Careful With Assumptions!: How Economic Theories Can Become Self-Fulfilling
Careful With Assumptions!: How Economic Theories Can Become Self-Fulfilling
Careful With Assumptions!: How Economic Theories Can Become Self-Fulfilling
Executive Summary
The assumptions of economic theories have spread as valid descriptions of behavior despite widespread doubts about their empirical validity. The pursuit of self-interest in marketmediated exchanges is a case in point. Do people in a company really only ever act out of self-interest? The truth no longer matters, because everyone accepts it as true, structuring our institutions, changing our language and eventually shaping our behavior to act in accordance with this social reality. The assumptions of economics can be self-fulfilling prophecies.
Earlier this year, the Academy of Management Review published a paper I co-authored with two colleagues from Stanford University, Jeffrey Pfeffer and Robert I. Sutton, called Economics Language and Assumptions: How Theories Can Become Self-Fulfilling. We looked at how social science theories particularly economics can become self-fulfilling by shaping institutional designs and management practices, as well as social norms and expectations about behavior, thereby creating the behavior they predict. Around the same time, the respected business academic Sumantra Ghoshal who, until his untimely death last year, was professor of strategic and international management at London Business School had a paper published posthumously in the Academy of Management Learning and Education. Echoing similar themes of our paper, Ghoshal went a step further: Not only have economics language, assumptions and theories taken over management and organizational sciences, setting into motion processes that tend to ensure they become self-fulfilling, but he judged this trend to be harmful, and he placed the blame for much of this bad practice firmly on the doorstep of business schools. All of this debate has been picked up and widely reported in international media, including The Economist and Financial Times, from the U.K. to Toronto to India, under sensationalistic headlines. Our paper has also been picked up and cited in more recent work published in the European Management Review, the Journal of Management Inquiry, and many more articles are currently in the review process on the same theme. So, what was it we said originally that sparked such a lively debate? Read on.
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Economics is the most influential of the social sciences. Its power to shape policy in every domain of social and economic activity is unparalleled by any other discipline.
to behave) value. In most scholarly writings by economists, these assumptions and language are employed to develop formal theories and models of the economy, and they are neither positive nor normative: they are conceptual tools. They provide a fictional description of economic objects helping economists understand the phenomena and develop hypotheses and theories, which can be later tested on observable processes. Therefore, the question of whether they are an accurate description of reality is deemed irrelevant by most economists, since the only important criteria to evaluate a theory is whether it yields accurate predictions. But when they enter lay discourse, regardless of the empirical validity of the theory built on them, these concepts assume a normative, ideological value. As Douglas and Ney observed, homo economicus becomes like the microcosms of ancient civilizations, in which the body of a human, the body politic, and the celestial bodies are moved by the same universal principles. In other words, the assumptions of economics and the language they provide to describe human activity congeal in an economics worldview that influences how people think, and more specifically, how they design institutions to control and manage other people. Operating within this microcosm, managers develop lay theories of economic and social action based on some commonly held assumptions. These prevalent and powerful assumptions include: 1. All social exchanges can be constructed as market exchanges. 2. Individuals are (a) self-interested, with a propensity for freeriding, and (b) motivated primarily by extrinsic rewards and incentives. 3. All, or at least most, organizational and political problems can be analyzed by proceeding from the individual level, because institutions are the aggregations of individual preferences and abilities. 4. Competition is the natural and preferred state of social relations and the condition that most enhances individual and organizational performance. The pursuit of self-interest in market-mediated exchanges implies competition among social actors as each pursues his or her interests, often in opposition to the interests of others. The presumption in much economic theory is that, under certain conditions such as competitive markets, the pursuit of self-interest produces
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socially optimal results. Numerous managers have borrowed this assumption, establishing systems that pit people and organizational sub-units against one another, on the theory that the resulting increase in motivation and the unleashing of competitive forces of natural selection will produce the best both in people and in organizations.
Theories can also become self-fulfilling when, regardless of their initial ability to predict and explain behavior, they become accepted truths and norms that govern behavior.
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group of subjects, are far more likely to free-ride, to keep back more resources for themselves, to defect more often, to be more corruptible, to donate less to charity and to recommend someone for a job who charged a higher price when they received a bigger cut for doing so. The most recent evidence suggests that this effect is partially due to self-selection: individuals who are more likely to free-ride choose to study economics and business. In any case, this association between economics and unethical behavior is troubling. Language: Finally, theories can become self-fulfilling because they provide a language for comprehending the world. Language affects what people see, how they see it and the social categories they use to interpret their reality. Language evokes certain associations, certain motives and certain norms. Acting on the basis of that language in ways consistent with those norms and assumptions, we do things that, in turn, will produce behavior on the part of others consistent with our linguistic frame. Language produces a social reality that reinforces and validates the terminology we use. To make this argument more concrete and see its implication for economic language and social behavior, consider research conducted using both American college students and Israeli pilots. The same game played was called, in one instance, the Wall Street Game and, in the other, the Community Game. When the game was called the Community Game, mutual cooperation was the rule and defection was the exception; whereas the opposite was the case in the Wall Street Game. The self-fulfilling nature of language is clear: subjects primed to defect or compete are more likely to do so and, therefore, will be more likely to induce a comparable response in their counterpart, validating their initial impressions of the competitive nature of the situation and the untrustworthiness of their counterpart. The converse is also true: subjects primed to cooperate will elicit more cooperative responses from their counterparts.
people dont try, or even contemplate, acting in any manner that clashes with accepted truths. For instance, in spite of the belief in the beneficial effects of individual pay for performance incentives, the existing empirical evidence suggests that more pay dispersion can often reduce job satisfaction, disrupt social relations in the workplace, decrease performance both in academia and in professional baseball teams, decrease quality and increase turnover. The paradox of relying so much on pay to obtain desired behaviors in organizations even when research shows that pay is seldom rated as that important by organizational members is explained at least in part by the emphasis on incentives in the language and assumptions of economics that permeates organizations and the social world more generally. All this discussion, therefore, is not a purely academic debate on a matter of philosophical interest, but has practical consequences for all practicing managers and policy makers. How often do managers question the assumptions behind their decisions? Are they aware of their origin? And did they think about their consequences? What are the assumptions behind widespread organizational practices such as employee of the month, pay for performance and budgeting? The ideology and language of competition gets played out in numerous organizational practices. Many forms of employee recognition, such as employee of the month/year programs, are inherently zero sum, with one person winning, only as others lose. Similarly, many salary administration systems apportion some fixed percentage of the salary budget across a given number of individuals, perhaps within a work unit or a department, again transforming raises into a zero sum competition. Companies often put divisions or other sub-units into competition for annual performance bonuses, as well as for investment capital.
to develop a more powerful research agenda. We countered that there are plenty of actionable ideas in other social sciences, but since they are not couched in the dominant discourse of self-interest, competition and market, they are routinely ignored by managers, despite the backing of good empirical evidence. It was Ghoshals headline-grabbing article that took the debate to a whole new level, prompting many column inches to be written about the culpability of business schools in inculcating harmful economic theories into generations of MBA graduates. My co-author at Stanford, Jeffrey Pfeffer, wrote in support of Ghoshal, and pointed to various studies showing how student values and behavior changed during their two years in the MBA program. Over time, students became more concerned with shareholder value, while customers and employees became less important. A study of citations for violating occupational safety and health regulations found that the link between firm size and corporate illegal activity becomes stronger as the percentage of top management team members possessing an MBA degree rises. Regretfully, the evidence we have is far from conclusive. To further explore the question of how business schools shape the management elite of the future, we have started a research project aimed at understanding how the worldview of MBA students in a large number of schools around the world changes over the course of their studies. Business schools are only one of the many actors promoting the economics worldview, and probably their impact is far less dangerous than, for instance, the mindless use of economic language we routinely observe in the non-specialized press, or in politics. On the other hand, if business schools aim to prepare the leaders of tomorrow, we had better take a hard look at what we teach and think about the often unintended consequences of our words on the world that our students will create.
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