

evpedels

AQ)
o

07775

yeypafA/mcvos.
T.

o . 5s av yeypa/u./Aevos ev T. ^StjSXy. evpedrj tyyeypa/Jiuevos ev r. /3i/3Xaj.

22 10

^177

ff<ppayia"r)s

\oyovs

r.

I2 4

X
.

a(f>pdyi<rov

r.

^i^>\lov.

T.

/3i/3Xioi>.

I2 9
o
.

>7oi.

TrpocTTd^yuaTa.
6.

Phrases and clauses in our Author which are echoes of

Kings 2O
ai roO.
9
CTKV/JLVOS
25

O. T. passages.
2 20 ryv yvvalKa Iedpe\.
lovda. 5 6 X^wv 6 ex T. Aaveid (cf. 22 1K ). 77 pifa
<j)v\TJs

(2l)

lefdjSeX

77

71^77

Gen 49

\4ovros, lovda.

Is II 1 CK r. pifrs leffffai.

9 e^rj\6ov aKpides
. . .

els r. 7771*.

X(^T. fj,eyd\($ Eixppdry.

iropveias
Tropveias.

/cXe/i-

Ex IO 12 dva^rjTdi} aKpls eV! r. 777^. Gen I5 18 r. TTOT. r. /ie7. E^0. Ex 2O 13 (Mass., but different order
o
).

in

2 Kings 9 22 al Tropveiai
Kal T.
<f>dp(j.aKa

Ied/3eX
ere

avTrjs.

IO

11

5eZ

(re

Trd\iv
edveffLv

irpocpriTevo ai
.
.

eiri

Jer

10

Idov

Kad^araKd

...

eiri

Xaots
\evffiv.

Kal

Kal

/3acrt-

^0^77 Kal /SacnXelas.

11 1 Kd\afios

^TpTjffov T. vaov.

Ezek

3
4<D

ev

T.

xeipl afiTov fy

/cdXa/uos

perpov.
r. OLKOV.
/

41

13

5ie/xerp?i(rev

KarevavTi
11 2 43607}
T.

edveviv Kal r. 7r6\iv r.

Zech I2 3

077(ro u,at r.

lepovffdXij/u,

\L6ov

irb\Lv r. dyiav.
1 1

TrvevfjLaTiK&s 265o/xa. II 10 5u)pa ireiityovaiv d\\r)\ois.

Is

10

Israel addressed as

"Sodom."

Esth 9 19 dTrocrrAXoires

fiepidas eVcacrros

e*^.
ets r.
13

ovpavbv.
0e<

Frequent in the O.T. 11 dve\r)/u.<j)8-r) Kings 2

copai/oV.
19
,
.

els

r.

II
r.
1 1

eSwitav
r.

d6av

r.
(cf.

0ey
15

ofyxwou

fiacriXevcrei els T.

l6 u ). aluvas

(cf.

14").

Josh 7f

Dan

Jer I3 etc. 2 18 19 37 6 o
-

16

2 44

r.

al&vwv.

Ps 9

37

(lo

16
)

j3acriXe^<rei

Kvptos els r.

See note on 3 5 under

4.

explains our author

use of

/3t /3Xos

here

instead of his

own word

f3ip\loi>.

Ixxxii
7

THE REVELATION OF
Eccles

ST.
1

JOHN

I4 0oj9i707Tre r. deov. 10 I4 irvpl Kal delq. 1 I5 77X7770,5 eirrd. I6 1 ^/cx^ere r. 0idXas

0eoO.

2 13 .
.

Gen
r.

I9

24

Lev 26 21
T.
25 Jer io

l6 10 eyevero

77

/3a<rtXe/a

aurou

&TKOTO>

Ex
2

io21
^TroLf]<Tfv

AlyiJTTTOV.

i6 12 e&pdvd-ti r. airrov. l8 9 l8 14 crou XT)? TT 1.6 v[lias TTJS i8 21 Suggested by

f/5w/>

xal tK\avcrai>. tud^avTO Deut I2 15 20 21 Ps 20 (2i) 3 etc. 638 * Xi^oj/ Jer 28 (5I) ptyas
. . .
-

Ex I4 21 Sam I 12

r. flaXacrtrai %r)pdv.

2O

r.

Ps 77 (78) 86 (87) 2
Is

68

r. fyos T. Setcbi rjydirrjffev. dya-Trq. /ci^ptos r. Trt-Xas

S^y.

21* ovre irevdos otfre Kpavyr) otfre ou/c lorai rt. 2 1 10 r. So^ai/ r. 0eou. 2 1 16 T; ?r6Xts Terpdyuvos Keirat.

35

10

dirtdpa

68vvi)

Kai

XI^TTT;

/cai

Is 58

8
.

Ezek 48 16 where the measures of the city show that it was Terpdywvos.

7.

Passages dependent on or parallel with passages in the

See on I4 14
T.

Jewish Pseudepigrapha.
i

13

8/jLoiov

vlbv dvQp&irov.

below.
2
2
17

T. Lev l8 n
T.

5c6<rei

r. cr

i/Xou r. fays.
14

See

vol.

i.

54.

6vo/j.a

T.

Lev 8
I4
3

I8ov

6upa

En

16

/ecu

/5oi>

ovpavw.

fitvyv (i.e. in

heaven)

En

"They

T. Lev 5 1 showed me a great

:
.

sea"

(i.e. in the first heaven).

.

Cf.

6 n iva dvcnravo oi Tai

6u)(rt.v
.
.

T. Lev 2
.

In

oi

dde\(f)ol

avrov

47 the end will come when the number of the martyrs is com 3 4 47 plete exactly as in our text. I saw the Head of Days when He seated Himself upon the throne of His glory. And the hearts of . the holy were filled with joy, Because the number of the righteous
i
"

En

"

had been
6 12 6
77X10?

offered."

tyevero /teXas 6 Xr; fytvero ws a

cca!

Ass. Mos. io 5 Sol non dabet lumen et in tenebras convertent se cornua et (luna) tota convertet lunae .
. .

se in sanguinem. 2

Here the martyrs are regarded

See
vol.
i.

as an offering to

God just

as in our text

I4

(d-jrapxTl r. 6e$).

174.
.

ov ducrei rb 0dos avTrjs) and Joel 2 31 (3 4 ) (o 6 ijXios Kal i) ffeX^vij els alfj.a) are the sources of Ass. Mos io . Hence the latter passage should be read as in my edition, (sol) in tenebras The convertet se, et luna non dabit lumen et tota convertet se in sanguinem. tota appears in this connection only in this passage and in our text. See vol. i. 1 80.

Ezek. 32 7

(c/.

77

<re\-f]vri

els cr/c6ros

PASSAGES BASED ON THE PSEUDEPIGRAPHA

1

Ixxxiii

7
T.

r{<r<rapas

ayy\ovs

tirl

r.

See

T<T<rapas

ywvlas rfjs yfjs, Kparovvras r. yfjs. T&r<rapas avfyovs

i

vol. i. 204, 192 (note), where this conception is shown to be in i

Enoch.

En

i8 13 ws

6pi) fjt,eya\a Kai.6iJ.eva,

2i 3

ouolovs
1 9 avrtpa K

6pe<nv

yue^aXois

/cat

^y irupl

T.

ovpavov ireTTTUKora
d66r) avT(f
77

ets

T.
20

yfjv,

Kal

/cXeis r.

En 86 1 "Behold a heaven and it arose En 99 7

star fell
etc.

from

"

iva JJ-TJ TrpoffKvvfiffovffLv T. dai/j.6via 3 Kal T. efSwXa.

I4

10
/3a<ra/>icr0?7<rercu

irvpl

r.
14

"Who worship stones impure spirits and demons." 9 En 48 "As straw in the fire, so shall they burn before the face of
. . .

the

holy."

I4

Suoiov

En 46 1 which

first

applies to

the

Messiah, this phrase which in

Dan

13 3 the saints." 7 =: 4 Ezra I3 where the Syriac presupposes 6 /*otoj See vol. ii. 20. uiy avdpdnrov.
14

(Cf. I9

16
)

/ca*

En

(G

2
)

Ktpios

r.

nvpluv Kal

T. 0T(/idTOS aTOU K7TOpeV6Tai a^r^ Trard,^?? po/x0cua o^eta, Ifva /cai aur6s iroi/J-avel ai)roi)s fe

2O S rbv Tuy Kal 2O 13 6 Bdvaros Kai

Zduicav

Sol i y 26 27 39 quoted in vol. ii. 4 and Ps 2 9 136 where already Is are applied in the same Ps. to the Messiah. See vol. ii. 188. 1 I En 5 1 Sheol also shall give back that which it has received, and hell
Pss.
-

"

22

r.

0p6vov

r.

0eoO

/cat r.

dpviov.

En

shall give back that which See vol. ii. 194 sqq.

it owes."

62 3 throne
-

5
.

is

The 175 sq. the throne of God and of

See
vol.
ii.

the

Son of Man.

8. Passages in some cases directly dependent on and in others Our author appears to parallel with earlier books of the N. T. have used Matthew, Luke, i Thessalonians, i and ^ Corinthians, Colossians, Ephesians and possibly Galatians, i Peter and James. The possibility of his having had one or more other books of the N. T. is not excluded.

diction is almost identical, but the ideas are quite different. In the stars are really spirits or angels undergoing punishment. In this 7 12 8 the "burning mountain" in 8 and "the interpolated passage 8 in 8 10 are purely physical things. Contrast our author s burning star 1 use in g . 2 The parallel is good. The star in each case is an angel, and in each case 12 falls from heaven. t&Trecrev e/c r. ovpavov 6 parallel is found also in Is I4
i

The

En

"

"

Combined worship of demons and idols first mentioned in i En 99 The fact that the expression opoios vlbv avdp&irov occurs in 4 Ezra 13 shows that it may have been more current in certain circles than is generally
8
.

believed.
avdp(*)TTOV.

On

the other hand,

it

is

simply the apocalyptic form of 6

vlbs T.

Ixxxiv

THE REVELATION OF
Matt 24
ol

ST.
6
,

JOHN
2i 9 .
oi

Luke

yua/c

aKovovres

T.

Luke

1 1

28

yuaffdptoi

aKovovres

T.

\6yovs
o
I

yap Kaipbs eyyvs.

4

xd/ns

vfj.lv

Kal

5
5

wpwTOTOKos
dyair&vTi

r.
77/uas.

\6yov T. 9eov Kal (pvXdaaovTes.t Matt 26 18 6 Kaip6s pov tyyvs ecrriv. Col I 2 vjjuv Kal dp-fjvrj and eight other Pauline epp. Not earlier than N.T. apparently. Col I 18 TrpwToYoKOS eK T. veKp&v.
x<*pis

rig
6

Gal 2 20
<ravr6s

TOI)
fte.

vlov r.

^eoO

TOL!

0707777-

fiafftXeiav, lepeis r.
i)

Pet 2 9

fiaff iKeiov lepdrevfM.

30

px ercu

T.

ve<j>e\u}v,

Matt
Kal Kal

24

8\//Tai oiTives

avrbv Tras 6<pda\fj.bs avrbv ^eK^vrrjaav,

(pv\al T.

ToYe K6\f/ovrai iracrai al 7775 Kal 6\f/ovrai r. vlbv T.

px6fj,ei>ov

dvdp&TTOv
T. otipavov.

eirl

T.

K6\j/ovTat ^TT
T. 7775.*

ai/roy Trcurcu ai (pvXal

2 Cor
I

20

TO

j/at

...

TO

d/mrjv.

16
77

6^is aurou

<l)s

6 ij\ios (palvei.
G)v.
3

Matt I7 2
ws 6
2

e\a/j,\//ev

rb irpoauTrov avrov

77X105.
-

18

vtKpbs Kal
"

ldof>

2 7 6 ^x w

^ s d/coua-dTw

(seven times).

Cor 6 9 Matt II 15 I3 9
(4
23
)

**,
:

Luke 8 8 Mark 4 9

I4
23

35

5s (etVts)

?x ei & Ta
o>s

dKotieiv d/cou^TW.
5

2 9 oT5d

ffov

T.

7TT(t}x e ^ av )

dX\d

Cor 6 10
OVTS.

TTTwxot 7roXXois 5^ TrXovrlT. TTTW^Ol)? T.

el.

JaS 2

7TXoU(TlOi;S ^J/ Trl(TTl.

10

r.

Jas
iropvevvat.

12

T.

(TTt<pavov
.

T. fw77s.
.
.

Acts I5 28 ^So^ey

77/ui/

Kal (jtayetv elduiXddvra.

iropvelas,

v/juv

/3dpos

2 24

r.

r.

2,arava.
7^7770/37^0-775,
^177
77^0>

/tTJ

0)5

Cor 2 10 T. Matt 2442 yp-rjyopeire

Trola
if fit

cai

01)

yvfs

irolav tipav

odv, on OUK otdare pa 6 Kvptos vp&v

l6

24
ypyyopuv.
1

yiv&<TKT6,

on

el rjdei

Trola

Peculiar to Paul and our author in this sense. of Dan 7 13 and Zech I2 10 12 is first found in the N.T. and is peculiar to Matt, and our author. This combination is not found in 26 Luke 2I 27 , which omit the quotation from the parallel passages of Mark I3 Zech. Further, the phrase Trdcrai al <pv\al r. 7775 is peculiar to our text and Matt 2430 and the meaning assigned to Kd^ovrat ("mourn for themselves") 30 On the other hand, our author keeps is peculiar to our author and Matt 24 whereas Matt 24 30 reads 4irl T. to the Hebrew in rendering fj.erd T. r Observe that our author has dir avrbv (so Heb. and LXX), but as o not Matt. 3 Our author s use of this phrase clearly goes back to our Lord, and his form of it is closer to that in Matthew and Luke than to that in Mark. 12 4 contains the earliest instance of the phrase. Cf. T. Benj. 4 1 Jas I
2

The combination

v<f>e\&v,

ve<p.

<TTe<j)dvovs

55^775.

clearly acquainted with the Apostolic edict, but that also used Acts is doubtful.
6
7

Our author was

he

is obvious. of 3 i6 on Matt 24 a Lucan word : cf. Luke i8 21 , Acts 7 53 i6 4 27 24 , whereas our at all, but uses r^peiv in the same sense. author does not use

The dependence
is
<pv\d<r<reiv

15

42 - 43 -

<pv\d<r<rew

PASSAGES BASED ON THE

N.T.

Ixxxv
av Kal OVK av

epx,erai, e ypyyoprjffev etacrev Siopvx&Tjvm T.

46

oiKiav avrov. Ma/cdptos 6 dovXos eKelvos. I Thess Kvpiov us K\Trrr)s

.
.

aov dvpav
3 6fj,o\oyr](rMT. 8vo/u.a avrov irarpos /mov Kal iv&iriov r. avrov.
5

Cor l6 dvpa yap pot dveyyev.

^j

Cor

2 12 Ovpas fjioi dveijiy/ui^vrjs. Matt IO 32 6^0X07770-0; /cd7cb

eiJLirpoadev
r.

aura?
r.

-jrarpbs

/J,ov

(contrast

Luke 1 2
Col
I

enirpoaOev
teriv

r.

ayyeXw
I

T KTtorews
-

r.

deov.

apxf}.

TOKOS

Trdcrris
I

17

Tr\ovcri6s
<rv

etytu
. .

Kal OVK oTdas

Contrast Col

Kriaews. 27 r. TrXoOros

r. 56|7?sr.
^j

6Vi
21

el 6
.

7TTw%6s.

See on
Col 3 1 rd
Ai

X.

U/AIV.

2 9 above
3
Saxru;

0p6vt>}

Kadicrai ywer e/ioO iv r. ^Kadura yuerd T. ftov, us .

avTy
fjiov

w ^retre,

08 6 X.

r.

0eou Kadrj^evos.
52
)

Eph
X.

26
I.

irarpbs

ev r. 6povij} avrov.

eirovpavLois ev

Luke
6
4

13

(8

^77 /cXate.

\afielv r. elprjvrjv IK r. yijs.

Matt IO

34
firi vo/Jiicrrire

ori r}\dov fiaXeiv

62

1 17 7 Subject-matter of the Seals 1 suggested by the Little Apocalypse.

,

OVK 3j\dov jSaXeiv elprjvrjv dXXa /maxaipav. 6-7 9a 29 Matt 2 4 and parallels in Luke 2i 8 - 12a 25 26 See vol. i.
elpr}vr)v eirl r. 7771
-

158 sqq.
6
10

e ws

irbre

ov

iKeis

rb

Luke l8

7- 8

6 5e Oebs ov ^77 iroir}arj rr\v

aifMa

fKolKrfffiv r.
iroir/aei T.

eK\Kr&v

avrov,

eK$lKri<nv

avr&v ev rd^et.
Kal
<f>eyyos

6 12

"

13

6 7?Atos

lytvero /w^Xas ws
r/ <T\7]vri

<rd/c/cos

Matt 24^
77

6 ^Xtos

(TKorio-dri<rerai,

rplxwos Kal
al/j.a,

Kal

ol

0X77 yvero cos aartpes r. ovpavov

2

creXr/vr]

ov

5c6(7et r.

Kal

ol

dffrepes

treaovvrai.
25

avrrjs dirb r.

ei s r.

7^^.

save that ovpavov. for last four words it reads eaovrai CK r. ovp. Triirrovres. Luke 2 1 25 evovrai tv rjK up Kal <re\rivrj
<rr//j.eia

So Mark I3 24

Kal aarpois.

15 16
"

01 /SatrtXeTs

r.

7^5

/cat

Tras

Luke 23

30

r6re

ap^ovrai

SoOXos Kai tXevOepos %Kpv\f/av eavrous els r. <nrri\aia Kal els T. irerpas r. optuV Kal \eyovaiv T. 6pe(riv /cat Kal r. rifj,as Trtrpais He&are
e<f>

opeffiv Il^crare

e<f>

\eyei.v T. rumas Kal r. fiovvois

Kpfyare 6 17 rfs

7]/J.as

a7ro

Trpo<r&irov,

/crX.

Luke 2 1 86
r. viov T.
30

dypvirveire

Iva

dvdpuTrov.
4

rovs dov\ovs rov

deov.
1

Eph 4

efftypayiffOrjre els rnj.epav diro-

Xirrpaicrews.

seems to presuppose the use of Luke and Matthew in the enumeration of the seven evils following on the opening of the Seals, or else of the Little Apocalypse behind the three Gospels. See vol. i. 158-160. 2 The parallelism of 6 12 13 with Matt 24 29 is very close, but not with Luke. It is not, however, dependent directly on the former. 3 There is a remote parallelism with Luke, but not with Matthew. 4 3 8 The meaning of 7 may be partly due to Eph 430 i 13 cf. 22
text
"

Our

<r(f>paylfa,

the sealing gives the faithful assurance of their spiritual preservation to the day of redemption, and this thought is allied to
i
.

2 Cor

In

fact, in

Eph

30

Ixxxvi
7
17

THE REVELATION OF
.
. .

ST.
s5

JOHN
.

TO apvlov
ol

trot-pavel avrovs.

20
8

\ourol

TU>V

avdp&wuv (20).
ijfj^pas

II
1 1

irpo<pffrVffovaLv

^tX^as^
I

Luke i8 n Luke 425 eK\elcrdtj

.

Pet 2

r.

iroiptva

T.

b ovpavbs
17

7-77

rpla

SiaKocrias
6

e^KOvra.

/cat

r. ovpavdv, tva verbs /tXet<rat j fipexy T- "fjfJ^pas T. irpocpyreLas avr&v. J 15 1 1 77 fiaviXeLa r. K6cr/j,ov. I2 9 6 Sarai/as e^X^drj els T. yrjv.
.

fTrt

OVK efipegev ftyvas e%. ]a.s 5 r. 7775 evi.avrovs rpels Kal prjvas
r.
jSa<rtXeas

e%.

Matt 4 8

Luke IO 18 ede&povv
darpaTT rjv
I

r. /c60ytou. "Zaravav r.
irecrbvra..
.

cos

eK r. ovpavov
d/ij/ou
.

I3

r.

apvlov

r.

^(paypAvov
\}/vb*oirpo<p

dirb Kara-

Pet
7

19 20
. irpoeyvuff/cara^SoX^s KOCT/AOV.

/SoX^s
11

KdcrjJLOV.
f)T r) s,

fj-evov fjiev irpb

I3

Brjplov (i.e. b
20
)
.

l6 13

Matt

15

I9

apvlip Kal

Kepara duo \d\ei ws dpaKwv.

elxev

ofj.oia

epxovrai
irpo(3drwv

Trpbs

^evdoTrpo^rjTuJv, oirives ev vftas evovpaai

effwdev

de

et<riv

\VKOI

I4 I4

ol

aKbXovdovvres ry dp^tV OTTOV av

oupavbv Kal
r. yrjv

virdyet.
7

apwayes. Luke 9 57 dKoXovBriau 2 14 IO21 Cf. aTrepxy.

<rot

6 ?rou
.

&/

Mk

r. iroL fjffavTL T.

Acts 4
I4
I

24

15
)

r.

6 TrotTjcras (6s eTrolrjffev, I4 ovpavbv Kal T. yijv Kal r.

oi

15

Thess 4 16

veKpol ev Xptary.

I7 I7
14

eariv nal
tfX tyToi /cai

Tim

6 jSacrtXeus r. *cat Kvpios T. Kvpievbvrwv.

6 15

eK\eKTol

/cat iriarol.

Matt
1

20 16
13

22 14

TroXXoi

7dp

elaiv

i6
l8

19

(I4

I7 etc.)

= Rome as in Pet 5 BajSi/Xtovt ( Apoc.). 17 2 Cor 6 e&\6are eK nevov avruv. 11 Eph 5 A1 ^? wvKOivuveire r. epyoi.s
. . .

K\7]Tol, (5Xl 70l 5^

K\KTOI.

T. tr/cdrovs.

l8 24 afya
Kal
77^5.
7

irpo(pr]TU)v Kal dyiwv evpedrj irdvrdiv r. eff(pay/.i.eva}v eirl r.

3
.

Luke
r.

II 50 iva eK^rjT^drjr. alfia Trdvrwv rb eKKexvftevov dtrb irpo<f)T]T&v

12

/cara/SoX^s KOCT/AOU.

I9 xaf/jw/iev /cal d7aXXiwAte> 9 I9 /^a/cdptot ol e/s r. oeltrvov

airr)\6av
Trotw travra.

Matt

Xa
16

^-P

re Ka ^
.

dya\\ia<r6e.
. . .

r. yd/Jiov

Luke

I4

eiroiei Seiirvov [j.eya

.
.

/cat

aTr^crreiXej

loov Kaiva
irl

2 1 10 dir7)veyKV fj.eya K

fie

ev

6pos

ne.

22 2

xvpiov ayiuv.

2 Cor 5 17 ra yeyovev Kaiva. Matt 4 8 TrapaXa^dvei avrbv ets 6pos v\l/r)\bv \lav, Kal oeiKWinv avraj. Some form of this grace is found at the close of the Pauline Epp. and Hebrews, and in them only in the N.T. Cf. Eph 6 24 77 xdpts Aterd
.

TO?S KeKXrjfj.evots. dpxata TraprjXdev, i8ov

.
.

I.

X. Col 4 18 77 X&P L *
,

/"

e # VfJL&V.

that of our author, according to whom the faithful are secured, not against their spiritual enemies. These latter recognize physical evils, but against this divine mark on the faithful and cannot injure them. 1 On the O.T. originals of this passage see io 6b above under 3, and I47 under 4. It will be seen that 14 is closer verbally to Acts 4 24 than to

any

of the
2

O.T. passages.
list

of passages influenced by Pseudepigrapha. 3 The thought in both passages is not unrelated. The words in Matt, come in at the close of the Beatitudes which promise that the righteous shall inherit the earth. I97 in our author represents in vision the fulfilment of this promise.

See

UNITY OF THOUGHT
VIII.

Ixxxvii

UNITY OF THE APOCALYPSE.

When the i. Unity of thought and dramatic development. interpolations of the editor are removed and the dislocations of the text set right (see p. Ivii sqq.), the unity of thought and development in the Apocalypse is immeasurably greater
than in any of the great Jewish apocalypses of an earlier In fact, the order of development is at or contemporary date. once logical and chronological save where our author deliber 9 17 io-n 13 I4 1 11 14 18 - 20 breaks with the chronologi ately, as in 7 cal order and in 7 9 17 I4 1 11 14 18 20 adopts the logical, that he may show the blessed future in store for those that were faithful in the tribulations which are recounted in the text immediately The dramatic movement of the book preceding these sections. But the superiority of the is independent of all these sections. Apocalypse to other apocalypses in this respect is not merely relative but absolute, as a short study of the Plan of the
-

abundantly prove. maintained and developed within the Apocalypse might be brought forward, such as (a) the Seven 3 i6 15 (which is to be restored after 3 3b ) i4 13 Beatitudes, i 9a 22 14 2o 6 22 7 i9 (b) The judgment demanded by the souls under the altar is dealt with in various stages of fulfilment in 8 3 4

Apocalypse (see
Smaller

p. xxiii sqq.) will

*

unities

i6 7 (which with i6 5b 6 is restored in this edition to its context after iQ 4 ). original (c) The promises of the re-evangeliza 15 4 6-7 tion of the heathen world in i4 i5 are fulfilled in
9
13

i4

18

In respect to the angels sent to instruct the Seer with the revelation of God, there is no unity observed in the Apocalypse. Our author apparently set out with the intention of committing this revelation to one angel. To 1 1(M1 1 4 8 this intention he holds fast (as I now see) in i In IO 11 it is 4 io
-

dfv s possible that Xtyowiv is an oversight for X^et, which 025 Tyc Pr gig vg arm bo eth attest. But the adoption of sources (li 1 13 12-13. 17-18), where this angelic guide is not mentioned, interfered with his original purpose, and hence there is no reference to him till I9 9a 22 9 . But even in i-io various other heavenly beings instruct the Seer one of the Elders in 5 5 7 13 17 , the Cherubim in 6 1 3 - 5 7 This fact prepares us for the intervention of one of the Seven Angels of the Bowls in I7 1 2i 9 10 22 1 . But there is a special fitness in this intervention. These angels have to execute judgment on the world now subject to the Antichrist, and so it is one and the same angel that shows the Seer the destruction of Rome (I7 1 10 ), the capital of the Antichrist on earth, and that shows the city that is to replace it the Heavenly Jerusalem coming down to be the capital of Christ s kingdom on earth for 1000 years
"

"

-22 2 14 15 17 204 6 ). But the above phenomena are not inconsistent with unity of authorship, though on revision the author would, no doubt, have removed some of the
(2i
9
-

incongruities.

Dan io 108 ii- one Many angels act

In other apocalypses there are several angelic guides. Thus in of the holy watchers, S 168 ^- Gabriel, and possibly in io 1 *. in this capacity in i Enoch 21-36 two angels in 2 Enoch.
:

Ixxxviii

THE REVELATION OF
-

ST.

JOHN
context

2i 9 -22 2

14 15 17
.

when

restored to their

right

immedi

3 ately after 2o

2. The grammar and the style Unity of style and diction. of our author are unique, as the Grammar which I give, pp. cxviiThis unity is discoverable in every part of the clix, amply proves. Apocalypse save in the sources which our author has taken over 1 13 12. 17. 18; see p. Ixii sqq.), and in a Greek form (such as even in these the hand of our author is constantly manifest, as he edits them to serve his main purpose. Moreover, in the introduc

tion to every chapter (save in the case of the sources) its essential affinities of diction and idiom with the rest of the book are

given almost in full. This unity, therefore, does not exclude the use of visions of his own of an earlier date or of sources. A few examples of the essential unity of diction between different parts of the Apocalypse may here be added. 4 (a) Chaps. 1-3 and 2o -22.
I

5e?ai rots SovXois airrou a Set yevtcrBat tv ra%et. . /j,aKapios 6 avayivdxTKWv Kal ol .
.

22 6 Setcu rots
yevtcrdai

SotfXois

at/rou

a 5e?
\6yovs

v rci%et.

22

TOVS \6yovs
I

TT)S

Trpo^Tjreias

...

/xa/cdptos

Tt)pu>v

TOVS

y<)

efj.1

Trpwros

2 7 TO irvevu-a. X^yet. 2 11 TOV davdrov TOV z 28 TOV darepa TOV trpwivov.

11

3 fyxofjuu Taxrf. 12 TTJS Kaivijs lepovaaXrjfj., 3 K TOV ovpavov /SaiVofcra deov (J.OV.

22 13 ^ycb ... 6 irpwros Kal 22 17 TO Trvevfj.a Kal i] vvficfir) \yov<Tiv. 2 1 8 6 ddvaTos b devTepos (cf. 2O ). 22 16 6 d(TTT]p ... 6 7rpwiV6s. 22 12 i8ov pxojj.ai Ta\v.
fi

i]

/caret -

212

lepoucraX^ Kaivyv
K

/cara-

awo TOV

fialvovaav
deov.

TOV

ovpavov dirb TOV

(b)
I
1

Chaps. 1-3 and 4-20*.

.
.

5etcu

a 5e?
r//xas

yevecrdat..

a 5e?
iepets
epets.

/3a<rt\eta^,

10

^yev6]o.Tf]v
13

tv

TT

4
irpbs
cos

^yfvdjj.Tjv tv
14
ofj.oi.ov

OJAOIOV vibv

avdp&wov.
rots
/tta(rro?s

iJ.vov
I

I4 I5

vibv
irepl TO. (TT-i]Qt]

14

ot

6<f)da\iu.ol

avTov

irvp6s.

27 r6
2 fj.Tavorj<rai z 23 tv 0avdT(f) (
21
4if.
"

I4 I3

13

X^et Tb
ll
e

irvevfjia.

avTov

cf.

I7

14
.

2^
3
7
(

TToi/j-avet

by pestilence
"

").

9 68

shall break

").

I6 6 OdvaTos. 15 I2 5 IQ
.

20. . I

6 ^7105 6

d\-r)dci>6s,

where
I5

"

faithful").

Kal jrpoffKVV fia ovcn.v

ffOV.
ot/couyu.^j 7/s
10

wrjaovaiv ev&iri.bv
(TOV. 14 9
.

o Xv/s.

roi -s KaTOiKovvras tirl TTJS yr)$ (in

I2 l6 6 10 8 13

teclmical sense).

UNITY CONSISTENT WITH USE OF SOURCES

Ixxxix

The above examples could be increased indefinitely. But The recurrence of idioms in is still weightier evidence. many cases idioms unique and peculiar to our author s style
there

throughout the Apocalypse, from the earliest chapters to the

last,

presents still stronger proofs of the unity of authorship. Since these are recorded in the introduction to each chapter and summarized in the Grammar, I shall not dwell further on them

here.
does not necessitate the assumption that all

dramatic movement of the Apocalypse and every part of the As a matter of fact Apocalypse is our author s own creation. Our author has, as we have seen elsewhere^ this is not the case. These sources, together with earlier visions of his used sources. own, he has re-edited and brought in the main into harmony with But the work of editing has not been their new contexts. Certain incongruities survive in the incorporated thorough. sections, which our author would no doubt have removed if he had lived to revise his work. Traces of an earlier date and often Thus in vol. expectations of an earlier generation still survive. i. 43-47 I have shown that our author wrote the Seven Epistles under Vespasian, when the Church had no apprehension of a universal martyrdom of the faithful, but expected to survive till
3.

But

this unity in the

the Second

this expectation is rest of the book,

Advent of Christ. By various additions and changes changed for the expectation that pervades the and the letters to the Seven Churches are transformed into letters to entire Christendom. 1 But traces of
1

Their inclusion in this work has given them this new meaning. The seven letters and only seven, suggests that the Seer is now addressing himself not merely to Seven Churches out of the many others to which he could have written with authority, nor yet to all the Churches of the province of Asia, but through these Seven Churches to all the Churches The approaching struggle, as the entire Apocalypse pre of Christendom. supposes, is not between the Christian Churches of a single province and the Empire, but between Christendom and the Antichrist impersonated in the Empire and its head, though the storm is threatening to break first on the Churches of Asia. This suggestion gains support from the following considerations. Seven is a sacred number with our author and is capable of a symbolic meaning. That the Seven Churches embrace all the Churches, appears to follow from I 12 13 combined with i 16 20 In I 12 seven candlesticks and only seven are visible, and in I 16 seven stars and only seven stars. Now, since from 20 i we learn that the seven candlesticks are the Seven Churches i.e. the Churches in their actual condition and that the stars are the angels of the Seven Churches i.e. the Churches as they should be ideally, and since in I 13 the Son of Man stands in the midst of these Churches, and holds in His hands the seven stars or the ideals they have to achieve, the natural conclusion is that it is all the Churches of Christendom in the midst of which Christ stands, and not an insignificant group, and that the stars which He holds in His right
fact that there are
-

hand are the

As

all

ideals which they are summoned through His help to realize. Christians, according to the rest of the Apocalypse, are to share in the

XC

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN
letters

earlier date survive.

in
1 8

As I have elsewhere shown, these came from our author and from none other.
-

our author re-edits a vision of his own, 4 2b 3 5-8acde_ 104-106 and the commentary in loc. In the course of incorporation certain infelicities have been incurred. It is a phrase which said of the Seer in 4 2a eyevo/xyyv ev Tn/ev/xan But according to 4 1 he denotes the state of trance as in T 10 was already in this state, as the words /zero, ravra elSov show. See vol. i. 109-111, 106-107. Again 4 4 is a later addition from our author s hand; but the grammar is wrong, and the subjectThe matter does not harmonize well with the context. Apocalypse is clearly a first sketch and needed revision: see

Again
vol.

See

i.

vol.

115-116. 1 8 our author makes use of traditional material, but the y language is his own. See vol. i. 191-199. The four angels and the four winds, which are here introduced and introduced in terms that lead us to expect their subsequent appearance in the
i.

In

way of judgment

(y prj dSt/ojo-^re ryv yrjv a^pt cnpayiVa>/zei>, KT\.), are not directly referred to again. 3 13 In ii 1 13 our author has made use of two sources (n 1 2 ),
. . .

both written before 70 A.D., in which, if the text is taken literally, the historic Jerusalem is supposed to be standing (n 2 8 ), and the 1 Temple to be inviolable (i i ). These references have been taken scholars as determining the date of the whole literally by many Apocalypse, especially by those who accept its absolute unity and But to construe such statements its composition by one author. literally implies a complete misconception of our author s attitude to the earthly Jerusalem. Our author could not possibly have regarded the earthly Jerusalem as rrjv Tro Aiv TTJV dyiai/ (n 2 ). Such a definition he reserves for the New Jerusalem, the eternal abode of the saints (21^), and the Jerusalem coming down from heaven to be the seat of the Messianic kingdom for 1000 years 10 This latter he calls also rrjv -n-oXiv TT)V ^yaTr^/xeV^v (2o 9 ). (2 1 ).
-

actual city is that ?}TIS KaXetrat 7n/ev/xartKws 2oSo/x,a 8 /ecu 6 Kvpios avraiv ecrravpw^r/ (ll ). But Our 9a author has re-edited this section by the addition of 1 1 4 7 and the recasting of , according to his own thought and in his own diction, and thus the inviolable security which the Jews attached to the Temple is reinterpreted by our author as
for

But

him the

xat AtyuTTTOS OTTOV

(?) -

8bc<

meaning
the

attacks

the spiritual security of the Christian community despite of Satan and the Antichrist. But such spiritual

security does not exclude

martyrdom, as

3 13

makes

clear.

See

After the first tribulation, they are all here addressed in these letters. chapter the numeral is dropped and our author speaks only in his later 6 13 22 7 17 - 29 additions to the letters (2 (see vol. i. p. 45) of al 4KK\ri<riai.. 3 The larger thought of all the Churches seems to be here before him.

coming

"

DATE OF THE APOCALYPSE

vol.
1 13

XC1

ii has so far as possible to be reinterpreted i. 269-270. from the later standpoint of the Apocalypse as a whole. But in

some
12

cases this is hardly possible. is a source, or rather a combination of two sources, which
its

our author has borrowed in

Greek form and

re-edited.

Thus
:

T^S Ke^oA^s where our author would have used in I2 3 iirra StaSr^aara instead of SiaSr^uxTa ITTTOL 7rt T. /ce<aA.as in i2 12 not elsewhere in J ap in i2 7 TOV before the infinitive

we

find in I2 1

evrl

14 0.71-0 =" because TrpocrwTrou ovpavot instead of ovpavi in i2 Hence I here withdraw the thesis maintained Contrast 6 16 20 11 in vol. i. 300 sqq. 3, that our author translated this source
:

of."

himself.

See also
15
,

at their original date,

context and do not admit of interpretation from the standpoint and date of our author s work (see vol. i. 330). In 17-18 our author has edited two sources already existing But in a Greek form (see p. Ixiii sq., vol. ii. 56-58, 88 sqq.). traces of the original date of their composition survive in ij l( 11 and i8 4 See vol. ii. 59 sq., 93. Another trace of 18 being a source survives in i8 2 where it is stated that Rome has become KO.TOLKT)TTCIVTO? 6pVOV OLKaOdpTOV, whereaS TTfjptOV 8aifJ,OVL(l)V KOL ^vXttKT)

i2 13

though

p. clviii n. full of significance in their original

>-

represents the smoke of her burning as ascending age after age to the end of the world. Such incongruities as the above do not affect the main movement of thought and development in the book. Without the sources, in which these incongruities occur, the book would These sources, with the exception of io-n 13 suffer irreparably. which is a proleptic digression, form organic members of the whole. The survival, therefore, of such incongruities requires

our author himself in

i<f

the hypothesis that our author not only used sources but also did not live to revise his work.

IX.

DATE OF THE APOCALYPSE.

The date of J ap can be established by external and internal evidence.
i.

External

evidence.

This evidence almost unanimously

ap to the last But some ancient, but assigns J years of Domitian. not the earliest, authorities assign it to the reigns of Claudius, Nero, or Trajan. This may be in part due to the survival in the sources used by our author of statements and situations pre supposing an earlier date than that of Domitian. That these survivals explain the great divergence of scholars of the past

fifty

xcii

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN
shall see

years on the dating of the Apocalypse, turn to the internal evidence.

we

when we

The Trajan date. To return, however, to the three dates just the reigns of Claudius, Nero, and Trajan, we shall mentioned, treat first of the last. This dating is found only in very late 22 authorities. IwdVvr/v 8e Tpaiai/os Theophylact on Matt. 2o
/>.,

Synopsis de vita et morte prophetarum (attributed to Dorotheus) VTTO Se TpaiWov /xera oe rrjv TfXevrrjv ySacriAetos e^wpicr^ eV rfj VT^CTO) Ilarpiu) oe ot Xeyovcriv fjir) eTrt Tpaiavov 7raVeio~iv (XTTO TTJS vrjcrov * These Tpaiavov avrbv iopicr9 ?)vai eV IlaT/xa) dAAa ITTL Ao/AeTtavov. statements appear, as Swete suggests (Introd. p. c), to have arisen mainly from a misunderstanding of such words as those in Irenaeus, ii. 22. 5, Trapc/xetve yap avrois (o Icaavvi/s) ^\pl TWV Tpaiavov xpoVw, or those cited below from Origen on Matt. torn.
/careSt/cacre

/AaprvpovVra

TW Aoya)

rrjs aXrjOeias.

ei<rt

xvi. 6.

and 6 9 of the Jerusalem and the Temple Apocalypse, as still standing, and the martyrdoms under Nero (64-68 A.D.). Other sources, though less clearly, postulate a Neronic date. The Claudian and Neronic
if

dates.

1 2

taken

literally, refer to

Hence it is not difficult to understand the assignment of the banishment of John to the reign of Nero in the title prefixed to both the Syriac versions of the Apocalypse and by Theophylact I do not see, however, how we are to explain (Praef. in loann.). the Claudian date (41-54 A.D.), which is maintained by
TYJV

Epiphanius (Haer. li. 12, /tera rrjv avrov OLTTO TT}S Ilar/xov eTravooW, li. 7rt KXavOtov yevofAevrjv /catVapos 33, avrov oe Trpo
:

KA.av8t ov KatVapo? di/wrarw, ore eis rrjv Ilar/xov

The Domitianic date. The earliest authorities are practically unanimous in assigning the Apocalypse to the last years of Melito of Sardis (160-190 floruit) may possibly be Domitian. cited as upholding the Domitianic date, as he wrote a commentary on J ap and addressed a protest to Marcus Aurelius declaring that Nero and Domitian had at the instigation of certain malicious persons slanderously assaulted the Church (Eus. iv. 26. 9 cf.
:

Mort. Persecutorum, 3). In his account of the Irenaeus (Adv. Haer. 180-190). persecution of Christians by Domitian, Eusebius (iii. 18. 3) avafyavSov quotes the following words from Irenaeus et Se IS ev TW vvV Katpw Kr)pvTTt(r6aL rovvo/xa avTfv, oY e/mVov av eppfOrj TOV
Lact.
:

De

ovSe yap ;po TroAXov ^povov ewpa^r;, iaroKaXvtyw ecopaKoros. TeXet CTTI r^s -^/xerepa? Ao/xeriavov yei/ea?, Trpos TW <r)(t$ov This passage is found in Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. v. 30. 3, dp^T}?.
/cat rrjv
<

dAA.a

rrj<s

almost exactly as quoted in Eusebius. 1 The above two quotations are drawn from Swete,

Introd. p.

c.

DATE OF THE APOCALYPSE

Clement of Alexandria. Tvpdvvov reXevrryo-ai/Tos aTro
Origen (185-253).
6 Se

xciii

In his Quis Dives, 42, we find

rfjs

rov

HOLT/ADV r^s vrfo-ov [MerrjXOev

xvi.

CTTI TJJV

In Mt.

6 (Lommatzsch,
tts

iv.

p. 18;,

Poo/AfuW /3acriAeus, ws rj 7rupdSo<ris SiSaovcei, ItoaWTyj/ fiaprvpovvra Sia TOV T^S dA?7$eias Adyov

/careSt/catTC

TOV
T>)V

TTar/xov
s

vT/o-oi/.

Neither in Clement nor Origen

it

is

Domitian

name

given, but
writers.
explicit.

may be presumed

Victorinus (circ. 270), Victorinus in his In Apoc. lo 11 writes

mind of these Eusebius, and Jerome are quite

that
it

was

in the

"

Hoc

elicit

propterea quod quando haec loannes vidit, erat in insula Patmos, in metallum damnatus a Domitiano Caesare. Ibi ergo vidit Et cum jam senior putaret se per passionem Apocalypsin.

accepturum receptionem, interfecto Domitiano, omnia judicio Et loannes, de metallo dimissus, sic postea ejus soluta sunt. tradidit hanc eandem quam acceperat a Deo Apocalypsin." Also on i7 10 Unus exstat sub quo scripta est Apocalypsis, Domitianus
"

Ei/ TOVTV /carpet Eusebius, H.E. iii. 18. i Adyos rbv a/jia /cat evayyeAtaT^v Iwai/i/^v en rw /Slip ev8taTpt/?oj/Ta, TT/S ets rov Oeiov \oyov ci/exev /xaprvpt a?, IlaT/xoi/ OLKCLV KaraSiKa<riii. 20. Tore orj ow KCU TOV aTrocrroXov Iwawryv Orjvai rrjv vrjcrov. 9
scilicet."
:

aTrdoToXoi/

a7ro T?}S /cara

r^v CTTI E^eaoi; Siarpt/S^v tt7reiA^</)Vat iii. A-TroaToAos dp^at wi/ TrapaStStucrt Adyo?. 23. I OLTTO 6/xov Kat evayycAicrTr/? Icoawiys ras avroQi StetTrcv KKXrj(TLa<s, 7raveA^a)k TT^S Kara r^v v^(rov ytxera rr)v Aoyu,eriavo{) reAevT^i/
rr/i/

v^crov

^>vy^s

T<OV

Trap

T^/XIV

(>vyfj<;.

Quarto decimo anno post Neronem Jerome (Deviris illustr. 9) persecutionem movente Domitiano in Patmos insulam relegatus interfecto autem Domitiano et actis scripsit Apocalypsim ejus ob nimiam crudelitatem a senatu rescissis sub Nerva principe
"

redit Ephesum."
2. Internal evidence. To the cursory reader the internal evidence as to the date is hopelessly confusing. But this evidence is confusing not only to the cursory reader, but also to the earnest student, as the history of the interpretation of J ap clearly The students of J ap fall into three groups on this shows. question, (i) Those who assign it to the reign of Nero after the Neronic persecution, 64-68 A.D., such as Baur, Reuss, Hilgenfeld,

Lightfoot, Westcott, Selwyn, B. W. Henderson. (2) Those who place it under Vespasian, as B. Weiss, Dusterdieck, Bartlett, Anderson Scott. (3) Those who maintain the Domitianic date. For these three datings internal evidence is undoubtedly forth coming. Our author has used sources, and several of these were written under Nero, or at all events before the fall of Jerusalem, as the reader will see under the section Greek and Hebrew Sources and their Dates, p. Ixii sqq. But such a date

cannot be maintained in the face of i; 10 - 11 (see

vol.

ii.

59-60,

xciv

THE REVELATION OF
,

ST.

JOHN

4 both of which postulate a Vespasianic date. 69-70) and i8 Hence such statements as clearly presuppose a Neronic date
(i.e., in ii i2(?). 131-7.10) are simply survivals in the sources used by our author. Hence it appears that the Apocalypse was written either under Vespasian or under Domitian. The external evidence is, as we have already seen, unanimous in favour of the latter as We have now to discuss the bearing of the against the former. This evidence, which is internal evidence on this question. clearly in favour of the Domitianic date, is as follows. See pp. Ixxxiii-lxxxvi. (a) The use of earlier N. T. Books. There it is shown that our author most probably used Matthew If this is so, it makes the Vespasianic date and Luke. impossible, unless these Gospels were written before 70 or 75 A.D. (b) The present form of the Seven Letters, although in their The original form of Vespasianic date, point to a Domitianic. at a time when Church of Smyrna did not exist in 60-64 A D St. Paul was boasting of the Philippians in all the Churches. Cf. Beatus Paulus gloriatur in omnibus Polycarp (Ad Phil. xi. ecclesiis, quae solae tune Dominum cognoverant; nos autem
"

13

nondum cognoveramus
that the

But though Polycarp s letter tells us Church of Smyrna was not founded in 60-64 A.D., he gives
").

no hint as to when it was founded. Hence several years may have elapsed after that date before it was founded. When, 8 11 we find that our text presupposes however, we turn to Rev 2

Church poor in wealth but rich in good works, with a development of apparently many years to its credit. This letter, then, may have been written in the closing years of But if the present writer s Vespasian (75-79) but hardly earlier. hypothesis (see vol. i. 43-46) is correct, then the Seven Letters, all of which probably belong to the same period, were re-edited for whereas they speak generally of local persecutions, there is not a hint, save in 3 10 of the universal martyrdom that is taught
a
;
,

Nor again is there a single or implied in the rest of the book. clear reference to the imperial cult of the Caesars, unless possibly in 3 10 (See vol. i. 43-46.) The Letters, therefore, in their with the experiences and apprehensions original form, acquaint us
.

of the

Churches
!

in

their original outlook

Vespasian s reign. But what worlds divide from that of the Book in which they are

The natural conclusion, therefore, is that though incorporated our author wrote the Letters in the reign of Vespasian, he reedited them in the closing years of Domitian for incorporation
in his
(c)

Book.

The imperial

cult as it

appears in

Jap

was not enforced

until

There is no evidence of any kind to prove the reign of Domitian. that the conflict between Christianity and the imperial cult had

DATE OF THE APOCALYPSE

reached the pitch of antagonism that

xcv
ap

is presupposed in the J In the reign of before the closing years of Domitian s reign. Vespasian the Christians, as Moffatt (Introd? 504) writes, "seem and our avail to have enjoyed a comparative immunity able knowledge of the period renders it unlikely (cf. Linsenmayer s Bekampfung des Christentums durch den romischen Staat, 1905, 66 f.) that anything occurred either under him or Titus to call forth language so intense as that of the Apocalypse." Moreover, But Vespasian did not take his claims to divinity seriously. Domitian insisted on the public recognition of these claims, and in the last year of his reign he began to persecute the Church in Thus in Rome he had his own cousin the capital of the Empire. Flavius Clemens executed, and his niece Flavia Domitilla and others banished for their faith to the island of Pontia. Eusebius (H.E. iii. 18. 4) states that there were many others. 1 Now, if Christians of the highest rank were exposed to martyrdom in Rome, what would be expected in Asia Minor, where the cult of the Emperor had been received with acclamation as early as the reign of Augustus, and had by the time of Domitian become the one religion of universal obligation in Asia, whereas the worship of the old Greek divinities only took the form of local cults? Compliance with the claims of the imperial cult was made the test of loyalty to the Empire. In the earlier days, Christians
.

had been persecuted for specific crimes, such as anarchy, atheism, But in the latter days of Domitian the con immorality, etc. fession of the name of Christ (cf. J ap 2 3 13 3 8 i2 n 2o 4 ) was tantamount to a refusal to accede to the Emperor s claims to 15 divinity, and thereby entailed the penalty of death (i3 ). Now, with the insight of a true prophet John recognized the absolute incompatibility of the worship of Christ and the worship of the
-

Emperor, even if this worship were conceived merely as a test of Empire. Therein he penetrated to the eternal issues underlying the conflict of his day, and set forth for all time the truth that it is not Caesar but Christ, not the State but the Church that should claim the absolute allegiance of the individual. Nay more the prophet maintains that the conflict between the claims of Christianity and the absolutism of the State can never be relinquished till the State itself, no less than the individual, tenders its submission and becomes an organ of the will of the Lord and of His Christ (n 15 ). The Nero-redivivus myth appears implicitly and explicitly (cT) in several forms in our text, the latest of which cannot be earlier than the age of Domitian. The Jewish source lying behind 1 7 12 - 17 was probably writteni
loyalty to the
:

On

the persecution under Domitian, see Lightjfaot,

Clem.

Rom.

I.

i,

104-115.

xcvi

THE REVELATION OF
It

ST.

JOHN

from the East at the head of the Parthian hosts an expectation to be found in the Sibylline Oracles of this period (see vol. ii. 81). Another phase of this myth which 7 but with which we are not here con appears in our text (in ),
living

in the reign of Titus. Nero will return

embodies the expectation that the

dealt with in vol. ii. 83. But the last phase of this expectation attested in our text is given in 13 and 17. At this stage

cerned,
there
is

is

a fusion of the Nero myth with those of the Antichrist and The expectation of a living Nero returning from the East has been abandoned. Nero is now a demon from the abyss, com bining in his own person the characteristics of Beliar and the This phase of the myth belongs to the last decade Antichrist. of the ist century. For this form of the myth, see vol. ii. 84-87. 1 I do not see how it is possible to assign 13 and 17 in their present form to the reign of Vespasian, though the sources behind both these chapters were mainly of a Vespasianic date, and in part of that of Titus. Before we leave this section it will be well to touch again on Bousset (p. 416) has rightly pro the interpretation of I7 10 11 tested against the identification of Domitian with the eighth head. This is done by some commentators, but can only be done by mis interpreting the text or misunderstanding the nature of Christian Some, who accept the Vespasianic date, are guilty apocalyptic. of the first offence ; others, who accept the Domitianic date, are guilty of both. Let us consider the latter offence first that which consists If we accept the in misunderstanding Christian apocalyptic. Domitianic date and assume absolute unity of authorship, we must conclude that the writer transfers himself in thought to the time of Vespasian, interpreting past events under the form of a prophecy, after the manner of apocalyptic writers (Swete). Such a procedure belongs to Jewish apocalyptic but not to Those Christian, till we advance well into the 2nd century. who urge the Vespasianic date are not guilty of this misconcep tion, but the Apocalypse does not admit of the Vespasianic date. 10 - 11 must be regarded Hence, if we accept the Domitianic date, I7 as a survival from sources belonging to the time of Vespasian and Titus. In its present context, therefore, I7 10 11 does not For Domitian cannot be iden admit of precise interpretation. This brings us to the first offence. tified with Nero redivivus. Domitian cannot be identified with Nero redivivus. Not a single phrase descriptive of the latter can be rightly applied to Domitian, if we accept the Domitianic date as the evidence Nero redivivus is described in i7 8 as TO OypLov requires.
Beliar.
.
"
"

critical
ii.

in vol.

study of all the forms assumed by the Antichrist 76-87.

myth

is

given

CIRCULATION AND RECEPTION

/cat

xcvii

OVK ZQ-TW Kcu /xcAAct ava/3aiviv IK T^S aj3v<Tcrov, /cat /cat OVK ecrrtv /cat Trapecrrat. VTrayet, and again on rjv

eis

So
TWI/

11 where again in ly

See also

7
.

it is further added that he c/c TWV Another description is given in i3 3 /cat

eo~(j>ay/JLvr]v
.

OTTOI eo-rtv.
/x,tav
e/c

/cec^aAcov avrot)

ws

ets

OdvaroVj KCU

rj

TrAryyr)

rov Oavdrov
:

Now I have shown in vol. ii. 71 Cf. i3 14 Domitian cannot be described as OVK to-rw, seeing that earn/ (a) must be affirmed of him. (/5) Pre-existence cannot be ascribed to him, as the clause o rjv would require, (y) It cannot be said of him that he is e/c ron/ eVra. (8) It is impossible to connect /xtav e/creov ws eo-c^ay/xeV^v (i3 3 ) with Domitian. (e) It cannot maintained of Domitian, who is already seated on the throne be of the Beast, that //e AAet dj/a/?aiVetv IK rfjs a(3vcr<rov. (Q There is no ground for making Domitian the leader of the Parthian hosts
avrov cOepaTTtvOr).
/cec/>aAan/

against

Rome,
in

and

fighting

Nero redivivus is represented in i y 12-18. 17. w 14 against the Lamb, ly (rj) Nor can we conceive
as
j
.

Domitian

I9

11 19

Word

of

God

in the Messianic

as mustering the nations to battle against the war that prepares the way for the

Messianic kingdom. 1 It is not an actual Roman emperor, but a supernatural monster from the abyss that is to play the part of the Nero
redivivus,

and that

in the

immediate

future.

X.

CIRCULATION AND RECEPTION.

i.

of

Jap
ii.

Vis.

There are most probable but no absolutely certain traces in the Apostolic Fathers. In the Shepherd of Hernias, 2. 7, there is a very probable connection with our author. 2
o<roi

Thus

fJMKapLOL v/xets
:

v7TOjU,ei/eT

TTJI/

6Xi\l/LV
r-^s

rrjv

/xeyaAryv

iv.

2.

5,

^At^eco? ri}s /xeAAovcny?

/xeyaAr/s,

ep^o/xev^v TYJV and in IV.

3. 6, 1-^79 flAu/^ews epxo/xeVr/s 14 rfjs OXtytws rfjs /x,eyaAr?s, 7

T>}S

/xcyaA^?, all but certainly recall

Rev

and

10

r^

1 If it were possible to ascribe the Apocalypse to the reign of Vespasian the objections given in /3, 7, 5 above would be fatal to the identification of Domitian with Nero redivivus. f and 77 would also stand in the way. 2 The fact that Hernias used the same imagery as J a P may be rightly used as evidence that he knew it. Thus the Church, Vis. ii. 4, is represented by a woman (cf. J aP i2 ls(W-) ; the enemy of the Church by a beast (6rjptov), Vis. aP iv, 6-10, J 13 : out of the mouth of the beasts proceed fiery locusts, Vis. s iv. I, 6, J a P 9 whereas the foundation stones of the Heavenly Jerusalem bear the names of the Twelve Apostles, J a P 2i 14 and those who overcome are made in the spiritual temple, J aP 3 12 , in Hernias the apostles and other pillars teachers of the Church form the stones of the heavenly tower erected by the The faithful in both are clothed in white and are archangels, Vis. iii. 5. i. 11 10 ap 6 11 given crowns to wear, J etc., 2 3 ; Hermas, Sim. viii. 2. i, 3.
:

xcviii

THE REVELATION OF
p^(rOat,
3,
i.

ST.

JOHN
/xe

0-779

I.

3,

TTj

eu/xa

dTr^i/ey/ceV

Sta

dvoSt as,

is

reminiscent of iy 3 aTr^ey/cti/
xxi.

tie

eis

epr/tiov ev Trvev/xart.

Barn,
. .

eyyus

/cvptos

/cat

6
-

/xto-$os
12

some dependence on Rev 22 10

tSov ep^oyoiat

avVov, seems to suggest 6 /caipos yap eyyvs eo-rtv .

tieT*

Is

10

4-O

.)

Ta^v Barn.

/cat vii.
.

6
9,
.

tuor$os

/xou

e/xov.

eVeiS?)

oi/^ovrat

(See, avrov rore

-

however,
TT;

^epa

TOV Trappy?
17/xets e

e^ovTa
/cat

o-Tavpajo-a/xev,

has
otrivcs

ZpovcrLV Ovx OUTOS ecrrtv 6V Trore affinities with Rev I 7 13 oi^erai avroi/

Kat

Tra?

o<f)6a\/jios

avrov
7
.

e^eKeVr^o-av

TToSr/pr;.

(See, however, TV^T / Apostolic Fathers p. 16.) But as for the passages in Ignatius, ^*/ /%//. vi. i (see vol. i. 12 92) has nothing to do with Rev 3 , nor ^/^. xv. 3, t^a
,
-<4<^

evSeSv^tevor

w/zev avrov

i/aot,

/cai

avro?

17

ev

Ty/xtv

^eos,

does Barn.

vi.

13, Xeyei 8e

Kvptos

iSov

TTOIO)

with Rev 2 1 3 ra eo-^ara

ii.

nor
TO.

a>s

Trpwra, reflect for the sense

Rev
is

2i 5

iSou /caiva TTotw TravTa (see vol.

Clem. Rom.
22 12
.

Ad

Nor absolutely different. Cor. xxxiv. 3 (see p. Ixxvii,

203): should we connect footnote) with Rev

ap was all but 2. In the 2nd cent. universally accepted in Asia Minor, Western Syria, Africa, Rome, South Gaul. In Asia Minor. Papias was the first, according to Andreas in the prologue to his Commentary on J ap to attest, not its apostolic

authorship, but
/3ifi\ov TreptTTOv

its

credibility.

/x/rj/cuVeiv

(Ilept /xeVroi TOT) 007n/euVrov r^s TOV Xoyov ^you/xe^a, rtov /m/capiW Tpry-

yoptov

/cat rav dp^atorepcov IlaTrt ov, 7rpoo-/xaprupoiWwv TO d^toTrto-rov. ) Eusebius, however, never definitely says that J ap was known to Papias (H.JE. iii. 39). The statement, however, in iii. 39. 12 which he attributes to Papias, seems to be an echo of J ap (xAiaSa
. . .

Kai Kupt AAou, Trpoorert 8e

/cat lTTTroAirroi;

Etpryvatov,

Me^oStov

Ttva
<f>r)ort.v

ercov eo-eo-$ai /xera

67Tt

ryv IK

vc^cpoov aWo-rao-ty, o-co/xart/cais

But ravr^o-i TT}S -y^? VTroarTrja-ojjitvrjs}. Eusebius proceeds to say that this statement of Papias was due to his misunderstanding of certain apostolic statements (dTroo-ToA-t/cas
rr}s

Xpio~rov y3ao~tA.tas

SiT/y^o-eis), which he took literally instead of figuratively. Melito, bishop of Sardis (160-190 A.D. fl.), wrote a commentary (To, Trept TOV Sia/3oA.ou Kat rr)s aTTOKaXui^eaJS loodVvou), Eus. IV. 26. 2
.

understands this title to refer to two This work of Melito is noteworthy, since Sardis distinct books. was one of the Seven Churches. Justin, who lived at Ephesus (circ. 135) before he went to Rome, is the first to declare that ap was Dial. written by John, one of the apostles of Christ J Ixxxi. 15, Trap fjfj.lv avrjp TIS, ovo/xa IwdVi ?;?, el? TWV aTrocrroAwv

Jerome,

De

vir.

illustr.

9,

<S

TOV Xpio-Tov, eV a7ro/caAv i//i ye^o/xeVi? aura) xi Aia cry 7rotr;o-etv ev lepovcraA^tt TOVS ^/xere pa) Xptorw Trto-Tevo-avTa? Trpoe^ryreuo-e 9 cf. also ApoL i. 28\which refers to Apoc. i2 ); Eus. iv. 18. 8. Irenaeus maintained the apostolic authorship of all the Johannine
T<3

CIRCULATION AND RECEPTION

drawn from the great work which he wrote
see

xcix

but the evidence for his views has to be writings in the N.T., as bishop of Lyons
:

below.
(circ.

Phrygia

against the Montanists in 210 A.D.), used J ap of John as an authority in his

Apollonius,

writer

controversy (Eus. v. 18. 14). In Western Syria. Theophilus, bishop of Antioch in the ap in a treatise latter half of the 2nd century, cites J against e* Icoaj/i ov aTro/ca/Vv^eoos HermOgeneS (Eus. iv. 24), tv
u>

ryj<s

Gaul. Irenaeus, who defended the apostolic of all the N.T. Johannine writings, carried with him to authorship Gaul the views that prevailed in Asia Minor ; and there, as Bishop of Lyons (177-202 A.D.), he wrote his great work, Against all In this work he uses such expressions as loannes in Heresies.

In

South

Apocalypsi,

iv.

14.

2,

17.

6,

18.

6,

21.

3,

v.

28.

2,

34.

2.

loannes Domini discipulus in Apocalypsi, iv. 20. n, v. 26. ij in Apocalypsi videt loannes, v. 35. 2 per loannis Apocalypsin, See Zahn, Gesch. N.T. Kanons, i. 202, note 2. At a i. 26. 3.
;

slightly

earlier date,

177,

the Churches of Vienne

and Lyons

addressed an epistle to the Churches in Asia and Phrygia (Eus. v. i. 10, 45 (where rfj TrapOtvw /x^rpt = the Christian Church), 55, 1 9 11 the last 58) in which reference is made to Apoc. 14* I2 iQ 22 being introduced by the N.T. formula of Canonical Scripture
,

Iva

f)

ypa<f>r)

TrXrjpwO fi.

In Alexandria. Clement follows the general tradition of the ap Church, and cites J as scripture, Paed. ii. 119 (TO a-v^oXiKov TOJV ypacfriov), and the work of John the apostle, Quis dives, 42, Strom, vi. 106-107 (see Zahn, Gesch. d. N.T. Kanons^ i. 205).
ap the Origen accepts John the Apostle as the author of the J Gospel, and the first Epistle (In loann. torn. v. 3 ; Lommatzsch, i. 165; Eus. vi. 25. 9). The upholders of Millenarianism in Egypt, against whom Dionysius wrote, appealed to the Apocalypse (Eus. vii. 24). In Rome. On the very probable use of our author by Hermas we have adverted above. Of this work the Muratorian Canon writes Pastorem vero nuperrime temporibus nostris in urbe
,
"

Roma Hermas

author or not, this recognized at Rome

But whether Hermas used our that J ap was universally lohannes enim in apocalypsi, licet septem ecclesiis scribat, tamen omnibus dicit," while a few lines later, according to the most natural restoration of the text, he states the Apocalypse of Peter had not such recognition. that
conscripsit."

Canon

implies

"

Hippolytus (190-235 fl.), in his Ilepi rov Ai/Tixpio"rov (ed. Achelis, He speaks of it as 1897), constantly quotes the Apocalypse. f] (chap. 5) and its author aTroVroAos /cat fjLaOrjTrjs TOV Kvpiov See Zahn, i. 203 (note). (36).
ypa<f>ri

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

In Carthage. In this Church, which was the daughter of the ap Church, J enjoyed an unquestioned authority at the Tertullian cites quotations from close of the 2nd century.

Roman

He knows of only eighteen out of its twenty-two chapters. one John, the Apostle, and he is unacquainted with any doubts of He names it the inits canonicity save on the part of Marcion. strumentum Joannis (De Resurrectione^ 38) and the instrumentum apostolicum (Pud. 12). See Zahn, i. in, 203 sq. The Acts of Perpetua and Felicitas show many traces of dependence on our author, as 4, "circumstantes candidates milia multa": 12, "introet audivimus vocem unitam euntes vestierunt stolas Candidas et vidimus in dicentium Agios agios agios sine cessatione et in dextra et medio loco sedentem quasi hominem canum See Zahn, i. 203 sq. in sinistra seniores viginti quattuor." Thus throughout the Christian Church during the 2nd cent, there is hardly any other book of the N.T. so well attested and received as J ap
. . .
.

two distinct protests against its authorship and validity in the 2nd century. (a) The Johannine He rejected it on the ground first of these came from Marcion. of its strongly Jewish character (Tert. Adv. Marc. iv. 5), and he refused to recognize John as a canonical writer (iii. 14,
3.
,

There were, how ever

Quodsi loannem agnitum non vis, habes communem magistrum Paulum attack came from the Alogi the (b) The more important name given to them by Epiphanius (Haer. li. 3). 1 This sect (Haer. li. 33) rejected both the Gospel and Apocalypse and attributed them to Cerinthus. They objected to the sensuous symbolism of the book, and urged that it contained errors in matters of fact, seeing that there was no Church at Thyatira. Since Epiphanius draws most probably upon Hippolytus (190235) for his information, we have in Epiphanius a nearly con
"

")

ap temporaneous account of these opponents of J as Zahn urges (i. 223-227, 237-262, ii. With these Alogi, 967-973), the sect mentioned by Irenaeus (iii. u. 9) is to be identified. This sect was anti-Montanist. It rejected the Johannine books because of the support they gave the Gospel through the doctrine of the Spirit and the Apocalypse through its Caius, a prophetic character to this Montanist party. Roman Churchman, though not one of the Alogi, also rejected ap in a manifesto (circ. 210 A.D.) against Proclus the Montanist J on the ground of its marvels and its sensuous doctrine of the Millennium, and ascribed it to Cerinthus (Eus. H.E. iii. 28. 1-2). There is no conclusive evidence that Caius and his school
.

rejected the Gospel.

1

Toivvf ol
<j><i<rKQV(ri

"AXoyot

ra^rrjv

y&p

ai)rois

CIRCULATION AND RECEPTION

The
1

ci

writing of Caius was answered by Hippolytus (215 A.D.) in a work entitled Ke^aXaia Kara Fat ou KCU a7roA.oyt a v?rep T. lajai/ov, fragments of which have been preserved in a.TroKa\v\l/<i)<s

Commentary
137-150).
it.

vii.

of Bar-Salibi (Gwynn, Hermathena, vi. 397-418, From this date forward no Western Churchman
J
ap .

seriously

doubted

In Africa,

Cyprian repeatedly makes

use of

ap of the authenticity of J reopened by Dionysius of Alexandria, bishop of Alexandria, 247-265 A.D. Fragments of this scholarly and temperate criticism of the Apocalypse (Ilept ETrayyeAton/) are preserved in Eusebius (vii. This book was written as a refutation of a work by 24-25). Nepos, an Egyptian bishop, entitled "EAeyxos AAA^yopto-Tcov, which sought to prove that the promises made to the saints in the Scriptures were to be taken literally in a Jewish sense and In particularly with regard to the Millennium (Eus. vii. 24). his refutation of this book Dionysius advances many grounds to prove that J ap was not written by the author of the Gospel and i John. He admits its claim to have been written by a John, but not by the Apostle. Some of the arguments we have

4.

The

question

given elsewhere (see p. xl). If modern scholars had followed the lines of criticism laid down by Dionysius their labours would have been immeasurably

more

fruitful.
5-

and

ap rejected for some time by the Syro- Palestinian Church The criticism of Dionysius by the Churches of Asia Minor. in discrediting the apostolic authorship of J ap discredited also its

Eusebius (260-340 A.D.) evidently agreed with the conclusions of Dionysius. Seeking to carry further the con clusions of that scholar, he suggests that J ap was written by John the Elder of whom Papias wrote (Eus. iii. 39. 6). He is doubtful 24. 1 8, 25. 4) whether to reckon it among the accepted (iii. Some years later Cyril (6/AoAoyou/x-ei/a) or the rejected (v60a). of Jerusalem (315-386) not only excluded it from the list of canonical books, but also forbade its use in public and private. After enumerating the books of the N.T. in which the Apocalypse is not mentioned, he proceeds to say (Catech. iv. 36, TO, Se AotTm, TTOLVTO. e(o KticrOu) tv KCU Setn-epu). /xev ev eKK\r)(riais pr] avayivtocTKerai, ravra /x-^Se Kara crcurrov di ayiVwo-/ce). The influence of Dionysius criticism spread also to Asia Minor. Thus J ap does not appear in Canon 60 of the Synod of Laodicea (circ. 360), nor in Canon 85 of the Apost. Constitutions
canonicity.
o<ra

1 Another work of Hippolytus in defence of the Johannine writings may be inferred from the list of works engraven on the back of the chair on which the statue of the bishop wa? seated vtrkp rov /card, I&dvvrjv evayye\iov Kal See Lightfoot, St. Clement , I. ii. 420.
:

cii

THE REVELATION OF
ii.

ST,

JOHN

(Zahn,

177
(ob.
ap

sqq.,

Nazianzus

is states that J voOov Xeyovcriv). The school of Antioch

sqq.), nor in the list of Gregory of Amphilochius of Iconium (ob. 394) rejected by most authorities (ot TrActW Se ye

197

389).

did

not look with favour on J ap

Chrysostom (ob. 407) Theodore (350-428) to Mopsuestia in Cilicia, and Theodoret (386-457) to the east None of the three appears to have mentioned it. to Cyrrhus. Other lists from which it is excluded are the so-called Synopsis of Chrysostom, the List of 60 Books, and the Chronography of
Nicephorus. ap was 6. Quite independently of the criticism of Alexandria, either ignored or unknown in the Eastern- Syrian and Armenian The Apocalypse formed no part of Churches for some centuries. the Peshitto Version of the N.T. which was made by Rabula of

represented this school in Constantinople. carried with him the views of this school

The gap Edessa, 411 (Burkitt, St. Ephraems Quotations, p. 57). was afterwards supplied by a translation in 508 by Polycarpus for Philoxenus of Mabug, and by that of Thomas of Harkel, 6 1 6. On these the reader should consult Gwynn, The Apocalypse ofJohn in But it took Syria, pp. xc-cv, and Bousset s Offenbarung, 26-28. centuries for J ap to establish itself in the Syrian Churches. Junilius (Departibus divinae legis, i. 4), who reproduces the lectures of Paul
of Nisibis, writes (551 A.D.),
ales
"

De

loannis apocalypsi apud Orient-

Jacob of Edessa (ob. 708) cites it as Scripture, and yet Bar Hebraeus (ob. T2o8) regards it as the work
dubitatur."

admodum

In the Armenian Church it of Cerinthus or the other John. first appears as a canonical book in the i2th century (Conybeare, Armenian Version of Revelation, p. 64). ap was always accepted as canonical in the West, and 8 7.
attitude towards it was gradually adopted by the Eastern In the Church of the West, notwithstanding the Churches. attacks of Gaius and the rejection of its apostolic authorship by Dionysius, writers were unanimous after the elaborate defence by ap Only Jerome takes up a Hippolytus of the canonicity of J doubtful attitude towards it; for, while in Ep. ad Dardanum, 129, he appears inclined to accept it, elsewhere (In Ps. 149) he ranks it in a class midway between canonical and apocryphal. ap found a succession of expounders in Victorinus of Pettau J Tyconius, Primasius, and is duly recorded in all the (ob. 303), Western lists of the canonical books.
this

same

In Alexandria, Athanasius (293-373) recognized its Johannine authorship and canonicity, and in due course the Greek com mentaries of Oecumenius, Andreas, and Arethas. Thus throughout the world the full canonicity of the Apocalypse was accepted in the i3th century save in the

OBJECT OF THE SEER

cm

With the views of later times the present Nestorian Church. work is not here concerned. For these, readers may consult Bousset, Offenbarung, 19-34; or the present writer s Studies in
the Apocalypse, 1-78.

XL
OBJECT OF THE SEER AND HIS METHODS AND REFLECTION.
The kingdom on
i.

VISION

object

of the Seer

is

to proclaim the

earth,

and

to assure the Christian

coming of God s Church of the

triumph of goodness, not only in the individual or within borders, not only throughout the kingdoms of the world and in their relations one to another, but also throughout the whole universe. Thus its gospel was from the beginning at once individualistic and corporate, national and international and cosmic. While the Seven Churches represent entire Christendom, Rome represents the power of this world. With its claims to absolute obedience, Rome stands in complete antagonism to Between these two powers there can be no truce or Christ. compromise. The strife between them must go on inexorably without let or hindrance, till the kingdom of the world has become the kingdom of the Lord and of His Christ. This triumph is to be realized on earth. There is to be no legislation, no government, no statecraft which is not finally to be brought ap into subjection to the will of Christ. J is thus the Divine Statute
final
its

own

of International Law, as well as a manual for the guidance In this spirit of splendid optimism of the individual Christian. the Seer confronts the world-wide power of Rome with its blasphemous claims to supremacy over the spirit of man. He is as ready as the most throughgoing pessimist to recognize the apparently overwhelming might of the enemy, but he does not, like the pessimist, fold his hands in helpless apathy, or weaken

Book

the courage of his brethren by idle jeremiads and tears. Gifted with an insight that the pessimist wholly lacks, we can recognize the full horror of the evils that are threatening to engulf the world, and yet he never yields to one despairing He thought of the ultimate victory of God s cause on earth. greets each fresh conquest achieved by triumphant wrong, with a fresh trumpet call to greater faithfulness, even when that faithful

ness

is

called to

make

the supreme self-sacrifice.

The

faithful

are to follow whithersoever the

for such,

Lamb

that was slain leads,

and

whether they live or die, there can be no defeat, and so with song and thanksgiving he marks each stage of the world strife which is carried on ceaselessly and inexorably till, as in

civ

THE REVELATION OF
i5
24 27
,

ST.

JOHN

earth

every evil power in heaven, or earth, or under the overthrown and destroyed for ever. 2. Methods of the Seers generally psychical experiences and reflection or reason. Prophecy and apocalyptic for the most
i
is

Cor

part use the

for learning and teaching the will of of the prophet as of the Seer came through dreams, visions, trances, and through spiritual, and yet not wherein every natural faculty unconscious, communion with God of man was quickened to its highest power. When we wish to distinguish the prophet and the seer, we say that the prophet hears and announces the word of God, whereas the seer sees and recounts his vision. But this definition only carries us but a little way, for these phenomena are common to both. Hence we must proceed further, and deal with the means which the seer uses in order to set forth his message. These are psychical experiences, and reflection or rather reason embracing the powers

same methods

God.

The knowledge

of insight^ imagination, and judgment.

These consist of (a) dreams; (b) dreams Psychical experiences. combined with translation of the spirit and (c) visions. Dreams Dreams conveying a revelation. (a) Dreams. play a great role in Jewish apocalypses. They are found in Dan 2 1 4 5 y 1 in i Enoch 83-90, 2 Enoch i 2 etc.; Test. 1 1 1 1 i2 3 I3 1 13 Such dreams are 4 Ezra n Naph. 5 6 7 to a divine source and are regarded as conveying assigned revelations of God. Now such dreams are in many of these 5 1 18 ^i Enoch 83-90, where passages called visions cf. Dan 4 7 S the two dreams 85 1 are called two visions in 83 2 Test. Levi, where the vision of 8 1 is called a dream in 8 18 Test. Naph., where what is called dreams in 7 1 is called visions in 5 1 4 Ezra, where what is called dreams in n 1 I3 1 is called visions in I2 io j.,21. 25 J^IT j n 2 g ar t ne Seer seems to have waking
; ;
-

1 1 visions, except in 36 53 . in these apocalypses

Now
i

authoritative sources of divine

Cf.
is

28 6 15 Deut I3 1 3 remarkable that dreams fall into the background in the ist
-

Sam
A.D.

dreams and visions are equally knowledge as well as in the O.T. 25 32 9 28 But it 27 298, Joel 2 Jer 23
.

cent.

in

Christian

literature. 1
21

Thus the Hebrew

Test.

L 5 1 4 7 Naph. (date uncertain) speaks only of visions, and in 13 See treats a dream as no true source of divine knowledge. 3

In the edition of the Test. XII Patriarchs, pp. 221-223. N.T. dreams are not divine means of revelation unless in Matt

my
T

2o 2 i2-is.
1

19.

22

2^.

Hence
Cf.

it

is

only visions that are recounted

Belief in dreams was the rule, and Berakhoth 55-58, Sanh. 30*, Ber 28 a Hor I3 b 1 8 See Sirach, on the other hand, declares that dreams are vanity, 31 (34) Jewish Encyc. iv. 654 sqq.

This

is

not the case in the Talmud.

disbelief the exception.

"

DREAMS AND VISIONS

and saw a
3 61 53
(b)
1
)
"

CV

It is not even said that the Seer fell asleep in the Apocalypse. In 4 Ezra, on the It is simply said, I saw." vision. 1 1 other hand, sleep precedes the visions in I3 and in 2 Bar

though

in other sections this

element of the dream

is

wholly wanting.

Dreams combined with a

Test.
Vis.

translation of the spirit of the

Seer.

Levi
i.

25 9
"

1- 7

This
*cat

combination reappears

in

Hermas,
//.

I.

3,

d</>v7ri/wcra

irvevpa. /xe ZXafttv KCU aTrrJvey/ceV

oY avoSias
(c)

TIVOS.

In these the ordinary consciousness seems to be suspended, and sensible symbols appear to be literally seen These visions fall into three classes. with another faculty.
Visions. (a)

Visions

(ft)

in sleep. All the dreams mentioned in i. (a} above which are called visions by the writers could be brought under this head. Cf. Test. Lev 8 L 18 Visions in a trance. Cf. Ezek i 1 Test. Jos 19*, 2 Bar CJ 22 1 55 l-3 7 61 ActS I0 10 ApOC jlOaqq. (^y ev Yet Trvet yuari) and passim where /cat etSov is used.
.

6>>?/

the latter pay be otherwise explained, as

(y) Visions in

which
1 2
,

the spirit is translated.

we shall see. Ezek 3 12 14 8 3

-

Dan

Enoch yi

1- 5
,

2
3

Enoch
10
.

Bar6 3s

<Ki-,

(8)

Asc. Is 6-1 1, Apoc. 4 iy 2i St. Paul (2 Cor i2 3 ) does not know whether in his vision he has experienced an actual translation of the spirit or not 1 Waking visions. Daniel seems to experience a trance when awake in io 5 Stephen in Acts 7 55 Zacharias in Luke i 11 20 The fundamental ideas underlying some of the shorter or even of the more elaborate
, ,

visions in our author may belong such as i 10 20 4 1 8 y 9 - 17 8 3 5 1414.

2
j

to this category,
18-20

I5

2-4

20 n-i5

5a. 4d. 5b. l-4abc

2 2 3-5 f

3. Value of such psychical experiences depends not on their being actual experiences, but on their source^ their moral environment, and their influence on character? Of the reality of such psychical

The experiences no modern psychologist entertains a doubt. value, however, of such experiences is not determined by their Real psychical reality, but by facts of a wholly different nature. experiences were not confined to Israel. They were familiar at the oracular shrines of the ethnic religions. The most
Poirnandres,
2

experiences in heathenism, cf. Reitzenstein, Dieterich, Eine Mithras -Liturgie. See on the whole question of this chapter, Joyce, The Inspiration of Prophecy, 1910; Gunkel, Die Wirkungen des heiligen Geistes, 1899; Weinel,
psychical
;

For

similar
5,

sq. etc.

Die Wirkungen

des Geistes

J"

d der

Geister, 1899.

cvi

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

celebrated of these was the ancient world Oracle at Delphi. This Oracle exerted generally a good influence on Hellenic life. But the hope of continuous progress by such agencies among the Greeks was foredoomed from the outset owing to two the first being their association with polytheism and causes other corrupt forms of religion, and the second being the failure of Hellas to respond to the moral claims as it had done to those But it was otherwise in Israel, where seers such of the intellect. as Samuel prepared the way for the prophet, and moral and religious claims received a progressive and ever deepening

prophet and seer alike had dreams, visions, and these psychical experiences in Israel were distinguished from those of the heathen seers not by their greater reality, for they were in the main equally real in both
response.

Now

and

trances,

cases, but

by quite a different standard, i.e. by the source from which they sprang, the environment in which they were produced, and
In all these the influence they exercised on the will and character. respects prophecy and apocalyptic were duly authenticated in the O.T. as they are in the N.T. 4. Literal descriptions of such experiences hardly ever pos
sible.

to

The language of the seer is symbolic. In regard, therefore, the visions recounted by our author and other O.T. and N.T. visionaries, the main question is the character of the religious faith they express and the religious and moral duties Whether they are literal descriptions of actual they enforce. literal discription experiences is a wholly secondary question. would only be possible in the case of the simplest visions, in which the things seen were already more or less within the range of actual human experience, as, for instance, in Amos 8 1 2 Thus the Lord God showed me and behold a basket of

"

summer
said,

fruit.

And he

said,

Amos, what

seest

thou?

And

B ut j n basket of summer fruit." Cf. Jer iiii. issqq.^ our author the visions are of an elaborate and complicated nature, and the more exalted and intense the experience, the
more incapable it becomes of literal description. Moreover, if we believe, as the present writer does, that behind these visions
there
is

an actual substratum of

reality

belonging to the higher

spiritual world, then the seer could grasp the things seen and heard in such visions, only in so far as he was equipped for the task by his psychical powers and the spiritual development behind him. In other words, he could at the best only partially

apprehend the significance of the heavenly vision vouchsafed him. To the things seen he perforce attached the symbols more or less transformed that these naturally evoked in his mind, symbols that he owed to his own waking experience or the tradition of the past j and the sounds he heard naturally clothed

SPIRITUAL EXPERIENCE AT ITS HIGHEST

cvii

themselves in the literary forms with which his memory was Thus the seer laboured under a twofold disability. His stored. psychical powers were generally unequal to the task of apprehending
the full meaning of the heavenly vision, and his powers of expression were frequently unable to set forth the things he had apprehended. In the attempt to describe to his readers what was wholly

beyond the range of their knowledge and experience, the seer had thus constant recourse to the use of symbols. Hence in his literary presentment of what he has seen and heard in the

moments of transcendent rapture, the images he uses are In fact, symbolism in symbolic and not literal or pictorial. regard to such subjects is the only language that seer and layman alike can employ. The appeal of such symbolism is made to the religious imagination. In this way it best discloses
the permanent truth of which it is the vehicle and vesture. There is a higher 5. Highest form of spiritual experience. form of spiritual experience than either that of the prophetic

In this higher experience the audition or the prophetic vision. divine insight is won in a state of intense spiritual exaltation, in which the self loses immediate self-consciousness without becoming unconscious, and the best faculties of the mind are quickened to their highest power. Therein the soul comes into direct touch with truth or God Himself. The light, that in such high experience visits the wrestling spirit, comes as a grace, an insight into reality, which the soul could never have achieved by its own unaided powers, and yet can come only to the soul that has In such experience the eye of fitted itself for its reception. the seer may see no vision, the ear of the seer hear no voice, and Such experiences yet therein is spiritual experience at its highest. must ever be beyond the range of literal description. They can

They cannot be adequately only be suggested by symbols. expressed by any human combination of words or sounds or At the same time such spiritual experiences of the seer colours. have their analogies in those of the musician, poet, painter, and
scholar.
6.

judgment.

Reason embracing the powers of insight, imagination, and In the manifold experiences enumerated in 2, 4-5,
is

the use of the reason

always presupposed, but as the secondary

and not the primary agent in action, save perhaps in 5. Under this heading, however, we deal rather with the normal use of the reason, while the seer makes (a] an arrangement of the materials
so as to construct a divine theodicee or philosophy of religion (b] in his creation of allegories ; (c) in the adaptation of traditional materials to his own purpose and their reinterpretation ; (d) in I saw." the conventional use of the phrase
;
"

(a)

Arrangement of

materials.

Now, whereas the

collected

cviii

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

works of a prophet do not necessarily and in point of fact never show strict structural unity and steady development of thought, it is otherwise with the seer, and above all other seers with the work of our author, which exhibits these characteristics in an The reader has only to consult the Plan unparalleled degree. of the Book (pp. xxiii-xxviii) to be assured of this fact. The work of the artist and thinker is seen not only in the perfectness of the form in which many of the visions are recorded, but also in the skill with which the individual visions are woven together in
order to represent the orderly and inevitable character of the For not a single vision, save the three that are divine drama. proleptic, can be removed from the text without inflicting irre The philosophical and parable damage on the whole work. dramatic character of J ap is due to the Seer as a religious On the other hand, the individual visions, where these thinker. are not freely constructed or borrowed from sources, are due to his visionary experiences. Apocalyptic, and not prophecy, was the first to grasp the great idea that all history, alike human, cosmological, and spiritual, is a unity. constructed. The seers make use not (b] Allegories freely
Allegories are generally freely con infrequently of allegory. structed and figurative descriptions of real events and persons. With this form of literature we might compare Bunyan s Pilgrim! s Their object is to lay bare the eternal issues that are Progress. Dan n, i Enoch at stake in the actual conflicts of the day. 85-90, 2 Bar liii-lxxiv, 4 Ezra 11-12, are undoubtedly freely

invented allegories. The work of the seer

is not affected injuriously by his adoption of this literary form in order to publish his message to The question of importance is not the form in which the world. it is conveyed, but the nature of the religious conviction which has

The Seven Seals therein found expression. may in part be ranked under this division
next.
(c)

and the Seven Bowls and in part under the

Our Seer had many Adaptation of traditional material. at his disposal, and he has freely laid them under contribution, re-editing and adapting them to their new contexts. If we admit his right to construct allegories freely to convey his message to the Church, he had the same right to use traditional In fact, all the Jewish writers of material for the same purpose. The sealing of the 144,000, y 4 8 and the did so. apocalypses 9 2 14 15 17 are constructed and re Heavenly Jerusalem, 2i -22 written largely out of pre-existing material, but their meaning is In not a few cases the sources have in the main transformed. not been wholly adapted to the contexts into which they have been introduced by the Seer. See p. Ixii sqq.
sources
,
-

DOCTRINE OF GOD
"/
(<I)

Cix

saw" Conventional use of the phrase Just as the prophet came to use the words "thus saith the Lord," even when there was no actual psychical experience in which he saw" when there heard a voice, so he came to use the words was no actual vision. The same conventional use of both these
"I

They phrases belongs to apocalyptic as well as to prophecy. serve simply to express the divine message with which the How far this use prevails in prophet or the seer is entrusted. ap would be difficult to determine. We might, however, place J The Letters to the Seven Churches under this category. These letters, if the present writer s hypothesis is correct, were written by our author during the reign of Vespasian. They are assigned to Christ in our text in the words TO irvwpa Ae yei (2 7 1L 17 etc.). This is quite in keeping with the usage of the N.T. For the words of the prophets practically claim a divine authority. Cf. Such words are not merely Acts 5 lsqq -, i Cor 5 4 5 i Tim i 20 men s words; cf. raSe Aeyei TO Tn/cS/x.a, Acts 2i n , as Agabus 56 In i Tim 4 1 the words TO 7n/ev/x,a p^Tws Aeyei declares, also 7 certain prophet has said." In these ex are equivalent to Now our author pressions the person of the prophet is ignored. claims to belong to the fellowship of the prophets, and he can rightly use the phrase TO Tn/ev/xa Ae yei to express his convictions as a prophet.
-

"a

XII.

SOME DOCTRINES OF OUR AUTHOR.

The chief theme of the Apocalypse is not what God in Christ has done for the world, but what He will yet do, and what the It is therefore the Gospel of assured consummation will be. faith and hope, and seeks to inspire the Churches anew in these
respects
;

for that the

end

is

nigh.

As
its

it

sets forth its

is

instructs, though incidentally, and in some respects unique.

and

teaching

theme, it always fresh

i. The doctrine If the doctrine of God were drawn of God. only from the direct statements which the Apocalypse makes on this subject, though in some respects it would transcend the level reached in the O.T. (as in its teaching on God s fatherhood, etc.), in many others (such as His infinite mercy and forgiveness) it would fall far short of it. Many scholars have emphasized this peculiarity of the Apocalypse, and insisted accordingly on the But to draw such a Jewish character of its doctrine of God. conclusion betrays a total misapprehension of the question at issue. The Christian elements are not dwelt upon because they can all be inferred from what the Book teaches regarding the

CX

THE REVELATION OF
;

ST.

JOHN

Son has and is is derived from the Father. the conception of the Father under this heading must be completed from that of the Son in the next. The conception is on the whole severely monotheistic. (a) First as regards the ethical side, God is holy, righteous, and true. He alone is holy (/xovos ocnos, i5 4 i6 5 cf. 4 8 6 10 ) ; He 10 is the True One, 6 dA^rys in our author), who keepeth (a\.r)0u>6s covenant ; with this truthfulness is associated His righteousness in 1 2 3 7 From these spring His wrath against judgment, i5 i6 ig 6 17 ii 18 i9 15 and His avenging of all the wrongs done on sin, He is the Judge of all the dead, 20 11 15 the earth, 6 10 iQ 2 The gracious attributes of God are not brought forward, (b) but are rather to be inferred from the fact that He is called the Father of Jesus Christ, i 6 2 27 3 5 21 I4 1 and the Father also of all such as conquer, 2i 7 and will dwell with them and Herein is the consummation of all be their God for ever, 2i 3 The divine world is to come into the world the world s travail. of history and realize itself there, seeing that all things come from God and end in God. But this idea belongs in part to (c).
Son
for all that the

Hence

is

is everlasting and omnipotent. First, as everlasting, He (c) God 4 8 designated as 6 r)V /cat 6 uV /cat 6 ep^o/xei^o?, I 4 ; 6 aV /cat 6 r)v, 17 l6 5 6 GJV ts r. atui/as r. atwi/an/, 4 9 io 6 J 7 II (see vol. i. 10 sq.) 5 Our author s favourite expression for Next, He is omnipotent. 14 15 8 17 3 this idea is /cuptos (>l6 IQ ) o Oebs 6 Trai/ro/c/oarwp, 4 ii i^ i6 7 14 IQ 6 15 2 1 22 ; He is also designated 6 Seo-TroVr/s, 6 10 ; o/cuptos 4 1 3 15 5 15 I4 Lwv, II ), II i5 j Kvptos 6 0eos, 22 ; 6 /cvpios /cat 6
; .
-

11 But though omnipotent, His omnipotence is 4 and not metaphysically conceived. It is not uncon ethically That He possesses such absolute power is an ditioned force. axiom of the Christian faith, but He will not use it, since such use of it would compel the recognition of His sovereignty, not win it, would enslave man, not make him free. Hence the
T7/XWI/,
.

recognition of this sovereignty advances part passu with the advance of Christ s Kingdom on earth, and each fresh advance is followed by thanksgivings in heaven ; for the perfect realization of God s Kingdom in the world is the one divine event to which 13 12 15 the whole creation moves, 5 7 11 7 Yet see 2 (c) on the cre i4 (d) He is the Creator, 4
4"

ative activity of Christ.

the dead, 20 teaching of our author on this subject is very comprehensive. Only the main points of it can be dealt with under the following heads, which are not always logically distinct () The Exalted Christ. (a) The Historical Christ. Son of God. (d) The Great High Priest. (c) The Unique The Pre-existent Christ. (/) The Divine Christ, (*)
(e)
is

He

the Judge of

all

11 15

Jesus Christ.

The

DOCTRINE OF CHRIST
(a)

Cxi

The Historical

Christ.

by His personal name

the originally official

"Jesus,"

name

He is of Israelitish birth, combination of the two, i 1 2 5 22 21 5 being the Root of David, the Lion of the tribe of Judah, 5 and born in the midst of the Jewish theocracy, I2 1 3 5 i.e. the yvvij
-

is most frequently designated i2 17 i4 12 etc., occasionally by 15 i2 10 2o 4 6 , and by the "Christ,"

i

He
9

TOV rjXiov. That there is no reference here to the Virgin Birth is clear from the fact that our author is here using a Jewish source, which naturally represented the Messiah as one born naturally in the midst of the community. Besides, "the woman has other children (i2 17 TWI/ XOLTT&V TOV o-Trep/xaros avTTjs). Thus the faithful are sons of this woman as Jesus is. On the other hand, they become sons of God, 2i 7 which Jesus is originally and uniquely (i 6 2 27 3 5 21 I4 1 ). He has twelve apostles, 2i 14 ;
Trept/3el3X.-r)fjivr]
"

His crucifixion
i

in

Jerusalem
.

is

referred to,

8
;

His resurrection,

18

in the N.T. is the glory of He is said to be Like a the exalted Christ so emphasized. Son of Man," i 13 I4 14 an apocalyptic expression first applied to the Messiah in i Enoch 46 1 , denoting a supernatural Being in He is described as the Faithful dignity above the angels. 5 Witness, the Sovereign of the dead, the Ruler of the living, i ; as the resurrection and the life, and so the exclusive Mediator of salvation (e^cu ras /cXcis TOV OO.VO.TOV KOA. TOV aSov, I 18 ). He is the Supreme Head of the Church, the Centre of all its life 13 2 1 ) and the Master of its destinies (ev //.e o-o) TWI/ Av^i/taji/, i oeia x L P^ avrov do-repas eTrra, i 16 ), chastening its individual T-fj members and judging them from love and in love, 3 19 ; promis ing them that conquer in the coming tribulation every blessing of the Kingdom of God, 2 7 1L 17 26 28 3 5 12 21 ; embracing them in a perfect fellowship, 3 20 and glorifying all who depart in this 13 fellowship with the beatitude pronounced by God Himself, i4 And even over those who are without the borders of the Church, He exercises a silent yet real sway, which more and more will come into manifestation and break in pieces the hostile peoples, 2 27 i2 5 iQ 15 ; for He is of kings and Lord of lords," "King 14 16 And to Him is committed the Messianic judgment, i; iQ 7 18-20 I nll-21 L 2O 7-10 22 12 j^U.
"

and ascension, 3 21 i2 5 Nowhere (b) The Exalted Christ.

,

(<i\^v

<h/

Pre-existent and Divine. Whereas the faithful become sons of God, 2i 7 He is Son of God essentially, 6 i 2 18 27 3 5 2 i 141. He is "the Word of God," i 9 13 "the Holy, the True," 3 7 even as God is, 6 10 ; "the First and the Last," i 17 K tne 2 s 22 i3b Aip na an(j t h e Omega, the Beginning and the End," 22 i3 titles that are used by God of Himself in 21 as denoting the source and goal of all things. In the light of these words we
(c)
,
-

As Unique Son of God^

-

can rightly interpret 3 14

17

d/a^

Tijs

KTIO-CWS rov Ocov.

This does

cxii

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN
"

not mean the first KTIOTIS of God (as in Prov 8 22 ), but the active the atrux or cause. The words, I am principle in creation that liveth and was dead, and behold I am alive for evermore, 17 18 i recall to some extent the divine name "which is, and which , 4 8 He sits with God on His was, and which is to come," i 4

He

21 17 i2 5 , "the throne of God and the Lamb, 22 1 3 . throne, 3 y The divine worship offered to Christ in 5 12 is described in the same terms as that offered to God in 4 10 , and the same hymn of
-

praise

is

13 and God, sung in honour of both Christ, 5

,

10 1

and

Millennial reign the saints minister to Him as during to God, 2o 6 Many designations which belong alone to God in the O.T. are freely used of Christ. He is described in i 14 15 in of the Ancient of Days in Dan 7 9 terms used He searcheth the heart and the reins, 2 23 as God in Jer ly 10 , Ps 7 10 His are the seven eyes that are sent out into all the earth, 5 6 as are those of 10 as Yahweh s garments in Is 63 L 2 His are Yahweh, Zech 4 with blood, i9 13 ; and as Yahweh in Deut io 17 He also sprinkled 14 is Lord of lords, i; Our author thus appears to co-ordinate God and Christ. Yet the relation is one rather of subordination He never goes so far as the author of the than of equality. Fourth Gospel. He does not state that God and Christ are one, nor does he ever call Him God. And yet He is to all intents and purposes God the eternal Son of God, and the impression

the

conveyed is that in all that He is, and in all that He does, He is one with the Father, and is a true revelation of God in the Only in three definite respects is He sphere of human history. First, absolute existence represented as second to the Father.
is
u>i

not attributed to Him as to the Father the idea conveyed KCU 6 ty KCU 6 epxo/xei/os, i 4 4 8 (n 17 i6 5 ). by the words, 6 Yet see i 17 2 8 22 13 above. Next, the final Judgment belongs to the Father alone, 20 11 15 Thirdly, though He is the active prin 11 14 7 2 it is the Father who is the Creator, 4 i4 ciple in creation, 3
.
.

Our author is deeply conscious of the impassable gulf that separates the creature and the Creator, and the mediating angel sternly refuses such worship on the ground that it is due to God alone, 22 9 2 It must not be overlooked that Christ s fitness to undertake the shaping of He had the world s destinies is attributed to His faithfulness unto death.
.

earned

it

by His

self-sacrifice

"Worthy art

thou to take the book

seals thereof;

And

to

open the

For thou wast slain, And hast redeemed unto God with thy blood Men of every tribe and tongue and people and nation, And hast made them unto our God a kingdom and priests, And they shall reign upon the earth," 5 9 10
"

Christ promises to make those that conquer rulers over the Again in 2 heathen even as He too had received this power from His Father, and in 3 21

26 ~ 2S

DOCTRINE OF CHRIST
(ct}

cxiii

that Christ is represented as a priest in i 13 where He is "clothed But this idea is wholly over with a garment down to the foot."

As Great High

Priest:

Lamb

of God.

It is

probable

shadowed by another, expressed by the designation

where Christ
is

"the

Lamb,"

This desig not the Priest but the Lamb slain. nation occurs twenty-eight times in our author in reference to

But in this phrase two ideas quite distinct are com Christ. 1 is bined, the most prominent one a Christian development that of the Lamb as a victim ws eo-^ay/xeVov, 5 6 12 apviov i2 n i3 8 and elsewhere. The second idea derived from i Enoch and Test. XII Patr. is that of a lamb who is a leader either a spiritual leader, as in 7 17 i4 L 4 cf. i Enoch 8Q 45 where Samuel is so symbolized, or a military leader, 5 6 i.e., a lamb with seven horns and seven eyes," that is, a Being of transcen the Messiah is so symbolized in dent power and knowledge 38 i Enoch Qo Test. Jos iQ 8 2 This conception, which is borrowed in the main from Jewish Apocalyptic, comes to the front in ly 14 where it is foretold that the ten Parthian kings will war with the Lamb and the Lamb will overcome them TO apviov viKTJcm avrov s (cf. Test. Jos. i9 8 in footnote 2 below, for the same words applied to the Jewish Messiah). But these two ideas are merged together by our author, as we see in 5 6 The Lamb is at once the triumphant Messiah, lead ing His people to victory, and the suffering Messiah who lays
-

"

down His
Jewish.
to
8

life

for

His people.

But

after the

This latter conception is nondeath of Christ this fact was soon

make them share in His throne even as His Father had made Him to share in His throne because of His having proved a conqueror. 1 See Expositor, 1910, vol. x. 173-187, 266-281. Spitta, Streitfragen der Gcschichte Jesu : Das Johannes- Evangdium ah Quelle der Geschichte Jesu, I have strengthened the evidence adduced by 1910. Spitta by further facts from I Enoch and the Testaments in the next note. 2 45 This usage is well attested in i Enoch, where, 89 (i6i B.C.), Samuel as a leader is called a lamb, and likewise David and Solomon, Sg 45 48 before they were anointed kings. All the faithful in the early Maccabean period are also called lambs, 90- 8 but all these are without horns. In go9 12 however, there arise "horned lambs," and Judas Maccabaeus is such a lamb "with a great horn." Thus "the horned lamb" is a symbol for the leader of the Jewish 38 But it is also used of the Messiah in i Enoch and in the Theocracy. Test. Joseph I9 8 (109-107 B.C.), where the words, -jrpor)\eev d/uiv6s, /cat ... iravTa TO, drjpla 6pfj.wv KO.T ai/roO /cat eviirrjo ev avra 6 d/j.v6s, refer to one of the Maccabees, most probably to John Hyrcanus. Now, since the author of the Testaments regarded John Hyrcanus as the Messiah (see my edition of Test. XII Patr. pp. xcvii-viii, Reub 67 12 , Levi 8 14 18, Jud 24 1 3 , Jos I9 5 9 ), it follows that the term "lamb," or more particularly "horned lamb," was in In our author the former apocalyptic writings a symbol for the Messiah. 14 6 In I3 11 the second Beast assimilates itself to appears in I7 , the latter in 5 the horned lamb, i.e., to ,he Messiah see vol. i. 358. 3 See Dalman, Der leidende und der sterbende Messias der Synagoge im ersten nachchristlichen Jahrtausend^ 1888.
-

9<D

CX1V

THE REVELATION OF
"

ST.

JOHN

explained, as already foretold under the influence of such a 7 As the lamb that is led to the slaughter, and passage as Is 53 as a sheep that before her shearers is dumb, yea, he openeth not In Acts 8 32 83 this passage is interpreted of Christ. his mouth." Under the designation the Lamb," therefore, there lies the ideas of sacrifice and triumphant might. Out of love to man and with a view to redeem him, Jesus sacrifices Himself (i 5
"

TW dyaTroWt
CTrooycrev
ru>

fjfjLas

/ecu

Xvaravri

^/xas CK
TU>

raV d/xapTtaV
9

^as

$ew eV TW K ^>vX^s TO) 0ew ^/xaiv /?ao-tAetW Kai tepets). The conquest of sin is only to be achieved through self-sacrifice. Nothing but the selfsacrifice of holy love can overcome the principle of selfishness
.
.

/JcuriAciW, tepee? at/zaTt crov CK Tracr^s

0eu>

eax^ayrys Kat
.

and
is

sin that dominates the world. The Lamb who conquers the Lamb who has given Himself up as a willing sacrifice. But the principle of love going forth in sacrifice is older than the world, i3 8 the Lamb was slain from its foundation. And he who would follow Christ must conquer in like fashion (3 21 6 VIKWI/ 8w(7(o aura; Ka$tVat yaer e/xou eV rw $poVo> fjiov, Kayo) evi /oycra Kat K(iOi<ra /xcra TOV Trarpos JJLOV cv TW The aim of avrov). Christ s work is not the cancelling of guilt, but the destruction of sin in the sinner, his spiritual deliverance and redemption.
o>s

6povu>

Only by His life and death can He win man from sin this is the cost incurred. Hence the figure of purchase is used 5 9 i4 3 but there is no suggestion of a ransom paid to God or a lower
:

being.

Hence, since the Lamb as the Redeemer stands in the midst of the throne of God, 5 6 7 17 and the throne of God is His throne, 22 1 3 everything that is affirmed of the Son is to be affirmed of the Father. The Son is a revelation of the Father on the stage of the world s history. Hence, as the Father is supreme in Thus the power, He is supreme in love going forth in sacrifice. principle of self-sacrificing love belongs to the essence of the Godhead. God s almightiness is not only a moral force, as we i have already seen (see (c) ad fin. \ but a redemptive one,
,
-

which can only realize itself in moral and spiritual victory. Thus divine omnipotence and divine love and self-sacrifice are from indissolubly linked together for the world s redemption eternity and for evermore. There is no definitely conceived doctrine 3. The Spirit.
In i 4 the editor sought to introduce of the Spirit in our author. the doctrine of the Trinity by inserting Kat 0.71-0 ruv CTTTO. -^ u ^ see vol. i. 1113. Tri/ev/xaTwr TWV ei/uJTTiov TOV Opovov avrov In the such a grotesque conception has no place in our author. 29 words TO 7n/vju,a Aeyet the Spirit of Christ is meant in 2 n 6 13 22 for in all the seven Epistles the Speaker is Christ. ; 3
:
7<

17>

DOCTRINE OF WORKS
The same
xi.

cxv 179
vol.
i.

is

true in i4 ls 22 17

See

vol.

ii.

Introd.

(d).

4. Doctrine of Works. enforced in our author, since

The necessity of works is strongly men s works follow with them, and
,

12 22 12 which are are judged according to their works, 2o recorded in the books, 20 12 1 These doctrines imply man s free On the other hand, the term self-determination. will and

men

8 8 seems to express divine predestination. i3 i; It need express nothing more not necessarily so. The than God s omniscience from the beginning of the world. words K\rjTOL, K\KTol Kcu TTioTTOL, i y 14 set forth God s share and man s share in man s salvation the call (K^CTIS) remains a word which in our author ineffective without faith (TUO-TIS) means faithfulness or fidelity in 2 19 i3 10 and can also be so in
"book

of

life,"

But

this

is

2 13

I4

12
.
"
"

works ? These are But what does our author mean by not observances of the Mosaic Law, since our author never mentions it and nowhere admits of any obligation arising from

Nor does it mean isolated fulfilments even of the command ments of God or of Christ. They stand for the moral character as a whole, and are not in their essence outward at all though But, so far as they they lead of necessity to outward acts. issue in outward acts, they are regarded by our author simply as That this is the manifestation of the inner life and character. our author s teaching will be seen from the two following pas In 2 2 the works of the Church of Ephesus are defined sages. The first of these is as consisting in "labour and endurance." In 2 19 we have a very instructive definition, certainly manifest.
it.
"
"

oTSa
"

Kat Tijv VTTO/XOVTJV.

ayaTnyv KCU rrjv TTICTTIV KCU Tryv StaKOvi av used, of course, epexegetically. See vol. i. Love, faith, service, and endurance define the epya. In 3 2 watchfulness is enjoined, and 2 10 faithfulness 371 sqq. unto death. The works of Jesus," 2 26 are those which originate
crot) TO.

epya

K<XI

TTJV

The

first /cat is

"

"

in faithfulness to Jesus. The righteous acts of the

martyrs not to be identified with their white garments. The righteous acts of the saints are thus, according to our author, the manifestation of the inner life and character the character a man takes with him when he leaves this life. From this it follows that the clause TO yap fivc-a-ivov 8 TO. SiKaiwjuaTa TWV dyiW earn/, in ig misrepresents the teaching of our author and is an intrusion. For neither the righteous acts nor the character of the martyrs form the garment of their 11 are souls, seeing that the souls of the martyrs in heaven, 6 described as lacking: such garments for a time, though they
,

In 2 23 the judgment

is

not eschatological, but that which takes place in

this world.

cxvi

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

possess righteous acts and righteous character in a supereminent Hence the garments cannot degree: see Introd. vol. i. 184-188. be identified with the righteousness which they take with them, 13 but with the spiritual bodies which are assigned by God to I4 5 11 them, which in 6 (note) and 3 (note) are described as white Faith has an heroic quality in our author. It garments. leads to endurance, 2 19 to faithfulness in persecution, 2 13 i3 10 In 2 13 i4 12 Trio-rig is even when this ends in death, 2 10 i4 13 followed by an objective genitive, in 2 19 13 by a subjective. In the latter case it means "fidelity" or "faithfulness." In fact it could be so rendered in all four passages.
, , , .

Resurrection.

Millennium, and the second Since these subjects are so fully dealt with in the Commentary, I shall content myself with summarizing the results
5.

The

first Resurrection, the

arrived at there. The first Resurrection.

resurrection,

2o 4

6
.

the Jerusalem that, , forms the seat of the Millennial Kingdom (see vol. ii. 184). To 24 14 1T them is committed the re-evangelization of the world, 2i 22 15 6 7 Into the Holy City pour which is promised in i4 15*. the nations of the earth, and are healed of their spiritual diseases, Without this city are sorcerers and fornicators and 2 1 24 27 15 At the close of this kingdom the unrepentant murderers, 22 nations rebel afresh and are destroyed, and thereon follows the
-

Only the martyrs share in the first These reign with Christ for 1000 years in 9 2 u 15 17 coming down from heaven, 2 i -22
-

"

final

judgment.

See

vol.

ii.

182 sqq.

The former heaven and earth second Resurrection. vanish before the final judgment. Only the dead arise for judgment by God. These are the righteous who had not The former come forth suffered martyrdom, and the wicked. from the "treasuries" or "chambers," 2o 13a the latter from Hades. From our author s teaching elsewhere we are to infer that the righteous are clothed in spiritual bodies but that the wicked are disembodied, vol. i. 98. Since this body appears to be the main organ by which the soul expresses itself or receives impressions in the world of thought and righteousness, the wicked have thus involuntarily but inevitably ostracized them Selfishness and sin have brought about selves from this world. their natural penalty, the isolation of every sinner, and finally his See vol. i. 184-188, ii. 193-198. destruction in the lake of fire. all the living on the earth is Judgment. The judgment of committed to Christ, from the Seven Seals onwards to the The Messianic judgment deals destruction of Gog and Magog. with the living: God s judgment with all the dead, save the martyrs who, having attained to the first resurrection, are not 2o 6 and such others as during the subject to the second death,
The
,

GRAMMAR OF THE APOCALYPSE

"

cxvii

U Millennial Reign enter the city and eat of the tree of life, 22 treasuries * All the remaining righteous coming forth from the and the wicked from Hades 2 receive their final award.
"

XIIL

SHORT GRAMMAR OF THE APOCALYPSE.

CONTENTS,

i.

Noun, adjective, and verb forms,

3.

p. orix.

Pronouns,

Prepositions, p. cxxvii 7. Case, p. cxxxviii p. cxxxiv.

2. article, p. cxvii. 4. The verb, p. rxxiii. 5. p. cxxi. 6. Conjunctions and other particles,

The

8.

Number,

p.

cxli.

9.

Gender,
p. cxlii.
i.

p. cxlii.

10.

The Hebraic

Style of the Apocalypse,

Greek needs
discover

to be translated into

Hebrew

its

meaning,

ticiple into finite infinitive into finite verb, p. cxlvi.

p. cxliv. (a) verb, p. cxliv.

in order to Resolution of par (b) Resolution of (c) Hebrew construc

tions impossible
(d.
e.

and unintelligible in Greek, p. cxlvi. f) Further Hebraisms, (g) Secondary meanings of Hebrew words attributed to Greek words where
these words agree in their primary meaning, p. cxlvii. Hebrew idioms literally reproduced, (h. i) Other
p. cxlviii.

ii.

Other commonplace Hebraisms,

constructions with

p. cxlviii.

iii.

Hebrew

occasional parallels in vernacular iv. Certain passages needing to be Greek, p, cxlix. retranslated in order to discover the corruption or mistranslation hi the Hebrew sources used by our
author, p. cL
12. Solecisms due to slips expressions, p. clii. on the part of our author, p. clii. 13. Primitive corruptions due to accidental or deliberate changes, p. cliv. 14. Con

ii.

Unique

structions in the interpolations conflicting with our author s use,

p.
civ.

15.
p. clix.

Order of words,

p.

clvi.

16.

Combination of

words,
1

See the necessary emendation of the text, vol. i. 194-198. Hades means only the abode of unrighteous souls in our author voL i. 32, voL ii. 197 adfin. On the Ahf" see YoL L 239-242.
*
"

see

cxviii

THE REVELATION OF
i.

ST.

JOHN

Noun,

Adjective,

and Verb forms.

form their gen. and dat. in 10 (* w as f-a^aipT;?, i3 14. 1 ). On the various fjia.xp.ipri, i3 theories as to the origin of this late change, see Thackeray, Gr. out of 79 examples 141, where also he states that in the
(i.)

Nouns.

Words ending

in -pa

pyS)

P2?>

LXX

forms are certainly original in only 2. -pys forms become practically universal under the Early Roman Empire. AtfC (for x/oucrrp), I i3 j s formed on XP V(7 (ii.) Adjectives. The contracted form xpvo-ovs occurs the analogy of apyvpav. always (15 times) in our author, elsewhere in the N.T. 3 times.
of pdxaipa in the gen.
dat. the
17

and

The

best uncials are only at variance in 2 1

24

On

the other hand,

/?a0ea (pdOy, N 025), 2 , is original. Present. oYi/r/, (a) Irregular or unusual forms. (hi.) Verbs. 2 2 (only once so in LXX) for SiWcrat, presupposes Svi/o/^cu (see

Thackeray, Gr. 218). It is found in the poets and in prose 20 9 and writers from Polybius onward, d^ets, 2 ovo-6i/, , 18 is found in Eccles 2 and not atftfyfu. (which ) presuppose Schmiedel suggests a present (Thackeray, 251). 6\Sto, 3, and dTroSiSow, 22 2 presuppose StSow, but SiSoWiv, i7 13 In like manner dTroXA^wv, 9 11 (so also Jer. 23 1 BA, Sir 2o 22 ), does Sei/cvvw (cf. Ex 25 8 ; presupposes dTroAAvo) as Thackeray, 245). All these instances but the first show the transition from forms in -/xt to -co forms. and Aorists with a instead of forms, or ending (b) Imperfect
,
d<i

d<tco

d<e a>

8iSo>/u.

8en<vvovTo<s

*.

in -a or-av.
a.7rf)\0av, 2 1 24
:

et^ai/,

8- 9

(tfA).

d^Kas,

(A C (AK

C-

-6ov, 046. 025. 046

:

-6ov, tfC 025. 046). 4 -0ev, 025): aTr^A^av, 2 1 (A -0ev, K 046).

aTn/A^a,

io 9 (A
tlSa,

-Kes,

N*C).

i;
16

025) ()T8a, 17 (A etSov, N 025). Treorarc, 6 See Thackeray, Gr. 211-212. i8 4 (Ax). with termination -es (2nd sing.) for -as, (f) Perfects
3 (a) 2

(AN (tSa): (A 025)

:

(AC)

TreTTTw/ce?, 2

(.

-/ca?,

AC

046).

It is rare in the

LXX

See Robertson, Gr. (Thackeray, Gr. 215) and in the papyri. I have generally with A adopted the -a? form, (ft) 337. 3 Tre TrrtoKai/ f, i8 (AC. 7re7rra>Kacriv, K 046: Perfects ending in -av f Rd. -TTCTrdrtKev) ciprjKav, ig s TreTTW/cav 025 TreTrwKacrii/, IIO, 175^C 6 (AS 025) [yeyovai/ 2i AN ycyova, X 025. 046]. This termina tion is found in Asia Minor as early as 246 B.C. and in Egypt in It is found in Cretan inscriptions, and Robertson traces 162 B.C. its origin to Crete (Gr. 336). But it occurs in an interpolation. In 8 2 we have e<mJKao-u/.
:
:

It is

against

10 N 025. 046 twice change paxalpri into noteworthy that in I3 14 AC, and that 025. 046 make a corresponding change in I3
,

against MAC. 2 Cf. KaTtewa

Ps. I42 9 (RTtf

c- a
).

See Thackeray, Gr. 2\l.

THE ARTICLE
Hence our author did not apparently use
-curt.
,

cxix

the perfect ending in

1 12 dvd/?a.T, avdfia, 4 eppeOr), (d) Various Aorist forms. 6 11 9 4 o-r?7pio-ov, 3 2 (AC 025) Tretv, i6 6 to Thackeray According (Gr. 64), Treiv (or TTIV) occurs 21 times, while TTICIV occurs 97 times in the (AB). 11 7 (^) Pluperfect form. icrr^Keto-ai/ instead of etor^Kco-av. This -eto-av is found regularly in the (Thackeray, Gr. 216). As regards the beginning of the word, its usual form in the is lo-rrj/ceiv (Thackeray, Gr. 201). 2 io 4 rj/xeAAov (AC 046). (/) Augment. 3 l/xcAAov (AtfC 025) 9 8 Our author uses eSwaro, 7 (AtfC 046), i4 (AC), i5 8 (AC ^Sw. X 025. 046). Hence it should be read in 5 3 with 8 against In dvoiyw/zi our author augments the preposition in 025. 046. 3 19 5 12 fjvoi&v, 6 ^voi x^o-av, 2o (**), and trebly i5 tyj/otyr;, the participle in ^vewy/xe i/os, which should perhaps be augments read in 3 8 with K 025 against dvewy/^eVo? (AC 046), seeing that only 1 046 supports dvewyjueVos in 4 io 2 8 iQ 11 against the other chief
:
:

LXX

LXX
:

LXX

uncials.
2.

The

Article.

conceptions assumed to be familiar in the text for the first time 3 io 1 17 Ipis, io 3 at cTrra PPOVTO.L: cf. also i2 14 i6 12 With 14 eis TOV 7roAe//,ov, great aptness the art. is used in rov TroAe/xov, i6 2o 8 TOV TroXe/xov, iQ 19 because the war here is the great Mes sianic war at the world s close. On the other hand, compare
(i.)

The

article introduces

in apocalyptic,

though mentioned

the phrase

ets TroXc/Aov,

7 9.
-

Gr. 147) is regularly found with generic (ii.) 2 12 22 5 ^Xtos (except in 7 l6 ), yi}, OdXaa-cra, ovpavo?. the case of ordinal numbers, when the ordinal (iii.) In
art. (Blass,

The

follows the noun, the art.

when the ordinal art. 3 12 7 20 2i 8 repeated: cf 4 6 i3 The art. can appear with the predicate when the (iv.) 1 Cf. i 17 20 subject and predicate are convertible or identical. 23 17 18 2 l8 23 2I 6.8 22 13.W After O TOS the pred has I7 3 [^8] 4 10 5 Q4] the art. on this principle; cf. 7 14 14* 19 20 (v.) (a) When an adjective or participle follows its noun, the art. is repeated if the noun has the art. When the adjective stands between the art. and the noun, the emphasis lies on the adjective ; when it follows with the repeated art, both noun and 2 10 9 adjective are emphasized, 2o rrjv 7roA.iv r^v ^yaTny/xeV^, 2i the City par excellence and the Holy City in rrjv 7roA.iv TT/V dyi av contrast to the earthly Jerusalem spiritually called Sodom and
it

precedes the noun

is

preceded by the
is

In

20

the second ^irrd

predicate.

See

vol.

ii.

is an interpolation and the al tirrd belongs to the 389, footnote,

CXX
Egypt,
II 8
:

THE REVELATION OF
cf.

ST.

JOHN
ly
18
rj

86

01

...

ayycAoi

01

e^ovT5,

TroAis

17

(b) The same rule holds good in the case of prepositional 1 4 i rat? k-rrra eKK/byo-iatg phrases coming after an articular noun 5 2 24 6 A.eW 6 IK r. rat? tv rrj Acria II 16 II 19 I4 17 5 i6 3 12 i9 14 21 2o 8 13 Hence in the titles of the Letters to the iv Churches we should always read e/c/cAryo-ias dyye Au) and not A is right here three cKKXr/cri a?. dyyeAw TT}S eV times and C once. See also Order of Words, p. clvi sq. 5 TO) Again in i5 the text 6 vaos T. o-joyv^s T. ^aprvpiov ovpavul, which is impossible in other respects, wrongly omits the 19 It rightly appears in art. before eV 6 raos T. 0eov oupai/w. 6 r. ovpai/u). In our author prepositional phrases and genitives never intervene between the art. and its noun, but follow the noun,
: :
:

<f>v\yjs

r<3

r<3

TO>

ei>

T<5

ei>

the former
(vi.)

always preceded by the repeated art. Phrases which occur for the first time without the
"

art.
. .
.

6 8 recrarepa prefixed on their recurrence. 4 6 8 16 17 (i)a TO. recro-epa TOV apviov apviov 5 I3 ^apay/xa 2ab OdXcucrarav vaXivrjv TO xapay/xa T. Oa\. r. va\. etc. i^ 16 the art. must with X C C 025. 046 (against (a) Hence in N*A which om.) be read before ctKoo-t reWape?. Hence, 17 further, it follows that 22 vSwp ^w^? Soopeav must be trans 6 posed before 2i TOV VOO.TOS T^? ^w^s Swpeav. The need for

have the

art.

<3a

"

the rearrangement of 2o 4 -22 has been shown at length in vol.

ii.
, however, we find ywat/<u KaO^^v^v CTTI O^piov although the 0-qpiov has been frequently mentioned previously. 1 Similarly in I4 the art. is omitted before exarov Teo-trepa/corra recr4 8 o-ape? ^iXiaSes although they have already been described in 7 This omission is due in the former case to our author s use of a source, and in the latter to his incorporation of an independent If he had had an opportunity of revision, vision of his own. we must assume from his careful use of the art. elsewhere that he would have inserted the art. in both cases. (a) The art. is omitted possibly (vii.) Omission of Article. 20 9 ayyeAoi T. e. eK/oVryanon/, 2 owing to Semitic influences in i
.

144-154. 3 (b) In i7

o-waya>yr)

T.

7 16 cbro 2arai/a, 6 , 6

7rpoo"oWov

r.

Ka^/xevov,
-

2 *
-

I5

1 2 1 read TTJV K, K r&v \ey6vTtav in 2 9 is difficult, tf s TV Either of these readings removes the while 025 and several cursives om. ^/c. to be taken partitively. Hence the But IK T. \ey6vTuv is here difficulty. blasphemy of certain of those who say," etc. Thus the art. could not be This is better than the explanation given K r&v XeydvTwv. repeated before in my notes in vol. i. 56. See, however, under 5. vi. (a) on IK. 2 In 2O 11 o3 dirb TOV irpoo-ibwov should, according to our author s usage, be This anomaly seems due, like ov ci7r6 TrpocrwTrou avTov or 08 airb irpoa&irov. others in 2O 4-22, to the disciple of the Seer who edited these chapters after the Seer s death.
j3\a<T(j>ri/uiia.v
"

PRONOUNS
/a0apas rov
a7rooTdAa>v,

cxxi
2
14

Oeov,

2 1 12

vtwv

Icrpa/^A,

SooSeAca 6vojU,ara

T.

8.

22 2

eis OcpaTrfLav T.
is

eOvwv.

(b)

The
-qv,

art.

2 10

The
(<:)

art.

frequently omitted in prepositional phrases. 10 I2 11 I3 3 ey Oavdrip, 2 23 ev Trvpi /cat I4 22 10 cf. also 2 i3 is omitted before proper names. I-qo-ovs and
:

0etu>,

have 6 Xpio-ro s when used are always anarthrous. 1 2 5 15 i2 10 2o 4 6 but anarthrous in In , I^o-ovs X., i alone, 14 BaAa/c, 2 , the art. is inserted because the name is indeclinable. In i6 12 the art. before E^pa-nyi/ may point to the earlier mention

We

TU>

The text in 2 6 15 presents a difficulty. of this river in g 14 The noun Ni/coAatYun/ is first with the art. and then without it. in 2 6 may be treated as a description of a certain class, and then 15 In the predicate the art. is treated as a proper name in 2 #eds found before proper names: cf. 6 8 [8 11 ] i2 9 ig 13 2o 2 2 7 always has the art. except in 7 and in 2i where it is in the Kvptos, when alone, has the art., cf. n*-8.i5 DU t we find pred. 16 14 When combined with ev Kvptw, i4 13 and Kupios /cvpiW, ly ip other names, 6 Kvptos 6 $eds, 2i 22 22 6 6 K^pios IT/O-OVS, 22 21 but also In the vocative we find Kvpie, i5 4 6 ^eos [i 8 ] 4 8 19 22 5 11 3 7 17 6 #eos, ii i5 i6 or the Semit. voc. 6 Kv ptos 6 $eo s, 4 The art. with the infinitive occurs only in i2 7 (rot) (viii.) the construction is a pure Hebraism TroAc/xryo-at), where, however, and is equivalent to a finite verb in Greek. See vol. i. 322. In J, on the other hand, we have the ordinary Greek construction of 5 48 19 and of Sta TO before i7 ?rpo rov before the infinitive in i i3
-

it

in 2 24 .
(ix.)

When
noun

noun or

participle

preceded by the

article

(in the gen. dat. or ace.), and should therefore be in the gen. dat. or ace., it may in our author, according to Hebrew usage, stand in the nom. cf. i 5 O.TTO I^o-ov Xptcrrov, 6

follows a

/xaprvs 6 Trto-Tos,

2 20

ryv ywat/ca
p. cxlix sq.

Iea/:?eA,

rj

Aeyoucra.

On

this

Hebraism see below,

3.
(i.)

Pronouns.

vernacular and ordinary possessives see in vol. ii. 208, where it is shown that though o-ov may precede or follow its noun, the genitives of avTos can only follow. The genitive is found before its noun in the best authorities (A vg s 1 2 ), in 2i 3 avroiv 0eds; but the text is manifestly corrupt, and the wrong order may be due to the 5 but this is a source. editor of 2o 4-22. It is also found in i8 20 l See Abbott, Gr. 414 sqq., 60 T sqq. only once in 2
Possessive.
2 2 19
-

On

notes on

and footnote

e>ds

J has

it

39 times.

tdios

In J we find also (ij^repos only in I J I 3 2 2 ) (15 times), not one of which occurs in our author. Seeing that
<r(5s,

cxxii

THE REVELATION OF
Personal.
1

ST.

JOHN

avros is used as an emphatic personal 15 ( Wj ) 2i 7 It is used intensively ( = i9 n 17 12 in [i4 ] iy The phrase Kat auros, "he "self") (source) iQ himself also (in J y 10 ), seems not to belong to our author also," n ws Kat 6 in the phrase /cat aurot, 6 except avrij, i8 (a source) 2 27 3 21 cf. ws It occurs, however, in a Greek source, ly 11 and in an interpolation, i4 17 In i4 10 the Kat before avros is a Hebraism and not to be translated. Kat avros in 3 20 iQ 15 ^) 2i 7 = and he." avros has lost this meaning in modern Greek and becomes a demonstrative. (b) tavrov is found twice between the art. and its noun in io 8 7 Here the intervening eavrov is very emphatic. See
(ii.)

(a)

pronoun,
"

cf.

20

i4

10

"

d>s

K<ly<6,

"

Abbott, Gr. 415. (a) oSc occurs seven times and refers to (hi.) Demonstrative. what follows, but not once in J. (b) oSros refers to what precedes, 14 ii 4 6 [i4 4 ] etc. Cf. J 6 29 is 12 B.ut not always in J, i J. 7 5 14 i where it refers to an explanatory clause introduced by J i 5 ?va, lav, or on. (f) e/ceu/os is used only as an adjectival pronoun 13 in our author in temporal phrases, 9 6 but in J constantly See Abbott, Gr. 283 sqq. as a substantival pronoun.
-

Both authors, however, use els IK; ayyeAov. while J uses cts TIS *, n 49 once in this sense, or simply TIS with ri is found only a noun, 4 46 5 5 or with a proper name, 1 1 1 i2 20
in J.
,
,

(iv.) 17 i9 ei/a

Indefinite.

ets

"a":

cf.

8 13 tvbs dcrov, Q 13

<wv^v

/itav,

Not

in

edV TIS in our author, save in 7 1 (?). (v.) Relative. (a) oorts is mostly used of a class of persons 8 or things, i 7 2 24 9 4 etc. ; but it is also used of an individual, I have followed the advice i2 18 i9 2 cf. i 12 . Similarly in J.
ci TIS,

given in Abbott
"

by
plete

that,"

which

Gr. (218, footnote) and rendered ocrrts generally introduces a statement essential to the com
"
"

antecedent," and os by meaning words which carry no such meaning.

of the

who

"

or

"

which

"

(3)

This relative
2

cedent
in
i

in
24
.

is never attracted to the case of its ante our author, though this attraction is frequent in J and

J 3

^/x<5s

and kindred possessive adjectives had all but ousted /u.ou in Asia Minor, Moulton (Gr. 40 sq.) infers that our author must have been a recent immi If this is right, J must have been settled there for some time. grant there. The possessive ^/*6s and are disappearing in the papyri, and in modern Greek no possessive adjective exists. See Robertson, Gr. 684.
<r6s

he wishes J also uses avros in this sense, but it is unemphatic. to express emphasis he frequently uses tKelvos, which our author does not use in this sense. only uses it twice as a demonstrative in two phrases ex

When

He

See Abbott, Gr. 283 sqq. pressing time. 28 2 24 personal pronoun or proper name, 2 3 4 6 It is once found in a source, i.e. i8
,

**,

J uses ai/r6s together with the but not so our author.

THE VERB
4.

cxxiii

The

Verb.
(a)

(i.)

Present

and future

tenses.

The

text wavers frequently

But these changes are not 1 The context must be carefully studied in each case. arbitrary. Thus in certain contexts the future is rightly used, since the con 16 sqq ov 7reii/acrou<nv cf. 7 en ov$ text is obviously prophetic These words occur at the close of a vision en, KT\. Suj/rfo-ovarw where all the verbs dealing with the actual vision are rightly 10 we have i7 Similarly in i4 given in the present or past. In other cases where we have the pres. pure prophecies. instead of the future or the past, this may be due to a Hebraism ; for the Hebrew imperfect may, according to the context, be
between the present and the
future.
:
14s<

i-

rendered either as a past, present, or future

cf.

s<

The

translator

is

often at fault in the

LXX, and

I3 a writer whose

w- 17 20
"

11

thoughts naturally shaped themselves in Hebrew could hardly escape rendering the Hebrew imperf. in his thoughts by a Greek 10 At times, however, when the cf. paaiXtvova-iv. 5 present present takes the place of the past, the change may have been made deliberately with a view to dramatic vividness. The (b) epxo/>H does not come under these considerations. In fact he Seer uses the pres. of this verb as a pres. or a future. never uses the future except in compounds, i.e. 3 20 eio-eAcuo-o /x-ai, He is, therefore, perfectly acquainted with the 2o 8 c^eAcvoreTcu. form of the future of the simple verb, but he avoids it. J uses 23 and both the above-mentioned compounds in io 9 it once, i4 In i4 8 he connects it with a future 7raA.iv 2p;(o//,ai TrapaA^^o/xat. is used alike in dependent and inde(c) Again the future
:

*<"

1 Chap. 1 1 seems to be very confused. In the introduction to that chapter (vol. i. 269-273) we have seen that it is a source used by our author No unity of time appears to be observed in it. The for a special purpose. r61e of the prophet is sometimes uppermost, sometimes that of the seer. This disorder, which is most probably due to the fact that our author is using traditional materials, will be obvious from the following resume. In the 1 8 vision of Jerusalem and the Temple the seer receives a prophecy, that , Jerusalem shall be trodden under foot (Trar^ffova-iv) for 3! years, and that the two witnesses shall prophesy during this period. The scene then shifts appar 4 6 ; but the presents tKTropeuerai, ently to the actual period of the witnesses, II In 1 1 7 8 the text uses future verbs Kareffdiei, etc. , can be taken as futures. and foretells the death of the witnesses. In 1 1 9 10 it reverts again to the present, describing the events that follow on their death save in 7r^fj.\f>ov(riv, 11 - 13 II 10 (but the presents here also are practically futures). the Finally, in text changes into the past, and represents the reception of the witnesses into heaven as a past event. But herein the pasts can represent vividly the 1 8 3 13 14 (7), 81 ; Is 9 .] Hence [See Driver, Tenses, prophetic future. The past verbs in 2O9 10a are to be similarly is a prophecy rather than a vision. But in 2O9 10 it is only the Futures before and after them. explained. author s familiarity with Hebraic usage that leads to this usage of the perfect, whereas ii 1 18 is translated from a source.

"

"

"

occu>-

cxxiv

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN
"

pendent clauses where it has a frequentative sense, and is in such case best rendered by the present, as in 4 9 10 orav Swo-ovo-iv But in this passage the futures on the Treo-oiWai. Soav basis of Hebraic idiom could be rendered by a past, and thus the text would state what the Seer actually saw in this vision and
. .
. .

not recount a general practice. (a) The past imperf. is found only in (ii.) Imperfect (Past). the case of nine verbs aKoXovOtiv (2 times), SiSacr/ceiv ( i ), Bvvaa-Oai 8 9 never in aor.), eti/eu (17), e^etv (5 fXaUw (i), etx av 9 (4 It is XaXeii/ (2), Xe yetv (i), cmj/ceu/ (i in a source, i.e. I2 4 ). But it is used with special therefore of infrequent occurrence. 12 2 14 6 9 also in descriptive sentences, force in relative clauses, i 14 4 2 1 15 In y 11 wmj/ceio-ai/ (pluperf.) is Kat 2/cXcuoi/, 5 14 [6 8 ] i9 5 used as a past imperf. = were standing." the past imperf. (or historic present) is (b) But the place of frequently taken by the (imperfect or perfect) participle ex* in one or more cases for ex et j16 4 7 8 6 2 5 (for etxty, or possibly 16 2 I IO I2 2 1 /ca^r^uevos, 4 eKTropevo/xej/Ty, 13 This use of the participle for a finite verb is g
:
>

)>

"

"

)>

frequent in late
in Syriac),

Hebrew

(very frequent in Aramaic, customary

and its displacement of the past imperf. in our author is no doubt due largely to Hebraic influences. Past Aorist and Present Perfect. These at first sight (iii.) seem to be used in certain instances interchangeably cf. 5 7 y 14 But the following study of these Greek tenses and 8 5 i9 3 etc. their English equivalents shows that this is not so. Aorist and its rendering into English. Since the (iv.) Greek Greek and English aorists do not altogether correspond, it is of
:

great importance to determine the points wherein they differ. Wey mouth (On the Rendering of the Greek aorist and perfect into See also English, 1890) has gone elaborately into the subject.

Moulton, Gr. 135

part accepted.

sqq.,

On
*

whose conclusions I have for the most the use of the aor. as a perfect in J, see
in

Abbott, Gr. 323 sqq.

The

past aorist

the Greek aorist.

this aorist is

The Greek

English does not always correspond to aorist has three uses, (a) When

used as the historical tense in pure narrative, the (6) The Greek aor. English past aor. is the right rendering. The
ordinary nomenclature
of

English tenses

is

very misleading.

past perf. (= pluperf.) tenses for the most part.

Luke

1 1

4
),

The Greek has corresponding had smitten. Pres. aor. Xito (cf. rapayyfbXu, Acts i6 18 : d<J)io/j.ev, XlXuira past aor. Xwa, past impf. pres. impf. Xuu, pres. perf.
.

f\vov, past perf.

RENDERING OF GREEK AORISTS AND PERFECTS

4

cxxv

can be timeless or refer to an indefinite time-, cf. 2 d^/oxs, J 15 Here the Greek must be rendered by the pres. perf. ZftXrjOrj. for this perfect, besides connoting the continuance in English its usual meaning, can refer, outside of a completed action the pure narrative, to an indefinite past, and be practically time aor. can refer to an event that has just less. (c) The Greek and must also in this sense be rendered by the English happened, 19 a "what thou hast seen." i etSes pres. perfect, I will here append a list of the passages where the aor. should 1 be rendered by the English pres. perfect. Opinions will, of course, differ as to whether certain aorists come under (b) or (c). The following passages fall naturally under (b\ where the aor. is 6 2 4 2 24 and hath made us practically timeless, i KOL tiro^a-tv,
;
"
"

= eyvooo-av

"

have recognized
"

"

"

know
:

"

8 KCU ov/c not denied 3 er^p^o-as 10 10 eTrotand hast not denied eVi^o-as 5^yopao-as 3 4 18 14 ZirXwav 1 1 eAev/cavav wpyiV^o-av I4 rjyopdo-770-019 y 8 c 7recrev l8 2 tTrecrei/ I4 yeVero, "has fallen, has Oyo-av: has become." But these last three words could be fallen explained under (c), though the fact that Rome has become the abode of unclean birds shows that the burning of it is far back
"

OVK e/xoXwai/, have hast kept fjpvrjo-ay,

"

"

in the past. OVTTW \a/3ov,

Similarly

iy
:

eiropveva-av

e/xe$ixr$^(rai/,

iy

12

ly
. .

17
.

eScoKei/

eKoAAr^^crav and

5 e/xr ^yaovevfre in l8
.

l8 6

aTre Sw/cev
. . .

tKtpacrev,

l8 7 loogaaev
(c)

ecrrpTyvtao-ci/,

l8 14

a.7rfj\0v

aTToAero.

Under

when the
:

aor. refers to events

that have just happened and must be rendered by the English 19 i a etSes, "which thou pres. perf., come the following passages 2 = /cat OVK ^eXT/crej/ I have hast (just) seen": 2 21 e8wKa 15 17 i^e So fl?;: but she has refused eyeVero given
"

":

e/foo-t Aeucras 10 7 !2 10
:

n
.

18

fjXOev,
.
.

which recurs
.

in the

same sense

in i4 7

15

l8

i9

yeWo
l6 5
.

e^X^:
i8
:
16<

I2 12

/care

^:
.

[l4
: . .

15

l^pdvOrj]:

I4 ^K/xacrav 2 ig e/cpivev

18

19
JJLLO.
<Spa

e/cpiva?

r/p^jaco^?;

iS 20

e/cptvev
:

e^eSi/oyo-ei/

IQ

7 8
-

lyroijaacrcj/

eSo^r;

22 16

and their rendering into English, Blass (v.) Greek Perfects (Gr. 200) and Moulton (Gr. 143, 145) admit the occurrence of There are only two verbs, pres. perfects as aorists in our author. The former appears to etXry^a and elpr/Ka, which are so used. be so used in 5 7 S 5 though the R.V. takes it as = a present, and Robertson (Gr. 899) defends it in both cases as a "dramatic But the context is certainly in colloquial historical perfect."
,

1 The R.V. h as freely acknowledged this meaning of the aor. in the N.T. Matthew 65 times), but not so frequently in our author as it should be. Nor is it always clear on what principle the Revisers recognize, or refuse to

(in

recognize, this use.

3

The

rj6t\i]<Tev

failure to recognize this use of the aorist here led to the change of into 0Aei.

CXXvi

THE REVELATION OF
1

ST.

JOHN

favour of the aorist sense, and the same perfect (Thackeray, Gr. 30b As regards ei/j^Ko, in 24) occurs in this sense in Dan Ixx. 4 3 14 no doubt as to the aoristic sense can be entertained. i9 7 used by our author and his sources. (vi.) Aorists (a) Of 2 our author uses la-TaOrjv, 8 3 i2 18 whereas eWr/v is used in itrrTi/xi 11 3 i8 17 his sources, (b) Again our author uses e#au/xacr#r;i/, i$ = I wondered (as a middle always passive in except in one doubtful instance Thackeray, Gr. 240 n.), whereas tOavfjLao-a the same meaning in source ly 6 7 as in J and is used with in Greek, (c) Our author uses yvoiyrjv in connection generally 5 19 and rfvoixOyv in connection with the with the temple, i5 12 Wj in Dan 7 10 o Since Matthew and Luke books, 2o ( (as ). in Acts use both forms in connection with the same subjects, no safe inference is possible here. The aor. imper. occurs about 40 times in (vii.) Imperative. our author the present 20 times, nine of these in chaps. 1-3. The aor. imper. is sharper and more urgent than the present, used in general precepts (even to individ and while the latter uals) on conduct and action," the former is used "in injunctions about action in individual cases" (Blass, Gr. 194). Hence we
.

"

"

</

>

"is

may

distinguish 3

11

K/xxrei

o e;(is

and

2 25

o e^ere K/xxrr/crare in

connection with their contexts. With negatives, /XT; with the pres. forbids an action already 5 17 2 10 i 5 /XT) /cAate, while ^YJ with the aor. /XT) <o/?o), begun 3 6 6 rov olvov /XT) subj. or imper. forbids an action not yet begun 3 io 4 ox^paytow /cat /XT) avra /XT) aBiKTJarrjTe TT)V yvjv, 0*81/070779, y Thus our author s usage agrees at once with ii 2 22 10 y/oai/fTTs,
:
:

the classical and later usage

(cf.

Moulton, Gr, 124 sqq.

W.

usage is not Thus in 3 7 we find /XT) flau/xao-T/s occurs when we observed. should expect /XT) #au/xae, as is clear from 3 4 and in io 37 he uses -mo-revere where the context would lead us to expect /XT) TRO-/xr) In all other cases //.TJ with the imper. is rightly used in revo-Tjre. See Moulton, Gr. 125 sq. J. (a) Our author generally uses the aor. inf. (viii.) Infinitive. Thus /^AeWv is never found save in the case of certain verbs.

Headlam,

Class.

Review,

xvii. 295).

But

in J this

1 This use of efXi?0a as an aorist is certainly strange, seeing that our 10 12 4 8 i8 4 (source) ; author uses e\a[3ov in 5 io (source) 2O ; aor. subj. i; 8 9 22 17 ; aor. inf. 4 11 5 9 12 6 4 aor. imper. io 2 is used The pres. perf. of this verb, tffrijKa ("I have taken my stand 20 as a pres. imperf. (hence="I am standing") in 3 , and in like manner 11 is used by our author as a past imperf. in 7 but in the past perf. ei<TT^KLv ; Some editors, I2 4 (a source) we find ecrT-rjKev from CTTTJ/COJ in the same sense. in the preceding clause). however, read &rr7?Ke here (cf. 8 This is the general rule; but it needs qualification: cf. Moulton, 125. Some scholars maintain that the above distinction is a growth, which times was nearly crystallized in N.T. Greek." Cf. "beginning in classical
3" -

"),

<ri)/>ei

Moulton, 247.

PREPOSITIONS
in the aor.,

CXxvil

even in the indicative. In 22 8 we should read l/ In the rest of the N.T. it occurs once in the^aor. 6 4 Kara/fotWiv, (source). imper., Acts 3 crrpe^etv occurs in ll 13 After ^e AAeu/ the pres. follows inf. regularly (10 times) i3 2 16 i2 4 In J the pres. inf. follows without exception. except in 3 The usual construction in classical Greek is /xeXXeiv with the
with

A.

fut. inf.

(b)

On

the infinitive

=a

finite

verb in a conditional clause

and

also in the principal sentence, see i3 10 n., and below, p. cxlvi. 7 infin. with the art. = a finite verb, see i2 n. and (c) On the These three cases are pure Hebraisms. also below, p. cxlvi.
(d)

The

infinitive follows aios, 5 2

4 9 12
-

where J

27

puts

Iva.

cum

subj.
Participle.

the use of the participle for a finite verb drawn see above, 4, ii. (b\ Present and perfect participles occur frequently, but never the future The last is found once in J 6 64 6 e>xV l/0 is, however, part. It is remarkable that the genitive practically a future participle. absolute is wholly absent from our text, though it is of frequent
(ix.)

To

attention has already been

occurence in

J.

1 indeclinable use of Ae ywv or Acyoi/res == "ibfcO as in 4 6 11-12 i. 15 IT I4 come s properly under the head of Hebraisms. 5 relative (x.) The omission of the copula in principal or sentences does not call for consideration here, as it is of constant occurrence throughout the N.T. The omission of the copula

The

after iSov

= n3Pl)
;

Blass, Gr. 74

encouraged through Hebrew precedent. Robertson, 395 sq.

is 5.

Cf.

Prepositions.

gives the statistics for the relative frequency of prepositions in the N.T. For every 100 times that eV occurs he finds the relative frequency of the prepositions with which we rt 32 ; TT/JO?, 25 ; are here concerned as follows eis, 64 ; oc, 34 ; Sta, 24; OTTO, 24; Kara, 17; /xera, 17 ; VTTO, 8. Calculating J in the same way (though the numbers are to be taken as only approxi mately correct) ev, loo; eis, 83; e/c, 73; TT/OOS, 45; Sia, 26; /texa, 25; Here we observe that e/c is nearly aTTo, 18; eTrt, 16; /cara, 4. as frequent as eis, that e^t is half as frequent as it is normally In fact the numbers vary in every case. throughout the N.T. A comparison of the numbers (which are only approximately e /c, 87 trustworthy) in our author is instructive eV, 100 CTU, 89 1 Here the ets, 49; yaerct, 33 own), 23 ; Sta, II ; Kara, 5-; Trpog, 5. most notable differences are in the case of ri (J ap 89 -J 16), Sia 1 These numbers refer to the entire text, including sources and interpola
:
:

Moulton (Gr. 98)

tions.

cxxviii

THE REVELATION OF
-

ST.

JOHN

ap Also the order of priority in J 26), xpos (J 5 J 45). is very different. In the three classical historians frequency

(jap

1 1

(Herodotus, Thucydides, and Xenophon), according to Helbing (quoted by Moulton, 62 n) cts slightly exceeds iv in frequency, whereas in twelve writers of literary Koivrj it occurs nearly twice Here our author diverges from the literary KOLV-TJ in as often. using ev more than twice as often as ets, while the KOIVTJ uses eis nearly twice as often as lv. On the other hand, our author approxi mates closely to the Koivrj in his frequent use of ri, and therein See also Robertson, diverges strongly from the rest of the N.T. But these differences between J ap and J are not half Gr. 556 sq. so striking as those that emerge in the individual treatment of
the prepositions.
(i.)

dm =

"apiece,"

in

8 4 dva

Trre/svyas ?

6 Cf. J 2 /xe o-ov,

Found
17

also in
in 2
1

Matthew and Luke.

The phrase ava

is

compound
21 .
(ii.)

preposition, but avd is an adverb in ava These latter uses not in J.

cts

IKCUTTOS

dinS.

36 times,

(a)

with /xaxpo^ev, i8 10
20

15 - 17

(source).

Not

in J.

18 2i 8 at a distance from," i4 CXTTO oraStW, cf. J It is not necessary to explain it as a elsewhere in N.T. Not Latinism cf. Moulton, Gr. 101 sq. Robertson, Gr. 575; It is found in Strabo, Diodorus, and Plutarch. Abbott, Gr. 227. For an analogous construction with /xera, cf. Test. Reub. i 2 /^era 8vo T^S reAevr^5 T. Zeb. i 1 //.era ovv Bvo vrr\ rov Oavdrov a And with Trpo, cf. J I2 1 construction also found in Plutarch.
.

(<)="

<T>7

Amos
i2 14

(o ) i 4 diro irpoawirow. (c)

.

This
last

phrase

occurs

three

times,

6 16

20 11

In
TOV

the

form,
sently.

(XTTO

instance, however, it has a strange to which we shall return pre TrpocrojTrov,

"

In all three cases the phrase is the equivalent of It could be In 6 16 20 11 it = from the presence "OSD. taken in this sense also in i2 14 if it is connected with TreV^rat, but the fact that sixteen words intervene is against this Hence the phrase, owing to the explanation in our author. The woman s stay Hebrew it presupposes = because
of."
"

of."

of three and a half years in the wilderness is "owing to" or because of the serpent." This is an ordinary meaning of ^DE 7 In O.TTO alone is used in this sense in Matt i8 in Hebrew. 2O 11 the art. in airo TOV TT/SOO-WTTOV is quite exceptional. It appears only a few (three or more) times in the o so far as I am
"

In our text also aware, and in two of these some MSS omit it. 046 and many cursives omit. But since As 025. 2040 attest it, it goes back to the archetype as edited by the Seer s disciple. For two other departures from the Seer s usage in 20 4 11 , see vol. ii. 182. This phrase is absent from J.

PREPOSITIONS
(d)

cxxix

Abnormal use of
s part.

airo

before 6 wv.
g

This
18
;

is

deliberate

on
.

our author
(e)

After passive verbs

aTrc/cTai/^o-ai/,

^roi/xao-fickov,

i2 6

This came to be the rule in

KpviTTtLV,

later writers.
cwroAAvi/ai,

(f) After a.7rcpxo-6aL and

6 16 Q
6

i8 14

d^atpeti/,
(XTrd)
:

22 19

20 11

(J I0

(a,7ro 7rpoo-(o7rov, 5
).

where J I2 36 has simply

<evyeiv,

of the above usages appear in J save (b) and one instance of (/). 5 S x pi2 10 26 I2 11 i4 29 i8 (source). (iii.) 1 2i 24 In J 15 times, (b) With (a) with gen. i (iv.) 8tci. ace. 1 6 times and 45 in J. eis follows fta.XXf.Lv when the noun after ets is not a (v.) 6ts. 10 22 S 5 [7 8] i2 4 9 13 i 4 19 i8 21 2 o 3 10 14 15 save person, cf. 2
.
-

None

(**>

CTTI T. (interpolated) where we have fldXXeiv yrjv. But CTTI when the noun is a person, cf. 2 24 Contrast i4 19 17 Similarly after Kara.fta.tvav we have ets j3a.\Xu v/xas (cf. i ).

in i4 16

e</>

revs avOpwTrovs, i6 21 Our author uses 6 13 8 7 9 L 3 i2 4 9 13 i4 19 i6 L2 etc., even y^v, 5 after Tirm-civ, 6 13 9 1 , though this verb in other phrases is 16 11 16 10 or eVt T^S 7775 (see on liri followed by ri, 6 , 7 [8 ] occurs about 78 times. below).
TT)I/

yi?!/,

i3

13

but

eirt

either ei?

TT?*

L<S

This preposition (vi.) IK. about 135 times.

(a) Partitive Genitive.

is

of very frequent occurrence

1 1

As
:

subject,

/JAeVovo-iv e*

i6 17 alone genitive
cf.

40

As
rov

object,

/xai/i/a

9 9 17 we u/oi/, 3 5 (in 2 4 CK occurs cf. 2 J IK ran/ TCKi/wv).

2 10 e

TWV Xawv have

:

often
-

but in I7 11 (source) For els e/c, cf. J i 41 6 8 70 71 seven." 50 etc. This appears to be the best explanation of 2 9 rrjv 7 1 ^Aaor^yatai/ e/c TWV Acyovrcov, "the blasphemy of certain people who say ; or the IK may be simply a sign of the genitive. Hence
after els in a partitive sense IK TWV 7rTa=" one of the
:

cf. 5

61

13

etc.,

"

"

the blasphemy

of,"

etc.

better, Aesch. Eum. 344, Soph. Ant. 95, 77 e e/xoO

(^)

1 J 3 avOpwiros C K T. 3>apto-cuW or Epii/wW, "hymn of the Erinyes"; v/xvog

:

cf.

CK

aTTo,

12

Suor^SovXia. 2 1 2 10 , where
-

the prepositions

may

But signify respectively heavenly origin and divine mission. 1 in J i 44 7 41 42 (Abbott, Gr. 227 sqq.) these mean respectively
-

"

native
(c)

of"

and

"resident

in."

CK follows a variety of. verbs, ye/x^eti/, eKTropevevOai,

e/<8t/civ

(involving a Hebraism), eaA.eu/>ii/, ^epx^crOai, Ip^eo-^a 20 (a source) involving a Hebraism), X.afMJ3dveLv } Avciv, (i8
1 This phrase is explained also as "blasphemy arising from" (cf. J 3 25 ) ; but in our author we should expect in this case In 64 rty K. the K is rightly omitted by A after ryv elp^v^v [^/c] TTJS yrjs. If the ^K is retained it is to be taken with Aa/Set?, as in 5 7 io 10 i8 4 (source).
j3\acr<j>r]fj,lav

cxxx

THE REVELATION OF
18

ST.

JOHN
It follows
-

7TOTie/, (ayetv, ^opra^co ^ai.

5 ; but this verb is followed by Trapd, 3 TrXovretv is followed by e/c and in i8 15
9
,

and airo, i4 3 by a-n-o.

i3
18

4
.

dyopaeiv, In i8 3 19
-

(d) IK

is

used
"by

after a passive

cf.

iS 1
.
.

e</>umcr$77

(e)
.

CK T. So^rys aurov.

reason

of,"

8 13 CK

T.

<wvo>v,

i6 n

T.

7TOVCOV aVTWV.
:

is used with the material of which anything is formed i8 12 7rav O-KCVOS K gv\ov. This usage is common to Greek and Hebrew cf. Xen. Symp. 8, o-Tpdrev/xa e epao-rwj/ Aesch.

(/) ex

cf.

Suppl. 953,
(vii.)

e/c

KpiO&v
.

fj-eOv.

See

(#)

above ad fin,
,

This twice occurs in a local sense in the 10 22 8 the first of which is an i9 In J its meanings are various intrusion also as an adverb in 4 6 15 80 28 it denotes superiority in i and has a priority in time in 3 local sense in io 4 i2 37 This preposition occurs nearly 157 times, (a) (viii.) iv. The most noteworthy use of ev in our author is its in strumental use. Thus it occurs 33 times, whereas it does not occur at all in J (save in a quasi-instrumental sense in the see Abbott, Gr. 256), nor yet in the phrase h TOVTW It is found 34 Pauline or Catholic Epp. save once in 2 Pet.
ejjnrpoaOei

phrase

e/ATrpoo-fov
:

TW

7ro8o>v,

times in the Synoptics (according to Moulton and Geden), 3 times in Acts, and 3 in Hebrews. Moulton (Gr., pp. 12, 61, 104) thinks that the publication of the Tebtunis Papyri (1902) has from the class of Hebraisms in rescued the instrumental To this the case of ev fjLaxaLpy, Lk 2 2 49 and eV pa/SSw, i Cor 4 21 But even though claim Abbott (Gr. 256 n.) rejoins effectively. the instrumental eV does occur in the papyri sporadically (where the influence of Jewish traders may have been at work), this fact cannot account in any case for the preponderating use of No adequate explanation can be found save eV in our author. in its origination in a mind steeped in Semitic. Even Moulton came to be used rather excessively (p. 6 1 n.) concedes that this
"

"

"

e>

... by men whose mother tongue was

concession in the case of our author
io<**)

Aramaic."

But

this

kv quite inadequate, 9 19 is used instrumentally after dSi/cetv, g dTro/crctVeiv, dyopa^etv, 5 2i. 10 2 23 6 8 9 20 I3 icaiW, 192; but without I9 fioffartfa*, i4 16 8 8 8 l8 8 /caraKcuctv, 1 7 ev, [8 ] 2 1 (due to editor ?) /cav/xart^eiv, l6 14 2 5 2 i 87 Aev/catWiv, 7 Avctv, /a0apieiv, I4 /uyvwai, 20 4 5 l8 23 II 6 ig 15 4 TrXamv, ig 7repi/3aAAecr#eH, 3
is
: : : : : : : : :

27 Troi/xau/eiv, 2

I2 5 I9 15

16 TroXe/aciv, 2

i8 16
i

iv is

used locally after KaOi&iv

[ 22 j

in 3 21

(*

&)

(I9

11

): ^pvcrovv,

(but

lirl c.
22

ace. 2o 4 )

Cf-

(LXX).
JD

nw

T a,voeiv airb is found in Acts 8 and Jer 8 s ^ii. But fifvavoelv etc does not occur in the LXX. It probably represents
2i

2o. 21

in our author s

mind.

PREPOSITIONS
after KaToiKeiv, eVi c. gen.).
(b)

cxxxi
s use.

i3

12

(but this

is

not our author

i
-

He

uses
see
-

eV is

used temporarily in

10
-

2 13

io 7 ii 13 etc.:
-

10 temporal phrases without eV in i8 is used generally after (f) ev

16 19

y/oa</>eiv,

(but
2
1
:

eis is

(d) eV e v r.
</>a>v?7

found in i 11 and eW in i7 8 l16 ^e *v is found in the phrases ev rfj Seia x et P l 1 tc. ; but eVi ryv 6"eiav, 5 65 7 9 Also x ei
,
:

/ua &pa (source). 3 8 12 15 i 2i 27 22 18 i3 2o see under eVi).

j
:
i"fi

19

Ic>2

in

pt>

Xeyeiv, I4 7 9 (but without eV in 5 12 8 13 ). /xeyaX?7, after never used in this phrase after /cpaeiv, 6 10 7 2 io 3 (see vol. i. 260 ad fin., ii. 22 ad init.) except in passages from another hand It is also omitted in this phrase after or source, i4 15 i8 2 13 2 1 6 18 7 is always followed by gen. i ev ju,e 4 etc. ; hence 2 i4 in N cc 025 is either a conflation of two texts ev /ue cro) TO) TrapaSeio-u) or a correction of the later. Very frequent 34 times, but only once in J, (ix.) eVcomov. 30 i.e. 2o and twice in i. 3 J. The frequent occurrence of this word, which, it is true, is found sporadically in the Koivrj (see Moulton, Gr. 3 pp. 99, 246), is best explained as due to Semitic influence.
ev
eV is
.

<<oveiv,

oro>

(x.) efrQev, (xi.) eird^w.

i4

20
.

Only
.

twice.

Really an adverb but used as a

3 8 preposition, 6 2o

About 143 times l in all (74 with ace., 13 with (xii.) em. This preposition is used very idiomatically dat, 56 with gen.). by our author, and several of the uses are of his own devising. It is therefore of primary importance to be acquainted with
these.
(a)
(a)
16
eTrt

in various phrases
3
yf)<>,

ri -n}s

10

13

is an interpolation). i4 yr?v he See vol. i. 191. (ft) CTT! r^s writes ets rr/i/ y^v, 5 6 6 13 8 5 g 1 etc. 1 13 * io 2 5 8 except in i5 2 where the so always. 7 5

If

IO 2 5 8 etc. never eVi T^V our author wishes to use

-

yr}v (for

0a\d(ro"f)<s

eVi T-^V $aAao-o-av seems due to its being preceded which always in the case of other nouns is followed

the ace.

See

vol.

i.

262 ad med.,
//,r)

ii.

34 ad init.
ave/xos
CTTI

by ta-ravai, by evri with Our author s use

yrjs
.

comes out
rrj<;

1 forcibly in 7 fva

Trve ^

TTJ<S

fJLrJTt
. .

CTTI

^aXacrcr^s
:

Kavfjia

close,
eTTt Trjs
1

cf. ?rav 7^^ o^8e JAY) (X 025 4 27 Observe the eVi with the ace. at the g 2 1 ) 8eV8pov. 1 /ce^aX^v (-as). Only in I2 do we find (y) eVt T^V i. evrt TO /ieVojTrov, or See vol. Kf(^aX.rj<s. 300 Sq., 303. (8)

/r^re

CTTI

Trav

(ra<s)

These numbers are

only approximately

true.

Different

texts yield

different results.

The context would suggest here the rendering "in the sea." Such was Thus reads eV ry daXfoa-g, and is the view of many of the ancients. 1 2 arm bo eth. supported by Pr gig vg s

cxxxii

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

he uses the pi. eVi rcov /XCTWTTWV. See vol. i. 206 ad med. In 9 i4 we find t eVt TOV /ACTWTTOV f but this verse is corrupt. See But in vol. ii. 15 ad fin. (e) The above forms are rigid. phrases composed of eVi and x P or ^ 8eta our author uses the 16 e^ri, cf. e?rt TYJS ^et/oos avrwv r^s Seias 13 T^S Seias gen. or ace. 4 9 1 20 and 7r * ^^ 30^ T 4 2C)1 See vol. i. 335 i eTTtr^v Scfw^i 5 ad med. of Opovos (or ve^eX^) determined by (b} cTTt with some case This is one of the case of the preceding participle Ka.OrjiJ.tvos. When the the most remarkable idiosyncrasies of our author. is followed by rl TOV Opovov when part, is in the nom. or ace. it the part, is in the gen. it is followed by ri TOV Opovov when in
if
;
t/

x"/

the dat. by eVi

,

1
TO>

0/odVo).

(a) v

A, o Kaurmei/os N a,
"

fern TOV Qpovov /

\

/%

rot/ Ka0Ti|aei

o^

4 (or eiri Tiny j/eAeXrif) /

)

[(Or

TTt TOJ/ ITTTTOl

\_\9\

).

ii 16 i4 14 ig 11 This usage of our author is not observed in the interpolations or edited portions. generally Thus 9 17 T. Ka6r)/j.vov<s 7r f aurtof f seems due to a reviser of 16 6 the preceding words i4 KaOrj^vo^ err! T. ve^eA^? (AN T. C 025) occurs in the interpolation i4 15 - 17 20 11 TOV 15 6 Ka^rj/xei/os CTTI KaOypevov ir avrov (A eTravw avroi), tf), and 7 TW Opovu, 025. 046), are due to the editor of T. Opovov f (Ax t 7Tt T. ^poj/w, is a 2 1 5 6 KaO-rjfJLevos 2O 4-22. primitive corruption.

So

in 4 2 4 6 2 6
-

vc<f>\r}v,

On
Ka^.

(/?)

6 i4 see vol. TW
CTT*

ii.

12.
13

ve<^eA^5

em TW Opoi/w. So 4 5 y 10 i9 4 . In 6 4 TO? ?rt T. t avrov t is a primitive corruption, while TW KaO. occurs in the interpolation, i4 15 17
Ka0T]fieV<{>
.

(y) TOU
(TT}S

KaOrjfJieVou
7rl

em

TOU
1

Opo^ou.
-

So 4 10

1- 7

6 16

cf.

zy

KaOr)fj,evr)S

vodrtav

both times).

Hence

ig (TOV KaOrj/jL^vov eVt TOV ITTTTOV 18 TWV KaOrj^vwv eir f avTots f (A: ip

21

avTov? K) seems to be a primitive corruption. 025. 046 and These MSS may have preserved cursives read rightly eV avruv. the original reading here, and may be corrupt. era is used after certain verbs, (a) fiaXXeiv eVt with (c)

i8 19 (source) ((3) -ypafaw ITTL with ace. 2 17 3 12 ly 6 8 16 In I4 1 the gen. eVt TWI/ /xeTWTrwv after ypdfaw is (source) ig due to our author s predilection for the gen. pi. in this phrase 8 10 12 17 see under (a) above, (y) e*x tv ^ 7rt/ w i tn ace. 1 6
ace.
2 24
:

It is noteworthy that this participle in the nom. and ace. is followed by with the ace. in five passages of the six where it occurs in the rest of the 35 15 27 14 9 exception, Acts 8 ; and that N.T., Matt 9 Mark 2 , Luke S 2I , J I2 when it is in the gen. it is followed by 4iri with the gen. in Matt 243 27 19 3 But whereas these may be coincidences, in our author exception, Mark I3 In Mark I3 3 we have Kadyntvov followed by efr, whereas the use is a law. 3 T. 6pov$ r. Matt 24 has
1

tirl

PREPOSITIONS
(8)
lo-TOivai 16
eTrt

cxxxin
7Tt

with

acc.

20

loriy/ca

J l8 cumj/cec TT/JOS rfj Ka#ieu/ eTrt with acc. 2o 4

.

Bvpa\

()

8 y KOLTOIKZLV

II 11
ri

ryv Bvpav (contrast I2 18 I4 1 I5 2 (e) with gen. See vol. i.

.

other constructions are found in 12 i3 172 where they appear due to sources (17) KoVreo-fleu liri with 10 acc. i 7 = "to wail because (but in Zech. i2 (o ), 2 Sam. ii 26 (A) "to wail for"). So far as I am aware this usage is not wail over him," as in Zech. Greek, ffyy 1DD could be rendered i2 10 or "wail because of him," as the text requires here. Has our author assigned to eVt a meaning that belongs only to $y ? We could also render the Greek "to wail in regard to him." In i8 9 this phrase =" to wail over." (6) TTITTTCLV CTTI with acc. !!. i6 13 1 6 ie 7 n. 16 310 but with e since our rt\v yrjv, 6 9 author does not say ITT\ rrjv yrjv (see (a) above), (i) O-K^I/OW en-i with acc. 7 15 with acc. i 17 , but in io 2 with (K) nBivu eTrt OaXdo-crrjs in conformity with his usage (see (a) above). = con are followed by rt (X) //.aprupetv and ( 16 11 ITTL has this cerning") with dat. in 22 (N 046) io meaning in 16 CTT avroJ But in 22 16 A vg bo read tv. See J i2 ycypa.fjifjLva. 14 17 eTrt with dat. after SeSeo-^at, i8 20 9 ; opyi&o-Bai, 12 ; 26 6b (d) After eova-ia evrt there follows sometimes the gen. 2 18 2o 6 sometimes the acc. 6 8 i3 7 i6 9 22 14 has (source) i4 J neither of these constructions, but the gen. without CTTC, ly 2 12 27 io 18 (Wj) or the inf. i etc. A similar usage occurs in i7 18 5 = Over TW /SacriXewv cf. Rom. 9 5 /JcuriXciav CTTI ( 4 14 20 Kara crov, "against thee." (xiii.) icard. (a) with gen. 2 Once in J i9 n in the same sense, (b) With acc. (a) = 2 2 23 i8 6 (source) 20 12 13 "according (ft) Temporally in 22 Kara in 4 8 ev Kaff /: cf. J [8 9 2i 25 ]. ^va. (y) Distributively 3 4 as an adv. in 4 8 (xiv.) KUKXoOej as a prep, in 4 11 11 (xv.) KU K\W as a prep. 4 5 7 . (xvi.) jierd. 52 times (41 with gen. and IT with acc.). (a) 8 13 = "to accompany"): /xTa with gen. after aKoXovOcw [6 ] i4 (
:

289, 336, ii. 12 ad fin. as to meaning and form.

This construction

is

characteristic alike

Two

of"

"

rr}<s

"

7rpo<f>rjTeviv

cv<j>paLV<T0ai,

"

")

to,"

XaXetv,

12

decided
-

21 Motycvciv, 2 [/AoXwecr&u, i4 ] 14 y?7 a II 7 I2 17 I3 7 I9 19 7roXe/A6tv, 2 16 I2 7 T ^4 T *,14 a 13* iy in our author in the N.T. An Hebraism, only

io 8

I7

9 - 15

22

occasional instance of it has been found in the papyri iropvevciv, 2 i8 3 9 (source). This construction is not classical Greek, i7 which requires the ace. So also /aot^evetv. 1 (b) pcrd with ace. is only found in the phrase [JLCTCL Tavra, except in II 11 /xera ras
:

rpets

Perhaps we might trace

niD^DD
"?3

it

to such

pun

nnjt.

iropveteiv

1 an expression as that in Is. 23 perd is found in Ezek. i6 34 , but the

(

not explain the per A. Similarly ?jto by DN (=/*Td) in Jer. 29^ ; but not o which gives
,

Hebrew does

fj.oL-x.tteu>)

/J.OIXWJ>TO

is followed ras yvvaiKas.

Cxxxiv

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

its ordinary /Acra ravra has two meanings in our author 2 12 2o 3 19 and a technical one, 4 9 one, "after these things," i which, when combined with etSoi/, always introduces a new and 1 1 1 9 1 On the value of this 15* iS iQ important vision, 4 7 This as a canon of criticism, see vol. i. 106, footnote. phrase 43 1 1 22 1 38 12 4 3 5 6 y iQ ) as introducing usage is found in J (cf. 2

^ue/oag.

new

section.

In J 35 3 times (2 with gen. and i with dat). (xvii.) irapd. times (26 with gen. and 9 with dat.). 8 times (i with dat. and 7 with ace.). In J, on (xviii.) irpos. the other hand, xpos with ace. occurs about 100 times, and with 13 the dat. 4. ; Ti-po? c. dat. is found in our author only once, i 16 20 11 12 He uses Trpos elsewhere in N.T., Mark J i8 20 io 9 etc. = with ace. after verbs of motion, 3 (6 times). 7rpo? in I3 6 r/i Oi^fev TO oTo/x,a avrov ei9 /3A.ao-(/7/uas Trpos r. against," Oeov. Here ets would be more natural: cf. Mark 3 29 Luke i2 10 This preposition is much more varied in meaning in J. Acts 6 11 Only twice, and one of these in an interpola (xix.) UTTO.
(
**>.

5",

"

8 tion, 6

(xx.)

UTTOK<TW.

4 times.

Really an adverb but used as a

preposition.
6.

Conjunctions

and

other Particles.

(i.)
i.

d\Xd.
J. av.

13 times, but over 100 times in J and 20 times in

(a)

2.

(ii.)

As a

25 twice, in 2 a^pt ov av

particle in a relative clause av occurs only ^w, and in 14* OTTOVO.V vTrdyei (A -y N 025.
:

046).
"if"

on the other hand, uses av 5 times in the sense of (alone in the N.T.), and 22 times as a mere particle in
J,

relative or conditional sentences.

(b)
19

But our author uses

ecu/

also as a

mere

particle after

With the same meaning it recurs in OOTOLKL^ i3 (source). 3 lav (source), but as a conjunction followed by a subjunctive in 18 19 eav fjirj is followed by the subj. 2 5 3 3 , but in 2 22c (an 320 [ 2 2 ].
15
-

ocrot,

interpolation)
1

by the

indicative. 1

In J
19

ecu/

is
6

once used as a

15 substituted for &v 3 times (3 and Thus I3 sources) out of 4. Moulton (Gr. 43) states that in pre-Christian papyri the proportion of Mr to &v was 13 to 29, but in the 1st cent. A.D. this proportion was 25 to 7, in 2nd av occurs last for &v A.D. 76 to 9, in 3rd A.D. 9 to 3, in 4th A.D. 4 to 8. It will be seen, therefore, that the proportion in our in a 6th cent, papyrus. author, 3 to I, agrees nearly with that in the papyri of the 1st cent. A.D.,
6.v is

into &v in 3 19 I3 15 out of 4 times. C changes 6 it in ii Notwithstanding the untrustworthy character of 025. 046, they are here more trustworthy than X in this respect. But Thackeray (Gr. 67), with a large body of papyri at his disposal, gives
It is significant
.

25 to

7.

of the character of

tf

that

it

changes
i

di>

and thus represents our author as using tav only

CONJUNCTIONS AND OTHER PARTICLES

mere
.

cxxxv

7 Otherwise frequently as a conjunction particle in i5 followed by the subjunctive. J uses av 14 times in the apodosis of an impossible supposition, but our author does not use this

construction.
(iii.)

apTi

"a.t

10 13 It is hard to decide whether apri, i2 , and O.TT apri, i4 this moment," as occasionally in J (see Abbott, Gr.
.

25 sq., 199), or "at this present time," as contrasted with past or future time a later meaning belonging more properly to vw, which J uses very frequently but not our author.
(iv.)

axpi.

Always followed by subjunctive

20 3t
5
.

2 25 (axpi ov) 7 3 I5 8 But this is a source. (v.)

(vi.)
Y<*P-

in our author In I7 17 we find a^pt TeAeo-^orovrat.

8e.

drc. 17 times. In J nearly 70. times. Very frequent in J

:

and with

different

shades of meaning
(vii.)
el.
i

see Abbott, Gr. in

loc.

5a found only in combination (a) with rts: 1 2o 15 (et ns a very common com [n ^] i3.io(**) 148.11 = except bination not once in J 2 17 9* i3 17 i4 3 (b) with /^ ( 12 2 27 = 1 This use is found in J 3 13 6 22 etc. or with Se i9 ( 2 5 16 also in J i4 2 u But J uses the former "otherwise"), combination in other idioms. 2 1 = (viii.) ew0ei/ (as adverb 5 (some MSS).
is
5
oi>x)
"

"),

eo>)

1 8 times, (ix.) en. 22 11 is an interpolation.

including a restoration of
11
.

ert for eVt in 7 16 .

18

(x.) Ico S 2 1 22 23
-

(xi.)

With subjunctive ( = 6 In various combinations in J. i&ou. 26 times. In J 4. J uses

.

"tiH"),

In J with ind.
(15),

tSe

but

our

author does not.

Final clauses introduced by Iva 2 followed by the subj. 33 times, and by the ind. 13. (The latter is unclassical Attic uses OTTO;? with ind.) In J Iva is followed by the subj. save thrice out of nearly 140 times. is followed by the Iva As our in J only by the subj. subj. 9 times and by the ind. 2 author never uses the past subjunctive (or optative) it is interest(xii.)

IVa.

^
;

the statistics as follows.

i/A.D. 39 and 5 respectively These iv/A. D. 12 and 7.

In pre-Christian papyri 5s dv, 16, 8s &v , 78 in ii/A.D. 79 and 13 in iii/A.D. 13 and 5

;

in in

amended numbers show more

clearly

how

the

scribe of
1

introduced later forms into his text. only found once in the Johannine writings outside the Apoca 10 e? TIS fyxerat. Here the case is put as an actual occurrence, lypse and the coming as a real event. Hence this form does not militate against
et rts is

2 J

Johannine authorship. 2
"

In my commentary in that." equal to 6rt

dpioi ol vfKpol ol ev

have followed Blass in taking iva in I4 13 as almost But here also it may express purpose. Thus yuctKIva avaira.-fjffovTai = Blessed Kvpiy airodv^ffKOvre^
I
"

are the dead that die ii. the Lord yea, saith the Spirit, in order to rest," 15 Cf. 22 14 and J S 56 9 2 rls etc. Iva. rv0X6s yevv-^efj ; and see , ij^aprev Abbott, Gr. 114-128, who insists that iva expresses purpose in J.
:
.

cxxxvi

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN
him
after Iva

ing to observe the sequence of tenses adopted by Or iv a. fjLrj.

Pres. ind. followed

by

pres. ind.
pres. subj.
SLOT.

.
.
.

5
7.

,,

fut.

subj. ind.

4
5

Past. ind.

pres. subj. aor. subj. fut. ind.

fut.

.
.

13
7
i

Fut. ind.

ind.

Imperative
(pres.

or aor.)

pres. subj. aor. subj

Never with the participle in our author, but 10 (xiii.) pi. times in J and with pres. imperative, i 17 times in i. 2. 3 J. /XT; 2 10 etc. ; with aor. subj. 6 6 7 3 io 4 the use of these two tenses . /XT; being carefully distinguished; see above, p. cxxvi. 1 8 ovSe ovSe in 9 4 but also /XT; //.Tyre /XT;T, 7 never /XT) /xT;Se, as in J (bis) who never uses /xT/re ; nor /x;8e

/XT;Se.

ovSe

/XT;

ovSe, 7
i

16
.

(xiv.) oiriarQev as prep,

10

6
,

15 3 (xv.) oirurw as prep. i2 i3 ,

as adv. 5 1 and also in

.

10

10 (xC) io in

NC

025.
13 (**) ii 8 2o 10 In the latter two passages there (xvi.) oirou, 2 the combination oVov KCLL. In sources used by our author there is a Hebraism in connection with this word oVou 6 14 e7r avTaiv, i7 9 OTTOV but this Hebraism never eKL, i2 In 14* we have OTTOU av appears to come from his own hand. This use corrected into vTrdyr) in X 025. 046). virdyei (AC of here is to be rejected, according to Blass, Gr. 207, 217 ; Robertson, Gr. 969. See, however, under OTO.V also Vocabulary of G. T. (Moulton and Milligan) under av.
.

is

<iV

(xvii.) oadKis.
OTO.V.

ii 6 (source).

This particle takes the aor. subj. 9 5 ii 7 i2 4 (xviii.) 10 2O 7 or the pres. subj. io 7 iS 9 1 or the fut. ind. 4 9 or even i7 the aor. ind. 8 1 In the last passage the use of orav in orav yvoL^cv (corrected into ore in X 025) is quite incorrect according 19 to Blass (Gr. 218). Yet it is found in the KOIVIJ cf. Mark
,
, ,
. :

orav
in

oi/^e

eyeVero e^eTropeuero

ea>

T.

TroXeoog

Ex

63

cf.

a>s

av

30 w? av e^A^ev laKw^S, of a single ed.) 27 definite action in the past. oVav, however, with the indie, generally denotes indefinite frequency (an unclassical usage) cf. Mark 3 11

Gen (Tischendorfs

points out, Srav with the pres. subj. refers to the coincidence of time between the action of the pres. subj. and that of the
principal verb.

As Abbott (Gr. 385)

CONJUNCTIONS AND OTHER PARTICLES

ii 25
:

cXxxvii
ind. see

similarly OTTOV av,

Mark

6 56.

On

oVav with

fut.

Robertson, Gr. 972.

In J ind. (xix.) ore occurs 13 times and always with aor. 21 times (4 with fut. ind.). 63 times, (a) Abbott, Gr. 154 sq., points out that (xx.) on. the suspensive use of on is almost confined to the Johannine = "because," and he Here writings and the Apocalypse." 15 16 cites as examples outside these writings Gal 4 6 i Cor i2 19 i6 6 19 7 In J I 50 (OTL CITTOJ/ 9 7rrTveis) I4 I5
"

<m

Rom
.
"

<roi

2o 29 In like manner in our author we must render 3 10 Because (on) thou hast kept the word of my endurance I also will keep thee," 3 16 17 iS 7 1 (b) Besides the suspensive use of on, where the on clause precedes, the word most frequently introduces a subsequent clause giving a ground or reason, and so it is to be rendered because or Cf. 3 4 4 11 5 4 9 6 17 etc. etc.
-

"

"

"

for."

(c)

Next

it

means
-

"

that

"

after eTSov, oTSa, yiyvwo-Kw,

6

Kar
ex<o
"

Tiros or O/AI/U/U, 2 2
(d)

Finally,
7

it is

io etc. 3 used before direct discourse

"

20 - 23

1 - 8 - 9 - 15

(i.e.

on

recita

tive")^!

i8 7

.
"

and not
OVTC,

(xxi.) ou ou.
21
:

= where

15

[i7
.

].

Our author
.

as also J uses 6Vou

(xxii.) ou.

We find ov
.

ouSV, 7
.

16
.

9
.

2(

>

i2 8 2o 4 2i 23
3

ov

ouSei9

ovot

ovot

oure,

ouSeis

OVTC, 5

4
.

jjiT). 15 times. Always followed by subj. in our author except in i8 14 (source), which may be an interpolation in this source, seeing that elsewhere in this source it is followed by the subj. See vol. i 59 ad med. In J 3 times with ind. out

(xxiii.) ou

of 17.

This interjection is followed by the dat. in our (xxiv.) oucu. author in 8 13 In i2 12 (a source) by the ace. In i8 10 16 19 (a It is a noun in 9 12( ni4(**>. source) by the nom. io 6 in i8 1L14 with neg. (source). 12 times (xxv.) ouKen.
-

**>

in J.
19 oui/. 2 5 16 etc. (a) Used of logical appeal 6 times, i Narrative or continuative ovv does not occur once, and (b) In J ovv occurs nearly only a few times in the Synoptic Gospels. 200 times, and the majority of these apparently in a non-illative or purely continuative or narrative sense. Only 8 times does it occur in the words of Jesus all the rest in the narrative portions. But Abbott (Gr. 470 sqq.) finds difficulties in many of the Johan nine uses of ovv. He pertinently remarks (p. 479, footnote) the
-

(xxvi.)

"

On the ground of thib and a few other similarities of style Abbott (Gr. S5) suggests that "the author of the Gospel may have been a disciple or younger coadjutor of the author of the Apocalypse."
1

cxxxviii

THE REVELATION OF
ow in
Revelation
is

ST.

JOHN
.

absence of narrative
it is

important, because

largely made up of narrative, so that we might have expected narrative ow in abundance if it had been written by the hand that wrote the Fourth Gospel." The word occurs only once in
i.

2.

3 J.
1 7
10.

(xxvii.) OUTTW. (xxviii.) cure.

.
.

12

We
"

(source). find ovre

.

13 times in
.

J, i

J once.
v

4. ou S e ts ovre, 315.16 920 2I

25 Phil. 3 16 for this meaning. cf. Tr\V = only," 2 Blass (Gr. 268) would assign this meaning to irX-^v also in i Cor. ii 11 Eph 588, Phil 4 14

ovre, 5

4
.

(xxix.)

(xxx.)
is

8e

= (a)
1310.

"

hither,"

4
9.

1 1

12
;

(b)

metaphorically

"

here

need

is
for"),

I4

i2

I7

where

important particle, see vol. i. 35 sq., has in our author several uses unknown elsewhere in the N.T. but found in the LXX. One use is there omitted. (b) In a comparison the same case follows w? as that which 18 Cf. 2 This, of course, is the usual construction. precedes it. 8 9 15 3 21 2 1 2 22 1 T. avrov w? <Aoyu Trupo s, 9 I2 I3 l8 Hence l6 13 eTSov f f^drpa^oL f is Tn/evjua/ra rpta either a slip or due to an interpolator. It is due to the latter, as we see on other grounds. (c) Observe that our author never uses Ka#ws though it occurs nearly 180 times in the N.T. In J it occurs 31 times in a temporal sense ( = "when") and 13 in i. 2. 3 J. J uses as a about 20 times, but J ap i. 2. 3 J never. Our author uses word of comparison about 73 times (only once with a numeral), J 13 times (8 times with a numeral). 12 followed by substantive u)s = "according (d) In 22 verb a usage not found elsewhere in the Johannine writings. io 3 (xxxii.) oiairep.
(xxxi.) w9.
it is

(a)

On

this

shown

that

it

6<$aA/x,ot>s

a>s

o>s

o>s

as,"

7.

Case.

The nominative stands in the case of a proper noun (i.) (a) without regard to the construction, in place of the case normally 11 This is good Greek (cf. 9 oi/o/xa ex et ATroXAvwv. required.
Xenoph. Oecon.
T
Kaya#ds), but from the author,
(b)
vi.
it

14, rovs c^ovras TO o-e/xvov oi/o/xa TOUTO TO /caAos

comes from the hand of the editor and not whose construction will be found in 6 8
.

Nominativus pendens. Since in our author this usage is a Hebraism, it is dealt with under that heading. This construction does not exist (ii.) (a) Genitive absolute. in our author, though it is employed often in J and with more see elasticity of meaning than is found in the Synoptists
:

CASE
Abbott, Gr. 83 sq. KaroiKowres ... wv
orav
/^AeTTcocriv.

cxxxix
I7
8

In

the

ApOC.
is

OavpacrO^arovraL

01

But not a gen. abs. /8A7roj/T(ov for this intervening wv the text would have read /SAeVovres or
This genitive denotes the whole genitive. 8 15 ^/xepas period of time during which something happened 4 y be restored in 8 12 2i 25 Kat VVKTOS a phrase that should This dative is of Dative, (a) Instrumental dative. (iii.) It is found in 4 4 Trepi/SefiXrjfjievovs i/y,cmois, infrequent occurrence. 21 14 13 op/x^/mri jSXrjOrjcreTaL (source), 22 [Q ySe/^a/x/xevov cu/zart, i8

...

() Temporal

rois irvAaxrtV
1

eicreX^cocrtv,

2 18

[8

Kato/xeV^ Trupt
12

Kareo-^payio /Aevov

(T<f>pay L<rLV,

jLuyaAT? is

found
:

after Aeyeii/, 5

I5 17* l8 1 13 (6 ) 8 (yet with

,

eV,

i4

7 9
-

after

/<paeiv,

6 10 y 2 io 3 ip 17 (but with ev in passages from another

.

15 i8 2 ) after <u)veu/, i4 18 This instrumental dat. is hand, i4 mostly replaced in our author by lv (see above, p. cxxx, under eV), or occasionally after passive verbs by lv or a-n-o. in ig 10 16 19 (source) is difficult. Dative of time, /una (fr) the course of an hour." It seems to mean Hence we 8 should expect ev cupa, just as in i8 we have ev /ata T7/xepa or else /x6a? ^epas, the course of one day." Yet see Blass, Gr. 1 20. 2i 8 rots Se SetAots ... TO /xepog avrwv. (c) Hebraic dative. cxlviii (ti) (6). See below, p. 3 Cf. J 4 52 3 Troiav wpai/. (iv.) Accusative of point of time. See Abbott, Gr. 75 Acts 20 16 r^v rj^pav This usage (Blass, Gr. 94) occurs in connection with wpa in Attic Greek and in the papyri. Moulton, Gr. 63. There are nearly 60 examples of the nomina (v.) Vocative. tive with the article used as a vocative in the N.T. It has a double origin for it was well established both in Greek and in Hebrew. In Greek l it carried with it a rough peremptory note, and in the N.T. this note still survives cf. Mark 9 25 TO aAaAov /cat
-

<Spa

"in

/>ua

"in

rrj<s

3 In the latter J IQ ^aipe 6 j3acnX.vs r. lovSauov. 2 passage there is a note of derision /foo-iAev r. lovScuW would have conceded the justice of Christ s claims. In the tender ^ Trats eyeipe, Luke 8 54 Moulton (Gr. 70) finds survival of the decisiveness of the older use." But the Hebrew vocative with the art. carries with it a different and often a more dignified note. It can be used in the most respectful form of address to kings, or in a minatory sense

KCDC^OJ/ 7rve{;/xa

"a

Blass (Gr. 69) quotes Aristophanes, Frogs, 521, 6 TTCUS

d/coAotftfei

"

there, the lad I

2

you

mean,

follow").

use of this phrase in I5 18 "is merely a note of his imperfect sensibility to the more delicate shades of Greek
s
idiom."

Moulton (Gr. 71) observes that Mark

cxl

THE REVELATION OF
inferiors:
cf.

ST.

JOHN

2 13 18 But it is never used in 42 Joel i O.T. (except possibly in Neh i 5 Dan 9 4 ). 1 addressing Yet since the LXX generally renders K and DN"6 in the vocative by 6 0eo s, the solemn use of this vocative appears to have

to

Is

God

in the

originated with the LXX, being a higher development of the Our author appears therefore usage already found in Hebrew. 11 to have been influenced in this direction by the cf. 4 6 Kvpios KCU 6 0eos 77/A(ov, 2 6 10 6 SetTTTOT^s 6 ayios, I2 12 I5 3 i6 5 j n contrast with this prevailing usage, we find, jg4. 20 17 3 7 20 however, Kt pie 6 tfeos, I5 i6 Kvpie, lya-ov, 22 . Verbs with different cases or constructions. (vi.) Our author uses this verb with gen. of person, (a) 3. 5 313 T 65. 7. an(j acc of thing, i 3 7 3 9 16 22 8 3 51. But d/coveti/ takes both the gen. and ace. of the thing, as, for instance, with ^wi/rj. 4 = to hear so as to obey: cf. 5 25 28 io s 16, Now in J O.K.

LXX

j^

<XKOUU>.

<a>i>?7s

without further result: cf. 3 8 5 37 See Abbott, Gr. 435 sq., similarly OLKOVW \6yov and Aoywi/. Johannine Voc. 116 (footnotes). This distinction does not exist in our author, save apparently accidentally. Thus in 3 20 In 9 13 ii 12 (&C 025 but not A 046) a*. obey." I0 4. s ui2 I2 10 i4 2 (Wr) i8 4 ig 1 6 the phrase O.K. does not express obedience to, or regard of, the voice, as in J it would Here the phrase means "to hear intelligently," "to connote. 13 But understand." ^wvr/s has exactly the same force in i4 Hence our author does not observe either the usage of i6 x 2 1 3 7 J nor the well-known one of Acts 9 where O.K. ^>wv^s="to hear a sound (without understanding its meaning), and in 9 4 26 14 O.K. to hear intelligently 5 in our author Always ypcx^etr^at ev TW (b) 8 12 3 CTTL TO 2 1 27 and especially i3 ; but in source, cf. (i ) 2o 8 This latter construction is found in quite other PLJS^LOV, iy
while
tt/<.

<f}wrjv

= \.o

hear

<f>wf)s="to

</>coi/>jv

d/<.

"

"

"

<j><i>vrjv=

ypd<j>ea6au

/3i/3\iii>

ypa</>.

phrases

8t86i/ai. (c) 17 ; a) in 2
(cC)

I9 yeypa/x^ievov, 3 followed by the partitive gen. (TOV not so elsewhere in N.T. In io 7 c. ace. of person, and in i4 6 with euayYeXi^en
:

2 17 CTT! r.

12

16

ij/rjtfiov

This verb
.

is

CTTI c.

ace.
rest of the
c.

The
1

frequently

ace. of person.

N.T. uses the middle of this verb and It does not occur in J in any

in Aramaic, which had three ways of making the noun definite when it was to stand in the See Kautzsch, Gr. des Btblisch. Aramaischen, p. 148 sq. vocative.

This usage, however, was well established

different
2

6 /tfyuos as a vocative is not found except in this passage (Abbott). -fJKova-a \tyovras (al. X^yoj/ra), the idea of In 5 13 we have TTO.V Krlfffia Jhe thing prevails and not that of the person ; hence the ace. 4 to hear a sound." In classical Greek 5 In i. 2. 3 J aKoueiv takes a gen. of the person and an ace. of the thing 4 an ace. of the person. except in 3 J where it is followed by
3
. . .
"

NUMBER
form.
person.
(e) irpoaKuyeif.
i.

cxli

In

Attic

this

verb takes ace.

of thing and dat.

of

211

the Abbott ( Voc. 137) shows or inferior worship that is designed. that the Synoptists reserve the ace. for the worship due to God or that of or God s Son," in contrast with the use in the our author. Next (138 sqq.) he discovers in the Samaritan Dialogue in J 4 and in the Temptation narratives in the Synop a deliberate differentiation of the two Greek constructions tists
"

The cases with this verb are dealt with in vol. Our author clearly uses Tr/ooovcvi/eiv with dat. only of When the verb takes the ace. it is homage worship of God.
sq.

LXX

"

"

\_Trpoa-Kvvfiv,

c.

ace.

= worship (

of),

and

c.

dat.

= prostration (
u>

to)]

which the Evangelists "appear to use 7rpo<rKwe with the ace. as meaning such worship as ought to be paid to God alone." Thus though Trpoo-KwetV c. dat. occurs in J 4 21 23a Q 38 it has not the 2bb 24 full meaning of worship which is implied in 4 Hence our author and J again differ here. 1 1 times c. ace. ; once c. ei/. (/)
in
-

Trepif3<XXe<r0cu

In 2 1 23 c. ace: in 22 5 ZTT avrovs. see p. cxlviii (h) (i). there appears to be a Hebraism
(g) (jximteiy.
<j>.

Here

8.

Number.

several subjects follow a verb and the first is in (i.) 7 2 17 18 cf. 8 i2 10 i8 20 ig 20 the sing., the verb is in the sing. g 20 11 ; but if they precede, the verb stands in the pi. cf. 6 14 i8 17
-

When
So
(a)
I

2o 13s(i-.
(ii.)

also in J :.see Abbott, Gr. 307.

The
19

neuter plural
etcrtV),

is

generally followed by the

.

pi.

verb
<3a

cf.

(a
20

eXeyov), Q
2 1 4.

5 14 (a OVK e/x,oXwav), [4 ] 5 (ra reVerepa 18 20 (a ... Swai/rat), II 15* i6 (opr/ evpeOrjarav),

2 4

20 12

The

pi.

verb

may precede

the
.

(Soxrovcriv TO,

wa),

yap

24 ra. This ZOvrj), 2 1 can generally be explained Kara o-vi/taw, the neuter construction nouns being conceived of as masculine or feminine. cf. (b] But the sing, verb occasionally follows the neut. pi.

Tri/ev/xara)],

l8 23

II 13 (aTTCKravOrjcrav . . (eTrXavrjOrjcrav Trdvra

neuter pi.: cf. 4 9 14 oi/o/xara) [i6 (elcrlv

.

19

27 (a/xeXXet), 2 [($1/17)
1 ),

<rwrpt)8eTai ?],

(ra.
. .

reoxrepa
. .

^<3a

e^coi/
(ra.

I3

14
.

(a eSo^),
.
.

I4

13

(ra yap epya

4

aKoXov^et),
.

i8 14
}

XtTrapa

a.7r<oXero),

IQ^-

less often the sing,

verb precedes

(TO, CTT par evjjia.ro. 3 cf. 8 : (eSoOrj

-^/coXo^et)

0u//.ia/xaTa),

(iii.)

The

plural verb follows certain collective

9
.

nouns
.
.

in the

sing.

ig
it.

11

ecrrwres, 7 o^Xov TroXXov o^Xos TroXvs Xcyovrcov 6 but generally In J this noun has the sing, verb except in But it is better to take lx w h 6 * 6 as influenced by the tv ra0 tv preceding
:

"

cxlii

THE REVELATION OF
49
12
.

ST.

JOHN

6 24 7 49 i2 12

in the sing,

In J 7 i2 oxAos is accompanied by a participle (in its collective character) and by the verb in the
-

See pi. (as conveying the idea of separate individual action). 14 Abbott, Gr. 307. Aaos has the pi. verb in i8 and 777 in i3 3 4
.

9.
(i.)

Gender.

rule the concord of gender is observed, but there The greater number of these can be exceptions. Thus 4 7 explained as constructions Kara o-weo-iv. e^wv,

As a

are

many

u>oi/

ra reWepa
. .

OrjpLov
Orjptov,

rw Orjpiu 05 c^ei, I7 11 Aeyovres, I3 . avTOS oySoos ecrrtv, I7 16 TO, Se/ca Kcpara /cat TO OVTOL. In i5 12 atos (A) TO apviov is to be similarly
a>a

14

1 6 I4 apviov has the part, in the neuter. explained, though in 5 4 3 14 TO. Similarly 7 \L\LOL^ eo-^payior/xeVoi (cf. also I4 ), I9

o-Tpareu fjLO.ro. evSeSv/xevot, 5

. . .

Trvf.vfJio.Ta.

d7reoraAju,eVoi, 5
cwcpi Ses).
1
17
<(m/r)
. .

13

TTOLV

KTicr/xa

AeyovTas
12

are several
also 5 1L

e8o^ such wrong concords

(tf),

auTots (/..
:

With
.

(J>a>vq

there
:

Aeyon/

cf.

In i2 5 vtoV, apo-ei/ is peculiar. The gender of vaAos 2i 18 is nearly always fern., but our (ii.) author in making it masc. has the sanction of Theophrastus.
-

13 14

ii 15

10.

The Hebraic

Style of the Apocalypse.

The Hebraic style of the Apocalypse has been acknowledged in a general sense till the present generation, but scholars have hitherto done little to establish the fact by actual and detailed evi
dence. Now, owing on the one hand to this fact that the Hebraic character of the Apocalypse had not been established by actual proofs, and on the other to the vast mass of fresh knowledge of vernacular Greek brought to light by the researches of Grenfell,

Hunt, Thumb, Moulton, Milligan, and others, a new attitude has recently been adopted by certain scholars on this question, and some have gone to the extreme length of denying altogether
the presence of Hebraisms in the Apocalypse except in sections Thus Professor Moulton that are translated from the Semitic. (Gr. 8-9) affirms that "even the Greek of the Apocalypse itself does not seem to owe any of its blunders to Hebraism. The author s uncertain use of cases is obvious to the most casual

We find him perpetually indifferent to concord. reader But the less educated papyri give us plentiful parallels from a
.

field where Semitism cannot be suspected. Apart from places where he may be definitely translating a Semitic document, there is no reason to believe his grammar would have been materially different had he been a native of Oxyrhynchus, assuming the extent of Greek education to be the same."
. .

HEBRAISMS OF
This
is

AP
J

cxliii

not only an extravagant, but, as we shall presently a wrong statement of the case, and called forth a rejoinder from Professor Swete (Apoc? p. cxxiv, note), who wrote: "It is precarious to compare a literary document with a collection of personal and business letters, accounts, and other ephemeral writings ; slips in word-formation or in syntax, which are to be expected in the latter, are phenomenal in the former, and if they find a place there, can only be attributed to lifelong habits of thought. Moreover, it remains to be considered how far the quasi-Semitic colloquialisms of the papyri are themselves due to the influence of the large Greek-speaking Jewish My own studies, which have population of the Delta." extended from the time of Homer down to the Middle Ages, and have concerned themselves specially with Hellenistic Greek, so far as this Greek was a vehicle of Hebrew thought, have led me to a very different conclusion on this question, and this is, that the linguistic character of the Apocalypse is absolutely
discover,

unique}-

Its language differs from that of the and other versions of the O.T., from the Greek of the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, and from that of the papyri. Of course it has points in common with all these phases of later Greek, but nevertheless it possesses a very distinct character of its own. No literary document of the Greek world exhibits such a vast multitude of solecisms. It would almost seem that the author of the Apocalypse deliberately set at defiance the grammarian and the ordinary But such a description would do him the rules of syntax. He had no such intention. He is full of grossest injustice. his subject, and like the great Hebrew prophets of old is a true His object is to drive home his message with all the artist. powers at his command, and this he does in many of the sublimest passages in all literature. Naturally with such an object in view he has no thought of consistently breaking any rule of syntax. How then are we to explain the unbridled licence of his Greek constructions ? The reason clearly is that, while he writes in Greek, he thinks in Hebrew, and the thought has naturally affected the vehicle of expression. Moreover, he has taken over some Greek sources already translated from the Hebrew and has himself translated and adapted certain Hebrew

LXX

sources.
literally

Besides he has rendered many Hebrew expressions and not idiomatically constantly in his own original work and occasionally in his translations. His translations

1 In the next edition of Moulton s Prolegomena, the Hebraic style of the Apocalypse is accepted, ~s its editor, Mr. Howard, has informed me. Dr. Moulton changed his mind owing to the evidence I gave on this subject in. my Studies in the Apocalypse, pp. 79-102.

cxliv

THE REVELATION OF
this is

ST.

JOHN

in a few cases

But

not

presuppose corruptions in the Hebrew sources. all. He never mastered Greek idiomatically

even the Greek of his own period. To him very many of its particles were apparently unknown, and the multitudinous shades of meaning which they expressed in the various combinations into which they entered were never grasped at all, or only in a very inadequate degree. On the other hand, he is more accurate in the use of certain Greek idioms than the Fourth Evangelist. Notwithstanding its many unusual and unheard of expressions, the Book stands in its own literature without a rival, while in the literature of all time it has won for itself a place in the
van.
I will

now

give a

list

which are

sufficient to

LXX

prove that

of the chief Hebraisms in the Apocalypse it is more Hebraic than the

itself.

(i.)

The Greek

text needs at times to be translated into

its

Hebrew

in order to discover

meaning and render

it correctly

in English.

(a) The resolution of the participle in one of the oblique cases (gen. dat. or ace.), or of an infinitive, into a finite verb in the following clause, which finite verb should have been rendered idiomatically in Greek by a participle or by an infinitive

respectively.

We have here a frequent Hebrew idiom which cannot be explained from vernacular Greek and which, not having been recognized, has led to mistranslations of the text
in every version of the
1 Apocalypse down to the present day.
1 This idiom is attested in the N.T. outside the Apocalypse in 2 John 2 ftrrcu "for the truth s did TT]V dXr/deiav TTJV fdvovcrav v y/juv Kal fjieQ sake which abideth in us and shall be with us." So rightly the A.V., but 26 wrongly in the R.V. Col I rb /mvarrjptov r6 diroKeKpv/Afj^vov dirb r&v aluvuv
ft/j.u>v

vvv 5

and recognized the necessity of translating them idiomatically as such, I found that several of the versions had recovered the right rendering purely from the consciousness of the translators that the Greek text could not be taken literally as it stood. Two of the Greek uncials, in fact, and very many of the cursives, have actually altered the Greek so that it represents idiomatically the Hebrew Thus X reads, tffT&ras . . . ^%ovras Ki6dpas T. deov Kal a dovras, in idiom. 2 *3 and 046 and many cursives read Kal iroL^ffavTi in I 5 instead of Kal I5 Kal diddffKei tTTolyaev and \tyei . . . Kal didd<TKi for T. \tyov<rav in 2 20 These are simply emendations, and they are emendations which represent idiomatically John s thought in Greek, but do not represent what he wrote. The translators of the versions restored the true sense in several Thus in I 5 Pr fl passages by conjecture from a study of their contexts. 2 dyajruvri qui dilexit et fecit" (r gig vg (arm?) s eth render 2 . . in 2 2 and 2 9 Pr gig vg s eth render "qui se dicunt in 2 20 gig s 1 2 arm eth = Kal OVK dfflv] et non sunt . (T. \tyovras Kal 2 s3 arm 1 2 . =ego qui dicit . . . et docet (T) \tyovffa Kal Sc6<rw) in 7 14 Pr gig sum qui scruto et do (ty& efyu 6 tpavvuiv 1 et laverunt (ol tpx6fJ-evoi . s arm eth = qui venerunt (or veniunt) vg 2 2 3 arm b eth = citharizantes et cantantes ; in I4 743. 1075

Long

4(pavep&6r), is another example. after I had* discovered these Hebraisms

-7)

"

"

3<x

5i5d<r/ca)>

"

HEBRAISMS OF
"It
is,"

Ai>

Cxlv

writes

Driver

(Hebrew
after

Tenses,

163),

"a

common

custom with Hebrew

infinitive, to

writers,

employing a participle or

change the construction, and if they wish to subjoin verbs, which logically should be in the participle or Here infinitive as well, to pass to the use of the finite verb." we have the explanation of a dozen of passages in our author,
other

which have been generally mistranslated

In a few cases
they
are
rightly

in

all

the

versions.

translated,

and then only

1 through deliberate emendation of the text. continued by a finite verb is The idiom of a participle rendered literally into Greek in the LXX in Gen 27 33 Is i4 17 But it is rendered liter and idiomatically in Is 5 8 23 Ezek 22 3 in the LXX, whereas in our text it ally comparatively seldom
,

occurs ten times and most probably eleven originally, as we In a few cases the Syriac, Latin, Bohairic, shall see presently. This idiom and A.V. are right, but probably unconsciously. 5 6 and recurs in 18 2 2 9 20 23 3 9 7 14 emerges in the first chapter in 5 6 2 3 3 we have 14 dyaTruJVTi T7/xas /cat Xvaavri ^/xas (a) In I I5 should therefore be /cat eTj-ofyo-ev ^/xas /focrtXciW, which Unto Him that loveth us ... and hath made us," rendered, and not as in R.V. Unto Him that loveth us ... and He made 18 has led most failure to recognize this idiom in i (/?) The scholars to mispunctuate the text, and the rest, like Wellhausen
"

"

"

TO>

"

"

us."

and Haussleiter,

to excise 6

oh/.

The

translation of 6

wv KCU

eyevo /r/p ve/cpds should

be

17c

"Fear

not:

am

the

first

and

Thus we the last, i 18 And He that liveth and was dead." 23 recover the right sense, (y) Again we have in 2 eyw dpi 6 /cat Swcrw another example of this idiom = I am epawoov and giveth." Here the Hebrew in our He that trieth 12 cf. Dan 1 2 , author s mind would be Tin^l jnan or even fritf
"

this idiom the reader can consult the note in vol. i. 14 sq. (8) Next, attention should be drawn to 2o 4 where originally I feel assured there was another instance of this idiom ; for the otrtves in TWV TreTrcAe/ao-yLtcvwv

and see

vol.

ii.

392

n.

For a further treatment of

/cat

omves ov
s literary

7rpo(TCKvv7)(rav is

by John

executor,
/cat
$8ov<riv)

who
:

obviously an insertion made edited 2o 4 -22 after John s death.

I5
2 3

(Kidapi6i>Twv
. .
.

...
.

in

Pr

fl

vg

arm eth = stantes

.
$dov<rii>).

habentes

Thus we

et cantantes (eo-Twras . . . ^xomts . /cat . discover the strange fact that in the above passages many of the
.
.

ancient versions represent idiomatically and accurately the thought of John, where all but universally the modern versions do neither. The modern editions of these versions frequently punctuate wrongly the above passages, and con sequently mislead the student. 1 These passages are trer f ^d by modern editors as anacoloutha They are, however, nothing of the kind they are normal constructions in the grammar of the Apocalypse. Sometimes editors have sought to get over difficulties they fail to understand by mispunctuating the text.
:

Cxlvi

THE REVELATION OF
vol.
s
ii.

ST.

JOHN

author

The insertion of omves is against our 183. In practically every instance the failure to recog nize this idiom has led both to a mistranslation of the text and a Since the various instances misrepresentation of the meaning. of this idiom are dealt with as they arise, alike in the Com mentary and Translation, I will bring forward only two more here to show how important it is that it should be accurately rendered, (e) In I4 2 3 17 rjv rjKovcra ws KiOapipSwv KiGapi^ovTdtv = The voice eV rats Kt$apats avruv l KOU aSovcrw Kairrjv which I heard was as the voice of harpers, harping with their 20 Ae yovo-a r) () 2 harps and singing as it were a new song /cat StSdV/cet = who calleth herself a prophetess eavn/f irpo^rjTiv and teacheth (hot "and she teacheth," R.V.). 15 we have a resolution of the infinitive into a finite (b) In i3 verb in the following clause as in Hebrew (see quotation above from Driver s Hebrew Tenses}. Thus at l^66t] t o-vrrj f Sowai = Etyni ... nrp J17 jD^I = And it was given Kcti 77-0117077 and to cause." See vol. ii. 420, footnote. unto him to give as in (a, b}, the constructions under this head are quite (t) Just impossible and unintelligible as Greek, but are full of meaning
See
182,

usage.

<f>u>vi]

"

a>?

a>S>)v

"

"

"

"

as literal reproductions of a Hebrew ididm. (a) The first 6 M.L\arjX KCU ot ayyeXot avrov TOV 46) TroAejtx^crat. have here a classical Hebrew idiom: see vol. i. .p. 322.
J<

is

i2 7

(>

We
The

Michael and his rightly understood are most vivid It is remarkable that the angels had to fight with the dragon." allowed this astonishing Greek to survive in any form.

words

"

MSS
i/

(ft)
it

The same idiom

fJ-ax^Pfl
is

recurs in i3 10 where only

:

in a slightly corrupt form

aTroKTavOfjvai.

et

TIS

(-OV6

^n

a.7roKravOr)vai, f
2
-

has preserved avrov f

^.^

"K?N)

"

if

any

man

slain."

to be slain with the sword, with the sword must he be In vol. i. 356, I have shown that the Greek translators
difficulty in

found great
least half a

rendering this idiom, and resorted to at

The same idiom is to be found in Ethiopic. In /cavo-wv co-rat (Luke i2 54 ) the carat is rendered by the Eth. lamedh before the infinitive. Thus our author introduces a new use of the inf. into Greek which none
dozen different ways.
of the grammarians has recognized. (d) Again an expression may be possible in Greek as regards efc form but wrong in regard to sense. Thus in 2 22 /?a
AAo>

K\ivr)v as a piece of

Greek

is

meaningless in

its

context but
vol.
i.

full

of significance

if

retranslated into

Hebrew.

See

71.

1 Both the Here all modern editors insert a full stop before KCU The Bohairic requires this Syriac versions could be rendered teal q.S6vTb)v. 1 has an internal corruption = It is true that s rendering here. s nai $8ovTas. Kidapl^ovTa tv TOIS Kaddpais avrov 15 2 for this form of the Niphal infinitive. Cf. Ezek 26
$dov<Tii>.

HEBRAISMS OF
(e)

AP
J

cxlvii

The

finite
it

idiomatically oi/as avrov

verb in Hebrew is translated literally, when should be rendered by a participle. Cf. i 16 ^

<au/ei

a>s

6 r//Uos

= TK

ENDED)

=
i.

"

his face

was as

the sun

shining"

(not

"shineth").

See
#eo<j

vol.

31.

6 ira.vTOKpa.rwp requires to 6 (/) The Greek phrase Kvpios be retranslated in order to punctuate and translate it rightly. It with a comma after Kvpios should not be punctuated as in and another after 0eos. In fact no commas should intervene at The entire phrase is found in 2 Sam 5, i Kings iQ 10 14 all. Hos i2 5 6), Amos 3 13 4 13 5 14 etc. ( = niN3Vn TOM m.T), and often 2 5 13 Zech i 3 Next it is to Hag i Kvpios ira.vTOKpa.TiDp, Hab 2 these cases is a rendering be observed that 6 iravTOKparup in all

WH

<

(with or without the art.) following the construct case. ira.vTOKpa.Twp is the equivalent of a gen. in Greek dependent on the noun that precedes it. Thus nothing not should intervene between 6 0eos and even a comma (as in

of

JYlNItt

Hence

WH)

6 iravTOKpa.T(Dp.
KpaT<ap

it

is

never separated in the LXX from the noun of which an attribute, nor does our author ever disjoin 6 0eo s and
is
:

They belong
8

inseparably together, and 6

TTO.VTO-

6 Tra.vTOKpa.Twp

cf.

ii 17 i5 3 i6 7
i

14

iQ

15

2I 22

1
.

that

on

textual grounds
6

8 is

6 (Kvpt-os 6 0eos,

Thus we
KCU 6
v

see
6

/ecu

the interpolation of an ignorant scribe, who was unacquainted with the origin of this divine title. The context also is against it. See vol. ii. 38, n. 4.
epxojuevos,

TravTo/cparwp)

Furthermore,
Almighty."

it

follows

that

Lord God, the

Almighty,"

is not to be rendered it as in R.V., but as "the Lord

"the

God

(g) When Hebrew and Greek words agree as to their primary meanings, the secondary meanings of the Hebrew words are in Here retranslation is a few cases assigned to the Greek. 1 necessary, (a) In lo we have the extraordinary phrase ot iroocs avrov ws oTvXot THUG S. Here, as I have shown in vol. i. 259 sq., TrdSes is to be rendered as (/5) Again Troi/xcuVeu/ is to be rendered as "to break" in 2 27 i2 5 ig 15 for the same reason: see 5 vol. i. 75 sq. the primary sense of TT/DWTOTOKOS, (y) Again in i is eclipsed by the secondary denoting "chief" or "firstborn," which secondary sense it derives originally from "sovereign" 1 Hence it is clear that K 025. 046 Pr gig vg s2 wrongly insert ^aDv between 6 6e6s and 6 TravTOKparup in IQ 6 A s 1 bo arm eth Cyp rightly omit. It is noteworthy that in 4 8 the scribes of some eight cursives and arm 1 sub
"legs."
.

stituted <ra(3aud for 6 6e6s under the influence of the of Is 6 3 , and thus arrived at the impossible text ffa.j3a.ud 6 TravroKpariop. Clearly they did not know that 6 ira.vTOKp6.Twp was a rendering of aa(3awd. Possibly this latter word was originally a marginal gloss explaining the origin of 6 Tra.vTOKpa.Twp. It is significant of the independence with which our author deals with O.T. 3 phrases that he changes ITUUS m,T ( /ctf/nos (rafiadd, LXX) in Is 6 , on which 3 7 17 his text is based, into /ctf/nos 6 6ebs 6 ira.vTOKpa.Twp in 48 2 1 22 , or I5 i6 into 6 0ebs 6 iravTOK. in i6 14 I 15 .

LXX

19"

cxlviii

THE REVELATION OF
-1123.

ST.

JOHN

the

Hebrew

Cf.

13 where Job i8
t
i

mo

TD3 =

"

the

most

set,"

30 D^T n O3="the poorest." See deadly disease," and Is i4 note on i 5 in the Commentary. (8) Possibly in i 7 KOTTTCCT&U -m we have an instance in which a secondary meaning of is assigned by our author to ri. (h) Other Hebrew idioms literally reproduced in the Greek need to be retranslated in order to appreciate their exact 23 8a>o-w="to as fm in Jer. i; 10 on meaning, (a) 2 requite," which 2 23 is based. (/?) 3 8 SeSoo/ca CVCOTTIOV o-ov 6vpav="I have etc. See vol. i. 41. (y) 3 9 180^ 8tS = behold I will make
f>y
"

":

vol.

i.

41.
i.

(8)

eV /xeVo)
(e)

ev /ieVo)
o>s

see vol.

140.

6 1 Xeyovro?
o>s

<f>wr)

curss.) /fyovT/}?. have had in his

slip

Here

mind, our author wrote the former.

in Is 5 17 etc.
. :

= 7ip3, and which = ws

<o>v?7

between and": (AC 046 and most which our author may
"

see vol. i. 161. IvtKrja-av () at/xa ovK r)-ya7rr)(Tav, KrX., where the /cat is to be rendered by "seeing," as vav in Hebrew. The /cat ( = vav) introduces a statement of the condition under which the action denoted by IviKYja-av took place. See footnote 7, vol. ii. 417. i2 14 airo The same Hebraism recurs in i8 3 ig 3 (rj) = iyn3n S 32D "because of the serpent": Trpoo-wTrov TOV o^ew? 8 rot5 8e SeiAots ... TO /xe/aos avT(i)V = see vol. i. 330. (0) 2I The dative is to be explained as a repro 3^ TOV apvLOv
.
.

found

or ^WVT?. By a The same misrendering is i2 n 8ta TO

d>s

<j>wr)

/cat

duction of the Hebrew idiom where P introduces a new subject 22 5 6 #eos (am crei CTT O.VTOVS. Our see vol. ii. 2l6, footnote, (t) author uses <ometv as a transitive verb in iS 1 2i 23 and naturally we expect it to be used as such here. Moreover, the context for God will shine itself is against using it here intransitively upon them is not a likely expression. If, however, we under stand "His face" as in the Hebrew, Ps n8 27 we can render iS 1 2i 23 and give a most excellent <amv transitively as in will cause his face to shine upon the passage meaning to
: ,
"

Dp^n

l|

3^

"

"

them
dosis

"

(ii.)

210 sq. Other Hebraisms.

see vol.
ii.

(a)
7

20

/ecu
3

introducing
9

the

apo/cat

(cf.

L\r)<f)V.
"I3"J

8 2i ) (b) (cf. 17! 5 6 8 6 Ktt$T^l/OS CTTai/W ttVTOl! OVO/Xtt ttUTW 6 (c)

io 7

i4

10

ID^ V^y
(/.<?.

3D"in.

to

<9oWos:

cf.

2 23

$dVaTOS = Here observe the non-Greek sense assigned 1 = "the first 8 3 tW i8 8 (d) 6 ^lav eK
.

).

?X0/

of."

8wcrt
vtov

^v/xta^ara) Tats ?r/3oo-U^at?

Cf.

(<?)
"

"

to offer

it

upon = nflJTJ
(^)

ni^BH ^y:
apo-ei>

Num
|3.

IQ

17

Or l8 12
8

"l3T

(/^)

I3

oi/o/xa

= ovo/JLara

8 (/) IO vTraye Xa/Se. 8 (cf. I7 ).

I2 5

The future is to be rendered by the pres. in 4 9 10 ; for (f) here the future represents the Hebrew imperfect in a frequen 8oav Thus orav 8wo-ovo-tv tative sense. Treo-owTai, "when they give they fall down." This misglory
. .

HEBRAISMS OF
translation of the
translations.
Its

AP

cxlix

Hebrew imperf. is often met with in Greek occurrence in our author, who thinks in Hebrew, See vol. ii. 399, footnote. The future is therefore very natural. in i3 8 Trpoa-KwrjcrovcrLv should be rendered as Tr/ooo-e/cwow ( =
in Q 6 is to be rendered as a future, where the Hebrew imperf. in our author s mind as a (fjtvyet represents 4 21 10 past imperf. in 7 Kpd^ova-w, I2 o-vpei, i6 KaTa<aryi. Hebrew constructions are reproduced, parallels to (iii.) which are found occasionally in vernacular Greek. This construction is found in 2 26 (a) Nominativus pendens. 12. 21 6 8 6 Ka^/xevos eTravw avrov 6Vo/x,a viKcoi/ 8(joo-(o 3 In other passages, however, our author has assimilated avrw. 1 the construction more to the Greek construction by changing the VI/COH/TI SaVco 64 nom. into the dat., 2 7 17 (2i 6 ) 40 cf. Matt. 5 This construc Ka^^/xeVa) eV f O.VTOV f cBodrj avrol tion is very frequent in the owing to its frequency in the
:

Hebrew imperf.). (k) The present

auT<3,

TU>

TU>

avr<$,

LXX

Hebrew.
(l>)

The
3
.
.

oblique forms of the personal pronoun are added to

8 rjv

relatives.
9

ouSeis

CKCI) ly is, of course, pleonastic in avrCov). (OTTOV the Greek but not in the Hebrew, where, since the relative is This pleonastic uninflected, it supplies the inflection needed. use of the pronoun is found also in Mark i 7 ( = Luke 3 16 ), y 25 27 Acts 17 3 i5 9 (ota OIITWS), 13, J i Examples of this idiom It is found also in Early occur exceptionally in the KOU/TJ. But in our text its frequency is due to Semitic English.
7
.
.
:

ov

avroV, 138-

12

Swarai /cAeurat avr^v, y 2 ois 20 8 cf. also I2 6 14 (OTTOV

-

l860rj avrots,
9
.

eV

The pronoun

influences.

noun or participial phrase, which is dependent on (a) or in apposition to a preceding gen. dat. or ace., may stand in the nom., if it is preceded by the art., though Greek syntax would require it to agree with the oblique case that goes before it. This peculiar idiom is derived from the Hebrew, accord ing to which the noun or phrase which stands in apposition to a noun in an oblique case remains unchanged. Instances but what is a rare phenomenon of this usage occur in the ; in the Greek version of the O.T. (cf. Ezek. 23 7 12 ) 2 is a wellestablished idiom in the Greek text of the Apocalypse. 3 Our
(<:)

LXX

1 This occurs also elsewhere in the N.T., Matt 4 16 I2 36 Luke I2 10 Acts 7 40 2 This anomalous construction is concealed by the wrong punctuation in Swete s edition in both passages, and in one of them in Tischendorf s. But the art. does not occur in the Greek, as it was not in the Hebrew. 3 This idiom occurs exceptionally in the noivi), and as a blunder in other But it is not a blunder in our author. Moulton s attempts to languages. explain away this Hebrew idiom are just as idle as his attempt to explain TOV
,

cl

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

author has, in

fact, adopted a Hebraism into his Greek, and Thus it has become a marked character naturalized it there. 5 2 13 20 3 12 [8 9 ] 9 14 i 4 12 20 2 In these istic of his style: cf. i observe that the nom. is always preceded by the art. passages
-

ywauca Iea/3eX, T^S KCUVT^S lepoucraX^/x, rj /cara9 Ttov ra e^oi/ra j^v^as]. How KTio-ftartoi/ /3atVouo-a, [8 a Jew could adopt or fall into such a solecism when readily using an inflected language, is illustrated by Nestle (Textual Criticism of the Greek Testament, p. 330), who notes the following gem from Salomon Bar in his translation of the Massoretic note at the end of the Books of Samuel (Leipzig, 1892, p. 158), "ad mortem Davidis rex Israelis." (/3) If the art. is omitted, then the word or phrase is put in the same case as the noun that
I

SLTTO

Ir)(rov

XpioTOv 6 /xapTDS
vrpocfrvJTiv,

6 TTttTTO?, 2 20 Trjv

y]

Xeyovcra

eavrr/v

12

Contrast 9 TW dyyeXw, 6 e^wv T. craXTuyya, and 7 precedes it. 1 2 1 6 1 17 l^ovra rrjv K\LV. (y) But I3 I4 I5 iS 2O ayyeXov 9 Thus in i4 6 we have this rule does not apply to Xe ywv.
.
.

14

eTSoi>

But e^ovTa evayye Xiov. Xeytuv. ayycXov Trero/xevov Xeywv (or Xeyovres) stands by itself: it appears almost indeclin This may be due to the fact that it may reproduce Tfow able.
aXXoi/,
.

in

our author
avTcoi/
l
.
.

s
.

mind.
.

Cf.

4
II 1
13

.
<jf>wv>)

Xeyon/
.

11
:

Xeyovres,

eSo^
45
16

yu,ot

KaXa/nos

Xeyan/,

Xeyovres.

This solecism
20

is,

the

LXX:
ace.
14

cf.

Gen

15! 22

38

8 20
3

of course, found in etc. (3) ^ov follows

6

an
e

when not preceded by

ojjLOiov

the

art. in

apviov CO-TT/KOS
.

vlov avOpwirov, ^wv, I7 Ovjpiov . In i4 14 e^wv in 5 6 i7 3 it seems corrupt for c^oi/. Ka^/xei/ov o^otov, which precedes, is a slip for nom.
^iov, I 4

e^wv.
is

right

But and

are passages which need to be retranslated in corruption or mistranslation in the Hebrew sources used by our author. have already seen (see p. Ixii sqq.) that our author made use of sources some of which were Greek, though originally written in Hebrew ; others which he found in Hebrew and rendered into As it chances, we are only concerned under the present Greek. heading with the Hebrew sources which our author himself translated for the passages which presuppose mistranslation or 3 n and i5 5 6 a corrupt Hebrew original are i3 (a) As regards 3 OTTICTW TOV I have shown in vol. i. 337 that lOavfjida-Orj i3 and that the corruption did not originate in the OrjpLov is corrupt, Greek but in the Hebrew; for since i3 3c 8 and iy 8 are doublets of a purer form of the (the latter being an independent rendering

order

There (iv.) (a) to discover the

We

in I27

Robertson (Gr. 414 sq.) is too much influenced by to be corrected. and like all other grammarians fails to recognize this Hebraism
others in the Apocalypse.

Nearly every one of his references to the Apocalypse needs Moulton, and most

HEBRAISMS OF

AP

cli

Hebrew original), we are enabled to discover the origin of the Thus the clause in i3 3c = iTnn nnNB nonni, corruption. where the "nriND is corrupt for rn&OD, or rather rn&O3 = fiXe-n-ova-a. the whole earth wondered when it saw the Thus we have line with i; 8 "they that dwell on beast," which brings it into when they see the beast." But the shall wonder the earth
.

"

evidence for this restoration cannot be appreciated, unless the reader turns to p. 337 of this vol., where the two passages are In i3 n we have the extraordinary (ft) placed side by side, statement that the second Beast had two horns like a lamb and The first idea may be suggested by Matt. 7 15 spake like a dragon
!

which come to you in sheep s clothing, but inwardly are ravening wolves." See, however, vol. ii. 451 sq. But what is the explanation of the second idea "he spake like If the text had read a dragon ? A dragon does not speak. "like the it might have recalled the temptation of Eve dragon," But the lack of the article can be explained by the in Eden. translator s reading pjfD as P3H2 instead of pliri| and, since
"

Beware of

false prophets,

"

Kal IA.aA.ei
in 2
"

= "mm,

the latter

is

most probably corrupt for TlNm,

as

Chron. 22 10 (cf. 2 Kings but he was a destroyer like the

1
).

Thus i3 llc should be read:

This brings our text

dragon."

into line with Matt. 7 15 (quoted above) and prepares us for the statement in i3 15 that this second Beast put all to death that did 5 6 not worship the first Beast, there are two (y) Again in i5
-

rov fjiaprvpcov f tv and ev8eSv/Ayoi f XiOov f KaOapov Aa/XTrpoi/, which are oupava>, Inferior MSS (025. 046) have corrected the clearly corrupt. second into \ivov. new vision begins with these verses. It is clear that no Jew writing originally in Greek could have used either of the obelized phrases. But, as I have shown in vol. ii. 37 sq., what is most probably the true text can be discovered by retranslation into Hebrew. In the first passage, i5 5 6 vaos rr/s rov paprvpiov ev O-KT/V^S ovpavw = D^DKG "WE ?riN PDN1, which was corrupt for D^DKG^ DTI^K 73T1 = 6 vabs rov Otov 6 eV TW ovpavu, a phrase which we find exactly in ii 19 accompanied by the same verb fyoiyri and the repeated article. In i5 6 f XiOov f is to be which can be rendered explained by a mistranslation, of
expressions,
fjvoiyrj

f 6

vao<

riys

CTKrjvfjs

TO>

T<3

either

Here the latter, of the right rendering. () These two passages naturally lead to the inquiry Did John translate the Hebrew source himself, or did he adopt an independent Greek version of it ? The fact that every phrase and construction in i5 5-8 are distinctly our author s, furnishes such strong evidence tor the former hypothesis that it seems
by
is

Ai flos, /xap/xapos, or

by /3uWivos.

course,

necessary to accept

it.

If this

is

right,

then we must conclude

Clii

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

that our author inserted here a translation which, while repro 5 ducing exactly the corrupt Hebrew before him in i5 and a of a Hebrew word in 15, would have been wrong rendering

corrected

later, if he had had the opportunity of revision. Repeatedly we find traces of unfinished work in our author, which a revision would have removed. Thus i2 14 16 i8 4 (see
i.

vol.

330-332,

ii.

96 ad fin.) are meaningless survivals of earlier

Unhappily the work was revised by one of his disciples who was quite unequal to the task, and to whom we owe some of the worst confusions in the Book. See, however,
expectations.
p. Ixiv
(c)

ad fin.
in
rfjs

For other passages which need to be retranslated order to discover their meaning, see i8 22 (/AOVO-IKWI/), i8 19 CK

Unique Expressions in our Author. 6 wi/. Our author knows perfectly the case that (i.) should follow aTTo, but he refuses to inflect the divine name. See vol. i. 10.
ii.
4 dTro i
(ii.)

4
i

6
13

o>i/

KCU 6
14

(iii.)

i4

KOL 6 tpxoptvos cf. 1 1 17 i6 5 ; see vol. o/xotoi/ vlov dv0/oo)7rov: see vol. i. 27.
rjv
:

i.

10.

12.

Solecisms due to slips on the part of our Author.

We
as
it is

have now dealt with our author s grammar, first in so far normal or abnormal from the standpoint of the Greek

own age, and next in so far as its abnormalities are due to Hebraisms. We have found that these abnormalities are not instances of mere licence nor yet mere blunders, as they have been most wrongly described, but are constructions deliberately chosen by our author. Some of these belong to the vernacular of his own time, some of them do not. Many are obviously to be explained
of his
as literal reproductions in Greek of Hebrew idioms, and some as misrenderings of Hebrew words or phrases in the mind of the author or in his Hebrew source, and some half dozen as due to corruptions in the Hebrew documents laid under contribution by

our author either directly or through the

translations.

medium
this

of Greek

Thus from a minute study of the text from grammar I have found it possible to explain

standpoint of is, to bring all but about within the province of the normal and intelligible a score of passages. By our comprehensive study of our author s grammar we are the better equipped for recognizing the character of the remaining solecisms that cannot be explained from his own usages or vernacular Greek or the influences of a Semitic backthat

SOLECISMS DUE TO SLIPS OF AUTHOR

ground.
slips of

cliii

The bulk of these solecisms, though not all, are simply our author which a subsequent revision would have re moved, if the opportunity for such a revision had offered itself.
These are
(i.)
I
:

10

JJKovcra.
:

.
<j>u>vr]v

o>s

<raA-7rtyyos

f Aeyotxr/ys f
is

(for

\eyovo-av)
(ii.)
I

cf.

6 6 i4 3 I6 1 where the construction

a>s

normal.

15

ot TroSes OLVTOV o/xotot ;(aA/coAt/:?dV(p

1- 2

ev /catuVa) f TTCTTV-

pw/xeVsf (for TreTTvpw/xeVw, a correction rightly introduced in N,

some

(iii.)

cursives, s etc.). 20 TO I fjivo-rijpiov

e.

TCOJ/

CTTTO,

do-repcov

/cat

f ras

CTTTOI

Av^vta? f (for TWV

Av^vtcov). 27 o-vt/Tpi/^erat for arvvrpifitjo-ovTai or crwrpt^et (?). (iv.) 2 4 /cat /cv/cAo^ev TOV Opovov t Opovovs reo-crapay (v.) 4
. . . . .

o~T(f>dvovs XP V Ka^^/xevovs Trept/^e/^A^/xcVous In place of the accusatives, nominatives should be read. o-ovsf. I have shown (vol. i. 115) that 4* was introduced subsequently
"

7rpeo-/3vTpov<s

by our author
serted
10.
it

to prepare the
eTSoi/.
o>s

way

for 49

11
.

He

seemingly in
:

as the object of 1 f (vi.) 6 Aeyoi/ros

i.

It is

obviously a

slip.
<on/ij

<f>uvij

f,

where we should have

This
is

see

(h). (e) above, and vol. i. 161. 14 ws fiifiXiov f eAio-o-o/xcvov f. (vii.) 6

eAio-o-o/xevos.

rightly corrected

in

K and some cursives into

9 This is obviously f 7repi/?e/?A>7/xeVotis f aroAas AevKas. (viii.) y a slip for the nom. Pr vg omitted icat iSov In this sentence

and changed, with the exception of

tives into accusatives.
8 I o 77 AaAovcra (for

earo/res,

the following
.

nomina

(ix.)

<f>a>vr]

r)v

rjKOvcra

fAaAoikrav
i.
.

/cat

Aeyovcrav f

/cat

1 /xot /caAa/tos Aeywv (source). This may be an abnormal construction to which partial parallels are found only

(x.)

Aeyovcra
.

see vol.
.

267).

e<So0r7

in the

LXX
1 1

see vol.

i.

274.
. . .

3
Trpo<f>r)Tvorov(nv

(xi.)
(xii.) author s

f TrcptySeySA^/txevous f.
. . .

Since Our f eo-rcures f. sense and usage here require the at lo-rwo-ai, the par ticiple in the masc. and without the art. is a slip. 3 This Kat fJLiav K T. Kc/>aAoj^ avTov ws e(rc/)ay/>iev^j/. (xiii.) I3 4 is a It is an addition of our slip exactly like that in 4 above. 1 author, and was added seemingly as the object of etSov in I3 6 7 . etSov aAXov ayyeAov Trero/xevov (xiv.) 14 ^ovra t Aeytov f. But it is perhaps best to take Aeywv as a Hebraism = ibN? cf. 4 1 For analogous cases see p. cl ad med.
.
-

ii 4 at eVwTrtoi/ rov /cvptov

(xv.)
KO.6TJfJI.tVOV

I4
.

14

eTSov

/cat

OfJLOLOV f
.

VLOV
.

Opovos
tTTTTos

Kat
/cat

7rt

ve^eAr; AevKif, Kat errt rr]v vec^e Ar/v f 2 ClSoy Kttt tOOl) Cf. 4 ^O)V. 11 eloov Kai loov 19 Opovov Ka^ tici/os,
tSov

avOpWITOV,
CTT

ACVKOS,

6 /cafl^cj/os

airov,

where we have the normal

construction.

cliv
19

THE REVELATION OF
(xvi.)
.

ST.

JOHN

f I4 TTJV Xrjvov . fjieyav f. 20 The fact iQ T7]v \LfjLV7jv TOV Trvpos f T^S Kato/xevtys f. fire that the Hebrew and Aramaic words for (i.e. $K and K$X) are feminine, may have led to our author s forgetting himself for 4 In Rom the moment and writing T^S Kato/xtV^s. we have rf) BaaX instead of rw BaaX. This is frequently found in the LXX of the prophetical books and occasionally of the historical, because it goes back in the mind of the translator to n$3, which mentally
.
TOI>

(xvii.)

"

"

he substituted
traced in the

for

{>jn.

The

Mark
(Ps

i2 n

LXX
Cf.

n8 28
35

( )
-

= Matt
,

influence of the Hebrew is to be 2i 42 ), where in the quotation from

TOTO.
i3
15

Gen

19 27

the avrrj^nw, though we should expect 1 50.56 etc Ps io2 19 36 9 Possibly in

of our text the fern, avrfj in eSo tf?? avrfj may be due to rpn ; 14 and the fern. art. in 17 ovat (i 9 12 ) may be explained by the of gender

njn.

(xviii.)
CTTTO.

2 I9

TO)J/

C^OVTWf

TOLS

7TTa 0iaA.ttS

Ttol/ ye/AOl/TCOl/

T<OV

hard to explain how such a slip as TWV yeju,oV run/ (AK 025) could have arisen, but if one investigates one s own slips, it is often impossible to account for them. Our author would no doubt have corrected this phrase into ras y*/*owras as certain cursives have done, rather than into as ye^ovVas 046 and many cursives. For the participle is used attributively, Contrast i5 7 following TOLS
TrXrjy&v.
It is
.

<}>Ld\a<s.

(xix.)

14

TO ret^os r^5 TrdXeco? f C^ODV

.

f.
.

2 v\ov f Trotojv f 00175 (xx.) 22 author would no doubt have corrected

.

aTToSiSow.

Here our
is

TTOIOJV

into TTOIOW, as

done

in

K 046 and most cursives

14

for

he knows the gender of

gv\ov:

If the gender of i8 ^. led to his writing cf. 22 he would on revision either have corrected or written u s so as to bring it into line with the former participle.

12(

13.

due either Primitive Corruptions or (b) deliberate changes.

to (a) accidental

to an early scribe, or in some cases (7 15 2o 4 llt13 22 12 ) to the editor. 20 at This Order (i.) (a) I Xv^yiai at cTrra [eTrra] eK/cA^cnat eto-iV. of the numerals (see below, 15, iv., and vol. i. 224, footnote, vol. ii. 389, footnote) is in some respects normal in our author but as
-

These are due

2 1 25

morally impossible that TUJV k-n-ra IKKX^O-MV should be followed by kirra. cKKXrjo-iai without the article "... "the second kirra must be an erroneous repetition of the first, due to the feeling that the number of the lamps was likely to be specified as well as of the stars." Besides, we should expect
"it

WH observe,

is

NON-JOHANNINE CONSTRUCTIONS
the
art.

civ

before the second

e-rrrd,

since the predicate

2. iv.)

is

coexten

sive with the subject. (See chap. xiii. 6 4 TO) KaOifficvtf iir f avrov f. (ii.) (a)
15
(iii.)

(b]
(tf)

(iv.)

8 12 f

6 Ka^/xej/os CTTI f TOV Opovov f. Kat 17 vv 6^,0005 f for i^aepas Kat o^oi tos 17 -ty/xepa
f.

I/VKTO S (as in Bohairic).

(v.)
(VI.)
(vii.)

(^)
(fl)

17 9 TOVS KaflrjfAtvovs ITT f avTeov 9 I4 7Tt f TOV /X.6TOJ7TOV f.

Contrast I9 19

21
.

(a)
(3)

I9

18 TCOV

Ka@7]/jiev<Dv

CTT

f airrovs f (A).
.

Kat [otTires] ov Trpoa-correction by the editor of John s Greek. 11 Editor s correction TOV KaOrffjif-vov eV f avrov f. (ix.) (b) 2O of John s Greek as in 7 15 9 17 13 eSwKev f ^ ^aXacrcra f r. ve/c/aov? TOIJS ev f avTrj f. (x.) (b] 2O This was a deliberate change on dogmatic grounds. See note
(viii.)
TreTrcA-eKio-juei/wv
. .

2O 4 TWV

eKvvrja-av.

in

loc.

(xi.)
(xii.)
(xiii.)

5 (a) 2 1 6

Ka^/xevos
TWV

CTTI

TU>

^/oovw f.

(a)

2 19 f

This change was probably due to the eKetf. In originated in a misunderstanding of the text. See place of the last five words we should restore /cat WKTO?.
yap OVK
editor.
It

($) eo-rai

ye/xovrcov f 025 for ras ye/xovaas. 2 1 25 ot TrvAaiFes aur^s ov pr) K\icr6to(riv ^/xepas f vv

AN

note in

loc.

(xiv.)

27

TTttV

KOLVOV

f.

Read

TTttS

KOIVOS.

22 12 ws TO tpyov eo-Ttv avrov. This order, which is con trary to our author s own usage, is, like other departures from our author s usage in 2o 4-22, to be traced to the editor. See
(xv.)
(ft)

below,

15,

ii.

(b).

14.

Constructions in the interpolations conflicting with

our author s
8

use.

i 6 $os, 6 wv . . . 6 TravroKpoLTtop. See above, 10. i. (f\ 2 22 ecu/ /o; iJieTayorjaoucrik. Our author does not use the indica tive after eav fjitj.

8 11 Kat T. ovo/u,a T. curTepos X^yeTai O Ai/av0os. Our author 8 does not use Aeyetv but KaA.tv in this sense: cf. i 9 i2 9 i6 16 This addition is made in an interpolated section whether before or after it was interpolated cannot be determined. 17 T. cir auTWK ( the construction John s editor 9 KaOrjfjLvov<s 15 17 20 11 in cf. y prefers, being better Greek 9 13 above, and

i4

15>

16

in this section).

15 14 TW Ka0?7yu,va> evrt TT] 16 14 6 Ka^/xevos t..l Tt]S

1 I5 is an interpolation, since independently of other grounds misuses Kat eTSov to introduce the Seven Bowls, where we

it

clvi

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

is

Since the latter phrase, which should expect /ACTO, ravra. eTSov. used to introduce new paragraphs or sections, is found in i5 5
,

we

see that the subject of the Bowls first time.

is

there mentioned for the

l6 2c TOVS Trpoovcwowras TTJ eiK<m avrov. Our author would use the ace. here only the dat. in reference to God. C l6 13 cISov TrvevfJiara rpia ftarpa^oi. (AN 046 min p ) Here our author would have written fiarpdxovs (so cor
: .

<ws

rected text in K* min p ). i6 19 ets rpia P- PTJ.

/xepr;

See on

o>s,

p. cxxxviii.

Wrong

order.

Our author would

say

eir aurwi 1 Our rj yvvr] KaOrjraL this construction, but oVov alone: cf. 2 13(Ws)
.

rpta. 9 7 orrou
15

i7

ou

fj

iropvr)
ITTTTCOI/

i8 13 KOL
ig
10

KaOyTai. KOI (Tto/AaTwv.

. . .

author does not use 8 2o 10 Our author uses oVov, not ov.

An

addition conflicting

alike with the syntax

Trpoa-KvvfjcraL

and the sense of the

(i.e.

context.

aurw

an angel).

See note on i6 2c above.

15.

Order of the Words.

The Apocalypse is notable for the clearness, simplicity, and When once our author has adopted uniformity of its phrasing. a certain combination of words he holds fast to it as a general This is an essential characteristic of his style. There is rule. How rarely any variation in the words or in their arrangement. profoundly J differs from our author in this respect the reader
by consulting Abbott s Gr. 401-436, where it is proved by hundreds of examples that J shows a subtle discrimination in availing himself of the manifold variations of order which are possible in Greek expressing various subtle shades of meaning. So far as the outward form goes our author s style is essentially
will see

monotonous when compared with

that of J.

And

yet notwith

standing this absolute simplicity and apparent monotony, there is no sublimer work in the whole Bible. J works like a miniature painter, but our author like an impressionist on an heroic scale. noun in the genitive never stands The Article. (a) (i.) between the article and its noun, but always follows it. This In J, on the other hand, we find i8 10 rule is without exception. TOV TOV dpxtepe ws $ov\ov. If, however, the article is omitted in the case of both nouns, then the noun in the genitive case can 17 precede the noun that governs it cf. 7 fays Tr^yas v(5arcuv. Nor can participial or prepositional phrases stand between (b) If these stand in an attributive relation, the art. and its noun. 1

49 18 1 It is quite otherwise in J 8 (and I2 ) 6 Tr^^as /me Trarrjp. 31 7re7rKrrewc6ras atfry lovdatovs. rbv Tr^u^cwrd ju,e), 8
roi>s

Contrast i6 5

ORDER OF WORDS
:

clvii

19 6 they must follow the noun with the art. repeated cf. But when the noun is anarthrous, such TOV 6eov 6 cv raj ovpavw. a prepositional phrase can precede the noun, just as an anarthrous This noun can precede the noun that governs it, as in 7 17 Thus in occurs only in the titles of the letters to the Churches.
.
TO>

2 1 we must read with AC Pr e/c/cA^o-ias, dyyeAw rw iv and similarly throughout the seven letters, although in the case of Lachthree all the MSS have been corrected and normalized. mann and recognized that this alone was what our author
E<eVa>

WH

wrote, though neither they nor later editors were aware of the rule universally observed by him throughout J ap that a pre positional phrase is never inserted between the article and its
,

noun.

Hence the reading adopted by Tischendorf, Alford, Weiss, KK\., is without justification. Soden, etc., rrjs lv Our author could not write so. Besides, since it is his rule to

Von

E<ro>

repeat the

art.

noun

in

an attributive
r<3.

dyyeAw TW
ev

before a prepositional phrase following an articular relation, it follows that we should read From the combination of these two usages emerges
is

ro>

the strange piece of Greek, yet one that

essentially our author

E^ecrw

e/cKA^o-tas.

a participial or prepositional phrase may not (c) But though intervene between the art. and its noun, it is inserted many times between the art. and the participle dependent upon it 13 14 II 16 01 Trpcor/3vTpoL ot IvwTTiov TOV Qcov KaOrjfjicvot, I4 I7 4 9 i2 12 i3 6 12 i8 9 17 etc. also i9 The Pronoun. (a) The genitive of the possessive noun (ii.) does not precede its noun, unless when it is used unemphatically see notes in vol. i. 49, 68 sq. ; Abbott, Gr. (i.e. vernacularly) 414-422, 601-607. But in our author avrov, cun-^s, avrwv are never found in this unemphatic position except in 18 (source), though very frequently in J and a few times in i. 3 J. (b) Again the genitive of the possessive pronouns (/xov, i?/j,cov,
: .

2 It avrov, avrcov) is never separated from its noun. occurs roughly over 300 times or more. Hence i2 8 ovSc TO TTOS

o-ov, V/MOV,

1 (N.T. in Greek, ii. "Notes on select Readings," p. 137) point out that inscriptions in Asia Minor connected with temples dedicated to the Emperor always omit the art. before vaov, as in dpxtepeus TTJS A<rias vaov TOV tv E0^cry, Ki^i /cy, Ile/rya/^, etc., just as r^s is omitted before But independently of this our author s usage requires 4KK\fja-ias in our text. the reading which even has only preserved three times. In the case of all the seven titles this construction has the support once of a cursive and always of one or more versions. See crit. note on 2 1 of the

WH

Greek
2

genitive

244. is followed by an attributive adjective, the pronominal 4 generally inse^ ed between them : cf. 2 TT/J/ dydirrjv crov ryv irpwTTjv, 2 i9 ^12 io2 5 i3 16 i4 19 . The genitive of the noun can be separated by an attri 17 butive adjective from the noun it depends on cf. IQ r6 O,TTVOV 7-6 jj^ya TOV 6eov also 6 17 i6 14 Here the emphasis is laid on the gen.
ii.

text in vol.
is

When
-

a noun

clviii

THE REVELATION OF
&v en
is

ST.

JOHN

source) order is probably due to the editor. This is all the more remarkable seeing that in J the genitive both of the noun and of the possessive pronoun is very 49 cf. i frequently separated from the noun that governs it 15 19 6. 28 (**) I2 2.47 I3 6. 14 T gi7 I9 35 3 98. /SacriAevs eT TOV 1(rparj\, 2 See vol. i. 304, footnote. 2o 23 follows its noun. Not so in J, where it both (c) OVTOS always precedes and follows its noun. The latter is the emphatic see Abbott, Gr. 409. Often in J the point of a position in J passage depends on OVTOS being pre- or post-positive. The oblique cases of ovros never appear in the position of an 2 Hence even attribute any more than the possessive pronouns. 15 we have ol e/xTro/aot TOVTWV, though the attributive in i8 (source) position would be the more regular: see Blass, Gram. 169.
:

1 14 o-ov rrjs against our author s style, also i8 other grounds we have found that 18 is a TT)S i/ar^s (on and also 22 12 ws TO epyov eo-rlv avrov, where the wrong

Contrast J 5 47 rots CKCLVOV

ypa/*,/Aacriv

(classical as regards CKCIVOV

and

its

position).

(d) in the

oAXos

is

LXX

always pre- positive, though generally post-positive

(iii.)

noun it we have

Hebrew. The Adjective. The adjective as a rule follows after the 10 depends on. But there are certain exceptions. In i
as in
lv rrj KVpidKy ^/Aepa,

(yet xpovov fjiiKpov always post-positive 1 (always elsewhere in our positive except in I6 /xeyaA^s author the adj. is post-positive in this phrase i.e. 18 times). 2 i8 21 (source) rj /AcyaA.?; TroAis. tcr^vpos is once pre-positive in i8
<^a>n}$

in

3 fjuKpav Svvafitv, 2O /xiKpov ^povov 6 11 ), i3 3 (source) o\rj r) yfj (elsewhere 10 6 12 i2 9 i6 14 3 ). //.eyas is always post

(source) lv ur\vpq.

<pa>vfj.

Elsewhere post-positive

(5 times, in

10 cluding i8 ). 10 8 1 3 Thus, save in four passages of our author (i 3 j.6 2o ), the The other instances (i3 3 follows the noun. adjective always i8 2 21 ) are in sources. The Numerals. The usage of our author in regard to (iv.)
-

1 When this fact is taken into account together with the five other uses 1 instead of tirl T. that equally conflict with his style (i.e. I2 iirl TTJS I2 6- 14 STTOU . . . tKfi (instead of tiwov alone), I2 7 TOV before the inf. Ke0aATji>), 10 12 oi (whereas inf. is used in the same sense twice without TOV in I3 ), I2 of ovpavt), oval TTJV JTJV (instead of ouai TT? 777 : cf. 8 13 ), the ovpavoL (instead Our author therefore did statement in vol. i. 300 sqq. must be withdrawn. not translate 12 himself, but found it already translated into Greek, and then
Ke<f>a\rjs

edited

it

to suit his
in
1

main purpose

from

his
:

hand come

5s fi4\\ei
. . .

14 6 #0ts 6 a/3%cuos 6 Ka\ovfjLvos de I2 6 (modelled on I2 ) 10 I2 11 OTI eldev and OTL els I2 adeXfiuv rjfJi&v in I2 yTJv (3\ri6-r], 17 18 13 See Commentary in loc. I2 in I2 7 2 this possessive occurs in the This does not hold of eaurou. In io See Blass, Gram. 168 sq. attributive position, which is its normal one.

25

TU>I>

TT]I>

"

s<

COMBINATIONS OF WORDS

clix

the order of the numerals and the words they depend on, which on the whole definite and peculiar to himself, is given in vol. i. In the footnote in 1. 15 ab 224, and especially in the footnote. ets the clause KCU lyive.ro . imo, for exception, xvi. 19," read In and for the last five lines read rpia fjitpr) is an interpolation the case of eTrra, iy 9 (in i 20 the second eTrra is an interpolation; 8 2b is recast and in part interpolated, and i3 3b belongs to a source),
is
"

"

"

"

Se/ca,

I7

12

(in

I3

KCU
1

7ri

r.

KepoLTwv O.VTOV SCKO.

SiaS^ara

is

inter

polated), SwSeKci, 2

the subject contains any of these numerals preceded by the article and is followed by a noun and the same numeral in the predicate, the latter numeral without the article precedes the noun, unless the subject and predicate are coextensive." To the above one point needs to be added. When a numeral is connected with x l ^ l *Ses it always precedes it. Cf. 4 8 2 16 1 ScoSeKo. in y and the compound numbers in I4 1 3 Hence
,
"

21

when

m (046 min ) is a late change. verb generally precedes its subject 1 13 and almost always its object except in sources such as (see vol. i. 272 sq.) and 18. In other sources translations from Hebrew such as T 2. 1 7 the order is Semitic. (b) Again the verb and its object are rarely separated by pre This holds absolutely in the case of positional or other phrases.
iy
13
/x,i

ii 18 XiAuxSe? cTTTa (source) is against our author s order. numerals are never separated from the nouns they qualify
:

The
hence

ai/

fyovo-Lv yyw/xrjv

(v.)

The

Verb.

(a]

The

OLKOVCLV (frwvrjv (ffiwvrj^).

/AOV, is
(c)
,

Hence A,

f]Kov<ra.

tfrwvrjv

/xeyaX^v oiricrOfv
<j>.

10 and not &C 025, r//c. OTUO-CO /xov right in i The insertion of a relative or conditional clause
//<.

between

a conjunction and the verb it introduces is only found in the sources ustd by our author, I2 4 orav TCKY) TO re/cvov avrrjs 15 Iva. oaoi $ Trpoo-Kwryo-cucru
<W

1 6.

Combinations of Words.
writes dcrrpaTrat
KCU
<a)vcu

Our author always

Cf.

KCU

ii 19 i6 18

He

observed that the

do-rpaTreu

precede the

But the editor who interpolated ppovrai and wrote accordingly. ^ 8 7 12 and made many changes in the adjoining context to adapt it to his interpolation, was apparently unaware of the order of these natural phenomena or the usage of his author see 8 5
:

KO.L

<oovat

KCU.

ao"Tpa.Trai.^

7 rejecting 8

This non-Johannine order is not mentioned in the 12 in vol. i. 218-222.

list

of grounds for

clx

THE REVELATION OF
XIV.

ST.

JOHN

ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT GREEK MSS AND VERSIONS, AND AN ATTEMPT TO ESTIMATE THE RELATIVE VALUES.
complete study of the critical problems of the text is It is possible, quite impossible in the space at our disposal. however, to arrive at trustworthy results regarding the relative values of the uncial and some of the chief cursive MSS. The question of the versions is a much more difficult one ; but even
in respect to arrived at.
i.

these,

conclusions

approximately

true

can be
their

The

relative values

ofAttC 025. 046. 051 according to

respective attestation of certain Greek and Hebraistic constructions in our author, which are in some cases unique in Greek literature

and in others rare or comparatively rare save in our author. (a) The most notable of these constructions which is practically
unique
letter to the

one which occurs seven times, once in the title of each Seven Churches. Thus in 2 1 John unquestionably ev E^etrw eK/cA^o-ias and not T. dyy. rr}? ev E. wrote TW dyyeAcp most texts of J ap Lachmann in eKKAr/o-tas, as we find in this as the original text, and Hort (and to Germany recognized These scholars were a minor degree Souter) in England.
is
ro>

in three of influenced purely by the weighty testimony of In addition to this evidence, the seven passages, and C in one. Hort invoked that of Primasius (in all seven passages), 1 and the Vulgate (in one passage). To these I am able to add the support of two cursives, 2019. 2050, and of four versions, i.e. arm 2 1 1 for all seven passages, s for four, s for two, and gig (2 ) and sa
1 When I combined the evidence of the MSS and versions for the seven passages in vol. ii. p. 244 (Appar. Crit.), I had either not seen or had for gotten Hort s note on this question in his Commentary (p. 38 sqq.), where he claims that Primasius supported the true text in all seven passages. In my table I only claim Primasius as attesting the true text in four, where his The ground on which Hort claims the support evidence is incontrovertible. of Pr in 2 8 12 3 14 is the fact that ecclesiae precedes the name of the Church in This order is also found in the cases of Smyrna, Pergamum, and Laodicea. vg for Sardis (3*). Now Hort argues that this "transposition ... is (as in Epiph. 455 B, ry dyyAy T?)S 4KK\r]<rlas rtf tv interpretative of Thus, according to Hort, ecclesiae Pergami (Pr) supports the Qvaretpois).
T<"

original
is

corrected text.

arm in 2 fl in 2 . In the 2 8.7 37-14. arm 2 i2 arm/3- y in 2 jn 2 2 readings of s I have followed Gwynn ; for my three texts of s have been normalized and agree in giving the late reading in all seven passages.
.

Pergami ecclesiae (vg s bo) supports the later argument is right the evidence for the original text 1 s supports it in considerably greater than might otherwise be supposed, 1 1 8 18
text,

whereas

If this

2",

RELATIVE VALUES OF THE UNCIALS

each for one.
p.

clxi

The evidence is given in a collected form in vol. 244, save that Pr should perhaps be added, as Hort urges, I have to the evidence given under 2 8 12 3 U and vg under 3 1 already remarked that Lachmann on the basis of AC, and Hort on the basis of these reinforced by Pr vg, accepted the above
ii.
-

documentary authority. This authority, it is in my Appar. Crit., is quite sufficient to establish the form c/c/cA^cn as dyye Au) rw ev But my study of grammar of as original in all seven passages. 1 ap has thrown further light on the subject, and made it clear J
readings
purely

on

when

further reinforced as

ro>

rest

not, consistently with his usage throughout the The grounds for this of J ap have written otherwise. statement are given in my Gram. 15. (i.) (b\ vol. i, Introd.

that

John could
,

p. clvi sq.

In this extraordinary piece of Greek we have a

first

class

trustworthiness of our various authorities. When we apply this test, the result is very Of the uncials, K 025. 046. 051 have corrected significant. ayye Aw TW in every passage into the normal construction TW has retained the original On the other hand, dyyeAw construction in 2 1 8 18 and C in 2 1 (preserving a hint of it also in 2 18 ). Of the 223 cursives, 2050 directly supports it in 2 12 ,
distinguishing

means of

between

the

TO>

rf)<s.

2019 indirectly

Thus the
obvious.

in 2 and 2040 indirectly in 2 . vast superiority of (C) to K 025 is at once All the MSS have been corrected or normalized to
,

some degree, but this process has been thoroughgoing only in K 025. 046. 051 and the cursives. When we apply this test to the versions, Pr (though in some respects of very mixed value) comes to the front in four passages and arm in all seven: s 1 in 2 1 12 18 3 1 s 2 in 2 18 3 1 sa in 2 12 like arm, if Hort s contention is right (see note, p. clx), Pr in the 1 and vg in 3 1 But Tyc gig remaining three passages, fl in 2 K 025. 046 and the cursives (with three exceptions) show no
-

knowledge of the original

in the
(b)

text,

eth would represent either order

same way.

The next construction which is of a unique character in J ap is

follows, 6 (TOV)
7Tt

that which
KO.6rm.ivOV

Ka6rjfj.fvo<s (-ov) eVt TOV Opovov, TOV TOV OpOVOV, T(U KaOyfJieVlt) 7Tl TW 0/OWU). For thCSC constructions see vol. i. p. cxxxii. These constructions occur 28 times. Two of these are found in a wrong form in the

15 17 and two in 20 11 2i 5 where the interpolation i4 construction save in 2 1 5 is to be traced to the editor. In the remaining 24 cases is right in 20 and
,

wrong
in

wrong

Weiss (Textkritische Untersuchungen, 64

recognize the next text here. Lachmann, Hort, and Souter.

I

has wholly failed to Similarly Bousset and nearly every editor save
sq. note)

clxii

THE REVELATION OF
6 4 y 15 9 17 ig 18 )
:

ST.

JOHN
and wrong
4 - 16

(i.e. 4

(defective)

is

right in 9
13
-

in 2

(6

17
)
:
:

i9 ) 025 4 i9 ): 046

18

6 right in 17 and wrong in 7 (i.e. 5 14 7 9 2 9 13 6 4 7 15 9 17 14 right in 16 and wrong in 8 (i.e. 4 5 4 16 10 15 6 17 right in 17 and wrong in 7 (4 6 i4 ). 7 9
is
-

15

17

and 025. 046 in 20 11 i4 025 From the above statistics we conclude that K 025. 046 are A stands much above them. practically of equal value. (c) In the case of certain Hebraisms we find X 025. 046 There is a Hebrew construction correcting the text, but not AC. in which the participle is resolved into a finite verb in the See succeeding clause, which our author has used at times.
correct the text rightly in
.

16

vol.

i.

14 sq.

In

5-6

our author wrote

TO>

dyaTroWt

/cat

Here the finite verb must be translated as if it were p 046 min have actually so corrected the text. Again, TToirjo-avri. 2 3 3/ca ^ aSovo-ii/ X min p correct the Hebraism ex VTas i5
eTrot^o-ci/.

into
TY)V

e?x OVTas

B
. .

Ka

aSoj/ras.
.

Another Hebraism,
.

i.e.

in 2 20 ,
c

corrected by N Aeyovcra nm rrjv Ae yowai/, but by 046 min ywauca into ?) Ae yci. The same Hebraism in 3 12 Kcuvfjs lepovo-aXTJ/x, c ^ KaTa/3a.LVOV(ra is corrected by N into rrjs K. lep. KaTa/BaLvova-rjs, and by 046 into r) /cara/Saim. Again in i2 7 6 Mi^a^A. Kal ot m 10 ayyeXot OLVTOV rov 7roXe/x^(rai, X 046 min omit the TOV. In I3 where the same Hebraism occurs twice, every uncial save A and all cursives remove the Hebraism by drastic corrections. In 19 X 025. 046 min pl Tyc Pr gig vg s 2 arm 3a insert between 6 0eos and 6 -rravroKparwp, against A min 3 Cyp s 1 arm 2 4 bo sa eth. This insertion is not only against our author s usage, but also See Gram. against the regular translation of the divine name. 10. (i.) (/), p. cxlvii. Such examples show the vast superiority of A (C) to K 025. 046 as witnesses to the primitive type of text. 2. The absence of conflate readings from A (C) and their (rare) occurrence in N 025. 046 support the distinction already established between these MSS. In i7 4 N (s 2 ) reads avrfjs KOL rfjs where avrr/s is the reading of A alm Tyc vg s 1 arm 2 eth, and pm 3 T^S yr}s that of 046 al Cyp Pr read rfjs y^s oA^s, and gig arm bo ( = /x,era TT/S y^s) conflates this reading with that of A. This may be a confla In 4 T K alone reads o/xoiov avOpuTru. tion of W9 avOpuirov (A, etc.), and o/xotov only preserved in 2018. In 6 1 5 7 K 046 min m read epx ov KC ^ e an d in 6 3 K min 12 But since the phrase KO.\ iSe is not used alone attest this reading. by our author, but /ecu tSov, this phrase is clearly an early intrusion. which insert Kal tSe (or Kal tSov, Pr But 046 min m Pr gig vg f f Since this gig vg %), omit KOL eTSov in the words that follow. form of the text is as old as the 4th century, the text of K is prob
yvvcuKa
.

fj

/cat SiSacrKei, is

p 025 min into

rr)i/

rrj<;

r?7<;

^a<m>

yfj<s,

avrr]<s

u>s

"

>

ably conflate.

In

2 15

p 025 min read

6/xoiws o /uo-w

a conflation, though

RELATIVE VALUES OF THE UNCIALS

is
.

clxiii

7 found as yet only in a few cursives and arm a Again in 2 where AtfC 046 have Iv T. TrapaSeiVw, and I. 35 fv ^eo-w TOV TrapaSeiVov, Tra/oaSeib-w, which may be either a conflation of 025 reads tv //.eVa) the above two or else a correction of the latter. In 046 i9 12 we have the conflate reading ovo/xara yeypa/i/xeVa
,
TO>

groups of two.

//fo uncials taken singly and also in evidence of this section confirms the provisional in 1-2. values assigned to these Even a cursory study of the statistics on p. clxiv is illuminating.
<?/

Kai ovo/xa yeypayn/xei/oi/. 1 3. 7/fo readings

The

MSS

It

shows that

stands almost alone in the

first
it is

class,

though

in

some

respects

belongs to this

class.

But

better to put

C in the second class by itself, seeing that it is so weak when it But in combination with it is different. stands alone. In comparing C and the combinations into which it enters with other MSS, we have to bear in mind that more than a third of it is missing. Hence, when we read in Table I.

are right in combination 36 times, we have to raise in combination are Thus to 54 (or less). 025, and more than twice nearly twice as often right as AK or The combinations of C and N with as many times as 046. Another point to be borne in either 025 or 046 are very weak.

that
this

AC

number

AC

mind

is

that 025

is

also defective.

About one-fourteenth of

it is

Hence, whereas missing. tion (reckoning columns

we should

raise this

follows that

025

is,

025 are right 36 times in combina one and two together), in Table I. number to 38 (more or less). Thus it when standing alone, right oftener than

it is right oftener than C, X, or 046, and when combined with Ax or 046 in combination. In the third class, therefore, to which we must relegate K 025 and 046, 025 stands first according As regards N and 046, the former takes to this reckoning. precedence of the latter, and is in certain respects much superior

to

it.

beholden to Mr. Marsh for the materials on which Tables I.-III. They are to be regarded as approximately, not literally, exact. I have not taken account of 051 since I possess no complete collation of it, and
1

am

are based.
it

is very late. It is defective, eleven chapters being missing. Its value is not as great as one of the best cursives, as its readings in chaps. 12. 1 6 will show. In chap. 12 it agrees with cursives against all the other uncials in 4 2 6 9 In I2 5 it omits Iv reading rlKretv, I2 ^/ceZ , I2 , in omitting fier avrov, I2 6 J (a mere correction) with 025 and cursives, and in I2 it omits &cet with C 3 and cursives. In I2 it is right with A 025 (ptyas Trvpp6s), and in I2 12 with and cursives in reading ot ovpavol. In i6 10 12 ( + (LyyeXos) it agrees with cursives against uncials, also in i6 14 (5ai/u.6vwv and els Tr6\e^ov) i6 15 In i6 10 14 it agrees with X and cursives against all other (fi\irov<riv). in i6 3 (fukra) with K 025. 046 and cursives against A, in i6 18 uncials (ol 12 The readings (dvaroXutv) with A. &v6pwTroi) with X 046 and cursives, in i6 of 051 given in this edition are derived from Swete s Commentary.
, .

4<

8>

clxiv

THE REVELATION OF
TABLE
I.

ST.

JOHN

RELATIVE VALUES OF THE UNCIALS

clxv

TABLE

III.

clxvi

THE REVELATION OF
we study
this table

ST.

JOHN

If

we

find that the several

:

MSS

enter

into the

above combinations as follows

A
C
025

63 times. 61 55 46 40

046

There are two points that call for explanation here, (a) First the numbers of C 025 K 046 seem unduly large as compared with those of A, seeing that A belongs to the first class, C to the second, and 025 X 046 to the third, according to our classifications But there is really no difficulty here. If C 025 at the close of 3.
are to be right at all, they can only be right as members of groups of MSS, seeing that they are hardly ever right when they stand alone. C and in a less degree 025 represent a good secon dary uncial text, while N 046 uphold this text in a considerably weakened form, X replacing it to a considerable extent by readings

X 046

later growth. preserved in the four chapters we are considering, it follows that the number 61 of C must be raised proportionately, say to 70 or thereabouts (for the variants in chap. 4 are fewer than in 1-3), so that it would stand above A. This appears to conflict absolutely with the classification arrived But in (a) this difficulty is in the main sur at in 3 ad fin. mounted, and when to the explanation there offered, we add the fact that C is comparatively free from the obvious foolish slips of As critics have the scribe of A, 1 it is surmounted wholly. on which C is generally recognized, the scribe of C (or of the based) either found a more accurately written text than that in A, or else he eliminated most such slips, and with them many of the C is far freer from original readings which have survived in A. obvious slips and obvious corruptions than A.
(b)

often of an early date,

and 046 by readings of a

Since only i~3 19 of

is

MS

Thus this fourth table in the main confirms the first. AC stand apart, and but for its almost absolute lack of correct The singular readings C might be put side by side with A. results arrived at in regard to 025 K 046 agree exactly with those of Table II. The conclusions arrived at with regard to the absolute pre is confirmed by the study of the papyrus Frag eminence of ments of the Apocalypse: see vol. ii. 447-451.

5.
1

The
in

character of the
I
1

Versions.

The
in
:

versions
>

differ
in
I

XaXe? for AdXei in I 16 txw v l2 * v T "alone is characterized by On the other hand, for r?}s 5etas. not as divergences from a standard singular readings which are to be accepted, (Gwynn, p. liv). text, but as survivals of the primitive and authentic text
i<rr

Compare

rou doti\ov (A) for

:

yfi&v

tv

(A) for tv Irjaou

in

12

>

"

RELATIVE VALUES OF THE VERSIONS

greatly

clxvii

from the Greek MSS in regard to the character of their Each Greek of J ap possesses a certain character testimony. of trustworthiness or untrustworthiness, and this character it maintains on the whole throughout. But this is not so in the case of most of the versions. In the chief Latin versions we find side by side the best and worst readings. The following J examples drawn from what survives of fl and the parallel sections in the other versions and Greek MSS will suffice to prove this.

MS

Thus in arm bo

L 2 bo = /3acriAeioj> /JacriAet aj/ tepariKr^, and eth lepets, while S In i 8 the addition N* /ftcunA. ayviav. apx^ K0^ ( T ) T
-fj

(AKC 025) is supported by fl gig vg (s ) Pr supports 046 O.TTO Oeov 6 &v (and Tyc a further development of this reading). In i 5 \vcravri (AtfC) is 1 2 eth support supported by Pr fl gig (s ) arm, while Tyc vg bo In I 6 /8tt(riXetav iepeis AN*C 046 is supported 025. 046 Xova-avTL. d but the corrected text N c /foo-iAa av KO.L Upets by by Tyc (fl) vg Pr gig vg d arm 1 3 4 025 arm 2 3 a read /Jao-iAeis KCU Upcis 046
i
<5v

drro 6

1- 2

eth, while

^s

is

r>}s

arm 4 against 6 TT/DCOTOS ayycAo? 2020 al Tyc 2 3 bo eth. In 8 9 TO rpirov A 025. 046 s 1 2 against T. rptVov /xepos X Tyc Pr fl gig vg arm bo sa eth. In 8 12 all the uncials and cursives are wrong. The true sense is either preserved or recovered in bo eth and partially in Pr fl. In Q 2 /ox/uVov /u-eyaArjs AN 025 Tyc Pr fl vg arm 1 2 a bo eth against /ca//,. Kaiojaevrys 046 s 2 and nap. /xey. /caio/xei/^s 2020 gig s 1 arm 4 (~?). In 9 4 CTTI TWI/ /ACTWTTWJ/ AN 025 gig Vga. c. d a g a ns t L TavrSv 046 Tyc Pr fl vg f * v s 1 2 arm (bo) eth. In 9 6 ^evyet A(x) 025 against fav&rai 046 Tyc Pr fl gig vg s 1 2 arm bo eth. In n 16 jov 6eov AxC 025 Tyc Pr 1 1 2 4 a fl bo eth against T. Qpovov r. Ocov 046 s 2 arm 3 gig vg s arm In ii 19 6 ev T. oupavuJ AC gig fl arm bo eth against ei/ r. ovp. N 1 2 and rfc Siafl^s avrov 025. 046 Tyc Pr vg s Tyc bo) AC 1 2 arm 1 2 3 4 bo against T. SiaOrjKrjs rov 6eov K fl 025 Tyc gig vg s 1 eth T. Sia^K^s Kvpiov 046. In 1 2 3 /aeyas irvppos A 025 Tyc vg s sa eth against Trvppos ^,yas NC 046 Pr fl gig s 2 arm bo. In i2 6 e/cet
025. 046 s Pr gig V g arm 1
1

Ax

) supported by Tyc gig vg bo against AN C 025. 046 Pr fl (s arm eth. In i 9 fyo-ov Xpicn-oi) N cc 046 is supported by Tyc Pr vg d 1 2 d 2 3 a 4 s arm arm bo eth. against Ir/o-oi) AN*C 025 fl gig vg In i 13 roii/ Xv^vtcov AC 025 is supported by Tyc Cyp Pr fl s 1 2 arm 1 2 4 a bo eth against TWV e-n-Ta Xvyy^v K 046 gig vg arm 3 In 16 i ws 6 -^Xtos AC 025. 046 Tyc gig vg S L 2 arm 1 2 3 a eth 4 In 2 1 against <cuVei ws 6 ^Acos N Pr Cyp fl arm (?) bo. Ao) AC Pr [in Comm.] (fl?) s 1 arm 4 against dyye ayy. N 025. 046 Tyc gig vg arm 1 2 8 -* bo eth. In 8 7 6 Trpwro?
C

1- 2

<f>atvi

r<3

TO>

r<p

2
-

-"

^
-

^r^^

(>

There are only 61 verses in fl (Codex Floriacensis), i.e. i l -2 l 8 7-9 12 -i2 14, I4 15-i6 5 fl does not show such remarkable faithfulness to the 1 1 primitive text in the later sections as in I -2
,

16

Ii_

clxviii

THE REVELATION OF
s1

ST.

JOHN
-

AK
i4
18

025. 046
-

eOepto-Orj arm 1 - 2 - 3 a
)

In i4 16
6

ex<ov

046 Pr

fl

s 2 arm 1 2 (bo ?) eth. and Versions (-vg f v fl v 1 s fl arm In bo. a against eOepio-ev T. yfjv vg AC Tyc gig vg s 1 2 arm eth against ex wv N 02 5bo: AN 046 Tyc fl gig vg s 1 arm 1 2 3 eth
-

arm 3
^

>

C Tyc
Greek
-

Pr

fl

717 all

MSS
f>

vg

2>

>

-"

4>a*vrj

2 against Kpavyfj C 025 s bo: r/K/xcurav at oTa<uA.ai 025 1 2 fl bo. gig vg s 046 arm eth against 1 2t In i5 2 CK T. Orjp. Kal IK T. ci/covos avTov arm 1 a 025 s 2 c/c against K Pr fl, which Tyc gig vg bo eth give a different construction. In I5 3 aSovcriv 025. 046 against aSoi/ras N AK C 025. 046 (Pr) fl gig bo Tyc Pr fl vg bo eth TWI/ eth against TWV atwi/wv K*C Tyc vg s 1 2. Here arm 2 8 4 a is con
-

>

AC

2<

>

AC

c6vG>v

025. 046 Pr fl gig arm bo against 1 2 o-e s 1 2 eth. In i5 6 ot exoi/reg s arm bo eth against XOVTCS K 02 5 4^ (Tyc Pr fl gig vg) c/c TOV vaov A^C 025 Tyc fl gig vg L 2 arm 4 bo eth against 046 Pr arm 1 2 d which omit: fXt^ovf vg against Xivov (-ovv) 025. 046 Tyc d fl bo eth. In I6 1 /xeyaAr/s (Pr) gig vg and XtvoSs 4 bo sa against X 025 Pr fl gig vg s 1 2 046 (arm ) /xey. TOV vaov AtfC 025 Tyc Pr fl gig vg s 1 2 arm 2 3 a ^wv^s eth. arm* against 046 arm 8 which omit while arm 4 bo sa eth = IK TOV
flate.
(f>o(37]6Y)
-

In i5 4 K 051 Tyc vg

AC

<pofi.

AC

>

s<

AC
e/<

>

</>wv^s

AC
-

<j>wf)<s

1 2 4 = iv r. eTrra 2 AttC 046 Tyc Pr gig vg ovpavov and arm s 1 2 arm against 025 fl bo eth which omit. In i6 3 Sew-epos Atf c 4 1 2 025. Tyc Pr fl gig vg arm eth against oevr. ayyeXos 046 s arm 1 8 a bo. In i6 4 ras Tr^yas A^C 025 Tyc Pr fl gig arm bo
-

m<3

2>

against

eis T.

Tr^yas

046

1- 2

eth.

Syriac versions in the above thirtythree passages (8 12 i4 16 i5 3a not being included) we arrive at the following results
:

Now, taking the Latin and

RELATIVE VALUES OF THE VERSIONS

than
all
-

clxix

s1 2 compare favour the other Latin versions together, 1 than twice as many times ably with the Latin, s being right more Unfortun as it is wrong, and s 2 being oftener right than wrong. 2 ately there is no critical edition of s further and very important fact emerges from this study of the Latin versions, and this is that a text akin to 046 and its allies (often tf and less often 025) was well established between 200
.

and 350

A.D.

and possibly

earlier.

the above results regarding the versions and the readings in AtfC 025. 046 for the same sections. We

Let us

now compare

find

clxx

THE REVELATION OF
Thus arm 4
KCUO/ACK^S in
$vu>v

ST.

JOHN
-

readings in arm.
Ka/jitvov
/zeycxA.^?

(together with 2020 gig

Q
2
,

and arm 2

s 1 ) reads read TWV aiwvwv

in 15^. TrdyTwv TWV In the next place, an adequate comparison of the Bohairic and Ethiopic is difficult. In Horner s edition of the former the translation of only one MS is given. The readings of the other MSS are given in the Appar. Criticus, but not translated. Mr. Horner has, however, translated the variants for me and I append the results below. The Ethiopic version which I have used is

KCU

(3a<ri\v<s

It is wholly uncritical. Hence the results given here are to be regarded as only approximately right. Despite such disadvantages, bo and eth show clearly that they have a character of their own.

that of Platt.

THE UNCIALS
I

clxxi

I have not taken account of sa in the above classification, as do not possess a continuous collation of its text. For some hundreds of its readings I am indebted to Rev. George Horner. Judging from these, I should be inclined to place it in the second The reader will observe that in 2 12 it enjoys the honour class. of attesting the original text together with 2050 s 1 arm 4 a against all the uncials and all the remaining versions. These versions form 7. Relations of bo sa eth to each other. one group over against the rest, (a) bo eth continually support each other throughout J ap generally in agreement with some As an instance other authorities, but at times they stand alone. of the former, cf. ig 10 where with Pr they add on before
-

(rwSofXo?
K(H

of the
iSoi>

latter,

iS 1 IK

+ TOV

TrpocrwTrov avrov

/cat

2l 4d +
:

(>bo)

Trdvra
:

Troi-rjOrjo-ovrai

(tTTOL-rjO-rjarav,

eth) Kaivd

2 1 18

(crit.
r

note ad fin.)

22 3

(crit.

note ad fin.).
all

(b)
(

bo sa agree against eth and

in 2 2 18 -fort before
c dV

else in

20 11 pfyav 6p6vov

rest):

TIS

bo

authorities against eth

etc.
:
>

and others: ig g 20 11 17 yfj KOL 6 ovpavos with Atf etc. eth N etc. of 6 ovp. K. rj yfj with 35. 432 Pr eth). (instead eth stand alone in i8 2 rj fjifyaXfj + 17 vroXts 20 1 in (c) bo sa 2i 5b Tronycrw Trdvra Kaivd. transposing order of aXva-w ^ydX-rjv bo sa eth agree with some other authorities in I6 1 rov ovpavov 3 i6 6 19: 2i ovpavov 025. 046 42. 367 arm (for TOV i/aov)
: :
: : :

sa agree with certain KOL Aeyet /xot 2 with Atf

etc. (for Opovov).

with certain authorities against bo: i8 19 bo with K etc. ig 9 TOV ya/xou with AK C 22 14 TrAwovres T. crroAas avrw with A^ with N* etc. etc. >bo etc. against TTOIOWTCS T. ei/roXas avrov bo with gig 046 Cyp etc. sa: ig 19 avruv bo eth K etc. against (e) bo eth agree against avrov sa A etc. i8 6 irorypiu eth AC etc. against (/) bo stands against eth i8 12 v\ov bo NC etc. against Ai 0ov eth etc. TTOT. avrrjs bo
(d) sa eth

owu 2 with
:

AC

agree
:

etc.

>

etc.

The above
8.

Character

are a few examples from chaps. 16-22. of the uncials as regards their

textual

value.

A, C. These two MSS present the normal uncial text just as 046 and in some degree 025 present the normal cursive text. But whereas C is most carefully written, this is not true of A, which is seriously affected by copyists blunders. C exhibits fewer singular readings than any other uncial (about 67), and
these singular readings, moreover, with a single exception, possess

no

calls

Here it is that special interest. for different classification.

and of these 56
(if

it

differs in

kind from

and

readings,

contains over 150 singular not 63) preserve the original. Thus

clxxii

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

C s singular readings take no particular direction, s are pre-eminent as being certainly right in over 60 passages. is of all the five MSS far the least This K. worthy of regard as representing a ^defensible form of the text; it is aberrant rather than divergent from the rest, to the point of
whereas

MS

"

eccentricity."
it

So Gwynn

(pp.

cit.

p. xliv) rightly

judges.

When

The bulk of its stands alone, it is only right in four passages. variants are unquestionably scribal blunders and corruptions of an early date, and call for no further consideration. A consider able part of the remainder represents an ancient element foreign to the normal uncial text and finds large support in the versions and to a less extent in certain cursives. Other variants connect K with the normal cursive form of text, but these are not
numerous.

These MSS are so widely sundered that they from each other in kind. While 025 represents on the whole the uncial type of text, 046 represents the cursive type. While slightly over half the variants of 025 from the other uncials find support among the cursives, more than four-fifths of the variants of 046 find such support.
025. 046.
differ

But though 046 is largely cursive in character, its record compares favourably with K, considering its late date. We have already seen (see Table I. p. clxiv) that whereas K alone preserves 6 right readings (reckoning together columns one and two) Again AK in against the rest of the uncials, 046 preserves 3. combination are right 33 times, A 046 are right 31 times. Once more, from the results arrived at in 4 we learn that, whereas K enters into groups of three or more MSS attesting the does so 40. right text 45 times, 045 025 and 046 are to be further distinguished from each other in this respect, that whereas 046 represents the close amongst the uncials of a long process of correction which began in the 2nd century, 025 represents to a considerable extent a deliberate That 025 is recension of the texts of the 8th cent, or earlier.
^

the result of a deliberate recension is easy to prove. Nearly it differs from the other uncials in correcting or forty times the standpoint of Greek syntax. improving the Greek text from

Thus
Ka l
ei/
.

in

we
I
6

have

Trvev/xarwi/

a+eorii
I

CI/COTTIOV.

I5

TO)

dyairY]aaim.
l v TTJ) ( -f
T.
.
.
TY]I>

/focrtAeis KCU

/3acn,/Wa.

tepets. crvy/coivcovos lv ry 0\iif/ei 2 9 rrjv /3Aacr<?7/uav /^ ran/ AeyoVrwv. 2 13

SWO-<D
avra>

^jue pais

+ iv

ats.

2 17

+ (fxxyeii
9

2 20
2

TT)V

ywat/ca

Aeyoucray.
6

4
5

1
f)

(jiuvr)
. . .

Aeyoucra.

$
.

Krjpvaro-ovTa
.
.

7 eo-rojres, t\ov. o^Xos This change is 8 13 dyyeXou Trero/xeVov. due not to the scribe s idea of syntax, but of the sense of the 14 A.e lo 1 /cat yow<xv, 9 ^ */HS, corrected passage.
y^ A
<toi/f7

jueyaAfl.

apviov

TTc/x/tySAijfima,

(f>a>vr]v

CURSIVES COLLATED FOR THIS EDITION

according to sense of context.
eAatat

clxxiii
4

- corwaai.

The scribe knew no The above examples are sufficient

better.

1 1

to prove the

fact of a deliberate recension.

On the influence
under
is
:

of this recension

on

35. 205

and other

cursives, see

35. 205, p. clxxv sq.

The
046
J 8.

following

cursives

the

list

provisional

agree with

in giving the latest

form of text

fi49
35** -{201

i75

325 )

(386

617 1934

456 V 337. 632*. 919.920. 1849. 2004. 2040(1-1 1 468*J

7
).

046 contains many readings of so late a date that they are not supported by any version. These are of the inferior cursive Thus in i 12 046 with few examples will suffice. type. cursives reads icai-ft/cei: i 16 x t P* O.VTOV rfj Seta: 2 25 di/oi ^w (for 4 2 av ?/to) 3 oAiya e^eis oyo/xara 3 ct7ro/8aXA.iv for aTroOaveiv

A
: :

(order)

this edition. The list of the 22 9. cursives collated for this edition is given in vol. ii. p. 234, where attention is drawn to such as are defective. Of these the most interesting and valuable are 2020. 2040. 2050.

6 ai/oiywv. 3 Cursives collated for

/XT)

7 ei

a good cursive and would stand close to 025 N in the 18 and in i 10 save that It agrees with 2019 in 2 and certain cursives in i 6 for oTucrflev it reads OTTIO-CO, and with Over against seven agreements with A, it supports K in 18

2020

is

third class.

passages and 025 in 13.

920. 2040.

2040

(xi-xii cent.).

920

(x cent.).

Though

written by the same hand throughout, it exhibits two From i-u 7 it is of the late cursive type distinct types of text and seems to have been copied from 920 (x cent.). These two MSS contain unique readings in the following passages 3 5 TWV

2040

is

t<swT<&v

TO,

epya (for TOV Xoyov)

>

12
ra>

wo/xari (for rw vaw)

920) TO) aW6 and another In 4 10 they omit evuiriov r. Opovov and have addition in 8 2 other omissions in 4 4 5 12 y 4 9 9 They invert the order in 3 8 and attest the same impossible readings in 5 1 6 14 7 1 9 5 From ii 9 to 20 11 where it ends, the text is largely free from
4
9

-f

Kal

Trpoaicun!]o aKm
.

(-<rou<rii

It often supports A against corruptions of the later cursives. most other authorities (cf. ii 11 flo-fjXOtv ei/ avrots, i2 12 ot ovpavoi) and N and less often 025. But its excellence is still more 9 -2o n it agrees with the clearly shown by the fact that in The latter of uncials against the majority of cursives. majority half, therefore, of 2040 is of so high a character as to entitle it to be ranked with 046, and after N. 2050. This MS, which consists only of 1-5, 20-22, and was clearly copied from a defective MS, stands in point of excellence In about 80 passages it agrees with the alongside the uncials.

clxxiv

THE REVELATION OF
in i 4

ST.

JOHN
-

Thus

of the uncials against the majority of the cursives. 20 1 2 it reads 0.73-0 6 wv with AtfC 025 al fl bo gig vg s and most cursives. In i 9 i/ Iryo-ov with NC 025. against 046 2020 gig vg s 1 bo against the rest ; Irja-ov (without Xpto-Tou) with AX* 025 al 5 fl gig vg- d arm a against the rest. In i 12 KO.L (without Kt AN 025. 045 al Tyc Pr fl vg s 1 2 bo against the rest. In i 13

majority

Avxvtwv (without

arm 1

10 preceding k-rrra) ACP al Tyc Pr fl s 1 2 bo against the rest. In 2 13 Zpya a-ov /cat (added 3 2 pl with AtfC 025. 2020 and versions ( s 2 by 046 al s arm arm 3 ) 6 TTIO-TOS pov AC 61. 69 Or 8 s 2 against rest. These This cursive shows suffice to show the character of this cursive. some slight affinities with A, as in i 13 4 4 5 4 22 11 etc., and still more with X. Thus with the latter it agrees in i 8 ( + fj ap\r) /o-A.),
-

2 4i
-

>ra

-")

15

TrcTTvpco/xeVo) (a

correction),

17
:

with 025

in

This
avrovs

XC^-KW cursive has

15

6 Ai/?ai/w, al

20 20 etc. 4 circOyKcv, 2 2 20 rrjv Aeyovcrav (also

It

agrees
etc.

N c al 5 ),

conflate

reading in

2 27

/cat

a-wrpiif/ci

Such a conflation is a)? ra crKtvrj TO. /cepa/u/ca (rvvrpifB^rai. But gig arm 4 bo not found in any other MS or in any version. Is 2050 influenced by gig or some eth read o~vvTpi\l/ei O.VTOVS. In i 16 2050 with 920. 2040 Tyc fl ancestor of these versions? read oeia avTov against all other Greek authorities. Is gig vg there a trace of Latin influence here ? Of these 201 was not collated for this 149. 386. 201. The first of these cursives, 149 (xv cent.), is a slavish edition.
copy of 386 (xiv cent). It reproduces it where it is absolutely 14 14 19 apx*] TVJS Trtcrrcws, I4 wrong cf. 2 cStSacr/cev T. BdXaa/x, 3 In 13 it reads KaroiKoiWas with 201 against 386. i8 4 XdOrjTe. 2019 otKowras. Where 386 is quoted in the Appar. Crit. it carries 201 (xiii 149 with it, unless 149 is quoted to the contrary. this group. It agrees with 149. 386 in cent.) is a member of 2 14 TrcTrA^pay 3 unique (or almost unique) readings in 3 2 CTTI rrjv II 4 ot yrjv (also i) Trjs TTto-rea)?: IO TJ apxn
:

-YJ

(>

TOV vaov ot IXOVTC 17 TOV 1 s This is a con Opovov + TOV Oeov. bo): i6 7r\-rjyd<i (also flation of TOV Opovov, 046 al pl , all versions ( - gig) and N TOV

I4

18

fiordvas:

I5

ot

7rra ayy.

CK

4 This group Ka^ws, 2o cSoO-r) teptfjMj and others. a late cursive text. gives These cursives form a group, but one much 175. 617. 1934. In less closely connected than the one immediately preceding. v Trpamov, and in iy 15 2 19 they stand alone in reading x p va 17 In a eISes+ KOL rj yvvrj with 141. 242 in 6 in reading o-w^i/ai.

Oeov,

i8 7

elfju

l/

the following passages these cursives attest the same text in con now with one set of authorities now with another not io 8 if i8 8 22 I9 7-".i3 2 o 12 2i 6 27 consistently with any s. 12. 13. 16. 20. 21 an ^ fij^ several times agree where 1934 22 jycj 20 2O 5 2i 3 22 5 etc. and 16 generally in conjunction diverges: i8 i9

junction

CURSIVES COLLATED FOR THIS EDITION

clxxv

This group gives a very late form of the with the 025 text. cursive text, except in chapters 16-22 where they agree generally with 35. 205. The first two members of this group are 325. 456. 468.
closely connected.
25
.

They stand alone in adding in Kara a-ov in and the marginal note lv aXXw B in i4 20 in omitting KCU in 4 7 in avrov in 3 5 and \(av evMTTiov rcraprov in 4 9 and xpovov for In XP- fu-Kpov in 6 11 in reading (325**) 7 In very many passages these two omitting ye/xouo-as in i5 cursives attest the same text in conjunction with a variety of others cf. 6 17 7 5 8 2 9 2 9 i4 8 etc. 468 agrees frequently (but
, . . .
. .
o>ov

Su>

apparently always in conjunction with others except in

ol

ol

ayy.

eTrra)

with 325. 456.

See
.

/cat
/?aAa>,

TronjcravTi rjplv

/8ao-iXeiov
2

teparev/za

and

>ets

r.
-

cuwvas,

2 22

TIJ/O^CTOV,

TOV Oeov

See also 9 6 ll i4 14 35. 205. 205 may be directly derived from 35, though other 2 links may have come between. They stand alone in 3 Kvpiov TOV 18 In conjunction with a variety TWV rpiwv TOVTWV TrX^ywi/. 0eov, Q This of uncials, these two cursives agree in over no passages. number would be still greater but that i8 14-2o 9 ( = one page of 205) was not photographed through an error of the photographer. Hence for the number no we should read 120 or thereabouts.
aWos.

But dealing with the passages actually given in the Appar. Crit. 35. 205 agree 20 times with each of AN 025 and AtfC 025 ; 3 times with each of AN and AtfC; 2 times with AC 025; 5 with A; i with A 046. All these are first class groups, and nearly all the Thus so far 33. 205 exhibit a good readings so attested are right. uncial type of text. But 35. 205 show affinities with another type of readings, a considerable number of which have origin ated with the recension of 025, which they have followed 28 times, and almost always wrongly.
influence of this recension of 025 : is seen clearly in 35. 67s(?). io4(?). 205. 468**. 62o(?). 632**. 1957. 2015. 2019 (?). 2023. 2036. 2037. 2038. 2041. 2067, etc. I add here three examples of the influence of 025 on later MSS. 2 5 e/cTreVrw/cas (instead of TreVrwKas) 025. i. 35. 104. 205. 620. 1957.
i.

The

2 17 + d,7ro before TOU 2015. 2023. 2036. 2037. 2038. 2041. 2067. the slip vAov in 025 is rightly corrected in jaawa 025 (where later MSS). i. 35. 6i me. 104. 205. 468**. 620. 632. 2015. 2023.

2036. 2037. 2038. 2041. 2067.

Aeyoi/Twv.

29

p\ao-<f>r}fj,iav

IK

(>O25)

rwv
35.

205.

followed by 1957. 2015. 2019. 2023. 2036. 2037. 2038. 2041.

this
is

Here

obvious correction

i.

2067

Or

8
.

Of groups
1

of the second or third class 35. 205 follow

12 046 in 3 ,

NC

35, but not 205, adopts the correction of Some 20 other cursives do likewise.

i.e.

?}

clxxvi

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

c 025, N 025. 046, K 046 once each: K (or K ) C 025 3 times: X 025. ii K 6. 14 6 i4 205 presents two conflate readings in i3 Thus group (35. 205) has quite the value of an uncial superior in the main to 046, but falling short of 025.
:

10.

Origen s so-called text

in

this

edition

Or8

Whether
is

the

text

which accompanies undoubted scholia of Origen

really the text of Origen,

Harnack

in his edition

(Der

Scholien-

kommentar

des Origenes zur Apokalypse Johannis, 1911), p. 81, leaves undecided. He claims that it is a text of the highest character of the loth century, which though it may not prove
"

be even a rival of C, perhaps even not of A, is at all events on an equality with X and 025, while it is certainly superior to the text of 046 and Andreas." But this text is not deserving of such praise, (a) It has
to

nothing to do with the text that Origen used. I the texts in a few passages. In 3 7 Or 8 reads
ayyeXos dA^ivos
ouSets dvocyet, Appar. Crit. in
/cat

will

compare

raSe Aeyet 6

...
t

jar)

6 dvotywv 6 dvotywi/

/cat
/cat

ovoVis /cXetVet auTYjr /cat /cXet toi/ ovSeis dvotei. Here, as the

shows, the text which Origen used differed in this verse, and agreed in these with the text of this edition. Ors alone is conflate. It combines /cat /cAetW dvotyet (the text of A 025) and et 6 di/otywv dvotet (the text of 046 and most cursives). Again 20 but not Origen d/covcn; T. c/xoviys /xov /cat always when quoting 3 so Or 8 This may be an accident. In 5 1 Origen reads eo-wtfev /c. 8 oiricrOev and also /c. OTTKT^CJ/, but Or ZcrwOcv K. e<o$ev. ///:rpo<r#ei In 5 5 Origen rightly reads di/otat, but Or 8 6 dvotywv with 046 and cursives. In 7 3 Origen reads /XTJTC T. 6dXao-o-av, but Or s /cat T. and a^pt against Or 8 a^/ots ov. In i 6 Origen (c. Celsum, OdXao-a-av, 8 viii. 5) has /3ao-iA.etav where Or gives merely a cursive reading. A multitude of such divergences will be found in Harnack s work (p. 76 sqq.). In the face of such divergences it is 8 1 impossible to identify Or with the text of Origen. But a more important task awaits us. We have to define the relations of Or 8 and determine its position with reference to the main texts of J ap We shall find that this position is not high amongst the uncials, as Harnack would have it, but low amongst the cursives. It will not be necessary to bring forward the entire evidence, but the following will suffice. 9 (a) Or is full of corrections like 046, or rather in dependence on it. with 046. But our author In i 20 it reads dore/awi/ never uses the attracted relative. After 046 it corrects 2 20 TT)V
loc.

in

two respects (see heavy type)

. . .

>

<m/

Cf. the addition with Naturally some points of agreement are found. 8 I of J a P has of necessity many dpx^] Kal r^Xos and others, for any points of contact with every other.

alP in

MS

ORIGEN S SO-CALLED TEXT

ywat/ca
. .

clxxvii

f)

Xeyovtra into TTJV

yw.
.

r)

Xeyet,

and

12

rrjs

Kawfjs lep. y KaTafiaivovcra into T. /catv^s cursives only it corrects io 8 XaXovcrav

. .
.

lep.

/cara/fotVei.

With

. . Xeyovo-av into XaXovcra correction is most probably the correction of an original slip of the author, but the other two constructions are Hebraisms in the text and should not have been altered. 5 10 /Jao-tXeiav /cat tepees into /?ao-tXets K. tepets.

Xeyovcra.

Now

this

last

(b) It
/cat
:

makes additions to the text with 046 2 and with K 046 2 9 + TO. epya /cat. 8 12 we have a conflation of A and 046 (c) In
:
:
<j>dvy

13

+ ra

Ipya

<rov

avrrjs pr)

fjfjiepa

/cat

046 comes
4 (see
8

first

and

f]

T^txepa

JJL-TJ

second.

/cat TO rpirov TO rptrov avrfjs, where Another conflation appears in

:
<f>dvy

(d) cursives.
t

(g) below).

few of
I

the passages

where
:

it
I

follows 046
12 /cat

and some
2 10 TraOtlv
14
:

10
<<DVT)V

airier (a JJLOV fJLfydXrjv

+ e/cet

2 + vocabulary. 4 /cat before ws before dV0p<64 TOVS Opovovs + TOVS 4 c/>ayetv 5 11 TTOV 4 ^yaaiv + o aytos 5 6 ai/otywv (where the text is dvotai)

8ov

+ 8rj.

817

does not belong to our author

: :

s 7

>

KdfjLivov /cato/xevry?.
(^)

Directly or indirectly
2 9 rr)v
.
.

it

tions.
9

f3\a.(r<f)r]/jLLcw

TOJV

follows 025 in the following correc 17 XeywTtov 2 Swcrco avrw+^ayetv

:

0^X05

TrpLp/3\.r)fJiVOl.
#<?/

(/) (9r*
cursives.
I

w
16
:

Seta avrov X aP t/:

3
18
!)
:

before Aauei S
TX<rco(rtv

(for ccr^ay/Aei/cov

unfrequently without any support but that of 7 2 14 s eStSa^ev TOV BaX. 3 TOV 13 oo-a tva eyxpiory 6 9 (rc/>payicr/>ivwv 5 7 orav io 4 with only 205: >/cat
:
:
<TTtv

ypa<#>^?

7 with 617. 920. 2040 arm 2 3 I3 TroXe/xov Trot^crai. (^) Thus every step we have taken proves in an increasing degree the secondary, eclectic and cursive character of the text. It now remains to define the group of cursives with which it is most intimately connected. These are 61 (xvi cent.) and 69 (xv With these cursives it agrees against all other authorities cent.). 6 8 in the following 4 Kat (for a co-rtv) 4 Kv/cXo0ev ecrw^ev /cat where 61. 69 have /cv/cX. c^ofov K. ZorwOev conflations of ew0ej/, /cv/cX. K. Ax etc., and /cv/cX. K. Z&Bev 1957. 2050: ii 5 15 6 aTro/cTai/e/cTTOpevcreTat I3 TroXe/A^o-at (instead of Tronjo-at) I3 of ti/a In 3 18 with 69 alone ^vat (instead aTroKTavOuxrw). Or 8 reads for (f>avcpuOr]. 8 6 8 Again with 61. 69 al Or agrees against all authorities in i with 046 in I2 16 eveySaXev (where 6 1. 69, /JacrtXctov teparcv/xa 9 however, have dveXa/Sev) in 3 yvwcrct with N 69 yvway. From (g) it follows that Or 8 belongs to a very small and late So far as is known as yet, Or 8 61. 69 are the only group. members of this group. It could not well have originated earlier than the gth or loth century. Hence it should be numbered as
: :

cra>0ev

<j>avrj

cursive 2293.

clxxviii

THE REVELATION OF
Some account of the Versions. Latin Versions (a) Tyconius
:

ST.

JOHN
Primasius
;

ii.
(i.)

Floriacensis

= fl)

(d")

Codex Gigas

= gig)

(&)

(c)

Codex

(e)

Vulgate.

There is no critical edition of this text. Dr. (a) Tyconius. Prinz has such a text in preparation. The readings in the Appar. Crit. of the present work are taken from Professor Souter s "Tyconius Text of the Apocalypse, a partial restoration," J.T.S.,
April 1913.
(b)

Primasius

= Pr).

edition of Primasius text in his work,

Haussleiter has published a critical Die lateinische Apocalypse,

1891, pp. 80-175.

(c)

Codex Floriacensis

= fl).
.

version

made
,

in Africa survive.

Only fragments of this Latin These amount to 61 verses:

16 14 15 5 I-2 1 , 8 7~9 12 -i4 I4 -i6 They are preserved in a palimpsest in the National Library of Paris No. 6400 G This palimpsest has been (formerly in the library of Fleury). deciphered and published by Vansittart, Journal of Philology, iv. (1872) pp. 219-222; Omont, Bibliotheque de Pecole des chartes, xliv. (1883) pp. 445-451, Belsheim in 1887 ; Berger, Le palimpseste du Fleury 1889; Haussleiter in his edition of Primasius, 1891, and a recent collation in i^o6 J.T.S. p. 96 sqq. Pr and fl render mutual service to each other. They make the detection of intrusions of vg in one or other of these two The canon of criticism here is that where versions an easy task. Pr and fl differ, such variants as agree with vg are to be rejected
, ) y

be retained as the older text. This codex of the xiii cent., formerly It contains the whole Bible, in Prague, is now in Stockholm. but only Acts and the Apocalypse are Old Latin. This codex For the was edited by Belsheim in 1879, but inaccurately. collation used in the present work I am indebted to Professor

and the remainder

(d)

to
(

Codex gigas

= gig).

White, who has put at my service the fresh collation made by Dr. Karlsson in 1891 for John Wordsworth, bishop of Salisbury. It appears to have an Italian character (Gregory). = vg). I have used Professor White s Editio (e) Vulgate ( Minor of the Vulgate Novum Testamentum Latine, Clarendon In this edition the following seven MSS Press, 1911.
vg
a. c. d.
f.

g. h.

v)

are used

a
c

Amiatinus (vii-viii) cent. Cavensis (ix).

h
v

Sangermanensis (ix). Hubertianus (ix-x).

Valliqellanus
\

d
f

Armachanus (812
Fuldensis
(vi).

A.D.).

(ix).

ii. Syriac Versions Vulgate.

(a) Philoxenian, (d)

Hkrkleian or Syriac

THE VERSIONS

clxxix

= s 1 ). This version was discovered and (a) Philoxenian ( He ascribes it on good edited by Professor Gwynn in 1897. grounds to the 6th century. It is perhaps the most valuable of 4 It is all the versions, its only rival being arm (see p. clxvi sqq.). remarkable that with the Armenian versions it has many readings in common with the Latin versions (see Gwynn, p. cxliii), where these differ from all Greek MSS (though the list is not quite Thus in 5 4 s 1 arm 1 Pr read XVO-O.L ras cr^paytSas avrov correct). in I3 10 S 1 gig Sa eth read ei/ /xaxatpa aTTOKTavOr)for j3X.7Tiv avro 1 3 a read rov oro/mro? ; but in 9 17 s 1 Tyc Pr gig vg arm a-erat in one Greek cursive this is found 35. The presence of a common Most of Latin (?) element in s 1 arm sa eth calls for investigation. this element, no doubt, goes back to lost Greek MSS, but there appears to be a residuum of Latin readings which made their 1 way into s arm and other versions. 10 6 2 11 1 i8 17 6 CTTI ran/ TrXoiW CTTI s exhibits conflations in 5
:

2<

TQTTOV TrXewv.

Gwynn puts forward two hypotheses to account for the form The translator formed the text for himself, of the text of s 1 taking as basis our main exemplar, but modifying it to the extent of about one-third by the introduction of readings from a
.

secondary subsidiary exemplar. exemplar in which the primary each other in the ratio of two to = s 2 ). (b) The Harkleian (
6 1 6.

Otherwise he followed a single and secondary factors stood to

one.

This version was made about

of the text has appeared. It preserves very ancient readings lost in most of the Latin versions, See above, p. clxviii, and but it is decidedly inferior to s 1
yet
critical edition
.

As

no

Gwynn
iii.

(op. rit.\

pp. Ixxi-lxxv, Ixxxi-lxxxiv.

Versions.

admitted into the Armenian canon

version was i2th century through But the Armenian version was known in the agency of Nerses. There are in reality two the earliest years of the 5th century. The first is exhibited in arm 1 arm 2 distinct Armenian versions. arm 3, arm a which on the whole form, notwithstanding many 4 Arm 1 2 3 differences, a homogeneous whole over against arm the sources of the older and unrevised text, and represent arm a the Nersesian i2th century recension, which was based on

Armenian

The

Armenian

in the

arm 1

beare,

represent, according to Conyindependent renderings of a common Greek text." But this statement needs drastic revision. The Greek source of arm 4 differed very much from that of arm 1 2 3 Conybeare ascribes arm 1 2 3 to a 5th century text and arm 4 to a redaction
"two
-

2- 3

etc.

Arm 4 and arm 1

2- 3

of the early 8th. As in the case of s 1 so here the Latin element is evident. In iQ 1 arm 2 this influence is undeniable. Thus, where the
,

clxxx

THE REVELATION OF
c>

ST.

JOHN

Greek has o^Aou TroAAov, vg a T have tubarum multarum^ and so This corruption could only have arisen in Latin, i.e. arm 2 tubarum corrupt for turbarum. The same corruption reappears
.

in

i9

6
,

where o^Xov
(-ae -vg)

-rroAAov

is

rendered by Pr

f- v

vg*"

by

tubarum

was made Conybeare from an old Latin copy, or perhaps from a bilingual GrecoLatin codex." The latter appears the more probable, but the question requires thorough investigation, not only in regard to 1 arm, but also in regard to s bo sa and eth. It is much to be regretted that Conybeare did not print in 1 2 3 its entirety arm* alongside arm *, seeing that it represents a more ancient type of Greek text than arm 1 2 s a Arm 4 is alone complete, and yet neither is its text nor even a single variant from it given in Armenian. Only English renderings of the variants and It is rather strange for a scholar, who of i6 17-i9 18 are supplied. is editing both a text and a translation, to translate two chapters 18 17 2 (i6 -i9 )from a text which he does not give, and print a text (arm ) of these chapters, which he does not translate save in the case of For the text of arm 4 he refers his readers to Dr. its variants. in the great university libraries of our F. Murat s edition of it the Armenian Convent of St. James in Jerusalem." country," or Students of the J ap cannot be other than most grateful to Dr. Conybeare for his edition of the Armenian version, but it does not bear the character of a final one. = bo). The Bohairic (or Memphitic) (d) Bohairic Version ( version has been edited with great care by the Rev. G. Horner. 128 with variants from This editor prints J ap from the Curzon He has provided an English version of this MS, other MSS. but unfortunately the variants are not translated. The result is that the reader who does not know Bohairic cannot get to know
-

(-nae vg). thinks that the early Armenian version

magnarum

"

"to

MS

anything beyond MS Curzon 128. Version ( = sa). The same scholar is engaged on (e) Sahidic an edition of the Sahidic. He has most generously supplied the present editor with some hundreds of readings from this frag mentary version. This version appears to agree more with A and its allies than do bo eth. = Only two uncritical editions of (/) Ethiopic Version ( eth). that of Platt and that contained in Walton s this version exist I have used the edition of Platt published in 1899, Polyglott. and only consulted the other version that is printed in Walton s
Polyglott. Bo sa

and eth form one group as we have already

be determined
till

seen, but

their exact relations cannot

critical editions

of the three are accessible, and a scholar who has a mastery of the three languages takes the task in hand.

GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF AUTHORITIES

The Archetype
of John, completed about 95 A.D.

clxxxi

Edited soon after 95 by an unknown disciple with

of the text and interpolations

many

dislocations

Correction of text begins in the 2nd cent, and goes on steadily but sporadically towards a normalized form
of text

Most primitive forrn\

(280-450 A.D.) of text, in which cor rection has made

somewhat normalized and very corrupt form of text which replaces a whole class of the author s constructions
by more normal Greek
I

some progress

F3

F4

F 2 4 thcent.)
(

(3rd to 5th cent.)

K(4th

cent.)

025
(8th cent, recension)

046
8th cent.

many

cursives

2040

no.
(loth cent.)

2050

35-

205

Main body
cursives

of

(loth cent.

1 be represented rather as Possibly these three versions should but the uncritical text of eth does not easily admit of this arrange

bo

ment.

clxxxii

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN
-

MSS and versions, see

For the meaning of the above symbols and abbreviations of vol. ii. pp. 227 sqq., 234 sqq. For F 1 2 3 4

(i.e. Papyri Fragments), see vol. ii. pp. 447-451. Though the above table must in many of its features be regarded as purely hypothetical, the editor is convinced of its

clear. Henceforth the versions can only be partially and, until several important questions are investigated, provisionally 025 and 046 are certainly descendants of A represented. and K, or of the families of which these are representatives
;

accuracy down to belongs to the family of of X, besides showing signs So far the evidence is relations of the MSS and
general

Atf

F1

2 3 4
-

also

that,

though

has been influenced by that of frequent correction.

A,

it

on the whole

for 025. 4 4 eVi r.

-

046 preserve primitive readings

Opovovs
right
-"

lost in Atf.

Thus

in
is

+ TOVS
where

046)

ei/coo-t

reWapas

Trpecr/^irrepovs

are wrong and is defective ; for 1 2 arm 2 3 4 Pr gig vg bo eth here support 025. 046. In 6 8 s is corrupt and Ctf 6 OavaTos of 025. 046 is right, where wrong. In 9 10 ovpas 6/xoias (TKop7TLOL<s of 025. 046 is again right against the greater uncials, and also in iQ 18 TWI/ /<a^/x,eVwv CTT cumov. This fact cannot be represented in the above table. Further, a study of 025. 046 shows that these two MSS are

undoubtedly

AN

connected

for they

against AtfC.

above table. But 025 and 046 are related differently to A and K. 025 is more closely associated with the text of A, and 046 with that of X. Moreover, 025 shows signs of a deliberate recen sion, whereas 046 exhibits rather signs of a progressive correction. But these MSS have other connections. Thus in i4 18 025 unites
with

have 36 (more or less) readings in common This connection is accordingly represented in the

C
:

AS

046

in reading Kpavyfj (a wrong reading) against of in i4 13 in reading eV Xpto-rw against kv Kvptw of all other
<j>wf)

MSS.

This connection
cursives,
i.e.

is

represented in the above table.

35. 205.
8

preserve some

2040 (ii -2o only). 2050 readings lost wholly in N 025. 046 These cursives are in many respects as valuable (see clxxiii sqq.). as the later uncials, while in a few they are superior. Of the remaining cursives a considerable number follow for the most part 025, while the main body appears to follow 046. But the exact differentiation of these cursives has not yet been
Certain
original

investigated.

MSS to the versions, we enter on a the versions, Tyc sa eth and s 2 have not All the materials for such a critical yet been critically edited. edition of bo are given in Homer s edition of the Bohairic N.T., but they are accessible only to Coptic scholars. The internal relations of the Latin versions Tyc Pr fl gig which are still unTurning from the Greek
difficult task.

more

Of

METHODS OF INTERPRETATION

clxxxiii

determined, and likewise the influence of the Latin versions (or of the Greek MSS from which a large part of this peculiar (?) Latin element may be derived) on arm s 1 bo eth form attractive

problems

for future researchers.

Since we know that the Latin versions (or their Greek pro 1 I have placed genitors) exercised some influence on arm and s But the these versions in close connection on the above table. Latin influence on bo eth is not represented, nor is s 2 even men
,

tioned.

XV.

THE METHODS OF INTERPRETATION ADOPTED

THIS COMMENTARY.

IN

In my Studies in the Apocalypse I have given a short history of the interpretation of the Apocalypse, dealing with each method as it arose, its contribution to the elucidation of our author, its
at the bar of criticism.

condemnation and rejection no historical treatment of the subject, but merely an enumeration of the methods, which have stood the test of experience and been found necessary for
developments,
or, it

may

be,

its final

Here there

is

the interpretation of the Apocalypse. The Contemporary- Historical Method. This method i. rightly presupposes that the visions of our author relate to con temporary events and to future events so far as they arise out of them. The real historical horizons of the book were early lost. Yet, even so, traces of the Contemporary-Historical Method still But persist in Irenaeus, Hippolytus, and Victorinus of Pettau. with the rise of the Spiritualizing Method in Alexandria this true method was driven from the field and lost to use till it was revived by the Roman and non-Roman Christian scholars of These scholars established as an assured the i yth century. result that the Apocalypse was originally directed against Rome. The Apocalypse is not to be treated as an allegory, but to be interpreted in reference to definite concrete kingdoms, powers, But, though the visions of our author events, and expectations. related to contemporary events, they are not limited to these. no great prophecy receives its For, as I have said in vol. ii. 86, full and final fulfilment in any single event or series of events. In fact, it may not be fulfilled at all in regard to the object against which it was primarily delivered by the prophet or seer. But if it is the expression of T great moral and spiritual truth, it will of a surety be fulfilled at sundry times and in divers manners and in varying degrees of completeness in the history of the world. But the Apocalypse deals 2. The Eschatological Method.
"
"

clxxxiv

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

not only with contemporary events but also with future events. far as these future events arise naturally out of contemporary events their elucidation can to a certain extent be brought under i. But the last things depicted by our author contain a These in a certain sense arise out of the prophetic element. The future events depicted past and yet are inexplicable from it. in the Apocalypse are not to be treated symbolically or allegorically (save in exceptional cases), but as definite concrete events.

So

3.

The

Chiliastic Interpretation.

Strictly speaking, Chiliasru

forms a subdivision of Eschatology. But in point of fact there are interpreters who, while applying the Eschatological Method rightly on the whole, treat everything relating to Chiliasm in our author purely symbolically. But the prophecy of the Millennium in chap. xx. must be taken literally, as it was by

These writers Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Victorinus of Pettau. were acquainted with the original interpretation of this chapter. But this interpretation was soon displaced by the spiritualizing methods of Alexandria. Tyconius, adopting these methods, rejected the literal interpretation of chap, xx., treated the Millen nium as the period between the first and second advents of Christ. Jerome and Augustine followed in the footsteps of Tyconius, and a realistic eschatology was crushed out of existence in the Church for full 800 years. The Eschatological Method, including Chiliasm, was revived by Joachim of Floris (arc. 1200 A.D.), but the latter element was again abandoned for some centuries and declared heretical by the Augsburg and Helvetic In England, where these Confessions were without Confessions. authority, Chiliasm was revived by Mede, Sir Isaac Newton, and
Whiston.

This earlier form. 4*. The Philological Method in its method was resorted to in the i6th cent, as a counsel of The Church and World-Historical Methods which despair. originated in the i4th cent, as well as the Recapitulation Method of Victorinus had, combined with other more reasonable
methods, been applied to the Apocalypse by numberless scholars, with the result that the best interpreters of the i6th cent, confessed that the Apocalypse remained more than ever the Seven-sealed Book. But the value of the Philological Method was only in part The chief philological problems were either not recognized. recognized at all or only in part, and so this method failed to make the indispensable contribution that could be made by it and by it alone, and that could put an end to the wild vagaries of the Literary Critical School which had its founder in Grotius. To this method I will return after 9 under the heading 4 b It the methods just 5. The Literary- Critical Method.
.

METHODS OF INTERPRETATION

clxxxv

mentioned were the only valid methods, and if at the same time the absolute unity of the Apocalypse were assumed as given or proved, then large sections of it would have to be surrendered as unsolved and unsolvable. But there is no such impasse. ILI the Apocalypse there is no such rigid unity of authorship and con new sistency of detail as has been constantly assumed. method of interpretation was initiated by Grotius the LiteraryCritical. Grotius, observing that there were conflicting elements alike in tradition and within the text itself, conjectured that the

Apocalypse was composed of several visions written down at

different times

and

in different places,

some before and some

after

This method finally gave birth to the destruction of Jerusalem. three different hypotheses, each of the three possessing some element of truth, but especially the third. These hypotheses are
(a)
(t>)

(c)

The Redactional-Hypothesis. The Sources-Hypothesis. The Fragmentary-Hypothesis.

Many interpreters have (a) availed themselves of this hypothesis, but a thorough study of John s style and diction makes it impossible to recognize the Apocalypse as the result of the work of a series of successive That editors, such as we recognize in the Ascension of Isaiah. the Apocalypse suffered one such redaction appears to the present writer to be a hypothesis necessarily postulated by the facts ; see
The Redactional-Hypothesis.
vol.

pp. 1-lv, vol. ii. pp. 144-154. The Sources- Hypothesis. This theory assumes a series of independent sources connected more or less loosely together as i Enoch. That this theory can be established to a limited
i.

(b)

extent, I

have sought to show in

1 3

4 8

1 13

12.

13. 17.

18

of these sources are purely Jewish, (see pp. Ixii-lxv). i.e. or Jewish-Christian in origin, and one at least of them is derived ultimately from a heathen expectation of chap. 12 a World Redeemer (see vol. i. 310-314). But this theory,

Some

which breaks up the entire book into various sources, cannot explain the relative unity of the work as a whole nay more, a unity which might be described as absolute in respect to its purpose steadily maintained from the beginning to the close, its growing thought and dramatic development, its progressive crises, and its diction and style, which are unique in all Greek
literature.

From the above two forms of (c) Fragmentary- Hypothesis. the Literary-Critical Method we turn to its third and most satis a most unhappy the Pigmentary-Hypothesis factory form
This hypothesis presupposes an undoubted unity designation. of authorship, though the author has from time to time drawn

clxxxvi

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

section),
6.

on foreign sources (as we have pointed out in the preceding and has not always assimilated these fragmentary
all their details

elements in

to their

new

contexts.

Traditional - Historical Method. This method was applied first by Gunkel to the Apocalypse, and subsequently by many other scholars in an extravagant degree. Each new apocalypse is to some extent a reproduction and reinterpretation of traditional material whether in the form of figures, symbols, or doctrines. Hence it is necessary to distinguish between the original meaning of a borrowed symbol or doctrine and the new turn given to it by our author. This is done in the introduction to each chapter in this Commentary. In nearly every case our author has transformed or glorified the borrowed material. 1 8 which in its Jewish source carried with .Thus the sealing in 7 it the of security from physical evil, is a pledge of God s thought The doctrine of the Antichrist as protection from spiritual evil. it appears in our author is unique see vol. ii. 76-87, where the various stages of the development of this idea are given. Occasionally details in the borrowed material are inapplicable to our author s purpose (see notes on i2 13 16 i8 4 ), or possibly In these cases he omits all reference to unintelligible to him. such details in his interpretation of the source of which he has But it is probable that these defects and availed himself. inconsistencies would have been removed by our author if he had had the opportunity of revising his book. There are certain state 7. Religious- Historical Method. ments and doctrines in the Apocalypse which could not have been written first hand by a Christian. These are in some cases of Jewish origin, but others are ultimately derived from Baby lonian, Egyptian, or Greek sources; see vol. i. 121-123 on the Cherubim, vol. i. 310-314 on the doctrine of a World-Redeemer. The order of the twelve precious stones, see vol. ii. 165-169, points to our author s knowledge of the heathen conception of the City of the Gods and of contemporary astronomy, and his deliberate deviation from them. 8. Philosophical Method. Apocalyptic is a philosophy of The Seer seeks to get behind the surface history and religion. and penetrate to the essence of events, the spiritual motives and
,
:

purposes that underlay and gave them their real significance. Hence apocalyptic takes within its purview not only the present and the last things, but all things past, present, and to come. Apocalyptic and not Greek philosophy was the first to grasp the
great
history, alike human, cosmological, and a unity following naturally as a corollary of the unity of God. And yet serious N.T. scholars of the present day have stated that apocalyptic has only to deal with the last things

idea

that

all

spiritual, is a unity

BIBLIOGRAPHY

clxxxvii

Are the visions in the Apocalypse 9. Psychological Method. the genuine results of spiritual experience? That our author speaks from actual spiritual experience no serious student of to-day has any doubt. The only question that calls for solution is the extent to which such experience underlies the visions of the Apocalypse. On pp. ciii-cix the present writer has made an attempt to discuss this question. The Philological Method in its later form. This method has already been dealt with in the order of its historical appear ance under 4* above. But its value in determining some of the chief questions of the Apocalypse has never yet been appreciated. It has therefore been all but wholly neglected, and no writer has made a really serious study of the style and diction of our Hence author save Bousset, and that only in a minor degree. on every hand individual verses and combinations of verses
4
.

have been unjustifiably rejected as non-Johannine, After just as unjustifiably received as Johannine.

and others

working for years on the Apocalypse under the guidance of all the above methods, I came at last to recognize that no certain conclusion could be reached on many of the vexed problems of the book till I had made a thorough study of John s grammar. On pp. cxvii-clix I have given the results of a study extending over many years. In not a few respects it is revolutionary. To give a few examples. As regards John s Greek it shows that con
eV E^eW), and so in the other structions (such as To3 dyye Aw six passages), which every modern German scholar has rejected,
ro>

grammar

were exactly the constructions which a complete study of John s Next, this study revolutionizes the translation required. of the Apocalypse. Frequently it is not the Greek but the Hebrew in the mind of the writer that has to be translated. Thirdly, as regards large sections which have been rejected by

most modern scholars as non-Johannine, that such sections are essentially Johannine

this

grammar shows and vice versa.

XVI.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. 1
Greek Commentaries. The Apocalypse does not Greek expositors. The earliest were probably the best. Fragmentary expositions are preserved in Justin and Irenaeus 1 This bibliography For fuller biblio abbreviated as much as possible.
Editions.

owe much

to

graphies in various directions the reader should consult Liicke, Einl. in d. O/enbarung*, 518 sqq., 952 sqq. ; Bousset, Offenbarung Johannis, 1906, pp.

48-118; Holtzmann-Bauer

Hand-Co?nmentar,

\v.

380-390; Walch, Bibl.

clxxxviii

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

which are referred to by Jerome, De vir. illustr. ii. g. The two complete Commentaries by Melito (cf. Eus. H.E. iv. 26. 2) and Hippolytus (Jerome, op. cit. 61) are lost. Clement of Alexandria (Eus. H.E vi. 14. i) commented on the Apocalypse, and Origen recorded his intention of so doing, In Matt. 49 (Lommatzsch, iv. 307). That his Scholia on the Apoc. have been preserved is highly probable see p. clxxvi. Commen
earliest
:

tary by Oecumenius (discovered by berichte der Kon. preuss. Akad. der

Diekampf; see Sitzungs-

Wiss., 1901, 1046 sqq.). ascribed by Cramer (Catena, viii. p. vi, 497582) to Oecumenius is, according to Diekampf, a compendium of Andreas (ed. Sylburg, 1596; Migne, P.G. cvi) and Arethas (Cramer s Catena, viii. 171-496; Migne, P.G. cvi). Latin Commentaries. Victorinus (iii cent.). This Commen For the latter tary appears in a shorter and in a longer form. Haussleiter is engaged on a critical edition. see Migne, P.L. v. critical Tyconius (iv-v cent. See Souter in J. T.S. xiv. 338 sqq. edition is promised by Haussleiter) ; Primasius (vi cent., ed. by Haussleiter, Die Lateinische Apocalypse, 1891); Apringius (vi

The Commentary

ed. by Fe rotm, Paris, 1900). Bede, Ansbertus, Beatus, Hayino, and others carried on the tradition of the Church in the West. There were some Syriac Commentaries, the most important of which is that of Barsalibi (see Gwynn in Hermathena, vi-vii). In the mediaeval period the most important commentator was Joachim, abbott of Floris, 1195 ( ^- Venice, 1519, 1527). Since the Reformation Commentaries since the Reformation. the number of writers on the Apocalypse is almost beyond count. Only a few of the chief names can be given. Erasmus, Annotationes in N.T., 1516; Bibliander, Comment, in Apoc., 1549; BuiIn sacram b. loannis linger, In Apoc. Condones, 1557; Ribeira,

cent.

e<

Apoc. Commentarius, Lyons, 1593; Pereyra, Disputationes

1607 ; Salmeron, In Johannis Apoc. Praeludia, 1614; Alcasar, Vestigatio arcani sensus in Apoc., Lyons, 1618 ; Juan Mariana, Scholia in N.T., 1619 ; Brightman, Revelation of St. John, 1616; Cornelius a Lapide, Comm. in Apoc., 1627; Mede, Clavis Apocalypseos, Cambridge, 1627; Grotius, Annotationes, 1644; Hammond, Paraphrase and Annotations upon the N.T., 1653 ; Coccejus, Cogitationes in Apoc., Commentarius, Amsterdam, 1673; Marckius, In Apoc. 1689; Vitringa, AvaKpurts Apocalypsios*, 1719; I. Newton,
selectissimae super libro Apocalypsis, Venice,
. .
.

Stosch, Catalogus rariorum in Apoc. Joannis In my Apocalypticac, iv. 275-528. Lectures on the Apocalypse, pp. 1-78, I have combined a bibliography and a history of the interpretation of the Apocalypse, as Bousset and HoltzmannBauer have done, though on a smaller scale than Bousset.
Theol. selecta,
iv.

760 sqq.

Commentariorum

Elliott,

Horae

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Observations upon
. .
.

clxxxix

Johannis,

the Apoc., 1732; Bengal, Offenbarung 1740; Wetstein, N.T. Graecum, 2 vols., 1751-52, Amsterdam; Eichhorn, Commentarius in Apoc., Gottingen, 1791. Amongst the Commentaries of the nineteenth century should be mentioned Vogel, Commentationes vii. de Apocalypsi, Erlangen,
:

T8n-i6; H. Ewald, Comm.

Ziillig,

neischen Schriften, Gottingen,

in Apoc. Joannis, 1828, die Johan1862; Liicke, see Studies, below;

Offenbarung Johannis, Stuttgart, 1834-40; M. Stuart, the Apoc?, 1845 ; De Wette, Erklarung der Offenbarung, erldutert, Berlin, 1848; Hengstenberg, Die Offenbarung 1849-51; Elliott, Horae Apocalypticae*, 4 vols., 1851; Ebrard, Die Offenbarung Johannis, 1853; G. Volkmar, Commentar zur Offenbarung, Zurich, 1862 ; C. Wordsworth, New Testament, vol.

Comm. on

London, 1864 ; Kliefoth, Offenbarung des Johannis, Leipzig, 1874; C. J. Vaughan, Revelation of St. John, London, 1870; A. Bisping, Erklarung J. C. A. Hofmann, Offenb. Johannis, 1874 ; der Apoc., Miinster, 1876; C. H. A. Burger, Offenb. Johannis, J&77; J. P- Lange, BibelwerW, 1878; E. Reuss, Apocalypse, Paris, 1878; W. Lee, Revelation of St, John, London, 1881 ; Diisterdieck, Offenb. Johannis*, Gottingen, 1887; W. Milligan, Book of Revelation, London, 1889; Simcox, Revelation of St. John, Cambridge, 1893; Kiibel, Offenbarung Johannis, Munich, 1893; 1 Trench, Comm. on the Epistles to the Seven Churches 1897; Bousset, Offenbarung Johannis, Gottingen, 1896; new ed. 1906; Benson, The Apocalypse, London. 1900; C. A. Scott, Revelation Apocalypse de S. (Century Bible}, Edinburgh, 1902; Crampon, Jean, Tournai, 1904; Th. Calmes, Paris, 1905; H. B. Swete, Apocalypse of St. John*, London, 1907 H. P. Forbes, New York, 1907 ; Hort, Apoc. of St. John, i.-iii., London, 1908 Holtzmannii.,
,

Bauer, Offenbarung desJohannis* (Hand- Comm.), Tubingen, 1908 ; M. S. Baljon, Openbaring van Johannes, Utrecht, 1908 ; J. Moffatt, Revelation of St. John (Expositor s Gk. Test.), London, 1910; E. C. S. Gibson, Revelation of St. John, London, 1910; A. Ramsay (Westminster N.T.), 1910; Diobouniotis und Harnack, Der Scholien-Kommentar des Origenes zur Apokalypse Johannis, Leipzig, 1911 ; J. T. Dean, Edinburgh, 1915. Liicke, Versuch einer vollStudies, Exegetical and Critical.
2 stdndigen Einleitung in die Offenbarung Johannis Bonn, 1852; F. Bleek, VorUsungen uber d. Apocalypse, Berlin, 1859; F. D. Maurice, Lectures on the Apocalypse, Cambridge, 1861 ; Milligan, Discussions on the Apocalypse, London, 1893 ; Selwyn, The Chris
,

tian Prophets and the Prophetic Apocalypse, London, 1900 F. C. Porter (Hastings D.B. iv. 239-266), 1902 Messages of the Apoc alyptical Writers (pp. 169-294), London, 1905 ; W. R. Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches, London, 1904; E. A. Abbott, Notes on N.T. Criticism, 1907, pp. 75-114, Johannint Grammar
;
:

CXC

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

valuable also for the student of the Apocalypse; 1906 Charles, Studies in the Apocalypse*, 1915. Studies mainly Critical. These are frequently quoted in my Commentary simply under the author s name with page. Volter, in my Com Enstehung der Apokalypse (designated as Volter
"

i."

Offenbarung Johannis (as "Volter in my Commentary), Tubingen, 1886; Das Problem der Apok alypse (as "Volter Freiburg and Leipzig, 1893 Offenbarung Strassburg, 1904; Vischer, Offen Johannis (as "Volter barung Johannis Leipzig, 1886; Weyland, De Apokalypse van Johannes, Groningen, 1888; Schoen, UOrigine de V Apocalypse, Paris, 1887; Spitta, Offenbarung des Johannes Halle, 1889; Erbes, Offenbarung Johannis Gotha, 1891; Schmidt, Die KomBousset, Zur position der Offenbarung Johannis Freiburg, 1891 Textkritik der Apokalypse, (Textkritische Studien zum N.T.), Leipzig, 1894; Rauch, Offenbarung des Johannes, Haarlem, 1894; Hirscht, Die Apokalypse und ihre neueste Kritik, Leipzig, 1895; WellJ. Weiss, Offenbarung des Johannes, Gottingen, 1904; hausen, Analyse der Offenbarung Johannis, Berlin, 1907. B. Weiss, Die Johannes- Apokalypse (Textkritische Texts. Untersuchungen und Textherstellung), Leipzig, 1891, 2nd ed. 1902; Souter, N.T. Grace, 1910; Moffatt (Expositors Greek Von Soden s is the least Testament), 1910; Von Soden, 1914. satisfactory of modern texts so far as the Apocalypse is con cerned. Notwithstanding all the work done in recent years on the text of the Apocalypse, that of Westcott and Hort remains the best, though the text presupposed by Bousset is in some of its details superior. Of these scholars, Westcott and Hort alone have recognized that the right text in 2 L 8 18 3 L 7 u is TW dyyeAw TO), though among the uncials A has preserved it only in three Souter follows A in 2 1 8 but not in 2 18 passages and C in one. Von Soden has rejected the right reading in the seven passages, Willkiirlichkeit on the part and branded it (p. 2070) as a A knowledge of John s grammar would of the scribe of A. eK/c have made the adoption of T^S ev dyye
mentary), Freiburg, 1885
iii."),

ii."

iv."),

-,

"

"

r<3

A.a>

impossible on the part of any editor.

Versions.

See

vol.

i.

pp. clxvi-clxxi, vol.

ii.

234

sq.

SOME OF THE ABBREVATIONS USED

Versions. 1 Aq. or a

IN THIS

WORK.

....
.
. .

A.V

Version of Aquila or Authorized Version.

Septuagint.
in the

a.

LXX

or o
1

For those used

Greek

text see vol.

ii.

227-235.

ABBREVIATIONS
R.V Symm.

CXCl

.......
.
. . . . .

Revised Version.

or aTheod. or
Voc.

Symmachus.
Theodotion.
Abbott, Johannine
Blass,

Abbott, Gram.
,,

...
.
.

Grammar,

1906.

Blass,

Gram.

Johannine Vocabulary, 1905. Grammar of N.T. Greek (transl.

Apostolic

..... D.B. ..... ....... 1.2.3} ..... ......

D.A.C.
J
ap

by Thackeray), 1898. Hastings Dictionary of the Church.

The Fourth
Johannine
Schrader
s

Hastings Dictionary of the Bible. Gospel.

Epistles.

K.A.T?

....
. .
. .

The Apocalypse.
Die
alte Testament, edited

Keilinschriften und das and rewritten by

M.-W.

Gram. Moulton, Gram.

s

H. Zimmern and H. Winckler, 1903. Moulton s edition of Winer, 1882. Moulton s Grammar of N.T. Greek**,
vol.
i.,

MT .....
N.T O.T

1906.

....... .......

Massoretic Text. New Testament. Old Testament.

Robertson, Gram.

S.B.E

......
.

Thackeray, Gram.
T.L.Z.

Robertson, Grammar of the Greek of the N.T., 1914. Sacred Books of the East (edited by Max Miiller), Oxford. Thackeray, Grammar of the O.T. in
Greek, vol. i., 1909. Theologische Literaturzeitung.

Weber 2

WH

Volter

......

..... ..... .....

Weber s Judische Theologie, 1897. Westcott and Hort, The N.T. in Greek. See above under the Section Studies
"

mainly
,,

Critical."

,,

Z.A.T.W.
Z.f.N.

Zeitschrift fiir die Alttestamentliche

Wis

T.W.

...

senschaft.

Preuschen

Zeitschrift fiir die Neutesta-

Z.K. W. or Z.K. W.L.

Z.W.T.

.....

mentliche Wissenschaft. Kirchliche Zeitschrift^ fiir und Kirchliches Leben.

Wissenschaft

Zeitschrift fiir Wissenschaftliche Theologie.

ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.
VOLUME
Page 215,
perhaps
in line 22 ab imo.
16."

I.

After

"unexampled"

add
"

"except

Aq. Ex. xxiv.

Page 224, footnote, line u. After "xvi. 19 add (an inter the emended form of this note in vol. i. polation)," and see
"

Introd. p. clix

ad

init.
"

Page 294.
xix. 4.

Paragraph beginning

It is noteworthy," etc.,

was

b written before I recognized that xvi. 5 -y should be restored after

Page 297,
text in vol.
ii.

line 8.

Delete

"A

slip for

the

dative."

See also

306

415, 416 footnote.

cxcil

THE REVELATION
OF
ST.

JOHN.

CHAPTER
i.

I.

The Contents and Authorship of this Chapter.

THE

Superscription (i. 1-3) falls into three parts, each part of The first sets forth in turn is formed of three elements. the source of the Apocalypse, the second its contents, and the third the blessedness of those who receive and fulfil its teachings. As regards the source it was God by whom the Apocalypse was given to Christ it was Christ who sent His angel and signified it to John it was John who bare witness to it as from God and As for its contents these were the word of God and Christ. the truth attested by Christ, which were embodied in the visions which John had seen. As for the blessedness that attends on this blessedness is to be the portion of those that its reception read it in the Churches, of those that hear, and of those that observe it. After the Superscription follows the Introduction (i. 4-8), which is composed of three stanzas of three lines each. In these John salutes the Seven Churches, invoking upon them grace and

which

1 peace from God, which is and which was and which is to come, and from Jesus Christ. Of these two Divine Beings he proceeds to speak more definitely of Christ in 5-7 and of God in 8.

Christ is the faithful witness, the sovereign of the dead, the ruler of those that rule the living. To Him is to be ascribed glory and power, inasmuch as loving us with an everlasting love He hath redeemed us from our sins and endowed us with the offices of kingship and priesthood unto God (i. 4-6), and will speedily come in the clouds whose advent His crucifiers will witness to their cost and the heathen-hearted nations with fear and anguish. Of God our author does not speak in the third person, but intro1 The clause that follows relating to the seven spirits (see note in loc.).

is

an interpolation

VOL.

I.

THE REVELATION OF
:

ST.

JOHN

[l.

2.

I am the Alpha and the the Lord of the past, the present and the future. In i. 9-20 we have the Seer s call by the Son of Man and his vision of the Son of Man, standing in the midst of seven golden candlesticks and holding seven stars, risen and glorified. By Him the Seer is hidden to write what he saw and to send it to the Seven Churches. Any paraphrase of this sublime descrip tion of the Son of Man would only hopelessly weaken it. It may, however, be observed that it contains the attributes of the Ancient of Days and of one like a Son of Man in Daniel (vii. 9, 13) as well as of the nameless angel in Dan. x. 5-6, and that nearly every phrase in this description of the Son of Man (13-16) and of His words (i7 c -2o) recurs in ii.-iii. to which it forms an introduction, just as x. does to xi. 1-13. In I7 c -i8 the Son of Man declares who He is (even as God does in 8), i.e. the First and the Last, He that liveth and was dead and had thereby become the holder of the keys of death. As such He bids the Seer afresh to write what he saw, and to learn the mystery that the seven candlesticks were the Seven Churches and the seven stars the heavenly ideals of the Seven

duces the Supreme Being as declaring

Omega

Churches, which could only be realized through Him. As regards the authorship of this chapter, whilst there is no evidence either in point of idiom or diction against its being from the hand of John the Seer, there is, as I have shown in the 2, the most positive evidence for its derivation summary in from him.
2.

Diction

and Idiom.

There can be no question as to the authorship of this chapter. Alike in its diction and its idiom it is from the hand of John the Seer. This subject is dealt with in detail in the notes. (a) Diction. But the results can be shortly summarized and some of the chief within the rest of the Book empha parallelisms in phraseology But first of all it is to be observed that whereas none of sized. the diction and phraseology is against our author s use, much of it is specifically Johannine and all of it in keeping with his use. This I. 1. &iai TOIS SouXois auroG, a Set yekeaOcu Iv rdxei. clause recurs as a whole in xxii. 6 and in part in iv. i. fctwu/u is characteristic of our author in its apocalyptic sense. Cf. xi. 18, rots SouAots a-ov r. TW SouXw auroG iwayi/Tji,.
2.
T.
.

e>apTupT]aei

Cf. xxii. 16, 18, 20.

(T.

Cf. i. 9, vi. 9, xii. 1 1 \6yov T. OeoG KCU T. fxaprupiai irjaoG. Xoyov T. /xaprvpcas), 17 (T, (taprvpiav Ir/Q-QV only ancl in xix. 10),
4,

xx.

I.

2.]
3. p-cucdptos 10.
.

DICTION
. .

AND IDIOM
T.
Trpo<|>Y)Teias

3
Kal TTjpoGrrcs.
7,

T.

xxii. 7,

We

Xoyous

Cf.

have here the

first

of the seven beatitudes in

14.

this

Book : cf. xiv. 13, xvi. 15, xix. 9, xx. 6, xxii. Cf. xxii. IO. 6 yap Kcupos eyyus. Cf. ii. 13, iii. 145. 6 fxdprus 6 marcs. Cf. V. IO. 6. eTrou)(Ti> T^jJids tepeis.
|3a<riXeiaj>,

x.

TOUS aiwvas [T. aiucooi/J. But in Gospel and 6, etc. 6 8. TO A Kal TO Q

els
. . .

Cf.
i

i.

8, iv. 9, 10, v. 13, vii.

12,

and
KCLI

John always
rjk

ets

TOP aioW.
irai -

a>y

Kal 6 epxc/xe^os, 6

TOKparup. Ku pios 6 6e6s

xvi. 7, 14,

Cf.

i.

8, iv. 8, xi. 17, xvi. 5, xxi. 6, xxii. 13.

...

xix. 6, 15, xxi. 22.

in the rest of the

Apocalypse
iv ir^eujxaTi.

Cf. iv. 8, xi. 17, XV. 3, 6 irarroKpaTUp. naj/To/cparwp occurs eight times and not once elsewhere in the N.T.
vi.
2.

except in an O.T. quotation (2 Cor.

10.
eyci/ojxiqi
.

18).

Cf.

iv.

iii.

and

12. jSXe ireii Our author uses this verb twice in i., once in thirteen times in the rest of the book, and never in the

is to be followed. for in xxii. 8 ; 13. opuoi/ uiw d^pwirou. Only elsewhere in xiv. 14, in this form in all literature. Kal TTpiea)<T|j.ei>ov irpos TOIS fxaoTOis j^wi tji eySeSujJievov TroSi^pir)

aorist

Xpuaai

Cf. XV. 6.
a>s

14. ot 6(|)0aXjaol aurou aurou 15. r\ (j)W

<j)coi-rj
a>s

4>X6

irupos.

Cf.
.

ii.

8, xix.

12.

T)

uSdrcui iroXXaii

Cf. xiv. 2, xix. 6. Cf.

I, iii.
ii.

16.
e\<t)v

r\

ovj/is

aurou
Se^ia

a>s

6 rjXios.
L P*
"

Cf.

x.

i.

CK

TTJ

a TO J darepas

lirrd.

ii.

I.

Cf. CK TOU (TTOfiaTOS auTou pojji(}>aia SIOTOJAOS o^eia. Cf. ii. 8, xxii. 13. 17. 6 irpwTos Kal 6 eaxaros.

Here used (probably owing to its fourfold occur 19. ou^. rence in ii.-iii.) of logical appeal, never of historical transition In the later as in the Fourth Gospel: cf. ii. 5, 16, iii. 3, 19. chapters our author uses Sia TOVTO instead cf. vii. 15, xii. 32
:

this chapter [xviii. 8]. by its distinctively Johannine phraseology

is

Thus

entire

most

closely

connected
x.-xi.,

with

ii.-vi.,

xiv. -xvi., xix.-xxii.

Let us

now

turn to the most striking idioms

in this chapter.
(b)

Idiom.

These are dealt with

sufficient

shall

mention a

the conclusion- that this author. I. 4. diro 6 &v KCU 6 r\v Kal 6 epxofAeyos. On this wholly abnormal construction with (XTTO, which is nevertheless quite intelligible in our author and yet not in any other, see note in loc. this title recurs wholly or in part As regards 6 /^ A o/xcvos
o>v

But we fully in the notes. number to confirm beyond question chapter comes from the hand of our

in

i.

8, iv. 8, xi.

0.

Irjaou

17, xvi. 5. XpioroG, 6 pdpTu?

TTIQTOS,

This anomalous con*

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[l.

3.

struction of the nominative in apposition to an oblique case recurs ii. 13, 20, iii. 12, vii. 4, viii. 9, ix. 14, xiv. 12, 14, xx. 2. That this solecism is characteristic of our author cannot be

denied, since it occurs so frequently, whereas it is exceptional in the KotvrJ and the LXX, in the latter of which it is clearly, as in our author, a Hebraism. KCU eiroiTjo-ei This Hebraism recurs 5-6. TW ayoLTTuvri frequently in our author: cf. i. 18, ii. 2, 9, 20, iii. 9, vii. 14, xiv.
.

2-3, xv. 10.

3.
.

$v>vf\v

ws adXTriyyos

Xeyoucnjs.

Here we should

expect
13.

Xeyouo-ai/.
OJAOIOI/

But

cf. iv.

i.

Cf. xiv. 14 for this otherwise See Additional Note, p. 36. 16. exwy = etxe or e xet as elsewhere in our author cf. x. 2, xii. 2, XXI. 12, 14. Moreover, e/CTropevo^e^r; is used as e^tTropet ero In our author these are Hebraisms, though in this same verse. this usage is found occasionally in the Koivrj. Again, the 6 ^/Xios Hebraism 17 oi/^s avrov though not found else where in this Book, is closely akin to our author s many = 3. See p. 36. Hebraisms, especially in connection with
uloi>

drOpanrou.

unexampled construction.

o>?

<^aiVct

o>s

this is a slip for the genitive. 20. TOLS eirrd Xux^as There are other analogous slips in our author, which are best explained as due to his not having had an opportunity to revise his text. Thus this chapter is connected by Johannine idioms with ii.There can be no doubt as to the iv., vii.-xii., xiv.-xvi., xx.-xxi. genuineness of the text.

3.

Order of Words.

The order is Semitic. Thus the verb is before the subject and object once, before the subject twice, before the object five
It stands at the beginning of the clause or sentence On the other hand, followed by adverbial phrases eleven times. the verb follows the subject (9) once, the object (a pronoun) The participle, where it stands for a finite verb, occurs once. b once at the close of a clause (i6 ). These facts are in keeping with our author s style.

times.

The word cbroKaXv^is is not used as the title of any work before the time of our Apocalypse, though it is used by St. Paul exactly in the same sense of minor revelations cf. i Cor. xiv. So far as the word itself goes it is found in Sir. xi. 27, xxii. 26. 22 (fjLva-rrjpiov cbroKaXui/ eoos), xlii. I, while aTTOKaXvTrreij/ is found in
:

Amos

iii,

7,

a7roKaAvi//r;

TrcuSeiav

TT/JOS

TOVS SouXovs avrov TOVS

I.

1-3.]

THE SUPERSCRIPTION
"
"

of something hidden. in the sense of a revealing In the second passage we have an approach to the use of the word in our text. In Theodotion s rendering of Daniel the verb dTTo/caAmrreiv is used exactly in the sense of the noun x. i. It ciTroKdAui/ris in the title: cf. ii. 19, 22, 28, 29, 30, 47, The Book of the Apocalypse appears in the title of 2 Baruch the publication of which was of Baruch the son of Neriah" It signifies a nearly contemporary with that of our Apocalypse. Elsewhere in the N.T. it is found vision and its interpretation. with the same meaning in the Pauline Epistles (Rom. xvi. 25; 2 Cor. xii. i ; Gal. i. 12, etc.). In i Pet. i. 7, 13, iv. 13, Luke ii. 32, etc., this word is not used in quite the same sense, but means
7rpo</>r/ras,
"

dTro/ca Aui/as is found also in rather, manifestation, appearance. Classical Greek in the sense of to lay bare, to disclose, in Plato, Protag. 352 D, Gorg. 460 A; while aTroKaAvt/as is found in Plutarch,

Paul, Aemil. 14, Cat. Maj. 20, Qiiom. Adul. ab Am. 32 .(OLTTOK. The verb frequently ujaaprta?) in the sense of a laying bare. But the special bears this meaning in LXX, and the noun once. religious meaning of a7roKaAvi/as in Greek and revelatio in Latin was unknown to the heathen world. cbroKdXuijHs Iwdvcou was the title of our Book in the 2nd cent: cf. Murat. i. 71 sq. "Scripta apocalypse(s) etiam johanis et petri tantum recipimus." That the Book was ever known by the bare term u7roKaAui/as cannot safely be inferred from Tertullian, Adv. Marc. iv. 5, or Irenaeus, v. 30. 3 (TOV KCU ryv ATro/caAv^tv eoupaKoTos) ; for in both these passages the context clearly defines V. 30. 2, whose apocalypse is in question. Propter hoc non annumeratur tribus haec in Apocalypsi," would.be more relevant here ; but even this passage is wholly indecisive, since the author ship of the Apocalypse is stated in v. 26. i.
:
"

I.

1-3.

THE SUPERSCRIPTION.

1-3. The Superscription, which sets forth (i) the source of the Apocalypse, (2) its contents, and (3) the blessedness of those who receive its teachings, (i) There are three definite stages in the transmission of this Apocalypse from its source to its publica tion. First it is God Himself who gave it to Christ to make it known unto His servants ISw/cev 6 $eos Sci^at T. SovAois b avrov ei/ ra^et (cf. the declaration of God in xxi. 6 -8), and the statement as to God s sending the angel, in Setai cV
curro>
.

ra^ei in xxii. 6. Next, Christ sent and signified it through to John ecrr^u,ui/v aTrocrTet Aas Sia TOV dyye Aov avrov

His angel rw SovAw

avrov
12,

the declaration of Christ in xxii. 6-7, 16, 13, Thirdly, John bare witness to this Apocalypse accorded by Christ to him, i.e., the word of God and the truth
Ia>avn7

(cf.

10,

i8 a ).

THE REVELATION OF
oo-o,

ST.

JOHN

[l. 1.

attested by Christ
Xpiaroi),
etSev

8-9, This correspondence between i. 1-2 and xxi. 6 b-8, 20-21). xxii. 6-21, is, therefore, not accidental. But if we desire further confirmation of the close connection of 1-3 with the xxi. -xxii., we have it in the repetition by Christ in xxii. 7 of the beatitude
(cf.

rov \6yov rov 6cov KOL ryv n-aprvpiav the testimony of John in xxii.

Ir;croi)

pronounced by John

in

i.

3.

word of God and the testimony of Jesus Christ, everything that He saw." Here there are three elements corresponding to the three agents mentioned above. First, there is the word of God. Secondly, this word is attested by Christ. Thirdly, it is seen by John in vision. (3) The blessedness of those who receive and observe its Here, again, there is a threefold division blessed is teachings. he that reads them in the public assemblies blessed is he that hears these prophecies blessed is he that observes them. 1. diroKdXuvJ/is Mrjo-oG Xpiorou. The genitive here is subjective.
(2) Its contents are
"the
: :
:

The

revelation
Cf.

is

given by Jesus Christ to John as

16,
rj

God
e/x j)

Him.

The title 35, v. 20 sqq., 26, xvi. 15, etc. found only here and in verses 2, 5 I^o-ous alone nine times; Kuptos Irjcrovs twice (xxii. 20, 21); Kv ptos once only, xiv. 1356 Kvptos avrwv (xi. 8). Xpto-ros, when used
Xpio-ros
is
:

John vii. iii. //,e, and

c/w-^

SiSa^ *) OVK ZCTTLV

1

gave it to dAAa TOV

In alone, always has the article (xx. 4, 6, +avrov, xi. 15, xii. 10. the Johannine Epistles Ir/aoiis Xpto-ros occurs nine times, I^o-oCs six, 6 Xptoros three times.
Tjf
iii.

eSwKey aurw 6 6e6

ov
fj.rj

Sei^ai

TOLS

8ou\oig avrou.

Cf.

Amos

Kvptos 6 0eo? Trpay/xa eav jjirj airoKa\v\f/r) TraiSeiai In our text the servants, Trpos TOVS SovAous auroi; TOUS Trpo^ras. who are God s servants (O.VTOV), are the Christian prophets. Cf. x. 7, xi. 1 8, xxii. 6. Setcu. This word is characteristic of our author when it means to communicate a divine revelation by means of visions. a Set ye^e crOat Iv rd^i. The Sei denotes not the merely hasty consummation of things, but the absolutely sure fulfilment of That this fulfilment would come soon the divine purpose. cf. xxii. 6; Deut. ix. 3; Ezek. xxix. 5 (ei/ Tct^ei (not in Mass.); Luke xviii. 8 ; Rom. xvi. 20), has always been the expectation of all living prophecy and apocalyptic, a Set yeveV&u is drawn from Dan. ii. 28 (a Set yei^eo-^at eV ecr^arwi/ rail/ ^/xepan/), 29. a ... eV ra^et recurs in xxii. 6. a Johannine word cf. John xii. 33, xviii. 32, xxi. lcrf]^a.vv It is Christ that is the subject of the verb here. 19. Cf. xxii. 16, where Christ sent (eVe/xt/M-) His dirooreiXas.
7,
iroLrjcreL
"
"

angel,

and

xxii. 6,
is

again this verb

where God sent (aWo-retAe) His angel. used in v. 6. dTrocrre AAeu Sta = TH

Once
Ex.

r6t?>

I.

1-S.J

THE SUPERSCRIPTION
xi.
. .

IV.

13; Matt.

2,
.

a7ro<rTeiXaj/TS

O.VTOV Tre/Ai^as Sia TWV iiaOrjruv Sia ^etpos Ba/3va/?a.

.

Acts

xi.

30,

2. 05 ejj.apTu pTjaej /xapTvpeu/, which is found four times and always with the ace. in our author for this is the best way of occurs more frequently in the Johannine treating xxii. 18 = Gospel and Epistles than elsewhere in the N.T. (i.e., 33 + 10 43 The aorist c^aprvp^a-fv ?.s epistolary the author trans times). ports himself to the standpoint of his readers. joy Xoyoy TOO Oeou /ecu TTJI/ jAaprupiay irjaou Xpiorou = the reve lation given by God and borne witness to by Christ (subjective It means the Christian revelation as a whole in i. 9, vi. genitive). is limited by the 9, xx. 4, but in the present passage the expression to the revelation made in this Book. words that follow Kindred expressions occur in xii. 17, ras eVroXa? rov 6cov KO.L but in the rrjv (j.aprvpLav Ir/crou, and xix. 10, rrjv /xaprvpiav Irjarov: last passage the phrase may have a different meaning in the tradi The Aoyos rov tional text, and Ir/o-ot! be the objective genitive. It embraces 0eov is not to be limited in our text to the O.T. the entire revelation of God which now in its fulness is attested
:
o<ra

eW

by Christ. oaa elSey. These words limit, as we have said, the scope of the two preceding phrases. On the significance of elSev in our We should observe how the ministry author, see note on iv. i. of angels (i d ) and the visions of the Seer are here closely com
bined, as also later. have here 3. This verse consists of a stanza of four lines. the first of the seven beatitudes in the Apocalypse (xiv. 13, xvi. a xx. 6, xxii. 7, 14. The last beatitude, which is pro 15, xix. 9 nounced by Christ and is given in xxii. 7 b (for the present text of xx. 4-xxii. is in disorder),, reaffirms the beatitude here pronounced

We

by John.
6 wayivucTKuv. This is not the private student but the public reader, the di/ayi/oxm?? or lector, as the sing. 6 dvaytvw<TKo>v as opposed to the plural oi axovovrts shows. At the close of the first century A.D., the reader was probably any suitable person who was nominated for this purpose by the presbyters or president from among the congregation. The reader in time acquired an official position and became a member of the clergy, and is first entioned in this capacity in Tertullian (De Praescr. 41). The books which were read were originally those of the O.T., as in the synagogues, and afterwards the books of the N.T., as well as the sub-apostolic epistles cf. Justin Martyr (Apol. i. 67), ra

ttTro/xvry/xovev/xaTa ro)V aTrocrroAwv 17 TO. o-uyypayuy>iaTa rtov irpo<f>r]Tuv di ayivtoo-KeTcu. This practice of reading at public worship was

adopted from the Jews 16; Acts xiii. 15 2 Cor.

;

cf.
iii.

Neh.
15.

viii.

Amongst

Ex. xxiv. 7 ; Luke iv. the Jews the Scripture

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[l. 3, 4.

lessons from the Law and the Prophets could be read by any member of the congregation, but if any priests or Levites were The earliest mention of the read present they took precedence. ing of the Prophets is found in Luke iv. 17, Acts xiii. 15 (comp.

but they were not read on week-days nor on services, but only at the chief service by one See person (Megilla iv. 5) on the morning of the Sabbath. Schiirer 3 ii. 456.
Megilla
iv.

1-5)

Sabbath afternoon
,

01

d/coiWres

KCU TYjpoGrres.

These two

participles are, as

the Greek shows, to be taken closely together. These two lines therefore reproduce the words of Christ in Luke xi. 28, /mctKapioi o! aKovovres TOV Xoyov TOV Oeov Kal Cf. also John xii.
</>iAcur<rovTeg.

does not use

But our author and replaces it with the familiar Johannine word ryptiv. Ps. i. represents on a large scale this combination of faithful reading and faithful living. TOUS Xoyous TTJS Here as in xxii. 7, 10, 18 the
47, eav
TL<S

[Aov aKOvcrrj T. p^/xarwi/ KO.I

<vAa<ro-eiv,

/x>)

<f>v\dr).

Trpo<f>Y)Tetag.

Seer claims for his

literature.

Book

a place in the forefront of prophetic

6 yap Kaipos These words relate to the blessedness YY U Sof those who are faithful in the present evil time; for they will not have long to wait; the season of their deliverance is at hand. Cf. Rom. xiii. II ; I Cor. vii. 29, 6 Kaipos trwe(rraA./AeVos eortv. The beatitude, of course, is true in itself independently of the time of consummation (cf. xxii. 7), but the closely impending recompense is repeatedly dwelt upon by our author to encourage his readers in the face of universal martyrdom.

4-8.

INTRODUCTION.

JOHN S GREETING TO THE SEVEN CHURCHES.

This is the usual form for 4. loxWrjs rcus eirra eKK\T]<7icus. Indeed the whole Book beginning a letter (cf. Gal. i. i, etc.). from i. 4 to its close is in fact an Epistle.
rats eirra 6KK\Tjcriais rats iv
refers proleptically to ver.

ated.

The article before eTrra these Churches are enumer Other Churches existed at the time with which the Seer
TTJ
A<na.

n, where

must have been

Hierapolis (Col.
(Ignatius,

familiar,
iv.

Why

Ad Magn. i. i), Tralles (Ignatius, Ad Trail, i.). the particular seven Churches mentioned in i. ii were
;

13),

such as Colossae (Col. i. 2, ii. i), Troas (Acts xx. 5 sqq.), Magnesia

chosen by our author cannot now be determined (see, however, note on i. n) but the fact that seven were chosen, and no more and no less, can occasion no difficulty. For seven was a sacred number not only in Jewish Apocalyptic and Judaism generally,

1.

4.]

INTRODUCTION
v. i,

9
6
i,

[viii.

but particularly in our Author: cf. i. [4*] 12, 16, iv. 5, x. 3, xi. 13 [xii. 3], xiii. i, xv. 6, 7, 8, xvi. i, 2],
iv TT(

xvii.

etc.

Aaia.
6,

According
xi.

; 4 Mace. iii. 20), Asia embraces the empire of the In the Sibylline Oracles, iii. 168, 342, 350, 351, 6ll iv i 7^, 79, J 353-4. 367, 381, 3 88 at 148, v. 99, 118, 287, etc., the extension of the term varies times apparently comprehending the entire continent, at others restricted to the coast cities and the lower valleys of the Maean-

Mace. viii. 3 Mace. iii. 14

(i

13,

xii.

to the usage of the Maccabean Books 39, xiii. 32; 2 Mace. Hi. 3, x. 24;

Seleucids.

>

39i>

45>

599>

>

?i>

45>

But on the transference of the kingdom of der, Cayster, etc. Attalus in. to Rome, the province of Asia conterminous

Roman

with the limits of this

this

kingdom was formed in 133-130 B.C., and province was subsequently augmented by the addition of
*H A<rta in the N.T. is all but universally 9) identified with Proconsular Asia. KCU eip^Yj diro 6 &v KCU 6 f\v KCU 6 epj(6p.i>os
B.C.
ii.

Phrygia in 116
(contrast Acts
X<ipiS

upr

[KCU, diro

T&V

euro, iryeujxaTwi rwi ivwtriov TOU 6povou aurou].

XpicrTou, 6 jxaprug 6 moros. In these three lines the second is beyond question an inter polation of a later hand (probably early in the 2nd cent.). Since xxii. 8-9, and (possibly) xix. 9-10 are from the hand of our author, he cannot have put forward such a grotesque Trinity as the above. In the passages just cited the worship of angels (see note on xxii. 8) is denounced in most forcible terms, and from the class of subordinate beings co-ordinate with the seven arch angels we cannot exclude "the seven spirits." The Seer cannot therefore have accorded divine honours to these seven spirits at the very opening of his Book. Moreover, when this interpolation is removed, we have three stanzas of three lines each beginning
5.
l-rjaou

Kal diro

an d ending 7 at Thus in 4 b~5 a rfjs God and Christ are mentioned. 4 b x^P 1 ? These words do not form a mere cipTJnrj. salutation, for this has been given in the preceding words, but a benediction from God. Grace and peace cannot be said to emanate from angels even from the seven archangels. The It is only Xapts here is the favour of God and of Jesus Christ. found once again in our author, i.e. in xxii. 21, where this spiritual endowment is derived from Jesus Christ. See notes on x^P^ and dprjvr) in Sanday s Romans, 10 sq., 15 sq. ; Milligan, i Thess. i. i. The dpr)vrj is the harmony restored between God and man
with x^P
.
L<s

<j>vXal

yr)<s.

as in 5 c -6 a only

"a!

f""

In all the Pauline Epistles these are said to through Christ. proceed from GoJ the Father and from Jesus Christ, just as in the original text here. In i and 2 Timothy we have the fuller form x^P ^ cA.os, dprjvrj. Moreover, in nine of the Pauline
L

IO
Epistles

THE REVELATION OF
the phrase
i

ST.

JOHN

[I.

4.

is

while in sentence.
diro 6

and
Kai 6

Timothy
KCU 6

exactly as here, x^P ts vfiv K0^ ti-pyvn, it stands as in the preceding

ep)(6jtiei>os.

<ov

TJy

Cf.

i.

8, iv. 8,

and

6 on/

K.

We have here a title of God conceived in 5^ in xi. 17, xvi. 5. The Seer has deliberately violated the rules the terms of time. of grammar in order to preserve the divine name inviolate from the change which it would necessarily have undergone if de clined. Hence the divine name is here in the nominative. It could have been preserved in classical Greek, i.e. O.TTO rov 6 wi/. But our author shows no knowledge of this construction. But there are other irregularities The fy is as, for instance, 6 fy. said to have been used because there was no past participle of But this does not really explain ty nor yet 6. Besides he dpi. could have used 6 yeyovws(cf. xvi. 17, xxi. 6) or 6 yevo/xevos (i. 18). I offer, therefore, the following explanation. Our author could /cat ^v, in have written here 6 keeping with a Hebraism which ^frequently avails himself of; for 6 on/ Kai rjv would be an exact Herein reproduction of the Hebrew irrn ninn. See note on 5.
o>v

we have a probable explanation of rjv. It is harder to explain The article here may be inserted before the 6 which precedes it. the ty since it accompanies the other two elements in the divine

name

o>v

/cat

6 ep^o/xevos.

where our author returns to the participial construction, it is clear that he uses epxo/x/os, instead of eVo/zevos, with a definite reference to the contents of the Book and especially to the coming of Christ, i. 7, ii. 5, 16, iii. n, xxii. 7,
for 6 ep^o/xevos,
12, etc., in

As

whose coming God Himself comes

also.

Besides, our author does not use the future participle. Passing now from the grammar of this clause to its meaning, we find that this divine name was common to both Jews and Thus the Targ. Jon. on Ex. iii. 14 (iTilK -I^K .TUN, Gentiles.

and Aquila and Theod. KJ^rn N1H &O^ = "EgoSUm, nrn Kin &OK qui sum et futurus sum," and Deut. xxxii. 39, vinE6 Tnjn wn KJKI = Ego sum qui sum, et fui, et ego sum qui Also Shem. rab. iii. f. io5 b "Dixit Deus ... ad futurus sum." Mosen Ego fui, et adhuc sum et ero in posterum (this last from In the Greek we find analogous titles of God. Cf. Wetstein). for the songs of the doves at Dodona, Zeus Pausanias, x. 12. 5 Zeus eo-ru/, Zeus eWerat in the inscription at Sais (Plutarch, Tyi/,
where the
has
e

LXX

yw

efyu

u>v,

0-o/xat<os>croftai)

has

Wtb

TTljn

mm
"

>v

"

De Iside,

9),

eyw

et/xi

TTOLV

TO yeyovos

KGLL
:

ov KOU eVo/xei/ov
in the

/cat

rov

e/txov

TreTrXov ouSets

Trpairos yeVero,

Atos 8 e /c is stated in the Bundahis,

Zeus Zeus uorraros dp^t/cepaui/os, Zeus /cec^aXr/, Zeus TrdVra reVu/crat. Finally, in reference to Ahurarhazda it
TTOJ

BvqTMV

aTTK(iX.v{f/v

Orphic

lines,

/Aeo-<ra,

i.

4 (S.B.E.

v. 4),

"

Auharmazd and

I. 4.]

JOHN

GREETING TO THE SEVEN CHURCHES

II

the region, religion and time of Auharmazd were and are and ever will be." [KCU diro TW^ cirrd nveupxrwi KT\.] Although I have without hesitation bracketed these words as an early interpolation, we must consider the explanations of those who have accepted them as from the hand of our Seer, and also deal briefly with the probable origin of this concep
tion.

more or less of interpretation Apringius, Beatus among the earlier commentators, and in modern times Alford and Swete which regards the seven spirits here as the sevenfold energies of God In support of this view Swete quotes or of the Holy Spirit. Heb. ii. 4, Trvev/xaros ayiov /xep6oyx,ots I Cor. xii. IO, Sia/cpureis
1.

First of all

we have the

Victorinus,

Primasius,

Tri/ev/umov
Tn/ev/x-aruv

xiv. 32, TrvVfj.aTa

"

7rpo(f>r)Twv

Apoc.

r<av

irpo<f>r]Tuv.

Here the

spirits

xxii. 6, 6 $eos TON/ are seven, because

"

the Churches in which they operate are seven This (Swete). reason is less convincing than that adduced by other supporters of this view, who trace the conception of the seven spirits to an erroneous though not unnatural interpretation of Isa. xi. 2, 3, whereby the six spiritual endowments that are to be given to the Messiah were transformed into seven : cf. i Enoch ixi. 1 1 ; Targ. ; Justin, Dial. 87, ITT avrov Jon. on this passage; also the

LXX

TTvcv/Jia $eo), 77rey/.a

7rvi)/x.a
yv(juo~a>s

(ro<ias

KOI

euo~e/3eias,

OC.QV

also 39

Cohort,

ad

Tri/eu/xa /3ovXr)<s KOI to^vos, KCU e^u.TrA^a et avrov irvtv^a. (frofiov Gentiles, 32, ot tepot Trpo^rat TO ev KCU TO
<nWo-ews,
<^a<nv.

KCU

auTO Tirev/xa

ets CTTTO. irvf.vfjia.Ta. /xept^eo-^at

But that we have here to

but with concrete beings,

deal, not with impersonal energies

may be

inferred from
stars

where the seven

spirits

and the seven

iii. i of our text, are regarded as

Further, the scribe who interpolated 4 parallel conceptions. between 4 b and 5 a manifestly regarded these seven spirits as much concrete beings as God and Jesus Christ. Hence the

seven

spirits

here cannot be interpreted either as abstractions or

impersonal energies. 2. The seven spirits are to be identified with the seven archangels. Judaism was familiar with seven archangels: cf. Ezek. ix. 2; Tob. xii. 15; i Enoch xx. 7, xc. 21 ("the seven first white ones This number, it is said T. Levi viii. 2. ;
")

Gunkel, Schopfung und Chaos, 294-302 Zimmern, in Schrader s K.A.T? ii. 620-626; Bousset, O/enbarung, 184-187, 291 sq.), presupposes a religion of which the worship of seven gods was a characteristic. Now we find such a religion in the Zend with its seven Amshaspands (S.fi.E. v. row.; xxiii. 291; xxxi. Introd. pp. xviii, xxiv, 77, 179 sq.), which in their turn were derived from the Babylonish cult of the seven
(cf.
;

11
star deities. 1

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[1.4.

The existence of these astral divinities Judaism did not question any more than in earlier times it questioned the existence of the tribal deities of the nations that surrounded Israel, but in the interests of Monotheism, Judaism degraded these foreign deities into angels subject beings in the service In due time the source of these conceptions was of Yahweh. wholly forgotten as well as the historical development involved. Like his contemporaries, the Seer accepted the traditional Jewish God and the seven spirits, and to this formula formula, appended the specifically Christian element. Thus according to Bousset originated one of the most extraordinary Trinities in
As cf. Justin, Apol. i. 6, quoted on xxii. 9. furnishing parallel trinities, Luke ix. 26, i Tim. v. 21 have been adduced. But in neither passage is there any ground for such a It might as reasonably be contended that every time God view. and the angels were mentioned together a duality of the Godhead was involved. Now, if we identify the seven spirits and the seven arch angels, it is inconceivable that the Seer, who issued so emphatic a polemic against angel worship, could have inserted such a clause as 4 between 4 b and 5*. the seven archangels are not 3. The seven spirits and identical in the mind of the Seer, according to Bousset (on viii. 2) and others. Whether this is so or not does not affect the For whatever be the dignity question of the originality of 4. possessed by the seven spirits, they were after all merely created beings in the opinion of the Seer, and could not therefore be put by him on a level with God and Jesus Christ or represented as
Christianity
:
"
"

fitting objects for

man s worship. But, though 4 is due to the hand of an interpolator, the phrase TO. 7rra Tn/ev/xara in iii. I, 6 l^v ra ITTTOL Trvev/xara TOV Oeov KOL TOVS CTTTOL offTtpws, is a redactional addition of our Seer. It is therefore our task to define, if possible, the nature of these Now the conjunction of the TrvevfjLara and the dorrepc? in spirits. iii. i suggests that they are to some extent kindred conceptions. But this does not take us far, unless we can gain some definite idea of the meaning of both do-re/aes and Trvev/xara in our author. Happily this we can do in part. First, in i. 20 the eTrra acrrepe? are definitely stated to be the dyyeAoi TWV ITTTO. tKKX-rjcnuv, and
1 Jewish tradition seemingly testifies to a certain connection between the great golden candlestick with seven arms and the seven planets cf. Josephus, Ant. iii. 6. 7; Bell. Jud. v. 5. 5, tvtyaivov 6 of ptv TTT& X^XJ/GI TOVS TrXavrjras Philo, Quis rerum divin. haeres (ed. Cohn), 221 sq., TTJS /car ovpavbv r&v
: :

Kal ol ir avrTJs cirra. \vxvoi. tirrb. irKavTjTwv ^opetas ^fyiT/yUa, i] lepa Xux^fa to the Josephus states also that the twelve loaves of the shewbread pointed twelve signs of the zodiac Bell Jud. v. 5. 5. Possibly these are merely after-thoughts of both Josephus and Philo.
<TTIV

1.4,5.]

JOHN

GREETING TO THE SEVEN CHURCHES

13

Christ is said to hold these dcrrepe?, i.e. ayyeAoi, in His right hand Hence that is, to have supreme authority over them. in i. 1 6 in iii. i the seven Tn/ev/zara of God and the seven dyyeAoi of the Churches are conjoined, as apparently kindred conceptions. We might here for a moment turn aside to observe that in 2 Enoch xxx. 14 angels are spoken of as stars, in i Enoch xli. 5, 7 the stars have a conscious existence, and hence are capable of dis obedience, xviii. 13-16, xxi. 1-6, while in Ixxxvi. i, 3 stars are
:

used to symbolize angels.

So much

for the doWpes.

Now

also Christ has

supreme

authority,

iii.

as to Trvev/xara. Over these i. In v. 6 these Tn/ev/zara

are identified with the seven eyes which are sent forth unto all the earth, and in iv. 5 with the seven fiery lamps that burn before In the former passage they are obviously the throne of God. conceived as having a personal existence. As the servants of

That the lamps and the Lamb they are described as His eyes. the eyes are identical is clear from our text and from Zech. iv. 10 these where, in the vision which our Seer has in view, it is said seven (lamps) are the eyes of the Lord, they run to and fro through the whole earth." From the above examination it may be concluded that the In Jub. ii. 2 the chief orders of Trve^/xara are angelic beings. cf. Heb. i. 7, 14. Whether these seven spirits are called angels spirits are to be identified with the seven archangels cannot be
"

inferred with certainty, but this identification may be regarded as highly probable ; since thereby Christ s sovereignty is asserted

over the highest order of the angels, as

it

is

elsewhere declared

by the Seer to be paramount over

5.

all

creation.

Cf. iv. 5, 6, 10, vii. 9, etc. eyuTrioK TOU 0p6i/ou. Since 4 is an interpolation, the diro ITJO-OU XpioroG.

grace

and peace proceed from God and Christ as in the Pauline In 2 John 3 we find Trapd instead of SLTTO in a like Epistles. This is the last passage where the title I^croGs Xpio-ros context. From this onward I?yoro{5s stands alone save in xxii. 20, occurs. 21, where we have /cvpios lyo-ovs.
6 pxpTus 6 irioTos.
12,
14,

Cf.

iii.

14; also
cf.
ii.

ii.

13.

This anomaly,
12, ix. 14, xiv.

which recurs not infrequently

xx.
2,
is

13,

20,

iii.

best explained as a Hebraism. Since the Hebrew noun in the indirect cases is not inflected, the Seer acts at times as if the Greek were similarly uninflected, and simply places, as in the present instance, the nominative in apposition to the genitive; i.e. o /mprvs in apposition to lyo-ov Xpto-roi). have here a frequent solecism in our author. While it is

We

found occasionally in the LXX, as might be expected in a translation from Semitic (cf. Ezek. xxiii. 12; Zeph. i. 12), it is here almost a characteristic construction: cf. ii. 13, 20, iii.
12,

14

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[1.5,6.

vii. 4, viii. 9, ix.

in the

The participle is also put 14, xiv. 12, 14, xx. 2. nominative when the normal construction would be the

gen. or ace.

Cf. ii. 20, iii. 12. jxaprus appears only here and in iii. 14 in the N.T. in refer ence to Christ. Christ is here conceived not in a limited sense
in reference to His earthly life or the present Apocalypse, but as the true witness of every divine revelation (so Diisterdieck, Cf. John xviii. 37, ts TOVTO eXr}\v6a ets rov Bousset, and others).

The phrase 6 /zapros 6 TTIOTO?, connection with the words that follow, 6 TrpwroTOKOS TWI/ /3ao-iA.eW TTJS yrjs, furnishes strong evidence that our author had Ps. Ixxxix. in his mind ; for the former phrase is found in 38, where the moon is said to be JEN: pn$3 IV (LXX,
KOO-/AOI/ Iva. fj,apTvp-r)(TU) rrj aXrjOeLa.

when taken
.

in

6 //.aprvs

1
<-V

ovpavw
Kaya>

TTIOTOS),

and the
("H^S)

latter in 28,

TrporoTOKov
Trapa rots

^cro/xat avrov,
rfjs yfjs.

vij/rjXjbv

/2acriAeii(rii>

have had the LXX before him. This passage is given a Messianic reference by R. Nathan in As I made Jacob a firstborn, so also Shem. rab. 19, fol. n8 4 will I make King Messiah a firstborn (Ps. Ixxxix. 28). Thus "the firstborn" became a Messianic title (see Lightfoot, Col.

Here our author appears

.

to

i.

TW^ vcKpuv. See preceding note on Ps. Ixxxix. 1 8 we have os ecrrti/ CK TWV dpx^ wv, and in I Cor. XV. 20, ey^ye/rrcu, K ve/cptoi/ a-Trap^r] TWI/ In these Pauline passages Christ s resurrection is undoubtedly referred to, which carries with it His claim to headship of the Church, as in Col. i. 15 Trptororo/cos Trao-^s KTicrcw? implies His claim to headship over all creation by virtue But the sense of being first in point of of His primogeniture. time appears in certain passages to be displaced wholly by the
28.

IS)6 irpwTOTOKos

In Col.

i.

7iy>orroTOKo<;

secondary idea of Sovereignty. Thus in Heb. xii. 23 the phrase Even TrpcoToro/cwv emphasizes wholly this latter idea. God Himself was called D^iy *?W 1TI33 ( = TrpwroTo/co? TOV KOO-/UOV).
e/c/cA.T7<rta

Our present context appears to (See Lightfoot on Col. i. 15.) require the secondary meaning of Trpwroro/cos, and accordingly the true witness of God, the sovereign Christ is here said to be of the dead, the ruler of the living (i.e. the kings of the earth
"
"

and

See note their subjects). 6 apxwi rail paaiXeW rt]S

5 c -6.
b

on

iii.

yrjs.

14. Cf. Ps. Ixxxix.

28

also Isa.

Iv. 4.

here the second of the three stanzas which com line is to be taken as forming a perfect TW dyaTrwi/rt /c parallelism with the first ; for in the

We have

pose 4 -y.
1

The second
Iv, 4,

In Ps,

PavjcJ

is

given as a witness (ijO to the nations.

1.5,6]

JOHN

GREETING TO THE SEVEN CHURCHES

15

in which the participle of the first line This second line is resolved into a finite verb in the second. therefore no parenthesis, nor from the standpoint of the Seer is He is simply there the slightest irregularity in the construction. The reproducing a common Hebrew idiom literally in Greek. A.V., the Syriac and Latin versions are here, therefore, right, and the R.V. is wrong wrong as a translation and bad as a piece of Hence we are to translate, "To Him that loveth us English. and hath made us." This Hebrew idiom recurs frequently

we have a pure Hebraism,

is

in

our author

(i.

18,

ii.

2, 9,

20,

iii.

9, vii.

14 (see note),

xiv. 2-3,

xv. 3),

none of the instances has it been recognized as such by any commentator. This Hebrew idiom has become and
in
.
. .

so naturalized in our author s style that I cannot but regard the /cat orrises ov in XX. 4, ran/ TreTreAe/cKT/xeywv TrpocrtKv,

as

an addition by John

s literary
s

executor in order to

make

the text better Greek.

Ae/ctoyxeva)!
.
. .

John

words were most probably

T. TreTre-

In i. 1 8 the failure to /cat ov Trpocre/cw^crav. recognize this idiom has led most scholars to mispunctuate the text, and the rest, like Wellhausen and Haussleiter, to excise 6 The eyw ct/xt ... 6 wv is to be taken closely with /cat on/.
eyevo/xryi/

ve/cpos (cf.

Amos

vi.

3 for this

am

He

that liveth

and was

dead."

Hebrew construction) = I Hence the first two

lines

no

nt

As Swete well remarks, the TW dya-ircum TjjJids ical Xuaairi. two participles bring out "the contrast between the abiding act of redemption." ayd-n-rj and the completed This is by far the best attested reading. \uaravTL T^/JLCI? eic KT\. With the idea in Avo-avrt we might compare the somewhat kindred
dyopa^etr in
T/OOKTIS,

v.

L 14.
really

Rom. iii. 24, The weakly

the Pauline eayopaetv, Gal. iii. 13, iv. 5 ; aTroAvviii. 23 ; i Cor. i. 30 ; Eph. i. 7, iv. 30 ; Col. attested reading Xova-avn and is not
. .
.

lirXwav rds oroAas aureov ei/ TO) at/xart TOV apvtov, and xxii. 14, though these passages have been brought forward in favour of it. For, whereas these two passages express man s own action in the working out his own a-n-o denotes God s salvation, the Xovvavn part in man s At the same salvation, i.e. his deliverance from sin by Christ. time it is to be observed that this metaphor is a familiar one in cf. i Cor. vi. 1 1 ; Eph. v. 26 ; Tit. the N.T. in this connection

supported by

vii.

14,

iii.

Heb.

x. 22.

Swete aptly compares Plato, Crat. 405 B, where the two verbs are brought together in a similar connection, OVKOVV 6 uTroAovW rwv TCHOV TWP /cajcwF (wo? OF os p d?roAiW T*
K<U
KQ>\

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

6. [I. 5,

WH
.
. .

to failure to

explain the corruption of \varavri into AWcravn as "due understand the Hebraic use of eV to denote a price and a natural misapplication of vii. 14."
:

Here as in v. 9 eV denotes the price by means cf. i Chron. xxi. 24. of which a thing is bought As we have shown in the note on 5 c -6 6. KCU TroiT)aK.
iv TW ai jmaTi.

above, this
delivers

is

Hebraism
sin

for

KCU Troirja-avri.

men from

the negative side

Christ not only but also makes them

to Ex. xix. 6,
ii.

kingdom and

priests.

paaiXeicu/, Upeis.

These words go back

renders /Jao-iAetov
:

D^nb.

This the

LXX

te/oaTv//,a (see i Pet.

and Theodotion, ftao-iXeia 9); Aquila, /?ao-iAeta tepeW Symmachus The last rendering is that of our text and presupposes tepees.
D ona HD^DD.
xvi. 1 8,

kingdom and priests"; so also the Syriac With this last we may compare the Jer. version of Ex. xix. 6. and and Onkelos, priests," Targ. on Ex. xix. 6, "kings It is clear that our text presupposes the same kings, priests." text as Symmachus and Theodotion. Our text then means that Christ has made us a kingdom,
"a
. .
.

This which gives

last

reading

is

in

part supported

by Jub.

"

member of which is a priest unto God. The kingship here involved was to be an everlasting possession (xxii. 5). Of the like duration of the priesthood nothing is said in the closing As respects the priesthood, the privileges of ancient chapters. Even to preIsrael have passed over to the Christian Church. Christian Judaism it was foretold that ,all true Israelites would become in a certain sense priests priests as compared with the And strangers shall feed your flocks, nations that served them. but ye shall be named and aliens shall be your plowmen the priests of the Lord men shall call you the ministers of our
each
"

But that this general priesthood of Israel God" (Isa. Ixi. 5-6). as regards the heathen nations was not to supersede the special ministries of priests and Levites in the redeemed Israel is clear from Ixvi. 21 "And of them will I take for priests for Levites,
:

saith the

Lord."

But

in the spiritual
:

kingdom of Christ no such

distinction is recognized all the faithful are already kings and On the other hand, when the Messianic priests to God (i. 6).

kingdom is established the glorified martyrs will in a special sense be kings and priests ; for in that kingdom the priesthood and kingship of the glorified martyrs will come into actual manifestation relatively to the heathen nations, who will then be evangelized by them (xx. 6). eo-ovrat tepets rov Qeov /cat rov Xptarrov But this special and KOL /3a<TL\v(Tovcriv fj.T avTov TO. ;(iA.ia crrf. limited priesthood and kingship belong only to the Messianic kingdom. It should be observed in this connection that, al though all the faithful were to become kings and priests, it is

1.6-7.]

SECOND ADVENT OF CHRIST

I/

never implied that they should likewise become prophets. The prophetic office may have been conceived by our author in a limited sense and as bestowed on a limited class of men for a special When this purpose was once achieved, the prophetic purpose.

may in his view be no longer necessary. After the final judgment the limited kingship and priesthood of the martyrs will be succeeded by an eternal kingship of all the faithful: xxii. 5, j3aa-i\ev(rovcrw ets T. attorns T. atwvwv. But the special priestly office will no more exist ; and so far as the priestly
gift

will be given by God Himself: xxii. 5, Kv/aios aurovs (see note in loc.}. TW 0ew KCU TraTpl aurou. The avrov is to be taken with TW Beta as well as with Trarpt. 86a KCU TO Kpdros, i.e. TW dyairwi/Tt KT\. Similar TJ doxologies addressed to Christ are to be found in v. 13, vii. 10,

blessing
6 0eos

is

given,
CTT

it

</>omcrei

auT<3

2 Pet. iii. 18, and most probably in 2 Tim. iv. 18, Heb. xiii. 21, and possibly in i Pet. iv. n. In 4 Mace, xviii. 24 we have a good parallel in diction, as w 77 86d ets rovs aiwva? rwv atwj/wp in the Didache Vlii. 2, X. 5, cm crov eVrtv 17 8vVa/x,ts ical f) Soa ets the doxology in atwvas, at the conclusion of the Lord s Prayer
:

rov<s

into

13 not being original, but adopted, according to Hort, of the text through liturgical use in Syria as i Chron. xxix. n, "Thine, O Lord, is early as the 2nd century, the greatness and the power and the glory," appears to be the See original source of most of the doxologies of later times.

Matt.

vi.

some forms

Chase, Lord s Prayer in the Early Church, 168 sqq. 7-8. The prophet s thought is carried forward to the Second Advent of Christ in glory (7). It must be confessed that 8 has no obvious links with what precedes or follows. which are a 7. Here again we have a stanza of three lines reminiscence and an adaptation of Dan. vii. 13 and Zech. xii. 10. In both cases, as we shall see, the text presupposed by our author is -mainly that presupposed by Theodotion s version ; but their combination here is best explained as due to our author s ac quaintance with the Jewish Christian Apocalypse, which has been worked into the text of Matt. xxiv. ( = Mark xiii. = Luke xxi.), and which in Matt. xxiv. 30 represents this combination But not only does our text as already achieved (see below). agree in combining Zech. xii. 10 and Dan. vii. 13, but also in Thus, where transforming the original meaning of Zech. xii. 10. as in the O.T. text we have "they shall mourn for him," in Matt. xxiv. 30 and in our text the tribes of the earth shall mourn (for themselves) because of Him (eV avrov omitted in
"
"

Matt.).

The fulfilment of this prophecy of the visible and victorious return of Christ with a view to judgment is dealt with in the
VOL.
i.

THE REVELATION OF
14,

ST.

JOHN

[1.7.

vision of the Seer in xiv.

18-20, in
.

xix.

11-21, and most

13, ^ajTDJ? VIN1
/cat

probably in xx. 7-10. iSou epxerai jxera rwv

Kin
T":

i/e^eXaii

Cf.

Dan.

vii.

NDN tws 123 ~ T

T
v:.
:

*>

T -

Here Theodotion renders

ISov ucra
i

i4sqq.; Matt. xxiv. 30, xxvi. 64; Didache xvi. 8 (eTrdVw), Justin, Apol. i. 5 1 sq. (e7rdVo>) ; cv = Dy, Mark xiii. 26 ; Luke xxi. 27 cf. Dalman, Words of Jesus, But the 242). 7rt in xiv. 14 of our text is due to our author s use of KaO-tj^vov in this connection) TOJ/ ve^eXcov rov ovpavov us vtos avOpwTrov tp\oCf. Mark xiv. 62, TOJ/ viov rov avOpd)7rov /i-ej/o? (LXX, r/pxero). 4 Ezra xiii. 3. It does tp^o/xev-ov /xero, TUJI/ vec^eAwv TOV ovpavov not necessarily follow from the above that our author used an early translation similar in character to that of the later Theo dotion, but that the Semitic text he followed was such as that followed by Theodotion. The idea of the impending Advent is resumed epxerat.

(LXX,

7TL

=oy

cf. xiv.

in

iii.

n,

O\|/T<U

xiv. 7, xvi. 15, xxii. 7, 12, 20. KCU l%f.KVT(](Ta.V . ttUTOf . .

.

Kttl

KO\|/OJT(H CTT* ttUTOI/

iraaai at

These words, with the exception of the last four, are based on Zech. xii. 10 and agree for the most part with the versions of Theodotion, Aquila, and Symmachus against
<J>u\a!

rfjs

yrj?.

the

LXX.

The

LXX

reads

/cat

/cai ITT Koif/ovrai *np"l) /carwp^cravTO ( Aquila, /ecu eTrt^Aei^ovrat Trpos /x,e, eis ov

7ri/3A,ei^ovTat Trpos /xe, av@* &v O.VTOV. Theod. and

(<rw
a>,

Aquila)

e^e/cei/-

Trjcrav /cat /coi/^ovrat avrov.

Symmachus,

eyu-Trpocr^ci/

eTre^eKevr^trav

Plere the three latter translators support the Massoretic e ^e/cei/rr/o-ai/. It is a question whether our author used an early Greek version the parent of Theodotion s and others The evi or whether he translated directly from the Hebrew. dence on the whole is in favour of his translating directly from the Hebrew. His use of e^eKeVr^o-av l marks his independence of and the fact that e/c/cevretv is the stock rendering in the ; shows that our author s use of this verb cannot the versions of be advanced as evidence for his dependence on any Greek trans Whilst there is thus no trustworthy evidence of his lation here. dependence, there is some evidence of his independence of all This we find in oi//erat avrov, where the versions the versions. have 7n/3\^ovraL Trpos //,e. Our author, it is true, does not use 7ri/3\7reiv, but he uses /JAermv frequently in the sense required here. Moreover, the last words, Trcurai at <vAat -nys yrjs (found also in Matt. xxiv. 30), are a free adaptation of the Hebrew in Zech. xii. 12, where the gives the literal rendering, fj yrj
KT\.

Dpi by

LXX

"ip"T,

LXX

Kara
1

<f>v\as

</>uAa5.

In Justin, Apol.
4%eKtvT-r)(Tai>
:

i.

52,

we

find, K6\f/ovrai

<f>v\T)

-rrpbs

0uX^,

/cat

r6re

6\f/ovrai
;

ei s

8v

The

reference in all

Dial. 14, 32 ; 64, Triyvu(re(r6e et s these passages is eschatological,

5// t%eKevTr]<raTe

126,

I.

7.]

SECOND ADVENT OF CHRIST

19

It is noteworthy that in John xix. 37, the passage in Zechariah rendered in a way closely akin to that in our text oi/^ovrat ds or But, whereas our author applies the prophecy to e^e/ceVnyo-av. the whole world, the Fourth Gospel limits to the four soldiers
is

Abbott (Johanthe looking to Him whom they had pierced. nine Gram., p. 247) writes They look to Him now in amaze ment; they will look to Him for forgiveness and salvation." In the Gospel the main reference is to the crucifixion whereas in
"
"

"

our author it is eschatological. In Matt. xxiv. 30 we have an analogous combination of the passages in Daniel and Zechariah to that in our text, /ecu TOTC
TOV viov TOV avOpwTrov ev ovpavw /cat rore T^S yr}? /cat oi//ovrat TOV vlov TOV p^6/j.vov e7rt T. ve<eXoi>v. Here, as in our text, the Swete writes that both Gospel and reference is eschatological. perhaps to some collection of Apocalypse were indebted prophetic testimonies." This is a good suggestion, but the ex large body of planation is, I believe, to be found elsewhere. scholars are agreed that in Matt. xxiv. (as in the parallel chapters in Mark and Luke) there are two distinct apocalypses worked One of these is from our Lord, xxiv. 4-5, 914, 23-25, together. 32 sqq., while the other is a later Jewish Christian Apocalypse consisting of xxiv. 6-8, 15-22, 29-31, 34, 35 (see my Eschatology*, Now the close parallelism of our text, i. 7 and Matt. 379-385). xxiv. 30 (observe use of o\l/tcr8ai in both, as well as the phrase Tracrai at unique as regards the N.T. and the 777? LXX), presupposes some real connection ; and since the Jewish Apocalypse just referred to was written before 70 A.D., it is reasonable to conclude that the indebtedness lies on the side of our author, and that Matt. xxiv. 30 first suggested to him the combination of Zech. and Daniel, though the diction is mainly his own, and due to his independent translation of the O.T. passages ; for he keeps more closely to Daniel and Zechariah
TO
crrj fji^tov

Tracrat at

<f>v\al

"

<f>v\al

TYJ<S

and reproduces
vai,
djjirji
.

their text

more

have here the Greek and Hebrew forms of affirmation side by side a fact which would tempt us to take them as synonymous, as in d/3/?a 6 iranj/o in Mark xiv. 36. But this does not appear to be so here. And yet it is hard to bring In our author d/xrjv is used (a) at the close out the distinction. of one s own doxology or prayer: i. 6, vii. 12 (ad fin.), (b) It is used for the purpose of adopting as one s own what has just been said: v. 14, vii. 12 (adinit.\ xix. 4, xxii. 20. (c) It is used at the close of a solemn affirmation i. 7 (mi, d/^v). (d) It is used as a designation of Christ iii. 14, 6 A/xrV. Here Christ
: :

We

fully.

is represented as the personalized divine Amen, the guarantor in f. Isa. Ixv. 16, person of the truth declared by Him, jOK *r^K

<

20
"God

THE REVELATION OF
of the
Amen,"
<nta

ST.
is

JOHN
by the best

[l.

8-9.

vai in this context is difficult to determineIn xxii. 20 it denotes a divine occurs four times in all. promise, where the d/xT/V expresses the trustful acceptance of this promise (cf. 2 Cor. i. 20). In xiv. 13, xvi. 7, it is used to confirm what has just been said of the heavenly voice. But in xiv. 13 it could be taken as the affirmation of a promise by the
It

emended into fOK The meaning of

which, howexer,
"

critics

God

of

truth."

Yea Spirit If xiv. 13

"

is

not from our

va.1

in that they shall rest," etc. to be taken as just suggested, then, since xvi. 7 is author s hand, it would follow that in our author

as Hort says, "affirmation or reaffirmation "expresses," divine or human," and that they are here purposely combined to It is so, amen." express the same ideas as in xxii. 20,
"

God. This is a natural symbol for the first Kal TO *il. TO and last of all things. It was known among the Romans cf. Martial, v. 26. Among the later Jews the whole extent of a thing was often denoted by the first and last letters of the Thus (Schoettgen, Hor. Heb. in loc.) Adam trans alphabet, fix. gressed the whole law from aleph to tau (Jalkut Rub. f. 1 7*) Abraham observed the whole law from aleph to tau (f. 48*) when God blesses Israel, He does it from aleph to tau (f. i28 3 ). It represented the entirety of things, and thus could fitly express
8.
is
"A\4>a

The Speaker

that

Hence it is not improbable a Greek rendering of a corre sponding Hebrew expression. The thought conveyed by this 0eos 2a/?aw0 title is essentially that of Isa. xliv. 6 TT/XOTOS /cat cf. xli. 4, /ATa ravra (ji")nK pKI |^N"1 ^N rrlK3S ni!T
the Shekinah, Schoettgen,
"Alpha
i.

1086.
is

and

Omega"

eya>

eya>

xliii.

TO).

Ku pios
xii.

6e6s

...

Amos

ix. 5).

TrarroicpdTup

= niKnV TPK

mil
:

Hos.
iv.

favourite

title

in our author

cf.

8,

In iv. 8 (cf. xi. 17) we have 17, xv. 3 [xvi. 7], xix. 6, xxi. 22. the entire passage, /cvpios 6 $eos 6 wv KCU 6 rjv /ecu 6 ep^o/xcvos 6
xi.

TravTOKparoo/o,

save that the 6 TravTo/cpartop precedes the 6 6 TravTo/cpdYwp is not found in the N.T. outside our author save in 2 Cor. vi. 18 in a quotation. See note on i. 4. Kal 6 r\v KT\. 6
<5v.
wi>

9-20.

JOHN S CALL AND COMMISSION. HIS VISION OF THE SON OF MAN RISEN AND GLORIFIED.
Eyw
Iwdmjs.
;

9.

Cf. xxii.
iii.

Dan.

vii.

15,

28,

viii.

i, ix.

AavirjA.)

4 Ezra

Enoch

xii. 3, etc.

The

insertion

of the

name

is

required after

8.

I. 9.]

JOHN
d8e\4>6s

CALL AND COMMISSION

iv.

21
of the article
to
KO.I

ujj.oii

Kal (TUVKOIVUVOS

The absence
ol

before the second

noun shows
Cf.
vi.

that the two

nouns are

be
01

taken closely together.

dSeA(/>ot

n,

o-wSouAot avroiv

Here,

OLVTWV oi /xeAAovres diroKTej/j/eo-$at cos Kal avrot: xii. IO. as in its pagan use, dSeA<ds means a fellow-member in the

With 6 dSeA<6s v^uv cf. 2 Pet. iii. 15, religious society. With (TVVKOLVWVOS cf. O-WKOIVO)6 dyaTT^TOS fjfjiwv dSeA<os ITavAos. vziv in xviii. 4; and for lv after Kowon/ds cf. Matt, xxiii. 30.

same

Fellowship in suffering naturally was an essential mark of early Phil. Cf. 2 Cor. i. 7, KOLVWVOL core TWV Tra^/xdVoov Christianity.
:

iii.

IO, KOtvcui/t av TcSv Tra^/xdrwv

iv.

14,

crwKotvwvrycraj Tes

//,ov

ry

here

K TTJ 6Xu|/i Kal J3aai\eta Kal is the tribulation of the last It is

UTTOJJLOI/T)

ev

lyjaoG.

The

time

cf. vii.

14, T^S dAti/rcus TT}S

p.yd\ir)<s.

same as the rfjs (Spas TOV Tretpaor/^ov T^S fjifXThis last great r^s otKOV/xev?;? oA?;? in iii. 10. hence tribulation necessarily precedes the Millennial Kingdom Kal ySao-tAeta but to have part in the kingdom faithful endur ance throughout the tribulation is necessary hence Kat vTropovfi
the
Xovcrrfs ep^ecr^at CTTI
:
-

cf.

ii.

2,

3,

19,

iii.

10,

xiii.

10,

xiv.

12.

vn-o/jLovr)

being the

alchemy, which transmutes those who share in the #Au/as the /3acnAei a, can only achieve its end in a Pauline conception which fellowship with Jesus I^crov) recurs in xiv^jc^, but is set forth under another figure in iii._2p,
spiritual

into

members of

(ei>

.;

edv rts aKOvcrr) r?}s <^xov^s /xov Kal avoL^y TT]V Ovpav, ci(reAevcro/xat It is Trpo? OLVTOV Kat SetTrv^cra) fier avrov KOL avros /xer e/xov. a question whether eV I^o-ov should be connected with all three

nouns or
2

wjth^iuTrp/xov^o^nly.
5, TT)V

Thess.

iii.

cf. Probably the latter is best VTTO^OV^V TOV X/KOTTOV, though the idea here is
:

somewhat

different.
in."

^="1 found myself might conclude eyeyopjK from this clause that when he wrote he was no longer in Patmos. Patmos was one of the Sporades, a barren rocky island about It ten miles long and five wide. is first mentioned by

We

Thucydides,
iv.

iii. 33, and later by Strabo, x. 5. 13, 12. 23, the last of whom states that it was

and

Pliny,

H.N.

used as a penal

settlement by the Romans, as were other islands, i.e. Pontia, off the coast of Latium, to which Domitian banished Flavia Domitilla (Euseb. H.E. iii. 18. 5), and Gyara and Seriphus in the Aegean (see Encyc. Bib. iii. 3603).
8ia roy Xoyoi TOU 0eoG Kal TTJ^ jxapTupiai irjaou. These words define the ground for his presence in Patmos, i.e. his preaching of the Gospel and his loyalty to it in a time of tribulation. The phrase T. Adyov T. 0eov Kat T. fjiaprvpiav I. here give the contents of his preaching, whereas in 2 they describe the Apocalypse etSci/. itself: cf. It has been urged by many scholars that
o<ra

22

THE REVELATION OF
i.e.

ST.

JOHN

[l.

9-10.

John had gone

revelation, appears to

= o/e/ca) receiving the author Sta never means "for the sake ( word of God, etc., but "because the consequence word of God which he had preached. In other words, Sta denotes the ground and not the purpose in this Book cf. ii. 3, iv. n, vi. 9, vii. 2. In two passages 15, xii. n, 12, xiii. 14, etc. our author speaks of death by persecution in connection with
of"
of,"

to Patmos for the purpose of receiving this that mentioned in 2. But this interpretation be inadmissible on several grounds, our i. In
"in
of"

3ta

these very phrases, i.e. vi. 9, eo-<ay/x,eVeov Sia r. A.oyov r. Otov KCU T. /xaprvptW, and again in xx. 4. These passages in them selves indicate the interpretation to be adopted in the present passage. 3. The fact that our author has just described himself KCU VTTOfJiOVrj SUggCStS that he aS (TVVKOLVWVOS V TYJ BXtytL . has in a special and not in any ordinary manner suffered for the faith. If he suffered no more than the average Christian, it is not in keeping with his reticence as to himself that he should lay emphasis on what after all was the common lot of the
.

faithful.

4.

An
its

credible in

early tradition, in itself not uniform nor quite details, testifies to the banishment of John to
"

Patmos. Cf. Tert. De Praescript. 36, Apostolus loannes in insulam relegatur ; Clem. Alex. Quis dives, 42, eVctS^ yap TOV
.

"

"E<f>o-ov

Tvpdvvov TcXevTiycravros O.TTO -nys Har/xou rrjs v^crou /zerrJA-^ev CTTL Origen, In Matt. t. xvi. 6, 6 Se Pco^atwv /3ao-tXevs, 7ra/m8o(ris StSacrKct, /careSi /cacre TOV Itodvvrjv /JLaprvpovvra Sia TOV
:

rrjv
fj

a>s

TTJS

If we combine this tradi above that Patmos was a penal settlement (Pliny, H.N. iv. 12. 23), as well as i, 2, and 3, the evidence for John s exile is adequate. There is no just ground for the suggestion that the tradition arose as an elaboration of the
d\.rjOLa<s

Aoyov

cts

ECar/xoi/ rrjv vrjcrov.

tion with the fact cited

present passage. 1O. eyeyojATji Iv

into."

irkeujxaTi.

Not merely

"

was

in,"

but

"

I fell

These words denote the

ecstatic condition into

which

the Seer has fallen, just as ev lavrw yevo/xei/os (Acts xii. n) describe the return to the normal condition. We have equivalent

phrases in Acts
/rra<rei.

xi. 5,

etSov kv eKo-racrei,

and

xxii. 17, yo/eo-0cu

/u,

Iv

Apart from extraordinary ecstatic experiences, all Christians could be said to be eti/ai Iv TTV^V^CLTL (Rom. viii. 9) as opposed to the faithless, who were ei/ o-apKL. In this passage, then, eyei/o/x^v ei/ Tri/eu/xart denotes nothing more than that the Seer fell into a trance. It was not until he was in this trance that Christ addressed him. But in iv. 2 (see note), where this phrase recurs, if the text is right, it must mean

something more, since the Seer is already in a trance. This is the first place in Christian iv TTJ KuptaKTJ rjfxe pa. Some scholars literature where the Lord s Day is mentioned.

1.10.]

HIS VISION OF

THE SON OF MAN

"in

2$

jj,eyaA>7,

the day of the have proposed to take this phrase as meaning in the Lord," i.e. "the day of Yahweh," the day of judgment LXX, Y) fjjji lpa TOV Kvpiov, and elsewhere in our text, f) fj/jiepa. f) It is sufficient to mention this inter vi. 17, xvi. 14.

pretation and pass on to the generally accepted and, in the opinion of the present writer, the right interpretation, which takes on the Lord s day," i.e. the day con these words to mean secrated to the Lord. We might compare an analogous phrase In the 2nd in I Cor. xi. 20, OVK coriv xvpiaKOv Beitrvov qfxxyetv. cent, we have the following undisputed testimonies to the use of this phrase for Sunday Didache xiv. i, Kara /<vpia/o)v o
"

crwa^evres KXdcrare aprov

ib.

Evang

Petri, 35,

e7re<o)(TKv 17

Magn. ix. i, Ignatius, (ra/SjSaTi^ovTfS a\\a Kara KvpuaKrjv ^wvres, kv y /cat 17 fa <WreiA.ev Melito of Sardis the title of one of his writings,
50,
T7)<s

opOpov Se
:

KvpiaKrjs:

Ad

Here Lord s preserved in Euseb. H.E. iv. 26. 2. become a technical designation of Sunday. Since all Day these writings emanate from Asia Minor, the term may first have arisen there, but that it was in general use before the close of the 2nd cent, may be inferred from the statement of Dionysius of Corinth in Euseb. H.E. IV. 23. II, rrjv cn^upov ovv KVpiaKrjv dytav Clem. Alex. Strom, vii. 12 ; Tert. De Cor. iii., fjfjitpav St^yayo^ev
"

Kvpia/c?}?,
"

has

Die dominico jejunium nefas ducimus," etc. The reason given by the early Christians for naming the first day of the week the Lord s Day," was that it was the day of His But how it came to be celebrated weekly and not resurrection. only yearly seems to be first explained by Deissmann (Bible It appears that the Studies, 218 sq. ; Encyc. Bib. iii. 2815 sq.). first day of each month was called Emperor s Day (SejSaor??) in Asia Minor and Egypt before the Christian era, Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers^ i. ii. 714 nay more, according to two inscrip tions from Ephesus and Kabala to which might be added an Oxyrhynchus papyrus (circ. 100 A.D.) it is inferred by Buresch (Aus Lydien, 1898, pp. 49-50) and Deissmann that Se^cum? was a day of the week. If these conclusions are valid we can under stand how naturally the term Lord s Day arose ; for just as the first day of each month, or a certain day of each week, was called "Emperor s Day," so it would be natural for Christians to name the first day of each week, associated as it was with the Lord s resurrection and the custom of Christians to meet together for worship on it, as Lord s Day." It may have first arisen in apocalyptic circles when a hostile attitude to the Empire was adopted by Christianity. Our author has probably rJKoucra $uvj]v peya.\v]v omorOeV JAOU. Ezek. iii. 12 in his mind, KCU dveXa/^ev /xe Trvev/xa, /ecu rj/coixra ov Wetstein quotes a good 0-6107x07} /xeyaXou.
" "
"
"

"

"

"

<J><j>vr)v

24
parallel

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN
Se
.
d>s

[1.10-11.
<wvr)v

from Plutarch, Lycurg. 54 C, oxovo-ai TWOS eo7ricr$ei/ eTrtrijuaJi/ros a^rw

.

<ey

The note. Cf. iv. I ws o-dXTuyyos. It appears to be that voice is loud and clear as a trumpet blast. of the Son of Man (so Alcasar, Ewald, Hengstenberg, Bousset), who bids the Seer o /^A-eVeis ypdif/ov eis /3i/3A,ioi/ (i i), and at the close of this theophany repeats the command in 19, ypctyov ovv a elSes. This is the natural interpretation. Diisterdieck and Alford take the voice to be that of an unnamed angel. we have to deal with the most difficult In dig crdXmyyos. See the Additional Note particle in all our author s vocabulary. at the close of this chapter on ws and o/xotos. should expect Aeyouo-av. But this is no Xeyouotjs. oversight of our author; for the same construction recurs in ws trdATriyyos AaAova^s, when we iv. I, r) Trpwrrj rj
jaeydXtji
. . .
<*>

We

<fro)vr)

should expect XaXovo-a. This connection of the participle with the dependent genitive instead of with the governing nouns we find also in vi. 7, r/Kovcra wov Xeyovros, though here this construction is r. reraproi;
<wv>)v

very intelligible. 11-16. These verses appear to be composed of four stanzas, the first three of four lines each and the fourth of three. 11. pXeireis. Our author, like most of the N.T. writers (including Johannine Gospel and Epistles), uses /JXeVav and not 6pav in the present tense, except in the case of opa in the im = "beware." For the future of ^XeVetv he uses perative and for the passive aorist oi//ecr#eu, For other constructions with tV and eVi see i. 3, ypdtyov els.
6<j>6fjvai.

ii.

17,

iii.

write

down

The Seer is repeatedly bidden to 12, xiv. i, xvii. 5, etc. his visions, except in the case of the Seven Thunders.
According to Ramsay (Letters
to the
,

TCUS cirra eidcXTjaiais.

Seven Churches p. 191), "the Seven groups of Churches, into which the province had been divided before the Apocalypse was composed, were seven postal districts, each having as its centre
or point of origin one of the Seven Cities, which (as was pointed out) lie on a route which forms a sort of inner circle round the Province." Ramsay s reason for these Seven Churches in cluding two comparatively small towns, Thyatira and Philadelphia, and excluding the well-known cities of Colossae, Hierapolis,

Troas, Tralles, etc. being chosen and none others, is (op. cit. the Seven Cities stand on the great circular road 183) that that bound together the most populous, wealthy, and influential If delivered at part of the Province, the west-central region." these Seven Cities, the Apocalypse would easily spread through out the rest of the Province; for "they were the best points on
p.
"all

I.

11-18.]

HIS VISION OF

THE SON OF MAN

2$

districts

that circuit to serve as centres of communication with seven : Pergamum for the north (Troas, doubtless Adramyt-

tium, and probably Cyzicus and other cities on the coast con tained Churches) ; Thyatira for an inland district on the north east and east ; Sardis for the wide middle valley of the Hermus ; Philadelphia for Upper Lydia, to which it was the door (iii. 8) ; Laodicea for the Lycus Valley and for central Phrygia, of which it was the Christian metropolis in later time ; Ephesus for the Cayster and Lower Maeander Valleys and coasts ; Smyrna for the Lower Hermus Valley and the North Ionian coasts"

The fact, hypothesis. seven, were chosen, is determined of this number in the eyes of our does not exclude the possibility that the Seven Churches in our author were selected on the ground of their fitness as desirable centres of publication. To each of these centres the roll would be carried in turn and then
This is an 191 sq.). (p. however, that seven, and just apparently by the sacredness author. This fact, however,
attractive

Smyrna lay 40 miles north of EphesuSj ^j^aniurn copied. 40 north ot Smyrna, JQyratira 45 S.E. of Pergamum, Sardis 30 nearly due S. of Thyatira, Philadelphia 30 E.S.E. of Sardis, and J^aodicea 40 S.E. of Philaiiejptn.a (see map in Ramsay).
Cf. Aesch. Theb. 106, KTVTTOV ScSopKO. jBXe-rreii TT\V $wf]v. voice is here used for the person from whom it comes. The TJTLS here represents an indirect tjrts eXdXei [ACT e|xou. On question, and accordingly the construction is classical. cXaXet fjiT /xov, see note on iv. i. 12 b . eirrdi Xuxyias xp uor n the position of eTrra as con trasted with its position in 16, see note on viii. 2. These seven lampstands recall Zech. iv. 2, where, however, only one lampstand and Vulg. rightly appears with seven lamps, which, as the testify, were each fed by a pipe from one common reservoir of oil. In Ex. xxv. 31 sqq. there is a description of a sevenbranched candlestick (Xv^yta. = miaip), which was said to stand

12.

The

<*9.

LXX

outside the second veil of the Tabernacle. The candlestick or lampstand carried seven lamps (Avxvot = nro). In our text the lampstands are separate. Their function is to embody and give forth the light of God on earth. Should the lamps fail to do so, their lampstand is removed (ii. 5). Various scholars (Gunk el, Chaos, 294 sqq.; Zimmern, K.A.T* 624 sqq.) have drawn attention to the original connection between the seven-armed candlestick and the seven planets, and quoted the passages from Josephus and Philo (see note on p. 12) to this effect. But of this our Seer was probably wholly unconscious.

13-18. If the student studies the

titles

of the Son of

Man

in these verses, he will see that they recur at the beginning of six of the letters, but not in that to the Church of Laodicea.

26
Thus

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[l.

13-16.

it seems to have been the intention of our author to connect each of the Seven Letters with a special title. But this intention was carried out only partially and in a superficial manner in this preliminary sketch of his work. For, as already observed, the title at the beginning of the letter to Laodicea is not found in i. 13-18; and in the letters to Ephesus and Sardis the same title is used twice cf. ii. i, 6 Kparvv TOVS CTTTOI aoWpas w rf} Se& p (cf. i. l6 a), and iii. I, 6 ex wi/ r vs cirra derrepas. Again, that the titles were intended to have some connection with the letters in which they respectively appear is ar in most
:

ci<

of the cases.
title,

Thus

in the letter to the

//.ecra)
ra>v

Church

in

Ephesus the
i), is at

6 TreptTrarcov ev

ITTTOI

Xv^vtwv

rail/ ^pvcroij/ (ii.

events related verbally to the words of warning in ii. 5, el Se . IK TOV TOTTOV avrfjs. In the letter firj . TTJV Xvxvtav to the Church in Smyrna the title, os eyeVcro veicpos KCU c^crev contain a reference to ii. io d ytvou TTICTTOS d^pt 6a.va.rov, (ii. 8), may KOI Swo-o) orot TOV In the letter to the Church rfls WT}S.
all
.

jav7J(ra>

<rov

<rT<J>avov

in

Pergamum 6 l^oav ryv po/x^aiW rrjv SIOTOJUOV (ii. 12) is antici c patory ot the words in ii. l6 TroXe/A^cro) /ACT avrwv tv rf) po/A<aia TOV 0-To/x.aros /xov. In the letter to the Church in Thyatira the ws ^>Xoya Trupds (ii. 1 8), may be title, 6 e^cov rot s chosen with reference to the claim in ii. 23, eyw et/u 6 cpavv&v KOL KapSias. In the case of the three remaining Churches the connection between the introductory title of Christ and the contents of the letters is obscure except in the letter to the Church in Philadelphia. In the letter to the Church in Sardis the title, 6 l^wi/ ra OTTO, in/v//,aTa TOV 6eov (iii. i), may point to the need of watchfulness (iii. 2), since the seven spirits are sent forth by Christ to witness the doings of men (v. 4). In the letter to the Church in Philadelphia the title, 6 \eov T^V KXetv Aavei S, 6 dvotywv *crX (iii. 7), is introduced to justify Christ s power to fulfil His promise that He will cause the Jews after the flesh to bow down before the true spiritual Israel (iii. 9), and will make the It is latter pillars in the spiritual community of God (iii. 12). Christ that shuts out the one from this community and admits the other to it. Finally, in the letter to the Church in Laodicea the title, 6 /taprws 6 TTIO-TOS KCU a\Trj6w6<s (iii. 14), may have reference to the testimony given against the Laodicean Church in iii. 16-19. The above facts show that, whereas only in the case of the Churches of Philadelphia and Thyatira is there any sort of organic connection between the divine title and the contents of the letter, in the case of the rest the connection is at the best Thus these titles give the impression either artificial or doubtful. of being an afterthought on the part of our author inserted by him in order to link up chap. i. (whence the titles are drawn) and This supposition gains confirmation from the fact chaps, ii.-iii.
,
6<f>0a\fjLov<s

v<f>povs

1.13.]
that the

HIS VISION OF

THE SON OF MAN

2;

Seven Letters were undoubtedly written before the time of Domitian, and in fact before our author had any apprehension of a world-wide persecution, whereas the rest of the Apocalypse is saturated through and through with this conviction.
13.
ofjLOLov

viov.

Cf.
(p.
u>s,

xiv.

14.
u>s

Here, as

have shown

in

the Additional Note as the equivalent of

tion.

and 0^,0109, o/xotos is used 36) on not only in meaning but in construc

are absent

The fact that the articles Cf. xiv. 14. TOV vlov TOV 6.vBpu>irov) is so far from being a matter of difficulty that in this context they could not be present. The Being whom the Seer sees is not like the Son of Man," but is "the Son of Man." But the Seer can rightly describe Him as being like a son of man." This technical phraseology in Apocalyptic means that the Being so described is not a man.
OJAOIOK uloi/ dyOpoj-rrou.
(i.e.
"
"

Further, since Ezekiel,

(also
lxxxiii.-xc.),

and

particularly

Enoch

xxxvii.-lxxi.

used the term "man" in their visions to symbolize an angel, wos avOp&irov would most naturally bear the same meaning in this passage. Thus OJJLOIOV vlov avOpw-Trov would = like an angel." Hence the Being so described is a super Cf. I Enoch natural Being, like an angel and yet not an angel. xlvi. i, where the supernatural Messiah is described as a being whose countenance was as the appearance of a man ( = ntOEG
" " "

t^UN).

Such is the literal rendering of this latter passage. Further, there can be no doubt that long before the time of our Seer the phrase "like a Son of Man" (t?JK -Q3) in Dan. vii. 13
is

was taken as a Messianic designation.

in Apocalyptic

mos avOpuirov Thus the exact equivalent of 6 wos TOV avOpuirov in

<J>s

the Gospels and Acts

iro8i]pT].

vii.

56. Cf. Dan. x. 5,

/ecu

ISov avrfp els

;

/3vo-o-iva

(LXX
.

/SaSSetV,

Theod.),

i.e.

D^3 ^ irr?

Ezek.

ix. 2, ets

a rendering of the 6 we have cVSeSv/xeVot same Hebrew phrase. /cat 7rpiea>0yx.eVoi irepl TO. o-TrjOrj used in reference to t XiOov f angels, there is not necessarily any reference here to the priestly character of Christ. In Ex. xxviii. 4, xxix. 5, iroorjprjs is used as a rendering of the high priestly robe Cf. Josephus,
dvijp
.
.

evSeSuKws

Troorjprj

(also in 3, Since in xv.

n)

(^j&p).

Ant.

iii.

7*

4 o
5

8e dp^tepcvs
8"

7revSvcrayw,ei/os

8"

va.Kw6ov

TT^TTOLTfJfJieVOV

^tTOJVa, TToS^p^S

<TTt

KCU OVTOS, fACtlp Ka\LTO.l Tr)V

:

^jaere pav yAaxrcrav,

^wvy Trcpto-^tyyerat iii. 7. 2, where the linen vestment of the priests is called TroS^p??? ^mm/. See also Wisd. ri xviii. 24, yap TroSiypovs evSv/xarog rjv oAos 6 /co oy/,os. But even if TroSrJp^s was in the mind of the Seer a rendering of ^yD, the priestly reference is still doubtful; for the ^yv was commonly used by men of high rank (cf. i Sam. xviii. 4, xxiv. 5, 12 Ezek. xxvi. 1 6, etc.). The long robe is used here simply as an Oriental
;

28
mark of
different

THE REVELATION OF
dignity,

ST.

JOHN

[l.

13-14.

though it may have had originally a very cf. Gressmann, Eschatologie, meaning and origin
:

346

sq.

This phrase irepie^GKTjAeVoi irpos rots paorois \pvt\v \puv6iv. recurs in a slightly different form in xv. 6. Both this and the
preceding phrase were suggested by Dan.
KOL
rj
6<r<us

x. 5, eVSeStyzeVos /foSSeiV,

avrov Trepie^oKr/xeV^ ei/ ^pvcrtw Q<a, where there is no connection of any kind with the priestly dress. The golden clasp or TTO PTTI? was worn by the king and his chosen friends
i Mace. x. The high priest also wore a girdle (<tAoi), 89, xi. 58. (nJ3N), but it was a loosely-woven scarf: cf. Ex. xxviii. 4, xxxix. 29 ; Lev. xiii. 7. This priestly girdle was worn on the

breast a

little
.

TroS^p?;? ^trcov
is

above the armpits cf. Josephus, Ant. iii. 7. 2, ov 7rioiWwTat Kara a-rfjOos oAtyov TT/S /xacr^aA^s
:

VTrepavto rrjv ^wvrjv Trepiayovres.

-rrpos

in local sense with dative

cf.

rare in the N.T.

xviii.
-q

Here only

in the

Apocalypse:
a>s

Mark

v.

n;
[cos

John
Xtwt
].

16, xx.

n,

12.

14.

The

aurou KCU, at rpi)(S Xeuical text presupposes Dan. vii. 9 and former, according to Theod., Vulgate,
8e
K<|>aXT]

epiov XeuicoV

Our

Enoch xlvi. i. and most com

mentators,

is

to be rendered

and the

hair of his

head

like

avrov cos eptov \evKrj (or AevKoV). Thus in the first place we explain the combination of f) KtfyaXr) and cu rpi^es in our text. But our text diverges clearly from Theodotion s version and the Massoretic of Dan. vii. 9 ; for the latter read the hair of his head like pure (i.e. cleansed) wool." But unless we assume that the wool is white, which, of course, it sometimes Since the here has is, the comparison is not a good one. TO rpi^co/xa rfjs Ke^aX^s avrov doo-et eptov Aev/cov KaOapov ("spotless as white wool"), it is clear that our author had either it or the Aramaic text presupposed by it before him. i Enoch xlvi. i could be either "his hair was white like wool" or "like white Hence our text agrees wool," the latter being the more likely. with the and i Enoch here against the Massoretic of Dan. It should be observed that the description which in vii. 9. Daniel and i Enoch belongs to the Ancient of Days, is here The term transferred to the Son of Man. may refer to the hair. This was manifestly a marginal gloss. It is
K<J>aX.r)
"

=^

his raiment was white as snow, pure wool ; while i Enoch xlvi. i
"
"

LXX

LXX

Kc<()a.\rj

[o>s

X^O

Moreover, in Dan. extremely awkward in its present context. vii. 9 it is the raiment that is "white as snow," not the hair of his head.
ot
6<j>6aXfjLol

auroG
x.

same description
suggested by Dan.

is

Cf. ii. 18, xix. 12, where the irupos. The phrase is again applied to Christ. His eyes were as lamps of fire 6,
tus
<f>X6
"
"

I.

14-16.]
;

HIS VISION OF

THE SON OF MAN

29

Enoch
is

"

i.

5,

metaphor

a very

common one

Their eyes were like burning lamps." The in Latin and Greek, as Wetstein

has shown on this passage.

has drawn upon Daniel. burnished brass" (LXX,
opao-ts
"

Here again our author 15. ol iroSes aurou OJAOIOI xaXKoXij3di/w. His feet like in colour to Cf. x. 6,
"

oxrei

^aX/cos ^aa-TpdTrrwv

Theod. ws
:

x ^-*

o-TiX/?ovro9 (fejj

n^m
i.

172): Ezek.

i.

4, 27, viii. 2,

From the appearance of his loins and downward, fire and from his loins and upward, as the appearance of brightness, as
the colour of of burnished
W>p

amber";
brass"

also

7,
d>s

"they

(LXX,

e^ao-iyxxTrrwv

we assign it is purely provisional. Suidas defines it as eTSos ^Xe/crpou Ti/xiwrepoi/ xpva-ov ecrrt ($ TO rjXfKTpov dXXoTUTrov xpvcrtov /me/jnyfjifvov veXoJ KO.I \i@cia . . T/XeKrpov, dXXoiwo-is xpvo-i ov, fte/xty/xevov veXw KCU Ai$iots. The word, which is of uncertain derivation, is rendered in Latin
.

n>ri3). xaX/coXi/3avos (here and ii. identified metal. Hence, whatever translation

sparkled like the colour xa ^ K s PW O WJ 18 only) is as yet an un

by aurichalcum. Pliny, H.N. inest argentum vario pondere.

est,

xxxiii,

4,

writes

"

Omnino

auro

Ubicunque quinta
"

argenti portio
. .
.

electrum
fiant."

vocatur."

ix.

41, "Argentum auro confundere, ut

electra

quod
Od.

fit

Servius on Virgil, Aen. viii. 402, de tribus partibus auri et una argenti."
150.
13, rjXe/crpos
.

Electrum
/cat

Eustathius on
apyvpov.

iv.

p.

/xtyyu,a

TI

xpvcrov

quotations are drawn from Wetstein.) ev Kajii^w f n-eirupwjj.^^s tSo AC. But, if this is on the part of the original, it can only be a slip for Seer, which he would have corrected in a revision of his text. For the explanation given by Hort and Swete, that TreTrupw/xeVr/s is explained by x a^ KO W? c / ou understood, is too prosaic and intolerable, i.e. "like burnished brass as in a furnace of burnished Hence I assume that our author intended to write brass." a correction which was early and rightly introduced TreTTvpw/xeVo) into the text as the following authorities testify i.e. X, some 1 2 Thus we have the vigorous cursives, s , vg., Sah., Eth. Viet.

(These
o>S

last three

7re7rvpa>//,eVa>

"

and

smelted (or

burnished brass as when it is Trupovv is used only in the passive in the N.T. In the present passage and in iii. 18 it is used as the equivalent of spv (in Ps. xii. 6, Ixvi. 10 ; Dan. xii. 10 Zech. xiii. 9), of which it is the stock translation.
"

fitting

conception
refined
)

like

in the

furnace."

aurou a9 uSarwi TroXXom The voice of the Son described in exactly the same terms as the voice of God in Ezek. xliii. 2, D^i D^O hp3 l^ip (so the Heb. but not the LXX). Here our author rejects the corresponding simile in Dan. x, 6 pon inp3 like the voice of a multitude." 16. Ixwy = etxe, a Semitic idiom, though the participle is used in the Koi^ occasionally as a finite verb. The reading of A, KO.L
TJ
4>ui/T)
<f>wi>T)

of

Man

is

"

30
eV TT?

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[l.

16.

Seiu xeipl avrov dcrrepeg eTrra, seems to assimilate the text to the adjoining clauses, but it may be original. Xwy er TTJ Seia Xtipi aurou darepas eirrci. Cf. ii. I (where the
is probably an interpolation), iii. i. This clause is to be It means that interpreted purely symbolically and not literally. these seven stars were subject to him, and wholly in his power. On the other hand the words rrjv Setai/ avrov eV e/Ae in 17

clause

W^v

are to be taken literally. In 20 these seven stars are interpreted as symbolizing the Seven Churches. That they were originally conceived as forming the constellation of the Bear has been suggested by Bousset,

Dieterich (Eine Mithrasliturgie, p. 14, line i6sq., pp. 72, 76 sq.), where the God Mithras is represented as appearing to the mystic . . . Kari^pvra kv Seia X t /xoa^ov w/xov xpvareov, os fomv apKTos ^ Kivovcra . . . TOV ovpai/oV. But, whatever may
/

who quotes

be the original derivation of this conception, it could hardly be present to the mind of the Seer in the present passage, else we should have TOVS eTrra do-repas and not do-repas tTrra. The number seven, in itself sacred, determined the number of the Churches (i. 20), and thus by a coincidence the number of the See Jeremias, Babylonisches im Neuen Testament, stars as seven. But the seven stars may be the seven planets. 24-26. eic TOU orojAaTOS auToG pofxcjxxia StoTojJios 6ela eKiropeuofxenrj. These words go back to Isa. xi. 4, He shall smite Cf. ii. 12, 1 6. has TW the earth with the rod of his mouth (here the row o-To/xaros avrov), xlix. 2 ; "He hath made my mouth like a See also note on xix. 15, sharp sword" (ws n.a.ya.ipuv 6etai/). where part of the above clause recurs cf. Heb. iv. 12 ; 2 Thess. The sword that proceeds from the mouth of ii. 9; 4 Ezra xiii. 4. the Son of Man is simply a symbol of his judicial authority.
"
"

LXX

Aoyo>

Religious art has been very unhappy in representing this symbol of Christ. literally as a sword proceeding from the mouth Cf. Ps. cxlix. 6 (po/x<atat oYo-ro/zot = Uin popjxxia SurrojJios.

ITWB)
CK
TJ

Sir. xxi. 3.
.

T. orojjiaTOS

eKiropeuojxei/T).

Cf.
TYJ

ix.

17, xix. 15.

ovjus auToG,
oi/as
is

ws 6

rjXios

ei>

4>ati>i

Sumfxet auroG.

o/as
xi.

=
in

"face";

found only here and

in

John

vii.

24,

44

Part the N.T., but this usage is not infrequent in the LXX. of the clause 6 ^Xtos and V T. Sw. avrov goes back to Judg. v. 31, Let them that love him be as the sun when he goeth forth in his strength" t^oSos ^At ov ei/ Svr<ftct avrov = ^10^n DSV3
"

(a>?

o -^Xtos.

Cf. Matt. xvii. 2, f\o.p^f^v TO Trpoo-toTrov avrov

u>?

6 ^Xios.

sun,
2

faces of the righteous are also to shine like the Matt. xiii. 43 ; as do also those of the angels x, i ;
:

The
5,

Enoch

i.

xix. i.

I.

16-18.]

HIS VISION OF
<J>aiVei.

THE SON OF MAN

31

ws 6
the
Ixi.

ijXios

We
xxxii.

have here a Hebrew construction,

same
10
;

as in

Deut.

Jer. xxiii. 29.

Hence our

n; Job vii. 2, ix. 26, xi. 16; Isa. text = imn:Q TW KW3. The
his face

clause should

be rendered,
etSoi>

"And

was as
ei>s,

the

sun

See Additional Note on p. 36. shining in his strength." aurok KT\. The Seer had in his mind Dan. 17. K.a.1 ore . . x. 7, 9, (LXX), /cat eTSov eyco Aavr)A rrjv opacnv . . 9, /cat TTCTTTWKIOS CTTI TrpdcrwTroi/ jotov CTTI T^/V y^v. Cf. also Josh. rjfjirjv
. : .
eyu>

v.

14

Ezek.
e0r)K6i

i.

28,
TT]^

K.a.1

iii. 23, xliii. 3. SeltaK aurou

.

MTJ

4>oj3ou.

Cf.

Dan.

x. 10,

12, 19.

The
(cf.

/AT?

c/>o/3ov

is

found also separately

i.

in Isa. xliv.

Matt.
to

xiv. 27, xvii.

7;
xiv.

Luke

13,

30, etc.
vi.
is

It is

2; used to give

comfort
(Spitta).

Matt.

27= John

remind the Seer that

He

that

20; Acts xxvii. 24), and seen is no unknown one

is

From
four lines.

pr}

<J>oj3ov

to the close of this verse there

a stanza of

6 irpwTos KCU 6 Cf. ii. 8, xxii. 13. In all e ycu eiju three cases these words are used as a designation of Christ. They are derived from Isa. xliv. 6 } OK rritOV mrp . . . "MD&rnb
I<rx<XTOs.

iins

ONI

jiK

&p,

and

xlviii.

12, where, of course, they are

used
.

In both instances the LXX xliv. 6, OVTWS Aeyei 0eos diverges from the Massoretic a-aftauO Eyw Trpcoros Kat eyw /xera ravra xlviii. 12, eytu ct/xt Cf. also Isa. xli. 4 and xliii. IO. Trpwros /cat eyco et/xt cts rov ataiva. 18. This verse sets forth the threefold conception of Christ the ever abiding life He had independently of the in John world ; His humiliation even unto physical death, and His rising to a life not only everlasting in itself but to universal authority over life and death. wv K.a.1 eyi/(5(jit|K yeicpos. These words form the second K.a.1 6 line of the stanza and are to be taken closely together. Here, as in i. 5-6, ii. 2, 9, etc., the participle after the Hebrew idiom has been resolved into the finite verb. See note on L 5-6, where it is shown that the line should be rendered
as self-designations

by Yahweh.

"

And He

that liveth

and was

dead."

Most recent commentators connect the /cat 6 wv with the pre But in every instance, whether in Isaiah or in ceding words. I am the first and the last the Apocalypse, the phrase is would simply impair complete in itself, and the phrase /cat 6
"
"

an>

the fulness of the claim made in these words. On the other hand, when taken with /cat eyevo/xryi/ ve/cpos they are full of signifi cance in the contrast between the ever abiding eternal life which He possesses and the condition of physical ferth to which Jte submitted for the sake of man.

32
6
j^wy.

THE REVELATION OF
This designation
is

ST.

JOHN

[1.18.

based on the O.T. phrase Ti ta

#eos cov, in Josh. iii. ro ; Ps. xlii. 3, Ixxxiv. 3, etc. TOU These words are used cuojyas T&V atcuccjv. eijuu ets of the Father in iv. 9, 10, x. 6. They are found in this con nection in Dan. iv. 31, xii. 7 (cAiyn n), and Sir. xviii. i i Enoch
wi>

v.

i.
?x&>

Oavdrov and aSov can the keys that lock or unlock Hades ; or as possessive genitives, seeing that they are personified in vi. 8, i.e. the keys held by death and Hades. 1 Hades is the intermediate abode of only the wicked or non-righteous in our
Tag K\ets TOU Oai/drou
ical

TOU aSou.

be taken as objective genitives,

i.e.

author (see xx. 14 note; also vi. 8, xx. 13) as in Luke xvi. 23, where it is set over against Paradise. It has the same meaning in the Psalms of Solomon xvi. 2: cf. xiv. 6, xv. u. In our author Paradise (cf. ii. 7) has no connection with Hades nor Hades is not spoken of in yet in Luke xxiii. 43 ; 2 Cor. xii. 4. as containing Paradise except in Acts ii. 27 (31), which the Hades or Sheol, however, bears is a quotation from Ps. xvi. 10.
:

NT

many different meanings in Jewish literature see my Eschatology*, under Sheol in the Index, p. 482 sq. But to return. No soul can enter Paradise save through death. So far, therefore, death But by submitting to is the avenue alike to Paradise and Hades. death Christ has through His death and resurrection won complete
;
"
"

It is not improbable, further, that the text authority over death. 2 Neither implies the same belief that underlies i Pet. iii. 18 sqq. death nor Hades can resist the power of the risen Christ. It is not only that they cannot withhold from Him the faithful that have already died, but that Christ has entered their realm as a conqueror and preached there the Gospel of Redemption to No soul can henceforth be those that had not as yet heard it. a prisoner in Hades, which is there owing to spiritual and other This inter disabilities, in the creation of which it had no part. of the text is in keeping with the universal proclamation pretation

of the Gospel to the heathen world, which according to xiv. 6-7, was to precede the end. All wherever they were were to hear the Gospel before the Final Judgment. Again we have here one of the earliest traces in Christian literature of the Descent of Christ into Hades, and the conquest This idea is in certain forms pre-Christian. of its powers. Thus in the Babylonian Religion we have the descent of Ishtar, of Hibil Ziwa in the Mandaean Religion, of the primitive man
xv. 4,

Sheol and death are personified in Hos. xiii. 14. They are classed together in Ps. xviii. 6 ; Prov. v. 5. 2 Loofs, in E.R.E. iv. 662, accepts this view, and holds that the doctrine of the Descensus underlies Matt, xxvii. 51-53, the Epistle to the Hebrews
1

(xi.

39

sq., xii. 22, ix. 8).

I.

18-20.]

HIS VISION OF

THE SON OF MAN

33

system of Manes (see Bousset, Offenbarung*, p. 197 sq.; Verstandniss d. NTs, p. 72 ; Clemen, ReligionsGunkel, Zum gesch. Erkldrung d. JVT, pp. 153-156); but these non-Jewish sources do not appear to have given birth to the Christian doctrine of the Descensus ad Inferos, as Loofs, in his art. in E.R.E. iv. 648-663, has shown. The power over these keys, K\eis TOU 6amrou KCU TOU a8ou. according to the Targ. Jer. on Gen. xxx. 22 (cf. also on Deut. xxviii. 12), belongs to God alone: Sanh. 113% Elijah asked for the key of the raising of the dead. Therefore he was told Three keys are not committed to a messenger those of birth, Taan. 2 a rain, and of the raising of the dead According to
in the
.

"

"

the Midrash Tehillin on Ps. xciii. the Messiah is called Jinnon because he will awake the dead (Weber 2 368). 19. ouV resumes the command given in n, enforced with the authority of One who has power over death. This particle occurs only here and in ii. 15, 16, iii. 3, 19, in our author, but 195 times in the Fourth Gospel. & ctSeg KCU & eiaiy KCU a u.e\\i yivevQai (JLCTOL raura. These words summarize roughly the contents of the Book. The a etSes is the vision of the Son of Man just vouchsafed to the Seer a clo-iv refers directly to the present condition of the Church as shown in chaps, ii.-iii., and indirectly to that of the world in general ; a /AcAAei yiVeo-0ai /xera ravra to the visions from chap, iv. onwards, which, with the exception of a few sections refer At the ring to the past and the present, deal with the future. beginning of iv. the Seer is summoned to heaven, where a voice 6Wo> crot a Set declares yevr0at /nera raOra (iv. i). & et&es. Cf. i. 2, iv. i. a u.e\\i yiceo-Oai fxera raura. On //.eAAet, which in our author is generally followed by the imperfect inf., see x. 7 note; Blass, Gram. 197, 202. 20. This verse is independent grammatically of what precedes. The construction of the Greek is highly irregular. In the first in the place, we have an accusative absolute in TO pvo-rrjpiov second we have an accusative ras OTTO, Xv^Cas where we should expect a genitive dependent on TO /uvorr^piov. These anomalies are not explicable either from the standpoint of Greek or Hebrew. The second of them is best accounted for by the hypothesis that John did not revise his work. There are, it is true, a few in stances of the ace. absolute in the N.T. cf. Acts xxvi. 3, yvwo-T^i/ OI/TO. o* i Tim. ii. 6, TO Rom. viii. 3, TO /zapTvpiov Kcupois loYots dSwaTov TOV i/o/xov. To these we may add the instance in our This construction is very rare in the papyri as compared text. with earlier Greek. See Robertson, Gram. 490, 1130. The verse is to be rendered As for the mystery of the seven
,
: : : : :
:
"

VOL.

I.

34
stars,

THE REVELATION OF
which thou sawest
in
(lit.

ST.

JOHN

[l.

20.

"upon")

the

seven

fjiva-rripLov

golden
"

candlesticks, the the secret meaning."

xiii.

my right hand, and of seven stars are," etc. TO We have analogous interpre

tations of mysteries in
ol
eTTToi

18, xvii. 7, 9.

See note dorepes ayyeXoi rwv euro, eKK\T)Grtu>j eicri. on i. 4. Various explanations of these ayyeXoi have been Some scholars take them to be the actual messengers given. entrusted with the delivery of the letters to the various Churches, or the delegates sent from the Asiatic Churches to Patmos who were returning with the Apocalypse. Lightfoot, Schoettgen, Bengel connect them with subordinate officials of the synagogue.
Primasius, Volter (Offenbarungfohannis, iv. 159) and others con nect them with some prominent officials of the Churches. Zahn
ii. 606) and J. Weiss (Offenbarung Johannis, 49) identify them with the bishops of the Seven Churches. But the use of ayycXos in Apocalyptic in general and also in our author is wholly If used at all against making ayyeXos represent a human being. in Apocalyptic, ayyeXos can only represent a superhuman being. Hence the only interpretation that can be accepted is one

(RinL

which does justice to the term ayyeXos. From this standpoint two interpretations are advanced, i. The angels are guardian This interpretation can be angels of the Seven Churches. supported from Daniel, where the doctrine of the angelic guard
cf. x. ians or patrons of the nations is definitely presupposed 13, It appears also in Sir. xvii. 17 ; Deut. (LXX) 20, 21, xi. i, xii. i. In the N.T. individuals are supposed to have special xxxii. 8.
:

guardian angels: Gen. xxxiii. 10, the face of thy

Matt, xviii. 10; Acts xii. 15; Targ. Jer. on have seen thy face, as though I had seen also on xlviii. 16; Chag. i6 a But, angel": if these angels are conceived of as distinct personalities, this interpretation is open to unanswerable objections ; for Christ is supposed to send letters to superhuman beings through the
cf.
"I
.

agency of John, and the letters in question are wholly concerned, not with these supposed angels, but directly with the Churches Hence the only remain themselves and their spiritual condition. ing interpretation is that which takes these angels to be the heavenly doubles or counterparts of the Seven Churches, which Even thus come to be identical with the Churches themselves. for it in reality this last interpretation is not free from difficulty amounts to explaining one symbol "the stars" by another symbol the angels." Notwithstanding, we must hold fast to the latter interpretation in some form. Perhaps the seven stars represent in Semitic fashion the heavenly ideal of the Seven Churches while the seven candlesticks are the actual realization Even this view is open to criticism. Notwith of those ideals. standing, it seems to express best the thought in the mind of our
;
"

I.

20.]

HIS VISION OF

THE SON OF MAN

35
:

author. Christ holds in His hand (i.e. His power) these ideals at \-vyvla.i at that is, only through Him can they be realized, e-Trra eTrra eKK^crtat dviv. Here, since the Seven Churches have

been

should then have "the candlesticks are the Seven Churches." But not only have the Churches been previously mentioned, but the Hence the article subject and predicate are here identical. should be used with the predicate as in i. 8, 17, iii. 17. See
7rra as a primitive error for eTrra.

WH regard eTrra

definitely

enumerated

in

i.

n, we should probably

with

We

Robertson, Gram. 768.

ADDITIONAL NOTE ON
o>s

o>s

AND

in several idiomatic constructions, which Our author uses considered in relation to the bulk of his work as a whole differentiates it from all other writings. ... a)? o-aATTtyyos = a voice like the voice of a 1. The Seer has never in his earthly experience heard trumpet." such a voice. It was a heavenly voice. The nearest earthly But it equivalent he could suggest was the sound of a trumpet. The was not the sound of a trumpet it was only like it construction here is a pregnant one = ")B1b=~iai> blpD as in Isa. This pregnant construction recurs in xxix. 4, Ixiii. 2 ; Jer. 1. 9. iv. i, 7, us dv^/3c67rou = D"lSD = ^SD, and in xiii. 2, ot Tro Ses avrov us ap/cou xvi. 3, al/xa ws ve/cpov. The same idea is con
if
"

<f><Dvr)v

(a>?).

D"IN

veyed by

xvii. i, xxiv. 4, xxxii. 4, and by (bs but in none of these cases have we the pregnant construction. In xiv. 18, rpo^os ^Atou, it is a pregnant one. 2. is used in a certain sense as the subject or the object of the verb as = 3 in Hebrew, and yet it does not affect the case of
(b<m

in i

Enoch
;

in xiv. 10,

n,

13, xvii. i

o>s

<os

noun which follows it. It is used as the subject student prefer, in connection with the subject in ix.
the
K<aA.as

or, if
7,
errt

avrcoV

a>s

<rre<j!>avoi.

Here

(os

(rre^avot

ni"1DV3

"

the ras the

appearance of crowns was on their heads." In Num. ix. 15 we have this idiom "There was upon the tabernacle the likeness of the appearance of fire (fa etSos Trvpo s) ; also in Dan. x. 18 then there touched me again, one like the appearance of a man." Here
:
"

"

ns"iD3
D"]K

(rendered by the versions

"
"

o>s

opao-ts avOpw-n-ov) is the

subject of the verb and = the likeness of the appearance of a man." As the Vulgate has here quasi visio hominis we can determine the Hebrew behind 4 Ezra xiii. 2, quasi similitudinem is connected hominis (Eth. and Arab. Verss.) ; but here the
"

"

"

o>?

with the accusative, to which we shall now turn. in vi. 6, T/Kovo-a ws and also in xix. i, 6
<j>d>vrjv,

Thus we have
the heavenly

36

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN
o>5

[1.20.

In v. 1 1 the is omitted ; for equivalent of an earthly voice. In xv. 2, there the voice is definitely said to be that of angels. "the likeness of a sea Od\ao-o-av xviii. 21, Xi&ov "the likeness of a ov /teyuv great millstone."
o>5

";

u>s

3.
xiii.

0)5

is

used simply as a particle of comparison

i

in xii. 15,

2,

n,
In

xxi. ii.
vi.

4.

our author has rendered

^IpD,

which was

in his

but since = ^p3D, it should here have been rendered by inpj in this context w5 (fxDvfj. Possibly, however, our author wrote which was subsequently corrupted into ^on/rj. with the participle as in Hebrew. Cf. Gen. xl. 5. 0)5 is used was as though it budded" (nrnsa ton). Cf. in our 10,

mind,

literally

and inadvertently by

d>?

<o>v7;

(ACQ)

<o)v>7,

"It

text, 0)5 eo-^ay/xeVov, V. 6, xiii. 3.

6. Finally, ws is followed by a finite verb where the Greek 6 ^Aios idiom requires the participle: cf. i. i6 c 17 oi/as avrov where we should expect But this is distinctively a <atWi, Hebrew idiom ; for in Hebrew frequently relative sentences with the relative omitted are attached to substantives which are pre
,
o>s

<<uVan>.

ceded by the
1

particle of

comparison 3
"

= ws).
lamp

Cf. Isa.

Ixii. i,

TB^3
See

"ijn

(LXX,

0)5 XafjLTras Kav^rjo-erat),

as a

that

burneth."

of Isa. liii. also for literal but unidiomatic renderings in the But generally the finite verb is rendered idiomati 7 ; Ps. xc. 5. cf. Hos. vi. 3 ; Jer. xxiii. 29, cally by the participle in the

LXX

LXX

yisD

YV&

KJ

tDQD

(LXX,

o>s

TreXeKvs KOTTTWI/ irtTpav)

Ps. Ixxxiii. 15

Job

vii. 2, ix.

26, xi. 16.

o/xotos.

That our author uses o/xoios as synonymous in meaning with we learn from iv. 6, 6/Wa /cpvo-raAAa), as compared with xxii. i, a)? KpvcrraXXov, and iv. 3, 0/110105 tao-TTtSi, as compared In i Enoch also o)5 and o/x,oio5 are with xxi. n, w5 At^o) tao-TTtSi. cf. xviii. 13, tSoi/ eTrra aare/aas oprj equivalent in meaning a, and xxi. 3, re^ea/xat eTrra ro)f 6/xotov5 opecrtv
o>s

A.i#o>

o>5

a.<TTf.p(av

in our text in a pregnant sense (see 0/X0105 is used also like under 0)5) cf. ix. 10, ovpo.5 6/x,oi o,5 o-KopTrtW: also xiii. n. But there are two passages in our text in which our author attached not only the same meaning but also the same construc These are i. 13, xiv. 14, where we have tion to o/aoto5 as to 0)5. We have seen ofjiOLov viov where we should expect o/^oiov that he regarded o/xoto5 as = 0)5 in respect of meaning^ but these two passages exhibit an identification of 0/^0105 with 0)5 not only
o>5

w<3.

in respect of

meaning but also of construction

and thus

as

d>5

does not affect the case that follows it, neither does o/xoto5. That pur author knew quite well that O/AOIOS was followed by the dativs

II.-HI.
is

1-2.]

THE SEVEN LETTERS

37

shown by

stand alone in equivalent of

his universal usage outside these two passages, which all literature in making o/xotos as the absolute
o>s

alike in construction

and meaning.

CHAPTER
i.

II.-III.
their present

The Seven Letters

their Authorship

and

their original meaning.

These two chapters, to which the great vision in i. forms an introduction, contain the Seven Letters addressed to seven actual Churches in Asia Minor, in which their spiritual character and
environment are distinctly and concretely described. As they stand at present, the circumstances of the Seven Churches are Thus in to be regarded as typical of the Church as a whole. addressing certain specific Churches, our author is addressing all In this representative sense the Seven Christian Churches. Churches are identified with the seven candlesticks (i. 20). That these Letters are from the hand of our author is amply proved by their diction and idiom ( 2). But a close examination of the Letters shows that they contain two expectations which are mutually exclusive ( 4), one of which is in harmony with the Book as a whole, while the

The recognition of this fact leads) other clearly conflicts with it. to the hypothesis that our author wrote these Letters at a date anterior to that of the Book as a whole, before the all-important conflict between the mutually exclusive claims of Christianity and Caesarism came to be recognized, and that in the nineties," when he put together all his visions, he re-edited these Letters. In re-editing these Letters he made certain changes in the beginnings of them which brought them more into harmony with i. 13-18, and inserted certain additions which adapted the Letters more or less to the expectations underlying the rest of the Book It is not improbable that these Letters were actually sent ( 5). in their original form to the Seven Churches ( 6).
"

2.

Diction

and

Idiom,

come from

These two chapters, alike on the ground of diction and idiom, the hand of our author. (a) Diction. Though a few expressions are found in these chapters and not elsewhere in our author, they do not take the
place of equivalent expressions in our author save in the case of ovv (see ii. 5 below), but arise naturally from the nature of the
subject.

3&

THE REVELATION OF
II. 1. Td8e Xfyci seven in N.T., i.e. Acts xxi.
.

ST.

JOHN

[II.-III.

g.

times in

ii.-iii.

and only once

else

where

n.
iii.

6 ircpnraTWj 2. ot&a. Cf.

xix. 12.

Cf. Hi. 4, ix. 20, xvi. 15, xxi. 24.

9,

17, 19,
xiv.
ii.

i,

8,

15,

17,

vii.

14,

xii.

12,

T&K

KoTOf.
Cf.
i.

Cf.
9,

13.
iii.

TV

u-irofAonii>

(not
xiv.

in
12.

Fourth
\|/eu8eis.

Gospel).
Cf. xxi. 8.

Only once
Cf.
ii.

10, xiii. elsewhere in N.T.

3, 19,

10,

4. dXXd.
xvii. 12, xx. 6.

6,

9 (to), 14, 20,

iii.

4,

9,

ix.

5,

x.

7, 9,

5. ofo.

Used

of logical appeal.

Cf.

ii.

16,

iii.

3 (to), 9.

Also

19, probably iroOey. Cf. vii. 13.

i.

in

owing to

its

occurrence in

ii.-iii.

13 times in Gospel.

Se (also in 16, 24);

cf. x. 2, xix.

Here only in our author. Ki^aw. 7. 6 exwy ous dKOuadrw. Cf. II, 17, 29, iii. 6,
(Matt.
xi.

12, xxi. 8. Cf. vi. 14.

13, 22,

xiii.

15, xiii. 9, etc.).

TO TTkeujia xxii. 17.

Xeyi.
8(oaa).

Cf.

II,

17,

29,

iii.

6,

13,

22,

xiv.

13,

TW laicuWi
ravra.

Cf. 17,

iii.

21, xxi. 7, 6 VIK&V

TOU

u Xou TTJS IWTJS, xxii. 2,

14 [19].
Cf.
i.

8. 6 irpaiTos ica! 6 eaxaros.

17, xxii. 13.

i.

os eyeVero reKpos Kal e^acc.

(to),

Cf.

17

where the demonic Nero

Cf.
.

is

somewhat

and xiii. 14, xvii. 8 similarly described.

9. 0Xi v|uy.
|3Xaa<|>T]|jita>

i.

9,

ii.

10, 22, vii. 14.

i, 5, 6, xvii. 3.

Cf.

xiii.

owaywyr) TOU laram. Here only and in iii. 9. In xi. 8 we have the same attitude towards Judaism, though the diction
differs.

Not

10. axpi, cum. gen. Cf. in Gospel, which uses

in

ii.
!<os

25, 26,

xii.

n,

xiv.

20
os.

[xviii. 5].

OTOV (or ov) and

TOU SeUTCpOU.
is

Iws only
67TI

found

Apoc.
JULY)

11. OU

10, ii. d8lKt]0T) K TOU

vi.

6(Xl>dTOU

Cf. XX. 6,

TOVTCDV 6 Se^TCpOS 6a.VO.TOS OVK

is

^l

f.^OV(TLaV.

a favourite word with our author, but

T<

ObsCrVC that dStKcIv not found in Fourth

Cf.
i.

Gospel or Epp. 12. 6 x fc)l/

15.
pofJL<f>aia

pofx^aiaf
six

T.

Sto-TOjULOk

T.

o^eiaK.

1 6, xix.

outside

it

in

found the N.T.

is

times in the Apoc. and only once

eVct.

13. oirou without

15. OUTWS.
Cf.

complementary
5, 16, ix.

Cf. xi. 8, xx. 10.

iii.

17, xi. 5, xvi. 18, xviii. 21.

16. epxojicu aoi Taxu. auTwy. TroXefirjo-u U.CT

xii.

Cf.
2

iii.

n,
7

Cf.

xii.

xxii. 7, 12, 20 ; also b xiii. , 14. 4, xvii.

ii.

5.

Also

7, N.T.

xix. ii,

and

Jas.

iv.

without uera and nowhere else in

II. -III.

2.]

DICTION
TOU orofxaTos
.

AND IDIOM
Cf.
i.

39
15.
el
JJLTJ

rrj

pojj.<J>cua

fJiou.

1 6, xix.
ot8ei>

17. ovopa

Yypajj,p,eVoi>

o ouSels

Cf. xix. 12, ovo/ma yeypa/xyue vov o ouSeis oTSev 18. TOUS Cf. irupos.
a>9

ei /xry
i.

avros.

6<f>9aXjm.ous

<|>X6ya

14, xix. 12.

14.

ot iroSes

auToG

OJJLOIOI

\a.\KO\L^a.v(a.

Cf.

i.

20.

efjiou s.

Here only
eic.

21. /j-eTayoTJaai

in Apoc. but 37 times in Gospel. This construction is nowhere else found

in the N.T. nor yet in the (where ITCI or a-n-o follow), yet recurs in our author in ii. 22, ix. 20, 21, xvi. n. 23. eV 6owlTw = "by pestilence," as in vi. 8.

LXX

it

Kara
xx. 5.

TO,

epya

up.uk.

Cf. XX. 13.

24. rots

XOITTOIS.

Cf.

iii.

2, ix.

20, xi.

13, xii.

17, xix.

21,

Not
.
.

in Gospel.
. . .

26. 6 yucwy
Saiffw
.

Swo-w aura)
.

eou(nai
"

On

see note on ii. 26. the meaning of this phrase see note
:

on

ii.

26 as distinguished from Swa-cu rrjv eou<rt av. 27. iroipxyet = will destroy Cf. xix. 15 (see note in loc.}.
. .
.
"

(xii. 5).

KCU atiroi, [xviii. 6] ; Gospel ws Kdyw. Cf. iii. 2 1 and vi. 1 1, uses /ca^ws eyw frequently. This perfect recurs in iii. 3, v. 7, viii. 5, xi. 17. Thus five times in all. In the rest of the N.T. only three times, Matt. xxv. 24 [John viii. 4 in the irtpiKoirri] i Cor. x. 13. 28. rok dore pa Cf. XXli. 1 6. -npuivov.
o>s

iXT)<|)a.

TOI>

For this ylvov ypi]yopwv. with a participle, cf. xvi. 10, eyeVero
III. 2.
i.

combination of
. .
.

yiyvecr&xi

eo-KorcofieVr;.

Gospel

6 only.

part, or adj., cf.

iii.

For combination of tvpLo-Ktiv with For TreTrX^p. alone, cf. vi. ii. TOU 0eoG JJLOU. Cf. iii. 1 2, where this phrase occurs four times, 12 was added when our author edited the book as a whole
eu prjKa
.
.

ire-n-XTjpwfjieVa.

ii.

2, v. 4, xxi.

15.

in the nineties.

2-4. For the indubitable connections between 2-4 and xvi. on both these passages, xvi. 15, however, appears to have belonged originally to this Letter where it probably followed on iii. 3 b 4. dXXd. See note on ii. 4 above.
15 see notes
.

ara.

"

io-ouCTU

xix. 14.

aioi

Cf. xiv. 4. ejxoXuKii/. [Cf. xi. 13.] Iv Xeuicots. Cf. vi. II, vii. 9, 13, Cf. xxi. 24. elo-ti/. Cf. [xvi. 6], where the clause recurs.
persons."

5.

Tr6pi{3aXeiT(u Iv ifAariois XCUKOIS-

Cf.

iv. 4, vii. 9.

aXeiv|/a>.

17, xxi. 4 (in a different connection). TTJS |3ipXou -rijs Cf. xxi. 15, xiii. 8, and |3i{3Xu>y T. in xvii. 8 [xx. 12]. WT)S. 7. 6 ayios 6 dXT]0ii>6s. Cf. vi. 10, where the same epithets are Observe that dA?7$u/os faithful," a meaning applied to God. Cf.
vii.
.

"

confined to the Apoc. within the N.T.

40
8.

THE REVELATION OF
Oupcu
.

ST.

JOHN

[H.-IH.

2.

dvwyjjieVT)i>.
. .

Cf.

iv.

I.

jjuKpcW

Sucojui

Cf. xx. 3, jjiiKpov ^povov, for this order, Cf. xxii.

and contrast
eTr)pT)cras

vi.
. .

n.
.

rok \6yov.

7,

a frequent phrase

in the Gospel.
jxou

TOV Xoyoy Kai

remarkable yet
9. TJ^ouaik

... TO ovofid fxou. Cf. x. 9 for the intelligible order of the pronouns. ica! irpoaKun^o-ouorii ivutriov TOW iroSwr
Wvt] TJovariv
Cf.
/cat
TT poo-

same
Cf.

<rou.

XV.

4, TravTa xxii. 8.

TO,

Kvvrjcr over LV

evouTrtW

aov
ii.

10. eTTJpTjaas TOf Xoyoy.

xii.

iii.

8, xxii. 7,

also

i.

3,

26, Cf.

17, xiv. 12.

TTJS
uTrop>i>T]s

/JLOU,
TJ

/..

"

the endurance practised by

T.

Me."

xiii.

10, xiv.

12,

uirofxoi^j

dyiwK,

"the

endurance practised

by the
TT]S

saints."

the trial

Cf. xii. 9, xvi. 14, where the nature of O\T)S. described as demonic in connection with this phrase. rods KaroiKoui/Tas err! TTJS y^SCf. vi. 10, viii. 13, xi. 10 (note). This phrase has throughout our author a technical sense.
oiKoufxeVirjs
is

11. epxofxai Taxu. Cf. ii. 16, xxii. 7, 12, 20. 12. 6 yucoik iroirjo-u auToy. See notes on ii. 7, 26.

in later chapters 13 times. aurov TO 6i/o^a. Cf. xvii. 5, 8, xix. 1 6. Cf. xxi. r?js Kotlas lpouaaXi]jji, r\ KaTaj3at^ouaa KT\. TO oVojXCl fJLOU TO KttlkOk. Cf. XIX. 12, l6.
e

\0fl

Ypdi|/o>

eV

2.

15. OUT

OUT.
3,
;

Cf.
vii.
.

ix.

ovoe

ou8e, v.

1
.

xii. 8,

xx. 4, xxi.

ovSe, vii.

i6 b

23

ix. 4,

^ but never
iii.

6,
.

ix.

20, 21, xxi. 4. 4; also ou

. .
.

Our author
.
.

uses
16,
.
. .

ouSe, vii.

/xrJTe, vii.

1,3; even
p-qBe.

ovSc

/xrj

/xr/Se

17. ouSek xp ^ ai/ ^ x 01*Cf. xxii. 5. 18. dyopdcrai (metaphorical sense).

tjjidTia XeuKct.

Cf. v. 9, xiv. 3, 4.
xxii.

See on
Cf. xx.

above.
14.

20. elo-eXeu o-o/Acu.

21. Kadiaai.

Cf. [xi.
ii.

n], xv. 8, xxi. 27, 4 and note on iii. 21.

27 above.

ws Kdyw.
jlCTCl

See note on

TOU TTttTpOS JULOU Iv TW OpOt O) ttUTOU. Here we have idioms (b) Idiom.

Cf. XXH. 3.

and solecisms which,

though they may appear abnormally in other writings, are in our author a normal means of expressing his thoughts.
II. 2. TOUS Xe yon-as eauTous dirocrToXous Kal OUK This resolution of the participle into a finite verb is characteristic of b our author. See note on i. 5 -6, p. 14 sq.
i<nr

e Pdoraaas 3. ex 61 * K combinations of tenses cf.

"

Kal

KeKOTriaices.
/cat

For similar

iii.

3,

etA^a?

r/Kotxras: v. 7 sq.,

vii.

13 sq.,
5.

viii.

epxojjiai

= eXeu aojiai.

5.

Our author

frequently

uses

the

I1.-II1.

2.]

DICTION

AND IDIOM
:

41
ii.

present of thie verb as a future

ix.

cf.

i.

4, 7, 8,

16,

iii.

n,

iv. 8,

but never the future itself 12, except in compounds e^eXtvcrerai, XX. 8 eureA.ev<ro/xai, iii. 20. See notes on ii. 7, 26. Swcru aurw. 7. TW i/iKwkTt
xi.

14, xvi. 15, xxii. 7, 12, 20,

9.
ii.

-TUV \eyorrw and note on i.

|3dXXei>
:

louScuous el^ai Kal OUK

5 -6.
b

U7ii>.

See above on
9, St Sw/xi
e/c

10.
CK TCOV

e| ufxai^

= some
"

of

you."

Cf.
<f>v\7)S

iii.
:

T.

(Tvi/aycuy-^s

V. 9, fjyopaa-as .../< Tracr^s

:

xi. 9,

y8A.7rovcrii>

Xawv

xxi. 6,

S<ocra>

riys Trr/yJ}?.

13. OTTOU
tv TCUS

6poVos

TOU

laram.
6

For

this

omission of the

copula in relative or dependent clause,

Tju.e pais

cf. v.
JJLOU.

ArrtTras,

fidprus

13, xx. 10. this frequent

On

solecism in our author, see p. 3 ad fin. See preceding note. 20. TT)y yumiKa I. rj X^youaa. Xeyouaa Kal 8i8daKi. The frequently recurring idiom already found in ii. 2, 9 above see note on i. 5 b-6. A phrase unintelligible in 22. jSdXXeii/ auTTjy els icXi^i/. Greek unless retranslated into Hebrew. See note on ii. 22.
:

23.

ufxti/

e/cdoTw

cf.

vi.

ii,

avroi s eKao-Tw.

Elsewhere only
ii.

once

in N.T., Acts . 26. 6 i/iKwy

.

ii.
.

8.

Swaw aurw.

See note on

7.

the technical sense assigned to this It is here rightly used. phrase by our author, see note in loc. Thus chap. ii. is connected by the same diction or idioms or have already both with portions of iv.-ix., xi.-xvii., xix.-xxii. seen in the Introd. to chap. i. that i. and ii.-iii. and most of the remaining chapters are similarly bound together. III. 3. iroiaf (Spay. This ace. of a point of time only here in our author. 7. 6 dyotywy Kal ouSels icXeiaci. Hebrew idiom. See note

Swcrw auTw Ifomnar.

On

We

in

loc.

8. Se SwKa

ei WTrioi

aou

KXeurat

auri^y.

We

Oupai/

fyeuynlv^v,

r\v

ouSels

have here two

Hebrew idioms

in

Su^arat these

words

mna
For other instances of oblique forms of the personal pronoun added pleonastically to relatives (in reproduction of a Hebrew
idiom),
xiii. 8,
cf. vii.

2, ots c860ij

avrots

9, oi/

apiO^aai avrov

xii. 6,

14,

12, xx. 8. 9. I8ou StSu

T.

o-umywyTJs.
"Behold

Jffrn

JVD330

|nb

^in,

Most probably a Hebraism. make certain of the will

same Hebrew

synagogue," etc.

Here

XeyoMTWj cauTous idiom as in ii. 9.

.
.

TWI/

StSw anticipates TTOU/O-O). The Kal OUK eicriy.

Kal yi/waic.
Iva.

iVa TJ^ouaiv

cum. ind. OCCUTS

42

THE REVELATION OF
(iii.

ST.

JOHN

[lI.-III.

2-3.

9) and 8 times in the rest of the 88) only once in the rest of the Johannine writings, and only 10 times in all in the N.T. outside the Apocalypse. Again, Iva /xrj cum. ind. occurs twice in the Thus Iva. cum. Apoc. and only twice elsewhere in the N.T. ind. is characteristic of our author. Next, Iva cum. subj. occurs 6 times in ii.-iii. and 17 times in the rest of the Book, and Iva cum. subj. once in ii.-iii. and 7 times in the rest of the

9 times in the Apoc., here

Book

(see note

on

iii.

9,

p.

Apoc.
Ivo.
TJou<jiv
. .

Kal yvGxriv.
auToy.
r\

Cf. xxii.

14 for the same

ii.

com

bination of moods.
12. 6 VLK&V
TTJS
iroiTJoro)

See notes on

7,

26.
I.

Kairrjs

lepou<ra\i]fJi,,

KaTajSaiyouaa.

See Introd. to

2 (), p.

ad fin.
.
.
.

16. /xeXXu Elsewhere in our Cf. iii. 2, xii. 4. ep-eo-cu. author 10 times with the pres. inf., which is the all but universal Only 4 times outside our author is it usage in the N.T. followed by the aor. inf. (in Lucan and Pauline writings) and

twice by fut. inf. in 17. ouSek xP 6

f)XiOV.

"*

Lucan *X W
. .

writing
Cf.

(i.e.

Acts).
5,

xxii.

e^ovo-tv ^peiav

.
</>a>s

Kal eiaeXeuaojJiai. This Hebraic /cat 20. edV TIS aKOucrr] It is found introducing the apodosis recurs in x. 7, xiv. 10. also in Luke ii. 21, vii. 12 ; Acts i. 10; 2 Cor. ii. 2 ; Jas. iv. 15. 21. 6 aurw. On this Hebraism see note on ii. 7. From the above evidence of diction and still more of idiom it is clear that ii.-iii. are from the hand of our author. Certain words and expressions occur in them which do not recur in the remaining chapters, but this is due to the nature of the subject in some form were (cf. raSe Xeyci) or to the fact that the Letters the date of the written by our author long before 95 A.D.
.
viK.&\>
8<uaci>

com completed work: cf. ovv (also in i. 19), 7rA?jv, 6/xos. parison of the points of agreement in diction and in idiom shows that ii.-iii. are connected very closely, and in most cases essen tially, with iv.-x., parts of xi., xii.-xvii., xix.-xxii.
3.

Order of Words and omission of Copula in

relative sentences.

Though the diction and idioms of ii.-iii. are conclusive as to the authorship of the Seven Letters, it is remarkable that the order is less Semitic than in the rest of the chapters from the
same hand. Thus excluding ii. 7, ii, 17, 26, iii. 5, 12, 21, where same phrase TO) VLKUVTL or 6 VIKWI/ recurs and regularly precedes the verb for emphasis, and is therefore perfectly justifi able in Hebrew on this ground, there are more than the average
the

il.-IH.

3-4.]

LETTERS WRITTEN At EARLIER DATE 43

:

in ii.-iii. where the object precedes the verb raSc Xeyec (and at the beginning of each Letter) 3, VTTO/AOVT/V 5, TO. irpwra Zpya irofycrov: 6, eXeis: 4, rrjv aydirrjv TOVTO e^eis: 23, TO. TCKVO. avTfjs a,7roKTi/u) 25, o cx T K 3aT ^ craT: The subject also precedes the verb more iii. 10, o-e Trjprja-w. and yet the frequently than is usual in the remaining chapters, one with the rest of style is profoundly Hebraic and essentially These phenomena may be due to the fact that our the Book.

number of passages
ii.

i,

a<f>r)K<s:

here using a vigorous epistolary style, which, while comparable to or even transcending that of the finest passages of the rest of the N.T., stands in its freer play of thought, feeling and their expression in marked contrast to the unrivalled eloquence and sustained sublimity of the rest of the Book. Turning from the order of the verb to that of the adjective, the adjective almost always follows its substantive with the

author

is

There are, however, some exceptions, repetition of the article. which have their parallels in the rest of the Book. Thus we find oAXo prepositive in ii. 24 as always in our author and
generally in the N.T. though
iii.

it

is

post positive in Hebrew.

In

cf. xii. 12, oXiyov Kaipov : in iii. 8, /u/cpav oA-tya ovofjLara . . . Swa/xiv : cf. xx. 3, fUKpov xp vov an d contrast xpovov /u/c/oov, vi. ii.

4,

>

In ii. 13 we have the omission of the copula in a relative sentence: cf. v. 13, xv. 4, xx. 10; but this omission is frequent
in the

N.T.

4.

re-edited by

The Letters were written by our Author at an earlier date and him for the present work with certain additions.

Since an examination of the diction and idiom leads to the conclusion that the Letters are from the hand of our author, it is not necessary to consider the theories of some critics who ascribe them to a final reviser, or of others who assign them to an original apocalypse which was subsequently edited and
enlarged by later writers. But the question does arise were these Letters written in the time of Domitian by our author when he edited the entire work, And this question must or were they written at an earlier date ? be answered, since conflicting expectations of the end of the world find expression in them. First, there is the older expecta cf. tion that the Churches will survive till Christ s last Advent ii. and iii. 3, ws KXeVr^s. 25, o X CT KpaTrja-arc axpi ov av The Second Advent is here referred to as in i Thess. v. 2, 4, where St. Paul himself expects to survive this event. In the mean time, however, the individual Churches will undergo persecution from time to time, and their members in certain cases be faithful
:
:
^a>,
^o>
]

44
unto death

THE REVELATION OF
l

ST.

JOHN

[IL-III.

4-5.

as they have been in the past ; 2 but of a universal there is not the slightest hint, though this expectation martyrdom is taught or implied in the rest of the Book (see xiii. 15); nor is there a single reference to a world-wide persecution save in

though this is one of the chief themes of the Apocalypse. Again, though this world-wide persecution was to arise in connection with the imperial cult of the Caesars as the rest of the Book clearly states, there is not a single reference to this cult in the Letters at most there may be an allusion to it in iii. 10. Moreover, so far as this persecution was conceived as involving the martyrdom of all the faithful, as in iv.-xxii., this conception is in direct conflict with ii. 25, iii. n, where the
hi. 10,
:

Churches are represented as witnessing more or less faithfully till In short, the expectation that the Church would the Advent. survive till the Second Advent cannot be held simultaneously with the expectation of a world-wide persecution in which all the

would suffer martyrdom. These two expectations are mutually exclusive and since the first is obviously the original teaching of our text, it follows that iii. 10 is a subsequent addition. Accordingly the present writer is of opinion that the dis cordant elements in the text can best be explained by the hypothesis that our author wrote these Letters at a much earlier date than the Book as a whole, before the fundamental antagonand jism of the Church and the State came to be realized, Christians had to choose between the claims of Christ and
faithful
;

Caesarism, of Christianity and the State.

When he

put together

his visions in the reign of Domitian, he re-edited these Letters by the insertion of iii. 10 and the addition of new material at the close of each Letter, which in some degree brought them into

harmony with the

rest of the

Book.

are the endings 5. Amongst the additions to the original Letters and in part the beginnings of the Letters in their present form.

We
1

made by our

have already recognized that iii. 10 is a But we cannot stop here. author.
(fyxofJ-a-i
o"ot,

later addition

The endings

Special visitations are threatened

ii.

Churches of Ephesus and Pergamum forthwith repent, while

of Smyrna "a tribulation of ten days," issuing in certain of its members, is foretold, ii. II ; in iii. 19 chastisement but not martyrdom is foretold. 2 The Churches have already suffered persecution in a limited degree. Thus the Church of Ephesus is praised for its faithfulness therein cf. ii. 3, Like Kal vTrofj,ovi]v %eis /ecu ^Sdarao as 5ta r6 8vofj.a fJLOv /ecu ou KeKOTrlaxes. and that of Philadelphia, iii. 8; while that of cf. ii. wise
:

16) unless the to the Church the martyrdom of

5,

Thyatira:

19,

In Smyrna and already its proto-martyr Antipas, ii. 13. Philadelphia the Christians had suffered at the hands of the Jews, ii. 9, iii. 9.

Pergamum has

II. -III.

5.]

ENDINGS AND BEGINNINGS OF LETTERS 45

our author
s

of the Letters are indeed from

hand,

but they

would

respects be incomprehensible but for the later chapters, to which in thought and diction they are most intimately related, and apart from which they would be all but inscrutable enigmas cf. ii. 7-xxii. 2, 14 (TO v\ov -nys xxi. 8 (where 6 Odvaros 6 Seinrepos is first explained) ; ii. 17 ii. ii
in

many

w>ys)

xix.
xix.

12

(ovofjiCL

15

(TTOt/xavet
iii.

7rp<oii/os) ;

xxi.

27
.

(TU>

/3i/3A.ia>

the term
7ToA.iv
.

i/aos

. o ovSeis oISci/ KrA.) ; ii. 2629, x ^avrovs tv pd/SBio KrA..) ; xxii. 16 (6 da-rrjp ... 6 xiii. 8, 5~ v i- * I (^06*77 aurots e/cacrra) ; iii. i2-xxi. 22, which shows that (077?) ; in iii. 12 is to be taken metaphorically); xxi. 2 (ryv

KOLIVOV

5>

<rroX.r)

A.ei>K?7)

r>7s

. lepovcraXrjfj. KCHI/T/V (oi/o/xa o ouSeis olSev : cf. ovofia

Karafiatvovarav
KCUI/OJ/

KT/\..)

xix.

12

But

12) ; iii. 21 xx. 4. another characteristic of these Letters is that they all
.
.

in

iii.

use the phrase 6 vt/cwi/. That this expression designates one who has passed victoriously through the martyr s death to the life
eternal,
is

clear

from
<*XP

xii.
l

ryv ^^X^ v a ^ T ^ J/
TOV
Orjpiov
. . .

QO.VOLTOV

ii, avrot bmctftrav XV. 2, *6W

:

KOL OVK rj-ydTryorav

.
TOV<S

vi/coWas
:

e/c

eo~TtoTas CTTI rrjv $aAao~o~av Trjv vaXivrjv

xxi.

7.

Now

that 6
is

vt/coii/

bears the
O)S

same meaning
iii.

at the close of the

6\oo-o>

Letters

to

be inferred from
TO)

fJLT ffJiOV

QpOVW

fJiOV,

KCtyO)

21, 6 VIK&V fVLKTrjCTCL KOL

avrw KaOurat

Trarpos /xov iv

TW

6p6vu>

O.VTOV.

As

fACTO. TOV Christ witnessed to the truth

f.KO.6i(Ta.

by His death, so should His servants.

Now,

if
it

6 I/IKWV is

used in

appears to do, we have here an allusion to the world-embracing persecution (and martyrdom), which is definitely referred to in iii. 10, though such an expectation is quite foreign to the body of the Letters, which
this sense at the close of all the Letters, as

belong to an earlier date.

Another
Letters
ii.

later addition

of our author

common

to

all

the
:

7%

na

is,
,

6 e^wv ov? d/covo-arto rt TO 7rvev/za Aeyei Tats eK/cA^o-iais 17% 29, iii. 6, 13, 22. By this addition our author

would teach that the Letters are not merely

for their respective

Churches, but for all the Churches. Thus they are adapted so far as the endings are concerned to their new context. The later additions at the close of the Letters are accordii. 7, n, 17, 26-29, ingly 5~ 6 10, 12-13, 21-22. But the divine titles of Christ at the beginnings of the Letters can hardly have stood in the original Letters as they now
:
"i-

1 The choice of these endings on the part of our author may in some cases be determined by the diction or thought of the respective letters of which they form the close. Thus in the Letter to Smyrna, ov fj.rj ddiK-tjOrj tic TOV 6a.v6.rov r. Seurtpov, ii. II, declares the reward of him who is TTIO-TOS ii. 10 a%pt 6a.va.rov, in the Letter to Pergamum, dtbaw ai/ry rov fj.dvva, ii. 17, sets forth the true food in contrast to the elduXddvra, ii. 14; and in the Letter to Sardis, ov /J.TJ ea\et t/ w
;

T. 6vofj.a

avrov
tin

ticj. /St/SXov TTJS fwTyj,

iii.

5,

may

refer in the

way

of cpptragt to

ys KCU ver.pbs

eZ, iii.

I,

46

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[II.-III.

5-6.

do. Such a conclusion is suggested by the facts that whereas they are all, with the exception of those prefacing the Letter to the Church of Laodicea, drawn verbally from i. 13-18 (see note p. 25 sq.), they have no organic connection, except in the case of the Letters to the Churches of Philadelphia and Thyatira, with the Letters which they respectively introduce, though in several instances an artificial connection can be discovered (see note What the titles of Christ were in the original just referred to). form of the Letters cannot now be. determined. Some of the existing titles may be original, but it is hard to evade the con clusion that the original titles were recast by our author, when he incorporated the Letters into the complete edition of his visions, and were brought into close conformity with the divine Since they have but slight affinity titles of Christ in i. 13-18. with the contents of the Letters at the head of which they stand,
their

most natural explanation Were

is

to

be found

in

i.

13-18.

6.

the Letters originally seven distinct Letters addressed and sent to the Seven Churches ?

grounds we have concluded that the Seven were composed by our author before the time of Domitian also that on their incorporation into the Apocalypse they were re-edited by him in order to adapt them to the impend
various
Letters
:

On

ing crisis, by changes made in the beginnings to bring them into closer conformity with i. 14-18, and by additions such as iii. 10 and others at the close of the Letters, as ii. 7, n, 17, 26-29, 5-6, 10, 12-13, 21-22, in order to link them up with the theme

Book as a whole the conflict between Christ and Caesar, Christianity and the World Power, and the universal martyrdom of the faithful which the Seer apprehended as a result of this
of the
conflict.

Now, if the above conclusions are valid, it would not be un reasonable to conclude further that these Letters were actual letters sent separately to the various Churches, and are, notwithstanding their brevity, comparable in this respect to the Pauline Epp. In default of independent historical materials we are unable to test the accuracy of most of the details relating to the moral and religious life in the Seven Churches. But such materials are not wholly wanting. Thus we know that the Ignatian Epistles to Ephesus, Smyrna, and Philadelphia substantiate certain statements of our author bearing on the inner life of these Churches (see pp. 48, 50, 5 2, etc.). In the case of the Church of Laodicea the external evidence is fuller. Thus in iii. 17-18 the contrast drawn between the deplorable spiritual condition of Laodicea and its material
and
intellectual riches

cannot be accidental, since we know from

II. 1.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN EPHESUS

authorities

4/

external

latter respects.

that Laodicea was pre-eminent in these But the Letter to the Church in Laodicea shows

that our author is familiar with some of the Christian literature such as St. Paul s Ep. to the Colossians circulating within it to St. Paul s directions, (see note on p. 94 sq.), which, according was to be read in the Church of Laodicea.

hypothesis, therefore, that the Seven Letters, which of these Churches, originally dealt with the spiritual conditions and knew nothing whatever of the impending world conflict

My

between Christianity and the Imperial Cultus, were actually sent

to their respective Churches, has

much

to

recommend

it.

II.

1-7.
1.

THE MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN EPHESUS.

iv

TW ayyeKw TW
left

E^ecrw eKK\T]oruxs.

lay

on the

bank of the Cayster.

In

The many
rfjs

city of
Atria?.

Ephesus
it is

}-

inscriptions
(xiv.

designated, ^ irpwrr) KCU /xeyto-Tr? according to Strabo, the greatest

e/x-TTOpiov

/>ir?T/x>7roA,is

It was,

emporium in Asia

ovcra /xeyicrrov TOJV

Kara

TTJV

Ephesus was the centre of Roman the Province of Asia was senatorial the governor was called pro consul (Acts xix. 38, dvtfuVaroi), and it was at Ephesus that he was bound to land and to enter on his office. As a free city it had a board of magistrates (o-rpar^yot), a senate (ftov\.rj), and a 1 Under the Empire the power of popular Assembly (eK/cA^o-ta). the popular Assembly, which in earlier days had really held the reins of power, had declined until its chief function was to ap It had its regular prove of the Bills submitted by the Senate.
tirries

24, Atrtav ryv evros TOV Tavpov). administration in Asia. As

of meeting, but no extraordinary meeting could be sum The business of the except by the Roman officials. Assembly was apparently managed by the Town Clerk (ypa/x/xaThe Senate, which in pre-Roman TCVS rfjs TroXews or T. Srj/xov). days had been elected annually by the citizens, came gradually,

moned

under the Roman sway, to be composed of a body of distinguished citizens chosen for life, which tended more and more to become a mere tool of the Imperial Government. Ephesus was the Western
terminus of the great system of Roman roads the great trade route from the Euphrates by way of Colossae and Laodicea, a

second from Galatia via Sardis, while a third came up from the From its devotion to Artemis, south from the Maeander valley.
1 a council (f3ov\-/i) Swete (p. lix) states that there were three assemblies a senate elected from the six tribes into which the population was divided with the finance of the city and probably of public wor (yepovcria) charged as well as with the care of the public monuments ; a popular assembly ship
: ;

(&c/cXi7<rta).

Each had

48

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[II. 1.

Ephesus appropriated to itself the title Temple Warden Acts xix. 35). But this word took on an additional meaning, and came most commonly to be applied to a city as a warden of a temple of the imperial cultus. The Ephesian Neocorate is first mentioned on coins of Nero. The first temple was probably erected to Claudius or Nero, 1 the second to Hadrian, and the third to Severus. A 2nd century inscription (Wood, App. Inscr. vi. 6, p. 50) speaks of Ephesus as being warden of two
pos,

imperial temples as well as of that of Artemis

2e/?acrrwi/ KOL
I

(Sis

veo)/<opos

TWV

veu>Kopos

TT/S

bed of every kind of

was

cult

Ephesus was also a hotand superstition. Its works on magic

Apre/xiSos).

J (*E<eo-ia
>it

ypa/z/Aara) were notorious throughout the world. at this city that Paul founded a Christian Church (50-55),

Now

whence proceeded a movement that led to the evangelization of the province (Acts xix. 10). Though of very secondary import ance for a couple of decades, it must after the fall of Jerusalem in 70 A.D. have quickly risen into a position of supreme import ance and become the chief centre of the Christian Faith in the East. Hence it is rightly named first in i. n, ii. i. It was the home of St. John in the latter part of the century; and tradition states that not only were Timothy and John, but also the Virgin Mary, buried at Ephesus. Judaizing and Gnostic teachers early
showed themselves
T
vii.

emu
I,

active, as we may infer from i Tim. i. 7 (0Aovyo/Ao8iSao-KaAoi), iv. 1-3, etc., and Ignatius, Ephes. t(o$a,(nv yap rives SoAa> Trovrypw TO ovojjLa Trepi^epciv, aAAa

Ad

Tiva

7rpa<r<roi/Tes

dvaia

yap /ewes

Avo-o"uWes,

Sva-OeparrevTovs.

Sci v/xas ws Oypia e/c/cAiWii/* eicrlv 0ov" ovs Xa.@po$rJKTai, ovs Sci v/xas <vAacrcreo-#ai oWas The presence of such elements testified to the

danger of schism. See the articles on Ephesus in Hastings* D.B., and the Encyc. Bib, with the literature there quoted. This clause occurs eight times in the N.T., seven rd8e Xeyei. o8e occurs only twice of these being in ii. and iii. of our Book. elsewhere in the N.T. This sparing use has been observed
This clause Iv rfj Seia aurou. has no organic connection with the letter to the Church in Ephesus, and, moreover, it is repeated in iii. i in a slightly The use of Kparwv, which here means to hold different form. In the case fast, while in i. 16, iii. i we have lyuv^ is strange. His of the Son of Man l\w expresses all that is needed. If v contains the /cparwi/. character is a guarantee that the it were a man that was in question here, the use of *paTe<V (cf.
lyv>

also in the KOIVTJ. 6 Kparcjy TOUS euro, dorepas

to Augustus some time before 5 B.C. did not en the city to the Neocorate ; for it was not an independent foundation, being built within the precincts of the temple of Artemis and it was a dedica tion by the municipality merely, anc} not by the Synod qf Asia (wvbv
1

The temple dedicated

title

II. 1-2.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN EPHESUS

"to

49
iii.

ii.

13, vii. i,

lay hold

of,"

xx.

2,

and

ii.

14, 15, 25,

where both words occur) would be

6

intelligible.

iv jj-ecrw T. curd Xuxyiwy T. \pucrG>v. Christ s not localized but coextensive with the entire Church. The idea of the Xv^^twv returns in ii. 5, which may have occa sioned the choice of the above title. That the former of these two divine titles was added by our author when editing his visions as a whole, see p. 25 sq., 45 sq. 2-3. These two verses appear to consist of three couplets.

TrepnraTWK
is

vigilance

2.

ot8a rd epya aou, Kal Toy KOTTOV Kal UTrojionik o~ou Kal on ou 8urj] j3ao-Tao-ai KCIKOU S, Kal errcipao-as TOUS Xeyorrag eaurous diroo-ToXous Kal OUK eurtv,
TT)I>

3.

Kal

uirojJiOKT]

Kal eupes aurous ij/euSeis. c tX Kal ejSdoracras Sid TO oyojjiu jxou S Kal ou KCitoirtaiccs*
L<

These consist of TOV KOTTOV epya trov. These two subordinate themes are then bcd and the VTTO/XOJ^I/ in 3 ab There rehandled, the KOTTOV in 2 which cannot be accidental rov K.OTTOV and are two paronomasias ov KfKO7TLa.K<s, B.nd ov Svvr) and J3dcTTa(ra<s.
is

Here the theme

TO,

KOL rrjv

vTro/jiovrji/ crov.

fia.<TTa.<Tai

phrase oloa TO. epya o-ov recurs, but with the pronoun preceding the noun, in ii. 19, iii. i, 8, 15. Abbott (Johannine Gram., pp. 414, 422, 601-607) calls the latter the vernacular or unemphatic possessive. In ii. 19 we have a combination of See note. o?Sa. Christ knows everything (John xxi. 17) both. alike the good (2-3, 6) and the bad (4-5) qualities.
2.

The

TQV Koiroi Kal -rt\v UTTOJULOI/T]!/ aou. The single pronoun links These two are the works of together the two preceding nouns. its severe efforts in the Church in Ephesus resisting and over bcd coming false teachers (2 ), and its steadfast endurance on behalf We might compare i Thess. i. 3, of the name of Christ (3 ab ). vfj.a)V rov epyov rs Tmrreco? KOI TOV KOTTOV
TT<S

but here KOTTOS and virofjiovrj are co ordinated with and not subordinated to epyov. /coVos with its cognate KOTTLOLV is closely associated with Christian work in the N.T. alike in our text (cf. also xiv. 13) and in the Pauline VTTO/XOI/TJ, as Trench (Synon. 191) points out, is used to Epistles. express patience in respect of things, but /xa*po0v/>ua in respect of But the patience is of a high ethical character. In persons. this noble word vTro/xovr/ there always appears (in the N.T.) a background of di/Speta (cf. Plato, Theaet. 177^, where dvSpiKws it does not mark vTro/xetvat is opposed to dvdVSpcos favytiv) merely the endurance but the brave patience with which the Christian contends against the various hindrances, persecutions,
KOI rrjs
v-rrofjiovfjs
rr)<s

C\TTLOO<S,

"

and temptations
VOL.
i.

that befall

him

in his conflict with the

inward

50

THE REVELATION OF
"

ST.
i.

JOHN
3,

[II.

2-4.

and outward world

op.
cit.,

(Ellicott

on

Thess.

quoted by Trench,

p.

190).
xvi. 2.
ovvrj for Swcurai occurs also in Mark ix. 22, Though not found in Attic prose it is found The intolerance here commended is of evil

ou Su nr] {Saordcrai.

23

Luke

in Attic poetry.

doers

who claimed

to

well defines

UTTO/AOV?;

as

be apostles. Clem. Alex. (Strom, ii. 18) the knowledge of what things are to be
(eTrioTT^iuy eyuyxevcTewy KCU

borne and what are not

OVK

e/x./xei

ereoov).

The need

of testing the claims of itinerant teachers who claimed to be prophets and apostles was early felt cf. i Thess. v. 20 sq.; i John iv. i. They were not to be acknowledged unless they brought with them "commendatory letters" (2 Cor. iii. i).
:

That the Church

learn
eKei$ev,

in Ephesus shunned such false teachers we Se TrctpoSeuo-avras rivas from Ignatius, Eph. ix. I,
eyi/o>v

e^ovras KO,K?)V OLOafflv ovs OVK etacrare o-Tmpat els v/xas, (3vcrarTs ra OJTO. eis TO /JLTJ 7rapaSeacr$ai TO, cnretpofjieva VTT avTwv. In the Didache xi. 8, 10, the ultimate test of such teachers was In Hermas, Mand. conformity of their lives with that of Christ. xi. 11-15, the two types of teachers are contrasted, and in xi. 16 KOU TWV the excellent advice is given So/a/xa^c ovv airo rfjs TOV avOptatrov rov Xeyovra eavroi/ Trveu/xaTO^opov eli/at. epywv
:
a>r}5

Kal eireipao-as.

The

verb points to some definite occasion.

io"tV

7reipaeu/ may be compared with 8oKt/>ta^tv in i John iv. i. The OVK TOUS Xyorras eaurous diroaroXous Kal OUK eivlv. b is here a Hebraism for OUK oWas. (See note on i. 5 -6, p. 14 sq.) These persons have been identified (i) with the cnrooroXous.
:

Judaizers sent from Jerusalem (so Spitta) cf. 2 Cor. xi. 13 sq. ; (2) with the disciples of St. Paul or even St. Paul himself 3 (Volkmar, Volter, Holtzmann (with reservations)) (3) with the Nicolaitans in 6 (Bousset). According to this view, 6 resumes This explanation appears to be the best of the three. It 2. also rightly differentiates the cpya in 2 (i.e. the vigorous action against the false teacher and the endurance under affliction) from the 7rpa>Ta Ipya in 5, which are identical with the dyaTr^i/ The Church in Ephesus or brotherly love, in 4. TT/J/ Trpamyv, still hates, 6, the evil members, the false apostles which it had
: ;
. .

tried
3.

and

rejected.
:

This verse returns to the positive element in the praise

it

and refers to TOV KOTTOV Here we have hast not grown weary." Kal KCU e /3ao-Tao-as just as in the preceding verse, ovvy In both cases an ethical characteristic is brought forward which had manifested itself in some act of the immediate
given in 2
in
oil

explains

rrjv viroiwvrjv o-ov,

KeKOTriaKes,

"thou

past. 4.

But, though the Church in Ephesus has preserved its moral and doctrinal purity and maintained an unwavering loyalty

II. 4-5.]
in trial,

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN EPHESUS

51

The

it has lost the warm love which it had at the beginning. love here referred to is brotherly love cf. 19; Matt. xxiv. 1 2 (Sia TO 7r\r)6vv6f)vaL rrjv dvo/Aiav \j/vyrjcrTa.i f) a.ya.irr) ran/ TroXXcoi/), and 2 John 5-6. Some scholars see in our text a reminiscence of Jer. ii. 2, "the love of thine espousals," and interpret it of The controversies which had raged the love to God and Christ. in Ephesus had apparently led to censoriousness, factiousness, and divisions (cf. Acts xx. 29-30), and the Church had lost the enthusiastic love it had shown in the days of Paul (cf. Acts xx.
:

37).
ex<o

Kara aou.
?

Cf. 14, 2o.

Is this

an echo of Matt.
:

v.

23,

Mark

25 adieus.

xi.

A common

usage of this verb in John

cf. iv.

3,

28, 52, x. 12, etc.

5. The Church in Ephesus is bidden to recognize the spiritual declension that has taken place, to repent and do the works which characterized its first love. As Swete remarks, /Avrj/AoVeve, answer to three stages in the history of /AeTai/oTjo-oi/, TTOIT/CTOI/
"

conversion."

Cf. iii. 3. jArrjfioVeue ouV. el 8e jj,rj, IpxojJicu croi, Kal

auTtjs

Kt^orw

TT)I>

Xuxyiay

o-ou

CK TOU TOTTOU

[&v HT) /ATakOTJaT]s]. Since the ct Se /AT) here declares that if the Church does not fulfil the triple command given in /Av^/xoVeue
KOL p.trav6r)(Tov KOL THHT/O-OV, judgment will ensue, manifest that the clause cav /AT? /AeTavorja-Tys is really a weaker repetition of ei Se /A??. This is not in keeping with our author s style. After et 8e /xrj we must understand /xvr//x,ovei;ets KOL /xeravoTJo-ets Kai Trotr/cret?. or lav /AT) /Aravor;cr7;s must be Accordingly et 8e excised as an intrusion; and clearly it is the latter, as a comparison of ii. 5 and ii. 16 shows. The necessity for this excision becomes obvious if we compare 16 and 22 in this chapter, where we have In the separately the two constructions occurring in this verse. first case we have a good parallel to our text here ; for the same
.

it is

/JL-TJ

sequence of ideas, though

tion of the idea

less full,

Zpxofjiai o-ot TO-XV , /cat TroXc/Arjcrw.

conveyed in ei have only to supply /AeravoTJcreis. In ii. 22 we have the second cav /AT) possible Construction, tBov fidXXu avryv eis KXwrjv
.

recurs /xcravo^o-ov ovv et Se /AT;, is no otiose repeti Se ^. After d Se /AT? here we

Here there

When
sists
i

the interpolated gloss is removed of two couplets, the second of which is

8e
jrq, e pxojjicu aoi,

we

find that 5 con

aou CK TOU TOTTOU auTrjs. The dative here may be the dativus as in Matt. xxi. 5 (so incommodi, or an incorrect rendering of
K.ivr\<r<t)

Kal

Ti]v \v\vla,v

Ipxofxat aoi.

Cf.

ii.

16.

",

Blass,

Gram.

113).

epx

/-""

aOL refers here as in

ii.

16 to a special

52
visitation or

THE REVELATION OF
excluded.

ST.

JOHN

[II.

5-6.

not

coming, though reference to the final judgment is ^px^a-Oai is practically used as equivalent to

eA.euVeo-0a

That the Ephesian time being we learn from the Prologue to Ignatius Epistle to Ephesus, where he calls it dio/xa/<ap{,<rTos and in i. i, where he declares, /u/x^rat ovre?
Kin^o-w ri]v \\j^vLa.v aou, Church paid heed to this

throughout the Apocalypse. i.e. thy Church.

warning

for the

$eoi>,

dya^toTruprycravTes ev at^tart Oeov, TO crvyytviKOv Zpyov Again in xi. 2 he expresses the wish that he

aTnypricraTe.

"may

be found

of those Christians of Ephesus who, moreover, were ever of one mind with the apostles in the power of Christ." That the threat in our text implies not degradation nor removal
in the

company

Church to another place, but destruction, seems obvious. Yet Ramsay (Letters, 243 sqq.) is of opinion that the threat is so expressed as to mean only a change in local position, and supports this interpretation by the statement that Ephesus has always remained the titular head of the Asian Church, and the Bishop of Ephesus still bears that dignity, though he no longer
of the
"

resides at

Ephesus but

remains on the

site of

save a railway station 6. The Seer modifies the severe criticism in 4-5 by bringing forward the redeeming characteristic in the Ephesian Church, that they hated the deeds which Christ also hated. These Nicolaitans have been identi TO. epya T&V NiKoXa iTam fied from the time of Irenaeus (i. 26. 3, iii. n. i) and Hippolytus (Philos. vii. 36), who was dependent on Irenaeus, with the followers of Nicolaus the proselyte of Antioch (Acts vi. 5). Tertullian speaks apparently of a second sect (Praesc. Haer. 33, Adv. Marc. i. 29, De Pudicitia, 19), but Epiphanius (Haer. xxv.) In Clem. deals with the Nicolaitans mentioned in our text. Alex. (ii. 20. 1 1 8, iii. 4. 25), the Constit. Apost. (vi. 8, ot vvv i/ftvSwi/v/Aoi Ni/coAaiTcu), and Victorinus an attempt was not un naturally made to show that the derivation of this immoral sect from one of the seven Deacons was an error. According to Clement, Nicolaus taught on Trapaxpfja-OaL ry crap/ci Set, and

Magnesia ad Sipylum." Nothing now Ephesus (i.e. Ayasaluk = aytos 0eoAoyos) and a few huts.
at

according to Hippolytus (Philos.

acr/cev
dSiac/>opiav

viii.

ftiov re /cat

/3pwo-w<.

36), Nt/coAaos

eSi S-

comparison of the

text

here with ii. 15-16 leads to an identification of the Nicolaitans and the Balaamites not only on the ground of our text, but also from the fact that they are roughly etymological equivalents, though Heumann (Act. Erudit.^ 1712, p. 179) urged this as a ground for regarding the names as allegorical and not historical. That is, Balaam = DJJ y^2-"he hath consumed the people "(a derivation found in Sanh. 105% where DJJ n^3 is an alternative = VLKO. \a6v. Such a play on the etymoreading), while NiKoAaos

II.

6-7.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN EPHESUS

53

There is, it is true, no logy of words is thoroughly Semitic. Hence the above can exact equivalent to VLKOV in Hebrew. Furthermore a comparison of ii. 14 and ii. 20, which stand. shows that the Balaamites and the followers of Jezebel were guilty of exactly the same vices, makes it highly probable that the latter were a branch of the Nicolaitans. The works of the Nicolaitans, then, are those given in ii. 14, 20. They transgress the chief commands issued by the
Apostolic Council at Jerusalem (Acts xv. 29). Cf. Matt. xi. 15, xiii. 9, 43; 7. 6 lyuv ous dKouo-ciTw KT\. Mark iv. 9, 23, etc. This formula introduces the promise to him that overcomes in the first three messages and closes it on Here the speaker turns from the individual the last four. Church to the whole Christian community. Since the Book as a whole was written to be read in public worship, such a larger reference was conceivable in and for itself. This clause, which occurs seven times, once in each Letter, seems to have been added by the Seer when he incorporated The seven the Seven Letters in an edition of his visions. b b b I2 2I 26-27, i7 eschatological promises, ii. 7 appear to have been added at the same time. Such a phrase as Tratrai at eK/cA^ca ai in ii. 23 is no evidence to the contrary. TO iri/eujuia. Cf. the closing words of all the Letters ; also The Spirit here is the Holy Spirit xiv. 13, xix. 10, xxii. 17. which inspires the prophets, but also the Spirit of Christ, since in ii. i Christ is the Speaker. The Spirit here has nothing to do with the seven spirits in Hi. i [i. 4], iv. 5. . TW VLK.&VTI TOU 6eoG. Added probably by our author when he edited the visions as a whole (see p. 45). TW KiKwj Ti OWCTCJ auTw. We have here a well-known Hebraism.
,

5>

>

>

Cf.
is

LXX of Josh. ix.

12, ovrot ot aprot

e^toSiacr^/zei/

O.VTOV<S.

It

found sporadically in the Kou/rJ, but the Kotvr; usage is wholly inadequate to explain the frequency and variety of the Hebraisms in our author. For the occurrence of this idiom elsewhere in
the N.T., see John vi. 39, vii. 38, x. 35 sq., xv. 2-5, xvii. 2 i John ii. 24, 27 cf. Abbott, Gram. 32 sq., 309. In ii. 26, Sue-to 6 VIKUV is more Hebraistic than the expression VIKO.V is a word characteristic of our author, and is used in ii. 7. of the faithful Christian warrior in ii. ii, 17, 26, iii. 5, 12, 2i a xii. IT, xv. 2, xxi. 8 ; of Christ Himself in iii. 2i b v. 5, xvii. 14. In the remaining passages it is without this moral significance, vi. 2, xi. 7, xiii. 7. It is found once in the Fourth Gospel and six times in i John. Elsewhere in the N.T. only four times. The word VIKO.V implies that the Christian Cf. i Enoch 1. 2. life is a warfare from which there is no discharge, but it is a warfare, our author teaches, in which even the feeblest saint can
;
:

avTQ>

54

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[II. 7.

prove victorious. But the word VIKO.V is not used in our author of every Christian, but only of the martyr who, though apparently overcome in that he had to lay down his life, yet was in very truth the one who overcame, I also have overcome," saith Christ, iii. 21 (cf. John xvi. 33). The participle VLKWTI is here, as elsewhere in our author, influenced by the use of the Hebrew participle, which can have a perfect sense or imperfect as the context requires (see p. 202 n.). In our author 6 VIKWV 6 veviK^Koos. This warfare which faithfulness entails may be illustrated from 4 Ezra vii. 127 sq., "And he answered me and said This is the condition of the contest which every man who is born upon earth must wage, that if he be overcome he shall suffer as thou hast said ; but, if he be victorious, he shall receive what I have said."
"as
TO>

eic

TOU

uou

TTJS

a frequent construction in our author, occurring in all eleven In the Fourth Gospel it is found four times, and in the times. Personal victory over evil is the rest of the N.T. twenty times. With condition without which none can eat of the tree of life. our text we may compare xxii. 14. Test. Levi xviii. u, KCU v\ov rfjs I Enoch xxiv. 4, Scoo-et rots ctyi ois <ayetv CK TOV KCU rjv eV auTOis oYi/Spov o ovSeVore oocr<pavp,GU KGU ovSeis ercpos avTwv ev^pdvOrj, KOLL ovBev Irepov o/xotov aura). ooyxT/v e*X V ^ w ^ e crrepav Trai/rcav ctpw/taTOJV, KCU TO. <vAAa avrov KCU TO av#os KCU TO XXV. 4, Kttt TOVTO TO SeVSpOJ/ 15 TOV GUtOVGt 8eV8pOV OV Kat ov8e/ua crap e^ovcrLav e^et onf/acrOai avrov TOTC StKatot? Kat oo-i ois So^ryo-erat 5, 6 KapTros avrov Kptcreo)?
is
:
a>r?s

<{>@IVL

TOt5 CKXeKTOtS CIS

clyta)

^W^V
OIKOV

tS

ySopCXV,

Kttt

/JLeTO.<f>VTv6li](TTaL

Iv TOTTO)

Trapa
it

rov

TOV

Oeov.

Thus

as

cent. B.C.

was held that the tree of

life

2nd would be transferred

early

as

the

temple of the Lord in Jerusalem not apparently the Heavenly Jerusalem, but the earthly Jerusalem cleansed from all That the earthly Jerusalem should give place to the iniquity. Heavenly in this connection was inevitable. But the combina tion of the two ideas is of supreme importance as it prepares the way for the conception of our Seer, who places the tree of life That this in the street of the Heavenly Jerusalem (xxii. 2). Heavenly Jerusalem, to which belongs the tree of life (ii. 7, xxii. 2), is to be the seat of the Millennial Kingdom on the present earth before the Final Judgment, and is not to be con founded with the New Jerusalem, which is to descend from the new heaven to the new earth after the Final Judgment and become the everlasting abode of the blessed, I have shown at
to the

some length
TOU

u\ou

in the Introd. to xx. 4-xxii. Cf. xxii. 2, 14. TTJS ^coris-

symbol

for immortality in

our author.

The tree None can

of

life

is
it

eat of

the save

II.

7-8.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN SMYRNA

victorious in the strife with sin

55
evil.
$>u>p

those

who have proved

v\ov
TT/S COOT}? is

The
T??9

to

and be carefully distinguished from the

gift (xxii.

wT7s.

The

latter is

a free

17, xxi. 6),

given without
it.

money and without price

to every

one that

thirsteth for

It

symbolizes the divine graces of forgiveness and truth and light, If a man is faithful to the obligations entailed etc. (cf. vii. 17). by these graces he becomes a victor (vt/ccm/) in the battle of life, and thus wins the right to eat of the tree of life, that is, he enters In the Fourth Gospel (iv. 10, 13, 14), finally on immortality. on the other hand, only the one symbol is used "the water of and this is given a significance that embraces the two symbols used by our author. In our author Paradise has become TW irapa&eiorw TOU 0eoG. equivalent to the Heavenly Jerusalem, which is to descend from heaven before the Final Judgment to become the seat of the In Luke xxiii. 43 it is the abode of the Millennial Kingdom. blessed departed, and in 2 Cor. xii. 4 it is identified with the On some of the other meanings third heaven or with part of it. assigned to it and the localities identified with it, see my
life,"

Eschatology*>

244, 291 sq., 316-318, 357, 473 sq.

8-11.
8. iv

THE MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN SMYRNA.

Ijxu pnf].

early in the 6th cent. B.C.

Smyrna was destroyed and refounded on a new site under It has continued the Diadochoi by Lysimachus (301-281 B.C.). from that date to the present one of the most prosperous cities of Asia Minor. Smyrna proved itself a faithful ally of Rome from the period that Rome began to intervene in Eastern affairs and before it had established its claim to world supremacy. It openly supported Rome against Mithridates, Carthage, and the Seleucid kings. As early as 195 B.C. (Tac. Ann. iv. 56) it dedicated a temple to the goddess of Rome. Lying at the end of one of the great roads leading across Lydia from Phrygia and the east, and forming the maritime outlet for the whole trade of the Hermus valley, it became wealthy and prosperous. It was an assize town, and one of the cities bearing the name /x^rpoTroXis. With Ephesus and Pergamum it strove for the title wpom; Acrtas a strife which continued till it was settled by the Emperor Antoninus (Philostr. Op. 231. 24, ed. Kayser); and of all the Asiatic cities that in A.D. 26 contended for the right of erecting a temple to Tiberius, Livia and the Senate, it alone secured this privilege and could henceforth claim the Imperial Neocorate. A second Neocorate was accorded to it by Hadrian (see, how Of the ever, Lightfoot, Ignatius, 467) and a third by Severus.
ancient city of
i.

The

56

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[II.

8-9.

power acquired by the Jews in Smyrna notice will be taken. As regards the origin of the Church in Smyrna the N.T. gives no information. According to Vita Polycarpi, 2, St. Paul visited Smyrna on his way to Ephesus. According to Acts xix. 10, All they which dwelt in Asia heard the word of God." See the Bible Dictionaries on Smyrna," and Ramsay, Letters, in loc. 6 TTpwros Kal 6 lo-xaros. Repeated from i. 1 7. These words also go back to os eyeVero vtKpos Kal
"

"

er]o-i>.

i.

17 sq., Kat eyei/o/xT;!/ i/e^pos, Kat I8ov tov CLJJU ets TOVS aiwi/as TOJV ataman Compare the demonic caricature in the case of the Antichrist xiii. 14, 6s \i TYJV TrA^yr/i/ rr?s /xa^atpr/s Kai l^crev.
. :

The word

cf. Rom. xiv. er/o-ei/ refers to Christ s resurrection 9, rwv Kvpuvarrj. Xpttrros OLTriOavev KOI Zfycrev Iva KOLL ve/cpaii/ Kat This part of the title, os eyeVero veKpos Kat e^o-ev, points forward to IO d ytvov TTIOTOS rov xpt Oavdrov KOL Swtrco T^S
:
a>7

<TOL

<TT<J>avov

{o>^s.

The

divine

title,

been added by our See p. 45 sq. 9-10. These two verses constitute three stanzas

6 Trpwros Kat 6 ta^arcs, seems to have author when editing his visions as a whole.

the first verse constituting the first stanza of three lines and the second verse two stanzas of three lines and two respectively.
:

9. oT8d orou dXXa irXoucnos et. The unTTJK OXul/ik emphatic or vernacular use of the pronoun here throws the I know the affliction and poverty thou emphasis on the context, With this we may endurest, but thou art not poor but rich." contrast the words addressed to Laodicea, iii. 17, Xeyets on
. .
.
"

nAotxrios
Vi.

elf.il)

Kat OVK ot6as

combination of material poverty and

U>S

TO, TTTW^Ol, TToXXo^S O also Luke c^eXe^aro rovs TTTOO^OUS rw KOCT/XW 7rAoi;crtous iv TrtVret The poverty of the Christians in xii. 21 ; i Tim. vi. 18. Smyrna appears to be due at all events in part to the despoiling cf. Heb. x. 34, of their goods by the Jewish and pagan mobs
.

. . . the TTTW^OS. spiritual riches cf. 2 Cor. OfO^ 7rXoUTt^OVTS JaS. ii. 5) ^X

on

crv et 6

On

TYJV apTrayrjv
TT)k

ro>v

inrap^ovTitiv V/LHWV /xcro.

eic

^apas

TrpocreSe ^ao ^c.

|3Xao-(f>T]fuai>

T&V Xeyorrwi
from."

louSaious flvai eaurous.

iii.

Here

means

"proceeding

Hence John

25

is

not a true

bitter hostility of the Jews to the Christians at unmistakable from the context. The Jews were strong at Smyrna, and had maintained in practice their position as a distinct people apart from the rest of the citizens till the reign of Hadrian as an inscription (CIG. 3148, ot TTOTC louSatot) shows, though they had legally ceased to be so at 70 A.D.
parallel.

The

Smyrna

is

From other sources we know of their hostility to the Christians. Justin (Dial. xvi. n, xlvii. 15, xcvi. 5, etc.) charges the Jews generally with cursing in their synagogues those that believed on Christ; and Tertullian with instigating the persecution of the

II. 9.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN SMYRNA

"

57

Christians (Scorp. 10, Synagogas Judaeorum, fontes persecf. Euseb. H.E. v. 16. And this hostility was no cutionum doubt aggravated by the accession of converts from Judaism to Christianity, a fact which is attested in Ignatius (Ad Smyrn. i. 2,
:
")

rot s- dycovs

/cat TTICTTOUS

avrov,

etrc ey lovScuois tire ev e$vecrii/).

In the martyrdom of Polycarp this enmity of the Jews was exhibited in an almost incredible degree; for they joined (xii. 2) with the pagans in accusing Polycarp of hostility to the State with ungovernable wrath and with a loud religion^ crying out This is the teacher of Asia, the father of the Christians, shout the puller down of our gods, who teacheth numbers not to sacrifice nor to worship (6 TWV ^/xerepcoi/ /catfcuper^s, 6
"

"

6tu>v

TroAAous SiSao-Kwv

fJirj

Oveiv

/xT/Se Trpoo-Kuveiv).

These Jews, moreover, joined with the pagans in demanding from the Asiarch and chief priest Philip the death of Polycarp, and were especially active (although it was the Sabbath day) in collecting timber and faggots with a view to burning Polycarp alive (/uaAicrra louSaicov 7rpo0v//,a)s, ws e$os aurois, ets rairra vrrovpyovvTw) (pp. tit. xiii. i). Later in the Decian persecution the Jews took a prominent part in the martyrdom of Pionius, which, In our text the too, took place on the Sabbath (Act. Pion. 3). Jews are charged with blaspheming Christ and His followers as they had done in the earliest days of Paul s preaching in Asia
Minor (Acts
AaAou/xeWs
that these
ecrriv
xiii.

45, 01

louScuot

fiXavcfjrj/jiovvTfs).

dj/TcAeyov rots VTTO HavXov But the Christians are reminded

.

Jews are Jews

:

in
ii.

name

only

after the flesh

ei/

and not
lovSatos
ei/

after the spirit

. . .

cf.
ei/

Rom.
r<5

28, ou -yap 6

TOJ
<ai/ep<3

a AX 6

Kpvrrr(a

lovSatos, KCU Trfpirofirj KapStas

ov ypaya/xart Gal. vi. 1 5 sq. The true Jews are those who have believed in Christ, and thereby won a legitimate claim to the name and spiritual privileges belonging to the Jews. The fact that our author attaches a spiritual significance of the
TTi/cv/xart
:

highest character to the name lovSatos shows that he is himself a Jewish Christian. In such a connection the Fourth Evangelist would have used the term lo-pa^XtV^s (cf. i. 47), whereas he

represents

the

louScuot

as

specifically for

and
/cat

essentially
p. ix sq.

the

opponents of Christianity.
KCU OUK daiv.

On

See Westcott, John,

this

Hebraism

OVK ovrwv see note

on

i.

5-6.

Cf. iii. 9. The Jews were, as their aui/aywyt) TOU larai/a. actions showed, a Synagogue of Satan though they claimed to be a Synagogue of the Lord 2vi/ayo>yr/ TOV Kvpiov (Num. xvi. 3 Cf. Pss. Sol. xvii. 18, 9 (my), xxxi. 16. (Sip), xx. 4, ^xxvi. (rwaywyas oonW). The nobler word eK/cA^o-ia was chosen by the Church as a self-designation, crwaywyrj being used only once in the N.T. of a Christian assembly (Jas. ii. 2). was
:

o-waywy^

58

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[II. 10.

gradually abandoned to the Jews, and thus we find such an expression as crwayajy^ TOV ^arai/a in this Book, which was almost the latest in the Canon. which the Church is here 10. The persecution with threatened shows that the Jews are acting in concert with the heathen authorities. Spitta suggests that the term 8ia/3oA.os (cf. xii. 10, 6 /carrjywp raiv dSeX^wv fj/jiuv) is here chosen in order to recall the calumnies of the Jews against the Christians. But in that case we should, as Diisterdieck observes, expect o-waywy^ TOV
SiafloXov in 9.
e
UJAWI/.

For the
34;
2

partitive genitive
4.

Matt,

xxiii.
it

John

In Rev.

xi.

used as an object, cf. 9; John xvi. 17, we

have

used as the subject.

4>u\aio]i

LVO, This phrase defines the character ireipaaOfJTe. awaiting the Church in Smyrna, and therefore the meaning to be attached to Tret/oao-^re. Tretpa^etv and 7retpacr//,os in iii. 10 refer to the demonic attacks which are to befall all the unbelievers on the earth, but which cannot affect those who have been sealed see vii. 2-4 (notes) ; for the sealing has secured them against such attacks. But in the present verse ireipdfcfw is used in the sense of testing by persecution. Against such rather they must face TreipGur/Aos Christ does not shield His own

cis

of the

trial

even unto death (io d ). The round number here points to a Se ica. Tjficpwy The number is used in this short period: cf. Dan. i. 12, 14. See in Pirke Aboth, sense also in Gen. xxiv. 55; Num. xi. 19. v. 1-9, on the various things connected with the number 10.
it

and be

faithful

under

it

6\i\|/ii>

Here the supreme trial of martyrdom mon-os axpt flamrou. referred to: cf. xii. II, OVK rjyaTrrjarav rrjv tyvxqv CLVTUV a^pi Heb. xii. 4, OVTTCO /xe^pis cu/xaros avTiKareo-r^Te also Bavdrov
is
:
:

Phil.

ii.

8.

The figure appears to be borrowed rbv arl^oivov TTJS WTJS. from the wreath awarded to the victor in the games. Cf. i Cor. ix. 25; Phil. iii. 14; 2 Tim. ii. 5; i Pet. v. 4 (rov d/xapaj/rtvoj/ Smyrna was, according to Pausanias (vi. -n}? Sor/s In the 14. 3, cited by Encyc. Bib. 4662), famous for its games. Test. Benj. iv. i we have the oldest reference to such crowns in
<rr(f>avov).

Jewish literature: cf. Jas. i. 12; Asc. Isa. vii. 22, viii. 26, ix. Herm. Sim. viii. 2, 3; Polycarp, Ad Phil. i. i; 10-13, e * Martyr. Polyc. xvii. i. But it is possible, as has been suggested by Dieterich, Nekyia, 41-45; Volz, 344; Gressmann, Ursprung d. israeL jud. Eschat. no, that these symbols are derived from heavenly beings. Thus in 2 Enoch xiv. 2 the sun is represented
c<
>

adorned with a crown of glory ; similarly in 3 Bar. vi. i with Dieterich (op. a crown of fire. p. 41) states that in works of art the Greek deities were very frequently represented with
as
cit.>

II.

10-11.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN SMYRNA

59

the time of Alexander the light or nimbuses from and that the nimbuses in works of ancient Christian art were derived from this source. These crowns are naturally associated with the blessed when once these are conceived as

crowns of
Great,

The genitive Trjs fafjs is there clothed in light cf. p. 183 sqq. taken not epexegetifore, as Bousset suggests, probably to be but as "the crown in cally as "the crown which consists As the tree of life (cf. ii. which belongs to the eternal 2, 14) is a symbol of the blessed immortality 7 note, xxii. in Christ, so the crown of life appears to symbolize its full
:

life,"

life."

consummation.
Cf. 7*. 11. 6 Zxwv eKK\T)oriai9. ll b . Like 7 b i7 bcd 26-28, iii. 5, 12, 21, this, too, is probably Here the addition is an editorial addition of our author. for it comes in the form of an anti-climax after the unhappy, e great promise in io ov fjLrj with the future or aorist con ou [AT] d8iKT]0fj. 6 stitutes "the most definite form of a negative assertion about ov py is always (15 times) the future" (Blass, Gram. 209).
. .

VIK>\>

subjunctive in our author except in not from his hand: in the rest of the N.T. it is followed by the indicative once out of every seven or eight times ; in classical Greek the present subjunctive is also found. This construction is frequent in the N.T. in all about 96 times, but rare in non-literary papyri. Moulton (Prol. 190 sqq.) tries to show, notwithstanding, that the N.T. and the papyri are here
followed by
xviii. 14,

the aorist
is

which

in

harmony.
dSiK-nOfj eK.

d&Keti/ is
xxii.

in

our author: see

n,

always used in the sense of to hurt The agent or instrument is note.

"
"

Cf. iii. 18, ix. 2, 18, xviii. i. expressed by e/c after a passive verb. In this promise there may be a reference to 10, ytVov TTIO-TOS a^pt He that is ready to submit to physical death for his <9avarov. faith will not be affected by the second death.

TOU Qa.va.-rov TOU Seurepou. Cf. xx. 6 [14], xxi. 8, where this This is a Rabbinic expression. Thus, expression is explained. Let Reuben in the Jerus. Targum on Deut. xxxiii. 6 we have, live in this age and not die the second death (w:n wmoa) whereof the wicked die in the next world." Targ. on Jer. li. 39, 57, "Let them die the second death and not live in the next world"; on Isa. xxii. 14, "This sin shall not be forgiven you till ye die the second death"; also on Isa. Ixv. 6, 15 ; Sota, a 35 (on Num. xiv. 37), "they died the second (?) death" (nn tt See Wetstein for further examples. The idea is found rov^ ft). also in Philo, De Praem. et Poen. ii. 419, 6a.va.Tov yap SITTOV eTSos, TO /xev /CO/TO, TO TtOvdvai TO Se KO.TO, TO airoOnfjo-KCLr, o 8r) KO.KOV Though the expression is not found in i Enoch the
"

60

THE REVELATION OE

ST.

JOHN

[II.

11-12.

idea probably is in xcix. n, cviii. 3, where the spirits of the wicked are said to be slain in Sheol, though their annihilation is not implied thereby.

12-17.

THE MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN PERGAMUM.

n<f/>ya//,os

This city appears as ^ in rkpYctfAw. Pausanias, but as Tlepya/Aoi/ in Strabo, Polybius, Appian, and most other writers. The latter is the usual form also in the inscriptions. Pergamum was a Mysian city, about 15 miles from the sea. It commanded the valley of the Caicus, and lay between two streams which fell into the Caicus about 4 miles distant. The earliest city was built on a hill, 1000 feet high, which became the site of the Acropolis and many of the chief buildings of the later city. Though a city of some import ance in the 5th cent. B.C. its greatness dates from the 3rd, when it was made the capital of the Attalids, the first of whom to assume the title of king was Attalus i. in 241 B.C. The last of this dynasty Attalus in. bequeathed his kingdom, with the exception of Phrygia Magna, to the Romans. At this date this kingdom embraced all the land on this side the Taurus," and was constituted, with the above exception, as the Province of Asia by the Romans, with Pergamum as its official capital. Pergamum was famed for its great religious foundations in honour of Zeus Soter, 1 Athena Nikephoros, whose temple crowned the Acropolis, Dionysos Kathegemon, and Asklepios Soter. 2 Of these the cult of Asklepios was the most distinctive and celebrated. It was the Lourdes of the Province of Asia, and the seat of a famous school of medicine. Thus Galen (De
12.
TTJS

iv

Xenophon and

"

/ . elwOacriv TroAAot flito Xf.yc.iv ix.) writes TOV TOV ev Depya/xo) Ao-KA^TrioV, /xa TTJV iv "Apre/xtv, /xa fjio. fv AcA^oT? ATroXXcova, and Philostratus ( Vita Apollonii, iv. 34), Acrta TO Ilepya/xoi/, ourca? ets TO itpov TOVTO we<oira fj
:

Compos. Med.

TO>

E<e<ra>

o>(T7r/3

et<j

f)
"

Kprjrr)

(both passages quoted by Wetstein)

.
. .

Mart.

ix.

17,

deo." Pergameo But from the standpoint of our author the most important

cult

was that of the

Roman

Emperors, which was established

in

Pergamum
a temple was
1

in 29 B.C., where as the chief city of the province dedicated to Augustus and Rome by the Provincial

to explain 6 6p6vos TOV Zarava by the gigantic on a huge platform 800 feet above the city to Zeus Soter in commemoration, it is believed, of the victory of Attalus over the Galatai. 2 Other scholars have found in the phrase in the preceding note a reference cf. xii. 9) was to the worship of Asklepios, because the serpent (i.e. Satan

Many scholars have sought

altar erected

universally associated with him.

11.12-13.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN PERGAMUM

Ao-i as);
1

6l

Synod (Ko/ov

cf.

Tac. Ann.

iv.

37,

refers to the founding of this temple to Augustus

where Tiberius and Rome by

Pergamum. No such foundation was officially recognized in Asia unless it was made by the Synod with the concurrence of Thus Pergamum won the honour of the the Roman Senate. Neocorate before Smyrna, which did not obtain it till 26 B.C., and Ephesus, which was not so honoured till the reign of Claudius or A second temple was built in Pergamum in honour of Nero. The imperial cult had Trajan, and a third in honour of Severus. thus its centre at Pergamum ; and as the imperial cult was the
keystone of the imperial policy, Pergamum summed up in itself the intolerable offence and horror that such a cult, the observ ance of which was synonymous with loyalty to Empire, provoked It is here and nowhere else that we in the mind of our author. are to find the explanation of the startling phrase, 6 0poVos rov Behind the city in the ist cent. A.D. arose a huge ^arava, in 13. conical hill, 1000 feet high, covered with heathen temples and the mountain of God," referred to altars, which in contrast to in Isa. xiv. 13; Ezek. xxviii. 14, 16, and called "the throne of God in i Enoch xxv. 3, appeared to the Seer as the throne of Satan, since it was the home of many idolatrous cults, but above all of the imperial cult, which menaced with annihilation the For refusal to take part in this very existence of the Church. cult constituted high treason to the State. See Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches\ 281 sqq.
"
"

with

6 eypv Cf. popJHxwxK KT\. 1 6 that follows. See p. 26.

*V

i.

1 6.

This

title is

connected

as has been

13. OTTOU 6 0p6k09 TOU larai/a. The reference in these words, shown in the preceding verse, is to the primacy of

Pergamum as the centre of the imperial cult, and as such the in the West it was centre of Satan s kingdom in the East Rome itself: cf. xiii. 2, xvi. 10. Here stood the first temple erected to Augustus and Rome; and here dwelt the powerful priesthood devoted to the imperial cult ;^and from Pergamum it spread all over Asia Minor. The Asiarch or chief civil authority is, as we see from the Martyrdom of Poly carp, likewise the chief priest of this cult. Kpcn-eis TO oVojxd jAou. Notwithstanding all these difficulties
thou
"holdest

fast

My

name."

OUK ripsaw Tf)k iriorTtf JJLOU KT\. These words refer to some definite persecution of which nothing is at present known. In Trio-Tts /xou the /xou is the objective genitive, i.e. faith in
"

Me

"

cf. xiv.
1

12.

In

ii.

19,

xiii.

10, 7rurrts=

"faithfulness."

That the temple was actually the seat of the imperial cult in the province v proved by an inscription from Mytilene ry vou$ ry KOLTO, cr/ceuafofjL^vtf aura? virb TTJS Acrias eV llepyd/ui.^ (quoted by Bousset).
is
:
<T

>

62

THE REVELATION OF
v TCUS Tjfxepcus

ST.

JOHN
is

[II.

13-14.

Aj/r/Tras,

we must

If with the best t An-tirast. treat it as indeclinable. But it

MSS we

accept perhaps best

to follow
(ii.

Lachmann

(Studien

und

Kritiken, 1830, p. 839),

WH

App. 137), Nestle, Swete, and Zahn in regarding ANTIIIA as the original reading, and the final C either as an accidental
doubling of the following O (Lachmann), or a deliberate change of AvriVa into the nom. Avrwras owing to the nominative 6 The former explanation is to be preferred. For /x,aprvs (Zahn). AvrtVas early attempts to emend the text see critical notes in loc. is an abbreviated form of ArriTrar/oos, as KAeoTras for KXeoTrarpo?. Cf. Hermas for Hermodorus, Lucas for Lucanus. Nothing is
really

known beyond this reference of the martyr Antipas. Later martyrs in Pergamum are known, as Carpus, Papylus and Agathonike (cf. Euseb. H.E. iv. 15).
6 jjidpTus
JJLOU.
i.

On

this solecism,
is
"

see note on

5.

The R.V.

which is really a Hebraism, right essentially in xvii. 6 in

martyrs of Jesus." The word rendering //.aprvpon/ I^o-ou by should be similarly translated here. For, since the Seer expects all the faithful to seal their witness with their blood (xiii. 15), the word /zaprus in our text is a witness faithful unto death, and But outside our author this use was not therefore a martyr. established till later, though the way was prepared for this use by Acts xxii. 20, 2re<ai/oi; rov /xaprupos (row, and i Tim. vi. 13; Clem. Cor. 5. Though the technical distinction between /x-aprvs and ofjLo\oyrjrr]<s ("martyr" and "confessor") was not absolutely fixed till the Decian persecution, yet, as Lightfoot (on Clem. after the middle of the second century at all Cor. 5) observes, events /zaprvs, /zaprv/oetv, were used absolutely to signify martyr dom ; Martyr. Polyc. 19 sq. Melito in Euseb. H.E. iv. 26; Still even at this late date they Dionys. Corinth, ib. ii. 25. continued to be used simultaneously of other testimony to be borne to the Gospel, short of death e.g. by Hegesippus, Euseb.
"

H.E.

iii.

20,

32."

passive form of dTroKraVco, which occurs very and only once outside the Apocalypse in the N.T. (i.e. Mark viii. 31 = Matt. xvi. 21 = Luke ix. 22), is fre quently used in this Book: cf. ii. 13, vi. ii, ix. 18, 20 [xi. 5, 13,
cVrreKTcti OT).

The

rarely in the

LXX

10, 15], xix. 21 ; whereas a-rroOv^a-Kw is only used strictly as a In the Fourth Gospel, on the other passive in viii. ii, xiv. 13.
xiii.

hand, whereas the passive of o-Tro/cTctVetv does not occur, we find used as its passive, xi. 16, 50, 51, xviii. 14, 32, xix. 7. 14. Kara aoG oXiya. Though this Church has withstood the dangers besetting it from the imperial cult, it has suffered
a-n-oOvrjo-Keiv
ex&>

teachers of false doctrine to arise

its

and win a following amongst

is
:

members.

In oAiya only one thing

meant, though the

cf.

writer speaks of that

one thing generically

WM

219.

II.

14-15.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN PERGAMUM 63

in the

eKi = Trap up^

eX
l

preceding verse.

e*ei

BaXaK

KT\.

KpaToGi/Tag TTJI SiSa^y BaXadjJi, os eSiBaaicei On the relation of this verse to the next see 15.

TW

The reference is to Num. xxxi. 16 (cf. xxv. i, 2). Balaam is In here represented as the prototype of all corrupt teachers. our text these early Gnostics by their false teaching, that as they were not under the law but under grace (Rom. vi. 15) and were therefore not bound by the law, tempted men to licentiousness, even as Balak corrupted Israel in accordance with the advice In Num. xxxi. 16 it is not expressly stated that of Balaam. Balaam counselled Balak to act so against Israel, but the state ment in our text is a not unnatural inference an inference already made in Philo, Vita Mays. i. 53-55 ; cf. Joseph. Ant. iv. 6. 6 Origen, In Num. Horn. xx. i. BaXa/c is, according to WM, The construction eSi Sao-Kei/
;
TO>

p.

279 (note
it

explain

It is unjustifiable to as a Hebraism, since this construction in the case of nT

),

found

in

some

late writers.

and

*fth is exceptional in the

O.T.

In

ii.

20

SiSao-Keu/ takes

the ace.

Here the order is against Tropycuom. 20 (see note) of our text. It is doubtful whether the first phrase refers to the eating of food which had been bought in the open market and already been consecrated
etSwXoOura
ica!
<J>ayeiy

Num.

xxv. 1-2

and

ii.

to

to both.

pagan feasts. Probably it refers This problem had, as we know, arisen in Corinth many cf. i Cor. viii. years earlier in an acute form 7-13, x. 20-30. From this letter we learn that, though St. Paul did not censure the conduct of the Corinthians who regarded the eating of dBuX.6Ovra as a matter of moral indifference, because of the decree issued by the Apostolic Council at Jerusalem (cf. Acts xv. 29,
:

an

idol, or to participation in

a.7r^(r6a.L eiSwAotfuTon/
iS<oAwi/),

cf.

XV. 20, aTre^ecr^at TCOV

dA.i(ry?7/x,aTcoi>

TO>J/

condemned their action on the principle that it put stumbling-block in the way of their weaker brethren, and tended
yet he

to bring about their moral downfall heathen feasts which were made in

they were not indeed gods as viii. 4), were nevertheless demons (x. 20), they made themselves spiritually unfit to take part in the Eucharist (x. 21). 15. This verse and the preceding are difficult, but their ex planation does not call for the supposition of mixed constructions. The thought and connection of th e verses are as follows in 14 our author states that the Pergamene Church has certain corrupt teachers, belonging to the following of Balaam, who seduced Israel into sin. But since this statement only defines the affinities of these corrupt teachers with thepast^ we expect a further defini tion of their affinities with the present. This we find in 15, where
:

and that by sharing in the honour of gods, who though the heathen conceived them (i Cor.
;

64

THE REVELATION OF
"

ST.

JOHN

[II.

15-16.

Thus we should render the Ephesian Church cf.

:
:

in like

6) hast

manner them too (i.e. as well as some who hold the teaching

OUTWS and 6/xoiws are not to be taken as one and the same thing. OVTOJ? justifies the state ment made in 14, whereas the o/xotco? refers to the Ephesian Thus the /cat a-v and the o/xot ws belong together Church. Thou too (as well as the Ephesian Church) in like manner (with the Ephesian Church). The ex ls m *5 resumes that in 14. This explanation does no violence to any part of the text, while it explains each member of it in a natural sense from the
of the
Nicolaitans."

referring to

"

"

context. The right interpretation of /cat a-v leads to the right By failing to recognize this fact interpretation of the whole. Thus Johannes Weiss is expositors have erred in the past.

driven to mistranslate 15 as follows: "So hast du dort auch (?) solche, welche die Lehre der Nikolaiten halten gleicherweise." The /cat beyond question belongs to the a-v. Bousset represents the meaning of 14-15 to be: "So wie Bileam durch Balak die Israeliten verfiihrte, so haben die Pergamener die Nicolaiten als

But if any such comparison was intended, we should BaAa/c j3a\elv have had something like wo-Trep BaAaa//, eSt Saavcev /CpaTOWT9 TT/J StSa^V NlKoAeHTWV j3d\\OV(Tl OTKCtvSaXov But this interpretation fails, as it leaves wholly out 0-ov.
Verfiihrer."
ra>

of sight the definitive phrase /cat a-v. Besides, if, as some scholars suppose, the construction is irregular and the ourus presupposes a preceding wo-Trep in this context, then not BoAaa/x, but ot viol /cat a-v would be com lo-parjA would be the subject with which

Kparowas TT)V SiSa^i/ BaAaa//, KrA. This would in itself As the ancient Israel had corrupt an excellent sense. give But then the teachers, so too now has the Pergamene Church. present form of the text does not admit of this interpretation,
pared
/crA.,
:

Gjo-7rep ot

wot
KC

OVTWS

ts

"

Io-paT)X ei^oi/ ~^ K P a

TwTas

The /cat a-v recalls the and, moreover, the context is against it. fact that not only is the Pergamene but also the Ephesian Church troubled by corrupt teachers. The grammatical study of the text having thus established the fact, that in 15 we have at once both an explanation of 14 and a comparison with ii. 6, serves further to settle the relation The term Balaamites is of the Balaamites and the Nicolaitans. simply a name given for the nonce by our author to the Nicolai The assignment of this name rests on two grounds the tans. first is the identity of results as regards their teaching ; the second is the identity in respect of meaning in the view of our author as well as of certain Jewish writers of BaAaa/A and Ni/coAaos (see note in ii. 16).
:

upon

16. fAeTayoTjaoi ou^. The whole Church of Pergamum is called to repent and purge itself from these Nicolaitans, in the

11.16-17.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN PERGAMUM 65

will ultimately come to a better mind and return Cor. v. 4-5), else Christ will visit the Church (^p^o^ai deal drastically with these corrupt teachers (/XCT* avrwv). o-ot) and The Seer requires the Church of Pergamum to expel them, as the Church of Ephesus had already done. It has not identified itself with them.

hope that they

to her
(cf. i

el

8e

JATJ.

Here equivalent
et Se prf is

to

our author. always This construction, which is frequent in iroXefirjaw per O.UT&V. the LXX, is confined to the Apocalypse (cf. xii. 7, xiii. 4, xvii. 14) The verb itself occurs outside the Apocalypse only in the N.T. In our text it cannot be treated as other than a in Jas. iv. 2. Hebraism, if we take into account the Hebraistic character of The fact that it occurs sporadically (see the text in general.

py

//,Tai/o>jo-eis

as in

b
ii.

where see note,

elliptical in

Moulton, Proleg? 106) twice or more in the Papyri evidence to the contrary. See Abbott, Gram., p. 267.
V TT|
pO[A<f>(lia

is

no

The phrase

TOU OTOfAdTOS fXOU. Cf. 1. 1 6, U. 12, XJX. 15. suggests a forensic condemnation, but in xix. 15 this word is conceived as an actual instrument of war. TOG |J,cWa. On TO) VlKOJVTl 17. TU ClKWI Tl TOV (jidvva is the only instance in the N.T. of CLVTW see 7. Sowai with the partitive genitive (see iii. 9). According to 2 Bar. xxix. 8 the treasury of manna was to descend from heaven during the Messianic Kingdom, and the blessed were to eat of it. This manna is referred to in Chag. i2 b (Tanchuma; Piqqudi, 6; Beresh. rab. 19; Bammid. rab. 13), where it is said that in the third heaven (D pn ) are the mills which grind manna for the This manna was called "bread from heaven," Ex. righteous. corn of heaven," Ps. Ixxviii. 24, and likewise bread of xvi. 4 ; It is to this heavenly the mighty" (i.e. angels, cf. Ps. Ixxviii. 25). manna, and not to the golden pot of manna which was preserved (Ex. xvi. 32-34) in remembrance of the food in the wilderness and which was in the ark (Heb. ix. 4), that our text appears to refer (cf. Or. Sibyl vii. 148 f. :
S(0<TO>

dUTU>

"

"

OVK ecrrat ouSe a-ra^v?, aAA. a^aa 7rai/TS

It is quite true that there are several Rabbinic passages which speak of the restoration of the pot of manna on the advent b of the Messiah cf. Tanchuma, and other passages cited p. 83 by Wetstein in loc. The idea of the manna in this connection was probably suggested to our author by the association of ideas evoked by There he was thinking of Israel in the wilderness 14-16. tempted by Balaam, just as the Pergamene Christians are tempted by his spiritual successors. As the ancient Israel was fed by
:

VOL.

i.

66

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[II. 1?.

a material manna, the true Israelites would in the future life be fed by a spiritual manna. Since the material manna could not avert death under the old Dispensation, John vi. 49 argues that it was not bread of life even in the very sphere to which it
belonged.. As the context shows, as well as a comparison of the other six 1 The manna promises, the promise here refers to the future.
that is now hidden will then be given to those who have fought the good fight and conquered. Part of this victory on the part of the Pergamene Church will consist in their abstinence from forbidden meats contrast the gift of the manna here with the eiSwA.o fluTo, eaten by the unfaithful, ii. 14. The hidden manna probably signifies the direct spiritual gifts that the Church triumphant will receive in transcendent measure from intimate communion with Christ. This hidden manna is practically equivalent in some degree to the water of life (see p. 54 sq.), but not to the tree of life. Stones or pebbles were variously used by the tl/rj^or \euK-f\v. ancients, and each usage has been applied to the interpretation i. The white stone used by of the present passage, jurors to
:
"
"

"

"

signify acquittal;
"

cf.

Ovid, Met. xv. 41

Mos

erat antiquis niveis atrisque lapillis,

illis

His damnare reos

2.

absolvere

culpa."

The

//?7<os

which entitled him that received

:

it

to free enter

tainment to royal assemblies. Cf. Xiphilin, Epit. Dion., p. 228, where it is said of Titus ot^cUpia yap v\wa [j,LKpa aj/wflev ets TO Biarpov epptVret (rv/JiftoXov e^owa TO IL\V eSw8t)u,ov TIVOS ... a d/07raTivag e Sei Trpos Sutryjpas avTwv tTreveyKeiv KCU Xafielv TO Hence here a ticket of admission to the 3. The precious stones which according to heavenly feast. Rabbinical tradition fell along with the manna (Joma, 8). 4. The
TOV<S

precious stones on the breastplate of the high priest bearing the names of the Twelve Tribes. 5. The white stone was re garded as a mark of felicity: cf. Pliny, Ep. vi. u. 3, "O diem laetum notandumque mihi candidissimo calculo." But each of these explanations is unsatisfactory ; either the The true is not white or it has no inscription upon it. /o7<os source of the ideas underlying the expressions in our text is most probably to be found in the sphere of popular superstition, which attached mysterious powers to the use of secret names (see The new name in such Heitmiiller, 7m Namen Jcsu, 128-265). a connection would naturally be not that of the person who The white received the t/^<o5, but of some supernatural being.
1

uses

manna

Philo (Quts rerum divin. 39, Leg. allcgor. iii. 59, 61), on the other hand, the spiritual food of the soul in the present life. as signifying
"
"

II. 17-18.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN THYATIRA

67

stone was simply an amulet engraved with some magical formula a When or name, such as we find in Makk. (cf. Sukka, 53*) David dug the cistern (at the south-west corner of the altar) the deep surged up and sought to overwhelm the world. Then he asked if he might inscribe the divine name on a potsherd and cast it into the deep to cause it to sink back into its place," The value of such an amulet was enhanced if the holder of it was assured that the name was new, and so known only to him for should any one succeed in learning this name he too would enjoy We have now to ask if our the same powers as its possessor. Even if author has taken over in their entirety these ideas.

"

this is so, we may be certain that they have become spiritually The new name can only be that of Christ or God transformed. The man himself may be regarded inscribed on a if/rj^os. as the i/^<os; and since he is ACUKO S, as his victory in the final 1 strife has proved, he is inscribed with the divine name, which has a different meaning in character with the soul that receives it, and therefore a new meaning to every faithful soul, and which none but it knows (cf. Matt. xi. 27). This interpretation brings this passage somewhat into line with iij 12, 6 WKOJV ypdif/M ~ N n \ \ \ V * / / 7T dVTOV TO KCU TO OVOfJLO. [JLOV TO KCUVOF. OVOfJid TOV UOV fJLOV This inscription designates him as God s own possession, as the in vii. 2 sqq. (see note in loc. and parallels). But the 1/07^05 with the divine, name inscribed on it maybe differently interpreted, and taken to be a symbol of the transcendent powers now placed in the hand of him that has been faithful unto death. Through such faithfulness the blessed are fitted to receive from their divine Master fresh graces (i.e. the hidden manna) and powers (the stone inscribed with the divine name) of a transcendent character.
.
. .

/\

o-<f>payi<s

o^ofjia K.O.IVOV.

o ou&eis o!8ey

et

See preceding notes. As we have observed above, p) 6

Xa|x|3ai><oi/.

the knowledge that a faithful heart possesses of God is a thing incommunicable, known only to itself. Cf. xix. 12, ovo/xa ycypa/x/xevov 6 ouSeis oI6W et /AT) auros, where, however, the general meaning is different, and the clause is probably an interpolation.
ZX<M

18-29.

THE MESSAGE TO THE ANGEL OF THE CHURCH IN THYATIRA.

uareipois-

18. TW ev
least
1

The

longest letter
Cities.

important of the Seven

is addressed to the Thyatira lay about 40

new

scholars think that the new name given to the victor means a character (cf. Gen. xxxii. 28; Matt. xvi. 17, 18). But the 6 VIKUV has shown by his faithfulness that he possesses this new character ; he is already a Kaivrj already

Some

68

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[ll.

18-ld.

miles to the S.E. of

Caicus in the north and the

Pergamum almost midway between the Hermus in the south. It was a

to
.

Lydian
rives

city

on the confines of Mysia,

625,
It

which
. .

it

was sometimes

said to belong (Strabo,

</>ao-iV).

uareipa

fjv

Mwwv

lo-xdrrjv

was founded by the Seleucidae, its first settlers being for the most part old soldiers of Alexander the Great and their children. Hence it was called Karot/cta MaKeSoVwv by About 190 B.C. it fell under the sway of the Strabo, 625. Romans and formed part of the Province of Asia. Thyatira was

its extensive trading and the number of its guilds of craftsmen, and it is with the question, whether Christians were justified or not in sharing in the common meals of a sacrificial character, that this Letter to the Church in Thyatira is mainly concerned: see notes. But Thyatira was undistinguished in other respects in later times; for Pliny, H.N. v. 33, writes slightingly of this community: "Thyatireni aliaeque inhonorae An important road ran from Pergamum to Thyatira, civitates." Thus thence to Sardis and through Philadelphia to Laodicea. the Seven Churches were naturally linked together from a geographical point of view, starting with Ephesus and ending with Laodicea. Thyatira had temples dedicated to Apollo Tyrimnaios, Artemis, and a shrine of Sambathe (TO Sa/^afleioi/), an Oriental Sibyl in the neighbourhood ; but it had no temple founded in honour of the Emperors. The Christian Church at Thyatira ceased to exist towards the close of the 2nd cent. A.D., It early became a centre according to a statement of the Alogi.

notable for

Montanism (Epiphanius, Haer. and the Bible Dictionaries in loc.

of
b utos TOU OcoG.

li.

33).

See Ramsay,

Letters^

author by Ps.
ii.

9 in

its

This title may have been suggested to our seeing that later in this letter he quotes Ps. But the title is entirety and a phrase from ii. 8.
ii.

7,

presupposed in i. 6, ii. 27, iii. 5, 21, xiv. i, where God is Nowhere in our definitely spoken of as the Father of Christ. Father" in relation to men save in author is God described as This title was claimed by contrast John xx. 17, etc. xxi. 7
"

Christ (Matt. xi. 27 ; Luke x. 22), ascribed to Him by Peter (Matt. xvi. 1 6), and formed the ground for the indictment brought John xix. 7). against Him before the Sanhedrin (Matt. xxvi. 63 ^1 From i. 14 sq. The presence of 6 exwy x 01 to the first clause, 6 e^wv TOVS <A.oya Trupos, appears
. .
.

^^-

d>s

6fj>@a.Xfjiov<s

/cat xapStas KrX., and ot cpawwv b Here the iro Scs avrov ofioioL x a ^ KO ^ l possibly by 27 divine title seems to have been added by our author when see p. 45 sq. editing his visions as a whole

be explained by

23, 6

i>e<povs

P<*-vtt>

as in x. 9 the vernacular is followed by possessive genitive introducing a group of nouns

19. oI8d

aou

TCI

epya.

Here

II.

19-23.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN THYATIRA

/cat

69

the ordinary possessive,

Kal
TO.

/cat ryv inro/jLovyv o-ov 606, remarks: "(i) The writer could not well have said /cat o-ov, and (2) the twofold shows that emphasis is intended the patience repetition For a similar case cf. that you shew and the deeds that you do" The two passages show that the unemphatic o-ov is not x. 9.

rty dydV^v

tp-ya

<rov.

Here Abbott, Gram.,

p.

"

likely to KCU

be used

after
KT\.

an unemphatic

word."

ii.

On aydiryv cf. ii. 4, and on VTTO/XOI/^V cf. description of the pya. 2. Further, the Seer states that in the fulfilment of such works the Church in Thyatira has steadily advanced, whereas
Ephesus has gone backward (ii. 4). -n-XeiW seems here to be used as meaning greater in quality, better cf. Matt. vi. 25, xii. As Swete remarks, these 41, 42; Heb. iii. 3, xi. 4, etc. addresses praise is more liberally given, if it can be given with
:

iV

dydiTTji

The

/cat

here introduces an explanatory

"in

justice,

when blame

is

to follow

more

is

said of the

good

deeds of the Ephesians and Thyatirians than of those of the

Smyrnaeans and Philadelphians, with whom no fault is found." we have the two dynamic Christian In rrjv dyaVtyv /cat TTJV forces which issue in the two Christian activities that follow r^v
TTI<TTIV

8ta/coviav /cat rrjv vTro/aovi/jv.

20-23 a The dangers which threatened Thyatira were in-^j It was not the cult of the Emperor nor the cults of the pagan deities, the condition of membership
.

ternal rather than external.

in

which was confessedly willingness to take part in the worship v prescribed in each case, but the trade guilds that formed the / problem in Thyatira. In the former case there could be nori doubt as to the wrongness of participation in such cults, but in the case of the latter the evidence seemed to the more intel lectual class less conclusive. To the morally sound amongst this class there could be no divergence of opinion as to the wrongness of fornication, but different views were honestly maintained as to the legitimacy of eating food sacrificed to idols, seeing that in the eyes of the enlightened an idol was nothing. Now, since membership in trade guilds (e/oyao-u, o-v/A^tworei?, o-we/oyao-iat) did not essentially involve anything beyond joining in the common meal, which was dedicated no doubt to some pagan deity but was exactly in this respect meaningless for the en lightened Christian, to avail oneself of such membership was held in certain latitudinarian circles to be quite justifiable. And this was particularly the case in Thyatira, which, owing to the fact that it was .above all things a city of commerce, abounded in business guilds, to one or other of which every citizen all but necessarily belonged: otherwise he could hardly maintain his business or enjoy the social advantages natural to his position. Thus it was these trade guilds in Thyatira that made the

70

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[II.

20.

Nicolaitan doctrine so acceptable to the Church in this city, and that though the common meals of such guilds too often ended in unbridled licentiousness. Against the principles and conduct of the Nicolaitans the Church in Ephesus bad openly declared itself (ii. 6) but no such declaration had as yet emanated from the Church in Thyatira. Owing to the business and social interests of its members it was too ready to accept any principle that would justify their membership in the city Hence it withheld its testimony against an influential guilds. woman who had long (21) and notoriously (23) advocated the principles of the Nicolaitans and yet enjoyed the membership of
;

the Church.
this person might cloak her activities under the of prophetess, or advance her teaching as a more enlightened (Gnostic?) Christianity, they were, the Seer de clares, simply sheer licentiousness and the negation of the laws laid down by the Apostolic Council. She was a modern Jezebel, and the Church of Thyatira in tolerating her presence in the Church was no better than a modern Ahab. 20. On the Cf. John xii. 7 for this use of form see Blass, Gram. 51 ; Robertson, Gram. 315. TTjy yuj/aiKa Med|3eX. Jezebel is here used symbolically of some influential woman in the Church in Thyatira, and chosen in reference to the wife of Ahab, who was guilty of whoredom and witchcraft (i Kings xvi. 3152 Kings ix. 22), and sought to displace the worship of the God of Israel by idolatrous cults introduced from other lands. There is no question here of the Chaldaean Sibyl at Thyatira with whom Schurer (Theol. Abhandl. Weizsacker gewidmet, p. 39 sq., 1892) sought to identify her. Such a personage could not have been admitted to membership of the Church in Thyatira, whereas the Jezebel in our text stands Zahn (see admittedly within the jurisdiction of the Church. Bousset, 1906, p 217 sq.) accepts the reading TT?V ywou/ca arov and takes her to be the wife of the bishop of the Church, while Selwyn (p. 123) identifies her with the wife of the Asiarch. On this Hebraism see note on eaimjj irpocJnJTiy. TJ Xeyoucra We might compare Zeph. i. 12, e/cSi/o^rco en-i TOVS avSpas i. 5. s ot This construc rovs /cara^poj/owras Xeyovrcs (D "lEKn).

noble

However name

d(j>ts.

a<j>ievai.

tion
is

found in Mark xii. 38-40 (contrast Luke xx. 46), where it But a still to be explained as due to the Semitic background.
is

see next note. as we have already pointed out in i. 5-6 (note), a resolution of the participle into a finite verb. Thus our text is a literal rendering of the Hebrew
follows
:

more pronounced Hebraism

Kal
8i8d<7Ki

Kal irXam.

Here we have,

idiom

"iD

ni

nN"

^ KTT^ JKn.
Our author appears here
to

l
<f>ayeli/.

emphasize

11.20-22.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN THYATIRA

71

the fact that, when the Church in Thyatira tolerated this Nicolaitan teaching because it justified their membership in the it was in city guilds and their sharing in the common meals, It See, however, note on ii. 14. reality tolerating fornication. will be observed that the order of the words here differs from that in ii. 14. Here it is probably intended to mean that the primary object of the prophetess was sexual immorality. 21. This verse implies that a definite warning had been

addressed to

had been given

this self-styled prophetess, and that this warning sufficiently far back in the past to allow of a full
evil.
its

reformation of the But Seer himself.

Iva
|ui6TavoiiiorTj.

The warning may have come from the source cannot be determined. The tva here has its final force: in ix. 20
Always so with the noun in our author:

a consecutive.
fATa>oT]<rai

CK.

cf. ii.

22,

ix.

20,

21, xvi.

ii

probably a reflection of
:

|Jp

31>;

only occasionally in the LXX) /xcracf. Job is a more frequent rendering of the Hebrew phrase xxxvi. 10; Isa. xxxi. 6, Iv. 7 ; Jer. xviii. 8; Ezek. xxxiii. 12. 22. I8ou jSttXXu auTTjk eis K\ivr\v.
for in
voeu>

Symmachus (though

Kal TOUS [xoixeuorras

juter

aurijs cts OXixj/ic fjLeydXTjK.

We

have

here a clear instance of

Hebrew

parallelism,

and

Hebrew idiom, though, so far as I am aware, While some scholars have quite recognized by any scholar. wrongly taken K\tvrj here to denote a banqueting couch, most others have rightly recognized it to be a bed of illness or suffering, but have not explained how this interpretation can be
justified.

likewise of not hitherto

Now, if we retranslate it literally into Hebrew, we discover that we have here a Hebrew idiom, i.e. 33^bi> ^23 = to take to one s bed," "to become ill "(Ex. xxi. 18): hence "to cast upon a bed means to cast upon a bed of illness." This
"
"

"

idiom

is

found in

viii. 3, tTrco-c

ori rr)v K\i.vf]vy

Mace. i. 5, eTrecre CTTI TTJV KXtvijv, and Jud. which books are translated from the
:

Hebrew.
"

Thus we should render

Behold
I cast

And

her on a bed of suffering, those who commit adultery with her into great
"

tribulation

to be observed that in iSov yScxAXw (late the /SaAXw represents a participle in the Hebrew which can refer to the future, the present, or the past, according to the context. Since it is parallel here with aTroKrevco This idiomatic refer(23*), it refers, of course, to the future.

Furthermore,

it

is

MSS PQ

/SaXtu)

72

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[II.

22-23.
i.

ence to the future in a present verb is to be found also in (1801; IpxeTcu), ii. 10, iii. 9 (where our author has both i8ov

8i8o>

and

tSoi) 7roo}o-w xvi. 15, etc.

referring to

one and the same

|UIT
.

thing),

ix.

12,

23. K.a.1 rd TZKVO. suggests that we have here the actual paramours of this woman and her children. Hence Further, the children may be her legitimate children. the punishment is a severe one. There may be also a reference to the fate that befell the sons of Ahab (2 Kings x. 7). But the punishments are wholly disproportionate to the guilt on this
TOUS fJioixeuorras
CXUTTJS
.

22 -23.

auTTJs-

The

text (/^oixetWras

TCKVOL)

interpretation.
is

Moreover,

this interpretation,

even

if it is

right,

too narrow, and must not be regarded as excluding the possi The entire bility of finding a spiritual reference in the text.

in Thyatira, owing to its special circumstances, is en dangered by the Nicolaitan doctrine. Hence the poixtvovra.** appear to be all those who, owing to the teaching of this woman, thought they could combine faithfulness to Christ with the concessions to the pagan spirit that their membership of the business guilds involved ; and the rcWa to be those who have absolutely embraced this woman s teaching even to its fullest For the former there is still hope they are striving to issues. reconcile the claims of Christ on the one hand and the claims Therein they have been of their business life on the other. cf. Hos. ii. 2, 4, where there is guilty as idolatrous Israel of old But they may yet a similar reference to mother and children. come to see that they cannot serve two masters hence for them But as regards the the door of repentance is still open (22). reVva, the case is different. They have embraced the Nicolaitan They are one with teaching unreservedly and unconditionally. P or them, therefore, their spiritual mother in aim and character. In this there is nothing but the doom of destruction (23*).
:
: :

Church

interpretation the difference in the natural.

dooms threatened
xxxiii.

is

wholly

w iv where #araros =

Oai/arw.
"i:n>

Cf.

Ezek.

"pestilence,"

as here

and

27, 6a.va.Tv a in vi. 8 (note).

miaou at KK\t]criai KT\. The doom of the offenders was to be known as widely as the scandal had been. The yvuvovrai on is an O.T. form of expression i.e. know by reason
:

of experience, as in the case of the Egyptians, etc.

vii. 5, xvi.

Cf. Ex.

12, xxix. 46, etc.

is
ye<J>pous

6 epauv&v

but

it

is

This phrase KCU KapSias. an independent rendering of Jer. xi.

ve<f>pov<>

from the O.T.,

20, Jy\ rri^D jn 3

KOL KapSias. The LXX where the LXX has 8o/a/xa(ov does not use Ipawav at all as a rendering of jrQ, nor apparently does any other Jewish version save Aquila in one instance

II.

23-24.]
xxi.
is

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN THYATIRA 73

18).

(Ezek.

The same

different, is Jer. xvii. 10, xx. 12.

TO,?

words

phrase, though the order of the found in Ps. vii. 10. Cf. other variations in St. Paul uses the phrase $w SOKL/JLOLJ^OVTI
T<3

Thess. ii. 4) and 6 epawon/ ras KapSias in Rom. viii. 27. ve<po? is not found elsewhere in the N.T. Cf. Wisd. i. 6, where a free rendering is given of the entire phrase. The kidneys were regarded by the Hebrews as the seat of the emotions and affections (Jer. xii. 2), and the heart of the thoughts. Zpawav is, according to Blass (Gr. 21), an Alexandrian form. KaoTU> Kara TO, epya UJULWK. This phrase recurs in Swcrcu up!/ xxii. 12. Cf. Matt. xvi. 27, 6 wos TOV av&pw-n-ov e/cacrra) Kara rr]v 7rpatv OLVTOV. This may mean are free from in contrast 24. OUK Ixouaii to those who "hold fast" Kparovaw, but a comparison of i. 16 and ii. i is not in favour of this view, if text of ii. i is right. oirii cs is here generic; indicates a class. Its use is therefore Elsewhere our author uses classical, as in i. 7, ix. 4, xx. 4.
KapSuxs
fj/ji&v

(i

a/7roS<ocre<

"

"

OO-TIS as

practically the equivalent of os:

.

cf.

i.

12, xi. 8, xii. 13,

See note on xi. 8. Ta J3a0e a TOU Zaram. oiTiyeg here possible, and both are forcible,
xvii. 12, xix. 2.
.
.

Two

interpretations are

referred to in

u>s

(i) Since the persons Aeyouo-iv are the libertine section in the Church
. .
.

of Thyatira, the above words, omves ^arai/a, are an indignant retort on the part of our author, in which he declares that, whereas they claim to "know the deep things of God" (cf.
Iren. Haer.
Tri/cv/xa
iii.
ii. 22. 3) even as St. Paul (cf. i Cor. ii. 10, TO yap Travra epavva, KCU TO. /3dOrj TOV Qcov Rom. xi. 33; Eph. 18), it is not the deep things of God but of Satan that they
:

have sought
to

after.

The
cf.

later Gnostics,

we know, professed alone

ii. 22. i, "qui profunda profunda Dei adinvenisse

know

TO,

fidOy:
"

Iren.

Adv. Haer.
3,

Bythi adinvenisse se dicunt"; 22. Se dicentes ; Hippol. Phllos. V. 6,

<ao-/covTes
"

fjiovoL

TO,

/3d6r)

yivcoo-Keiv

eTre/caAecrav lavrovs yvoooTtKOv?, Tertull. Adv. Valefit, i,

:

Eleusinia Valentiniani fecerunt lenocinia, sancta silentio magno, sola taciturnitate caelestia. Si bona fide quaeras, concrete This phrase (ra vultu, suspense supercilio, Altum esf, aiunt." /?a#ea) was a natural one on the part of men who laid claim to an esoteric knowledge a knowledge that in the case of the Cainites, Naasenes, Carpocratians, and Ophites was held to This emancipate its possessors from the claims of morality. last fact leads naturally to the second interpretation. (2) Ac cording to this second interpretation the words represent the actual claim of this Gnostic element in the Church of Thyatira,
as

Wieseler,

assume.

These

Spitta, Zahn, Volter (Offenb. iv. 166), Bousset false teachers held that the spiritual man should

know

the deep things of Satan, that he should take part in the

74
heathen
life

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[II.

24-26.

most prominent which were its sacrificial feasts and immoral practices. Though he outwardly shared in this heathen life, nevertheless as a spiritual man (i.e. the Gnostic of later times) he remained inwardly unaffected by it and so asserted his
characteristics of

of the community, two of the

on the knowledge of intellectual mysteries, an indispensable addition to or as a substitute for simple obedience to the claims of the Christian life, has always been a weakness of the Church. In themselves these words ou flciXXw ufids aXXo |3dpos. could refer either to burdens of suffering or of the law. But the context declares clearly for the latter ; for the term Kparrja-ai in the following verse can only refer to the obligations of the moral
either as
l<f>

superiority over it. The insistence

law,

and these obligations in particular related to fornication and Now these were the two chief the eating of meat offered to idols. enactments of the Apostolic decree in Acts xv. 28, e8oev
.
.
.

^o/Sei

TrAeof

e7rm $eo-0ai V/MV ySapos

.
.
.

TrXrjv

rourcov TCOV eTraj/ay/ces,

a.7r)(6or@ai

eiSa)Ao$vT<ov

/cat

Tropretas.

Only these two pro

hibitions are declared to be obligatory on the members of the Church in Thyatira, which were entangled in the libertinism of

The other two aTrexeo-flat the Nicolaitans. afyiaros /ecu But this is not all. The use of are not re-enacted. TZTIKTCOV the word aAAo in itself points to the exclusion of the two latter. Thus our author had clearly the Apostolic decree in his mind. 25. Once and for all take a firm hold (Kparrfo-are) on these duties incumbent on you, and shun absolutely the sacrificial feasts of the heathen and the moral evils that attend on them.
. . .

ls to De o X T KpaTY)oraT. Cf. iii. II, K/odret o ex eis 5 since a^pi in our author taken as a subjunctive of the aorist elsewhere is followed by the subjunctive cf. vii. 3, xv. 8, xx. In xvii. 17 it is followed by the indicative; but our 3, 5. author is here using a source. 26. 6 laKuy KOI 6 rqpStv KrX. The victory is to him that keeps Christ s works unto the end in the present instance the special
<0

I/G>

works required from the Church of Thyatira. But the repetition Hence we might trans of the article equates the two phrases. even he that keepeth." The "he that overcometh late he that keeps Christ s victor is he that keeps Christ s works works is the victor. 6 iaKUK aurw, the nominative resumed in a subse quent pronoun in the dative. To this nominativus pendens or accusative we have an exact A more normal construction occurs in parallel in iii. 12, 21. in vi. 4, xxi. 6. ii. 7, 17, and the normal aurw eouaiay eirl Twy IQv&v. A free rendering of Ps,
: :

8<uau>

II.

26-27.]
8,

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN THYATIRA

j

75

The thought

H^riSI LXX, Swo-w 0*01 Wvr) r^v /cATypovo/u av crov. of these words as well as the diction of what This Psalm was interpreted follows are drawn from Ps. ii. 8-9. as early as the ist cent. B.C. in the Pss. Solomon Messianically The nature of the power conferred is (see note on xix. 15).
ii.

^r6rp D^H

described in the next verse. Our author appears to distinguish carefully the use of eoim a In the Fourth Gospel the with the article and without it. With the article full authority in the article is not used at all. circumstances denned in the context is implied cf. ix. 19, xiii. When a limited authority is implied, 4, 12, xvi. 9, xvii. 13. eovo-ta stands without the article cf. ii. 26, vi. 8, ix. 3, xiii. 2, There are three cases xviii. i, xx. 6. 5, 7, xiv. 18, xvii. 12,
:
:

which do not come under

14.

this rule,
is

i.e.

in

ix.

10, xi. 6,
:

and

xxii.

In

xi.

6 our author

But ix. here no exception. e ^ovcrta avrwv in these passages appear to be equal simply to
-fj

hence we have using a source 10 and xxii. 14 are abnormal, since

27. 27 ab imply the actual destruction of the heathen nations as in xix. 15, and apparently in their destruction the triumphant martyrs (cf. ii. 26, xvii. 14) are to be active agents as members of the heavenly hosts which should follow the word of God, xix. At this moment that I am writing we can witness at 13-14.
least a partial fulfilment of this dread forecast, in which England and her allies are engaged in mortal strife with the powers of

eXpv&w

e^ovcriav.

As Swete aptly writes: "The godless force and materialism. new order must be preceded by the breaking up of the old but the purpose of the Potter is to reconstruct (<rwTpi)8eTai), out of the fragments of the old life there will rise under the hand of Christ and of the Church, new and better types of social and national organisation." To this we might add: the present heathen system of international relations will sooner or later be destroyed and replaced by international relations of a Christian
;

character.
Kttl iroip.ai ei
a>S

aurous iv pd/88w aiSrjpa

TO,

0-K6UT] TO,

From

Ps.

ii.

9.

Our author here

avrovs ev

agrees partly with the

crtS?/pa

LXX

pa/3Su>

Instead of
#/\ao-ets),

Troi/xavets

Symmachus

renders

crwrpiif/tis (s. cruv-

of crvvrpfyeis Aquila renders Trpocrp^et?. Two important questions arise here. r. Has our author simply 2. borrowed his rendering Trot/xavet from the What

and instead

LXX?

meaning does our author attach to Trot/Mam?

Now

as to

i,

76
since
it is

THE REVELATION OF
our author
s

ST.

JOHN

[II.

27.

usage elsewhere to translate the Hebrew is no reason to infer that he is here The LXX was no doubt simply borrowing from the LXX. familiar to him and provided him with a vocabulary. But he was in no sense dependent upon it. But it has been urged, and no doubt rightly, that the LXX here derived Djnn from njn and so vocalized it Djnn and rendered it Trot/xavets, whereas they
text independently, there

ought to have derived it from yjn and vocalized it DJHfi, "thou shalt break We have now to deal with 2 (as Symmachus). what meaning did our author attach to Troi/xai/ct ? A comparison of xix. 15, where Troi^avfl is parallel to -n-ard^y, and of the present text, ii. 27, where it is parallel with o-wr/otySerat (cf. also xii. 5), is strong evidence that our author attached two distinct meanings to TToi/AatVeti/. 1 The ordinary meaning is found in vii. 17 (7rot//,aj/t = will pasture the other and unusual meaning will de
"

"

"

"),

vastate, lay

waste,"

in

ii.

27,

xii.

5,

xix.

15.

Now,

since this

aware not found outside our author and LXX (if indeed it is found in the latter), it is incumbent on us to explain how our author came to attach this meaning to the Greek verb. The explanation is apparently to be found in the fact that TTot/xatVeti/ is the ordinary translation of njn. But whereas njn generally means shepherd/ it means sometimes
sense the
is

so far as I

am

"to

v. 5 Jer. vi. 3, ii. 16 (where 22; Ps. Ixxx. 14 (see Oxford Hebrew Lex., p. 945). Now in the first two passages the LXX Hence Troi/xatVav should here mean renders njn by Trot/xatVetv. or to destroy." to lay waste But, even if the LXX failed to grasp the right rendering of njn in these passages and rendered it according to its ordinary sense, it does not follow that our As clearly as language can indicate, author does so also.
"

"to

devastate,"

destroy,"

as in Mic.
xxii.

the R.V. renders

"break"),

"

"

"

TroifjLaiveiv

and Trarao-cretv in xix. 15 are parallels, just as potato. oeta and /m/2Sw orL$r)pa. in the same clauses are likewise parallels. It is noteworthy that in Latin pasco developed this secondary meaning also.

it is highly probable that our author assigned to a secondary sense that attaches to njn (as he does cf. iroSts, x. i n.), and that we should render here to other words

Hence

Trot/LuuVeiv

"

He

shall destroy

them with an

iron rod,

As the
1

vessels of the potter shall they be

dashed to

pieces."

That our author did attach two meanings to IT 01 na.lv eiv is the view Thus the Vulgate and universally adopted by ancient and modern versions. in Syriac versions and the A.V. and R.V., etc., render this verb by This is, of course, a possible meaning and it is also an ii. 27, xix. 15. ancient one, but in our author the parallelism and the context are against it. The object with which authority is given to them over the apostate nations is
"rule"

not that they

"

"

may

rule

them, but

may

utterly destroy them.

27-111.

1.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN SARDIS

77

Here we have a free us rot o-KeuT] TO, KcpafUKo, ffuiTpi|3eTai. It is rendering of Ps. ii. 9**: cf. also Isa. xxx. 14; Jer. xix. 11. best to regard o-wrpi/Serai as = 1VBJ1 in the mind of our author, and hence take it as a Hebraism and equivalent to a future. Later MSS saw, in fact, that a future was required here and read We should not here, with the R.V., take the o-wTpi/^o-erai. as the vessels of the potter are broken to words as follows shivers." Such a thought is weak there is no point in such a The writer means to say that the righteous will statement. "dash to pieces" the strong and the mighty among the heathen Primasius as easily as one dashes to pieces a potter s vessels. supports this view: "sicut vas figuli confringentur": also Ticonius: "ut vas Besides, the parallelism requires figuli comminuentur." 1 o-vvTpCfaTai to be taken as a principal verb, as it is in Ps. ii. 9.
"

Even
o>S

Isa. xxx. 14, Jer. xix.

support this view.

jxou.

Kayw

eiXY]<f>a

irapa TOU Trarpos

.

These words

recall, of

course, Ps. ii. 7, Kvpios eiTrei/ Trpos ^.e Yto s fjiov e? (TV. Cf. Acts ii. 33, . TOU Trarpos, for Aa/2<W Trapa. rrjv re 7rayyeAiav TOV Tn/eu/Aaros the phraseology. 28. In this letter to Thyatira only do we find a double
.

On this and other grounds Selwyn, promise here and in 2y ab as an intrusion. Wellhausen, and others would omit 2y No satisfactory explanation has as yet been discovered of But in the meantime the best interpretation seems these words. id est, Dominum Jesum to be that of Beatus (quoted by Swete) Christum quern numquam suscepit vesper, sed lux sempiterna
.
"

ab

and of Bede Christus est Stella super in luce matutina qui nocte saeculi transacta lucem vitae sanctis promittit In xxii. 16 Christ describes Himself as et pandet aeternam."
est, et ipse
"

est,"

6 do-TT/p 6 Aa/A7rpos 6 TrpoKVos.

Hence

the words combined with

strife I will

27

mean simply:
thine."

"when

thou hast won through the

be

III. 1-6.
1.

THE MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN SAUDIS.

:

also

Sardis (see the Bible Dictionaries in loc. 375-382) was situated about 30 miles S.E.S. of Thyatira. In Ionic its form was ^apSus, in Attic Sardis was SapSets, while in later Greek it was written ^apSis. built on the northern confines of Mt. Tmolus, and its acropolis on a spur of this mountain. It dominated the rich Hermus
iv IdpSeo-ii/.

Ramsay,

Letters^

A neuter
cf.
i.

But plural has the verb oftener in the plural in our author. lperai here must agree either with ra aKeirq or, as I take it, with T&
b supplied from 26
.

For other instances of the

viii. 3, xiii.

noun

19,

A /uAXet,

sing, verb and plural 14, xiv. 13, xix. 14, xx. 3, 5, xxi. 12.

78

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[III. 1.

It valley, and was the capital of the ancient Lydian kingdom. reached the height of its prosperity under Croesus (circ. 560 On its conquest by Cyrus it became the seat of a Persian B.C.). Satrapy, and its history for the next three centuries is buried in Under Roman rule it recovered some of its ancient obscurity. importance, and became the centre of a conventus juridicus ; but, notwithstanding, no city in Asia presented a more deplorable

contrast of past splendour and present unresting decline. In 17 A.D. it was overthrown by a severe earthquake, but through the generosity of Tiberius (Tac. Ann. ii. 47), who remitted all its taxes for five years and contributed 10,000,000 sesterces towards
its

rebuilding,

it

rose so rapidly from

its

ruins that in 26 A.D.

it

it

was called a

TroAts /xeyaXr;

by Strabo (625), and

contended,

though unsuccessfully, with Smyrna for the privilege of raising a Its chief cult was that temple to Tiberius (Tac. Ann. iv. 55). of Cybele, while its staple industries were connected with woollen goods, and it claimed to have been the first community which
discovered the art of dyeing wool. To these industries there is Its inhabitants had long been possibly a reference in iii. 4, 5*. notorious for luxury and licentiousness (Herod, i. 55 Aesch. Pers. 45), and the Christian Church had manifestly a hard task in resisting the evil atmosphere that environed it. Like the city Its religious itself, the Church had belied its early promise.
;

history, like its civil,

belonged to the
it
"a

past.

And

yet, despite its

possessed a nucleus of faithful members: it had few names which had not defiled It was not apparently troubled by persecution their garments." from without, or by intellectual error from within, and yet it and the Church of Laodicea were the most blameworthy of the
spiritual declension,
still

moral and

seven.
6 zytov TO, cirra -nreujJiaTa TOU 0eou KCU TOUS eirrd dorepas. This clause is (see p. 26), as the corresponding divine titles of Christ in the other six Letters, to be regarded as a redactional addition of our Seer when he edited his visions as a whole. The phrase TO. eTrra
Trt/ev/xara

has already occurred in

interpolation.

Hence

it

really

i. 4, but there it is a manifest occurs here for the first time.

probable meaning see i. 4, note. o-ou Ta epya. On this vernacular genitive (contrast also ii. 2) see notes on ii. 9, 19; Abbott, Gram., pp. 605, 607 Here as in iii. 8, 15 the emphasis is laid on the 414-25, 60 1. hast wrought are known tome" "the works thou they Ipya This give thee a semblance of life, but in reality thou art dead. vernacular genitive recurs at the close of this verse cf. also x. 9,
its

On

otSd

xviii.

4-5, xxi. 3 (A).

oi/o/jui

on
Herod,

exeis

vii.

138,

on fjs KCU owo/m cl^e,

yeitpos ei.
a>s

For the construction *A^i/as eAawei, KO.TICTO Se

cf.

es

lit. 1-2.]
Tracrav r.
I

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN SARD1S

EAAaSa.
Contrast
2

79

Cor.

vi.

9,

u>s

aTroOvrjo-KovTts, Kal

and cf. Jas. ii. 17, fj Trams, lav JJLT) txtl epya, ve/cpa ecrri /ca# eavrr/i and 2 Tim. iii. 5, e^oi/res evcre^etas r^v 8e The condemnation of the Church of SiW/xiv CUJTI/S rjpvyfjievoi. And Sardis is more severe than that of the other six Churches. yet it, too, has a nucleus of faithful members. 2. yivou ypi]yopG>v. For this construction cf. xvi. 10, cyci/ero xvi. 15), and, e o-Korw/xeVry. yp^yopeii/ is a word of our Seer s (cf. though found in the three Synoptic Gospels, is not used in the Our text recalls Matt. xxiv. 42 (Mark xiii. 33), yp^yoFourth. There ep^erat. pen-e ovv, ort OVK ot Sare TTOLO. ^epa 6 Kvpios are very close affinities in diction between 2-4 here and xvi. 15, which show indubitably our author s hand. With yivov
Sov
u)/xev,
,
/zop<jE>u)(riv

V/AO>V

...

3,
.

KO.I

...
.
.

T^pet Kat jaeravoryow ear ovV /AT/ yp^yop^cn/ 4, a OVK e/xdAwav ra t/xarta avrajv, /cai

ev AeuKots, cf. xvi. 15, iSov cp^o/xat ypryyoptov Kai rr;pav TO. t/xarta avrov, But on the high probability that xvi. stood between 3 b and 3, see note on this verse
6
.

ws
u/a
/XT)
yv/jLi>o<s

15

originally and also on

xvi. 15.

376 sqq.) is of opinion that this admonition was suggested by two incidents in the past history of Sardis, when the acropolis fell into the hands of the enemy through the lack of vigilance on the part of its defenders first in the time of Croesus in 549 B.C., and next in 218 B.C. when Antiochus the Great captured the city, a Cretan mercenary having led the way, "climbing up the hill and stealing unobserved within the fortifications." This word is found eight times in our author, but TCI Xourdt. As Swete points out, not in the other N.T. Johannine writings. ra AotTra means not merely persons, but "whatever remained at Sardis out of the wreck of Christian life, whether persons or The entire community needs to be reconstructed institutions." on a sound foundation. We have here the epistolary imperfect. & airoQavelv. In the plural verb (contrast i. 19) we have a construct ad sensum. The idea recalls Ezek. xxxiv. 4, 16. Blass (Gram. 197) seems

Ramsay

(Letters,

to be watchful

ejj.e\\oi>

right in maintaining that the aorist is correctly employed here and in iii. 16, xii. 4, after /xeXWiv. /Ae AAew is seldom followed by

the aorist in the N.T.

also in our author:
xii.

it is
i.

generally followed by the present, as

cf.

5,

xvii.

8.

In

19, ii. 10, iii. 10, vi. n, viii. 13, x. 4, 7, classical Greek /xe AAetv is followed most

frequently by the future inf., but in vulgar Greek this was dis placed by the present. aou TO, AC) epya- Here as at the beginning of the verse we have the vernacular possessive. The emphasis is thrown
(<

80
strongly

THE REVELATION OF
on the noun
"

ST.

JOHN

[ill.

-3.

The works wrought by thee I have found Here the o-ov refers wanting before my God." Cf. Dan. v. 27. As a centre of spiritual and to the community as a whole. moral power it has failed, though it contains a few that have been faithful (4). Hence we read ra Ipya against AC. ov o-ov = no works of thine," cannot be maintained in the face epya of 4.
:
"

TrXTjpwjxeVa. It is a favourite

13 times

(cf.

Only found once again in our author in vi. u. Johannine word in the Fourth Gospel, occurring especially xvi. 24, xvii. 13), and twice in i and 2

John.

ii. 10, e(rre ei/ avro) TreTrA^poo/xeVoi. The community has a name before the fvutriov TOU OeoG fxou. for the faith Christian world for its works, but not before ;

Cf. also Col.

God

fulness of the few (4) cannot redress the balance against the Church as a whole. It is a dying Church. On TOV Oeov /JLOV cf. Rom. xv. 6, TOV Btov /cat Trarepa TOV Kvpiov T^/XOJV I7yo-ov iii. 12 ;
XpLo-rov
3.
:

also
irws

Mark
oui>

xv.

34

John
5,

xx. 1 7.

|Ai/Y]jj,6i>ue

(cf.

ii.

the advice to

Ephesus)
Gospel:
still

significant.

KCU TjKouaas. rj/couo-as points to the

ei\Y|<J>as

The change time when

cf. i Thess. i. 5, 6, ii. 13. possess this gift of God.

the Church of of tenses is here they heard the eiAr/^as concedes that they

TTJpei

what
its

it

The Church is to keep fast hold of Kal fAT<xv6T]ow. has received and heard, and, repenting forthwith, recover
(aor.).
JULY]

former spiritual attitude

cay ouv
YpT)yopY)o-T]s.

xvi.

As a host of critics have pointed out, 15 (see note) undoubtedly breaks up the context in which it Konnecke (followed by Moffatt) would restore it before occurs. the above words, while Beza transferred it before iii. 18. The first suggestion is probably to be preferred. It might, of course, be objected that the repetition after ISov epxo/xcu us /cAeW^s of would be jejune. But the latter seems more K\7rrr}<; 5^0)
o)<

definite.

And

yet in

ii.

5,

16,

Se

/XTJ,

ep^o/xat.

the present

appears to be used under exactly the same conditions as But it is probable that in the clause tSov ijci) ws /cXeVT^s here. epxo/xat d)5 KXeTTTr/5 we have a general description of the nature of It is to be unexpected, whereas in the clause Christ s Advent. KAcTrrTys there is a definite menace, in which it is implied ij&o that the Church of Sardis will be caught off their guard by the suddenness of Christ s Advent. Hence, though with some hesitation, I have restored xvi. 15 before iii. 3.
epxoyuat
d>s

XVI.

15. I8ou epxofxai jMicdptOf 6 YpTjyopwy Kal rrjpojy

a>s

rot

tfxcma aurou,

u/a

JAY]

yujxyos irepnraTT),
TT]\>

Kal pXeTrwai^

aax T]J

JI<o<

Y)i

CIUTOU.

III. 3-5.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN SARDIS

3C
.

81

III.

lav ouv

T]w US K\TTTt)S, KCU OU JUIT) yfWS iroiai wpay em

T]<U

ere.

edy ouV fXT) YP^YOP 1! of Matt. xxiv. 43 sq. ( =

"!)*

*)

"S

Luke

xii.

An obvious echo K\eVn]s KT\. 39 sq., cf. Mark xiii. 35). d pSet
. . .

yiV<r@

6 O6Ko8eo-7roTi/s Troia (frvXaKrj 6 KAeTrr^s ep^crat eypryyopr/crev av CTOi/xoi, on ^ ou So/ceiTC (Spa, o utos rot) avOpuTrov ep^tTttt.
:

The Second Advent

thief in the night,
v. 2, 4.

is referred to in our text it will come as a because they are not on the watch ; cf. i Thess.

ou

JXTJ

Y"$S-

T ne

subjunctive follows ov

7x17

without excep

tion in our author, and all but universally in the rest of the N.T. In text ov prj occurs 96 times, according to Moulton (Gram. 190). Of these examples 71 are with the aor. subj. and

WH

8 with the
iroi ai

fut. ind.

The

rest are

ambiguous.
,

when apparently referring not to the duration but to a point of time, cf. Moulton, Gram. 2 Blass, Gram. 94 sq., points out that this usage began in p. 63. classical times where wpav = ei? cf. ; Robertson, Gram. 470 sq. Acts xx. 1 6, John iv. 52 are generally cited as parallel See, however, Abbott, Gram., p. 75. usages to that in our text. 4. The case of Sardis is critical, but there is still room for hope ; for there is a faithful nucleus that has escaped the general
&pav.

For

<Spav

in the ace.

<Spav

corruption.

Cf xi. 13; Acts i. 15. Deissmann (Bible Studies, ovofxara. was used 196 sq) has proved that in the 2nd cent. A.D. in the sense of "person." Hence it is probable that in our author we have the same usage. It is, however, to be re membered that oi/o /xara is used in Num. i. 2, 20, iii. 40, 43, as a reckoned rendering of rriDl^ where this word means persons
6Vo/>ux
"
"

by name.
d OUK ejAoXway TOL tfJicxTia auTWK. See note on moral stains here referred to especially include Tropvei a
"The

18.

The

(cf. xiv. 4).

language reflects that of the votive inscriptions in Asia Minor, where soiled clothes disqualified the worshipper and dis

honoured the god.

Moral purity
loc.).

qualifies

for spiritual

com

munion

"

(Moffatt in

We have here the first JACT ejxou iv Xeuicotg. promise, which is not preceded by the words 6 viKoii/. The raiment here spoken of is the heavenly raiment or the spiritual bodies awaiting the faithful in the next life. See note on next verse. Contrast the use of this phrase in xvi. 6. b 5. See note on ii. 1 1
Trepnrari^aouo n

eschatological

<xiot

euru>.

VOL.

i.

82

THE REVELATION OF
ev.

ST.

JOHN

[ill. 5.

takes two constructions in 7re/oi/:?aAA.e<r#ai followed either by ev with the dat. as here and in iv. 4, or by the ace. in the remaining passages. iv Ifiariois XeuKois. These garments l are the spiritual bodies in which the faithful are to be clothed in the resurrection life. This thought is clearly expressed in 2 Cor. v. i, 4, If the earthly house of our tabernacle be dissolved, we have a building from For God, a house not made with hands, eternal, in the heavens. indeed we that are in this tabernacle do groan, being burdened ; not that we would be unclothed, but that we would be clothed But this idea recurs elsewhere in the N.T., though it is upon." not so definitely expressed as here cf. Matt. xiii. 43, rore ot oY/ccuoi e/cAa/Ai/fovarv us 6 ^/Vios, that is, they shall have a body of light who coverest thyself with light as with a garment Ps. civ. 2, (cf. i Cor. xv. 43, 49, 54, Phil. iii. 21, where it is promised that the body of our humiliation will be conformed to the body of His

our author.

It is

"

"

"),

glory
"

(TU>

trw/mri
"

TT}S
"

SOT;S avrov).
"

We

shall

find later that

body of light and body of glory are used interchangeably. But returning again to Phil. iii. 21 we see that the connection between the earthly body and the heavenly though they are is of the closest, and that the character of different in essence the heavenly body is conditioned by that of the earthly body In the Asc. Isa. iv. 16 (circ. 88-100 A.D.) we vi. 1 8). (cf. i Cor.
find
"

further

references

to

these garments or spiritual bodies

:

But the saints will come with the Lord with their garments which are (now) stored up on high in the seventh heaven with and be the Lord they will come, whose spirits are clothed present in the world." Cf. vii. 22, viii. 14, "when from the body by the will of God thou hast ascended hither, then thou wilt receive the garment which thou seest" also viii. 26, ix. 9, "And there I saw Enoch and all who were with him stript of the garments of the flesh, and I saw them in their garments of the upper world, and they were like angels, standing there in great
. .

glory";

ix.

17,

"And

then
also

many
ix.

with

Him, whose
(circ.

spirits

do not receive

Lord Christ
Peter 3

ascend";

of the righteous will ascend their garments till the In the Apoc. of 24-26, xi. 40.
"

to be light, raiment of angels of light" (ei/SeSu/xe voi IvSv/za dyyeAcuv Next, in Hermas, Sim. viii. 2. 3, the faithful are iravrts rewarded with white garments i/xaTto-/x.oi/ 8c TOV avrov
^<rav
<umi/<m>).

110-125 A.D.) the raiment of the blessed is said and 5, all the dwellers in Paradise to be clad in the

\VKOV
1

axret

\tovd

01

Tropevo/zevoi

eis

TOV

irvpyov

Again,

The idea is not a hard and fixed one in Jewish and Christian literature. While generally the garments are symbols of the heavenly bodies of the faithful, at times they seem to denote only a sort of heavenly vesture distinct from the
faithful themselves.

III. 5.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN SARDIS

83

corrupt for eK-nWro) ... 14, And He carried me to His And I put off darkness and clothed myself Paradise ; xxi. 2, a body free from sorrow or with light. 3, And my soul acquired xxv. 8, And I was clothed with the cover affliction or pains \ ing of Thy Spirit, and Thou didst remove from me my raiment of skin." See also Burkitt, Early Eastern Christianity , p. 215; Moulton, Journal of TheoL Stud. iii. 514-527. In its present form 4 Ezra i.-ii. is Christian, but it is not improbably However this may be, we have, based on Jewish sources. as in the Asc. Isa., references to this heavenly body of light. Cf. ii. 39, "Qui se de umbra saeculi transtulerunt splendidas tunicas a domino acceperunt." The nature of these heavenly Hi sunt qui mortalem tunicam garments is clear from ii. 45,
"

the Odes of Solomon we have three references to these heavenly bodies: xi. 10, "And the Lord renewed me in His raiment (cf. Ps. civ. 2) and possessed (? formed, i.e. eKT^o-aro,
in
"

"

"

"

immortalem sumpserunt." deposuerunt We have now shown that the resurrection body was clearly conceived in the first and second centuries A.D. in Christian But this conception was also circles as a "body of light." pre-Christian. Thus in i Enoch Ixii. 16, where the risen righteous
et

are described
"

And And

they shall have been clothed with garments of glory, these shall be the garments of life from the Lord of
"

Spirits

bring forth in shining light those who have loved My holy name." See also 2 Enoch xxii. 8, And the Lord said unto Michael Go and take Enoch from out his earthly . and put him into the garments of My glory." For garments interesting though only partial parallels in Judaism and Zoroastrianism, see Lueken, Michael, 122 sq. ; Boklen, Verwandschaft d. jiidisch-christlichen mit d. Parsischcn Eschatologie, 61-65. To return now to our author, it is clear that the white garments represent the resurrection or heavenly bodies of the faithful in C a a b iii. 4 5 vi. (see note), vii. 9, 13, 14, xix. 8 (where 8 is a In iii. 4 b (note), 18 (note), xvi. 15, the i/xarta are used as gloss). a symbol of the spiritual life as manifested in righteous character, which forms the heavenly vesture of the redeemed. The idea may go back to Ps. civ. 2 where God is said to clothe Himself with light as with a garment. The garments of the angels are white Mark ix. 3 = Luke ix. 29 ; Mark xvi. 5 = Matt, xxviii. 3 Acts i. 10. The very bodies of the angels are white, composed of light ; cf. 2 Enoch i. 5. This is the older idea, and it is preserved in our author. Later these garments came to signify heavenly vestures of an accessory nature.
cviii. 12, "And I will
"

84
ea\uJ/<>

THE REVELATION OF
.
.

ST.

JOHN

[ill. 5-7.

vii. 17, xxi. 4. The Sardians had were dead (iii. i); if they awake to righteousness and show themselves victors, then their (iii. 2) name will be preserved in the book of life. TT)S ftiftXov T??S 00779.
.

CK.

Cf.

name

to live

and

yet

Cf.

xiii. 8, xvii. 8,
"

xx. 12, 15, xxi. 27.

idea underlying this phrase can be traced to the O.T. There the book of life (or its equivalents, Ex. xxxii. 32 sq., God s book ; Ps. Ixix. 28, book of the living ) was a register of the citizens of the Theocratic community of Israel. To have one s name written in the book of life implied the privilege of partici pating in the temporal blessings of the Theocracy, Isa. iv. 3, while to be blotted out of this book, Ex. xxxii. 32, Ps. Ixix. 28, meant exclusion therefrom." He whose name was written in this book remained in life but he whose name was not, must die. In the O.T. this expression was originally confined to temporal blessings only, save in Dan. xii. i, where it is transformed through the influence of the new conception of the kingdom, and distinctly refers to an immortality of blessedness. It has the same mean A further reference to it is to be found ing in i Enoch xlvii. 3. The phrase again appears in the in i Enoch civ. i, cviii. 7. Book of Jubilees xxx. 20 sqq. in contrast with the book of those that shall be destroyed, but in the O.T. sense. ... In the N.T. the phrase is of frequent occurrence, Phil. iv. 3 ; Rev. (see above in Luke x. 20, Heb. xii. 23, written hi list) ; and the idea heaven, is its practical equivalent." The above is quoted with In the same a few changes from my note on i Enoch xlvii. 3. note kindred expressions are dealt with at some length such as the good in the books of remembrance of good and evil deeds Ps. Ivi. 8; Mai. iii. 16; Neh. xiii. 14; Jub. xxx. 22; the evil
"

The

Enoch Ixxxi. 4, Ixxxix. 61-64, 68, 70, 71, etc. both the good and the evil in Dan. vii. 10 2 Enoch Iii. 15, liii. 2 Rev. xx. 12 ; Asc. Isa. ix. 22. See Weber, Jud. Theol? 242, 282 sqq. Dalman, Wortejesu, i. 171 ; K.A.T*
in Isa. Ixv.
2

6;
i

Bar. xxiv.

ii.

405; Bousset, ReL

d.

Judenthums, 247.

xal ofioXoyiqo-w TO oVofia aurou KT\ s words in Matt. x. 32 OOTIS oytxoXoyrycret ev cfj,oi H/jiTrpocrOei TOJV

We

have a clear reminis

cence of our Lord

(Luke

xii.

8), Tras

ovv

dv^/atoTrwi/,

oynoAoy^crco

Kayw

tv

avr<3

/z7rpoo-$ei/

rov

Trar/oo? JLOV

TOV iv rots ovpavols (TOJV

d-yye Xwv TOV 0cov,

Luke

xii.

8).

7-13.

THE MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN

PHILADELPHIA.
This
<t>iXa8eX<J>ia.

7.
lies

Tt]s iv

city (see Bible Dictionaries in loc.)

some 28
it

miles south-east of Sardis.

clear that
its

author

is

From the words of our Christianity was of a high character,

III. 7.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN PHILADELPHIA 85

standing in point of merit second only to Smyrna among the In the time of Ignatius (Ad Phil. 3, 5, 10) seven Churches.
it enjoyed the same high reputation. Philadelphia was founded on the southern side of the valley of the Cogamis a tributary of the Hermus by Attalus n. Philadelphus, and named after its founder (159-138 B.C.). Under Caracalla it received the title of Neocoros or Temple Warden, and thenceforward the Kou/oV of Asia met there from time to time to celebrate certain state festivals. Like other cities of Asia Minor it too suffered from the great earthquake in 17 A.D., and was assisted to rebuild by a

donation from the imperial purse. The chief pagan cult was that of Dionysus, but its main difficulties arose from Jewish rather than from pagan opponents These Judaizers as was the case with Smyrna (ii. 9). (iii. 9), were still a source of trouble in the time of Ignatius (Ad
Phil. 6).
It displayed power of the Turks. all the noble qualities of endurance, truth and steadfastness which are attributed to it in the letter of St. John, amid the ever threaten ing danger of Turkish attack and its story rouses even Gibbon to It was not until 1379-90, admiration" (Ramsay, Letters, 400).
it

In which

later times Philadelphia

was notable

for the

heroism with
"

resisted the growing

the Christian powers, that it fell before the attack of the united forces of the Byzantine Emperor Manuel n. and the Turkish Sultan Bayezid I. Since that time it has been known as Ala-Sheher, the reddish city, a designation due to the red hills in its rear.
6 &Y>S o aX^i^s. "The Holy, the True." This asyndetic use of two divine designations is to be found in i Enoch
i.

when jealousy divided

3, xiv.

(cf.

also x.

I,

xxv. 3, Ixxxiv.

i),

6 ayios 6 /xeyas.

was familiar to the Jews as a title of God ; cf. Hab. iii. 3; Isa. xl. 25; i Enoch i. 2, xxxvii. 2, xciii. n, etc.; Acts iii. 14. The two words ayios and dA^u/ds, which are com bined as epithets of God in vi. 10, are in our text applied
6 ayios

to

KOL dA/^ivds xix. n, TTICTTOS regards the meaning of aXyOivos, Hort has rightly urged that it is misleading to think (here) only of the classical sense, true as genuine. ..." Not only vi. 10, but iii. 14, 6 /xdprvs 6 TTIO-TOS KOL aXyOivos (cf. xix. n), and what is said of His ways or judgments (xv. 3, xvi. 7, xix. 2), dA^u/ds coupled with Si/caios, show that the Apocalypse retains the O.T. conception of truth, expressed, e.g. in cxlvi. 6, which keepeth
cf.
iii.

Christ:

14,

6 THO-TOS

[KaXov/uevos]

/cat

aX.r)Oiv6s.

As
"

truth for ever,

i.e.

constancy to a plighted word or purpose, the

opposite of

Lord

that
is

Cf. also Isa. xlix. 7, "because of the the Holy One of Israel." In the never used of God, but dA^ii/ds is used a few times
caprice."

is

faithful,

LXX
;

86
cf.

THE REVELATION OF
either

ST.

JOHN

[ill. 7-8.

Ex. xxxiv. 6; Isa. Ixv. 16; Ps. Ixxxvi. 15, where the Hebrew Hence aX-rjOwos implies that God or nps or }2K. The thoroughly Hebraic Christ, as true, will fulfil His word. character of the Apocalypse confirms this view. In the Fourth Gospel, on the other hand, aXr)6ivos = "genuine" as opposed to unreal rather than to untruthful. Hence in our author Trench s N. T. Synonyms, 29) admirable differentiation of the words aXrjOijs ( (not used in our author, but 14 times in the Fourth Gospel) and that he We may affirm of the dA?7#u os does not hold fulfils the promise of his lips, but the dA^ivos, the wider promise of his name. Whatever that name imports, taken in its highest, deepest, widest sense, whatever according to that he ought to be, This distinction is true of the Fourth that he is to the full."
is
"

a\r)9r)<s,

Gospel, where both words occur. The 6 TT]V K\elv AaueiS, 6 ayoiywy ical ouSels icXeiaci KT\. passage points back to i. 18, but it is based on Isa. xxii. 22, where QF with the Mass, read, with reference to Eliakim, rrjv /cAetSa ot/cov AaveiS CTTI TOV oo/xov avrov, /cat dvotet /cat ov/c carat 6 d7ro/cA.ta>v /cat /cAeiVei /cat OVK etrrai 6 dj/otywv. Since both B and A read differently, our author is apparently not using the LXX here. In any case, while the reproduces the Mass., which here consists of parallel clauses, it is clear that our author The Hebrew is familiar to deals independently with the text. him, and what appears in Isa. xxii. 22 in the form of direct statements and finite verbs is cast by our author into a series of dependent clauses, which are introduced by participles that are subsequently resolved into finite verbs, i.e. 6 dvoiywi/ Kat ovScis /cAeiVet /cat /cAeuov /cat ovSets dvoi yet. This is not Greek, but a Hebrew idiom often used by our author, ~UD!Tt fW nnsn
)(<oj/

8wcra>

LXX

"UD

nna r*a

The

expression T^V

/cAetv

Aauet S has apparently a Messianic

The words teach Cf. v. 5, xxii. 16, pt a Aavet 8. significance. that to Christ belongs complete authority in respect to admission
to or exclusion

The admission
Gentiles

and
is

David, the New Jerusalem. primarily have to do with the the exclusion with the unbelieving Jews (see 9). But

from the

city of

referred to

may

their scope

universal.

the

carried the keys of the house of David in court of Hezekiah, so does Christ in the kingdom of God: cf. Eph. i. 22. He has the same authority in regard to Hades, i. 18, and supreme authority in heaven and earth, Matt, xxviii. 18, and is "as a son over his own house," Heb.
iii.

As Eliakim

6.

8. Ot&ci

<TOU

TCI

Ipya.

rejected on the ground that it breaks But it is better with harmonistic.

This clause has by some scholars been the connection and is to take the words that

WH

III. 8.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN PHILADELPHIA 87

iSou
Sc ScoKo,
. . .

follow, oTSa
.

avTTJv,

as a

epya directly with

iii.

on

/u/cpav ex

parenthesis, l? KT^-

and connect
"^

*s

followed

by cm
is

in

i,

i8ou Se SwKa used Hebraistically here, I have have a Pauline metaphor: cf. i Cor.
"

15. evwiriov crou dupac

dca>Y|xenr]i>.

set."

xvi.

SeScoKa apparently In Ovp. dvewy/xeV^v we 9, 6vpa yap JJLOI aveyytv

ei/

fjLyd\.rj /ecu cvepyrjs

Cor.

ii.

12, Ovpas /xot dvewy/xevrys

"

Kupiu)

Col.

iv. 3,

iva 6 #eo? avoi^y

fjfjuv

tunity for preaching the word). that a good opportunity is being given for missionary effort, and in our text and in the above Pauline passages the door stands

Ovpav rov Aoyou (i.e. an oppor Here the open door means
"

the privilege accorded to the Christian teachers; in Acts Ovpav TUOTCWS, the metaphor is applied conversely, where the door is opened not to the Christian teacher, but to the converts to the Christian Church. different explanation has been advanced by Moffatt, who in view of a passage written by Ignatius to this same Church of Ovpa TOU Trar/ao?, Si rjs Philadelphia (Ad Philad. ix. i, O/UTOS etVep^ovrat A/3paa/>i KCU IcraaK KrA.) connects the phrase with Christ and compares John x. 7, 9, where Christ describes
for
xiv. 27, r^voi^ev rots e#i/ecriv

<ov

Himself as 17 Ovpa rtov Trpo/Jarwi/. But it would be strange for the speaker Behold I have set before you to say, Christ a door opened," and to imply thereby that He Himself was this door. The direct form of statement in John x. 7, 9 does not Bousset propounds a third explanation, support this view. i.e. that the open door is for the entrance 9f the community into the Messianic glory. On this Hebraism cf. vii. r\v ou&els SuVarat icXeurai au-rrjy. cf. xii. 6, 14, xvii. 9; also ii. 7, 17. 2, 9, xiii. 8, r2, xx. 8 on fuKpay exeis SuWfui This clause, as pointed out above, depends directly on olSd crou TO, epya, the intervening clause The Church had little weight in Phila being a parenthesis. delphia so far as concerned its external circumstances. KCU TrjpT]crds JULOU joy Xoyok. The KCU has here an adversative force ( = and yet as frequently in the Fourth Gospel (Abbott,
"

"

"),

Gram. 135

sqq.),

i.

5,

iii.

usage is Hebraic in character. 21 (Robertson, Gram. 1183).

T7pi/^cra>.

The 13, 19, iv. 20, vi. 70, ix. 34, etc. Cf. also Matt. vi. 26; Jer. xxiii.

On
ii.

er^p^cras

Xoyov see note

on xiv. 12. /cat OVK Cf. some period of faithfulness under

fiou

These clauses point to 13. trial in the past.

TOV Xoyok

...

TO

oi/ofxd

JJLOU.

With the position of the

KoiAiav aAA. Iv TO) crro/xart The first unemphatic (or vernacular possessive) yXvKv. "And yet IJLOV throws the emphasis on enjpr/cra? and TOV Xoyov the word I gave you thou didst keep, and didst not deny
cf. x. 9, Tri/cpava crou rr/v

pronoun here
o-ou ecrrai

My

name,"

88
9.

THE REVELATION OF
The
conversion
of the

ST.

JOHN
in

[ill. 9,

Jewish

element

Thyatira

eic In SiSoi (for TTJS owaywyns TOU laram. the earlier St Soyu see Robertson, Gram. 311 sq.) we have a transition from -/u to forms. Cf. xvii. 13 (8i8ocunv). As First, it may be regards SiSw two interpretations are possible.
-<o

promised. iSou 8i8w

converts."

of the synagogue ... as thy be taken Hebraically, I make behold I will make (i.e. I will make) men of the synagogue This latter use is frequent in the LXX. It is to be (71-01770-0)). found also in Acts x. 40, xiv. 3 (ii. 27, in a quotation from the LXX). The combination iSov Si&o is decidedly in favour of the latter view; for it is a pure Hebraism, fro with a future

rendered

"

literally

give

men
to

Otherwise Si&5

is

"

"

"03H,

sense.
ii.

With the construction

8wo-<o
. .

SiSw

e*c

TT?S

o-waywy?}?
pn?V
:

compare
rendered

17,

TOV

(Jidvva.

njs cruytiywYTJs TOU

17

laram.

In the

LXX

?np

is

a-vvaywyrf TOV Kvpiov

3,

xxvii.

(Num. xvi. 3, xx. 4 where a different Hebrew word is

cf.

also xxvi. 9,

used).

Not a

Synagogue of the Lord, but a Synagogue of Satan, does the Seer pronounce these Jews to be. Some twenty years later the Church of Philadelphia had greater dangers to encounter from the Judaizers than from the Jews, both of whom were active
:

cf.

Philad. vi. I, eai/ Sc TIS lovSaur/xov kp^vevy vfjuv, /XT) Ignat. a.KOVT avTOv a/xetvov yap eoriv Trapa dvSpos Treptro/x^i/ C^OVTOS O.KOVCLV 77 Trapa a.Kpo/3v<TTOv iov8ato-yaov. Xpio"Tiavio-//,6i/ r&v Xcyorrwy eaurous louSaious ei^au The raV Aeyovrcov is in On the whole clause cf. ii. 9. In apposition to -n/s o-waywy^s.

Ad

Greek the usual construction would be TWV Xcyovrwv lovSaiW eti/at. But even in classical Greek the ace. with inf. is found where the nom. would have been usual. In the In Koivr) Moulton (Gram. 212 sq.) shows the same usage active. fact, as Robertson writes (Gram. 1039), "the ace. with the inf. was normal when the substantive with the inf. was different from
classical
(avrtov)

the subject of the principal verb." Our author claims that the Faith in Christians alone had the right to the name "Jew." The Christ, not mere nationality, constituted true Judaism. succession had passed to Christianity" (Moffatt in loc.} cf. Rom. ix. 6-9, ii. 28, 29, He is not a Jew which is one outwardly . . but he is a Jew which is one inwardly." Herein our author differs from the Fourth Evangelist, with whom lovSauu is
"

"

by no means an honourable designation. An unmistakable Hebraism. KCU OUK taiV. ruv \ty6vTw Cf. ii. 9 and i. 5-6, note.
.

Cf. xiii. 12 (fut.), 16 (subj. ?) iroi^aw Ivo. cum fut. or subj. The u/a clause is John xi. 37 (subj.); Col. iv. 16 (subj.). The fut, ind. after one of consequence ; cf. ix, 20, xiii. 13.

III. 10]
Iva
p.
is

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN PHILADELPHIA 89

our author:
see
Introd. to
ii.-iii.

frequent in
sq.
KCI!
T]ou<ni>

(b\
Cf.

41

Iva

irpOCTKu^aouo-ii
is

xv. 4, xxii. 8.

The language

eywmoc based on Isa.

<re

TU>I>

iroSwi/
Ix.

aou.

14,
:

where the

Gentiles are described as submitting to the Jews

Trpos
o<re

TropeuVovrai

SeSo6Kores viol TaTreivaxravTtov

o-ot.

KCU Trpoo-Kwrjo-ova-iv
is

Sia/^o-ovrai Trpos It will be observed that our author s

:

xlv.

1 4,

not dependent on the LXX. Moreover, our text more renders the Mass, of Isa. Ix. 14 than the LXX, for KCU nearly mg IS found only in v TroSwv TrpocrKWijorovcriv e-rrl ra ixvri and not in the LXX. The homage that the Jews expected from the Gentiles, they were themselves to render to the Christians. They should play the role of the heathen and acknowledge the Christians to be the true Israel.
diction
<rov

lyw

Yiyd-irTjo-d

ae.
.

From
.
.

Isa. xliii. 4.
yvGxTiv.

irpocrKui

Kttl

T]o-ou<Tii>

Cf. xxii. 14, tva corral

a redactional addition on the part of our Its meaning is only his visions. explicable from a right understanding of vii., where the 144,000 There the faithful are sealed with a view to their are sealed. preservation from the assaults of demons, but are not thereby This persecution is not to be secured against physical death.
10. This verse
is

Seer

when he was

editing

a merely local one

(cf.

ii.

10)

it

is

to

embrace the

entire world.

Elsewhere throughout the original Letters to the Seven Churches there is not even an apprehension of a world-wide persecution (see The continued existence of two of the Churches 5, p. 44 sq.).

presupposed till the Second Advent: cf. ii. 25, iii. 3 (?), n. It be observed that the demonic trial spoken of, while world those that dwell upon the earth," i.e. wide, was to affect only
is

will

"

the non-Christians.

on
II, avroi;?
6,

Cf. John xvii. Kclyaj ore TTjp^aw. er^pTjaas Toy XoyoK . . . Trarep aytc, T7ypr?<rov 12, rov Aoyov (rov rerrjprjKav ore fjfjirjv /x-er avrcov . . er^pow avrovs. As they
.

eya>

have kept Christ

word, so

He
i.e.

will

demonic

assaults
rfjs

which

will affect all

"

rov \6yov

UTTOJAOIOJS

JJLOU,

safe from the are not His. the word of my endurance."

keep them

who

The

phrase

VTTO/X,OV^

TWV aytW
saints,"

(xiii.

10, xiv. 12),

i.e.

"the

endur

ance practised by the

Hence

"the

word of

my

requires a like interpretation here. endurance" is "the Gospel of the

endurance practised by Christ." This is to be, as Hort writes, at once as an example and as a power." Cf. 2 Thess. iii. 5,
TTJV vTTopovrjv TOT)

XpioTou

Ignat.

Ad Rom.

x. 3, eppoxrfle cts reA.09

zv VTTO/JLOvf} I^rrou Xpifrroi).

TTjpTJau
xvii.

CK.

15

(cf.

Jas.

i.

Only found elsewhere in the N.T. in John 27, r^petv ciTrd), where the thougl t is quite in

90
dAA
Evil

THE REVELATION OF
:

ST.

JOHN

[ill.

10-12.

keeping with that of our Seer

Iva
Tr)pr}o~r)<$

OLVTOVS ZK TOV Trovrjpov.

OVK epwrw Iva apys TOV Here TOV Trovrjpov

e/<

is

the

One, or Satan. Hence our Lord s prayer is that His disciples may be delivered from the evil sway of Satan, not that they may be saved from the physical evils (including death) which are inevitably incident to this life. This gives exactly the

The sealing provides the spiritual object of the sealing in vii. help needed against the coming manifestation of Satanic wicked ness linked with seemingly supreme power. See III. c. in the Introd. to vii., 5, p. 194 sqq. Unreserved loyalty to Christ carries with it immunity from spiritual anguish and mental trouble. TOU -n-eipao-jxou. This tribulation is to affect only the TTJS faithless and the heathen ; for, as the note on xi. 10 shows, the denotes the world of phrase those that dwell upon the earth Hence unbelievers as distinguished from that of the faithful. whilst the word Tmpaoyx-os (cf. 7mpaeiv later) may in some since some of the faithless trial," degree retain the sense of might thereby be brought to repent, yet its prevailing sense in this passage is affliction and temptation the fitting functions of the demons (ix. 1-21). 7reipae.v in ii. 10 means "to afflict," but the affliction is limited to "ten days." On 7mpaav as meaning to inflict evils upon one in order to test his character, cf. i Cor. x. 13 ; Heb. ii. 18, iv. 15. These are the heathens or TOUS KdToiKoGrras em TT)S y^sSee note on xi. 10 and non-Christians. 4 of the Introd.
<Spas
"
"

"

to
is

xiii.

Thus the coming

(ix. 4).

Tretpacr/xo?,

which

is

to afflict only those

11. epxojuipit raxu.

who have not

the seal of

to be world-wide, God on their

forehead

See note on vii. 3. This refers to the Second Advent and presupposes the continuance of the community till that event,
ii. But the main presupposition of the later 25, iii. 3. chapters, which represent our author s final view, is that in the cf. xiii. 15, final persecution all the faithful will suffer martyrdom i of the xviii. 4 (note), 20, and i of the Introd. to xv., and

as in

Introd. to xvi.
Kpdrei o e xeis. ance. Cf. ii. 25.
Iva.

Each Church
See note on
TOV
<TTe<J>av6y

is i

to preserve

its

own

inherit

ii.

on

Kpareu/.

pi&els

Xd|3T]

crou

The promise

is

parallel to that made to the Church of Cf. Col. ii. 18 ; 2 Tit. ii. 5. note). b 12. See note on ii. i i
.

Smyrna,

of the crown 10 (see ii.

Hebraism. Cf. ii. 7, 17, 26, iii. 21. 6 VLK.WV Troirjorw auToV With Otov fjiov cf. iii. 2, 5 TOU 0eou jjiou. oTuXoy iv TW

mw

Here the phrase occurs

Cf.
I

four times.

The

expression
in

errv Aos is

used metaphorically as elsewhere in the N.T. and

Judaism.

Tim.

iii.

15,

eK/cAr/crta

crruAos

KCU e^pat o^a r^s aXrj-

III. 12.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN PHILADELPHIA

Rom.
"

91

Peter and Paul are In Judaism, R. Johanan ben Sakkai was called Tiy, the right pillar," with refer ence to i Kings vii. 21 (Ber. 28 b ), and Abraham the pillar of the world in Exod. rab. 2 (see Levy s Neuhebraishes Worterbuch,
0eias: also Gal.

called

In Clem. ii. 9. 01 /AeyioToi Ko.1 SLKOLLOTCLTOL CTTV\OL.

v. 2,

wr\

660; also Schoettgen, Hor. i. 728 sq.). The metaphor current in most languages cf. Pind. Ol. ii. 146 ; Eur. Iph.
iii.
:

is
I.

etcrc TrcuSes apo~eves Aesch. Agam. 897 ; Hor. Since O-TT^OS is thus used metaphorically, it follows that vaos has also a metaphorical sense here. Hence the text is not inconsistent with xxi. 22, where it is said that there is no temple in the heavenly Jerusalem, xxi. lo-xxii. 2, which descended from God to be the seat of the Millennial Kingdom. In the more spiritual and New Jerusalem, xxi. 2-4, xxii. 3-5, which was to descend after the first judgment, there could, of

57, (TTvAot yap ouctDv

Od.

i.

35.

13.

The local heavenly sanctuary existing in course, be no temple. heaven (see notes on vii. 15, iv. 2) was ultimately to disappear, and God Himself to be the temple.
ou pj e^eXOt) I. The subject is 6 VIKWV. Fixity of character is at last achieved. Since God is the temple, and the faithful have become pillars in this temple, they have become one with Him, and therefore can never be separated from Him. Cf. John xvii. 2l a, iva Trai/res ei/ wtrtv 22, a/a axriv ei/ v 2l b tva at avrot ei/ ^/uv wtrtv. Isa. xxii. 25, Ka$a)s T^/xets which speaks of the removal of "the nail fastened in a sure
eo>

have been (i.e. Eliakim), may inasmuch as in iii. 7 he has quoted be removed, but not the pillar.
"

place

in the

mind

of our author,

Isa. xxii. 22.

The

nail

can

ou (or

JXTJ)

In, frequent in our author but not in Fourth

Gospel.
KCU ypavj/co eir TO 6Vojj,a KT\. So far as the Greek goes the words CTT avrov could refer to (i) o-rvAov, or (2) to 6 VLKWV. i. In favour of the first it has been urged that inscriptions on In order to pillars were not infrequent in Oriental architecture. worship a god it was necessary to know his name. Thus in the magical prayer of Astrampsychus, quoted by Reitzenstein,
aur6i>

Poimandres, 20 (see Kenyon, Greek Papyri, i. 116), we find: OtSa oTSa crov KOL TO, /3ap/3aptKa ovo/jLara /cat TO Epyu/J)
. . .
<re,

a\f)6ivov ovofj.a o~ou TO eyypayu,^aevov rrj tepa

Ep/x-ouTroAei.

(TTijXrj

iv TO) dSuTco ev

a nearer parallel, as Bousset points out (referring to Hirschfeld, 860) ; for it was customary for the provincial priest of the imperial cultus at the close of his year of office to erect his statue in the confines of the temple, inscribing on it his own name and his father s, his place of birth and year of office. Possibly the foregoing figure was chosen with reference to this custom in order to set forth the dignity of the faithful as
is

But there

92
priests of

THE REVELATION OF
God
in the next world.

ST.

JOHN

[III. 12.
vi.

Ignatius,

Ad Philad.
when he

i,

has

been thought to

refer to the

present text

writes in

reference to those
TiDv.

who do not acknowledge Jesus

TOLUOL veKptov,
i<f>

Christ, OVTOL

o~Tr)\a.L eicrii/ KO.L

ots y^ypcnrrai JJLOVOV ovo/Aara

comparing
that

But there is really no idea in common. Ignatius is false teachers to sepulchres, whereas our text declares the victors shall be upholders of the spiritual temple of
their

God, with the name of

God

blazoned on their brows.

is a development of mine house and within

Some
Ivi.

think that the idea in our text

"

Isa,

5,

Unto them

will I give in
*

my

hand ) and a name better than of sons and daughters," to which there are parallels in the Phoenician and Punic stones, which served as memorials within the heathen
walls a

memorial

(lit.

But, as we have already presupposed, the other inter temples. 2. The victor receives pretation is decidedly to be preferred. the name on his forehead, as in xiv. i, xxii. 4 (cf. vii. 3, note, xvii. 5). See also ii. 17, note. TO oVojjia TOU 6eoG JJLOU. See note on iii. 2. The name of God impressed on the forehead of the victors shows that they are God s own possession see vii. 3, note.
:

These words denote that TO oVofxa TTJS iroXews TOU 0eoG jiou. to the victor God will give the right of citizenship in the New Jerusalem: cf. Gal. iv. 26 ; Phil. iii. 20 ; Heb. xi. 10, xii. 22, xiii. 14.
TTJS

Kaii fjg

lepouo-aXi^fx.

Cf. xxi. 2.

The New Jerusalem

is

the Jerusalem that descends from God after the final judgment and the creation of the new heaven and the new earth. It is to be distinguished from the heavenly Jerusalem which descends from heaven before the final judgment to be the seat of the See 5 in the Introd. to xx. 4-xxii., vol. ii. Millennial Kingdom. Our author uses the form lepovo-aAi?/*, but the Fourth p. 150.

Gospel
TJ

l/jo<roAt)/xa.

KaTaf3cuyou<ra
i.

KT\.

Cf. xxi. 2, 10.

On

this

Hebraism see

note on

5.
p>u

TO 6vop&
as Christ

TO

K<ui>6V.

more probably

is

one to be revealed

But the new Cf. xix. 12, 1 6. at His Second Advent.

at this

name

And

was to bear a new name

Advent, so should also

His faithful servants, ii. 17. Gressmann (Urspr. d. Israel, jud. Eschat. 281) has aptly remarked that "as in the beginning of the present world all things received their definite names, so will they also be named anew in the future world." A partial parallel to the whole verse is to be found in the Baba Bathra, 75 b, Rabbi Samuel the son of Nachmani said in the name of Rabbi Johanan that three are named after the name the righteous (Isa. xliii. 7), blessed be He of the Holy One
"

the Messiah (Jer.

xxiii. 6),

and Jerusalem (Ezek.

xlviii.

35).

III.

14-22.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN LAODICEA 93

14-22.

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN LAODICEA.

As there were at least six cities, bearing the name Laodicea, founded or restored during the later Hellenic period, the Laodicea in our text was called AaoSt /ceia fj TT/OOS (or CTTI) In the N.T. it was written AaoSt/aa, but in Av/cw (Strabo, 578). It was founded on the inscriptions and literature AaoSt/ceia. south bank of the Lycus, 6 m. south of Hierapolis and 10 west of Colossae, by Antiochus n. (261-246 B.C.), and named in Laodicea was most favourably honour of his wife Laodice. It formed the situated as regards the imperial road-system. point on the great eastern highway where three roads converged and met: the first from the S.E. from Attaleia and Perga; the second from the N.W. from Sardis and Philadelphia (about 40 miles distant); and the third from the N.E. from Dorylaeum
TU>

and northern Phrygia. Its situation thus fitted it to become a Besides being a seat great commercial and administrative city. of the Cibyratic conventus^ it was (i) a banking centre (thus Cicero proposes to cash there his treasury bills of exchange

Fam. iii. 5, Ad Att. v. 15), and very opulent; for when it was overthrown by the great earthquakes of 60-6 1 A.D. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 27) it was not obliged to apply for an imperial subsidy, as was usual in the case of other cities of Asia Minor: cf. iii. 17, /cat ouSei/ it was also TrAovcrios et/u (2) a large ^petai e^co manufacturer of clothing and carpets of the native black wool, and it was likewise (3) the seat of a flourishing medical school, amongst its teachers having been Zeuxis and Alexander Philalethes. Now it can hardly be an accident that in iii. 17 of our text there are three epithets which refer to these commercial and intellectual activities, TTTW^O? /cat rv^Xos /cat yv/xvos, but in

Ad

the

way

of total
iii.

disparagement.

And

that this

is

so

is

still

clearer
their

18, where, in contrast to their material wealth, successful woollen factories and their famous medical

from

specifics, the

riches, the white garments and the vision. The Church of Laodicea

Laodiceans are bidden to buy from Christ the true eye salve for their purblind was probably founded by Epaphras of Colossae, Col. i. 7, iv. 12 sq. The Lycus valley had not been visited by St. Paul down to the time of his first imprisonment in Rome, Col. ii. i. That he wrote a letter to Laodicea is to be inferred from Col. iv. 16 but this letter is lost, unless it is to be identified with that to the Ephesians (see Ency. Bib. i. 866 sq.). The Latin Epistle to the Laodiceans is entirely
;

Our author apocryphal (see Lightfoot, Colossians, 279-298). appears to have been acquainted with St. Paul s Epistle to the Colossians. See note on 14. On this letter cf. Ramsay, Letters^

94
413
sqq.,

THE REVELATION OF
and the
articles

ST.
in

JOHN

[ill. 14.

on Laodicea

Hastings D.B. and

the Ency. Bib.

14. 6
it

especially in the latter.

The explanation of this phrase is uncertain, = "the God possibly be found in Isa. Ixv. 16, JDN rftf* as modern scholars recognize, the of Amen." But, (TOV 6tov TOV aX-YjOivov} implies JK \ji?K = "the God of truth," instead
Ap^.
but

may

LXX

of JDK vfes,
One,"
"the

the words that follow are in part a repetition and in part an expansion of the a^v, and Symmachus renders phrase that follows. In any case our author, as TreTrio-Tw/AeVws. Aquila
covenant."
r<5

God of One who keepeth

"the

"Amen."

The

idea

is

thus

"the

True

Hence

06o>,

(TU>

0<3)

Symmachus, found fK in Isa. Ixv. 16. For the first three words cf. i. 5, 6 jjidpTus mores dXTjOiyos. and for the meaning our author attaches to aXyOivos, see note on
K<U

iii.

7.

primary Y) dpx^j TTJS imorews TOU 0eou, i.e. "the origin (or source ) of the creation of God." It is remarkable that in St. Paul s Epistle to the Colossians we have several phrases which can hardly be regarded as other than the prototypes of certain Now we know (Col. iv. 16) that St. expressions in our author. Paul wrote about the same time to the Churches of Colossae and Laodicea, and gave directions that the Epistle to the Colossians was to be read in the Church of Laodicea and the Epistle to the Laodiceans to be read in the Church of Colossae. Now it is possible that like phrases to those in the Epistle to the Colossians occurred in that to the Laodiceans ; but even pre supposing that this was not the case, we know at all events that St. Paul s original Epistle to the Colossians was read in the Church of Laodicea and that probably copies of it were current
there. Since, therefore, there are, as we shall show, several points in common between our author and the Colossian Epistle, it is highly probable that our author was acquainted with it. See Lightfoot, Colossians^ 41 sqq. 1. First of all, with 17 PX^ T^ s KTMTCCOS TOV Oeov we should compare Col. i. 18, os eon-iv dpx 7? (where apxn the active = ama, cause has the same meaning as in principle in creation

our
It

text),

Lord over
is

= sovereign Lord 5, TTPWTOTO/COS TCOV vtKpw In the secondary meaning of 7rpom>TOKos). (i.e. Col. i. 1 8, TT/awTOTOKos IK Toiv vtKpfov is not quite parallel owing to the presence of the e/c, which brings out the primary meaning of TTpwToroKos, i.e. priority in time. 2. With iii. 21, Swcrco avrw Ka$iirrai /ACT e/xov Iv Opovw /AOV, ws
in

sovereign creation by virtue of primogeniture" Lightfoot). to be observed that TrpwroroKos bears the same meaning
i.

and
all

15, TT/OCOTOTOKOS Trao-T/s

KTUTCOOS

"

our author in
"

"

i.

of the dead

r<3

III.

14-15.")

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN LAODICEA 95

eKa$i<ra

Kaycb

VLKrj(ra KCU

compare
X.

Col.

iii.

I, et

Opovta avrov, /xera rov Trarpos jaov cv ovv o-w^ye p^re rw X., TO, ai/w ^reire, ou 6
TU>

eo-riy ev

Seia TOV

0eoi;

Ka0>7/xevos.

(Cf.

Eph.

ii.

6,

cruv^yeipei/

KCU crvveK(i6icrV ev rots eTrovpavtois e^ Xptcrra) I^crou.) the victors are to be seated on Christ s throne as

In our text He is seated

on God s throne. In hand of God, and the

Col.

iii.

i,

Christ

is

faithful are to sit with

seated at the right Him in heavenly

places (Eph. ii. 6). the self-complacency and self-satisfaction of 3. In iii. 17-19 the Laodiceans, arising in part, no doubt, from their great material wealth and prosperity as well as their intellectual advancement, are denounced, and they are exhorted to seek the true riches and the true wisdom which comes from a vision

purged by the Great Physician. Cf. Col. i. 27, where the apostle emphasizes in contrast to their proud but baseless knowledge the glory of this mystery which is 1 8, 23), "the riches of (ii. Christ in you," and ii. 2, 3, where he declares that he strives for the Colossians and also for the Laodiceans that they may be riches of the full assurance of understanding," brought unto the treasures of wisdom and knowledge hidden even
,

"all

"all

"in

Christ.
It is

not unreasonable to conclude from the above evidence

that our author was acquainted directly or indirectly with St. Paul s Epistle to the Colossians. Possibly he was acquainted with St. Paul s lost Epistle to the Laodiceans, and was thereby

There are no resem influenced in his diction and thought. blances between the diction and thought of the other six Letters and the Pauline Epistles a matter worthy of consideration. 15. While the Churches of Ephesus, Pergamum, Thyatira, and Sardis were guilty of manifest evils, no such evil is laid to But the evil, if not the charge of the Church of Laodicea.
manifest, was
Christianity

The Laodiceans professed still more perilous. and were self-complacent and self-satisfied. They
all

were unconscious that they were wholly, or

of

communion

with Christ

(iii.

20), at all events

but wholly, out they felt no

Hence the startling declaration that the absolute rejection of religion (iii. 15) were preferable to the Laodicean profession of it. As a Church and as individuals they dwelt with complacency on what they had achieved (17*), whilst they were serenely unconscious of what they had left
need of repentance.
undone.
is used with the past ind. in late xj/uxpos TJSGreek to introduce an impracticable wish, and with the fut. ind. But here as in (Gal. v. 12) to express a practicable wish. 2 Cor. xi. i we have o^eXov with the past ind. to express a Moulton possibility though in the present still unrealized.
o(|>eXoi/

o<eA.ov

96
Gram. 206

THE REVELATION OF
"

ST.
"

JOHN

[ill. 15-17.

defines these as instances of the

sq.,

unreal
i.

indicative.

See Blass,

200. or the N.T. Here only in the Enthusiasm is eor6s. required in the faithful, they were to be "hot to the boiling fervent in spirit Tn/cu/xari eovres, Rom. xii. n). point,"
;

220

Moulton, Gram.

LXX
"

(TU>

here only in Biblical Greek. as a rule uses the pres. inf. This verb is not used after /xe AAeu/ see note on iii. 2. e/xeo-at. elsewhere in the N.T. and only once in the LXX. The rejection of the Laodicean Church is not announced as final here, and the possibility of repentance is admitted in 18-20. The lan guage is very forcible though homely. The Laodiceans are not only denounced, but denounced with the utmost abhorrence. Such a denunciation is without parallel in the other Epistles. An immediate and special judgment is not here held in view, but the final judgment. 17. This verse forms the protasis of the sentence; the See note on 14-22 above. There it is apodosis follows in 18. pointed out that in 17-18 we have references to the material and intellectual wealth of Laodicea. On the other hand it is urged that the language is metaphorical, and states that the Church of Laodicea is rich in spiritual possessions and has need of nothing (cf. i Cor. iv. 7-8). This, no doubt, is true, but the allusion to the material conditions of the city cannot be ignored.
16.
i-

x^ a PSj
.

"

lukewarm

jiAXw

ejAeacu.

Our author

irXo<5<n6s

etfxi

riches."

Our

text here

KCU TrcirXouTT) ica, is a free

"I

am

rich,

and have gotten

and

The renders pN under the 9, *h JiK TINVD Tnt^y. influence of the kindred Arabic root, TreTrAovrr/Ka, tvprjKa di/axii.

LXX

direct rendering of Hos.

(di/axA.s, Aquila) e/xavrw, but our author s rendering is Laodicea not only declares that she is rich, but maintains that her wealth, material and spiritual, is the result of
ij/vxyv

more

correct.

her own exertions. But, as has already been suggested in ii. 9, the Church that is rich in spiritual and moral achievements is the most conscious of its own spiritual and moral poverty. In ovSev xpeuxv *X W tne v$tv is an ace. of limitation or refer But it Blass (Gram. 91, note) thinks it cannot be right. ence. Our author uses \peiav e^av either with recurs in xxii. 5 (note). As the gen. (xxi. 23, xxii. 5) or with the ace. (iii. 17, xxii. 5). Swete points out, there is a parallel expression and construction But our author does not in Petr. Ev. 5, ///^So/ TTOVOV t\w. Thus yc/xw has a gen. in always keep to the same construction. iv. 6, 8, v. 8, xv. 7, xvii. 4, xxi. 9, but an ace. in xvii. 3, 4. Contrast this with oTSa o-ov ra Zpya in iii. 15. Kal OUK olSas. is emphatic The it is thou who au el 6 TaXaiirwpos KT\. art self-satisfied and boastful that art the wretched one par With the emphatic use of the art. before the preexcellence.
u>s

<rv

HI. 17-18.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN LAODICEA 97

i.e.

dicate cf. Luke xviii. 13 ; Matt. v. 13, v/xets core TO a\a$ T^S yr)s, the only salt that deserves the name (cf. Blass, Gram. 157).

TaAcuVwpos occurs only here and in Rom. vii. 24, where it is used respectively of the extremes of unconscious and conscious wretchedness. eAecivo?, "pitiable," as in Dan. ix. 23; i Cor.
xv. 19.

In these three terms we have KOI yupvfa. TTTWXOS Kal most probably allusions to local subjects of self-complacency in Laodicea and its Church; see note on 14-22, p. 93. On the spiritual significance of TTT(DXS see note on ii. 9. 18. Here at the close of the subordinate clauses comes the This sentence is an admonition dealing with the chief sentence. spiritual condition of the Laodiceans as set forth in the closing KCU yv/xvo?. words of the preceding verse TTTW^OS Kal
Tu<f>X6s

TV</>AO?

Since the Laodiceans are all but spiritually destitute (TTTW^OS), they are exhorted to buy for themselves a new and disciplined CK Trupos). This spirit constitutes the spirit (xpvcriov TreTrupw/xcvov true riches, and since it cannot remain fruitless or inoperative, it Now this righteous manifests itself in a righteous character. character as it advances towards perfectionment weaves a gar ment for the spirit the spiritual body the white raiment of the The Christian character (or its blessed in the heavenly world. derivative the spiritual body) may be regarded from two stand From the human standpoint such character is a points. personal acquisition of the faithful, and, therefore, so far always
b imperfect: hence it can be soiled by unfaithfulness (iii. 4 ), or cleansed and made white in the blood of the Lamb (vii. 14). On the other hand, from the divine standpoint the Christian Its derivative, the spiritual body, is character is a gift of God. not bestowed till the faithful have attained their perfectionment. Since the martyrs were regarded as having already reached this stage, they were clothed in heavenly bodies (vi. n), whereas from the rest of the faithful this gift was withheld till the end of the world, as they were still in a state of imperfection, even

though redeemed.
This construction here and in John xviii. 14 o-ujjLJBouXeuw o-ot. Occasionally in the LXX. only in N.T. Cf. Isa. lv. I, Ho, every one dyopdaai Trap CJAOU \puaiov. that thirsteth, come ye to the waters, and he that hath no money ; come ye ... buy (dyopao-are) wine and milk without money and without price." For the metaphorical use of this verb cf. v. 9, xiv. 3, 4; Matt. xxv. 9, 10. The words Trap* e/xov are emphatic. Cf. Matt. vi. 19, 20 for As regards the construction dyopao-at Trapa, cf. the thought. In v. 9 of our author this verb is followed by e*, 2 Esdr. xx. 31. and in xiv. 3, 4 by airo but the sense is different. On the
"

VOL.

i.

98

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[III. 18.

symbolic meaning of ^pwiov here see note at beginning of

verse.
7TirUpa>JJ,l

OK

K TTUpOS.

Cf.

Pet.

1.

7,

TO

SoKLfJLlOV

V^U-OJV

TY)<S

^ta ^upos Se So/a/xa^o/xe vou. xP vcr ^ov Other parallels may be found in Ps. xviii. 31, Prov. xxx. 5, where the word of the Lord is said to be tried (nsilV, in the
Trio-Tews

Tro/VuTi/AoVepov

"

"

LXX

7T7j-vp(o/x,vot),

or

in
Ixvi.

Pss.
10.

Sol.

xvii.

47,

TreTrvpoo/xei/a

vrrep

these parallels it is clear that the meaning of TreTrvpwjaeVov e* Trupo s is that this gold has been tested and is to be trusted. Further, since in the present passage this gold is not a material but a spiritual thing, the idea of the text is that Christ gives to the true seeker a spiritual gift, which constitutes the only true riches (Col. i. 27). This spiritual gift, consisting as it does in a new heart or spirit, becomes in fellowship with Christ the fans et origo of the Christian character, and this in turn the source and artificer of the spiritual body. Another function of this new spirit in man is that it endows him with spiritual vision (iii. i8 c ). Interpreted thus, the t/xarta XevKa and the xoAAoupiov are not separate and independent gifts, but gifts that are subsidiary to or rather springing out of the chief i.e. the new heart. the ~xpv<riov TreTTvpw/xevov e/c Trupo? gift XUK<{. See the preceding note; also the note at t/jLctTia beginning of verse, and on iii. 5.
Xpvcriov.
U T11 T S See xvi. 15, note. T) aur)(unr] rfjs Y diction, cf. Ezek. xvi. 36, a.7roKaXv<j>0rj(rTai rj alo-xyvi} erov ("irvny n^in): also xxiii. 29; Ex. xx. 26. The soul of the
jxr)
UL>/

See also Ps.

From

<rou>

<f>acpo>6rj

For the

Cf. 2 Cor. ovpavov lirevSvcracrOaL e7ri7ro#owT9, t According to XX. ye /cat, evSuo-a^iei/oi ov yvfjivol evpe$>7o-o/x$a. 11-13, the dead (the righteous, excluding the martyrs, and the wicked) are raised disembodied: see note on xx. 13. The righteous then receive their spiritual bodies, but the wicked remain disembodied souls and are cast into the lake of fire. This is also the teaching of St. Paul, as 2 Cor. v. 2, 3 proves. faithless
V. 2, 3,

will

appear naked in the next world.

fj/Jiwv

TO oiKrjrripiov

TO

icrX. The KoAAovpiov was KoXXoupioy eyxpLCTCu TOUS shaped like a KoXXvpa (of which it is a diminutive). It was prepared from various ingredients, and was used as an eye salve. In our text it is the famous Phrygian powder used by the It appears in the Jerusalem medical school at Laodicea.
6<j>0a\fjious

Talmud (Shabb.
Worterbuch,
iv.

d
i.

vii.

io b

viii.

nb

(see
N

Levy
cf.

Neuhebraishes

293) as

JYn^jp and
Juv.
vi.

P"v6

p
:

in the general sense

of an eye salve,
"nigra
. . .

and

in Latin as Colly rium

:

Hor. Sat.

i.

5.

30,

579. Celsus, vi. 7, speaks of many collyria of every kind: "Ex frequentissimis collyriis": vii. 7. 4. See Wetstein for further references, from which may be quoted a Verba legis corona sunt capitis, the following Wajikra R, ?56
collyria"
"

III. 18-19.]

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN LAODICEA 99

oculis."

torques collo, collyrium

eyx/aicrat.

Here only in the N.T.

in

and only four times

in the

LXX.
our text results in

The

application

of the eye salve

Thereby the Laodiceans can get rid of then self-deception, and so gain true self-knowledge, and therewith a knowledge of the riches of the glory of this mystery, which is whom are all Christ in you, the hope of glory" (Col. i. 27), the treasures of wisdom and knowledge hidden (Col. ii. 3). In the note on TreTrupoo/zevov e/c Trvpos above I have taken the spiritual gift symbolized by KoX.\ovpiov as a gift springing out of the chief gift symbolized by XP V(T ^OV ntTrvp. IK Trvpos, and not as a On the other hand, the KO\\OVseparate and independent gift. PLOV in our text has been taken by some interpreters to mean the word of God (or of prophecy as opposed to the Law), or enlightening power or eAey/xos (John xvi. 8 sqq.) of the Holy Spirit (so Diisterdieck and Swete). 19-20. The severity of the rebuke just administered is a sign of Christ s love which summons to repentance and abiding ear nestness first the Church as a whole (19) and next the individual members of it, and promises that if they will open their hearts He will enter into the closest communion with them for ever.
spiritual vision.
"

"in

"

19. eyw Serous lav

xiv. i
;

<{>i\w

e\ey)(cu

KCU iraiSeuw.

Cf. Pss. Sol. X. 2,

Heb.

xii. 6.

The
ITpV

text
""

from Prov.

iii.

12,

remarkable here. It is drawn DK ^j, which the LXX 3rw"iE>K

is

Here renders, ov yap aya-jra Kvptos eXey^ei, (B ; TrcuSevet, XA). first of all we observe that our author uses <^iXetv and not aya-n-av as in the LXX. This is further remarkable, since in i. 5, iii. 9,
ayairav
is

used of Christ s love for man. or the N.T. (except in John xvi. 27) of God s love for man, but dyaTrav. Moreover, men are bidden dyaTrav rov 0eov but never <iAeiv rov 0eov save in Prov. viii. 17. This last passage is instructive ; for here the renders 3HK which is twice used by the two words eyw TOVS //, <iA.ovvras
is
<<Aeu/
<J>L\LV

and not not used in the

LXX

LXX

dyaTru>.

The two Greek words

differ in that dyaTrav

. . .

"

expresses
"

more reasoning attachment, while the second ... is more of the feelings or natural affections, implies more passion (Trench, Synonyms of the N.T *\ See, however, M. & M. s Voc. of Gk. T.j p. 2. In John xi. 3, 36, xx. 2, qfuAetv is used of Christ s love for Lazarus and John, but elsewhere in the Gospel dyaTrav is universally employed in this connection. Hence there is no perfect parallel in the N.T. to the use of here. The exceptional use of the emotional word (con trast iii. 9) here can only be deliberate. It is a touching and
<f>L\fLiv

among

unexpected manifestation of love to those who deserve the Seven Churches.

Next, eXey^o) and TraiSevw
gall

it

least

for attention,

Herg Swete

100

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[ill.

19-20.

observes that these two words may be duplicate renderings of iTDr, or that TratSev w may have been suggested by the preceding verse in Prov. iii. n, /x^ oAtycopet TratSeias Kvptov. The latter view is to be preferred, since TmiSevW never appears in the as a rendering of ro* except in Prov. iii. 12 (in KA, etc.), but is a normal rendering of ID* whereas the stock translation of ro* is

LXX

Reproof and chastisement are evidence not of Christ s for them. rejection of the Laodiceans, but of His love Love is never cruel, but it can be severe. There has hitherto
(<tAo>)

been no hint of any persecution of the Laodicean Church. Even here the mention of it carries with it not even the faintest allusion to the great persecution which was expected by the Seer in 95 A.D. and to which there is a definite reference in 21.
^TJXeue oSk
K<U

^Ta.v6r](rov.

Here

zeal

is

enjoined as a per

manent element

in the Christian character

hence

>jAeve

and

not tyXevcrov, while repentance is required as a definite change once and for all from their present condition hence peravorjorov. They are to begin by one decisive act, the life of Christian enthusiasm as opposed to their former life of lukewarmness and
indifference.

20. The deep note of affection in the preceding verse As a friend He admonishes the Laodicean pervades this also. Church to repent in 19 as a friend in this verse He does more He comes to each individual and seeks an entrance into his Here the words (ecu/ rts aKovay rys heart. ftov) have a personal and individual character not applicable to the Church If 20 were addressed to the Church we of Laodicea as a whole. Cf. ^Aeve Kat /xcravoiycrov should expect aKOvvys r. p.ov. Hence with De Wette, Alford, Weiss, and others this in 19. verse is to be interpreted as referring to repentance in the
;
:
<^o>v^s
eai>
cri>
<j>.

present.

But many scholars Diisterdieck, Bousset, Swete, Holtzmann and Moffatt interpret this verse in conjunction with 21
eschatologically,

eschatological
ytveo(TKeT
dv0po>7rois

passages as
cyyus eo-nv
di/oi^oocriv

and adduce as Mark

lirl

parallels
xiii.
:

such
(

unmistakable
xxiv.

29
.

= Matt.

33),

on

6vpa.L<s

Luke
.

xii.

36, v/xets o/xotot

TrpocrSexo/x.ei ots

TOV Kvpiov

crai/Tos

e$eos
co-TT/Kev.

avrw

Ovpw

It
v/>uv,

is

shown

eX^oi/ros /cat KpoviSov o KPLTTJS Trpo rwv further that in Luke xxii. 29 sq.,
.

Iva

Jas. V. 9,

Sie^cro /xot 6 Trarrfp JJLOV /3acriAeiav, Iva Kayo) 8iart^e/xat KCU Trivrjrf eVi TT}S rpaTre^iy? JJLOV cv rfj /3acrtXeia /xov, Kat 2(r@r)T Kpti/ovre? TOV Icrpa^A., we KaOrjcrOc CTTI Bpovuv ras 8co8eKa
/<a0a>9
(f>vXa<s

have a combination of the metaphors eating and drinking with those of thrones and judging, just as we have a combination of the metaphors of eating and sitting on thrones in 20-21 in our

111.20-21.]
text.

MESSAGE TO THE CHURCH IN LAODICEA

IOI

But though the parallels in diction are indisputable, the For whereas in Mark xiii. 29 ( = Matt. xxiv. 33) differs. and Jas. v. 9 we have the final advent of Christ as Judge, in 20 an office of our text He comes as a Preacher of repentance Also in Luke xii. 36 the with that of Judge. incompatible reference to the last coming and the giving of an account is manifest He comes there to reward the faithful, not to call the
thought
:

careless

and

interpretation

Hence the eschatological indifferent to repentance. As usual our Seer takes his own is to be rejected.
even when the tradition is concerned with our for iii. 20-21 shows, as Bousset recognizes,
xxii.
2,

line with tradition,

Lord
that

own words;

he was familiar with Luke

diction recalls Cant.

<iSeA.<j!>iSov

in

where the LXX reads rt rrjv Ovpav avoi6v /xot dSeX^r; fjiov. Since /xov, Kpova 4 Ezra v. 23-26 there is contemporary evidence of the

29 sq.

The

v.

<(OI/T)

allegorical use of Canticles (see Box s ed., p. 52 sq., notes), it is more than probable that our author has here come under its

influence.

See also Bacher

sqq., 338,
TTJS
ii.

Agada der
47
. .

Tannaiten^,

i.

94, 186,
I

229
with

sq.,

310

(ist ed.)
fxou

sq.
.

i&v TIS

dicouo-T]

4>(u^s

etc.^ Kttl eto-eXeu aofiai.

have

hesitation followed NQ, a considerable body of 1 cursives, s and Prim, in retaining the /cat before the apodosis.
dKOuaT) TTJS
a/covet
:

some

4>wrrjs

fAOU.
a>v

Cf.
/c

John
TT/S

xviii.

37, Tras 6

dA^eias

X. 3, TO, TrpofidTa OLKOVCI fjiov

</>(ov^5

avrov

TT)<S

<jm>vfj<s.

Obedience to Christ leads to fellowship with Him.

xiv.

Kal eXeu crojicu irpos aurov ica! Seiirm^ox* jier* aurou. Cf. John 23, ?rpos avrov eA.ev<n>/A$a Kat /xovrjv irap a^rw 7rot7ycrd/xe^a. For ciore/a^eo-d at Trpds rtva of entering into a man s house, cf. Mark
xv. 43.

Participation in the common meal was for the Oriental a proof of confidence and affection. The intimate fellowship of the faithful with God and the Messiah in the Coming Age was
Cf. i Enoch Ixii. 14, frequently symbolized by such a metaphor. "And the Lord of Spirits will abide over them, And with that Son of Man shall they eat, And lie down and rise up for ever and ever." Cf. Shabbath, 153*. That this language is

metaphorical always in the N.T. and generally in Jewish writings shown by such statements as i Cor. vi. 13* and Ber 17% "In the world to come there is neither eating nor drinking but the righteous . . find their delight (D^ro) in the glory of the
is
.
.

Shechina."

21.

This verse

is

wholly eschatological.

Christ promises to

be victors by being faithful unto death that they shall sit on His throne even as He had been victorious through being faithful unto death and had sat down on His Father s throne. The fulfilment of this promise is seen
to those
shall

the martyrs

who

102

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[ill.

21-1 V.

1.

by the Seer in his vision in xx. 4, where the martyrs sit on thrones and reign with Christ for 1000 years. b b Like ii. 7, i7 26-27, iii. 5, 12, this verse is a later addition of our author when he edited his visions as a whole. o VIK.&V . aura). See note on this Hebraism on ii. 7 ; also on SiSoi/at followed by the inf. 1 SGJCTCO . icaOurai JJ.6T The Seer ejmou Iv r. 6p6i/cp JAOU. witnesses in a vision the fulfilment of this promise in xx. 4, Kat upovovs KOLL Ka0tcrav CTT* avrovs /cat Kptua e8o$/7 avroTs The promise efycrav KCU e/3acriAev(rai/ /tera TOV Xpto-roC ^tAta ITT;. relates to the Millennial Kingdom. To the same period should

et<W

probably be referred Luke

oieaero
r.
fjiot

xxii.

30,

/cdyo>
.

Startfle/xat v/ati/
.

/<a0w<j

6 Trarrfp

/u,ou

y8a.o~6A.etai/

SwSe/ca
(f>v\a<s

Kpti/ovres

rou

Ka6rjcrOe evrt Opovw Io-pa?jX (cf. Matt. xix. 28), and like
tVa.
.

wise 2 Tim.
/xeVo/u,i/,

crwaTre^dVo/xev, Kat o"Di/^cro/jtev. ct VTTOKat crv/x/Sao-tAe^o-o/xej/, where the thought is certainly akin to that in our text. Cf. Mark x. 40. Yet the reign of the saints
ii.

1112, etyap

is

not limited to the Millennial

its
"

Kingdom

it

will enter at last

into the fulness of

God,

u>S

potentialities in the everlasting kingdom of when they shall reign for ever and ever," xxii. 5. Cf. John xvi. 33, ^apcretre, eyw veviKYjKa TOV Kayo) eyiKTjaa.
K<x0ura

Kat
xxii. 3,

Our
and

TOU irarpos p.ou iv T. 0poi/w aurou. Cf. xxi. 2, i/ iii. i, ov 6 Xpto-ros eVrtv Se^ta TOV Oeov. author appears to use KaOi&iv in the finite tenses (cf. xx. 4) the infinitive, but never the participle Ka#t wv, in place of
fierd,

notes,

and

Col.

which he uses Ka&j/^ei/os. Finite tenses of KaOfja-Oai are found in sources used by our author (xvil 9, 15, xviii. 7).

CHAPTER
i.

IV.

The Contents and Authorship of this Chapter.

iv. there is an entire change of scene and subject. contrast could not be greater. Hitherto the scene now it is heaven. On the of the Seer s visions had been earth one hand, in ii.-iii. we have had a vivid description of the which is to be taken as Christian Churches of Asia Minor, the ideals they cherished, typical of the Church at large,

With chap.

The dramatic

faulty achievements and not infrequent disloyalties, and outlook darkened in every instance with the apprehen But the moment sion of universal persecution and martyrdom. we leave the restlessness, the troubles, the imperfectness, and

their
their

apprehensions pervading

ii.-iii.,

we

pass at once in

iv.

into an

IV.

1-2.]

CONTENTS AND AUTHORSHIP OF CHAPTER

IO3

atmosphere of perfect assurance and peace. Not even the echo is heard here of the alarms and fears of the faithful, nor do the unmeasured claims and wrongdoings of the supreme and imperial power on earth wake even a moment s misgiving in An infinite the trust and adoration of the heavenly hosts.
faintest

b In this vision the Seer beheld (as in Isa. vi.) each, 2 ~3, 5*, 6-8. a throne in heaven and Him that sat thereon, and the four

harmony of righteousness and power prevails, while the greatest angelic orders proclaim before the throne the holiness of Him who sits thereon, who is Almighty and from everlasting to ever lasting, and to whose sovereign will the world and all that is therein owes and has owed its being. Such is the general import of this chapter. As regards its It comes wholly from the hand source, there can be no doubt. of our author (see 2), but it was most probably not written all at the same time. Our author appears here to have incorporated one of his earlier visions, consisting of four stanzas of four lines
round about the throne, who sang unceas

Cherubim
ingly
:
"

that stood

Holy, holy, holy is the Lord Almighty, Which was and which is and which is to

come."

In the notes on iv. 4 a variety of reasons are given for regarding verse as not originally belonging to this vision; but, as inserted by our author when he edited his work as a whole, to a serve as an introduction iv. 9-11 (see also iv. i, 2 3). (in was at the same time prefixed to link up the preceding prose) visions on earth with the visions that follow in heaven in iv.-ix.
this
2.

This entire Chapter is indisputably from our Authors hand, as the diction and idioms testify.

(a) Diction.
1.
/Aero,

raura etSoy

ica! I8ou.

See note in

loc.

Iv

TW oupaku.

So always
i.

i,

in the sing, in our author except in xii. 12. xvii. i, xxi. 9, 10, xxii. i, 6, 8. & 8el yei/eadat.
eye^ojULY]^ Iv

8eiu
Cf.

cf.
i,

i.

xxii. 6.

2.
4.

weufxari.

Cf.

i.

TO.

TrepijiJepXTjjaeyous IjJiaTiois Xeuicois.

Cf.

iii.

5.

In

vii. 9,

13,

x. i, xix. 8, 13,

the

noun follows
<|>a>ml

in the ace. instead of in the

dat.
5.

in

viii.

ical fipovrai doTpaTral ical 5 in a different order.

o>s

Cf.

xi.

19, xvi. 18,

but
:

6.

OdXaaaa
.

uaXinr].
.
.

Cf. XV. 2 (bis},

.
. .
<us

ojjioia

KpuordXXw

cf.

xxii. I, TTora/xov 8. aKurauau

OUK

/cpvcrraAA.oi . exouaty icrX. recurs in xiv. II.

COT}S

Kupios o 0eos.

IO4
This divine
8, iv.

THE REVELATION OF
title

ST.

JOHN

[IV.

2-3.
i.

occurs 10 times elsewhere in our author

(cf.

n,

xi.

of the N.T.

17, xv. 3, xvi. 7, etc.), and only twice in the rest in St. Luke) except in passages quoted from the (i.e.

O.T.
i.

xix. 6, xxi. 22.

Cf. i. 8, xi. 17, xv. 3, xvi. 7, Kuptos 6 0e6s, 6 irarroKpctTwp. 6 irarroicpaTtop 6 r\v KCU 6 &v KCU, 6 epxoji.ei>os. Cf.
.

8, xi. 17, xvi. 5. 9. Swaouaii . .

86ai>.

Cf. xiv.

7,

xvi.

9,

xix

7
T.

(xi.

Cf.
cf.

TW ^WVTI els T. aiwyas 24, xvii. 22. 10, i. 1 8, x. 6, xv. 7 (cf. vii. 2). . 11. \aj3eik Cf. V. 12, xi. 17. TT]V SuVajuk.
4th Gospel
ix.
. .

13). aiwywi/

(ft)

Idiom.
f\
.
4>UkT)
.

1.
loc.

adXTriyyos XaXouarjs
cf. xvii.
i,

\tyuv.

See note in

on
2.

this

Hebraism, and
Qpovov
this

xxi. 9.

em

T.

icaOrjjxei os.

On

the three definite yet peculiar

iv.

forms of
use.
7.
8.

recurs in 4, 9,

phrase in our author see note on 10 in exact harmony with our author
cf. 8, xii.
a>a

it

s peculiar

ex&H^eTx 61
TO,

2, xix.

12, xxi. 12, 14.

Te oxrapa

Xe yoires.

frequent construction

in our author.
OTO.V cumfut. ind.\ cf. viii. i, where orai/ is followed by aor. For orav with though elsewhere in our author by the subj. ihefuf. ind. see Robertson, Gram. 972. On the technical sense attached 10. n-poo-Kuyrjcrouo-ii TW WJTI. by our author to this construction see note on vii. n.

9.

ind.,

3.

One part of this Chapter appears to have been written at an earlier date and incorporated subsequently when our author
edited the complete work.
2b~~3
5

as an independent vision. given in the notes in loc.,

\

6-8 acde appear to have been written by our author The grounds for this conclusion are some of which may be stated here.
iv.
i,

First of

all,

2 a is

a prose introduction to the chapter,

which serves to connect the preceding visions on earth with those a The rest of 2 b -8 is in verse. that follow in heaven, iv. 2 -ix. But iv. 4, according to our author s usage elsewhere, cannot have ^. stood here originally. The grammar is against it: we should have nominatives and not accusatives (Qpovoi not Opovows, etc.). Again the functions of the Cherubim are conceived somewhat Next, since the differently in iv. 8 and in iv. 9 (see note). description proceeds from the throne outwards, the Living Creatures ought to have been mentioned before the Elders, For the observance of since they stand nearest to the throne. When this order elsewhere in our author see note on iv. 4. the description begins from without, we naturally find the

IV.

3.]

RECAST OF AN EARLIER VISION

angels, Elders, Living Creatures, as
in
vii.

10$

reverse order
xix. 1-4.

n,

then are we to explain iv. 4 ? Two explanations are i. Our author has here used one of his earlier visions, but in order to adapt it to his present purposes has prefixed to it an introduction, iv. i, 2 a and next, in order to prepare the way for iv. 9-11, has inserted iv. 4 possibly in the margin of his were elders MS. By an oversight the nouns thrones . . Since, put in the ace., owing not improbably to eI8ov in iv. i. according to the present writer s theory, our author had not the opportunity of revising his work, this grammatical error was not removed. In such a revision the next great objection to iv. 4 Thus could have been removed by transposing it after iv. 8 b we should have had a description of the throne and of Him that b sat thereon (2 ~3), next of the Living Creatures (6-8), and of the Elders (4). In that case 8 C would have read /ecu ra finally ~ avoLTravo-w OVK ex ovo KT^ 2 Our author wrote the entire chapter at the same time, but forgot to mention and describe the Elders, which omission he forthwith repaired by an insertion on the margin of his MS, since some account of these was rendered The former explanation seems prefer indispensable by iv. 9-11. able. I add here what I take to be the original form of the
possible,
,
"
"

How

a>a

vision in 1-8.

The poem

consists of four stanzas of four lines

t

each, the

first

beginning with the words KCU

IV.

1.

Mercl raura

Kal i8ou dpoVos IKCITO Iv TW oupayu), Kal em TOP Bpovov caOrjju.ei os, 3. Kal 6 Ka0Ti|xep 05 ofioios opdaei XiOcu idamSi KCU crapSto), Kal tpis KUKXoOey TOU OpoVou OJJLOLOS opdaei ajjiapay2.

Sicu.
II.
5.

Kal CK Kal
Kal

TOO

OpoVou

eKiropeuocTat

dorpa-ira!

Kal

<J)wml

J3poi/rat,

ITTTCI

6.

Kal

XajjnraSes irupos Kaiojj,pai ev&iriov TOU OpoVou, e^wTTiov TOU Opoi ou 6? OciXaao-a uaXi^T) ojmoia

KpuoTaXXw,
Kal KUKXw TOU Opovou Kal

TeWapa

III.
7.

Kal TO ^WOP TO TTpWTOl OU.OIOP Xe oi/Tl, Kal TO Seurepov ^wop OJJLOLOV jmoaxw,
it

1 If 5 b is a later addition, as 4 of the stanza.

may

be, then

6 b would form

lines 3

and

106
Kttl
Kttl

THE REVELATION OF
TO TplTOK woy TO TCTapTOy ^WOk

ST.

JOHN
O>9

[IV.

1.

^V

TO

Trp6aa>TTOJ>

OjJLOtOJ

aTU>

TTTOJJiei/(}).

IV.

Ta

T&T<rapa
*>

wa

ev Ka0* IK

auTu^ IXCOK &va

irrepu-

YS

OUK c^ouo-iy rjuepas Kal KUKTOS ayios ayios ayios Kupios o 6eds 6 irarroKpdiTwp, 6 r\v Kal 6 UK Kal 6
Kal LSou. The clause with or without the /cat jxTa TauTa always introduces a new and important vision in our 1 Compare vii. i (/xeTo, rovro), 9, xv. 5, xviii. i, xix. i Apocalypse. Sometimes the same note of emphasis and Tavra (fjLCTa
1.
i8oi>

l&ov

r}/<ovo-a).

unexpectedness
vi. 2, 5, 8, xiv.

is
i,

14, or

conveyed by the clause /cat elSov by /cat ctSoi^ /cat r//couora, viii.

KOL iBov
13.

cf.

Gener

and closely related sections, paragraphs, and clauses are introduced by /cat dSov, as in v. i, 2, 6, n, vi. i, 2, 12, etc., and in fact in all the subsequent chapters except xi. and xxii. These formulae are characteristic of apocalyptic literature, and imply an ecstatic condition. They are not, however, so carefully distinguished in other authors as in our Apocalypse. Thus jaeTa Tavra et<W, or its linguistic equivalent, is found in
ally similar
1

Enoch
Kal

Ixxxv.

i,

Ixxxix. 19, 30, 54, 72, xc. 2

8,

T. Joseph

xix. 5

2 Bar. xxxvii. i,
et8oi>,

liii.

n.
equivalent
in
4,
9,

or

its

Hebrew,

Aramaic,
viii.

or

4, 7; xvii. 3, 6, 7, 8, xviii. i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 12, 13, xix. 3, 1 xxi. 2, Ixxxv. 7, Ixxxix. 47, 70, xc. i, 4, 5, 9, etc. ; T. Levi viii. i ; find frequently with the same T. Joseph xix. i, 3, 7, 8.

Ethiopic

is

found

in

Dan.

vii.

n,

21,

2,

Enoch

We

connotation the clause,

i,

"

And

again

saw,"

in

Enoch

Ixxxvi.

3, Ixxxvii. i, Ixxxix. 3, 7, 51.

But the
literature,

fuller

vii. 6, 7 (TIKI Jim nn "insa) ; i Enoch vidi post T. Joseph xix. 5 ; 4 Ezra xi. 22, 33, xiii. 5 haec et ecce 8, and the somewhat shorter form nani mxi (or

pera ravra etSov

form in our text frequently appears in this /cat tSov. See vii. 9, or its linguistic

equivalent, Dan.
Ixxxvi. 2
;

mn

("

"),

the like) in Ezek. i. 4, ii. 9, viii. 2, 7, 10, x. i, 9, xliv. 4; Zech. i. viii. 3, x. 5 ; i Enoch xiv. 14-15; 8, vi. i ; Dan. iv. 10, vii. 2, 13,
2

Bar. xxxvi.

1-2,

7,

liii.

4 Ezra

xi.

i,

3,

5,

7,

10,

12,

xx. 9, etc.

In
1

all

the

above passages in Ezekiel, Zechariah, Daniel,

The occurrence of this clause in xv. 5 shows that a new vision is being introduced hence xv. I, which deals with the same vision, is an interpola
:

tion.

iv.
i

i.]

SEER S VISION OF GOD

107

Enoch, Testaments XII Patriarchs, 2 Baruch, 4 Ezra, the is designed by the expressions just enumerated. It is important to note this fact, owing to the presence of the If the Seer is clause eycvo^v ev irvevfiart in the next verse. in a spiritual trance, what is to be made of the words already
ecstatic condition
eycvofjuyv
/ecu

ev TTvev/xart in 2 ?

Rat i&ou 0upa ^ewyfJieVY] iv TW oupa^w.

tSov
. . .

As we

shall see later,

Iv TrVev/xari is an addition of our author whereby Ovpa he connects the preceding visions on earth, i. io-iii., with those The phraseology is that follow in iv.-v., which are in heaven.

apocalyptic. Cf. I Enoch xiv. 15, KCU I8ov aXXrjv Ovpav dvewy/AcV^v. i. The It is possible to explain this expression in two ways. In that case Seer may be conceived as being already in heaven. the door here mentioned would lead to a holier part of the

heaven than that in which the Seer had hitherto been. This is the view underlying i Enoch xiv. There Enoch is translated into heaven, xiv. 8. When Enoch had once entered, he saw a great wall built of crystal, and tongues of fire which encircled a great house (xiv. 9). Into this house he entered, quaking and tremb over against him ling, and then beheld aXXrjv 6vpav dvewy/xeV^v leading to a still greater house in which God manifested His The idea here would be practically the same as that presence.
holiness.

of different divisions of the Temple differing in degrees of 2. The Seer may be conceived as not yet in heaven, This is the view underlying but as entering by this door. 1 These T. Levi V. I, rpoie /x,ot 6 ayyeAos ras TrvXas TOV ovpavov. Since, gates admit Levi from the second to the third heaven. however, there is no reason to believe that our Apocalypse teaches of more than one heaven (see later), the door referred to Cf. 3 Mace, in the text admits the Seer from earth to heaven.
vi.
e

1 8,
<oi>

. Tore 6 /*eyaAoSoos 0eos rjv^cv ra9 ovpavtovs TrvAas, This SeSo^aoyxei/oi Svo <o/?epoetSets ayyeXot Ka.Te(3r](rav.
.
.

seems to be the right explanation. That the door, moreover, is not on a level with the Seer, as in i Enoch xiv., is clear from the words that follow dva/?a wSe. With the expression door opened in heaven" for the admission of the single Seer, we might contrast the words in xix. n, saw the heaven opened," where the whole heaven is opened, as it were, that the armies of heaven might go forth in the train of the Son of God. Yet in T. Levi ii. 6 the heavens open to admit Levi.
"a
"I

Compare in this sense Gen. xxviii. 17; Ps. Ixxviii. 23; 3 Bar. ii. 2, 2; Dieterich, Mithras liturgie, II sqq. On the ideas of doors in heaven through which the sun, moon, planets, and winds pass, see I Enoch xxxiii.-xxxvi., Ixxii. sqq. See also Schrader 3 , A. T. 619, for the occurrence of such ideas in Babylonian writings.
iii.
A".

168

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[IV.

1.

iv TW oupai>w. Throughout the entire Apocalypse occurs in the singular except in xii. 12, which is derived from an independent Semitic source (see xii., Introd. This fact 7). in itself would not suffice to prove that our Seer believed in only one heaven; for in the Test. XII Patriarchs, where the doctrine of a plurality of the heavens is distinctly enforced, we find some times ovpavds, T. Reub. i. 6, v. 7, vi. 9 ; T. Levi xiv. 3 (j3), xviii. 3, 4 ; T. Jud. xxi. 4 ((3), etc. ; sometimes ovpavoi, T. Levi ii. 6, iii. i (a), 9 (/?), v. 4 (/3), xiii. 5 ; T. Jud. xxi. 3, etc. Notwithstanding, the entire outlook of our book favours the conception of a single heaven. On the impossibility of getting a consistent view of the scenes portrayed in heaven by our book see note on Opovos .
.
.

ev

TW ovpavw in 2. But the passage,

/cat

tSov Ovpa

...

17

.
<f><*)vr)

ev Tn/cv/jum,

is,

an addition inserted by the writer with a view to linking together this vision with that which precedes
as
shall see presently,
:

we
ff

Kat

(fxtivrj

fj

irpwr-q r)V fjKOvcra. cos (raATTiyyos XaXova-rjs

<CDJ/T}

yw,er

ffJLOV,

Xeywv.
I8ov.

Render, "and the former voice." 17 depends on This voice appears to be that referred to in i. 10, ^Kovcra ws <raA.7riyyos Acyoucnys. Christ, therefore, (frwvrjv fMyaX.r)v seems to be the speaker. But, as it has been observed by
.

it is strange that the Being who recognized as the Lamb (v. 6), and the object of the vision, should here appear as the speaker and guide, the If we have in iv. 1-8 and in v. angelus interpres, as it were. two visions which the Seer had experienced on different occasions and under different circumstances, and in which no mention was made of the agent through whom these visions were given, then we shall have no difficulty in recognizing the . on the Seer s part, phrase % Aeycui/ as an addition when editing his work as a whole, since this addition represents In Christ as the revealing subject of iv.-v. as He is of i.-iii. this first edition of his visions the above inconsistency escaped him. If, however, we could, with some scholars, take the voice in i. 10 to be that of an unknown angel, there would be no such

Vischer, 77,

and Bousset, 243,

is

later in the vision

<j><wr]

inconsistency.
f]

$uvr]
is

<&s

<a>vrj

dependent on

Here ^ (rdXiriYyos Xa\oucrr]s |AT ejJtou \lyvv. There are two iSov no less than 17 Ovpa.

Either Xey<ov is to be construed explanations possible of Acywv. with and hence to be taken as = A-e youcra, Kara Cf. Gen. (LXX) for similar constructions cf. xi. 15, xix. 14. xv. i, or the phrase XaXovo-rjs pir ejuov Aeytuv is to be taken as a
<rvv<riv

<wvrj

Hebraism
dfdpa

riK
"?"!P),
:

as in xvii.
cf. /xcraySa,

("ib&6

i, xxi. 9.

Cf. x. 8.

= avd/3r)di (

Matt.

xvii. 2O.

See Robertson,

Gram.

328).

IV. 1-2.]
<58e

SEER S VISION OF GOD

09

"hither":

cf.

John

vi.

25,

x.

27.

See Blass, Gram.

p. 58).

Cf.

Enoch

xiv. 24.

In the preceding visions, i. 10 sqq., the Seer was on earth. In this verse he is spiritually translated to heaven, and remains This translation is implied in in heaven till the close of ix. the words, "Come up hither, and I will show thee the things which must come to pass hereafter." His continued presence
in

heaven

is

attested

by

v.

4,

5,

vi.

9,

vii.

13,

14,

viii.
:

i.

takes place on earth cf. vi. Thence onwards there is a frequent 12, 15 sqq., vii. i, 2. In x. he has again shifting of the scene of the Seer s visions. returned to earth cf. x. 4, 8, and remains on earth till the close of xi. 13; but in xi. 15-19 the scene of his vision is again in In xii. the scene seems to be again on earth ; for xii. heaven. 14-16 imply it, and the birth of the Messiah is on earth, xii. 5 ; Yet there are difficulties as for He is thence rapt to heaven. In xiii.-xiv. 13 the scene of regards the various sections of xii.

From heaven he can behold what

is still on the earth, but xiv. 14, 18-20 imply his Hence presence in heaven, as well as xv. 2, 5 sqq., xvi. i. In xvii.-xviii. the xv. i (see note in loc.) is an interpolation. cf. scene is again changed, and the Seer is on earth again In xix. i-io the Seer is again in heaven. xvii. 3, xviii. i, 4, 21. to the close of the description of the heavenly From xix. At the advent of the final Jerusalem he is again on earth. judgment the former heaven and earth flee away. Some of these changes of scene may be explained by the use of sources on the part of the writer others by his incorporation into his text of earlier visions of his own, some of which pre suppose heaven, others earth, as the scene of their reception. This verb has already occurred in the same con 8eiw. nection on i. i, where the Hierophant is Christ. Here also, in this editorial addition to the original vision, Christ is similarly represented, though a certain inconsistency is See note above (p. 108). The word thereby introduced. recurs in xvii. i, xxi. 9, 10, xxii. i, 6, 8, where the guide is an angel of the vision of the Bowls. As in i.-iii. the present Setfw o-ot d Set yepcaOai fxera raura. i. (a 19) has been dealt with, in the chapters that follow the future destinies of the Church and the world are to be mani fested to the Seer. This was promised in i. i, 19. The phrase a Set yeveV&u (already in i. i) is found in the LXX and Theodotion of Dan. ii. 28, 29, while in ii. 29, 45 the entire clause, a Set yeveV0ai /tera ravra, occurs in Theodotion s rendering of

his visions

Seio>

i<rtV,

2. euOe ws iyv6[ii]v iv ir^eujAari. difficulty in the text. According to

These words create a great i. 10, where the expression

10

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[IV. 2.

has already occurred, the Seer is in a state of spiritual trance. That the Seer is still in the ecstatic state is shown by the intro ductory words of iv. i (see note). Many scholars (De Wette,

Ebrard, Diisterdieck, Hilgenfeld, B. Weiss, Swete) assert that a It has higher degree of spiritual exaltation is here necessary. been urged by De Wette and others that the same difficulty lies in Ezek. xi. i, 5. But the parallel does not hold. For, whereas in Ezek. xi. i one office of the Spirit is mentioned when Ezekiel is carried off to witness certain evils in Jerusalem the Spirit lifted me up"), another is mentioned in xi. 5, where the Spirit of the Lord is said "to fall on Ezekiel" in order to enable him to Now there is no such distinction prophesy against these evils. of phrase in i. 10 and iv. 2 in our text. The expression is identical in both. Moreover, the power conferred by the state therein described embraces at once the power of spiritual vision and of utterance or expression. Cf. i. u. J. Weiss (p. 54 n.) has therefore rightly urged that there is an inconsistency between iv. i and iv. 2, but he goes needlessly far in maintaining that whoever introduced the expression in iv. 2 no longer felt that The Seer is already elSov in iv. i described the visionary state. It was not till he was in this state that in the ecstatic state. That he is still in this state in Christ addressed him in i. 10. iv. i is proved both by the diction (eTSov) and the fact that he In i. 10 hears the heavenly voice which addresses him anew. the Seer is not addressed by Christ till he has fallen into a trance, that is, the words eyevo/x-^v ei/ Tn/ev/xo. precede the address of Christ to the Seer, whereas in iv. 2 they follow the The text, therefore, is peculiar. address of the heavenly voice. But the difficulty can, I think, be adequately explained by the hypothesis that the Seer is here combining visions received The poetical structure of iv. 1-8 is on different occasions. broken up by the insertion of certain prose additions in iv. i, 2,
("

Chapter iv. 3), and independent vision of the Seer, which he connects with an earlier vision i.-iii., by four cd bcd a 2 a three of which, i iv. 2 have already clauses, iv. i Some such insertion was necessary; for occurred in i.-iii. whereas i.-iii. imply that the Seer was on earth, iv.-ix. imply that he is in heaven. Hence the two clauses, iv. i b KCU ISov Ovpa d eV rw ovpavu, and iv. i are indispensable, avdpa. f}vew"y[jivr) that the voice may issue from heaven (cf. the former clause Matt. iii. 17 ; Acts x. n) and the Seer be spiritually translated into heaven through this open door, and the latter as giving him We therefore regard the the command to ascend to heaven. eV nvev/um as added here by the Seer in words KOL tSov order to connect i.-iii. and iv.-ix. It must be confessed that the
4, 5, as

we

this fact points to iv.

shall see later (see Introd. to 1-8 as recording an

d>8e,

IV.

2.]

SEER S VISION OF GOD

1 1 1

expression eyevopyv Iv irvcvpa. is not what we expect here, since it expresses nothing more than what is already definitely implied in fjLra ravra etSov, i.e. that the Seer was in the ecstatic state cf. i. 10. Since, as in xvii. 3, xxi. 10, there is here an actual translation of the spirit of the Seer, we should here expect iv Tzreu/xari, or dbrr/veyKe /u,e tv Trve^/xart (or aveXafitv fie a.Trr)vi\6if]v
:

and
the
see
ii.

KrA., or e^}/3v fie /crX). xxi. 10, and Ezek.

xi.
i,

Cf. xvii. 3, aTnjveyKeV fie

iii.

... ey

Trvevftart

12 (nn JNBm), 14 (*:npm ODNBO nn),

viii. 3,

24,

xliii. 5.
is

same Hebrew verb

in Acts
viii.

d/>7raeiv

39.

In i Kings xviii. 12, 2 Kings ii. 16, used of an actual bodily translation, and For other instances J of bodily translation

Hebrew Gospel
;

(Orig.

i. i

Sim.

ix. i. 4).

Injoan, torn. ii. 6; Hermas, Vis. i. i. 3, For the same idea of a translation of the

Whether a bodily or see i Enoch xiv. 8, 9, Ixxi. i, 5-6. only a spiritual translation took place in his case St. Paul knew not 2 Cor. xii. 2-4. Here the original vision of the Kal I8ou Opoyos cKeiTo KT\.
spirit
:

Seer really begins. The throne of OpoVos.

to in the
Isa.
xiv.
vi.

O.T. and
i
;

18,

19,

xxii. 2 (A).

God in heaven is frequently referred Jewish literature cf. i Kings xxii. 19 Ezek. i. 26 ; Ps. xlvii. 8 ; Dan. vii. 9 i Enoch (xl.); T. Levi v. i; Ass. Moses iv. 2 ; 2 Enoch See also Weber 2 Jud. Theol. 164 sq. A throne of
later
:
;

God on

earth

is

described or mentioned in

Enoch

xviii.

8,

xxiv. 3, xxv. 3, xc. 20.

In every chapter in our Apocalypse the throne of God is referred to except in ii., ix.-x., where there is no occasion for its mention, and in xv. 5-8, where the vision is that of the Temple in heaven. The phrase OLTTO TOT) 0/ooVov, which is added asyndetically in xvi. 17 after 0,71-0 rov mov, has been interpreted
as an attempt to harmonize the vision of the throne of God and But the two ideas are already combined in that of the Temple. the T. Levi v. i, xviii. 6, and possibly also in the O.T. 2

References to the Temple occur, of course, elsewhere in the In iii. 12 there is a reference to the Temple, but in Apocalypse. The ideas of the throne and the Temple are a spiritual sense. combined in vii. 15, where the worship of the martyrs 8 before
1

Evang.

sec,

Hcbr.,

&pn

Aa/3^

fte

i]

^rfjp

p.ov

TO &yiov

T&V
2
!

rpi"X.&v (jt.ov,

/cat a.TrrjveyKe fte els

rb 8pos rb

fj.^ya

dafi&p.

irvevfjia. iv jju$ Cf. Bel 36.

Some scholars would discover this combination already in Ps. xi. 4, Yahweh is in His holy palace (or temple, 73*fl) ; Yahweh, His throne is in But the holy palace is here according to the parallel simply heaven heaven."
itself.

earthly temple

its existence already in Isa. vi. I sqq., but elsewhere the the scene and subject of prophetic visions cf. Amos ix. i ; Ezek. viii. 3, x. 4sq. ; Acts xxii. 17. The heavenly palace or temple is God s abode and referred to in Ps. xviii. 6 ; Mic. i. 2 ; Hab. ii. 20. 3 vii. 917 was * n ^s original form a description of the worship of the See pp. 200-1, blessed faithful after the final judgment,

Others trace
is

112

THE REVELATION OF
is

ST.

JOHN

[IV. 2.

the final judgment

is

mentioned.
heaven,

After the final judgment there

The heavenly Temple is Together with the heavenly Temple again referred to in xi. 19. there is mentioned the altar, TOV Ova-LacrrrjpLov, vi. 9 (see note), under which are the souls of the martyrs. This has been taken to be the heavenly altar of burnt-offering by all commentators, who have, as a rule, also found references to the altar of burntBut in the note on offering and the altar of incense in viii. 3. that verse I have sought to prove that both according to Jewish and early Christian ideas there was only one altar in heaven combining the characteristics of the earthly altar of incense and Furthermore, this altar partly those of the altar of burnt-offering. is within the heavenly Temple, vii. 15 ; and as the altar is before the throne, viii. 3, it follows that the throne surrounded by the The heavenly four Living Creatures is also within the Temple. throne, therefore, was probably conceived as being in the Holy of Holies, where also was the ark of the covenant, xi. 19. Inde pendently of this natural conclusion, the throne when conceived as the special scene of God s manifestation would naturally be held to be within the Holy of Holies. But when, with the above representation of the Temple with its Holy place and its Holy of Holies, the throne, and the altar, we try to combine the conception of the 24 Elders, we are at once landed in difficulties. Are these Elders with their 24 thrones This element, which is probably also within the Holy of Holies ? an addition of our author to the current apocalyptic conceptions of the heavenly Temple, cannot be really harmonized with them. But the difficulties do not end here ; for the ideas at the base of iv.-vii. presuppose a conception of the throne of God which cannot easily be conceived as standing within the heavenly Temple. On the other hand, the ideas behind viii.-xi. presuppose But the throne within this Temple an idea as old as Isa. vi. our author may have been quite unconscious of these inconsistent elements. KeiTo=" stood." Cf. John xix. 29, ii. 6 (xxi. 9); Jer. xxiv. i.
to be

no Temple

in

xxi. 22.

See Blass, Gram.

ir!

He that sitteth on the throne is In xix. 12 we distinguished in vi. 16, vii. 10, from the Lamb. have TOV KaOrjpevov CTTI T. Opovov. In vii. 10, xix. 4, we have the The variations of full expression TO) 6tw TW KaO. c-n-l rw Opovot. Alford was, so case following on Ka6rja-0ai Im are noteworthy. far as I am aware, the first to attempt an explanation in connec He gives a complete enumeration tion with the present verse. of the passages where this phrase is followed by the gen. the dat. and the ace., and concludes that "the only rule that seems to be at all observed was that always at the first mention of the fact of
T.

51.

Qpovov KdO^fieKos.

IV. 2-3.]

SEER

VISION OF

GOD

113

the sitting, the ace. seems to be used, iv. 2, 4, vi. 2, 4, 5, xiv. 14, seems hardly a case in point), thus xvii. 3, xix. n, xxiv. 4 (xx. bearing a trace of its proper import, that of the motion towards, But xi. 16 does not come of which the first mention partakes." under this rule, and no rule he admits "seems to prevail as

Bousset 2 165 sq., does not try to regards the gen. and dat." From him I the variations, but brings them together. explain draw the following classification slightly remodelled. Thus TOU KaOrjfxeVou em is followed by the gen., iv. 10, v. i, 7, ace. 61. 69 dat. K), vi. 1 6, xvii. i, xix. 18 (PQ min fere omn.
,

xix. 19, 21.

(xACP),

em with dat. iv. 9 (ttA), v. 13 (AQ), vii. 10 4 (tfACQ). Exception with ace. vi. 4, eVt avrov. In xiv. 15 with gen. eVi TT}S Ar;s, but xiv. 15-17 is not from the hand of our author. 6 KaOTJpeyos em and TOV .a.6r]^vov em, with ace. 6 Ka^/xei/os, c. acc. in iv. 2 (P An with gen.), vi. 2, 5, xi. 16 (AP), xix. n. with gen. vii. 15 (dat. min pi.), xiv. 16 (Ax Exceptions but not from our author s hand), with dat. xxi. 5 (but this TOV (TOVS) /ca0. with acc. in iv. 4, xiv. 14, is due to editor). xvii. 3. Exceptions with gen. ix. 17, eV avruv (but due pro ab bably to interpolation of ix. i7 ), xiv. 6 (where, however, see xx. n, but this is due to editor. Thus, in short, the note), participle in the nom. and acc. is followed by eVt and the acc., and the participle in the gen. and dat. by the gen. and dat.
TW
K<x0T]fAeV<{>

xix.

ve<^e

respectively. idurmSt 3. KCH 6 KaO^fxeyos OJAOIOS opdo-ei aapSico. Swete remarks, the writer avoids anthropomorphic details
Xi0a>
K<XI

As

No

form is visible only lights of various hues flashing through the cloud that encircles the throne. These hues the Seer seeks to adumbrate by comparing them to lights reflected by the jasper and sardius passing through a nimbus of emerald green. With the idea and diction we may compare Ezek. i. 26, which rt TOV appears to have been in the mind of the Seer o/xotoj/xaros TOV Opovov o/Wto/Aa etSo? avOpwirov (DIN In apoca:

a>s

!"IN"IE3).

like a man," lyptic visions, when a being is described as being we are to infer that it is a supernatural being that the Seer is In Dan. vii. 9 we have TraAcuos ^/xepwv ( "an describing.
"

ancient of days exa^To, where I cannot help believing that pDV pTiy (i.e. TraAaios f](j,puv) is a primitive error for fov PTIJD, u an i.e. o/xotw/ta TraAaiov ^eptuv. old pDV pTiy means simply man." It is hardly possible to conceive a reverent Jew describ In the ist cent. B.C. this title appears in ing God in such terms. a slightly different form as the Head of Days or the Sum of i.e. the Days," Everlasting, in i Enoch xlvi. i, 2, xlvii. 3, xlviii. 2, etc., and thereby the anthropomorphism is avoided.
")
"
"

"

VOL.

i.

fi4
OJJLOIOS

THE REVELATION OF
to

ST.

JOHN

[IV. 3.

Cf. Ezek. i. 4, 27, viii. 2, where it is opdaei \i6w KT\. which the glory of God is compared in colour In i. 28, Ezekiel concludes opao-ts rj\KTpov, ws ot/av ^Ae/crpou. the vision with the words, "This was the appearance of the likeness of the glory of God."

amber

o>s

It is difficult to determine represented by the jasper here = ns&y). There were several varieties of the toton-is (i) (taoTTTis a dull opaque stone which is thought by some scholars to be referred to here, since it is combined with the sardius (2) a green stone ( = nBB) partially translucent possibly that referred to here and in xxi. n, tao-TnSi /cpvo-raXAt^ovrt (3) a red stone ( = -D*D, Isa. liv. 12, a yellow stone, and an opalescent See Encyc, Bib. iv. 4806, whence these facts are derived. stone). Of the above varieties the green was very rare and most prized in This may explain the epithet Ti/uwraTos attached ancient times. to it in xxi. n. But owing to this epithet Ebrard thinks that the diamond is meant here. The sardius (*=D1iK, Ex.
ojjioios
.

IdcnriSi

KCX!

crapStw.
is

with certainty what stone

At0o>

xxviii. 17, xxxix.

signifies,

10; Ezek. xxviii. 13) is a red stone as the name the opaque blood-red jasper well known in Egypt, Cf. Epiphan. De Gemmis, TTV/DWTTOS TO) Babylonia, and Assyria. ciSei KCU at/xaroeiS^s "The material (quoted by Vitringa). (translucent quartz stained with iron) is quite common, and merges in the clearer and lighter-tinted carnelian and red agate See also Hastings D.B. iv. 620 sq. (Encyc. Bib. iv. 4803).
"

K<H

ipis

KUK\o0i TOU Qpovou

ofxoios opdffei
is

<T^a.pa.y^ivw.

This

idea of a rainbow round about the throne

i.

28,

o>5

opcuris

TOOV,

OTQ.V

vj

Iv TTJ i/ec^eX^ ev

derived from Ezek. otmos -^aepais verov

TOU ^e yyovs KVK\6dev. The rainbow is said to be like a smaragdus. o-/xa/3ay8ivos is apparently a O.TT. Aey. The smaragdus ( = np~a) has been identified with the rock Petrie (Hastings crystal, the beryl, and finally with the emerald. D.B. iv. 620) writes: "A colourless stone is the only one that can show a rainbow of prismatic colours; and the hexagonal prism of rock crystal, if one face is not developed (as is often The the case), gives a prism of suitable to show a spectrum. confusion with emerald seems to have arisen from both stones crystallizing in hexagonal prisms; and as the emerald varies through the aquamarine to a colourless state, there is no obvious
rj

o-Tcicris

(corrupt? for

<acris)

60",

separation between it and quartz crystal." Both Petrie here and Myres in the Encyc. Bib. iv. 4809 attach the meaning of rock crystal to orjtxapaySos in our text. But it is difficult to translate the line if this meaning is attached And there was to (r/xapayStVo). Perhaps it might be rendered a rainbow round about the throne like the appearance of rock
"

crystal."

IV. 3-4.]

THE

WENTY-FOUR ELDERS

IIS

^ i s claimed to be of Babylonian se*r., torn, ix., 1859. s He by Zimmern, K.A. T. p. 353, who cites Ps. civ. 2 clothes Himself with light as with a garment Dan. vii. 9 ; i Enoch xiv. 18; Jas. i. 17 ; Apoc. John iv. 3; i Tim. vi.- 16,
bourg, 6
origin
,
("
")

But another view is generally taken of the text. The Tpis is meaning merely a halo or nimbus shaped like a In that case the rainbow, and of one colour, an emerald green. writer breaks away from his source, Ezek. i. 28, and opaorei is to be taken as a dat. modi. The conception of a nimbus encircling supernatural beings or deified men was familiar to the ancient It was current among the Greeks and Romans world. see Dieterich, Nekyia, 41-43, who quotes largely from the Stephanus monograph on the subject, Nimbus und Strahlen-Kranz Me*moires de l acade"mie impe riale des sciences de St. Petersinterpreted as
:

etc.

In favour of the above we might cite Encyc. Bib. iv. 4804 early as Theophrastus a very large number of stones, all brilliant and of all shades of green, from aquamarine to dioptase were included generally under /), In any case the object of the bow is to conceal Him that sat on the throne. Thus anthropomorphic details are avoided still more than in Ezekiel.
:

"As

<r/>tapay8os."

4. KCU KUK\60ek TOU 0pocou 0poVou5 eiKOoi Teoraapes, 1 KCU

em

TOUS

reVaapas Opofous irpeajSurepous

K<x0T]jjiefous

ire pi|3e|3

\YjfjLeVo us
U<7

The

auTwc XeuKOts, Kal em, rots ^5XP occurrence of this verse in its present context creates great This has already been pointed out by J. Weiss (Die difficulty.
Ke<f>aXas

oT6<f>dyous

He observes, first, that it interrupts Offenbarung, p. 54 sq.). a description of the throne, which is resumed in 5 in the next place, that, as the representation proceeds from the throne out wards, the narrower circle of the four Living Creatures ought to be mentioned before the larger concentric circle of the four and twenty Elders. The Living Creatures stand nearer the throne, and in iv. 9, 10, the Elders do not fall down and worship till the! Living Creatures give the signal. On these grounds, Weiss would reject this verse as an addition of the final editor of the
:

Apocalypse,

who put

together two independent apocalypses with

large additions of his own. Though Weiss s theory as a whole is untenable, there are good grounds for regarding iv. 4 as a

but not, as Weiss urges, from another hand. The evidence points to its being a later addition, but an addition from our author s hand, since the diction is wholly his own, and
later addition,
1

Elsewhere in our author

ef/coai

should observe that r&raapes is xix. 4. Cf. Moulton, Gram. 46 ; Blass, Gram, 20.
in the

We

N.T., MSS, and the

KOIV-/I,

stands before its noun except in used not unfrequently as an ace. On the orthography see Robertson, Gram. 183.
Tt<T<rapes

116

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

flV. 4-5.

the verse serves to prepare the way for 9-11. For, since the 24 Elders are subordinate in rank to the Living Creatures, they should not be mentioned before them unless the Seer began his description with the outer ranks of heavenly beings that surrounded the throne. Now in vii. 9-11 we find such a First we have a great multitude of the saved which description. no man could number; then the various concentric ranks of heavenly beings round about the throne first the angels, then the Elders, and finally the four Living Creatures. Probably in the same way we are to explain the order in xix. 1-4 first the great multitude of the angelic orders in heaven saying Hallelujah" (xix. 1-3), and its repetition by the Elders and
"

Elsewhere, where Living Creatures in xix. 4 (see note in loc.). these two orders are simply mentioned together, the Living Creatures are always mentioned first: cf. iv. 9-10, v. 6, 8, 14,
/cat r&v Trpcr/3vTpu>v seems expression KCU (see note in loc.). single Elder is men tioned in v. 5, vii. 13, and the body of Elders alone in xi. 16. But as we examine the text more closely we see why the addition was made by our author after 3 and not elsewhere in iv. 1-8. For, whereas it would have been natural to make this addition immediately after the four Living Creatures in 6 b we discover that the description of the latter and their thanks b givings are so closely knit together from 6 to the close of 8 a single phrase alien to the subject of the that the addition of Hence the in Living Creatures was practically impossible. sertion was made in the midst of the description of the throne. We have three Finally, the syntax is defective in this verse. accusatives, Opovovs, Trpecr/^repovs, crre<avoi;s, but no verb to govern them. Nor is there any such verb in 3 nor in 2, where the verbs are intransitive. To explain these abnormal accusatives,

xiv. 3.

The

TWI>

<3o)v

to be a gloss in v.

the thunder; jSpovrai. = D^Dyi, and denote simply thunderings." us moderns, who identify thunder and the "voice" of the In thunder, it is difficult to make a distinction between them. in ii. 2, however, we have the very same expression as Jub. We might also our text ayye\ot ^XDI/WV, fipovrutv KCU a.(rrp(nr^v.
"

This is wholly to i and borrow eTSov. the possible origin of the conception of the twenty-four Elders see 10. KCU 5. Kal eic TOU Qpovou cKTTOpeuorrcu darpairai Kal The three nouns recur in the same order in xi. 19, Pporrcu. al K. xvi. 1 8, but in viii. 5 in a different order, ppovral K. the "voices" of <awu =rvOlp in Hebrew, and denote ao-T/oa-Trcu.

we must hark back

unsatisfactory.

On

(j>a>m!

<f><m

To

xix. 16, eytvoi/ro <wvai Kal do-rpaTrai : Ezek. i. 13, Both nouns are combined CK TOV TTU/DOS e^cTropcvcTo a.(rr pa.TT f]. in Ps. Ixxvi. (Ixxvii.) 18, TT}S Ppovrfjs crov ("JDJH ^Ip) ; Job

compare Ex.

<J>uvr)

IV. 5-6.]
xxxvii. 4,
"

A-S

IT

WERE A SEA OF GLASS

"

1/

He

thundereth with the voice of His majesty

Kcu6|j.i ai

(DJTP

into
TO,
"

ittpa).

Cf. also xxxvii. 2, 3, 5.

might compare 2 Bar. xxi. 6, The holy beings ... of flame and fire, which stand around Thy throne." Cf. viii. 10 of our text. The clause a ... 0eov has been recognized as a gloss by It is a gloss, however, which Spitta, J. Weiss, and Wellhausen.
probably gives a right interpretation: cf. i. 4, 12, ii. i, Hi. i. The seven lamps are seven spirits. The seven lamps stand in some original relation to the seven planets, of which, however, the Seer may have been quite unconscious. See note on i. 4. But this clause also, KO.I eTrra Xa/xTraSes . 0poVov, may be a later addition of our author or of a later hand. Its structure appears to be against the former hypothesis. In the description of the throne the phrase relating to the throne always begins the verse.
.
.

ica! eTrra XajAirdSes irupos eirra Tri/eujaara TOU 0eou].

We

tvumiov TOU OpoVou [a lanv

Thus iv. 5% CK TOV Opovov 6 a ivw-mov TOV Op. 6 b lv KVK\.U TOV Op. This holds also in iv. 2 and in the addition iv. 4*. In b iv. 3 there is a slight departure from this structure, but not the
:

b complete departure we find in iv. 5 Here, further, we have the awkwardness of Ivu-mov TOV Opovov coming almost at the close of one verse and recurring immediately at the beginning of the Notwith next, and that in a most carefully elaborated stanza. b minus the explanatory gloss, to standing I have allowed 5 remain in the text. See Introd. to Chapter, 3.
. ,

6.
It is to
"a

Kal

ei

wirioi TOU

6p6Vou w9
"as

0<xXaao-a

uaXinr)

ojjioi

KpuaT<XXa>.

be observed that our author does not say that there was sea of glass" here, but it were (ws) a sea of glass" (cf. xv. 2). There is nothing like it on earth or in human experi ence, so that all he can do is to use a figure of speech in order to suggest in some faint measure what he saw in the vision. This is clearly the present meaning of this phrase in our text. But having thus suggested the character of the conception, he can then drop the apocalyptic character of the phrase and use
simply the definite -expression rrjv OdXaa-a-av T^V vaAivr/v (xv. 2). But this has very little to do with the original form of this idea. Before the discovery of 2 Enoch, scholars were at a loss to trace its source. In that book (iii. 3) we find "They showed me (in the first heaven) a very great sea, greater than the earthly sea." This sea, according to T. Levi ii. 7 (a), was in the first heaven or according to ii. 7 (ft), "hanging between the first "hanging,"
:
"
"

and second heaven." The strange word hanging = K/>eyu,a/zevoi/ = yjfl, which appears to be corrupt for V^ therefore "on ja
firmament." Thus this sea is really the waters above the firmament referred to in Gen. i. 7 ; Ps. cxlviii. 4. According to Jub. ii. 4 these were separated from the waters below the

the

Il8
firmament
(ev

THE REVELATION OF
Se
rrj

ST.

JOHN

[IV. 6.

8evre/oa

avToov avefir] in Epiphan.

7rai/co

roO crepe oj/xaros

Ixv.
liv.

Haer.
i

4). 8,

cording to
feminine.

Enoch

ra vSara, TO fjfjuo-v the Greek version preserved These waters were masculine, ac and the waters on the earth were
.

e/xepur^?/

gods were
in 2

their union, according to Assyrian myths, the produced. Of this myth there seems to be an echo
xxviii.

From

Enoch
. .

rock
fire I

and from the rock

2, xxix. i, 3, "Out of the waves I created I cut off a great fire, and from the
angels."

created the orders of the incorporeal ten troops of

But to return to the sea of glass, which ultimately goes back, as we have seen, to the waters above the firmament. These waters rest on the firmament, and over them apparently God s throne was originally conceived as established, Ps. civ. 3, Who Of this layeth in the waters the beams of His chambers." it heavenly ocean a portion only is visible in the foreground, were a sea of glass like unto crystal," in our text. When the Apocalypse was written it is more than probable that the See Bousset original meaning of the sea was wholly forgotten. in loc., and Gunkel, Zum Verstandnis. d. JVT, 44, n. 5. ua Kdl [ec fxecrco TOU Opocou KCU KUK\U) rou 0p6rou reorcpa
"

"as

Y^juioKTa

omaOei The Living Creatures are not bearers of the throne /xe T. Op. cannot mean "under the throne"), as in Ezek. i. 22, 26, but they stand round the throne and prostrate themselves in the
64>6aXjJiwi

ejjnrpoaOek ica!

o-u>

(ei>

act of worship, v. 8, xix. 4 (in 2 Enoch xxi. i they overshadow cf. xv. 7. it), and are free to move independently and singly
"

"

right, we must suppose, with Ziillig, De Wette, Bousset, Swete, that the Living Creatures stood round about (KVK\&) the throne, one in the middle of each side From the Greek words it seems im of the throne (eV /ze Nor can the passage be possible to wrest such a meaning. interpreted with Eichhorn, Ewald, and Gunkel (Zum religionsgesch. Verst, 44), who conceive the four Living Creatures as lying with the lower part of their body supporting the throne and with Eichhorn the upper part of their body projecting beyond it. was misled by following Ezekiel and by failing to follow the text before him, and also by the passage which he quotes from the Midrash Tehillim ciii. 19, to the effect that the Living Creatures were placed under the throne that they might know that the In fact, the text is unin kingdom of God ruled over TOV Opovov KO.L is to be Hence eV /*e telligible as it stands. taken as (i) a gloss, or as (2) a mistranslation of the Hebrew. i. It is not impossible that eV /u-eVw TOV Opovov was added here

If the text

is

Diisterdieck,

o-u>).

"

all."

o-o>

6/Wto/xa Tecro-apooi/ (where ev TW cloud which envelops the throne of God), just as some cursives and versions of the LXX add KCU KVKAw

from Ezek.

i.

5, eV

TV

/xeVu)

d>s

^wa>v

/xe o-w

refers to the fiery

IV. 6.]
TOV 6p6vov after ev
TO>

THE CHERUBIM

lip

Ezek. i. 5, probably from the jue o-w in Elsewhere throughout the Apocalypse the Living Apocalypse. round the throne," but never in the Creatures are said to be That privilege is reserved for the Son of as here. midst of Konnecke has Man" or "the Lamb," i. 13, ii. i, v. 6, vii. 17. 2. Bruston (quoted also proposed the excision of this clause. by Moffatt) thinks that the clause is a mistranslation of TirD which should have been rendered, And in the midst was KD3!"1, the throne ; but there is no other evidence that the passage is a translation, and the sense is hardly satisfactory. To the writer of the Apocalypse these four T&raapa wa. Living Creatures, which are akin to the living creatures (n"n) in Ezek. i., and are called Cherubim in Ezek. x. 2, 20, are simply an order of angels, and apparently the highest, or one of the We find them mentioned with two other orders, highest orders. i.e. the Seraphim and Ophannim, in i Enoch Ixxi. 7 (cf. Ixi. 10). And with others still in 2 Enoch xx. i, xxi. i, xxii. 2. In 2 Enoch xxi. i (cf. xxi. 3) ten orders are mentioned. (See my note in loc.} These Living Creatures in our text are akin, as we have said, to the living creatures in Ezekiel, but they are in certain essential The Seer does not simply reproduce the aspects different. traditions of the past, but speaks in the terms of his own time. In the present instance I hope to show that the conception in our text has probably passed through three stages of develop ment of which the third is that found in apocalyptic literature, 200 B.C. to 100 A.D. In this brief study we shall advance backwards from Jewish to Babylonian conceptions, from the statement of ascertained beliefs to the expression of reasonable
"

"

"

it,"

"

"

hypotheses.
text the

In our literature 200 B.C.-IOO A.D. (i^ Cherubim are four in number, it is true, as in Ezekiel, but each Cherub has only one face, and not four faces as in the
I.

In apocalyptic

O.T. prophet. ^2!) They have each six wings like the Seraphim in Isa. vi., and not four as in Ezek. i. 3} They stand imme diately round God s throne, Rev. iv. 6, v. 8, xix. 4, and do not bear it as in Ezekiel. The throne is set Ketro," Rev. iv. 2) on There is the firmament of heaven, and does not rest on them. no mention of the wheels," as in the vision of Ezekiel. (4) They sing God s praises, Rev. iv. 8, like the Seraphim in Isa. vi., and are
("
"

full of eyes," but in are not silent servants of Deity. Jo They the felloes of the like lamps, i. 13, and it is Ezekiel they are Ezek. x. 12, where the Cheru wheels," i. 18, that are full of eyes. bim are said to be full of eyes, is recognized by critics as corrupt, /b.y They move freely about, Rev. xv. 7, and act as intermediaries be tween God and otb r orders of angels. In most of these respects
" "

120

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[IV. 6.

/the conceptions of the

N.T. Apocalypse and of Jewish Apocalyptic between 200 B.C. and 100 A.D. are at one. As regards i, we have no mention of the number of the Cherubim outside our Apocalypse nor any description of their form in this period. They are regarded simply as one of the highest orders of angels i Enoch Ixi. 10, Ixxi. 7. 2. They have each six wings cf. according to Rev. iv. 6, 2 Enoch xxi. i, as the Seraphim in Isa. vi. 3. They stand round the throne of God and not under it, as Gunkel and others have asserted. They do not bear it, but
:

are rather conceived as guardians of it, i Enoch Ixxi. 7. In 1 Enoch xiv. In they appear to be in the "roof" of heaven. 2 Enoch xxi. i they cover the throne like the Seraphim in Isa. vi. In the next place the throne is conceived as resting on the firma ment of heaven, even where the wheels of Ezekiel s vision are

connection with it. Cf. Dan. vii. 9, "The thrones His throne was fiery flames, and the wheels This meaningless survival appears also in thereof burning saw ... a lofty throne: its appearance 1 Enoch xiv. 18, was as crystal, and the wheels thereof as the shining sun, and In i Enoch xiv. r7, 18, all there was the vision of Cherubin." But other writers idea of a moving throne has been wholly lost. either omitted the mention of "the wheels" as a meaningless survival, as in T. Levi v. i, xviii. 6, where the throne rests on the floor of the Temple in the third heaven, and Rev. iv. 2 sqq., or they transformed "the wheels (D 25itf) into one of the highest orders
in

mentioned
were
set.

fire."

"I

"

of angels,

i.e.

Ophannim,

as in

Enoch

Ixi.

10, Ixxi. 7

and

later

Jewish Midrashim. Underneath the throne was not only the flaming firmament, but also the sources of the fiery streams, which flowed forth from the stationary base of the throne,

Dan.

vii.

10;

Enoch
i,

xiv. 19.
it

With
is
"a

this

conception we might
life"

contrast Rev.

xxii.

where

river of water of

that

proceeds out of the throne.

4. Finally, the function of the Cherubim in later apocalyptic literature is not to support the throne of God (except in 2 Bar. li. 1 1 ?), but to guard it, i Enoch Ixxi. 7, or more

Ixxi.

Thus in i Enoch usually to sing the trisagion, as in our text. 7, together with the Seraphim and Ophannim they are described as "those who sleep not," but guard the throne of
"

God s

glory."
.
.

Now,
.

according to

stand before saying sleep not sq. Holy, holy, holy is the Lord of Spirits"; and again in Ixi. Blessed is He, and may the name of the Lord of they exclaim, These orders are carefully distinguished in Spirits be blessed." Once more in 2 Enoch xix. 6, xl. 2 from the four archangels. xxi. i, the Cherubim and Seraphim with six wings and many eyes are described as standing before the throne, singing Holy,
.
.

Enoch xxxix. 12, Thy glory and bless

i

"those
.

who
:

"

"

IV.

6.]
is

THE CHERUBIM
the Lord
:

121

God of Sabaoth heavens and earth are Thus the conception of the Cherubim in the Thy glory." N.T. Apocalypse is essentially the same as that found in Jewish Both the conceptions, as we shall see, apocalyptic literature.
holy, holy
full

of

have their root in the O.T. II. In the O.T. the Cherubim are referred

to, as Bp. Ryle points out (Hastings D.B. i. 377 sqq.), (i) "in the Israelite version of primitive myth ; (2) in early Hebrew poetry ; (3) in apocalyptic vision ; and (4) in the descriptions of the formation and adornments of the ark, the tabernacle, and the temple." We are mainly concerned here with (3), but we shall refer to the passages coming under the other sections as we find occasion. form of the Cherubim varies in the O.T. In 1. The Ezek. i. 6, 10 each had four faces the faces of a man, a lion, an ox, and an eagle. (In x. 14, where the four faces are given slightly differently, the verse is, with Bertholet, to be excised as an interpolation, as well as the word cherub" in 7. These are omitted by the LXX.) In Ezek. xli. 18 sq. each had two faces those of a man and a lion ; but this may be due to the fact that Between they are here represented on the wall of the Temple. each pair of Cherubim there was a palm tree. According to Gunkel, Genesis*, p. 25, the simpler conception of Rev. iv. 6 is older than the very complicated one of Ezek. i. 10 ; indeed Winckler (Altor. Forsch. ii. 347 sqq.), as Zimmern notes, K.A.T., p. 631, seeks to prove that the four living creatures in the original text of Ezekiel had only one face each. In any case, the form of the Cherubim in our Apocalypse, so far as regards their head, differs from every definite description of them in the O.T. Ezek. i. 6, 10 each Cherub had four wings. 2. In In Solomon s temple there were two colossal Cherubim, each with
"

two wings, i Kings vi. 24 sqq., and standing on their feet, The walls of his temple were also carved 2 Chron. in. 13. with figures of Cherubim, i Kings vi. 29, and palm trees, 2 Chron. iii. 7, as also on the hanging screen, which separated the Holy place from the Holy of Holies in the Tabernacle,
Ex. xxvi. 31.

Thus the number of wings assigned to the Cherubim in our Apocalypse, while agreeing with later apocalyptic literature, differs from the number assigned in the O.T. 3. The Cherubim in Ezek. i. 22, 26, x. i, support a firmament, whereon is set the throne of God. The throne is not stationary, but is borne in any one of four directions by the Cherubim. The description of the base of the throne recalls Ex. xxiv. 10, though there ^ no mention there of the Cherubim. In

122
Ex. xxv.
1

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[IV. 6.

are represented

8-2 1, on the other hand, the figures of the Cherubim on the mercy-seat of the ark, facing each other,

but looking down on the ark. Possibly connected with the conception in Ezekiel is that in 2 Kings xix. Isa. xxxvii. 16, 15; Ps. xviii. 10, Ixxx. i, xcix. i where the Cherubim are conceived as bearing God. In Gen. iii. 24 they guard Paradise. In i Enoch Ixxi. 7 they they are said to guard the throne of God. Thus the conception in Rev. iv. 6, etc., stands apart in this respect also from any in the O.T. 4. The Cherubim are silent in Ezek. i. 5 sqq., x. 2, and in all passages relating to them in the O.T. as opposed to the function
;

assigned them in late apocalyptic literature. III. Some of the above conceptions in the O.T. can with great probability be traced to an earlier stage, a stage with which our author was wholly unacquainted, and of which even the O.T. writers had barely the faintest idea. For research in this direction we are indebted to Zimmern and Gunkel. The former (K.A.T. 631 sq.) holds that in all probability the four Cherubim in Ezek. i., x. 2, are to be traced to the four chief constellations in the zodiac, 1 and go back fundamentally to Babylonian ideas, though this has not yet been established. The ist, 4th, yth, and loth signs of the zodiac are especially significant as corresponding in space to the dividing limits of the four quarters of the heavens, and in time to the dividing limits of the four seasons. These four constellations are the Ox, the Lion, the Scorpion, and Aquarius. Further, the four winds were prob ably brought into relation with the four chief signs of the zodiac ; for in Babylonian- Assyrian sculpture we find on either side of the holy tree two winged forms, generally with a human body and an eagle head, and occasionally with a human head and a lion s body. Of close affinity with these are the colossal winged ox and lion figures at the entrance of Assyrian temples and palaces, which have human heads and the bodies of the ox or lion. Hence Zimmern infers that the ox, lion, man, and eagle were known in Babylon as symbols of the winds, and that in the Biblical Cherubim the forms of these four creatures were derived from the four constellations in the four quarters, corresponding The relation of the lion and to the four directions of the wind. the ox to the constellations of the lion and ox is obvious. The man corresponds to the scorpion-man, while the eagle is taken not from Aquarius, but from the constellation of the
1

Gunkel assumes

this hypothesis as

an assured result in
that the
is

Zum

gesch, Vcrstandniss des

NT,

p. 47,

and suggests

movement

religionsof their

wings, perceptible by no ordinary earthly ear, the music of the spheres.

referred to in Ps. xix.

and

is

IV.

6.]
its

THE CHERUBIM

123

eagle in

neighbourhood, probably because the former had no

particularly bright stars. in confirmation of

Now

Zimmern s

identification of the four

Living Creatures. A very probable emendation of i Enoch xviii. 2 support Zimmern s identification of "the four winds" and I saw the four winds the four constellations this passage reads, which bear the firmament of heaven. Now these stand between

winds and the four constellations, it is to be observed that originally the throne of God was the heaven itself: Isa. Ixvi. i, is My footstool." In "The heaven is My throne, the earth i.e. the heavenly Ezek. i. 22 the throne rests on a firmament vault, which is like crystal), borne, as we have seen, by the four
(]Pp"i,

may

"

earth and
It is

heaven." See my edition in loc. obvious that the idea of the Living Creatures and the wheels supporting the throne are syncretistic. It rested

on the living creatures or on the wheels. Both ideas were prevalent in the ancient world (Gunkel, op. at., p. 46). the wheels 1 out of For our present purpose we may leave consideration, especially as they do not appear in the N.T.
originally either
"
"

Apocalypse. Again, as confirming the identification of the Living Creatures and the four constellations, it is to be observed that the former like burning coals of fire, like the appearance of lamps are
"
"

Now, 13). see Zech. iv. 2, signify stars

(Ezek.
i.

since in apocalyptic language the

"

"

lamps

10 and our text, i. 4 (note), 12, iv. 5 are like lamps are reasonably to be And this is further confirmed by the fact accompany the Living Creatures are full of eyes," i.e. are bodies of stars or constellations. In the Veda In the (S.J3.E. xlii. 212) the sun-god Surya is himself an eye. next stage Mitra and Varuna have the Sun as an eye (S... xxvi. 343, xli. 408). And the seven planets are the seven eyes of Yahweh in Zech. iv. 10, and of the Lamb in our Apocalypse see v. 6, also note on i. 12. These words go Ye|j.oi/Ta ejurpoaOcy Kal oiriaOei/. back to Ezek. i. 18, x. 12. There the expression is applied to "the wheels," which are said to be "full of eyes round about"
the Living Creatures identified with stars. that the wheels which

who

"

64>0a\p.a>i>

(-TrXrJpets

/cv/<:Ao

6<0aA/A<ov

0ej/,

MD

D^y n^p).

When, how

ever, our

author transferred the idea from the wheels to the Living Creatures themselves, he not unreasonably modified it. The eyes were on the felloes of the wheels, and therefore the Hence they are eyes presented the appearance of a circle.
1 In Dan. vii. 9, i Enoch xiv. 13, "the wheels" are merely a literary reminiscence or survival. The throne is conceived as stationary in both in the latter. In the next stage of development the passages certainly wheels are transformed into an order of angels (see above, 120).
"
"

p.

24
"

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[IV. 6-8.

round about." But such an expression could not be used of a living creature which had a definite face as a man, or ox, or lion, or eagle, with their eyes in front. In such a case naturally the expression is modified to full of eyes before and behind," though even here there is some difficulty attaching
described as
easily
"

to the conception of a creature with a face like a full of eyes in front.

man and
we

yet

The

discussion of this question

is
/ecu

important, since

shall

find later that the

in 8 are a

words KVK\69v

ZwOtv

ye/xoucnv

6<pOa\iJLwv

meaningless interpolation. In Ezek. x. 12 the text is recognized by critics as originally In its present form, which is very applying only to the wheels. And their whole body, and their backs, and corrupt, it runs their hands, and their wings, and the wheels, were full of eyes round See Bertholet in about, even the wheels that they four had."
"

/<?<:.,

who proposes Bn nVm DH^I

and
of
their felloes,
7.

DnntfrrtOI,
. . .

"and

all

their naves,
full

and

their axle trees

were round about

eyes."

Kttl TO TO TTpUTOP OJJIOIOK \6OVTl, Kal TO SeuTepoy ^wok OJJLOIOC fAotrxw, (OOy C^Wk TO irpOVUTTOV Kttl TO TplTOf Kttl TO T6T<XpTOy ^WOl/ OfXOlOf ttTW TTTO|A
fe>OV

O>9

CU GpWTTOU,
>().

The

man, lion, ox, eagle. The text in x. 14 is corrupt, as we have already pointed out. Irenaeus ii. 8) seems to have been the earliest writer who identified (iii.
order in Ezek.
i.

10

is

Four Evangelists with the four Living Creatures Matthew with the man, Mark with the eagle, Luke with the ox, and John with the lion. Victorinus, on the other hand, understood the man as symbolizing Matthew, the lion Mark, the ox Luke, the eagle John. St. Augustine (De Cons. Evang. i. 6) attributes the lion to Matthew, the man to Mark, the ox to Luke, and the Such identifications though popular in the early eagle to John.
the

Church, and indeed in later times, are wholly fanciful. See Alford and Diisterdieck in loc. ; Swete 2 St. Mark, p. xxxvi sqq. ; Zahn, Forschungen, ii. 257 sqq. /nocr^os is here, as it is over 40 cf. Ezek. i. 10, times in the LXX, the equivalent of and therefore means an ox. In the LXX it is more frequently
,
"ii>

an d tya bull, and occasionally of In line 3 e^wv stands here as in 8 for a finite verb in accordance with a Hebrew, or a still more frequent Aramaic This idiom is found also in the Koii/ij. See note on idiom. xii. 2, where it recurs. ava irrepuyas !. 8. Kal Ta Te aaepa wa, ev *a0 tv auTWf On the form of the Cherubim in this passage see above, p. 119 sq. For eV Ka& Iv and ai/a used distributively see N.T. Grammars.
a rendering of
"IB,

"ijJJ

x<oi>

IV. 8.]

THE CHERUBIM

125

[KUK\60ek Kal eawOei/ yejj.ouo-u o^OaXfAom] Wellhausen (Analysed. Offenbarung Joh,, p. 9) rightly regards this clause as an interpola KVK\O$W tion, though I can only in part accept his reasons Denn steht bei Ezek. i. 18 fiir !/x7rpoo-0v /cat O7rto-0ev zusammen. v. i ebenso viel als !/x7rpoo-0ei/ ; innen ist eo-o>0v bedeutet nach vorn und aussen ist hinten." I have already shown (see p. 121 sq.) that our author has modified very considerably the character istics of the Cherubim as given in Ezekiel, and has transferred to his description of the Cherubim the eyes which in Ezekiel s account belong only to the wheels. The grounds on which I i. The sentence or line begins regard this line as an intrusion are This is without a copula though it contains a finite verb. contrary to the writer s custom throughout the preceding verses We should expect KOL Kvi<X60ev. 2. KVK\60ev Kal iy 2 6, 7. It has proved a ecruOev is in reality a meaningless phrase. If in any form it is original, it hopeless crux to interpreters. must be corrupt, and we should have to fall back on the text "habebant singula alas senas per presupposed by Primasius Et erant plena oculis ante se et retro," or still earlier circuitum. habentes alas senas in circuitu et oculos intus et Victorinus These render foris" (Hausleiter, Lateinische Apocalypse, p. 94). ings presuppose, as Bousset points out, the text KVK\60ev Kal Kat eoxotfev, which is actually that of and a few cursives. Thus we should have, "they had each six wings round about, and they were full of eyes without and within." Luther was also in favour of connecting Kvi<X66ev with what precedes. But this
"

3>

5>

"

o>0i/

It is only an attempt to smooth text is very badly attested. away the difficulties of an unintelligible gloss. 3. The words, if they had an intelligible meaning, would be a needless repeti tion of the last clause of 6. 4. The text of Isa. vi., which our author had undoubtedly before him, describes the Seraphim in 2 as having six wings, and then immediately in 3 their ascrip

tion of praise, Holy, holy, holy." This fact is in favour of the excision of this clause, especially as it has occurred before. But how is the gloss to be explained ? The glosser possibly
"

unintelligible phrase Kv/o\.o#ev Kat ea-w^ev from the of Ezek. i. 27, opao-iv Trvpos <r(o0ev aurou Kv /cAa), where, however, the text refers to a description of God. Kal dydirauaii OUK exouaiy -qjmepas Kal I/UKTOS Xyon-s. Here it is distinctly implied that the volume of praise is continuous and unbroken. This fact does not harmonize with 9-14, as we shall see presently. For the phraseology, though the sense differs,
cf. xiv.

drew the

LXX

ii.

The widespread conception

by such passages
Ixix. 26, Ixxi.
1 1,

as
etc.

i
;

Enoch

of praise in heaven xxxix. 12 sq., xl. 3 sq.,

iii.

is

attested

Ixi.

9 sqq.,
9,

T. Levi

Enoch

xvii. i,

xviii.

126
xix.
6,

THE REVELATION OF
xx.

ST.

JOHN

[IV. 8.

36,
v.

viii. 3,

27, etc.; ii. 77).

1

4; Ascension of Isaiah vii. 15, 19, 20, 27, 29, 30, 16, 17-18, ix. 28-29, 33, 40-42, x. 1-3, 19, xi. 26, b Chag. i2 ; Apoc. Zephaniah (Clem. Alex. Strom.

With the

Enoch

filleth

trisagion in our text we might compare that in xxxix. 12, "Holy, holy, holy is the Lord of Spirits the earth with spirits." Here as in our text (see note
:

He

above) the writer has modified the trisagion to suit the main purpose of his Apocalypse. We have already shown that the task of the Cherubim together with the Seraphim and Ophannim is to sing the praises
of

God

our

text.

the Diisterdieck
,

(see above, p.\i20 sq.) in later Apocalyptic literature as in De Wette, Diisterdieck, B. Weiss, and Alford regard Cherubim as representing the whole animate creation.
"

and Alford quote the Shemoth rabba, 23, fol. 122, b 4 as already giving the right point of view Quattuor sunt, qui Inter creaturas homo, inter principatum in hoc mundo tenent. aves aquila, inter pecora bos, inter bestias leo." Dass diese Vier die gesammte lebendige Schopfung reprasentiren sollen, ist durch
:
"

bedeutungsvolle Vierzahl selbst angezeigt" (Diisterdieck, Swete (2nd ed., p. 71), following Diisterdieck, writes Bengel). the wa represent Creation and the Divine immanence in that And again (p. nature," and quotes Andreas to the same effect. 72) "This ceaseless activity of Nature under the Hand of God is a ceaseless tribute of praise." But this meaning of the Cherubim In the Book of Jubilees cannot, so far as I see, be maintained. the angels are, speaking generally, divided into two classes those which keep the Sabbath with God and Israel, and those which do not. The former include only the angels of the presence and the angels of sanctification. This latter class are those which sing the praises of God (see my notes on ii. 2, 18, xv. 27, xxxi. 14), and embrace, no doubt, the Cherubim and Seraphim. Now as for the angels who do not keep the Sabbath, the angels of service who are set over the these are naturally works of nature. These are inferior in rank and knowledge not only to the two higher orders, but also to righteous men, accord ing to the Talmud (see my commentary on Jubilees, p. 12). Even a knowledge of the law is withheld from them (op at., p. in). Since, therefore, the angels, that were intimately connected with nature according to Jewish views, held so subordinate a position, it can hardly be right to identify with them the Cheru bim, who are immediately round the throne of God and con tinually sing His praises, and are the highest order of angels in
die
"

"

"

the N.T. Apocalypse. The idea of nature as itself praising God is found in Ps. xix. 2 sqq., ciii. 22, cxlviii. ; but the Cherubim are not regarded as

IV. 8-9.]

THEIR DOXOLOGY

vehicles of this praise in our text, but the twenty-four elders (see

n,

p.

133

sq.).
"

trisagion in our text differs from Isa. vi. 3 in that it does the whole not voice the praise of creation, but omits the words, earth is full of His glory," and confines itself to the holiness,

The

omnipotence, and everlastingness of God. On the essential nature of God, our author bases his assur ance of the ultimate triumph of righteousness.
"Aytos

6
Cf.
i.

r\v

ayios KCU 6

u>v

KCU 6

trisagion is borrowed here with modifica 8, xi. 17. from Isa. vi. 3, ayios ayio9 ayios Kvpios o-a/?aa>0. Our author has not followed the LXX ; for in every instance niN3 is rendered by the translator of the LXX in Isaiah by aaftauO. On the other hand, 6 TravroKparwp is the rendering of this Hebrew word in the rest of the prophets. Furthermore, our author has inserted
tions
/cv

The

pios 6 0eos
vii.

= iW TIN

n,

2, 5, viii.

i, etc.).

a phrase very frequent in Ezekiel (vi. 3, For the second line, cf. i. 4, 8, xi. 17.

For other doxologies, see note on n. KT\. see note on i. 4. On 6 rfv Kat 6 wa 86av Kal TijATjy ica! 9. Kal oral Swcroucrii rot TW wyTi eis TOUS alums t& TW Ka0K]fAKu> eirl TW Commentators are practically agreed that OTOV Swo-ovo-iv 1 is shall give." That is, here to be translated "whensoever the action in 10-11 is represented as occurring as often as that But since the giving of praise on the part of the Living in 8. Creatures is continuous and unbroken (8), it is hard to reconcile this conception with that conveyed in 10, which implies that the
o>v

6pof(t>,

not continuous, but bursts forth at intervals, whereupon and twenty Elders fall down and worship. The latter view, moreover, is that which underlies the rest of the Apocalypse. The Elders are not always prostrating themselves, but on the occasion of great crises in the Apocalypse, which call forth their worship and thanksgiving: cf. v. 8, 14, xi. 16, xix. 4. One of the Elders also comforts the Seer, v. 5, and tells him who are the great white-robed company that are praising God, vii. 13. Nor are the Cherubim occupied with unbroken praisegiving throughout the rest of the book. Separate acts of praise on their part are
praise
is

the four

implied in
in vi.
i,

v.
5,

9 (orav), and different tasks are ascribed to

7,

them
this

3,

and

in xv.

7.

Hence we

infer that in

respect iv. 1-8 stands apart from the rest of the Apocalypse. The collocation S6a Kal So^ay Kal TIJJ.T]! Kal cuxapioriac. found in Ps. viii. 6 ("Pirn TQD), but not in the same Tiju/j is
1

For other examples of

p. 168.

STO.V

with indicative in a frequentative sense see

Moulton,

28

THE REVELATION OF
in

ST.

JOHN
is
/cat Ti/j,rjv

[IV. 9-10.

connection as
Ps. xxix.
I,

furnished by (where, howBut the best parallels to our text ever, TL^YI is a rendering of T y. are found in i Enoch Ixi. 10, n, where the Cherubim and other = evAoyetv /cat bless and glorify and extol angels are said to ( Soaetv /cat vfyovv) God. For similar statements cf. xxxix. 10,
text.

our

better parallel

XCvi. 7, ei/ey/care TO) /cupuo

Soav

"

"

12, xlvii. 2,

Ixi.

12, etc.

= So^ao-ovcrtv
iv.

/cat

eu;(apt(mj<rovorii/).

We
;

might also

compare Dan.
els TOUS
2.

34.

TW

<om

alums.

This phrase recurs in

iv.
;
TU>

10, x. 6, xv. 7
et?

see also
Tl)

vii.

Cf.
/cat

Dan.
17
;

Dan. xii. 7 This phrase repeats the idea in the second line of the trisagion. See Bousset, Rel. d. Judentums, 293. This divine attribute is applied to our Lord
rji/eo-a

eSoa0-a
i

uWt 31 (Theod.), also Deut. xxxii. 40 ;

v. i.

rov alwva

TI)

Sir. xviii.

Enoch

in

i.

1 8.
uco<n

This conception of a irpeajSuTepoi. heavenly divan composed of four and twenty Elders is not found in existing Jewish literature. There are indeed echoes of such a conception in i Kings xxii. 19 sqq., Job i. 6, ii. i, which represent God as taking counsel with His angels; and in Dan. iv. 17, vii. of 9, where a certain order of angels is regarded as assessors
10. ot
T<j<raps

God and
is

issuers of the divine decrees.

Isa. xxiv.

But a
/cat

still

closer parallel

found in

23

/3a<riAeucrei

Kvpios

e/c

Setcoj/

ets

/cat

This passage has been, it is true, assigned by Duhm and Marti to the latter half of the 2nd century B.C., and the Trpeo-^vrcpoi (D^pT) are interpreted as the heads of the Jewish com munity an interpretation that is already propounded in the Targum on Isaiah. But whether this be so or not, the passage could easily have assumed a different meaning in the ist century of the Christian era, and formed a starting-point for the develop ment of the conception in our text. In our text the Elders are crowned as kings, and seated on thrones round the throne of

God

they are thus the heavenly yepowt a. \Vho then are these Elders ? that is, whom does the author of our book conceive them to be ? for their original meaning and their meaning in the text have no necessary connection. First let us inquire what we know from our text of these i. Elders, They sit on twenty-four thrones round the throne of ii. iv. 4, xi. 16. They wear crowns of gold, and are clothed God,
:

in white garments, iv. 4.

iv.

iii. They are called 7rpeo-/3vTepot (D Opf). v. They occupy these are four and twenty in number, They thrones not at the Final Judgment or the consummation of the world, but in the present and apparently in the past (since the

IV. 1O.]
creation?),
Kupie.
vii.

THE TWENTY-FOUR ELDERS

vi.

The

Seer addresses one of them,

angeli interpretes,
vii.

vii.
viii.

13, as

They

act as

13.

They

discharge a priestly function in presenting the prayers of the ix. They encourage the faithful to God in golden bowls, v. 8. Seer when in the spirit he beholds the inhabitants of heaven, x. They discharge the office of praising God by singing v. 5. and playing on the harp, v. 8, 14, xi. 16, xix. 4. Now these Elders have been variously taken as
I.

II.

Glorified men. College of angels

earlier

angelic

assessors

originally Babylonian star-gods, III*. Angelic representatives of the twenty-four priestly orders.
II l b
.

And

in their present context Angelic representatives

of the whole body of the faithful.

Thus (i) Bleek, 198 sq. ; De Wette 3 72; I. Glorified men. Weizsacker 2 617, take them to be representatives of the Jewish and heathen communities. (2) Victorinus, Andreas, Arethas, B. Bousset, Stern, Hengstenberg, Ebrard, Diisterdieck, 221 Weiss, 438, hold them to be representatives of the O.T. and N.T. communities, twelve of them being the O.T. patriarchs from whom the nation of Israel arose, and twelve the N.T. apostles by whom the Christian Church was founded. It is true, indeed,
, ,

that the

name

Trpeo-y^Tepoi suggests in itself representatives of the

community: cf. Isa. xxiv. 23, quoted above, and Ex. xxiv. n. As representatives of the entire community of believers there would belong to them the kingly dignity; for since faithful believers share the throne of their Lord, and reign, iii. 21, i. 6, xx. 4, 6, xxii. 5 (2 Tim. ii. 12), and wear crowns, iii. n, it
is

pre-eminently fitting that their representatives should enjoy In the Ascension of Isaiah vii. 22, such kingly privileges. viii. 26, ix. 10-13, 18, 24, 25, xi. 40, the idea of crowns (oW^avoi not SiaS^/xara) and thrones as the rewards of the righteous is Such views, therefore, must have been repeatedly dwelt upon. Moreover, the idea of widely current in early Christendom. crowns as the reward of righteousness is pre-Christian ; see T. Further, it might be urged that there are some Benj. iv. i. grounds for the identification of these Elders with the twelve
Patriarchs

and the twelve Apostles for they are closely brought Thus the together in the description of the New Jerusalem. names of the twelve Patriarchs are written on the twelve gates, xxi. 12, and those of the twelve Apostles on the twelve founda tions of its wall, xxi. 14. Furthermore, the homogeneity of the Jewish and Christian Churches emerges from the fact that the redeemed sing the song of Moses and the Lamb, xv. 3 (?).
;

VOL,

i.

130
But
it

THE REVELATION OF
has been rejoined, there
is

ST.

JOHN

[IV. 10.

no true co-ordination of

Jewish and Christian Churches in xxi. 12, 14, else there would be twenty-four gates or twenty-four foundations. Moreover, there is not a hint in the text that the Elders refer to definite persons such as the Patriarchs and Apostles. But the real difficulty does not lie here, but in the fact that the Elders cannot be men but must be angels. This follows from the characteristics mentioned in v., vi., vii., viii., ix. above. These we must now treat more in detail. The Seer addresses one of the Elders as /cv pic, vii. 13, a fact which, though not conclusive, is in favour of the angelic nature of the Elders. That they act,

however, as angeli interpretes, vii. 13 (cf. xvii. 3, xxii. 6), is con Such duties belong clusive against their being of human origin. to angels only; cf. Dan. ix. 22 sqq. ; i Enoch xvii. i, xix. i, 2 Enoch, 4 Ezra, 2 Bar. passim. xxi. 5, xxii. 6, etc. No more is the function of offering encouragement to the Seer, v. 5, re
;

concilable with their being men cf. Dan. x. n. Furthermore, it is angels and not men that offer the prayers of the faithful in golden bowls, T. Levi iii. 7; Chag. i2 b ; Sebach, 62*; Menachoth, no*, and so in our text, v. 8; it is angels that sing hymns, 2 Enoch xviii. 9, xix. 3, xx. 4, etc., and
:

so

in

our

text,

v.

9,

xiv.

3; but this

last

point must not be

pressed.

And again the fact that the elders sit on thrones prior to the consummation of the kingdom or the final judgment is against Not till this period arrives will their being conceived as men. This holds also in the faithful wear crowns and sit on thrones. Judaism, as appears from a passage of Tanchuma, fol. 52, quoted
by Spitta and others "Tempore futuro Deus S. B. sedebit et Et Deus angeli dabunt sellas magnatibus Israelis, et illi sedent. S. B. sedet cum senioribus tanquam |H rTO 3K, princeps senatus,
:

To the above passage we might add gentiles." where the thrones are set for the angelic assessors of the Most High. Thrones were thus not unfitting for angels, accord On the above grounds, therefore, ing to pre-Christian Judaism. Whatever the twenty-four the Elders are to be taken as angels. Elders may have been originally, in the view of our author, they are not men, but an order of angels.
et

judicabunt
vii.,

Dan.

II.

Babylonian

earlier angelic assessors College of angels originally Gunkel (Schopfung und Chaos, 302-308) star-gods.

and Zimmern (K.A.T. Z 633) examine the various interpretations adduced, including that given under the next heading, and conclude that neither in Judaism nor in Christianity can any true interpretation of the twenty-four Elders seated on thrones be found. For they urge that the thrones imply that the Elders are kings and judges that these Elders are supernatural beings,
:

IV. 10.]

THE TWENTY-FOUR ELDERS

131

that the number twenty-four is no invention of the Seer, but that the whole conception has been taken over from apocalyptic tradition. They are of opinion that the twenty-four Babylonian stargods are the original of the twenty-four Elders, and that these

and

gods were transformed by Judaism into angels. They support their view with the following citation from Diodorus Siculus, ii.
KVK\OV CIKOCTIV KO.I Terrapas d<optov(riv a>SiaKoi/ p\v ^/AiVeis ev roTs /?opeiois /xepeo-t, TOUS 8 ^/tuVeis cv rots VOTIOIS Tfrd^Bai <aat, /cat TOVTWV rovs jjikv 6pw/>tevovs TWV rols TeTeAeDT^KOcri Trpocrtoetvat Karapi^/xoCcri, TOVS o With vo/xiov(Ttv, ous SiKaoras TW9 oXcov irpocrayopevovo-Lv. the Babylonian star-gods Gunkel (Zww Verstdndniss des N. Testaments, 43) thinks the twenty-four Yazata of the Persians are related (Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride, 47). 1 Gunkel admits that the Seer has lost consciousness of the original meaning of these beings in that he assigns them priestly functions, though they were originally kings, senators of the Most High. This interpretation has received the support of Bousset, 3 and is undoubtedly attractive, but the J. Weiss, Holtzmann evidence of connection between the Babylonian conception and that which appears in our text is too slight to build upon. It seems to be, in fact, not more than a coincidence ; for the points in common between the two can be explained within Judaism. There is not a trace of what, according to Gunkel, was the original character of these Elders; for the o-re^ai/ot and do not necessarily in themselves imply kingship. If 2 the matter might be different were used instead of o-Te of OpovoL involve judicial powers, if we Nor need the possession may reason from the passages cited above from the Ascension of Isaiah ; while as regards the number twenty-four, it can be satisfactorily accounted for within Judaism. Since the Elders are not conceived in any way as kings, since they never act as judges and are never consulted by God as His assessors, 3 but are described as angels discharging priestly (v. 8) and Levitical functions (v. 8), the most reasonable inter pretation is that which identifies them with the angelic repre sentatives of the twenty-four priestly orders.
31
:

fiera Sc rov
roiis

darepas, wv

a<f>a.vi<s

<cu/oi

III a

great

Angelic representatives of the twenty-four priestly orders. number of scholars in past times derived the number
:

1 2 Enoch iv. I might be compared "And they brought before my face the elders and rulers of the stellar orders." 2 I find, however, that artyavos is used of the crown of the sun in 3 Bar. vi., viii. 3 In I Enoch xiv. 22, Sir. xlii. 22, it is expressly stated that God stands in no need of counsel though thousands of thousands of angels stand around

Him.

132

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[IV. 10.

twenty-four from the twenty-four priestly orders, such as Alcasar, Vitringa, Eichhorn, Ewald, Hilgenfeld, Renan, Erbes ; but it was Spitta (275 sqq.) who first recognized in the Elders the heavenly representatives of the twenty-four orders (i Chron. xxiv. 7-18). The chief priests were designated not only Dnb>, princes (so
"
"

angels are designated in Dan.

but also

"elders

of the

3K ITO
i.

^pt,

"Elders
,

and D^fiO, "heads," priesthood," njn3 ^\X (Joma 5), and of a father s house" (Tamid i. i); Middoth
x. 13, 20, 21),
i.

8.

See Schiirer 3
of
God,"

ii.

236.
i

They

are also called

xxiv.
5.

DT6sn

nfe>,

"princes

in

Chron.

Spitta

quotes the

passage from Tanchuma, 52 (cited above), to show that angels These angels, then, would be the heavenly on thrones. As counterpart of the heads of the twenty-four priestly orders. such they themselves offered sacrifice 1 in heaven, v. 8 they presented the prayers of the faithful a bloodless offering cf. T. Levi iii. 6 sq. If, then, this order of angels sat on thrones, it is to be expected also that they should wear crowns. Spitta might further have added that there were also twenty-four orders of Levites, i Chron. xxv. 9-31, whose duty was to "prophesy with harps, with psalteries, and with cymbals" (i Chron. xxv. i). the Elders in our text cf. v. 8. In This duty is discharged by favour of this interpretation it may be observed that, since the archetypes of the temple and its accessories, as the altar and the ark, are represented by the Seer as already existing in heaven, it is natural to find the archetypes of the twenty-four priestly orders
sat
: :

there also.

T. Lev.
is

These angels Spitta identifies with the 0/ooVot mentioned in iii. 8, where their duty, as in several passages in our text,

to offer praise to

God

(dei

v^vov
is

T<3

0eo) Trpoa-fapovrts).

That they
Isaiah
vii.

sat

on thrones

clear

from the Ascension of

14, 15, 21, 27, 29, 31, 33, 35, xi. 25. Finally, this view of the Elders is preserved in the writing, at 8tarayai at 8ta KXrj/jifVTos (Lagarde,y^m ecclesiastiti antiquissima,

1856, 74 sqq.)
c/c

ct/coo-t

yap

/cat

reo-(rapes etcrt Trpecr/^urcpot,

. . .

8<oSe/<a

Seioh/

/cat

Sa>Se/<a

fvwvv/junv
<taAa9

ot yaev

yap e*
T<3

OTTO

TWV dp^ayyeXwv
Ap>

TO.?

7rpocr<epoucrt

8e^o/xti/ot ot 8e e Seo~7ror>7,

&eta>v

dptcrrepajv eTre^ovcrt

Lehre der 12 It our text.

ception. III b
.

dyyeAwv (quoted by Harnack, This passage is an early expansion of 233). still preserves the priestly element in the con

TW TrX^et

TOJV

And

in their present context

the Elders

may

be the

1 The priestly character of the Elders may be hinted hymn in v. 9-10, where the Elders dwell on the self-sacrifice

at in their great of the Lamb as

manifesting His worthiness to take the Book of Destiny and open its seals. However, it is just possible that the Living Creatures also join in that hymn.

IV. 10-11.]

THEIR DOXOLOGY

133
,

heavenly representatives of the faithful in their twofold aspect as

priests

and

kings.

It is, of course, possible that the Jewish character of the Elders may persist in our text but it is not improbable that for our author the Elders have become the heavenly representatives The risen martyrs of the faithful, all of whom are priests, i. 6.
:

This conception presents no xx. 6. every man had his guardian angel, seeing Acts xii. 15 ; Tob. v. Targ. Jer. on Gen. xxxiii. 10; Chag. i6 a ; b Ber. 6o and particularly "the little ones," Matt, xviii. 10. This phrase has in Matthew a secondary meaning, the weaker brethren in the faith." The Elders, therefore, may be the heavenly representatives of the whole body of the faithful.
are both priests
difficulty,

and kings,
that
;

"

act of

For this auraij evwirtoj TOU 0p6Vou. Toug familiar in the East, Wetstein compares Tacitus, Ann. xv. 29, "Placuit Tiridaten ponere apud effigiem Caesaris insigne regium ... ad quam(sc. effigiem Neronis) progressus Tirid10.
|3aXoG<nr
ore<|>diyous

homage

ates.

sublatum capitidiademaimaginisubjecit/ and Eichhorn,

:

Plutarch, Lucull. p. 522, Tiy/aai/^s TO SiaS^/xa rrjs /ce<aAr)s d^eAoand in the Jalkut Shimoni, i. fol. 55 b i/os eflr/Kc Trpo roil/ TroSojv omnes reges orientis et occidentis venerunt ad Pharaonem. Cum vero Mosen et Aaronem in coelesti splendore viderent, tremor ipsorum in eos incidit et sumserunt coronas de capitibus suis
,
"

Hunc Cn. eosque adoraverunt." Cicero, Pro P. Sestio, 27: Pompeius, quum in suis castris supplicem abjectumque vidisset erexit, atque insigne regium, quod ille de suo capiti abjecerat
"

reposuit.
11.

aiog

et,

Xa|3eii>

TTjy

6 Kupiog KCU 6 86ai> Kai T^V

TO,

0eo<;

TQJJUOV,

TIJATJI

Kai TTJK Sumjjuy,

KTta0T]aai

on
Kal
et

au eKTicrag
8101

irdi Ta,

TO 0\T)|ULa aou ^aai

^jj-aii
.

[xal

].

6 Kupiog Kal 6 0eog

The nominative

is

used
,

here as the vocative: see Blass, Gram. p. 87; Moulton 2 71. It is possible that the Seer has chosen this title in reference to God in contrast to Domitian s blasphemous claim to be called Dominus et Deus noster (Suet. Domitian, 13). The phrase a^tos In i Enoch Aa/3etv recurs in v.xj, 12. such doxologies are frequent, and have, as a rule, a close con nection with their respective contexts: cf. ix. 4, 5, xxii. 14,
.

xxv.

7,

xxxvi.

4,

xxxix.

9-13,
rule

xlviii.

10,

Ixxxi.

3,

Ixxxiii.

u,

Ixxxiv., xc. 40.

The same

can be traced

in the doxologies

of our text: cf. v. 12, 13, vii. 12. As the doxology of the Cherubim in 8 has for its theme the holiness, omnipotence, and everlastingness of God, i.e. the essential nature of God, so the doxology of the four and twenty

34

THE REVELATION OF
its

ST.

JOHN
in

[iV. 11-V.
;

1.

Elders has for

all

theme

the glory of

God

His works
Cf.
I

for that

things were created by

Tt]i>

Him.
K<xl
TT]i>

So^cty KCU Ti]v

TijJiT)i>

Suyafui/.

ChrOH.

xvi.

27-28.
8ia TO
" "

0e\T]jjid

aou

r\<ra.v

He commanded,
I
all

[KCU

eKTio-0-rjo-ai ].
i

Cf. Ps. Cxlviii. 5,

and they were created." blessed the great Lord, the King of glory

Enoch

Ixxxi.

3,

hath made
difficult.

We

the works of the world." should naturally expect cKriarO qa-av KOI
in the critical footnotes
felt.

for ever, in that Our text is certainly

rjarav.

He

The
If

various corrections
this difficulty

show how deeply

any
to read

was
text

change of the
eKTia-Orjvav
/ecu

were admissible, ^crav, Or to Omit /ecu

But none of them is helpful. it would be best

KT6(r$?7<rav

with

as an
rja-av,

explanatory gloss added by a scribe Then we should have

"

who misunderstood

For Thou didst create

all things,

And
i.e.

because of

Thy

will

they had their being

"

to

Thy
if
i.

will

But,
tions,

they the text

owed
is

their existence.

correct, there are

will

two possible interpreta

they had their being (i.e. existed in contrast to their previous non-existence) and were created. So Diisterdieck. But this involves an awkward inversion of Because of Thy will they existed (in the world of 2. thought.

Because of Thy

"

So also thought) and were (then by one definite act) created." The Divine Will had made the practically Swete, who writes universe a fact in the scheme of things before the Divine Power gave material expression to the fact." But I confess that the text of A seems best, and from it all the other variations can be explained. With the idea in our text we might contrast contemporary
"

Jewish speculation. According to 2 Bar. xiv. 18, Ezra viii. i, but this was only 44, the world was created on account of man a loose way of putting the idea which is definitely expressed elsewhere, to the effect that the world was created on account of Israel, 4 Ezra vi. 55, 59, vii. n; Ass. Mos. i. 12, or rather on account of the righteous in Israel, 2 Bar. xiv. 19, xv. 7, xxi. 24. Such was the belief of the Rabbis see Weber, Jud. Theol? 208 sq.
;
:

CHAPTER
i.

V.

Contents

and Authorship.

As

in

iv.

we have the

vision of
all

Him
that

that sitteth
is

on the
their

throne, to

whom

the world and

therein

owe

V.

1-2.]

DICTION

AND IDIOM
Lamb
is

135

being, in v. we have the vision of the the destinies of the world and all that

into whose hands therein are committed.

once and for all (evuc^o-ci/, v. 5, and us eo-^ay/xevov, shown Himself equal to this task, for whose 6) achievement none else could be found. And as in iv. the Living Creatures praise God as the All Holy, the Almighty and the Everlasting One, and the Elders fall down and worship Him

By His

victory

v.

He

has

as the Creator of all things, in v. 8 sqq.

first

the Living Creatures

and the Elders fall down and worship the Lamb who through His redeeming death had won the right to carry God s purposes into
effect,

next

(i

as

God, and

sq.) the countless hosts of angels praise the finally (13) the whole world of created things in

Lamb

heaven, in earth and under the earth joins in a universal burst of thanksgiving to Him that sitteth upon the throne and to the Lamb. Thus as in iv. God the Creator is the centre of worhip, in v. it is God the Redeemer, who thereby carries God s pur poses into fulfilment, while the chapter closes in the joint adora tion of Him that sitteth on the throne and of the Lamb. As regards the authorship, every clause of it is from the hand of our author except two glosses in 8, i T, which are intended to be explanatory and supplementary, but are both in conflict with Whilst the diction and the idiom the thought of the writer. 2), which latter is not so pronounced as in the earlier chapters, ( are clearly those of our Seer, there is not an idiom or phrase that is not his.
2.

Diction

and Idiom.

There can be no doubt hand of our author.

(a) Diction.
2.

as to this chapter being from the

a.yye\ov icryypov
7,

again in

X.

I, xviii.

21.

(jxoj fj

jmeydXT]

again in xiv.
viii.

9,

15.

Without

1 3,

x.

3,

etc.

Contrast
13,
vi.

Iv in v. 12, vi. 10, vii. 2, TO, the non-Johannirie Iv Icrxvpa

xii. i.

<j>wrj

in xviii. 2.
3.
UTTOK<TW.

Cf.

9,

Elsewhere in
cf.
ii.

NT
2,

7
iii.

times.
4.
2, xx.

atos eupe 0T].

15.

For

eiipetv

with part, or adj.

6. dpiaov. This word is applied to Christ 29 times in our author and not elsewhere in the N.T., where d/xvos is used (Fourth Gospel, Acts, i Pet).
9.

aSouaii/

u$>r\v

K.a.ivf]v
:

cf.

xiv.
3,

3,

xv.
tv
TU>

3.

eoxJxvyTig

cf.

6,

12,

xiii. 8.

T|YP a(ra s

cf.

xiv.
K.

4.
:

ai[A<m

aou
xi.

cf.

i.

5
7,

K.
<|>uXT]s

Y^aaTjs

K.

Xaou
:

eOi/ous

cf.

vii.

9,

9,

xiii.

xiv. 6.

10. jBaaiXeicu

KCU lepeis

cf.

i.

6.

|3a<nXeuou<ni

em

rtjs

yi]S

136
cf.

THE REVELATION OF
.

ST.

JOHN

[V.

1.

xx. 4, e/SacriAevo-ai 12.

^tXta en?

both statements referring

xxii. 5.

to the Millennial

Kingdom.
TO apviov
TTJK
.

Contrast
. .

ai6V
T.

OTII>

t\Tf]<pa<s

Swa/ziv.

SuVajjuy
r.

K.

XajSeiy T. SuVajxii : cf. xi. 17, irXouTo^ /crA.. For the same
cf. vii.
1 2.

seven, save in the case of TrXovrov,

13.

TW

Ka0T]jaeV<i)

eirl

0p6Va>

K.

TW

dpyia).

Cf.

VI.

16,

vii.

IO,

xiv. 4, xxii. i, 3.

() Idiom.
I.
iv.

TOU Ka0Tju.eVou
for the

em

T.

0p6Vou.

Cf.

2,

unique use of these phrases

4.

eKXaioy.

The
use

author,
ii.

and

its

is

past imperfect is very forcible (except in

13, and the note on our author. not frequently used in our
7,

in

v.

14):
:

cf.

i.

12,

14, v. 4, 14, vi. 8, 9, x. 10, xix. 14, xxi. 15. 5. els CK. Seven times elsewhere in our author

twelve times

in

Fourth Gospel
6

ten times in rest of

NT.
art.

XeW

6 IK TYJS

For
<j>u\T]s.

this
i.

use of the
4,
ii.

connecting the
19, xiv.

noun with a following phrase,

17, xvi. 3, xix. 14, xx. 8, 13. 6. eV JJUEOTW . . . iv JJUEO-W
.
.
.

cf.

24,

viii. 3, 9, xi.

= p3i

p3

"in

the
of

midst of
in

and"

a Hebraism.
:

<&s

eo-^ay/j.eVoi

A
.

frequent

idiomatic
.

use

ws

our

author,

apviov . . t^w. This breach of concord in gender Cf. weu jAara . . frequent in our author. direoraXfAeVoi, which follows.
7.
Y]X0ei>

Kal

eiXir](f>ei/

cf.

viii.

3,

xvii.

i,

xxi.

for this

Semiticism, which does not occur in the Fourth Gospel. Introd. 2 (a), p. 39. to II.-III. It has been pointed out that the use of the perfect etA^a is characteristic of our Seer. II. 6 dpiOjjios Xe yorres. Another instance of this breach of concord common in our author occurs in 13, irav KTio-pa
.

Aeyovras.
13. rd tv auToIs iran-a. Tras precedes its noun in our author except here and in viii. 3, xiii. 12. V. 1. Kal etSoy eiu TTJI 8eiai> TOU Ka9ir]fAei Ou em TOU 0poyou YcypafijAekoy Ko-wOey Kal omaOev, KaTea^payio-jJieVoy ox^paYtaik For the construction CTTI rrjv Se^tav compare xx. i, eVt ryv eiTTd. The book -roll lies on the open palm of the right hand, X^pa. not in the hand. Opinions are divided as to i. the form, and ii. the contents of the /3t/?Atov. The form. (a) Grotius (ii. 1160), Zahn (Einleit.\\. 596), i. Nestle (Text. Crit. of NT, 333), take it to be not a roll but a codex ; for (i) it is said to be CTTI rty SeiW. Had it been a roll This argument is already ev rrj Seia. it would have been answered above. (2) "The word used for opening the Book is as in the case of rolls, (v. 4) and not,
f3i|3Xioi>

V.
or

1.]
avoLTrTvo-crew."
1

THE SEVEN-SEALED BOOK

But
4

this is not so. avol^ai is used in Isa. avro = TO /?t/3A.tW) as a rendering of BHB, the renders word which Ezekiel uses in ii. 10, and which the there by avtiXrjcrtv. avowal is used of unrolling a book also in Luke iv. 17, where and most ND correct the di/otas into avcnrrv^, against In Luke iv. 20 7rrv^a<s is used of rolling up the book. Versions. That it was not written on the outside is Nestle further adds also shown by the fact that it was sealed with seven seals, the purpose of which was to make the reading of the book impossible. Not till the seventh seal is broken is the book open and its But the idea in our text is that with the contents displayed." opening of each successive seal a part of the contents of the book-roll is disclosed in prophetic symbolism. Hence these scholars read ycypaju/xevoy tawOev KOLL OTrtcr^ev Kar(r<j!)payt(r/xei/ov, To this it has been taking the two latter words together. reasonably rejoined that such a description is superfluous, as a roll is never written on the outside and sealed on the
xxxvii.
(rji/oi^ev

LXX

ABL

"

inside.
(b) Spitta, 281, supposes that the ftiftXCov is a book consisting of parchment leaves, each pair of which is fastened with a seal. (c) But with most scholars we take the fiifiXiov to be a bookroll. In Ezek. iii. i, Ezra vi. 2 this is simply called Kc^aXt? (rfeio), in Ezek. ii. 9 and Ps. xxxix. 8 fitftXtov (r6jD The roll was 67mr#oypa</>ov, written on the back also as "iBD). in Ezek. ii. 10. In the latter passage it is described as written TO. efj,irpo<j-0v /cat TO. oVi trw before and behind" yeypa^uyxeW written within and with (TinKl D^B rairo), but in our text as out" This may be due, as yeypa/x/Aeyov 0xo$ei/ KOU oTncrOev. Bousset suggests, to the fact that in Ezekiel the roll is open, but that in our text it is closed. On the use of such o-n-LaOoypa^a amongst the Greeks and Romans, Wetstein quotes Lucian, Vit. Auct. 9, rj Trrjpa Se croi Oepfjiwv lorcu ^crr-r] KCU OTno-Ooypaffxav
K<f>a\ls
"

"

/?i/3A<W;

Juvenal,
tergo

i.

6, "Summi

plena jam margine

Orestes";
charta"
t

libri scripviii.

tus
"

et

in

necdum

finitus

Martial,

62,

Scribit in aversa Picens

Epigrammata

ii. The contents. (a) According to Huschke (Das Buck mit den sieben Siege In, 1860), Zahn (pp. at.), and J. Weiss 1 (Die Offenb. 57 sqq.) the Book represents a Will or Testament relating to the Old and New Testament Covenant. A will, according to the Praetorian Testament, in Roman law bore the seven seals of the seven witnesses on the threads that secured the tablets or

colleague of J. Weiss (op. cit. p. 57, n. 3) has shown that it is possible to construct a roll in which the seals fastened to the cords can be so fastened that with the removal of one a part of the roll can be unrolled, while the rest remains secure.
1

38

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN
Ant.>

[v.

i.

parchment (see Smith, Diet, of Greek and Roman p. 1117). Such a Testament could not be carried into execution till all the seven seals were loosed. The Seal visions are, therefore, on this view only signs of the of the Messiah. end, the woes But, if this view were right, then our author could not have omitted the most significant part of the whole procedure the opening of the Book itself after the
"
"

undoing of the seventh

(b)

seal.

contains the divine decrees and the destinies of the world. It deals with the things a /*eAA With the ycvecrOat. loosing of each seal a part of its contents is revealed in symbolic In other words, the Book is a prophecy of the representation. things that fall out before the end. Owing to the solemnity with which it is introduced and the importance attached to it by the Seer, it should contain all the future history of the world described in the Apocalypse to its close ; and so Nicolas de Lyra, Corn, a Lap., Bengel, Diisterdieck, Bousset, etc., explain. This appears to be the right view, though it is hard to reconcile this view with the rest of the Apocalypse. That this Book is sealed with seven seals shows that the divine counsels and judgments it contains are a profound secret Dan. viii. 26, xii. 4, 9), which ; (cf. x. 4, xxii. 10 ; Isa. xxix. can only be revealed through the mediation of the Lamb. In apocalyptic literature we have conceptions closely related It recalls the thought expressed to that of the Book in our text. by the phrase "the heavenly tablets" (al TrXa/ces TOV ovpavov) which is found in the Test. XII Patriarchs, the Book of Jubilees,
roll

The

in i Enoch. The conception underlying this phrase is to be traced, partly to Ps. cxxxix. 16; Ex. xxv. 9, 40, xxvi. 30, where we find the idea that heaven contains divine archetypes of certain things that exist on earth; partly to Dan. x. 21, where a book of God s plans is referred to but most of all to the growing determinism of thought, for which this phrase stands as a The conception is not a hard and fixed concrete expression. one: in i Enoch and Test. XII Patr. it wavers between an In the absolute determinism and prediction pure and simple. following passages as in our text the heavenly tablets deal with the future destinies of the world in i Enoch Ixxxi. i sq., xciii.

and

_2, cvi. 19, cvii. i ; and the blessings in store for the righteous 2. They are apparently called the Book of the Angels, ciii. 2 (gm, /?), and are designed for the perusal of the angels, cviii.
I

ciii.

7, that they the wicked.

may know

Here there

the future recompenses of the righteous and is a divergence between the Book in

our text and the books in Enoch. The Book in our text is and can only be opened by the Lamb. Those in Enoch are open to be perused by the angels. Notwithstanding the
closed,

V. 1-6.]

TO BE OPENED ONLY BY THE LAMB

See

139
xlvii.

ideas are closely related.

my

notes on

Enoch
4>wrfj

3 and

Jub.

iii.

10.

2.

"strong

strength the utmost bounds of heaven

KCU etSoy ayyeXoi/ i<T\vpbv K-qpuorowTa iv jxeydXY]. The is referred to again in x. i, xviii. 21. angel" of the angel is dwelt upon, as his voice penetrates to
ev
</>(ov^

phrase

^jdXy

(see note

and earth and Hades. on x. 3) recurs in xiv. 7,

ical
XG<rai

The
9,

15

Kypva-crovra iv

a Hebraism. TIS aios dyoiai TO |3i|3Xic>

is

aios here =
iKavos;
"

iKavos.

Matt.

viii.

cf.

2 Cor.

T&S a^payiSas auTou. ii. 16, vrpos ravra rts

The "worthi i. 27 it is combined with u/a. the inner ethical presupposition of the ability In avolai KOL Xvo-ai there is a (tKcu/or^s) to open the Book. hysteron proteron^ or else we may take A-ucrai as defining more nearly the preceding word avoi^ai.
In John
ness
(d|ioT7/9) is

3. KCU ouSclg eSumTO iv TW oupacu ouSe eiu, TTJS y^S ouSe UTTOOur author icdTW TT]S yf]S ayoL^ai TO |3t3Xto^ ou8e jSXeTreiv auTo.

In the whole sphere of creation uses tSvvaTo, never ZSwijOr]. This threefold division none was worthy to open the Book.
is

found already
earlier
is

in Ex. xx.

an

and

different

4 (cf. xx. 1 1 form "that is

:

Ps. cxlvi. 6),

in the

that

Babylonian division of the world into heaven and earth and water (apsu = water under and around the earth see Zimmern, K.A.T? ii. 350, 615), In Ex. xx. 4 the Babylonian each of which had its own god. polytheism has of course disappeared, though the cosmic division has survived. But, inasmuch as there has been a great eschatological development between Ex. xx. 4 and the time of our
earth."
:

in the earth beneath, or that is in This latter agrees exactly with the

though in heaven above, or the water under the

Apocalypse, the third division has become synonymous with Hades. This appears clearly in Phil. ii. 10. On a fourfold division of creation see note on 13.
ouTe
4. KCU eKXaiov iroXu, OTI ouSels au>s eupeOrj dcoifai TO j3i|3Xioi auTo. The Seer began to weep unrestrainedly pXeireii

because no being in creation was found worthy to open the Book. Others think that his weeping was due to his fear that the hoped for revelation would now be withheld, as it depended on the opening of the Book.
Kal els IK TWI/ irpeo-jSuTe pwi/ Xeyci JAOI MTJ KXate* I8ou eraiarjo-ei louSa, r\ pia AaueiS, ayoiai TO |3i|3XioK ica! TTJS el? CK is found twelve times in the Tots eiTTa a<f>payi8as auTou. Fourth Gospel and eight times in the Apocalypse. One of the
5.

Xewv 6 CK

<{>uXT)s

Elders here, as again in vii. 13, intervenes, as elsewhere do other angels, x. 4, 8 sqq., xvii. i, xix. 9, xxi. 9, xxii. 8, in order to inform or guide the Seer. ^Ame: cf. John xx. 13. The actual phrase
is

used by Christ

in

^ Luke

vii.

13,

viii.

52.

THE REVELATION OF

St.

JOHN

[V. 5-6.

I8ou eyiKTjcrei/. The ioov serves to introduce vividly the scene represented in the next verse. eViV^crei/ is to be taken here, as It states that once always in the LXX and the N.T., absolutely. and for all Christ has conquered cf. iii. 21, eVuayo-a, and the object of this conquest was to empower Him to open the book of destiny and carry the history of the world throughout its final stages. Thus the di/ot<u is to be taken as an infinitive of The victory has been won through His death and purpose. resurrection. The Victor is designated as 6 AeW 6 e/c rfjs <vAr)s
:
o>s

Kayo>

lovoa in
dvaTrecrwv

dependence on Gen. xlix. and as eKoijjurjOrjs us A.eaii

,

9, O-KU/XVOS
rj

AeWros lovSa
in
(W.3K))

pta Aauei S
and
xi.

dependence
lea-am, KOL

On

Isa. XI.

I,

e^eXevo-crat pa/?Sos

e/c

T^S /HI?S

av6o<s

K rfjs pi&js (VBHEfo) avaftrjo-eTcu,

IO, KOL eo-rat ev rrj

first

rj^pa

Kwy

fj

pta

(&"W)

rov

lecrorcu.

The

passage was

interpreted Messianically in the ist cent. B.C., as we see from the Test. Judah xxiv. 5, and the second in Rom. xv. 12. Since Isa. xi. 4, "He shall smite the earth with the rod of his mouth," is applied to the Messiah in Pss. Sol. xvii. 39, we may conclude that Isa. xi. i-io was interpreted Messianically in preChristian times. In xxii. 16 of our text the author returns to these designations of the Messiah ei/U ^ pia KOL TO yevos Aavet 8.
:
eyo>

6.
jjiecrw

KCU

et8oi>

e^ fxeaw TOU Qpovou

p(>i>

K.OI
a>s

TWI>

rccro-dpwj

wwy Kal

e^

TWI^ Trpea|3uTe

apviov
.
. .

l<rrt]Ko<s

eo-^ayjAeVov.

The

position

of the Lamb, in the scene depicted, depends on the rendering eV /xeo-w. i. The text may mean assigned to ev ^eVo) between the throne and the four Living Creatures (on the one In this case the Greek side) and the Elders (on the other)." would be Hebraistic = pi pa. The constantly translate in this way the Hebrew preposition literally, and not idiomatically, On this view the as in Gen. i. 4, 7, 18, iii. 15, ix. 16, 17, etc. Lamb would stand somewhere between the inner concentric circle of the Living Creatures and the outer concentric circle 2. Or the two phrases eV /xeo-w may of the twenty-four Elders. be parallel and emphasize the fact that the Lamb stood in the In favour of the latter centre of all the beings above named. view may be cited vii. 17, TO apviov TO ova yuecrov TOV Opovov. If this view is correct it would imply that the Lamb is stand But v. 7, ing in immediate closeness to the throne. Accordingly the text seems rjX.Ov KCU tXr/0i/, is against this. to teach that the Lamb, when first seen by the Seer, appeared in the space between the circles of the Living Creatures and the
"

LXX

K<U

twenty-four Elders.

The term
Apocalypse

apviov as applied to our Lord is peculiar to the elsewhere in the N.T. it is d/xi/o? that is used John
:

V.
i.

6.]

VISION OF
36;
i

THE LAMB
viii.

14!
last

29,

Pet.

i.

19; Acts
liii.

32.

This
e?rt

passage

is

quotation from

Isa.

7?

<*>s

irpofiarov

dynvos Ivavriov TOV KfCporros avTov dc/xoros.

o-^ayyjv r/x^ 7? K0t That this passage

^
was
eyo>

interpreted of Christ by the first Christians is shown by Acts The prophet applies it to himself in Jer. xi. 19, viii. 34sqq. The St w? apviov O.KO.KOV dyo/xevov TOV OvecrOai ov/c eyvoov KT\.

word is used twenty-nine times in twelve chapters of the Apoca Vischer (38-46) lypse as a designation of the crucified Messiah. has tried to show that apviov is an interpolation in the present passage as well as throughout the rest of the Apocalypse, but So far, however, is Vischer unsuccessfully save perhaps in xiii. 8. from being right as to the present passage, that with J. Weiss of the Book and the Lamb are to be (p. 57) the conceptions lo-^ay^vov, i.e. as regarded as "the kernel of the Vision." though slain in sacrifice and still retaining the appearance of These wounds are tokens that death wounds on its body.
d>s

the sacrifice has been offered.

eV</>ay/x,eVov,

The Lamb

because in very truth

8.

He
of

is

is represented ws not dead but alive

:

cf.

i.

1 8, ii.

exw^ Kcpara
the
i

eirrd.

The horn
xxiii.

first

all

O.T.

Cf.

Num.
;

Kings
;

xxii.

22; Deut.
i.

xxxiii.

symbolizes power in 17; i Sam. ii. i;

Ps. Ixxv. 4, Ixxxix. 17, etc.

xiii.

Next

it

marks kingly

"i

cxlviii. 14; Zech. dignity, Ps. cxii. 9,

3 sqq.

Apoc.

xii. 3,

i,

ii, xvii.
"

18; Dan. viiT~y, 20, viii. In i Enoch xc. 9 the 3.

"

And I saw till Maccabees are symbolized by "horned lambs and in Test. Joseph xix. 8 sq., horns grew upon those lambs one of this family is designed under the term d/Ws, which While the idea underlying apviov destroys the enemies of Israel. o)s eo-^ay/xeVov is clearly derived from Isa. liii. 7, it is very
"

probable that the conception underlying e^wv Kepara iirra is It is probable also that it is sprung from apocalyptic tradition. the Jewish Messiah that is designated d/xvds in the above passage of the Test. Joseph ; and such is certainly the case in i Enoch xc. 37, "And I saw that a white bull was born with large horns." "The Lamb," then, "with the seven horns" is the all-powerful seven is used) warrior and king. (observe the perfect number Cf. Matt, xxviii. 18 ; John xvii. i, 2. Over against the Christ so represented we have His counterpart in the Beast with the seven heads in xiii. i.
"
"

KCU

6<j>0a\p,ous

eirrd, 01 eionv TO, [cirra] ir^eufiara

TOV 6eou

direorT-

Omniscience appears to be here aXfx^oi eis nrdoray ri]v yr\v. attributed to the Lamb. The possession of the seven eyes has for these belong to Yahweh in the O.T. this import cf. Zech.
:
:

iv.
eTTt,

IO, eTTTO. OVTOI

Traa-av
rrjv

6(f>OaXfJLoi

LO~iV

Kvpiov ot eTTi/S/VeVovres (D^ppi^ D)

ot
eto-iv
. . .

yrjv.

The

clause

yfjv

rejected by Weyla^d, Spitta (p. 67), Volter,

iv.

p. 12,

has been Wellhausen

142
(p. 9)

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[V. 6.

make

Its removal would as an explanatory addition. certainly the interpretation of the text easier. But there is no
:

objection to this clause as coming from our author s hand cf. iii. i. In iv. 5, on the other hand, we found that alike the verse structure of iv. 1-8 and the order of the words were against the originality b of iv. 5 (?), but not against its insertion, when he edited his visions as a whole. Furthermore, since aTreo-raX/x-eVoi or aTrea-raX./jitva seems to be a very loose but independent translation of Q^DI^D (LXX, eTrt^AeTrovTe?), and since we have already found that our author does not depend for his knowledge of the Hebrew on the LXX, this forms a presumption in favour of his

Accordingly recognizing its origin authorship of this clause. This, we fear, ality, we should next determine the true text. cannot be done with any certainty. The authorities are divided between aTrccrraX/zeVoi, aTrecrraX/xeva, and o,7ro(rreXXo/xej/a. This word could be used either of the eyes or of the spirits," and hence gives us no help, though the original passage in Zechariah is in favour of connecting the words and
"
"

"

6</>$aXjuW?

B. Weiss (p. 442) decides definitely for this view and accord On the other hand, the context is ingly reads aTreo-raX/xe i/oi. rather in favour of connecting Trvev/xaro, and the participle. In
aTrea-raX/xei/a.

read dTroo-reXXo/xej/a or necessity whatever for so doing. Such a construction as 7n/ev/u.ara aTreo-raX/xej/ot is quite a normal one in our author, however abnormal in itself. The seven eyes are here identified with the seven spirits of which the Lamb is Lord and Master, iii. i. The conception of spirits being sent forth as the agents of Divine Providence is easier of
this

case

Bousset thinks we should

But there

is

no

in Zech. iv. 10. the probable origin and meaning of the eyes and spirits in this connection, see note on p. 12 sq. It is quite impossible to conceive a figure embodying the characteristics of the Lion of the tribe of Judah, the Root of The David, and the seven-horned Lamb with seven eyes. Apocalypse deals with ideas, not with plastic conceptions. The terms used have become for the most part purely symbolical and They have been derived from various sources. metaphorical. Taken by themselves and separately, they are but one-sided and of the Messiah of our author. Without partial representatives fear of seeming contradiction he combines apparently in one any concrete whole these various conceptions, in order to embody Messiah of his faith and visions. If we confine ourselves fitly the to the ideas, and ignore the conflicting plastic manifestations, we The Lion of the tribe of Judah is the shall find no difficulty. one strong member par excellence of this tribe; the Root of

comprehension than that

On

"

"

V. 6-7.]
1

THE LAMB TAKES THE BOOK

of course, the plant springing from the root of Jesse
yei/os

143
(cf.

Jesse,
Isa.

is,

2; Deut. xxix. 18). Thus in xxii. 16 r] pia and TO

liii.

are practically
in tradition the

synonym

expected with these the further one, "the Lamb with seven horns and seven eyes," we have a being possessing full power and omniscience the supreme ruler under God descended from the tribe of Judah. Quite another idea underlies the phrase apviov ws eo-^ay/xevoi/. As in the former expressions supreme power and omniscience are

ous.

These two expressions designate

Messiah of the tribe of Judah.

When we combine

indicated, by this latter it is supreme self-surrender and selfBut there is no contradiction between the ideas, how sacrifice.
it may be with their symbols ; for this absolute self-sacrifice which has already been undergone, as our author indicates, has become the avenue to supreme power and omniscience. Such appears to have been the meaning attached to the con But some of the elements ception of the Lamb by our author. in the conception may possibly, as Gunkel (Zum Verstdndniss NT, 60 sqq.) and Bousset (259) point out, go back to an ancient heathen myth. One such element is the opening of the sealed Book. Magical books, magical rings, magical oaths and He who could formulas were everywhere current in the East. make himself master of such books or oaths 2 became to a great

ever

By virtue of his degree lord of the universe, and a new deity. magical power, however won, he has power to loose the seals of the book of destiny, to bring the old world to a close and enter on the sovereignty of the new, and thus be enthroned among the ancient deities, as Marduk in the Babylonian creation myth. Gunkel and Bousset assume the currency of some such heathen
myth which was subsequently adopted into Judaism and from Judaism into Christianity. However this may be, our author has no consciousness of the existence of this myth, even if in the above form it ever existed. Some elements of the picture, however, do appear to go back to a heathen original. CK T fjs 8eids TOU KaO^jxeVou ITU TOU 7. Kal ^XOej/ Kal In rjXBev /cat eiA^ev we have a Semiticism (cf. viii. 3) 0p6Vou. not found in the Fourth Gospel ; cf. viii. 3, xvii. i, xxi. 9. See Dalman s Words of Jesus, p. 21. But the rjXOev may not be a mere Semiticism, but may describe the actual advance of the Lamb from the place where He appeared between the Living Creatures and the Elders to the throne of God. Weiss, followed
et\T]<f>ei

same

In Jer. xix. 19 the expressions "lamb" and "tree" are applied to the subject, i.e. Jeremiah. 2 Compare the magical oath in I Enoch Ixix. 15 sqq., by virtue of which the heavens were made fast, the sea created, the earth founded on the Michael the waters, and all the planets and stars kept in their courses. greatest of all the angels and the patron of Israel had the charge of this oath v

144

THE REVELATION OF
"

ST.

JOHN

[V. 7-8.

by Bousset and Swete, takes the perfect eiAr/^ei/ as pointing to the permanent results of the action. Christ receives the revela tion of the secrets of the future as an abiding possession." On the other hand, Moulton (Gram. N.T. Greek, i. 145) and Blass (p. 200) regard etX^ei/ as a genuinely aoristic perfect, as well as the perfect in vii. 14, viii. 5, xix. 3, and probably in iii. 3, xi. 17, ii. 27. Other examples are found in 2 Cor. ii. 13, i. 9,
vii.

5; Rom.

v.

Mark

v.

15.

It is

characteristic of the

Apocalypse. 8-14. Adoration of the Lamb first by the Living Creatures and the Elders, 10 ; next, by the countless hosts of angels, 1 1-12 ; next, by all creation, 13; whereupon the Living Creatures say and the Elders fall down and worship, 14. "amen 8. Kal ore HXafJei TO |3ij3Xioi rA rcaae/aa wa KCU ot eiKocri
"

Teacrapes irpeajSurepoi eireo-ar ei/wmoi/ TOU apiaou. Spitta (p. 67) . removes tTrecrav d/ovi ov as a gloss, (i) because elsewhere not
.

the Living Creatures, but only the Elders fall down and worship. But this is not so in xix. 4, and there is no reason why the Cherubim in our author s view of them should not prostrate themselves. (2) As the Elders had harps and censers in their hands they could not fall down. But Hirscht (Apocalypse und ihre neueste Kritik, p. 47) adduces the Egyptian picture, in which Rameses ii. is represented as falling down before the sungod Amen-Ra, holding the offering in his left hand and a crozier and a whip in his right (Lepsius, Aegypt. Wandgemdlde d.

KonigL Museen^, 1882,

p.

26).

(3)

The

falling

down

of the

This prostration removes, as Elders first takes place in v. 14. Bousset points out, the difficulty alleged in (2). Besides, as Hirscht states, ii seems to presuppose that the Living Creatures are again standing, and the Elders are sitting on their thrones. (4) Through the addition of the verb the following participles
are brought unsuitably into relation with the Living Creatures. There is no more cogency in this objection than in the first. The Living Creatures, i.e. the Cherubim, were simply angels, and no longer bearers of the throne of God. As such there would be nothing strange, even if the Cherubim were conceived as But the latter belong holding harps and censers in their hands. On the other hand, J. Weiss (p. 55) exclusively to the Elders. would explain the clauses referring to the Elders as additions of

the final editor, as in iv. 4, v. 6, and would thus represent the But though Living Creatures as holding the harps and censers. iv. 4 appears to have been added by our author when re-editing an earlier vision, there seem to be no adequate grounds for the view of Weiss with regard to the other passages.
[at
IXOI TCS IKCWJTOS KiOdpay Kal etaiK al irpoaeuxai TWK dyiwf].
<f>idXas

xP U(r

<*S

yejj.ou<ras

Gup.iajj.aTOJi

The words

e^ovrcs l/caerros

V.

8.]

WORSHIP OF THE LAMB

refer

145
far

grammar

the taken But the office of the Cf. CXCDI/ in iv. 7. Kara Cherubim is not of a priestly nature, as we have already seen above, whereas that of the Elders is (see note). They have harps (cf. xiv. 2, xv. 2) and censers in their hands, and the

appear to

only

to

the Elders,

goes, the

e^ovTes

though, so could refer to the TO.

as

u>a

o-w<ru>.

theme of their hymn is the self-sacrifice of the Lamb, by the which He has won the salvation of His people chosen from every The at refers to tfv/zia/zaVujv and not to race and tongue. The Its gender is to be explained by attraction from Trpoo-ev^ai. prayers of the saints^ are symbolized by the incense Ps. cxl. 2,
<taA.as.
:

KaTCvOvvOiqTw rj icpovwffl JAOV are those dedicated to God,

xi.
1

d>s

flu/zta/xa
i.e.

CVCOTTIOV

<rov.

The
for so

aytoi

the Christians; latter are frequently designated in the Apocalypse

:

the
4,

cf. viii. 3,

8,

xiii.

7, 10, xiv.

12, xvi. 6, xviii. 20, xx. 9.

Spitta (p. 67)

and Volter (iv., p. 13) bracketed the clause at ... dytW as an explanatory gloss, and a wrong one to boot; for the At most they can incense and the prayers are not identical. be compared to incense. The gloss is due to a spiritualizing
of the idea in
viii. 3,

This is of heaven. to the Apocalypse.

our Book
is

no doubt a

to the effect that prayer is the true incense true idea, but it does not belong

The true relation of prayer and incense in given in viii. 3. The office of presenting the prayers of the faithful before God, which the gloss attributes to the Elders, is assigned to Michael in Origen, De Prin. i. 8. i, and to the guardian angels in the In 3 Bar. xi., Michael descends to the Apoc. Pauli, 7-10. fifth heaven to receive the prayers of mankind. According to the Apoc. Pauli, 7-10, the doors of heaven were opened at a definite hour to receive these prayers. Judaism is the source of these views, as we see by going back to an earlier work, the Test. Levi iii. 5-6, where it is said that in the highest heaven the archangels, of whom Michael is the chief, minister and make propitiation to the Lord for all the sins of the righteous, Offering to the Lord ... a reasonable and a bloodless Next, in iii. 7, in the fifth heaven, is the order of offering." angels who present the prayers of the faithful to the archangels, who in turn lay them before God. (See my edition with notes
"

Cf. Tob. xii. i?, 15. Thus in our text (except in 3-5) the four and twenty Elders have definitely taken the part assigned in many circles of Judaism to the Archangels, if the gloss is a valid interpretation of the text. They present before God the prayers of the saints, which they have probably received from a lower order of angels. It is a priestly function, as that of the Archangels in Test. Levi iii. 5-7 Origen, De Orat. 1 1 on Tobit. In the O.T. and later Judaism, as I have

in

loc.)

viii.

VOL.

i.

10

146

THE REVELATION OF
in

ST.

JOHN

[V. 8-9.

shown

notes on Test. Levi iii. 5, the angels acted as mankind. Bat in the face of viii. 3-5 the role of the Elders can hardly be that of presenting the prayers of

my

intercessors for

the faithful, to God.

They

but their chief function is the praise of who has redeemed humanity.
9.
Kttl

exercise priestly functions, it God and of the

is true,

Lamb,

This Song is sung wS^y K.aivr]v XeyovreS the Elders, who play on their harps to the accompaniment of their song. "Heaven is revealed to earth as The the homeland of music (C. Rossetti). Kauvf) (ssnn was originally a song of praise inspired by gratitude for new As such it occurs six times in the Psalter: xxxii. mercies.
aSoucriy

exclusively by

"

w8>)

"Vt^)

(xxxiii.)

3,

xxxix.
i.

(xl.)

4,

xcv. (xcvi.)
xlii.

i,

xcvii. (xcviii.)
"

i,

cxliii.

10 the phrase has a fuller new things in content, corresponding to the deeper sense of The one cycle of events is fulfilled, the other is about xlii. 9. However great the glories of things of old time, they to begin. To this shall be dimmed by the splendour of things to come. new cycle the new song belongs. Suddenly in our text the old God-appointed Jewish dispensation, with its animal sacrifices and racial exclusiveness, is brought to a close, and the new Christian dispensation is initiated, as the "new song" declares, by the selfsacrifice made once and for all (eVc/xxy^s) by the Lamb, and the universal Church thereby established and drawn from every people and nation and language. The continuous song (aSouo-iv) is the note of continuous thankfulness and joy. The Katvorr/s the newness in character, purity, and perma nence of the New Kingdom is a favourite theme in the Apoca for from the beginning of and throughout lypse, and rightly apocalyptic literature there had been a promise of a new world and a new life. Although in earlier times the expected world may have been in most respects merely a glorified repeti tion of the world that then was, in later times the expectation became transformed and a world was looked for that was new, And not as regards time (veos), but as regards quality (/catvos). so our Apocalypse, as closing the long development of Apoca The Seer lyptic in the past, dwells naturally on this theme. beholds in a vision the ovpavov KO.LVOV KOL yrjv Kauvyv and the the new universe created by God, who in the Itpova-aXrjfji Katvrjv
(cxliv.) 9, cxlix.

But

in Isa.

"

Each vision declares tSou Katva TTOIW Trai/ra, xxi. 5, 2 (cf. iii. 12). citizen, moreover, of this New Kingdom is to bear a new name ii. 17, iii. 12, and in praise of this kingdom the OVO/JLO. /catvov,
Elders
3,
sins: the new song wS^v Katvrji/, and likewise the angels, xiv. and the blessed company of the martyrs before the throne, xv. 2.

Kal

di>oiai

ras a^payiSas aurou,

V.

9.]

BY THE CHERUBIM AND ELDERS

on
CK

10.

*al TJyopaaas TW 6ew iv TW aifxart aou Kal Xaou Kal eO^ous, Kal Kal eiroirjaas aurous TW 6ew TQJJLWI/ j3aorXeiai> Kal lepels Kal {SaaiXeuouaiy eirl rfjs
eo-<f>dyir)9

Trdcnrjs

4>uXf)s

y\<jL>aar\<s

o-<>d<r0ai

Christ in this
u>s

vi.

as Swete points out, used to describe the death of (6, 9, 12, xiii. 8) in dependence on Isa. liii. 7, ^ tne death of the martyrs in irpofiaTov 7rt cr(f>ayr)v rjx^j dyopdav expresses the idea of salvation as one 9, xviii. 24.
is,

Book

an<

Christ has bought the faithful for God by the of purchase. The power or sphere of His blood (cf. i Pet. i. 19). shedding from which the purchase sets free is not mentioned here. In a gloss) xiv. 4 its evils, and in (xiv. 3 it is from the earth and from wicked men that they are withdrawn through the purchase.
is a Pauline word, i Cor. vi. 20, vii. 23 ; 2 Pet. ii. i. B. Weiss (p. 443) holds that the word points back to i. 5, so far as the loosing of the bands of sin makes this possible, in order that the redeemed may become ayioi. Bousset is of opinion that the word suggests release from a
dyopdeu>

In later ages many Christian theologians held hostile power. that Christ purchased His disciples from the devil by His death. Here as in i. 5 ev = the Hebrew H, denoting Iv TW curort aou.
"

at the cost of Thy blood." price : This expression does not attribute the KT\. CK Trcurrjs same universal scope to the redemptive power of Christ s death
<f>u\T]s

as I

John

<J>U\T)S

occur,
xiv. 6.

o\ov TOV KOCT/AOV. ii. 2, auros Tre.pl tAaoyxos ecrnv These four words Kal Y^WCTOTQS Kal Xaou Kal eGi/ous. but in different order, in v. 9, vii. 9, xi. 9, xiii. 7,
. . .

In no two instances is the order the same. They recur twice more, but not only in a different order but with ^ao-iAcvo-iv in x. ii, and o^Xot instead of in xvii. 15. instead of But this last occurs in a gloss. There is a similar enumeration in 4 Ezra iii. 7, Gentes et tribus, populi et cognationes ( = IQvt] Nowthe source of all these is Kal Xaol Kal cruyyeVeiai (?)). ultimately the Book of Daniel, iii. 4, 7, 29, v. 19, vi. 25, vii. 14, whether it be the Massoretic, Theodotion, or the LXX. In the it is found also in iii. 31, but it is to be printed texts of the
<J>vXal<s

<^>vXat

"

"

<f>v\ai,

LXX

observed here that iii. 31-32 were borrowed by Origen from Theodotion. Now, since the Massoretic has in all the above
passages
KJ3B^1
it

N*?3X

NJ9PV

which in every case consist of four members #1/17, cannot be derived from On the other hand, either the Massoretic text or Theodotion. the LXX has ZQvos or Wvrj always as one member of the enumer ations, and in iii. 4 there are four members in the enumeration

yXwcrcrai, tions in our text,

will

become

clear as

and Theodotion Xaot, we proceed that the enumera

<f>v\ai,

and one of these members Wvos or

148

THE REVELATION OF
,

ST.

JOHN

[V. 9-11.

Xaot /ecu yAaicrcrai. In the remaining four passages iii. 2, 7, 29, vi. 25, only three are mentioned in the KOL yAwcrorat (in various cases), first three of these Wvv\ KOI
:
<f>v\al

K. Here we observe yAcocrtrats /cat ^copais. found in all the passages in the Apocalypse and in Theodotion, it is found only once in the LXX (iii. 4). Thus this list is more nearly related to the LXX than to the Massoretic and Theodotion, but diverges also from the former. Hence our text presupposes either the existence of a translation differing both from the LXX and Theodotion though more akin to the former, or the independent use of an older Aramaic text of Daniel than that preserved in the Canon.

and

in

vi.

25, Wveari
is

that,

whereas Xaos

10. pootXcior Kul Upels

KOL Upets see note

KT\.

On

the expression ySao-tXeiW

/Sao-iAevouo-tv,

on

i.

6.

The

present

which

is

It resumes the the harder reading, is also the right reading. In the vision the Seer sees idea in /ScunAcia and explains it. Thus the expression is proleptic^ the saints already reigning. and refers primarily to the Millennial Kingdom in xx. Or ftao-iXtvovcriv may, like oruKr/UjScrtu in ii. 27, be a Hebraism for Others explain it as preserving its natural sense pao-iXcva-ovo-iv. on the ground that the Church even then was reigning on earth, and that all things were being put under her feet as under those i Cor. xv. Not the Caesars, of her Lord: cf. Eph. ii. 6 25. but the persecuted Christians are the true kings of the earth. But this sovereignty is not referred to here it is only potential and is not realized till xx. 4.
; :

11.

KCt!

etSoy

KCU

-qKOLKTO,

(JXOCT]!

OyyfXtoV
-

TToXXfij

KUfcXb)

TOU

Opofou [KCU Twy ^wwy KCU rdv Trpea|3uTep<oi/], ica! r\v 6 dpidfxos auTwv i ^ l(*^ S X l ^ lt^ wi/ The /cat eiSov intro (jLupidBes jmupiaBojy KCU x duces a new feature in the vision see note on iv. i. Round about the two smaller concentric circles of the highest angels, the Seer sees and hears innumerable angelic hosts acclaiming the Lamb with one voice. K. ran/ Trpeo-^repwt/ as a I have bracketed KOI TWV gloss.
:
o>on/

Their special thanksgiving has already been recorded in 9-10 that of the countless hosts of the angels comes in 12 ; then the
:

Further, when the various orders thanksgiving of all creation. of heavenly beings are mentioned, they are given in the follow ing order Living Creatures, Elders, angels ; or angels, Elders, Living Creatures, according as the Seer s description proceeds from the throne outwards, or vice versa. See note on iv. 4. The order of the words ^vpiaSes xiAiaSes is surprising, and as an addition. Bousset therefore brackets /xvpiaSes /Avpia&m/ They are omitted by the Vulgate and Primasius. The com bination is already found, but in its natural order, in i Enoch xl. I, Ix. I, Ixxi. 8 = ^iXta8e? xiAiaScov Ka fivpiaSes ^ivptaSwv, and
:

K<U

V. 11-13.]

BY THE ANGELS

AND ALL CREATION

mind of our
Dan.
vii.

149

these passages
intervene
:

may have been

is

in the
in

author.

The

same combination
Trapio-T^Keto-av i Enoch xiv.

found also

10,

though verbs
^xvptaSes
cf.

^tXtat ^tXiaSe?

eAemwpyow

aura)

/cat

/xvpiat

avrw

(Theodotion).

For

partial

parallels,

22; Ps. Ixvii. (Ixviii.) 18 (/x^/atoTrXao-iov, giXtaScs fvOyvovvTw), Deut. xxxii. 30; Gen. xxiv. 60, and our text, ix. 16.
12.

aios
Kal

Ifrriv TO apviov TO eo-^ayjULeVoy Xapeiy Tr^ Suvajui Kal irXouToy Kal orocjuai/ Kal
lo~xui>

TijxrjK

Kal So^ay Kal euXoyiay.

The doxology

is uttered either in recognition of the power already possessed by the Lamb, or on its immediately impending assumption by Him. The fact of this assumption is subse

quently referred to

in

xi.

17,

eiXycfras

TTJV

Svvafiiv

*ai

four in

only three predicates over against Next, whereas in 12, vii. 12. iv. n, vii. 12 the article precedes each number of the ascrip tion, here one article includes them all, as though they formed one word. Again, the seven members of the ascription in our text recur in vii. 12, though in a different order, except that for The latter TrXovros in v. 12 we find euxapio-ri a in vii. 12. doxology, moreover, is addressed to God, as also those in iv. 9,

In

iv.

9,

there are

v.

13,

and seven

in v.

ii. The septenary number may indicate completeness. Two heptads of such titles of honour are found as early as i Chron. xxix. n, 12, though each member does not always consist of a single word, but in xxix. of a clause in two instances, and in three in xxix. 1 2. In the latter verse four of the members are 8oa . . the same as those in our text, TrXovro? lo-^vs These are not the Swa/us (mua ... H3 ... TOD "W). renderings of the LXX. If our author made any use of i Chron. xxix. n, 12 here, he did not use the LXX version of it. Bousset points out that the seven members of the ascription

fall

the four deal with the into two divisions of four and three power and wisdom that the Lamb assumes ; the three with the In this way recognition of the Lamb on the part of mankind. he accounts for the different order in v. 12 and vii. 12. Spitta
:

(285) thinks that the different order in the attributes in iv. n, 12, vii. 12 is due to the wish of the writer to bring out more fully the contrast between TO apviov TO eo-<ay/x/ov and the attributes Swa//,is, TrAotrros, o-oqua, lo-^vs. Thereupon follow the So ^a, rifjirj, evAoyia, which in the doxologies addressed to God, however, are at the beginning.
v.

13. Kal

TTO.V

KTiafAa o Iv
TTJS yr]S

TW oupayw Kal
Kal iv
rfj

eirl

rfjs

yH5

Kal

iJTroK<XTa>

daXaVar]

Kal Ta fv auTois Trarra, ^Kouaa Xeyorras.

50

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[V. 13.

circle of the worshippers is extended, and on the doxologies and thanksgivings of the Cherubim and Elders, and the innumerable hosts of angels, follows the great finale pro

Again the

in 3 had given the usual threefold division of creation, now gives a fourfold one. Since the inhabit ants of heaven have already been fully (?) enumerated, we should expect the mention of those in the air (ei/ ovpavw), on the earth,
r<3

nounced by all creation. Here the writer, who

7-8) ; and this is actually the text of x, some cursives, and two Versions, which omit vTro/caro) TT}S 7^5. But the textual evidence strongly supports this clause, which is, therefore, to be interpreted of the inhabitants of Hades, as it cannot well admit of any other meaning. That the inhabitants of Hades join in the doxology, shows the vast progress that theology has made from O.T. times, when no praise of God was conceived of as possible in Sheol Ps. vi. 5, xxx. 9, Ixxxviii. 10-12; Isa. xxxviii. 18. This being the meaning of this clause, what meaning are we to attach to o ov/oai/w? (a) If we follow the interpretation suggested above, we have the birds of the air, the men and the animals on the earth, the souls in Hades, and This is a very unsatisfactory list. Other the fish of the sea.

and

in the sea (cf. Ps.

viii.

TO>

explanations of o lv oupai/w have accordingly been offered. (b) Thus Corn, a Lap. has suggested that it refers to the sun, moon, and stars. This is quite possible, since we know that the Jews attributed a conscious existence to these luminaries,
TO>

i Enoch xviii. 13 sqq., and according to 2 Enoch xi. they belong to the fourth heaven, (c) Or the clause may be taken as referring

to all the inhabitants of

heaven except the Cherubim and the

Elders, who pronounce the amen on this doxology. (d) Or, finally, the clause is to be taken resumptively as including all that went In favour of this view it may be observed that at the before. close of the enumeration in 13 we have another resumptive clause embracing exhaustively all the creation of God (KCU TO, i/ avrois

Thus the universe of created things, the inhabitants of heaven, earth, sea, and Hades, join in the grand finale of praise that rose to the throne of God. Yet 14 might seem, but not necessarily, to exclude from these the Cherubim and the Elders. For a parallel resumptive expression cf. Mark xv. i, ol TrptcrftvTepwv KOL ypafji/LLarfotv KO.L oXov TO dpYfepets fJLTa
Travra).
TU>V

<rvvc8piov.

The
;

phrase

TO,

iv avroi? Travra

is

already found in
ri,

Ex. xx.
ev

1 1

Ps. cxlv. (cxlvi.) 6.

TTJ OaXdo-cTY).

So N and various Versions.

cum gen. impos

sible here.

TW
r\

TW dpvi w Ka0T]fxeVo) eirl TU Oporw ical euXoyta KCU r\ TIJJ.T] ica! f\ 86a Kal TO Kparos ets TOUS euwkas T&V

V. 13-14.]

THE AMEN OF THE CHERUBIM

6po^a>

151

Kal TW dp into. TW Ka9t][xeVa> em (see note On iv. 2) TW This conjunction of God and the Lamb, which recurs in vii. 10, The throne of attests the advanced Christology of our author. Both is one and the same, xxii. i, 3, iii. 21, and the worship
cf. vii. 12. also one and the same we have the climax of chaps, iv. and v. Chap, iv. relates to God, and v. 1-12 to the Lamb; v. 13-14 to the conjoined glory of God and the Lamb. The two doxologies offered respectively by the Cherubim (iv. 9) and the Elders (iv. n)

offered to

Each

is

In this verse

dwell on the holiness, almightiness, and everlastingness of God, and the manifestation of His glory in creation. The first two doxologies in v. which are offered by the Cherubim or Living Creatures and the Elders (v. 9-10), and by the innumerable hosts of angels (v. 12), dwell on the redemption of the world by the Lamb, and pronounce Him as worthy to rule it and to receive the sevenfold attributes of God (cf. vii. 12). And now the climax of the world s adoration has come, and the worship offered to God in iv., and that to the Lamb in v. 1-12, are united in one great closing doxology, in which all created things throughout the entire universe acclaim together God and the Lamb, with praise and honour and glory and power for ever and ever. The doxology has four members, consisting of the last three attri butes in the doxology in 12 together with one which is elsewhere found only in the doxology in i. 6. 14. Kal T& reVaepa wa e Xeyoj Apji It is fitting that the Cherubim, the highest order of angels, should close the doxology of all creation with the solemn d/xrjv of confirmation, as at the Both beginning, iv. 8, they had pronounced the first doxology. Cherubim and Elders join in this d/^rji/ in xix. 4. Cf. Deut.
.

xxvii.

15 sqq.
is

used in the Apocalypse in probably four senses. in which the words of a previous speaker are referred to and adopted as one s own v. 14, vii. 12, xix. 4, xxii. 20. The earliest instances of this use are found in i Kings i. 36 ; Jer. xxviii. 6, xi. 5. ii. "The detached Amen, the complementary sentence being suppressed (Deut. xxvii. 15-26; Neb. v. 13)." Such may be the use in v. 14 of our text. This amen was used liturgically, in the time of the Chronicler, i Chron. xvi. 36 = Ps. cvi. 48 though not in the Temple service, when the response was different, but in the services of the synagogue (Schiirer, GJ. V. n. ii. 453-454, 458), whence the custom passed over to the Christian Church (cf. i Cor. xiv. 16). This usage is vouched for by Justin
i.

Amen

The

initial

amen

Martyr, Afol.

i.

65, 6 Trapwi/ Xaos eTreu^/xet Xeycov

A/x,7?j/,

and

later

by Jerome, iii. The final amen with no change of speaker, i. This use is frequent from the N.T. onwards, but not found 6, 7. in the O.T, save in the subscriptions to the four divisions of the

152
Psalter,
14.
xli.

THE REVELATION OF
For other uses of

ST.

JOHN

[V. 14.

note on iii. Encyc. Bib. i. 136 sq., by Professor Hogg, which I have drawn upon for the above notes ; and that in Hastings D.B. JEN is rendered in the
iv. See 14, Ixxii. 18, Ixxxix. 52, cvi. 48. this word see the article in

LXX by yeVotro in the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalter, but by d/ATp in the Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Apocrypha. (See note on vac, d/x,?jv, in i. 7.) With the doxology in i3 bc and the succeeding amen we should compare I Chron. xvi. 36, e^Aoy^/xej/os Kvpios o Oeos IcrparyA. oVo rov
ataVos
/cat TOV aicovos, /cat epet doxologies in the Psalter were in
ea>s

Tras 6

A.aos

the

mind

That the Afjirjv. of our writer will

become

clearer

when we come

to xix. 4.
"

the whole passage is highly suggestive of the devotional attitude of the Asiatic Church in the time of Domitian towards the person of Christ. It confirms Pliny s report: (Christianos) carmen Christo quasi deo dicere This was already remarked by Volter, Das secum invicem. Problem d. Apok. p. 512, "Wenn Plinius an Trajan schreibt. dass die Christen am Tag ihrer Zusammenkiinfte gewohnt seien, carmen Christo quasi Deo dicere, so erinnert man sich dabei der Lobpreisung des Lammes in Apok. v. 13." Here the Elders prostrate themselves before God and the Lamb, as in iv. 10 they had done before God.
loc.,
"

Swete well remarks in

APPENDIX.
Writers have dealt very variously with this chapter. Vischer, 54 sqq., Schmidt, 35, are obliged from their standpoint of an original Jewish Apocalypse to reject v. 9-14, since the glorification of the Lamb and His redemption of the Gentiles cannot appear The former rejects also the words apviov in such an Apocalypse. in v. 6 and apviov in v. 8. Weyland, 148 sqq., ... 0)5 from the same standpoint goes farther and assigns v. 6-14 to the Christian redactor, and X. (in Z.A.T. W., 1887, No. i) is still more drastic and regards v. 2 b, 3-6, 8-14 as derived from a Christian redactor. Rauch, 79 sq., 121 sq., is content with b 10, the explanatory relative sentences in v. 6, 8, excising v. 9 and the phrase /cat TW apviu in v. 13. Even critics who start from the basis of a Christian Apoca So Volter 2, i. 156, ii. 27 sq., iii. lypse remove v. 11-14. 84-86, iv. 13 sq., 27, mainly on the grounds that the chron ology is expressed only in general terms and takes no account of the Lamb taking the Book and opening the seals, and that He is set on equality with God. This addition he variously In iv. 145 he assigns to a reviser of the year 129 or 114. b finds additions made by a redactor of Trajan s time, in v. 6
eo-<f>ayfjicvov
,

VI.

1-2.]

THE FIRST

SIX SEALS
b

153

because of the exalted view of the Lamb, and in v. 9 because of the contradiction existing between this universalistic conception and vii. 1-8, and in v. io b where the final clause is added on the
basis of xx. 4, xxii. 5. Erbes, 50, 102, regards v. 11-14 as an intrusion in their present context, and thinks that it stood
Spitta, 280-287, maintains the integrity of the chapter on the whole, but excises as additions of a redactor the relative clauses in v. 6, 8, the final clause of v. 10, and i&ov . avrov in v. 5, and eTrecrov . . apviov in v. 8. But no valid grounds exist for any such mutilations of the text of this chapter or the preceding one, seeing that the ideas are so

originally after xv. 2-4.

wrought together and elaborated in a growing crescendo closing note on v. 13), and that the diction and idiom are so To the intrusion of distinctively characteristic of our author.
closely
(cf.

certain glosses in iv.-v.

we have

already drawn attention.

CHAPTER
The first six Seals

VI.

preliminary signs of the End.

i. Subject of this Section. This section gives an account of the six Seals, which in the Gospels and in contemporary and earlier Judaism were the Messianic woes or signs of the im mediate destruction of the present world. The world in all its phases subserves a moral end the training and disciplining of the children of God. When this end is attained, i.e. when the number of God s children is complete, 9-11, the present order of

things will be destroyed. The approach of this

consummation will be heralded by the breaking up of political and social order, 1-8, and the partial destruction of the present cosmic order, vi. 12-17, w ^l follow. Our author thought that the time of the end was at hand ; for he expected a universal persecution and a universal martyrdom. But that hour had not yet come; for the roll of the martyrs was still incomplete. Accordingly the cosmic woes in vi. 12vii. 3 are still future, and even when fulfilled, are partial and not universal. 1 History has still some time to run, and the happen ings of that time are mainly the theme of the rest of the book. 2. The entire Indechapter is from our author s hand.
In the Gospels, Mark xiii., Matt, xxiv., Luke xxi., and analogous de scriptions of the last times, these woes are to be literally and fully realized, and so to be taken as the immediate heralds of the final judgment ; but in our author s hands they have ceased to be the immediate heralds of the end, and are to be realized nly partially.
1

154

THE REVELATION OF
it

ST.

JOHN

[VI.

2-3.

pendently of the fact that

the diction
(a).

forms an organic part of his work,

his.

and idiom are obviously

Diction.
:

1. Kal elSoy, Seep. 106. r\voiev passim. TO dp^tor used twenty-seven times in our author, but not elsewhere in the N.T. of Christ see p. 106. 2. Kal etSoK Kal i&ou : also in 5, 8 cf. ix. 3, 8. OdVaTos = Xoifjios, as in ii. 23. cSodrj aurois e|ouaia
:
:

xiii.

5, 7,

ii.

26.
:

9. TWK

cf.

v.

ecr4>aY|j,eVwi>

6,

9, 12,
T.

xiii.
:

8,
i.

xviii.
2,

24.

Only
xii.

once
xx. 4. 6

in rest of

N.T.

8i&
:

T.

X6yoi>

0eoG

cf.

note, 9,

n,

8ia

T. [xap-rupiai/
<j>aH

cf.

i.
:

2,

note.
17, etc. CK . .

ayi<>9

cf. vii. 2, 10, x. 3, xix. 10. eKpaay fj jxeydXY] cf. iii. 7, note. Kal dXrjOii os Kpiyei9 K. eicSiKeLS
2.

cf. xix.

11. xx. 3.
cf.
ii.

eppe Or] aurois Iva,

ol

owSouXot aurwK

27, iii. 21. 13. lireo-ay els

Not

cf. \povov piKpov 69 Kal auroi in other Johannine books of N.T.

:
:

cum fut
:

cf. ix. 4.

cf.

(xix.

10) xxii. 9.

T. yfJK

cf. ix.
IK.

I.

14. iray opos Kal where the same idea

15. ot
|3cxcriX.eis
.

VTJCTOS

r.

roiruv

lK.wr\Qi]<Ta.v

cf.

xvi.

20,

and

in fact the
cf.

same words

recur.

T. yr)s

xix. 18, 19, xxi. 24.

paaiXeis

XiXiapxoi
in xix.
1 8.
f\

urxupol
jULcydXY]

SouXos Kal eXeu Sepos.

(i.e.

These recur

16.

fipcpa.

fi

of judgment).
ii.

and not elsewhere

quotation from Joel. (b) Idiom.
1.
JJLUU>
&>s

in

N.T. save in Acts

Recurs in xvi. 14, 20, where it is a

IK

cf.

tvos

a Hebraism for ws fywY] 2. 6 KaG^fAeyos eir auroi/

:

K in next clause: frequent in our author. See note in loc. (j>wfj.

cf. 5
:

also 16, rov KaOrji^evov

is

Opovov.
avT<3
;

In 4
see p.

ru>

Ka0r)fjicviit

CTT

fauroi/f, the avrov

rov corrupt for

7rt

1 1 2 sq.
"

= another, a red horse." This classical Truppos idiom recurs in xiv. 8, 9, and John xiv. 16 (yet see Abbott, Gram. p. 612 sq.) may be interpreted in the same way. Other wise it is not found in the N.T. crepos is used in this sense in
3.

aXXos

ITTTTOS

Luke

x. i, xxiii. 32.
.
.

cf. n. iva, cum inf., nine times in our author, fourteen in rest of N.T. See note on p 35 sq. 6. ws $u\ri\v. T TerdpTou w ou = the voice," etc. 7. (jwui cf. ii. 23. Outside our author only once 11. aurois cKaarw in N.T. the Seven Seals. A short inquiry as 3. Method of interpreting

4. Iva

o-<f>dou<ru

"

to the right

method

of interpreting the Seven Seals

is

necessary,

VI.

3.]

THE FIRST

SIX SEALS

55

since the bulk of interpretations proceed can take account only of the lines.

We

pretations, and then try to arrive at Our inquiry relates to the first historical and critical grounds. five seals, since the sixth is universally taken eschatologically.

on wholly arbitrary most notable inter one which is justifiable on

The methods may be

i.

given as follows

Contemporary Historical Method. Volter in all his four volumes, Erbes, 37 sqq., Holtzmann, and Swete seek to explain the first five seals by the Contemporary Historical Method. The first three seals reproduce, Erbes asserts, an ancient eschatological scheme, but correspond to events of the present, and in regard to the fourth and fifth Seals these writers find correspond The first Rider is the Parthian King ing historical events. Vologases, who in 62 A.D. forced a Roman army to capitulate. Erbes explains the second Rider by the great insurrection in Britain, 61 A.D., which led to the loss of 150,000 lives and by contemporary wars in Germany and troubles in Palestine ; the third Rider by a famine in 62 affecting Armenia and Palestine ; the the fifth by fourth by pestilences in Asia and Kpheaus r 61 A.D. Erbes has here, on the whole, gone on the Neronic persecution. the same lines as his predecessors. Volter, Holtzmann, and Swete take the first Rider to represent the Parthian empire, the second to represent Rome, the third they explain by the famine in Domitian s time (see note on 6). Though in his earlier editions Holtzmann seeks to explain the fourth figure as referring to the failure of the harvests in 44, the famines in Nero s time and the great pestilence throughout the Empire in 65 (Tac. Ann. xvi. 13 Suet. Nero, 39, 45), in the last he prefers to abandon the Contemporary Historical Method, though it is true he refers the fifth Seal to the Neronic persecution. This method proceeds mainly on the principle that the symbols used in the Seals are either devised or at all events arranged in their present order with a view to represent certain historical events. Now since, as we shall see later, the Apocalyptist has received from tradition both the materials of this vision and almost the very order in which they are cast, it will not be possible to acknowledge it as a free composition, as the Contemporary Historical Method would in the main require, and though a few clear references to historical events are to be found, we shall recognize these as reinterpretations of pre-existing materials, or as additions to a pre-existing eschatological scheme. ii. Contemporary- Historical and Symbolical with Traditional Elements. JBousset feels himself obliged to use these two methods in this interpretation of the Seals. The first Seal must, he holds, be interpreted by the Contemporary-Historical of the Parthian empire on two grounds (a) The meaning of the white
:

156

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VI.

3.

horse cannot be explained from stereotyped eschatological ideas. (b) The white horse is placed first in our text in contradistinction to the order in Zech. vi. The latter reason, already advanced by Spitta, 291, is not of much weight; for though the horses are mentioned three times in Zech. vi., they occur in a different order each time. The second and fourth Seals are explained sym bolically of war and pestilence, though, of course, individual features in the Riders are derived from tradition. In regard to the third Seal, Bousset accepts the Contemporary-Historical explanation, and interprets this Seal by Domitian s Edict in 92 (see note on 6 of my text). The fifth Seal is likewise interpreted by the same method Thus the first, third, and fifth are to be explained by (p. 274). this method. Spitta, 287 sqq., explains these three Seals by the same method, but arrives at very different results. The first Seal refers to Rome, the third to definite famines, and the fifth (p. 300) to the persecutions of the Christians by the Jews. Although Bousset s exegesis is, of course, good, it has in my opinion missed the key to the interpretation of the Seals as a whole, and therefore has a show of arbitrariness. iii. The Traditional-Historical. This method has been applied to the interpretation of the first four Seals by Gunkel

(Zum religionsgesch. Verst. d. N.T. 53sq.), who is of opinion that primitive Oriental materials lie behind this vision and help to The four horsemen, which in the explain some of its details. Apocalypse are conceived as plague spirits, must originally have had a wholly different significance. This, he holds, is quite clear in the case of the first victorious and crowned horseman, which has ever been a crux interpretum. These four horsemen were originally the four world gods, which ruled each over one of the four world periods, and are distantly related to the four beasts in Dan. vii., each of which represents a world empire. The first
horseman was
vi.

his horse is white (as in the white horse of the divine slayer of the dragon, xix. 1 1 ; the white horses of Mithras in the Avesta Cumont, Mysteres de Mithra, p. 3). He carries a bow (so vi. 2, e^wv TOOV) as the sun-god (Zimmern, K.A.T* 368, note 5): he wears a crown (so vi. 2, cS6@r) aurw (rre ^avos) as Mithras (Cumont,

originally a sun-god:
cf.

2, ITTTTOS Aev/cos:

op.

cit.

84; Dieterich, Mithrasliturgie, n,

vi.

victorious (so

2,

vi/co>v

KOL

u>a

vi/c^Vr?),

15), and is always and hence is called

The second horse dnK^Tos, "invictus" (Cumont, op. cit. 82). man is the god of war, and the third, originally the god of grain, thence is explained his is here transformed into a famine god the oil and wine. sparing Now, whilst the above theory is ingenious and offers some
:

attractive

explanations,

it

is

nevertheless

unsatisfactory

and

VI.

3.]

THE FIRST

SIX SEALS

157

For, first of all, how can the first of the four horsemen, who are said to have been originally world gods who preside over the four world periods, be afterwards described as
inconsistent.

Gunkel makes no the sun-god, the war-god and grain-god attempt to find the original (?) equivalent of the fourth horseman, In regard to the first horseman, however, Odvaros, in our text. his theory is interesting; but that the Seer had any idea of the original meaning of this figure cannot be entertained for a
!

moment.

Un iv. Contemporary- Historical and Traditional- Historical. der this heading J. Weiss (59 sqq.) is to be mentioned, though it The Apocais difficult to characterize his exegesis accurately. was using traditional material, and lyptist, according to Weiss, the particular form into which he cast this material was due to the eschatological ideas in the Parousia discourses of our Lord, which he had learnt from the Gospels or from oral tradition. The recognition of the connection of the Seals with the Woes in the Parousia discourses, which is already to be found in Alford, is And yet he has the chief merit in his exegesis of this passage. only partially appreciated the permanent importance of this In the original Johannine fact, as we shall see presently. Apocalypse (circa 60 A.D.) which Weiss assumes, the following
plagues

were enumerated: "pestilence, war, famine, Hades, war, famine, pestilence, Hades, persecution, earthquakes ; or 1 This Apocalypse the final Apocapersecution, earthquakes." lyptist re-edited, and this particular passage he transformed by prefixing the victorious Rider on the white horse and displacing the mention of mere persecution by an account of actual
"

"

martyrdom (vi. 9-11) already in the past. The victorious Rider represents the victorious course of the Gospel, which must be preached to all nations before the woes come (so Weiss interprets Mark xiii. 10). Thus, while in the completed Apocalypse the fifth Seal represents events already in the past, the first represents
while in the Johannine Apocalypse the present process second, third, and fourth represent future events, yet it is to be presumed that these too in the completed Apocalypse refer This exposition is no more satisfying than those to past events.
a
:

which precede. I proceed, therefore, to offer another explanation of the Seals, which explains more or less fully all the difficulties
of this Vision.
1 Weiss (p. 60) is of opinion that originally the four figures were war, famine, pestilence, and Hades, which gathered the victims of the first three, and that then the Apocalyptist affixed the first figure, which represents the But to this we reply that our author had victorious course of the Gospel. before him an eschatological scheme of seven woes which he found in the document behind Mark xiii., Matt, xxiv., Luke xxi.

158
v.

THE REVELATION OF
Traditional-Historical

ST.

JOHN

[VI.

3.

Method with

incidental references to

The more closely we study the Seals in contemporary Events. connection with Mark xiii., Matt, xxiv., Luke xxi., the more strongly we shall be convinced that our author finds his chief and controlling authority in the eschatological scheme there set forth. By putting these authorities and our text in parallel columns we shall make this close connection undeniable.
MATT.
1.

xxiv. 6, 7,

9%

29.

MARK
I.

xiii.

7-9% 24-25.
strife.

Wars.
International
strife.

Wars.
International

2.
3.

2. 3. 4.
5. 6.

Famines.
Earthquakes.
Persecutions. Eclipses of the sun and moon; falling of the stars ; shaking of the powers of heaven.

4.
5.

Earthquakes. Famines.
Persecutions.

6.

(As in Matt.)

LUKE
1.

xxi. 9-12*,

25-26.
Seal
I.

REV.
War.
2.

vi.

2-17,

vii.

i.

Wars.
International
strife.

2. 3.

International

strife.

4.

Earthquakes. Famines.
Pestilence. Persecutions. Signs in the sun,

3.

Famine.

4.

Pestilence.
Hades.)
Persecutions.
(vi.

(Death and
Earthquakes,

5.

5.

6.
7.

6.

i2-vii.

3)

moon, and
for

stars

rnen
things

fainting

fear

of

the

coming on the world ; shaking of the powers of heaven.

eclipse of the sun, ensanguining of the moon, falling of the stars, men calling on the rocks to fall on them, shaking of the powers of four heaven, destroying

winds. 1

Even a cursory comparison of these

lists

shows that they

2 practically present the same material. If we accept the Domitian date of the Apocalypse, there can be no question as to the dependence of our author on the

tradition represented in

the Gospels.

The

six

Seals
i.e.

embrace
the third

the seven

woes of Luke by combining two woes,

"*

1 This feature may have its parallel in Luke xxi. 25, where the nations are /cai adXov. The winds in our said to be distressed, v airopiq. fa The storm text, vii. I, are not to blow upon the sea till the final judgment. winds of Yahweh are a well-known eschatological element in O.T. 2 Other signs preluding the end are given in connection with the predicted
0a.\d<ra"r]s

fall of Jerusalem (cf. Mark xiii. I4sqq. and parallels, Luke. xxi. 20 sq.); but since Jerusalem had fallen over twenty years before, our author is not con cerned with these. 8 scheme of seven plagues was already current in Jewish literature see

2; Sayings of the Fathers, v. n. Also Lev. I will bring seven times more plagues upon you according to your xxvi. 21, It is noteworthy that in Parsism we find many of the above signs sins." mentioned as precursors of the end of the world, such as the following wars
Sir.
xl.

9; Test. Benj.
"

vii.

VI.

3.]

THE FIRST

SIX SEALS

159

and seventh, under the sixth Seal. It is remarkable that neither in Luke on the one hand nor in Matthew or Mark on the other can we find the full list of woes that appears in Revelation. In On the one hand, our text this respect they are complementary. Mark and Matthew. Thus agrees with Luke rather than with
while pestilence, the fourth plague in Revelation, is omitted in the first and second Gospels, it is found in the third ; and, while the predictions in Rev. vi. 15-17 are wanting in the first two, This shows a greater their equivalent is found in Luke xxi. 25. dependence on the Lucan form of the narrative. On the other hand, whereas the eclipse of the sun and moon and the falling of the stars (Rev. vi. 12-13) are only referred to in the Lucan account as signs in the sun, moon, and stars/ they are described in Matt. xxiv. 29 and Mark xiii. 24 in almost the same language The question naturally arises therefore Did our as in our text. author make use of two of the Gospels, Luke together with Matthew or Mark ; or did he use the document behind the Gospels the Little Apocalypse, the existence of which so many scholars
"

have

felt

themselves obliged to assume

for

dependent on oral tradition

or thirdly, ; his material?

The

was he simply first and

third alternatives are possible, but less likely than the second.

The second seems

highly probable, if we may assume the existence of the Little Jewish-Christian Apocalypse independent = Mark xiii. 7-8, 14-20, 24-27, 30-31, and parallels in Matthew ( In this Little Jewish Apocalypse, so far as it is and Luke).

preserved in the Gospels, there is no reference to the persecution But since in the Psalms, Daniel and later of the faithful. apocalyptic literature this is a constant subject of complaint to God, it cannot have been wanting in the original form of the If such an Apocalypse were current, it is but Little Apocalypse. natural to assume that such a profound master of this literature However this may as our author would be acquainted with it. be, the conclusion that our text is dependent on the Gospel accounts, The or rather on the document behind them, seems irresistible. subject-matter, then, of the Seals is derived from a pre-existing The number seven in such a connection eschatological scheme. is known to tradition (see note in loc.) ; but independently of this fact it is postulated by our author s plan, in which seven plays a predominant role Seven Churches, Seven Bowls. The dependence of our author on a pre-existing eschatological scheme is further shown by his seeming abandonment of it in two
Yasht ii. 24sqq.); social divisions (op. cit. ii. 30); earthquakes, famines, and pestilences (op. cit. iii. 4) falling of the star Gurzihar on the See earth (op. cit. ; Bundahish xxx. 18); the sun losing its light (ii. 31). Boklen, Verwandtschaft der Jiidischchristlichen mit der Parsischen Eschato-

(Bahman

logie, p.

88sqq.

160
particulars,

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VI.

3.

i. Although he gives a new character to the seventh quite distinct from that of the last woe in these Gospels, he is careful not to omit the subject-matter of this last woe, and accordingly embodies it under the sixth Seal. Thus the sixth Seal embraces the two Gospel woes earthquakes and signs in

woe

the powers of heaven. Our author therefore preferred including these two woes under one Seal to omitting these elements of tradition. 2. Our author has changed the order of the woes. He has relegated the earthquakes to the sixth Seal, whereas it is third in Mark and Luke and fourth in Matthew. Two valid reasons for this change can be given. 1. In his fresh reproduction of the traditional material, our author personifies four x of the woes under forms borrowed from Zech. i. 8, vi. 1-8. Now, since "earthquakes" cannot be so personified, they are relegated to the sixth Seal, and their place Thus the four Riders represent war, is taken by "pestilence." international strife, famine, and pestilence. The more 2. But there is another and weightier reason. closely the vision is studied, the more manifest becomes the dramatic fulness of the order of the Seals, and the growing These begin with social intensity of the evils they symbolize. Human cataclysms (Seals 1-4) and end with cosmic (Seal 6).
"
"

society

is overthrown by war, revolutions, famines, and pestilences (Seals 1-4), which rage without ceasing, till a large proportion of Social the number of the martyrs is accomplished (Seal 5).

The catastrophes are followed by cosmic in the sixth Seal. solid crust of the earth breaks, the heaven is rent above, sun and moon are darkened or ensanguined, and the stars of heaven From the standpoint of our author, therefore, the necessity fall. of transposing earthquakes from the third or fourth place to the sixth is obvious. Thus the subject matter of the Seats, which is derived from a
"
"

pre-existing eschatological scheme,

is recast under new forms. But, further, in this reproduction of the first five woes our author so recasts them as to give three or possibly all of them a more or less clear historical reference to contemporary events. Thus the first Rider with the bow refers to the Parthian empire that was to overthrow the hated Rome ; the second may have a secondary reference to Rome, as the source of social disorder and destruction, though earlier regarded as the upholder of order and peace ; the third possibly (?) to the edict of Domitian, and the fifth certainly to the martyrdoms under Nero. But these references are due to our author, and do not belong to the original eschatological scheme. Such contemporary
1

This number

is

Creatures

who

severally

already suggested by the summon the four Riders.

number of the

four Living

VI. 1-2.]
historical

THE FIRST SEAL

references are,

l6l
for,

however, to be looked

though

primarily the subject-matter is traditional: cf. i John ii. 18. 1. Kal elSoy ore r\voiev TO apviov fuay IK TWK eirra cr^pctyiScov. The loosing of the Seals is a symbolical action. The visions are not read out from the Book, but the contents of the Book are forthwith translated into action in the visions of the Seer. On
Kal
tSoi>

see note

on

iv.

i.
;

have a Hebraism
as

=p
The

^ntf

In /uav e/c="the first we may but there is the possibility, -of course,
of,"

Moulton, Gram. i. 95 sq., contends, that els came in Byzantine Greek to be used as an ordinal, and that we have such an
here.
:

instance

partitive

use of

e/c

is

frequent in

the.

Apocalypse cf. Blass, Gram. p. 97. But the fact that in /u av IK we have a double Hebraism, and that it occurs in a book containing so many Hebraisms, is in favour of the phrase being taken as such. We might compare Ezek. x. 14, "the face of the = TO 7r/oocr&>7rov TOV evds = "in^n where four are mentioned first The Job xlii. 14. But the phrase may simply mean "one occurrence of the ordinals, however, in v. 3, 5, 7, appears to be
"

"OS,

of."

against this. Kal TJKOUora eyos

"Epxou.

eic

Ta>y

see preceding note. The four Cherubim in succession summon the four Riders. This is the most natural interpretation, as J. Weiss, 59, Bousset 2 264,
evos eK
"the

On

Teacrdpwi/
first

axoy Xeyoj Tos

a>s

(fxuyr]

jSpoirfjs

of,"

3 Wellhausen, 10, and Holtzmann 444, have recognized. Others have taken the words as addressed to the Seer ; but elsewhere xvii. i, xxi. 9, where the Seer is summoned, Sevpo is used. Moreover, as J. Weiss observes, it is inconceivable that the ZPXOV should be addressed four times to the Seer. Others Alford and Swete again suppose it to be addressed to Christ, and cite
,

as parallels xxii. 17, 20.

ws $wf\.
c/xov^,

Nearly all the textual evidence is against reading which in order to arrive at an intelligible text we must
<a)vrj

read.

But ws have had SpD in

idiomatically
it

is

his
<I>s

The writer may susceptible of explanation. mind and rendered this as ^vr), whereas the 3, being suppressed after 3. Cf.
o>s

<<DI/$,

Isa. v. 17, ix. 3.

the apocalyptic phrase 2. Kal etSoi/ Kal iSou ITTTTOS Xeuicos. Kal cTSov KOL tSov, which recurs in vi. 5, 8, xiv. i, 14, xix. n, see

On

note on

iv.

i.

The

subject-matter of the

first

four Seals appears, as

we have

seen (see p. 157 sqq.), derived from the woes mentioned in (the Jewish-Christian Apocalypse) Mark xiii. 7 sqq. ; Matt. xxiv. 6 xxi. 9 sqq., i.e. war, international or civil strife, famine, sqq. ; Luke
pestilence
(i.e.

The form
VOL.
I.

death). of the Vision in

vi.

2-8

is

based on the vision of

II

62

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN
i.

[VI. 2.

the four sets of horses

as regards the four horses

and chariots in Zech. and their colours.

8, vi.

1-8

so far

But the functions

and character of the O.T.

messengers of

God

to

figures are transformed, and the the four quarters of the heaven are

changed into agents of destruction. Next as regards the different colours, these are chosen from Zechariah to suit the woes they symbolize. Thus red naturally corresponds to the sword, black to famine, and pale yellow to The white remains, and this death, being a corpse-like colour. naturally belongs to the horse on which triumphant war is seated. Thus Xerxes rode on white Nisaean horses (Herod, vii. 40; Philostr. Vit. ApolL i. 30), and Mardonius, one of his chief gene White was the colour rals, rode on a white horse (Herod, ix. 63). cf. Virg. Aen. iii. 537, of victory Quattuor hie, primum omen, equos in gramine vidi Tondentes campum late candore nivali." Here Servius notes: "candore nivali. Hoc ad victoriae omen According to Dio Cassius, H.R. xliii. 14 (quoted by pertinet." Swete), the four horses which drew the car in Julius Caesar s tri umph were white TO, CTTWIKLO. ra Trpoe^^io /xeva CTT/ re Ae^/can/ LTnrayv. Our author was at liberty to arrange the colours in any order
"

that suited his purpose ; for in Zech. i. 8, vi. 2-7, they are given three times, and in each in a different order i. 8, red, sorrel (or reddish-yellow), white (defective); vi. 2, 3, red, black, white, 1 speckled ; vi. 7, 8, black, white, speckled, red.
:

1 The passages in Zechariah call for treatment since they are manifestly Zech. i. 8, D :3 n D pltf D-DIN ; LXX, irvppoi /ecu [\fapol /cat] Trot/a Xoi corrupt. Here it is admitted that the text is defective and omits nnnt?, Kal \evKol. which is found in vi. 2, 6. The gives, it is true, four colours, but ^apoL and -rroLKiXoL appear to be duplicate renderings ; for, according to Hesychius, So also Eustathius on the Iliad, xvii. ad Jin., they have the same meaning. ITTTTOS 6 /card rbv \l/apa. Troi/dXos. Next, in vi. 2, 3 we have D DiN \{/apbs ? Dnnff DM3 XfVKOi [AfXaves O SDN DH-Q ., irvppoi is admitted that the text is Here also it Troi/dXoi [fapoi]. corrupt. = strong," cannot denote a colour. It has possibly been inserted here 0"ycN from vi. 7. By its omission we have the needed four colours. Finally, in Dman . vi. 6, 7 we have D sflDKn . LXX, oi ^\ai>es nnhipn
l

LXX

LXX

"

own

the four quarters (Zimmern, K.A.T? 339, 616, 633; Marti on Zech. i. 8). ^K D tts DnntJM D DID.T can now reconstruct Zech. vi. 6, 7, 0*137(11 psx n tw on-oni mpn VK *? D KJP. anyn p-nn pN ?K D KX Dinxm Here I have with previous scholars emended the unintelligible D.vinx into

(but Aquila has oi irvppoi). a reading red," Here D XDN is rightly taken to be a corruption of D which is attested by the Peshitto and Aquila. The text is thus restored so far as the colours go, but there are evidently two lacunae in vi. 6, 7 ; for since the four bodies of horses represent the four winds, vi. 5, the four which they go as God s messengers should be quarters of the world to In the next place, mentioned, whereas only the north and the south are. while the black horses rightly go towards the north, the red should go to the south and not the spotted, the white to the east, and the yellow spotted" in text) to the west ; for the four colours of the horses are said to symbolize
oi

Xeu/cot

oi

Troi/dXoi

ol

\papoi

!*<=::"

("

We

<

>

p*<

VI. S.]
Kttl teal

THE FIRST SEAL

o KaO^juteyos
n.K<ui>

163
aurw

eir*

auToy

e)((i)v

ro^ov, KCU e860K]

e^XOeK

Kal tra

i/iKrjaif].

As has already been pointed

war in the first instance ; for this from which the woes in the Seals are derived (see pp. 157-9); but owing to the rider carrying a bow l and riding on a white horse, we can hardly evade the con clusion that a secondary reference to the Parthian empire is here
out, the rider here symbolizes is the first woe in the source

designed as representing triumphant war. The great victory of Vologases in 62 over the Romans gave birth to the idea that Rome would be finally overthrown by an Oriental power. This The very form of idea recurs later in our author (see xvii. 16). the words favours this view. e^A.0ei/ VIK&V would refer to past achievements of this empire, and Iva viKrjo-y to its ultimate

conquest of the west. The gift of the o-re ^avos is equivalent to a promise of victory. Furthermore, as regards the crre^avos, which, as a symbol of victory, was given to him, it may be mentioned, though the fact probably does not concern our text, that Seleucus, the Parthian king, who founded Seleucia on the The Parthian leaders, according to Tigris, was named Ni/caTwp. Wetstein, rode white horses in battle. Other interpretations are as follows 1. The text points first and solely to the Parthian empire
: :

so Holtzmann, Schmidt, Ramsay, 58; Swete, Bousset. 2. Volter in his different works, and Erbes, 37 sqq., interpret the first Rider of Vologases. This is a less defensible view than i. 3. Spitta, 290, interprets the text of Rome; but this view is
generally rejected.
into cnpn pK, and changed have restored the lost myrr p
D N* D
D-IKJI

n;

QW three times (with Wellhausen).

"

Next

country," and finally I have from the beginning of 7, where transposed "The black horses they are meaningless. go forth to the north country, and the white go forth to the east country, and the spotted go forth to the west country, and the red go forth to the south country." All vi. 2, 8= "spotted." In i. 8 appears right here except the word

SK,

to the west
htt

before jD nn pN Thus we have,

1 Q"

)"}?,

a yellowish or reddish brown colour, appears in its stead. Since in i. 8 red is already mentioned, we should take this word with Thus the yellow Bochart, Hierozoicon, i. 50, as meaning "yellow." horses go to the quarter of which yellow is the symbol. This may be the source of the word %\wp<5s, or "pale yellow," in our text, vi. 8. As pale" regards D va I see no way of explaining it from an archaeological standpoint, nor of reconciling it with the apparently right word a pia* in Zech. i. 8. Here again our author does not follow the LXX. The above four colours are said to be connected with the planets Jupiter, Mars, Mercury, and But among the Babylonians white has never been discovered to be Saturn. the colour of Jupiter or of the other three. The speculations of Jeremias (Baby Ionise hes im N. T. 24 sq. and in Das A. T. im Licht des alien Orients)
D
ip-i^=" sorrel,"
"
"

"

on

this question

are often merely fantastic.

ii.

See
227
;

Miiller,

Die Apokal.
Marcellinus,

1907, 290-316. 1 See Herod, v. 49, vii. 61 ; Ovid, Trist. xxii. 8 ; and Wetstein in loc.
Reiter,"

Z.N.T.W.,

Ammianus

64
4.

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VI. 3.
Primasius,

great

number of

interpreters

Victorinus,

Bede, Bullinger, Paraeus, Grotius, Vitringa, Diisterdieck, B. Weiss, 445, have identified the first horseman with the Rider on the But the Messiah white horse in xix. sqq., i.e. the Messiah. cannot appear before the Messianic woes ; nor can he be at once the Lamb who opens the Seals, and the Rider who appears in consequence of such opening. Moreover, the details are distinct. The former carries a TOOV, the latter a po^aia ; the former wears Not a bow, but the a crre ^aKog, the latter StaS^/xara TroAAa. sword of the word belongs to Christ. In fact the two Riders have nothing in common but the white horse.

5. Hilgenfeld (Z. W.T., 1890, p. 425), Zahn, ii. 592, Alford, Kiibel take this horseman to represent the victorious course of the Gospel. J. Weiss, 59 sqq., accepts this interpretation, and maintains that it receives support from the Parousia discourses of For although Mark xiii. 9 treats of the beginning of the Christ. Messianic woes, yet according to xiii. 10 the Gospel must first be

The woes, therefore, in both to all nations. passages begin when the victory of the Gospel is decided. Despite all tribulations, the victory is once and for all assured. This view with modifications was earlier put forward by Andreas,
made known
Arethas, Lyra, and Ribeira. Over against explanations 4 and 5, it is to be maintained that there is an essential likeness among the Riders they clearly belong together, and represent the a-pxy ^Sii/cov (Mark xiii. 8). "the All four have to deal with judgments beating down of earthly powers, breaking up of earthly peace, the exhausting of The earthly wealth, the destruction of earthly life" (Alford). first horseman like the rest, therefore, is to be interpreted of woe denoting first of all war, as it did in its immediate source, and
:

in a secondary aspect through

its

fresh

remoulding by our author,

rty Seurepai/,
TJKOuaa TOU

the Parthian empire.

3.

Kal

ore

r\voi%ev

ri\v

a<j>payt8a

4. Kal c ^XOey aXXos tiriros iruppos, Seurepou wou Xeyorros "Epxou. Kal TW KaOTjjJLeyw eir f auToy f e860T) [aurw] \aj3elk TYJ^ elpi]kT)i [eK] TTJS Kal iVa dXXrjXous oxfxx^cuaii Kal eSoOrj aurw |xd)(aipa fxeydXTj.
yfjs
,

This second horseman is a symbol of international and civil The immediate source of our author is, as we have seen, strife. the document behind the Gospel accounts, Matt. xxiv. 7 ; Mark
xiii.

But there are other refer 10 (see pp. 157-9). as preluding the Parousia in Jewish literature: cf. Jub. xxiii. 19; i Enoch Ivi. 7; 4 Ezra v. 9, vi. 24, The expectation that civil xiii. 31 ; 2 Bar. xlviii. 32, Ixx. 3, 6. strife would herald the end of the world is found also in Babylonian literature. See Zimmern, K.A.T* 393. Since we have here to deal with a stereotyped prediction, which exhibits no
8
;

Luke

xxi.

ences to such

civil strife

VI. 3.]

THE SECOND SEAL

pointing to historical events, there
is

165

new elements
to

no occasion
have been

enumerate the various

historical interpretations that

advanced.

As

in the case of the first Seal the

Rider

is

furnished with a

bow (which

gives the Seal an historical reference), so here the

is provided with a sword. This symbol, however, This sword is mentioned in belongs to eschatological tradition. this eschatological sense in Isa. xxvii. i, xxxiv. 5, xlvi. 10, xlvii. 6; Ezek. xxi. 3 sqq., where it is wielded by Yahweh Himself. In the next stage of development it is committed to Israel to take vengeance on their own and God s enemies. The very e Sd077 . . /xa^atpa /xeyaAr; are found in i Enoch xc. 19, great sword was given to the sheep, and the sheep proceeded This sword is against all the beasts of the field to slay them."

second Rider

words
"

The object with which it is again mentioned in xci. 12, xc. 34. given in Enoch is that the faithful Israelites may therewith destroy their enemies, who are the enemies of God. In the third stage of development it is given to the enemies of God that they may destroy one another with it. This stage is found in i Enoch Ixxxviii. 2, where Gabriel causes the giant offspring of the fallen angels and the daughters of men to destroy each other by giving them a sword. "And one of them drew a sword and gave it to those elephants and camels and asses then they began to smite each other, and the whole earth quaked because of them." The command to do so is given in apoca Proceed against the bastards . and . lyptic language in x. 9, destroy the children of fornication, and the children of the watchers send them one against another that they may destroy each other in battle." In our text, as also in Matt. x. 34, /*^ OTL rjXOov /?oAetv elprjvriv CTTI rr)v yrjv OVK rjXBov fSaXeiv vofj.L<rr)re dpijvrjv fta^atpav (cf. Luke xii. 51), the symbol has the
:
"

<!A.A.a

777?

text, A.a/?iv ryv clp-rjvyv [oc] rrjs looks like a reminiscence of the words of our Lord just cited. The Massoretic text of Ezek. xxxviii. 2 1 seems to attest the same idea, but it is corrupt, and the text of the (B) is to be followed here (see Marti in
.

same eschatological
. .

force.

Our

$66r)

avru>

fj^d^aLpa,

LXX

be.),

Holtzmann and Moffatt have taken the sword as symbol Rome, just as the bow symbolizes the Parthian empire, and holds that the two world empires are here designated. But
"
"

"

"

izing

is not so. The bow is characteristic of the first Rider ; but the sword is not characteristic of this Rider, but is given to As the him, just as the "crown" is given to the first Rider. crown is given to foreshow conquest, the sword is given to There may, how bring about civil and international strife. ever, be a remote reference to Rome as the destroyer of order

this

"

"

"

"

66
life

THE REVELATION OF
as

ST.

JOHN

[VI. 3-6.

and

opposed

to

the role

it

was conceived to play by

St. Paul.

The object of this woe is to \aj3eu TTJV f.ipr\vv\v [|K] TTJS take away the false peace of the earth. Contrast John xiv. 27. Thus it seems best here to follow A and some cursives in Cf. the kindred phrase "children of earth," omitting e/c. T Enoch c. 6, cii. 3, over against "children of heaven," ci. i. For Lva with the fut. Ind. see Robertson, Gram. 998 sq.
yr\<$.

5. Kal ore t]i>oiej TY)V ox^payiSa TYJV rpiTTjK, T]KOucra TOU rpirou Kal elSov, Kal I8ou ITTTTOS fieXas, Kal 6 KaQi^wou Xeyoyros "Epxou. Famine is here uy6y tv rrj X 1 P^ a T ujxeyos eir aurok symbolized by the black horse, as we have seen (see p. 161).
"

e\<i)v

literally

For the more detailed explanation see next verse. The vyos is the beam of the balance from which the scales are suspended. That bread is sold by weight is a token of scarcity. Cf. Ezek. iv. 16, (frdyovraL ap-rov ev errata) /cat ev evSei a, and Lev.
xxvi. 26, aTroScotrovcri TOVS aprovs
iy/-(Juv

cV (rra^/xw KOL

<ayecr$e

/cat

ov

fJirj

ffJLTrXrjcrOrjre.

6.

Kal T]Kouaa ws (Jxui TjK iv fxeaw r&v Teaaapu)^ ^tow Xeyouo-ai/ lK S KpiSwi Sirji/apiou Kal TO atrou S-rji apiou, Kal rpeis On the peculiar use of ws here Kal TOV olvov pj d8iKTJo"T)s.

x^

see note on p. 33 sq.

We

have the same use on

xix.

i,

6.

The voice, as Bousset suggests, may be that of the Lamb. The voice states a coming price of the wheat and barley
almost a famine price
constituted the

assumes

in

for a of wheat about two pints consumption of a man. So Herodotus estimating the amount of food consumed by Xerxes
;

x^

daily

army

vii.

187,
fjfJLeprjs

cvptV/co)

-yap

o-u/x/:?aAAo/u.j/os

el

-^OLVLKO,

TrvpoJv

Thucydides, IV. 1 6, mentions as the allowance made for the Spartans in Sphacteria
eAa/x/Jave

eKcurros r-^5
crlrov

/cat /////Sev

TrAeov.

&vo ^on/i/cas eKacrra) Arrt/cas a.A<trooi/ /cat 8vo Kori;Aas The quantity here Otpdirovn Se TOVTWV rj/jao-fa. stated was the ordinary allowance made at the Spartan mess, the allowance both of grain and wine being double of that which was
.

OLVOV

/cat

/cpcas,

XotWa

supposed to be necessary. Similarly in Athenaeus, iii. and Diog. Laert. Pythag. viii. ^//,epor/ooc/>tSa, L Suidas under Pythagoras rj yap ^eprjo-tos
:

20, rrjv Se
18,

XW

Tpo<f>rj.

and For

other references see Wetstein.

D.B.

denarius, which was worth about gjd. (see Hastings 427), was the ordinary daily wage (cf. Matt. xx. 2 sqq.). The following passages from Cicero are instructive. Cicero, Verr. iii. 81, "Idque frumentum Senatus ita aestimasset, quaterCum in Sicilia H.S. nis H.S. tritici modium, binis, hordei. . summum H.S. ternis . turn iste binis tritici modius esset
i
.
.

The

pro

tritici

Cum

modiis singulis ternos ab aratoribus denarios exegit. 84, duodenos sestertios esset H.S. binis aut etiam ternis .
.
.

VI. 6.]
exegisti."

THE THIRD SEAL

Here wheat appears to have been twice the price of In the barley in Sicily ; whereas it was three times in our text. next place the modius of wheat cost 2 or 3 sesterces, or accord Now, since a modius ing to the estimate of the Senate 4. contains 8 choenices, and a denarius = four sesterces, it follows that the price in our text was 16 times the lowest price of wheat in Sicily, lof times the highest, and 8 times the estimate

made by Thus

the Senate. a man s at the time designed in our text a denarius could purchase only two pints of wheat a quantity daily wage sufficient merely for his own immediate needs, whereas at other times its purchasing power was 8, 12, or 1 6 times as great, if we may use the data supplied by Cicero. But since the workman would not buy wheat but barley, he could earn enough to procure something for his family as well, though the supply was inadequate and deaths occurred through starvation (see 8). The text, then, speaks of a time of very great dearth, but not of absolute famine, that was coming upon the world. It is the XIJJLOL Matt. xxiv. 7. predicted in Mark xiii. 8 But the words that follow, TO eAcuov KOL rov olvov ///) dSi/o^o-^s, when taken in conjunction with what precedes, may point to a special time when the necessaries of life were scarce and its
;

superfluities

abundant. According to Erbes, 40, the more moderate the scarcity

is

represented, the more manifestly it belongs not to the region of fancy but to history, and in his opinion to the year 62 (Tac. Ann. xv. 5 ; Joseph. Ant. xx. 9. 2) ; whilst Volter in his various works assigns this event to the latter half of Nero s reign (Suet. Nero, But a more satisfactory explanation has 45 ; Tac. Ann. xv. 18).
recently been advanced by Harnack (T.L.Z., 1902, col. 591 sq.) in a short notice on S. Reinach s "La mevente des vins sous le
remain," Rev. AcheoL, ser. iii. t. xxxix., 1901, pp. 350374. Owing to the lack of cereals and the superabundance of cf. Euseb. Chron., wine, Domitian issued an edict (Suet. Dom. 7 on 92 A.D.) that no fresh vineyards should be planted in Italy, and that half the vineyards in the provinces should be cut down. But, as Suetonius observes, Domitian did not persevere in this matter ; for the edict set the Asiatic cities in an uproar,

haut-empire

to their agitation they prevailed on Domitian not only to withdraw his edict, but to impose a punishment on those who allowed their old vineyards to go out of cultiva Our author tion (cf. rov olvov pr) dSi/ojor^s of our text). 1 from his ascetic standpoint had sympathized with Domitian s decree, which according to its own claims was directed against

and owing

Our

else

found

author, according to Harnack, added the it in a decree unknown to us.

oil

of his

own

initiative, or

68

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VI. 6-7.

and was accordingly the more indignant when it was Accordingly, he predicts an evil time, when men will have oil and wine l in abundance, but suffer from lack of bread. In favour of this view it may be added that the date of the Apocalypse therein implied would agree with that assigned to it by Irenaeus and Epiphanius. This explanation is accepted by Boirsset and Swete, but is treated as doubtful by Holtzmann and rejected by Wellhausen. Though Wellhausen suggests no alternative explanation, he is At all events the right, I think, in rejecting the last mentioned.
luxury,
recalled.

decree of Domitian, if here operative at all, was not the cause, but only the occasion of the statement in our text. The scarcity of bread and the plentifulness of the vintage in the last days was an old Jewish expectation. Thus we have in Sotah, 49 b In the times when the Messiah is at hand shamelessness will increase, and there will be a dearth the vine will yield its fruit, but wine will be dear ("ipl^ prvi JTnB fnn fBJn Kin ipvi) ; the empire of the world will become minaean there will be no discipline the son will despise the father, the daughter resist the mother, the daughter-in-law the mother-in-law a man s foes shall be they of his own household (WK nta nK3 nnp ra nx 330 p lira HWK B*N)." The last clauses here may have been in the mind of our Lord when He uttered Matt. x. 35 sq. ( = Luke xii. 53), Rabbi Nehewhile the opening words may explain our text. miah (in Hadrian s time) quotes the first part of the above, and R. Nehorai and R. Judah, his contemporaries, other portions of a It seems, therefore, to have been in an old it in Sanh. c,7
"

11

nmom

This apocalypse states that there will be a general apocalypse. dearth, but not of the vintage, though, owing to the disorder, wine would be dear. Domitian s edict may have occasioned the mention of this old eschatological expectation.
7.
K<xt

ore r\voiev
<oou

TTJI

oxj>payi8a

TTJI

TerapTTji/, YJKOutra
i8o>,

<f>cji

r]i

TOU

TerdpTOU The fourth or "pallid,"

Xeyon-os

"Epxou.

8. KCU

ica!

i8ou iiriros

x^ w PS-

described as xX<0p&, "pale yellow," This appears to be an independent render ing by our author of D jpj? in Zech. i. 8 (see note on p. 162). The LXX has here Troi/a Aos. Now 7rot/a A.os evidently pre But as we supposes D^TO, as in Zech. vi. 3, 7, and not D

horse

is

"

pale."

p"!^.

require in Zechariah a word Bochart (Hieronzotcon, yellow or pale yellow." signifying i. 50) gives good grounds for assuming this to be the meaning of and holds that \H& and pi were related colours, since

have seen in the note referred

"
"

to,

we

"

P""IB>,

in Lev.
1

xi.

18, Deut. xiv. 17, the

same
woe
is

bird

is

called
"

Kpnp"P

in

no seed

In Jub. xxiii. 18 the first Messianic of the vine and no oil."

given thus

There

shall

be

VI. 7-8. j

THE FOUkTH SEAL

169

Onkelos and Nplpnt? in Ps. Jon. The Nisaean horses were some what of this colour, as Phavorinus attests Ntcratos (Wos o ecrri NcVa Tracra? ra9 ITTTTOVS av$as c^ct (see Bochart, Joe. fj yap
:

av@6<s

tit.).

Now

Aristotle (Meteor,

3, 4, 5)

defines
"

aj/0osas the colour

"

then is between red and green. Pale yellow the meaning required by our text and most probably by that of or D^plpT Zech. i. 8. Possibly our author found a form for x\ wPs ls tne most frequent instead of p~)&? in Zech. i. 8 paleness," rendering of this word in the LXX. JipT means
in the rainbow
11

D^p")

"

"

lividness."

8b

6 KaOrjjaeyos eiraVw aurou oVofxa aurw 6 OaVarog 6 a&Tjg TjKoXouOei JULCT aurou] [ital Kal auTw eoucria em TO reraprov TTJS
?>o0Tj

yr}s>

[dTroKTeiyai eV pojuuf>aia Kal iv XIJJLW Kal iv Oamrw Kal UTTO r&v Orjpiwi rt]9

Y Hs]-

corrupt or the writer confused beyond I have come to the former conclusion, the all precedent. grounds for which are given below. The Rider symbolizes the And the original text is to be trans pestilence" (6 ddvaro^). He that sat upon him was named Pestilence, lated as follows and there was given to him authority over the fourth part of the
is
" "

Either the above text

earth."

now study the text as it stands. First of all, Death and are personified as in i. 18, xx. 13, 14. But how are we to conceive them in the present passage ? There is only one horse and there are two figures. From the analogy of the pre
Let us

Hades

conception a personification of pestilence ( = im), and that Hades then represented Death in a general sense, whose function was to gather the victims of the preceding plagues. Originally, there fore, the four were War, Famine, Pestilence, and Hades, and not as in our text. These four became in our author s hands five, when he prefixed the first Rider, who, according to J. Weiss, Death and Hades were symbolizes the progress of the Gospel. then of necessity represented as one. This theory is attractive, but the evidence, as I have sought to show (p. 157 sqq.), is in favour of the vision of the Seals being based on the material given in Mark xiii., Matt, xxiv., Luke xxi., by means of which we can Besides, we cannot accept this explain the first six Seals.
1

Hence J. Weiss, ceding Seals we expect here only one figure. 59, thinks that Hades is here "suspiciously" thrust into the corner and granted only a shadowy existence, since he scarcely This writer appears to be aught else than a double of Death. then goes on to conjecture that tfaVaros here was in the original

The

line=izx>

irregular construction here rwp vty nrnn.

is

due to a Hebraism

(cf. ix.

u).

The

70
s

THE REVELATION OF
explanation of the
first

ST.

JOHN

[VI.

8.

scholar
are

we

to recover the original text ?

then Seal (see p. 163). By a careful study of the

:

How

details.
1. There is only one horse mentioned under the fourth Seal there could not be two ; for there are only four horses altogether Hades then cannot be riding a separate horse, as presupposed. there is only one horse ; nor can he be riding on the same horse

then we should expect ot KaOrj^voi and not 6 . avrov introduces the clause /cat 6 0:8775 confusion of thought and diction, and looks like an intrusion. 2. We should expect AOI/AO? here, as in Luke xxi. n. But Odvaros can be used in the same sense, as it frequently appears in the LXX as a translation of 131. In Sir. xxxix. 29 we have the combination ; LXX, Ai^os KOL 6dvaro<s: Vulg. "fames
as Death,
/ca#7J/xevos.

for

Hence

")im<:}>jn

and also in Pss. Sol. xiii. 2, Xipov KOL 6a.va.rov. But the fact that $oVaT09 and not is used is instructive. It forms an additional argument that our author is using not our Canonical Gospels, but the document behind Mark xiii., Matt, xxiv., Luke xxi. ; for the word in this Aramaic document would be Nnio 1
et

mors

"

Aoip>s

the rendering in the Targum of Onkelos of "OT in Ex. ix. 15; Num. xiv. 12 ; Targ. Jon. of Jer. xiv. 12, xxi. 6, 7, 9, xxiv. TO, xxix. 17, 18, xliv. 13 ; Ezek. v. 12, 17, xiv. 21, xxxiii. 27, etc. Now can mean either death or "pestilence." Luke rendered it by the unmistakable word XO//AOS in xxi. 1 1, but our author by flai/aros, which might mean either death or But to return. pestilence." expect, as we saw in i, a single Rider in the next place we expect him to be named the And this, in fact, pestilence," as in the source used by our author. Oavaros could mean, and not only the source, but the context the pestilence requires such a meaning ; for such a plague as would be in keeping with what precedes and what follows for all these refer to plagues or evils which bring about death, but are not synonymous with death. Death conceived generally, according to the traditional text, as the lord of all kinds of destroying agents, and Hades do not belong to the present category of evils. 3. The reading eSoflr? avrw, strongly attested by the Versions and Q, is in favour of one figure only, i.e. Odvaros, "pestilence." Accordingly we reject /ecu 6 aS??? rjKoXovOti /ACT avrov as the interpolation of a scribe who was familiar with our author s combination of these two conceptions, Death and Hades. But his perverse industry did not stop Cf. i. 18, xx. 13, 14. here; for to him we owe the final clause, as will appear from the next paragraph.
for this
is
"
"

NmE>

"

"

"

We

"

"

"

If the

in the

LXX)

= Xoi/A(5s in Aq. or Sym., or Odvaros source were in Hebrew, ( would account for the above facts.
"iin

VI. 8-11.]
4.

THE FIFTH SEAL

above conclusions are and that his name is
.

171

If the

right that only

"

one Rider

is

referred to

pestilence,"

clause of the verse, d-TroKTeu/ai 77}?, It cannot be said that power was given to with the sword, and with famine, destroy
. .
"

then the last can hardly be genuine.

"

"the

pestilence

to

and with

pestilence,"

possibility 6dvaro<s in the first instance the lord of destruction, it would have been culpably careless to use the same word again in the same sentence with quite a different meaning. It is further to be observed that the clause aTroKrcu/ai . . seems intended to resume the evil activities of the 777?, which The second, third, and fourth plagues, is clearly otiose here. statement adds nothing to the weight of what is already better said, and the reference to Odvaros is extremely awkward, since it obliges us to assume Odvaros ( = lord of all the plagues) = a single plague), or Odvaros ( = pestilence) controlling Qdvaros ( = pestilence). controlling its underling OdvaTos ( Hence I conclude that the clause is an interpolation. Furthermore, its subject-matter and, in fact, its diction are based on Ezek. xiv. 21, po^aLav KOI Xt/xov KOL O^pta Trovrjpa KOL Odvarov. This borrowing explains the presence of po/x,<aiav instead of (j,dxa.ipav (cf. vi. 10) and the concluding phrase, i.e. VTTO OrjpLw rrjs yfjs, which has no connection with the context as the other three plagues have. The construction of VTTO after an active verb is unexampled elsewhere in the N.T. and is found very rarely in classical Greek. With Qrjpiwv TTJS yJJs (Gen. i. 30 ; Ezek. xxxiv. 28), the only near parallel in the N.T. is Acts xi. 6. The fact that there are four plagues described in our text, and that Ezekiel in xiv. 2 1 speaks of four sore judgments," may have led to the incorporation of this gloss in our text. 9-11. In a certain mechanical manner the first four plagues are grouped together and the last three. The first four possess one characteristic in common the impersonation of their leading features: another is their connection with the four But in another aspect the first five are more living beings. nearly related to each other as evils affecting man directly, whereas the two evils which are combined in the sixth Seal the breaking up of earth and heaven are in their first reference
etc.
if

Even

by any

meant death

itself,

TO>V

"

cosmic, and affect

man

indirectly.

Verses 9-1 1 deal with Christian martyrdom. In the corresponding sections in Mark xiii. 9-13, Matt. xxiv. 9-10, Luke xxi. 12-18, persecutions and martyrdom are fore In our text they are in part already accomplished. The told. standpoint, therefore, is wholly changed. Instead of reproducing the stereotyped description of persecutions still to come carrying with them the sanction of Christ Himself, our author refers in
fifth Seal.

The

1^2

tHE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VI. 9.
:

unmistakable language to a great persecution in the past nay more, with his own eyes for he is in heaven he beholds the souls of the martyrs already offered on the heavenly altar before God; hears them supplicating for judgment on the heathen world, and sees them being clothed with their heavenly bodies
a spiritual privilege limited exclusively to the martyred righteous ; for the rest of the righteous could not receive their heavenly bodies till the final resurrection.
9.

KCU ore r\voiev TTJV

7refxirTT]i>

a4>paYiS<x,

ctSov

UTTOK<TW

TOU

r&v tafyayiifvwv 8id -rov \6yov TOU 6eou Kal In this verse we have to deal with 8td Tty |j.apTupiai> TJK elxoy. 2. The souls under three questions: i. The altar in heaven. the altar in Judaism and Christianity. 3. The reasons for which the faithful suffered martyrdom. The fact that the altar, though not 1. The altar in heaven. mentioned hitherto, is preceded by the article, points to a current belief in the existence of an altar of burnt-offering in heaven. 1 That, according to Jewish and Christian Apocalyptic, there was only one altar in heaven, and that this altar had the characteristics partly of the earthly altar of incense and partly of the altar of burnt-offering, but mainly of the former, I have shown How early later on at some length. (See note on viii. 3.) this belief arose cannot be definitely determined. Since, however, according to Ex. xxv. 9, 40, Num. viii. 4, the earthly altar and tabernacle were to be made after the likeness of heavenly patterns or originals, a view which recurs in Heb. the belief in question may be of very early origin viii. 5, ix. 23, as early as Isa. vi. i sqq., though scholars are divided as to the scene of the vision in that chapter, Duhm, Whitehouse, Gray, Marti contending that it is in the earthly temple, while Delitzsch, Dillmann, and Jeremias maintain that it is in the At all events it was current in the 2nd cent. B.C., as heavenly. we have seen above. 2. The souls under the altar in Judaism and Christianity. The souls in our text are those of the martyrs. It has been generally supposed that our text is to be explained from the Jewish ritual, according to which the blood of the victim was to be poured on the base of the altar (Lev. iv. 7, TO atjaa TOV /AdVxov Since the life was in eK^eet Trapd TT]V ftdcriv TOV 0vo-iao-r>7/oiov). the blood, the souls were thus conceived to be beneath the altar.
0u<nacrnr]piou

ras

\|/uj(ds

his

but most of Spitta, 296 sqq., argues strongly for the altar in Jerusalem arguments are beside the mark. On the other hand, the whole vision All the implies a heavenly scene, witnessed by our Seer iv TTVCIJ/JUITI. The x. the Seer beheld while in heaven (see p. 109). visions in iv. I white garments in which the martyrs were arrayed is a heavenly vesture. Furthermore, the situation implies the age of Domitian, when the Temple was no longer standing.
;

VI. 9.]

THE FIFTH SEAL

173

But

this

altar;
is

The souls are beneath the heavenly is unsatisfactory. Let us for they have already been sacrificed thereon.
is

examine the evidence.

implied in our text

That a sacrificial death of the martyrs clear from the words OvcnacrrrjpLov and

Elsewhere in the N.T. the martyrs are regarded as victims offered to God, 2 Tim. iv. 6; Phil. ii. 17; and in later times cf. Ignatius, Ad Rom. ii. 2, TrXeov Se /tot /AT) Trapao-x^o^e TOV (T7rov8LarOyjvai 0ew, ws ert ^uo-iacm/ptov ITOI/AOV ecrrtv iv. 2, tW But the belief that the martyrs were Ocov Ovo-ia vpe0w. a sacrifice was already current in pre-Christian Judaism, as 1 appears from the passages quoted from 4 Maccabees below. These passages refer to martyrs. In later times the souls of the righteous are conceived by the Christians as well as by the
eo-</>ay//,eVa>j/.

Jews (see

later)

as

offered

in

sacrifice.

Cf.

Questions

of

Bartholomew i. 29, 6 Sf. w Kvpi, TI S ea-TLv fj

xxxviii.
"

Bap^coXa)//atos aTroKpi^els elirev Trpos TOV ev TrapaSctVa) dva<epo/x,ev?/ Owia. ; 6 Se

T<3

Vita Pachomii abbatis taberinensis Xeyef Multitude sanctorum angelorum cum magna laetitia sumentes animam ejus velut electam hostiam Christi conspectibus
i/a^at SIKCUGOV.
obtulerunt."

In Judaism also we find the belief that the souls of the This in the Aboth righteous were under the altar in heaven. that whoever was buried R.N. xxvi., Rabbi Akiba declares . in the land of Israel was just as if he were buried under the altar, and whoever was buried under the altar was just as if he were buried under the throne of glory? In Shabb. i52 b it is stated that "the souls of the righteous are preserved under the throne of glory," and in Debarim rabba, n, God says to the soul of Moses: "Go forth, delay not, and I will bring thee up to the highest heaven, and cause thee to dwell under the throne of My glory amidst the Cherubim and Seraphim and heavenly hosts." But if the souls of the righteous were under the heavenly altar, they had first been offered upon a it. Thus in the Tosaphoth on Menachoth, it is said, to some teachers, that Michael sacrifices upon the according In the heavenly altar the souls of the students of the law.
"

no

1 According to 4 Mace. vi. 29 the martyr s death was conceived to be a true sacrifice and possessed an atoning power. Kaddp<nov aurwv irolrja ov r6 Cf. also op. cit. xvii. 21, e/j.bv cu/xa /ecu avrtyvxov avr&v Xd,8e rty ^TJJ/ \f/vxv v Moed Qatan, 28% where the death of the righteous is said to atone as a 22. b In Gittin, 57 , the mother of the seven martyrs exclaims : red heifer. My . tell Abraham your father, Thou didst build an altar whereon to sons if the Jewish I have built seven altars." offer thy son as sacrifice. Now, martyrs were regarded in pre-Christian times as an atoning sacrifice, it is more than probable that the belief in the abode of righteous souls under the heavenly altar arose first in connection with the martyrs^ and that this See I Enoch privilege was afterwards extended to the righteous generally. xlvii. 4, which is quoted uader n.
"

TIIE

REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VI. 9-10.

Midrasch, iii. 137), "And there the great prince Michael and the altar before him, and he offers all the souls of the righteous on that altar (rnjJ D3 Ninn naron ^y D^pnvn)." In the Jalkut Rub. f. H2 b (Schottgen,
stands
.
.

py p TID

(ed. Jellinek, /?*/

.

i>D

Home,

"

i.
"

1220),
;

Et

ille

(i.e.

Michael)

stet
f.

et

offert
4.

animas

justorum

and

similarly in Jalkut

Chad.

118, col.

Again in Jalkut Rub. fol. 14, col. 3 (Home, i. 1215), the souls of the righteous are offered (on the heavenly altar) Ex quo tempore conditum est altare terrenum dixit Deus Nolo ut mihi in altari caelesti oves aut boves offerantur nisi tantum
"

animae

justorum."

See, further, Lueken, Michael, 48 sq.

The above Jewish authorities are late, but they must repre sent, when taken with analogous phenomena, a Jewish tradition
anterior at all events to Christianity; able to suppose that it was borrowed
sources.
for
it

is

not reason

from early Christian

conclude, therefore, that by our author the martyr was and chiefly as a sacrifice to God, and that though his body was slain on earth, the sacrifice was in reality made in Our heaven, where his soul was offered on the heavenly altar. text, therefore, has come to represent symbolically the con summation of the idea expressed by St. Paul in Rom. xii. i, where he exhorts his readers, Trapaaryo-ai TO. o-w/xara V/JLWV Ova-Lav
conceived first
a>o"av

We

ayiaj/
vi.

TW

$ea>

euapecrrov, rrjv AoytKr^j/ Aarpeicu/

vyueoi/.

Cf.

13 ; Phil. ii. 17 ; Col. i. 28. the faithful suffered martyrdom. 3. The reasons for which The martyrs were put to death because of the word given by God and the witness borne by Jesus. The testimony no less than the word is an objective possession of the faithful. Many scholars have taken the witness to be that which the martyrs had borne to Christ ; but the expression eT^ov is against such a view, and implies a testimony that has been given them by Christ

Rom.

and which they have preserved.

rjKovorev

John

iii.

32,

ewpa/cev

/cat

TOVTO fjLaprupfl, KOL TT)V fjiapTvpiav avrov ouSeis hau(3avi 6 cm 6 $eos aX-rjOrj? ICTTLV. avrov T?/V jjiaprvpiav Aa/8a>v r</3ayicrej Thus the clause in our text is the exact equivalent of the fuller The martyrs are incontestably Christian clause in xii. 17, xx. 4. 1 martyrs, to wit, the martyrs of the Neronic times. 10. Kal 6Kpa|a> jj.ya\T] Xe yorres "Ecos irore, 6 SeaTTOTTjs 6 ayios Kal a\T]6iyos, ou xpi^eis KCU exSiKeis TO aijia qjiaij K rail
<f>a)rrj

KdToiKourrwj/

cm

rrjs

Y^ s

>

eKpa^aK.

prayer
1

aorist appears here to refer to a single definite the righteous souls made one appeal to God and it was

The

immediately answered.
Spitta, 300, referred to here.
is

They

are not represented as continuing

of opinion that only Jewish persecutions of the Jews are

VI. 10.]
to urge

THE FIFTH SEAL

175

such supplications, as in the Jewish Apocalypses quoted

TTOTC.
is

below. ews

Cf.

The
Cf.

phrase
2, vi.

Matt. xvii. 17 = Mark ix. 19; John x. 24. frequent in the LXX, especially in the Psalms.
xii. (xiii.)

iv.

3,

i,

2,

Ixi.

(Ixii.)

3,

etc.

6 8eo-ir6TT|s

SeWora.
70
sq.,

On
;

235
;

the vocative with the article see Moulton, = |T1N or Seo-Tror^s ( Blass, Gram. p. 87.
v.

Gram.
Gen.

WK,

xv. 2, 8

14; Isa. iii. i; Dan. ix. 8, 15, 16, etc.) is applied to God in only two other passages in the N.T., Luke ii. 29 ; Acts iv. 24. It is applied to Christ twice, in 2 Pet. ii. i ; Jude 4. These epithets are used in reference to 6 ayios KCU d\T]0t^6s. For this com Christ in iii. 7 (see note). Kpii/cis ica! cancels. KOL e^cSiKT/o-ev, and I Sam. bination cf. xix. 2, on t/cpii/ei/ xix. 2 affords another DBB*. xxiv. 13 in the Hebrew, "ODpJI /cat Si /cami which are parallel to our text in the epithets aX-^Otval In fact, xix. 2 describes the fulfilment of the applied to /cpiWs. prayer in our text.
Josh.
.
.

eVSiKeis

TO

aifxa

IK.

= JD UOT HN

Dpn).

Cf.

xix.

2,

e/c8iKeu/ is followed by e/c (Deut. xviii. phrase recurs. 19; i Sam. xxiv. 13) or O.TTO (Luke xviii. 3) in reference to the Cf. also 2 Kings persons from whom the vengeance is exacted. On the meaning of ix. 7, 6*86/070-619 TO. al/jLara rwv SovXcw ftou. the phrase KaroiKowrcuv en-l r?}s y?ys see note on iii. 10. As regards the thought of the words, it has been maintained that they only assert the principle of Divine retribution which It forbids the exercise of personal vengeance (Rom. xii. 19)." has been urged also that Luke xviii. 7, 6 Se 0eos ov /xry Tro^a-y rty K$LKr)(rLV TWV .K\KT(J!)V OLVTOV TOJV y8o(OVT<OV ttVTO) ^yltepaS KCU WKTOS, practically expressed the same view. The teaching of the Gospel passage and of our text is, In Luke the entire passage refers to the however, different. living elect (cf. xviii. i), and the spirit of the teaching must In our text, however, be construed in keeping with the context. the departed souls are referred to, and the note of personal vengeance cannot be wholly eliminated from their prayer. The

where

this

"

living pray to God to free secure them their just rights.

them from unjust oppression and

On

the other hand, the departed

what they have suffered or lost. The former is prospective and breathes the spirit of justice, the Both Luke xviii. 1-8 latter is retrospective as well as just. and our text appears to go back to Jewish originals or Jewish traditional views. The former has several elements in common with Sir. xxxii. 15-22, where it is said that God is a just God, and hearkens to the prayer of him that is wronged, and to the supplication of the widow, and that He will not be slack in doing justice to them, nor will He be slow over them
pray
for

vengeance

for

176
(fjiaKpoOvfJL7]crL

THE REVELATION OF
eV
avrols
:

ST.

JOHN
7,
/ecu

[VI. 10-11.
/xa/cpo^u/xet CTT

cf.

Luke

xviii.

avrois),

"till

merciful."

have smitten in sunder the loins of the un Both Luke xviii. 1-8 and Sir. xxxii. 15-22 refer to

He

the living ; and the former, at all events, when taken in conjunc tion with Christ s other teaching, postulates the surrender of all
desire for personal vengeance. The same postulate cannot be said to hold for the Sirach passage ; for in Sirach, policy is laid down no less frequently than principle as the motive of action. thus discriminate the temper underlying our text from

We

that in
xlvii.

Luke
"

xviii.

1-8.
i

The
2,

true forerunners of our text are to be found in

4,

Enoch

The prayer of the righteous (that the shedding of their blood) may not be in vain before the Lord of Spirits, That judgment may be done unto them, And that they may not have to suffer for And the hearts of the holy were filled 4, with joy, Because ... the prayer of the righteous had been heard, And the blood of the righteous been required before the
"

ever."

xxii. 5, 7 the spirits of the righteous, who suffered persecution or violent death, pray In a contemporary work, i.e. 4 Ezra iv. 35, the for vengeance. souls of the righteous in the chambers of Sheol ask, "How long
Spirits."

Lord of

In

are in Sheol

and had

remain here ? when cometh the fruit upon the thresh our reward ? Prayer for vengeance is taught as a continuous duty in i Enoch xcix. 3, civ. 3, therefore it was the manifestation of a permanent attitude of mind. This is not so in our text. The prayer of the souls under the altar for a righteous vindication on their persecutors, made here once and for all and
are

we

to

ing-floor of

"

not uninterruptedly pressed as in Judaism,

fulfilled in xviii. 20, xix. 2.

is

represented as

Therein

is

reflected the

temper that

the Church in the persecutions of the ist century. might compare the attitude of the martyrs towards their judges in Polyc. Mart, u, or the later Acts of the Martyrs. 11. KCU eSoOyj auToIs eicdoTw crroXt] XCUK^. This white robe was their heavenly body (see note on iii. 5, and Additional Note at close of this chapter cf. vii. 9). The martyrs have thus in a great degree attained their con summation. Their reception of the heavenly body at this stage is a special privilege accorded to the martyrs, just as they ex cf. clusively are to return with Christ to reign for the 1000 years To ail the righteous these white robes are given finally. xx. 4. 1
in

part animated

We

K<xl

eppe 0T) aurois

etc.,

tine, Alcasar,

Bousset,
1

dKcnraucrorrai In \povov jjiiKpot/. AugUSBengel, De Wette, Bleek, Holtzmann, explain these words as meaning that the martyrs
Iva.

Ribiera,

Erbes, 42 sq., seeks to explain the text by the individual martyrdoms of Jews and Christians before 62 A.D.

VI. 11.]
are to be patient

THE FIFTH SEAL

and

177

but

Hengstenberg,

others, as
XIV. 13, iva

meaning

to abstain from their cry of vengeance ; Diisterdieck, Kliefoth, Alford, Swete, and that they are to rest in blessedness, as in

e* TOV KOTTWV OLVTWV. avoLTrarj<rovTai IMS TrX^pojOwaiy KCU 01 owSouXoi auTWK Kal ot d8eX(J>ol aurwi/ ot Kal auroi. The martyrs are kept diroKTeVj eo-Sat jj-e XXorres waiting until their fellow-servants also (i.e. KCU), who with them have the same Master (Seo-Trcmy?, 10), and their brethren (i. 9), have also been slain. The o-uVSovAot and the dSeA^ot are the
<&s

different aspects. The repeated can best be explained as an unconscious Hebraism. The above clause looks back to the martyrdoms under Nero, and anticipates a final and universal persecution under Domitian in a little time." In this persecution he which would follow Then expects the number of the martyrs to be completed. would ensue the end. Instead of either of the above explanations of dvaTravo-oi/rai en, the evidence of contemporary literature is perhaps in favour

same persons viewed under

cdrreov

"

souls of the martyrs, now clothed in ix. 6 sq., where Abel, Enoch, and others are represented as being so clothed, and in the seventh heaven, but not yet in possession of their full privileges), are bidden to enjoy their present rest and quietness for a little while longer, when, on the completion of the roll of the martyrs, the

of the

following

the

spiritual bodies (cf. Asc. Isa.

judgment they demanded would ensue.

i

Enoch

c. 5,
:

In a much earlier work, the righteous souls in the intermediate state are
will

referred to
"And

To
In
cii.

over all the righteous and holy He guardians from amongst the holy angels, guard them as the apple of an eye."
"to

appoint

wait for the day of the judg bidden and in civ. 3 (cf. xxii. 5-7, xlvii. 2, xcvii. 3-5), From the contrast of to pray for judgment on their oppressors. the conditions of the righteous and wicked in Sheol in xci.-civ., it is clear that, though the righteous demand vengeance on the evil-doers, they are enjoying peace and rest.
5 they are
sinners,"

ment of

after

In 4 Ezra vii. 85 part of the torment of the wicked souls death will consist in seeing how the habitations of the other
"

souls are guarded by angels in profound quietness," whilst part of the blessedness of the righteous souls will consist in beholding the present evil condition of the souls of the wicked, and the still greater torments that await them (vii. 93), and in appreciating
rest which they now, being gathered in their chambers, "the enjoy in profound quietness guarded by angels (vii. 95). From the standpoint of the Gospels we cannot understand 12 VOL. i.
"

1/8

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VI. 11.

how the souls of the righteous could enjoy such rest in the presence of such suffering. The view that the end of the world would ensue when the roll of the martyrs was complete was current in pre-Christian
Judaism. This thought is highly characteristic of later Judaism, which held that everything was carried out in the divine government of the world according to a certain predestined number, time, or measure. This appears in 4 Ezra iv. 36 sq.
:
"

For

He

has weighed the age in the balance,

:

And with measures has measured the times, And by number has numbered the seasons
Neither
Till the
will

He move
end
will

nor

stir

things
fulfilled."

measure appointed be
the

In

Enoch
is

xlvii.

come when

the

number of

the

martyrs
"

Thus

complete. in xlvii. i

it is

said that

In those days (i.e. the last) shall have ascended the prayer of the, righteous, And the blood of the righteous from earth before the Lord
of
Spirits."

In the next verse

"

(xlvii. 2)

the angels supplicate and intercede

On
And And And

behalf of the blood of the righteous which has been shed, that the prayer of the righteous might not be in vain before the Lord of Spirits,
that

that they

judgment should be done unto them, may not have to suffer for ever."

Here clearly the souls of Jewish martyrs are referred to, which demand vengeance and pray against the further postpone ment of it. In xlvii. 3 the books are opened and the Lord of In xlvii. 4 Spirits seats Himself on the throne of judgment.
reads
"

the hearts of the holy were filled with joy, Because the number of the righteous had been offered, And the prayer of the righteous had been heard, And the blood of the righteous been required before the

And

Lord of

Spirits."

Here, as the context shows, the righteous are martyrs. This is the earliest form of this conception, and is reproduced in our A later development of it (see p. 173) is found in 4 Ezra text. Were not these questions of thine asked by the souls iv. 35.
"

VI. 11-12.]

THE SIXTH SEAL

179

of the righteous in their chambers ? How long are we to remain here? When cometh the fruit upon the threshing-floor of our reward? And to them the archangel Jeremiel made reply and Even when the number of those like yourself is fulfilled said And in 2 Bar. xxx. 2, "And it will come to pass at that time that the treasuries shall be opened in which is preserved the number of the souls of the righteous." From the above passages it follows that our author is follow There is no need for supposing ing a current Jewish tradition. that he had any acquaintance with 4 Ezra ; for the latter repre sents a later development of this conception, as we have shown.
"

Bousset, as Spitta, 298, had already done, regards our text and 4 Ezra iv. 35 sq. as independent, but as derived from a common older source. He represents our author as transforming the current Jewish tradition, that the world would come to an end when the number of the souls of the righteous was completed, into the form given in our text ; but Bousset s view was due to the unintelligible text of i Enoch xlvii. 4, which, however, when retranslated into Hebrew, presents the same tradition as our text. The unintelligibleness was due to the Greek translator rendering nip as "had drawn nigh" (a possible meaning), instead of "had been sacrificed," as the context here required (so in later Hebrew and Aramaic). See p. 172. 11- VII. 8. Tke sixth Seal its plagues and the ensuing pause during which the faithful Israelites are sealed to secure their safety. These woes are still in the future. They are not in our author the immediate heralds of the end, as in the Gospels. The end cannot come till the great persecution and martyrdom of the faithful have taken place. With the text compare Mark xiii. 8, 24-25 Matt. xxiv. 7, 29; Luke xxi. n, 25-26, xxiii. 30. The woes, therefore, are not to be taken in their full literal signifi cance. This is manifest from the fact that after the stars of heaven had fallen, the heaven been removed as a scroll, and every mountain and island had been removed out of their places, the kings of the earth and the mighty, the bond and the free, could hardly be described as hiding themselves in the caves and rocks of the earth and imploring the mountains to fall upon them.
;

12.

KCU,

etSoy ore r\voi%ev ri\v acjjpayiSa ri]v IKTYJI ,

KCU aeicrjAos fJieyas eyeVero, KCU 6 rjXios eyei/exo jj,e\as O-<KKOS Tpt^tfos, Kal T) acXi^nf) o\T] eyeVero as aipa.
a>S

The earthquake
Laodicea
earthquake, which

here
is

in 61, or at

explained by that in a single great ^ precursor of the end of the world. Thus
is

not

to

be

Pompeii

in 63.

It is rather

180
the

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VI. 12-13.

Kara TOTTOUS ( = Mark xiii. 8) has not only been trans <moyxot formed into a single world catastrophe, but also transposed from holding the third or fourth place in the list of woes to the sixth, as we have already pointed out.

Earthquakes belong, of course, to the traditional eschatoscheme. Cf. Amos viii. 8, ix. 5 ; Ezek. xxxviii. 19 4 Ezra v. 8, ix. 3; 2 Bar. Ixx. 8. See Joel ii. 10 ; Ass. Mos. x. 4 Gressmann, i2sqq. There are further references to an earth quake in our text: viii. 5, xi. 13, xvi. 18. The darkening of the sun is also a constant eschatological phenomenon Amos viii. 9
logical
;
;

evStVw rov ovpavov O-/COTO? /cat cos O-O.KKOV Ezek. xxxii. 7; Joel ii. 10, 31 ( = Mass. 7rpij3o\aiov avrov
Isa.
xiii.

IO,

1.

3,

6r)cra>

TO
4),

iii.

^Ai09
45
ix.

/ATacrTpa<^creTai eis
:

<T/COTOS

/cat

rj

<T\r)vr)

eis al/ma

Trplv eA$etv fjfjiepav Kvpcov

xxiii.
;

Ass. Mos.
2.
ii.

x.

Acts

Matt. xxiv. 29; Mark xiii. 24; Luke ii. 20 (quotation from Joel ii. 31) ;
x.

Rev.

To
"(luna)

Joel

31 (see quotation above) and Ass. Mos.

5,

tota convertet se in sanguinem" we have a very remarkable The passage in Ass. Mos. appears to be parallel in our text. directly dependent on the text of Joel save that it adds tota.

Now our text, while it gives a free rendering of the Hebrew behind both passages (D"6 "]iT), embodies the addition of oXry This might be a coincidence, but it seems to in the Ass. Mos. be more. Our author may not improbably have had the text of this book before him in some form ; for the Ass. Mos. x. 4-5
contains references to earthquakes, the eclipse of the sun, the Et ensanguining of the moon, and the disorder of the stars et (luna) tota tremebit terra ... sol non dabit lumen convertet se in sanguinem et orbis stellarum conturbabitur." In any case he is not dependent on the LXX. For the expectation in Babylonian literature that the sun and moon would be darkened, see Zimmern, K.A.T* 393.
"

13. KCU ol dorepes TOU oupa^oG eireo-ay ets TT]k yfy, ws O-UKTJ 6Xui/0ous aurrjs UTTO dyejaou jj-eyaXou aeiojxenrj, 14. This pas ica! 6 oupai/os pijSXioK IXioxrojxei oj/. aTrexwpur&rj sage appears to be based on Isa. xxxiv. 4, /cat Ta/c^o-oi/Tai

J3d\\i TOUS

d>s

Tracrat at 8vva/xeis

TWV
so,

ovpavtoi

/cat

eXty^<rTa6
a>s

a>s

/?t/?Atov 6
. .
.

ovpavos,
o-vKrj^.

/cat

Travra
is

ra acrrpa

Treo-etrai
"

^>vAXa

oVo
bis
11

If this

the

LXX,

then our author since the Massoretic has ^3*,

may seem dependent on

will
fade,"

and not

= TTco-etrat,
is

found also

but that Symmachus also has TrecretTai. This clause in Matt. xxiv. 29, /cat ol dcrrepes 7re<rowTat oVo rov
7roA.v/>topc/)O<;

0X09 TroAo? ovpavov ; also in Sibyll. iii. 83, /cat Treo-trat eV \0ovl oiy, ii. 202, viii. 190; and the same expectation in the Bundehesh xxx. 18 (Boklen, p. 87). The world and its wellbeing depend on the faithfulness with

VI. 13-15.]

THE SIXTH SEAL

l8l

which the luminaries of heaven fulfil their parts. The unvarying order and loyalty with which they do so was a favourite theme i Enoch ii. i, xli. 5, xliii. 2, cf. with apocalyptic writers Ixix. i6sqq. ; T. Naph. iii. 2; Pss. Sol. xviii. 11-14; 4 Ezra vi. 45. When, then, the sun and moon and stars forsook this Cf. i Enoch Ixxx. 5, 6 ; order, the end of the world was at hand.
:

4 Ezra

v. 4, 5

Sibyll.

iii.

80 1

sq.

of the sun and the ensanguining of the moon and the falling of the stars in our text, have a like significance. 1 The mention of the fig-tree appears to be due wholly to Isa. xxxiv. 4, and to have no connection with Matt. xxiv. 32 and its oAw0os = To pr) TreTre/x/xeVoi/ VVKOV (Hesychius). The parallels. . . in aTTe^pto-flr; eAto-cro/xei/oi/ is that of a papyrus rent figure in two, whereupon the divided portions curl and form a roll on With this clause we might compare 2 Pet. iii. 10, either side. oc ovpavol poi^Sov TrapeAeuo-ovrai, though the thought is here

The darkening

An excellent parallel appears in Sibyll. iii. 82, ovpavov In the O.T. Cf. viii. 233, 413. KaO oVep pifiXiov etAetrat. shaken and rent (np) cf. Isa. the heavens are said to be
different.
cAi^ry,
"
"

"

"

xiii.

13,
K.CLI

Ixiii.

19; Hagg.
K<XI

ii.

6, 21.

iray opog

k-rjaos

IK rwk TOTTUV
20,
Trao-a

auT<oi>

eKiyrjOrjaay.

This
ovx

statement recurs in
evpeOrjo-av.

xvi.

vr/o-os

e<vyev,

KCU

oprj

been found for these words. Nah. i. 5 is adduced by some, and Jer. iv. 24 by others, Such cosmic phenomena must in but neither is at all likely. their original context have been immediate precursors of the end; but as they are not such in our author, the words are not to be
real parallel has hitherto
literally.
|3a<nXeis

No

taken

15. KCU ot

rfjs Y*1S

Ka^

KCU ol irXouaioi KCU ot taxupol KCU iras SouXos

fxeyicrTayes K * ot x i a PX ot at eXeu0epo<s 6Kpuv|/ac

.

eaurous els

TO,

above enumeration compare

classes in our text
is

(nri^Xaia Kal els TOIS Trerpas TOJ^ opewi xiii. 16, xix. 18. The

With the

number

of

seven a favourite number with our author. It includes every one from the emperor down to the slave. For similar enumerations see Jub. xxiii. 19 ; 2 Bar. Ixx. 3, 4, 6, though these are mentioned in connection with what is given in our text under the second Seal.

With the thought of 15-16

To)i>

cf.

Luke

xxi.

26,

di/^pw7ro)v O/TTO <j)6/3ov KOL TTpocrSo/a as TOJV e.7repxo{J.evu>v rfj at yap 8vva/x,ts /SacriA-eis TTJS ovpavcuv <ra\V@r]crovTai. Isa. xxiv. 21) are the heads of yr/s (cf. xvii. 2, 18, xviii. 3, 9;

The

the heathen nations.

1

The

/xeyto-ToVes are

probably here to be

Gressmann ( Ursprung d. Isr.-Jiid. Eschat. 27-28) traces back the ideas and such as underlie Isa. xxxiv. 4 to the mythical conception of a heavenly tree with the stars as its fruit and the sirocco which casts them to
in our text

the ground.

THE REVELATION OF
identified with the Parthian princes

ST.

JOHN

[VI. 15-16.

(cf. Mommsen, v. 343 sq.). The word is used six times So Holtzmann and Bousset. in Theodotion s translation of Daniel as a rendering of finin, who were an order of great nobles and court officials under Swete takes them to be civil officials, Belshazzar and Darius.
i.e.

As distinguished from the the persecuting proconsuls. Parthian nobles we have the Roman military tribunes referred to
With
Kpv\j/av ecurrovs KT\. cf.

in ot xiXiapxpi.
Isa.
ii.

lo,

18

sq., etcreA$eT

eis

rots

TreVpas
.
.

Kupt ou.
eis

Kat Kpv7rrecr#e cis rrfv yfjv O.TTO TrpocrajTrov TOV <j)6j3ov Kat ra ^etpOTrot^ra TraVra KaTaKpu^otKriv, eto-evey/caj/res
eis

ra crTr^Aata Kat

ras

cr^io-/xa? TOJV Trerpcov.

See also

Isa.

ii.

21;

Jer. iv. 29.

cf. i Enoch Ixii. 3, "And there shall stand up the kings and the mighty, And the exalted and And they shall see and recognize those who hold the earth, How He sits on the throne of His glory ; Ixii. 4, Then shall Ixii. 5, ; pain come upon them as upon a woman in travail

With 15-16
day
all

in that

"

"

."

"and

they shall be
T^fJias

terrified."

Cf. also

Ixii. 9, Ixiii.

i.
s
e<f>

16. Kat Xeyoucru rots Kal KpuiJ/aTe

diro TTJS opyrjs TOU apiaou.

opecrii

KCU TCUS irerpais

K.a.Qt]^.evou

FlecraTe

TJfias
ica!

diro irpoCTwirou TOU

em

TOU Qpovov

These words are drawn from Hos.

x. 8,

where the LXX has epovo-tv rots opecriv KaAvi^are ^/aas, Kat rots Here our text differs from the LXX in T7/xas. POWOIS IleVare its renderings, Xeyovcriv, TreVpais, Kpvi/wre, and in the order of its This order is found also in Luke xxiii. 30, where this verbs.
e^>

HecTare ^/xas, quotation is given ap^ovrat Xeyetv rots Kai rots /3owots Ka\.vi}/aT ^/xas. It may not be necessary to assume an independent translation of Hos. x. 8 here, but only the use of a current collection of eschatological passages, or a collection of the sayings of our Lord. Either of these hypo theses would account for the inversion of the order of the verbs. The use of Kpttyare and TreVpais could be accounted for by the occurrence of these words in 15. Against the genuineness of the clause, *at aTro T^S opyJJs TOV
:

ope<ru/

e</>

apvtov,
iv.

Vischer, 40; Spitta, 78; Weyland, 150; Volter, i. 51, 22 ; J. Weiss, 64, and others have variously urged that elsewhere in the Apocalypse the Lamb has always a peaceful role, whereas the wrath of God is frequently spoken of: xi. 18,
xiv. 10, 19, xv. 7, xvi.
earlier,
i.e. vi.

i,

19, xix. 15.

Further, that six verses

where the martyrs cry for judgment, God and not the Lamb is addressed and that this is so in the present Spitta urges that the words passage is shown by the avTov in 17.
10,
;

disturb the unity of the situation, since in iv. vi. God is the Judge on the throne, whereas the Lamb appears elsewhere in these chapters before the throne, surrounded by angels. J. Weiss

VI. 16-17.]

THE SIXTH SEAL

183

regards the clause as a later addition of the final editor, according to whose view the enmity of the Beast is directed against the

Lamb and His followers, xvii. 14-15. Two rejoinders have been made to the above arguments. for the Lamb is the central figure i. The clause is to be retained
;

of this chapter. Since He opens the Sealed Book, He is in a certain sense the cause of the woes that follow it is Christ that pronounces the great Ko.Ta.pa in Matt. xxv. 41 sqq. on the wicked, and the irregular avrov, where we should expect avrwv, has its parallel in i Thess. iii. n, where sing, verb follows 6 #eos Kal 6 Kvpios ^/xoiv moreover, God and Christ are set on
:

See Hirscht, an equality by our author, i. 17, 18, xxii. 13. 58 sq. 2. The clause is to be retained ; for the avrov refers not to

God, but to the

It is

Lamb

only.

So Bousset.

perhaps best to accept the clause on the second ground. The Messiah was expected to be the judge of the world in Judaism, i Enoch Ixix. 27 our author, who took a far higher view of His Person, regarded Him in the same light, xxii. 12. 17. ore rj\0ei T) i^jjiepa r\ jAeydXif] TTJS opy^s aurou, Kal TIS Su^arai The verse seems to be based on Joel ii. n, /xeyaAv? ara6f)i ai.
:

f)IJLpa

rov Kvpiov
11

KOL

7rt<^ai/^s

cr<j>6opa t

/cat

ri9 ecrrat iKavos

avrg (^SITO ) ii. 3 1 our author had the

:

b
,

irplv

\6elv ^uepav Kvpiov rrjv /xeyaX^v.

That

of these passages before his mind may be inferred also from the fact that in 12 he has already borrowed from Joel ii. 31* directly or indirectly. In Zeph. ii. 2 we have another close parallel, -n-po rov Tre\Ociv 7reA.$etv v/Aas opyrjv /cvpi ov, irpo rov v/xas ^/xepav OVJJLOV To the last clause in our verse, the original of which is Kvptov.
e<f>

Hebrew

e<p*

probably in Joel Nah. i. 6, oVo

ii.

(see above),
opyfjs

we have
TIS
"

Trpoa-wirov

avrov

VTrocrrrycreTai

further parallels in *at Tts

"

The great day and dvrio-T^treTai ev opyfy Qvpov avrov. equivalent phrases are very frequent in Enoch and later Jewish literature: see Bousset, Religion d. Judenthums, 246; Vo\z,Jud. Eschat. 1 88; i Enoch xlv. 2 (note in my edition). This verse expresses the alarm of the conscience-stricken inhabi tants of the earth, but not the thought of our author. The woes already past, which had hitherto been regarded as the immediate forerunners of "the great day," might well have justified such a cry of despair; but our author teaches that the end is not yet ; the roll of the martyrs is not yet complete ; the unbelieving world has worse woes still to encounter. With TIS ovvarai o-raOrjvai; we might contrast the picture in vii. g sqq. of the innumerable host standing (eo-r^Tas) before
God.

184

THE REVELATION OF
ADDITIONAL NOTE ON
avrot?
0-ToX.r]

ST.

JOHN
n.

[VI. 11.

vi.

\tvKrj.

It is best to give at the outset

the

interpretation of the or-roAr? Aevfoy that can be justified by Jewish and Early Christian literature, and this is that the crroA,?) Aeu/o; signifies the spiritual bodies which were forthwith given to the martyrs, but not to the rest of the faithful departed till after the

Final

Judgment
d.

Attempts have been made by Boklen (Ver-

wandtschaft
pp. 61-62)
xiii.
:

jiidisch-christUchen mit d. Parischen Eschatologie, to find this conception in the Zend-Avesta (Yasht

see S.B.E. xxiii. 192-193 *), but it cannot be 49 sq. In the Pahlavi literature (8th cent. A.D. regarded as successful. or later) to which he appeals (p. 62), there is a doctrine approxi mating, but only approximating, to that of our author: see Bund. xxx. 28 (S.B.E. v. 127). "This too, it says, that who ever has performed no worship, and has ordered no Geti-kharid, and has bestowed no clothes as a righteous gift, is naked there
;

and he performs the worship of Auharmazd, and f the heavenly Cf. also Dadistan-i angels provide him the use of clothing Dinik, xliii. 19 (S.B.E. xviii. 149 sq.), and Sad Dar, Ixxxviii. 2-6 (S.B.E. xxiv. 351). There is therefore no evidence to prove that Judaism or Christianity is beholden to the Zend religion
f."

for this doctrine.

return to pre-Christian and later Judaism, where we undoubtedly prevalent. In Ps. civ. 2, Thou clothest Thyself with light as with a garment," we find one of the sources of the conception with which we are dealing. Now as God was clothed in light, the risen faithful were likewise so conceived, as in i Enoch cviii. 12, will bring forth in shining light those who have loved My holy name, and I will seat each on the throne of his honour." But since the light going forth from God was likewise the glory of God, the resurrection bodies of the righteous could be described as garments of glory." Thus in i Enoch Ixii. 16
find this view
"

We now

"I

"

"

And And

they shall have been clothed with garments of glory, these shall be the garments of life from the Lord of
"

Spirits

and in 2 Enoch xxii. 8, And the Lord said to Michael Go and take Enoch from out his earthly garments and put
"

Here the departed souls revisiting the earth say Who will receive us with meat and clothes in his hand and with a prayer worthy of bliss ? The clothes so given are supposed to clothe the soul in the next world. This idea is poles apart from that in our text, and yet Clemen (Lrkldrung d. N7\ 135) and many other Germans accept this view without any attempt to consult the
1
"

"

S.B.E.

VI. 11.]

ADDITIONAL NOTE ON

VI.

II
are
"

185
white,"

him

into the garments of

My

glory."

The garments

a symbol of the light streaming forth from a supernatural being. Thus the raiment of the angels is XevKa Ami/), xvi. 5 Mark ix. 3 (TO, i/xana avrov white," Acts i. 10 (eo-^rjo-co-tv A.ei>Kais), or "dazzling," (o-roXrjv \VKr)v) ; Luke ix. 29 (6 t/xaTicr/xo5 avrov Aeu/cos e^acrrpaTrroov), xxiv. 4 (ev
as the white
"

garment

is

see that the bodies of the risen righteous were of glory," i.e. the supernatural glory or light belonging to God Himself (2 Enoch xxii. 8), and that the garments of the angels in the N.T. are described in analogous

So

far

we

described as

"garments

The angels are then white or dazzling." But apparently to be conceived of as having spiritual bodies. white raiment" the identification of the "white garments" or of the blessed with their spiritual bodies can be fully established.
terms
as
"
"

"

"

For in the Ascension of Isaiah (fire. 88-100 A.D., or 100-120 A.D. according to Beer) we have a writing contemporary or almost contemporary with that of our author, which deals definitely with Thus in iv. 16 we read: But the saints will come this question. with the Lord with their garments which are (now) stored up on high in the seventh heaven with the Lord they will come, whose and He will clothe (i.e. reading eTrevSvVet spirits are clothed for eviarxyo-ei, which latter the Ethiopic presupposes) the saints who have been found in the body ... in the garments of the saints." Again in viii. 14 we find: "When from the body thou hast ascended hither, then thou wilt receive the garment which thou seest." For other references to these garments or These spiritual bodies see vii. 22, viii. 26, ix. 9, 17, 24-26, xi. 40. garments were most probably termed ei/Sv/u^/xara in the lost Greek original, since this term is found in the Greek Legend, ii. See p. 145 of my edition of 35, which is based on the Asc. Isa. this work. From the Ascension we may proceed to Hernias, Sim. viii. 2. 3, l/jiarLa-^ov Sc rov avrov Trai/res et^oi/ X.CVKOV axrei and 4 Ezra ii. 39, "Qui se de umbra saeculi transtulerunt, 42. Ego Esdras splendidas tunicas a domino acceperunt vidi in monte Sion turbam magnam, quam numerare non potui . 44-45- Tune interrogavi angelum et dixi Qui sunt hi, Domine? Qui respondens dixit mihi: Hi sunt qui mortalem tunicam deposuerunt et immortalem sumpserunt." From the evidence given in the preceding paragraph we conclude that, in the circles best fitted to understand apocalyptic symbols, the symbolism of the white garments from 88 or there abouts to 200 A.D. was clearly understood as given above. We may now return to the N.T., to the Pauline Epistles, and our That St. Paul held analogous beliefs though he ex author. pressed them some\vhat differently, is clear from i Cor. xv. 44,
, ,
"

"

"

X">i/a,

86

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN
"

[VI. 11.

where he distinguishes the o-w/m i^u^i/cov from the crwpx TTVCVthe likeness /naTiKoV, the latter of which is said (xv. 49) to be of the heavenly" (rrjv ei/cora TOO) cTrovpavibv). This heavenly ot/aW body he calls in 2 Cor. v. i an oi/coSo/x-^v CK 6eov in the next verse he defines d^cipoTTotryTov cuwviov h rots it as TO ovpavov, being clothed with which oiKr)TiqpLov 77/Acoi/ TO e we shall not be found naked (evoWa/tevot ov yv^vol cupe^o-o /xe&x). Finally he declares (Phil. Hi. 21) that this body of our humilia tion will be fashioned anew so as to be conformed to the body of His (i.e. Christ s) glory TO) T^S So&ys avrov).
.
. .

ofy>ai/ois

(<rvfJLfjLop<f>ov

o-<o/xaTt

Here the

o-w/xa rfc

"garments

of

l So^s avrov denotes the same thing as the in i Enoch Ixii. 16, though the form of glory"

expression is different. Let us next examine the views of our author on this question. In this connection he uses two words, o-ToXij and fytanov. Since the meaning is less clear with regard to ijomo> we shall begin with o-ToXij. First of all, in vi. u, when the souls under the altar appealed for judgment on their oppressors, a o-roA?) A.ev/o} (i.e. a spiritual

body) was given to each, and they were bidden to rest till their fellow-servants on earth should suffer martyrdom even as they had. Here there is no definite answer given to their collective even the gift cry for retribution, but a definite boon is accorded
of spiritual bodies. But thereby their complete blessedness is not yet fulfilled. This cannot be accomplished till all the faith ful have finished their warfare on earth. They are not to enjoy perfect blessedness till the roll of the martyrs is complete and the In this kingdom Millennial Kingdom established on the earth. they are to reign with Christ for 1000 years (xx. 4), sitting on His throne (i.e. sharing in His authority), iii. 21 (cf. Luke xxii. 29, 30 Matt. xix. 28), and to be crowned as victors in the strife on earth,
;

ii.

10,

iii.

(cf.

Tim.

iv. 7, 8).

We

might compare with our

is

1 It is noteworthy that this idea of a resurrection body of glory or light used in a purely spiritual sense in the Odes of Solomon
:

Cf.

Ode

xi.

9-10.

"I

And And And

Ode Ode
xxi. 2.
"

forsook the folly which is spread over the earth I stripped it off and cast it from me the Lord renewed me in His raiment
:

formed

me by His

light."

put off darkness and clothed myself with light, And my soul acquired a body Free from sorrow or affliction or pains." xxv. 7-8. "In me there shall be nothing but light, And I was clothed with the covering of Thy Spirit, And I cast away from me my raiment of skin."
I

Rendel Harris (Odes of Solomon, p. 67) points out that according to Rabbi Meir, Adam was originally clothed with "coats of light" (I IN num), but that coats of skin after the Fall he was clothed with (iiy nuro).
"
"

VI. 11.]

ADDITIONAL NOTE ON

VI. II

l8/

author s expectation Asc. Isa. ix. 9, where the Seer sees all the righteous from Adam onwards "stript of the garments of the flesh" ( = ra rfjs crap/cos ei/Sv/xr^tara, cf. Greek Legend, ii. 33) and clothed in "their garments of the upper world," and appear 10. "But they sat not on their thrones, nor like angels." ing u. And I asked the angel were their crowns of glory on them. who was with me How is it that they have received the gar ments but not the thrones and the crowns? 12, 13. And he said unto me: Crowns and thrones of glory .they do not receive has descended into the world and reascended till the Beloved Here, though the time limit differs, the idea is similar. (17-18). The idea in our text is that of the solidarity of the Church of the
"

"

Martyrs.

set forth in

That of the entire Church, Jewish and Christian, is well Heb. xi. 39-40, "These all ... received not the

promise, God having provided some better thing concerning us, that apart from us they should not be made perfect." The 0-ToX.r) \evKrj in vi. 1 1 is, then, clearly the spiritual bodies which are given by God to the martyrs, and according to our This phrase used in author to the martyrs only at this stage. connection with the glorified martyr host in heaven in vii. 9
(o^Xos TroXv?
. .

7Tpi/3e/:?X?7ju,j

ovs o-roXas Xtv/cas)

and

in

vii.

13

(OVTOL 01 Trepi/SefiXrjfjicvoi ras orroXas ras Xev*a?) has, of course, the

same meaning. There are two other passages, vii. 14, xxii. 14, in which this phrase occurs, and which at first sight seem to place considerable But the difficulty in the way of the above interpretation. To solve it, however, we difficulty is more seeming than real. must turn to our author s use of t/xcmov 1 as a synonym of oroXrj, and likewise fiuo-a-Lvos a second synonym for a-roXyj. Faithful discipleship in Christ provides the spirit with a spiritual body Now otherwise it is naked^ as we saw above in 2 Cor. v. 1-5. this spiritual body is the joint result of God s grace and man s in iii. 18, where faithfulness. It is, on the one hand, a divine gift
:

Christ declares in cru/ji/3ov\evw

A.CUKO. iva TTfpifidXrj KCLL
(cf.
p,r)

dyopcurai Trap r <avpu>077 f) a.lcr^yvifj

in
iii.

trot

C/JLOV

tftarta

Cor.

v.

1-5),

TreptySaXeiTai cv i/xaTiois XCUKCHS,

and most probably and again

Xa/A7rpov Ka.6a.pov.

5,

6 VIK&V
avr-fi Iva.

in XIX. 8, e&oOr)

ircpipdXrjTcu
spiritual
faithful,
1

/3v<r<rivov

body is and can,

4 the

the other hand, the in a certain sense the present possession of the
therefore, only

On

be preserved through

faithful-

In

iv.

they have as heavenly beings.

i/mrfois Xewcots are the spiritual bodies of the Elders, which In xix. 14, tirdedv/mtvoi fifoffivov \evitbv Ka6ap6v,

in xv. 6, tvdedv/dvoi \L6ov Ka.6a.pbv \a/j.irp6v, the heavenly bodies of the angels are referred to in any case, even if there is a secondary reference to In xix. 13, 16 l/jdriov is apparently used in its literal their white garments. See footnote i p. 82. sense.
,

and

88
:

THE REVELATION OF
cf. iii. 4,

ST.

JOHN

[VII.

L
The
/".*.

ness
6

a OVK e/xoAvvav ra
TO,

itiaria avrtoi/: xvi. 15, /Ad/capias

...

report/

faithful
will

disciple

ijucma, avrov will walk with

tva /x^

yu/xvos

TrepnraTrj.
Aev/cots,

Christ in white (eV

These promises are eschatopossess a spiritual body, iii. 4). Christ may come at any hour logical and relate to the future. and according to the faithfulness or unfaithfulness of His (iii. 3), disciples, so will they be clothed or naked hereafter. It must be confessed that iii. 4 (a OVK e/xoAwav TO. t^u-ana avrcov)
taken in and by itself could be interpreted as relating wholly to the spiritual experience of the Christian in the present; but the clause that follows is against this, being purely eschatological, KCU 7TpL7ra.Tr)(rovariv fter e/xov Iv Aer/coTs, and still more so is the next The being clothed in white garments is the result of verse. The "nakedness" in iii. 18, faithfulness unto death (6 xvi. 15, is, as we have seen, the same thing as in 2 Cor. v. 1-5, and denotes the loss of the spiritual body. Now let us return to vii. 14, xxii. 14 (01 TrAvVofTcs ras oroAas
VIKO>V).

avrcuj/).

If

it is

even to destroy
it

(vii.

14, xxii.

possible to defile the heavenly body (iii. 4), or xvi. 15), it is no less possible to cleanse (iii. 18, 14) and make it white (AevKcuVeii/, vii. 14) in the
it

blood of the Lamb.

Thus to sum up. The present life of faith has within it the promise and the potency of a blessed immortality of the soul endowed with an organism (symbolized in our author by o-roAr) AevK?? or IpoiTiov AevKov) adapted to its spiritual environment. Every true Christian has potentially and actually this spiritual body, which he can defile (iii. 4) or cleanse (vii. 14, xxii. 14) and
Every wholly (iii. 18, xvi. 15). thus linked up inexorably with the future. Moreover, while it is true on the one hand that God bestows on us the spiritual body (iii. 18, vi. n), it is equally true on the other that we have our share in the creation of this body (iii. 4, xvi. 15), through the fellowship of our spirit with that of Christ,
(vii.

make white

14), or destroy
life is

act of the present

and can destroy

to Christ
(iii.

alike its possibilities

and

itself

by unfaithfulness

18, xvi. 15).

CHAPTER

VII.

i. In the preceding three chapters there has been con tinuous movement, and the Seer has placed before his readers a progressive drama, advancing in a series of visions, dealing in iv. with God the Creator of the world and the Source of all goodness and power and glory therein, and in v. with Christ the Redeemer, who, by undertaking the opening of the sevensealed book, had thereby taken upon Himself the destinies of

VII.

1-2.]

SOURCES OF

VII.

1-8

AND

9-17

189

the world and the fulfilment of God s purposes ; and in vi. with the opening of the first six Seals, which were followed by a But to this divine drama, succession of social and cosmic woes. moving onwards inexorably and ceaselessly, there comes a pause in vii. The preceding Seals (the first four and the sixth) had been purely physical and had affected all men alike; but the three Woes, each heralded by a trumpet blast, were to be of a demonic character and to affect only the inhabiters of the earth "such men as had not the seal of God on their fore Hence to secure the faithful against these heads" (ix. 4). impending demonic woes a pause is made (vii. 1-3), and during it the living faithful Jew and Gentile alike and so far the spiritual Israel, are marked with the seal of the Living God There is thus a pause in the movement of the divine (vii. 4-8). drama in vii. 1-8, but in vii. 9-17 there is more: there is an actual breach in that unity of time which has been so carefully observed in iv.-vii. 8. But this breach (and it recurs under like circumstances later) is purposeful. The faithful have indeed been sealed in vii. 4-8, but since this sealing does not secure

them against physical suffering and martyrdom, to encourage and inspire them in the face of these impending evils the Seer recounts that wonderful vision in vii. 9-17 in which, looking to the close of the great tribulation, he beholds those who had been sealed and had died the martyr s death already standing blessed and triumphant before the throne of God. 2. This chapter presents many difficult questions. Owing to
the apparently Jewish or Jewish-Christian character of vii. 1-8, and the universalistic character of vii. 9-17, critics have for the most part decided against the unity of the chapter. While Spitta makes vii. 9-17 the immediate sequel and actual close of i.-vi. (i.e. of "the original Christian Apocalypse," and assigns
vii.

1-8 to J i (the first Jewish source), Volter, Vischer, Pfleiderer ed.), Schmidt, regard vii. 9-17 as an interpolation in a Others again seek to Jewish-Christian or Jewish groundwork. reconstruct the original by making certain excisions. Thus Erbes removes vii. 4-8, 13-17, as additions from a Jewish source ;
(ist

while Weyland strikes out certain phrases ,in vii. 9, 10, 14, 17; and Rauch deletes vii. 13, 14 wholly, as well as certain phrases
in
vii. 9,

10, as additions of a Christian reviser.

But a more excellent way of dealing with the text is taken by Weizsacker, Sabatier, Schoen, Holtzmann, Bousset, Wellhausen,
Porter, Scott, Moffatt, who maintain the relative unity of the chapter, and regard vii. 1-8 either as the work of our author or as incorporated by him in his text and adapted thereto. Sabatier, Holtzmann, Hirscht, and Bousset interpret vii. 1-8 as referring to Jewish, and \:i. 9-17 to Gentile-Christians; while Reuss,

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VII.

2-3.

Bovon, Schoen, Porter, Wellhausen, and Moffatt interpret the two passages as describing the same body under different condi tions. My own studies have led me independently to the same
view, though with a difference.

we have recorded in briefest form the conclusions ot on the critical structure of this chapter. We must now proceed to discuss the questions in detail, and first of all the relation of vii. 9-17 to the rest of the Apocalypse, since this is
So
far

scholars

the easiest.
the hand of our author. For (a) it pro 3. vii. p-i? is from claims the absolute universalism of Christianity, as does the entire Apocalypse so far as it comes from his hand, (b) Its diction and Here the evidence is conclusive. idiom are those of our author. ical ISou. So iv. i (see note in loc.). ov 9. fxerd raura Hebraism. Cf. iii. 8, xii. 6, xiii. 8, 1 2, xx. 8. oxXos auToV K. So xix. i, 6, in same connection. iroXus. IG^ous K.
ei8oi>

<f>uXuik

Xawk
iv.

K.
y\(i)<rcrG>v.

Cf. V. 9.
viii.

Iv&iriov TOU 0poVou (also vii. 15).

So
TOU

5,

6,

10, vii. 15,

dpyiou

(cf. vii. 10).

So

So vi. (also vii. 13). 10. Kpdouai (juoi/fj

xix. 17.
TJ

3, etc. xxii. i, 3.

eVwiuoy TOU 0p6you

7repi|3e/3XT)p.eVous

K<U

iv.

oroXds Xeuicds

(note).

jULeydXif].

So

vi.

10, x. 3, xiv. 15 (xviii. 2),

awTYjpia TW 0ew.
eir!

So

xix. i.

(see note in loc,). that of our author

7Ti

(See exceptional use in 15.) So iv. 2 ri after the peculiar use of participle is CTTI with dative after the dative participle and with the accusative after the nominative participle. KCU TUC reacrcipcj^ 11. KuX(o TOU 6poVou Kal TUP 7rpcaj3uTe
Ka0Y)p.eV<>

TW

0p6Vu>.

The

p<i)i

So

iv.

(note). wirtot Cf.

. .

iv.

IO.

lirl

Ta

TrpoorwTra

auTUK Kal irpoaeKunfjo-a^ TW 0ew.

(word for word). Seven members. Cf. the 12. -q euXoyi a Kal TJ 86|a KTX. addressed to the Lamb in v. 12, with seven mem doxology
bers.

So

xi. 1 6

See under 9. 13. TrpipepXTju.Voi Tas oroXds. 14. -n)s 6Xt\j/ea>s TTJS fAeydXrjs. Cf. ii. 22.
lirXui at

Tds o-ToXds auTwt

dp^iou.

Here and
xii.

in xxii. 14 only.

TW aifAcm TOU
15.
ivtoiriov

Cf.

II

(i.

5, v. 9).

TOU 6p6vou.

See under

10.

Cf. xxii. 3. XaTpeuouaii aurw. 6 Ka0i]fjLei os em f TOU 6povou f. a primitive scribal error (?) tional

This construction
;

is

excep

see note

on

iv.

2.

aKTpwaei

eirl auTOus. Cf. xxi. 3, (TKrjvaxrcL p.f.r at>Taiv. Here and in xvi. 9 only in N.T. 16. Kaup.a. Cf. V. 6. 17. TO a-pviov TO dfd p-eo-OK TOU 0p6kou. em JWTJS TTYiyds uSdTWK. Cf. xxi. 6 (cf. xxii. I, 17).

VII.

3-4.]

VII.

1-8
.

FROM JEWISH SOURCES

6(f>0aX|uioi>y

pi

iray SaKpuoK IK TWI/ 4 (word for word). From the above evidence it follows that hand of our author. 4. We have now to deal with vii. 1-8.

eaXeu|/ei

aurwi
is

So

xxi.

vii.

9-17

from the

vii. 1-8 is derived from independent Jewish sources^ which have however been recast in the diction of our author. 1. The diction is that of our author. VII. I. 1 fierd TOUTO et&oy (see iv. I, note). IOTWTCIS em T&S So to-rr;/xt with CTTI and ace. in iii. 20, viii. 3 (AP An), ywKas.
,

xi.

tfaAcurcrr/s

xv. 2; except when followed by CTTI TT}S y)s (on these see next clause) in xix. 1 7 * T^ s with ev, but in a different sense, -nyo) em rfjs ytjs fJL11 T cm iray SeVSpoi We should expect either accusa 0aXd<nrY]s fi^re tives throughout or genitives ; but our author uses eis ryv yyjv in xiv. 16 an or uses CTTI r^s y^s, and never TTI y^i/, except

n,

xii.

8,

xiv.

i,

KOI

em

rr?s

r>)v

Hence this clause exhibits a characteristic usage. interpolation. See note on 2. Kal elBo^. See iv. i note. 0eou J^TOS.
p. 1 28. in the

dcaroXtjs rjXiou

cf. xvi. 1 2.

eKpa|ey
.

(jxoi fj

jAeytiXT]

frequent

Apocalypse, but only in xiv. 15 is it followed as here by the dative of the persons addressed, ots aurois, a Hebraism ; For this see on ov aurov, above. e8o0T) aurois dSixijo-ai.
. .

construction

cf. ii.

7, iii.

21,

xiii.

7,

15, xvi. 8.

d&iiajaai rfp y^v= "to lypse this use of aSiKtv

except
ix. 4,

Luke x. 19, but 10, 19, xi. 5 (bis).

TOU OeoG
TQfjiwi
.

it

hurt the earth." Outside the Apoca is not found elsewhere in the N.T. is frequent in our text; cf. ii. n, vi. 6,
vii.

3.
iii.

Cf.

10, 12, xii. 10, xix. i, 5

.

(0eos /AOV,

2,

12

(ii.

7 [?])).

em

rStv p-TwiraH

istic.

the
ace.

Our author uses rt in this noun is in the plural cf. ix. 4, if the noun is in the singular cf.
:

This phrase is character phrase with the genitive if xiv. i, xxii. 4, but with the
xiii.

16, xvii. 5, xx. 4, except

in xiv. 9.
II.

The subject-matter of

vii.

1-8

is

borrowed from Jewish

sources.

Behind vii. 1-8 there are possibly two independent traditions or documents the one relating to the four winds and the other to the sealing of the 144,000. (a) vii. 1-3 from a Jewish source, which has not apparently undergone any essential, transformation. The letting loose by the four angels of these destructive winds 2 was, as the text implies,
is used in the sense of holding in check in i a meaning not In ii. 13, 14, 15, 25, iii. n, it means elsewhere found in the Apocalypse. "hold fast," z .. "keep Trvt-y here only in our author. carefully."
"
"

Compare Luke xxi. 25,

the onset of these winds on the sea in the

frrlrTjs --^s VVVOXTI

little

tQv&v

ei>

airoplq. -f)x^ s

0aM<r<7"*?s

Apocalypse Kal a

192
to

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VII.

4.

take place after the sealing of the faithful had been accom all events shortly before the end. And yet these ifour angels and these four winds are not directly referred to 1 Hence we conclude, as already other critics have done, again. that our author has here used fragmentarily an older tradition. For the existence of the tradition in various forms, later evidence can be adduced. 2 The various elements in our text can be
plished, or at
1 I have shown in the note on ix. 14 that there are many grounds for believing that in their original context these winds at the bidding of the four In angels brought plagues of natural locusts from the corners of the earth. ix. i sqq., however, a plague, not of natural, but of demonic locusts arises from the pit, and, as such, not subject to the four angels, but to the angel of Thus vii. 1-3 prepares the way, though indirectly, for ix. 1-13. the abyss. 2 First of all we find analogous situations in Jewish Apocalyptic. In vii. 1-3 we are told that a pause in the judgments is commanded in order that during this pause the faithful may be sealed. Similarily in I Enoch a like pause takes place before the Deluge for the preservation of Noah and his family. Thus in Ixvi. 1-2 it is said, "And after that he showed me the angels of punishment, who are prepared to come and let loose all the powers of the waters, which are beneath in the earth, in order to bring judgment and de 2. And the Lord of Spirits gave struction on all who dwell on the earth. commandment to the angels who were going forth, that they should not cause the waters to rise, but should hold them in check ; for those angels are over the powers of the waters." From Ixvii. it becomes clear that the object of For another like pause this pause is to give time for the building of the Ark. and, as regards the form of the tradition, a very remarkable parallel, we should compare 2 Bar. vi. 4 sqq., "And I beheld, and, lo four angels stand ing at the four corners of the city, each of them holding a torch of fire in his hands." 5. And another angel descended from heaven and said unto them
! :

Hold your

torches,

and do not

light

them

"

till

I tell

you.

four angels standing at the four corners of Jerusalem, ready to fifth angel bidding them pause and not destroy it till the sacred vessels of the Temple were secured and hidden away, vi. 7. Independent developments of traditions relating to the four winds or prob ably independent traditions are to be found in later Apocalypses, as Bousset has For the purpose of the pointed out ; but these are not derived from our text. four winds in our text is to destroy the earth, and the life thereon, before the judgment^ whereas in the later Apocalypses the purpose of the four winds is to Cf. the pseudo-Johannine Apoc. 15, r6re cleanse the earth after thejudgment. rh r^ffcrapa jj^p-rj TT?S KCti e4\6a)<riv I will unseal ci7ro/3oiAXw<rw ( T^ffffapes &vfj.OL fieyaXoi Kal ^/cXci^ wcnc &TTO.V TO irpbafairov T??S y^s, ical \evKavTherefore (MS F) the Syriac Apoc. Peter driaeTai iraaa i) yij wairep I will order the four winds and they shall be let loose one in the direction of the And when the sea-wind is let loose, there arises brimstone before it other. and when the south wind is let loose, there arises a flaming fire before it ; and when the west wind is let loose, the mountains and the rocks are cleft in Cf. also Sibyll. viii. 204 sqq. twain." TroXX^ 86 re \aL\airi. dvuv yaiav 5 tiravdffTaffts &TTCU. (These quotations are from Bousset, dpr)/m.6crei vexp&v

Here we have destroy it, and

"

")

d.pv<r<rov

"

x<-uv

Now these latter passages do not appear to be based on our text, but all seem to be derived from an older tradition, which has its foundation in the O.T. and in I Enoch Ixxvi. First of all, the sirocco or south-east wind (myo mrr, Jer. xxiii. 19, and nirr rm D np, Hos. xiii. 15) was regarded as a special Nah. i. 3 ; Zech. ix. 14. It is His chariot, Jer. manifestation of God It rends the iv. 13 ; Isa. Ixxvi. 15, it is His breath, Job xxxvii. 10.
:

p. 280.)

VII.

4.J

VII.

1-8

FROM JEWISH SOURCES

193

satisfactorily

note

explained from the tradition as we see from foot on preceding page.

The episode in vii. 1-3 is introduced because a new order of plagues is about to ensue, and a pause must be made in order that during it the faithful may be sealed before this new order of plagues, i.e. the demonic, sets in. is from a Jewish or Jewish- Christian source. (b) vii. 4-8 or Jewish- Christians in the original (a) The 144,000 were Jews For since the tribes are definitely mentioned one by tradition. one, and the number sealed in each tribe is definitely fixed (even though symbolically), the twelve tribes can only have meant the literal Israel in the original tradition. Thus Jewish particularism was the central idea of this section. 1 This tradition was thus originally a purely Jewish one, (ft) and recalls Ex. xii. 7, 13, 23 sq. ; Ezek. ix. 3 sq. ; but if the order of the tribes in our text is the same as that in the source used by our author; then this source was probably Jewish Christian and In favour of this view a recast of the original Jewish tradition. might be adduced the remarkable order in which the tribes are 2 given, Judah being put in the first place and Levi in the eighth. Now in the twenty different arrangements of the tribes in the O.T. (cf. Encyc. Bib. iv. 5207 sqq. ; Hastings D.B. iv. 810 sqq.) Judah is found first in two, i.e. those in Num. ii., vii., x., and in But Judah is first in the latter on purely i Chron. ii. 3-viii., xii. geographical grounds (see Buchanan Gray, Encyc. Bib. iv. 5204),
mountains and the rocks, I Kings xix. 1 1 ; it withers up the grass, Isa. xl. 7, 24 ; and dries up the stream and river and sea, Nah. i. 4 ; Ps. xviii. 15, cvi. 9. Next the sirocco becomes an element in the eschatological expectations of it is to Ps. Ixxxiii. 14 ; Amos i. 14 ; Isa. xxxiv. 4 Israel destroy the enemies of God, Jer. xxiii. 19, xxx. 23 ; Hos. xiii. 14 sq. (See Gressmann, Isr.-Jiid. Eschat. 20 sqq.) This conception of the sirocco prepares us for a similar conception of These are mentioned in a topographical sense in Zech. "the four winds." ii. 6, but in vi. 5 as God s servants which present themselves before Him and execute His vengeance. In this sense it is already a technical conception; they come as His ministers of judgment from the four ends of heaven, Jer. xlix. 36 they break In i Enoch xxxiv. 3, Ixxvi. 4, they come from forth on the sea, Dan. vii. 2. the four corners and are bearers of plagues, two from each corner. The winds are conceived as having "spirits," i Enoch Ixix. 22 ; Jub. ii. 2. 1 omission of the tribe of Dan would also point to the Jewish origin The of the tradition. According to a ist cent. B.C. fragment, i.e. Test. Dan v. For other evidence on this con 6-7, Satan is said to be the prince of Dan.
: : ;

nection of
8

my notes (op. cit. v. 6-7). 5209) conjectures that 5-6 should be This transposition makes the text normal (see note transposed after 8. under vii. 5-8 (Judah, Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Issachar, Zebulun from Leah,
Buchanan Gray (Encyc. Bib.
iv.

Dan

with the Antichrist see

There are still the two outstanding irregularities to which we have )). drawn attention, the omission of Dan (Jewish), and the setting of Judah at the head of the list (Jewish-Chustian). VOL. I. 13
etc.

194
and
is

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VII.

4-5.

in the former, because of its pre-eminence among the tribes, assigned this leading position in the camp, Levi being omitted 1 But after the return in this warlike disposition of the tribes. from the Captivity Levi gradually acquired a predominant influence among the tribes, and after the Maccabean rising took the lead even of Judah. While, on the other hand, in Jub. xxviii. 1 1 sqq. the twelve sons of Jacob are enumerated in accordance with the date of their birth, and in xxxiv. 20 and in the order of the books of the Testaments of the XII Patriarchs are grouped according to their respective mothers and the groups arranged in order of birth ; on the other hand, in the rest of the Testaments when Judah and Levi are mentioned together, as they frequently are, Levi is always placed first, unless in the Christian interpola tions and the MSS manipulated by Christian scribes, where Judah is set before Levi (see my note on Test, of XII Patr., The reason for this change is obvious from this stand p. 13). Since, therefore, in our point Christ was sprung from Judah. text Judah is placed first, it is to be inferred either that the list of the twelve tribes had undergone a Jewish-Christian transforma tion, and that it was this Jewish-Christian recension that our author made use of, or that our author made this change himself. the faithful in our text does not mean (a) 5. The sealing of
:

preservation from physical evil, nor (ti) from spiritual apostasy, but (c) from demonic and kindred influences under the coming reign

of Antichrist.
(a) The sealing of the faithful in the original tradition meant preservation from physical evil and death, as in Ex. xii. 7, 13, 22 sq., and Ezek. ix. 3 sq. 2 This Judaistic conception of preservation from physical evil is found also in the Little Jewish Apocalypse in the Gospels: cf. Mark xiii. 17-20; Matt. xxiv. 20-22. That it was indeed a current Jewish expectation we see in part from the N.T. references just given, and we know that it was such from a ist cent. B.C. authority. From Pss. Sol. xv. 8, an eschatological psalm we learn that the sign of the 10 Lord is to be upon the righteous unto their salvation (TO o^/xeioi/ TOV #eov cm St/cat ovs ts crcoT^piav), and that accordingly famine and the sword and pestilence were to be far from the righteous /cat po/A<cua KCU $avaTos (X7ro StKatojv The contrast (A.I/AOS /xa/cpttv). between the expectation in our text and in this psalm could not
"
"

"

"

In Shabbath, 55% we have an haggadic interpretation of this verse "God Go and impress on the forehead of the righteous a mark of said to Gabriel vn D pnxWnnvp *?y mtn, that the destroying ink, nVan Dt^Dnm iB ?^ K*?7 in angels may have no power over him and on the foreheads of the godless a mark of blood, that the angels of destruction may have power over them."
2
: :
1

Except Num.

ii.

17,

where the Levites encamp

in the centre.

VII.

5.]

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SEALING

195

be greater. In the psalm the- sign is placed on the brows of the righteous to secure them from the eschatological woes that follow ; in our text the sign is not placed till after these very woes had taken place. In xv. 6, 7 of the same psalm the righteous are promised immunity from all the evils which are sent against the ungodly in the last days. Moreover, as the psalmist expected a sign to be impressed on the brows of the saints, so he declares, xv. 10, that "the sign of destruction will be set on the foreheads of the sinners (TO yap tny/mov r^s aTrcoAeia? eTrt TOV /XCTCOTTOV avTwv), and that accordingly "famine and the sword and pestilence" "would pursue and overtake the sinners" (xv. 8, 9), and that they would "perish in the day of judgment of the Lord
"

for

ever"

(xv. 13).

from physical evil had been intended by our * author, the sealing should have taken place before the first Seal and not in the midst of the cosmic catastrophies of the sixth. Vitringa feels this so strongly that he maintains that vii. 1-8 belongs essentially before vi. 12-17, while Hengstenberg would
If preservation

place
that

it

"

before vi. Holtzmann (3rd ed., p. 449), while maintaining die furchtbaren Plagen der Endzeit sie (die Versiegelten)

nicht treffen,

und

sie

daher

vom Verderben
:

verschont

bleiben,"

yet gives away his cause by admitting "unerledigt bleibt allerdings die Frage, warum diese Versiegelung nicht vor das sechste Siegel
.
.

verlegt

worden

sei."

Yet Bousset (287 sq.) interprets the sealing in this sense, but admits the possibility of (^) being right, or indeed of both being
alike right. 2

the consciousness of the wrongness of this interpreta propound the view that // is not from physical evil but from spiritual apostasy under the last and greatest trials that should befall the world, that the sealing is designed to secure the faithful. But that this is not the immediate object of the sealing appears to follow from ix. 4, where the implication of
(b)

Now

tion led Diisterdieck to

the fact that the sealing does not take place before the first Seal, 52) concludes that the first four Seals belong to the past and But even in that case the present, and that the sixth deals with the future. sealing should have taken place before the sixth Seal, if the sealing were

From
(p.

Frbes

intended to preserve from physical evil. 2 The view that the 144,000 are Jewish Christians, can only be advo cated on the ground that our author, as a Jewish Christian, believes profoundly in the spiritual prerogatives of this nation. But since our author holds also that martyrdom is the highest consummation of the Christian faith, and that the highest place in the future life awaits the martyrs, and that none but martyrs share in Christ s reign of 1000 years, he cannot at the same time entertain the belief that the elect 144,000 Jewish Christians are to be excluded from the supreme privilege of the faithful. On these and other grounds (see section 5) we conclude ^hat the sealing does not exclude the possibility of martyrdom, and that the 144,000 include Gentile as well as Jewish Christians.

196
the text

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VII.

5.

is that it is from demonic agencies that the sealed are secured and not from physical evil in any form, from the visita tions of nature, even the greatest at the end of the world. This last passage suggests the right interpretation of the text which

follows in
(<:).

The sealing in our text secured the faithful against demonic As this reign, so full of agencies in the coming reign of Antichrist. superhuman horrors, was about to begin, the sealing was carried out just then and not earlier or later. This sealing did not secure against social or cosmic evils, nor yet against martyrdom, xviii. 24, but only against diabolic or demonic powers, as we see from ix. 4. 1 It is the special help that the faithful needed against the coming manifestation of Satanic wickedness linked
(c)

with seemingly supreme power. With this help the weakest servant of God need not dread the mightiest of his spiritual foes. The seal of God engraven on his brow marked him as God s But it did property, and as such ensured him God s protection. not in itself secure him against spiritual apostasy. Against this Christ warns the elect in Matt. xxiv. 24, and requires of them unfailing endurance: Mark xiii. 13, 6 Sc vTro/xeiWs ets reXos OVTOS If the elect bear with patience the natural trials inci (rw^TJo-erai.

dent to their faithful discipleship of Christ, then He will preserve them from the superhuman trials which are about to come on the whole world, as He promises in iii. 10 of our text: on cTTJp^o-as
Acdyw ore rr/p^cra) e/c upas rov The ep^ea^at CTTI -rjys oiKovfjt.vr)<; 0X^5. reasonableness of this view appears clearly from another In the O.T., with its belief in a heathen Sheol, the standpoint. righteous had to be recompensed on earth if they were to be recompensed at all hence a long and happy life was the natural But in later times, and above all in prerogative of the faithful. the N.T., when the doctrine of a future life was fully and finally established, the centre of interest passed from things material to Protection not from physical death^ but from the things spiritual. demonic and Satanic enemies of the spirit, became the supreme aim of the faithful. So far is it from being true that the faithful were secured by the sealing from physical death, that it is distinctly stated that they should all suffer martyrdom (xiii. 15). The idea in another form appears in a contemporary writer, Clem. Rom. ad Corinth, lix. 2 alTrja-ofjicOa, fKrevrj ryv Serycrii/ /cat TOV apiOpOV TOJV KaT^pl^/X^/AeVOV TO)V K\KTTOlOV/Xei/Ol, OTTO)? avrov eV Kocrfjua $La(f>v\dr] aOpav<rrov 6
TTj S

TOV Aoyov 7mpao-/xov

VTTO/AOVT}? /xov,

r>?s

rfjs /JLtXXovarrjs

oA.a>

TO>

1 As the sealing of the faithful secured them against demonic agencies and temptations, so the seal of the Beast on the brow of his followers made them the inevitable victims of the deceit of the second Beast see xix. 20.
:

VII.

6.]

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SEALING

197

The above interpretation has apparently been lost to Christendom for 1600 years or more. 1 The reason seems in part to have been that at a very early date the term a-fypayis was To associated with baptism (cf. Hermas, Sim. ix. 16. 2-4). baptism there is, of course, no allusion in our text, but baptism combined the two ideas here present (i) it marked the baptized
:

as

God s

demonic powers. A very significant passage is the Acts of Thomas, 26, Aos r)p2v TYJV ox^paytSa

(or Christ s property)

(2)

it

secured the baptized against

to be found in
fjKOvo-afJLev

yap

(rov Aeyoj/ros OTI 6 $eos . . . Sta rrjs avrov ox^paytSos eTrtyii/wcr/cei TO. tSia Trpofiara. Here baptism is a seal : it is also the mark which

For the passages distinguishes the believer from the unbeliever. see 2 Clem. vii. 6, viii. 5-6; Acts designating baptism as of Thomas (p. 68, ed. Bonnet), rrjv cv XOIO-TW . . . Trdpacrx^ P-OL
cr<f>payis

KOL
<j-<j>pa.yl8a

28

= Martyrdom

passages defence: Clem. Eclog. Prophet. 12, TrA^pw^ecroov yap

rore
Vf

TO Xovrpov Xdfla) rrjs Acts of Paul, of Paul, 7; Clem. Alex. Strom, ii. 3. Other combine the ideas of a means of recognition and
:
d<{>0apcria<s

...

TOH>

KCJ/WV

liraKoXovOsi
cr<j>payi<s

Iva

(f>vXd(rcrr)Tai

TU>

$eo>

TO ayiov.
;

Excerpt ex Theod. 80, Sia yap Trarpbs /cat vlov KCU ayiou TTVVfjLaro<s eori rrj aXXy Swa/xet ibid. 86 cr<paytcr#eis dvcTriA^TrTOS Cyrill.
:

Cat.

i.

3,

Acet

Trjv

o"(OTr/ptc6o7y

otSa>o"i

o"^>payt6a,

rrjv

9avfji.acriav,

r)v

Tpfj.ov(TL

Sat/xoves ol Sc tXa<r6evr<s,

/cat

yiv(a<rKov(Tiv

ayyfXoL,
:

Iva.

ol

/xcv

(frvywcriv

ibid. iii. w? OLKCLOV 12. See In Lactantius the entire Jesu, p. 334. meaning attaching to the sealing in our text is attributed to Thus in his Instit. Divin. iv. 26 he speaks Christian baptism. of Christ being slain for the salvation of all who have written on their foreheads the sign of blood that is, the sign of the cross The presence of Christians signum sanguinis, id est crucis bearing this sign when attending on their masters at a heathen sacrifice put to flight the gods of their masters, i.e. the demons

7rept7ra)(rtv

Heitmiiller,

Im Namen

"

"

("

").

(iv. 27: "cum enim quidam ministrorum nostri sacrificantibus dominis assisterent, imposito frontibus signo, deos illorum fugaverunt But since (the demons) can neither approach those in whom they have seen the heavenly mark, nor injure those whom the immortal sign as an impregnable wall protects, they harass them sed by men and persecute them by the hands of others quoniam neque accedere ad eos possunt, in quibus coelestem notam viderint, nee iis nocere, quos signum immortale munierit,
"

").

"

("

1 2 J. Weiss (Schriften des NTs. ii. 634, 1908) might at first sight appear to have rediscovered this ancient and true interpretation ("der mit dem gottlichen Namen Geweihte ist mit ihm gefeit, geschutzt gegen alle Feinde, gegen
")

Damonen und Teufel ; but this is not so. On the next page he writes * Ihre sie sollen . von dem Martyrium bewahrt Versiegelung bedeutet bleiben." Thus even J Weiss holds that the sealing secures against physical
:
.

death.

198

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VII.

5.

tanquam inexpugnabilis murus, lacessunt eos per homines et Here the sign of the cross dis manibus persequuntur alienis the very same function as the seal affixed to the forehead charges
").

This passage thus indirectly attests of the faithful in our text. the right interpretation of the sealing in the Apocalypse. An inroad of diabolic agencies on Israel and a special strengthening of Israel against this invasion by Michael is pre dicted in Test. Dan vi. I, 5, Tr-poo-e^ere eavrots CLTTO TOT) ^arava /cat auros yap 6 ayyeXos Trjs elprjvrjs ei/tor^vo-ct rail/ TTvev/xarcov avrov TOV Itrpa^A. JUT) e/zTrecretv avrov eis re Ao? KaKwv. Cf. 2 Bar. xxvii. 9, where it is said that the final tribulation is to embrace multitude of portents and incursions of Shedim (i.e. evil spirits). The idea of sealing plays a large role in the Apocalypse. In vii. 2 sq., ix. 4, xiv. i, xxii. 4 (here all the righteous are sealed) it is the servants of God who are sealed; but in xiii. i6sq., xiv. 9, xvi. 2, xix. 20, xx. 4, the followers of the Beast, where the mark This is engraven on the brow or right hand of the latter. practice was apparently frequent among the earliest Christians. But it was current also in Judaism, as we have already seen from the Pss. of Solomon (see above, and compare Heitmiiller, Im
.

"a

"

Namenjesu, 132
:

sqq.,
5,
ix.

143 sqq., 153, 174, 234), and also in O.T.

"

times cf. Isa. xliv. the Lord"; Ezek.

represents palms of His hands (Isa. xlix. 16). Yet this custom was strictly Cf. Lev. xix. 28, xxi. 5, 6 ; Deut. xiv. i. forbidden by the Law.
Clearly Isa. xliv.

shall write on his hand Unto Even Yahweh Himself the prophet by an anthropomorphism as engraving Zion on the

Another

4.

used

in

5, xlix. 16, Ezek. ix. 4, saw no evil in it, if connection with the right persons. See Gal.-vi. ly. 1

1 This practice was prevalent in heathenism. Slaves were branded occasionally (see Wetstein s note on Gal. vi. 17), and soldiers sometimes branded themselves to show that they were in service and under the protec tion of their lords. But the true analogy to the practice in our text is that of slaves attached to some temple (iep68ov\oi), or individuals devoted to the Thus Ptolemy IV. service of some deity, whose persons were so branded. Philopator had the Alexandrian Jews branded with an ivy leaf, the sign of

Jews

Dionysus, 3 Mace. ii. 29 and Philo, De Monarch, i. 8, reproaches apostate /carafor allowing their persons to be so branded, fr rois There was a temple of Heracles at one of the mouths of the Nile, <rTtovTs. from which a fugitive slave who had once been branded with the sacred stig mata could not be reclaimed cf. Herod, ii. 113, H/>a/cX^os Ip6v, s rb ty /tarary tfey, orey avdp&truv tTTifidXyTai ffriyfMTa Ipk twvrbv <pvyuv oli<rr]$ eo-ri TOIJTOV &\pacrdai OVK Trdvres, ol ptv Lucian, de Dea Syr. 59, (rrlfavTai
;
<rw/Jia<nv

5i3oi>s

atixtvas, Kal airb rovde iravres ol Acrcri/ptot <sr(y^o.rf]Kapirovs, (poptovvi Plutarch, Lucull. p. 507, B6es . . Aprtfjudos, ty ^dXto-ra Oe&v ol irtpav See Wetstein fidpfiapoi Tt^u.ukriJ . . . xa/jd^^tara (ppov<Tou rijs 6eov \a.fji.Trd8a. and Lightfoot on Gal. vi. 17 ; Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, 334 ; Heitmiiller (op. cit. i84sq.) points out how Spencer, Leg. Rit. Heb. ii. 14. closely related were such beliefs in Babylon, Egypt, and Judea ; and Giesebrecht (Schatzung, 86) regards the former as distinctly operative on Jewish beliefs Heitmuller (see Clemen, Rdigionsgeschichtliche Erkldrung des NT, 184).
els
ol

VH.

5-7.]

THE

144,000

THE CHURCH MILITANT

on the forehead
7,
"For
"
"

199
in the

Finally,

we

find references to this sign

Odes of Solomon (ed. Rendel Harris, 1909), iv. there that shall put on Thy grace to be hurt ?
seal
is

iv. 8,

who is For Thy

it";

known, and Thy creatures know it, and Thy hosts rejoice (emended) in it; and the elect archangels are clad with viii. 1 6, "Before they came into being I took knowledge of them, and on their faces I set My seal." The seal here does not seem to be used in an eschatological sense, but simply marks its bearer
as

God s
6.

property.

Chapter mi.

believers, first

refers only to the present generation of as militant on earth, vii. 1-8, and next as triumph

ant in heaven, vii. 9-17. It is obvious that vii. 1-8 deals only with the present genera tion of the faithful ; for in the thought of the Seer it is only this generation that has to endure the last and greatest tribulation. To preserve it against the superhuman evils that are about to burst on the world, the progress of the plagues is stayed and the faithful are secured against such as are of a demonic character,
being sealed as
It is

God s own

possession.

obvious that the great host in vii. 9-17 does not embrace the whole Church, but only those who had come CK T?}S Not only on account of the definite article 0Aii/feu)s rJJs /xcyaXr;?. and the distinctive epithet T^S /ueyaA^s, but also on account of the whole vision and its relation to the rest of the book, it is
less

no

wholly inadmissible to interpret "the great tribulation" quite generally as any or every tribulation that is incident to the life of
faithful discipleship. 1
"The

great

tribulation"

is

about to

fall

upon the present generation, and in vii. 9-17 are represented the great multitude which had come through it faithfully. 7. The 144,000 in the present context are (a) Christians
belonging not to Israel after the flesh, but to the spiritual Israel, (b) and are in this respect the same as the 144,000 in xiv. 1-5. have seen above, 4, II. (b\ that these 144,000 were (a)

We

333 sq. ) connects the ideas of baptism and sealing. The name of Jesus marked the baptized as the property of Jesus, placed him under His protec and assured him against alien powers. The name in this significance is tion, a Thence it becomes easy to designate baptism itself as a seal, though in this development the influences of the Greek Mysteries may have But there is no reference to baptism in our text, although co-operated. here and ftairrl^eiv els r6 6vofj,d TWOS in the N.T. have practically the same meaning. The design of the sealing and the baptizing into the name is to show that the person so affected was the property of God or
(op. cit.
<r<j>payis.

<r<f>payliv

"

"

"

of"

Christ.
1 The scribe of may have been conscious of the difficulty of the text and so read &irb 0\i\f/eus /neydX-rji. and all the cursives agree in reading But as above. Cf. Hermas, Vis. II. ii. 7, /xa/cd/noi foot, viro^vere rpv 6\L\l/iv T^V which is based partly on vii. 14 and iii. 10 of our tpxofj.tvrjj ryv fjieydXyv book, and which testifies to the form of our text between 110-140 A.D.

KPQ

200

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VII.

7.

Jews or Jewish Christians in the original tradition. That they are Jewish Christians in their present context is maintained by These scholars Diisterdieck, Holtzmann, Bousset, and others. hold that the 144,000, vii. 4-8, and the countless host, vii. 9-17, for in the one case we have a definite are not to be identified number, in the other an indefinite one ; in the one a multitude of all nations and peoples, in the other a definite number of Jewish Christians ; in the one case the last great woe is still impending, in the other it is already surmounted and left behind. Now the last objection is of no weight. The vision in vii. 9-17 is proIt prophesies the outcome of the present strife, and leptic. therefore the two visions presuppose different conditions the one a phase of the Church militant, the other a phase of the
;

From this standpoint no objection can be maintained against the identity of the two groups under different conditions of time and place. The other objections, when considered in the light of the thought which underlies the sealing of the faithful, lose forthwith any force they seemed to have. For since we have already seen was about to come upon the whole that the great tribulation world (iii. 10), that the essential danger connected with this tribulation was its demonic character, and that the sole object
Church triumphant.
"
"

of the sealing was to preserve the faithful against demonic powers, it follows inevitably that the sealing must be coextensive with the peril, and must therefore embrace the entire Christian community, alike Jewish and Gentile. For the necessary grace of preservation from demonic influence cannot be accorded to the faithful descended from Israel according to the flesh and withheld from the faithful descended from Israel accord ing to the spirit, in a work of so universalistic import as the In other words, the 144,000 belong not to the Apocalypse. literal but to the spiritual Israel, and are composed of all 1 From this standpoint peoples and nations and languages. the number 144,000 presents no difficulty. It is merely a The real explana symbolical and not a definite number. tion of its appearance here is that it is a part of a tradition taken over by our author, and a part to which he attaches no definite significance in its new context. The part of the This tradition with which he is concerned is the sealing. element is of overwhelming significance. It is the measure
1

Here the
iv.

spiritual Israel is intended, as in

Pet.

i.

I.

Cf.

i.

14,

18,

ii.

9, 10,

This was the view of Hippolytus, irepi TOV Jas. i. I. AvTixpitfTOv : vi. l-dwKcv 6 Ktipios 0(ppay t6a rols els avrov iria TetiovffU , /ecu atrrds 6 Here all the faithful are saved. In his ( AvrLxpio-Tos) Swcrei 6/jioiws.
3,

4,

and

commentary, however, on this passage preserved only in the Arabic (see articles, Hippolyt s Kleiner e Schriften p. 231, ed. Achelis) he takes the 144,000 to be Jewish Christians.
y

VII.

7-10.]

THE

144,000

CHURCH TRIUMPHANT

2OI

adopted by God to secure His servants against the manifestation and for the time victorious self-assertion of the Satanic world. The other elements of the tradition, though taken into the text, are of the slightest concern, or of none at all, to our author. This is frequently his practice. We have already seen it in vii. 1-3, where the main idea is the pause which is commanded
in the succession of the plagues in order to effect this sealing. As regards the four winds another element in the tradition

there used
(&)

our author never again refers directly to them.

The 144,000 in vii. belong to the spiritual Israel as do the If what we have above contended is 144,000 in xiv. 1-5. valid, there can be no question as to the identity of the two
bodies
at
least

as

spiritual origin helps to

This identity of regards their origin. confirm the conclusion arrived at on

other grounds.
8. vii. o-i? is the work not of a redactor, but of our author ; for every verse and nearly every phrase is related in point of diction and meaning to the rest of the Apocalypse. Since we have shown in our commentary an overwhelming amount of evidence in support of the above statement, we must refer the reader to

the notes in question.

9. The o^Xos TroXvs in vii. 0-17 is identical with the 6 we have seen that the o^Xos TroXvs In 144,000 in vii. 4-8. embraces not the Christians or faithful of all time, but only

the Christian contemporaries of the Seer the faithful of the Since the 144,000 refer to the same body, present generation. it is clear that the o^Xos TroXvs and the 144,000 are identical qualitatively if not quantitatively.
10. In the original form of the vision of vii. o-l? the oxXos TToXv s (a) represented the entire body of the blessed in heaven after the finaljudgment, but does not do so in its present context ; but ($} represents the martyrs of the last tribulation serving God in heaven before the final judgment, or rather before the establishment of the Millennial Kingdom in chap. xx. (a) The original form of this vision represented the entire body of the blessed in heaven or in the New Jerusalem on the new Earth (as in xxi. 1-4) after the final judgment, (a) For the same phraseology is used of God and the blessed (cf. vii. 15 and xxi. 3, xxii. 3 vii. 17 and xxi. 4) after the final judgment in the New Jerusalem. (/3) There is no phrase in the section which in itself definitely limits the description to the martyrs. The phrases that demand such a limitation are, as we shall see, of an indirect though cogent character, and are due to our author s adaptation of one of his independent visions to a new context, (y) The clause ov apiOnrja-ai avrov ovSets eSwaro cannot be rightly used of a section of the blessed, but fittingly describes the countless
;

2O2
hosts of
e/c
r>7s

THE REVELATION OF
all

ST.

JOHN

[VIl.

10.

ol ep^o /zevot, (not in xxii. 3), the whole impression of the vision is that it deals with the final con dition of the blessed in heaven, in which they render perfect and ceaseless service to God, and all the sorrow and pain of the earthly life are in the past (vii. 17). () After the final judgment all the faithful are to be clothed in white. (V) But this cannot be the meaning of the vision in its pre sent context, 6 above, we have seen that the oxAos (a) For in TroAvs embraces not all the faithful, but only the faithful that are

the blessed.

(8)

Apart from the phrases

ei/
TO>

0A/fe<os

rfjs /AcyoA.?^,

and

vau>

great tribulation. (j3) Next, if we an imperfect participle, the great tribulation is still in progress? the end of the world is not yet come, and all who belong to the great multitude are martyrs^ for all are already clothed in white (vi. 9, n). This vision in vii. 9-17 is proleptic, like that in xiv. 1-5. In both cases the multitudes are martyrs and martyrs only ; for they are clothed in white, and the final judgment is not yet come, (y) Our inter pretation receives support from the general theme of the Book the glorification of martyrdom, and especially from the place of this section in the Book ; for the time which it deals with forms the very eve of the last and greatest tribulation. Hence we conclude that the vision in its present form refers to the martyrs of the great tribulation, though it exhibits survivals of ideas and statements which show that originally it
to issue victoriously from the take ol px6fjLvoi l strictly as
1 ol tpx6/J.evoi K TTJS 0X/^eo;s TTJS peydXr)* Kal In the sentence, o&rol ir\wav rds oroAas a&rwv, the Kal ir\vvav KT\. is to be taken along with ol
el<nv

these are those who come 4px6uevoi as the predicate of the sentence : i.e. So the ancient Versions through the great tribulation and washed," etc. the Vulgate, Syriac ( 1 2 ), Ethiopic So also rightly rendered the Greek. the A.V. ; but the R.V. is quite wrong in making Kal Zirkwav KT\. a co ol pxb/j.evoi, and translating ordinate sentence with oSrot these are they which have come out of the great tribulation, and they washed," etc. The R.V. always and the A.V. generally mistranslate this idiom in our have here a Hebraism, in accordance with which Hebrew author. writers after using a participle or infinitive added other clauses not with participles or infinitives as we should logically expect, but with finite verbs. 3 This Hebraism is occasionally repro (See Driver, Hebrew Tenses 117.) duced in the LXX. Thus Jer. xxiii. 32, ainso i np^ niD^n ^3J *?y :3n . . . Kal dirjyovvTO . LXX, ^ycb wpbs rote irpo<ferjTuovTas \^evSij tvinrvia The same construction both in the Hebrew and the will be afird. found in Amos v. 7 ; Gen. xlix. 17 ; Ps. xcii. 8, cv. 12 sq. (dv T$ elvai
"

"

d<nv

We

=
.

5oi>

LXX

Kal

5ii)\0oi>),

etc.

The Hebraism,
l7r\i;j/aj
!

elfftv ol

tpx6nevoi Kal

= iD^?;i

therefore, which appears in our text (oirroL D Kan non nVw. . , . have already

We

where see note. The question in vii. 13, irbdev ^\0ov, might imply that the number is com voi would strictly ol ^A0<Wes, and we should In that case ol 4px6f* plete. The text would then expect K 8\l\f/ews fjieydXrjs as in A (a mere correction). refer to all the blessed, whether martyred or not. So the text may have stood

had the same Hebraism

z

in

i.

5, 6,

in the original vision.

VII.

1.]

PAUSE IN THE PLAGUES

One such
is

2O3
the
clause ov

bore a very different meaning. avrov ovSeis eSwaro. apL@[jir)arai,

11.

Whereas

vii.

4-8

and
both

xiv.

15 are proleptic and refer to

refers to the living faithful, vii. 9-17 the martyrs. They embrace

men and women.

straight

martyrs are represented in vii. 9-17 as arriving in from the scene of martyrdom. In xiv. 1-5 the martyrs are represented as following the Lamb on the earthly Mount Zion during the reign of 1000 years. This latter vision thus anticipates the scene described in xx. 4. Since the martyrs are alike men and women, TrapfleVoi in This passage, therefore, xiv. 4 must be taken metaphorically. This is independent of the fact deals with spiritual fornication. that our writer could not have spoken of Christians as having cf. iii. defiled themselves (^oXvvOrj^av 4) by holy matrimony. VII. 1-8. A pause in the succession of the plagues. The destroying winds are to be held in check in order that during the pause the 144,000 of the spiritual Israel may be sealed. The plagues introduced by the four winds seem to be of a demonic char acter, since the faithful must be sealed before they are let loose. 1. jjierd TOUTO ciSo^ reao-apas dyyeXoug eorwras eirl rdg recr-

The

heaven

y^S Kparou^Tas roug reWapag dve jjious rfjs yfjs, rrjs yrjs p^rc em rfjg 6a\da<n]S JA^TC em TI The words fiera TOUTO eTSov introduce a new and im SeVopoy. The angels portant division of the sixth Seal (see note on iv. i). of the winds, like those of fire, xiv. 18, and of water, xvi. 5 (cf. John v. 7), belong to the lower orders of angelic beings. They are set over the works of nature, and, as such, they could not keep the Sabbath as the highest orders do according to Jub. ii. 18 sqq. They were called the angels of service (rn8?n ^aste) in the Talmud, and were said to be inferior in rank to righteous Israelites (Sanh. 93*). For other angels of this nature see i Enoch Ix. 1 1-2 1, Ixv. 8, Ixix. An angel of 22; Jub. ii. 2. this class might be described as o-Tot^etov a "spirit," "demon,"

aapas yomas
fXT)

TTJS

Ivo.

TTveY] accjuiog eirl

or "genius." See Deissmann, Encyc. Bib. ii. 1261; Bousset, On the destructive winds and Religion des Judenthums, 317. the plagues introduced by them see the introduction to this eoromxg CTT! Tas To*o"apas yeovias. On To-Try/xt chapter, p. 192. with 7rt and ace. see p. 191 sq. Our author regarded the earth

(pxn niQJD), which the idea recurs in xx. 8 and in xxi. 1 6, where the heavenly Jerusalem is described as a cubiform city, whose length and breadth and height are equal. Ultimately this view may go back to a Babylonian cosmogony. On this question see Warren, The Earliest Cosmologies, 38 sq.,
as TTpaytovos, as Isa.
xi.

LXX

12,

Ezek.

vii.

render

ot Tn-epvyes

T^S

7779.

The

46

sq.

204

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VII.

l-.

There is here the idea that at the end of the Kparouiras. world (the) four destructive winds would be let loose to injure

No reference is made to this the earth and the sea and the trees. expectation in the rest of the Apocalypse in this form, but vii. 1-3 serves in part to introduce the plague of demonic locusts. See For this use of Kparelv as note on ix. 4. holding in check," Its meaning cf. Luke xxiv. 16, where it is followed by TOV /XT}. in Acts ii. 24 ; John xx. 23 is related but not the same, while still another holds in Rev. ii. 13, 14, 15, 25, iii. n, and yet another
"

in

ii.

i.

reWapas dyc jAous. These four winds came from the four angles or corners of the earth, which was regarded as an actual They came from the four angles and not square, if not a cube. from the four sides; for according to Jewish conceptions the winds that blew from the four quarters, i.e. due north, south, east, and west, were favourable winds, whereas those that came from the angles or corners, as N.E.N. and E.N.E., N.W.N. and W.N.W., etc., were hurtful. The subject is dealt with at length There are two differences in i Enoch Ixxvi. and xxxiv. 3. between the conceptions in our text and that in Enoch. The Enoch represents two first is on the surface and not essential.
TOUS

hurtful winds as issuing from each corner, whereas our text reduces each pair to a single wind. This difference may be accounted for by the fact that whereas i Enoch Ixxvi. represents an attempt at being full and scientific from the standpoint of the time, our text exhibits the same views in a popular and less The more important difference is that the winds precise form. which were characteristically injurious are here in our text But assigned a special role of destruction at the world s close. the way for this development was already prepared in the O.T., and Christian literature attests its further developments. See

above,

p.
.

191 sq.
"

err! T]g y^S PI 7 6 ^ 7r ^ Tt SeySpoy. On the cases nWr] with ri here see above, p. 191, $ 4 2. KCU etSoy aXXoy ayyeXoy dmjBaiyoi Ta diro dyaroXTJs ^Xiou, OeoG WI/TOS. Why the angel ascends from the CXOJTO,
. .
ff<f>paylSa

cannot be determined. Corn, a Lap., Hengstenberg, Ebrard, De Wette, Volkmar, Diisterdieck think that it is because the Volter, iv. 24, because the life-bringing sun comes from the east revelation of divine salvation and glory were expected from the so also Swete east (Ezek. xliii. 2) similarly Holtzmann, quoting
east
; :

Isa. xli. 2.

Or.

iii.

Erbes(p. 51, note) refers to the last passage and Sib. 652, and implies that it is because the Messiah comes
east.
&>kTos.

from the
OeoO

Thus

it is

This found once

is

a very familiar expression in the N.T.

in Acts, six times in the Pauline Epistles,

VII. 2-3.]

FOR THE SEALING OF THE FAITHFUL

205

four times in Hebrews, and twice in Matthew in the form TOV In the Apocalypse Ocov WJ/TOS does not recur, Oeov TOV an/ros. tovri eis T. atwvas T. CUWV<DJ/, but we have the related forms, iv. 9, v. 10, x. 6, and a combination of the two in xv. 7, TOV Oeov
r<3

T.

The Hebrew
;

note on iv. 9 #^/ finerti). 10 ; Ps. xlii. 3 ; Hos. i. 10 Dan. iv. 19 (LXX), v. 23 (bis), vi. 26 ; 2 Kings xix. 4, 16 (ii. 2) In 2 Mace. vii. 33, xv. 4 we Jub. i. 25, xxi. 4 ; 3 Mace. vi. 28. have the form 6 wv Kvpios, and in Sibyl. Or. iii. 763 simply The expression in all its forms brings out the contrast OOVTI. between the one eternal God and the numberless ephemeral gods of the heathen.
COVTOS
t? T.

auovag
s

T.

cuwvoov (see
iii.

is

f>N.

Cf. Josh.
;

T<

K<XI

Kpaei>

(Jxoi fj

fAcydXt]
rrji

rolg T&raapo-ii

dyyeXois

ots

eS60T|

aurois d8ncT)artu TY^ yv\v Kal

ols

OdXaaaai .

...

aurois.

On

this

Hebraism
. .

in our text see p. 87.

. The construction, c$o0i? dSi/oJo-cu see p. 54. angels injured the earth by letting loose the winds under their The idea that the angels cause injury to the earth by charge. withholding the winds, as Bengel, Herder, and Wellhausen maintain, is contrary not only to the text, but to the tradition regarding these winds which blow from the corners of the earth ;

On

the

see p. 204.

rd MTJ d8id](rr)Te TTJI yf\v fA^re TTJV OdXaaaai/ |X^T axpi o-^payurufAei TOUS SouXous TOU Oeou IQJXWI em T&V JJICTCOTTWI auTwt On the meaning of dSiKetv in our text see xxii. n, note. The sealing is to secure the servants of God against the attacks of demonic powers coming into open mani The Satanic host is about to make its festation (see ix. 4, note). In the past their final struggle for the mastery of the world. efforts had in the main been restricted to attacks on man s
3.

Xeywy

8e>8pa,
.

o-<j>payurw|j.ei

and had therefore been hidden, invisible, and mysterious, but now at the end of time they are to come forth from their mysterious background and make open war with God and His hosts for the possession of the earth and of man kind. The hidden mystery of wickedness, the secret source of all the haunting horrors, and crimes, and failures, and sins of the
spiritual being,

past was about to reveal itself the Antichrist was to become incarnate and appear armed, as it were, with all but almighty With such foes the faithful felt wholly unfit to do battle. power. With the rage and hostility of man they could cope, but with their ghostly.enemy and his myrmidons about to manifest them selves with soul- and body-compelling powers they dared not And so just on the eve of this epiphany of Satan, God engage. seals His servants on their foreheads to show that they are His own possession, and that no embodied (or disembodied) spirit of In its deepest sense this the wicked one can do them hurt.

2O6

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VII. 3-4.

The sealing means the outward manifestation of character. hidden goodness of God s servants is at last blazoned outwardly, and the divine name that was written in secret by God s Spirit on their hearts is now engraved openly on their brows by the In the very signet ring of the living God (a-^paylSa Otov WVTOS).
come
reign of the Antichrist goodness and evil, righteousness and sin, into their fullest manifestation and antagonism. Character
T.
1 ultimately enters on the stage of finality. On the phrase TOUS oou Xous TOU 6eou Tjpjy. xix. 2, 5, xxii. 3, 6; and on TOV Oeov ji. 20,

S.T. 6eov cf.

cf. vii.

i.

i,

^/xwi>

10, 12,

xii. 10, xix. i, 5 (0eos ^u,ov, iii. 2, 12, ii. 7). By the addition fjpwv the angel acknowledges that angels and men are fellowservants in the service of God ; cf. xix. 10, xxii. 9.

/xercoTTtov

auTwi Our author always uses firl r&v uses the plural cf. ix. 4, xiv. i, xxii. 4, and TO /xerwTrov; cf. xiii. 16, xvii. 5, xx. 4, when he uses the 7Tt The idea in a-^payisingular (except in xiv. 9, CTTI TOV /XCTWTTOV).

em

T&V

fxeT(uir<>i>

when he

crwfjiev

7rt TWV yueTWTTcoi/ O.VTWV goes back ultimately to . See note on xiii. 16 with regard to the mark on Ezek. ix. 4. the foreheads and right hand of the followers of the Beast.
.

4.

KCU TJKOucra roy

<xpi0|j,6y

roil
e<7<J>paYi<rjj,eVoj|

Iwrov
ulwi>

Teao-epd-

Korra Teaaapes )(iXid8es eo^payiajxeVoi IK. irdaTjs lapa^X. The Seer does not witness the sealing which is completed during the pause in the plagues, but he hears the number of the The number of the sealed is sealed and their description.
4>u\TJs

The number connotes perfectness and com purely symbolical. But it is pletion, being 12x12 taken a thousandfold (Alford). not an infinite number ; for it gives the number of the faithful
in the present generation only (see p. 199, 209 sq.). ulwy 10-parjX. It is not believers descended irdorTjs
<f>uXfjs

from

the

18) (though this was the original meaning of the tradition), but from the spiritual Israel that are This transformation of meaning here referred to (see p. 200).
literal

Israel (i

Cor.

x.

is

found also
1

in
:

our text in
Gal.
iii.

Kpv7rra>

lovSatos

xviii. 4. Cf. 2 9, ei 8c v/x,eis X/HO-TOV,

Rom.

ii.

29, 6 tv

apa rov

Logically, or perhaps historically, we may connect the thought in Rom. The sealing, which shows outwardly that 19 with that in our text. the faithful are God s sons, marks the first stage of their manifestation as such (rty diroKaXv^iv T&V vl&v TOV Qeov, Rom. viii. 19). They, too, shall be mani fested as their Divine Master (Luke xvii. 30, 6 vlbs TOV dvBp&Trov dwoKa2 Thess. ii. 8, Trj ^ir^aveiq. TTJS irapovcrias). \VTTTeTai Opposed to this we have the manifestation of the Antichrist (2 Thess. ii. 3, a.TroKa\v(f>6y ii. 6, There is also the manifestation of his ii. 8, d7ro/caXi>0^crerai). cnroKa\v<j)dr)i>at followers at all events the first stage of it in the sealing of the followers of Beast (Apoc. xiii. 16 sq., xiv. 9, xvi. 2, xix. 20, xx. 4). the The manifestation of the Messiah was a familiar expectation in Jewish Apocalyptic about this time and earlier : cf. 4 Ezra vii. 28, xiii. 32 ; 2 Bar. xxxix. 7.
viii.
:

VII. 4-8.]
cTTrep/xa
eoryzei/
17

SEALING OF THE 144,000

TOV
i

2O7
iii.

ecrrc: vi. 1 6,
7reptTO/x>7,
l>yo-oi);

Itrpa^A. rov Beov

i

Phil.

3,

17 /nets

yap

ot Tn/eu/xari

0eov AaTpeuovres
i.
;

/cat
.

Kav^co/xevot ev
ix.

Xpio-rcp
5.

Pet.

Jas.

Hermas,

17.

IK

<j>u\T]s

MouSa 8w8eKa )(iXid8es

fd8
AoTTjp

e(r<|>payiajAe>oi,

6K
<j>u\T]

*
6.

<j)u\fjs

IK

8w86Ka

<j>u\-f]S

7.

CK IK
lie

4>u\yjs

4>u\TJs

Aeut

8.

CK IK

eK

<f>u\TJs

Bevia.ii.eiv

Sw
there are several irregularities, (a) Dan is omitted, (c) Manasseh is
(d)

5-8. In the above

list

Judah

is

placed

first,

(b)

given, though Manasseh is included in Joseph, of the tribes are enumerated in a wholly
order.
(a)

The

rest

unintelligible
is

Judah

is

mentioned
193
sq.).

first,

because from him

sprung the

Messiah (see
(d)
easier.

p.

Before we discuss the

(d),

examine that under

since

if

difficulties in (b) and (c) we this can be solved the rest

must

come

Now

the present unintelligible order of the tribes cannot

"

be explained by any such irrelevancy as that of Grotius

Nullus

servatur ordo, quia omnes in Christo pares." The text is unin telligible as it stands, and it is unintelligible because it is dis This dislocation Buchanan Gray has recognized located. (Encyc. Bib. iv. 5208 sq. ; Expositor, 1902, p. 225 sqq.) and set
right

by transposing
is

vii.

5
:

-6

after vii. 8.

By

this transposition,

order then becomes in first the sons of the first wife Leah telligible and illuminating Judah, Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Issachar, Zebulun ; next, the sons of Rachel the second wife Joseph and Benjamin next, the the sons of Leah s handmaid Gad and Assher ; and, finally, we should have the sons of Rachel s handmaid Naphtali and Dan ; but we have on certain grounds Naphtali and Manasseh
sanity

restored

to the text.

The

instead.

of

Thus we have first Leah s sons, then Rachel s, then the sons Leah s handmaid, and finally, those of Rachel s handmaid.
Difficulties, an,c\

Let us now proceed to deal with the remaining

208

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VII. 5-8.
list

to make these the more obvious we shall transcribe the arrived at through Buchanan Gray s suggestion. 1

Tudah

Joseph

Reuben Simeon
Levi Issachar

Benjamin

Gad
Assher
Naphtali

Zebulun

Manasseh.
list

arises from Judah being But the reason for this order placed at the head of the list. is obvious, as we have already seen (see p. Christ 193 sq.). is descended from Judah, therefore Judah comes first. The next difficulty (b) arises from the omission of Dan and the in his place. insertion of Manasseh Here again the answer Manasseh is obvi is, I think, of no questionable character. ously de trop here, since Manasseh is already included in Joseph; and Joseph is original, since the list obviously aims at giving the sons of Rachel, as it has given the sons of Leah, and not two of her sons and one grandson as it does in Manasseh then has been substituted for Dan, its present form. the missing son of Rachel s handmaid. The substitution We have has, as we have remarked, made the list illogical. now to ask, Why was Dan omitted ? and by whom ? Various explanations of the displacement of Dan by Manasseh have been
first

The

difficulty (a) in this

(<r)

Gomarus, Hartwig, Bleek, Ziillig, and Spitta propose Aav stood originally in the text, but was early corruptly But such abbrevia written Mar, and that hence Manasseh arose. tions are highly improbable, and very seldom occur in Uncial MSS. and the corruption of Aai/ into Mar is unlikely in the case
offered.

that

list as that of the twelve tribes. Others, as Wette, and Diisterdieck are of opinion that Dan was omitted because the tribe had long ago died out. But the same statement might be made of many of the tribes. Others think the omission due to the fact that Dan early fell into idolatry ; but this in itself would not distinguish Dan from the rest of the tribes. There is, however, another explanation, and that at once the most ancient and most satisfactory of all, which was first pro

of such a well-known

Grotius, Ewald,

De

According to this explanation Dan was omitted because the Antichrist was to spring from his tribe. Hieremias tribum ex qua veniet Irenaeus writes, v. 30. 2

pounded by Irenaeus.

"

Another possible restoration of the text could be effected by transposing We should then have Leah s sons, the sons of Leah s hand after 8 a But the other maids, the sons of Rachel s handmaid, Rachel s sons.
c

-6

restoration

is

better.

VII. 8-17.]

VISION OF
.

THE MARTYRS

IN

HEAVEN
tribus

manifestavit dicens

haec

in

Apocalypsi

cum

et propter his quae

rfjs

hoc non annumeratur

salvantur."
<j>vX.ys

Antichristo, 14, warircp yap IK K T7)s Tov Aav OUTWS KCU

IovSa
6

Hippolytus, De 6 Xpcoros yeyevKtyrcu,

1

Andreas, 17 (^vAr) ro9 AoV, rats Aonrais ou (rwreraKrat.

a>s

avTi^ptcrro ; yvvr)6tj(TTa.i. CK avrvjs Ti/cro/xevou row Avrt^/oiVrov, That this tradition of the origin of
<f)V\r)<s

Antichrist is pre-Christian and Jewish I have shown in the notes on Test. Dan v. 6-7, in my edition of the Test. XII Patriarchs; and Bousset (The Antichrist Legend, 171 sq.) has proved at length that this interpretation of our text was that which was

generally

accepted in the early Christian Church, i.e. by Eucharius, Augustine, Jacob of Edessa, Theodoret, Arethas, Bede, etc. This interpretation is maintained by Erbes (77-79), 3 Bousset, Holtzmann J. Weiss, Swete, Anderson Scott, etc. 9-17. Proleptic vision of the martyrs from the last great tribu
,

lation, blessed

and triumphant in heaven. In the preceding chapters, iv.-vii. 8, the order of time has been observed in the visions recounted. There has been no breach of unity in this respect ; no anticipation of the far distant future followed by a return to the more immediate. But to such The visionary gaze of a proleptic vision we have now come. the Seer leaves for the moment the steady, progressive unveiling of the events of the future, and beholds the more distant destinies of the faithful, triumphant and secure before the throne These are they who had been sealed in the of God in heaven. vision just recounted, and had already by martyrdom won the martyr s privilege of the immediate blessedness and perfection of being clothed in their spiritual bodies before the throne. They do not represent the entire Church of the redeemed, but the great only those who had come forth as martyrs from Their number is still incomplete: their host is tribulation."
"

growing with fresh accessions of the martyred saints. The time to which the vision points is still prior to the final judg ment. (On all these questions see pp. 200-202, and notes below.) When the last martyr joins the throng of the blessed, the roll of the martyrs (vi. n) will be complete, and the hour of the final judgment have struck. The vision is recounted to encourage and inspire the present
still

generation, ar\d confines .itjsgff \o the destinies of the martyrs belonging to it; for the great multitude is composed of those who come from the last great tribulation (vii. 14) which, accord ing to the belief of the Seer, is about to come upon the earth.

The

phrase

r/Js

0A.u/rca>s

r}s /xcyaA^s

loosely as

meaning any or every

life,

(vii. 14) cannot be taken tribulation that befalls the

faithful in this

but only as the

that was to

come on mankind
i.

final and greatest tribulation Since there is (see pp. 44, 212).

VOL.

14

210

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VII. 9.

no legitimate means of evading this conclusion, the clause ov avrov ouSeis eSwaro seems unjustifiable in its present apt-OiJirjorai And so indeed it is ; but the explanation, as we have context.
already seen (p. 201 sq., note), is that this clause belonged to !the vision in its original form, in which its subject was the whole

Church of the redeemed, triumphant

judgment.

in

heaven after

the final

We

with

its

reference to

might perhaps recover the original form of the vision, all the redeemed after the final judgment, by
OUTOI etaik ol eXOoWes CK .OXivj/ews fieydXTjs
Kttl

reading in 14,
TC\VVO.V KT\.,
eto-tv ot

instead of OVTOL

ep^o/xevoi IK
15.

rf)<s

O\L\}/W<S

-njs

and omitting
9.

ev TO)

vaw avrov in
i8o
oi/

Mera raura

Kal i8ou oxXos iroXus, CK iravTos e Gi Ous Kal

auroy ouSels Kal Xaojf Kal yXajaaaH 60TTWT69 iv&TClQV TOU QpOVOV Kttl 6I/WTTIOI TOU dpftOU, aroXas Xeuxas, Kal ^oiciKes Tats
dpiOjJLTJaai
<J>uXwk

&

ov

eSuVaro.

On

this clause see the close of the pre

final

ceding note, and p. 202, note. The Seer is not looking here to the
faithful

blessedness of the

times, peoples, and countries, but, before the horrors of the last tribulation burst upon the faithful of his own generation, he shows them by way of encouragement the
of
all.

blessedness that awaits those

who

fall

as martyrs in the great

and

closely

impending catastrophe.

No contrast with the 144,000 is intended; for our, author there is making use of traditional material, and is only concerned with the main thought of vii. 4-8, i.e. the sealing, and here he is adapting to a new context an earlier vision of his own which had originally a different meaning.
See note on v. 9. Icmures. The plural construction is Kara <rvveo-iv. Cf. xix. i. Since this vision relates to TrepipepXTjjjieVous oroXas XeuKa9. the faithful before the final judgment (see p. 209), and since they are nevertheless clothed in white raiment, they are to be regarded not as the faithful generally, but as the martyrs who immediately received their white robes (cf. vi. n) and entered on perfect blessedness. The faithful who died a peaceful death were not to receive these robes till after the final judgment. See The ace. 7rpt/Se/8Ai7/xei/ovs is best explained as a note on iii. 5. There are *slip on the part of our author for Trepi/SeySA^/xeVot. similar slips, which would have been removed if he had had the
CK irarros eO^ous KrX.
refers to o^Ao?.

The

VII. 9-11.]

VISION OF

THE MARTYRS
<|>ouaKeg

IN

HEAVEN

211

iv rais \tpcrlv aurwi/.t opportunity of revising his MS. The palm branches are a symbol of victory and joy after war.* I Mace. xiii. 51, Cf. 2 Mace. X. 7, C^OJ/TCS ryv^aptVrow
:
<f>owLKa<s

el(rf)\0v
.

i?

avrrjv

(i.e.

lepouo-aA.^//,)
//.eyas
"

/xera aiveaews Kat

/?cu<oi/

on

<rw6Tpi/3rj

e^pos

lo-par^A,:

also
is

John

xii.

13.

Tertullian, Scorp. 12,

"palmis

victoriae insignes revelantur scilicet

de Antichristo triumphantes

(Swete).

There

no ground

for

;.

seeing in the text a reference to a heavenly Feast of Tabernacles a season of eternal harvest joy with Vitringa, Eichhorn, Hengstenberg, and others ; nor for discovering, with Deissmann (Bible Studies, 368-369), traces of the influence of the Greek cultus in the neighbouring Ephesus, a suggestion which betrays a complete misconception of our text.
10. Kal Kpa^ouaic C
(fxoffj

<

jieydXfl
iqjJLUk
TU>

H aamjpia
TO)

TU>

0ea

K<x0T]fAeVu>

em

TU>

0p6vu>

KCU

dpcuo.
jneydXt]
TJ

Kpd^ouaif
(vii.
iii.

(JxoyTJ

Xeyoi Tes
o-a>rr]pta

cf.

vi.
:

10,
cf.

xviii.

2,

xix.

17
Ps.

2,

x. 3,

xiv.

has roO Kvpuov fj a-wrrjpia. The phrase Elsewhere (v. 13, xii. 10, xix. i, etc.) many themes of praise ; but here one theme only is dwelt on victory, deliverance, salvation by those who have for though in one sense just emerged in triumph from the strife they have through martyrdom wrought out their own salvation, and now appear as victors before the throne, in another and
9,

where the
xii.

LXX

15).

TW

0ea>

njnn mn^,

recurs in there are

10, xix.

i.

deeper they know and proclaim that the victory, the deliverance is not their own achievement, but that of God and of (17 o-uTfjpia),
the

Lamb.

On
$poj/o>,

0ew note on
TO>

Tjixwy

cf.
;

p.

113

note on vii. 3 ; on TW KaOripcvv and on TW api/tu), note on v. 6.

<i>Q>f

eVt

rw

11.

irpa{3uTe

Kal irdi/Teg ot ayyeXot tcrn^Keiaay KurcXco TOU Qpovou KCU TWM Kal rait reo-crapwi Kal eireo-ai ei wirioj TOU Qpovou
pa)i>

In this verse the Seer enumerates the various concentric ranks of spiritual beings, beginning from without first the angels, then the Elders, then the four Living Creatures (see note on iv. 4). We are possibly to infer that the great multitude of Martyrs (vii. 9) forms the
TO,
0eu>.

em

irpoawira aurwi Kal irpoo-eKuvrjarai TW

:

Outermost
. .

circle.

CTreo-av

evwTriov
.

cf.
1 6.

eTTt
:

TO,
cf.

TT/ooo-wTra
iv.

avTwv

cf. xi.

iv. 10, eTTcaai

V.
.

8.
.

cTreo-ai/

Kal trpoae"

KuV-qaai
KuVirjaaK

10,

TW 0w.

v. 14, xi. 16, xix. 4, 10, xxii. 8. irpoaeto Trpoo-Kweu/ takes the dative when it means
it is

followed by TW #ew in iv. 10, vii. u, xi. 16, worship." xix. 4, 10, xxii. 9 ; by TW Spa/coV, xiii. 4. In xix. 10 (an inter polation) when the Seer falls down to worship the angel th^ angel forbids him. On the other hand,

Thus

212

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VII. 11-14.
:

the ace. when it means "to do homage to" TO Orjpiov (A 79), xiii. 12 (ACQ min plq 30). In xiv. 9, ii, xx. 4, it is followed by TO Orjpiov KCU r. eucdva. and some should, therefore, read rrjv ei/coVa in xiii. 15 (with In xvi. 2, where it is followed by the cursives), and in xix. 20. dative, the clause is an interpolation. Trpoo-Kwciv with the ace. is the older and more classical usage, but it takes the dative as the regular construction in the LXX. In his use of this verb our author differs from that in the Fourth Gospel see Abbott, Johannine Vocabulary, 138-142. In the Fourth Gospel the two constructions with the ace. and dat. appear, but in exactly the opposite meanings to those which they have in our author.
TrpocrKvvetv takes
cf.
xiii.

4,

We

f\ oxxfna ica! r\ euXoyta Kal r\ 86|a T$ eis r\ Sumjxis Kal Y) $ auukwy* By the first apyv the angels adopt /as their own and solemnly confirm the thanksgiving of the On this doxology see note on v. 12. martyrs. 13-17. Interpretation of the foregoing vision. 13. Kal dirKpt0Tj cts ^K T&V TrpeajSuTcpwi Xcyuv juiot OUTOI ol

12.

XyovTS
TWI>

Ap^i
TIJJ.T)

Y)

K<X!

euxapioria Kal TOUS alums

TJ

Kal

io"X"S

f\pG>v

dp]i>.

TOIS
.

oroXds ra XCUKOIS
.
.

Tii/es
.
.

direKpt0T)

\iyuv

= ib^

curly Kal iroOek rjXOof

.

|jn.

This form

of

"as

very frequent in the Fourth Gospel, is found ATroKpiVco-flai has been regarded only here in the Apocalypse. answering to the unexpressed question on the part of the Seer, but it is better to take it as a response to a certain fresh occasion or circumstance, as in Judg. xviii. 14; 2 Kings i. n; On the dialogue form which the text assumes Cant. ii. 10. cf. Jer. i. II ; Zech. iv. 2, 5, Kal CITTCV Trpo? /x,e* rt o-v /SAcTrets; Kat curei/ Trpos /AC Xeywv Ou yivwo"Kts Tt CCTTIV Tavra ; KOI etTra .
diction,
is
. .

which

Ov^C Kvpte 4 Ezra ii. 44, "Tune interrogavi angelum et dixi This form of dialogue is very frequent Qui sunt hi, domine ? in the Shepherd of Hermas. Who are ye, and whence do Tiycs rjXOoy cf. Josh. ix. 8, ye come ? (LXX, iroOtv eoW, KOI TroOev irapayeyovare) } Jonah i. 8. In classical literature see Virg. Aen. viii. 114, "qui genus? unde domo ? See other parallels in Wetstein. The yXOov does not
:
"

"

"

"

Hence the necessarily imply that the number is yet complete. ot cp^d/xo/ot in the next verse may be taken in its natural sense,
"

who

are

coming."
(ru

14. Kal eipTjKa aurai Kupie JAOU, used as an aorist here. Cf. v. 7,

olSas.

ctpr/Ka

viii.

5, xix. 3.

seems to be See Moulton,

In iii. 3, xi. 17, the perfects retain their proper 145. This aoristic use of the perfect is not found in the Fourth Gospel. Kvpios is used in addressing an angel in Gen. xix. 2; Dan. x. 16 sq. ; Zech. i. 9, iv. 4, 13; and in addressing tru oTSas (cf. a man, Gen. xxiii. 6, xxxi. 35; John xii. 21.
force.

Gram.

VII. 14.]

VISION OF
3, KCU elTrev
oa>

THE MARTYRS
7rpo<s

IN

HEAVEN
TO,

213
ravra ;

Ezek. xxxvii.
/cat

/xe

Et ^o-erat

ocrra

t7ra

and and

eiriarr] ravra) expresses the speaker s ignorance Kvpie, his desire for information (Bengel, De Wette, Swete, etc.), The herein it differs from o-v oTSas in John xxi. 15 sqq.
is

response of the elders

Ka
eiref
JAOI

in verse

OUTOI

eicriy

ot

ep\6pevoi IK

TTJS

9Xu|/eaJS

TTJS

oroXas Kal IXeuKamy auras iv TW

rots

Kal eir\uvav

auTwi>

aijJiaTi

TOO dpciou.

ls to ^ e taken here as an We have already seen that epx/ The martyrs are still arriving from the imperfect participle. scene of the great tribulation. f\ 0Xi\J/ts TJ jAeydXif) is the last and final tribulation which the present generation is to experience. Cf. Dan. xii. I , Mark xiii. 19, 0A.ii/rts ola ov yeyoi/ev roiavrri It is quite wrong to take it air apxrjs Krioreo)? = Matt. xxiv. 21. as meaning generally the tribulation that the faithful must en counter in the world. This great tribulation is still in the It consists first and chiefly in the actual manifestation future. of the Satanic powers on earth, and only in a secondary degree in social and cosmic evils. Against the first the faithful are The latter they had, like secured, being sealed as God s own. the rest of mankind, to endure. These blessed ones are martyrs who are coming from the martyrs not the ordinary faithful for the great tribulation tribulation is still in progress and yet they have already received their white garments (see next verse and vi. n), their spiritual bodies a grace vouchsafed only to the martyrs. The rest of the faithful do not receive their white robes till or after the final
>tev01

judgment.

That this verse read originally ovrot elo-iv ol eA.0oi/res IK OXtyews //-eyaA^s we have seen reason to believe (see p. 202, n. 2), though it would be possible to take ep-^o^voi as = eA0oj/res by
a Hebraism.
ol
i.

epxciAe^oi
ii.

Kal

IirXuvai

On

the

Hebraism here and

in

5, 6,

The at the close of n, and Add. Note on vi. that chapter) are the heavenly bodies which the martyrs receive immediately after death. On the one hand, it can be said that Christ or God gives the faithful i/xdVia AevKa (iii. 5) or cn-oAat AevKcu (vi. ii) ; for a man s reception of the spiritual body is due not to works but to grace ; yet, on the other hand, the faithful
have their share in the acquisition or creation of
this spiritual
"

20, see note o-ToXat (cf. vi.

on

ii.

20.

body; for they co-operate with God: to their faithfulness is it owing that they have spiritual bodies at all. They wash their garments and make tL^m white through the blood of the Lamb."

214

THE REVELATION OF
ideas of

ST.

JOHN

[VII. 14-15.
are

The two
in

God s

grace and
ii.

man s work
sq.,
ei/

combined

the

Pauline words:
j

PJiil.

12

rrjv

caurcov

Oeos yap eariv 6

:

ei/epyau>

v/xtv /cat

o-wrr/ptW TO ^eAeiv /cal TO

eXev/<avav

tion of
fication,
\

7rAvi/av

is taken by some interpreters as an explana by others eTrAwav is referred to man s justi

and eAcvKavav
"

to his sanctification.

"

The

aorists,"

as

look back to the life on earth when the Swete observes, cleansing was effected." This phrase has been taken as (a) iv TW atjuiaTi TOU dpviou. In this case the text refers to the the blood of the Lamb."
"in

forgiveness of sins through faith in the sacrifice of Christ.

i

Cf.

9; Heb. ix. 14; i Pet. i. 2. The lv TW at/x,aTi is then strongly para eAev/cavav expression The O.T. is familiar with the idea of soiled garments doxical. (Isa. Ixiv. 6 ; Zech. iii. 3) as well as of the symbolism of the washing of the garments (Ex. xix. 10, 14), and the AcuKatVeu/

John

i.

Rom.

iii.

25, v.
.
.

"

As here also for the judgment of 18. Christ s death the Pauline category of sacrifice is adopted, so it lies specially at the foundation of i Cor. vi. n, aTreAovo-ao-fle, as well as of i Cor. vi. 20" (Holtzmann). By such interpreters the great multitude is taken to include all the faithful and not merely martyrs, after the final
recalls especially Isa.
i.

the saving worth

of

judgment and before,

"

through the

blood."

is to be rendered <u/um (b) lv TW So Bousset, who holds that the parallel

expression,

demands

xii. II, KCU avTOt evt/oyo-ai/ avrov 8ta TO alyw,a TOV apviov, The great multitude is composed only this rendering. of martyrs, who through the sacrifice of Christ have become

Ewald and J. Weiss to become martyrs. from different standpoints uphold the reference of the text (in its But, even if through the blood present form) to the martyrs. is the only right rendering of ev cu/xcm, I do not see that this

endowed with power

"

"

TU>

expression necessarily implies that the faithful here referred to The grounds for such a conclusion have been are martyrs. already given (see pp. 186 sqq., 213).
15.
SlOL

TOUTO

eiO-lK

eyWTTlOK TOU OpOkOU TOU

rjfjie

0OU

ActTpeuouaiv auTw
ivl

pas Kal I/UKTOS lv TW yaw auTOu TOU Opoyou oxTjywo-ei eir

oia TOUTO.

The preceding

verse

explains their fitness for

God s

service.

With XaTpevovo-iv avTw cf. xxii. 3. This AaTpevcu/ ( = *ny almost universally in the LXX) denotes the service rendered to Yahweh by Israel as His peculiar people cf. Phil. iii. 3, ot Acts xxvi. 7, is rfv TO SooSKa<vAoi/ 7rvu/u,aTt Btov AerrpeuovTes
:
:

^u,on>

ev

CKTeveta VVKTO.
"It
is,"

ix.

i, 6.

Rom. ix. 4 ; K. ^/xepav AaTpevov as Lightfoot (on Phil iii. 3) observes,

:

Heb.
"the

VII. 15.]

VISION OF

THE MARTYRS

IN

HEAVEN
"

215
:

service not of external rites, but of spiritual worship

see also

Rom.

xii.

i,

rrjv

Aoyi/c>)i/

whole people, and

latter the

is

= This priestly appropriate word is Aeiroupyetv ( mt^). service was rendered not only in the earthly temple, Ex. xxviii. 31, xxix. 30 and passim, but also in the temple in heaven, according to Jewish conceptions cf. Test. Levi iii. 5 (on which see my notes), where the priestly office is discharged by the archangels. But in the Christian heaven no such exclusive priestly functions are discharged, and there is no room for any exclusive priestly All the blessed are priests unto God, and it is their part caste.
:

XarpeLav. belongs to the For the distinct from the priestly service.
it

As such

1 Xarpevciv not AciTovpyeiv. KCU yuKTos. Cf. iv. 8 on the never-ceasing praise Tjfiepas This time division exists only for earth dwellers of the angels. On the combination of the Iv TW i/aw auroG. xxii. cf. 5.
:

God and the Temple in heaven, see This heavenly Temple stands in the existing heaven (xi. 19), but there will be no temple in the heavenly In the original Jerusalem, xxi. 22, KOL vaov OVK eTSov Iv avrfj. form of the vision, vii. 9-17, which dealt with the whole body of vaw avroG the blessed after the final judgment, the phrase h was probably absent. Cf. xxi. 2 2, iii. 12. God was their real temple. See note on iv. 2. aKrpwaei eir aurous = 6 KaOrjjxeyos cm. "His Shekinah shall abide upon them," or "He shall cause His This construction appears Shekinah to abide upon them." D Cf. Num. rab. sect. 13, 218, first? unexampled. pHVn b b jn&Q; also Shabb. 22 3o etc., where the Shekinah is said to In xxi. 3 we have O-K^VWCTCI /XCT rest on the faithful Israelites. In using the future o-K^vwcret and those that follow, the avr&v. Seer passes from the sphere of the visionary to the actual, Cf. John cnojvow is confined to Johannine writings in the N.T. i. 14; Rev. vii. 15, xii. 12, xiii. 6, xxi. 3, and is always used of God or of heavenly beings. The Shekinah, or the immediate presence of God, is here promised. The Shekinah primarily
ideas of the throne of

note on

iv.

2.

r<3

uwn

means the manifestation of God amongst men either in the in Jerusalem, or amongst His people But the word is also used where God is spoken of as Israel. Deut. iii. 24, dwelling in heaven, Targ. Jon. on Isa. xxxiii. 5 Indeed the Shekinah only exceptionally came down to iv. 39.
Tabernacle or Temple, or
;

the earth.
1

vii.

8ia

(See Jewish Encyc. xi. 258 sq.) Weiss (Offenbamng des Johannes, 68 sq.), while maintaining that 9-17 in its present form refers only to the martyrs, asserts that the phrase It would, TOVTO proves that this cannot have been its original meaning.
J.

he writes, contradict the teaching of i. 6 to hold that only the martyrs could become priests of God. But as we have seen, it is not for any exclusive but far God s priestly function, worship and service that their redemption from sin had fitted them.

21 6
16. ou
17.

THE REVELATION OF
Trcii

ST.

JOHN

[VII. 16 17.

daouaii
iraunr]
ioi

ouSe

fXT)

In ouSe 8i\|/rjo-ouo-if en, en aurous 6 rjXios ouSe

CLVO,

iray KaGfxa,
iroijj.cu ei

on

TO dpi

TO

jxeow TOU 6p6Vou

auTOus,
CUJTGJV.

KCU ooTjy^aei auTous Kal eaXei4/ei 6 Oeog

cm
TTO.V

a)fjs

TnjYas

u8aT&>i>*

SaKpuof IK

TOJ^
64>0aXfxu>y

The

first

four lines are for the

most part derived from

runs
:

Isa. xlix.

10, but hardly

from the

LXX, which

ov

dXX

ou8e Trara^et avrovs Kavoxov ouSe 6 77X105, 6 eXttov avTous 7rapaKaXeo"t,

KCU ota Tr^ycov vSarwv a^et

16 is a translation of Isa. xlix. 10, and a translation independent of the LXX. TTcucny is an equally good rendering with Trara^ei of Our D3^, and Kayx,a is probably a better one than fcau oxoi/.
/cav/xa and 77X10$ and inserted changes have greatly enhanced It will be observed that I the wonderful beauty of the original. read TrcuVr; TI a suggestion of Swete, who thereby improves on

author has inverted the order of

en three times.

These

slight

the earlier suggestion of Gwynn (Apoc. of St. John in Syriac, 7u is here quite 7reV$ 17) that we should read Trato-r/. The same conception is found in ix. 5, where the impossible. Uncials and many of the Cursives read Tre o-r? (for Traia-y) avOpamov,
p.

which
cf.

corrects into
thirst

TTCOT;

CTTI

avOp.

With

Trauny

...

6 97X105

Ps. cxxi. 6.

here spoken of means the pain of unsatisfied John iv. 14. It is satisfied at the springs of He that living water to which the Lamb leads the blessed (17). drinketh of this water shall never suffer the torments of thirst God Himself is the fountain of life. Cf. Ps. xxxv. (xxxvi.) 10; i Enoch xlviii. i. The blessed thereby win a satisfaction which is independent of all that is less than the divine. And yet in another sense their hunger and thirst will never cease ; for they will never know satiety, but be ever reaching forward ; for their object is nothing less than God Himself and His perfections. On the distinction carefully observed by our author between water of life" and "the tree of "the see note on ii. 7,
desire, just as in
:

The

life,"

xxii. 14.

all

But 17 has very little connection with Isa. xlix. 10. First of the line on TO apviov . avrovs is altogether different from The diction of this line is wholly that of our Isa. xlix. io c. author with the seeming exception of 7roi//,cuWv, which else where in the Apocalypse has an unfavourable meaning and is used with reference to the heathen nations, ii. 27, xii. 5, xix. 15. Its use here, however, recalls John x. 1 1, eyw efyu 6 TTOI/XT/I/ 6
. .

VII. 17.]
x.

VISION OF
xiii.

THE MARTYRS
Pet.
ii.

IN

HEAVEN

21 7
u>s

14

Heb.

20;

25
.

7rot/xr/v 7roi//,avet

TO

TTOI /ZVIOV

avrov,

and Ezek
;
. .

of the Messiah,
xxxvii. 24).

Trot/xavet

avrous

If

we take

this line

O.T. Isa. xl. n, where it is said /cat larat avT&v Troi/Arjv (cf. along with the next we have an
in the xxxiv. 23,
.

excellent
bSrjyrjo-w

in Ps. xxiii. i, 3, Kvptos Troi/Wvei /xe Since the rest of 1 7* is wholly in the diction of our author, and as the idea was a familiar O.T. and N.T. one, we may regard 7roi/>uuveiv in the favourable sense as undoubtedly dva /ueo-ov = ev /xeoxo, v. 6 cf. belonging to his vocabulary here, For its use =" between," Ex. xxvi. 28; Josh. xix. i ( = "]irG). cf. Josh. xxii. 25 ; i Cor. vi. 5.
parallel
.
.

/AC.

Next as regards iy b we see that it differs in several respects but of from Isa. xlix. io d oS^o-ei is not a rendering of nm 1 or jnr, while the LXX aet implies 3ru\ Moreover, our author transposes the verb to the beginning of the verse. The phrase tirl 0)77$ -myyas vSarwv is in part explicable from Isa. xlix. io d D^D TOE, but still more from Jer. ii. 13, D"n DVD ilpD,
.

iw

f. p s X XXV. (xxxvi.) IO, Trapa crot WVTOS. have a remarkable parallel to our text in i Enoch xlviii. i, where in the new heaven and earth (xlv. 4, 5) Enoch sees a fountain of righteousness which was inexhaustible around it were many fountains of wisdom, and all the thirsty drank of them, and were rilled with wisdom." The plural Tr^yas may refer for men s hunger and thirst seek to some such conception satisfaction in the life of God, in His wisdom, righteousness, and But the most immediate parallels are in John other perfections.

LXX,

Tr^y^v -uSaTOS
a>r)s.

irrjyrj

We

"

iv. 14, TO vSwp o Su>o-uj avTO) yevrycreTat tv avTo) Trrjyr) vSaros aAA.oatwviov : vii. 38, 6 Tna-reviav ets e/xe . . TroTa/xoi /xeVov cis The emphasis, as r^s KOtA.tas avrov pevcrovcrLv vSaros wvro<s.
.
,<ar)v
/<

given to the idea of life by the unusual order a7ro0eo-is (with which I Pet. iii. 21, the parallel is imperfect). The pv-n-ov, may be compared; but phrase recurs in its more natural order in xxi. 6, rfjs With the expression cf. also xxii. i, vSaTos TT}? v8aT09 w7?s, and xxii. 17, vSwp w^s. b d i7 then is not a translation of Isa. xlix. io but merely based it. So far as it is a translation it differs in order and largely upon in diction from the LXX. tea! e a\eiv|/ei eic r&v auram This line is a translation of Isa. xxv. 8 b where the reads /cat 7raA.ii/ b $eos TraV 8a/cpvoi/ euro TravTO? TrpocrwTrov. Since the ac/>etAev Kvptos Peshitto and Vulgate agree with the in this rendering of nno we must here again maintain our author s independence of is found in Symmachus, but the LXX. The rendering eaAet the version of Symmachus was at the earliest seventy years later Ine TTOV before S&Kpvov may point to some than our Book.

Swete observes,
0)775

is

Tnjyas vSaTon/

<rap/<os

o>^s.

64>0a\|Awi>

LXX

LXX

i/>et

2l8

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VIII.-IX.

1.

dependence on the LXX, or there in the Hebrew. position of the the line recurs, our author writes
5>3

may be
6</>0aA/Aeov

here simply a trans

4,

Here and in xxi. and not

where

Or

7T/3O(T(07rOV.

CHAPTER
i.

VIII.-IX.

The first six Trumpets but originally the first two Woes or Demonic Plagues Original order and thought of mii.-ix.

difficulties.

two chapters present as they stand insuperable These will be duly discussed in turn, but for the sake of clearness I will at once lay before the reader the results

These

of this criticism. Results of present criticism. (a) The first four Trumpets, viii. 7-12, are not original, but a subsequent addition, and deal only with cosmic phenomena; whereas the sealing in vii. 4-8 prepares the reader to expect not cosmic but demonic Woes. (b) The last three Trumpets are the three Woes announced by the Eagle in viii. 13, and deal with the demonic and Satanic plagues, against which the faithful are sealed in vii. 4-8.
(c)
viii.

2 is

an intrusion

in

its

present context and not original

If it is original it probably stood immedi in its present form. ately after viii. 5, and read KCU eTSov dyyeAovs rpets, KOL iSoOycrav

aurots craA-Trtyyes rpcis.

(d)
viii.

C^OVTCS

TO.S rpets

then viii. note in loc.). In ix. i TTC/ATTTOS should be TrptoTos, and in ix. 13 CKTOS (e) should be Scvrcpos, and in x. 7 e/2So^ov should be rptrou, and in xi. 15 f/3So/Aos should be rptros. (/) In ix. 16-19 there are certain redactional additions. Thus we shall have Original order of text and thought. viii. i, 3-5, 2 (restored), 6 restored, 13, ix. By the excision of viii. 7-12 and the restoration of viii. 2, 6 to their original form and context, the chief difficulties of the text are overcome, the natural order in the development recovered, and the mean There ing of the hitherto dark sayings in viii. i brought to light. was silence in heaven for half an hour, viii. i, even the praises and thanksgivings of all the orders of angels were hushed, until the prayers of the saints should be presented before God, viii. 3-5. Thus assurance is given that God is mindful of His own. The prayers of the faithful on earth take precedence of the praises of the blessed hosts in heaven. Thereupon the Seer beholds three

6 should then follow in the form KGU oi r/oets ayyeAoi ot avrovs Iva. o-aA-TriVwort, and <raA7n,yyas ryroi/xacrav 13 as it stands, save that AOITTOOI/ should be omitted (see

VIII. -IX.
angels

1-2.]

GROUNDS FOR CONCLUSIONS

219

being given three Trumpets (viii. 2), wherewith they prepared to sound, viii. 6 ; and, as they were doing so, he beheld another vision, even an angel flying in the midst of heaven and proclaiming woe, woe, woe to the inhabiters of the earth because of the voices of the trumpets which the three angels were about
to sound, viii. 13. Thereupon the first angel sounded and there the plague of demonic locusts, ix. i-i i ; followed the first Woe and these tormented for five months all those who had not And when received the seal of God in their foreheads, ix. 4. the first Woe was over, the second angel sounded, ix. 12, and the 200,000,000 demonic horsemen, which were bound in the river Euphrates, were let loose, and by them one-third of the heathen

and idolatrous world was destroyed,

2.

ix.

18,

20 sqq.

Grounds for preceding

Conclusions.

I. They conflict with the ex a later addition. viii. 7-12 From vii. 4-8 we learn that after pectation created by vii. 4-8. the six social and cosmic evils that followed on the opening of the six Seals, the faithful were sealed in order to secure them from the coming demonic and Satanic attacks. After the sealing the right understanding of which is the key to what follows the expectation is natural and inevitable that the next plagues to But so befall the inhabitants of the earth should be demonic. far is this from being the case that we find a fresh series of colourless cosmic visitations following on the first four Trumpets, viii. 7-12, whereas the demonic plagues do not begin till the fifth Trumpet. Thus the former not only arrest the natural development of the Book, but they also introduce an element

that

is

alien at this stage.

we

are thus a priori disposed to four Trumpets.

Something must be wrong here, and doubt the originality of the first

II. And when we come to examine these four Trumpets, our doubts are transformed into convictions, 1 and we discover that whereas the heptadic structure of the Seals and of the Bowls is fundamental and original, the heptadic structure of the Trumpets
is

secondary and superinduced.

i. The first four Trumpets are conventional and monotonous. One-third of the chief things mentioned is destroyed in each 2 except in viii. n, where instead of TO rptrov r&v avOpwirw

I am glad to find myself at one with J. Weiss (74 sqq.) in the view that 7~ 12 is secondary, though this writer has not recognized the fact that vii. 4-8 imply the immediate sequel of demonic plagues. 2 In viii. 7 we have Tras %6pros instead of r6 rplrov rov rou Certainly rb rplrov r&v dtvdpwv /cai TOV x^P TOV T u X^^P ^ would be more natural than the present text. Besides, the stanza in viii. 7 would then have four lines as the next two stanzas.
1

viii.

x<V

220

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VIII.-IX.

2.

even in viii. 9 TO rpirov TWV destroyed we have the strange phrase, TroXXot r&v But the reason for this redactional change is (see note in loc.}. manifest Since the invasion of the earth by the 200,000,000 demonic horsemen results in the destruction of the third of mankind, ix. 18 (sixth Trumpet = second Woe), the same result cannot here fittingly be ascribed to the third Trumpet. ii. The first Trumpet conflicts with the fifth, for ira? xP
clearly the original phrase,
is
TO<s

X\wpos is burned up (/carc/caT?) in viii. 7, and yet it is presup posed to be unhurt (/A?) dSt/c^o-ovtrtv rov xpprov T^S ytys) in the
fifth

Trumpet

in

ix. 4.

four Trumpets are, as J. Weiss has observed, described as objective events, but the visionary nature of the
iii.

The

first

fifth

and

sixth

is

clearly

marked

ix.

i,

etSov: ix. 13, fjKovo-a.

Seals that precede, and the Bowls that follow, the four Trumpets are colourless and weak repetitions. Thus contrast the darkening of the third part of the stars and the falling of two, viii. 12, 8, 10, with the falling to the earth of all the stars as unripe figs when shaken of the wind, vi. 13 ; the darkening of the third of the sun, viii. 12, with in tensification of its fires, xvi. 8 sq. ; the change of one-third of the sea into blood, and the embittering of one-third of the rivers, viii. 8-1 1, with the turning of the entire sea and rivers and springs into blood, xvi. 3-4. v. But a comparison of the first four Trumpets and the first four Bowls shows that the former are clearly modelled on the latter. Thus, while the visitations in the first four Bowls are directed respectively against the land (xvi. 2), the sea (xvi. 3), the rivers and fountains of waters (xvi. 4), and the sun (xvi. 8-9), so likewise are the visitations introduced by the first four Trumpets. The correspondence in this respect is exact in each case, save the fourth, where, instead of only the sun being affected by the pouring forth of the fourth Bowl (xvi. 8-9), both the sun and moon and stars are to some extent darkened after the fourth Hence this close Trumpet. But this difference is trifling. correspondence can hardly be accidental. vi. The first four Trumpets exhibit a somewhat different
iv.

When compared

with the

diction
1

and

style.

In

viii.

we have

Trupl Kato/xcvov,

but

else-

in the

viii. 9, however, we have one syntactical irregularity found elsewhere rd tx ovra See note on ii. 13. Apocalypse i.e. r&v KTHTH&TWV Also in viii. 8 we have ws 6pos /J.tya, "the likeness of a great mountain," See notes on i. 10, iv. 6. but this is a common use of ws in Apocalyptic. The phrases pd\\etv els, viii. 7, and iriTrreiv K, viii. 10, are used elsewhere

In

in

viii.

Of course it is possible that the Apoc., but they are not distinctive. 7-12 may be a fragment of an independent vision of our author added But subsequently by a scribe who did not understand the Book as a whole.
this is

most improbable,

VIII. -IX.

2.]
is

GROUNDS FOR CONCLUSIONS

:

221

cf. xix. 20, irvpi, or a like substantive In is omitted in xv. 2. /Ae/uyp-W cv, but the vii. 12 OVCOTIIV, but (TKorow in ix. 2, xvi. 10. vi. While in viii. i, 3-5, 13 the order is purely Semitic, the verb in all cases beginning the sentence except in viii. 3, where the subject once precedes the verb for emphasis, in viii. 7-12 the subject precedes the verb three times 1 in viii. 7, once in

xxi. 8.

where KCU W In

followed by
7

viii.

viii. 8,

once in
2,

viii. 9,

twice in

viii.

n,and once

in

viii.

12.

This

fact points at all events to a different style.

viii.

6,

ij redacted and

transposed.

Having shown the

secondary character of viii. 7-12, we have now to deal with the changes made in the text with a view to introducing viii. 7-12.
as in its present position. i. For, has observed, the mention in viii. of the seven angels to whom the seven trumpets were given comes as an interruption between the opening of the seventh Seal and the offering of the prayers of the saints, and yet the angels do not take any part in the action till viii. 6. This, it is true, would not in itself constitute a valid objection against the originality of viii. 2 and its present position, but there are other and stronger objections not hitherto observed. 2. viii. 2 in its present position is against the structure of the book in analogous situations elsewhere. Thus it is to be noted that the introduction to the events following on the seventh Trumpet (which embraces the third Woe), xi. 15, is closed by salvoes of thunderings and lightnings, xi. 19, and the introduction to the events following on the seventh Bowl, xvi. 1 7, by a series
viii.
is

an intrusion

J.

Weiss

(p. 7 n.)

of like phenomena, xvi. 18; and that between the sounding of the seventh Trumpet and the thunderings, etc., and the pouring forth of the seventh Bowl and the like phenomena, there is no intrusive reference to any further fresh visitation. In like manner we infer that between the opening of the seventh Seal and the salvoes of heaven which followed in viii. 5, there was originally no intrusive reference to any fresh visitation such as those of the Trumpets or Woes.
3. But viii. 2 not only comes as an interruption and conflicts with the structure of the book in analogous passages elsewhere, but it has also by its intrusion here debarred the recognition of the meaning of the solemn silence for half an hour in heaven, viii. i. The prayers and thanksgivings of all the mighty hierarchies of heaven are hushed in order that the prayers of the suffering saints on earth may be heard before the throne of God. 4. Immediately after the seventh (i.e. the third) Trumpet and the seventh Bowl we hear what is done, not on earth, but in
1

Account

is

not here taken where the ordinals precede the verbs as their
7, 8, i^, 12.

subjects in

viii.

222
heaven
latter
:

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VIII.-IX.

2.

in the former instance a song of thanksgiving ; in the a voice from the temple and throne saying, It is done." In like manner immediately after the opening of the seventh Seal should be recorded what took place in heaven i.e. the silence enjoined on all the heavenly hosts that the prayers of the suffering saints on earth might be heard before the throne. 5. Finally, the pouring out of the seven Bowls is prepared thus in xvi. i we for by an announcement made in heaven read, "And I heard a great voice from the temple saying to the seven angels Go and pour forth the seven bowls of the wrath of God upon the earth." Similarly, the opening of the seven Seals is heralded in heaven by the song of the four and twenty Elders ; v. 9, Worthy art Thou to open the book, and to open its seals." Now, on the ground of analogy we should expect some like announcement preparing for the blowing of the Trumpets ; and there is such an announcement, but it is found not before the first four Trumpets, where it should appear if Thus in viii. 13 these were original, but before the last three. And I saw and heard an eagle flying in the midst of we find heaven, saying with a loud voice, Woe, woe, woe to the inhabiters of the earth because of the voices of the trumpets of the angels which are about to sound." viii. 2, then, is an intrusion in its present position and in its It probably stood after viii. 5, and together with present form. /ecu e Sov viii. 6 read as follows dyyeA.ovs rpeis KCU f&oOya-av avrots
"

"

"

craA.7riyy? rpeis.
r)ToifJLa.(raiv

rpeis ayyeAot ot ex VTS T s Tpets o-a/\.7riyyas avrovs tva (raATrioraxji. Thereupon follows viii. 13, wherein an eagle proclaims to the No change inhabitants of the earth the three coming Woes. further than the omission of AOITTWV is needed here.
/cat ot
<*

ix.

In

ix.

for

Tre yu/n-ros

we should read

TT/DWTOS,

and

in

ix.

13

There are numerous glosses in this chapter. Scvrepos for IKTOS. First we have the prosaic gloss 6 /3acravi<r/x,6s av^panrov in ix. 5, where also it is to be observed that /3a<raj/ioy>ios has an active
.

meaning though elsewhere in the Apocalypse it has a passive ATroAAiW one see xiv. 1 1 n. probably KCU ev ry EAA^vi/o;
;
:
. .

in ix.

1 1

almost certainly rJKovaa rov

/ecu

dpifl/xov

16-17, and
It is

ev rats ovpats
ix.

/ce<aAas

opacrei in ix. in ix. 19, since this

. . .

directly conflicts with

17-! 8.
that in
ix.

more than probable

13-20 we have a mutilated

1 Wellhausen has already recast of an older vision of our author. remarked that /ecu fjKovo-a . . . TOUS reWapas dyyeAous, ix. 13-14,
1 On the other hand, dir6 (ix. 18) is not elsewhere used in the Apoca Cf. ii. 23, vi. 8, ix. 20, xi. 13, xiii. IO, lypse after airoKreivfLv, but tv. But this fact in itself would not militate against the vision in its xix. 21. original form being from the hand of the Seer.

VIII.
is

1.]

THE SEVENTH SEAL

;

223
no grounds
.

a redactional addition
If

but, as frequently, he gives

a redactional addition, the addition is wholly in the style of the Apocalypse. Thus we have ^w^v Aeyovra and dyyeA.o>, 6 e^wv in ix. 13, 14, constructions which are characteristic of our author. KaOrjfjLwovs feTr f avrcui/ in ix. 17 is against the use of our author (see iv. 2, note) but may be due to the scribe who introduced ab On the other hand the four angels (TOUS reWapas dyyeiy Xovs) in ix. 14 are not to be identified with those in vii. 1-3, since they are distinct from them in every particular save that there are four in each case. Yet the article presumes them to be known. Again in ix. 16 we have hosts of horsemen introduced and pre supposed to be known through the use of the article. If both elements are original, the original vision spoke of four angels in command of the hosts of horsemen on the Euphrates. Our author only partially reproduces his written vision. Part of this vision may possibly be recovered in its original form. It seems
for the assertion.
it is
.
.

to

have been written

17. Kal ot

in tristichs.

Thus
.
.

Oi Ka6iq|J.ei
K<t>aXal

eV

aurous eyovres Oupaicas

.

OeiwScis

KCU at KCU
18.
diro

TWK ITTTTWK K TUK OTOAaTUy

TrXTjyaii
K<Xt

XeoWwy
.

auTWl>

06LOV
<

T&V Tpiwy

ira>i

dc9p&>
.

K TOU TTUpOS
TI

K TOW

CTTOJJLaTWI/

dUTWK
arojAaTi

yap eouaia

rail

lirirdtv

early

ev

TW

aurwi

VIII. 1, 3-5. The seventh Seal. opened there was an arrest of the

When
praises

the seventh Seal was

and thanksgivings

in

heaven,

viii.

i,

in order that the prayers of all the suffering saints

on earth might be heard before the throne of God, viii. 3-5. In vii. 1-3 there was an arrest of the judgments on earth until the faithful had been sealed against the coming demonic plagues here is a further and fresh pledge that the cause of the faithful is one with that of God and the heavenly hosts. Ver. 2 is an intrusion here, and belongs to the three Trumpets or Woes, if it is original. Its form here is secondary. See Introduction to this Chapter, p. 221 sq., and also in loc.
:

ovn rwrn rtWa n-pt? nnowp m^n ^xta JIJJD the ma on (or fifth heaven) ^mw *W pns 3BO. That is, are companies of angels of service who sing praises by night, but are silent by day because of the glory of Israel," i.e. that the But the idea in our praises of Israel mav be heard in heaven.
UE>

CT^payiSa Tr\v J3S6jxr]i eyeVeTO o^Y*) *v orav with the indicative see Robertson, Gram. 973. On the meaning of the criyrj see preceding para An analogous idea is found in Judaism: cf. Chag. i2 b graph.
TTJI
,

1.

KCU orav T)yoiey

TJfuwpoy.

TW oupai/w ws

On

^ mm

"in

224

THK REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VIII. 1-2.

text is infinitely nobler. The praises of the highest orders of angels in heaven are hushed that the prayers of all the suffering saints on earth may be heard before the throne. Their needs are of more concern to God than all the psalmody of heaven. Tjfu wpoi is a aTr. Acy. ^//tw/Hov is the ordinary form.
2.

Kal ctSof TOUS eirra dyycXous ot

EmSmoK TOU 6eou

this verse

lonqKao-ii

cat e866rj(Tai aurois euro, cra.\inyys

That

ally after viii. 5

to prove Introduction to this Chapter, see p. 221 sq. The position of 7rra before traA/Tnyyes and without the article is suspicious. For CTTTOL when not preceded by the article stands after the noun

Trumpets
in the

to

and referred to three angels who announce the three Woes, I have sought

stood origin received three

in

i.

1 6,

v.

(bis),

(fa s),

xii.

(fa s),

xiii.

(fa s),

xv.

la,

can stand before the noun when the noun is followed by another noun in the genitive, iv. 5, or an adjec tive that is the equivalent to a noun in the Hebrew, i. 12, sirro, xv. 7. pwras = 2MT rYH3B Only in four cases does stand without the article before a noun that is otherwise
xviii.

3 (fa s).

It

JDB>,

undefined, i.e. in i. 20, viii. 2, xii. $b, xvii. passages are suspicious on other grounds

9.

Now the two last possibly also i. 20

and we have found that viii. may have read as follows

avTots
<raA7riyyS

2
:

is

likewise. 1

KCU

uW

This verse, therefore,

dyyeXovs r/ms KCU i&oQrjtrav

Tpcis.

But when the three Woes heralded by three Trumpets were transformed into the seven Trumpets, the nameless three angels
1

The same
ii.

rule holds
is

good of
i
ft ,

SKO..

When
8c65eKa

anarthrous
xiii.
i

it

is

the noun,

10, xii. 3, xiii.

xvii. 3,

except in

placed after
in

where the clause

also postpositive when anarthrous, xii. l,xxi. 12, I4 , xxii. 2, except in xxi. 21, but can precede its noun when this noun is followed by another noun in the genitive, xxi. I4 h .

which

it

occurs

probably a gloss.
a

is

In vii. 5 sqq. xxi. 16, where it precedes numerals, it is necessarily prepositive. efs is always prepositive In John dudeKa is prepositive when anarthrous. 5i)o is twice anarthrous once prepositive in ix. 12 and once unless in ix. 13. rpels when anarthrous is postpositive, xi. 9, xvi. 13, postpositive, xiii. II. xxi. 13 (quater), but prepositive in vi. 6 where its noun is followed by another noun in the genitive exception, xvi. 19. r^o- trapes, on the other hand, is prepositive even when anarthrous, iv. 6, vii. I, because of the participles that TreVre when anarthrous is postpositive in ix. 5, 10 ; e follow the noun. In Biblical Aramaic numbers over 10 are always postpositive in iv. 8. postpositive : between I and 10 the postpositive order is much more frequent than the prepositive, I, 2, and 6 are always postpositive, 7 always prepositive (five times), 3 nine tirrles postpositive and twice prepositive, 4 three times postpositive and four prepositive, 10 three times postpositive and once pre This the numbers 5, 8, and 9 are not found in Biblical Aramaic. positive
,
:

is

other usage of our author

b
,

Apocalypse except in regard to efs. One In the case of e-n-rd (i. 20, viii 2 b , be noticed. xvii. 9), 5^a (xiii. I, xvii. 12), 5w5e:a (xxi. 21), when a phrase or xii. 3 clause which contains any of these numerals preceded by the article is followed by a noun and the same numeral, the latter numeral precedes the noun, as But several of these passages are interpolated. in the above passages.
practically

what we

find in the
is

to

VIII. 2-3.]

PRAYERS OF THE SAINTS PRESENTED

ot

22 5

were transformed into the well-known seven archangels,

dyyeAoi.

This conception is already found in Tob. xii. 15, eyw Awv ot Trapetrrry/cao-tv /cat Pa^a-rjX cts e/c rwv dyuov CTTTO, dyye
rov Aytov TToptvovrai evwTriov rfjs So^r/s
"

et/xt
eicr-

(tf).

They
and
their

are designated

"

archangels

in

Enoch

xx. 7 (Greek),

Pac/^A, Payov^A, Mi^a^A, These seven are referred to in SapojA, TappitfX, Pe/x-euJA. i Enoch xc. 21, 22, Pirke R. El. iv. and Hekalot iv., and most

names

are, xx. 2-8, Ofynr/A,

There are good probably in Ezek. ix. 2, Test. Levi viii. 2. for assuming the original identity of the seven angels grounds and the seven spirits, i. 4 note. But in our Apocalypse they are
distinct
ot

Iv&THov TOU 0eoG

"

and independent conceptions. These angels are

.

"

oT^ica<ni

Angels of

the Presence
"to

cf.

Isa.

Ixiii.

9,

VJ3

TJKTt?.

e<rroVat

eVwTriov
i.

means
ey<6

attend

upon,"

"to

be the servant

of."

Cf.
It

Luke
is

ct/u Taf3pir]\ 6 Trapco-TT/Kojs evwTrtov

rov 6tov.

19, the transla

tion of the
iii.

Hebrew
;

14, v. 1 6

The phrase
vii. 9,

*3lft 1DJ?, i Kings xvii. i, xviii. i 5 ; 2 Kings Jer. xv. 19, where it is used of the servants of God. is used in the same sense of service or worship in

but has merely a local signification in xi. 4, xx. 12. The trumpet is used already o69Y]ora aaXmyY 6 ?in an eschatological sense in the O.T. Cf. Isa. xxvii. 13 ; Stdrt Trapecrrtv ry/xe/oa Joel ii. I, (raATTicrare craATTiyyi Iv ^etwv Kvpiov. Zeph. i. 16; in Zech. ix. 14, Pss. Sol. xi. i it heralds the glorious return from the Dispersion; in i Cor. xv. 52, i Thess. iv. 16, Mt. xxiv. 31, 4 Ezra vi. 23 ("et tuba canet cum
.

sono,
/cat

quam cum omnes

ix.

Johannis
Trao-a

(e^eA^wcriv
[Aero. TOJV

audierint subito expavescent Ps. Apoc. rov ovpavov /cat craATrtVouortv Mt^a^/A
"),

co>

Ta(3pL7)\
<jtaVts

Kfpdrwv

ejcctvaiy

/cat

dvacrT^a-era t

dv^pwTrtVr;), it

announces the

final

judgment.

See

Bousset, The Antichrist Legend, 247 sq. 3. Kai aXXos ayY e ^S *jX9ey *a! eora0T)

Xipa^wTOK ^puffouv, Kal

Trpoaeu)(ats rfcy dyiwi

eSoOr] irdia Wk

aurw

TO (Wiaonfaioi exwi/ OujxidjJiaTa iroXXd, Iva Swcrei rais

0uCTiaorr]pio

em

em

TO

TO
viii.

\pv<rouv

TO

ei/wmof TOU Opoj ou. follow immediately

As we have already shown,

on
viii.

3-5 should

i.

Before the recasting of the text and the aXXos dyyeXos. interpolation of the first four trumpets, the angel here referred to may have been Michael or possibly the angel of peace (see next paragraph). According to i Enoch Ixxxix. 76, Michael prays for Israel ; and he may possibly be the angel who mediates between God and man, Test. Dan vi. 2. These mediatorial functions are presupposed in i Enoch Ixviii. 3, 4. In i Enoch xl. 9, he is called the merciful and long-suffering." According to Rabbinic tradition ne offered sacrifices in heaven, even the VOL. i. 15
"

226

THE REVELATION OF
:

ST.

JOHN

fVIII. 3.

see my note on Test. Levi iii. 5 ; Lueken, For like views in later Christian 30-32, 91-100. speculation see note on v. 8 of this text. But as the text stands at present, Michael is one of the seven angels mentioned in 2, and he cannot therefore be the aXAos If the present text could on any grounds be held ayyeAos in 3. to be original, we should have to inquire into the identity of Is he to be identified with one of the four and the oAAos. twenty Elders whose functions were of a priestly nature (see note on p. 128 sqq.)? This is unlikely; for when an Elder is mentioned singly elsewhere we have the phrase v. 5, vii. 13, cts CK rail/ Trpeo-pvTepuv. Since this nameless angel is neither one of the seven archangels, if viii. 2 is original, nor yet one of the Elders, it is possible that we have here "the angel of peace"
souls of the righteous

Michael,

notes on 6-7, I have shown that these verses give probably a intercedeth for the nation further description of this angel who of Israel and for all the righteous" Again in Test. Dan vi. 2 it Michael that is described as "the is probably he and not mediator between God and man," and one who for the peace of Israel shall stand up against the kingdom of the enemy." The angel of peace and Michael are referred to as distinct angels in

referred to in Test. Dan vi. 5, whose office is to In Israel that it fall not into the extremity of evil."

"strengthen

my

Test. Levi

v.

"

"

Enoch

14,

a 12The nameless angel in Dan. x. 5-6, xl. 8, 9. 19-21 may then be this "angel of peace" (though he is
,

generally identified with Gabriel). The office of the angel of peace was pre-eminently that of an He could therefore in a intercessor and mediator in Judaism. Christian Apocalypse be naturally assigned the duty of presenting This great angel is nameless the prayers of the faithful to God. in i Enoch and the Testaments of the XII Patriarchs, and if I am right also in Daniel. Here, too, he is nameless he is simply aAAos ayyeAos in the present form of the text and was probably
:

But whether this nameless angel is ayyeXos originally. Michael or the angel of peace, the final clause in v. 8 is with Michael or the great Spitta and Volter to be rejected as a gloss. nameless angel and not the Elders presents the prayers of the The Elders offer faithful, censing them as he presents them.
et<j

incense in the natural course of their priestly functions in heaven. With ea-rdOrj CTTI TO Ova-Laa-TYJpiov ( = rOTEirby 3J) cf. Amos ix. I,
eTSov TOV Kvpioi/ e^ecrrcora
CTTI
(

= ?y)

rov Ova-iaa-Trjpiov.

The

angel

stands by or
cf.

upon the

altar.

In favour of the former meaning

Gen.
1

xxiv. 13, 43.

What

An altar * in heaven is
altar of burnt-offering,

this altar is we have now to investigate. mentioned seven times in the Apocalypse,

Outside Apocalyptic the term "the altar," 03J9D, generally means the but not in Apocalyptic.

3.]

ONE ALTAR

IN

HEAVEN

227
1

Most interpreters vi. 9, viii. 3 (bis), 5, ix. 13, xiv. 18, xvi. 7. the altar of burnt-offering and the altar agree that the two altars But if we assume a of incense are referred to in our text. complete heavenly Temple with a holy place, a holy of holies, two altars, etc., we are forced to conclude (i) with Ziillig and Hengstenberg, that the curtain of the holy of holies is closed in iv. and viii. 3 sqq. and not opened till xi. 19; or (2) with Hofmann, that the roof of the Temple was removed in order to make possible the vision of God on His throne of Cherubim and yet not that of the ark ; or (3) with Ebrard, that in the vision in iv. the whole scene was disclosed without the Temple, and that later in vi. 9 and viii. 3 sqq. a heavenly Temple appeared on a terrace below the height on which the throne stood ; or (4) with Bousset and Porter, that the conceptions in iv., vi. 7, viii. 3 sqq. are referring to the throne scenery and the temple scenery
wholly irreconcilable. Now all these attempts at explanation or confessions of incapacity to explain proceed, in our opinion, on a wrong We have here to do with the conceptions of the hypothesis.

heavenly Temple in Apocalyptic, and it is wholly unjustifiable to conclude that every characteristic part of the earthly Temple has its prototype in the heavenly Temple as conceived in Apocalyptic. What we have now to do is to try and discover what views were
entertained in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses as to the altar or altars in heaven. As a result of my research I would at once answer there is no definite evidence in Jewish or Christian Apocalyptic of two altars in heaven. Thus in Isa. vi. 6 a seraph takes a live coal from off the altar The altar is within the Temple, and therefore presum (raTDil). There is only one altar presupposed ably the altar of incense. in the vision. 2 In the second cent. B.C. only one altar is implied in Test. Levi iii. 6, where the archangels are described as
:
7rpo<r<j>povTt<s

T(3

Kvptu)

Now,

evwSias AoyiKr/j/ passing to Christian

ocrfJLrjv

/cat

avcu/zaKTOv 6v(riav.

mention of only one

altar.

Cf.

and Gnostic writings we find Hermas, Hand. x. 3. 2, XvTrrjpov

<rc

di Spos f) !vTeuis OVK e^et Swa/xii> rov dva/^vai CTTI TO Ovcriaa-Trjpiov TOV Oeov. Cf. also 3. Sim. viii. 2. 5, ia.v Se TI S TrapeXOy, eyo) avroix; eVt TO flvcriaom/ptoj/ SoKi/xao-w. might perhaps cite here

We

Est ergo altare in caelis, illuc enim preces Irenaeus, iv. 18. 6, 1 Ebrard and Bousset are of opinion that the altar of burnt-offering is b referred to in vi. 9, viii. ix. 5, xvi. 7, and the altar of incense in viii. 3 Swete, that the former is referred to in vi. 9, and the latter in viii. 3, 5, 13. ix. 13, and that there is no determining which is referred to in xiv. 1 8, xvi. 7. The altar in xi. I was in original context the altar in the earthly Temple. 2
"

3",

Some

scholars regard the

Temple here

as the earthly one.

228

THE REVELATION OF

ST.
"

JOHN

[VIII. 3.

nostrae et oblationes nostrae diriguntur ; Apoc. Pauli, 44 (ed. Tischendorf), KCU iSov TO 0vo-iao-T?jpioi/ KCU TOV Opovov KCU TO In the Gnostic work preserved in the Excerpts KaTa7TTao>ia. from Theodotus in Clement of Alexandria (Dindorf, iii. 437), the soul is said to lay down its body -n-apa TO 0vo-iao-Tr/ptoi/ TOV
0v/ua/xaTOS, Trapa TOVS ActTOVpyovs
TO>V

di/a^po/xeywv cv^cov dyyeAovs

prevails.
A.D.),

(quoted from Lueken, Michael^ p. 97). In later Judaism the same view Aboth R.N.) A 26 (12) (2nd cent. righteous rest under the heavenly altar.

According
is

to

the

souls of the

There

only one altar

presupposed here, and

"

take with this statement another of the 2nd cent. (R. Eleazar s), found in Shabbath, i$2\ to the the souls of the righteous are preserved under the effect that throne of glory (TOSH NDD), we may reasonably conclude that the altar in question is close to the throne of God, and therefore In any case there is only one altar within the heavenly temple. b in question. Finally, in Chag. i2 we find: "In Zebul (i.e. the fourth heaven) are Jerusalem and the Temple and a built altar (^^ rOTD), and Michael the great prince standing and offering an The same statement is made in Zebach. 62* offering thereon." a relative to a built altar and Michael, and also in Menachoth, According to Jewish Apocalyptic, therefore, and kindred This altar has all literature, there is only one altar in heaven. but universally the characteristics of the altar of incense. Such sacrifices as are offered thereon (Test. Levi iii. 6) are AoytKou KOL In the last three passages cited from the Talmud, avaifjiaKToi. however, we have an epithet that seems to recall the altar of
if
"

we may

no

"

burnt-offering,

i.e.

built."

may be, there was, according to Jewish Apocalyptic, only one altar in heaven ; and since there could be no animal sacrifices in heaven, only bloodless sacrifices and incense could be offered thereon. Let us now examine the passages in our text where an altar is mentioned, and see if the Apocalypse herein diverges from
this

However

other apocalyptic literature. First of all we remark, that as in other Apocalypses so here the altar (TO 0wria<m}pioi>). Some the phrase used is always times it is more nearly defined as TO 0ixriacmj/oiov TO xpucrovV TO b fVWTTLOV TOV 0poVov, Vlii. 3 , or as rjKOVcra. (fxavrjv fiLav e/c KCpaTWi/ TOV ei/wTTtov TOV $cov AeyovTa, ix. I3. 1 That TOV $vo-iao-T. TOV xpvo-ov these two references are to the altar conceived as an altar of incense (already presupposed in v. 8), there can be no question.
"
"

TU>V

These expressions belong

iv.
1

cf.

Lev.

0u<rtacrT7?/Hou

to the O.T. as applied to the altar of incense : TOV dvcriao-Trjpiov ... 3 tanv tvuiriov Kvpiov xvi. 12, TOV TOV fatvavTi Kvplov (m,V JEiVp nsisn) : Ex. xl. 5, Tb tvavTlov TTJS Ki/3c6rov. .
8,
: .

6v<ria.(rTripiot>

VIII. 3.]

ONE ALTAR

IN

HEAVEN

22p

Next as regards viii. 5, our author has two O.T. passages before him, Isa. vi. 6 and Ezek. x. 2, and, since the former explicitly states that the coal was taken from the altar (i.e. the altar within the and the latter states that the coals were taken from between the Cherubim (i.e. in closest proximity to the throne of God), we infer that viii. 5, eye/Ato-ev avrov IK TOV irvpog TOV Ovo-iao-TrjpLOV, refers also to the altar conceived as an altar of incense. From this we conclude that the altar mentioned in viii. 3* is also the altar of
va6<s)

incense.

Both are simply designated

described as
"

"the

altar,"

though

it
"

is

the altar of gold before the throne in b The altar is referred to in only three other passages, viii. 3 . In xiv. 18 (aXAos ayyeAos efj\6ev e/c TOV vi. 9, xiv. 1 8, xvi. 7. Ovo-Lao-rrjpiov) the evidence is indecisive unless taken in connection with the role that the altar plays throughout the rest of the Apocalypse. There can be no doubt that the interpolator of xiv. 15-17 conceived the altar to be the altar of incense, since the two angels in xiv. 15, 17 come forth from the Temple. There remain now only vi. 9, xvi. 7. xvi. 7 (r/Kova-a TOV Ovo-Lao-Trjpiov
fully
. aXf]Oival /cat oY/caiai at /cpureis crou) might refer to AeyovTOS the altar conceived as in vi. 9, under which had reposed the souls of the martyrs ; but it can just as well, and indeed more reasonably, be conceived as referring to the altar on which the prayers of the
.
.

more

were censed and offered, and which is described in ix. 13 as ordering the infliction of judgment, just as in xvi. 7 it is re presented as vindicating the righteousness of God s judgment.
saints

Only one passage now remains that seems to presuppose the existence of an altar of burnt- offering as well as an altar of incense. But there is not the slightest necessity for this pre
b supposition. According to Shabbath, i52 the souls of the righteous are (said by R. Eliezar, 2nd cent.) to be preserved underneath the throne of God ; l and according to Aboth R.N. (2nd cent.), they rest beneath the heavenly altar. In Debarim rabba, n, the soul of Moses is bidden to dwell under the throne of Glory. The conception therefore in vi. 9 is Jewish, save that our author represents the martyrs, and not the righteous generally, as resting beneath the altar ; and herein it is possible that our text represents the older form of the conception, just as under vi. ii we have shown that our text again represents the older and not the later Jewish view. The souls of the righteous, then, according to Judaism, rest under the altar that is beneath or near the throne of God, i.e. the one altar that is within the heavenly Temple. This altar has the characteristics of the earthly altar of incense, and in part those of the earthly altar of burnt-offering ; for the souls of the martyrs,
,

1 In the same context defending this view,

Rabbi Abbahu (3rd

cent.)

is

represented as

230

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VIII. 3

as later the souls of the righteous generally, were conceived as See note on being offered thereon but as a living sacrifice.
vi. ii.

This idea of the offering of the souls of the martyrs on the heavenly altar is implied in our text (vi. 9 sqq.) for the first time in literature. The genesis of this idea can hardly be earlier than the ist cent. B.C. ; for before that period the souls of the faithful were conceived as going to Hades at death but towards the close of the ist cent. B.C. the belief that the soul ascends
;

forthwith to heaven

is

found

in Philo, 4 Mace.,

and probably

in

Wisdom
in
i

(see

my
ix.
:

Eschatology^^ 310, 314, 322).

"frankincense,"

XijBaywToV.

This word elsewhere means

29
;

as
6

Chron.
)

Macc>
.

v. 2.
.

The
TO

scholiast

on Aristoph.
8e

writes

X(y3avoc

avro

SeV8pov,
Be
/AoVoV

Ai/3av<oTos

TOV
Kttl

Sevftpov,

and Ammonius,

\L/3avo<;

/xei>

yap KOU/WS TO
TO
"

TO

OvjJLHtifJLtVOV,

A.l/2aj/OOTOS

OvfJilW/JLCVOV
"

censer in (quoted from Grotius). The word appears to mean our text = nnntpn cf. Lev. x. i, xvi. 12. But this Hebrew word means not only TO 0u//,taTrjpiov, but also TO Trupetov, "fire-pan": The fire-pan was used cf. Ex. xxvii. 3, xxxviii. 3, Num. iv. 14. for conveying coals from the altar of burnt-offering to the altar In Ex. xxxviii. 3 it is composed of copper, but of of incense. gold in i Kings vii. 50; 2 Chron. iv. 22; 2 Kings xxv. 15. Spitta(32i, 323) and Bousset interpret At/WcuTos in the latter meaning here but this interpretation rests on the view that the two altars are referred to in this passage, a view which appears In viii. 3 it is to be controverted by all existing Apocalyptic. first used for the reception of incense ; the coals are already in it before the incense is placed in it. e860T] aurw 6ujiufi.aTa. Spitta (325) remarks that the ritual here is analogous to that of the Great Day of Atonement, where
:

person who brought the coals also offered the incense, though not analogous to the usual O.T. ritual. But the analogy
the
is

only partial, since the priest on the Day of Atonement offered the incense, not on the altar of incense but before the Ark cf. Lev. xvi. 12 ; Num. xvi. 46. Iva, Swaei Taig irpo<reu)(ais TW^ dyiwi/ irdvTwv. On the inter cession of angels in the O.T. see note on v. 8 ; Test. Levi iii. 5
:

(my

edition) ; Lueken, Michael, 67 sq. Thus the After 8wo-t we should understand 0v/xia/xaT<x. that he might cense the prayers, and clause practically means so make them acceptable before God." (See note on 4.) The prayers are those of all the faithful, vii. 4-8, and not of the
"

martyrs only

(vi.

9 sqq.).

TO 0uo-icurrqpioy TO \puvouv TO evwTrio^ TOU Opoyou. recurs in ix. 13, save that for 0poVov we find 6tov.

This phrase

The

expres-

VIII. 3-5.]

ONE ALTAR

IN

HEAVEN

23!

See Lev. iv. 18, mrp Vt "i^N nation sion belongs to the O.T. i Kings ix. 25), but our author has not (cf. Lev. iv. 7, xvi. 12; used the LXX. The earthly altar of incense was of gold, Nu. iv. ii. The single heavenly altar is naturally conceived as
being of gold also. Porter thinks that this was the first mention of an altar in heaven, and Bousset appears to be of the same opinion, and both agree in holding that the author has introduced irreconcil able contradictions by combining the temple scenery and the throne scenery. That contradictions exist to some extent it is true, but not at all to the extent these scholars maintain, when once the right interpretation of the altar is recognized. Besides, the combination of these two sceneries did not originate with our author, but are as old as the 2nd cent. B.C. and most prob see note on iv. 2, p. in sq. ably Isa. vi. 4. Kal dyejSr] 6 Ktun os rwy GujjuajjLciTGJi/ rats irpoo-eu)(cus K xeipos TOU dyye Xou eywmoy TOU 0eou. With the diction dyiwi Swete compares Ezek. viii. II, e/cacrros ^ufuar^piov avrov ei^ey iv L Ka ^ *1 T/**$ ro ^ $v//,ta//,aTOs avefiaivev. rfj \ P^ rats irpoaeuxais is here the dativus commodi. The incense went up for the benefit of the prayers (Blass,
<*

TGJI>

The prayers are made acceptable by being incense on the altar. All access to heaven lies through the avenue of sacrifice. Whether it be the prayers of the faithful or the martyrs themselves, both alike must be presented or offered on the heavenly altar that they may be cleansed thereby from the last taint of self, and be made ac On the former idea cf. Hermas, Mand. x. 3. 2 ceptable to God.
Gramm.
p.

in).

offered with

Trai/rore
7Ti

XvTrrjpov dVSpos TO Ovo-Lao-Trjpiov Tov 6eov.

yap

ws OVK a^irjcnv
5.

TT/J/

OVK e^ei Swa/xiv rot) ava/3fjvai 3. ... /xe/Aiy/xej ?/ ovv r) Xvtrrj /xera rrys ZVTCV^LV avajSrjvai KaOapav tirl TO Ovo~iafj
ZVTVI<;

TOU
]"

eiXr/^ev angel had laid

6 ayyeXos rov XijSa^wroj , Kal eyejxiaei auroi IK. TOU GuortaaTTjpiou Kal ejBaXei els TTJK yrji , Kal eyeVoi/TO f Kal aeiajios. jBpoyTal Kal daTpaTral Kal see note on v. 7. On After censing the prayers the

Kal

ei\t]<j)J

irupos

<f>uval

down
;

the censer, while the

smoke of

the incense

was ascending, 4 now he takes it up again for a different It is not now to be used for the office of intercession purpose. but for judgment a function that does not rightly belong to this sacrificial vessel. We might here compare Ezek. x. 2, TrX^crov fK fjieo~ov TWV "^epov/Bclv Kal StacTKOpTU.S opa/cas o~ov avOpa.K<i)v
7rvpo<s

TTIO-OI/

Ezekiel is in the earthly Temple, but the Seer in the vision before us is in heaven. This is clear
7rt

rrjv TroXtv.

The Seer in
cf.

from ZpaXtv

el<s

TVJV

viii.

y>}v:

7,

xii.

4, 9,

13, xiv. 19.

The
<o)i/a!

casting of the fire

On the earth

is

followed by fipovTal KCH

232

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VIII. 5-6.

KT\. On the first three elements, where the lightning naturally precedes the thunder, see note on iv. 5. The lightnings, thunders, voices, and an earthquake are not the precursors of the plagues that are about to ensue in connection with the Trumpets, as has been assumed, but form the close of the introduction to the Seventh Seal, as they likewise do to the Seventh (i.e. Third)

Trumpet

or Third Woe, xi. 19, and to the Seventh Bowl, xvi. 18. Corn, a Lapide and Diisterdieck point out that 5 represents

the fulfilment of the prayers offered by "all the saints" in 3-4 vi. 9, and that this connection is indicated by the fact that part of the fire on the altar that consumed the incense is cast on the earth and becomes an instrument of judgment to punish their enemies.

and

6TTTO, ayyeXoi ol exorres TOIS eirra o-dXiuyyas TJroijiaaai 0-dX7rra belongs to Biblical o-aXmawaij aaXTriVco, and late Greek. This verse forms the immediate sequence of viii. 2, and probably read originally as follows KOL ol T/DCIS ayyeXoi ol e^oi/res Tas rptis craXTriyyas ^roi/xacrav avrovs Iva. On this verse viii. 13 should follow without break, viii. 7-12 being an It is noteworthy that ayyeXoi ^roi/xao-av intrusion in the text. avrovs Iva craXTricruxrii and dyyeXcov TOJV /zeXXoVrwv craX7rieiv in viii. 13 could represent exactly the same Hebrew, the former = ypr nnynn route, and the latter ypn? D -pru n ". A later addition, since the 7-12. The first four Trumpets. text originally recounted three Woes, or three Woes introduced See Introduction to this Chapter, by the three Trumpets. Individual incongruities are dealt with in the notes p. 219 sq.

6.

Kal ol
tvo.

aurous

<raX7ri(rw<nv.

that follow.

These four Trumpets form a closely connected group. They are of a conventional character. Of the fifteen things affected by the plagues, one-third is injured or destroyed in twelve instances. Of the three exceptions, that in viii. n, TroXXot TWI/ di/^/owTrwi/, is
most probably a redactional correction from TO rpirov
seeing that the latter
is

T.

av0. t

the result of the sixth

Trumpet

(i.e.

the

second Woe) in ix. 18. The second in viii. TO, ITTI ras Tn/ya?, is probably a corruption of TWV ir-^y^v, or possibly a mistranslation
of a

Hebrew

original (see note in

is

loc.).

The

third deviation
x"P

from the conventional uniformity

in

viii. 7, iras

TOS

X^ W P^

instead of TOV -^oprov \\wpov. This, no doubt, was the original form, but it is strange that it escaped correction, seeing that it conflicts with ix. 4. But, if it were not the original form, the change cannot have been made by the editor that transformed the three Trumpets or Woes into the seven Trumpets ; for we cannot conceive of his deliberately multiplying contradictions between the added section, viii. 7-12, and the original context.

VIII.
7.

7.]

THE FOUR INTERPOLATED TRUMPETS

(V

233

Kal 6 TTpWTOS Kal cyevero x^Xa^a Kal irup Kal ej3Xrj0T) i? TT)K yr\V
Kttl

jjie/JLiYfieVa

atjiari,

TO TplTOy TT]S Y*)S KaTCKClT), Kal TO TpiToy Tail/ 8eV8pa>k KaTKaT|,

These words recall Ex. cA.oyiov ev rfj ^aXd^y, save that there is a heightening of the terrors of the plagues by the substitu But tnis ncw feature is tion of ei/ aipoiTL for ev Tfl x a Blood red probably due to an actual experience of the Seer.
X<xXaa

Kal irup
f)

ey atfiaTi.
Trvp

ix.

24,

?jv

Se

^aXa^a Kat TO

^<*#.

rain

is

a
in

phenomenon
to

well

known
it

to

science.
Italy

Swete draws
of

attention

a similar occurrence in
"the

and the South

Europe

1901

result,

is

said, of the air

particles of fine red sand from the Sahara." could account for the same phenomenon.

being full of Volcanic eruptions In Or. Sibyll. v. 377

Trvp

there

is a reference to some such ovpavLwv SaTreScov /3peei /xcpOTrecrcrtv.

-irup
. .

phenomenon,
of
fire

yap
as

air

iv aifjiari.

The combination

and blood

an

eschatological feature is found already in Joel ii. 30, SOJO-CD rf.pa.Ta. /cat Trvp Kal dryaiSa KaTrvov and that this pass eTTt r}s . yfjs at/Act age was familiar to the early Christians appears from Acts ii. 19.
. .

fxcfJiiYfAeVa

iv

aipcm.
Iv.

In xv.

2,

where

/uyvv/>u

recurs,

it is

not

followed by the

Xa\aa
the

based upon Ex.

LXX

This phrase is almost certainly jaejj.iyjj.6Va. 24 (quoted above), but instead of ^/jayafvov has <A.oytov as a rendering of nnppnp and the Targums
Kal irup
ix.
;

and Peshitto support this rendering. The Vulgate, on the other hand, reads mista, and so supports the independent rendering of the Hebrew word given by our text. Since in xviii. 8 we have *aTaTO TpiToy TT)S Y*) S KareKdrj. Kau&jo-eTat, we might expect /caTa/ar/jo-erai (as in I Cor. Hi. 15;
the
10) there, or KarfKavOrj here, if both passages were from TO rpirov (ju-epos) with a genitive following is author. found twelve times in viii. 7-12: elsewhere in this book three
2

Pet.

iii.

same

times,

"Then was ix. 15, 18, xii. 4. Cf. Babba Mezia, f. 59 the world smitten a third of its olives, and a third of its wheat, there was great war on that day ; and a third of its barley for wherever Rabbi Eliezer looked the fire burned." The use of fractions to express relative proportions is already found in Zech. xiii. 8, 9, TO, Svo /xepr; avTrjs ^oXeOpfvOrjcreTai Kal Cf. Ezek. V. 2. CK\L\f/L TO 6 TplTOV V7roX.l<f>@r)CTTai fV O-VTIrJ. This TWk SeVSpum Cf. vii. I, 3. iras XP T 5 KaTeKdiTj. is absolutely at variance with ix. 4, where the locusts are bidden See preceding note on viii. 7-12. not to destroy the gru^s.
:
.

234
8.

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[VIII. 8 10.

Kal 6 SeuTepos ayyeXos Kal opos /Aya irupl Kaiojaecoc J3Xrj0T] els Kal eyeveTO TO TpiToy rrjs OaXaaarjs atjjia.
a>s

TYJM

0dXaoraa>,

mass like a mountain was hurled of a burning mountain is probably derived from I Enoch xviii. 13, L&OV eTrra do-Tepas us oprj /x-cyaAa But the parallel is clearer in xxi. 3, e /cet T Kato/xi/a.
blast a fiery
figure

At the second

into the sea.

The

TOI/

do"Tp(DV

IppLfJL/JitVOVS

V ttVTto OfJLOlOVS Op(TlV

ey Trupl /caio/jteyois.

Cf. also cviii. 4.

obviously here an allusion to the first TO ei/ TW 20, ^refiaXev TTO.V TO Ps. Ixxviii. 44. As there the Nile was turned TroTdfjLw cts at/x,a into blood, so here is the sea at least a third part of it.
eyeVeTo aljaa.
is

There
Ex.

Egyptian plague.
:

vii.

vSu>p

Cf. xvi. 3. 9. Kal direOcu

l^okTa
vii.

\|/UXOLS

21.

On

TW^ KTio-jjidTWi TOW lv rfi OaXdcraT) TO, r&v TrXoiwy Sie^ddp^o-ac. Cf. Ex. the destruction of the fish of the sea as an act in
e

TO

Tpm>i>

Kal

TO TpiTOi

the eschatological drama,

rfj 6aX.a(T(ry cf. V.

cf.

Zeph.

i.
. .

3.
7rt

With

KTicr/xctTwi/ TOH/ lv

13,

TTO.V

KTtV/xa o

7rdi/Ta. The phrase TO. e^ovTa apposition to TWV KTICT/XOITWI/, as in i. 5, iii. 12, ix. 14, but For similar syntactical incongruities against Greek syntax. cf. ii. 13; Ezek. xxiii. 7, 12 (LXX).

a^Tois
in

\j/v^d<s

KOL TO. ev T^S stands as a nominative

0aXd<ro"r)s

8ie4>6dpT)aai>.

Understand
. .

TO.

TrAoia

from TO rpirov TWV

.
.

TrAoi wi/.

The

diction Trvpl Kaio^evov opos not the thought, recalls Jer. xxviii.
a>s

$L(>6aLpr)o-av,

though

(li.)

25,

TO

opos

...

TO

<rc

ws

opos

10. Kal 6 TpiTOS ayyeXos f( CK TOU oupacou

Kal
TT0-6
TrYjyds t
CTrl

uaTfjp

fxeyas

Kaiojj.ti

os

TO

TpiTOS

T&V

TTOTajJLWk

Kttl

CTTl

TOIS

Twy uSaTW^.
.
. .

omits the entire clause /cat eVi vSaTw, but I think Instead of iirl TOIS Tnyyds we should expect ruv wrongly. The accusative may be due to a mistranslation of i?y -n-rj-yw. D on ^^Cl nnn:n n^ s ^. As the sea was smitten in the second The two plague, the fresh waters are smitten in the third. We have no real parallel in Jewish clauses recur in xvi. 4.

Apocalyptic to the
stars of

of a star of this nature. That all the before the end we have already seen in vi. 13, and this expectation goes back to the O.T. But in none of the many references to this expectation is there any intention of an accompanying evil like that in our text,
fall

heaven were

to

fall

VIII. 10-11.]

THE FOUR INTERPOLATED TRUMPETS

star

Hence there is no real parallel in the fall of the Zend eschatology (Bundahish, S.B.E. xxx. 18,

Gokihar

in

31) except in The fall of individual stars so far as it is a sign of the end. in viii. 8, 10 is very weak over against the vivid overwhelming vision of the stars falling from heaven as unripe figs fall from the
fig-tree

when shaken by
is

the wind, vi. 13. a frequent expression in the

LXX =

11. [KCU TO oVofxa TOU

dorrepos Xeycrat o Kal cyeyeTO TO TpiToy T&V uSaTwy f ei Kal TroXXol Twy dyOwTTU)! direOayoy

"A

f
IK.

aij/
rS>v

In this verse I have bracketed two clauses as glosses. The interrupts the steady development of thought in the stanza. The expression TO oVo/xa AeyeTcu is unique in the Apoca See note on ix. n. The latter gloss is explanatory. lypse. By the omission of the first gloss we recover in 10-11 a stanza
first
. .

of four lines as that in 8-9 and also in 12. That such an expectation as that in our text was current in Palestine as to the waters becoming bitter or salt, is clear from

4 Ezra
tation
ix.

v. 9,

"in

may have

dulcibus aquis salsae invenientur." This expec arisen from such statements as we find in Jer.

15, xxiii. 15, that

Jahweh would

chastise his people for their

idolatry by feeding them with wormwood and giving them water of gall ( Xh, a poisonous herb) to drink. Though not itself poison is found as a parallel of EWi, which is ous, yet wormwood

(^^)

poisonous, in Deut. xxix. 17; Lam. iii. 19; Amos v. 7, vi. 12, as well as in the two passages already referred to in Jeremiah. It was, therefore, conceived as having poisonous effects. Its bitter taste, which is referred to in our text, iiriKpdvOr]<ra.v, is mentioned in Prov. v. 4 and implied in Lam. iii. 15 where its From these passages we can bitterness." parallel is D nno, partly understand the genesis of the above expectation and the name given to the star. We shall observe also that in 4 Ezra v. 9 only a part of the waters is affected as in our text.
"

The word

"

royi>,

wormwood,"

is

4; by a variety of words regularly feminine, but because dcrr^p is so.

:

a\(/iv6iov in Prov.

v.

Jer.
it

ix.

15, xxiii.

rendered by Aquila by 15, but in the LXX

^oAr;.

di/ay/cry,

oSwiy,

TTi/cpta,

a\l/w6os is

is

made masculine

here

probably

The reading eyeVeTo eis tywOov (though in itself good enough Greek cf. xvi. 19 Acts v. 36 John xvi. 20 Theognis, The waters do not become 164) is most probably corrupt. wormwood, but, remaining waters, are made bitter (eVt/Kpavflr/trai/). with h s 1 Prim., and render and the Hence we should rtad
.

"

a>s

236

THE REVELATION OF
became

ST.

JOHN
i.e.

[VIII. 11-12.
"

third of the waters

like wormwood,"

bitter."

If,

indeed, the writer of viii. 7-12 had wished to express the idea that the waters became wormwood he would probably have used the same idiom as he has in 8, eyeVero TO rpirov rrjs tfaXao-o-r/s In xvi. 19 eyeWro If cts is original and is is found. alfjia. o)s a correction, then we have an additional ground for assuming a Hebrew original. ts a^/LvOov = iiJjtt, corrupt in that case for ru^u. The expression u-oXXoi TWV dvfl/owTrwv has no parallel in the Apocalypse. It is used here for TroXXol avOpw-n-oL. When TToXAoi is followed by a genitive, the genitive is either a proper noun, John xii. n, xix. 20, Acts xviii. 8, or a definite collective Here TWV avOpu-n-wv stands for expression, Acts viii. 7, xix. 18. mankind as a whole. The use of TroAXot in this connection is therefore peculiar, and it is probable that instead of TroXXoi the This would be original form of the vision had TO rpirov. analogous to what followed on the second Trumpet a third of the sea became blood, and accordingly a third of the creatures in it perished, and even a third of the ships with their crews. So here one-third of the fresh water of the world became of a poisonous nature, and a third of mankind died. But not only is the analogy of the second Trumpet in favour of TO rpirov having stood in the original vision, but also every statement in 7-12 where the proportion affected in every (?) case is one-third. Besides, if already a third of the earth is burnt up, viii. 7, it is strange that it is not till after the second Woe, ix. 18, that the third of mankind is destroyed. Furthermore, the change of TO rpirov into TroXXot was apparently due to the fact that in ix. 18 after the sixth Trumpet it is stated that one-third of mankind was destroyed by the three plagues of fire, smoke, and brimstone.
.

dirt Oai/oy CK.

:

Cf.

ix. 1 8,

and M.-W.
I

Q-r\<rav

cf.

Ex. xv. 23.

This clause

Gram. 460. on emKpdVhave bracketed as a gloss.

12.

Kal 6 T^rapTog ayyeXos eo-<x\Tuai>* Kal eirX^YT] TO TpiToy TOU ^Xiou Kal TO rpirov TTJs o-eX^nrjs Kal TO TpiTOv r&v dorepWK, Iva. aKOTia0TJ TO TpiToy auT&ii Kal TO TpiTOK
auTwi>

JJLTJ

<J>anr)t

r\

rjfJLepa

Kal

r\

vu

6^.010)9.

The
it is

last verse is prose,

and apparently
the

corrupt, at all events

It is

unintelligible. to be observed

For

literary parallels see

notes on

vi.

12, 13.

how weak

phenomena here

parison with those already described in vi. sun is darkened and the moon ensanguined.

are in com 12, where the entire

The

stars in vi. 13

have already darkened.

fallen

from heaven.

Here only a
is

third of

them

are

The

limitation
(cf.

of the TO rpirov avr&v

time of shining

Amos

viii.

9, one-half),

obviously to the not to the intensity

VIII. 12-13.]

THE COMING WOES

237

There is no intelligible connection between the of brightness. obscuration of the third part of the sun, moon, and stars and this limitation of their time of giving light. The text is corrupt. The original is either preserved by the Bohairic Version only, or to be recovered by a happy conjecture. The text clearly meant originally that, since the third part of the
sun,

moon, and stars was smitten, this third part was darkened and did not shine either by day or night. But somehow instead of 17/xepa? /cat WKTOS the oldest Greek form of the text read
fj

fjpepa KCU

f)

vv

the

first

stage in the corruption of the text.

This rendered the text ungrammatical and unintelligible, and yet a considerable body of cursives (see crit. note) held fast to it. But the ancestor of Q and a larger body of cursives changed TO Tptrov avT&v into TO rpCrov avrf}?, and yet still retained the This made the text grammatical primitive order of the words. This constitutes the second stage of the corrup but unmeaning. tion of the text. Finally, NAP vg give the same text as Q, but change the order of the words. Here we have the third stage.
It is possible that the original error is due either to a mistrans lation of a Semitic source, or rather to a loss of a letter in that = /cat TO rpiTov CLVTWV /AY) text. 6/xotcos ff)dvrj rj rffjiepa. KOL YJ vv

p
"

= *6 tMr\ DV QWbjPi Here DV is a corruption of QDV 1 by day." Hence read with the Bohairic as in note. This partial obscuration of the luminaries corresponds in a modified degree to the ninth Egyptian plague of darkness Ex. Elsewhere in this Book O-KOTOW is used (ix. 2, x. 21-23, o-KOTLa-Oy.
;

Tn

eo-KOT<o#77

is

used
;

6 ^Atos, xvi. 10), and not O-KOTI^CU/. in the Little Apocalypse : cf. Mark
xxiii.

The
xiii.

latter,

24

however, Matt. xxiv.

viii. 2, 6,

29

Luke
13.

45.

This verse, which should follow immediately on proclaims the immediate coming of the Woes.
ica!

elScy KCH TJKOuaa e^os derou

<f>Q>ffj

Xeyorro?

jAeydXr]

irero^vov ev fieaoupanqjum Oual oual oual rots KaroiKOUCTiK CTT! TYJS

TTJ9

o-dXmyyos

TWI>

rpi&v dyyeXwi T

For /cat etSoi/ /cat ^Kovo-a cf. v. n, vi. i. evos is here equivalent to the indefinite article, as in ix. 13 (note), xviii. 21; cf. Blass, Gram. 144. The eagle appears (as a messenger also in 2 Bar.
Ixxvii.

19 sqq.) in the zenith, where the sun stands at midday The threefold Woe should introduce three visitations after the fifth, sixth, and seventh (i.e. first, second, and In ix. 12 it is declared that the first Woe is third) Trumpets. Then at the close of the past, and that two are yet to come. interlude (x. i-xi. 13) that separates the sixth and seventh
:

cf. xiv. 6, xix. 1 7.

"

"

1 it :

Here Boh.

it

= Kat

TO rp.

either recovers the original by a happy conjecture or preserves fir} ^avrj Tj/Aepas /cat o/xotws VUKTOS.
ai/ru>*

23&
Trumpets,

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[IX.

1.

it is stated that the second Woe is over and that the third is yet to come. This Woe, however, is not recounted, unless with Erbes, p. 60, and Bousset we recogni/e it as the descent of Satan to the earth in xn. 12. oual rots KaToiKoGati/ em rfjs yrjsThe dative generally follows ovai: the ace. occurs in xii. 12. On the exceptional construction with the nom. see note on xviii. 10. The Woes are directed against the heathens or pagans. See note on xi. 10 for this meaning of the phrase, and 4 of the Introd. to xiii. on the

Hebrew underlying
on
their

it.

These Woes, which are of a demonic

who have received the seal of God brows (see note on vii. 3). Thus viii. i3~ix. should follow immediately on viii. 6, without the intervention of viii. 712. See p. 218 for original order of viii.-ix. We have seen that the first four Trumpets are weak and otiose.
character, cannot affect those

r&v [Xonrtok]
addition of

<{>u>f(of

original vision these

AOITTCOJ/.

T. In the adXmyyos T. rpi&v dyyeXom words stood as they are here save for the AOITTOS is not used elsewhere in the Apo

calypse as a mere epithet.

Together with the art. it forms a noun, as in ii. 24, iii. 2, ix. 20, xi. 13, xii. 17, xix. 21, xx. 5. Moreover, its position before the noun is against the usage of the
writer with regard to epithets in viii. i, 3-5, 13, ix. With the exception of aAAos, viii. 3, and ets, viii. 13, which always pre

cede the noun in the Apocalypse save in ix. 13 (fa av), epithets always follow after the noun, as in viii. 3 (ter\ 13, ix. 2, 5, 9, 10, 13 (bis\ 20 (quinqutes).

IX. 1-12. THE FIFTH TRUMPET, or rather the first Trumpet introducing the first demonic plague designed to torment those who were not sealed with the seal of God.
,

1.

Kal 6

irejjnrTos

ayycXos
f\

cat etSov dorrepa CK TOU

Kal e866rj aurw

icXets

oupayou irTrTWK<$Ta eig TTJI/ TOU ^pcWos rfjg djSuaaou.

yTji/,

See Introduction, p. 218. Trpcoros. conceived as a personal being here, i.e. as an See note on i. 20. The participle TreTrrwKo ra does not angel. convey when connected with dcrrepa the idea of a fallen or Ibst Its use here is due angel, as very many expositors have taken it.
Tre /xTTTos

For

we should read

The

star is

to the fact that ao-Trjp is used, and the text means essentially no more than that the Seer saw an angel descend (i.e. a star fall).
Cf.
i

Enoch

Ixxxvi.

i,

Ixxxviii.

i.

Possibly
;

TrcTTTCD/cora

should

be taken strictly as describing a completed action, as iriTnovra would describe an incomplete action in other words, the Seer saw the angel just alighting: cf. viii. 13, x. i, xiii. i, xiv. 6, etc. As we see from i Enoch Ixxxvi. 3, stars can also be said to

IX.

1.]

THE FIRST WOE

Thus
"to

"descend."

fall"

(i

Enoch

Ixxxvi. i

and

"to

descend"

(i

Enoch

Ixxxvi. 3) are

and Ixxxviii. i) synonymous expres

sions

when applied to stars symbolizing angels. It is different, however, when the subject of TTITTT^LV is not a star but an angel. Good or bad angels "descend" (i Enoch vi. 6), but only bad
(Luke x. 18) or are "cast down (Apoc. xii. 9). When angels descended they were conceived of as assuming human forms in the O. and N.T.
"

angels

"fall"

In i Enoch Ixxxvi. the fallen angels are described as assuming the forms of bulls ; but this is only due to the symbolical imagery of the Dream Vision, where the descendants of Seth are symbolized by various kinds of oxen. Hence there is no actual transforma
tion in question. While in apocalyptic

TreTrrwKoYa, in language free from elSov ayytXov /ca,Ta/3aiVonra Hence the star here represents
.

language the Seer saw do-repo, symbol he would say as in xx.

.
. .

i,

e^ovra

rrjv

/cAetv TT}S

d/3ucrcrou.

faithless.

down by God The

This angel is sent to execute one of the last judgments on the key of the Abyss is here committed to him.
xx.
i.

an angel.

This he retains in

Who

is

this

legitimate to the angel set over the world

who descends ? He may be Uriel, if it is compare i Enoch xx. 2, according to which he was
angel

TOV Taprapou).

and Tartarus (6 eirl rov KOCT/XOV /cat In i Enoch, Tartarus is the nether world generally, xxi.-xxii. ; but in the N.T. Tartarus is, as we shall see cf. presently, the intermediate abode of fallen spirits, just as the abyss is so conceived in our text. There is no angel who keeps the key of the t 860T] aurw. This key is com abyss in the Apocalypse as in 2 Enoch xlii. i. mitted to one angel for a special purpose for the time being
:

cf.

xx.

T.
<j>peaTos

In the Apocalypse the K\et9 TOU TT)S a{3u craou. T) abyss is conceived of as the preliminary place of punishment of the fallen angels, of demons, of the Beast, and the false Prophet, and the prison for 1000 years of Satan. It is referred to in ix. i, As the abode of demons it is men 2, n, xi. 7, xvii. 8, xx. i, 3. tioned in Luke viii. 31, and possibly in Rom. x. 7, though in this last passage it has been universally taken as meaning Sheol. It is referred to in In our text, ix. i, 2, it is a place of fire.
4 (rapTapwo-as). place of punishment, alike for Satan, the Beast, the false Prophet, and all not written in the Book of Life, is the
ii.

2 Pet.

^he final

and

Tartarus was originally the place of punishment for Titans in the Iliad Hence there is a certain fitness in the use of the words in Hesiod. Later it designated the nether world generally (i Enoch xx. 2, 2 Peter.
in

Greek), or the abode of lue damned.

240

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[IX.

1.

1 TOV TTvpos KOL OcLov, xx. io, 14, 15. Gehenna, which was essen a place of punishment for man, is not referred to in the tially Its place is taken by the Apocalypse, save possibly in xiv. io. This lake of fire," as we shall see presently, TOV Trupos. \ijjivr] was conceived originally as a place of punishment, not for men,
"

but for Satan and the fallen angels. Thus the Ai /x-i/?; rov Trvpos agrees exactly with the idea in Matt. xxv. 41, where the wicked are sent into TO Trvp TO atojvtov TO ^T0tju,ao-/xe^ov TW SiafioXw KOL
Tots dyyeAots avTov.

Now, turning
a/3uo-cros is

to the earlier history of the

word we

find that

used about thirty times as a rendering of Dinn in the The tehdm in the O.T. is the ocean that once LXX. i. enfolded the earth but is now shut up in a subterranean abyss (Ps. xxxiii. 7), which was closed and sealed, and to which there

was no access save through a shaft (Prayer of Manasses,

6
7T68>yo"as

3),

TT)V @d\a.o~o~a.v TOJ

/cat

Aoya) TOV Trpoo Tay/Aaros

T<5

o~ou, 6 /cAeio~as
KO.I
ev8oa>

Trjv

aj3vo~o~ov

conceived as a surging, 2. But imprisoned flood, it has no connection with our text. there is another sense in which the ancient myth has influenced The deep was conceived as the the thought of our author.
ovofuxTi o-ov.
s enemy, Amos ix. 3 (Job xli. 24 (LXX), TOT/ Yahweh had cut Rahab in pieces and TapTapov T?)S dfivcrcrov). pierced the dragon, Isa. li. 9, yea He had broken the head of the dragon in the waters, Ps. Ixxiv. 13. (See, further, Gunkel,

So

avTrjV o~<^>/3ayio~cxfievo? far as the a(3vo-o-os is

<o/3epa>

abode of Yahweh

Schopfung und Chaos, 91-98.) Henceforth he can do nothing without God s permission (see Cheyne on Dragon," in Ency. The abyss, then, is the abode of God s Bib. i. 1131-34). enemy. So much of the ancient idea has survived in the O.T. as a subterranean flood, but 3. But it is not the abyss conceived as a great chasm in the earth, that the idea has made its way into later literature. Possibly the transformation may be in part due to Isa. xxiv. 21-22, where it is said that God will punish the heavenly powers as well as the kings of the earth, and imprison them in the pit (in) as a place of intermediate punishment. We observe that as yet there is no idea of a fiery place of
"

punishment.

now proceed to the consideration of the conception of Here we find a great development on the a@vo-o-o<s in i Enoch. The term a/3vo-o-os is used of the abyss of the ideas of the O.T. waters in i Enoch xvii. 7, 8 ; but, so conceived, it has no con1

We

Gehenna was
;

originally regarded as a fiery

and

final place of

punishment

meaning it retained in Judaism, so far as the Gentiles were concerned. Sheol, which was originally a dark, cheerless, non-fiery abode of the departed, began as early as 100 B.C. to acquire the fiery character of Gehenna, and in Luke xvi. 23 it acquires another characteristic of Gehenna, i.e. the departed in Hades are punished in the presence of the righteous.
for

men

and

this

IX.

l.j

THE FIRST WOE

24!

nection of any kind with the prison of the fallen angels or Satan. Turning aside then from aySvcro-os in this sense, we find that in other passages it is conceived as an intermediate and a final place of punishment for the fallen angels and demons. 1. Intermediate place of punishment for the fallen angels. This
is referred to or described in i Enoch xviii. 12-16, It is waterless, birdless, chaotic, horrible, 1-2, xxi. 1-6. fiery, and is situated beyond the confines of earth and heaven, It is the temporary place of punish xxi. 2, xviii. 12, 15, xxi. 3.

abyss

xix.

for the fallen angels, the stars and hosts of heaven, 12-16, and for the women who sinned with the angels, xix. 1-2. 1 This place is somewhat differently described in the Noah sections of i Enoch. Thus the fallen angels are cast into valleys of utter darkness in the earth, x. 12, Ixvii. 7, and covered by rocks, x. 5. These valleys, however, are traversed by streams of fire, according to Ixvii. y. 2 2. Final place of punishment for fallen angels and demons. This inferno is referred to or described in i Enoch xxi. 7-10, It is beyond the x. 6, 13, xviii. n, Hv. 6, Ivi. 4, xc. 24, 25. bounds of earth and heaven, xviii. n, xxi. 7. It is called TO ^acs TOV TTU/DOS, x. 13 ; the a/?vo-cros, xxi. 7 (xc. 24?), and communicated with the world of space above by a great shaft 8ia/co7r^i/ elxev 6 TOTTOS ews T^S d/^vVtrov, xxi. 7 (cf. ap in our text, ix. 2) ; the
xviii.
<pe

ment

^dcTfjM /w-eya, xviii. II, which was TrXrjprjs arrvXwv Trvpos /txcyoAooi/ xxi. 7, xc. 24; "the chasm of the abyss of the Ko.Ta<epo/AeVa)v,
Ivi. 3 the burning furnace," liv. 6. Final place of punishment for Satan, angels, demons, and In i Enoch cviii. 3-6 a chaotic fiery wilderness is wicked men. described as the final abode alike of fallen spirits and wicked men. This place is not Gehenna for it is beyond the bounds
"

valley,"

3.

To this conception is very nearly related the of earth, cviii. 3. This At/Aviy TOV Trvpos appears, like TOV TTvpos in our text. \ifjLvr) all the places of punishment just described in Enoch, to be If we could accept the outside the bounds of heaven and earth. present order of the text in xx.-xxii. we should have to conclude that it persists (xxi. 8), though a new heaven and a new earth have taken the place of the old, xxi. i.
The demons, who according to i Enoch are the spirits that went forth from the slain children of the angels and the daughters of men, xv. 8, are not Such appears to be the view punished till the final judgment, xvi. I, Ivi. 4. behind Matt. viii. 29. But in the N.T. Apocalypse the demons are confined in a fiery abyss unless set free by the special permission of God, ix. i sqq. 2 A special place of punishment is assigned to Azazel, i.e. Beth Chaduda, the wilderness of jagged rocks, twelve miles from Jerusalem, where the scape b goat was cast down from a rough mountain cliff and destroyed, Yoma, 67 Targ. Jer. on Lev. xiv. 10. 8 a couJation of two distinct conceptions. This looks like
1

VOL.

I.

16

242

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

flX. 1-4.

From the last paragraph it appears to follow that the con ception of Gehenna as a place of punishment for mankind 1 exclusively is absent from the Apocalypse, and that its place is taken by the Xt/xv^ TOV Trupos (cf. xx. 14-15), which, though originally quite different from Gehenna, has become fused with it in xiv. 10 The final place of punish (cf. also Matt. xxv. 41). ment prepared for the fallen angels has thus become also the final abode of wicked men. Cf. Matt. xxv. 41, also 4 Ezra vii. 36 furnace of Gehenna and over against it the ("the Paradise of delight"). This is all the more remarkable since the conception of Gehenna is current in the Gospels and in
-,

Enoch.
2.

Kal r\voiev TO

<J>peap

rfjs
etc

Kal

dye|3T|

Kcmros
6

TOU
Kttl

<f>pearos

us
K

Karros
TOU

<J>pe

6CTKOTW0TJ aTos.

TJXlOS

dtjp

KaHTOU

TOU

Kcurkos

K TOU
<|>pe

aTOS KT\.

Cf. Ex. xix.

8,

ovf.fia.ivtv
rfjs
y>}s

6 Kairi/os

a)S

/caTrvos /ca/ziVov

Gen.
is

xix. 28, dve/?aivj/

<A6

uxrei dr/xts Kafjiivov.

The sun

not eclipsed here, but darkened

ii.

by the volume of smoke rising from the abyss. Cf. Joel the sun and the where, owing to the plague of locusts,
"

10,

moon

were

darkened."

3.

Kal Kal

e869ir)

K TOU Ka-nrou e^fjXOoy aKpiSes cis yrjy, auTais eouaia ws ex U(rtl/ iovcriav ol aKOpiruu
TTJI>

TTJS

Y H?.

do not form the cloud, but come forth from it. Locusts were the eighth of the Egyptian plagues. But these locusts are unlike the ordinary earthly locust; for they had It was with these that they stings like scorpions in their tails. did hurt, and not as did the locusts with their mouths, for, indeed, they are forbidden to touch the trees or any green thing. Bochart (Hieroz. iii. 540) points out that ol o-Kopiriot TTJS Y^slocusts

The

according to ancient writers (Lucian, De Dipsadibus^ iii. ed. Reiz) there were two kinds of scorpions, TO ^kv erepov re Kttt 7reoV Odrcpov Se evaeptov KCU TTT^I/OV.
.
.

p.

236,

4.

Kal cppeSr) auTois t^a x^ w P ot ou ^^

i

u/^

dStK-qcrouo-ii

TOI/
i

v^ v
rty

SeVSpoi

jirj

OUK
U.T(UTTO)K.
1

exouaiK

a<j>paYiSa

TOU

TOUS 0eou

exrl

ment of

In xiv. to one characteristic of Gehenna seems to be given sinners in the presence of the angels and of the Lamb.
I

the punish

Gehenna
12,

is

referred to
xc. 26, 27.

Enoch

xxvii.

I,

xlviii.

9,

liii.

3-5,

liv.

I,

Ixii.

Ixxxi. 6,

IX. 4-6.]

THE FIRST WOE

243

If the first four Trumpets belonged to the original, the present verse would stand in contradiction with viii. 7, as we have already pointed out. oiVii es OUK e xouo-iy TY^ ox^payiSa KT\. The relative otrtves defines the special class of men. See Blass, Gram. 173. The statement here made is full of significance. It explains the meaning of the sealing of the 144,000 in vii. 4-8, where see notes. The sealing of the faithful secures them not against physical evil, but against the demonic world which is now coming into actual manifestation. The manifestation of the Antichrist and his demonic followers is the counterpart of the manifestation of God marks the faithful with His own Christ and His Church. Thus the true sons of God are seal to show that they are His. revealed. Character must ultimately attain to manifestation and
finality.
vii. 4-8 is referred to in ix. 4. As regards vii. 1-3, it not only serves to provide a pause for the sealing of the faithful in vii. 4-8, but forms a sort of prelude to ix. 1-12, though the con nection is one of the slightest. See note on ix. 14.

5. Kal eSoOr]

aurois,

Ivo,

JJLYJ

diroKTeij wcrii
jjujyas

aurous,
[ical

d\X

Ivo.

jSaorayurQ^owTcu
paaayuj-jAos

Treyje
OT<XK

auTu>f

aKopmou,

iraurr]

aV

The

by fut. ind., cf. iii. 9, vi. 4, viii. 3, xiii. 12. commissioned not to slay men, but to torment them. The wound inflicted by scorpions is rarely fatal. The period of the visitation of these demonic locusts is limited to five months. This limitation is due to the fact noticed by Bochart (Hieroz. iii. 339), that the natural locust is born in the spring and dies at the end of the summer, and thus lives about five months in all. On the various types and natures of locusts see the and Amos, p. 82 sqq. "Excursus" in Driver s This word and TrA^o-a-co are used occasionally as iraurr). translations of nun in the O.T., though it is commonly rendered
locusts are
/#<?/

For

fva followed

by

Trarctcrcrco.

6.

Kal

ei>

rais

Yjjxepais

eiccifais

r|TT]o ou<rii

ol

dVdpuTroi

TOV

ou

JAT)

cupucrii

Kal

4>euyei

6 OdVaros air

auraii

The
to

writer

has

here

that

of the
iii.

prophet.
TOJ/

passed from the role of the Seer As regards the thought we might

compare Job
Jer. viii. 3,

21, 6/xetpoi/Tai TOV Oavdrov KCU ov rvy^ai/ovortv,

"

and

iA.oi/ro

Ovid, Ibis 123, coacta necem";

Odvarov rj TYJV o7v. Wetstein compares Desit tibi copia lethi Optatam fugiat vita Seneca, Troad. 954, "mors miseros fugit";
:

THE REVELATION OF
"
"

ST.

JOHN

[IX. 6-7.

mors optata recedit. Est omni pejus Cornelius Gallus, Eleg. i. vulnere velle mori, Et non posse tamen Soph. Electr. 1014, etc. A worse degree of despair is attested in Eccles. iv. 2-3, 2 Bar. x. 6, Soph. Oed. Col. 1 2 20, Theognis, 425, where not to be born at all is deemed a superlative Diisterdieck aptly contrasts the blessing. Pauline words, Phil. i. 23, rrjv bn&vplay e^wv eis TO di/aXvo-at /cat
;
<rvv

Xptcrra) etvai.
4>euyei

It

is the present of habitual avoidance, as Alford observes. not merely predicts ; it affirms a certainty (Robertson, Gram.

870).
7.

Kal

TO,

ofjLoiwjjiaTa

T&V dicpiSwy ojmoia tinrots

aurwi
a>s

^roifxaajjieVois eis

Kal Kal

em
TO,

rds

K(f>aXas

oT<f>ai>oi

o/xoioi

irpocrwira

auTWK as irpoawira dkOpuirwy.

The first clause is a free rendering of Joel ii. 4 (where the prophet describes a plague of locusts), inxio D^DID HKIDD, where the LXX has opacns ITTTTODV T) oi/ ts avrcov. Though 6/xotw/xa is a bad rendering of nKiE, we cannot suppose that it represents any other word. Hence we should perhaps translate, And the forms of the locusts were like the forms of horses = nN"iE1 is the D^DID nN"iCO miKn. general rendering of niOT in
o>S
"
"

6/Wa>/>ia

the other hand, our author may have deliberately original in Ezekiel here and chosen the word = o/xoiw/xara to express a much less definite idea than n&OE Then the text would mean the semblances or the does. This likenesses (in the vision) of the locusts were, etc. resemblance between the head of the locust and that of the horse was early observed, as the text of Joel proves. This resemblance, as it has been pointed out, has given birth to the names Heupferd
Ezekiel.

On

abandoned the

opacri<s
"

"

"

"

in

German and Cavalletta in Italian. An Arabian poet (MuhamHabent femur camelorum, crura miaddin Assarhuriensis) writes
"

Cauda iis ut viperarum struthionis, alas aquilae, pectus leonis. et decorans eas equorum species in capite et ore terrae (quoted
"

by Bochart, Hieroz. in. 308, ed. Rosenmiiller). Bochart also quotes Theodoret s commentary on Joel et yapris d/cpi/ftos /cartSot T^S CLKplOOS O~<f)6opa. rfj TOV LTTTTOV O)KVtaV Vprj(rfl CCTTl YJV ttT* OvSeV TOV 17T7TOV
: K<f>a.\7)V
T7<S

is
"1PJJ

also an independent rendering of Joel

ii.

5,

65
in

oTe*<f>ayoi

LXX, Traparatro-o/xevos et? TroXe/xov. ... 65 irpoawTra dvOpcuirw^. Our

demonic
i, xiv.

author does not

their heads, as

say that these

locusts

had crowns on

It 14, but the semblance of crowns. has been suggested that the phrase refers to the yellow greenish But their faces resembling those of man colour of their breasts.
iv. 4, vi. 2, xii.

IX. 8-11.]

THE FIRST WOE

245

and the semblance of crowns on their heads appear to belong to them not as natural, but as demonic locusts, i.e. demons.
8.

Kal etxay rpixas Tpixa Kal ol oSorres aurwc. wg Xeorrwi/

<&S

9.

Kal etxay Owpaicas ws 6wpaKas

KCU
T)

c
<x>s

TaJy
<J>(*)i>T)

TTTepuyaji/

auruk
tS

TToXXwy

reOVTW

The antennae

of the locusts are said to be like a

maiden

hair in an Arabic proverb given by Niebuhr, Beschrieb vom Arab. KOLL ol oSoVres iii. Xeoj/rwv, from Joel i. 6, ot oSdi/res 172.
.
.

Observe the insertion of the avrov oSovres Xeovros. by our In the next clause the breast of the locust is compared author. to an iron cuirass. dp/xarwv ITTTTCDV rpe^oi/Tcaj/ ets have a combination of two distinct statements in TroAe/xov.
u>s

<u)vi)

We

Joel.
1

The

first

is

Joel

ii.

4,

d>s

iTTTms

OVTOOS

KaraSiw^ovTai

p rpe x^ ^
(jivn*

D^iBSI. Here KaraStcoKO) is a bad rendering of pi, but The writer here is quite independent of a g Pd one )-

the

LXX.

The

second, Joel

ii.

5, is tbs

<wvr?

ap/tarwv.

10. Kal Ixouaif oupag ojULOtas aKOpiriois Kal KeVrpa Kal iv rais oupais auraik Kal r\ efoucria aurwi dSiKTJcrat TOUS di/Opwirous fjiijcas irevre.

(PQ and
This

nearly

all

cursives) cr/co/Wois
:

= op.

rais ovpats

a condensation like that in xiii. n, cf. Matt. v. 20). De Wette, Kf.pa.ra. opoia apVLw (for apviov /cepacri Winer, and others reject this explanation, and hold that the tails of the locusts are compared to scorpions, just as the tails of the horses in ix. 19 are compared to snakes (see W.-M., 307, 778).
11.

may be

ex 000 1
"

"

^ tt^TWJ |3acrtXea Toy ayyeXoy aurw E^paio-rl ApaSSwy, [Kal ec

lr>

TTJS
rfj

ajSuo-aou.
EXXrji/iKYJ oi/ofxa

AiroXXuioi/J.

found also in John v. 2, xix. 13, 17, 20, xx. 16; i is ApOC. xvi. 1 6. For h rrj EAAryi/i/q; -yXtuo-o-^), EXX^vtcrTt is used in John xix. 20 Acts xxi. 37. We have no means of identifying the angel of the abyss beyond the statement here. In fact, as a person he does not exist outside this -verse. 1 The Hebrew word fi^N is found
(j-^r.
;

almost exclusively in the xxxi. 12; Prov. xv. ii,

1

Wisdom
xxvii.

20;

literature, Job xxvi. 6, xxviii. 22, Ps. Ixxxviii. n.

nioi JP3N.
is

EtymologiThese
real personi

Shabbath, 89% we find the words words are surely a quotation from Job xxviii. 22, and there
It is true that in

no

fication here

since the

inquiry

earth, the sea, and the abyss (as in Job), from all as to the abode of .he Law.

words Abaddon and Death are parallel with the of which Satan makes

246
cally it in the

THE REVELATION OF
means
"

ST.

JOHN

[IX.

11.

destruction," and is always rendered by It is parallel to Sheol in except in Job xxxi. 12. Job xxvi. 6, xxviii. 22; Prov. xv. n, xxvii. 20. In the Emek hammelech, f. 15. 3, it is the lowest part of Gehenna. This construction, where the proper oyojia IXCL AiroXXuW. name stands in apposition to ovo/ta, is found only here in our author ( = to# DIE). That in xiii. 17, e^etv ... TO ovo/m TOV

LXX

i, cx ovaraL r ovopa the other hand, the A/3aSSa>v is already found in vi. 8 (John i. 6, xviii. 10). Here we might call attention to another construction only found once in the Apoc. viii. 1 1, TO oVojuux TOV But more important still is the do-Te/305 Ae ycTai 6 *A>/av0os. should expect e;(ei ovo^a as in exceptional order OVO/AO, e^ei. xiii. 17, xiv. i, xix. 12, 16, xxi. 14. The latter part of the verse looks like a gloss. First, there is the unusual phrase oVo/xa e;(i 1 ATT., to which we have already called attention. Next, the form here and in xvi. 1 6 would lead us to expect EAA^i/io-Tt, Eftptucrri as in John xix. 20, instead of ev rfj EAAr/viK^. Finally, the excision of this clause leaves a vigorous distich. Thus we should have

Orjpiov, is
. . .

different,

and

likewise that in xiv.

xix.
.

yeypa/z/AeW, xvii. construction ovo/xa avrw

5,
.

12, 16.

On

We

ZXOVCTIV 67r

auTwv
. . .

E/tyxuoTi

A/?a8S(ov.

observe

<3

ayyeAov in an addition Hebrew, Dinnn 1?D 1^ DTOP1. Thus we should have

. :

T^S a./3vcrarov oVotta auruj the original was Hebrew in K s 1 2 vg., and the omission of TOV before min 30 In that case "Efipaurri would be due to and /?ao-tAe a 2 possibly due to a dittograph in the
/i?acriAea [TOV] ayyeAov It is possible that
:

avT<5

C.\OV(TIV

CTT

aujwk ayycXoi
Aj3a88wk.
"

TT)S

AjSuaaou

oi/opa
AiroXXuwi/.

auTw

Poterat dixisse Grotius writes here e^oAoOpevw. sed maluit alludere ad nomen Apollinis, quod velut The name ATroAAwv was de proprium numen Caesaribus." rived by the Greeks (Aesch. Ag. 1082 ; Archil. 23.) from / a7ro Erbes (p. 60, note) has supported this allusion by showing that the locust together with the mouse and the lizard was a symbol of the cult of Apollo Preller, Grieschische This is possible but not probable. Mythologies, i. 183, 195, 225. ttTToAAvcuv is a natural rendering of }n3S. Volter, iv. 31, on the
:

AAi;/>u.

the other hand, it has been urged that the idea of the king of the of Amos vii. I, idov tTriyovT] a.Kpl5wv already found in the But there is no thought /ecu fipovxos els, Tory 6 f3a(n\eus. fyxofttvi] of Gog here, and where our author draws upon Joel we have seen that he uses the Hebrew directly and not the LXX. 2 &vo/j,a ai/n A/SaSSa^ would then Possibly $ is an addition.
locusts
is

On

LXX

5oi>

iD?>

Cf. vi. 8.

IX. 11-14.]

THE SECOND WOE

247

other hand, identifies Apollyon here with the Persian Ahriman, who, when, according to Bundehesh iii. 26, he sought to storm the heavens, was cast down to the earth, and had then (op. cit. xi. 17) bored for himself a hole in the earth and leapt into it There in the abyss ii. 121 ). (Spiegel, Eranische Alter thumskunde, he dwelt as lord of all the evil spirits and hurtful beasts, scorpions, and snakes (Saussaye. Lehrb. der Religionsgeschichte*, ii. 183-192). See xiii. n, where eAdA.ee, ws Spa/cwv appears to represent an = rjv aTroAAiW original corruption in the Hebrew, which probably
a>s

6 BpaKwv. 12. T) oual

YJ

jjiia

dirijXOei

1 i8ou epxerai CTI Suo oual jxera raura.

See note on viii. 13. On aTrfjXOev see note on xi. 14. feminine ^ oval is generally explained by its similarity to
or
rj

The

ToAatTTw/ota
fAia is

(Thayer in
vii.

loc.}.

Yj

a Hebraism,
26,

y oval

rj

/u a (see note
is

on

vi.

i)

=
Only

nnxn.

Cf. Ezek.

where ovat

a rendering of mil.
:

as a noun in Ezek. vii. 26 and twice is ovai used in the in Prov. xxiii. 29, where it renders ^N (only here used as a noun). Perhaps the gender of ovat may be influenced by run.

LXX

13-21. The sixth Trumpet, or rather the second Trumpet, introduces the second demonic plague which destroyed one-third of
the unfaithful.

13. KCU 6 IKTOS ayyeXos eadXiricrei KCU TjKOuaa ^WI/Y^ CK

juai>

rG>v

xepdrw TOU
TYJI

OuaiaaTTjpiou

TOU XP UO

"^

TOU

V(jjTtlOV

TOU 0OU,
e)(<ui>

14. XeyoKTa TW CKTU dyyeXw, 6 Auaoi/ TOUS Teacrapas dyyeXous

o-dXTTiyya,

TOUS

SeSefxevous

eirl

TW

TW

jjieydXw

Eucj)pdTY).

See Introduction, p. 218. Sevrepo?. piac is here the indefinite article (cf. viii. 13, xviii. 21), as occasionally in Hebrew (Dan. viii. 3, etc.) and frequently in Aramaic. It is true that this use of the article is found in the Papyri (Moulton, Gram. 97), but in a book like the Apocalypse
the usage
is
0uaia<rn]ptou.

For ?KTOS we should read

best accounted for by the Semitic style of the writer. See note on viii. 3. See crit. note. Aeyoi/ra.

text of X s 1 me may be original. etc. trans, Archetype of to 12 and added KCU at the beginning of 13. But the feeling that raura belonged to 13 led no, 385, 2016, etc., to begin 13 with /xera rai/ra
1

The

AP

rcti/rct

69 emended into KO.L /xera raura and Eth Prim, into /cat. /tera raura (AP etc.) is tautological is in favour of me. Though en occurs elsewhere twenty times in the it is never used Further, /Aera ravra is never used Apoc. tautologically. tautologically and never appears at the close of a sentence in the Apoc. except in i. 19, iv. i, and there in a quotation from Dan. ii. 29. On the other hand,
/cat.

This reading

The

fact that ert

the reading of

none of the other Trumpets, and none of the Seals or Bowls,

is

so introduced.

248

THE REVELATION OF
6 IXWK.
ii.

ST.

JOHN

[IX. 14.

See note on Xeywi/ in iv. i. anomalous construction as

lation of the

We have here the same 20 (see note), Hi. 12, xiv. 12, where, however, the irregularity could be explained as a trans
in

Hebrew

article

and

participle.
vii.

We

have already observed that in

4-8 measures were

taken to secure the faithful against the two demonic plagues which were about to ensue, i.e. the fifth and sixth Trumpets. The interlude, therefore, of the four Trumpets, viii. 7-12, which refer wholly to natural phenomena, seems wholly unmotived. These show, moreover, signs of redaction, elements in contradiction with adjoining statements in the Seals and Bowls, and a general weakness and ineffectiveness as compared with the parallel plagues in the Seals and Bowls. But to return. The saints have already been secured against the first demonic plague, which was to inflict not death but torment on the unfaithful, and against the second demonic plague, which was to destroy one-third of the unfaithful. This second demonic plague seems in some way to be connected with or to result from the prayers of the faithful ; for the voice which commands its infliction arises from the altar, whereon the prayers of the faithful were offered, viii. 3-4. These prayers, therefore, are of the same character as those Thus chapters offered by the martyrs beneath the altar, vi. 10. vi. 10, viii. 3-5, ix. 13 are linked together by this underlying

fundamental

idea.

ix. 13, where the sixth (i.e. the second) angel not only sounds the trumpet but also is bidden to take an active part, is due to the need of connecting viii. 3 sqq., i.e. the prayers of the faithful with the divine answer to them in ix. 13 sqq. Auow TOUS T&raapas dyyeXous KT\. The presence of the It points to a current definite article here is noteworthy. They tradition, not elsewhere referred to in the Apocalypse. for the are not to be identified with the four angels in vii. i angels there are at the four corners of the earth, whereas here they are in the river Euphrates there they are actively restrain ing the destructive winds of heaven, here they are themselves in In one point both restraint, till the hour of their action arrives. classes of angels are alike. They are both angels of divine

The

irregularity of

wrath.

Now we might perhaps have expected that these two quater nions of angels would have introduced the two demonic plagues, that the first quaternion, vii. i, would have brought in the plague of demonic locusts ; and that the second quaternion would introduce, as in point of fact it does, the plague of demonic horsemen, ix. 15 sqq. The ground for the former expectation is found in vii. i, where the first quaternion is represented as

IX. 14.]

THE SECOND WOE

249

Now, according to holding in restraint the destructive winds. i Enoch Ixxvi., the destructive winds from three corners of the earth (see. note on vii. i of our text) bring with them, amongst such inorganic evils as rain, frost, snow, only one organic evil Since the destructive winds from the four plagues of locusts. corners of the earth are really the same in vii. 1-3 (see note in loc.) and i Enoch Ixxvi., it is not unreasonable to suppose that these winds were conceived in both passages as exerting on the whole the same powers of destruction and in introducing plagues of locusts. 1 The words, vii. 3, /*r) dSiKT^rtyTe TYJV yrjv prjTC. ra Sevftpa. may point to the latter, which devour every blade of grass and Now is it a pure coincidence that, when every leaf on the trees. the demonic plagues are introduced in ix., the first plague should be that of locusts? It is true, indeed, that the locusts are no
.
.

for they are monsters, having as it were longer natural locusts the heads of men, the hair of women, the teeth of lions, and the tails of scorpions ; and their mission is not to destroy the vegeta tion of the earth and the trees, but to torment those who had not Even in Joel i.-ii. the the mark of God on their foreheads. description of the plague of natural locusts, on which our author has drawn, shows elements which appear to spring from a mytho 2 For there the locusts are said to come from logical tradition. the north, ii. 20. Now, though such might possibly be the case (see Driver on Joel ii. 20), the recorded locust plagues appear Here always to have invaded Palestine from the S. and S.E. the Gog-Magog expectation seems to have influenced the prophet. In i Enoch Ixxvi. i sqq. we have signs of this influence, seeing that the locusts are said to come from the N.E.N., the N.W.N. of Amos vii. i, where and the S.W.S. And finally, in the the locust plague is explicitly identified with the host of Gog, though there is not a hint of this in the Massoretic KOL ISov Now it is not improbable that the Ppovxos els Twy 6 /3ao-<Aevs. same combination of natural and mythological elements was reproduced in the original lying behind vii. 1-3 of our text. But in ix. 1-12 a further development of the tradition is attested, where it appears enriched and transformed under the influence of supernatural conceptions, and thus the plague of natural and semi-mythological locusts coming from the N.E. and N.W. quarters becomes a plague of demonic locusts coming from the pit, and thereby the four angels from the corners of the earth, which had control of the destructive winds that carried the locusts, had of necessity to give place to Abaddon, the angel of the abyss, who was set over this demonic tribe. The fact that we find the same

LXX

Locusts have but

little

power of

flight,

and are

in the

main dependent on

the wind.
2

See Gressmann, Ursprung

d. Israel, -/ud.

Eschat. 187 sq.

250

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[IX. 14.

transformation of a natural visitation into a supernatural in the sixth Trumpet is in favour of our exegesis of the plague under the
fifth.

TOUS
peytfXu

T&raapas dyyeXous
Eu<f>paTT].

TOUS

BeSefxeVous
is

eirl

TU>

Trorajmw TO

The

last

phrase

familiar from Gen. xv. 18;

Deut. i. 7 ; Jos. i. 4. On the Euphrates lay the border province that was the subject of continual strife between the Romans and Parthians.

We have seen that the descrip our text manifestly discriminate them from the four angels in vii. 1-3. We have shown grounds
Who
are these four angels
?

tive epithets applied to

them

in

also for associating the four angels at the four corners of the earth with natural and semi-mythological plagues of locusts, and have therefore naturally treated vii. 1-3 as a sort of prelude to
it is possible the genesis of the These verses describe four angels at description in ix. 13-21. the head of 200,000,000 demonic horsemen coming from the Euphrates to attack the pagan world. Now there can hardly be a doubt that the older form of this tradition is found in i Enoch And in those days the angels shall return and hurl them Ivi. 5, selves to the East upon the Parthians and Medes. They shall stir up the kings so that a spirit of unrest shall come upon them. ... 6. And they shall go up, and tread under foot the land of His elect ones." Here we have a recast of the Gog prophecy of Ezekiel. The Parthians and the Medes are for the time the historic representatives of the hosts of Gog, and their objective, as in Ezekiel, is Palestine ; and they set out against it at the In our text we have a further instigation of certain angels. development of this tradition. The Euphrates is still the storm centre, but the hosts stationed there are no longer Parthians or even men, but demons l under four angels, whose objective is not Palestine, but the pagan, unbelieving, idolatrous world. These four angels, therefore, are angels of punishment. They are bound until the hour for their services arrives. Now the idea of angels of punishment is a very familiar one in preceding

the

demonic

locusts in

ix.

1-12.

We

shall see that

to explain in like

manner, though

partially,

"

"

"

Apocalyptic:
Test. Lev.
text
first
is
iii.

cf.

already

Enoch xl. 7, liii. 3, Ivi. i, Ixii. n, Ixiii. i; Enoch x. 3. Even the very diction in our found i Enoch Ixvi. i, where, in reference to the
i
;

world judgment or the Deluge, the writer speaks of "the angels of punishment who are prepared to come and let loose all the powers of the waters which are beneath in the earth." Cf.
ix.

15, ayyeAot ot ^
1

assailed

Yasht ii. 24, Persia was to be According to Mazdeism, Bahman by hordes of demons and idolaters from the East. See Boklen, Verwandschaft d. Jiid-Christl. mit der Persischen Eschatologie, p. 88.

IX. 14

15.]

THE SECOND WOE

251

We
drew

thus

his materials.

know some of the traditions from which the Seer The necessity for the transformation of a

natural visitation into a supernatural is likewise manifest, even East by demonic if the expectation of an invasion from the For the hordes were not already current (see note, p. 249). Seer is concerned with the punishment not of nations as such,

but of individuals as unbelieving and idolatrous.

therefore,

The

agents,

must be supernatural. There is one element in the description

for

which no explana
"

cannot discover the tion or even parallel can be offered. in other apocalyptic writings, nor can we even con four angels Yet the presence of the jecture why the uur.ioer is "four." article points either to the previous mention of ne tetrad in our
"

We

1 text or the existence of a current tradition.

15.

ot

KCU e\u0T]craK ol reacrapes ayycXot is TTJ^ upac KCU TJTOi^ao-fxei/oi

^fxe pac

KCU

jmfji

KU!

tVa airoKTeij waii

1

TO rpirov r&v
aus der Schweiz, 1887,

i. 64) quotes a passage from a late Christian Apocalypse of Ezra, chap, vi., published by Baethgen in the Sachau 131 in the Royal Z.A.7\IV., 1886, 193 sqq., from the Syriac And I saw an adder which came from the East, and it Library in Berlin . went up into the land of promise, and there was a quaking upon the Let these four kings which are chained in the earth, and a voice was heard great river Euphrates be loosed, which shall destroy one-third of mankind. And they were loosed." From this passage Iselin thinks that the original in the sense of our text is to be recovered, and that the presence of Kings" Ezra Apocalypse over against &yye\oi in our text points to the fact that the author of the former found D D^D in the Hebrew original of the N.T. Apoc., but that the Christian redactor of the latter found D SK^D, But that the author of a very late Christian Apocalypse, which dealt with the duration of the sovereignty of Islam, and which is derived from our text notwithstanding the objections of Schoen (p. 70), should have had such a Hebrew original before him is wholly wanting in probability as Spitta, p. 98, has shown. Spitta s own proposal (p. 99) to read cr/Acus is just as improbable, and is of no service in the interpretation of the text. Another explanation is offered by Bousset. He holds that at the base of ix. 13 sqq. lies the older tradition of the four destructive winds, which is actually preserved in its original form in vii. I sqq., and that the trans formation of the four angels in command of the four winds at the four corners of the earth into the four angels chained in Euphrates, is due to the fears of the Parthian invasion that prevailed at the time throughout the Roman world. This transformation, he states, is already effected in I Enoch Ivi. 5, which he cites as follows In jenen Tagen werden die (sic) Engel sich versammeln," etc. But in the original there is no article before Engel. Certain angels are here, in keeping with the transcendent views of later times, assigned the task of stirring up the Eastern hordes a task which in Ezek. xxxviii. 3-7 is ascribed to God Himself. Thus there is no ground of any kind for the statement that "the four angels" are set at the head of the Parthian hosts in Enoch. Who these angels are, or how many, there is no means of determining no more can we as yet explain the origin of the four angels in our text,

lsc\ m(Theol. Zeitschr.

MS

"

"

"

"

"

252

THE REVELATION OF
^Tot/Aaoyxevoi see
6.
viii.

ST.

JOHN

[IX. 15-16.

note on ix. 14. On ^ the peculiar order of the divisions of time here we find parallels in Num. i. i ; Zech. i. 7 ; Hag. i. 15 and A time when there is no computation in 2 Enoch xxxiii. 2,

On

u/a, cf.

To

"

. . neither years, Cf. also Ixv. 7.

nor months, nor weeks, nor days, nor

hours."

The clause defines the actual fixing of the time in a definite hour of a definite day, in a definite month of a definite year. On with a view cf. ix. 7. eis ==
"

to,"

TO rpLrov

TWI>

wOptiirw.
ix.

The

servants of

God

are
CTTI

exempt
-7-779

from
viii.

this

Woe,

4,

20.

Only the KaroiKowres

yiys,

were to be destroyed. The presence of the phrase TO TpiTov T. avOp. here probably led to the change of TO rpirov TWV The fifth and avOpwTTtov into TroAAot T&V av&pwTrwv in vii\. ii. sixth Trumpets, i.e. the first and second Woes, are original, but we have seen many grounds for regarding the first four Trumpets In vi. 8 it is implied that one-fourth as a subsequent addition. of mankind was destroyed.
13,

16. Kal 6 dpiGuos T&V OTpaTeujj.dhxoi

[JjKouora

TOU ITTTTIKOU Sis

Kal

TOV

apiQpov
TTJ

aimui

17.
eir

OUTWS

etSoy

TOUS

tinrous CK

opdaei]
(-01)

Kal

TOUS

(ot)

Ka0T]jAeVous
raik
ITTTTWI

Oupaxas mipiKOUS Kal

Kal al
K<j>aXal

uaKii/dikous Kal

ws

K<j>a\al

Kal CK rS)v

arofxdiTcoi

auTui/

eKiropeucrai

irup

Kal

Kal Oeioy.
I

have bracketed the second line as a confused gloss. With vii. 4 has been compared. But there is no T.
<ipi0/Aov,

The TJKOVO-CL in vii. 4 belongs as essentially to the true parallel. description of the vision as the eTSov in vii. i, while the rf/covo-a Such another aside TOV apiOpbv avTw here is a parenthetic aside.
is

to
.

be found

in

/cat

OUTWS eTSov

in s 1

his

Nowhere own vision. 1

else in the

It is wanting TJ opao-ei. Apocalypse does the Seer speak of

.

When
7Tt

the second line

TTTTTOVS

TOVS

tTrTrovs,

is removed we should read ot and change the avTwv into O.VTOVS and take

/ca#>j/xei/ot

it

contained implicitly in TOV ITTTTLKOV. The gen. avToii/ seems to be due to the scribe who interpolated i6 b 17% for the gen. is against our author s usage (see iv. 2 n.). If the second line is retained against the sense of the context and the universal practice of our author, the thought and syntax The OVTWS leads us to expect an immediate are very confused.
as referring to
,

description of the horses,

1

and therefore the description of the

:

Not so

in Daniel

cf. vii. 2, viii. 2, ix. 15,

21.

IX. 17-19.J

THE SECOND WOE

comes
in as

253
for

riders in the next line

an unlocked

and

dis

But since both riders and horses are pre turbing element. supposed in the first line, the line KCU rovs (ol) /ca^/xeVovs (-01) KT\. With the Sis /^vpiaSes /xvptaSan/ we might compare is original. Ps. Ixviii. 1 8, *sb& DTQ1; but this expression is admittedly Dan. vii. 10, fin 111, is nearer to our text, which = corrupt.
|&MB>

nun

The
plates

third line refers to the riders

fiery

which are

red

(-jrvptvovs),

who are armed with breast smoky blue (vaKtvdtVous), and

irvp

sulphurous yellow

(dcuoSeis),

corresponding manifestly to the

which proceeded out of the horses mouths. All the breastplates have these colours apparently, since analogously the fire, smoke and brimstone go forth together (e/cTropeucrai The brimstone character sing.) from the mouths of the horses.

and

/ca,7n/os

and

Oelov

izes the
is

host as demonic cf. xiv. 10, xix. 20, xxi. 8. va/aV0w>s used frequently in the LXXas a rendering of *}??& = violet." The hyacinthine colour of the breastplates corresponds to that of the smoke which issues from the jaws of the horses. For fire breathing monsters, cf. Ovid, Met. vii. 104 f. ; Virg. Georg. ii. 140, tauri spirantes naribus ignem"; Lucret. v. 29; Job xli. 10-11,
:
" "

avTov CKTTopevovTai A.a/x,7ra8e? Kcuo/aevcu, /cat p,vKrr)pwv avrov eKTropeverai In the riders and the demonic steeds there is a combination of two quite different ideas. Verstandnis des Gunkel (Zum NT. 52 sq.) well observes: "In the representation of the second host (i.e. ix. 17 sqq.) two different traditions stand side by side according to the one, the creatures spit forth fire, smoke, and brimstone, and have therefore a strong mythological character ; according to the other, they are squadrons of cavalry clothed in corresponding colours, fiery red, smoky blue, and
K
o"ro/>iaTOS

Trupos*

f<

sulphurous yellow." This second tradition has therefore conceived the creatures in a more human fashion. Even this doubleness is a clear sign that we have here to do with old traditions and not with the inventions of a dreamer. Such an example makes it manifest

Judaism and Christianity is partly dependent on an eschatology strongly coloured by mythology.

that apocalyptic
18.
diro TWI/ Tptwj
TrXTjywi/

TOUTUK

dirKT<{f9T](7aK

TO Tpiroy r&v

K TOU TTUpOS Kttl TOU KCtin OU K TWI OTOJUKXTOJl p.eVoU

19.
i^

Kttl

TOU

061OU TOU

(XUT(UI>

y^P ^oua La,

eV TCUS

TWI/

iTnrwy ey

T<J

crTOfxaTi

auraV

early
[<al

oupcug auTWK. at yap oupal auTW^ ojaoiai iv auTais (-019)

o4>e<rn

e)(ou(rai

Ke^aXas],

254
euro
I

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[IX.

19-0.

= UTTO) used with a passive verb cf. xii. 6. ( KChave with some hesitation bracketed KCU eV rats From ix i7 d 18 it is manifest that the de <aAas as an addition. structive power lies in the three plagues, the fire, the smoke, and the brimstone, that issue from the mouths of the demonic steeds, and that it is these that kill the one-third of those who have not There is no room then for the mark of God on their forehead.
: . . .

any other destructive activity. All the unfaithful, that are slain, are The bracketed clause, there slain by the above three plagues.
fore, is at variance with its present context.

When

it is

removed

there remains a tristich, of which the last line probably ran, tTTTTwi/ Iv TW (rro/xart avTwv ecrnV, /cat kv avTois !otxria 77 yap dSiKovcriv (cf. ix. io)= "for the power of the horses lies in their mouths, and with them they do hurt." The intruding clause was modelled on ix. 10. There is a fitness in demonic locusts having the stings of scorpions in their tails, but the grotesqueness of fire-breathing demonic horses with tails like snakes and running out into heads is too intolerable, even if it were not already excluded by the context itself. The parallel adduced by Holtzmann of the giants with snakes instead of legs on the altar of Zeus at Pergamon is no real help here
TOL>V

(Manchot, Die Heiligen, 44

; Ussing, Pergamos, p. 84). the Mazdean expectation of demonic hordes from the East, see note on p. 249.

On

20.

Kttl

ol

XoiTTOl

T&V

dk0pWTT-6JI>,

Ot

OUK

&.-KC.KTQ.Vt\va.V

n-\Y]yai5 Tauraig,

ou&e
iVa

fiereyoYjcraj
p,T]

K r&v
ou<ni>

epywy TWK ^eipd

TO,

TrpocTKUj T]0
"cl

aifj,6Via
TO,

KCU

TO,

ra xp uo
TCI

Kal
tt,

TO,

dpyupa Kal

x a^ K ^ K0

luXii

a cure

jSXeireii/

SiVarrai cure uKoueit OUTC

Notwithstanding the demonic plagues the survivors repented cf. Mark vi. 3 1 ; i Cor. not of their idolatries. ov8e = not even
"
"

iv. 3.

On /u,Tvo?7o-av IK see note on ii. 21. In TWV cpyoov TOJJ/ ^ei/aaij/ avrwv we have the familiar O.T. phrase DiTT t* j;D, Jer. i. 16 cf. Deut. iv. 28. Here the infinitive of result with Ivo. |A^| irpoerKunio-ouaii wore is replaced as elsewhere in late writers by Iva cf. Blass,
<l

Gram., p. 224. Our text carefully distinguishes demons and idols. On the worship of demons cf. Deut. xxxii. 17 Mic. i Cor. x. 20, a Ovovcrw, v. 12 ; Ps. cvi. (cv.) 37, Wva-av Scu/xWots The words TO. xpuo-a i Tim. iv. i. Ovovorw 8at/xovtoi5 /cat ov a ovrt j3\Triv Swavrat ovre Kal TO. KOL ra
; :
0e<5

apyvpa

\>\iva

are

drawn from Dan.

v.

23 (save that our author has

IX. 20-21. J

THE SECOND WOE

dpyvpovs
/cat

255

omitted one phrase and added ovre

Xpvo-ovs
/cat

^aA/covs

TreptTraTeti/), TOVS $eovs TOUS /cat (TLSrjpov<s /cat vAivovs /cat

/Cat ot OVK aKOUOVCTtl/ The (ThCOd.). Massoretic here = dpyvpovs /cat xpvo-ovs, but the Peshitto sup ports the order in Theodotion, and both the text and versions of v. 4 support this order also. Hence this was originally the order of the Hebrew. Our author, however, did not necessarily use the version of Theodotion. He may have used the Hebrew

Al0tVoVS, Ot OV ySAeTTOVO-lV

that

had

Theodotion and the Peshitto presuppose. He may also have i Enoch xcix. 7 before him which = ot irpoa-Kwrja-ovcriv At$ovs
y\v\]/ovcrw etowAa ^pvcra
/cat

/cat (H

Tert.
text.

De

dpyvpa

/cat

vAti/a
.

+ /cat
. .

At$tva,

Idol,

iv.]

/cat

ot

7rpoo-/cvv^o-ovcriv

Sat/xoVta.

Here we have the combination of ctSwAa and We might also compare i Enoch xix. i,
:

Sat/xwta as in our
lv6a.Se ot
.

ayyeAot rats y vva.iiv a-rriarovrai /cat ra Trvevfjiara avrwv avrovs (i.e. a.j/0/otoTrous) kiriQvf.iv rots Sat/xovtot? Jub. xi. 4, "They and malignant spirits assisted worshipped each the idol
. . .
. .

them";

Sibyll.

v.

80 sqq.
cf.

See Bousset, Rel.

15 (cxv.
7),

d.

fud.

172 sqq.

On

OVTC.

TreptTraTetv

Ps. cxiii.

TroSas e^ovo-iv Kat

7T/0 LTTOLT^CrOVCr L V.

21.

Kat

ou

juiTev6iQo-aj

CK

rwt

$wuv

aurwi

cure

CK

rail

4>ao(j.aKid)i/

auTui^

cure

eic

TTJS

iropyetas auTtiif cure CK TWI/ K\|xjj,dTa)i/ aurcik.

Immorality of every description was the natural sequel of

demonic worship and

. . .

idolatry.

The

order

.
</>6Vcov

Tropvetas
first

/cAe/x/xarcoi/ is

noteworthy.

It recurs, so far as

the

two

ii. and Philo, De Decal. 24 f. In Mark x. 19, on the ; other hand, the authorities are divided the neutral text, accord ing to Westcott and Hort, following the Massoretic order, and the Syrian (Greek, Lat. Syr. Eth.) following that of the (B, in Deut. V. 17-20). With c/>app,a/aojv Tropvctas cf. xxi. 8, xxii. 15, where etSwAoAaVpats is added. <ap/xa/ctcov here means "sorceries," as parallel lists in xxi. 8, xxii. 15 (Gal. v. 20) show, but its insertion here between and Tropj/etas is

are concerned, in xxi. 8, xxii. 15 (in the reverse order). This is the order of the Massoretic text in Ex. xx. The same 13. order is observed throughout Matthew, i.e. v. 21, 27, xv. 19, xix. 1 8. But there is another order that found in the (B) of Ex. XX. 13, ov /xot^evcrets ou /cAe^cts ov but Deut. V. 1720 (LXX, B), ov /xot^evVets ov <ovevo-eis ov /cAei^ets. With this last agrees the order found in Luke xviii. 20; Rom. xiii. 9;

LXX

</>oi/euo-is

Jas.

LXX

c/>6Van/

</>6Vwv

difficult.

Cf. also

Pet.

iv.

15.

256

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

fx.

1-2.

CHAPTER

X.

This chapter comes from the hand of our author. It is designed in part to assure the faithful that the hour of the final Woe, that must precede the end, has come, x. 7, when the mystery of God It is designed further to serve as an introduction will be fulfilled. to xi. 1-13, which is aproleptic digression dealing with Jerusalem and the Jews during the reign of the Antichrist (see 5 which
follows).

Attempts have been made by some

chapter and assign
it

critics to disintegrate this

to different sources.

The

best

testing such hypotheses will be a close study of the diction, to this task we shall at once proceed.

means of and

i.

The Diction of this Chapter is decisive in favour of its being from the hand of our Author.
ayyeXov la-^ypov
xiii.

Thus
oupavou
:

in I with
cf. iii.

cf. V. 2.

Kara/SaiVon-a

eic

TOU

13, xvi. 21, xviii. I, xx. I, etc. Trepi|3ea favourite word in the Apoc. tpis: cf. iv. 3. TO irpoauirok j3\T]|jieVoi/, for auTou as o TJXios : cf. i. 16. eyuv . . . j3ij3Xapi8ioy rjt
12,
:
u>Y|ui,eVoi>

same construction

cf. xix.

12, e^. oVo/m yeypa//,/x,eVov,

cf. xii. 2, xix.

and

xix. 16.

On the use of xw 2. em TTJS 0cxXdo-oT)9,

10, 13, vi.

as a finite verb
etc.

12, xxi. 12, 14.

v. 3,

v. 13, vii. I (cf. x. 5,

i,

8) ...

Ypd<|>eii>.

See See note xiv. 15. 4. Tju.eXXoi fAeydXir]. p. 191. of our author cf. i. 19, ii. jjieXXw belongs to the diction 10 (fa s), iii. 2, 10, etc. See note on 7. 5. eorwra em TTJS 0aXdao-T)s. cf. i. 18, See note on 2. 6. iv TW eis TOUS aiwi/as TWK cuwvwi
10,
vii.

These uses are

TTJS y^S, characteristic.

em

Kpaei/

4><m/fj

WI>TI

iv. 9,
T.

10, xv. 7.
:

8s eKTurey Toy
xiv.
7,
7. Iv

.
oupai>6i>

KCU

T. yr\v

ica! is

flaXac-a-ar
iv.

cf.

where the same

<f>ojyTJs.

triple

enumeration

For same phrase cf. rats ^jxepats TY)S a favourite 11. eTeXeo-Or] XXT) o-<xXmeii see note in loc. 13. jae c. ace., cf. xiv. 6 (cum eVt ). TOUS word of our author. eur|YYe cf. xi. 18, i. i, ii. 20, xv. 3, xix. 2, 5, eauTou SouXous T.
found,
1 1.
,
Xio-ei>,
:

irpo<f>rJTas

xxii. 4, 6.

13,

xviii.

xvii. I,

4m
V.

TTJS

K TOU oupacou cf. (x. 4), xi. 12, xiv. 2, cf. iv. I note, ^JAOU KCU Xeyouaai e crrarros xxi. 9. uiraye Xd|3e: cf. xvi. I, VTrayere KCU eK^eerc 10. IXajSoy eic c ^See on 2. TY]S x ei P5 6aXdo-cnf]s.
8.
<J>a)^T|

r\v

-r]Kouaa

4.

XaXouo-ay

U.CT

y^o-aais K. This phrase is a recast by our author of the char pao-iXeuaiK. acteristic phrase found six times elsewhere in this Book ; see note
7,
K.

ei\r)(f>v

CK rfjs Se^ia?.

ir. Xaois

eQvecriv

K.

on

v. 9.
2.

Hebraisms.

It

is

frequent Hebraisms, as
ot iroSes O.UTOU

is
"

"

his legs

to be observed also that there are the manner of our author. Cf. i. (see note in loc.} ; 2. KCU e^wv. This use

X.

2-5.]

AN INTRODUCTION TO XL
:

1-13

257

xix.

cf. iv. 7, 8, xii. 2, of the participle as a finite verb is Semitic Best explained as a 7. Kttl 6T\o-0Tj. 12, xxi. 12, 14. Hebraism. See note in lac. In 8 uiraye XdjSe is Hebraistic.

above study we must recognize that it would 3. From the be a highly hazardous proceeding to break up this chapter and

some portions to one writer and some to another. Yet what Wellhausen, p. 14, attempts. He first brands x. 8-n as an intrusion, for which the way has been prepared by the a Next he regards x. 5-7 also as an earlier addition, x. 2 addition, which explains why Christ or God in x, i has been This explana transformed into an angel (see my note on x. i).
assign
this
is
.

is quite unconvincing in itself, and the fact that the diction wholly against it removes it from the field of serious specula tion. Spitta s analysis of this chapter is open to still more He assigns x. i a, 2 b 3, 5-7 to his first weighty objections. b b a 2 10-11 to his second; and x. 4, 8 b x. i 9 Jewish source; a 9 to a Redactor. 4. As opposed to the views of chap. x. which we have just considered, we might mention those of Weyland, Volter, and from each other in nearly every J. Weiss, who, though differing other respect, agree in assigning x. and xi. 1-13 to one and the same hand. x. and xi. 1-13 are undoubtedly closely connected; but, as the diction and other characteristics prove, they are not the work of the same author. which regards x. as written by our 5. The third view, author to introduce xi. 1-13, is represented by Weizsacker,

tion
is

Schoen, Sabatier, Bousset, Pfleiderer Jiilicher, Porter. Sabatier was of opinion that the author breaks away in x. from the order of development originally designed by him in order to insert a succession of fragments from Jewish sources.
,

Bousset, following in the steps of this scholar, regards x. as the is indeed not a supplement but a to explain the further course of his revelation, since the fulness of the visions threatens to introduce a certain degree of disorder. Furthermore, he points out that x. is not only an introduction to xi. 113, but takes within its purview xvii.-xviii. and thus binds together the composite elements. With this statement of Bousset I am on the whole agreed, but I should like to put the matter differently and bring out other features which my own study of the problem has suggested xi. 1-13 is, as I shall show later, a proleptic digression. to me. for the author is practically concerned with It is a digression Rome firstly and lastly, and not with Jerusalem. It is proleptic for the vision belongs essentially to the third Woe (or third Trumpet), when the Antichrist is actually reigning and in Thus the unities of subject, time, and place are Jerusalem. VOL. I. 17

work of our author, which digression, and is designed

25&

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[X.

1.

sacrificed for the

context.

How

little

nonce by the insertion of xi. 1-13 in its present our author is concerned with Jerusalem is

shown by
xi.

1-13, which

his drastic abbreviation of the vision in Jerusalem, is abridged, indeed, to such a degree as to be

1 Now it is for this abbreviated vision well-nigh unintelligible. that our author writes x. as an introduction. He is not suffered has had a vision to leave out all mention of Jerusalem.

He

The contents of this vision are not given touching Jerusalem. to him by direct inspiration as in the earlier chapters (cf. also x. 3-4), but through a book which he is bidden to eat. It is probable that in this particular instance our author implies that the vision is already written, and that he has had a vision (see x. i sqq.) authorizing him to publish it with the visions directly But in the direct vision in x. he is told with received.

regard to the visions that follow

eVt Aaots
. .
.

xi.

1-13,

Set

<re

TraXiv Trpo^revo-ai

KOL /SacnAevcriv TroAAots in other words, his in spiration in regard to xii. sqq. is to come directly through the organs of spiritual vision as in the earlier chaps, i.-ix., though

the use of tradition, oral or written, is not thereby precluded. The words Aaots /Sao-iAevcriv in some measure define the contents of these later chapters, but the reader is already aware that they must deal with the third Woe, viii. 13, x. 7. But x. serves not only to introduce xi. 1-13. It announces through the solemn oath of an angel that there will be no further delay, but that the time of the third Woe has come, when the mystery of God will be fulfilled the whole purpose of God which has run through all the ages. The introduction to this Woe begins with xi. 15, but xi. 1-13 is essentially a part of
. . .

this

Woe.
1.

Kal

etBoK

aXXoy

ayyeXoi/
Kal

icr\upov

KaTajSaiyoyTa

CK

TOO

oupavou,
irepi|3e|3\Y)[ieVo
i/e<f>e\T]i

r\
u>s

Kal TO irpocrwnw aurou

tpis err! TTJ^ 6 rjXios,

Ke<j>aXr)C

aurou,

Kal ol iroSes aurou

u>s

oruXoi irupos.

He hears a voice twice The from heaven, x. 4, 8, and he receives the book from the angel that stood on the earth and the sea, x. 8, 10. To be rendered aXXov dyy. I<r\up6v. another angel, a
Seer has returned to earth.
"

mighty
Gabriel
1

one":

cf. vi. 4, xiv. 9,

xv.

i.

The
viii.

diction recalls v.
it is
(

2,

xviii. 21.
is

If

Michael

is

referred to in

3-5,

referred to here.

In that case tempos

possible that
"1132)

would

of the art., not mentioned before ; nor ol dto pAprvpes, can at the best guess at the relation in which the yet is r6 drjpiov, xi. 7. Beast stands to Jerusalem and to the nations and peoples, xi. 8, and to the witnesses, xi. 3, 7, etc.
xi. 3, are, in spite

We

X.

1.]

THE ANGEL WITH THE LITTLE BOOK

imply a play on the name of the angel. Another argument in favour of this identification is that the author of this chapter almost quotes verbally from Dan. xii. 7, and that the angel there,

liveth for

"swears by Him that by many scholars identified with Gabriel x. 5, 6 yet see note on viii. 2 of our text). (cf. Wellhausen holds that the strong one is not an angel, but is according to the description Christ or God Himself," and that the echoes of His voice are the seven peals of thunder of the This latter identification is ingenious, but is wholly Ps. xxix.

who

raises

both hands to heaven and

is

ever,"

"

against not only the present context, but the spirit of later Nor is the strong angel to be Jewish and Christian Apocalyptic. identified with Christ, as Christ is never designated as an angel The voice in x. 4, 8 is probably that of Christ. in the Apoc. This phrase is found in xviii. i, Karapaii orra eic TOU oupa>ou. xx. i, and frequently in various forms in the Apoc. Cf. iii. 12,
xiii.
ciii.

13,

xvi.
;

21,

xx.
vii.

9,

etc.

Trepi{3e|3XY]fAeVoi/
rj

vt$i\r\v.
tpis

Cf. Ps.
T.
*<$.

(civ.) 3

Dan.

13.

With the phrase

&<s

em

cf.

iv. 3,
is

and with T. irpoawirok aurou due to the light from the angel

6 rjXios cf. i. 16. The s face on the cloud.

rainbow

The ex

pression ol TroScs auTou ws aruXoi irupos is very peculiar. <rrvAot as If it had been used of applied to the feet seems unintelligible. the legs, the comparison would have been expressive cf. Cant, The mistake, if v. 15, "his legs were like pillars of marble." there is a mistake, must lie either in iro Ses or in crrvXoi. Since our author had the angel described in Dan. x. 6, xii. 7 before his mind, we infer that the error lies in the former ; for though Dan. x. 6 has Vrfeno, this is rendered in Theod. by TO. an<\r) (though has ol iroSes, as our text here and in i. 15). the has also in i Sam. xvii. 6 l and Ezek. i. 7.2 the meaning of leg (See
:

LXX

^J"i

"

"

Oxford Hebrew Lexicon, 919 sq., and on 595 under HHVD. Cf. Deut. xxviii. 57; Isa. vii. 20.) Accordingly we should render here "and his legs were like pillars of This is attached secondary meaning of the Hebrew word by the He thinks in Hebrew, and as he author to the Greek word. embodies Hebrew idiom in his Greek, so also he has trans ferred to a Greek word a meaning which only legitimately belongs to the Hebrew of which it is a rendering. Furthermore, in Palestinian Aramaic it is used as meaning the thigh of an animal, being a translation of D^jns cf. Ex. Lev. i. 13, viii. 21, ix. 14. xxix. 17 In Arabic this word means
also
fire."
^"i
:

or From these facts we see that, while our author had in his mind the word ^31, he attached to it not its
either
"foot"
"leg."

to

So rightly LXX, Peshitto, and Vulg. crura. Here the LXX and Vulg. render SJT rightly. be corrected. See Cornill and Marti.
2

But the Massoretic needs

260

THE REVELATION OF
"foot,"

ST.

JOHN
"leg,"

fX. 1-2.

but its less usual one and that ordinary meaning he transferred this secondary meaning of the Hebrew word to its Greek equivalent. It might appear at first sight that he was wholly unjustified in supposing that the primary and secondary and meaning of the Hebrew word, i.e. belonged also to the Greek word ; and yet it is possible that this secondary meaning of TTOV S (when used as a rendering of the Hebrew) was not unexampled at the time. For in the LXX it appears as the as we have already observed above. equivalent of D^JTG, thigh," This explanation removes the objection advanced by J. Weiss (p. 42), that the position of the clause relating to the /3t/3Aapi Stov between the representation of the feet and the
"

"foot"

leg,"

"

placing of
full

them on the sea and

land, gives

an interpolation.

The

TrdScs

should be rendered

^vewy/xcvov. stop put after Wellhausen (p. 14) also regards description of the angel closes. it as an addition, the aim of which is disclosed by x. 8, n. These verses, it is true, do disclose the aim, but x. 8-n come from the hand of the Seer himself, and the contents of "the little book are not a mere digression, but a proleptic vision of the
/3i/?Aapi<:>iov
"

the impression of "and a "legs, With these words the

it

Such proleptic visions occur elsewhere reign of the Antichrist. in our author. exwy ey TTJ x l P auTou ptjSXapiSioc. Just as in v. i /3t/2At ov KCU O7ri<j#ev is based in Ezek. ii. 9, so is the text yeyp. here also /cat t8ov X et P eKrerafiei/Ty Trpo? /xe, /cat ev avnj /cec/>aAis We have here independent visions of the same /?i/?AtW cf. Seer. |3i|3Xapi&ioi (a air. Aey., a diminutive of fiifiXdpiov /3i/3AtSaptov is the form used in Classical TratSaptov, John vi. 9. Greek) means a very small book. This fact is of importance when we seek to determine the amount of the sequel that is to If the seven-sealed Book embraces only be assigned to it. chaps, vi.-ix., the small booklet (/St/SAapi Stov) should naturally embrace very much less. Its contents have been reasonably limited to xi. 1-13, which comes in as a proleptic digression among the events contained in the Seven-sealed Book. This clause properly belongs to i. The message concerns the whole 2. TOC -iroSa yijs. earth. Perhaps the idea was remotely suggested by Dan. xii. 5. Tro Sa cf. i. 17, W-^KIV TT?V Setav avrov. With the phrase W^Ktv This is the more normal apparently eicpafey (JXOKTJ /AeyciXY). form of this phrase in the Apoc. cf. vi. 10, the only legitimate
>l

!<ra>0ev

e9i(]Kei>

vii. 2,

10.

It is true

we

find also Kpd&iv lv

c/>.

/xcyaAr; in xiv. 15

but the passage is from an interpolater s hand, and the wholly in xviii. 2. After Aeyeii/ the unusual form Kpd&iv *v Icrxypa phrase c/xovf; /ueyaAr? may follow without ev, as in v. 12, viii. 13 ; or with it, as in xiv. 7, 9. Cf. Acyovros ws c/xorrj /Spovr^s, vi. T ; ^wvetr
<.

X. 2-3.]
<f>.

THE LITTLE BOOK

1 8.

26 1
in the

/*.,

xiv.

None

of these phrases
is

is

found

Gospel. The nearest phrases in the O.T.

in

xi.

43,

<f>.

cf.

Dan.

iii.

p. e/cpavyacrev. 4 ; Isa. xl. 9 ;

Johannine For kindred

;

Ps. xxix. 4

Jonah

iii.

8.

&5<nrep

Xe

wi>

puKcLrai.

Elsewhere
v.

d>s

is

used in
xi.

axnrep is found only here in the Apoc. It is found twice in John this sense.
is

21, 26.

The

clause itself
10,

Hebrew
epev^ercu.

of Hos.

MW
LXX

"V.~)3,

an independent rendering of the where the LXX has XeW

o>s

Practically the

same words recur

in

Amos

i.

2,

iii.

Joel

iii.

(iv.) 16.

The

Hos. xi. 10 ; xi. IO, 8; avaKpd&o-Oai, Joel iii. (iv.) 16, but never /xv/cao-^at, which is not found in the LXX. f^vKaa-Oai is properly used of oxen; but since Theocritus, xxvi. 21, has /Avjo?//,a AeacVr/s, and 4 Ezra xi. 37, xii. 31 has "leo mugiens ( = fivKaa-Oai), we was used of the roar of a lion. may reasonably infer that In all these passages the words are used of God. In 4 Ezra xi. 37 (xii. 31) the phrase "leo mugiens" is used of the But the context here limits the reference to an angel, Messiah.
oipueo-tfcu,

gives different renderings of ^tfeyyecrtfai, Amos i. 2; epevyeortfeu, Hos.

JX>,

as

Am.

iii.

"

p,vi<a<rOaL

i.e.

Gabriel.
3.

The loud

voice of the angel seems at the outset to have been

Since inarticulate, but not so the seven thunders that followed. the article is present here, the idea is clearly a familiar or current

Bousset rightly protests against Spitta (followed by Wellhausen) representing the seven peals of thunder (known already from Ps. xxix. 3-9) as echoes of the voice just referred to. Nor can we with Volter, iv. 69, who appeals to Wisd. xix. 13, take them as merely conveying warnings announcing the wrath of God and heralding the final issues. Nor yet again can we accept the explanation offered by Weizsacker, Schoen, Pfleiderer, J. Weiss (p. 13), and Bousset, who take the aim of this intermezzo to be a purely literary one. On this hypothesis a source which contains the cycle of visions connected with the Seven Thunders is ex cluded from his work by the Seer, either because it may have been known to his readers and therefore not have needed in corporation here, or because it may have been to a large extent a repetition of the foregoing visions. In that case the Seer has fallen from his role and plays the part of an editor, who gives account to his readers of the contents and order of his book.
one.

As against these explanations I am inclined to ment as a bonafide one, and view it in the same
Paul heaven
St.
:

treat the state

in

Cor.

xii.

in regard

light as that, of to his vision in the third

The

apprjra prj/jiara a OVK eov dv$p(07ro> \a\rjaraL. Seer witnessed the vision referred to in x. 3-4 in connec
Tj/cotxrev

tion with that of the strong angel, and has accordingly recorded the fact that he so \\itnessed it, although he was forbidden to

262
disclose
it.

THE REVELATION OF
eXdXirjo-ai
. . .

ST.

JOHN

[X. 3-6.

cfxoi

ds.

With

this construction

we

The might compare xiii. 5, AaAovv /neyaXa, and Mark ii. 2. voices of the Seven Thunders are intelligible to the Seer, as he forthwith prepares to write down their message.
rJKOuo-a

4. Kal ore eXdX^aay al cirra |3pomu, TJjxcXXoy ypd(f>eiy* Kal IK TOU oupavou Xeyouo-aK I^pdyicroy 8, eXdXTjo-ay ai (jxdi Yji e-rrra jSporrai, Kal JJLT) aura ypdvj/fls.

to write

The Seer is forbidden by a voice, i.e. probably that of Christ, down the disclosures of the Seven Thunders. The non-

writing is equivalent to sealing. o-<payiv is a technical apo calyptic term (cf. xxii. 10), and thus o-<pdyio-ov and //.^ypdi/^s are
practically

synonymous.

With
<f>wv^

this

passage Swete aptly compares

John

e/c TOV 28, rjXOtv ovv ovpavov ... 6 ovv c^Aos 6 eoTws Kal d/covVas cAcyev fipovrrjv yeyove vaf aAAoi eAeyov "AyyeAos

xii.

avrw X.\dX.rjKv. The words

is

<{><Dvr)v

IK TOV ovpavov (cf. x. 8)

show

that the Seer

See note on iv. i, p. 109. intermezzo of 3-4 dealing with the Seven 5. After the Thunders, the Seer resumes the description of the strong angel
earth.

now on

and

his action.

Kal 6 ayyeXos, ov ctSoy Icrrwra

rijs

cm

TTJS

6aXdcr<nr]S

Kal e*m

yf|s,

r\ptv TT\V

X 6 ^P a aurou
iv

rrjy Sefioti

6.

Kal

aJfJiocrey

TW

^WI/TI cis

els fov ovpavov, TOUS atwi/as TWk

takes the ace. with the sense of "to stand vii. i, eVt T. also with the sense of ywi/ta? stand on," viii. 3, CTTI TO Qva-iao-Trjptov (AP) xi. n, e?rt "to xii. 1 8, CTTI T. a/x/xoy T. TroSas xiv. I, CTTI TO 0/005: XV. 2, CTTI T. ^dXao-o-av; but takes the gen. with the same sense in x. 5, 8,
to-rdvat
7Ti

eirt

at,"

iii.

20,

T.

Qvpav

7ri T. 0aAdo-o-?7s ( + /ecu eVt T^S for it is characteristic of y^s, x. 8) our author to write eirl T. y^s, or ets rrjv yrjv and eVt T. OaXdorays. See note on vii. i, p. 191. Next we observe that the text is clearly derived from Dan. xii. 7 but the diction is not from the LXX or Theod. ; for they render
;

apHTrepav ( + avTOV, T) TOV atcuva 6tov (ev TW ^wvTt TOV For atpco never occurs as a rendering of D nn when the aioiva, T). verb is used technically of raising the hand to swear. Here the But atpw is the usual translation of NBO Versions give v^wcrev.
v\j/wcr

ets

Seiav ( -|- avrov, (D l) TT/V TOV ovpavov, Kat w/xoo-e TOV

s s
"l

T)

/cat rrjv

<2>VTa

ts

TI

when

it is (

fact

Xfc^

= aipetv

for

6/xw vat,

used technically of raising the hand to swear. In or eatpav or imncfvccy T^V ^etpa) is a synonym and so it is actually rendered (D^p) in the three

Targums on Ex. vi. 8, Num. xiv. 30, and in the Jer. and Jon. Targums on Deut. xxxii. 40, and in the Jon. Targ. on Ezek. xx.
5, 6, 15, 23, 28,

42, xxxvi.

7, etc,

X.

6.]

ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE THIRD WOE

263

From the above we conclude that our author did not use the Versions but the Hebrew of Daniel, which he rendered freely to v I do D~i suit his purpose, D^Jjn TO JDB*1 D Wrrta he lifted up his hand and sware not know of the combination occurring elsewhere in canonical literature save in these two
.

I^D"

l.

"

"

passages

05 eKTiaev rov oupavbv Kal ra Iv aurw Kal TTJI yr\v Kal ra iv Kal TO, iv aurrj on xpo* ? OUK^TI lorai. aurfj Kal TT\V Qa\a.<T(ra.v This statement that God has created all things, serves to

introduce the announcement that affects all created things. Such references to the creative activity of God (cf. iv. IT, xiv. 7) are very frequent in later Judaism (cf. Bousset, ReL d. Judenthums, 296) but very rare outside the Apocalypse in the N.T. : cf. Acts xiv. 15, xvii. 24; Heb. xi. 3. In the O.T. cf. Isa. xxxvii. 16, xlii. 5 ; Jer. xxxii. 17, Gen. i. i sqq. ; Ex. xx. ;
:

li.

15; Ps.

xxxiii.

6,

cii.

25, cxv.

15,

cxxiv.

8,

cxxxiv. 3,
yrjv,

and
rrjv

especially
Od\a<raav

Cxlv.

6,

TOV iroirjo-avTa TOV ovpavov

TO.

KOL rrjv

KOL irdvTa

iv avrots.

Also Wisd.

ix. I, xi.

17

Enoch
is

xxiv. 2, xlviii. 5. Xpo^os OUKCTI lorai.

of an interval of time.
will
(

The idea Hence

x.

underlying xp vo * here the clause means that

that there

be no delay.
&6,

Cf.
ii.

Heb.

= -in&o

37, 6 e/r^o/xevos

^ei

KCU ov xpoi/urei
in relation

Hab.

3).

We

have now to inquire the meaning of the clause

a matter of

With regard to importance. what is there to be no delay ? This question we cannot investi gate apart from Dan. xii. 7, which was before the mind of the Seer, and yet we must not do violence to our text by simply Now Dan. xii. 7, vii. 25, forcing upon it the meaning in Daniel. time, times and half a time,"/.*. 3! years, the period speaks of But this period during which the Antichrist was to have power. was a period already in progress in the visions of Daniel. But this is not the case in our text. The reign of the Anti All the evils christ has not yet begun in the visions of the Seer. and plagues even the two demonic plagues, are only forerunners But the hour for the reign of the Antichrist has of that period. There will be no further delay (xpoVos OVKCTL all but struck. The evil of the world must now culminate in the revela ccn-at). tion of the Antichrist ; for the day of the Lord cannot come, cav
to its context
"a

much

a,7rocrTa(rta Trptorov KCU aTTOKaXv^Ofj 6 avOpwTros T^S /jir] \6y The reign of the Antichrist which is avofuas (2 Thess. ii. 3). about to begin is to be introduced by and embraced in the 1 third Woe, to which our author refers in 7.
"f)

1 Of other interpretations two may be mentioned, i. The words are said z state of time and the beginning of eternity. This to predict the ending of view, which was in vogue as early as Bede, I supported in my edition of
{.

264
7.

THE REVELATION OF
dXX
lv TCUS ^fiepcus TTJS
,

ST.

JOHN

[X. 7.

orav (jxui TJs TOU epSojjiou dyye Xou, Kal ereXeaOif] TO jj-uernqpiov TOU 0eou, ws euTjyyeTOUS eauTou SouXous TOUS

aXm^eu

Trpo<J>i]Tas.

This verse presents a

difficult

problem.

Are we
(iv.

to regard
rejects

dAA

as original or not? Spitta (p. the clause as an addition of the redactor ; Volter
. . .

0-a.X.TTL^fLv

no)

59) like

wise rejects it, and J. Weiss (p. 41). These writers do not advance definite grounds for the excision of the clause, which could be
stated
tion
is

and

that of J. Weiss,

either accepted or rejected. The only definite objec who contends that it destroys the rhythm.

But, as Bousset rejoins, there is no real rhythm in this chapter. But though these critics have not furnished any just grounds for the rejection of this clause, the very fact that all three, though approaching the book from different standpoints, felt that there was something wrong about the clause, points to certain inherent With these difficulties which arise in connection with difficulties.

the meaning which

/xe XXr;,

we attach

we

shall
ix.
i

that as in

now proceed to we were obliged

to the phrases ev rats ^/xepats and deal. have already seen

We

to

change

TTC/XTTTOS

into Trpcoros,

13 IKTOS into Sei repos, so here for e/3So/xou we must read rpirov. The reference is to the third Trumpet (or third Woe, cf. xi. 14), in which the kingdom of the Antichrist is mani fested and destroyed and God s kingdom established throughout But the three Woes are Woes only to the inhabi the world. tants of the earth, i.e. the unfaithful: cf. viii. 13. To the faithful they are merely stages in the realization of the secret purpose of God (fjivo-Typiov rov Otov, x. 7), which secret purpose leads ulti mately to the blessedness of the faithful (cf. ev^yyeAio-cv, x. 7 and

and

in ix.

xi.

17-18). Let us

now

return to

/ae AAr;

regards

/xeAA.^.

What meaning

are

and ev rats ^/xepats. First as we to assign to this word ?

i. As an auxiliary It is used in three senses in the Apocalypse, with an infinitive to express simple futurity, iii. 16 (possibly also 2. Cum inf. = to be about to do or suffer something, ii. 10 bis}. iii. 2, 10, viii. 13, x. 4, xii. 4, 5, xvii. 8 (possibly ii. 10 bis). But /j,eAActv is practically an auxiliary here also. 3. Cum inf. = Now x. 7 clearly does not belong to be destined, i. 19, vi. ii. Hence it belongs either to i or 2. It is generally to 3. assigned to 2 (see R.V., Holtzmann, etc.), and it must be con-

2 Enoch, p. tion of time

avTOis

where the absolute cessa But this interpretation is wrong. 2. Nor is it right, with Alford, Bousset, and others, to connect our text with vi. ii, /cat Ipp^d-rj
xxiii, in relation to xxxiii. 2, Ixv. 6, 7,
is

foretold.

for there the martyrs pray for the ivo. ava.ira.vcruvTa.1 ZTC xpovov speedy appearing of the day of judgment, and they are assured that that day But in will come in a little while, when the roll of the martyrs is complete. our text the period referred to is the reign of Antichrist on earth, which begins with his expulsion from heaven.
[ui<p6v
:

X.

7.]
is

THE MYSTERY OF GOD

we accept
"

265

the usual meaning of //AAeiv in the Apocalypse. it, it follows that the mystery of God will be accomplished in the days when the seventh angel is about to Now this is against sound," i.e. before this angel has sounded. every reasonable meaning that can be assigned to the fj.vcrTrjpiov If /xeAXry has this TOV Oeov in this context (see note in loc.\
fessed this

But

if

meaning

here, then

we must

excise

dXX

o-aA7ri

eii/

as

an

addition from the same hand that expanded the three Trumpets (or Woes) into seven, and explain the addition as due to a Not misunderstanding of the proleptic character of xi. 1-13. observing the proleptic character of xi. 1-13, the interpolator assumed that the Antichrist came before the seventh (i.e. third)

Trumpet. But it
case

In that possible to take /ncAAr? in the first sense. eiv simply as "when translate orav /x-eAA^ he shall sound." have now to deal with rats ^ae pou?. This phrase might in itself denote a point of time or a period. But the words TO /xvcmjpiov TOV Otov, however we interpret them,
is

we should

<raA7n,

We

are in favour of the latter.

The

text then

would run
shall

"

in the

days of the voice of the third angel

K<U

when he

sound."

= TeA-eo-^rjo-erat,
"

eTcXeorOt).

anticipation, the secret of

xiv. 10.

in

This can be explained as a Hebraism, t.e. or with W. M., p. 346 sq., as the aor. of the days when the third angel shall sound, then
is
finished."
K<U

God

introduces the apodosis in

i. This phrase has been taken by TO puonfjpioi TOU 0eou. Bousset as referring to the casting down of Satan from heaven, xii. 8-9. This interpretation has much in its favour, but it is not wide enough. The thanksgivings in xi. 17-18 lead us to 2. Vischer (p. 21), Volter (ii. 18, expect something greater. iv. 73), Holtzmann (? in loc.) refer it to the birth of the Messiah. In this case Vischer assumes that xii. is from a Jewish hand,

and Volter, that it belongs to an Apocalypse of Cerinthus. 3. While the first view is inadequate the second is impossible. Hence we take the phrase in a wider sense than Bousset. The
phrase appears to

mean

the

whole purpose of

God

1 world) which must finally be accomplished.

1

in regard to the This purpose is

in its several

To

determine the meaning of

this

phrase
Col.
i.

it

must be studied

contexts.

Thus

in

Rom.

xvi. 25, 26,

IO, iii. 3-6, 9, vi. 19, the fjivarrripiov means the Christian Church. (See Robinson, Eph. 234 sqq.) This is actually But ihis cannot be the designated rb iwar-tipiov TOV 0eoO in Col. ii. 2. in our text. meaning Again the unbelief of Israel is described as a fj.vffT^piov Other in Rom xi. 25, and as bound up with God s mercy to the Gentiles. meanings of the word are found in the Pauline Epistles, and one in particular calls for attention, i.e. th. t in 2 Thess. ii. 6-8, ets r6 a.iroKa\v(t>driva.i avrdv = rbv foQpuirffv TTJS avo/^Las) tv ry avTov /coupy (

26, 27, ii. 2, iv. 3, Eph. i. 9, the inclusion of the Gentiles in

266
not secret

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

for it has already been made known to His servants ; KCU ereAe o-^ TO p. r. 0eov means the consumma the prophets. tion of this growing purpose of God that has run through all the It presents a twofold aspect one of woe to the inhabiters ages. of the earth ( = the third Woe), and, so far, it is equivalent to the manifestation of the Antichrist on earth: and one of joy to the faithful (efyfyyeAio-ev, x. 7): for the Antichrist cannot
:

spiritually, however much he may persecute them, and, moreover, he is to reign but a short time and their recompense is at hand. The contents of the divine purpose may be inferred from the thanksgivings of the 24 Elders after Thus the the seventh Trumpet (i.e. third Trumpet or Woe). kingdom of God is to be set up, xi. 17 a fact which carries with it the casting down of that of Satan and the Antichrist, are to be destroyed, i.e. Rome as the destroyers of the earth the servant of the Antichrist, xi. 18 (cf. xiv. 6-20, xix. 2), the

overcome them

"

"

saints

recompensed, and the dead judged,

\t.v<rrf]piov

xi.

18.

TOU 0eou, 69 eu-nyyeXicreK Toug eauTou BouXous TOUS These words seem to be a reminiscence of Amos irpo^Tas. iii. 7 (LXX), SIOTI ov firj Tron/cny KV/HOS 6 0eos 7rpayyu,a eav jjt,^

TO

VIHj; fa HID R^TOM O). then our author clearly did not use the LXX, since it presupposes a different text. ev^yycAtcrev c. ace. as an active is found only here in the N.T., as is also evay. 7rt in xiv. 6. c. Cf. LXX of i Sam. xxxi. gj 2 Sam. xviii. ig. "His servants the vayyeAiccr0ai c. ace. is frequent in Luke. well-known O.T. expression: cf. 2 Kings xvii. 13, prophets" is a 23, xxi. 10, xxiv. 2; Ezek. xxxviii. 17; Zech. i. 6 ; Jer. vii. 25 But in our text we may take it that the xxv. 4; Dan. ix. 10. phrase refers to the Christian prophets, the contemporaries of The O.T. prophets touched very slightly, and the Seer. generally not at all, on the great problems with which the Seer As regards eavTov, if it is used, it is placed before the deals. noun as here in x. 3. Otherwise avrov is used, and placed after But the former expres cf. i. i, 4, 5, 6, 14, etc. etc. the noun

TratSeiW ( = ")D1D SouXovs avTOv TOVS Trpo^Vas

a.TroKa\v(fy

corrupt for 1T1D) avrov Trpos TOVS

(D^3Jn
7,

If our text is

based on

Amos

iii.

sion

is,

of course, stronger.
fj*t)vov

b Kar^wv &pri ws K fi^crov y^vijrat Kal r6re d7ro/caXi00?7(reTCU principle of evil will at last be revealed and culminate in a personality ; for the advent of the Lord cannot take place unless this apostasy come first and the man of lawlessness be revealed (2 Thess. ii. 3). Here the pvffTripiov refers to the Antichrist who is still hidden, but about to be revealed. This use is very nearly allied to that in our text, but it is much T. 0eov in our text embraces the whole more limited in meaning, rb purpose of God in history. The manifestation of evil in the Antichrist is only a part of this all-embracing purpose, which issues in the complete The conceptions underlying triumph and manifestation of goodness. 2 Thess. ii. are related essentially to those in our text.
rrjs dvofj.Las

6 Avoftos.

The

/J.V<TT.

X. 8-9.]
8. Kal

THE SEER ASKS FOR THE BOOK

$(t>vr\

267

K TOU oupayou mxXii XaXoucray [ACT* TI r\v TJKouaa Kal Xeyouo-ay "Ymtye Xd|3e TO |3i|3Xioi/ TO i\vewy^vov TO eV X 6l pl TOU dyyeXou TOU IOTWTOS em TTJS OaXdaaTjs Kal em TTJS y*]S. The In the above text I have followed the uncials.
ejjiou

If he had had solecism seems to go back to the Seer himself. the opportunity of revising his MS. he would probably have written eXdXTycrei/ Xeyovcra or XaXo)<ra /X.CT e/xov, Xeyovo-a. The reading of the majority of the cursives, (Cf. iv. i, xvii. i.) KCU Xe yowa, is simply a scribal correction and not XdXovcra in our author s style. Nor is the text read as in 7 vulg cle s 1 Prim., /cat rjKova-a (frwrjv, aught else than a correction, though it is in keeping with our author s style. The voice is that already
.
. .

mentioned

in 4.

expression vTraye Xd/3e is a Hebraism, and exactly repro duces the clause in Gen. xxvii. 13; Hos. i. 2, np TJJJ. Cf. Gen. in all about 57 times (in Oxford Heb. Lex., xxix. 7, xxxvii. 14 It occurs also in Matt. v. 24, viii. 4, xix. 21, etc. p. 234). John iv. 1 6, ix. 7. In our text in xvi. i we have vTrdyeTe /cat eK^e erc. From x. 9-10 we know that our author had See note on x. 5. Ezek. iii. i sqq. before him now this idiom occurs in Ezek. iii. i, IB H See 6 n. IOTWTOS em TYJS 0aXda<nr)s. T]7, and in iii. 4.
;
:

The

9. Kal dirT]X0a irpos

j3if3Xapi oioi
o-ou

Kal Xeyei

TT]V

KOiXia^,
.

dXX
. .

auTw SoGVai fioi TO ayyeXoi Kal Kard^aye auto, Kal iriKpavei Iv TW aTojjiaTi aou earai yXuKu as jiA.!.
Toy
Xey<oi>

JJLOI

Aaj3e
"

Sowai, bidding him to give," cf. xiii. 14; See Blass, Gram. 232, 240. 21, Xeywi/ ny TrepiTCfjLvew. The incident here undoubtedly recalls Ezek. iii. i sqq. Our author is not dependent on the LXX, which reads here iii. i, 3,

With Xe yooi/
xxi.

Acts

Kard<j>ayf

rr?v

K<^aXt8a

ravTtfjv

/cat

eyeVero eV

r<3

o-TO/mrt

JJLOV

in Ezekiel.

a difference between the description in our text and EzekiePs roll was sweet as honey in the mouth, but there is no direct reference to its being bitter in the belly. And yet even the latter idea, which is emphasized in our text, seems to be derived from Ezekiel. For this contrast implicitly underlies the description in Ezekiel, where, though the book was sweet in the mouth, its contents with regard to Israel were full
is

There

of
is

"lamentation and mourning and woe." The same contrast found also in Jer. xv. 16, 17 according to the Mass., "Thy words ... I did eat (symbolically), and thy words were unto

me
with

the joy and rejoicing of

indignation"
(i.e.

my
given

heart.

assembly of them that make merry

hast

...

for for

me

I sat not in the thou hast filled me nought but wrath to

"

...

announce).
the

But
reads

it

is

noteworthy that
o-wTeXco-ov

D^IDK,

did

eat,"

LXX

DJpi

_=

avrov s, a

text

accepted by

268

THE REVELATION OF
and
Cornill.

ST.

JOHN
"So

[X. 9-10.

Duhm
author
tion

Bertholet (Ezek.
"

ill.

3) suggests that our

x
).

may have taken iii. 14 in this sense: me up ... and I went in bitterness (ID -ji?Nj

the spirit lifted This sugges

bitter

seems probable. Next as to the meaning of the sweetness followed by

in

various explanations are offered. Most expositors are of opinion that the reception of a revelation is in itself a joy, but that its contents carry with them grief and bitter This is the meaning supported by the passages just cited ness. from Ezekiel and Jeremiah. But Ewald, Heinrici, Holtzmann hold that the sweetness and bitterness point to the diverse nature of the contents of the For of the book (which = xi. 1-13), xi. i, 3-6, 11-13 book. disclose mercy and redemption, whereas xi. 2, 7-10 predict dis appointment and death even for the righteous. The introduction of this episode points to the use of a foreign The inspiration is not direct. There is source by our writer. not a single mention of this Little Book through the remaining The chapters, and the Seer speaks of seeing the visions himself. inspiration-theory underlying the idea of acquiring superhuman

ness

our

text

knowledge through eating is lower than that which prevails else where in the Apocalypse. And yet this idea is not without parallel in the Apocalypse ; for the eating of the Tree of Life in xxii. 14 appears to impart immortality, but there the words are
symbolically used. In the O.T. the conception appears more natural. Accord ing to the Paradise story, the Tree of Knowledge gave to those who ate of it spiritual knowledge. The ancients did not distin guish sharply, as we do, between the material and spiritual life. And yet even we moderns believe in the close relation of these two ; for we hold that with the material elements of the bread and wine spiritual gifts are imparted to the faithful in the Holy

Communion.
KaTe<j>ayov

10. KCU IXajSoi/ TO jSijSXapiSioy eic auro KCU r\v iv oTojiart

TO>

TTJS
JJLOU

PS

TO

"

a YY e ^ ou
>

Ka

Y\UKU ws

fAeXi

KCU ore

tcoiXi a JAOU. r\ In 9 the importance of the results that followed the eating of the book is emphasized, and accordingly these are placed first ; in this verse the events are given in the order of the Seer s
e

^xxyof auro emKpdkOir)

experience.
1

The

LXX
;

reads

/cal

tiropetidrjit fjLerttopos

here,

where the

last

word =

D"J,

corrupt for ID.

This reading seems due to Ezek. iii. 3, eye/uLLffdr/ N 1854 arm Prim. N?Dn TJ;D LXX, 77 /cotXt a crov Tr\ r)crdri(reTa.i. Swete thinks that it is the first word of a gloss t-yenlvdti Trt/cpt as, accidentally transferred into the text from
r
"

the

margin."

11.]

XI.

= THE LITTLE BOOK

irpo<|>Y]Tu<Tai

269

11.
cO^eo-iy

We cannot determine The plural A.eyov<nv is difficult. whether the words come from the heavenly voice (4, 8), or from the angel (9). Probably it is simply the plural of indefinite an idiom some statement, as in xiii. 16, Swcriv xvi. 15, /SAeVwo-iv times found in Hebrew, and frequent in Biblical Aramaic. Cf. Dan. iv. 13, 22, 23, 29, v. 20, 21, vii. 12, 26; Ezr. vi. 5. See
:

Kai Xeyouorif fxot Act (re irdXif Kal yXtocraais Kal /SacriXeGau iroXXois-

4m

Xaois Kal

d. Evang. 25 sq. construction Trpo^reueiy CTU (c. dat. or ace.) is found not as a rendering of ^y K33. e7n = "in infrequently in the found in John xii. 16 after ypa^eiv. The phrase to" is regard

Wellhausen, Einkitung in

The

LXX

TTctAii/ 7rpo^>r/Ti)o-at

refers

backward

in TroAtv to

what precedes, and

forward in Trpo^revo-at to the chapters that follow xi. 15, as the The prophecies are to deal pi(3Xapiiov embraces only xi. 1-13. with It peoples and nations and languages and many kings." is interesting that this enumeration, which occurs seven times in the Apocalypse (see note on v. 9), is here given a different form, and /foo-tAeuo-tv is put in the place of <uA.ais. The kings are The Seer is recasting specially those mentioned in xvii. 10, 12. this characteristic phrase with a view to the contents of his later
"

"

"

visions.

CHAPTER
i.

XI.

The

contents of the Little Book, being a proleptic Digression on the Antichrist in Jerusalem.

The measuring
the faithful^

12, and

are a preparation Jerusalem the Beast from the abyss, who will reign for three and a halfyears, and will war against and put to death the Witnesses to the great joy of the unbelievers, fio : the Witnesses raised anew to life, and the rest of the Jews converted to Christianity, 11-13. Such appears to be the meaning of this section in its present context This section is proleptic, because it really belongs to the third Woe or Trumpet, when Satan had already been cast down from heaven (xii.) and the Kingdom of the Antichrist estab lished (xiii.). It is, therefore, contemporary in point of time with xii.-xiii. It is a digression, because the author has turned aside for the moment from his main theme of the Antichrist as iden
tified

the securing against demonic powers] of the preaching of the two Witnesses, J-6, against the appearance of the Antichrist in
(i.e.

with

Rome and

its

empire,

in

order to

describe

his

in Jerusalem. This task done, he can pursue without interruption to its close the struggle between Christ and the Anti

appearance

christ as

embodied

in the

Roman

Empire.

If

we ask why he

270

THE REVELATION OF
all,

ST.

JOHN

[XI.

1-2.

introduced this section at respect its presence here

is

we might perhaps reply that in one a tribute to the older form of the

Antichrist tradition (before 70 A.D.), which regarded Jerusalem as the scene of the manifestation of the Jewish Antichrist, as in 2 Thess. ii. ; and that in another respect it was designed to represent the Conversion of the Jews to Christianity under the pressure of fear and after the preaching of Moses and Elijah the two companions of Christ on the Mount of Transfiguration

was completed.
2.

But 1-13 had originally a

different meaning and was borrowed by our author from an early source.

But though
present not the ally of revised

i gives the meaning of this section in its context, this was not its original meaning ; for it was original composition of our author, but consisted origin

two independent fragments which were borrowed and by him to suit his own ideas. The grounds for this statement are as follows 1. xi. 1-13 consists of two independent fragments, both
:

written before 70 A.D. 2. The diction differs very perceptibly from that of our author. 3. The order of the words, which is largely non-Semitic, differs decidedly from that of our author. 4. The meaning of certain phrases in xi. 1-13 differs absolutely from that which they bear in the rest of the Apocalypse. xi. 1-2 and xi. 3-13 are expressed 5. Certain ideas common to in different phraseology and appear to point to different author

ship (whether Greek or Aramaic). i. xi. 1-13 consists of two independent fragments both written before 70 A.D.

The

first

fragment

is xi.

1-2.

Owing

to

Wellhausen

recogni

1-2 was originally an independent oracle written before 70 A.D. (Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, vi. 221 sqq. ; cf. also his Analyse der Offenb. Johannis^ 1907, p. 15), the task of subsequent critics has been rendered easier. This oracle predicted the preservation of the Temple and those who worshipped in it (i.e. the Zealots, who during the siege had taken up their quarters in the Temple and the inner court ; see my note in loc.\ while the outer court and city would be trodden down of the Gentiles. 1 There is here no idea of the destruction, but only of the capture of Jerusalem. There were many prophets among the Zealots, according to Josephus. This fragment would
tion of the fact that
xi.

naturally be the work of one of these. Amongst the older scholars, Corrodi,
1

Herren, Schneider,
Romans,

the expectation that Jerusalem would be captured by the see Josephus, B.J. vi. 5. 3.

On

XI.

.]

XI. 1-13

FROM TWO SOURCES

2/1

Eichhorn, Semler, Bleek, Ewald, De Wette, and Liicke inter preted xi. 1-2 of the preservation of the Temple ; and, as they held to the unity of the Apocalypse, they naturally concluded that the Apocalypse was written before 70 A.D. J. Weiss accepts the date thus found for xi. 1-13 and takes xi. 3-13 to be from the same hand. But Bousset and Porter distinguish xi. 1-2 and xi. 3-13. This fragment, as Wellhausen has rightly observed xi. 3-13. ot Svo /xaprvpes (Analyse, p. 16), stands in an isolated position, (xi. 3) are in spite of the article not previously mentioned, nor is TO Orfpiov He thinks that xi. 3-13 originally referred (xi. 7). to Rome, and that the Redactor adapted it by his additions to The reasons he advances for this last view are not Jerusalem. In the tenable, and are dealt with in my notes where necessary. course of his criticism Wellhausen reduces the original document
to
xi.

The criticism of Bousset how fragmentary xi. 3-13 is,

:

He shows first of all seeing that it leaves us in doubt as to whether the Antichrist appears as a purely mythological figure as to the relation in which he stands or an historical personage to Jerusalem, or to the nations and people mentioned, or to the Witnesses. Next he takes xi. 3-13 in connection to xi. 1-2. The binding together of these two fragments could not, he holds,
is

3%

7,

8% 9 (four words), 10-13 (with

sounder.

excisions).

have been effected by an author who wrote after 70 A.D. ; for under the presupposition that they were combined in an apocalypse written before 70, could they possess a good sense and an inner connection. For according to xi. 1-2, Jerusalem is to be given over to the Gentiles, but the Temple is to be preserved.
that only

only in this situation is the following prophecy conceivable. the Beast from the abyss appear in the I confess that I find this city beleagured by the Romans. The writer who could adapt to his own reasoning unconvincing. Apocalypse of 95 A.D., when Jerusalem was in ruins, a fragment that bore definitely on its face the date of 70 A, D. when Jerusalem still stood, would have found less difficulty in adapting to it a fragment dealing with eschatological expectations of the reign of the Antichrist and written at some undiscoverable date before 70

And

The two Witnesses and

A.D.

for

xi.

3-13 also presupposes Jerusalem to be

shall discover later, there are
d 5
is

still

standing.
for

But, as

we

some grounds
xi.

regarding
as

xi.

7 as

wholly recast by our author and

(?),

8 bc, 9 a
those of

added by him, and that xi. 2. The diction and idiom

First

possibly a gloss.

differ very perceptibly

from

ouf author.
in 5

(and

we observe that in i eyeipeiv, in 2 eK/?aAAeti/ and avAvJ, 12) expo s, in 6 veros j3pe\Lv and ocra/as eaj/, and
in 9, and in 1 1 iTmriirTtiv are found here only in the facts in themselves prove nothing, but the follow-

d<ieVai

c. inf.

Apoc.

These

272

THE REVELATION OF
=
"

ST.

JOHN

[XL

2.

Thus Trrw/xa is used in 8, corpse," ing prove much. 9, where as our author uses ye/cpos in this sense, xvi. 3, xx. 13 ; flewpeiv in n, 12, whereas our author uses /JAeVetv or 6pav in this connection ;
"

7rpo<f>r)TfLa

= period of prophetic activity" in 6, but "prophecy" the rest of the Apoc. Again in xi. 6 we have ryv eovo-<W, whereas in such a passage where limited authority is implied the article is omitted ; see note on ii. 26 the pres. inf. o-rpcfaiv though the aor. inf. only is used, except in the case of /JAen-eiv, i. 12, v. 3, 4, ix. 20, and Kara/SaiWv in xiii. 13, and of infinitives after Again in xi. 11 ecmyo-av stands (cf. /x-eAAeu/; see note on i. 19.
in
:

xviii.

17) where our author would probably have used io-TtjKeio-av In xi. 13 eTrra stands 11) or eo-ra^o-av (cf. viii. 3, vi. 17). See viii. 2 n. Finally, in 3 we have KOL after xiAiaSes. where our author would have used Swcrw e^oWav
(cf. vii.
Sw<ra>

7rpo<f>rjTev<rov<Tiv

have

see note on xi. 3 ; in 5 b we our author s usage ; in 6 6o-a/as against eav to denote indefinite frequency, whereas our author uses 6Vav cf. iv. 9 (ix. 5); and in eto-r/Afoj eV, whereas eterep^eo-^at is or Trpos c. ace. elsewhere in the Apoc. followed either by The order of the words which is largely non- Semitic, differs 3. The subject precedes the decidedly from that of our author. *at KancrOUi xi. 6, verb in xi. 5, Trvp cKTropeucrai vtros
. . .

et

Trpo^Tcvetv or u/a with subj., which

irpo<^i?Tcv<rci><ni

is

ct<?

KarotK ^ l/TC 5
<o/?os
. .
.

\a.Lpovo Lv
:

and
.
. .

eTreVecrev

xi.

II, 7rj/t5/xa 13, TO Se/carov

xi. 2,

xi.

7recrev

and

ot AotTrot

yeVovro.
.

But more noteworthy

:
/*>)

are the cases where the object precedes the verb

/Xrp7;orys, rrjv
.

atr^v
xi. 5,

avXyv

K/2aAe, T^V TrdAij/

7ra.Tr)(rovcriv

. avrovs d8iK^o-at: xi. 6, i^ovcriav order in the text of the Apocalypse)

.
:

ov<rtv

xi. 9,

(here only in this ra Trrw^ara OVK

.

&d>iowrtv

reOrjvaL

xi.

10, Soupa 7Tp,\f/ov(nv.

leave out of consideration xi. 7, which has been recast by our bc xi. 4 (?), 8 9% which have been probably added by him. Now the force of this evidence becomes clearer if we com pare the order of words in this chapter with the five preceding
I

author

chapters.

In these
Prepositional phrase precedes verb.
I

Subject precedes
verb.

Object precedes
verb.
(for

Chap.
,,

vi.
vii.

10 times.

emphasis

vi. 6).

,,

1,3-5, 13. i time. 7-12. 7 times. (addition to text). 2 ,, Chap. viii. 2, 6.

viii.

Chap.

viii.

7 times.

(recast).

Chap.
,,

ix.

x.

...

time.

3 times.
I

I
I

4 times.

time.

ix. n). (in a gloss (object a pronoun: x. 4. Cf. xi. 2).

:

XI.

2.]

ITS DICTION

AND IDIOM

273

Thus
chap.
itself.

in five chapters

precedes

the

xi. it

from the hand of our author the object verb only twice, whereas in eleven verses in This evidence speaks for precedes it seven times.

4. The meaning of certain phrases in xi. 1-13 differs absolutely from that which they bear in the rest of the Apocalypse. The

phrase 6 i/aos rov Oeov is used in xi. i of the Temple in Jerusalem. But our author does not apply this phrase to the earthly Temple, as he reserves it for the Temple in heaven. Next our author could not have described the actual Jerusalem as TYJV 7rdA.iv This phrase he reserves for the heavenly rrjv a-yiav in xi. 2.

= 7TL TT/s 01 KaroiKowres y^s the dwellers in Palestine in xi. 10, but elsewhere in the Apocalypse the inhabitants of the whole earth. Owing to the above facts our author must have attached a symbolical meaning (if he did attach a definite meaning) to the first phrase as well as to TrdAts in xi. 13 (see notes in
loc.).

Jerusalem which cometh down from heaven (xxi. 10). Again, f] 7rdA.t5 rj fjieydXr) is used in xi. 8 of Jerusalem, but in our author this See note in loc. Finally, phrase technically designates Rome.

of the Witnesses is of the same of Jerusalem by the Gentiles^ the incidents in xi. J-IJ, culminating in the destruction of one-tenth of Jerusalem, suggest quite a different situation from that implied in
5.

Though

the

ministry

duration as the

occupation

xi.

1-2. 6. Certain ideas

common

to both xi.

12

and

xi.

313

are

expressed in different phraseology and may point to different authorship (whether Greek or Aramaic). Thus over against //^vas reo-crapa/coi/To, Svo in xi. 2 we have the same idea expressed by ^epa? ^lAcas Sta/coo-ias e^/covra in xi. 3, and over against rty 7r6X.iv rrjv dytW in xi. 2 we have -njs TrdAccos
rr)<;

/xeyaA^s in

XI. 8.

1-2 of this section we have a notable instance of The inviolable reinterpretation on the part of our author. security which the Jews attached to the Temple is reinterpreted by him as meaning the spiritual security of the Christian com munity despite the Satanic kingdom of the Antichrist about to be manifested. The same process of reinterpretation runs through xi. 3-13, as will be seen in the notes. In addition to the transformations of meaning thus effected it is possible that our author would here impress the general lesson that underlies the entire Apoca lypse, that fidelity to Christ, while it ensures spiritual security against the demonic world, entails martyrdom, but that this
In
xi.

martyrdom
things.

in

its

turn

leads

to

ultimate

victory

in

all

VOL.

/4

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XI.

1.

XL
1.
Kttl

1-13.

A PROLEPTIC DIGRESSION ON THE ANTICHRIST IN JERUSALEM.

jxot

eSoOir)

KaXajuios

ojjioios

pdpSw,

XeywK
Kttl

"Eyeipe

ical

TOV

VO.OV

TOU 06OU KCU TO OuaiaOT^plOk

TOUS

TTpO<7KU-

Iv aurw.

verses, xi. 1-2, are a fragment, as Wellhausen was the first to recognise, of an oracle written before 70 A.D. by one of the prophets of the Zealot party in Jerusalem, who predicted that, though the outer court of the Temple and the city would fall, the Temple and the Zealots who had taken up their abode within it would be preserved from destruction. These verses, therefore, originally dealt partly with contemporary history and But in their present context partly with eschatological forecasts. they cannot possibly be interpreted by the Contemporary Historical Method. The Temple is destroyed and the Zealots with it, and the prophecy of Christ, Mark xiii. 2 = Matt. xxiv. 2 = Luke xxi. 6, has been fulfilled to the letter. Hence no literal interpretation is here possible. The verses must be taken wholly eschatologically, and several of the phrases symboli cally, as jjLcrprjo-ov rov vaov TOV $ov KCU TO OvcrtacrT^pLOv, rrjv avA>)v For the temple of God is here the spiritual Tyv ZioOtv TOV vaov. temple of which all the faithful are constituent parts ; the outer court is the body of unbelievers who are given over to the sway of the Antichrist; and the measuring, like the sealing in vii. 4 sqq., denotes the preservation of the faithful, not from physical evil, but from the spiritual assaults of the Antichrist and his demonic following during the reign of the Antichrist. The grounds for the above interpretation will be found in the intro duction to this chapter and in the notes that follow.

These two

The
loWei/

construction &60r)
.
.

/xoc

Xeywv.
xxii.

struction in
"^&o)
:

Gen.
A.WT,

Xeyw is very abnormal for have, however, an analogous con 20, avrjyyeXij. I.*! XeyovTes (
/xot
. . .

We
;

"

xxxviii. 24, xlviii. 2

I,
<r<i>0r)

Jos.

ii.

2, x.
.

17, xvi. 2, etc.

.

Clem.

/ Cor. xi.
Seo-TTorqs.

IK

^oSo/xaH/

irpoSrjXov Troii^ras 6

But eleven words Here we should expect lo-wo-cv. Cf. Thuc. iii. 36. i. intervene between eVoj^and 7ronjo-as here. Ezek. xl. 3-xlii. 20 was in the mind of the icaXajaos. In xli. 13 the angel measures the Temple. author of this verse.

The Hebrew
ptTpt}<rov.

is

rntsn

H3P in Ezekiel.

Three

explanations

have

been

given

of

the

measuring.
i.

Measuring may be done with a view to rebuilding and

as in Ezek.
xl.

restoring,
ii.
;

sqq.,

47,

xli.

13,

xliii.

13; Zech.

2-8 Jer. xxxi. 39. So Vitringa, Bengel. excluded by the context.

But

this

meaning

is

XI.

1.]
2.

THE MEASURING
may be done
Isa. xxxiv. 1 1

ITS

MEANING

275

xxi.

with a view to destruction, as in 2 Kings Amos vii. 7-9 ; Lam. ii. 8 ; 2 Sam. viii. 2 a So Baumgarten and Erbes (69-74). But this sense also is in admissible in our text, since the exclusion of the outer court in 2 from measurement is the same as its surrender, not indeed The ideas to destruction, but to profanation by the Gentiles. underlying ptrpyaov and eK/?aXe are here essentially opposed. the third and only meaning 3. There remains, therefore, applicable to this word in its original context, i.e. the measuring
It
;

13

So Storr, Oeder, Semler, Corrodi, Bleek, Ewald, Ziillig (ii. 163-169), De Wette, Liicke, Bousset, etc. The text here in its original form dealt with It does not, how the actual Temple, altar, outer court, and city. ever, follow that our Seer attached the same meaning to these words. Rather we shall see grounds for believing that in re-editing this earlier document, xi. 1-13, he attached to them symbolical 1 And such is the case with the word "measure" in meanings. Thus we must have recourse to a measuring its present context. different from the above three. 4. In its present context the measuring does not mean Thus the preservation from physical, but from spiritual danger. measuring comes to be practically synonymous with the sealing related meaning is attached to measuring in vii. 4 sqq.

means physical

preservation, as in 2

Sam.

viii.

like i

Enoch
"And

Ixi.

1-5

1.

2.

I saw in those days how long cords were given to flew those angels and they towards the north. And I asked the angel saying Why have those (angels) taken these cords and gone
.

off?

And he
. .
.

said unto

me

They have gone

to

3.

measure ... These

shall bring the

measures of the righteous

...
1

to the righteous
;

Bousset rejects every attempt at a symbolical explanation

but there

no other kind of explanation admissible, if we hold that xi. 1-13 is borrowed material, and that our author attached a certain meaning to it in its new context. On p. 330 Bousset gives the following attempt at an explana tion. He admits (because he rejects an allegorical interpretation) that the meaning attached to xi. 1-13 by "the Apocalyptist of the last hand "can He holds that, in case he reflected on its meaning, scarcely be made out. he would at all events have seen in xi. 1-2 a prophecy of the destruction of But the very phraseology is against this view the city is Jerusalem.
is
:
"

trodden

in xi.

From
in its

not destroyed. Moreover, Bousset recognizes that 3-13 the city is still presupposed to be standing (cf. xi. 13 specially). this attempt we may conclude that it is impossible to interpret xi. 12 Historical present context from the standpoint of the
it is

down

"

but

Contemporary

hypothesis.

2/6

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XI.

1.

4.

That they may stay themselves on the name of the Lord of Spirits for ever ... And those are the measures which shall be given to
. .

faith,

5.

And which And these

shall strengthen righteousness. measures shall reveal all the secrets of

the

depths of the earth, And those who have been destroyed by the desert, have been devoured by the And those who
. .

fish of

the sea,

That they may return and stay themselves

On

the day of the Elect One For none shall be destroyed before the Lord of And none can be destroyed."
;

Spirits,

exact meaning of measuring in this passage is difficult its general sense is clear. It does not signify preservation from physical destruction, but the spiritual preserva tion, Ixi. 3-4, or restoration of those who had been physically de stroyed, to the spiritual community of the Messianic Kingdom, The last words imply that all the faithful live unto God, Ixi. 5. whether quick or departed. Physical death in their case is a thing without meaning. This phrase here denoted originally the TOV VO.QV TOU 6eou. But our Seer would never have so actual Temple in Jerusalem. described it ; for in his own diction it means one of two things. 1. The spiritual temple, iii. 12, of which the faithful are pillars.
to determine, but

The

The temple in heaven, vii. 15, xi. 19 (bis\ xiv. 15, 17, xv. 5, 8 (bis\ xvi. i, 17. Next, it is noteworthy that at the close of Christ s ministry (Matt, xxiii. 38 = Luke xiii. 35) the actual Temple is called by Christ the Jew s house, no longer God s house, though at the beginning He had called it His Father s house (John ii. i6 = Mark xi. 17 = Matt. xxi. 13 = Luke xix. 46), and that there is no temple at all in the heavenly Jerusalem, To Our Seer the Jews are rj a-vvayuyr) TOV ZSarava, ii. 9, xxi. 22. iii. 9, and in John viii. 44 they are the children of the devil K rov Trar/oos TOV 8ia/2oXov ecrre). But since our Seer has (v/xets incorporated into his text xi. 1-13 with certain editorial changes, he must have attached some meaning to the above phrase and taken it symbolically. 1 To him, therefore, it meant the spiritual temple (iii. 12; Eph. ii. 19 sqq.) of which all the faithful are constituent parts, the Christian community of God generally, or rather he took the Temple, altar, and worshippers together as This idea was a very familiar one representing this community.
2.

6,

Our Seer

addition in

xi.

shows that he attaches a symbolical or rather

non-literal

meaning

to certain expressions.

XI. 1-2.]
in the N.T. yap vaos Ocov
:

FATE OF THE UNBELIEVERS

cf. i

277
vi. 16,

Cor.

iii.
:

16, vaos Oeov ea-re:

I

Cor.
a>s

ecr/xev

OJI/TO

Pet.

ii.

5, /cat

avrol

Ai$ot

oiKoSo/xera-^e OIKOS Trvev/xaTi/cos.

TO that TO

0u<na<rhipioi>.

6v<Tia.<TTr)piov

exception of this Some take regards the present passage expositors are divided. this altar to be the altar of incense within the vaos others, the In the case of the two altars in the earthly altar of burnt-offering. Temple, TO tfwiao-njpiov, when it is used without any additional defining phrase or attribute, means the altar of burnt-offering. But we have already found that our author has not, and indeed could not have, taken the words ^erprja-ov and TOV vaov TOV 6fov literally. If he attached any special meaning to He appears Ovariaa-T^piov here, it must also be a figurative one. to have taken it together with the vaos and ot 7rpoo-/cwowTs ev as forming one idea. But in the case of borrowed apoca lyptic material, it is not necessary to explain every detail of such material, and indeed it is frequently impossible; for the material is often borrowed on account of certain of its chief ideas which fit in with the borrower s own, or easily lend themselves to entire transformation in their new context. The very presence of such
:
avT<j>

In our note on viii. 3 we have shown in the Apocalypse refers always, with the As passage, to the one altar in heaven.

inexplicable details, moreover, in apocalyptic texts is prima facie evidence that the contexts in which they occur are not original and spontaneous creations of the Seer, but are derived from
traditional material.

For the meaning of measuring TOUS irpoffKuvourras & auTw. connection with this phrase see the quotation from i Enoch above. Since the Temple, the altar, and the worshippers are set over against the outer court, the worshippers must include those in the men s and women s courts, i.e. Jews in opposition to Gentiles, who were restricted to the outer court. But the writer did not mean that all Jews, as worshippers in the inner court, would be saved, but a certain definite body of
in

Jews worshipping at a certain definite time, i.e. when Jerusalem was trodden down by, and in the hands of, the Gentiles the Romans. At this period the inner courts were occupied by the Zealots. Safety was assured to them by one of their prophets in the above fragment, xi. 1-2. 2. While the community of God is to be preserved against
spiritual evils, i.e. against the assaults of its spiritual foes, the Antichrist and the demonic world about to be revealed, the unbelievers are left a prey to the Antichrist and his demonic followers for the forty and two months.
TTJK

auXt)i/

TT)V
its

inner court, with

^wOey Tou vaou. In Herod s Temple the various divisions accessible only to Jews, was

2/8

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XX

separated from the outer by a breastwork of stone (Joseph. B.J. V. 5- 2) or TO /Ltecrdrot^ov rov (pay/>iov, Eph. ii. 14. On this breastwork stood pillars at equal distances from one another with inscriptions, some in Greek and some in Latin, forbidding the Gentiles to pass this barrier on pain of death
1 (Ant. xv. ii. 5). This outer court was in later times called the Court of the Gentiles, but this designation is not found in the Mishna or This court was not regarded by the Jews as strictly Josephus. sacred (Jew. Encyc. xii. 88), but was recognized as such by our Lord, who (Mark xi. 17 = Matt. xxi. 13 = Luke xix. 46) quoted the words of Isa. Ivi. 7 (LXX), 6 yap OIKOS /xov ot/cos
irpo<rvx>}s

AcA/ty&ycrerai iracriv rots

e$ve<riv.

The

original reference in this verse

is

to the capture of the city

and the outer court of the Temple by the Romans, by whom, ac

cording to its writer, these were to be trodden down for 42 months. Thus the words were written while the Temple itself was still in the possession of the Zealots, and therefore before 70 A.D. The writer of xi. 1-2, who was a prophet of this fanatical party, assured his fellow Zealots that the Temple itself would not be But in its present context there is a transformation of destroyed. the original sense. Since the Temple, altar, and the worshippers in the Temple represent to our Seer the Christian community of the faithful (see note in loc.\ the outer court and the city symbolize those who are given over for 3^ years to the domina tion of the Antichrist, irrespective of their race, whether Jew or But probably only the former are here in the Gentile.
foreground. These words make it EKpaXc elwOei ical JAY) ^Tpr\(r^svery clear that /xerpetv here means to preserve, and that the nonmeasuring of the outer court is equivalent to its rejection. The Temple and the outer court are to experience exactly opposite
aurr]i>

fortunes.

This construction as that in 3. But the The latter forms one idea and constructions are quite dissimilar. the tenses are the same ; but in the former the e8o^ is to be taken The outer court and the city "have been given over literally.
&o0T)

TOIS

eQveviv

KCU,

TraTTjo-ouo-if.

is

regarded by

many

scholars as the

same

(in the counsels of

God)

to the Gentiles,
StSoVcu to

and they

shall,"

etc.

For the idiomatic uses of

which the present instance

It is not here implied that does not belong, see 3, note. Jerusalem will be destroyed. The following clause defines the degree of devastation and the duration of it.
1

One
xii.

Ganneau.
Encyc.

such inscription is See Encyc. Bib.

85.

still

extant,

discovered in

1871 by Clermontiv.

iv.

4945

Hastings

D.B.

713

Jeivish

XI.

2.]

FATE OF THE UNBELIEVERS

279

This .phrase could not be used of the T?JK ayiav. It stood in the oracle he Jerusalem by our Seer. borrowed, and he left it there unchanged, as we find it frequently the case in this and other apocalypses in the case of borrowed This phrase is only used by our Seer of the new material.
actual

Jerusalem and the heavenly Jerusalem, as in

xxii. 19.

xxi. 2

cf. xxi.

10,

His true attitude to the actual city, Jerusalem, is revealed in the clause he adds in xi. 8, ^rts /caAetrat -Tn/ev/xariKais 2oSo/x,a /cat The phrase itself is a familiar one in Jewish AtyvTTxos KT\. prophecy and Apocalyptic cf. Isa. xlviii. 2, Hi. i ; Dan. ix. 24, T V; the prayer of Azariah in Dan. (LXX and Theod.) 1?Hi?
:

28; Neh. xi. i, 18; Pss. Sol. viii. 4, TroAet dytaa/xaros. The heavenly Jerusalem, which was to be the abode of Christ and the martyrs for 1000 years, is called rrjv TroAtv ryv ^ya;rr//xeV^v in our text, xx. 9, in contrast to the earthly Jerusalem, which our author designates as 2o8o/xa /cat, AtyuTrros. . . (The future as contrasted with T?JK TCO\IV iraTYJo-ouo-u Cf. eS66r) here implies that this event is still in the future.) Luke xxi. 24, lepovcraA^//, carat Trarov^vr} vrro tOv&v. In the Pss. Sol. this verb or a compound of it is used in relation to the
iii.
.
.

Temple,
(rov,
ii.

vii. 2, fjurj Trarr^crdTO) 6 TTOVS avrtov K\rjpovo/jiLa,v dytacr^aros 2 (/careTTa-row), 20 : and in relation to Jerusalem in xvii. 25.

all these passages from the Pss. Sol. profanation but not destruction is implied as in our text. But the expression is not Cf. Zech. xii. 3, infrequent in the O.T. and Apocrypha. ^(TO/xat Tf)v lepovcraXy/Ji \iOov KaraTraTov/xevov Tracrtv TOLS Wvzcriv

In

13; Ps. Ixxix. i; i Mace. iii. 45, TO dyuur/w KaTaTrarov/xevov, 51, iv. 60 ; 2 Mace. viii. 2. ica! 8uo. This period is derived from jjifji/as Tco-aapdKovTa Dan. vii. 25, xii. 7, where, however, it is described as time and times and half a time," i.e. 3^ times or years, and defines the
Isa.
Ixiii.

18; Dan.

viii.

10,

"a

duration of the reign of the Antichrist. It is noteworthy that this idea appears under three forms in our text i. as here and in xiii. 5. 2. xi. 3, xii. 6, ^/xepa? ^lAt as SiaKoo-t as e^Kovra cf. Dan. xii. n, where, however, the number is 1290, owing to the insertion of an intercalary month. 3. xii. 14, Katpov /cat Kaipovs /cat This is a literal rendering of Dan. vii. 25, ^/ucrv Katpov.
:
:

xii.

7.

xi. 2,

when
x
j:

It is somewhat peculiar that two different forms occur in 3 to express the same idea, but this is no longer a difficulty we assume the different provenance of xi. 1-2 and

3- ! 3- Similarly on independent grounds we assume that 6 and xii. 14 are from different sources. This explains the double form of the phrase in these verses also. The origin of the 3^ years has never been satisfactorily ^ re I. Verst. d. NT. traces it to a
xii.

explained.

Gunkel, mythological source, and thinks that

79-82,

it

meant

originally the evil

280
time,
i.e.

THE REVELATION OF
the winter

ST.

JOHN

[XI.

-3,

months

(cf.

K.A.T.* 389);

but this

is

fanciful.

How strongly this period had impressed itself on the imagination of the early Christians may be inferred from the fact that the drought caused by Elijah in i Kings xviii. i sqq., which lasted 3 years, is said to have lasted 3^ in Luke iv. 25 ; Jas. v. 17. Thus it is transformed into a type of the great and final Woe that should befall the world. It is referred to as the Kuipoi tOv&v in Luke xxi. 24 (which belongs to the interpolated Jewish Christian
Apocalypse) and also in 4 Ezra v. 4. xi. 3-13. (See Introduction to chapter.) Concurrently with the advent of the Antichrist (in Rome?) the two Witnesses Moses and Elijah, our Lord s companions on the Mount of
Transfiguration to the Jews.

appear

in

Jerusalem as preachers of repentance

Towards the close of his reign the Antichrist suddenly comes to Jerusalem and slays the Witnesses, whereat
his followers rejoice. After three days the spirit of life enters into the two Witnesses and they ascend into heaven, while an

earthquake destroys part of Jerusalem. Under the influence of fear the Jews are converted to Christianity.
3.
icat
l

Swao)

TOIS

Sucrlv

^ as
.
.

jAapTuoii/

jiou,

KCU
7rpo<f>T)Tu<rou<ni

SiaKOcrias e|i]Korra TrepijSejSXrjjAei/ous CTCIKKOUS.

/cat Scoo-w
"

The

construction
1

INBpl

ffitf

KCU Trpo^reva-ovo-ti/

is

Hebraic.

I will

commission
.
.

(or give permission to)

my two witnesses to prophesy." Some scholars think that it /cat Trarryo-ovo-tv occurs also in xi. 2, *860r) but this seems /cat Trarrjwrong, for we should then require So^a-erai o-ova-iv. Besides &60rj is used in a literal sense in xi. 2, whereas Scocra) in xi. 3 is used in an idiomatic sense. Hence this is the only instance of this idiom in the Apocalypse which uses three i. StSeWt, c. different constructions of StSoi/at in this sense. inf. = "to permit": cf. ii. 7, iii. 21 (6 vt/cwv /caflto-at), This is the normal construction in vi. 4, vii. 2, xiii. 7, 15, xvi. 8. this sense in our book. It is noteworthy that in xiii. 15 we find this idiomatic sense and the literal close together, e866rj avry
.
:

<$a>cra>

avra>

This idiom
It is

is

Hebraic

cf.

Esth.
2.

ix.

13,

...
c. ti/a

fn-p

found once in John

v. 26.

StSoVai,

and

cf. ix. 5, xix. 8. 3. eSo &y avrw eou<rta Troojo-ai, This is found twice in John i. 12, v. 27. It is also a well-known Hebrew idiom, i.e. h JWi nb [narn. The speaker is

subjunctive

xiii. 5.

either

God

or Christ.

The presence of the article shows that fiap-ruo-iy. the writer is dealing with two well-known figures, or that the present section is fragmentary, and that the article refers to a portion of it now lost.
TOIS Suo-lp

XI.

3.

THE TWO WITNESSES

28 1

The origin and identification of the two Witnesses are prob lems of great difficulty. Here the apocalyptic tradition does not give us the help we should expect ; for the apparent mean variance. ing of xi. 5-6 and apocalyptic tradition are here at i. The latter, which Bousset holds is really the older, identifies The oldest Christian the two Witnesses with Enoch and Elijah. Cf. Tert. attestation of this view belongs to the 2nd cent. A.D. De Anima, 50, "Translatus est Henoch et Elias, nee mors eorum
reperta
est, dilata scilicet.

Ceterum morituri reservantur ut AntiPs.

for

christum sanguine suo exstinguant." Ps. Johannine Apoc. 8 ; Cyprian, De Montibus Sina et Sion, 5, and other authorities, which see Bousset, The Antichrist Legend, xiv. To these may add the remarkable fact that in i Enoch xc. 31, if
text

we

is correct, it is said that Enoch and before the judgment. 2. The text of xi. 5-6 apparently identifies the two Witnesses The Witnesses are empowered to turn with Moses and Elijah. the water into blood and to smite the earth with every plague, xi. 6. These words point to the first Egyptian plague, Ex. vii. 14 sqq., and the rest that were inflicted by Moses on the But the rest of the text points just as clearly to Egyptians. For the Witnesses have power to consume with fire (cf. Elijah. 2 Kings i. 10 sqq. ; Sir. xlviii. 3), and to close the heaven so that there should be no rain upon the earth, i Kings xvii. i sqq. ; Sir. xlviii. 1-3; Luke iv. 25; Jas. v. 17. are here undoubtedly reminded of Elijah. Moreover, their assumption into heaven is in harmony with 2 Kings ii. 1 1 and the tradition in regard to Moses embodied in the Assumption of Moses. In the next place their return before the end of the world was expected amongst the Christians and the return of Elijah among the Jews. The belief in the return of Moses would naturally arise from Deut. xviii. 18, cf. John vi. 14, vii. 40, and in that of cf. Elijah from Mai. iv. 5 Sir. xlviii. 10; Mark ix. Matt. xi. 14; Eduj. viii. 7 ; seey<?w.

the Elijah would return

We

Encyc.

John
i

Possibly both expectations may be combined in Again the account of the Transfiguration (Mark ix sqq. and parallels), in which Moses and Elias appear with
v.

126.

i.

21.

Christ, taken with the preceding evidence, may also point to the existence of an expectation of their return. And a reference to this expectation is actually found in Debar. R. x. i, where, according to Jochanan ben Zakkai (ist cent. A.D.), God said to
I send the prophet Elijah, ye must both come see Volz, 193. The duty assigned to Moses and Elijah here is to spread This idea is found in Pirke El. xliii., xlvii., in repentance. regard to Elijah, though generally in Judaism his duties are It is remarkable that in later Judaism it differently described.

Moses,

"If

together";

2$2
is

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XI. 3-4.

said in regard to Elijah that his Messianic activity would begin three days before the coming of the Messiah (Elijahu Rabba, 25 sqq.). The number three here is significant in regard to our
text.

We may, therefore, conclude with some confidence that the author of the Jewish fragment, xi. 3-13, meant Moses and Elijah 1 by the two Witnesses. Moses and Elijah were designed by the phrase But, though
"the two witnesses" in the original document, there is much doubt as to the denotation of this phrase in its present context. Many allegorical interpretations have been given of it, but not one of them is satisfactory when taken in connection with the work of the witness in xi. 5-6. Apparently, therefore, we are to conclude that the phrase retains its original significance, as we shall see more clearly presently. In any case the question is of

very small moment ; for throughout the rest of the Apocalypse our Seer s thoughts and visions are concerned with Rome and not with Jerusalem, as they are in this fragmentary section, xi. 1-13. For the moment the steady progressive current of our author s thought has been checked, and he has here turned aside into a backwater, but with xi. 14 we return again into the main
current.
XiXi as SiaKocrias If^Koi/Ta.
TrpiJ3ef3\T]|jieVous

The raiment
4. OUTOI

slip of our author. typifies the sombre nature of their message. tier iv at Suo eXaiat KCU at 8uo Xuxiaat at efumoy

aaKKous.

An

See note on 2. uncorrected

This verse is based on Zech. iv. TTJS Y^S eoTwTes. but the writer departs widely from both the text and the Thus in Zechariah there is one candlestick with its seven ideas. lamps which are the eyes of the Lord running to and fro through the whole earth, iv. 2, 10, and on either side of this candlestick are the two olive trees, which are Joshua and Zerubbabel, iv. But the one candlestick is changed into two in 3, 12, 14. our text, and the two candlesticks and the two olive trees are treated as synonymous ; for the two Witnesses are said to be the two candlesticks, and the two olive trees which stand before the Several links in the develop Lord, i.e. in Zechariah s prophecy. ment of thought between our text and Zechariah may be lost, which might have served to explain the wide divergence between
TOU Kupiou
2, 3,

14,

Moffatt suggests that the Zoroastrian expectation of the two apostles, after the temporary triumph of the evil spirit, may have been fused into the Jewish expectation of Enoch and Elijah. But Not two but three reformers were expected the beliefs are not analogous. and these are not contemporary, but appear the above two and Saoshyant None of them is slain by the power of evil, but the in successive millenniums. second slays the serpent, and the third slays Ahriman himself. See S.B.E.
1

Hushedar and Hushedarmah,

xxiii.

195; V.

Hi.

233-235, xxiv. 15, 99.

XI.

4.]

THE TWO WITNESSES

283

them.

But more probably we have here a bold and independent The two olive trees are not, as Zechariah thought, Joshua and Zerubbabel, but really the two Witnesses, Moses and Elijah, who are also candlesticks, in so far as they are bearers of the divine light of God in the Law and in Prophecy. The idea that the Law is a divine light was familiar
interpretation of these symbols.
to pre-Christian Judaism, Test. Lev. XIV. 4, TO
:

cf.

Prov.
VOJJLOV

"

vi.

23

The law
ets
<a>s.

"

is

<a>s

Moreover, vojjiov avOpuirov Wisd. xviii. that an apocalyptic writer should assign a like value to prophecy The O.T. was commonly described as is only to be expected. Law and the Prophets" (Luke xvi. 16; Matt. vii. 12), "the "Moses and the Prophets (Luke xvi. 29, 31, xxiv. 27), "the Law of Moses and the Prophets (Acts xxviii. 23). As Moses
a<j>6apTov
" "

TOV 4, TO

TO 8o$ev

<amo7/.oi

light ; TravTOs

could represent the Law, so Elijah could represent the Prophets. Thus we have not one candlestick but two, not one witness to God but two. Hence, if xi. 4 belongs to the original document, the doubling of the Witnesses may be due to the reinterpretation of Zech. iv. 14 ;
for in Judaism alike before and immediately after the Christian era only one forerunner appears to have been expected, whether Elijah or Moses (see note on 2) or Jeremiah (Matt. xvi. 14). This reinterpretation of the olive trees might have led to a rein terpretation of the candlestick and the transformation of the one candlestick into two and also of the ideas underlying the candle There is no reason to suppose that the writer of xi. 4 stick. drew on any tradition independent of Zech. He borrows the technical terms directly from the Hebrew text of Zech. (see next His interpretation of the olive trees is natural, and that note). of the candlesticks intelligible when taken in connection with the If the interpretation of the former and their new context. origins of the two witnesses are to be sought ultimately in nonSemitic religions, no such origins have yet been discovered, and, even if such non-Semitic originals ever existed, the writer of xi. 4

was unacquainted with them. 1

The
first
1

return of Moses and Elijah is to be interpreted in the instance literally and in the next symbolically, as represent-

Gunkel ( Verstdndnis, 60) thinks that an older tradition lies behind 3-13, and that, since the Beast is said to wage war with the two Witnesses, the latter were originally heavenly warriors. So also Bousset, 321. But the same reasoning would prove that every member of the Church was a heavenly warrior in xii. 17. These anthropological features recall, he holds, the hope less struggle of the Babylonian Anu and Nudimmut against Tiamat till Marduk intervened and overcame Tiamat. But this suggestion is purely hypothetical. The attempt to establish a connection between Parsism and our text is far fetched and nugatory. Boklen, Verwandschaft, 100 sqq. ; Clemen,
xi.
S"

Erkldrungdes N.

T. 109.

284
ing

THE REVELATION OF
Law and Prophecy.
xi.

ST.

JOHN

[XL

4-6.

While xi. 5-6 point to their literal 4 attaches a new symbolical meaning to these two great figures in giving a new interpretation to O.T. symbols.
return,
at evtimov TOU icupiou rfjs ytjs lorwres.
iv.

Here the
.

LXX

of Zech.

14 has Trapto-TyKavLv

KvpL<a

Tracr^s rrjs 7^5.

.
.

independent of the

LXX,

at ivuhriov

Hence our text is The inser eo-rwres.

tion of a preposition with its case between the art. and participle is found occasionally in the Apocalypse, as in xi. 16, xii. 12,
xiii.

6, 12, xiv. 13, xviii.

17, xix.

i.

Kvpuov

rrj<s

yfjs is

found only

here in the Apocalypse. There is the possibility that

xi.

is

due

to our author.

Three

things point in this direction. First, there is the free reinterpretation of Scripture, which is characteristic of him ; secondly, the abnormal construction at ...
ecTTorres,

which
i

is

likewise characteristic

and
6.

thirdly, his direct

translation from the

5.

Hebrew.

Contrast

xi.

OeXet aBiiajarai, irup eKiropeuerai CK TOU TOUS )(0pous aurwK [ica! ci TIS OeX-iqcrr] auTous dSiKrjaai, OUTWS Set auToy diroKTaj 6 fji ai].
TIS aurous
or<5u.aTos

Kal

auTwy

ica! Kareo-Oiei

The
"

use of Ot\w here

is

peculiar.

It is

generally rendered

rendering gives an unsatisfactory meaning. Are we to suppose that whoever cherished even a wish to injure the witnesses was to be destroyed by fire ? This difficulty could be escaped by taking dcA. as a mere auxiliary. Thus we should If any man will hurt them." The fact that 0e means have, to desire in 6 does not make this impossible. The verse is based on 2 Kings i. 10, 12, but with a modifica tion of the details, and probably on Jer. v. 14, Sc SwKa Xoyovs inov ets TO oro/xa crov irvp /cat TOV \aov TOVTOV vAa, /cat /cara<ayTai In this passage the language is figurative, but not so in avTovs. our text. In Sir. xlviii. 3 we have a combination of Elijah s a/ twofold powers of destruction Kvpiov dve<r;(ev ovpavov, a Karrfyayw ourws rpls irvp which appear in xi. 5 and xi. 6 of our In Sir. xlviii. i the meaning is mainly figurative, dve cm? text. HXtas cos Trvp, /cat 6 Xoyos avrov Xa//,7ra5 e/cateTO. el OcXtjo-T]. On the use of d with the subj. see Blass, Gram.
to
desire."

But

this

o>

"

Xo>

"

"

TOV<S

Aoya>

a>s

Trpo(f> ^Trj<s

216.
Kal et TIS 0eX^(n] . . . &iroKTa.vQf\vai, seems to be the weak gloss of a scribe based on the preceding clause and on xiii. 10. It adds nothing to the sense.
Set auToy
. .
.

&TTOKTa,vQr\va,i.

Cf.

xiii.

IO.

exouaiy TJ]V eoucrtaf KXeicrat rbv oupav6v, Iva, JJIT) ouaiai> ueT09 j3pexTl T ^S ^fJ^pas TTJS irpo<f>T)Ttas auTWJ , Kal IXOUOTIJ auTa eis atfxa Kal iraTa^ai TTJ^ yf\v Iv em TWK uSdTWK
6.

ouTOt

oTpe*<|>ei,i>

The

first

clause refers to Elijah,

Kings

xvii.

i.

Cf. Sir.

XI. 6-7.]
xlviii.

THE ANTICHRIST

IN

JERUSALEM

285

The phrase veros ftpe^g is not 3 ; Luke iv. 25 ; Jas. v. 17. only unusual, as Swete observes, but extraordinary. For /cAeio-at r. ovp., cf. Luke iv. 25 (ejcAa crdi? 6 ovpai/os), where alone the phrase For o-rpe^etv is found in this connection. ecs at/xa in this gives /x,era/?aAXetv, Ex. vii. 17. phrase the As regards the first clause it is noteworthy that according to Josephus (B.J. v. 9. 4) the fountain of Siloam and other springs outside the city almost wholly dried up so as to create a famine of water before the coming of Titus against Jerusalem, but that after Titus coming these began to flow in such abundance that they sufficed not only for the Romans and their cattle, but also
. .

LXX

for watering their gardens. Josephus adds that this same sign occurred in the days of Zedekiah, when the King of Babylon warred against the Jews, and took the city and burnt the Temple. This fact may have suggested the above reference. Here only in this order in the Apocalypse. eoucriai> exouo-iy. This phrase primarily refers TraTa^ai -n]v yT\v iv irdar] Tr\Tryfj. to the Egyptian plagues, Ex. vii. 17, xi. 10, but it recalls directly

the

LXX
7.

of

Sam.

iv. 8,

OVTOL ol

6c.oi ol

Trara^ai/res rrjv Atyvrrrov

KCU

orav TeXeaoxru

TT]V

jj,apTuptai>

auTwy,

TO

Srjptoj

TO

avafialvov CK rfjs d^ucrcrou irotVjorci JACT auToug Kal duoKTeKei auTOUs.

auTwi

Tro\ejioi>

ical yiKiqo-ei

In this section, xi. 1-13, where the diction and the meanings attached to so many of the phrases brand it as derived for the most part from independent sources (see Introd. p. 270 sq.), this verse stands out in strong relief as exhibiting the diction and thought Thus rcXeiv (x. 7, xv. i, 8, xvii. 17, xx. 3, 5, 7), of our Seer.
fj,aprvpLa
(i.

aftvo-a-ov (xiii. I,

2, 9, VI. 9, xii. II, etc.), TO xvii. 8), Trot^o-et /ACT

Brjpiov TO avafialvov IK

T^S

avrwv

TroXe/xov /cat VLKYJO-^L

avTovs (almost verbally in

xiii. 7), airoKTeivew What (12 times). ever, therefore, stood in its place in the original document, the verse in its present form is the work of our author.

yet in the original form of this verse there must have been reference to the Antichrist ; for to him is due the death of the Witnesses referred to in what follows. If, as we infer on other grounds, the scene of the Antichrist s appearance here is Jerusalem and the time of the composition of this fragment is anterior to 66 A.D., then the Antichrist was in all probability originally thefavtsb Antichrist described somewhat as in 2 Thess. ii., and had therefore mainly a religious significance ; but if this section was written during the siege, 67-69, the Antichrist may already have been identified with the Roman Empire, though not, of course, with Nero. In this latter case the conception would Tiave had a political reference. So much for the conception of the Antichrist in the original document. As to its in

And

some

meaning

286
its

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XI. 7-8.

xiii.

present context, it cannot, of course, be other than that in it a definite i, xvii. 8, in so far as our author assigned meaning at all. The Beast from the abyss, therefore, i.e. Nero redivivus or the demonic Antichrist, appears here proleptically.
xvii., vol.
is
ii.,

See App. to

p. 76.

another feature which should be observed in this Here for the first and last time in our author is conception. the traditional connection of the Antichrist with Jerusalem set In the rest of the Apocalypse this traditional connection forth. is broken, and Rome takes the place of Jerusalem either as the seat of the Antichrist s empire or the object of his attack. This marks a revolution in the expectation of the Antichrist, but one
which, independently of the immediate historical situation of A.D., had already in part taken place and left its mark in the reinterpretation of the Fourth Kingdom in Dan. vii. as that of Rome and no longer as that of the Greek Empire. If TO 6-rjpiov e/c -nys apvo-frov stood in the original document, representing a pseudo-Messiah and non-political Antichrist, as in 2 Thess. ii., or else the Roman Empire, in its present context it

But there

95

can only represent Nero redivivus as in chaps, xiii. and xvii. Since the Antichrist is first introduced as 6-qpLov (without the art.) in xiii. i, he appears here proleptically. But, as we have shown
(see p. 269), the
proleptic.
Troiiiio-ci
jjier

whole section
irdkejjioy

xi.

1-13

is

in its present context

aurwi

ical

fiK^aet aurousvii.

These clauses
DV
3"jp

represent an independent rendering of Dan.

l

21,

N"Oy

np

i"PD

v
l

pt^p.
TT/OOS

Here Theod. has

avrovs.

eTrotci

/cat

ur^uo-a/
vii.

The
irpos

LXX
TOV<S

is

TroXepov /xera TWJ/ dytcov very divergent in vii. 21,

but in
xiii.

its

rendering of the last clause (lost in Mass, and

dytovs.

Theod.)
7*

= TTonycrai (
b
is

is liroUi Tro Ae/xoi/

Hence, since Apoc.

is,

TroAe/xov /xera

TWV

dyttov KCU viKrjcrcu avrovs)

and
21,

xi. 7
xiii.

a y

an exact equivalent of the Aramaic of Dan. vii. b cannot be derived from xi. 7 but the converse is
not,
,

not only possible but highly probable, since VLKO.V, which does not occur in the LXX or Theod. as a rendering of is a favourite word with our author.
possible.
i>3%

And

We
is

conclude, therefore, that

his hand.

TrotT/o-ei

/cat

vi/ojo-ei

avrov s

from
8.

Kal

jj,eyaXT)S,

TO TrrwjJia ^TIS KaXeirai

auTwi>

eirl TTJS TrXareias TTJS iroXews TTJS nreujAaTucws loSojxa Kal AiyuTrros, oirou Kal

6 Kupios

auTwi>

oraupw0T).

use of TO -m-ayta here and in 9* as a collective is b In xi. 5 we have difficult, especially as in 9 the plural is used. used collectively, and the collective use of TrpdorwTroi/, is well known in the N.T. See Blass, Gram. 83. i}, KapSta

The

XI. 8.]

THE ANTICHRIST

IN

JERUSALEM
"

287

Possibly the writer may have been influenced by the Hebrew or Aramaic usage by which n^aa is used collectively = corpses." This phrase is used of Rome rtjs iroXews TT)S fj.eyciX nsthe rest of the book: cf. xvi. 19, xvii. 18, xviii. 10, throughout 1 6, 1 8, 19, 21, and under the figure of BaySvXobv rj //.eyaA.??, xiv. 8, The latter use is decidedly that of our xvi. 19, xvii. 5, xviii. 2. author the former belongs to the original document, and is left That Jerusalem, however, could be so there by our author. designated we see from Or. Sib. v. 154, 226, 413; Joseph, c. Apion. i. 197, 209, louScuot 7roA.u/ OIKOWTCS o^fpcoTarryv iracr^v Pliny, Hist. Nat. Appian, Syr. 50, /Aeyom? TroAts Iepoen>A.v/x,a
;
:

v.

14. 70.

Spitta

and Wellhausen take the

"
"

city to

be

Rome

but what

ever evidence
text stands,

there is is against this identification. can only be Jerusalem. the great city

As
Also

the
in

the original document it designated Jerusalem and not Rome. i. For there is every connection between Moses and Elijah and
2. According to Jerusalem, but none between them and Rome. apocalyptic tradition the Witnesses appear always in Jerusalem. numbers there given suit 3. xi. 13 refers to Jerusalem; for the Jerusalem but not Rome (see note in loc.). 4. The phrase ot KarotKowres CTTI rfjs yrjs (xi. 10) appears to denote the inhabitants of a single country, i.e. the Palestinians, not the inhabitants of the whole world. 5. The original document, xi. 3-13, which I take to be of Jewish origin, naturally dealt tenderly with the Jews , whereas the inhabitants for these are represented as repenting
:

of

Rome

From
ment

are represented as refusing to repent, ix. 21, xvi. 9. the repentance of Jerusalem it follows that the final judg is directed not against the Jews, but against the heathen

world.
original

In

this respect this

fragment

suits
is

document, xi. 1-2, the temple bulk of the Jews are converted.
. .

our author. In the spared; in xi. 3-13 the

I take these two . e(TTaup(o0T). TJTIS Ka\iT<xi TTCU|xaTtKws OTTOV /ecu clauses to be an addition of our author. . eo-rav. It pwOrj is generally admitted by critics to be a later addition. is quite in the style of our author: cf. xx. 10, OTTOU and ii. 13, OTTOV 6 ^aravas /caroi/cei (observe the order in contrast with
.
K<H,

xii. 6, 14). ^ns KaA.emu . . . AiyvTrros is also in the First of all rjris, which is properly the style of our author. relative of indefinite reference, seems here the relative of rj, a usage definite reference, as in i. 12, xii. 13, xvii. 12, xix. 2

that in

which is rather frequent in the Lucan writings of the N.T. but which is not (?) found in Matthew, Mark, the Johannine Next, TJTIS KaJVetrat in the form writings, or the Pauline Epistles. q found in i. 9, xii. 9, xvi. 16. 17 (6) KaA.ov/xeV/7 (-os) Kal Aiyuirros. Cf. Isa. i. 9, 10, where Judah is, comi
I<J8ojjLa

THE REVELATION OF
iii.

ST.

JOHN

[XI. 8-9.

pared to Sodom, ws ^oSo/xa av eyevrj^/xei/ (quoted in Rom. ix. 29), Ezek. xvi. 46, 48, 49. 9 Sodom and Egypt are alluded to in Wisd. xix. 14, 15, as types of wickedness. Jerusalem was, therefore, the city meant both by the original writer and also by our author. And yet the latter cannot have taken the entire section literally, for Jerusalem no longer It is impossible to reinterpret from the existed in his time. standpoint of the author the various details of this section, which
;

originally set forth the expectations of IK. r&v Xawy Kal 9. Kal
j3Xeirou<ni>

an

earlier time.

<|>uXa>i

TO

TTTwjJia auToiiy -qjjiepas

>

rpeis Kal

TJfuoru,

taken by flewpeiV, where the sense But Oewpelv does not occur elsewhere in the is exactly the same. Again, the use of IK T&V Xao>v="some of the Apocalypse. is a familiar idiom in our text, but it occurs elsewhere peoples," in the N.T. and is not therefore distinctive: see note on ii. 10. KT\. is characteristic of Next, the enumeration Xawv Kal our author, yet it may have been a current phrase cf. 4 Ezra See note on v. 9. iii. 7, where it occurs. Finally, the position of the verb (/SA.eVovo-iv) at the beginning of the sentence is suggestive of the style of our author. The evidence of the diction, therefore, though not decisive in favour of regarding ^XeVovcrtv Trrw/Aa avr&v as an addition of our author, supports the idea that the verse is his addition, or has undergone revision at his hands. If it is an addition, then the original was written before 66 (cf. xi. 13), and xi. 8-9 ran as
is
<j>v\uv

TeOfpai ets jA^/ia. our author: cf. especially i. In xi. ir, 12 its place etc.
ii
d<f>iouo

/SAeVeiv

Kal yXwao-wj Kal IQv&v Kal rd irrcojAaTa OUK belongs to the diction of
auTaii>

n,

12,

iii.

18, v. 3, xvi. 15, xvii. 8,

follows
r//xpas

/cal

TO

7rT(3/u,a

avriov

CTTI
rrf<s

TrAaTetas rfjs TroAews TT/S /AeyaXrys

KTX, and d^ioixriv TTTco/xaTa would be the plural of indefinite statement (cf. x. u) or an Aramaism. The object of the addition would be to bring out the contrast of the Jews (cf. xi. 13) and the hostile Gentiles, and to declare that for the former an opportunity of repentance was
Tpel?

Kal

vjj/AKru,

Kal

TO.

reserved (as in the Pauline Epp.), but not for the latter (xvi. 9). KT/L On the other hand, if the enumeration Aawv Kal stood in the original document, two interpretations of it in that document are possible, i. It could refer to members of different observe the partitive use of CK, nations present in Jerusalem would be the plural of In this case "some indefinite statement (cf. x. 11) or an Aramaism, and xi. 3-13 was written before 70 A.D. ; for the city is still standing (xi. 13), 2. It could refer but there is no terminus a quo discoverable. the subject of d^tovo-iv. to the beleaguering hosts of Rome When we turn from the meaning of this clause in its original
</>vA.wi/

of."

d<jf>tovcrtv

XI. 9-10.]

THE ANTlCHRISt

IN

JERUSALEM

2^9

context to its present, I can offer in the preceding paragraph.

K<X!

none

better than that suggested

These three and a half days rpets Yjjuau. Tjjie pas correspond to the three and a half years of their prophetical
1

activity.

This verb c. inf. (cf. John xi. 44, xviii. 8) is not found elsewhere in the Apocalypse. It occurs with different meanings in ii. 4, 20. Burial was refused to the Witnesses in order to put them to
&$iouaiK.

greater

shame cf. Ps. Ixxix. 3 i Kings xiii. 22 ; and Joseph. BJ. iv. 5. 2, in reference to the high and Jesus.
:

Pss. Sol.
priests

ii.

31

Ananus

10. Kal

ot

KaTOiicoGrres

eirl

TTJS ytjs

x"P

eu^paiyorrai, Kal 8<opa jrepj/oucru dX\Y]Xois, em TTJS Y^jS. e|3acrdVi(7Cu> TOUS KaroiKourras

on

ucriv ^ auTots *a! OUTOI ot 8uo

7r>

Trpo<f>f]Tai

-nj<>

or (ot KaroiKOiWes tin rqs Ka^/xeVovs CTTL the equivalent of the Hebrew See xiii. In the O.T. this phrase can denote either (i) "the Introd. 4. inhabitants of the land," i.e. Palestine, Hos. iv. i ; Joel i. 2, 14, ii. i the inhabitants of the earth," Jer. vi. 12, x. 18, etc. ; or (2)
rov<s
yy<s

The phrase
yfjs)
is

pn W\

"

Isa. xxiv. 6, xxvi. 21, etc.

etc.

Enoch

xxxvii. 2, 5, xl. 6, 7, xlviii. 5,

Both these O.T. meanings appear in our text. The latter is found in iii. 10, vi. 10, viii. 13, xiii. 8, 14, xvii. 8, and the former
at all events originally in the verse we are now dealing with. For, as Bousset in loc. has rightly urged, it is hard to see what the inhabitants of the earth would have to do with the two

prophets who appear in Jerusalem in the struggle against the Beast from the abyss. And besides, when the Witnesses fell, the inhabitants could within three and a half days hear of their death, rejoice and send presents to each other ; but this could not be possible if the phrase were taken to mean the inhabitants of the
earth.

In the next place, the phrase can either have a good ethical meaning, as in i Enoch xxxvii. 2, 5, xl. 6, 7, xlviii. 5, or a neutral meaning as in our text in xiv. 6 ; where, however, in most MSS, though not in A, it has the form TOVS Ka077/xeVovs CTTI rrjs yr?s; or it can have a bad ethical meaning, as in i Enoch liv. 9, Iv. i, Ix. 12, Ixvi. i, Ixvii. 8, and in our 5, Ixv. 6, text in iii. 10, vi. 10, viii. 13, xi. 10 (bis), xiii. 8, 14, xvii. 8.

Thus

in the original document habitants of Palestine, and there

the
is

phrase meant the no convincing ground

in for

1 Gunkel thinks (Zum Verstiindnis, 80) that the three days go back to the three winter months during which the sun-god is hidden or dies. But it is three and a half days that ve have to explain, and apart from this difficulty the speculation is wholly wanting in probability.

VOL.

I.

19

290

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XI. 10-12.

The city assigning a different meaning to it in its new context. which is mentioned in xi. 8, 13 is clearly Jerusalem, and, lest there should be any mistake on this head our author adds The KoroiKoiWes CTTI rfjs yfjs are the damning clause in xi. 8. likewise Jews ; and though they rejoice over the Palestinians martyrdom of the Witnesses, they are not painted in such dark bc colours as the inhabitants of Jerusalem, xi. 8
.

Swpa
viii.

ire

pj/ouo-u

KT\.
.

These words
. .

recall
/cat

Esth.

ix.

19,
:

22,

e^aTTOOTcAAovTas
10, 12. 11. Kttl

/xepi Sa

rots

<i

A.ois

rots TTTW^OIS

Neh.
K TOU
<f>6|3os

Oeou
jxeyas

iaf]X0ei>

TOLS TpeiS T^JJiepaS KCU TJJJLKTU ITfCUJXa iv auTols, Kal eanrjcray eirl TOUS ir(58as auroij eireireaek eirl TOUS Oewpourras auTous.
JULCTOL

<OT]S

Kal

The
Gen.

ras refers back to

15, 22,

xi.

9.

-mtv^a

^corjs

is

the D ss n

nn^

though the phrase lower animal creation and not of man. But writer the same as the phrase in Gen. ii. 7,
vi. 17, vii.

is
it

there used of the has become for the

D"n

HOBO.

eun)X6e>

and see These words and the following look like an 130. rvnn Dra tonni . independent translation of Ezek. xxxvii. 10
ey auTOts-

Cf.

Luke

ix.

46, fla-fjXOev ScaAoyioyx-os ev avrots,

.
.

Blass,

Gram.
j

^ ?]?5-

Here tne
. .
.

LXX

nas

to-^X^ev
CTTC

ets

airovs TO

TWV TroSwv avToiv. (A, 7n/ev/x,a 0)^9) Since in xxxvii. 5 the LXX has ^w^9, which is accepted by Cornill and others as representing the original over against the Mass. DJV^rn nn, the writer may have had this reading
KCU ecrT^crav
7rve9/>ta

before him.
TrdSa? auTov.
.
<j>6pos

Cf. also 2

Kings

xiii.

21, c^o-ev

>cat

avean;

CTTI

TOVS
cf.

cir^ireorck eiri, c.

ace.
it is

This
also

is

Lucan phrase
:

Luke

i.

12

Acts

xix.

17

but

an O.T. one

cf.

Ex. xv.

16; Ps.

liv. (Iv.) 5.

This verb occurs twice in this verse and not It is a Johannine word (over 20 times). elsewhere in the Apoc. The words which our author uses in this sense are opav (2),
TOUS Oewpourras.
o\j/tor6ai (3),

t3ov (56),
TJKOuo-ay

and j8A.rv
$wr]v

12.

Kal

^ya.\t]v

(12). IK

TOU

oupacou

Xeyouaai
fe<j>eXT],

auTois AydjScrre wSe* Kal ave^f]<Tav eis Kal eOewpTjaav aurous ot e^Opol auTwi>.

TOK oupai/OK If

TTJ

In defence of ^/couo-a, xii. 10 might be adduced, but the textual evidence is overwhelming in favour of rJKovo-av. On the other hand, since the Seer constantly says yKovaa throughout
it is more likely that fjKova-av would be than vice versa. The words of invitation are addressed not to the Seer but to the resuscitated Witnesses, and they are heard by their enemies, who also see their ascension into heaven.

the

Book (24

times),

changed into

rj*ovo-a

XI. 12-13.]
iv
rfj

ASCENSION OF THE WITNESSES

As
Elijah
(2

2pt
as

i/6({><&T).

Kings

ii.

n) and

Moses

(according to a lost portion of the Ass. of Moses, referred to by Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. 15, and Origen, In Josnam horn. ii. i, i. 115-129, vi. 71-78) the Witnesses Jellinek, Beth Ha-Midrash^ went up to heaven. But the tradition that Moses was removed from the sight of his followers by a cloud, while he was still talking with them, is given in Joseph. Ant. iv. 8. 48, 7rpooro/x,tXowro? en, venous avrov <TTavro9, d(avieTai Kara rtvos See ai<f)vi8iov iiTrep
</>apayyos.

Apocrypha anecdota, ii. 3. 170-171. Our text pre supposes the combination of both these traditions the dis appearance of Moses in a cloud and his ascension into heaven. Hence we explain the use of the art. before ve^eA.^ from the In the passages above referred to in Clement current tradition. Alex, and Origen and in the Apocalypse of Elias (ed. SteindorrT, p. 164), a peculiar but quite intelligible account of the resuscita There it is said that tion of the two Witnesses will be found. Moses was carried to heaven in the spirit, but that his body was We see here the influence of the Alexandrian left on the earth.
also James,

doctrine of the resurrection.

13.
K<H
ei>

iceu>T]

TTJ

rfjg

iroXews

eireaei/,
eirr<,

eye^eTO KCU dire KT<xy0T] act v iv

<3po,

<rei<rju,6s

fAe yas,
aeicrjj.u>

KCU

TO

TU>

KCU oi Xoiirol ep^ofJot eyeVorro KCU id8es So^ay Tw 0ew TOU oupa^ou. With the earthquake here mentioned we might compare
vi.

12 and Ezek. xxxviii. 19, 20, where there is the prediction of a great earthquake that is to precede the end. While this expression was used literally in the TTJS TroXews. original document it could not be so understood by our author ; for only the ruins of the city remained in his time (see note on 8). If he attached a new and definite meaning to it, this

meaning would be symbolical.

Jewish people.
oyojiara
<xi>0pariran

The

city

would represent the

iii.

"persons."

See note on

4.

suits the population of Jeru XiXid&es salem, which according to the statement of the Ps.-Hecataeus
lin-d.

This number

Josephus (c. Apion. i. 22), was about 120,000; but in no case could it suit Rome. e&wKay TW 9ew. This phrase is here used of Jews, and means to glorify God by turning from their apostasy and re penting. They had become servants of the Antichrist. In xiv. 7, xvi. 9, it is used of the Gentiles, who are exhorted to repent, or who refuse to repent and turn from idols to God. Repentance appears also to be the meaning of the phrase in In iv. 9, xix. 7 of our text it means Josh. vii. 19 ; Jer. xiii. 16.
in
ooai>

to

glorify

or

praise

God, and so perhaps

in

Luke

xvii.

18;

THE REVELATION OF
John
;

ST.

JOHN

[XL

13-14.

ix. 24 Acts xii. 23 ; Rom. iv. 20. In the O.T. it is of Ezra x. n. frequent occurrence cf. i Sam. vi. 5 ; Isa. xlii. 12 In the original document, xi. 3-13, which was Jewish (for the preservation of the city is presupposed in opposition to Christ s prophecy, Mark xiii. = Matt. xxiv. = Luke xxi.), this verse simply meant the repentance of the Jews and their return to the worship of God. But in its present context it could only mean, if it had a definite meaning for our author, the conversion of Israel to Christianity in the last days an expectation that agrees with Rom. xi. 25, 26, according to which this conversion is to follow when the full number of the Gentiles has entered into Christ s Kingdom. TW flew TOU oupayou. This phrase recurs in xvi. n, where it is used in reference to the heathen. Wellhausen (p. 16) thinks that it would be sheer nonsense to speak of converting Jews to the God of heaven. But, if the Jewish elders in Ezra v. 1 2 can speak of their fathers as having provoked the God of heaven, it is
:

fitting that Jews should be said to repent, i.e. to be converted to the God of heaven. Neh. i. 4, 5 prays and fasts before the God of heaven. This expression, as Bousset (Rel d. Judenthums, 306) points out, was probably derived in the first instance from foreign It and kindred phrases are of very frequent occurrence sources. in the later canonical and apocryphal books: cf. Ezra i. 2, v. n,

12,

vi.

9,

10,

vii.

12,

21,

23; Dan.

ii.

18,

19,

37, 44.

See

Bousset,

op. dt.

XI. 14b -XIII.

THE SEVENTH TRUMPET, i.e. THE THIRD TRUMPET AND THE THIRD WOE.

x. is

to

XI. 14b-19. The proleptic digression in xi. 1-13, to which an introduction, has come to a close, and our author returns the steady and progressive development of the divine drama

casting down of Satan to the earth, xii. ; the manifestation of the Kingdom of the Antichrist in imperial Rome and the imperial cultus, xiii. ; the judgments On Rome, xiv.-xix. and on Satan, xx. 1-3 ; the 1000 years reign of the martyrs, xxi. 9-xxii. 2, 14-15, 17, xx. 4-6; the overthrow of the unbelieving hosts of Gog and Magog, xx. 7-10; the final judg ment, xx. 11-15 ; the blessed consummation of the Kingdom of a abc a d xxii. 3-5. To these great themes ; God, xxi. 5 4 5^ 6 i-4 in xi. 15-18 are an introduction. The divine the heavenly songs decree for all these happenings of the coming days has gone forth, and the heavenly hosts burst into song, as though they were already fulfilled in actuality as they are in essence.
in the third

Woe, 1 the

Spitta (p. 124) identifies the seventh

Trumpet with

xii. -xiii.

XI. 14-15.]

THE THIRD WOE

293

Thus the heavenly voices declare that God has become King of the world, xi. 17 hence no longer Satan (xii.) or Antichrist that the time has come to destroy those that destroy the (xiii.) ; 18, i.e. Rome, xiv. 6-xix., Satan, Antichrist, and the earth," xi. False Prophet, xx. 10; to judge the dead, xi. 18, i.e. xx. 11-15; to recompense the saints, xi. 18, i.e. xiv. 1-5, xx. 4-6, xxi. 9xxii. 2, xxii. 14, 15, 17; and to bring to its blessed consumma tion the everlasting Kingdom of God, xi. 15, i.e. xxi. 1-4, xxii. 3-5. xi. 14-19 is undoubtedly from the hand of our author. and epxerai raxu are our Thus in 14 cnnjX0ei> ( = past") author s see note in loc. XeyoyTes a characteristic abnormality. 15. (Jxoya! cf. xix. 6 and of the saints, Xeuaet (and in xi. 17) used of God TOU Xpiorou CIUTOU With TOU icupiou irjjjiwy v. 10, xx. 4, 6, xxii. 5. cf. i. 6, 18, iv. 9, 10, etc. cf. xii. 10. els TOUS alwi/as r&v aluvw
"

"is

j3a<n-

K<H

1 6.

eirecrcu

ica! nrpoaeKuVirjo-aj

cf. iv.

10, v. 14, xix.

:

4 (also
:

of the Elders), eireo-ai/ em rcl TrpoVuira auTWk cf. Vli. 1 1. 17. Kupie see note in loc. cf. 6 Gees 6 TrarroKpdTwp 6 &v ical 6 TJK eiXtj^as 18. v. 7, viii. 5. TY^ SuVau.^ cf. iv. u, v. 12. T) vi. 17 for the same phrase, and xiv. 10, xvi. 19, opyii o-ou: cf.
:

eiXt]<J>as

TJX0ei>

xix.

15.

Souyai
:

TOI>

fuo-66V
x
>

cf.

xxii.

12.

TOIS SouXois

<rou

TOIS
:

Trpo<|>T)Teug

cf. x.

(i-

xxii. 6).

rots

4>oj3oujm,eyois
:

TO

ocojjid crou

cf. xix. 5.

TOIS juiiKpois KCU TOIS fxeydXois

cf.

xiii.

16, xix. 5, 18,

dorpa-ira! xal clause shows

xx. 12.
<j>u>i/al

TOUS
:

8ia<|>0etporras

TTJK yr\v

cf. xix. 2.

19.

KTX.

cf. viii. 5, xvi.

18.

Thus practically every

the

hand of our author.

14.
TJ

oual

r\

The second Woe

sixth

SeuTe pa dirTJXOei L8ou r^ oual T) Tpinrj Ipxerai Tax". is, as we have already seen, the same as the
is,

Trumpet, that

originally the

second Trumpet.

See pp.

217 sqq., 231.

dTTYjXOey
xxi.
i,

4.

author.
xviii. 14.

is past," is found only elsewhere in N.T. in ix. 12, This usage, which is classical, is distinctive of our More ordinary uses of it occur in x. 9, xii. 1 7, xvi. 2, In Ip^erat ra^v we have another phrase characteristic
"

of our author: cf. ii. 16, iii. n, xxii. 7, 12, 20. 15-18. In these verses, which are proleptic in their outlook, we have two great anthems of praise. The first (i5 cd ), consisting of a distich and sung most probably by the Cherubim or Living Creatures, celebrates the divine conquest of the world as though already achieved and the establishment of the Millennial Kingdom, xxi. g-xxii. 2, xx. 4-6, and heralds the advent of the everlasting kingdom that is to follow on its close, xxi. 1-4,
xxii.

lines

The second anthem (17-18), consisting of twelve 3-5. and sung by the Elders, first recognizes the establishment of God s sovereignty in *he Millennial Kingdom (i7 cd ) and the outbreak of Gog and Magog at its close, and then proclaims

294

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XI. 15.

that the time has come for the final judgment, the recompense of the faithful, and the destruction of those that destroy the world (18). Here, except in the last clause, which appears to be displaced or interpolated, the chronological order of development is followed. b It is noteworthy that in xix. i ~3 we have a corresponding anthem from the angelic hosts, at the close of which the Elders and the Cherubim simply respond with the words Apjv,

dAA^Aovi a, as they have already sung their anthems in this b chapter (xi. 15-18); while in xix. 6 -8 there is given the loud of the glorified martyrs in heaven on the establishment of paean the Kingdom of God and the advent of the Millennial Kingdom. Further, it is to be noted that whereas xix. 1-8 refers to the epoch immediately preceding the Millennial Kingdom, the present passage refers to the chief eschatological events from the establishment of the Millennial Kingdom to that of the Kingdom that dureth for ever and ever.
15.
jjLeydXai

Kal
iv

6 e|38ojxos ayyeXos TW oupayw, Xeyorres

^adXiricrci/

Kal

cylvovro

<j>owal

fi {SaaiXeia TOU KOQ-JJ-OU TOU Kupiou Kal TOU Xpiorou auroG, at cocas aiiui coi Kal (BacnXeuo-ei eis TOU

Eyei/eTO

TjfAOjj

TOJI>

Whether the heaven or the earth is here the scene of the Seer s vision is uncertain ; but the former is more probable, as he See note on iv. i. hears the thanksgivings of the angels. These voices may be those of the Living Creatures (Jxuyat. Their praise precedes that of the Elders cf. or Cherubim.
:

iv.

9.

cy^ero

TOU Kupiou

Tjjjiwy

KTX.

The heavenly

voices

celebrate the divine conquest of the world as if it were already The words are therefore proleptic, as are those of the achieved. With the phrase thanksgiving of the 24 Elders in xi. 16-18. cf. Matt. iv. 8. TOU Kupiou Tju.uh Kal TOU j3ao-iXeta TOU TJ
K<5<ru.ou

XpioroG auToG is an O.T. expression cf. Ps. ii. 2, Kara TOV Kvptov That this Psalm was early quoted as HOI Kara rov Xpto-roi) O.VTOV. a Messianic Ps. appears from Acts iv. 26. See also xii. 10 of our text. But the first book in which 6 X/HO-TOS means technically the Messianic King is i Enoch: cf. xlviii. 10, "They have denied the Lord of Spirits and His Anointed ; lii. 4. Subse quently it appears in Pss. Sol. xvii. 36, xviii. 6, 8 (also in the Cf. Luke ii. n. inscription of this Ps.). The Kingdom begins with the Millennial jSaaiXeuaei. Kingdom (xxi. g-xxii. 2, xx. 4-6), which after the final judgment passes over into the everlasting Kingdom of God (xxi. 1-4, The Kingdom of God and Christ is one. In Eph. xxii. 3-5). Kal 0eoC, whereas in the v. 5 we find TJJ /fao-iA.eia rov X/oio-roi)
:
"

XI. 15-18.]

THE THIRD WOE

God
"

295

earlier Epistle, i Cor. xv. 24-28, the Son resigns His mediatorial may be all in all." But later Kingdom to the Father, that
in Christ, too, was conceived as Eph. i. 23; Col. The Kingdom is to be for everlasting: cf. Dan. ii. 44, iii. ii.
"all
all,"

vii.

14, 27

Luke
ol

i.

33.

16. Kal
KaO^jj-eyoi

em

TrpoaeKuVrjo-ai

Tecraapes irpeajSujepot ot eVwmoy TOU 0eou TOUS Qpovous aurwj/ eireaai/ em TO, irpoo-WTra auTwj Kal Xe yovTes. TW
eiKOffi
0eu>,

For the unusual order

ol

eVcoTriov

Ka0ij//,ej/oi,

see note

on

xi.

4.

17.

EuxapioToujJieV aoi Kupie 6 Oeos 6 Kal 6 r\v, 6

wi>

on

iXir]<J>as

TTjk

SuVajjuV CTOU TTJK

Kal ejSaaiXeuaas.

On the witness of the Cherubim follows the thanksgiving of the Elders. On Kvpie 6 6eb$ 6 TravTOKparwp see i. 8, iv. 8 ; and Here and also in xvi. 5 Kal 6 ty see i. 4, 8, iv. 8. on 6 6 ep^o/Aevos is omitted, because at this stage it is already fulfilled. On the combination of tenses in etA^as . . /cat e/foo-i Aevo-as
u>v

3, v. 7, viii. 5. TTJI/ SuVajjuy KT\. ejSao-i Xeucms authority over all things.
cf. iii.
" "

The supreme and

"

final

hast

become
8.

king,"

2 Sam. xv. 10, xvi. cf. Ps. xciii. i begun thy reign the power of Satan on earth (xii.) and the kingdom of
:

Thus

his agent

the Antichrist (xiii.) are overthrown. God s reign being now established on earth, the setting up of the Millennial Kingdom See note on 15. (xxi. 9-xxii. 1-2, xx. 4-6) follows in due course.
18.

Kal rd

e0kT] wpYiaO^o-a^, Kal TJXOey r\ opyn crou, Kal 6 Kcupos T&C ye.Kpoji/

KpiQr\i>ai,

Kal Boucai rov

TOIS
irpo<|)i]Tai9

jj.ia06i/

TOIS SouXois aou

Kal TOUS

Kal TOUS dyious TO ovo^d aou, TOUS |xtKpous Kal TOUS jJieyciXous, Kal 8ia<|)6ipai TOUS porras TT)^
<|)oj3oujjieKOUs
8ia<j>Gei

yf\v.

KCLL TO.
i/c/cpcov

Wvrj

&pyL<r6r]orav,
.
.

rjXOev

17

opyrj (rov
[JLio-Oov

...

6 Kai/oos TWJ/
. . .

KpiOfjvai

Kat Sovvai TOV

is

TOLS SovXot? a-ov

TOI? /xeytiAovs.

There

progressive

movement

in these

words

the recognition of a development of events in their true order. After the close of the Millennial Kingdom mentioned in the preceding verse the song refers to the twofold uprising of nations ab and their destruction cf. xix. 19, xx. 8~9 ), (TO, Wvt] wpyio-^o-av: a-ov: cf. xix. 21, xx. 9), the judgment of the dead (rjXOzv f) opyf) cf. xx. 1115), the final recompense (6 Kcupos TCOV ve/cpcav KpL&rjvai
:

of

all

the righteous in

trie

New

Jerusalem, which together with

296
the

THE REVELATION OF
the

ST.

JOHN
become
. . .

[XI. 18.
their eternal

new heaven and

(/cat

new

earth should

abode

Sowat TOV

fju.o~6ov

TOIS SouXots crov

rots fJUKpols /cat

Totg yucyaXots: cf. xxi.

It is remarkable that the 1-4, xxii. 3-5). /cat chronological order is abandoned in the last line 8tac/>0eipai It is possible that we have here a dislocation of the text, KT\. and that after /cat yXOtv fj opyrj crov we should read
/cat /cat
<

6 /catpos

>

8tac$et/3at TOUS

8ia</>$6tpovTas

rrjv yf)v

6 /caipos raiv ve/cpoov KpiOfjvai.

is already judged in the In this case, since preceding verse, the Siac/>0et/3at T. 8ta<0tipovTas would refer to the destruc tion of the Beast, the False Prophet, and Satan, by their being cast Thus we should have into the lake of fire (cf. xix. 20, xx. 10).

Rome

the eschatological events

in

their
/cat

chronological order.
*.0vr)

The

18, e/?acrtA.U(ras recall Ps. xcviii. (xcix.) i,

:

words

/cat

TO,

wpyi(rOr}(rav,
,

certainly

LXX,

/cvpios e/foo-t Xevo-o

o/>yteo-0u>o-ai/

though a possible, is not a right 6pyteV0a>orai/, rendering of 1MT, which here should have been translated by Probably Ps. ii. i, 5 was also in Tapaa-o-ea-Ouo-av or the like. With the wrath of the the mind of the writer as it was in 15. nations here cf. xvi. 9-11, 21, but especially xix. 15-21, xx. 8-9. In vi. 15-17 the thought of coming judgment makes the mighty cf. vi. 17, ones of the earth fear and tremble. fjXSef rj opyr)
Xaot,
"

where

<rou

xiv. 10, xvi. 19, xix. 15.

6 icaipos

rw

vK.pw Kpi0rjmi:
is

impending event
vc/cpot.

i.e. xx. 11-15. here expressed by the inf.

The aim

of the
ol

= fra
:

KpiOZxrw
cf. xxii.
I,

See Blass, Gram. 228, note.

crou

SoGmt TOV
cf.

picrQ6v

12.
6.

TOIS

SouXois

TOIS

irpcxf^Tcus

X.
7>

^Iso

i.

xxii.

These are the Christian prophets: cf. xviii. 20; i Cor. xii. 28, 29; Eph. ii. 20, iii. 5, iv. n. TOUS dyious KCU TOUS ^opouj^ous. A primitive slip for T. dytois /c. r. cjboySov/AeVots. There is some difficulty in defining these two categories. Bousset pro
poses with hesitation to omit the
/cat;

then we should have the

the saints

parallel clauses, "Thy servants the prophets, and who fear Thy name." But since the /cat appears to

be

original,

should, with Volter (ii. 8) and others (including Bousset), inter pret the two clauses ("the saints and those who fear Thy name") In i Clem. xxi. 7 as referring to Jewish and Gentile Christians. the Greek Christians so designated themselves, as (cf. xxiii. i) Harnack (Vischer, Offenb. Johannis, 133, note) points out: rrjv avnov fjirj Kara Trpocr/cXiVeis, dXXa Tracrti/ rots <o/?ou/xej/ois TOV

we

ayaTrrjv

Vischer (p. 19) and Spitta (p. 584) oo-t cos io-r)v TrapexeVwo-ai/. and Harnack, who assume a Jewish origin of xi. 15-19, take these words to represent Jews and Proselytes, on the ground that the
Otbv

TOV 6c6v was the usual designation for the phrase ot heathen who had joined the Jewish community in the Dispersion.
<^>o/3ou/Avot

XI. 18-19.]

THE THIRD WOE

29?

So the phrase means in Ps. cxv. IT, 13, cxviii. 4, cxxxv. 20 But this phrase has different meanings according (see Duhm), From i Clem. xxi. 7 it has above been shown to the context.
it is a designation for Christians; in Pss. Sol. ii. 37 it designates "the pious Pharisees, whose object was to maintain the purity of theocratic principles (Ryle and James) cf. Pss.

that

"

Sol.

iii.

1 6, iv.

26, v.

21,

xiii.

n,

xv. 15.

phrase

This TOUS fuKpous KOI TOUS fxeydXous. slip for the dative. is characteristic of our author: cf. xiii."*i6, xix. 5, 18 The two phrases TO 6Vo/x,a o-ou and <o/?ou/x,evov? [xx. 12].
rov<s

/u/cpovs /cat revs

/>ieyaXovs

D^Djpn
TOUS

""

^T,

are derived from but hardly from the

/zero,
cf.

Ps.

cxv.

13,

LXX, which
TWV
2,

renders TOVS
pev
TTfv

fj>oj3ovfj,vov<s

rov Kvptov rovs pLKpovs

TT]I>

Sia<j>delpat

8ia4>9eipo^Ta

yf[V

xix.

yrjv.

The
opo<s

phrase
TO

may be borrowed from

Jer.

li.

TO Sia^Oclpov (rPn^ Bri) irao-ov On the probability that this line originally stood after rrjv yfjv. Kat r)\Qev fj opyri see first note on this verse. 19. Kat rjkoiYY) 6 kaos TOU 0eou 6 Iv TW oupa^co, Kat f\ Kal iyevovro aorpairai Kij3a)Tos TTJS 8ia0i]KT)s auTou iv TW vaw auTou Kat jSpo^Tat Kat aeto-jjios Kat a ^ a jm.eydX.Tf]. Kat As the first Woe or Trumpet is preceded by the prayers of
(xxviii.) 25,
Sie</>0ap/xeVoi/,
<rov
aj<j)0Tj
<f>wi/at

TO

x^

the saints which are offered on the altar within the holy place of the heavenly temple, viii. 3, and the second Woe opens with the answer to those prayers from the same altar, ix. 13, so the third begins with the opening of the holy of holies and the manifestation of the Ark of the Covenant. This last act is As the earthly ark was a witness to the covenant symbolical. between God and Israel, the heavenly ark is a witness to the covenant between God and the Christian community, which is the true Israel. By the manifestation of the latter at this stage God has pledged Himself to the fulfilment of all the great deeds celebrated in the heavenly song just sung. On the heavenly temple see note on iv. 2. The ark of the covenant (rven jiiN) originally stood within the veil of the
all

Temple.

in the holy of holies in Solomon s of it is unknown. The fragment pre served in Jer. iii. 16-18 forbids in the name of Yahweh the hope of its restoration to the second Temple. It was no longer needed ;

tabernacle,

and subsequently

What became

for (iii. 17) Yahweh would make Zion His dwelling-place, and Yahweh s Throne." But later the Jerusalem would be called legend arose that Jeremiah at the bidding of God (2 Mace. ii. 4-8 Rest of the Words of Jeremiah, iii. 8) hid, in a cave-like dwelling in the mountain which Moses climbed, the tabernacle and the ark and the altar of incense." The same account is found in
"

"

298
2

THE REVELATION OF
vi.

ST.
it

JOHN

[XII.

1.

Bar.

5-10, Ixxx.

2,

though there

is

by

whom

an angel or angels

this task is discharged. 1

But it is quite a mistake with some scholars to identify the hidden ark with the ark in the temple in heaven. The latter is
the archetype of the former, and existed prior to it. The earthly ark was, according to the above tradition, buried somewhere on the earth: see Yoma, 53 b~54 a Joseph. Ant. xviii. 4. i ; Rest of the Words ofJeremiah, iii. 7-8, 14: see note on ii. 17. 6 Tji/oiyT] mos TOU 0eoG i.e. the holy of holies. Since the first two Woes open with events connected with the heavenly altar, viii. 3, ix. 13, the third Woe begins with the throwing open of the holy of holies. See note on viii. 5. dcrTpairal KT\.
;

CHAPTER

XII.

A RETROSPECT.
INTRODUCTION.
xii. represents the conflict of good and evil as a cosmic not one originating on earth. The idea is Pauline Eph. vi. 12, etc. The presupposition of O. and N.T. apocalyptic is that the world s disorder and sin is only a part of the disorder and sin Cf. Isa. xxiv. 22 ; Daniel and Rev. affecting the spiritual world. xii.; Eph. i. 3, 10, etc. (see Robinson, p. 20 sqq.); Luke x. 18. The conflict is not limited to this earth or to this life. It is a warfare from which there is no discharge until the kingdom of this world is become the kingdom of the Lord and of His Christ.

Chap.

one

i.

The meaning of this Chapter

Christian context.

in

its

present

Trumpet deals with the climax This crowning evil, however, was not a sign of his growing power, but the closing stage of the strife which had its beginning in heaven and was destined to have its ending on earth. In heaven the strife had already terminated
third

The

Woe

or the third
earth.

of Satan s

power on

in the vindication of God s sovereignty and the hurling down of Hence however Satan may rage and Satan to earth (chap. xii.). the Roman and heathen powers (chap. xiii. sqq.) his minions they are not to be feared this final persecution of the Church is but the last struggle of a beaten foe, whose venom and malignity are all the greater since he knows how short a time he hag.
:

In 2 Bar.
"ephod."

vi.

the text

is

corrupt.

Instead of reading

"ark"

it

The converse IIDN is here corrupt for p"iN="ark." and corruption in the Mass, text is found in I Sam. xiv. 18, as the several Talmudic authorities prove.
reads

But

LXX

XII.

1-2.]
is

SOURCES USED BY OUR AUTHOR

299

the object of this and the coming chapters, in which gives the reader a spiritual insight into the past in order to prepare him for the crowning evil of the manifestation of In setting forth his Satanic power on earth in chap. xiii. sqq. theme the Seer borrows the main part of the present chapter from Jewish sources, in which international myths have been In our text the Seer takes used and transformed to higher ends. account alike of the past, the present, and the time to come. His vision goes back before the birth of Christ. Of a glorious goddess of the sun is born a wondrous child, against whom, alike before and after his birth, the Dragon showed a ceaseless enmity ab But from this enmity He is rescued and rapt to the (i_5 ). throne of God, and His mother, i.e. the Church, is preserved from the attacks of the Dragon (5 c-6). Thither the Dragon and his angels storm after him, but are met by Michael and his Thereupon, on the eve angels and hurled down to earth (7-9). of the last and fiercest persecution about to burst on the com munity of Christ through the rage of the baffled fiend, the Seer hears the glorified martyrs in heaven raise a paean of triumph in honour of their brethren still on earth, who, too, are to be martyred in this persecution (10-12). In the course of this the Jewish Christian makes persecution part of the community a meaningless survival in our present text its escape (13-16) a work of 95 A.D. ; see notes in loc. thereupon the Dragon the Gentile turns against the rest of the seed of the woman Thus the Seer Christians scattered thoughout the world (17). leads up to his main theme the persecution of the Church by the Empire of Rome.

Such

chap.

xii.

2.

But

this was not the original meaning of this Chapter: its chief section could not have been written originally for the Apocalypse by a Christian : nor could it have been the

original creation of a Jew.

Vischer (Offenb. Johannis^ 19 sqq.) and Gunkel (Schopfung, 173 sqq.) have shown that this chapter could not have been It is simply inconceivable that a composed by a Christian. Christian writing freely could have so represented the birth and life of Christ. Whatever his visions may have been, they could not have failed to be more in unison with the facts on which the Christian community was founded and which were embodied
in

heart of its most cherished beliefs. No Christian spontaneously have depicted the life of our Lord, under the figure of a child, born of a sun-goddess, 1 perse-

the

could

1 Even if the sun-goddess is taken to represent the Community, it cannot be the Christian community that is here primarily designed ; for it is never

300

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XH.

2-3.

cuted by the seven-headed dragon and rapt to the throne of God, and have suppressed every reference to His earthly life and Nor could a Christian have work, His death and resurrection. represented the overthrow of Satan as due to Michael and not to Christ. The passive and subordinate role assigned to the Messiah here is quite in keeping with Jewish, but not with
Christian conceptions. This chapter, moreover, is full of mythological features which could not have been the original creations of a Jew or a Christian. These are i. goddess clothed with the sun, crowned with the signs of the zodiac, and standing on the moon as her footstool. 2. This goddess is with child an idea wholly foreign to Jewish conceptions of the angels. 3. The great fiery Dragon with seven heads and ten horns and seven diadems, whose tail can hurl down a third of the stars of heaven. 4. The birth of the young sun-god and his rapture into heaven. 5. The flight of the woman into the wilderness by means of the wings of the great 6. The flood cast forth by the Dragon after the woman, eagle. and the earth opening its mouth and swallowing it. And yet, since this vision occurs in a Christian apocalypse, it must have had a Christian meaning for our author he must have interpreted it in a Christian sense. What this meaning was

in i. Our author either or allegorised the mythological features that were a course susceptible of such treatment, and neglected the rest that was usual in dealing with traditional material. Their lack of connection with their present context and their unintelligiin

we have
took

some measure seen already

literally

bility are

original context

undoubtedly evidence that they are wrested from and belong to earlier forms of the myth.

their

3.

The Idiom and Diction of this Chapter are

-facts
1.

those of our Author which are against his use of Greek sources here.
o-Tjjj.eioi

The

clause

(xii.

3,

xv.

in

xiii.

13, 14, xvi. 14,

xi. 19, xii. 3) iv TW 20 in another meaning) jie ya (i. 7, oupai/w which recurs in xii. 3 is found also in xv. i, euW aAXo o-ry/xctov ei/ TW ov/o. /xeya. ^Y a follows after the noun. Cf. x. i,

xix.

w<f>0T)

xiv. 9, xv. i, etc.

TrepipepX-njui^/r]

N.T.
vi. 9.

12 times in Apoc. and 12 times in rest of 8 times in rest of Apoc. c. ace. as here. UTTOK(TW, v. 3, 13, eirl rfjs Only here in our author has l-n-i the gen.
Ke<f>aXfjs.

be the mother of Jesus. On the other hand, the Jewish Messiah could be regarded as a child of the community cf. Test. Jos. xix. 1 1 ; 4 Ezra ix. 43 sqq., x. 44 sqq. Besides, the true Israel in the O.T. was the spouse of God ; whereas in the N.T. the true Israel, or Church, is the bride of Christ.
said to
:

XII.

3.]

IDIOM

AND DICTION

301

rest on.

though this is the natural construction as denoting In x. i (see textual evidence) xix. 1 2 it occurs c. ace. in sing. Elsewhere in Apoc. always c. ace. in plural (five times). In the rest of the N.T. eVt rJJs Ke^aA^s occurs four times and twice. see notes on ri rrjv Ke^aXr/v post-positive
in this phrase,
&<68ei<a

viii. 2, xii. 3.

exouaa participle used as finite verb as in x. 2, Kpdtei KT\. see note on text. J3acrai/i w (ix. 5, xi. 10, xiv. 10, xx. 10) is never used in of the pangs of childbirth, and only here in the N.T. see vi. 4. 3. KT\. see on i. For the position iruppos
2. ey yacrrp!
xxi.

14.

On

LXX

w<f>0T]

see footnote on of the last This is the usual idiom in the

4-nr<

viii.

2.

rots

K(J>aXcis

aurou.

Apoc.
pres.

See note on
inf.

above.
13
. .

4.

0nr]Kei

Ivutriov

cf. vii. 9, viii.

2, xi. 4.

rfjs jAeXXouo-rjs

times in Apoc.,
aor.
inf.,
T)
:

10 times
16,
1
:

with

and
fi/a

iii.

2,

cf. xiii.

xii. 4. 5 5 iWk ocrot

On
. . .

the order

3 times with orav TCKT]

. . .

KaTCKfxxyT)
ii.

cf.

x.

9,

10, xi.

TrpocrKwrjcrucnv 5, xii. 4, xx. 9.

is

aTTOKrav:

rewov

cf.

23.
5.

The
cf.

clause QS jxeXXei
ii.

<ri8r]pa

from the hand of our

author:

27, xix. 15.

xii.

OTTOU
ii.

14 from the hand of our author. For analogous Semiticisms, cf. OTTOV occurs 7, 17, iii. 8, vii. 2, 9, xiii. 8, 12, xvii. 9, xx. 8. times elsewhere without complementary adverbial phrase.

is

a doublet of
.

i3

eicei

cf.

xii.

14.

jjToipaaficW
this rare
Tpe<f>&><ni/.

cf.

viii.
O.TTO

use of

6, ix. 7, 15, xvi. 12, xix. 7, xxi. 2. after a passive verb see note on ix.

On
18.

On

this

indefinite

originally),

rjjjufpas

x 1 ^-

use of plural, 8iaico<nas. e^icoKTa (cf.

:

cf.

x.

ii

(xi.

xi.

3)

an

inter

pretation of the phrase in xii. 14. 1 6, xiii. 4, xvii. 14 7-8. iroXepjaai jjicrd cf. ii. (xix. ii). This phrase is found in the N.T. only in the Apoc., and outside the Apoc. without /xera in Jas. iv. 2. It is common in the LXX. On the irregular syntax see note in loc. TOV before the
infinitive

occurs

only here in
ou&e
T<$TTOS

our author
:

not at

all

in the

Fourth Gospel,
9.

up^0T]

cf.

XX.

1 1,

TOTTOS ou

On

the original form of this verse see note in

. .
.

loc.

O<|HS

6 dpxaios

laravas
6
ir\avG>v

cf.
:

xx.
xx.

2.

6 KaXoufiei/os
8.

cf.

xi.
:

8 n.
cf.

Sia|3oXos
iii.

...

cf.

rty

oiKoujuteVrji

oXrjy

TO, xvi.
KooyAos,

14.

used

writer of the Fourth Gospel which, indeed, is used in Apoc. xi. a

The

would have
15
(xiii.

8,

xvii. 8).

10. apn cf. xiv. 13 and Petrine and in Matt. f\

:

Johannine word but also Pauline

cf. vii. 10, xix. jScunXeia TOO 0eou YJfxwt
:

<rom]pta

T.
:

TJ

8uVajais
xi.

cf. iv.

ii,

vii.

12, xix. i.

T)

cf.

15,

302
/?ao-{Aeia
d8eX<|>coi>

THE REVELATION OF
roG KOCT^OV TOV
Tjpoi
,

ST.

JOHN
eouo-ia,
T)u,epas

[XII.

3.

Kvpiov

fj^wv.

-f\

passim, r&v
K<X!

i.

9,

vi.

II, xix.

10,

xxii.

9.

I/UKTOS

cf. iv. 8.

11.
ej>iKT]crcu

This verse

is

word
i.
5>

for

word the diction of our author.

vii- T 4-

characteristic of our author.

cf.

iv TO) at/xart OLVTOV,

:

v
:

9>

Sid TO atjia TOU dp^iou : Sid Toy Xoyoy TTJS jjiapTT)I/

cf. vi. 9, Sid TOV Ao yov TOV Oeov /cat Sid Tupias auTwi cf. i. 5, iii. 9, XX. 9. also i. 9, xx. 4. TjycnrTjo-cu times in occurs already in ii. 10. axpi occurs

fjiaprvptav

axpi Oafdrou

Apoc. but not

in

Johannine Gospel or
12.

Epistles.
15, xviii.

8id TOUTO

cf. vii.

This phrase is difficult and eu^pcuyecrOe oupacoi. to the existence of xii. 7-10, 12 in a Greek form.
.

We should expect eu<paiVou ovpave as in xviii. 20 for the plural is not found elsewhere in the Apoc. See note on xii. 12. oi cno^ourres, used of heavenly dwellers cf. vii. 15, xiii. 6, xxi. 3, as KOLTOIKZLV uses a-Krjvovv and of dwellers on earth. Though the Karaa-Krjvovv of the dwellers on the earth, our author does not.
. .
:

8 (15 times in Fourth Gospel). would point

LXX

S 1^) as in viii. 13. c. nom. in xviii. 10, 16, 19 as ( Isa. v. 8, n, 18, 20-22 =^n. in of oXr/o^ oAtyos This order is Semitic D^E, prepositive here as in iii. 4.

ouai, c. ace.

LXX

K<up6i>.

ny

though the reverse order

Xpovov OVK oXtyov. 13. OT eTSet/ and
:

is

possible.
.
.
.

Contrast Acts
yfjp

xiv.

28,

cm

epXrjOrj

connecting links after incorporation of usage of our author see xi. 8 n.

14. irerrjTai. Cf. where in N.T. OTTOV
iv.
.

xii.

(from xii. 9) added as =^ a 7-12. ^TIS

6,

7,

viii.

13,

xiv.
xii.

xix.

17.

Not

else

/<?.

Kcupous KTX.

See
n.

xi.

2 n.

6 (above). KcupcV KCU a Hebraism. euro irpocrwTrou TOU

o4>eu>s,

See on

See

14 15. ws
xii.

TTOTajj.oi

See Additional Note on

Troi^aY).

o>s,

p.

35

sq.

Zva
loc.

auTTjj

iroTajjLO(|)6pT)To

On

7roTa.fjio<f>6pr)Tov

see note in
;

Next, Iva is followed by object and verb also in vi. 4, xiii. 13 and xix. 15; adverbial phrase or clause and verb in xii. 4 (Iva OTO.V .), though .) by substantive clause and verb, xiii. 15 (Iva oo-ot immediately by verb as a rule: cf. ii. 10, iii. 9, vi. n, viii. 3, 12, ix. 5, 15, xii. 6 {Iva e/cet), 14, xiii. 12, 15% 16, xiv. 13, xvi. 12, Iva /D} is followed by verb 6 times; xix. 8, 1 8, xxi. 15, xxii. 14. and verb, iii. ii, viii. 12, xi. 6 ; by adjective and verb, by subject
. .

xvi.

15.

The combination
:

Trorajjio^oprjTov TTOICLV is
xvii.
1
1

Hebrew
9.

as

well as
17.
iroXcjjLOi

Greek
:

see note on
:

6.
:

wpyiaOrj

cf.

xi.

8.
<x7TT]X0ei>

cf.

x.

iroiT]crai
:

cf. ix.

Twy cf. xi. 7, xiii. 7, xix. 19. jieTa alone in 20, xx. 5; Luke xviii.

XOITTWI>

N.T.

TOU cnrepjJLaTos for this use of

AOITTOS.

TWI/

in xiv.

12.

These words recur Tf]povvTw Ta ej/ToXds TOU 0ou. It belongs times in the Apoc. occurs Trjptlv

XH.
times.
18.

3-4.]

SEMITIC SOURCES
Johannine vocabulary.
:

303
i

also to the
TTjf

Gospel 18 times,

Ep. 7

cf. i. 2, 9, xix. 10, xx. 4. fAapTupiav MrjcroG Cf. vii. I (p. 190). rrd0T] em, c. ace.

Before passing on attention ought to be drawn to words or 12. 5. ^pTrao-^. expressions that are air. A.y. in the Apoc.
oXiyov Kcupov.
13.
eStcofev.

14.
vi.

O.TTO

Trpocru>Trov

"

because

of."

Contrast
1 6.

its

meaning
. . .

in

16,

xx.

n.

15.

7roTa//,o</>op?7Tov.

efiorjOycrev

KareTriev.

the entire chapter exhibits the peculiar idioms and The first is with two slight exceptions. diction of our author instead of which he uses CTTI rrjv in xii. i, cVt -n)s The second irregular usage is the use ras Ke<aA?jv (or of ovpavoi in xii. 12, but this may be due to the source which our author is translating see 4. In any case these two expres sions are of no weight against the overwhelming agreement in point of idiom and diction of this chapter with the style of our The evidence is distinctly against the hypothesis that we author. have here a recast of existing Greek sources from another hand or hands.

Thus

/<e<aAr}s,

Ke</>aAas-).

4.

Yet since our author undoubtedly used sources (see 7) and not Greek sources as we have just seen, there remains the a hypothesis that he used Semitic sources oral or written hypothesis for which there is considerable evidence, consider

ing the paucity of the

text.

From what precedes

originals of
xii.

or written, and additions of his

it follows that our author found the 1-5, 13-17, xii. 7-9, 12 in Semitic sources oral that he translated them into Greek with certain

own

as

The evidence
follows.

for the

xii. 6, 10-11, and in xii. 3,5, 9, 13, 17. existence of such Semitic sources is as

Some evidence pointing to a Semitic source or influence has Thus wov, apo-ev -IDT p in already been advanced in the past. eKet = Dt? xii. 5, OTTOV 1G?K in xii. 6, 14, OVK la-xvo-ev
.
. .

and /care /??? xii. 12, efiXtjOr) xii. 9, 13, as render ings of the same verb TV (Aram, JV13), have been adduced by various scholars in the past. Gunkel (Schopfung, 200 sq.) has enumerated the above and sought to strengthen the evidence for a Semitic original by the following arguments. Thus wSiVovo-a KOI (8ao-avi^o/x^ re/ceiv, xii. 2, is, he claims, a Hebrew construc tion such as rrhh mn, i Sam. iv. 19 (itself an isolated idiom), but as I have sought to show in the note in loc., re/ceo/ should be immediately connected with /cpa^et, or taken as a complement of
5?^ 6*6 in xii. 8,

the preceding clause as about to be delivered." The mis translation of the Hebrew dual which he finds in xii. 14 was over
"

304

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[xn.

4.

200 years old. He thinks that the construction in xii. 7, if we omit 6 M. /cat ot ayy. avrov, is Semitic, and thus misses the point. But the above evidence, though suggestive, is in no respect conclusive not indeed that it is possible to discover absolutely conclusive evidence where the text is so exiguous, but there is further evidence that makes the hypothesis of a Semitic original the only reasonable solution of the problem before us. ab and xii. 7-9, 12 will here be treated together xii. 1-5, I3~i7 as derived from Semitic sources, (i) First of all the force of the exet xii. 14 (repeated in xii. evidence in oVou 6), has not been observed. The addition of e/cet after oVov is contrary to the usage of our author when writing independently. Cf. ii. 13 xx. 10. And yet analogous Semiticisms are (bis), xi. 8, xiv. 4, used by our author elsewhere (see iii. 8 n.), but not this particular This idiom is repeated in xii. 6, which is merely a doublet one.
. .
.

of

xii.

i3

14.

(2) Next the use of ovpavot instead of ovpavos in xii. 12 is best explained by our author s use of a Semitic source (contrast
xviii.

20 ovpave); for he always uses the sing. writing independently, and even when translating a Semitic original, as in xii. 7, 8, 10, where the use of the plural might suggest the idea of a plurality of the heavens an idea he rejects though it was held by St. Paul and the author of the Hebrews, and was current in the O.T., and enforced in the Testament of
. . .

et><pcuVov

when

XII
iv.

Patriarchs, 2
1 08).

i, p.

renders
ovpavoi.
(3)
(xii. 7).

FTW

U"i

Enoch, Ascension of Isaiah, etc. (see note on Since there is here no risk of misconception he by the familiar rendering of the LXX,

Our author nowhere else uses rov before the infinitive Nor is it found in any of the Johannine writings. Hence

appearance here can be best explained as due to a Semitic background. The explanation is given under (8) below. (4) There seems to lurk a mistranslation in the clause ovSc For nowhere else in the Apocalypse TOTTOS cvptOrj avT&v in xii. 8. is there such a separation of avrw from the noun on which it 1 Next, in xx. n, where the clause recurs, we depends as here. This is the natural form of this find TOTTOS ovx fvptOrj avrois. expression moreover, it is the Hebrew DHP NEri6 D1pD*79 or But avrwv is a possible, the Aramaic pr6 ran^n a6 in fe. though here an incorrect, rendering of Dnb (or Jir6). Hence for
its
:

This differentiates the usage ijfj.&v, vfJL&v, avrou, avr&v noun they can only follow in the can be separated from their noun
Gospel.
:

or position, ix. 15, xi. 32, See note xix. 35, xx. 23.

by adverb, on iii. 2 above.

the Johannine can in John either precede or follow the In John these possessives Apocalypse. by an adj. cf. iii. 19, viii. 17, by a pre ix. 28 (bis), xi. 32, xii. 47, xiii. 6, 14,
:

of the Apocalypse from

XII.

4-6.]

TWO INDEPENDENT SOURCES

305

&v we should read aurots

the later
(5)

an emendation made in some of

"

MSS.
xii.

In

14,

(XTTO

irpocruirov Tov

the serpent." the N.T.

This

is

= BTttn "ODD, because of a pure Semiticism not elsewhere found in

o<^>ws

(6) ei/yaorrpi e^ovcra,

xii. i

= iTTln.

Here the

participle
loc.

is

used

as a finite verb.

not improbable that a-vpet in xii. 4 is a rendering of a participle also such as inb. This would explain the tense of o-vpci in the
this
It is

On

Semiticism see note in

midst of past verbs. In (7) Other Semiticisms are oXiyov Kaipov, xii. 12 =ny Bjflo. the Apocalypse adjectives are postpositive, but the unusual order here can be explained as reflecting the Semitic e/?aAev
:

OTTI O-O), xii.

fjivj<r(U

/x,Ta,

i5= nnK xii. 7 = Dy

xii.

nfe;
D!"6n.

d>s

7roTa/u,oi/,

xii.

i5

= iriJ3;

TroAe-

Mi^a^A. KOL ol ayyeAoi avrov TOV TroAe/x^o-fH is the literal reproduction in Greek of a Hebrew idiom. This construction is otherwise inexplicable. For another form of it see xiii. 10. See note in loc.
(8) In
7 6

5.

Order of

Verb, Subject,

and

Object.
:

In the original form of xii. 1-5 there are 1 1 verbs 7 times the verb comes first, 3 times it is preceded by the subject, and

once by the object. In the original form of

6 times
.subject.

xii.

7-9,

12
it

there are
is

10 verbs

the verb

comes

first,

4 times

preceded by the

xii. 13-18 there are 16 verbs, all of these is necessarily preceded by the In the latter subject (xii. 13) and one by the object (xii. 15). instance the object and verb together almost certainly represent a Semitic verb and therefore this case does not count.

In the original form of

first

coming

save 2

The above facts, though they do not help to differentiate xii. 7-9, 12 from the rest of the chapter, manifest the Semitic order of the words throughout the entire chapter.
6.

This Chapter was not originally a unity, but was derived from two independent Jewish sources.
this

It chapter is composite is clear from many facts. First, xii. 10-11 is begin with, to mention two. clearly an addition, since it breaks the connection and conflicts with its immediate context. Next, the flight and rescue of the woman are recounted In xii. 6 before the casting down of Satan,
is

That

sufficient, to

VOL.

i.

20

306
and yet
fuller

THE REVELATION OF
in
xii.

ST.

JOHN

[XII.

6.

13-17

it

is

length. Owing to these hypotheses are advanced.

placed after that event and treated at and other difficulties various

Spitta (130 sqq.) thinks that the difficulty can be got over by excising xii. 6 as a short preliminary redactional addition, which constitutes in fact a doublet of xii. 13-17. Other additions he finds in xii. 9, 6 TrXavw . in xii. 1 1, 13, ore etSev and on TT/V yyv
.
.

Pfleiderer I^o-oO. Volter, iii. 146 sqq., regard xii. 12-17 as we U as xii. ii as later additions. They conceive the overthrow of Satan to be the last or last but one scene of all. Volter says that the addition of xii. 6 is incomprehensible on the presupposition of the
lp\r)0-(\
. . .

-yfjv

and

in

xii.

17,

/cat

e^oi/rwv

(332

sq.),

original unity of

the flight of the

xii.
xii.

Why should this notice of be inserted, if this were recounted fully in 12-17 ? On the other hand, the shortness of the account in 6 would naturally lead to a fuller statement as in xii. 12-17.
xii.

i-io, 12-17.

woman

xii.

Dieterich, Abraxas, 118, reconstructs the chapter as follows b a 1-4, 14-16, 5 (6, 17, i2 ), 7 -i2 .

None of the above hypotheses is satisfactory, though some of Spitta s suggestions are of permanent value. The remaining chief hypotheses seek to explain the chapter as consisting of (a) two parallel visions, or of (b) two distinct sources.
(a) Under this head come Gunkel s and Wellhausen s. Gunkel (Schopfung^ 274 sqq.) sees in xii. 6 and xii. 7-16 parallel accounts. The first writer had concluded the section with xii. 6. He was acquainted with xii. 7-16, but owing to his aversion to the mythological element he not only abbreviated the account of

the flight of the woman but he also left out wholly the narrative A reviser subsequently added of the overthrow of the Dragon. the original account, xii. 7-16. But why then, it may be asked, did he not excise the disturbing xii. 6 ? Wellhausen (Anal d. Offenb. Joh. 18 sqq.) finds that xii. 1-6 and xii. 7-14 are parallel accounts, which terminate in a common conclusion xii. 15-17. Both are incomplete, and they must both be used to supplement each other, xii. 10-12 and certain clauses in xii. 3, 5, 9, 17 are added by the redactor, with a view to giving a Christian character The rest is purely Jewish. From a combination to the whole. of xii. 1-6 and xii. 7-9, 13-14 he recovers the original contents of

The Dragon warred in heaven and was overcome and cast down to the earth. There he assails the woman who had borne the male child. The child was thereupon rapt into heaven and the woman, i.e., the elite of the community, fled The Dragon into the wilderness, where she stayed for 3^ years. then attacks the rest of her seed in Jerusalem which had not
the narrative.
fled into the

wilderness.

The

conclusion of the Apocalypse

is lost.

which dealt with the returning Messiah

XII.

6-7.]

XII.

7~ IO

I2
>

OF JEWISH ORIGIN

307

have, therefore, in Zelotic oracle in xi. 1-2.

We

xii.

a Pharisaic counterblast to the

But the above hypotheses labour under one and the same They both assume two parallel visions an assumption which can only be justified by the further assumption that one
difficulty.

In either case a recon of them is considerably abbreviated. struction of the parallel accounts in their completeness is im Moreover, Gunkel s reconstruction is based on the possible.
as reproduced by Gunkel is itself a recon and without any actual basis in tradition. sources. J. Weiss (87 sq.) is of opinion that (b) Two distinct we have here two distinct sources. The first dealt with the birth of the Messiah, His persecution by the Dragon, the flight and persecution of the woman, and the persecution of the remaining The second dealt with the strife of children of the woman. the casting down of the Michael with the Dragon in heaven Dragon and his reign on earth. In support of this hypothesis (88 sq.) Weiss urges that the war with the Dragon has no connection of any kind with the The angels are not conscious of con persecution of the Child. tending on behalf of the Messiah, and it is nowhere said that the Dragon is overthrown as an enemy of the Messiah. If the war with the Dragon and the enmity between the Dragon and the Messiah had been conceived in relation with each other, then the final strife between the Messiah and the Dragon must have been recounted at the close. And the fact that this is not so is a proof that the war with the Dragon had originally nothing to do with the Messiah, His birth and persecution. In this matter Weiss appears to have established his conten His further contention tion and is herein followed by Bousset. that xii. 7-12 was an original constituent of a Christian Apocalypse is against the evidence of the section itself, which in form and idiom points to a Semitic origin (see 4 (8), 5) and in matter

Marduk myth, which

struction

to a Jewish.

7.

These two sources were borrowed by our Author from Jewish Tradition, xii. 7-10, 12 being probably an original product ofJudaism^ but not so xii. z-j, 13-17.

xii. 7-10, 12 is an original product of Judaism. All the elements in this section can be found in pre-Christian Judaism, as I have shown in the notes on xii. 7 (p. 323 sq.). Yet even in the case of this section some of the subject-matter may go back

to the

Zend religion. Thus in the Bund- (S.J3.E. v. 17) iii. 10-11 it is stated that the evil spirit or Ahriman attacked the heaven with his confederate demons, and they "sprang like a

308
snake

THE REVELATION OF
down
to the earth
"

ST.
xii.

JOHN
1 2,

[XII.

7.

(cf.

Apoc.

the

For 90 days and nights the heavenly angels contended with demons of the evil spirit and hurled them down to hell

(Bund. iii. 26). In some degree the Zend tradition may in turn be dependent on the Babylonian myth of the primeval chaos monster Tiamat which was overcome by Marduk. But the same idea was found in Greece in the wars of the Titans and at a later date among the Mandaeans (Brandt, Manddische Schriften^ 128 sqq., 138 sqq., 178, 181 sqq., 231 sq.) and the Manichaeans
see Gunkel, Verstandnis, 57. The myth had (Fliigel, Mani, 87) an international currency in the ancient world. xii. We have already seen ( 2) that this section 1-5, 13-17. could not have been written originally either by a Jew or by a It was therefore taken over from a heathen source Christian. by a Jew or by a Christian. That it was taken over by a Jew and not by a Christian is i. It shows probable on the following grounds, signs of being Even if this a translation from Hebrew or Aramaic ( 4). could be established conclusively, it does not, of course, prove a
;

Jewish original as against a Jewish-Christian, though it makes it more likely. 2. It exhibits several characteristics which differ Thus the Messiah entiate the Jewish and the Christian Messiah. is here conceived as playing a passive role so far as the present text is concerned (cf. i Enoch xc. 37; Shemone Esre, 15 (14); He is rapt away after 4 Ezra vii. 28 sq. ; 2 Bar. xxix. 3). His birth and remains in concealment after His birth. 1 The same three characteristics belong to the Jewish Messiah, but are positively at variance with the universally accepted views of 3. The description differs widely Jesus, the Christian Messiah.
:

1 These two facts, though impossible in a first-hand description of Jesus, would be possible in a Jewish apocalypse for we find a kindred tradition in the Jer. Talmud, Berachoth, 5* (chap. ii. ), the Midrash Echa Rabbati, i. 16, according to which an Arab had come to a Jew at Bethlehem and told him of the destruction of Jerusalem and the birth of the Messiah. Thereupon the Jew went off to Bethlehem and saw the mother of the Messiah but when he returned a second time he was informed that the child had been carried off by With this legend we might compare the tradition in the a strong wind. Targ. Jon. on Mic. iv. 8, that the Messiah was already born but was con cealed on account of the sins of the people and in Justin, Dial. 8, that, according to Trypho, the Messiah was possibly already born but would remain unknown till Elijah came and anointed Him and in Sanh. 98 b that He was The same idea already born but living in concealment at the gates of Rome. underlies the statement of certain Jews in lohn vii. 27, 6 5 Xpicrrds Srav fyX 7 7 011 ^eis yivua-Kei irbdev forlv, and 2 Bar. xxix. 3 4 Ezra vii. 28, The birth of the Messiah, therefore, followed by His sudden dis xiii. 32. appearance, was an idea familiar to Judaism, but impossible as a purely Whether He remained on earth or was carried off to Christian conception. heaven as in our text is a subordinate question.
:

"

7-9.]

XII. 1-5,

13-17 OF NON-JEWISH ORIGIN

309

from the Christian conception in the way of omission.

The

Person, life, death, and resurrection of Christ are here wholly 4. The description of the birth and rapture of the ignored. Messiah could well represent an event still impending in the view of the writer (and therefore a Jew), but not in that of a Christian. Jewish writer could accept the divine figure 5. a sun-goddess, in a general sense as symbolizing the true Israel, since in the O.T. Israel was the spouse of God. But in the N.T. the true Israel is the spouse of Christ. Hence, since the original of xii. 1-5, 13-17 is alien in nearly every respect to the Christian conception, but shows affinities in certain definite respects to the Jewish, it is immeasurably more probable that the myth was adopted and adapted first by a Jew, then by a Christian. When once it was incorporated in Jewish Apocalyptic, its adoption by our author for his own purposes is

It is only le premier pas qui coute. sees easily intelligible. in it a prophecy of the last times, a prophecy likewise that was

He

to fulfilment in the events of the present. In accordance with the primitive 1-5, 13-17 is a torso. forms of the myth we should expect a return of the Messiah from

coming
xii.

heaven
not

fulfilled

in order to destroy the Dragon, but this expectation is here or later in our Apocalypse. Christ destroys the
xix.,

two agents of the Dragon, chap,

8.

but not the Dragon himself.

The two
xii. 6,

adapted

sections, xii. 1-5, 13-17 and xii. 7-10, 12, were to their new Christian context by the addition of

II,

and by changes and additions in xii. j, 5,

p, 10, 17.

Since these questions are dealt with in the notes on the text they require no further consideration here.
9.

Whether

the sections were first brought into connection by our author, or already formed a unity in a Semitic original is doubtful, though the evidence perhaps points to the former
alternative.

two sections existed already as a whole, then our author translated his source and inserted xii. and certain additions in xii. 3, 5, 9, 10, 17 to adapt it to its new context. In this case xii. 6 was already before him and due to the Jewish
If the

n
.

writer who had joined the two sections. e /cet would OTTOV thus be explained as due to the source as in xii. 14 4, (see But the other hypothesis, that our author first brought p. 304). the two sections together, is perhaps preferable. On this hypo1
. .

That the two section* existed already as a whole (whether as Jewish or Christian, in Semitic or Greek) is the view of Weizsacker, Sabatier. Schoen Pfleiderer, Gunkel, Wellhausen.

3IO
thesis

THE REVELATION OF
he added
xii.

ST.

JOHN

[XII.
xii.

9-11.

6,

and

certain clauses in

3,

5,

9,

explain in xii. 6 the in definite Semitic plural rpe^wo-iv (which our author uses elsewhere, x. n) as opposed to rpe^erat in xii. 14, the use of ^r 01^0.0-^vov ix. 7, 15, xvi. 12), the different phrasing of the period of the (cf.
10, 13, 17.
this hypothesis

On

we could

The unusual oVov Cf. xi. 3. Antichrist, ^/xepas ^tXta? KT\. tKCL would in that case be simply transferred from xii. 14.

The
xii. 6.

decision of this question depends on the authorship of

10. xii.

1-5,

13-17"*

essentially

a heathen myth

may have

been adopted

about 67-69 present context.

originally by a Pharisaic Jew A.D., but xii. 14-16 are meaningless in their

and adapted

This

is

Wellhausen

view as to the date of the entire chapter,

appears right, though we cannot follow him in regarding It was only a Jewish the chapter as an original Jewish creation. adaptation of a heathen myth a question which will be discussed

and

it

presently.
xii.

represents at the outset two great powers the sun-goddess and the Dragon, which symbolized for the Jewish adapter the Jewish Community and its spiritual foe, the Antichrist. The Dragon, who after his overthrow in the war in heaven (xii. 4) descended to earth, besets the Jewish Community with a view
1-5, 13-1 7

ab

But to destroying the Messiah, who was to come forth from it. the Messiah who was to be born in the hour of Israel s sorest
need, as was foretold in Mic. v. 3, Isa. vii. 14 sqq., was carried off to heaven, and so escaped the dragon, who therefore fell upon the Jewish Community through his agent the Roman Empire. The Pharisees, who were the elite of the nation, fled to the wilderness, xii. 14-16, and so escaped; but the Zealots clung to the Temple, and so were exposed to the fury of the Dragon, xii. 1 ab In its present context (95 A.D.) xii. 17 is i7 (cf. xi. i, 2). but xii. 14-16 are meaningless. reinterpreted,
ii. Original source of xii. 1-5,

!3-i7

ab

to be found in

primitive international myth.

Scholars have sought the source of this chapter variously in It is not, Babylonian, Persian, Greek, and Egyptian myths. however, directly and wholly from any one of these, but from an The chief attempts of the above international myth.
early

nature are as follows.

1 The Messiah, according to Jer. Berachoth, of the destruction of Jerusalem.
f.

5. c. I,

was born on the day

XII.

11.]

SOURCE OF

XII. 1-5,

13-17

311

Babylonian origin, Gunkel (Schopfung, 379 sqq.) traces the entire chapter to an old Babylonian myth which dealt with the

war between Tiamat, the seven-headed dragon, and the gods, which was not decided till Marduk the god of light arose. In this strife Tiamat cast down a third of the stars (cf. Dan. viii. 10). Tiamat was a water monster a fact which would explain the

The great eagle is the constellation action of the dragon in xii. 15. called the Eagle, which Gunkel supposes to have been the servant of Marduk. Tiamat, knowing the destiny of the child, seeks to kill it the moment it is born, but it is rescued and borne off Then Tiamat turns against the mother, but to a place of safety. through the help of the eagle and the earth she is saved. There upon his fury is directed against the rest of her sons. At last
returns and overcomes Tiamat. But the incurable weakness of this hypothesis is that it is not found in Babylonian mythology, but reconstructed on the basis In that mythology of the very chapter it is invoked to explain. indeed there is found Tiamat and Marduk and Damkina his

Marduk grows up and

mother, who is, in fact, described in terms similar to those in xii. i. But of her persecution by Tiamat, because she was about to bear a child dangerous to the dragon, of the removal of the child, and of the flight of the woman into the wilderness, there has not been

found a trace

in

Babylonian mythology.

But perhaps the most

found in the
it is

telling criticism of this hypothesis is to be as the one exclusive explanation of our text

fact that
its

abandoned by

author.

See Versttindnis, 59
origin.

sq.

Zend
great

Volter

(iv.

86

sq.) traces the

myth

in our text
"the

to a Persian origin.

kingly
in
xii.

glory."

Ormuzd and Ahriman contend for The parallel to this Volter finds in

the

Ahriman sends represents the theocracy. Azhi Dahak the dragon to secure this treasure. The twelve stars with which the woman was crowned were the twelve constel lations created by Ormuzd, while the seven diadems of the dragon had their counterparts in the seven planets which were created by Ahriman. To the statement that the dragon cast down a third of the stars of heaven, Volter adduces the parallel that in Bund. iii. the serpent stood on a third part of the heaven and sprang there from to the earth. So far the parallels are interesting, but of the woman with child, the birth of a son, his removal, the rescue of the mother, there is naturally not a word in Persian mythology in connection with "the great kingly glory" and the serpent. These ideas Volter would trace to Mic. iv. 8-10, though he thinks that our author may have combined the marvellous tradi tion of the book of Zoroaster with the myth about "the great
i,

woman

who

"

kingly glory

which Azhi Dahak sought

to obtain.

312

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XII.

11.

The above hypothesis, though it offers interesting parallels, cannot be accepted as the source of our text. Greek origin. Dieterich 1 (Abraxas^ 117 sqq., Ntkyia, 217,
n. 3) finds

the original of chap.

xii.

in

Greek mythology,

i.e.

in the

myth of the birth of Apollo, as transmitted by Hyginus. It was announced in prophecy to Python the son of Earth, the great Dragon, that he should be slain by the son of Leto, who was with child by Zeus. Out of jealousy Hera contrived that Leto could give birth only where the sun shone not, and Python observing
that she was soon to have a child pursued her in order to slay But Boreas carried her off to Poseidon (cf. xii. 14), who her.

placed her in Ortygia and submerged the island in the sea. cordingly Python failing to find her returned to Parnassus.

Ac

On

the island, which was brought to the surface by Poseidon, Leto bare Apollo, who burst at once his infant bands and in the fulness of his divine form and strength hastened the fourth day after his birth to Parnassus and slew Python. Dieterich (Abrax. 120, note 4) recalls also another form of the myth. According to this, owing to the water floods of the chaotic world which Python threw into such an uproar, Leto could not have borne her child had not the earth come to her help and raised up the waste, desolate island of Delos. Further, he adduces the facts that Leto was portrayed with a veil of stars (cf. xii. i), and that the bronze masterpiece of Euphranor, which Schreiber thinks may have originally stood in Ephesus, represented Leto as fleeing before the dragon with Apollo and Artemis in her arms. If we may combine the above myths we obtain very striking parallels to chap, xii., and particularly so if we recognize that ab xii. 1-5, I3~i7 is from a distinct source, as Dieterich did not. The chief figures, such as the woman, the child, the persecuting dragon, correspond closely to both also individual traits, such as the assisted flight of the woman, the waters menacing the woman, the help given by the earth to the woman. It is only indeed by the combination of conflicting forms of the Greek myth that we can arrive at the above remarkable parallels. For one form of the Greek myth (that on the coin) represents Apollo as already born before Leto s flight, whereas another represents his birth as One form represents the waters as helpful to her, the after it. Both forms agree in making an island the other as hostile. Notwith place of refuge and not the wilderness as in our text. standing, the Greek myth stands incomparably nearer to our text than does the Babylonian or Persian.
:

This view was propounded in 1794 by Dupuis, Origine de tous !es cults, 49, and in 1819 by Richter, Das Christenthum u. d. altesten h eligionen d. Orients, 212, and adopted by O. Pfleiderer(Z?fl.y Christenbild des urchristlichen Glaubens, 1903, 38 sqq.).
iii.

xii.

ii.]
if

SOURCE OF
our
ab

xii. 1-5,

12-17

3*3

conclusions above as to a Jewish source of are valid, then the ultimate derivation of xii. 1-5, ab I 3~ I 7 from a Greek myth through this source is quite possible; and such an hypothesis is free from the chief objection that told
Again,
xii.

1-5, I3~i7

s theory, that the entire chap. xii. was taken hand from a Greek myth by a Christian Apocalyptist. Egyptian source. Bousset (354 sq.) has recourse to Egyp tian mythology for the source of our text, and finds in the myth of Hathor, Osiris, Horus and Set as startling parallels as The woman, who is the Dieterich found in the Greek myth. mother of the child, is the goddess Hathor (i.e. Isis), who is re presented with a sun upon her head (Brugsch, Rel. u. Mythol. d.

against Dieterich

over

first

^Egypten, 211) ; cf. xii. i. The child is Horus, the son of Osiris ; the dragon is Typhon (Set), the favourite symbols for whom are the dragon, serpent, or crocodile (op. tit. 709). Set was usually After described as red (710); cf. Plutarch, De hide, 22, 30.

Typhon

Osiris (the declining sun) is slain by Set, Isis though pursued by collects the bones of Osiris, and in a marvellous manner

Then she escapes on a boat bears the child, the young sun-god. of papyrus, makes her way through the marshes and gets safe to
a legendary floating island, Chemnis (op. tit. 400 sq.). According to another variant, Hathor does not bear Horus till she reaches Chemnis (403, 405), while an Osiris hymn represents Hathor as x producing wind with her wings (398) in her flight, and as bearing Horus in the solitude whither she had fled. Finally, Horus overcomes Typhon (as Apollo the Python), 399, 717, 721.

Typhon is subsequently imprisoned and destroyed by fire (722). As in the Greek myth, the woman flees to an island and not into the wilderness as in our text. Similarly Horus (like Apollo)
not separated from Hathor as the child is from the woman in our text. Finally, water is not hurled after Hathor to destroy her ; on the contrary, she finds deliverance on the face of the waters.
is

Conclusion.

From

the foregoing discussion

ab

it

follows that the

is not borrowed wholly and directly 1-5, i2-i7 from any of the above sources, but that it is akin to elements in all of them cannot be denied. The oldest of the four is in all prob

myth

in chap.

xii.

ability the

Babylonian, but at a very early date the tradition of a

international. So Gunkel, aban doning the strict derivation of our text from the primitive Baby lonian myth, now holds (Verstandnis, 55), and so also Cheyne (Bible. Problems, 195, 206) and Clemen (Erklarung, d. 237). This primitive myth is in reality "the old story of the conflict be tween light and darkness, order and disorder, transferred to the

World-Redeemer had become

NT

As Cheyne
14.

bird
xii.

(Bible Prootems, 199) points out, the vulture was the second of Hathor-Nechbit. This recalls "the wings of the great eagle,"

314
latter

THE REVELATION OF
"

ST.

JOHN

[XH.

1.

faithful

days and adapted by spiritualisation ... to the wants of Jews (Cheyne, op. cit. 80). Into this primitive inter national tradition Judaism had read its own religious history and
longings for a divine Redeemer (cf. Gunkel, op. cit. 58). On the general meaning of this chapter see Introduction,
1.
i.

its

Kal

<TT]jjLeIoi

jxeya

Toy

TjXtoy,

Kal
is

r\

oupai w, yui/Tj irepijSepXirjp.ej T] ae\r\vi] uiroKtrra) rGtv irob&v aurrjs, Kal em TTJS
TU>
oj<j>0T]

ev

K<f>aXt]s

aurqs This verse

oT4>

ai/o S

doTepwy SuBeKa.

yvv-r)

to be taken as constituting a complete sentence. TrepL/3/3X.rj/jivr) is a phrase standing in apposition to

/xeya.

have exactly the same construction in xv. i, dyyeAovs eTrra, save that the verb in xv. i is Most editors connect the active, whereas in xii. i it is passive. KOL tv yaoTpt l^ovo-a of 2 with Trepi/^e/SAi^ej/iy KT\. and treat it as
aAAo
o-ijfjiciov
. .

We

In but wrongly. exovo-a the participle stands for a finite verb, as in

merely a participial phrase,

i.

cr^/xeiov
it

has two meanings in our Apocalypse. seems to denote a heavenly marvel; but in

In
xiii.

ei/ yacrrpl 16, vi. 2, etc. xii. i, 3, xv. i,

Kal

13, 14, xvi. 14,

a sign wrought by the Antichrist or his agents in order to The latter is thus a deceive the inhabitants of the earth. cf. John ii. n, 23, etc. caricature of the sign wrought by Christ The word in this latter sense does not naturally occur till the With the first meaning cf. Satanic reign begins on earth. e ovpavov, Luke xi. 1 6 ; Mark viii. 1 1 ; Matt. xvi. i ; TO
xix. 20,
:

TOV vlov TOV avOpwirov (Matt. xxiv. 30).

The
o-ry/xetov

first

Woe
oxfrOr).

second by Kal
/Aeya

rj/covo-a,

was introduced by /cat eTSov (ix. i), the ix. 13, whereas the third opens with Kal We have come at last to the climax of the
"
"

apocalyptic vision.
lv

TW oupayw. This is taken as i = in the heaven (so De In Wette, Diisterdieck, Spitta, Gunkel, B. Weiss, Holtzmann). this case the scene of action is the same as in xi. 19, and the ornaments of the woman the sun, moon, and twelve stars fall in fitly with this tradition in the or 2 as = on the heaven," i.e.
:
" "

(so Vischer, Volter, Bousset, Swete, J. In favour of this view is the fact that the woman flies Scott). into the wilderness, which cannot be supposed to be in heaven.
sky"

Weiss, Anderson

But in the original context of this tradition, as Wellhausen (p. 19) points out, while heaven was clearly the scene of action in xii. 1-3, in 4 a descent to earth on the part of the woman and the Dragon is silently presupposed, as well as the overthrow of the latter. But the overthrow of the Dragon was omitted here by the Seer
since he deals with
It is
it

later in xii. 7 sq.

hard to determine the place of the Seer during the various scenes in this chapter, since he is using independent See note on iv. 2, p. 109. traditions in a very abbreviated form.

1.]

VISION OF
irpipcj3\T]|aeVir]

THE WOMAN

31$

woman l represents
This
all

rov T\\IOV KT\. In its present context this the true Israel or the community of believers.

Jewish and Gentile Christians, are to undergo the last great tribulation. But the original expectation of the source xii. 1-5, 13-17 (67-69 A.D.), that the Jewish Christians would escape (see xii. 14-16 notes, Introd. 10), survives in the text and is meaningless in 95 A.D. "The rest of her seed" ( = originally "Gentile Christians")

community embraces

of

whom

in

xii.

17 must in

its

present context be taken as including

all

Christians.

But since the woman is represented as the mother of the Messiah, the community which she symbolizes must embrace the true O.T. Israel. The conception in the present context is very elastic. The Seer did not here create his symbols freely, but used those that had come to him by tradition. J. Weiss (p. 137) takes the woman to symbolize the heavenly Jerusalem, which St. Paul calls "our mother" (Gal. iv. 26), and which thus forms a contrast to the woman that symbolizes Babylon or Rome in chap. xvii. But this cannot have been the original meaning of the description in our text. If the Seer had been creating freely, he would not have introduced into the picture a number of notable characteristics which were without further
significance
fluous.

for his purpose,

and were,

therefore, wholly super

with the
horns,

Thus the woman wearing a crown of twelve stars, clothed sun, and having the moon beneath her feet, the heads,

and diadems of the dragon, the wings of the great eagle, the stream cast forth from the mouth of the dragon after the woman and swallowed up by the earth, are ideas that can be best See Introduction to explained from a mythological background. this chapter, p. 310 sqq., for the larger consideration of these ques tions. Here, however, we should observe that in the crown of twelve stars we are probably to recognize the twelve signs of the
as Gunkel (Schopfung, 386), Zimmern (K.A.T? 360), Bousset, and Jeremias (Babylonisches, 35 sq.) have done. Jeremias (Babylonisches, 35 sq.) draws attention to the fact that, according
zodiac,

Martianus Capella (De Nupt. Philol. et Merc, i. 75), the Assyrian Juno wore a crown with twelve precious stones, amongst which were the zmaragdus, jasper, hyacinth. These stones,
to

Clemen (Erklarung
1

d.

N.T.

p.

78) states, have been

shown by

spouse of God in the O.T. The true Israel in the N.T becomes the spouse of Christ cf. Apoc. xix. 7, xxi. 9. The blending of the O.T. conception with that of the N.T. introduces confusion. But this is owing to the use of the
:

This designation of the theocratic community by yvv-f] has parallels in b Zion appears as a Jer. iii. 6-10; Ezek. xvi. 8 ; Hos. ii. 19, 20. woman in the vision in 4 Ezra ix. 38-x. 59. The spiritual Israel was the
Isa. liv. 5
;

Jewish source.

316

THE REVELATION OF
ii.

ST.

JOHN

[XII. 1-2

177 sq.) to correspond twelve stones on the breastplate of the high priest are interpreted by Philo (Vita Mas. hi. 14) and Josephus (Ant. iii. 7. 7) of these signs. The 1 original, then, of the woman in our text was a goddess, whose crown was studded with the signs of the zodiac, whose body was clothed with the sun, and whose feet rested on the moon as a footstool. With the actual phrase Trepi/^e/SA^eVT? TOV yXiov cf. Ps. ciii. To 77 (reA. 771/77 VTro/cdra) (civ.) 2, dva/:?aXXo//,vo9 0cos ws t/jtdrtov. we have a remarkable parallel in T. Naph. v. 3-4, 6 Aevt
to the twelve signs of the zodiac.

Kircher (Oedipus Aegyptiacus, 1653,

The

rov rjXiov
vil/wOrjcrav
d/xc/>OTepa

/cat

lovSas

c/>0dVas

eTriacre

rrjv (T\T]vr)v,

/cat

crvv avrots.

4,

/cat

ovros rov Aevt ws 6

77X10?,

I8ov ve os TIS

ytvTO
^^/,

A) Here Levi is palm, and Judah

"

avrw /?ata Xa/ATrpos u)S 77 O-CA77J/77, /cat rjcrav owSc/ca aKTtvcs.

e7rtStSu>o-ti>

c/>otvtKa>v

TJTTO

lovSas SwSe/ca, /cat TOUS TroSa? avrouv (avrov,

like the sun, and receives twelve branches of is bright like the moon, and beneath his (or

their feet are twelve rays of light. The symbolism in both The twelve aK-nW?, which are evidently passages is the same. stars the twelve in our text, seem to symbolize in both The diction recalls Joseph s dream passages the twelve tribes.
")
"
"

Gen.
2.

xxxvii. 9, 6 77X109 Kat

77

oreXtjvr) /cat ei Se/ca do-repes.

Kal

ei>

yaorp!

2)(oucra

Kal

Kpdei

ciSiVoucra Kal

^onTavi^o^evi]

T6K61I/.

exouaa
Biblical

is

here used as a

finite

verb by a Semiticism
participle
is

for in

Aramaic and Syriac the

more frequently

used as a finite verb than in its proper signification. This usage is found in late Biblical Hebrew, and frequently in Mishnaic

Hebrew. It is reflected occasionally in the Greek translations Dan. ii. 21, where the four Aramaic participles ( = four finite verbs) are rendered in the LXX by one finite verb and three participles, and by Theodotion by three finite verbs and one
:

cf.

participle:
participles

cf.

also

ii.

verbs are rendered by two finite verb). This Semiticism is found again Instances of this usage 8, x. 2, xxi. 12, 14. St. Paul; cf. 2 Cor. v. 12, vii. 5. See Blass,

= finite

22,

iii.

9,

16,

vi.

10,

vii.

(here three

participles and one in our text in iv. 7,

are to be found in

With
auTO?
/cat

(rrj/jLclov

V/JLLV

crrjjjLtiov

sq. iv yacrrpi t^ovcra cf. Isa. vii. 14, Swarci Kvptos L&OV 77 Trap^evos ev yacrrpt !ei (Xirj^^ra.^ B)
.

Gram. 284

re^erat vlov.

1 Amongst the Egyptians the goddess Hathor is represented with the sun upon her head (Brugsch, Rel. und Myth, d alien Aegypten, 211); amongst the Greeks, Leto wears a veil of stars (Dieterich, Abraxas 120, n. 4), whilst among the Babylonians Damkina, the mother of Marduk, is called "the 3 (K.A. 7\ 360, n. 3). lady of the heavenly tiara
,
"

XII. 2-3.]

VISION OF

THE DRAGON
in the

317

theocratic

There are many close parallels community is described

o)S
. .

Cf. Isa. xxvi. 17,

avTrjs
iv.
7reKpaei>

fj
.

O.T. in which the a travailing woman. uSwovcra cyyiei TOV TCKCW KOL eVt rrj Mic. Iv yacrrpl eXd/3o/Jiev /cat coSii/vfo-a/jiev
as
a>Sivi
:

10,

wSij/e

OvydT-rjp

Setwv

(bs

riKroucra

Isa.

Ixvi.

J,

Trplv

rrjv wSivovcrav

re/cctv, Trplv

fXOfiv rov TTOVOV TWV

o>Sivwv,

ee<vytv

KCU

to

The above passages, which compare the theocratic community woman in travail (cf. also Jer. iv. 31, xiii. 21, xxii. 23;
;

Isa. xiii. 8, xxi. 3

Hos.

xiii.

13),

and the

birth of the

new

Israel

child (Isa. Ixvi. 7 sq.), point to the fact that this vision in its Jewish form dealt with the expected birth of the Messiah from the Jewish nation, and that in its present and
to that of a

man

Christian context it refers to the birth of Christ. As regards the construction, TCKCIV is generally taken as an

Perhaps it epexegetical infinitive dependent on /3ao-ai/io//.vr7. would be best to take it closely with Kpda. Thus we should and cried in her travail and pain to be delivered." The have text seems to be based on Isa. xxvi. 17 but not on the LXX, and
"

would

= miv

rfcnEI rpbl

pytni.

/3ao-avio>

is

used of the pangs

of childbirth in profane Greek (see Thayer in loc.) but not in or N.T. Or else TCKCIV is to be translated according the to the familiar Hebrew idiom ( = m??) ready to be delivered."

LXX

"

3.
jjieyas

Kal

aXXo
w<j>0T)

oT)fj,cioi

iv

TW

oupai/w,

ical
Seicct,

I8ou

Spates

irupp<Ss,

ex6

*"

K<j>a\ds

eirrd Kal

Kepara

Kal

em

rots

Ke<j>aXds

auroG eirrd SiaS^jxara.

The sevenheaded Dragon is ultimately derived from Baby The monster appears as the chief enemy of Ionian mythology. God in the O.T., and is variously designated or hinted at under such titles as Rahab, Isa. li. 9-10; Ps. Ixxxix. 10; Job xxvi. 12-13, etc.: Leviathan, Ps. Ixxiv. 12-19; Isa. xxvii. i: Behe moth, Job xl. 15-24: the dragon in the sea, Job vii. 12; Ezek.
xxix. 3-6, xxxii.

2-8;
ix.
,

the Serpent,
mias,

Amos

Jer. li. 34, 36, 42 (cf. Pss. Sol. 2 sqq. (see Gunkel, Schopfung

ii.

28-34)

3 29-82; Genesis 121 sqq.; Zimmern, K,A.T? Das AT. 2 177 sqq.; Clemen, Religionsgeschichtliche Erklarung des NT. 99 sqq. The many names by which this monster was designated

Chaos, 507 sqq.; Jere-

und

The dragon appears in point to a manifoldness of the tradition. some passages as a personification of the ocean, and specially of the primeval ocean, Isa. li. 9-10; Ps. Ixxxix. 10 sqq. ; Job xxvi. 12, etc.: in others as a dweller in the Nile, and so Egypt is named Rahab, Isa. xxx 7 Ps. Ixxxvii. 4 in others as the monster which prevents the rising of the sun, Job iii. 8, or from which the darkness ~omes, Job xxvi. 13. Hence Gunkel con cludes (Genesis 3 122) that other mythologies in addition to that
;
:

31 8
of

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XII.

3.

Babylon may have contributed towards the dragon myth

in

the O.T.

The dragon and

Isa.
li.

the primeval ocean are brought together in

These were overcome by Yahweh in the prehistoric And what happened at the beginning of days will be foretime. repeated on a greater scale at the end of time. The primeval strife between Yahweh and the powers of chaos is transformed into a final struggle between God and Satan at the world s close,
9 sq.
in

which the

latter

will

manifest

himself as

a world-power,

hostile first to

Judaism and then to the Christian Community.

The

transformation of cosmological myth into eschatological doctrine is found also in Isa. xi. 6-8, Ixv. 25, Hos. ii. 18-22, which assign to the blessed coming time the peace that reigned
in

Eden;

in Isa. Ixv.

17,
is

Ixvi.

creation of the foretime

to

22; i Enoch xci. 16, where the be succeeded by the creation of a

new heavens and a new

earth.

The manifoldness of the ancient eschatological myth is to some extent repeated in the eschatological expectation. Thus in in that day Yahweh with His sore and Isa. xxvii. i, it is said that
"

great and strong sword shall punish leviathan, the swift serpent, and leviathan, the crooked serpent, and He shall slay the dragon that is in the Similarly in our Apocalypse we have a the Dragon, i.e. Satan, and his two agents, variety of evil agents The Beast was originally none the Beast and the False Prophet. other than the dragon himself, the chaos monster, since he came
sea."

up from the sea, xiii. i. As such he pours forth a flood of water from his mouth after the woman, xii. 15. The same idea seems
to underlie xvii.
i.

xvii. 3,

The fiery red or scarlet colour, of the dragon may (K.A.T? 503 sq. 512) go back to the musrussu tamtim, the "raging" or "red gleaming" serpent, which was set up in the Temple of Marduk, Esagil, and is to be regarded as the chaos monster since with the Babylonians no monster had a serpent-like form. The Babylonian representa a feature with which we tions of this musrussu have two horns may compare the horns in our text. But the number ten comes
Spdicwy
. .
.

iruppos KT\.

most probably from Dan. vii. 7, 24. The Babylonian tradition seven great serpent with speaks also of the musmahha, the 1 Zimmern (K.A.T? 507, 512) takes these to be heads." descriptions of one and the same mythological chaos monster. The combined characteristics of these two conceptions serve to account for the colour 2 of the dragon in our text, the number of
"
"

"

1 In the Gnostic Pistis Sophia (ed. Schmidt, Ixxxviii. 34) a serpent is a basilisk with seven heads." Wetstein mentioned having the form of b with seven heads appears. quotes Qiddushim 29 where a demon 2 But the red colour of the Dragon is found in the Egyptian myth. The
"

XII. 3-4.]
his

VISION OF

THE DRAGON

319

heads and the fact that he was horned. The idea, therefore, is composite, and embraces characteristics (i.e. ten horns and seven heads) that cannot be reconciled or at all events understood. If the writer had been creating freely the conception before us, we should naturally have expected the Dragon to have had seven heads and seven and not ten horns. But the number ten has come from tradition, i.e. Dan. vii. 7, 24. Kal em ras Ke^aXds aurou ITTTOL oiaSrjjjiaTa. This clause cannot be illustrated from any ancient source. But its presence here is If the Christ has 8iaS/;/x,aTa TroAAa, xix. 12, not difficult in itself. the Dragon, His great foe, would not unnaturally be represented But we cannot in this way as likewise crowned with diadems. explain xiii. i, where the ten horns of the beast are similarly crowned, and where these ten horns appear to refer to the It is not improbable that both here and in Parthian kings. xiii. i the clauses are later interpolations, and from the same hand that was at work in i. 20, viii. 2, xvii. 9. The position of
in our text

the 7rr& (in xiii. i of the Se /ca) before the As a rule our author article is difficult.

noun and without the

placed
en-ret

after its

noun when anarthrous.

See, however, footnote on viii. 2. 4. Kal r\ oupd auTou aupei TO Tpiroy TOW doreptoi/ TOU oupcu ou, Kal Kal 6 SpaKUF eoTTjKei Ivutiriov TTJS ejSaXey auTous els TYJK yfj^.
TTJS

YUMUKOS

jjieXXouaTjs

TKi>,

fra

orai/ TC KT)

TO

-riwov

aurfjs

KaT<x<J>dyr|.

first clause we have not only a reference to but a loose of Dan. viii. 10, where it is said of the little horn rendering Since both the sitf-ny iwn. fiovrrjp NV-IN fern

In the

own

LXX

and Theodotion give here wholly divergent renderings resting on a different text, the rendering in our text is an independent The third part of mankind was destroyed after the version. here the third part of the stars was sixth (i.e. second) Trumpet
:

cast

down

after the seventh

last

(i.e.

third).

statement we have a remarkable parallel in Bund. iii. n, "He (the evil spirit) stood upon one third of the inside of the sky, and he sprang like a snake out of the sky down
this

To

to the
Kal

earth."
r\

to a war in

These words refer els TTjf yYji heaven between the good angels and Satan and his angels, and it is implied that the latter were cast down to earth, where already the woman is supposed to be, and that it was not
oupd auTou aupei
.

till

then that the

woman

child

was born

He was

carried off to the throne of

brought forth her child. When the God. Then in

dragon Typhon which sought to slay Horusthe child of Hathor was according to Plutarch (De hide et Osiride, 22, 30) of a red colour. See Gunkel,

Zum

Verstandnis, 57, note.

32O

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XII. 4-5.

xii. 7 sqq. a second war in heaven is recounted. This second was intended by our author to be understood as Satan storming heaven in pursuit of the child. Thus xii. 4 would refer to the war in heaven when Satan was hurled down from his primeval first abode to earth, and xii. 7 sqq. to Satan s final attempt to storm heaven, and his final overthrow after the birth of the child. The story is told in symbolic language. The birth of the child marks the end of Satan s power in heaven. With this idea we might compare our Lord s language, Luke x. 18, tOewpovv rov CK rov ovpavov Treo-ovra. ^aravav But originally xii. 4 ab and xii. 7 sqq. were doublets, and referred to one and the same war in heaven, xii. 7-9 had originally no reference whatever to the child, nor were Michael and his angels in the least conscious that they were fighting on His behalf, nor is it anywhere stated that the dragon was overthrown because of his enmity to the child.
.
.

Behind this casting down of the stars Gunkel (Schopfung, 387) would discover an astrological myth, which accounted for the
gap in the starry heaven. In the present context a war in heaven is rehandled in xii. 7-10, 12.
this subject of

6 Spates eoTTjKei/ CKWTUOK rfjs yuyaiKos. In their present context these words are, as J. Weiss, p. 83, writes, intended to teach that the enmity of mankind which Jesus had to endure was in reality an enmity of the devil (cf. Luke xxii. i sqq. ; John xiii. 27) which had beset Him from the beginning (cf. Luke iv. But this was not their original meaning. See 13; Mt. ii. 4).

Introd. to Chapter, 10, p. 310. 5. Kal 6T6K6K uloV, ap(Tv, o ju^XXei TroijiaiVeii TrdVra rot eQvt] iv Qebv Kal irpos pd|38u> orSTjpa Kal TJpTr<a6ir] TO rewov auTTjs irpog
1

TOI>

TOV OpoVoc aurou.

peculiar phrase vioV, apo-cv is found also in Tob. vi. 12 and the correspond apcrrjv ovo Ovydrrjp vTrdp^ei Hebrew in Jer. xx. 15, p, where the gives only ing (B, a/oo-ev), but the Vulgate Peshitto and Targum of Jonathan The Notwithstanding the text is peculiar. support the text.
(tf)

The
KOL

vlo<s

avT<5,

"DT

LXX

a/><n?v

neuter dpa-cv
Ixvi. 7,

is

e<vye

Yet we find it in the also peculiar. KOL ere/cev apcrev Jer. xxxvii. (xxx.) 6.
:

LXX,

Isa.

05 jieXXei n-oijxau/eu

aio\]pa.

This clause which comes from

;

the hand of our author (cf. ii. makes clear the meaning which this child (Ps. ii. 9) that will the Antichrist and his heathen

27

xix.

15)

and

he attaches to the
followers.

refers to Christ, text. It is just

with irresistible power overcome

Our author makes these words refer to the TJpTrda0T) KT\. removal of Christ from the sphere of Satan s power and to His Thus the whole life of Christ and all His redemptive ascension. activities are ignored and only His birth and ascension are here mentioned. Jesus, moreover, is represented as a child in need

XII. 5-8.]

WAR

IN

HEAVEN

$21

of protection, and as such rapt to heaven. These facts can only be explained by the hypothesis that our author did not write this chapter himself, but by his editorial additions made the text, which had originally quite a different meaning, refer to Christ s birth and ascension. See Introd. to Chapter. is d/D7raa> used in the same sense as in our text in 2 Cor. xii. 2, 4 ; i Thess. iv. 17; Acts viii. 39. Kal irpds rov Qpovov aurou = even unto His throne." It is probably an addition of our author: cf. iii. 21, v. i, vii. 10, and possibly the idea in xxii. I, 3, rov Opovov rov $eov Kal rov apvLov.
"

6.

Kal

r\

yui/Y)

etyuyei

ets

TT)I>

epY]u.oy,
eicei

OTTOU

e^ei

CKCI

roirov
t)p,epas

tjToiu.aajxei OJ

diro

TOU

OeoG,

Iva,

Tpe cjxocrii/

aurrjK

XiXias StaKocrias ei]Korra. The Church is to be sheltered from persecution during the But this statement does not accord with reign of Antichrist.

our author

teaching elsewhere.
is

See notes on 14-16

(p. 330),

and on 17
anticipates

(p. 332).

a doublet (see pp. 301, 304) of xii. i3 b, 14, and takes place after the conflict in heaven about to be described. On the meaning of the ywrj here, see note, p. 315. The 1260 days is an interpretation of the corresponding but less definite phrase in 14. It denotes the period of the Anti

This verse

what

christ s reign. roirov ijToiu.aajjiei oy diro TOU Oeou in

and explanation of
after a passive verb

efc

xiii. 6 rov roirov avrfjs in 14.

is

an expansion
airo
(

The

= vir6)

very rare in N.T.

our author (see

found

in

John

ix. 18, note). xiv. 2, 3.

The

belongs to the style of phrase roirov ^Tot/xao-^eVoj/ is

7. Kal eyei/ero iroXejJLOs iv TW oupou w. 6 MixctT]X Kal 01 ayyeXot aurou TOU

SpaKoinros, Kal 6 SpaKcov eiroXeu.TQO ei

iroXejifjaai

|JiTa

TOU

Kal ot ayyeXoi aurou, 8. Kal OUK

ou8e TOTTOS eupeOt] aurStv ITI iv TW

oupacu>.

Kal

We

eyevero

ir6Xejj,os

...

have

here
x.

an
25,

abnormal
eyei/ero

MixarjX construction.
. .

TOU

TroXcpjaai.

compare Acts

rov

eio-eA.$etv

scholars roV HeT/aov, but this

Some

construction is not a true parallel. Diisterdieck makes many suggestions. He proposes l-rroXcas the original text, and explains the rov as a fjifjo-av dittograph of avrov preceding it or he suggests the loss of di/eo-r^o-av or r?A0ov or again, the excision of TroAc/tos (so Swete) before rov TroAc/x^o-ai kv TOJ ovpavw as a marginal gloss. Viteau (Etudes, i. 168) assumes the loss of but Bousset and Swete think it better to Buttmann and Blass take rov repeat eyeVero with MixcojA.. VOL. i. 21
: :

5<rv,

322
as
ot

THE REVELATION OF
depending on eycvero

ST.

JOHN
and
6

[XII.

TroAe/Aos

"There was war ayycAot avrov as the subject of TroXe/x^o-ai. in heaven, so that Michael and his angels fought," etc. The nom. would then appear here irregularly for the ace., TOV Robertson, 7ro\jj.TJ(raL rov Mi^a^A. KOI TOVS dyyeAovs avrov. Gram. 1066, takes TOV TroAe/x^o-ai to be "in explanatory with TroAe/xos," but none of the apposition examples Herein he follows he gives from the are parallels. Moulton 2, 218, who seeks to illustrate the construction by a
*>.

LXX

His illustration of is not analogous. abnormal Greek by an abnormal piece of English "There will be a cricket match the champions to play the throws no light on the difficulty. But all these explanations are only counsels of despair. The first step to the true explanation was taken by Ewald, Bleek, and rov ^roAc^o-cu as a Hebraism = Ziillig, who recognized
quotation from Virgil which
this
rest,"
Qni>r6

But none of these scholars attempted to "they fight." deal with the chief difficulty, i.e. the nominatives 6 Mi^a^A KCU

had

to

01 Some acquaintance with ayyeAoi avrov before rov 7roAe/x^o-at. the would have solved this difficulty. So far from being a unique construction in Greek, it is a construction found several times in the LXX, and found as a literal reproduction of a pure Hebraism. Thus in Hos. ix. 13 we have E<pcuyu, rov

LXX

D "BK), Ephraim must bring forth," Ps. avrov rov o^Aukrcu 1 (cf. Vulg. = DJJ^nn^ 1IV"D) TOV eioTropeveo-^at Kara fTrra I Chron. ix. 25, ct8eA.<ot avrcov . . on s n), "their brethren had to ^u,/oas (atinyn nXDOT Eccles. iii. 15, oVa TOV yiVeo-#ai come in ... every seven days = iTn niM^ "t^s), what is to be hath already r)07j yeyovey ( Thus in the Hebrew the subject before p and the inf. been."
"

eayayav

= KWr6

XXV. 14,

rj

oiaOrJKr)

ni>

"

"

"UD

is in the nom., and the Greek translators have literally repro duced this idiom in the LXX. There can, therefore, be no doubt that we have here a literal Greek reproduction of a pure Hebraism, which recurs in a less
xii. 10 (see note). easy retroversion into Hebrew.

correct form in

Hence
nonta

this

passage admits of

own
"V\V

\-irn

pjnro 8

NVD3

"

7.

And war
the
it

burst forth in
etc.

DDIpD heaven
N^>

D31

Michael and his angels had

8.

to fight with the

Dragon,

And

Dragon,"

1 Here the scholars render

LXX

and the Vulg. take

wna

in the

nom., whereas modern

as the ace. after

xii.

?.]
IK

WAR
T$ oupai w.
;

IN

HEAVEN
vi. 5.

323
to
ev

Battles in
re KCU

ir<$Xejj,os

the sky are referred

3
;

in 2

Mace.

v. 2 sq.

Joseph. B.J.
7rea>v

Sibyll.

iii.

796-808,

vc.<f>i\ri

8 o\l/ecr&. /xa^i/

ITTTTCOV.

But Our

text refers

not to a mere spectacle in the sky but to an actual war. Many of the features in this account we can find in pre-Christian Juda i. Thus Michael, who was earlier conceived as the patron ism. angel of Israel as opposed to the patron angels of the Gentiles, came later to be regarded as the guardian of the righteous of all a conception which set Michael in direct antagonism nations Michael s greatest struggle ii. to Satan, the protagonist of evil. was to take place in the last days on behalf of Israel. If this expectation is combined with the preceding, the conflict of Michael and Satan is to come to a climax in the last days. iii. According to Jewish tradition Satan was cast down from heaven in the beginning of time, but according to a widely attested The fusion of these two belief he had still access to heaven. beliefs could readily issue in the eschatological expectation that Satan was to be cast down from heaven in the last times, and, if we take the evidence of i. and ii. into account, his great angelic opponent was to be Michael. In Dan. x. 13, 21, xii. i Michael is described as the i. guardian angel of Israel, and fights on their behalf against the But in guardian angels of the Gentile nations, Dan. x.-xii. i Enoch xx. 5 he is represented not as the patron angel of Israel, but as the patron angel of the saints in Israel. Furthermore, he is expressly distinguished from the seventy angelic patrons of the nations (Deut. xxxii. 8-9 Sir. xvii. 17; Jub. xv. 31-32), ; since Israel is not put under an angelic patron like the nations But another stage still in the develop but is God s own portion. ment emerges. In the larger ethical universalism of the Testa ments of the XII Patriarchs, Michael is regarded not merely as the intercessor on behalf of the saints in Israel but of the right eous in all nations, T. Levi v. 7, as the mediator between God and man, T. Dan vi. 2. This radical change of conception brought with it of necessity other changes. Michael s antagonists are no longer the patron angels of the nations but the spiritual first of the righteous Israelite and next of the foe righteous of all nations. In either case alike this foe is Mastema (Jub. x. 1 Thus 8, ii), or Beliar, i.e. Satan, T. Dan vi. i (T. Benj. vi. i). Michael is the angelic representative of the power of goodness in the strife with evil, and as such fights with Satan. This con ception, which is that which appears in our text, had already been arrived at in Judaism. See my edition of the Testaments

LXX

In later Judaism Michael

is
i.

which thum,

practically

=6

60ti 6 apxa-tos.

opponent is frequently called See Eisenmenger, Entdecktes Juden-

822, 826, 837, 842.

324

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XII. 8.

Patriarchs, pp. 39-40, 132 ; Lueken, Michael, 23-30 ; Bousset, Religion des Judenthums, 320 sq. ii. The intervention of Michael in the last times of greatest need is referred to already in Dan. xii. i ; i Enoch xc. 14, and later in Ass. Mos. x. 2. 1
iii.

XII

Book

of

Once more we find in 2 Enoch xxix. 4-5 and in Adam and Eve 6. (Malan s transl.) the statement
i.

the
that

Satan once attempted to set his throne on an equality with that of God, and was thereupon hurled down from heaven. But alongside this tradition there existed the belief that Satan had still his place cf. Job i. 6, 7 ; Zech. iii. i sqq. ; i Enoch xl. in heaven 7 (Eph. i. 3, 10, ii. 6, iii. 10, vi. 12; Asc. Isa. vii. 9 sqq. ; 2 Enoch vii. The existence of these two views in Judaism naturally i). led to their fusion in an eschatological expectation, such as we find in our text, according to which Satan is to be cast down from heaven by Michael in the first of the last great final struggles
:

between the Kingdom of God and Satan. 2 With this conception we might compare the spiritual form given to it by our Lord in Luke x. 1 8, $o)povv rov Saravav aar/oaTnyv K TOV ovpavov Treo-oVra, and John xii. 31, vvv o apx&v TOV KoV/xov TOV TOV e
a>s

These words mean that evil is already hurled from its seat of power which it had hitherto held, and that the first and most important stage in the conquest of Satan had already been His sphere is henceforth more limited. achieved. To the cosmological myth referred to above there are parallels in the Persian mythology where Ahriman in the beginning of the world s history storms heaven and is hurled down, Bund. and in those of the Manichaeans, Mandaeans, and iii. n, 26;
Greeks.

But in the Persian religion we find not only the cosmological myth but also this eschatological expectation. In the last days there was to be war in heaven, Ahuramazda and the Amshaspands were to contend with Angra Mainyu and his followers and overcome and destroy both him and the serpent Gokihar (see
Verwandschaft Eschatologie, 125 sqq.).
Boklen,
8.
1

d.

jud.
xiii.

Christlichen mit d. Parsischen

loxuaey

= 73,

as in Ps.

Dan.

vii.

21.

This Hebrew
of

This expectation appears also

viii.

in the

LXX

and Theod. renderings

"

Dan.

though

II, ?wj 6 apxt-fTTpdryyos pijaerai (Theod. pi io-rjTai) TTJV alx/maXufflav, the This designation of Michael as the Hebrew is quite different.
"

captain of the host Thus the 10.

or

LXX

appears in 2 Enoch xxii. 6, xxxiii. expected Michael to free Israel from its subjection to
"

"chief

captain

Antiochus. b 2 In the Pesik. R. iii. 6 (ed. Friedmann, p. i6i ) Satan declares that he and his angels will be cast down to hell by the Messiah (see Jewish Encyc,
xi.

70)

cf.

Lueken, Michael,

29.

XII. 8-9.]
verb

DRAGON CAST DOWN TO EARTH

"to

325

be victorious" in is used absolutely in the sense of KCU OVK Gen. xxx. 8, xxxii. 28 ; Hos. xii. 4, etc. eTroAe/^o-ev recalls Dan. vii. 21, TO* yip &O3JJ, Theod. to-xwev KCU tcr^o-ev. ouSe TOTTOS eupe Sr) KT\. This phrase, e7rott which is found in Dan. ii. 35 (cf. Zech. x. 10), recurs in xx. n.
.

pn>

7roAe/>tov

9.

KCU

eJ3Xrj0T|

Spcucaji/

peyas,
TTJI

6
o<f>is

dpxaios,

Kal

KaXoujmeros Atd|3oXos 6 larayas, o irXaywy

oiKOUfj.efY)f

oXrjK

e|3Xii]0T]

els TTJK yfji Kal ot ayyeXoi aurou

per

auroG

e|3Xr]0T]aaF.

The earth the casting down of Satan see note on ver. 8. be the scene of his activities. The 6 /Ayas points back It is not improbable that the words to ver. 3, iSov SpaKw //.eyas. 6 . /3XriOrj are an addition on the part of our author. See p. 309 sq. The diction and ideas are essentially his. In that case the original of ver. 9 ran
is

On

now

to

o<pi?

6 SpaKow 6 jmyas eis TTJK

l

ol

ayycXot aurou

fjier

aurou

o<|>ts

First of all, Cf. xx. 2. Aid|3oXos Kal 6 larai/as. Hence 8ta/?oXos and rendering of }D^. are synonymous in our text. have now to consider
.

is

the

LXX

We

the connections here established between Saravas

apx<uos.

and

o<pis

conceptions were originally quite distinct. The cf. the Rabbinical old serpent expressions Oto Tjjn BTIJPI and ^nan see Wetstein and Schottgen in loc. is manifestly fi^K"in
:

The

iii. i The serpent in sq. that tempted Eve. It passage was distinct from the rest of the animal creation. stood upright apparently (see note in my edition or\Jub. iii. 23) it possessed supernatural knowledge the secret of the tree which none but God besides knew it was opposed to God and calumniated Him. These facts point to a mythological element in the background, and that the serpent was originally a demon of a serpentlike form and hostile to God and man. That supernatural beings had such a form was believed among the Semites, Egyptians, Greeks, Indians, and others. (See Gunkel 3 on Gen. iii. 1-5.) The word Satan, \tito, is of purely Semitic origin. Satan

the serpent in Gen.

this

appears as a distinct superhuman personality only in three In passages in the O.T., Zech. iii. ; Job i. 6 ; i Chron. xxi. i. the earlier he is completely subject to Yahweh, and appears among "the sons of God" in Job, though he is regarded as distinct from them, Job 6. The development of the conception moves along two lines; (a) from being subordinate to, Satan
;
"

326
becomes
(not

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XII. 9-10.

largely independent of, Yahweh; (b) from being the necessarily unjust) accuser, he becomes the tempter and enemy of men. In N.T. both developments are complete, in

O.T. both are in process" (Encyc. Bib. iv. 4298). But in the O.T. there is not the slightest hint of the later identification of the serpent and Satan beyond the combination in the tempter of Eve in the Paradise story of the demonic character and the serpent-like form. The next step in this direction is to be found in i Enoch Ixix. 6, where Gadreel is said to have tempted Eve. He was probably a Satan, since he was a leader of the fallen angels, and the guilt of the angels In Wisd. consisted in their becoming subject to Satan, liv. 6. ii. 24 the entrance of death into the world is attributed to Satan
:

8e
<j>66v<a

Sia/?oAou

0ai/aros

elcrrjXOfv

ts

rov

KO<r/Aov.

Some

scholars explain this passage by the entrance of death into the world by the murder of Abel by Cain, but the above is to be preferred, and it is that taken by Jos. Ant. i. i. 4. Thus we come to the complete and absolute identification of the serpent and Satan in our text. Cf. Stave, Ueber d. Einfluss

Parsismus auf das Judenthum, 265 sqq. 10-11. The second of these verses and part of the first are from the hand of our author, and not from the source from which he is translating.
des

10. KCU TJKOuora ^d)v^\v

"ApTi

jJLeydXir)!

iv

TW oupacu \fyovvav

lylveTO
T)

v\

KCU

j3a<n\ia

aamrjpia KCU iq SuVajus TOU 0eou r\p.uv

Kat

r\

eoucria TOU Xpiorou aurou,

6

on
6

e|3Xr)0Y]

KaTTjyopwi

KaTrjywp TOJI aurous eywmoK

<x8e\<|>a)f

rjfxcoi

TOU

6eou

f\p.G>v

The

diction of 10

this is to

is wholly from the hand of our author, but be expected as he was the translator. First as to the cf. XIV. 13.
cf.

use of apn: occurrence means here

:

*ai

rj/covo-a

Ae yowav
i,

is

of constant
17

especially as "victory"

vi.

i, 3, 5, 7, x. 4,
vii.

xix. i.

in

10, xix.

and thu

Eichhorn and Ewald). Cf. Ex. xiv. 13 ; 2 Chron. xx. 17. The Svva/us is the power of cf. vii. 12, xix. i. 17 Swa/us God which has been manifested in the victory over the Dragon. This word eouo-ia = the delegated power of the Messiah. f) occurs twenty times in our text. ^ /WiAeux, the empire, unshared and unqualified, of God cf. xi. 15 ; Ps. ii. 2, 6. 6 Karrjywp is a 1 1, cf. i. ran/ dSeA^wi/ ^/xwv Hebraism see below, 9, vi. KCLL WKTOS cf. iv. 8. xix. IO, xxii. 9. fifjiepas
(so

With

As regards the subject matter, the evidence is not so clear. Most of ver. jo follows aptly on 9 and connects naturally and

XH.

10.]
12.

MARTYRS TRIUMPH SONG

But there
T^U,O>V.

327
difficulty in

directly with

is

an unsurmountable

This could not be used by angels the phrase TWV dSeA^wv On what grounds Bousset thinks this possible, I know of men. not. Hence, if the singers are not angels, they must be men. And since in Judaism the faithful were not glorified before the Judg ment, the singers in our text must be the Christian martyrs in vi. 9-11, who in vi. 1 1 have already received their glorified bodies. Hence we (See further discussions on these questions below.) conclude that this phrase in xii. 10 is from the hand of our author.
See below.
Ka.rr\ywp.

If this

tion of
TlJ

TO Dp, which

is the right reading, then it is a translitera in turn is the Hebraised form of Kcm}yo/oos.

OD = (rwiyyopos exhibits the same formation. In later Judaism Michael and Satan are the protagonists of good and evil the former, moreover, is the champion or advocate ("IWJD) of the faithful, while the latter is their accuser ("riJPBp) before God. T. Dan vi. 2, 3. See T. Levi v. 6, note According to Shem. R. sect. 18 (f. 117) on Ex. xii. 29 (Schottgen, i. 1 1 20, ii. 660), "Michael and Sammael are like the advocate and the accuser (il^Dpl WJD^ \Wl) who stand before the Court Satan accuses (tfBpo) but Michael upholds the merits of Israel." Cf. also Midr. Teh. on Ps. xx. and cf. also Midr. R. on Ruth at
:

The Satans are spoken the opening in Lueken, Michael, 21 sqq. I heard of as accusers of mankind before God, i Enoch xl. 7 the fourth voice fending off the Satans and forbidding them to come before the Lord of Spirits to accuse them who dwell on the
"

earth."

Who are these brethren ? In their present context they cannot be those who have already suffered martyr dom ; for in that case they would no longer be exposed to Satanic assaults, but they are clearly the faithful who are still living, and who are therefore still exposed to the accusations of Satan.
T>V
d8e\<|>d>i>

Tjjiwi>.

understand this passage we must remember that xji. 1 1 (see note in loc.) is an additionjDf our author, and that in the original document, i.e. xii. 7-9, icT(in part), 12, the time presupposed is antecedent to the Judgment. Now, if xii. 10 in its present form belonged to the original Jewish source, the heavenly voices must be those of angels and not of men ; for in Judaism the martyrs were not glorified before the Judgment, and could not therefore bear their part in the praises of heaven. Rather they were concerned as unclothed spirits supplicating for vengeance underneath the heavenly altar (see note on vi. 9-11). Since, therefore, the song of triumph is, on the presupposition that xii. 10 belongs to the source,

To

sung by angels, possibly by the angels who had fought against the dragon and overcome him, the phrase r&v aScX^cuv Y)JJLWV could not have stood in the original document or tradition ; for men

28

THE REVELATION OF
"
"

ST.

JOHN
:

[XII. 10-11.

are never said to be brethren of the angels in our text they are called "fellow-servants." xix. Hence 10, xxii. 9.) (Cf. instead of TWI/ d8eA<o)y ^cov there would have stood some such phrase as TCOV St^atW (i.e. D-p^n) as in i Enoch i. 8, v. 6, xxv. 4,

Thus the angels praised God in that the accuser of the righteous was cast out of heaven. 1 Hence we conclude that in xii. 10 our author replaced an original phrase such as
xxxix. 4, xlv. 6, etc.

D^pHVH in

this

Jewish source by the words TWV

<x8eA.<wi/

^/xwv.

substitution of this phrase he has transformed the original meaning of the passage, which in its present form recalls the scene in vi. 9-11. The singers are not angels but men;

By

the

speak of the faithful on earth as our brethren." They moreover, the martyrs, who in vi. 1 1 have already received their glorified bodies, and are bidden to wait till their brethren observe the recurrence of this phrase), who (ot dSeA<oi avroSv were also to be slain, should be fulfilled. These glorified martyrs, who sing the heavenly song, can look forward in xii. ii and declare prophetically that their brethren have already
for they
"

are,

"

"

overcome the Dragon by

their

martyrdom.

Thus

in their vision

the martyr roll is already complete. Kal yuKTos, i.e. uninterruptedly. Tjfxepas According to 21, Satan accuses men all the days of the year Wajjikra R. except the Day of Atonement. KaTnyopwi/ aurotis Ivwtriov TOU

6ou

cf.

Job

i.

6 sqq.

Chron.

xxi. i

Enoch

xl. 7.

11. Kal auVol lvitcf](rav auToy 8ia TO alfxa TOU dpciou,

Kal Sid Toy Xoyov TTJS jmapTupias auTWK, Kal OUK Tiyd-mfjaay TTJ^ vJ/uxV auTwi axpi QO.V&TOV.

It

Every phrase in this verse belongs to our author. See p. 302. was added by him to his translation of his original document.

according to Volter, ii. 146, Vischer, 28, Spitta, 130, Weiss, 89, Gunkel, 192, etc., the close connection between The Sta TOVTO in r2 referred immediately to vv. 10 and 12. The heavens are bidden to ver. 10 in the original source. rejoice because in the overthrow of the Dragon the sovereignty of God and His Christ has been vindicated, and the accuser of the righteous has been cast out of heaven, and the earth and its inhabitants are bidden to mourn because the Dragon has gone down to them. But in ii the victory of the saints on the earth is They "have overcome the Dragon by their already past. martyrdom and the roll of the martyrs is now complete (cf. vi. 1 1). Yet in 12 the advt-nt of this last period of martyrdom is only just announced. The Dragon has only just come down to earth, and his rage is now directed against the rest of the seed of the
It interrupts,
J.
1

The

appearing before

function of the archangel Phanuel was to prevent the Satans from God to accuse mankind, i Enoch xl. 7.

XII. 11-13.]

MARTYRS TRIUMPH SONG

329

woman, which does not take effect till 17. Hence, even though 1 1 be entirely proleptic, it comes in rather incongruously between 10 and 12. See also final note on TO. 8tci TO The Sia here has been taken by Ewald, De aljaa. Wette, Bousset to denote the means and not the ground iv. n, xiii. 14 are quoted as other instances of this use. Certainly But it is in xii. n, xiii. 14 this meaning seems more natural.
;

best to take Sta as denoting the cause. Then the death of the Lamb is the primary and the testimony of the martyrs the

secondary ground of their victory. rbv \6yov KT\. Since TOJ/ Xoyov is here parallel to TO al/xa it may give a second objective ground for their victory, and so mean the divine word of revelation, for which they offer their But the next clause shows that we should take the testimony. words to mean their personal testimony to Jesus. Thus the two sides of man s redemption are here brought forward together.
OUK
i/a>Xr/v

Tiydinqo-ai

TTJK

^ux^
Luke

KT\.
/cat

Cf.

John
TT/JV
:

xii.

KO<T(JUf>

O.VTOV a.7ro\XvL avryv, rovTU) farjv aitoviov

fl<s

6 /xicrwv

25, 6 ^n)X^ v a ^ TO ^
viii.

(f>i\tov

*v

rrjv T(?
;

(vA.aei avrrjv
24, xvii. 33.
ol
TTJI

and Mk.

35

sq.

Matt.

x. 39, xvi.

25

ix.

12. 8ia TOUTO

OTI

eu<f>patVeo-0e,

oupayol Kal ol iv auTois

oual TTjy

Kal
yT]i>

OdXaaaaK,
\<i)v

KarepT] 6 Sid^oXos irpos up-ds, elSws OTI oXiyov Kaipoc X U

SUJJLOI

8td TOUTO.

See note on

1 1.

This phrase goes back to

ver.

10

in the present form of the text, ovpavot is found only here in the For the phrase e^paiVeo-^e ot ovpavoL, plural in the Apocalypse. where the cf. Isa. xliv. 23, xlix. 13, has ev<p. ovpavot

D^^
1 1.

13"J }

LXX

as here.

Cf. also Ps. xcv.

We should therefore expect ev^pacVov

The use of a plural ovpai/e (or 6 oi pavos) as it is in xviii. 20. here points to a source. See Introd. p. 302, and compare the unusual oVov The word CTKVJVOVV is techni in ver. 14. cally used of God in vii. 15, xxi. 3, and of heavenly beings in KOTOI/CCU/ is used of those who dwell on the earth. xiii. 6 No such usage prevails in the LXX. oXtyov icaipov, i.e. the period
. . .
!/<et

specified in 14 (see 16). 13. Kal ore etSey 6 SpcxKoiK

TTJK

OTI

IpX^T)

els

TT)I>

yfy, eSiw^ci/

i), the woman in the present context represents the true Israel or the community of believers.

6TKl/ TO! apCTCl a. As we saw above (see note on

yumiKCl
TJTIS

The

clauses ore etSev

(cf.

i.

17)

and on e^A.^ry

eis rrjv yrjv

appear to be additions of our author in order to bind the See also Spitta, p. 134. The 6Ve divergent elements together. etSev is rather weak, but the second clause, on /3Xr)6rj eis r^v yfjv (repeated from ver. 9), is inserted because of the incorporation of

330
xii.

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XII. 13-15.

7-12 in the text. This verse therefore in all probability simply read in the original document as follows /cat 6 Spa/cwi/ e Suo^ci/ rr/v ywauca KT\., and formed the immediate sequel of 5. When the Child was rapt to heaven in 5, the Dragon thereupon
:

pursued His mother, 13. = rj. See note on xi. 8. TJTIS 14-16. The expectation expressed here is merely a survival of an earlier time and was found by our author in his source. But in our author it is meaningless, as it is against his own For other expectation of a universal martyrdom cf. xiii. 15.
:

like survivals see xviii.

first

Our Book is only 4 n. also p. 43, 4. sketch, which our author had not the opportunity of
:

revising. 14. Kal

jjieydKou,
Tpe4>erai

ISoO^aav

TT}

yui/aiicl
TTJI>

at 8uo Trre puyes

TOU dcrou

TOU

u/a TreryjTai els els Toy TO TTOI ept]u.oi> aurrjs, OTTOU CKCL Kaipof KCU Kcupous KCU ijjjuoru Kaipou diro irpoacSirou TOU

at 8uo irrepuyes TOU dcTou. The definite article here renders nugatory the various attempts made to explain this con ception from supposed parallels in the O.T., as Ex. xix 4 ; Deut. xxxii. (Spitta) ; Isa. xl. 31 (Holtzm.) or Mic. iv. 9-10 (Volter, iv. 76, 79), where the points of similarity are purely The eagle was originally a definitely conceived accidental. e /cet OTTOV a Hebraism, . K. eagle in the tradition. The addition of the Vet is contrary to the usage of our author hence we infer the use of a Semitic source here. See Introd.

DE>~"i

301. Kcupof Kal Kaipous Kal TJJJUO-U Kaipou, a mistranslation (but a mistranslation that had secured a prescriptive right by reason of
p.

Dan. vii. 25, py pljn py, and xii. 7, This translation which renders a dual as a plural is first found in the LXX and Theod. of Dan. vii. 25, xii. 7. The text does not necessarily show dependence on the = $ron Greek versions. oVn-6 irpoo-cS-rrou TOU We have here a Hebrew idiom. This phrase is to be connected not with a Trerryrat but with rpe^erat e/cet, and to be rendered (i)
its

ambiguity):

cf.

>B\

vni

DHyiD

-|JflD.

o<f>ews

"OQD.

"at

distance

or (2) because of/ This latter meaning is to be preferred, for it is a very frequent meaning of ^QD ; whereas the meaning it has in Judg. ix. 2 1 is unattested The sojourn of the woman in the wilder in any other passage. ness for three and a half years is due to the serpent who reigns over the world for that period. See note on xi. 2. CK TOU or6*jxaTos auTou oirterw TTJS yumiKos 15. Kal e(3a\y 6
"

Judg. aTTo TrpocrwTTov A/?i/xe Aex (

from,"

cf.

ix.

21

!<vyei/
;

/cat

w/oyo-ev

CKCI

^Sft)

o(f>is

uScjp (Ls iroTafxoV, if a

auT^c

iroTafi.o<f>opT]TOK

iroi^ar).

The word

Trora/xoc/x^Tos

is

formed

on

the analogy

of

XII. 15-17.]

DRAGON PERSECUTES THE WOMAN

It
av[ji,o<f>6pr)To<5.

331
in his

is

found

in

Hesychius
orotr/crev,

note On

//.

vi.

348,

aTroe/ocrev*

Trora/Ao^op^rov

Ap. Ixxxv. 16 and later in StrP. v. Expositor Mar. 1911, p. 284). To the statement in our text there are no real parallels in the
early as 78 A.D. in
,

but as 10 (see

O.T. or

in

putting forth

The passages which represent God as Judaism. His wrath like water, Hos. v. 10 ; or the streams of

ungodliness overwhelming the righteous, Ps. xxxii. 6, cxxiv. 4, Isa. xliii. 2 ; or the march of the Israelites through the Red Sea, have no bearing on our text. On the other hand the Dragon is referred to as a water monster in Ezek. xxix. 3, xxxii. 2, 3 ; Ps. See note on 3. Ixxiv. 13 ; T. Asher vii. 3. On the meaning of this verse for our author see next verse.
16. Kal
auT-rjs
e|3oTJ9T]<Tei>

TJ

yTJ

rfj

yuvami, Kal fyoi&v

ej3a\ei>

rj

yf\

TO
<rr6*jma

Kal KaTemei/ Toy iroTajJioy ov

6 BpaKcoy

IK.

TOU OTOJUKXTOS

auTou.

With the diction we may compare Num.

TO o-TO/xa avT^s /caTaTTterat avTovs
:

xvi. 30,

dvoiao-a

77

y^

As

xvi. 32, xxvi. 10; Deut. xi. 6. regards the original meaning of this verse we are wholly in

the dark. In the war between land and water mythological features are discoverable which have no longer any significance in their present connection. But we have not the same difficulty with regard to the meaning they bore in 68-70 A.D. Vv. 14-16, if the source is Christian, refer to the flight of the of primitive Christian community to Pella before the fall Jerusalem (cf. Euseb. H.E. iii. 5) ; but, if the source is Jewish, to that of the of the Jews to Jabneh, which became the seat of Jewish scholarship after the fall of Jerusalem (Jewish Encyc. vii. 1 8). In either case 14-16 are without significance in their present context. 17. Kal wpyiaSr) 6 SpdKaw em TTJ yui/aiKi, Kal airrjXOej iroitjaai \onrwv TOU o-ire pjuiaTos auTifs, TUI/ TrjpouVTwy TOLS jmeTa TTO\|UIOI> erroXds TOU Oeou Kal exoVTuy TTJI p.apTupiaf irjcroG. In this verse the words TWV rrjpovvTOiv I^crov are with
e"lite
TUI>

Wellhausen (19) and J. Weiss (136 sq.) to be regarded as an addition of our author to the Jewish source he here uses. They
belong specially to his vocabulary. (See note on xiv. 12.) Vischer (p. 35) regards I^o-ov only as an addition here, Spitta Irjo-ov, while Bousset, though maintaining (131) Kai e xoWwv that ch. xii. is of Christian origin, assigns xii. 17 to the Apocalyptist of the last hand, and Volter (iv. 75, 146) to a redactor of the age of Trajan. This verse comes wholly or in part from our author, or it comes from the Jewish source it must be from one or other for there is no counterpart to it in the inter national myth from which many of the chief features in this chapter were ultimately derived.
.
.

332
In
follows

THE REVELATION OF
its
:

ST.
is

JOHN

[XII. 18-XIII.

1.

original source iy

ab

interpreted by Wellhausen as

is represented in xii. 14 is here identified with the elite of the Jews who fled before the destruction of Jerusalem and so escaped destruction. These embraced pious Scribes and Pharisees who refounded Judaism after the destruction of Jerusalem. Their attitude was opposed to that of the Zealots, and thus ch. xii. forms a counterblast to the Zelotic oracle, xi. 1-2. The AOITTOI, on the other hand, from whom the woman is distinguished, are the Jews who remained in Jerusalem and were destroyed by the Romans. 1 In the present context, however, the interpretation must be The outlook is now Christian. This being so, ver. 14, different. which originally referred to the divine oracle (Euseb. H.E. iii. 5) that commanded all Christians to leave Jerusalem before it was beleaguered by the Romans 67-68 A.D., or to the flight of certain Jews to Jabneh before 70 A.D., does not admit of any Our author intelligible reinterpretation in its present context. incorporated in his text this Jewish or Christian source, as it stood, save for certain changes and additions in 3, 5, 1 7, and his second source with like alterations in 7, 9, 10-11. These sources of a Vespasianic or earlier date expect the escape of the faithful, but this expectation was abandoned by our author. According to him no part of the Church was to

The woman whose

flight

Hence 14-16 is simply escape persecution and martyrdom. "The rest of her seed" symbolize a meaningless survival. the Gentile Christians or the Church in general throughout the Roman Empire, which forms the theme of the next
chapter.

CHAPTERS
i.

XII. iS-XIIL, XIV.

INTRODUCTION.

12-13.

The Original and Leading Thoughts of this Chapter.

This Section (xii. i8-xiii., xiv. 12-13) is in the style of our author, but the greater part of it was translated by him from Hebrew sources. These, as we shall see later, dealt with two 2
1

If this verse belonged to the Jewish source, then the phrase

ol

had not the technical meaning that sometimes belongs to it in Apocalyptic as Cf. 4 Ezra vi. 25, vii. 28, ix. 7, 8, xii. 34, xiii. 24, 26, 48 "the remnant." Apoc Bar. xxix. 4, xl. 2. It has, moreover, no technical meaning in our
;

text
2

here or in

ii.

The first Beast, which Rome, goes back ultimately

of chaos.
It

24, ix. 20, xi. 13, xix. 21, xx. 5. here represents the antichristian world power of to the Dragon himself, i.e. the primeval monster
sea.

comes up from the

In the preceding chapter the Dragon

XII. 18-XIII.
earlier

1.]

MEANING OF THIS CHAPTER

333

and different conceptions of the Antichrist, but, as trans formed and incorporated in the present context, they refer to the antichristian Empire of Rome as incarnated in Nero redivivus and the heathen priesthood of the imperial cult. With masterful hand here as everywhere our author adapts his materials to suit In chap. xii. the author carried us back into his own purpose. the past and represented the strife in heaven and the hurling

He next told how Satan, when cast of Satan to earth. to earth, forthwith proceeded to persecute the Woman, whose offspring was destined to destroy him, and how, on her marvellous deliverance from his hands, he turned in fury on the In order to help him in this struggle Satan takes rest of her seed. his stand by the shore of the sea (xii. 18) and summons to his aid his two servants, the Neronic Antichrist from the sea (xiii. i-io) and the False Prophet, i.e. the heathen imperial priesthood from The present chapter opens with the the land (xiii. 11-17).
down down
appearance of these two monsters in response to his summons, and thereupon the time changes from the past to the future. Our Seer beholds the first monster emerge from the sea with seven heads and ten horns, and amongst the heads he discovers one that was wounded unto death but had again recovered (xiii. 3). In the first monster we have the Roman empire the antiwhich becomes incarnated in Nero redivivus. Christian kingdom The last and dreadest hour has now arrived the personal reign
of the Antichrist for the destined period of three and a half years, who goes to war with the saints and overcomes them in All the faithless forthwith worship him, while physical strife. the faithful are banished or slain. Thereupon the Seer adds the comment Here is the endurance and the faith of the saints c But the Antichrist is not the sole demonic foe of the (io ). He is helped by a second monster the heathen priest faithful. hood of the imperial cult (11-18). By means of this priesthood the claims of patriotism and religion were identified, in which the interests of religion were wholly subordinated to those of the State, and thus ensued the inevitable conflict between the This final persecution of the imperial cult and Christianity. Church was to be mainly carried out by this priesthood, which was to set up images of the Neronic Antichrist everywhere and enforce their worship on the world, and have all that
"
"

Here the two conceptions, Satan and the antichristian represents Satan. world power of Rome, appear side by side as master and servant. See note on xii. 3. This twofold development is as old as Dan. vii., where the monster of chaos is manifested in four successive world powers, which came up from the sea. But in the second Beast, i.e. the false prophet, we have a third conception, developed from the original conception of the monster of chaos a conception already found in 2 Thess. ii., though there it has only a religious significance.

334

THE REVELATION OF
put
to death.
all

ST.

JOHN

[XII. 18-XIII.

1-3.

refused such worship

was to compel

men

to bear the

Furthermore, this second Beast mark of the first Beast and

demonic Emperor of by an economic warfare (16-17), that would make life Next impossible for all that did not bear the mark of the Beast.
to enforce the antichristian claims of the

Rome

the Seer discloses in a cryptic verse the number of the name of Nero Caesar. the Beast, which was also the number of a man c Finally, just as the Seer in io declares that the faithful must endure captivity, exile, or death in the persecutions just foretold in io ab so here (xiv. I2-I3) 1 he again declares the duty of the faithful even endurance unto death in the worldwide persecu tion that he has just witnessed in the vision in 16-17. Martyr dom, he declares, is inevitable for those who keep God s com mandments and the faith of Jesus. And thereupon a voice from heaven declared the blessedness of those who suffered martyrdom in this strife ; for that rest would follow thereupon and the victor s joy. 2. But the meaning of the Hebrew sources which were
,

We shall now used by our author is somewhat different. proceed to a detailed examination of the text, and in due course attempt to determine the present extent of such sources and
their original

meaning so

far as the

data render this possible.

3.

The

diction

and

style
it

our author, but

of this Chapter come from the hand of appears in part to be translated from
Cf. ace. as in

Hebrew
XII. 18.
xi.

sources.

!ord0T]

em.

iii.

20,

vii.

i,

viii.

3,

n,
17
:

xiv. i, xv. 2.

verb
vi.

is

of the passive aorist of this to be found also in viii. 3, but in a derived sense in whereas lo-TTycra is used in same sense in xi. n, xviii. 17,
.

The same use

which are probably from another hand. On this order see XIII. 1. IK TTJS 6a\da<rY]s &va^a.ivov. note in Ioc. Observe order of numerals Kc para Se ica ical KCU em lirrd (see note on viii. 2). Kepdrwi aurou Se ica SiaS^jJiaTa is char is a gloss. See note in Ioc. The phrase fir! rots 2. ... 6s apicou. acteristic of our author. Pregnant construc
. .
K<j>a\ds
TWI>

Ke<f>aXds

tion
3.

cf.

i.

<&s

ea<|>aYfAeVT]i>.

Cf. i. 15* IO, iv. I, 7, TO CTTO/XO, avrov ws TO orro/xa. here and in xiii. 12, 14 in Cf. v. 6. irXT)^
"blow"

the sense of
in
ix. 1 8,

= nrrp.

Elsewhere as meaning

"plague"

a meaning also of rap. Elsewhere this adjective follows the noun as in 4. oXr) TJ ytj. Also instead of this phrase ^ iii. 10, vi. 12, xii. 9, xvi. 14. . ^ xvi. 14. 0aujjidcr0Tj . 0X17 is used, iii. 10, xii. 9,
20, xi. 6, xv.
i, 6, 8, xvi. 9, etc.,
1

xiv.

12-13 have been restored to their original position at the close

of

xiii.

3-4.]

ITS DICTION
:

AND STYLE

33$

This is not Greek nor is it Hebrew. It may arise from See a corruption in the Hebrew source. 4. Trpoo-eKuVrjcraj TW This use of Trpoo-Kwelv with the dative belongs to our SpdKon-i. author see note on vii. 1 1. Contrast xiii. 8, Trpoovcwijo-ovo-tv
:

avroV,

which also conforms to

his usage,

and
i.e.

xiii.

12.
:

See note on v. 9. 8. irpoo-Kui/^o-oucriy See note on ver. 4 above, ot KaToiicou>Ts em, c. gen. See note on iii. 10 4 below. On the remaining phrases see notes in loc. 9. Cf. ii. 7, iii. 6, 13, 22. 10. mVris = loyalty," "faith
loc.

6. rr]v aicrjj auTou. 7. iroirjcrai iroXejj.oi ^uXrji Ka! Xadi KT\.

On

God s
jmerd

abode,

heaven

cf. xxi. 3.

and

yuajacu auTous, see note in

auToy.

"

fulness."

Cf.

ii.

19.

11.

ofjioia

12. frequent in Apocalypse. position of rras occurs only twice elsewhere in Apoc. v. i3(?), viii. Elsewhere always before its noun. TOUS eV aurrj 3. Most probably a close KdToiKoui Tas. Here only in Apoc. !Va. See 4. iroiet Cf. iii. 9, rendering of the Hebrew. xiii. 15, 1 6. See note on 4 above. TO irpoaKun^o-ou<ni> 13. iroif] CK TOU oupayou KaTa|3aii>eii Order elsewhere Kara/foiWv CK r. ovp. 14. irXai/a TOUS KaTOtKoGrras em TTJS yrjs. Cf. for verb
. . . .

= pregnant construction dpyiw eouaiai/ iracraK. This -rr\v

0T]pioi>.
.

ii.

20,

xii.

9,

xviii.

23, xix.
.
.

20,

xx.

3,

8,

10,

and

for similar
15. e8o0Tj
ooroi
. .
.

thought
.
.

xii. 9.

Xeyw
See
. .
.

iroi/ijaai.

Souyai.

vol.

i.

p.

54.
5,

See note in loc. On the form Iva.

cf.
xiii.

irpoo-KU^Tjo-OKriK
K. T.

diroKTai Owcrii ,
xi.
:

4.

16.

TOUS

juuicpous

fjLeydXous

cf.

18, xix.
cf. xix.

18.
1

(Contrast xx. 12.)

5 (reverse order).

TOUS

eXeuOepous

K. T.

Sou Xous

1 8, vi.

The genitive is also X 61 P5 auTwc TTJS 8e|ias. 20 but the ace. in xiv. 9, xx. i, 4. This full form of ~ the phrase has already appeared in x. 5, rrjv x L P a avrov ryv Seiai/ X. 2, TOV TroSa avrov TOV and in i. 16, ry Beia \ LP^L (cf. 8e|ioj/), avrov, but the shorter form in i. 17, rrjv Segtav avrov (i. 20, ii. i, v. i, 7). Both forms are Hebraic and iW~T. eVi TO
Tt)s
i.

em

found

in

h^

See vii. 3, note. 18. On w8c see note in loc. From the above examination it follows that the diction of the entire chapter is from the hand of our author, with the exception
juieTWTroi

auTwi

of certain phrases explicable

original

(see

4).

There

are,

on the hypothesis of a Hebrew however, good grounds for

great

regarding it, not as an original product of his pen, but to a extent as a translation of a Hebrew source or sources.

With

this

problem we

shall

now

deal.

4.

This Chapter exhibits many Hebraisms, which in certain cases presuppose an independent source or sources.
as

Now,

we

be additions to

shall see later, xiii. 3, 7 -8, 9, i2 d , 14 appear to this chapter made by our author and in

336
part from a

THE REVELATION OF
Hebrew
4. TIS

ST.

JOHN

[XIII.

4.

source.

We

shall, therefore, first

study the
1

Hebraisms
(a)

in the rest of the chapter.

XTTT.

Suyarat iroXejAYJom

JACT

aurou

= DHpnp
v

TO}

*ft

10.

ci TIS

fJiaxatpT) diroKTcu OfJKai,

loc.

auToy (rd. auros)

on this Hebraism. There seems to be no intelligible 11. <\d\i ws Spdicwi/. explanation of this clause save on the supposition that it is the translation of a corruption in a Hebrew source. See note
See note in
in
loc.

Since only twice (once ?) else does Tras follow its noun it is not improbable that the Greek here is a rendering of the Hebrew ta rmP&nn JVnn fl^t? cf. Ezek. xxxii. 12, Aot/xot d tQvw Trai/res = D^2 D 13 WV, see also xxxii. 30; Jer. xlviii. 31. iroiei is peculiar Greek but Again rrjy e good Hebrew = exercises the authority cf. i Kings xxi. 7, npy
12.
TTjy
v.

eoucri

ai>

iraaai

where,

13

(?),

viii.

3,

ouo-ia>

"

"

naii>B

"

exercises

sovereignty."

Our author expresses the idea TOUS ^v aurfj KdToiKourras. contained in these words by the phrase TOVS KaroiKowrag eVi T^S (nine times), and once by ot Karot/cowres rr)i/ yfjv (xvii. 2). This can hardly be accidental, seeing that these three forms of expression occur in the LXX and correspond as a rule in the later books to three different forms in the Hebrew. Our author s own use is clearly I. TTCLI/TC? ot KarotKowre? ort 7779, i.e. pKM by MVrrto whereas 2. ot /caroi/cowres eV rff yfj =
y>}5
rr)<s

or
in

pN3
In

*3B^3), and 3. Travres ot KarotKowres TT)V These phrases are comparatively frequent
Isaiah the

renderings are irregular (cf. but in Jer. and Ezek., though the LXX of these books comes from at least four hands (see Thackeray, Gramm. of O.T. in Greek, p. n), the renderings are as a rule In Jer. xxix. (xlvii.) 2 the two latter Hebrew those given above. and ptfn H^V which are respectively phrases occur, i.e. pfiQ rendered by TOVS cvoiKoGvras ev ry yrj and ot /carotKowres rrjv
the

Prophets.

xxiv. 5, xxvi. 9, 18, 21),

*W

yrfv.

I conclude that the forms of this phrase in xiii. 12, which are abnormal, so far as our author s usage is concerned, are due either to his close rendering of a Hebrew But the evidence is source or to his use of a Greek source.
xvii.
2,

Hence

against the latter hypothesis in xii. 12. XIII. 16. aurois \a.pay^a..
8&>aii>

The
i2 d
,

plural

is

here a

Hebraism.
(b)

(See note in
in

loc.)

The Hebraisms
3.

XIII.

6s

<7<|>aYfAeVT]i

b xiii. 3, 7 -8, eis Qcivarov

= Hioi

14.

nnO3.

Cf. 2

Kings

X1H
xx.
I,

4-6.]

iTS
n?n.

HEBRAISM
irXrjYY)

33?

m^b
12,

Next

f\

T0

"

Oa^drou aurou,

= nnift

H3D.

14 for similar Hebraisms. This un-Greek and un-Hebraic expres omcrw. e0auu.ci(70T] sion can be explained by retroversion into Hebrew (see note In fact in xiii. 3, 8 and xvii. 8 we have an undoubted in loc.}.
Cf.
xiii.
.
. .

doublet.

XIII. 3 C KCU
.

0au(jida0T) O\TJ
xiii. 8,
Tt6vT<S

XVII.

8.

tea!
yr\<s,

T)

oiriaw f TOU 0Yjpiou, YTJ t

Kttl TTpOOrKUl rjO-OUO-U CLUTOV ol KaTotKoGrres eirl TT)S

rai ot KaToiKoucTeg eirl TTJS &V OU yeypa.TTTO.1 TO oVoU.<X

irl

Y^ s

ou%

|3i|3Xioi>

TTJS

WT)S
J3

aird

KCtTa-

ou yeypaiTTai TO SkojJia auToO fv

jBoXrjs
0T)ptOl/.

K<5o-[jLOU,

\eir6

yTwi>

TO

TW plpXlCO
TOU
KOCTJJLOU.

TTJ9

WTJS

TOU dpJ lOU

Now
.

in the note

on

xiii.
s

nonni, where nnKiD is for niS")D (or m&o:}), and thus the rendering should be corrupt KOL eOavpaarOr) Thus the identity of (3\7rov(ra TO Qrjpiov. the two passages is established. But xvii. 8 does not appear to be a translation from the hand of our author ; for he uses eV TW /fySAi u) (cf. xiii. 8, xx. 12, xxi. 27, xxii. 18, ig) and not CTTI TO Further, in rendering Hebrew he always, so far as we fiiftXiov. can discover, reproduces the Hebraisms of his source. But in xvii. 8 the avrcov after 6Vo/x,a is omitted, whereas it is carefully reproduced in xiii. 8. Yet the rendering in xvii. 8 is from a The abnormal position of 0X77 purer text, as we have seen above. in oX^ YJ y?} (elsewhere oAos follows its noun in the Apocalypse) is probably due to the order of the Hebrew In the pKrrbi).
.
.

o7Tra>

TOV ^ptou

=n

3 I have

shown
.
.

that KCU

nn

^nKO

except in the free translation of Isaiah, oXos almost in it in accordance with the cf. Ex. xix. 18, TO opos TO oXov = 1^3 WD See Ezek. xxix. 2, etc. 3iva The use of ovo/ta for ovo/xaTa in xvii. 8, xiii. 8, is a Hebraism (see note in loc.), and Trpoa-Kwrfaovo-Lv in xiii. 8 should be Trpoo-eKwrycrai/ in keeping with the tenses of the other verses in the vision, but Trpoo-Kw^o-ouo-iv may be an unconscious reproduction of the imperfect tense in his original source

LXX,

variably precedes the noun, or follows order in the Hebrew. For the latter
.
. .
.

"in.

cf.

xvii.

8.
rrjv

XIII. 14. With inrrrGD.

TrXrjyyv

TT/S

/xa^atpa?

cf.

Esth.

ix.

5,

5.

Order of Words.
both subject and object (object and
subject 27
(28)

The verb
subject,
xiii.
I.

precede

VOL.

8),

or object or 22

times:

subject

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XIII.

5-7.

precedes verb 4 times, xiii. 2, 3, 15, 18 (the interrogative TC? naturally precedes in xiii. 4 and the indefinite n? twice in xiii. 10, but these do not count) the object precedes verb 2 times (xiii.
:

12, 13).

and

structure of the sentences is thoroughly Hebraic, so far as the order goes no conclusions can be drawn as to

The

the provenance of the different sections.

6.

Conclusions from preceding Sections.

Chapter based on

Hebrew

sources.

The diction is that of our author. This follows from 3. But there are certain features in the text which make it practi cally impossible to assume that the whole chapter is his own free
position of 6%?, xiii. 4 (see 3), the form of the phrase TOVS ev avry And yet /caToiKoiWas, xiii. 12, are against our author s usage. these are not to be explained as due to our author s use of a Greek source for the style of the chapter as a whole is thoroughly his own. They could, however, be explained on the hypothesis that he used Hebrew sources. And this hypothesis is strongly confirmed by the fact that unintelligible clauses in xiii. 3, 10, 1 1 are hardly susceptible of any explanation save through retroI therefore assume the use of Hebrew version into Hebrew. sources by our author in this chapter. One such source we have already discovered (see 4) in xiii. 3, 8, the translation of which is our author s, whereas in xvii. 8 he makes use of a translation of it from another hand.
3),
:

creation linguistically. of Trao-av, xiii. 12 (see

Thus the

7.

Theories of Erbes, Spitta^ Wellhausen^ and J. the sources of this Chapter.

Weiss as

to

Erbes and Spitta discern in xiii. an Apocalypse written in the reign of Caligula, and reflecting the condition of Palestine in the years 39-41. According to Erbes this Apocalypse was b Christian and consisted of chapters xii. 1-13, 18, xiv. 9 -i2 (pp.
It referred to Caligula s attempt to set up his statue in 1-33). the Temple in Jerusalem. Spitta s criticism is much more drastic Offenbarung des Johannis, 136-141, 392 sqq.). The source (see was, as Vischer supposed, of Jewish origin. Caligula was sym bolized by the sevenheaded Beast. Spitta attempts to recover

the original Caligula Apocalypse by excising juav e* TWJ/

OOLVCLTOV in
xiii.
.
.

eis

JU^T OLVTOV in irpocreKw^crav TCO Orjpita . 8vo in xiii. 5, TOVS ev Kat eSd$?7 avrw eoi>o~ia . ovpavui 4, in viKvjcrai avrovs in xiii. 6, 7, TOV apviov TOV ecr^ayyaeVou
xiii.

3, /cat

r<3

xiii.

8 and xiii. 9-10 wholly, os lx TOV ovo/>iaTos . avOpwTrov

.
.

e^o-ei/ in

xiii.

14,

17

TOV

eo-TtV in xiii.

1718.

Finally

7.]

THEORIES AS To ITS SOURCES

339

After these excisions xiii. he adopts the reading 616 in xiii. 18. Thus xiii. 3 would 1-8 could easily be interpreted of Caligula. refer to his dangerous illness, xiii. 4 to the joy of the people on his recovery (see my note in loc.\ xiii. 6 to his attempt to set up his statue in the Temple, and xiii. 8 to the worship offered him. But Spitta s interpretation of the second Beast by Simon Magus and Erbes interpretation of it by the Magi at the court of

Caligula are wholly inadequate. Bousset (p. 376) thinks that this hypothesis belongs only to He observes that to carry it out the region of possibilities. Spitta is obliged to excise one third of the chapter, and that xiii. b 1 6 betray the hand of our author, and must also on this 7
,

Further, he rightly objects to the accept hypothesis be excised. ance of so badly attested a reading as 616. Quite a different analysis of this chapter has been propounded by Wellhausen. He finds two sources in this chapter. The first referred to the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 in the 3^ years war, and consisted of xiii. i (om. l^ov CTTTCX), 2, 4-7% ab This source dealt not with the duty of patient endurance io on the part of the Christian during the persecution under Domitian, but with the wretched lot of the Jews after the The O-K^J/T) avrov is Jerusalem the destruction of Jerusalem. Beast is not Nero but the Roman Empire. The second is of uncertain date and embraces only xiii. i i a, b I2 abc i6 17 (om. TO 6Vo//,a and rj rov apiOfAov rov oVoyu-aros xiii. 1 8 was introduced by the same hand, which has left O.VTOV). c xiv. 12, xvii. 9. In this source, as in the traces in xiii. io earlier, Nero redivivus has been introduced by the Apocalyptist, and also the False Prophet as the aAAo Orjptov. This Beast, according to Wellhausen and Mommsen, represents the imperial power exercised in the provinces by the state officials. There was, however, only one OfjpLov, and instead of aAAo Oypiov there Thus in xiv. 9, n, xv. 2, xvi. 2, xix. 20, xx. 4 the stood eiKwv. The ei/cwv is the Oypiov and his dK&v are mentioned together. alter ego of the empire just as Jesus was called the et/cwi/ of God. bc Thus in Wellhausen s opinion xiii. 3, 7 b-9, io c, i2 d 13i6 a i7 b are from the hand of the final editor. Let us deal 15, with the last list of passages first. If these are additions of our author, then we find him writing
. .
. . :

hand unintelligible Greek such as lOav/jLaa-Orj oVio-w, 3, an unintelligible clause such as eAaAet ws Spa/cui/, xiii. n, and such a phrase as oX-rj 17 yfj, xiii. 3, whereas his universal
first
. .
.

xiii.

xiii.

is to write ^ yf) o\r), or rather fj olKovfievrj o\r). Again, in Kara/Wveu> is unusual in our 13 the pres. inf. in 71-007 author, and the ord ^r e* rov ovpavov Karaftaiveiv unexampled. The occurrence of so many anomalies and breaches of our

practice

34O
author

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XIII.

7-8.

s usage in so few verses would be extraordinary, if this But the rest is still less part of Wellhausen s theory is right. tenable. Wellhausen, as we have seen above, finds two distinct Since there is not even a hint that these sources in this chapter. sources are Semitic, he evidently assumes that they are Greek.

We have seen in 3 that the diction two sources are decidedly those of our author save in certain passages, which are dealt with in Hence it 4. appears impossible to explain this chapter save on the hypothesis that it is in a large degree translated from Hebrew sources by our author. des Johannes^ pp. 93 sq., in, 115, 139J. Weiss (Ojfenbarung
But and
this is impossible.

style of these

653-662) likewise assigns this chapter 11-18 to the original Johannine Apocalypse written about 60 A.D., and xiii. 1-2, 3-7 (written in strophes of four lines each) to a Jewish Apocalypse of the year 70. These two sources were united by the final Apocalyptist, who by
142
;

Schriften des

NT.

ii.

to

two

different authors:

xiii.

means of various additions made the entire chapter refer Roman Empire, Nero redivivus and the imperial cult.

to the

The original source of xiii. 11-18 dealt with a Jewish Anti christ or False Prophet, but the final author in Weiss s scheme transformed him into an agent of the Roman Empire, i.e, the
priesthood of the imperial become the aAAo Orjptov.
cult.

This False Prophet has thus

There

is

much
it is

that

is

true in Weiss s view as to different

sources, but

open

to the

same objections

as

Wellhausen
in
xiii.

s,

and perhaps

in a greater degree.

By

taking

SpaKw

1 1

(Offenbarung) p. 94) as if it were 6 SpaKwv he tries to make the passage parallel to 2 Thess. ii. 9, but this is, of course, inadmiss He holds that xiii. 1-7 already existed in a literary form, ible. but does not explain how the diction is with certain exceptions the same throughout the entire chapter, though on his hypothesis it is derived from three distinct authors.

8.

The

sources behind this Chapter according to the

present Editor.

We have already seen, sources behind xiii. i-io. 3, 8 and xvii. 8 are doublets, and that in all prob translations of the same Hebrew ability they are independent In source, the former translation being by our author. b the next place xiii. 7 9 are clearly from the hand of our b author. By the removal of xiii. 7 9 the original connection Wellhausen has already recognized. of the text is here restored, as
(a)

The two
xiii.

4,

that

ab 6 C are characteristic of the standpoint and diction Again xiii. 3 of our author. They transform the entire character of
,

XIII.
xiii. xiii.

8.]
xiii.

ITS

SOURCES

341

3 interrupts the connection between xiii. 2 and these additions xiii. 3 ab 7 b, 9 are obviously his own, whereas xiii. 3, 8 are from a source. Furthermore, we shall is ri see in the notes in loc. that xiii. i c (/col Sia8>j/x,aTa) probably a later addition. We are now in a position to reconstruct in some measure the abd source behind xiii. i-io. It consisted of xiii. i 2, 4-7% 10, and was a Jewish Apocalypse written in Hebrew by a Pharisaic Quietist before or after 70 A.D., and dealing with the Beast that came up from the sea (i.e. the Roman Empire), the siege of Jerusalem (-njv crKyvrjv avrov) by the Romans for three years, and the woeful plight of the survivors (xiii. 10). Thus there are two sources behind xiii. i-io, i.e. xiii. 3, 8, and that just given. This hypothesis accounts, so far as I am The source as rendered aware, for all the difficulties in the text. by our author ran

i-io.

4-7*.

Of

Jewish Apocalypse
XIII.
1.

directed against Rome of the Antichrist.

the impersonation

exoy Kepara Seica Kal em

T<XS

Kal elSoy ey TTJS OaXdacnjs 6f]piov ical Kec^aXas cirra,

Ke<f>aXas

auToG oyojjiaTa

j3Xaa<(>T]|xias.

2.

Kal TO Orjpiok 6 etSoy r\v OJUUHOK irapSdXci, Kal ot iroSes auToG ws apou,
ical

TO arofxa auTou us
28a>Kei>

Kal
4.

auTw 6 SpaKwi/ e^ouo-tai/ Kal irpoaeKUkTjo-ai/ TW S

TU>

OTI eSwKek TTK eouaiai

Kal TrpoacKui Tjo-aK TO 0Tjpto , TtS OJXOIOS TW 0T]pLOJ Kal Tts Su^aTat iroXejJiTjo-at JXCT
5.

auTou

Kal Kal

e866if]
cSoOif]

auTw orojia XaXoGk fxeydXa Kal auTw e louata iroiTJcrat

|3Xaa4>T]|jiias,

Kal Suo.
6.

Kal

r\voiev TO rov Oeoj/,

orr<5jj,a

auTou

eis

j3Xaa4>T)jj,ias

irpos

7.

TO oVojjia auTou Kal TTJI CTKTJ^J/ auTou, j3Xao-<j>T)jxfio-at Kal c8o0T] auTw iroiTJaai TroXejxoj jxcTa TWI^ ayiuv Kal auTOus*

1 1 have omitted rr\v dtivafj-iv a^rou Kal rbv 6p6vov avrov as an addition of our Apocalyptist. he diction is his at all events, and the removal of the clause restores the parallelism,
a.

342
10.

THE REVELATION OF
et TIS

ST.

JOHN

[XIII.

8.

ets

cis al
ci TIS

CIUTOS

In this source the Beast

is

the

Roman Empire. The date of the

The

destruction of Jerusalem that followed in xiii. 10. have now to deal with the source of (b) xiii. 11-18. xiii. 11-18. This is a more difficult problem than the former, but it is still possible to recognize the original character of this Certain source, and the extent to which it survives in our text. facts help to guide us in this quest. 1. The style, though on the whole that of our author, ab postulates a Hebrew source (see 3, 4) in two verses, n, i2 , the very verses which have as their subject the False Prophet. The theme, then, of this fragment of the source is the False shall find that the same subject is dealt with in Prophet. the greater part of this section. 2. Next the False Prophet (^evSoTrpo^Tr/?) is just as undeniably the theme of xiii. 13, 14% i6 b 17* as it is of verses xiii. u, i2 ab ; bc xiii. clearly defines the False Prophet, who, as in Matt. vii. 15, outwardly simulates the character of the Lamb (the apviov or Messiah), but is in reality an dTroAAucoi/ like his master the Dragon cf. also xi. 18, xix. 2). For his mission he is armed (see ix. with the power of the Dragon, i2 a (here Spa/coi/ros and SpaKovra originally stood instead of TT/O. Oypiov and Orjpiov TO Trp.), as in ov ecrrtv f) Trapovcria KO.T eVepyaav TOV ^arava ev 2 Thess. ii. 910

composition
is

is

shortly after 70.

7,

referred to in

xiii.

and the massacres

We

We

Trdo-y

Swd/xct Kat

cny/txetots
:

/cat

repacrtv

i/ret Sovs

/cat

ev

7rdo"r)

aTrdry

object of these Thus in xiii. 14 the False deceive. Prophet deceives those who dwelt upon the earth (cf. 2 Thess. ii. IO just quoted; Mk. xiii. 22, fjepOrjcrovTai yap (f/vS6)(pi<TTOi Kat i/fevSoTrpCK^Tai Kat Swaovcriv tr^eta Kat re/oara Trpos TO aTTOTrAavai/ et Swarov eKXeKTovs, Matt. xxiv. n, 24, etc. Finally he causes all who have rendered him worship to place a mark on b their right hand and on their forehead, xiii. i6 and, to make this effective and universal, ordains that none shall buy or sell a save such as have this mark, xiii. I7 1 From the foregoing especially the parallel passages in 3. the Gospels and 2 Thess. it follows that the ^euSoTrpoc/^T^s was That he was the originally a Jewish or a Christian Antichrist.
dStKtas rots aTroAAv/xeVots signs and wonders is to

Didache,

xvi.

4.

The

TOV<S

1 The object of the marking of the faithful in vii. 3 sqq. is to secure them the object of the marking of the followers against demonic or Satanic attack is to secure them against of the Antichrist at all events a secondary object and to make physical life impossible for the faithful. physical injury
:

XIII. former

8.]

ITS

SOURCES
b
,

343

may be reasonably concluded from xiii. i6 seeing that the Antichrist there requires his worshippers to place his mark on an antichristian travesty of the their right hand and brow practice of orthodox Judaism, which required the faithful to wear
it

on the
4.
,

left

hand and forehead

(see

of the source xiii. n, i2 ab 13-14% a i6 b iy is borne out by the subsequent references to the subject This of this source as the i/fevSoTr/xx^rfr???, xvi. 13, xix. 20, xx. 10. word testifies to the meaning of the idea in the original source, i.e. the Jewish Antichrist conceived as a i/^rSoxpto-ros or i/^euoV But in its present context See also Bousset, p. 378. Trpo^Tyry;?. this Antichrist has been transformed into a mere agent of the

my

note in

loc.).
,

The above interpretation

Antichrist (aAAo
5.

have already inferred that the i/AcvSoTrpo^TT/s of this source was really the Jewish Antichrist (see 3), and not a mere agent of the Antichrist. This inference is confirmed by the fact c that in xiii. he is associated directly with the Dragon (i.e. cf. 15) to be an airo\X.vw like his and declared (xiii. Satan),

We

Orjpiov).

phrases that transform this Antichrist into a mere agent of the Antichrist do not belong to the original
master.
all

Hence

source.
6. From the above facts and inferences we conclude that the source did not mention a Orjpfov as in n, but an Hence aAAo Orjpioy, xiii. n, and TO or a Orjpiov in xiii. 12 are from the hand of our author as well C as the additions ov cOepaTrevOr) . avrov, xiii. I2 IV^TTLOV TOV
\f/evo7rpo<f>yTr]<;.

Orjpiov
xiii.
1

aTTOKTavOtotnv,

xiii.

I4

15, TOUS /UK/OOVS

xiii.

6, TO

ovo/ta

ei^Koi/Ta

!,

I7 -i8.

By means

SovAovs, of

additions the Jewish Antichrist was transformed into a secondary personage (aAAo O^piov) that waited on the Antichrist (TO irpwrov Orjpiov), and formed, in fact, the heathen priesthood of the imperial cult. It was this priesthood that set up the CIKCOV of the beast and required all the inhabitants of the earth to worship it on Thus the CIKOJI/ is not an pain of death, xiii. 14^, 15. original constituent of the source, as Wellhausen supposed, but an addition of our author. By the above additions also
these

Nero
1

redivivus

is

represented to be Antichrist:
:

cf. xiii.

12, 14,

8.

and

additions, as we have already seen, are in the style from the hand of our author the rest of the section is his

These

Finally, xiv. 12-13 should be read undoubtedly after xiii. 15. Just as the first stage of the persecution of the saints ended in the emphasizing of patience and faithfulness on their part (xiii. 10), so its final stage is ac companied by a like emphasizing of the patience of the saints and a declaration of the blessedness of those who suffered martyr dom in the Lord xiv. 12-13 are from the hand of our author.

translation from a

Hebrew

source.

344

THE REVELATION OF
are

ST.

JOHN

[XIII.

8.

We

now

in a position to
xiii.

sum up
,

limits of the source of

11-18.

//

the character and present was written in Hebrew*

All that survives of it is xiii. JTI, I2 ab 13-14.*) 16^-1^. It dealt with a conception of the Jewish Antichrist such as we find in 2 Thess. ii., who like that Antichrist was to claim the preroga
tives

to

of Deity i.e. the worship of mankind, and required all men bear his mark, just as the faithful bore the mark of God. The date cannot be definitely determined.
^

We

might now hypothetically and

in verse.

partially restore this

It

source in the Greek of our author.

may

originally

second have

been written

Jewish Apocalypse directed against the Antichrist in form of the False Prophet.
XIII.
11.

the

Kal ciSo^

TOI>

x|/cu8oTrpo(f>TqTT]i>,

KCU elx 6 ^ Kepara 8u o ojaoia dpyico, 6 8paK(oy. KCU dirojXXue

<us

12.

ical

TTjy

efoucriac

TOU

SpaKO^TOS

iraoraK

mnci eVw

moy
Kal
-jroiei

auToG,
TTJK

yf[v

K<U

iVa irpoo KU^o ouo H

TOUS eV aurrj KaToiKourras TQV SpaKo^ra.

Kal irup
TTOITJ

13.

Kal iroici
Kara/3 aii

o"r]fjiela

jxeydXa, i^a
I

CK TOU

oupai/ou
eii

eis TT\V yfjy

iv&iriov r&v ai/Opwirw^.

14.

Kal irXaya TOUS KaroiKoGi Tas 8id TO, aT]juita a e860T] aurw Kal irotet trdvTCis
Iva.

em

rfjs

Y^l s

Troifjo-ai,

16. -17.

Iva.

Saio-ii/

)(eipos TIS IL-TI

aurwk

TT]S

Se^tas ^

aurols xdpaypa. eirl r-ps cm TO jxeTwirov auTw^,

T]

8ui/T]Tat

dyopdo-ai

irwXtjo-ai

et

JULTJ

TO

The
eoT<x0T]

Two Beasts^

xii.

i8-xiii.

em rr\v ap-nov TTJS OaXdo-cnrjs. XII. 18. Kal There can be no question here as to the original text. The textual evidence in itself is overwhelming in behalf of eVratfr;. The dragon In the next place the sense is in favour of it. foiled in his attempt to destroy the Messiah and His Community proceeds to the shore of the sea and summons from it the Beast
(i.e.

the

Roman
xiii.

Empire)

in order to

arm
.

it

with his

own power.

Thus

follows naturally after xii. words in the next sentence, /cat, tcrrdOr) avafiatvov, is in favour of cora^
ch.
.
:

Again the order of the

.

ex T^S flaXacnn/s
CTTI T.

a/x/xov

rrj<s

Kal

etSoi/

*K

T. 0aA.aor(r?7S

Orjpuov dva/3aivov.
xii.

And,

finally, f

preserves the continuity d^Atfe,

1 7,

and eoWc

in

xiii. a.

XIII.

1.]

THE FIRST BEAST

The First Beast,
xii.

345

i-io.

XIII.

1.

Kal etSoy IK TTJS OaXdoxrTjs 0T]piok avafiaivov, e\ov Kepara SeKa Kal KecJxxXds eirrd, Kal Kal
eirl
rail

em

ras

KepaTwy aurou SeKa SiaSi^jjiaTa, aurou oi/ofiara

Ke<f>aXas

j3Xao-<f>T)jxias.

The

order of the words

:

e/c

T^S 0aA.

avafialvov
.
.

is
.

unusual.

from that in Dan. vii. 3, rcWapa 6-rjpia. avefiawov K rrjs 0aA.aer<rr?s 4 Ezra xi. i, Ecce ascendebat de mari aquila, and xi. 7, xiii. n, xvii. 8 (vii. 2), in our text. On the other hand, we find one parallel in xvi. 13-14, eTSov e/c TOV O-TO/XO.TOS TOV opdThe unusual . /conros Trvev/xara r/oi a ... a ^KTropeuercu. order in our text may be due to the order in the Hebrew source Stress may be or may be adopted for the sake of emphasis. laid on the quarter from which the Beast comes. The second Beast comes from the land, xiii. n.
It differs
. .

first Beast is the Roman Empire. The description of Beast in xiii. i-2 abc is clearly based on Dan. vii. 2-7. It comes up from the sea, as the four beasts in Daniel did the number of its heads may be directly derived from adding together .the heads of the four beasts, though this characteristic has prob ably an older history ; its ten horns are from the fourth beast,

The

this

and its likeness to a leopard, its possession of the feet of a bear, and the mouth of a lion, are borrowed from the first three beasts.
It is evidently

the representation of the fourth

kingdom

in Daniel,

though it is a still more terrible monster than that depicted there. But in Daniel the fourth beast represents the Greek Empire When did the reinterpretation of Alexander and his successors. which appears in our text arise ? Possibly, even probably, in the
first

in the

century B.C. ; for with the assertion of the power of Rome East this reinterpretation was inevitable. Probably from Pompey s time onward the Roman Commonwealth came in cer tain circles in Palestine to be identified with the fourth kingdom. Thus in Pss. Sol. ii. 29 Pompey is called 6 Spa/con/ a term He impersonates the power of associated with the Antichrist. Rome, as Nebuchadnezzar did that of Babylon in Jer. xxviii. 14. Rabbinic literature shows many traces of this identification. Thus, according to Cant. rab. ii. 12; Gen. rab. xliv. 20; Lev. rab. xiii. ; Midr. Teh. Ps. Ixxx. 14 (see Jewish Encyc. x. 394), it was the last wicked kingdom whose end was to usher in the Messianic Kingdom. In the Aboda Zara, 2 a Sheb. 6 b Rome is declared to be the fourth kingdom in Dan. vii. 23. In the Rabbinic writings the usual designation of Rome is Edom (Schurer, Gesch* iii. 236 sq. ; Weber, Judisch. Theol? 365 sqq., 383 sq., 395). Thcngh the date of the Jewish writings just mentioned is late, the fact of the reinterpretation of Dan. vii. 23
,
,

34-6
is

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XIII.

1.

In the Assumption unquestionable in the first century A.D. x. 8 (7-30 A.D.), and 2 Bar. xxxix. 5 sqq., xxxvi. 5-10; 4 Ezra xii. sq., this reinterpretation is not only given, but in the latter book it is implied that the angel, who instructed Daniel as to the fourth kingdom being Greek, was wrong. In Josephus (Ant. x. n. 7) the same interpretation occurs, but the
of Moses,

is rejected by Niese. Turning now to the Christian Church, we find the first identification of the Roman Empire with the fourth kingdom of Daniel in the Little Apocalypse as it is given by Luke xxi. 20; for, whereas in Mark xiii. 14; Matt,

passage

xxiv. 15 (oral/ 8e tS^re TO /^Se Ary/m rrys ep^/Acmrecos), the phrase of

Daniel, TO /?8eXvy/xa TT}S e/ory/xwcrews, is used generally as referring to the profanation of the Temple by the Antichrist, this phrase is
interpreted

by Luke of the destruction of Jerusalem by the

KVK\ov/Ji^vrjv VTTO o~Tpa,TO7reSajj/
Iepouo~aA.^/X .

Romans

OTOLV oe i6ryT

Thus the role of the fourth kingdom is assigned by Luke in some degree to Rome. The date of this reinterpretation is probably between 70 and 80 A.D. From this period we pass
onwards to the Ep. Barn.
iv. 4-5 (100-120 A.D.), where the interpretation of the fourth kingdom is set forth. From the above survey, therefore, we conclude that from 30 A.D. onwards Jewish exegesis universally and Christian exegesis generally took the Roman Empire to be the fourth

same

in Daniel. So far, therefore, as our text sets forth this contains no new development it merely expresses a current and apparently undisputed interpretation. But there is more than this in our text, as we shall see, and we cannot on the above grounds as well as on others acquiesce in any interpretation of the mysterious numbers in xiii. 18 which would limit it to the The first disclosure of a mere exegetical platitude of the times. advance on this interpretation appears in xiii. 3, where see note. This clause and the follow eirrd. Kepara Se ica ical The first clause has already ing present great difficulties. occurred in xii. 3 as a description of the Dragon save that the What meaning did order of the heads and horns is reversed. our author attach to the heads or to the horns ? As the text at present stands, the heads refer to the Roman emperors.

kingdom
view
it

ice<f>aXds

This
1

3 (/xiW e/c TWI/ K<aAwv avrov), 12, 17, reference here is clearly contemporary. This being so the horns cannot refer to the same persons. 1
is xiii.

clear from

8,

and

xvii. 9, 10.

The

1 This latter illegitimate interpretation has been adopted by many who have accordingly concluded that the Apocalypse was written under the tenth Caesar. But, however the counting is done, it fails to lead to Domitian, under whom the Apocalypse was written. If, beginning with Caesar (as in 4 Ezra xii. 15) or Augustus, we include Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, we find the tenth in Titus or Vespasian if we exclude these three we arrive at Nerva or Trajan. To reckon the three as one, as some do, and so make Domitian the tenth, is inadmissible.
:

XIII.

1.]

THE FIRST BEAST

347

Since this reference has been excluded, it has been proposed to the phrase Kcpara SeVa as an archaic survival here, and We have already therefore meaningless in the present context. met with such archaic survivals in the preceding chapters, but If the phrase were this explanation is not so satisfactory here.
treat
it have been given this emphatic position ? for the horns seem to be placed before the heads in contrast to the order in xii. 3, and the diadems are shifted from the heads to the horns. The difficulty is increased when we turn to xvii. 3, and seven heads and ten horns like find there that the Beast has the Dragon. The only explanation remaining, and it is not satisfactory, is that the horns are mentioned first, because they first became visible as the Beast rose from the sea in the vision. Wellhausen thinks that xiii. i b and xii. 3, ex^v /ce^aXas errm

such, would

"

"

text

KOL Kepara SeKa, are additions, since they have no bearing on the till ch. xvii. But the seven-headed monster is derived from

and is not a mere symbol created by our author. That the number seven is not due to the fact that our author already knew or expected seven emperors we have See note on xii. 3. He gives an ancient tradition already seen. a new meaning by interpreting it of the seven Roman emperors. em Twy KepdrcoK aurou 8eKa SiaS^jAara. These words have been inserted in the text to prepare for the account in
tradition,
K<U

xvii. 12 of the Parthian kings, where the horns are expressly said to denote ten kings. In Daniel s visions a horn repre sents either a king (see vii. 24, viii. 5, 8 a, 9, 21) or a dynasty of kings (viii. 3, 6, 7, 8 b 20, 22) rising up in, or out of, the
"

empire symbolized by the creature to which the horn belongs The ten horns in Dan. vii. 7 refer to (Driver, Daniel, vii, 7). the successors of Alexander on the throne of Antioch that is, to a single division of Alexander s empire. Similarly here the ten horns would refer to the kings of the eastern division
of the Antichrist s empire, i.e. the Parthian. SiaS^/xo/ra are elsewhere assigned only to Christ, xix. 12, and to the Dragon, xii. 3. The latter conception is permissible since the Dragon is in many respects a caricature of Christ. It would be per missible also, if the clause could be interpreted of the Roman emperors, since they could be regarded as incarnations of the Beast. But it is difficult to take them in connection with Rome s vassal kings. The position of Se/ca before SiaS^/mra is found Hence the only in xvii. 12 in our author: see note on viii. 2. clause may be a gloss. For the phraseology we might compare the Egyptian royal title "Lord of diadems." (Mommsen, Rom.
Gesch.
Kttt

"

v.

em
, .

565, note, quoted from Erbes, p. 95.) auroG oyojiaTa j3Xaa4>Tjp,ias. rots
K<|>aXa<;

Oypiov

ye/xovra ovopara. /^Aaox^/xtas,

The evidence

Cf. xvii. 3, for ovojjui

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XIII. 1-3.

and ovo/mara is fairly balanced. If we take the singular then the blasphemous name on each head is no doubt Se/Wro ?, i.e. divus a blasphemous title involving divine claims and Augustus connected with the imperial cult. The terms 0eos and Beov
vtos

were freely applied to the emperors in inscriptions from 1 This interpretation is found in Bede, as Augustus onward. Diisterdieck has pointed out Reges enim suos deos appellant tarn mortuos et velut in ccelum atque inter deos translates,
"

quam

etiam in

terris

Augustos,

quod

est

nomen

ut

volunt

deitatis."

If, on the other hand, we read oi/o/Aara, the seven heads are to be regarded as bearing respectively the seven names of the Caesars.

2.

KCU TO 6r)pioc o etSoK

rji

OJJLOIOC

TrapSdXei,

KCU ot iroSes aurou

a>s

apKOU,

Kal TO orop-a auToG orop,a \ovro$. Kal e StoKey aurco 6 8pdi<un Sucap.ii/ aurou
<&s

rr\\>

Kal Toy Qpovov auToG Kal

eouo-iat>

Our text as it stands combines the characteristics of the three beasts which arise out of the sea in succession in Dan. vii. i sqq. the lion, the bear, and the leopard. In Hos. xiii. 7, 8 the lion, leopard, and bear are referred to. The third line suggests a combination of the traits of the first beast Dan. vii. 4, and of the fourth and unnatural ten(i.e. the lion),
it devoured and brake in pieces, vii. 7. It is impossible to conceive the complex figure here portrayed by our author, unless we take it that he regards each But the text of the seven heads as having a lion s mouth. The figure there appears to imply that it had only one mouth. This fore is wholly fantastic and not plastically conceivable. inconceivableness is possibly somewhat in favour of regarding . . ACOVTOS as a later addition. the line /cat TO
o~ro/>ia

horned beast, which had iron teeth wherewith

argument is hardly valid here. It is noteworthy, however, that we have here the full construction TO CTTO^OL avrov ws crTOfjLa XeovTos, whereas in accordance with what precedes we
this

But

should expect TO o-To/xa avrov a)? A.COVTOS as in i. 10, iv. i, 7. Yet in ix. 8, 9 we have the same combination of full and pregnant
constructions. 3. Kal fAiay
Qdvarov.
1

IK

TWI

Ke^aXwi

auToG

ws

We

must here supply

etSov

from

ver.

ets co-^ayjJieVTji i as in iv. 4

:

to Augustus in his lifetime bearing the dedication Se/karoC /caWpos (Dittenberger, Or. Gr. inscr. ii. II Hicks (Ephesus, p. 150) records the quoted from Swete, p. Ixxxvii.). following inscription at Ephesus [a^roK/xirwp] Kai(rap 0ov fpa iavov Hap0iKov

Temples were erected

Pcfynys

0eSs

Kal

1/16$

0eoO Nepotfa vluvbs, fpai avbs Adpiavds

Sej8a<rr6? f

3.]

WOUNDED HEAD = NERO REDIVIVUS

349

The phrase ws (both additions from the hand of our author). has already occurred in connection with the Christ, v. 6. It marks the Beast, or rather one of its heads, as the Satanic counterpart of the Christ, and therefore as the Anti It not only It has, moreover, a twofold significance. christ. implies that the being so described was put to a violent death but also that he was restored to life ecr^ay/AcV^v) (eo-c/xxy/u-eV^v), With these words the text makes a new advance. From the current identification of Rome with the fourth or last kingdom in Daniel, it proceeds to deal with one of the heads of the Beast, i.e. an emperor of Rome who sums up in himself all its antiThe next step whereby this head is christian characteristics. identified with the Beast itself is taken in xiii. 12, 14. The avrov limits Kal t) Tr\Tf]YT) TOU Qavdrou auTou KT\. the statement to the wounded head, though in xiii. 12, 14 this head is identified with the entire Beast. It is this head and none Hence the interpretation (of Zuschlag, other that is healed. 1 Bruston, Gunkel, Clemen, Porter) which would find a reference The choice therefore lies to Julius Caesar here is excluded. between Caligula and Nero. The former view was advocated at an early date by Weyers (see Ziillig, ii. 239), Holtzmann (Stade s In Gesch. Israels, ii. 388 sq.), Erbes (p. 29), and Spitta (392). 1885 Zahn proposed it by way of a jest (Z.K. W. 568 sqq.). The words 17 TrArjyr) rov 6a.va.To-v would then refer to a very dangerous illness of Caligula from which he recovered (Suet.
eo-<ay/xeVov
(o>s

Caligula, 14

Dio Cassius,

lix.

Philo, Legatioad Caium,

ii.

548,

yap ouSeis rocravr^v juias x^P as *7 ^ s ZQvovs ytvecrOai KCU Karacrracrei ^ye/xovos, ocrrjv CTTL Fata) 7rt o-oorrypia rfjs ot/cov/xev^s, /cat TrapaXa^ovn rqv apx^v KCU pv<r$eWi o-u/z,7rao">7S
IK TTJS do-#ei/a as.

See
is

Spitta,

139

sq.,

369

17 sqq.).

There

much

to

recommend

sq., 392-95; this view. It

Erbes,

would

It is the natural explain many of the difficulties in this chapter. explanation of the thrice-recurring clause relating to the healing of the wound, xiii. 3, 12, 14, of the wonder of the whole world at his recovery, xiii. 3 (cf. Philo quoted above), and of the horror in Palestine at his attempt to set up his statue in the Temple,
1 Since the text refers to the healing of the wounded head and not to the healing of the Beast itself with seven heads, the interpretation of Dlisterdieck, O. Holtzmann, B. Weiss, and Mofifatt is also out of court here. These scholars explain the text as referring to the convulsions which shook the Empire to its foundation in 69 A.D. after Nero s death, and from which it Moffatt rightly observes that recovered only by the accession of Vespasian.
"

4 Ezra xii. 18, which refers to this crisis in Roman affairs, requires this Post tempus regni illius (i.e. Nero s) nascentur contentiones explanation non modicae, et periclitabitur ut cadat, et non cadet tune, sed iterum
:

constituetur in
5, vii. 4. 2.

suum

initiu.n,"

and compares Suet. Vesp.

i. ;

Jos. Bell. iv.

n.

35O
xiii.

THE REVELATION OF
6.

ST.

JOHN

[XIH.

3.

Again

it

Trpoa-Kwr/crovorLV

avrov

offers a satisfactory explanation of xiii. 8, KCU Trai/res ol KarotKovi/rcs ort rrjs y^s, for we

find in Joseph. Ant. xviii. 8. i that all the subjects of the Roman Empire erected altars to Caligula and regarded him as a god
: 7ravru>j>

yovv

OTTOCTOI

Fata)

/cat

veu)S

TW ry Pco/xaiwv a-PXfl ^TroreXeis eti/ tSpu/xei/coi/ ra re aAAa Travra avroi/ wcnrep rov? $eou?
j3w/Jiov<s
"

Spitta (p. 369) and Erbes (p. 18) in opposing the Nero redivivus interpretation rightly argue Who in all the world would say of a wound, which was bringing a man to the grave, that he was healed because in a marvellous manner he rose again (as Nero redivivus) from the dead ? But however
Se^o/xeVtov.
:
"

just these contentions may be, the text as it stands cannot refer to Caligula. To make it do so requires the change of the

to 616, and the excision of xiii. 3% 4 6 5 7*, abc and a phrase in xiii. 8 (so Spitta). The text 9-10, 14, i8 as it stands refers, as both Spitta and Erbes admit, to Nero redivivus. That, however, our author is probably using here an earlier source referring possibly to Caligula we have already seen (see p. 349).
, ,

number 666

cde

As the

text stands the only

which takes the text as referring to Nero redivivus. The two renderings 666 and 616 can be explained thereby, and no
excisions are necessary, though certain expressions are difficult, owing probably to the fact that they were applied differently in

satisfactory explanation

is

that

an earlier source. The origin and belief in Nero s return has been investigated by Zahn, Z.K. W.L. 1885-86; Bousset, Offenb. Johannis^^ 410-18; and Charles, Ascension of Isaiah, li.-lxxiii. and in a revised form in the Appendix to chap. xvii. of the present Several forms of the Antichrist tradition lie behind work. There is the Beliar Anti different sections of our Apocalypse. christ in xi. 7, which apparently had in its original form only a
;

Of the first stage of the religious significance as in 2 Thess. ii. Neronic myth there is no trace, but there are ample traces of the second stage in xvi. 12 and in the original document or tradition
behind xvii. 12-17, according to which Nero was to return from the far East at the head of ten Parthian kings for the destruction The third stage which represents Nero redivivus^ of Rome. i.e. Nero as returning with demonic powers from the abyss, is that which was present to the mind of our author alike in the passage See ch. xvii. and the before us and throughout the book. Appendix. Only when so conceived "does the one head," as Bousset remarks, "become the complete antitype of the apvtov The wounded head is identified with the Beast ws
o-<f>ayfj,vov."

in

xiii.
K<U

12, 14, xvii. 8,

e0au|j,dcr6Y]
.

n.
.
.

oiriaw

TOU

Grjpiou.

We

construction

which

is

neither

Greek nor Hebrew,

have here a as Gunkel

XIII. 3-4.]

WORSHIP OF THE BEAST

351

Blass (p. 129) observes rightly that the preposi has observed. tional use of oTrtVoj is foreign to profane writers, and takes its = ^HN), and compares in this connection origin from the LXX (
the construction in Acts
tBavpaa-Ov)
.

v.

37, xx.

30.

The

present phrase

he admits (p. 1 1 8, note 3) is very strange, but he thinks it can be taken as a pregnant construction for Such an Orjpiu KCU tTropevOr) oViVa) O.VTOV. e$av/xao-0r; CTTI Gunkel assumes that we have explanation can satisfy no one. here a translation from the Hebrew iTnn nnNJD nonni, where nnso is corrupt for rrnriKE. Thus we should have "and wondered at the end of the beast," i.e. that it remained But the meaning Gunkel assigns to the Hebrew here alive. of the beast was not this "The end" is quite unnatural.
. .

oTrtVw

T<3

temporary restoration. And yet it is possible to explain the i.e. difficulty through retroversion into Hebrew JHRTFpfl nonm rpnn "nnKD, where nnNO is corrupt for nrnfiTQ (i.e. an"):i or
:

niJOD, though this last

:

is a rarer construction). Thus the Greek KCU ZOav/JidcrOr) 6\r) fj yrj ISovcra (or /^AeVovo-a) TO should run This restoration is supported by the parallel passage 6-rjpiov.

dealing with the very same subject in xvii. 8, KOI Oavfjiaa-firja-ovTai 01 KarotKOwres The ri TT?S pXeirovrtav TO dypiov KT\. construction recurs again in xvii. 6, e$at>//,ao-a iSwv avryv. The meaning therefore of this clause is exactly the same as in xvii. 8. The world was astonished at the marvellous return
.
.

y>?S

of
is

Nero

redivivus.

The power of the Roman Empire Trpoo-eKuVYjcraK. derived from the Dragon, and the Dragon is worshipped as the The words wherewith the inhabitants of source of this power. the earth belaud the Beast are an intentional parody of certain expressions of praise in the O.T. Ex. xv. u, TIS O/AOIO? o-oi ev
4. KCU
#eots, Kvpic;

Ps. xxxv. 10, Ixxxix. 6,

cxiii.

Isa.

xl.

25, xlvi. 5

Mic.
"

vii.

1 8.

The motive

for the

worship

is

that follow, TIS Svvarai TroXe/Arjcrcu /XCT

it

curroii;

given in the words as Swete remarks,

was not moral greatness but brute force which commanded

the

homage
In

of the provinces.

our author takes up the theme which led really to the composition of the book as a whole, the worship of the Since this meant a subordination of Beast, the imperial cultus.
this verse

the interests of religion to those of the State, it became the chief source of strife between Christendom and the Roman Empire. Again and again this subject recurs throughout the chapters that
follow.
a

These passages are no more analogous

;

teTpdirr](rav dirtou TOV 2"rava ings, but our text does not.

for all three

to our text than I Tim. v. 15, admit of good Hebrew render

352
5.

THE REVELATION OF
Kal
e8<50T]

ST.

JOHN

[XIII. 5-6.

cat e860Tj

aurw o-TojJia XaXouy fxeydXa ica! aurw e^ouaia iroitjorai jj,fji/as TecrcrepaKorra Kal

ouo.

The words
cf.

Ps.
36,

xii.

3;

a-rd/xa 2 Bar.

AaAow
Ixvii.

/xeydAa are from Dan.

7.

vii.

8,

20

With

/cat

xi.

where

(vTTtpoyKd,

it is said of Antiochus, errt Th.) AaA^crei, and vii. 25, p^/xara

:

/JAao-^/xt a? TOV 0ew

cf.

Dan.
Th.)
12,
nfc>y

rw

0eo>i/

c^aAAo.

ets

(Aoyovs
cf.

TOV ui/acrrov AaAiycrei

also
"to
"

Mace.

i.

24.

Tronjcrai (

= n^y) may
viii.

Trpos,

mean
xi.

either
It

"to

do,"

act with

effect":
time,"

Dan.

28.

could

mean

to

spend the

a sense that

also has in

redivivus

is

to hold

Hebrew. On /^ras *rA. see note on xi. 2. sway for the usual apocalyptic period.

Nero

6. Kal T^voiei/ TO orojxa auToG els jSXaoxJHjjjaas irpos Toy 0oV, pXacr^TjjAfjom TO 6Vojj,a auToG Kal TYJC O-KTJJ TJK auTou,

Kal TOUS

ei

TW oupa^u)

oxYji/oui/Tas.

With our
claims of
ii.

we might compare Dan. viii. 10-12. The the Empire were expressed in /ever deepening terms of
text
Cf.

blasphemy.
4,

what

is

said of the

Antichrist

in

Thess.
fj

7rt Travra. Acyo/xevov Ofbv dvTiKet/Acvo? KCU iiTrcpaipd/Aevos Asc. Isa. iv. trejSao-/xa . . . a.7roSeiKvwTa eavTOV OTI eo-Ttv $eos
:

(before 100 A.D.)

"he
:

will say

I v.

am God and
33-34
(

before
85,

me

there

has

been none

"

Sibyll.

Or.

= xii.

86), etra

Oew avrdv. The impious claims of the Caesars avaKOL/juj/ti Icrd&v Of Caligula Philo writes are here in the mind of the writer. (Leg- ad Caium, 23), 6 8e rdi os lavrov eeTV<<oo-ev ov Aeywv JJLOVOV, dAAa Kal otd/xei/os etvat ^ed?. Domitian s claims here are very Dominus et deus noster hoc Suetonius, Domitian. 13, explicit Unde institutum posthac, ut ne scripto quidem ac fieri jubet.
"

sermone cuiusquam appellaretur

pXacr<|)T]|jLT]crat

aliter."

TO o^ojaa auTofl.
"

said that the

name."

Jews

will

Cf. Lev. xxiv.

Cf. Ass. Mos. viii. 5, where it is be forced ... to blaspheme ... the n, D rrnN 3p3.

to explain rty cr/o^v airrov (see 8 in the Introd. to this chapter on the meaning of this phrase in the original source) of the earthly temple is against the context here and the usage of our author in xxi. 3, and especially the use of
It is probably heaven itself as in vii. 15, xii. 12, xxi. 3. here referred to not the temple in heaven. But it is possible that our author means rrjv o-Krjvrjv avrov to be taken His Shekinah," especially if the words that follow as meaning See note on xxi. 3. Those who find a Caligula are original. Apocalypse behind the present text interpret the a-Kyvrj of the
o-K-rjvovv,

The attempt

that

is

"

earthly temple, in which Caligula wished to have his statue set up, according to Jos. Ant. xviii. 8. 2 ; Bell. ii. 10. i ; Philo, Leg, ad Caium, 29, 43. o-K^vrj could be taken in the same sense also,
if

the source referred to the siege of Jerusalem under Titus.

XIII. 6-8.]
Kal

BEAST WARS AGAINST THE SAINTS

TW o-jpa^w
O-KTJ
>o

353

TOUS lv

supported

clause is original then too is the /cat and the beings referred to are the angels cf. In that case we should compare xxi. 3, 17 CTK^KJJ TOV xii. 12. KOI o~Kr)vwo-i. Since we have ovpavos definitely Bfov .
original.
:

may be

Cyras. If the

The

/cat

though weakly

mentioned
taken as
ing
its

in this third phrase, ryv

o-K-rjvrjv

O.VTOV

can hardly be
to
its

equivalent.

Hence again we conclude

iroiTJaat

mean
Kal

His
7. Kal

Shekinah."

e8o0T)

aurw
aura)

iroXeuoy

jAerd

T&V
Kal

dyuoc
Xadi>

Kal

e860Y]

e^oucria

em

-irdcrcu

(txArjc

Kal

yXwo-orai>

Kal e Ocos.

The first line (as also xi. 7) goes back to Dan. vii. 21 to the Aramaic rather than to the Versions. Theod. has e^ewpow Kat TO Kepas Ktvo orotet TToAe/xov /xera TaV dytW Kat to-^ucrev Trpos avrovs. has irdXe/xov o-wto-Tct/zcvov Trpos TOUS ayt ous Kat rpoTrov/Jievov

LXX

aurovs.

NtKtjaat

is

our author

own

rendering here
2~>p

cf. xii.

n,

xvii. 14, etc.,

19, and is a role of the little

Trot^o-at 7roAe/x,ov /xTa is found in xi. 7, xii. 17, xix. literal rendering of the Aramaic Dy &O3JJ.

and

The

here taken by Nero redivivus. The persecution referred to is not the first, i.e. the Neronic, but in the future ; for it is to be world wide. Enoch xlvi. 7 speaks of the rulers and kings "casting i down the stars of heaven (i.e. the righteous) in dependence on
(i.e.

horn

Antiochus Epiphanes)

in

Daniel

is

"

Dan.

viii.

10.

See v. 9, note, on this favourite firl irao-ay $u\r\v KT\. enumeration of our author. a 7b-9. Kal 860Y] aurw aKouordrw, like ver. 3, looks like an insertion. By their removal we seem to recover See Introd. to Chap. the original form of the verses xiii. i-io. But the present form is due to our author. xiii. 8, p. 342 sqq.
eou<ri
.

8.
yjjs

Kal

jrpoorKu

ii]crou<n,K

auToy

-iraVreg

ol
TU>

KaroiKoui/Tes
|3ij3Xia>

em

rfjs

ou ou

YeypaiTTai TO oVojxa auTou

0-<t>ayjji,eVou

iv

TTJS

^w^S TOU

dpj tou TOU

diro KaTajSoXrjs KOO-^IOU.

xiii. 3 forms a doublet of xvii. 8. future Trpoo-Kw^o-ovo-tv may be due to the fact that the author has dropt his role of Seer and passed over into prophecy, or that he has translated linnt^l in his original In source as if it were Vinnch instead of nnn^ i. Cf. xvii. 8. _._... ......

This verse combined with

p.

See Introd.,

337.

The

s<

any case we pass here from the present to the future. All do not yet worship the beast. See 15. The phrase TOV dpvtov TOV eo-^ay/xe vov is generally regarded by critics as a scribal gloss, but it appears to be from the hand of our author ; for, in the first place, in xxi. 2 7 we find ev TW 0)775 TOV d/wov, and, in the The next, the phrase in our cext forms a contrast to that in xiii. 3.
/?i/3Atu>
Trj<s

VOL.

I.

23

354

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XIII. 8.

subjects of the Neronic Antichrist who was ws ecr<ay/xeVos eh 6a.va.Tov are set over against those of TOV apviov TOV eo-<ay/xeVou
:

(cf. v. 6,

12).
.
. .

The reading WK TO oVojma aurwy, though weakly attested, The use of oVo/xa, where a has something to be said for it. Thus in Num. xxvi. 33 plurality is referred to, is a Hebraism. (in xxvii. i where the phrase is repeated we have the plural), xxxii. 38 ; Deut. xii. 3 ; i Sam. xiv. 49 is used with reference
D>

This Hebraism would explain the correction of avTwv into ov avrov on the one hand and of TO oVo/xa wv into TO. 6Vo/xa,Ta on the other. Cf. xvii. 8. The phrase cbro icaTapoXfjs KOO-JJLOU is by almost all scholars connected with ye ypaTrrat, as in xvii. 8. In favour of this connec tion the following passages are quoted: Eph. i. 4, e&Ae&rro lv avro) TTpo Kara^oX^s KOQ-/XOV, and Matt. XXV. 34, fjTOifJiacrto a
.

number.
.

f)Ha<s

OLTTO /jLtvrjv vfj.lv J3ao-i\eia.v

Kara/BoXys

/co

oyxov.

Thus

the election

is

from the beginning, and the presupposition is that only the elect can withstand the claims of the imperial cult backed by the To acknowledge such claims might of the empire itself. on the part of the State is in reality to acknowledge

The faithful are thus secured supremacy of Satan. In by their election from the foundation of the world.
the
vii.

3 sqq., having already exhibited their steadfastness in actual temptation, they have been marked on their brows as God s own possession, and have thus been secured against the of Satan but not against martyrdom. The spiritual assaults above interpretation is right in the case of xvii. 8 but possibly
in the present passage, and Bede, Eichhorn, and Alford be right in connecting the above phrase with eo-<ay/xeVou. may This connection is suggested by i Pet. i. 19, 20, fXvrpiaOrjre

wrong

at/xaTi

J)S

d/xvov

7rpoyva)o~iJievov

/xtv

Trpo

Kafaj3oXf)<;

has been foreordained in the counsels of God is The principle of sacrifice and in a certain sense a fact already. redemption is older than the world it belongs to the essence of In favour of this view I would adduce further the Godhead. In the 2nd cent. B.C. Michael was regarded as the evidence. mediator between God and man, Test. Dan vi. 2 (see my note in loc.\ and about the beginning of the Christian era this mediatorship was assigned to Moses in Ass. Mos. i. 14 (see next If Judaism claimed that Moses was ordained to be paragraph). mediator of God s covenant from the foundation of the world, Christianity claimed that Christ was ordained as the Redeemer of mankind from that period. This, I think, is the meaning of the words in their present context, though it was not the meaning in the older form of the passage, which has been preserved in xvii. 8. The phrase aTro Kara-poXys KOO-^OV is found eight times in the
KOO-/XOV.

What

XIII. 8-10. J

SAINTS

NOT TO RESIST

355

N.T. outside the Apocalypse, but does not occur in the LXX. Kara^oXrj is only once found in the LXX, i.e. in 2 Mace. ii. 29, where it is used of the foundation of a house. The idea, however, is found in Job xxxviii. 4, ps HD^ LXX, iv O^\LOVV //.e rrjv yrjv, and the phrase itself recurs three times in the Ass. Mos. i. 13, 14, "ab initio orbis terrarum," the Greek of which is happily preserved in Gelasius of Cyzicum (see Fabricius, Cod. Pseud. V.T. i. 845, and my edition of the Assumption,

The word

TV>

pp. 6,
/cat

7,

58, 59),

u)?

7rpoe#edVaTO

/JLC

yeypaTrrat o Oeos

/?i/?A.ia>

AvaX^ews Marucre oos

TT/DO

oiaOiJKrjs

avTov
is

fjLeo-irrjv.

Here

KaraySoX^s KOO-/XOV elvat /xe r^s as in our text the idea of pre

destination
9.

forcibly expressed.
dicouo-dTw.
,

ct TIS exei ous,

ei TIS
is

See note on

ii.

7.

10.

aixfiaXwatai

uirdyei"

f auT&y f iv

|j,a)(aipT]

al

r\

iricrTts

10. The textual evidence three different forms of text.

is

very

divided,

and allows of

i. The first, i.e. A, which I have given above, alone is right. Hort admits that aTroKrav^at gives the right sense but, failing

like all other scholars to understand the construction, does Wellhausen (p. 22, note) declares not adopt it into his text. that a.7roKTevet is impossible, and that it must be changed into the It is strange that he does not refer to the reading of passive. Its object is to enforce an attitude of loyal endurance. The A.

the Christians must suffer persecution is at hand in calmly facing and undergoing this exile or death final tribulation they are to manifest their endurance and faith This prophetic admonition undoubtedly suits the fulness. It has, more context and the tone of the entire Apocalypse. over, the support of Jer. xliii. 1 1 and xv. 2, on one or other of which it is based. The former is 3C9 rni^ niis^ l^N

day of

captivity,

"iK>fcO

3ir6 :nr6 -IBW

n&6, while the

LXX
I

of Jer. xv. 2 gives

.

00-01

eis 6a.va.TOV, ets 6a.va.TOV

/cat ocroi ets fJLa.\a,tpav ets

it

ocrot ets atx^a^-wo-tav ets atx/aaXwo-iav. is not Greek, but it is a literal

:
JnE^>

have

. . /cat /xa^aipaj/ printed the text of

Hebrew idiom i.e. of Kin It might rviD^ be explained as a mistranslation of rviE& njaS where the translator read twice instead of nusta The is corrupt for curros. See xii. 7, note, where this idiom has already
"IB>N.

mm

rendering of a distinctively

mm mm

mm

ryi^>

occurred.

356

THE REVELATION OF
"

ST.

JOHN

[XIII. 10.

But the former, I have no doubt, is the right explanation, and the text should be rendered If any man is to be slain with the sword, he is to be slain with the sword." This being so, avroV is to be taken as a corruption of In avros ev fjiaxoLLpr) airoKravOriva.1 we have a translation of the same Hebraism as in 6 Mi^a^X KOL ol ayyeAot avrov TOV TroAeju^o-at in xii. 7. The Greek, it is true, differs in xii. 7 by the insertion of TOV before But we find the same variation in the LXX. To the inf. before the inf. in this idiomatic sense was evidently a render
:

avr6<s.

matter of no

little difficulty
:

duced

it

in

many ways
t

i.

fji

49 ; 2. once (?) by 8owai = b Tin? lE K ; 3. by et with the aor. ind., 2 Kings xiii. 4. by a paraphrastic form consisting of two verbs, 19 2 Chron. xi. 22 5. frequently by TOV with the inf. as in Eccles. iii. 15 I Chron. ix. 25, and in our text in xii. 7 ; 6. once
(xxviii.)
;
;

translators, who repro ind. as in Ps. xlix. 15 ; Jer. li. See 2 Sam. iv. 10, co eSet Set, cum. inf.

to the

Greek

by a

fut.

simply by the
.

(B K) = tfbJ? in our text, avros

.

just

as

inf. is

here, a better

LXX

/cat K^/XW ayat Here we have the same rendering as In xii. 7, (avToV, A) eV jjia^afpr) a.7roKTav@r)va.L. tfQ omit the TOV before TroAe/x^o-cu, but TOV cum There are also other renderings in the rendering.
. .
.
.

inf.

Ps. xxxii. 9, ev xaAtvw

JriED.

of this idiom.

2.

The second form

:

of the text

is

that of

some

cursives

and

Versions

T15 eis al^fJiaXwarLav dvrayei,

ets
ct

at^/xaXwcrtav V

rts eV yu,a^at/or; Set a^rov eV

This is the text preferred by Bousset. As in the former text so in this the parallelism of the two clauses is perfect. But the meaning is of course different. While in the former we have an appeal to the loyalty of the faithful, in the latter there is simply a promise of requital. The saints are assured that the jus talionis will be enacted to the full on their persecutors. 3. The third form of text is that of the R.V., which agrees with the second save that it omits ob-ayei. This third form is accepted by B. Weiss, Swete, and Moffatt, but, whatever the textual evidence is, it has the parallelism against it and also the Its advocates have supported source from which it is derived. it by maintaining that both clauses refer to the Christian he ab he is to abstain from is to suffer exile if necessary, xiii. io cd using the sword, xiii. io , if he would not perish by the sword. But here the idea of the law of requital is introduced. Hence, ab enforces simply the duty of since according to this text io cd is clearly an expression of the law of resignation, and io
:

XTTI. 10-11.]

SECOND BEAST

357

requital, this third form of text combines two ideas consorting very ill with each other, inappropriate to their context and at variance with the source from which they are ultimately drawn. B. Weiss interprets the whole verse as expressing requital. It is true that this form is fairly supported by the textual evidence; but it was probably due to Matt. xxvi. 52. The first corruption of the text (i.e. of a-n-oKTavOfivai into aTTOKTevet as in the R.V.) seems to have been due to Matt. xxvi. 52, This Travres yap ol A.a/3ovres yaa^atpai/ kv fjia^aLprj aTroXowrai. change once effected, introducing as it did the idea of a Jus talionis, could easily lead to the next corruption, i.e. the addition of dTrayet after al^/jLa\wariav (10). Thus this third form of text conveys to the Christians the promise that, whatever be the fate

they endure,

it

will recoil

on

their persecutors.

The Second Beast, 11-18.

11.

Kal

eTSoi/

aXXo

GrjpioK

dm|3aii/oi/

IK.

TTJS

y^S,

KCU elxei Ke para Suo opoia Kal f eXciXei ws SpaKwy f.

dpiau>,

In our text

this

second Beast

is

identified with the False

Prophet: cf. xvi. 13, xix. 20, xx. 10. Mommsen thinks that this second Beast symbolizes the state officials throughout the provinces, but the express identification of this Beast with the False Prophet renders Mommsen s view untenable. From Victorinus downwards a number of notable scholars have identified the Beast with the heathen priesthood, but it is best with Holtzmann, Pfleiderer, Bousset, J. Weiss to understand it in
relation to the imperial priesthood of the provinces.

In this second Antichrist figure we have an independent development of the Antichrist expectation. See p. 342 sqq. Originally this expectation had a radically different object, i.e. a
Jewish false prophet in Jerusalem, or a Christian false prophet in
the Christian community, as in i John ii. 18, 22, iv. 3 ; 2 John 7. But since the vision of our author is not limited to Judaism or Christianity, but takes in the entire world, he finds that the truths he had already learnt in Judaism and Christianity attained their fullest exemplification in the heathen world. Thus this Antichrist is now heathen and the scene of his activity the heathen world. This Antichrist comes up e* TI}S This phrase seems to y^s. indicate the locality of the beast, i.e. the priesthood of the Some scholars trace it to imperial cultus in Asia Minor. Dan. vii. 17, but this can only be a mere accident. Moreover that passage is corrupt. It is true indeed that according to

358

THE REVELATION OF
;

ST.

JOHN

XIIL

11.

ancient tradition, i Enoch Ix. 7 sqq. 4 Ezra vi. 49 sqq., there were two monsters, Leviathan and Behemoth, the one inhabiting These monsters sprang the deep, the other the dry land. ultimately from the cosmological myths of Babylon, and, repre senting the primeval chaos monster Tiamat, appear under many names in the O.T. as opponents of God, Isa. li. 9; Ps. Ixxxix.

10 sqq. ; Job xxvi. 12 sq. etc. (see K.A.T? 507), but in later times they came to be regarded as the impersonations of the evil power in the last days, when cosmological myths were transformed into eschatological expectations as in Isa. xxvii. i (leviathan, serpent, dragon); Pss. Sol. ii. 28 sqq.; Rev. xii., xvi. i Enoch Ix. 7 sqq.; 4 Ezra vi. 49-52; 13, xx. 2 (BpoiKwv)
;

Bar.

xxix.

4 (Behemoth and Leviathan)

Dan.

vii.

(nTi)

See K.A.T. 508. 19 sqq. (Oypiov). This phrase may be illustrated by Kepara 8uo ojjLota apyuo. Matt. vii. 1 5, 7rpocr^T airo TWV if/ev SoTrpo^rcoj otrive? ep^ovrai
Rev.
xiii.,

xvi. 13, xvii., xix.

Trpos u/xas

kv

evSr/xatri

Tr/ooySaraJi/,

lcra>$ev

8e

ei<rii>

A.VKOI

apTrayes.

The words

in

our text therefore

may
<&s

point to the mild

appear

ance of the second Beast.

Like Gunkel I What is the meaning of eXd\i SpaKcm/? must confess that I can make nothing of it. On the ground that it is unintelligible Gunkel, assuming a Semitic source, into "IENJT1, which he takes to be a corrup retranslates KOL e\aA But the Hebrew equivalent of form." "and a tion of I have two The AaXetv is not -IDK but "GT suggestions. corruption lies either in the Greek or in the Hebrew behind the In the former case we should add the article before Greek. If then we might read Spa/con/, which is meaningless without it. as in xii. 9, o SpaKuv, and take SpaKoov as synonymous with 14, 15, xx. 2, then the text becomes intelligible and would refer to the seductive and deceitful character of the serpent in the Garden of Eden. If this is right, the text would imply appeals
"IKJTI
o<is

to patriotism, gratitude for the great

self-interest.
If,

services

of the

empire,

on the other hand, the

(i.e.

text goes

back to a
:

might be corrupt (as cf. corrupt for "OND The original would then have been -QNni 2 Kings xi. i) for insm. pro. "And the beast had two horns like a lamb (herein TO dpvtW in xiv. i), but he was a simulating the Messiah This (i.e. his master). destroyer (an aTroAAvW) like the dragon gives us the same antithesis as in Matt. vii. 15 (quoted above) More the fair outward show contrasting with the real nature. in confirmation of this view, the second Beast is called a over, xx. 10, just as the false teachers i/^vSoTrpo^TJ-njs in xvi. 13, xix. 20,
original, then lyini
xxii.

Hebrew
2

KCU eAaXet)
is

in

Chron.

10,

where

"I3in

"

are in Matt. vii. 15. allusion to A/?a88w/ in

Furthermore
ix. 1 1
;

in

l3Nn we might have an

be Satan

for this being appears to

11-14.]

THE IMPERIAL PRIESTHOOD

If this is right, instead of eAaAei 6 SpaKoov (cf. aTrujAAve (or a/TroAAuoov)
a>?
a>s

359
Spa/can/
ix.

or the Dragon.

we

OUght to have
12. Kal

II).

TTJJ/ elouaiai auTou*

TT]t>

TOU TrpwTou
ei>

0T]piou

Traaay iroiei

Kal iroiei
Iva.

yT\v

TrpoaKwr|o-ouoai
-q

Kal TOUS aurfj KaroiKoui Tas TO 0Y]pioK TO irpwToy,

ou e0epaTTu0T]

irXiQYT)

TOU 0ayaTou UUTOU.

construction rovs lv avrfj KaTot/cowra? is strange on two First, the order is against the general usage of our See note on xi. 4 author, though it is found occasionally. Observe that a strong minority of textual authorities are (p. 284). in favour of the order TOUS /caTot/cowras lv avrff. Secondly, the construction KCHTOIK^LV *v is found here only in the Apocalypse. Nine times we have KaroiKeiv CTTI and once Ka.roiK.Civ c. ace. See note on xi. 10 and 4 of the Introd. to this Chapter. The imperial priesthood uses its delegated authority to enforce the worship of the Empire, which is here identified with Nero redivivus. It is no longer the death stroke of one of the heads of the Beast (xiii. 3) that is spoken of, but of the Beast

The

grounds.

itself.

13. KCU

iroiel

0-Yjjj.eia

fxeyaXa,

wa.

Kal

irup

TTOITJ

CK

TOU

oupafou
is

rr\v

yr^y

Ivwtriov

ruv
ix.

IW
i

John

has here the force of the classical oxrre as in i. 9 John ix. 2. See Blass, Gram. 224 sq.
:

20

cf.

In this verse the writer is thinking of the magic and lying wonders practised by the priesthood devoted to the worship of the emperors. They caused fire to come down from heaven. All oriental cults had recourse to such deceits. An outburst of miracles was expected to mark the advent of
the Antichrist
KCU
S<oorov<nv
:

cf.

Mark
/cat
ii.

xiii.

<Ti7/x,eta

repara
9,

22, eye/o^trovrat TT/OOS TO aTTOTrAarav

. .

i/^evSoTrpo^rat
et

oWarov
KO.T

TOI>S

e/cAeKTOus

Thess.
ev
Trdcrrj

ov

tcrrlv

r)

irapovo-id

ivf.pye.Lav

TOV

Asc. Isa.

/cat o~?y/xetots Kai repacnv \f/fv8ov$. there will be the power of his (i.e. the Neronic Antichrist) miracles in every city And at his word the sun will rise at night and he will make the moon to appear at the sixth hour also 4 Ezra v. 4 Sibyll. Or. iii. 63-70. See Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches, 99 sq. The special miracle recorded in our text recalls that of Elijah, i Kings

^arava

Swaytxei

iv.

10,

"And

"

xviii. 38.

For diction cf. Luke ix. 54. Kal irXaya T^JS KaTotKounras em rfjs s ^l^ T ^fActa a e860T] auTw iroifjaai evuinov TOU Orjpiou, Xe ycoj/ TOIS KaToiKouati eirl
14.
l
Y"n

360
TTJS

THE REVELATION OF
Y*]s iroiTJom eiKoi/a

ST.

JOHN

[xm.

14-15.

TW

0T]pia>,

6s exei rS}v TrX^y^v TTJS

KCU

irWa

TOUS

KaToiKoGn-as.

The second Beast

is

has power to

deceive only the unbelieving world. This ing of xix. 20 and implicitly that of xii.
10.

explicitly the teach 9, xviii. 23, xx. 3, 8,

faithful received the mark of God on their foreheads, 4 sqq. (see note in loc.), ix. 4, and were henceforth secured against satanic assaults in the form of deception and temptation to sin. But the unbelieving world, which had received the mark of the Beast, xiii. 16, were thereby just as inevitably predisposed and prepared to become victims of every satanic deceit and We have here a deep spiritual temptation, and to believe a lie. truth. In the degree in which a man s character approaches finality, he has in that degree, if he has been faithful, become one with God and been rendered secure against spiritual evil powers in whatever form. If, on the other hand, he has been faithless, he has in that degree by his own action predisposed and prepared himself to be at once the unconscious victim of further spiritual wrong and the helpless slave of evil powers. On the moral significance of the phrase TOVS KO.TOIK. errt rfjs yijs, see note on xi. 10, and xiii., Introd. 4. There is no real occasion here and in iv. 1 1, xii. 1 1 to take Sid in an instrumental sense as Bousset proposes. The imposture succeeds because of the signs that are wrought eycovriov roO The signs were wrought by the priesthood (the second OypLov. Beast) before the official representatives of the emperor (the first
vii.

The

Beast).

For the construction see note on x. 9. iroiTJaai. imperial priesthood made every effort to spread the imperial cult by the setting up of statues of the emperor and insisting on their religious significance. In our text the et/cw is that of Nero With this ex redivivus, as the last clause of the verse shows. pectation we might compare that expressed in Asc. Isa. iv. 1 1,
Xe ywi/
. .

The

"

And he

(i.e.

(probably they should be read) will set up his image that of the Neronic Antichrist) before him in every city." 15-18. The connection of these verses has been generally
:

misapprehended. The meaning simply is the worship of the Beast gives the right to assume the mark of the Beast these two
the worship and the reception of the mark are always associated together: cf. xiv. 9, n, xvi. 2, xix. 20, xx. 4, as in xiii 15, 16 the mark cannot be had without the act of worship. Next, since the refusal of such worship inevitably entails death, xiii. 15, in order to escape death all are forced to wear the mark (xiii. 16) in evidence of having rendered such worship. And that none should escape this requirement, the necessities of life are to be
:

XIII. 15-16.]

UNIVERSAL MARTYRDOM

361

Thus withheld from such as do not exhibit the mark, xiii. 17. small and great, rich and poor, individual is reached bond and free, and none can evade the inquisition and none the dread alternative of worship or death. 15. Kal eSoOrj auTw 8ou/ai m euu.a rfj eiKoVt TOU 6T)piou, tea ica!
every
ooroi Kal Troi^cnr] ti/a CIKWV TOU Orjpiou XaXrjaT] r\ irpoo KUv qcrwo ii rr\v eiKova TOU Grjpiou dTroKTayOwaiy.

edy

JJ.T)

The

established
"Statuas

belief in speaking and wonder-working statues was a well one in the ancient world. According to Clem.
iii.
:

47 (Clem. Horn. ii. 32), Simon Magus declared feci animavi exanima." Besides such wonderwoifcers as Apollonius of Tyana, and Apelles of Ascalon at the court of Caligula of the first century, we find remarkable parallels Statues were regarded as the natural in the second century. means by which gods or demons could have intercourse with their worshippers, and were accredited with the power of working
Recognitions^

moveri

miracles (Theophil. ad Autol. i. 8), and of possessing supernatural At Troas a statue of a certain energies (Athenagoras, Leg. 18). Neryllinus (op. cit. 26) was supposed to utter oracles and to heal the sick, and the statue of Alexander and Proteus at Parium to utter oracles. Athenagoras admits the actuality of these pheno

mena but
Most

ascribes

them

oriental cults

to demons. had recourse

to

magic and

trickery,

and

that the imperial cult availed itself of their help, as our text states, The association of Roman there is no just ground for doubting. officials and sorcerers is attested in Acts xiii. 6. Irenaeus, in his Haec ne quis eum divina comment on our text, writes (v. 28. 2)
"

Et non est virtute putet signa facere, sed magica operatione. mirandum si daemoniis et apostaticis spiritibus ministrantibus ei,
per eos faciat signa in quibus seducat habitantes super terram." See Weinel, Wirkungen des Geistes und der Geister, 9 sq. As in 8 the writer passes over IVOL 00-01 . . . diroKTayO&kriK. There all the inhabitants of the into the future, so here in 15. earth who were not written in the Book of Life were to worship the Beast Here all that did not worship its image were to be That refusal to worship the image of the emperor put to death. carried with it capital punishment in Trajan s time is clear from Those who refused to recant Pliny s letter to Trajan (x. 96). As regards the rest he writes "Qui negarent se "duci jussi." esse Christianos, aut fuisse, cum praeeunte me deos appellaaent, et imagini tuae, quam propter hoc iusseram afferri, thure ac vino supplicarent ego dimittendos putavi."
:

16. Kal iroiel TToVTas TOUS jjuKpous Kal TOUS jieyciXous, Kal TOUS irXouaious Kal TOUS Trrw)(ous, Kal TOUS eXeuSepous Kal TOUS SouXous, T ^l s X et P s auTaii rf)s 8eids ^ Trl IVa Swcriv auTOts X^i aYH- a * 1

362
17.

THE REVELATION OF
KCU
Iva.
JAI^

ST.

JOHN

[XIII. 17.

X<xpaYjJ.a,

On
and
in

TIS 8ui>T]Tai, dyopdcrai rj Trw\T]o-ai ct JJITJ 6 e^wv TO TOU Oyjpiou i] Toy dpt,0jui6y TOU 6k6u,aTos <XUTOU. the familiar TOV? yLUKpou? *at TOUS /xeyaA.ovs cf. xi. 18, xix. 5,

TO

oVojjia

xii.

reverse order in xx. 12: on rous TrAourn ous KO.L TOVS cf. Prov. xxii. 2 Sir. x. 22. rous cXevOepovs Kal TOVS recurs in xix. 18 and in reverse order in vi. 15. Ivo. Swcriy auTois On the impersonal plural cf. x. n, xdpayu.a. For the phrase SiSdVat ^apay/xa cf. Ezek. (LXX) 6, xvi. 15.
;

ix.

4,

Sos

a-rj/jiciov

(where, however, the

.
.
.

Hebrew
is

is

in

rftnrn)

good Hebrew, and is ^apay/xa found in Megillah, 240, where in reference to the tephillah it is said invo *?y rnnj. The mark l was to be placed on the right hand and on the brow of the followers of the Beast. This is full of significance. For the orthodox Jew wore the were translated tephillin (which in Greek cf. Matt, xxiii. 5? vXorovown yap TO. <vAa/cT-jjpta owing to the circumstance they were practically amulets
CTTI TO.

/xerwTra.

But SiSoVat

<j>v\a.KTr)pia

as a protection against evil spirits) on the left hand and on the head (see Schiirer, Gesch? ii. 485 Friedlander, Der Anti 2 Hence the worshippers of the Beast christ, 158 sq., i6i). this usage by wearing the mark on their right travesty (xiii. 16) hand or their brow. In xiv. 9 and xx. 4 this double mark on the hand and the brow of the worshippers of the Beast is referred In xiii. 17, xiv. n, xvi. 2, to, though which hand is not specified. xix. 20 only the mark without specification of the brow or hand is mentioned, though it is defined simply as TO x^P a 7f^ a r v

and used

and in xiii. 17, xiv. the mark is said of the beast (or the number of his name, In our present text, as in xiv. 9, the mark is said to be xiii. 17). on the brow or on the hand, whereas in xx. 4 it is stated to be In the face of Jewish usage on the brow and on the hand. and xx. 4 we may fairly assume that the mark was in both places. It is to be observed that alike with regard to the faithful and the followers of the Antichrist the mark is placed on the brow (not over the brow), just as in Deut. vi. 8 the tephillin were to be set between the eyes." The Rabbis, however, declared as frontlets "Whoever placed that this usage was heretical, Megillah, 24b IK invo fe) the tephillin on the brow or on the hand (IT DD follows the practice of the Minim," and required that they should
Orjpiov in
xvi. 2, xix. 20,

to consist in the

name

"

1 The word xdpay/ta may, as Deissmann suggests, be chosen because was the technical designation of the imperial stamp.

it

Targum on Cant. viii. I, "The Community of Israel saith I am chosen from among the heathen nations because I bind the tephillin on my left ^WMTa p rsn xnzop NJN n, and on the upper hand and about my head," third of the right doorpost next the lintel, in order that evil spirits may have
2
:
B>"ni

no power

to

do me

injury."

XHI.

17.]

MARK OF THE BEASt

363
(ynt).

be worn over the brow and on the hands or rather forearms

the worshippers of the Beast, as Friedlander (op. cit. 161 sq.) and Bousset recognize, travesty in these respects the practice of orthodox Judaism in the first century of the Christian era, but not of the faithful in vii. 3 sqq., etc., of our text. The mark on the brow of the faithful in our author has no connection with the Hence this fact points to the Jewish origin of this But ulti section with regard to the Antichrist or of part of it.
tephillin.

Thus

mately the marks on the brows of the faithful, vii. J sqq., etc.^ and of Both were the worshippers of the Beast had the same origin. intended to show that the wearers of the marks are under super natural protection the former under the protection of God, the The former marks were to be made on the brow latter of Satan. only the latter on the brow and right hand owing to the influence of the Antichrist expectation amongst the Jews, as we have just
:

seen. 1

em

rrjs

Ps

atJTwi

T rjs 8e|ias.

Upon

the significance of the

mark being upon the right hand see preceding note. See note on Pon tne order and fulness of this expression as contrasted with 17, 20, etc., as well as on the case.
335>

i.

The object of enforcing the wearing KT\. not the minor one of cutting off the recusants from buying and selling (which the MSS which omit the KCU would imply) ; for the penalty of such recusancy is immediate The necessaries of life are to be withheld from such as death. have not the mark of the beast in order to bring them under the notice of the imperial authorities, and that thus none should A ruthless economic warfare is here proclaimed with a escape. view to the absolute supremacy of the State. This is not represented as a fact of the present but as the future in store for the inhabitants of the earth. Thus shortly the sense of xiii.
KCU
Iva.
fxrj

TIS

of the

mark

is

Other views propounded are I. The marks were those used in the case Those so marked were called crTvy/^aricu, literati, and such marks were regarded as a badge of disgrace. They were not used generally amongst the Greeks and Romans unless in the case of misconduct. 2. Soldiers sometimes branded themselves with the name of their general see Wetsteinon Gal. vi. 17. 3. Deissman (Biblical Studies, 241 sq.) thinks that he finds the clue in the seals which were stamped with the name and (xapdy/^ara) year of the emperor in Egypt in the first and second centuries on papyrus documents relating to buying and selling. But this practice does not explain the mark on the person. The mark of the beast was, as Ramsay observes, of buying and selling, "and none who wanted it preliminary condition were admitted to business transactions." 4. Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches (no sq.), suggests that the mark was an official certificate of loyalty which was issued to those who had complied with the ritual of the imperial But this does not meet the case. 5. Spitta, Erbes and Mommsen religion. interpret the text with reference to the Roman coins bearing the image and But this interpretation does not explain the superscription of the emperor. stamping of the marks on the right hand and brow.
1
:

of domestic slaves.

"

"a

364
:

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XIII. 17-18.

16-17 is He made every one to wear the mark, and that none should escape his scrutiny he forbade the means of life to such as had not the mark. Iva. JJ.TJ dyopdom $ irwXfjorai. For the diction cf. I Mace. xiii. 49, ol Se e* riys oVpas eV lepovo-aA.?)//,
.

K<oA,vovTo

e/<7ropeveo~$ai

eis rrjv

^copav

/cat

dyopdeiv

/cat

7ra)A.u>.

6 IXWK TO xdpayjia. would probably say 6

Our author when

Aa/3a>v

writing independently
xvi. 2.

r.
x>

See note on

TO \&pa.ypa,, TO oVo/jia KT\. The name and the number of the name are one and the same thing. In the former case it is in the latter its equivalent is given in numbers written in letters
:

To the diction in our text TOV dpi0/zov TOV QrjpLov (18) and TOV apuOfJibv TOV oi/o/xaros avTOv (17) there are two exact parallels in the inscriptions given by Mau in the Bulletino del Institute, 1874, p. 90, one of which is ^s /* (cf. TOV dptfl/Aoi TOV Orjpiov) and the second d//,epi/i,vos
by a kind of gematria.
</>iAoi

iSias K(v)pta(<s) eV dya$a>, T^S 6 dpi$/u,6s dp/xovt as TOV KaXov o^d^aaTos (cf. TOV apiOfJiOV TOV 6vd/xaTOS avTOv).
rrj<s

/x.e

(or

18.
0T]piou,

a)8e

ao<|)La

earriv

e^ci)^
ecrTii

oui
\|T]<|)to

>

dTCj TOV dpiOjjioK TOU

dpiGuos yap dyOpwirou

Kal 6 api6jj,6s aurou

wSe ^ With this expression Eichhorn compares eo-Tif. the cabbalistic phrase NDH rVX Nnioam KH (Sohar Chadash, f. here as in xvii. 9 refers to what follows, but in xiii. 40. 3). With the idea in 6 vovv we 10, xiv. 12 to what precedes.
oro<|>fa

<S8e

^v

should compare Dan.

.
.

i.

17

(LXX),

TO)

Aavir/A

coWe

o-vVeo-iv

ev

ei/VTTVi ots

KOL cv

7rdo~rj

cro^t a, v. 12 (Theod.),

o"vvecrts

ev

avTw

/cat dvayyeAAwv KpaTov/xeva. Cf. V. II, 14. not found in the Versions of the canonical Thus in Daniel, but o-vVco-is (i.e. n^ii) has the same meaning. viii. 15, where Daniel has a vision, it is said that he "sought to In ix. 22 an angel is understand it erJTow o-vVeo-iv (Theod.). sent o-v/z/?t/3do-ai o-e o-vVeo-u/ (Theod.) in reference to the prophecy eV ozrTao-ia. In of the 70 years, and in x. i o-weo-is O.VTW

o~vyKptVwv

evvTrvta

The word

vovs

is

"

or such mysteries ov vorja-ovo~Lv avo^ot (A), xii. 10. o-vVco-is (i.e. niU) is what is needed for the interpretation of the problem in this verse. This passage is difficult and has Toy dpiOfxoi KT\. been the subject of controversy since the second century. Much of it has been due to inaccurate interpretation of the words involved, but even when every care is taken there remains The a hypothetical element in every solution that is offered. two clauses that have caused difficulty are ^//^)io-dTa> Orjpiov mV. Let us take the latter first. This and yap i. It has been proposed clause is susceptible of two meanings, by a number of scholars Diisterdieck, Holtzmann, Gunkel, Clemen, Swete, etc., to take dptfytos avOpu-rrov as meaning a
. .

vov<

\|/T](|>io-dTu

dpi#/xo<>

XIII. 18.]

ITS

INTERPRETATION
a
supernatural
one.

365

human
compare
the
that
is

intelligible

number, not

They

xxi. 17, /xerpov avOpwirov o CCTTLV dyye Aov. statement in xxi. 17 is significant, seeing that

But whereas; it is an angel

measuring the heavenly Jerusalem, the emphasizing of the number is such as a man uses is pointless. For the writer to set down any other than an intelligible number would be highly absurd. 2. Volkmar, Kliefoth, Corssen, Bousset, Moffatt maintain that the number here is that of a Jiilicher, To this it has been objected that in that certain individual. case TWOS or evos would have stood in connection with dvflpwTrov. But this is not so: cf. Ps. CV. 17, a/TreoraAcv efjiTrpoaOev avrwv
fact here that the

avOpomov
;
(

(*K

&*?}$??

nfe),

"He

sent

man

before
is

them."

The

evidence, therefore, of the words themselves

in favour of

But further, and this argument may the latter interpretation. be regarded as conclusive, the Beast and one of its heads, fairly though conceived separately in xiii. i, 3, are subsequently in xiii. 12, The man here, i.e. one of the heads of the 14 treated as identical. If we discover the name of the man Beast, is himself the Beast. This conclusion is of it is for the time the name of the Beast. paramount importance in the interpretation of the verse as a
whole. 1

Having reached this conclusion, we have next to discover the form of cryptogram used by the writer, and here I will quote
1 This conclusion is an answer (i) to P. Corssen s contention in the Z. NTliche Wissenschaft, iii. 238-242, iv. 264-267, v. 86-88, that we have here an instance of isopsephism, which consists in establishing relations between two different conceptions here the Beast and a man by means of the numerical equivalence in value of the letters by which the two are As we have seen above the Seer identifies the Beast with one expressed. of its heads. Hence we have only to deal with a single conception in xiii. 18, and not with an isopsephism such as he quotes from Boissonade,

f.

Anecdota^ ii. 459, to the effect that 6e6s = tiyios = aya66s, since the numerical = J&i), value of each is i.e. 284, that H.a.v\os = (\{/ira \vpa (0Xa = 53i), and from Berosus according to Alexander Polyhistor, Eusebii Chronic., Liber I. (ed. Schoen, p. 14 sq.), dpxeip 8 TOVTWV TT&VTWV yvvaiKa y TOVTO xaX5ai<rrl ILV 0aXd,r0, EXX^ftart a (read flvai d (an Aramaic 6y6/>KU dp/j,r)veuTai ddXacrffa, /carA 5 iff6^i}<pof
<nrd,

a-o(f>ia

/co<r/tas

6ju6/>/ca)

= 3Oi. as mother of the depth ?7 Like isopsephisms have been discovered by the Rabbis in the O.T. Thus under n*? v N3 in Gen. xlix. IO rr^D (Messiah) is found, because both Similarly omo ("Comforter") was found to be designed expressions = 358. in no* branch On the possibility of such a pheno for each word = 138. menon in Ezek. v. 2 see Bertholet on Ezek. iv. 5. A cryptographic acrostic has been detected by Jewish scholars in the initial letters of Deut. xxxii. 1-6. These = 345 = Moses. See Jewish Encyc. v. 589. (2) Secondly, it is an answer to all scholars who would discover the name
"

= KpiN-OK,

<re\r}vri.

")

<reX^j

("

")

of the Beast in the Roman Empire. The name of the Beast is the name of a man and the number is 666. Hence we reject on this ground Aaret^os first found in Irenseus, and -o Xany^ /SacrtXet a = 666, i) iraXrj /Ja<rtXea = 6i6 of

Clemen.

366

THE REVELATION OF
J.

ST.

JOHN

[XIII. 18.

A. Smith of Magdalen College, who, having in solving cryptograms, has sent me the "The solution of a cryptogram with following letter (Dec. 1910) no further clue than that the numerical values of the letters composing the answer should add up to 666 was almost indeter I therefore suspected a restricting addition. minate. Assuming that the digits, decads and hundreds must add up separately, I found the possible solution much narrowed. very obvious

my

friend Professor

had much experience

one presented
I.

itself in

00

1= 10
"

clue that the answer must be suggested the ending -os or -as.
II.

The

the

name

of a

man

"

=5

(T= 200 0= 100

III.

1= IO

Aareii/os

(T= 2OO

v= 400
"

a=

10

a=

I thus seemed to have hit upon the method employed by I next applied this to the number Irenaeus or his authority. 2 888 in the Sibyl. Oracles, i. 328 (apud Swete p. 176), and find
,

it

gives at once

ar= 200
<r=

0=70
t= 10
I-rjarovs

200

v
"

= 400

It then occurred to me to see if anything in the Apocalypse in suggested this restriction, and I thought it might be contained It was, I believe, with numbers. literally to calculate i/^^io-ara) common to use an abacus in a way which practically amounted You will see that if no column can to using a decimal system. contain more respectively than 6, 60 and 600 the number of

All, I think, I have shown is how Irenaeus got his solutions, and why he preferred retrav, and that the method is found at least once elsewhere." are now in a position to deal with the problem before us.

reirav and are possible solutions is greatly restricted, I^o-otis each of the others requires the licence of solutions rigorous once having a compound. As regards the Apocalypse itself, all this does not advance
:
"

matters much.

We

The
is

Beast and the

man

are identical.

In other words, the Beast

for the time incarnated in a

man.

There

is

no isopsephism

XIII. 18.]
here,

ITS

INTERPRETATION

367

and all solutions which propose the name of a country or nation are thereby excluded. Next, if Professor Smith s method is here valid, the name of the man must be such that in three columns of hundreds, tens and units, the total must in each case be six. The solution favoured by Irenaeus, i.e. TCITO.V, complies rigorously with the numerical postulates, and has recently been But supported by Abbott (Notes on N.T. Criticism, 80 sq.). TLrdv is not a man s name, though it is construed as referring to Titus or to the Flavian dynasty, or to the third Titus, i.e. Domitian. Abbott (op. tit. 83, note) points out that the Talmud
transliterated TITOS by Dlt^LD. But this solution will not do.
in
xiii.

The

references to

"the

man"

3, 12,

We

are,

14 could not be explained of Titus or Domitian. the inde therefore, thrown back on Nero redivivus

pendent proposal of four scholars, Holtzmann, Senary, Hitzig and Reuss. The solution is to be sought not in Greek but in Hebrew. = 666. It has been objected that Nero Caesar = is the proper spelling, but according to Jastrow s Talmudic Lexicon
"iDp
}Y"U

"iDV

found. Besides Kaurapeia is transliterated by pop has therefore been by p nD p. The defective form chosen, because thereby the symmetrical 666 is attained, or because the number 666 is older than the name. 1 This solution
"iDp

also

is

as well as

"top

appears to satisfy every requirement for 1. It explains every reference in our text see notes on xiii. i, 3, 12, 14, and on the present verse. 2. It explains the twofold reading 666 and 616. In C, two lost cursives and Tyconius (see Iren. v. 30. i), the reading 616 This can be explained from the Latin occurs instead of 666. form of the name Nero, which by its omission of the final n makes the sum total 616 instead of 666. 3. It satisfies the numerical method
:
:

+ J= 100
n 1

=20 =200 =100

600
(v. 28. 2)

= 6o
60
:

=6
6

In recapitulationem universse says with regard to 666 apostasiae ejus quse facta est in sex millibus annorum (see 29 and 30. i). The number 6 is full of significance for him. Some recent scholars (Milligan,

Irenaeus

Baird Lecture, p. 328 Briggs, Messiah of the Apostles, 324 Porter, Hastings D.B. iv. 258; Vischer, Z. f. NTliche Wissensch. iv. 167-174) take the number as having a symbolical force, as signifying the one who persistently falls short of perfection (i.e. the number 7) ar support this view by the
;

>d

parallel of 3^ years, or the period of the Antichrist s reign, as symbolizing the destruction of evil within the half of the perfect period seven. But to this it may be objected, why was 666 chosen? and not simply 6 or 66? The

origin of this

number

not yet clear.

368
I

THE REVELATION OF
am

ST.

JOHN

[XIV. 12-13.

not sure that this was intended for among the many Gematria given in the Jewish Encyc. v. 589-592, the above variety is not mentioned. It may, however, have been borrowed by the Apocalyptist from Greek usage. 1 XIV. 12-13. These verses have no connection with chap. xiv., but should follow directly on xiii. 17 or 18 as they do in i. For there is no connection of this edition, thought between the endless torments of the worshippers of the Beast in Gehenna and the patient endurance of the saints. If xiv. 6-n had been a description of the persecutions awaiting the saints^ then such a statement as xiv. 12 and such a beatitude as xiv.- 13 would have been in the highest degree appropriate, just as b xiii. io comes in most aptly after xiii. io a 2. At the close of we find xiv. 12* repeated with an additional phrase, and xiii. 10 in the earlier clauses of xiii. 10 we find exactly such acts of persecution referred to as justify wholly the final clause of the verse wSe eortv ^ VTTO/AOVT) KOL fj varms dyi oov. Hence we conclude that xiv. 12-13 should, similarly be preceded by a persecution which issued in death (/za/captoi ot ev /CU/HCO airoOvqa-KovTcs) on the part of all who refused to worship the Beast. Now in xiii. 15 we find such a persecution foretold We have here the final stage of the in the vision of the Seer. persecution described, and it is just in such a context and none other in the Apocalypse that xiv. 12-13 nas i ts right Hence xiv. 12-13 should be transposed to xiii., and setting. It is possible that xiii. 18 is an read immediately after 17 or 1 8.
;

varieties of

TCOI>

interpolation. 12. Here as in

xiii.

10, 18, xvii.

9 our author abandons his role

directly to his readers.
xiii.

as Seer

and addresses words of admonition

-q

On VTTO^OV^ cf. i. 9, Practically all men are capable of some momentary exhibition of heroism or self-sacrifice, and exactly in the measure in which they show themselves capable in this
o8e
UTTOjioj
iii.
T)

rStv dytwi

Cf.

10.

ii.

2,

3,

19,

10.

But respect they have affinity with all true saints and heroes. is not such it temporary manifestations of self-sacrifice or heroism that form the distinguishing mark of the saints, but sustained persistent faithfulness in the face of continuous persecu even unto death. In our text the Seer has in his mind the tion last great tribulation, which would strengthen and mature those

who encountered
1

it

faithfully.

of suggestions which have been offered a few In Greek Tciibs Kai<rap = 6i6. In case a Caligula deserve to be mentioned. source lies behind this chapter, this suggestion would have much to say for In Hebrew letters Manchot and Weyland propose O Dri no p = 666, itself. and Ewald on no p = 6i6. All these are under certain conditions possible, but not so Gunkel s proposal .Tnonp Dinn = primal chaos, Tiamat (G. F. Moore, fourn. Arner, Oriental SQC.^ 1906, p. 315 sq.).

Of

the great

number

XIV.

12-13.]

BEATITUDE OF MARTYRDOM

369

We have here a break in ol TTjpoGrres T&S IrroXas TOU OeoG. the construction which is characteristic of our author, and to be explained as in the note on i. 5. The participial clause defines This clause has already occurred in xii. 17. the TWV dyiW. Here as in that passage the keeping of the commandments is combined with faith in Jesus. The especially Johannine char Outside the Johannine acter of the diction is to be observed. writings the phrase rrjpeLv r. evroXijv (ei/roA.as) is found twice in the where Siar^peiv and crvvTrjpe iv N.T. and not found in the whilst in the Johannine writings exclusive of the are used Apocalypse it is found 9 times. But this is not all. Our author uses also the phrase r^peiv r. \6yov (Aoyovs) in iii. 8, 10, xxii. 7, 9. Now this phrase occurs 9 times in the Johannine Gospel and Epp. and not once throughout the rest of the N.T. The use of We might further observe that njpcLv in i. 3, iii. 3 is analogous. evroArj is a favourite Johannine word, occurring 27 times in the Gospel and Epp. and 37 in the rest of the N.T. TTLCTTLV I^o-ov, i.e. the faith which has Jesus for its object: cf. ii. 13, ryv

LXX

TTLOTTLV fjwu:
iii.

Mark

xi.

22, TTLCTTLV Oeov:

Rom.

iii.

22; Gal.

ii.

16,

22

As the thought of the (jxorrjs eic TOU oupacou. great tribulation, which was to involve the martyrdom of the entire body of the faithful, presses heavily on the heart of the
Seer,

Jas. ii. i. 13. Kal tJKouaa

;

behalf

he hears a new beatitude proclaimed from heaven on their Blessed are those who are martyred in the Lord from
"

henceforth."

against

with the world human and satanic arrayed the faithful needed strong consolation, and the mercy of God stooped to the need that called it down. The ground, on which they were declared to be blessed, is that they are at once to rest from their labours and enter into the Here for the full recompense of their faithfulness on earth. first time the departed are described as /xa/capiot. They have entered on the consummation of their blessedness ; for they have suffered martyrdom for their Lord, and with their martyrdom the In vi. 9-11, though the roll of the martyrs is now complete. martyrs were given white robes (i.e. heavenly bodies) and bidden to rest a little while till their fellow-servants, which should be

In such a conflict

them

martyred even as they, should be

that their blessedness
is

fulfilled, it

is

clearly implied

only in part consummated.

But not

so with the martyrs of this final persecution. They are to enter forthwith into their final blessedness ; l for with them the number of the martyrs is accomplished, arid therefore the hour
for
1

judgment has come.

This
final blessedness of the

martyrs will not be fully consummated

till

the entire

body of the righteous VOL. I. 24

is fulfilled.

37O

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN

[XIV.

13.

In fact in xiv. 6-n, and in 14, 18-20 we have two proleptic visions of judgment. Of these the first summarizes the judgment of Rome, which is subsequently described in detail in xvi. i8-xviii.,
while the second, xiv. 14, 18-20, gives in brief a proleptic vision of the judgment which is to be executed in part before the Millennial reign and in part after it, and which is represented more fully in xix. 11-21 and xx. 7-10. Neither of these proleptic visions takes any account of the judgment to be meted out to the Beasts and the False Prophet (xix. 20) or to Satan (xx. 1-3, 10), nor do they refer to the final judgment of But the righteous have little concern all the dead (xx. 12-15). with these judgments ; for to none of them are they subjected. They have already been swept from the earth by a universal martyrdom, and before the plagues of the seven Bowls begin the Seer beholds them already standing before the Sea of Glass and singing the song of [Moses and] the Lamb.

In

xviii.

4 the

faithful are apparently

presupposed to be

still

earth, but, as we shall see later, xviii. was originally a vision belonging to the reign of Vespasian, and xviii. 4, as well as

on

some other
time.
jULaicdpioi

passages, reflect the facts

ot

and expectations of
CLTf

that

yeKpol ol
iv.

ei>

Kupiw diro0ci]O KOi/TS

cf.

aprt.

With
ei/

ot

Iv

Kvpitp
;

aTroOvrjo-KOVTts
is

Cor. XV.
ei/

18,

ot

KOi/^eVres

Xpto-T(3

Thess.

16, ot ve/cpot

apn,
0.7TO

"Yrom henceforth,"

Xptcrrw; also iv. 14.- aw to be taken not with fiaKapioi but with

VY] (TK OI/TCS.

The object of the beatitude is to comfort those who in the In the age of great tribulation need strength and consolation. the author it is a message for those called to martyrdom in the
immediately-impending persecution, but it can rightly be used by the Church generally of those who die Iv Kvpiu. Real faith fulness to Christ demands in all ages some measure of the Indeed the worst martyrdoms martyr s courage and endurance. are not always, or even generally, those which terminate in a
speedy and violent death.
i>at,

Xe yei TO weujjia.
17.

On
vat
cf.

this clause
i.

cf.

ii.

7,

IT,

17, 29,

Hi. 6, etc., xxii.

For
"

IVa m/airarjaorrai KT\.

Cf.

vi.

n.

in that Cf. xxii. 14 ; John viii. 56, equivalent to on ( On the form of dvaTrarJo-oi/Tat see Blass, Gram. p. 44. The use of l/c after dva7rat o/x,at is unusual, but it is found in Plato. a/coAou#tv /ACT* TO, -yap epya auTaii/ dicoXouOet JJICT
ix. 2.
").
auT<ui>.

7 (note), xvi. 7, xxii. 20. tva here is practically

The

49) means (as in vi. 8) accompany them ( = DiT? pte (?) cf. Pirke Aboth vi. 9). In xiv. 4, 9, xix. 14, a.Ko\ov6elv is followed by the dative and means

auTwv (a rare construction

"

cf.

Luke
:

ix.

"

"to

follow

after."

This

slight

distinction

is

important when

XIV.

13.]

WORKS -MANIFESTATION OF CHARACTER

371

But what meaning are we to we come to consider ra epya. Two explanations have been advanced here, attach to Zpya ? 1. Some scholars like Boklen ( Verwandschaft, p. 40) will have it that the idea in our text is derived from Zoroastrian sources. According to the Gathas the soul was escorted to blessedness by its good deeds, S.B.E. xviii. 64. By virtue of these it passes over the Kinvat Bridge, xviii. 76 ; but the more general view in later Zoroastrianism is that the soul of the righteous man was received by its good works in the shape of a beautiful maiden
(S.B.E. iv. 219, 315 sq., xxiv. 19

47 note, 49 note, 54, 117 note, 150, xxiii. This maiden is his religion, the sum of his righteous deeds. It was also taught that the sins and good works of the soul were weighed in the scales of Rashnu, S.B.E. v. 241
xviii.

sq.).

xxiv. 18. sq., xviii. 232 note, xxiii. 168, It is clear that the teaching of our text differs

from this some what crude realism, though originally they may have been related. In any case our author was not beholden to Zoroastrianism. 2. Inside Judaism this subject was developed pretty fully. In the O.T. both the actions and the spirits of men are weighed, Job xxxi. 6 ; Prov. xvi. 2, xxi. 2, and the wicked are found This idea of the weighing of wanting, Ps. Ixii. 9; Dan. v. 27. men s actions reappears in i Enoch xli. i. In Enoch as in the O.T. this idea is not incompatible with the doctrine of divine But in later works it tends to become materialised, and grace. a man s salvation depends on an actual preponderance of his good deeds over his evil: see Weber, Jud. Theol? 279-284. But not only are the works weighed they have been stored up in heaven in advance, and preserved by God, i Enoch At the last judgment xxxviii. 2, in treasuries, 2 Bar. xiv. 12. Sometimes the these treasuries will be opened, 2 Bar. xxiv. i. man is said to have a treasure of good works, 4 Ezra righteous In these conceptions the personality tends vii. 77 ; Shabb. 31^. A higher con to be resolved into a series of individual acts. ception finds expression in Pss. Sol. ix. 9, where the righteous man is said to acquire for himself with the Lord life itself as a
:

vi.

spiritual treasure 19, 20.

(0r}<Tavp%i

tor)v

avrC) Trapa Kvpiw).

Cf. Matt,

text

in

But none of these passages conveys exactly the idea of our But there is a nearer parallel (TO, yap epya aKoXovOei /crA,.). Pirke Aboth vi. 9 the hour of a man s decease, not "In
:

silver,

nor gold, nor goodly stones, nor pearls accompany the man, but Torah and good works." But, since the attitude of our author to the Law is absolutely different from that of the
writer of this passage, it is probable that, likeness in the two passages, the thought

Let

us, therefore,

though there is a literal conveyed is different. return to our text, and restudy it in the

372
light of the

THE REVELATION OF

ST.

JOHN
"

[XIV.

13.

passages just dealt with, and in connection with the contexts in our author in which the word works occurs. works are not laid up in heaven 3. First we observe that in advance, but accompany the righteous soul. Next, since our author takes up an antagonistic position to the Synagogue (ii. 9, iii. 9), and deliberately omits all mention of the Law, we reason ably infer that his conception of works must be different from that of the Synagogue. In other words, works are taken by our author not as goods in themselves, by means of which salvation is purchased, but are conceived as the necessary manifestation of a life that is already redeemed in essence by Christ (v. 9, xiv. 3, 4). They are wrought by virtue of their redemption through Him
"

"

"

(xii.

1).

There

is,

Thus works

in the

therefore, no reliance on works as in Judaism. mind of our author are the outward expression

of the character of the soul that wrought them. Let us now test this view by a short consideration of the These passages in our author, which are definitive on this head. are ii. 2, oTSa TO. epya /ecu TW KOTTOV KCU rrjv vrroyaovip Here the omission of erov after T. KoVov binds T. KOTTOV and T. vTTOfjiovrjv together. Nay, more, as has been rightly recognized, the first Kai is used epexegetically, and thus the epya are here defined as self-denying "labour and endurance." The next
<rou

<rov.

passage

is

still

more

ayoLTrrjv /cat rrjv TTL&TLV TO, epya crov TO.

instructive, ii. 19, oTSa a-ov TO. epya /cat ryv KOL rr]V Sia/coviai/ /cat TT)V vTrofJLOvrjv (rov KOL

ccr^ara TrXeiova TWV TrpwTcov.

Here

"

love, faith,

are taken closely together and form a definition of the epya. The third passage in iii. 2, ov yap fvprjKa (TOV epya TreTrA^pw/zeVa eVwTriov rov Otov /xov. Here the epya fell short of the divine standard, though the world approved of them (iii. i). Lastly, iii. 15, oTSa crov TO. epya KT\. The works here are neither hot nor cold. Even complete apostasy would be prefer able according to the divine voice. And yet no special sin such as those urged against the other Churches is brought against the Church of Laodicea, save that its works lack spiritual fire
service
endurance"

and

and

works are regarded by our author simply as the manifestation of the inner life and character. In the Fourth Gospel we find this use of epya cf. v. 36, ix. 3, 4, x. 25, xiv. 10, etc. /capias (though not used in our author with this meaning) has this significance in the Fourth Gospel (cf. xv. 2, 5, 8, etc.), and, so conceived, was a character istic term on the lips of our Lord, as in Matt. vii. 16, 20, 0,77-0 TWV
:

We

their doers are self-complacent. may, therefore, conclude that

/capTToiv a^Twi/

eViyyoxreo ^e avrovs

also

vii.

It

is

likewise

used by

St.

Paul with a

17, 18, 19, xii. 33, etc. like significance : cf.

s

Gal.

v. 22 ; Phil. i. n, etc. In keeping with this conclusion are our author

statements

XIV.

13.]

WORKS = CHARACTER

373
S<ooru>

in regard to
vfjuv
Ka(rra>

external)
xxii. 12.

is

works and judgment. In ii. 23 Christ declares Kara TO, epya V/ACOV. This award (in some sense spoken of as a recompense or wage, or reward in

I8ou epxojxcu T<XXU, Kal 6 JJ.KT00S fAOU JA6T*

licdoTto
a>s

IfJLOU

T& epyoK ^aTiy aurou.

fju<r06<s

all

on

In the case of the righteous generally this is, in part at events, the reception of spiritual bodies (see Additional Note vi. n, p. 184 sqq.) in the case of the martyrs spiritual
:
"
"

bodies and a share in the Millennial Kingdom. From the conclusion thus arrived at, that works in our author are regarded as a manifestation of character and are in fact synonymous with character, we are enabled to deal with the
in xix. 8, TO yap jSvcrcrwov TO, StKatw/xara rutv This clause has been rightly rejected by many critics Q. Weiss, Bousset, Moffatt, etc.) as a gloss, but no definite and conclusive grounds have been adduced. But if, as we have seen in the note on iii. 5 and the Additional Note on vi. n, the

perplexing words

uyiW

co-rev.

is the heavenly body of the righteous, and if, as in the present note, a man s righteous acts are simply the manifestation of his inner character, then it follows that the clause above quoted in xix. 8 is the gloss of a scribe who failed
"

fine linen

"

we found

to

apprehend the views of our author on

linen," i.e.

this question.

"

The

fine

the spiritual body, acter but a product of it

is

not identical with the char

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work of

published."

Methodist Recorder.

IN FIVE

Price per Volume In cloth net; and in various half-morocco bindings from 40/- net per volume.
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A CONCORDANCE TO THE GREEK TESTAMENT

According to the Texts of Westcott and Hort, Tischendorf, and the English Revisers.
EDITED BY W.
f

F.

A. S.

MOULTON, D.D., AND GEDEN, D.D.

There can be no question that this work is destined to be the standard Concordance to the Greek Testament for another generation at least, and probably longer, and no divinity student s library will be complete without
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Church Times.
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English students of the Greek Testament this great work British Weekly.

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